Indian Antiquary Vol 54

Author(s): Richard Carnac Temple, Stephen Meredyth Edwardes, Krishnaswami Aiyangar
Publisher: Swati Publications
Catalog link: https://jainqq.org/explore/032546/1

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THE
INDIAN ANTIQUARY
A JOURNAL OF ORIENTAL RESEARCH
IN
ARCHÆOLOGY, EPIGRAPHY, ETHNOLOGY, GEOGRAPHY, HISTORY, FOLKLORE, LANGUAGES,
LITERATURE, NUMISMATICS, PHILOSOPHY, RELIGION, Etc., Etc.,
EDITED BY
SIR RICHARD CARNAC TEMPLE, BART., C.B., C.I.E., F.R.A., F.S.A.,
HON. FELLOW, TRIN. HALL, CAMBRIDGE, FORMERLY LIEUT.-COLONEL INDIAN ARMY,
AND
STEPHEN MEREDYTH EDWARDES, C.S.I., C.V.O.,
FORMERLY OF THE INDIAN CIVIL SERVICE
AND
PROF. RAO SAHEB S. KRISHNASWAMI AIYANGAR, M.A., (HONY.) Ph.D., HONORARY CORRESPONDENT OF THE ARCHÆOLOGICAL DEPARTMENT
OF THE GOVERNMENT OF INDIA
Published under the authority of the Council of the Royal Anthropological Institute.
VOL LIV.–1925.
Swati Publications
Delhi 1985

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Published by Swati Publications. 34, Central Market, Ashok Vihar, Delhi-110052 Ph. 7113395 and Printed by S.K. Mehra at Mehra Offset Press, Delhi.

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CONTENTS.
AIYANGAR, PROT. S. K., M.A., (HONY.) PH.D.-
Suttani pata, by P. V. Rapat, M.A. .. 19 Pa-i-a Sadda Mahannavo (Prakrta Sabda
Maharnavah) .. .. .. .. .. 38 Forgotten Empire, by R. Sewell .. .. 118 Sivatat varatnakara, by Basavarajas of Keladi, 220 1. The Konkan and Konkani Language:
2. Mont D'EH .. ALTEKAR, ANANT SADASIV, M.A.. LL.B. - A HISTORY OF IMPORTANT ANCIENT Towns
AND CITIES IN GUJARAT AND KATHIAWAD
(Sup.) .. .. 9, 17, 25, 33, 41, 49 ANONYMOUS ALL-INDIA ORIENTAL CONTERENCE, THIRD
SESSION (1924), MADRAS .. .. .. 147 BAILEY, T. GRAHAMEGipsy Languages, by Sten Konow, edited by
Sir George Grierson, K.C.I.E., D.LITT. 180 BANERJEE, JITENDRANATHREPRESENTATION OF SURYA IN BRAHMANICAL ABT . . . . .
. .. .. 161 BRAY, DENYS, 0.8.L. - THE JAT or BALUCHISTAN
.. 30 OROOKE, THE LATE DR. WILLIAM, O.L.E.
F.B.A.THE FIGHT AT THE GAUNA OF QUEEN BELA, 73 SONGS AND SAYDAS ABOUT THE GREAT IN
NORTHERN INDIA .. .. .. 113, 125 EDWARDES, 8. M., 0.8.1., O.V.0.
THE REVENUES OF BOMBAY .. .. .. 1 Annual Report of the Mysore Archeological Department ..
.. .. .. 19 The Private Diary of Ananda Ranga Pillai, 40 Le Pdlerinage a la Mekke, by Gaudefroy De
mombynas - .. . ..... 59 L'Histoire des Idées Théosophiques Dans L'
Inde la Thbosophie Bouddhique, by Paul
Oltramare .. .. .. .. .. 79 Les Origines de la famille et du Clan, by
James George Frazer . .. .. 118 The Folklore of Bombay, by R. E. Enthoven, O.I.E. .. ..
.. .. 167 Bullotin de L'Ecole Française d'Extreme
Orient .. .. .. .. .. .. 169 La Légende de L'Empereur Acoka (Acoka
Avadana) Dans Les Textes Indiens at Chi.
nois, by J. Przyluski .. .. .. 160 Anciont Mid-Indian Ksatriya Tribes, Vol. I,
by Bimala Charan Law, Ph.D., MA., with a Foreword, by Dr. L. D. Barnett, 241
EDWARDES, S. M., 0.8.I.. C V.O.--contd.
Tales from the Mahabharata, by Stanley Rice, 242 North Indian Proverbe .. .. .. 200
FOLK TALES FROM NORTHERN INDIA (Sup.), 28, 33 GHARDA, B. F.--
Copper Plates .. . GHATAK, JYOTISCHANDRA, M.A.
140 SARALA AND DEVADARU .. .. .. 181 GOPINATHA RAO, THE LATE T. A A NOTE ON THE WORDS PERTALE' AND
"KALNADO' .. .. .. .. .. 35 THE COPPER PLATES OF UTTAMA CHOLADEVA
IN THE MADRAS MUSEUM .. .. .. 61 HERAS, REV. H., 8.J., M.A.TE CITY OF JINJI AT THE END OF THE
16TH CENTURY .. .. .. .. 1 HILL, 8. CHARLES :
NOTRS ON PIRACY IN EASTERN WATERS (Sup.), 85 HIRA LAL, R. B., B.A. - A NOTE ON THE ANTIQUITIES OF SALBARDI VILLAGE .. ..
.. 83 Spurious Ghotia Plates of Prithvideva II, 44 HOOART, A. M
THE COUSIN IN VEDIO RITUAD The Children of the Sun, by W. J. Perry, M.A., 119
Buddha and Devadatta JANVIER, REV. E. P., M.A. - THE TATTVA PRAKASA (OR KING SRI BHOS. DEVA)
*. .. .. .. .. 151 LUKE, H. 0.
THE YEZIDIS OR DEVIL WORSHIPPERS OF MOSUL,94 NUNDOLAL DEY, M.A., B.L.GEOGRAPHICAL DICTIONARY OF ANCIENT AND
MEDLXVAL INDIA, (Sup.) . 191, 199, 207 RAMADAS, G., B.A., M.R.A.S.
TIRILINGA .. .. .. .. .. 221 RAMANATHA AYYAR, A. 8., B.A, M.R.A.S.
CHERAMAN-PERUMAL NAYANAR .. .. 1 RAY, H. O., M.A. -
THE DATE OF THE KAUTILIYA .. 171, 201 ROSE, H. A., LC.8. - LEGENDS OF THE GODLINGS OF THE SAMLA
HILLS.. .. . . . ... 101, 129 A VERSION OR HIR AND RANJHA 176, 210 RUS, MARY A.THE CULTURAL VALUE OF THE ANCIENT
MONUMENTS IN JAVA .. .. .. 227 SHASTRI, V. N., M.A.
Madana and Bhavabhuti .. .. .. 56

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iv
TEMPLE, SIR R. C., BT., C.B., C.I.E., F.B.A. F.S.A.
REMARKS ON THE ANDAMAN ISLANDERS AND THEIR COUNTRY
WADDELL ON PHOENICIAN
21, 46, 81 ORIGINS, 121, 141, 191, 205, 236 Indian Medicine-1. An Interpretation of An
cient Hindu Medicine; 2. A comparative Hindu Materia Medica, by Chandra Chakra. berty
The History and Institutions of the Pallavas, by C. S. Srinivasachari, M.A. Reminiscences of Vijaya Dharmi Suri, by Shri Vijaya Indra Suri
A Study in Hindu Social Polity, by Chandra Chakraberty...
CONTENTS
..
20
39
40
40
The Bombay City Police, by 8. M. Edwardes, 56 Ashanti, by Capt. Rattray
99
TEMPLE, SIR R. C., BT.-contd.
The Home of an Eastern Clan, by Mrs. Leslie Milne ..
156
The Prakrit Dhatv-adesas, by Sir George Grier. son, K.C.I.E.
.. 198 .. 198
Hindu Astronomy, by G. R. Kaye Early Jesuit Travellers in Central Asia, by O. Wessells, 8.J.
199
The Economic History of Ancient India, by Santosh Kumar Das..
200
History of the Nayaks of Madura, by R. Sathyanatha Aiyar..
Identity of the present Dialect areas of Hindustani with the Ancient Janapada, by Dhirendra Varma
The Catamaran in the early nineteenth century..
Notes from Old Factory Records Hobson-Jobson..
MISCELLANEA.
1. The Konkan and Konkani Language; 2. Mont D'Eli, by Prof. S. K. Aiyangar Mandana and Bhavabhuti, by V. N. Shastri, M.A.
Buddha and Devadatta, by A. M. Hocart
The Catamaran in the early nineteenth century, by Sir R. C. Temple
::::
Ashanti, by Capt. Rattray, by Sir R. C. Temple
Forgotten Empire, by R. Sewell, by Prof. 8. K. Aiyangar
Les Origines de la Famille et du Clan, by James George Frazer, by S. M. Edwardes
The Children of the Sun, by W. J. Perry, M.A., by A. M. Hocart
The Home of an Eastern Clan, by Mrs. Leslie Milne, by Sir R. C. Temple.
The Folklore of Bombay, by R. E. Enthoven, C.I.E., by 3. M. Edwardes Bulletin de L'Ecole Française d'Extrême Orient, by S. M. Edwardes
::::
BOOK-NOTICES.
Annual Report of the Mysore Archeological Department, by 8. M. Edwardes Suttanipata, by P. V. Bapat, M.A., by Prof. S. K. Aiyangar
Indian Medicine-1. An Interpretation of ancient Hindu Medicine; 2. A comparative Hindu Materia,
Medica, by Chandra Chakraberty, by Sir R. O. Temple..
Pa-i-a Sadda Mahannavo (Prakrta Sabda Maharnavah), by Prof. 8. K. Aiyangar.
..241
The Bombay City Police, by 8. M. Edwardes, by Sir R. O. Temple ..
Le Pèlerinage a la Mekke, by Gaudefroy Demombynes, by S. M. Edwardes
L'Histoire des Idées Théosophiques Dans L'Inde la Théosophie Bouddhique, by Paul Oltramare, by 8. M. Edwardes
220
20
.. 220
::::
The Prakrit Dhatv-adesas, by Sir George Grierson, K.O.I.E., D.LITT., by Sir R. O. Temple Hindu Astronomy, by G. R. Kaye, by Sir R. O. Temple
Early Jesuit Travellers, in Central Asia, by O. Wessells, S.J., by Sir R. O. Temple
The Economic History of Ancient India, by Santosh Kumar Das, by Sir R. O. Temple Sivatat varatnakara, by Basavaraja of Keladi, by Prof. 8. K. Aiyangar History of the Nayaks of Madura, by R. Sathyanatha Aiyar, by Sir R. O. Temple
242
20
38
The History and Institutions of the Pallavas, by O. S. Srinivasachari, M.A., by Sir R. O. Temple.. 39 The Private Diary of Ananda Ranga Pillai, by S. M. Edwardes
40
Reminiscences of Vijaya Dharmi Suri, by Shri Vijaya Indra Suri, by Sir R. C. Temple
A Study in Hindu Social Polity, by Chandra Chakraberty, by Sir R. C. Temple
La Légende de L'Empereur Acoka (Acoka Avadana) Dans Les Textes Indiens et Chinois, by J. Przyluski, by S. M. Edwardes
37
3
98
220
19
19
40
40
56
59
79 99
118 118 .. 119 156 .. 157 150
100
Gipsy Languages, by Sten Konow, and edited by Sir George Grierson, K.O.I.E., D.LITT., by T. Grahame Bailey
180
.. 198
.. 198 .. 199 .. 200
...220 .. 241

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CONTENTS
BOOK-NOTICES contd. Ancient Mid-Indian Ksatriya Tribes, vol. I, by Bimala Charan Law, Ph.D., M.A., with a Foreword, by Dr. L. D. Barnett, by 8. M. Edwardee .. ..
. . . . . 241 Tales from the Mahabharata, by Stanley Rice, by 8. M. Edwardes
.. .. 242 Identity of the present Dialect areas of Hindustani with the ancient Janapada, by Dhirendra Varma,
by Sir R. O. Temple .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 242
NOTES AND QUERIES. Notes from Old Factory Records, by Sir R. O. Temple Copper Plates, by B. F. Gharda . .. North Indian Proverbs, by the Editor .. Hobson-Jobson, by Sir R. O. Temple .. .. .. .. ..
.. 20 .. 140
.. 200
..
..
..
.. 220
SUPPLEMENTS. A Flistory of Important Ancient Towns and Cities in Gujarat and Kathiawad, by Anant Sadasiv a Altekar, M.A., LL.B.
.. 9, 17, 28, 83, 4, 49 Geographical Dictionary of Ancient and Medieval India, by Nundolal Dey, M.A., B.L., 191, 199, 207 Notes on Piracy in Eastern Waters, by 8. Charles Hill
.. .. .. .. 85 Folk Tales from Northern India, edited by 8. M. Edwardes, 0.8.1., O.V.O. Jos from Northern Indie, edited by
.. .. .. 25, 93
MAP AND PLATES.
A Map, (G.K., Supplement) .. Two Plates Three Plates Ton Plates of Uttama Choladova
to face 11 to face 41, 42 to face 44 to face 70
..
..
.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY
A JOURNAL OF ORIENTAL RESEARCH
VOLUME LIV-1925
THE REVENUES OF BOMBAY.
(An Early Statement.)
BY, 8. M. EDWARDES, C.S.I., C.V.o. A few months ago W. William Foster, C.I.E., of the India Office, sent me & transcript of an official statement of the Revenues of Bombay, at the time of its transfer to the East India Company in September, 1668. The statement was originally forwarded to Surat with a letter of October 6th, 1668, and was entered in the Surat register of letters received (now India Office Factory Records, Surat, Vol. 105, pp. 23, 24). In sending me the transcript, Mr. Foster suggested that as he had other problems to deal with, arising out of his researches into the Company's early records, I might work the statement into an article for the Indian Antiquary. He had himself made a cursory examination of the statement and added a few short notes on some of the doubtful items appearing in it, and these he has permitted me to use. He also advised me that, in his opinion, the scribe who copied the original account into the Surat register had made various errors, both in the headings and the figures. Some of these mistakes are obvious, and help to justify the view that, where the calculations do not work out correctly, he has miscopied or omitted figures.
A few weeks after I had received the statement from him, Mr. Foster informed me that he had discovered a duplicate copy of it in the India Office records (Factory Records, Miscell., Vol. 2, pp. 44, 45). In the latter, some of the words are spelt a little differently from the corresponding words in the original statement, and to these differences I have drawn attention in my notes. Subject to these remarks, I give hereunder the statement in full, with such explanations as oppear to me obvious or plausible. In one or two instances I am unable to solve the puzzles presented by the document, the unknown words used probably being indifferent Portuguese corruptions of vernacular terms, to which I have failed to obtain & clue. Perhaps some reader of the Indian Antiquary may be able to supplement my efforts in these. doubtful cases.
Yearely Savastalli or Rent Rowle of Bomoaim and Jurisdiction. Batteet muraes3 82.1.10 adolains* at X. 141 per mora amount to .. .. .. ..
X. 1,189. 2.57 Bandaring tribute which they pay .. ..
652. 2.30 Colouria, or fishermens tribute, comes to ..
x. 3,718. 0.65 Cooonutts 467,000 at Xs. 18 per mille amounts unto X. 8,406.0.0 An orta8 called Cherney .. .. .. x. 400.0.0
x. 8,806.00.00 The hill Vaulquessen 10, nett rents
X. 39.01.03
W

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY
[ JANUARY, 1928
Foros11, or out rent, was formerly X. 1,236, but
since there was severall crowne lands found out, etc. There is X. 332.2.14 reys deducted; rest .. Rent of severall warehouses (increasing yearely) ..
X x.
902.00.66 86.00.00
Summe is X. 15,374.01.61 ...... X. 10,225.00.00
Stanck12 of tobacco imports Customes received in Sir Gervas
Lucas time of government the
summe of .. .. .. And in the time of Capt. Gary..
X. 5,435, 0.56 X. 18,920. 0.19
X. 24,355.0.75 being from the 18th February 1667 to the 23rd September 1668, the commissioners that received and collected them being satisfyed, soe that the
yearely customes came to about .. .. .. Rents of the tavernes imports .. .. ..
X. 18,000.00.00 X. 2,450.00.00
X. 30,675.00.00
Mazaga13, vizt. Colouria, or fishermens tribute diversly paid in .. X Palmeiras bravas14, 936 rents
x. Palmeiras mancas14, 165 rents .. .. .. X. Island of Pattecas16, 4 . .. .. .. .. X. Battee, 225 muraes at Xs. 14 per mura Vinzora 16, 60 fedeas17 .. .. .. .. X. 24,000 mangas18 at 16 fedeas per mille .. Rent of the botica19
x x x x x xxl
A 4,198, 1.26 1,182, 0.75 0,145. 2.42
11. 0.00 3,262, 0.40
3. 0.38 18. 2.67 16.0.0
8,838, 0.48
Summa totalis.
64,887. 2.29
There is besides a custome of Henry Duelo,
Yearely Savastall or Rent Roule of Mahlm and Its Jurisdletion, Drawno
out the 81th July 1668.
x.
350. 2.57
Maym. Battee m. 18.18.18, dico m. 18.18.18) muraco 25
Texxas21 de Dominigo de Reso 2.22.00 1 24.4.16 Texxas 21 de Kerr
0.19.00 at X. 141 Consertas23 de Terras
1.19.13) Coito,24 vallued at X. 108 per month .. .. .. Foros .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. Palmeerns bravos 6, 450, each 10 fedeas 10-ba?.. Chito?.. .. .. .. .. .. .. ..
.. ..
X. X.
1,296, 0.00 1,334, 0.00 245. 1.17 23. 2.40
..
X.

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JANUABY, 1925)
THE REVENUES OF BOMBAY
Two tobacco shopps, X. 38 ; two shopps that sells provisions,
X. 36 .. .. .. .. .. .. .. Cooonutts, 587,400.0.3, at Xs. 18 per mille per estimate .. The ferry betweene Maym and Bandora .. .. .. ..
72. 0.00 10,573, 0.60
300 ---
X.
ks. 14,195. 1.14
Xs.
814.00.08
Matungod 8. Battee, 55.8, Xs. 141, X8. 802.0.8; tobacco shopps, Xs. 12 .. .. ..
. Dozzory29. Battise, m. 8.2 at X6. 147 . .. Xs. 117.00.32
Coolies for Magueria 30 X. 45.1.15 The same for Masul31 X. 69.2.17
Xs. 115.00.32 Halfe of the marinhost of salt.. .. .. x, 35.00.00
- Pero Vazty his Patty 33. Battee, 37 at X. 141 Battee, m. 17.5 pazza384 at X. 141
249.1.00 Coolies, for 22 netts
45.1.16 Anadrees, 36 40 each 4 fedeas ..
. 8.1.20
X.
267.00.64 536.01.40
303. 0.36 94.02.17
Macher and Yas, 36 the ferry yeilds 1,800 fedeas Parella.37 Battee, m. 148 at Xs. 141 .. .. Xs. Foros
.. .. .. .. X. Coolies pay in 8 months of the yeare .. Palmeiras bravas, X. 18.1.18; oyle shopp X. 14; and tobacco shopp, X, 12 .. .. .. .. .. A
2,146.0.00
103,1.40 141.1.40
44,1.18
x.
2,435.01.18
Vadala.
X. 1,764.01.02
Sury38.
Battee, m. 116.22.18, at Xs. 141,
Xs. 1,694.2.74; foros, X. 69.1.8 .. 17 tisatis39 of Salt, which vallue at
20 Xs. each tisatis .. .. .. Battee, blacke, 1 murse: .. ..
x. ..
340.0.00 12.0.00
352.0.00 21.01.35
.
X.
211.00.85
Pomela.40 A marinho of salt Coltem and Bommanelli.41 Battee, m. 14.14.
at X. 14 .. .. .. .. Veryli.4: Battee, muraco 32.12.10, at X. 14
Coolies, by agreement .. Foros .. .. .. .. . Palmeiros bravos . Collee, 6 pay 48 .. Foros de manguerase Calego 44 Bandarins, two . . Coconutts, 11,000 at Xs. 18 per
(mille per) estimate ..
xxxxxx
464.0.00 450.0.00 52.1.49 15.0.16 12.0.00 10.2.00 2.1.
X.
198.0.00
-
X x.
1,204.01.06 22,200, 0.44

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY
JANUARY, 1926
If we accept a Xeraphin as equivalent to about 18. 6d. sterling, the total revenue of Bombay at this date (1668) amounted to a little over £4,000 and of Mahim and its dependent hamlets and villages to about £ 1,665. Some of the calculations, which I have tested, work out correctly, but those in nuras, parras, and adolins do not. It is possible that the old table of equivalente was different, and also that the copyist transcribed some of the figures incorrectly from the original letter. In the case of words like • Anadrees' and 'Vinzora' I strongly suspect the copyist of having misread the words in the original. It is possible that Mr. Foster's further researches may result in the discovery of fregh facts throwing light on these problems. He informs me that Oxenden made a report on the state of Bombay in 1669, but that up to the presen; he has not discovered à copy of it. Probably it has been lost. But other letters, reports, etc., may yet come to light, which will help towards a solution of the puzzles presented by these early Bombay records.
1 Savastall is probably connected or identical with the Portuguese word sevastae, occurring in Chronista de T'issuary, Vol. II, quoted by da Cunha, Origin of Bombay, p. 176. da Cunha describes sevastas M & Marathi word for a tax of 17 per cent., from ger (savd), meaning a quarter more than one. Savd is probably the basis of the word savastall, which may have been loosely applied to rent or assessment in general.
3 Battee is Marathi bhat, Kanarese bhatta, "rice in the husk," called bate and bata by the Portuguese. Battee or Batty is also termed 'Paddy.'
3 Murces is the Portuguese equivalent of 'moorah,' mora ', 'moods, i.e., muda, a measure used in the sale of rice in Bombay. W. Foster writes "According to Fryer, the 'moora' contained 121
parras', each of 20'addalins'. The calculations in these returns, however, seem to show that 25 porras went to the moor'; and even then there are slight discrepancies." The latter calculation is corroboratod by Milburn, Oriental Commerce, who states that in 1813 one 'moorah' contained 25 parahs'. It was also equivalent to 4 'candios'. At Bassein in 1554 one mura of bates contained 3 'candis' (Hobson-Jobson, 8. v. moorah ').
Adolain appears to be the Marathi adholí, a measure of capacity equivalent to 2 sera or half a pdhalt (payli) (Molesworth). It is corruptly written adolee, adoly, and (Fryer) addalin. In a letter to Bombay Government of November 4, 1812, the Collector recommended an assessment of 54 adholis per burga on salt batty lands (B.C.G., II., 363). It also appears as adolies in the schedule of lands granted in inam to the heirs of Jamshedji Bomanji in 1822 (B.C.G., II, 376.7); and according to that schedule, 4 sers = 1 adholi; 30 adholis = 1 parah; 121 parahs = 1 moorah. In the present Statement, however, the equivalents are different, vix. :-20 adholis=parra; 26 parras = 1 mura, mora, etc.
Thus 82 muras, 1 parra, 10 adolains = 82 murce. This at X. 140 per mora gives the right amount shown in the column of figures.
6 x. = xora phin. The original of this word is the Arabic ashrafi. W. Foster points out that the table of values was as follows 80 reis = 1 larin ; 3 larins = 1 xeraphin.
& Bandarins. These are the Bhandaris, the well-known caste of toddy-drawers and liquor-distillers, Simao Botelho in 1548 spoke of duties collected from the Bhandaris, 'who draw the toddy (sura) from the aldeas.' Bombay Regulation I of 1808 states that on the brab-trees the cast of Bhundarries paid a due for extracting the liquor'. The tribute mentioned in the Statement probably refers to this duty.
7 Colouria seems to be a corruption of Kolivada or Kolivadia and to be identical with Colliarys (in a letter from Bombay Council to Court of December 15, 1673); with Cooliarys,' mentioned in an estimate of Bombay Revenue in 1675; Cooleries', mentioned in 1735-36; and Cullowdy'or Collowree' in 1767. For account purposes the word signifies a head-tax collected from the Kolis in return for the right to fish in the open bays of Bombay, Mazagon, Varli and Parel (B.C.G., III, 308).
8 Orta = horta (Portuguese), a garden, Fryer (1673) writes 'hortos,' and Groso (1760) speaks of oarts,' & word still in use.
Cherney is clearly Charni (oart), which has given its name to the modern Churnoy Road. See B.C.G., II, for information about the old Charni estate. In the duplicate copy of the statement, the word is written Cherney, an obvious copyist's error.
10 Vaulqueesen. This is a corruption of Valulcesvara i.e., Walkeshwar or Malabar Hill. Simeo Botelho (1548) wrote the name 'Valequecer.'

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JANUARY, 1825
THE REVENUES OF BOMBAY
11 Foro in Portuguese signifies a quit-rent payable by tenants to the King or Lord of the Manor. This quit-rent tenure was common in Bassein and its depend
ein and its dependencies during Portuguese rule. Da Cunha rejects the view that Foro is derived from the Latin Foris (out of doors, abroad) and suggests that it is derived rather from Forum, & public place, where public affairs, like the payment of rents or tributes, were transacted.' The words "out rent" in the Statement seem to imply that Foro was in some way connected with Foris (outside). Actually Foro was a quit-rent, which superseded the original obligation on the tenant to furnish military aid to the Sovereign, in return for the possession and enjoyment of the land. The quit-ront under Portuguese rule varied froin 4 to 10 per cent. of the usual rental of the land.
13 Stanck. A corruption of the Portuguese estanque = a license to sell, a monopoly of a branch of trado, etc. Here it signifies the farming-monopoly or the farm of tobacco.
13 Mazagaon or Mazagon.
14 Bravo in Portuguese ='uncultivated', 'wild,' magnificent,' 'excellent.' W. Foster suggests that the phrase means "cocoa-nut trees in full bearing." The duplicate copy of the Statement has buavas, an evident mistake for bravas, Manca in Portuguese='defective,' 'imperfect,' 'incomplete. Palmeiras mancas must mean "palm trees not fully grown."
16 Island of Pattecas, i.e., Butcher's Island. The name is derived from Port. pateca, 'water-melon', and the process of corruption into the modern 'Butcher's can be gathered from Fryer's statement (1673) - “From hence (Elephanta) we sailed to the Putachoes, a garden of melons (Putacho being a melon) were there not wild rats that hinder their growth, and so to Bombaim." It is marked 'Putachoes' in Fryer's map of Bombay. The corruption into 'Butcher's (island)' had taken place by 1724.
16 Vinzora. This is written " Vinzora" in the duplicate copy of the Statement. The meaning of this word is totally obsouro. The word most nearly approaching it in pure Portuguese is vindouro = 'future to come after. But it is more likely to be & corruption of a vernacular term. Could it be vana. joda = profit from pasturage fees ?
17 From the calculations in this statement the fedea appears to have equalled a little more than 12 reis. It was a money of account only-W. FOSTER.
18 Mangas =mangoes. 19 Botica =shop or tavern (Port.).
10 Henry Due. This may mean the island (div, diu) of Underi (Henery), near Khanderi (Kenery) as the mouth of Bombay harbour. But more probably it refers to Hog Island, which is marked Henry Kenry in Fryer's map---W. FOSTER.
31 Texas appears to be a copyist's error for Terras, 'lands'. In the duplicate copy of the Statement, it is written Tezzas.'
19 Muraco is a copyist's error for murdes (see footnoto 3 ante).
33 Conserlas de Terras. The meaning of consertas' is doubtful. It is possibly connected with Portu. guese concerto,' meaning disposition,' disposal,' agreement, contract, covenant' etc. The 's' may be a mistake for 'o'.
4 Ooito. This is perhaps a Portuguese rendering of Marathi koyti, a sickle,' or Kanareee koyta, a bill. hook. It seems to be identical with the cotto or whetting of knives," which appears as an item of Bombay Revenue in a letter of March 27, 1668, from the Company to Surat (B.C.G., II, 58 footnote). The revenue from this item at that date for the whole Island was estimated at 2,000 pardaos. It was probably akin to the toddy-knife tax' imposed on the Bhandaris, called 'aut salami'at a later date. The tax was imposed on all persons like the Kolis, Bhandaris and others, who used a knife in the performance of their recog. nised daily occupation.
35 In the duplicate copy of the Statement bravos is written bravaz. See foot-note 14 ante.
36 10 ba. This means 10 bazaruccos. According to Yule and Burnell (8.V. Budgrook) the bazarucco was a coin of low denomination and of varying value and metal (copper, tin, load and tutenague), formerly current at Goa and elsewhere on the west coast of India, as well as at some other places in the Indian seas. It was adopted from the Portuguese in the earliest English coinago at Bombay. In the earliest Gos coinage (1510) the leal or bazarucco was equal to 2 reis, and 420 reis went to the golden cruzado. The derivation of the word is uncertain.
37 Chito. The meaning of this item is obscure. The Portuguese word chito is the same as escritor anything written,' a noto of hand.' It might possibly be a Portuguese corruption of Marathi chittha, meaning pay-roll, general account of revenue 'etc., or of Kanarese chitthi meaning a roll of lands under cultivation.' It may perhape be asumed to signify miscellaneous rovenue written up in the roll.
26 Matungo is Matunga, about 11 miles south-east of Mahim (Maym).

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» Domory. The name in this form cannot be identified. But it will be observed that in two instances the copyist has written 'zz' for 'rr,' viz., 'tezzas' for ' terras,' mentioned in footnote 21 ante, and pazzes for parras', mentioned in footnote 34 post. It is not unreasonable to assume that he has made the same error again and that what he meant to write was "Dorrovy ". Dorrovy would easily be written by mistake for "Derravy" which again is a possible Anglo-Indian corruption of " Dharavi ", the well-known village in the north of Bombay Island, between Mahim and Riwa Fort. Mr. Foster enquired if it could possibly refer to Dongri, which was often erroneously spelt in the days of the Company. But the main objection to this suggestion is that Dongri did not fall within the jurisdiction of Mahim, whereas Dharavi (Darravy or Dorrovy) obviously would do so. The mention of a salt-pit or salt-pan as one of the items of revenue lends further weight to the view that the place referred to is Dharavi.
20 Magueria. This might be Port. maquia or maquieira, which means a fee for grinding com, 's duty per sack of corn'. But Michaelis' Portuguese-English Dictionary, 2nd ed., 1906, gives also
magueira ', ' a kind of fishing-net'. Read in conjunction with the next item, this appears the most likely meaning. The "Coolies" (i.e., Kolis) would be more likely to be concerned with fishing-nets, than with the fees for corn-grinding, at a creek-side village like Dharavi.
31 Marul. I take this to be the Marathi mdsolt and Konkani masilt, meaning fish'. [C4. Masulipatam.]
33 Marinho. This is the Port. marinha, asalt-pit.'
38 Pero Vazty his Patty i.e., 'Pero Vaz's assessment', from Marathi patti, cesa, 'tax'. Patti aleo means 'ground', 'land'.
34 Pazzas is clearly & copyist's mistake for 'parras' (parah).
36 Anadrees. The meaning of this word is wholly obeure. In the duplicato copy of the Statement it is written 'Annadrees, which does not help. It is probably a mis-spelling of some corrupted vernacular word. A suggestion has been made that it may be a mistake for Andarees', from andor, ' a palki',' manchil' etc. This word appears in a glossary of Portuguese terms by Dalgado. "Andaroes' or 'Andoris' would then signify persons who carry palkis 'i.e., Bhois, Kahars etc. But this explanation is not convincing. Possibly the word is "Anadee", which is stated in the Glossary to a Report of the Select Committee on the affairs of the E. I. Company for 1812, to mean "old waste land, or land not cultivated within the memory of man."
86 Mucher and Yes. These words are written "Mucher Andeas " in the duplicate copy of the State. ment. I have been unable to trace any place-names resembling these in Bombay. The parishes of Mochein and Vall are mentioned in a Bombay letter to the Court of December 15, 1673, but they were in the shire of Bombay, and not under Mahim. I can only assume that Mucher and Yes were two small villages adjacent to the drowned lands, between which there was ferry-communication at high-tide.
87 Parella = Parel. 88 Sury = Sewri i.e., Sivri.
89 tisatis. This is spelt tisaris in the duplicate copy of the Statement. The precise meaning of this word is doubtful. tisadi in Marathi moans 'thrice-cleaned rice'. Here tisati or tisari may be a measure, denoting & multiple of 3.
40 Pomela = Pomalla, a hamlet of Parel.
41 Coltem and Bommanelli. In the duplicate copy of the Statement the second name is written "Bommarelly". The places referred to are Coltem and Bamnoli, two villages north of Parel. Bamnoli which means 'Brahman street' or 'Brahman row' was an ancient landmark, dating from pre-Portuguese days.
42 Veryli = Varli or Worli.
48 Collee, 6 pay. This appears to contain a copyist's error: for in the duplicate copy of the Statement the words are Collees pay', i.e., Coolies or Kolis pay'. It refers to the tribute or tax payable by the Kolik
46 Foros de manguerase Calego. Calogo is written Caleyo in the duplicate copy, and is probably proper name, and perhape, also, the Portuguese equivalent of a vernacular name, e.g., Kale. According to Mioboelie, the Portuguese mangueirai (plur.-dea) means a 'mango-grove.' The whole phrase therefore means 'Quit-ront of the Caleyo mango-grove.'

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CHERAMAN-PERUMAL-NAYANAR
CHERAMAN-PERUMAL-NAYANAR.
BY A. 8. RAMANATHA AYYAR, B.A., M.R.A.S. The period from the sixth to the tenth centuries A.D. was one of great Hindu religious revival in South India. Buddhism which had been flourishing well, carried as it had also been to distant countries under royal patronage and missionary endeavour, had gradually begun to decline in sincerity and popularity, and the restless ferment of the times produced in succession several Saiva and Vaishnava reformers, who purged the land of the corrupt and effete religions by their own impassioned and soul.stirring hymns of monotheistic bhakti, and re-established a purer and more catholic form of Hinduism on the secure basis of singleminded devotion to God. As Mr. K. V. Subrahmanya Ayyar has well said in his Religious Activity in Ancient Dekhan, " persons of no mean merit were they, who adorned the firmament of the Indian Reformation, which may be said to have commenced in the seventh century A.D. and a little prior to it and continued its work for a long time. The men it produced were of varying capacities, and all of them arrayed themselves in one work or another in the mighty task of Reform, which, it may be said to their credit, was effected with the least bloodshed, as one is prone to find in other countries under similar conditions."
Of the sixty-three saints who have been mentioned as the premier apostles of Saivism, and who can be located in the period above-mentioned, Sundaramûrti-Nayanar, the Brahman boy-saint of Tirunavalůr was a noted figure, and his Tirvttondattogai, wherein he has catalogued the names of the saints that had lived prior to him, and the Núrrandddi of Nambiyâņdar-Nambi (c. tenth century A.D.) were the nuclei from which Sêkki!år (c. 1150 A.D.) elaborated at a later date his Periyapuranam, the Saiva hagiology, which had acquired so much sanctity as to be classified as the twelfth tirumurai or sacred collection of Saiva writings. This Sundara had as his contemporaries Viranmiņdar, Kotpuliyâr, Månakañjarar, Eyarkôn-Kalikkamanar, Perumilalai-Kurumbar, Som åsiyâr and Chêramân-Perumal, who have all been included in the exalted galaxy of Saiva saints.
Of the last-named of them, who was a Chêra king and a specially devoted friend of Sundaramarti-Nayanår, Sêkkilar has given the outlines of the religious side of his biography in a few chapters of the Periyapuranam, and the main incidents of Chéramân-Perumal's life are also succinctly summarised in a single verse of the Tiruttoņdar-puranam. The Travancore king Råmavarman (A.D. 1758-98), in the preface to his work on Natyasastra, called the Balaramabharatam, makes mention of this king as one of his ancestors.
The Periyapuranam account is as follows:
With his capital at the seaport town of Kodungôļur, called also Mahôdai, whose ramparts were the high mountain ranges and whose moat was the deep sea, there reigned a powerful king named Sengôr poraiyan, the overlord of Malai-nadu. In this illustrious family was born prince Perumäkkôdaiyar, also called by the significant title of Kalarirrarivár(one who understood the speech of all living beings) a pious devotee of Siva, who had kept himself
1 காவலர்ம கோதையார் கொடுக்கோளூர்க்கோக் கழறியவை யறிந்தகோச் சிலம்போசைக்கருத் தார், காவலர்சோ னண்பரடிச் சேரனென்றே கவின்று வரும் வண்ணானை நயந்தகோசம், பாவலர் கோப் பாணபத்திரனால் வாய்ந்த பாமர் திரு முகம்வாங்கிப் பணிகோ வெற்பின் மேவியகோ வானைச் goo was Sgor ar WT 6 Cri Carlo. -Tiruttondarpurdqasdram, v. 42. । यइंचचेरनृपतिर्मधुरापुरीश.
पत्राणेन कनकं प्रद रावसंख्यम् । तत्तुन्नवायकुलभक्तजनाय भूयात्
e farem a a: Balaramabharatam. (TAS., IV, 109.) 3 நினைத்தன கொடுக்கவல்லா னிலத்துயிர் கழறுஞ் சொற்க
arr $ 20 $4 DO CONTROL CFFLINY Sr Tirwiļaiyddarpurdnan.

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unsoiled by the dissipations of a royal court and had dedicated his life to the service of the god at Tiruvanjaikkaļam in tending the temple flower-gardens and in supplying garlands for the god's daily worship. But when Sengorporaiyan abdicated at the end of a long reign and retired to an anchorite's life, this prince+ was selected by the ministers to succeed to the throne and was prevailed upon with great difficulty to don the royal purple, after he had obtained divine sanction for his reluctant acceptance of the exalted office, He was of such a pious disposition that when, on his preliminary royal entry into the capital, he came across a washerman whose body was whitened with Fuller's earth (uvarman), he made obeisance to the washerman in the belief that he was a Siva bhakta smeared with the holy ashes, and that his appearance was a timely reminder to him from on high to persevere in his pious life. On another occasion, it is said that Siva sent a poet-musician called Papabhadra from Madura with a letters of introduction to him that the bearer should be patronised and well-rewarded with riches, and that the king, who was immensely pleased with the high honour that this divine commission implied, even went the length of offering his whole kingdom to the god's protégé. His devotion towards the god Nataraja of Chidambaram grew in intensity, and the great Dancer used to reward his piety by enabling him to hear the tinkling rhythm of his golden anklets (porfilambu) at the end of his daily puja. Failing, however, to hear this accustomed token on a particular day, the king was very much disheartened and would have stabbed himself to death, if Nataraja had not intervened in time to save His votary from an unnatural end. The royal saint also learnt that the beautiful hymns sung by the arch-devotee Sundaram ürti in the temple at Chidambaram were so enthralling as to make the god forget His accustomed token to himself. This incident was a turning point in the life of Chêraman and thenceforward his ardour grew, if anything, more fervid, and he was filled with a longing to visit not only Chidambaram, the favourite abode of the god Natanasabhêsa, but also pay homage to the great soul whose songs had kept Siva spell-bound.
Accordingly he set out from his capital and after passing through the Kongu-nadu, through which lay in those days one of the highways between the eastern districts and Malai-mandalam, finally reached Chidambaram, where the divine vision which was vouch. safed him evoked a fitting response in the poem named the Ponvannattandаdi. He then proceeded to Tiruvarur, the headquarters of Sundaramûrti-Nayanar, and formed with him a memorable friendship which, while earning for the latter the so briquet of Chera. manrolan, continued unabated in its sincerity till the time of the simultaneous and mysterious exit8 of both of them from Tiruvaõjaikkaļam. After having composed the Tirumummanikkôvait in honour of the god Valmikanátha during his short stay at Tiruvárûr, the Chêra king
4 சீலமிகு மலைசாவொழ் கொடுங்கோளூர், சிறந்த செங்கோற் கோதையார் செல்வர் திரு வஞ்சையிறை மெல்லடி பணிர் திட, செய்யபொறை யன் றவ முற
-Tirutto dardatakam. 6 This verse beginning with ' alyef LLSOLD' is the first piece in the Padinorantinumurai.
-- நம்பற்கு காற்சிலம்பின் சந் தணிந்து கண்ணி யணிந்து தினர்
& my Call Str Di-Tiruvdrar-ula. 7 This has been collected in the Padinorantirumurai. 8 களையாவுடலோடு சேரமானாரூான்
28% WTL S LO Qalerer 2 w Ostrerar-Köyit Tiruvidaippd, v. 4. कैलासगमने पथि संस्मृतेन
भक्तेन सुन्दरवरेण स चेरभूपः । आरुह्य वाहमधिगम्य च शैलमाशे
figt i after Il Balaramabharatam, (TAS., IV, 109.)

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CHERAMAN-PERUMAL-NAYANAR
then accompanied Sundara on an extensive pilgrimage to many holy temples of Siva in the Chola and Pandya kingdoms, among which are mentioned: Kilvēlûr, Nagaikaronam, Tirumaraikkadu (Vedarayyam), Palanam, Agastyanpalli, Kulagar-Kodikköyil, Tiruppattår, Madurai, Tiruppûvaņam, Tiruvappaņûr, Tiruvêdagam, Tirupparanguniam, Kurralam, Kurumbala, Tirunelveli, Ramêsvaram, Tiruchchuliyal, K&papper Tiruppupavåyil, Patalēs varam, Tirukkandiyûr, and Tiruvaiyyåru. Both the friends then cut across the Kongudêsam and reached Kodungôlúr, where Chêraman entertained Sundara with such pomp and respect as was befitting the renowned boy-saint. After a short congenial stay at the Chêra capital, Sundara finally took leave of his royal friend and reached Tiruvarur, loaded with many costly presents and jewels, after undergoing a miraculous adventure with banditti en route at Tirumuruganpûn di in the Coimbatore District.
Some time later, Sundaramûrti-Nayanâr paid a second visit to his Chêra friend, after augmenting his fame on the way by the performance of the miracle of resuscitating a Brahman boy at Tiruppukkoliyûr (Avinasi in the Coimbatore District), and was received with huge ovations by the people of Tiruvanjaikkalam and their king. While Sundaramûrti was thus staying in the Chêra capital, the god Siva, it is stated, sent a white elephant to fetch the saint back to his original abode Kailasa, and in obedience to that holy mandate he prepared to start heavenwards; but before setting out, his commiserating thoughts strayed for a moment towards his royal comrade whom he had to leave behind. Chêraman-Perumal, who was taking his bath at his palace at that time, vaulted on a horse, and rushing to the spot where the elephant was marching with its precious burden, respectfully circumambulated his friend, and after muttering the mystic formula of the panchakshara into the horse's ear, rose into the air, leading the way in front to Mount Kailasa. The loyal servants of the Chêra king, who had witnessed their master mounting heavenwards, waited till he was lost to sight and, despairing of his return, killed themselves by falling on their upright swords, like the true warriors that they were. On reaching the Silver Mountain, Cheram &n-Peruma) gained audience of Siva through the recommendation of his friend and sang on that occasion the poem called the Tirukkaildyajñana-ula' (called also the Adi-uld), which then received the god's imprimatur. This poem is said to have been transmitted to this world at Tiruppidavûr (Tanjore District) by a certain Mašattaņår, who had heard it chanted on the slopes of Kailasa, while the publicity given to the songs that Sundara hymned forth on his way to the Holy Mount is attributed to Varuna, the lord of the oceans.
Perumilalai-Kurumbar, one of the sixty-three devotees, also killed himself in his own place in order to join Sundara in Kailasa, on this occasion. Auvai, who is said to have been the sister of Chêramân-Perumal, also reached Kailasa by a miraculous short-cut, astride the god Ganêśa's extended proboscis.
Now as regards the period when Chêraman-Perumal flourished, its determination is confronted with the usual confusion attendant on similar questions, namely that, the available materials are so superimposed with much that is purely traditional and supernatural that there is no safe historical foundation to proceed upon. The sources from which such information can be expected to be collated may be classified as follows:
(i) tradition current in Malabar regarding this king, as recorded in the Kera?ôlpatti ; 9 This finds a place in the 11th Tirumurai ; see also Purananusu, v. 395, p. 528. S
அன்று வெள்ளானையின் மீதிமையோர் சுற்றணுகுறச்செல் வன்றொண்டர் பின் பரிமேற் கொண்டு வெள்ளிமலையான் முன் - சென்றெழிலா தியுலா வாங்கேற்றிய சேரர்பிரான் முன் றிடையோது பொன்வண்ணத் தந்தாதி வழங்கிதுவே.

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(ii) the biographical sketches of this king, of Sundaramürti, and of their contempora
ries, as narrated in the Periyapuranam; (iii) the Tiruvilaiyadarpurdņam of Paraðjótiyâr, which mentions the deputation of
the lutist PAna-Bhadra to this Chêra's court as the 55th of the sixty-four divino
sports of the god Sundaręsa of Madura ; and (iv) other miscellaneous references.
(i) The Kerałólpatti 10, a Malayalam work of no great antiquity or chronological authenticity, purporting to be a historical chronicle of the Kêraļa kings, places the end of the · Chéram&p rule in the fifth century (A.D. 428), and relates of a certain Banapperuma) that he went on a pilgrimage to Mecca on conversion to an alien creed. Mr. Logan, linking this information with the alleged discovery of a tomb-stone dated in 829 A.D. supposed to record the death at Sahar-Mukhal of a certain Hindu royal convert re-named Abdul Rahiman Samûri, on his return journey to his native land, has tried to trace the origin of the Kollam era to this hypothetical conversion. Now that the institution of the era is more or less definitely attributable to the foundation, or at least the expansion, of the maritime city of Kollam11 at about this time under the Christian immigrant Maruvan Sapir ls, and that the truth about the existence and purport of the Arabian epitaph is discredited for want of definite testimony, the tradition of a Chêraman's conversion to Muhammadanism has by scholars been dismissed as groundless. It is not impossible that the mysterious disappearance of a Chêra king, as mentioned in the Periyapurdņam, miraculously or otherwise, and the extensions and improvements to the seaport of Quilon at the instance of Maruvan Sapir 188 and his thriving Christian co-religionists, which may have all taken place within a few decades of each other, and the actual, but later, conversion of a Zamorin of Calicut to Muhammadanism, as recorded by the historian Ferishta were commingled in haphazard fashion when the Keraja chronicle was patched up a few centuries ago. As the dates given for the Chēramans in this work are not very trustworthy, no implicit reliance need be placed on the account which terminates the Chéraman rule in the first half of the fifth century A.D., when we know from epigraphical sources of two other Chêra kings, Chêraman Sthaņu-Ravi and Bhaskara-Ravi, who were reigning in the ninth and tenth centuries A.D.
From the Periyapurdņam it is learnt that the Siva temple at Tirukkandiyar, one of the Ashtavfrattapams & mile to the south of Tiruvaiyyâru in the Tanjore District, was visited by Chéraman-Perumal in company with Sundaramürti, and that it was only in its vicinity the river KAvêrî parted its swollen waters at the command of god Panchanad&svara, so as to leave a dry ford for the two devotees to walk across with ease 19. It is therefore highly probable that the Siva temple at Tirukkaņdiyûr in the Chengannur taluk of the Travancore State, which is traditionally considered to be one of the oldest in Kerala and to have been erected by Chêram&n-Perumal himself 13, was perhaps built by him and given the same name, in commemoration of the Tanjore episode : and as we also know from a lithic record14 that it came into existence in A.D. 823, two years before the starting of the Kollam era, Ch@rama-PerumA], its author, can also be reasonably assigned to the first quarter of the ninth century A.D.
11
Trav. Arch. Series, vol. II, p. 76.
16 Trao. State Manual, vol. I, pp. 228 et neg. 19 Ohtramdy-Perumdadyandr purdgam, yv, 186-79. + Trav. State Manual, vol. II, p. 608,
#4 Trap. Arch, Sorios, vol. I, p. 200.

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CHERAMAN-PERUMAL-NAYANAR
11
(ii) The Periyapuranam, which has been acknowledged to be a quasi-historical compilation, denuded of the few supernatural incidents that may not be acceptable in a strictly critical sense, does not however supply in the lives of Chêramån-Perumal or of his N&yanmar contemporaries any clue that could help in the determination of their age with certainty. We only know that, on the abdication of a Chêra king named Sengôrporaiyan who was ruling at Kodungôlar, the next in succession, Perum Akkôdaiyar, the Saiva devotee, ascended the throne. But unfortunately the names Sengôrporaiyan (the just Chêra) and Perumakkodaiyar (the great Chêra) sound more like titles than individual appellations, Poraiyan and Kodai being but synonymous with Chêra. Although it may be hazardous to assert that they do not represent the distinctive names of two Chêra kings, 15 they are however a pair of designations too vague to yield any historical landmark. The Chola and Pandya contemporaries of Chêraman are also referred to by their dynastic titles of valavan and tenpavar, which are absolutely useless for purposes of definite identification. The life-sketches of the Nayanmar contemporaries of this king are also similarly barren of information, except that Sundara is mentioned to have been the protégé of a certain Narasingamunaiyaraiyan, the chief of Miladu, who had his headquarters at Tirukkāyilor in the South Arcot District, and Sundara himself refers to a weak Pallava king of that period, to whom his vassals stopped the payment of tribute. From the Tirunavalûr and Tirukkôyilûr inscriptions a few generations of Mil&du chiefs with names Narasimha and Rama are understood to have ruled in the years A.D. 954, 957, 1059 and 1149, and it is just possible, although it cannot be taken as a definite datum, that a Narasingamunaiyaraiyan may have lived in the beginning of the ninth century A.D. as Sundara's patron, 16 The reference to the Pallava also points to a period when the Pallava power was at a low ebb, and this fits in well with the later years of the reign of Dantivarman (780-830), when Tondai-mandalam had been invaded from the north by Govinda III (804) and from the south by the Pandya Varaguna I (825)17.
(ii) The Tiruvilaiyadar-puranam of Parañjótiyar, which professes to give a chrocological narration of the sixty-four divine sports of god the Chokkanatha of Madura, places in the reign of a Pandya king, named Varaguņa, 18 the following two episodes which constitute the 54th (Viragu-virra-padalam) and the 65th (Tirumukam-kod utta-padalam) divine sports of that book, namely, the discomfiture of Eman&tha the northern lute-player on behalf of the local bard Bhadra, and the latter's deputation to a Chéraman-Perumal of Kodunglar with & poem-inscribed cadjan order for presents. Although the scheme of chronology adopted by this author is a medley of tradition, myth and royal names, as ably proved by Mr. K. S. S. Pillai in his Tamil-varaldru, it may however be examined, all other things apart, whether the location of the lute-player Bhadra in the reign of a Pandya king who had the name of Varaguņa, is consistent with the above suppositions relating to the age of Chêram &-Peruma! and Sundara. We know from reliable sources that Varaguna-Maharaja, the grandson of Jatila-Parantaka (770 A.D.) and himself the grandfather of Varagunavarman, who ascended the throne in A.D. 862, must have been reigning in the beginning of the ninth century, 19 and
15 There have been kings with these names, e.g., Kuttuvan-Kodai, Makk Odai, Irumbogai, Kapaikelirumporai-(Purandguru). 16 Sendamdı, vol. III, p. 320.
17 The Pallatos, page 78 1 மன்றலர் தெரியன் மார்பன் வரகுணன் செங்கோலோச்சி
Qures pod srawr af Qurely searse por-Viraguvirrapadslam, .. மன்னர் தம்பிரானாகிய வாகுணதேவன்
perder as oues are pe AS yOare. Ibid., v. 58. 10 Mad. Epi. Rep., 1908, p. 64.

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there is nothing improbable in linking together the above traditional accounts, and in assuming Chèraman to have been this Pandya's contemporary and to have lived in the first quarter of the ninth century A.D.
The Paña-Bhadra episode is also referred to in the Kalladamo, but as its author Kálládanár is, on other grounds, considered to have been a later poet different from his namesake of the last Academy 1, this mention need not necessarily militate against the assignment of Cheraman to th> beginning of the ninth century A.D.22
(iv) The tradition stating that one of the offspring of the couple Bhagavan and Adi, who was brought up by Adigan and was eventually raised to the Chêra throne, was the • Cheraman-Perumal of the Periyapuranam, is not supported by any evidence, except that
of a verse popularly attributed to Auvaiyar, 33 which she is said to have addressed in derision to the Chêra king, when god Vinayaka, who was pleased with her devotion, raised her to heaven with his proboscis sometime before the mounted pair Sundaramûrti and Cheraman could arrive at the Kailasa gates. This is another instance of different episodes relating to more than one Auvai (old woman) being mixed up together promiscuously.
(v) In his learned article on the age of Jñanasambandha, Prof. Sundaram Pillai finds an implied reference to certain Saiva Nayanmars in the minor stótras of Sarkara, and if the Śivabhujanga, Sivanandalahari and Saundaryalahari are the indisputable compositions of the author of the great Bhâsyas, then the passing reference in the stanza of the Sivabhujanga24 may be taken to contain a covert sneer at Sundara's matrimonial foible, which, however much concealed by mythical varnish, was considered too big a blemish to be overlooked by Eyarkən-Kalikkåmapär, who decided to die of his colio rather than submit to be cured by Sundara. The date of Sankara has been accepted by many scholars to be the beginning of the ninth century (c. 788-820 A.D.); and in that case, it is also possible that the Nayanâr's Tiruvorriyûr episode may have reached his ears. Chéraman may therefore have lived in the first quarter of the ninth century.
Thus, all the available data tend towards the ascription of Chêramån-Peruma! Nayanar to the beginning of the ninth century A.D., and the temptation now offers itself to consider whether this royal saint of the Tamil hagiology can be the same as the Kerala king Rajasekhara of the Talamana-illam copper-plate record. In partial support of that possible identification, these points may be noted.
20 பரிபுரக் கம்பலை யிருசெவியுண்ணும் குடக்கோச்சோன் கிடைத்திது காண்கென
மதிமலி புரிசைத் திருமுகங்கூறி, யன்புருத்தறிந்த வின் பிசைப் பாணன்
பெறநிதி கொடுக்கென, வுறவிடுத்தருளிய மாதவர் வழுத்துக் கூடற்கிறைவன்.--Kalla. dam, v. 11, 1l. 25-30.
21 Sendamil, vol. XV pp. 107–14.
39 ani #rout #uumi ada, ya sof all your eyes gore. Kapilar. agaval, 11. 119-20. But this Kapilar had nothing in common with the Last Academy, this poem being attributed by some to Viramamuni Beschi.
மதுர மொழியினுமையாள் சிறுவன் மலரடியை முதிரநினையவல் லார்க்கரிதோ முகில்போன் முழங்கி யதிரவருகின்ற யானையும் தேருமதன் பின் வருங்
குதிரையுங் காதங் கிழவியுங் காதக் குலமன்னனே. " न शक्नोमि कर्तुं परद्रोहलेशं कथं प्रीयसे त्वं न जाने गिरीश |
FTTTT PET kargadi ir forandret ; see also ante, XXVI, 109. 35 Trav. Arch. Series, vol. II, p. 10.

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CHERAMAN-PERUMAL-NAYANAR
13
In the Tiruvalla copper-plate record of the beginning of the eleventh century(?), published in vol. II, of the Trav. Arch. Series, the king R&jaśékhara has been mentioned with the biruda of Sennittalai-adigal, which carries with it the additional significance of his devotion to god Siva at Sennittalai, which it may be noted, is a phallic emblem or linga of great age 26
Further, the king begins his Talamana-illam record with the words Namaisivaya' in place of the almost universal Svasti sri': and although this formula has been wet with elsewhere in a few instances, it is nevertheless rare and may be considered to be significant of the special devotion of this king to the god Siva.
The palæography of the plate also points to about the beginning of the ninth century as its age, which was also the period in which Sundaramurti-Nayanar and his friend Chêramân-Perumal are, as noted above, considered to have flourished. It is also not impossible that, though Chêramån-Perumal was a dynastic title meaning the Chêra king,' the king Rajasekhara may have been respectfully known in the Tamil districts exclusively by that title without the addition of his personal name. The later Chera kings Sthâqu-Ravi and Vijayarågadeva were, however, known in the Tamil records as Charaman Kottanu-Ravi and Chéramán Vijarågadêva.
There is again the tradition 37 recorded in the Sankaravijaya that a Kéraļa king called Rajasekhara was a contemporary of the great Sankara, to whom he showed three dramas of his own composition. This incident is found in an amplified form in the Jagadguru-rainamála-stava of Sadasivabrahmendra of the sixteenth century, and its commentator has further supplemented the information by saying that the three dramas and a sattaka, which Rajasekhara showed to Saúkara, were Balaramdyana, Viddhasdlabhanjika, Prachandapandava and Karparamanjari. As these works are known to be the works of a northern poet called Rajasekhara, who lived in the court of Mahendrapala in the first half of the tenth century, and who could not have been Sankara's contemporary, it may be surmised that the anthor of the stava was perhaps misled by the similarity of names to identify a Kerala king Rajasekhara with the northern poet of a century later. This leaves the Sarkaravijaya statement that the Kerala king was the author of three dramas still unexplained, and it is not known if Madhaváchârya was not himself misled by the identity in the names of the two different individuals, king and author.
Mr. S. Paramesvara Ayyar, M.A., B.L., M.R.A.S., of Trivandrum inla learned article in a Malayalam Journal28, has attempted to solve the difficulty by supposing that Rajasekhara may have been a title of the Chêra king Kulasekharavarman, the accredited author of the two dramas, the Tapatisamvaranam and the Subhadradhananjayam, and of a hypothetical third called the Vichchhinnábhishekam. Against this, it may be said that the name of the Kéraļa king of the Tiruvalla copper-plate cannot have been a title like Rajakesarivarman or Maravarman of the Tamil records, because of the specific mention of him 9.8 RAjarája-Paramêsvara-Bhattaraka Rajasekharadeva, the first three words being his kingly titles and the last his personal name. The word Namassivdya prefacing his record is also against his being identified with Kulasekhara, the author of the Mukundamála and the Tirumoli, which are saturated with a deep and almost exclusive devotion for Vishnu, to whom have also been attributed the abovementioned two published dramas and the hypothe. tical third.
26 Elements of Hindu Iconography, vol. II, p. 69 30 The Bhashapdalini for 1917.
51
TrapArch. Series, vol. II, p. 10.

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In this connection, it may be stated that Chéram&g-Perumal haselsewhere29 been indentis fied with Bana-PerumA), the fourth viceroy of the Perumal line (A.D. 300) according to the Kera!lppatti, on the strength of a supposed reference to him in the eighth verse of the Tirunodittomalai-padigam of Sundaramürti
வாமலிவாணன் வந்து வழிதந்தெனக் கேறுவதோர்
சிரமலியானை தந்தானொடித்தான் மலையுத்தமனே-v. 8, which has been interpreted to express the grateful recognition on the part of Sundara of the gift of an elephant made to him by the Chêra king. According to tradition, this padigam was sung by Sundara on the eve of his departure to Kailasa on the celestial white elephant that had been sent to fetch him; and even if this mythological setting is ignored, there is unmistakable evidence throughout all the verses of the poem, in each individual stanza of which the gift of an elephant is dutifully acknowledged, to indicate that Sundara refers to the god Siva himself as the donor and not to any mortal, king and friend though he may be. The expressions of humility and devotion used in the verses can more fitly be considered to have been addressed to the god rather than be applied to the Chêra king, who stood in the relation of a disciple to Sundara. These instances are the following:
காயினேனைப் பொருட்படுத்துவான், ஊனுயிர் வேறுசெய்தான்-v. 1, தொண்டனெனை, யந்தரமால் விசும்பிலழகானை யருள்புரிந்த-v. 3. வான நன்னாடர் முன்னே, துஞ்சுதன் மாற்றுவித்துத் தொண்டனேன் பரமல்லதொரு,
வெஞ்சின வானை தந்தான்-v. 6. இந்திரன் மால்பிரமன் னெழிலார் மிகுதேவரெல்லாம் வந்தெதிர்கொள்ள வென்னை
மத்தயானை யருள்புரிந்து-.V. 9. Vanan, though it may be an alternative form of Banan, is also a contraction of the word vdinay signifying 'one who dwells,' and varamali-vanan which has been taken as the ‘ Bana (-perumal) of great gifts' may equally appropriately refer to god, "the bestower of bounteous gifts. It is no doubt true that Chêra kings were proverbially lavish in their munificence and that many poems in the Purandnúru and the Padirruppattu have extolled their gifts of elephants to poets and other suppliants; but the padigam under reference does not appear to immortalise a mere mortal's gift.
The incidents which Sundara is supposed to have recorded in these verses have given rise to the mythical story that he ascended to heaven with his mortal body and that he directed god Varapa, whom he has addressed as ' ஆழிகடலரையாவஞ்சைய ப்பர்க்க றிவிப் us' in the last line of the poem to publish this padigam to the terrestrial world. From the reference made to god Anjaikkalattappar in this last line of the last verse, and from the description of Noạittanmalai in verse 7 that the god of that hill was worshipped by the lord of the ses with his flower-like waves
' அலைகடலா லரையனலர் கொண்டுமுன் வந்திறைஞ்சும் உலையணையாதவண்ண நொடித்தான் மலையுத்தமனே'-V. I•
30 Against this identification of this gaiva saint with BAnapperumal of the fourth century A.D., it may be stated that the reference to Tiruvalluvar in the Tirukkaildyajana uld as pandaiyor seems to point to the conolusion that its author may have flourished many centuries after the ancient poot of the Grat.contury AD. (s) 'சண்டு கேட்டுண்டுயிர்த்துற் றறியுமைம்புலனு
மொண்டொடி கண்ணே யுளவென்று-பண்டையோர் கட்டுரையை. (6) இல்லாரை யெல்லாரு மெள்குவார் செல்வரைட,
யெல்லாருஞ் செய்வர் சிறப்பென்னுஞ் சொல்லாலே.

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one is tempted to locate Noḍittanmalai (the hill of Hara) in the vicinity of Añjaikkalam and not equate it with the Kailasa hill in the midst of the Himalayas.
CHERAMAN-PERUMAL-NAYANAR
15
La
шür' appears to have a possible reference to the geographical location of Tiruvañjaikkalam on the sea-shore and this is just the description that Sundaramûrti has indulged in in each verse of the poem pertaining to that place.30 Kailasanatha's temples are very common in many places and the hill Noittânmalai wherever it was, must have borne on its summit one such shrine dedicated to Śiva; and it is not unlikely that Sundara, who may have gone up to worship that god, was followed soon after by his royal host and that they both composed respectively on this occasion the songs Tirunoḍittanmalai-padigam and Tirukkailayajñana-uld. Some mysterious causes, not definitely ascertainable now, may have led to their sudden disappearance from the land of the living and their accredited piety may have then attracted to their glorification the supernatural episode of a celestial ascent to Mount Kailasa with their mortal bodies.
The introductory portion of the Tirukkailayajñana-ula of Chêramân is also worth noting in this connection, in regard to the description it gives of the god Siva, who was seated in the Tirukkôyil (ériköyil-temple ?) at Sivapuram.31 The large number of ågamic terms that have been employed in the detailed enumeration of the ornaments with which Siva was decked seems to suggest that the royal poet had before him a sculptural representation of Siva, which he naturally identified with the higher divinity of the Silver Mount. The terms that have been used are the following: chúlámani, paṭṭam, makarakundalam, kaṇḍigai, channaviram, kéyûram, udarabandham, katisútram, kankanam, váchikai, kinkini, mekhald, haram and jatamakuṭam among ornaments and jhallari, bhéri, karatålam, maddalam and dundubhi among musical instruments.
It can thus be tentatively assumed that the Chera king Chêramân-Perumâl, who was the contemporary of Sundaramurti-Nayanar, was in all probability king Rajasekhara of the Talamana-illam copper-plate and that he flourished in the first quarter of the ninth century A.D.
80 சந்தித்தடமால்வரை போற்றிரைகட்ணியாதிட றுங்கடலங்கரைமே லந்தித்தலைசெக்கர் வானேயொத்தியா வணியார் பொழிலஞ்சைக்களத்தப்பனே - V. 3. மழைக்கு நிகரொப்பனவன்றிரைகள்வலித்தெற்றி முழங்கிவலம்புரிகொண்
டழைக்குங் கடலங்கரைமேன் மகோதையணியார் பொழிலஞ்சைக்களத்தப்பனே V.4.
It may also be noted that Loverшr' is the name of a class of people living on the sea-coast.
31 It is not imposible that Sivapuram is identical with Tiruchchivappêrur (Trichur), whose god Vadakkunnathan, (Vadakkunnu-nathan, the Lord of the northern Mount-Kailasa) is, in tradition, supposed to be the god Siva of Kailasa itself, who was requested by Parasurama to manifest Himself in this temple: but Trichur is not on the sea-shore,

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THE COUSIN IN VEDIC RITUAL.
By A. M. HOCART. In various papers I have collected information which shows that the maternal relations, but more especially the sister's son, eat the sacrifice as representatives of the gods or ancestral spirits; that among certain people they are beaten for doing so, and that this beating is part of a sporting or ceremonial enmity between them and the paternal rela. tions.1 Mr. Perry in his children of the Sun has collected numerous instances of the hostility between intermarrying groups, though he has not sufficiently brought out the friendly character of this hostility. Those sources must serve as introduction to the present paper, in which I take for granted the ceremonial hostility of cross cousins, that is a man and his mother's brother's son or father's sister's daughter.
The Vedic sacrifice, and indeed for that matter the Mediæval Indian sacrifice, was conceived as a victory over the evil powers opposed to the sacrificer. This conception is often expressed in the formula på pmânam tad dviçantam bhratreyam hatva, 3 which Eggeling translates, “Slaying his wicked spiteful enemy." The word 'enemy' stands for bhratroya, & word of somewhat doubtful meaning, but which anyhow is derived from bhráty, brother. Professors MacDonell and Keith discuss the word in their Vedic Index thus : " Bhratsvya is found in one passage of the Atharvaveda, where, being named (V. 22.12), with brother and sister, it must be an expression of relationship. The sense appears to be ' (father's) brother's son, cousin,' this meaning alone accounting for the sense of rival, 'enemy' found elsewhere, in the Atharvaveda, and repeatedly in the other Samhitâs and Brahmanas. In an undivided family the relations of cousins would easily develop into rivalry and enmity. The original meaning may, however, have been nephew, as the simple etymological sense would be brother's son'; but this seems not to apoount for the later meaning so well. The Kathaka Samhita prescribes the telling of a falsehood to a BhrAtsvya, who, further is often given the epithets 'hating' (dvişan) and 'evil' (apriya, papman) in the later Samhitas and the Brahmaņas. The Atharvaveda also contains various spells, which aim at destroying or expelling one's rivals'."
I do not agree with the learned authors that the meaning 'father's brother's son ' alone accounts for the sense of enemy. After considerable experience of undivided families I cannot see the transition. On the other hand we have abundant evidence from South Africa to North America that enmity is prescribed between a man and his mother's brother's son. I have therefore asked Professor MacDonell if there is any evidence for the father as against the mother, and he replies, “I do not think there is any evidence that it means father's brother's son, nor on the other hand that it is mother's brother's son. It would certainly be interesting, if it could be proved. But I doubt if it ever could."
I am not so certain that it never could : by direct evidence, doubtless, it is impossible ; but there is such a thing as circumstantial evidence, which is often better than the direct.
Firstly, & presumption would be created in favour of the mother, if it could be proved that the Vedic kinship system was classificatory. Morgan in his Systems of Consanguinity assumed it to be individual like ours; but of late grave doubts have arisen in my mind as to whether the parent Indo-European system was not classificatory. Now in a classificatory system the father's brother's son would be a brother, so that a different word would not be used, except in a transition stage to an individual system. But a mother's brother's son would be distinguished from a brother.
The Uterine Nephew,' Man, 1923, No. 4. The Maternal Relations in Indian Ritual,' Man, 1924, No. 76 Buddha and Devadatta, Indian Antiquiary, 1923, p. 267. ; E., Satapatha, VI, 3. 4. 7 f.
3 Ibid., XII, 7. 3. 4.

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Secondly, there is the comparative method. It is a well known fact that customs may survive in out of the way places for thousands of years after they have disappeared in their country of origin. Egyptologists have given us instances of such persistence which would have been thought incredible a few decades ago. We may, therefore, have good hopes of finding the Vedio theory of sacrifice surviving in the backwaters of India, Indo-China, and Indonesia, and I appeal to all students of those regions to take down carefully verbatim descriptions of sacrifices, to note the kinship system, and to note the functions of the various relations in all ceremonies, whether they are obviously religious or apparently secular.
We come very near the evidence required in Fiji and in South Africa, where the man who is sister's son and cross cousin to the tribe seizes the offering and is beaten by the cross cousins. Among the Thonga we are told distinctly that he does so as representative of the gods. It must however be remembered that both among the Fijians and the Thonga the distinction between gods, demons, manos, ghosts, has disappeared or almost so, and all of them are commonly spoken of under the same generio term.4
Let us see who appears as bhratrvya in Vedic ritual : there is Vrtra6 and there is Namuci, both demons. But we must first of all get it firmly implanted in our minds that the word 'demon 'is a purely conventional and somewhat misleading translation of asura; demon to us means a wicked being, but an asura is nothing of that kind; he is a rival of the gods, but he can be very good, and even a saint, 88 for instance Bali in the myth of Vishnu's Three Steps. True, Vetra is spoken of as wicked,''sinful,' but on the other hand he is identified with Soma, the plant which yields the sacred beverage of Vedic sacrifices, and Soma is such a kind god that he has given rise to an adjective saumya, ' agreeable, pleasant, auspicious.' Indeed, it appears to be a sin to slay Soma, as they do when they crush him in order to prepare the sacrificial draught; therefore they crush him with stones to restore his body and bring him to life. Soma is also the moon, and therefore Vstra is the moon; and the moon is not evil, in fact many families in India boast of their descent from the moon. Namuci seems to be but a variant of Vftra : he too is Soma, and is thus a mixture of good and evil.9
It is obvious that the hostility between the sacrificer and the demons cannot be a real one, one infused with hatred. No doubt texts will be quoted in which expressions of hate or contempt occur, but it does not follow that they are real. In Fiji one tribe goes out of its way in the midst of a kava formula, (which corresponds to the Indian Soma chant ?), to call their cross cousing10 fools; yet the relations between the two tribes are most friendly, boisterously friendly, and if they meet they will make a point of insulting one another, "You cad, you body fit to be cooked," and so on without the least bit of ill feeling. They will cheat one another, just as the Kathaka Samhita prescribes should be done to a bhrdtyvya, and think it a great joke which binds them all the closer together.
But if bhrátyvya is a cross cousin, how do demons come to be called cross cousins ?
Over and over again the Satapatha Brahmana informs us that the sacrificer is the god Indra ;11 if the sacrificer can impersonate the sun god, why should not his cousin represent the Moon god? Whether the cross-cousin was actually present or not, the following
. On the meaning of the Fijian word. Kalou,' Journ. Roy. Anthro. Inst., 1912, p. 437. 5 Satapatha Brahmana, I, 2. 4. 3.
Ibid., III, 4. 3. 13. 1 Ibid., III, 9:4. 2.
8 Ibid., I, 6. 4. 12f. Toid., XII, 7, 3. C. I, 6. 3. 17.
20. tapod. 11 Ibid., II, 3. 3. 10; III, 4, 3, 16 d passim.

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passage of the Satapathal' makes my suggestion possible, if not probable : "The house. hold altar has the sacrificer as its deity; but the Southern altar has the bhrarty ya as deity." If the deity of one is an actual person impersonating a god, it would seem by analogy that the deity of the other is also an actual person impersonating a god.
I said at the beginning that in later India the maternal relations eat the sacrifice as representatives of the manes, or ancestral spirits. I know no definite evidence that the bhratīvya eats the sacrifice, yet the opening sentence of the Namuci legend rather suggests it : "Namuoi, the demon (asura), stole Indra's vigour, the essence of his food, the enjoyment of his soma along with his liquor."18 The sequel shows that he did so by drinking the soma, for when Namuci's head is cut off, the soma is mixed with blood, Bat why should the cross cousin eat the sacrifice ! I cannot tell as yet, but I think we have a clue in the following passage of the Satapatha : "When about to strike Soma he thinks of the one whose rival he is, I strike So and So, not thee. Now whoever kills a human Brahman here is despised; how much more he who kille Him; for Soma is 8 god...... Or if he has no rival, let him think of a straw; thus no guilt is incurred."14 I suggest that he eats it or part of it to take upon himself the evil (pdpman) that is inherent in it, thus leaving it free from evil for the sacrifice. In other words he acts as soape goat, as bearer of ills, and as such is reviled, despised, but only for make-believe, not with any feeling; in Fiji and South Africa he is, like & scape goat, driven away.16
Finally, the asura appear as bhratyvya. Now the asura, as I have said are not really demons, but simply a class of gods who are constantly contending ceremonially with the other class of gods called deva. Now both deva and asura are descended from Prajapati : if it could be established that they are the male and the female line, then it would be pretty well proved that bhratyvya means mother's brother's son. Unfortunately, the Ramdyana16 is said by Hopking17 to represent them as the elder brothers of the deva. However, the Ram dyana is not first class evidence on this point. It was written centuries after the Vedio period, at a time when the cross-cousin system had disappeared from Northern India ; so the author would no more appreciate the difference between a father's brother's son and a mother's brother's son, between a bhrat, and a bhralyvya, than a Sanskrit scholar unacquainted with the comparative history of kinship.
The reader may have noticed in the course of this discussion some striking analogies with Christian ritual. Is the cross-cousin the forerunner of "the Lamb of God who taketh away the sins of the world ? "
13 S.B., 11, 8.2.. 13 Ibid., XII, 7. 3.
14 Ibid., III, 9. 4. 17. 18 My first toggostio wethas the stortno nephew was driven away boonuse the ghoste went with him, and people were afraid of the ghost I think the prodont theory is more satisfactory. 16 286. 16.
11 Epic Mythology, p. 47.

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BOOK-NOTICES
BOOK-NOTICES. ANNUAL REPORT OF THE MYSORE ABOHXOLOGICAL accompanied Bhadra bahu to Sravana Belgola wa
DEPARTMENT for 1923; Government Press, not the great Mauryen emperor, but Chandragupta Bangalore. 1924.
II who, according to Dr. Shamasastry's calculations, This is an interesting report, containing a record i was alive in A.D. 282. In the light of our present of much good work in the exploration of ancient knowledge, one hesitate to coept these novel temples and other monuments. A curious side theories. At the same time there is much of interest light on old trade customs is furnished by the in the details of Dr. Shamasastry's argument, which Basava temple in Turuvőkere town. In front of it might well be published as a separate pamphlet. stands an old stone framework, known as Chintalu
S. M. EDWARDES. kumbha and consisting of two pillars fixed side by side and a coss-beam furnished with iron rings. SUTTANIPATA. By P. V. BAPAT, M.A., 1924. Turuvőkere, it appears, was once & great centre of
It is a welcome sign of the times that Indian the cotton trade, and all the cotton which left it
scholars, following in the foot-steps of their Eurowas weighed in front of the temple and stamped, the
pean confreres, are taking seriously to the study weight thus determined being accepted as accurate in other markets. A full description, with plates,
of Pali as one of the Indian literatures, and the is also given of a beautiful Vishnu temple at Belvadi,
study of its language and its literature is gaining in dating from A.D. 1300. During the year the popularity. The study of this language and lite archaeological department acquired fifty-three new rature has so far remained practically a European manuscripts, dealing with the Vedas and Upanishads, study, and has received but little attention among with philosophy, grammar and logic, and one Indian scholars and oducationists. In this departhundred and thirty new epigraphical records. Of
ment as in other fields of oriental research it was each of the latter the report gives an English
but right that European scholarship should set the transliteration and a useful note on their con
example, but the only point of regret about this tents and significance. Many of these inscriptions
particular department of Indian studies is that record the death of individuals when assisting to ropel cattle-raids, among the earliest of them being
Indian scholarship did not make any effort to follow one from the Simoga district, assigned to the middle
the good example. A variety of reasons may be of the seventh century A.D., which describos how
offered in explanation, and among them, one of & military commander was killed in a fight with a
the minor ones, if not a really serious one, has been tribe of Bedars forming the army of Mahendra, popular editions of these works with sufficient aid who opposed SilAditya's claim to sovereignty over for mastering the technique of the language and Simoga. Dr. Shamasastry is inclined on palmo.
literature. An attempt is being made in the last graphic grounds to identify Siladitya with Har
few years to remove this drawback, and this Déveshavardhans Siladitya of Kanguj and Mahendra nagari edition of the Suttanipdta is one of these with the first or second Mahendravarma of the early efforts. Pallava dynasty.
The Suttanipåta does not need any introduction An attempt has boon made in the Report to fix to the readers of the Indian Antiquary, as it has definitely the date of the early Guptas, who are been published by the Pali Text Society and an understood to have been contemporaries of the excellent translation of it is available in the Sacred Kadambas, by examining the traditional, astrono. Books of the East by Fausböll. The edition being mical and synchronistic evidence bearing on the in Roman letters, Indian students do not find it chronology of the Brihadbanas, Kadambas, and easy or happy for reading, and the Indian Pandit is Ganga. Dr. Shamasastry rojects Fleet's conclu-
absolutely unable to do so. absolutely unable to
The presentation of sions as to the date of Mahavira's death and the
this in Devanagari would make it owy for those two chronology of the early Guptas, and in the course classes, and, oven the Indian scholar would find of his remarks, which are sufficiently interesting
his work quicker with a Devanagari edition. Prof. to merit separate publication, expresses his belief Bapat has provided a good edition of the text and that Kallai was a historical figure, who lived from has provided the text with an illuminating Introduce A.D. 402 to 472 and commenced a new era in A.D. tion, which gives an idea of the important position 428. His conclusions, which are embodied in a
onclusions, which are embodied in a that Suttanipdua occupies in the Buddhist canon. comparative chronological table, are not likely Wo welcome the edition and the effort that it perhaps to command immediate acceptance; for, makes to bring the Pali text within the reach of in order to make them fit in with accepted facte Indian scholars. We hope the effort will have and probabilities, he is obliged to postulate the sufficiently encouraging reception to cau Prof. existence of two Mihirakulas and two Toramanae, Bapat himself, and other scholars like him, to go for which there is no historical warranty whatever, abead with this good work. He also has to assume that the Chandragupta who
8. K. AITAGAR

Page #26

20
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY
[JANUARY, 1925
INDIAN MEDICINE.I. AN INTERPRETATION OF Medicine were indebted to the Hindu systems." ANCIENT HINDU MEDICINE. By CHANDRA This conclusion ho proceeds to prove to his own CHAKELABERTY. Calcutta 1923; 2. A COM satisfaction after & method that is now fashionable PARATIVE HINDU MATERIA MEDICA. By among certain Indian literati. Leaving this conCHANDRA CHAKRABERTY, Calcutta, 1923.
troversial point there, he has "tried to interpret Two more books on Indian Medicino written in and explain the Ancient Hindu Medicine principally New York and published in Calcutta in the same based upon Charaka and Suśruta in modern medical year by that indefatigable writer on this subject, terminology." He gives also a transliteration table, Mr. Chandra Chakraberty. The second of these with which one cannot find serious fault, and adda works seems to have arisen out oi the first. It is that he regrets he had not time to add an index, in fact a dictionary of Materia Medica, arranged the absence of which naturally greatly reduces according to Sanskrit terminology in the order the value of this book. of the Devanagari alphabet. It has the inevi. "Modern medical terminology" is employed in table Indian defects of ntisprints, and no index, & the book with a vengeance, so much so that the general 'happy-go-luckiness,' and no references to correct rendering of the ancient Indian terms the sources of information. Two additional notes could only be seriously checked by a competent appear at the end, of course out of order. But physician with a competent knowledge of Sanskrit. that does not matter much; what does matter is, There is in fact always much danger in translating that they are introduced without any warning to ancient technical works in the modern terms of the reader, who will doubtless consequently miss another language. them. Subjcct to those remarks, the book is no The book has been carefully compiled, though doubt of use to medical practitioners in India there are signs of haste and insufficient enquiry.
One rernark in the author's preface I can heartily E.g., "oven one can suffer fatal injury, especially endorso: "a drug in its native fresh state is much to the nervons system, by the rapid vibration of more efficacious than when it has undergone chemi- air, as near tho passago of a high-speed projectile, cal changes." I have long thought that there is of which there have been numerous victims in the something not altogether right about concentrated recent war, and it is known as 'shell-shocks' drugs, and have wondered why medical men, who (p. 119)." This statement will at any rato mislead also strongly object to concentrated foods, should any Indian medical man who accepts it. In another lay 80 much stress on concentrated medicines. place it is stated that electricity was fully under
The first book is much more ambitious. The stood in the ancient days : a statement that is at author writes in his 'Foreword 'that he started to least doubtful. writo a comparative study of Hindu and Greek Deepite its defects the book will no doubt be of Medicine, but gave it up, as he was " forced to the great interest to those who can master and underconclusion that the Ancient Greek Schools of stand its terrible technicalities. R. C. TEMPLE.
NOTES AND QUERIES. NOTES FROM OLD FACTORY RECORDS.
49. Catholic Disabilities. 48. The first known instance of a Hospital 12 May 1705. Consultation at Fort St. George. Matron in India 1706.
There boing Never an Ensign now in the Garrison 5 November 1706. Consultation at Bombay the Governor propose[2] Serjeant Dixon and Ser. Castle. Resolved and Unanimously agreed that joant Hugonin for Ensigns, one in each company. Serjeant Parkors wife shall upon her declareing The Objections against Dixon is from an Obsolete her willingness to accept (and) Carefully live in order of the Old Companie that no Roman the Hospital and diett all such Persons as are Catholick should Bear Command in the Garrison, apointed in thither to be cured of their Soverall
but in Regard that they have since employd Indispositions, to have the accustomed allowance
Commanders and Supra Cargoe[s] to India that with a Cook and Cooloys monthly paid for that
have been profeced Romans catholicks, we hope Purpose, and Wood and Oyle, with what other
it May Warrant us Making this Person an officer, necessarya has bin heretofore or ought to be for
ho being likewise one of the Best souldiers we preserving the health of our Countreymon, and
have in the Garrison, and tis Not Unlikely but if said Womans husband, Serjeant Parker (who
his preferment may make him return again to the bas) the Character of a Sott shall leave said Beastly
Protestant Religeon. Tis therefore agreed that vice and become Sober, the shall] want no En
the two affore Said Persons be made Ensigns and couragement suitable to his Reformation, but it
that the secretary drawes out their Commissions continues in said Evill, the Generall is desireri
accordingly.-Madras Public Proceedings, vol. 83 immediately to broak him, and at no time hereafter
p. 103 to have any Command.-Bombay Public Consult. ations, vol 2. R. C. TEMPLE.
R.C. TEMPLE.

Page #27

EBRUARY, 1926 ] NEMARKS ON THE ANDAMAN ISLANDERS AND THEIR COUNTRY
21
REMARKS ON THE ANDAMAN ISLANDERS AND THEIR COUNTRY.
By Str RICHARD C. TEMPLE, BT., C.B., C.I.E., F.R.A. Chief Commissioner. Andaman and Nicobar Islands, from A.D. 1894 to 1903. (Continued from Vol. LII, page 224.) .
III. Brown's Andaman Islanders : System of writing the Language. I now turn to Mr. Brown's observations on the languages and their transcription. In Appendix B (pp. 495-7) he gives an account of his" spelling of Andamanese words," and he oummarises his oxplanation by a stateincnt more suo :" in writing the words of the Andaman languages I have used a slightly modified forn of the Anthropos' Alpbabet of Father Schrnidt, which I consider to be by far the most scientific alphabet for writing down the languages of primitive peoples." I propose to examine this reason for throwing over the method propounded by the late A.J. Ellis and adopted by Mr. E. H. Man, myself and others for half a century. Mr. Brown gives first the consonants printed thus
k. 8 y
pb wm It will be perceived that we have here three that are diacritically marked & J á and not used in the Roman script at all; also an invented . though it is used by other phonologists It is explained thus : "the letter 7 is used for the nasalised guttural stop (ng in English) which should always be written with one letter, since it is a single consonant, quite distinct from the double consonant ng of 'ungodly.'” There are, however, three ways of pro. nouncing ng in English as in 'singer,' finger ' and 'ungodly.' These on Mr. Brown's system would be written siner, finger and ungodly. The ng in the last is not a double consonant, hnt two separate collocated consonants. In native Indian scripts double consonants (i.e., two collocated consonants, the inherent vocal of the first of which is stopped) are written by a ligature, whereas two collocated consonants are each written out in full. The almost universal guttural nasal, written by a separate character in native Indian scripts, is so common in Far Eastern Languages that its existence has has to be faced in official scripts. The Malay States Government writes it ng, and where g follows it the official English script writes ngg. Mr. Brown would write it Dg. Would he, however, become more intelligible to the English reader in a general book such as this? Is it really toore' scientific, 'except for phonologists ?
We next coine to the inore difficult subject of palatals and dentals. Here Mr. Brown writes :"the letter ástands for a palatalised n, something like the sound in French 'agneau."" But why use á for this palatalised n, when i is not only available in many European languages, but has been long established and actually adopted for this very purpose by the French Geovraphical Society? Why also print it, as Mr. Brown does, in a line by itself, as if it did not belong to o and y? The palatal n exists in English, though it is not specially sparked in the script, in such words as nule, numeral, etc.
Then Mr. Brown writes: "The 7 and 3, which, in the Anthropog' Alphabet represent the sounds in English church,' and judge', respectively, should I think really be written tand d'. The t' is a palatalised t, as heard in 'Tuesday,' whereas the is fricative, often regarded as a compound of t and sh. It is not always easy to distinguish t' froin and d' from j, but I believe the Andamanese sounds are really t' and d' and this is to some extent confirmed by the fact that they have no 8, 2, sh or zh in their languages. I have used the and because former writers had written these sounds, ch and j, and it seemed worth while to make some sacrifice of scientific exactness in order to avoid too great a divergence in spelling

Page #28

THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY
[ FEBRUARY, 1925
from previous workers in the same field.” Some of the above paragraphs I do not understand and it seems to me that the argument is a result of mixing up two classes of palatals.
The palatals are the most difficult of the consonants to deal with. They are the inost indefinite of the consonantal sounds, because they depend on the mode of speech : whether one uses the flat of the tongue or its tip or its tip curled over in speaking. E.g., the Englishman's tendency is to use the tip, the American's to use the flat, retaining thus the old English tendency. The result is that the two countries do not produce the same sounds for the same consonants, and what is more readily noticeable the same sounds for the same vowels. This is to say that the classes of surds that in " English "are written ch and t, with their respective sonants, are not pronounced in the same way in England and in America, nor are the vowels that accompany them. The consonants written r and I are also equally affected and are not pronounced in the same way in the dialects of the two countries.
Then there are the “fricatives " represented in English by the surds 8, sh and th and their sonants, which are so close to the palatals that they are in many tongues hardly distinguishable and in some not at all. E.g., A Tamil speaking English' will say 'sea-chick' as alternative to sea-sick ', a habit clearly visible in Tamil versions of the Sanskrit 'script. The Eastern European has always a difficulty here, as shown by their scripts and their methods of writing their languages in Latin' characters, and so have the speakers of the Dravidian languages of India. English has none.
Lastly there are the dentals, varying greatly according to the use of the palate or the teeth combined with the flat, tip or turn over of the tongue in pronunciation. So that one gets a 'hard' (turned back tongue) and soft' (flat of tongue) palatal t and d, as in Sanskrit, or a hard '(tip of tongue) and 'soft' (flat of tongue) palato-dental t and d, as in English. Combined with a purely liquid consonant, y, the soft palatal and palato. dental t and a tend to become pure palatals of the ch and j class. E.g., in English "picture, grandeur, 'honest Injun.'” In some languages, e.g., those derived from the Indian Prakrits, the hard palatal sonant (1) spoken with turned back tongue is so little distinguishable in pronunciation from a hárd palatal r that they are often written in vernacular scripts as alternatives for each other.
Three observations stand out as the result of such considerations :
(1) The two classes of palatals recorded in various recognised scripts in various forios represented in English by ch and j and by t and d are often so close that the boundaries between them are indefinable.
2) It is not practicable, except perhaps for purely phonetical purposes, to try and o inore than generally indicate them on paper.
(3) Every language so varies from its sisters in methods of pronunciation--even every speaker of it from his neighbours (the very formation of the roof of a mouth, of its teeth, and of its tongue, is enough to make a difference in the sounds individuals uttor)--that it is not practicable, to achieve more, for any but specialised readers, than a general indication in any one language of the words of another.
It is, therefore, not necessary to go beyond one's script or language to show another reader of it, except in a few instances, how a particular people talks. One cogent reason is that unless that reader has special knowledge of the reference to another langnage it is useless to refer him to it. It is useless to tell an English reader, not educated ad hoc, that a is pronounced as in German and final n or m as in French, unless be is familiar with those languages--even assuming that the sounds of those letters are constant in them.
The following remarks make clear how dangerous it is to make this kind of comparison. In Alphabets of Foreign Languages transcribed into English (R.G.S. Technical Series : No. 2, 1921), Lord Edward Gleichen and Mr. J. H. Reynolds show that the nasals of French are written in many different ways in French script (p. 30), thus -

Page #29

FEBRUARY, 1925] REMARKS ON THE ANDAMAN ISLANDERS AND THEIR COUNTRY 23
(1) nasalised a as in father: am, an, æn, em, en, aon.
(2) nasalised a as in hat: aim, ain, en, eim, ein, im, in, yn.
(3) nasalised o as in ought: om, on.
(4) nasalised neutral vowel as in hut: um, un, ein.
To return to Mr. Brown's remarks on the palatals. At the end of the remarks quoted above he practically charges his predecessors with being unscientific. But is he now himself scientific? By considering that & and 3 (the old ch and j) should "really be written and d he is confusing two distinct sets of consonantal sounds that used to be called palatals and palato-dentals; viz., ch and j, and t and d. This judgment is confirmed by his explanation.
The palatals and the palato-dentals both soft and hard have for ages been recognised by native writers of the Indian languages, and the Devanagari script for Sanskrit and the Prakrits and practically all their numerous offspring have series of letters to represent what have long been transliterated by English writers by ch (latterly and not unwisely by c), j, ; t, d, n; t, d, . The Devanagari t, d, n are obviously Mr. Brown's t', d', n', though he has clearly uses n' for the Devanagari ñ. No native of India would have made such a mistake, nor would an Indian ever mix up ch, j with any kind of t and d. I cannot, therefore, admit "the scientific accuracy" of using n' for # to represent agneau or nude.
Considering again & and 3 borrowed from Pater Schmidt's Anthropos Alphabet, is there any real necessity for such a borrowing by an Englishman writing a book in English about the people of a British possession? I do not see Mr. Brown's point, though I can understand a European continental scholar, like Pater Schmidt, cutting, by new letters such as 8 and 3, the Gordian knot offered by the continental attempts to represent the sounds written, ch and j in English, when the unfortunate investigator is faced with a jumble as the following in Continental scripts :
The R. G. S. Systern II shows that in many of the Romance Languages (French, Portu. guese, Spanish, Italian) the pronunciation of written palatals, fricatives and the like is approximately thus in English transcription.
Letter
с
9
cc
ch
Pronunciation.
ch, k, s, th
g
រ
8
ch, kk
k, sh
j, g
h, hy, i, kh,1 zha
Letter
с
ch
chs
dj
j
j
y
1 Gaelic, Irish, German ch.
Pronunciation.
SC
sch
tch
X
Ꮓ
The
There is some confussion here between consonants, just as there is in English itself. In the Teutonic Languages, of which English is one, the confusion is somewhat greater. main Teutonic Languages are German, Dutch, Danish, Norwegian, Swedish and Icelandic, and then we get pronunciations as follows:
Romance Languages.
Letter
8
s, k, ts
k, kh, gh
X
Teutonic Languages.
Letter
sch
sj
sk
Pronunciation.
s, z, sh, th, zha
sh
sh, sk, s
sh, sk
ch
sh, x, z, s
dz, th, ts, z, zh
Pronunciation.
8, sh, skh
sh
sh, sk.
sh
tj
tsch ch
2 French j.

Page #30

24
Letter
0,
9
k
kj
8
8, Z
We now begin to see something of the trouble over ch, j and sh that develops so strongly in the Slavonic Languages further Fast. The main Slavonic and Baltic Languages are Russian, Ruthenian (Ukrainian), Serb, Bohemian (Cesky), Polish, Lithuanian, Lettish. In these the confusion of method of writing simple English ch and j is almost astonishing, as will be seen from the table below, for we get letters and pronunciations as follows:
Slavonic Languages.
Letter
I.
6
č
ch
CZ
dj
dz
dž
dž
dź
ģ
ch, k
chy
Pronunciation
ts
ch
ch, ty, t's
ch
ch, kh
ch
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY
dy, d'a
j, dz
j
j
dsh
f
S
ģ
$
sh
a, as the a in man.
a, as the a in French 'pas.'
, as the a in path.'
2
s, ts, z
sh
sh
sch ch
ż
Pronunciation.
rzh4
rzk4
shch shch, sht
ts
ts
8
sh
e, as the vowel in 'say '
e, as the e in error or the a in 'Mary.'
Z
zh4
zh4
j
gj
dy, d
Here we see the confusion of consonant representation which led to the adoption of o, j, etc. and whence that peculiar form came. The fact is a good deal of the Latin script adopted for the Slavonic, Baltic and Eastern European Languages is quite recent and still unsettled, and those who devised it have not well distinguished between the various kinds of palatals. They failed to be scientific, and I cannot see why it should be scientific' to follow them.
4
ž zh, zy, z'a
[ FEBRUARY, 1935
To continue Mr. Brown's lucubrations: "The remaining consonants may be pronounced as in English. I have not distinguished between different varieties of the consonants l, r, t, d, k, and g. Further I have not distinguished between p and p (the labial fricative). Many of the words of the Northern languages that I have written with a p are pronounced with a p sound." Here I would remark that so far as my knowledge goes, and also Mr. Man's, p is not known in the South Andaman. Passing on to the vowels I must quote Mr. Brown in full: "The vowels are
i
e
u o ö £ 2
a & a
"These may be pronounced as follows:
i, intermediate between, the vowels of 'it' and eat."
st, d', ' represent very soft sounds, whence clearly Pater Schmidt's t, d', n' copied by Mr. Brown. The French j.

Page #31

FEBRUARY, 1925] REMARKS ON THE ANDAMAN ISLANDERS AND THEIR COUNTRY
o, as the vowel in 'not' or in 'nought.'
o, as in 'go.'
u, as in 'fool.'
25
ö, nearly as the German ö.
"I have not attempted to distinguish all the different varieties of the vowel sounds that are found in the different dialects. Slightly different but closely related sounds are represented by the same letter."
4
On these statements I have to remark that apparently Mr. Brown has rearranged the system of representing the Andamanese vowels by introducing new ones into the Latin script £, a, a, and o, of which a, 2, and o would certainly be taken when in script for italicised vowels by printers, and are therefore innovations of doubtful value on that account. Next, he does not distinguish between long and short vowels, apparently of set purpose. E.g., he writes "e as the e in 'error' or the a in Mary'": "o as the vowels in 'not' or in ought.' Thus in South Andamanese he would not distinguish the a in alaba, a kind of tree and that in dake, don't: or between the two e's in emej, a kind of tree: or between the i in igbadigre, did-see, and that in pid, hair: or between the four kinds of o in boigoli, European; job, a basket; polike, does-dwell; and the two o's in togo, a shoulder, vrist: or between the two u's in bukura a kind of tree. He ignores altogether the diphthongs in daike, does-understand, chopaua, narrow and chau, body (the uu in the first is short and in the latter long in South Andamanese), and in boigoli, European. Can one accept Mr. Brown as a trustworthy guide to language in view of these remarks ?
The last quotation from him to be given here is: "Although I had acquired some knowledge of phonetics before I went to the Andamans, as a necessary part of the preliminary training of an ethnologist, yet it was not really sufficient to enable me to deal in a thoroughly scientific manner with the problems of Andamanese phonetics, and my further studies of the subject give me reason to believe that my phonetic analysis of the Andaman languages was not as thorough as it might have been." As a matter of fact he has merely succeeded in puzzling students, not in helping them.5
I now propose to give some account of the history of the script adopted for writing Andamanese by " former writers" for whose sake Mr. Brown has been willing" to make some 'sacrifices, of scientific exactness." The first person to attempt to 'write' Andamanese seriously was Mr. E. H. Man, and in this attempt I joined him in 1876, bringing to the task an extensive knowledge of what was then known as the Hunterian System of romanization, and an acquaintance with Tamil, Telugu and Malayalam among Dravidian languages, with Burmese and Talaing among Indo-Chinese languages, with Hindi, Hindustani and Persian of the Indo-Aryan languages, and some Sanskrit. I mention this fact to show that I was then no novice at hearing and recording an Oriental language or even a new unwritten
46
6 Mr. Man writing to me about Mr. Brown's transliteration says: "(Appendix B: pp. 495-6) Mr. Brown's choice of a system for representing the sounds in the Andamanese languages could scarcely be more unfortunate, and even if it were not faulty and defective, it is quite unsuitable for English and American students, whatever it may be for others. He gives e as the sound of a in say, and e as the e in error or as the a in Mary.' Yet he considers it necessary to have a to represent the sound of a in French pas" and a to represent the a in path: but o has to serve for the vowel in not as well as for the sound in nought. No provision is made for many sounds common in Andamanese. And then why represent such a word
as chalanga yb balaa. Shades of Ellis !"
• Sir William Hunter in reality merely modified Sir William Jone's system of 1794.

Page #32

THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY
(FEBRUARY, 1925
tongue, and I had paid special attention to script and pronunciation.' I prevailed on Mr. Man to adopt the Hunterian system for his records, and he accordingly rewrote the very extensive notes he had already recorded. That was the first stage. Later on we both went to England and consulted Mr. A.J. Ellis,--sat at his feet in fact, and on his very experienced advice and under his direct guidance an alphabet for recording Andamanese (and also Nicobarese) was drawn up, which has since become well known. This is the Alphabet Mr. Brown sets aside as unsuitable.
In 1882 Mr. Ellis, on retiring from his second occupancy of the presidential chair of the Philological Society drew up & Report on the Languages of the South Andaman Island.8 In the course thereof he explained the circumstances in which he came to produce it. For the present purpose I extract the following remarks (p. 48) :-"I.... merely endeavoured to complete the alphabet on the lines which Mr. Man had used. These had been laid down, as we have seen by Mr. Temple, and were to some extent Anglo-Indian, especially in the use of a, not only for a in America, but for a, 4, o in the colloquial pronunciation of assumption. A minimum change was thus produced .... The following is the alphabet finally settled by Mr. Man and myself, with examples in Andamanese and Nicobarese. This scheme is found to work well, and will be employed in all Andaman words in this Report. It will be observed that the South Andaman language is rich in vowel sounds, but is totally deficient in hisses f, th, 8, sh and the corresponding buzzes o, dh, z, zh. Of course this alphabet has been constructed solely upon Mr. Man's pronunciation of the languages, and hence the orthography might require modification on a study of the sounds as produced by the natives themselves.
This refers especially to the distinctions ä à, &, au àu, oo, O and the two senses of i, e, according as they occur in closed or open syllables. But as the natives understand Mr. Man readily, his pronunciation cannot be far wrong."
To these remarks Mr. Ellis appended the following foot note (p. 48) "In the following comparative list Mr. Temple's symbols stand first (and with one exception are roman), those here adopted stand second (and all in italics) -
(Temple] [EUiA] [Temple] [Ellis) [Temple] [Edis) a, ā, a ö, o
n ch ch
ng ng, n, ñig â , a
dd
6
ë
du oi
oi
ai ai
au Au
11 0,7 7 Among the linguistic facts, with which I was well acquainted, was the difficulty some Dravidians have in distinguishing between sibilants and palatals and their habit of mixing them up. They are also troubled, like the Germans, in distinguishing between surds and sonante-between $and d, ch and j, . and p and b. Many Indian Aryans also mix up ch And , j ands. So that when I heard the same difficulty in Andamanese speech I was able to deal with it. When some of the Andamanese had begun to learn a little English I tried them with such words as shush, olash, and noted carefully their attempts to say them. In trying to do so they put the flat of the tongue too close to the roof of the month, hesitated, and generally gave it up. They had no diffoulty with the vowels in the words.
& Report of Researches into the Language of the South Andaman Island, arranged by Alexander J. Ellis, F.R.S., F.S.A., twice President of the Philological Society, from the papers of E. H. Man, Esq., Assistant Superintendent of the Andaman and Nicobar Lalands, and Lieut. R. O. Temple of the Bengal Staff Corps, Cantonment Magistrate at Ambala, Punjab. (Reprinted (1914) from the Eleventh Annual Address of the President to the Philological Society, delivered by Mr. Alexander J. Ellis, F.R.8., F.8.A., on his retiring from the chair, 19 May 1882, and contained in the transactions of that Society for 1882-3-4, pp. 44-78. The original pagination is retained.]

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FEBRUARY, 1925 ] REMARKS ON THE ANDAMAN ISLANDERS AND THEIR COUNTRY
27
"In Mr. Temple's writing, short a, e, i, o, u in open syllables were not distinguished from the long sounds, and the portion of stress was rarely marked. I adopted his short a ei ou and made the long of them a e, i, ā, ū. Then adopting his a, o I made them short and long sounds respectively a, ô, and thus got rid of the exclusively English aw." Thus arose the alphabet that until Mr. Brown wrote was the standard for writing Andamanese. With these remarks I now give Mr. Ellis's
Alphabet for writing the South Andaman Language. SIGN. ENGLISH
SOUTH ANDAMAN. (1) Oral Vowels and Diphthongs. .. idea, cut ..
.. ali aba, kind of tree. cur (with untrilled) .. bā, small : yaba, not. Ital. casa
.. ela kd, region. father
da-ke, don't (imperative). fathom
jaraua, name of a tribe. bed
.. imej, name of a tree. chaotic
.. pūédre, burn-did. pair
ë·la, pig-arrow. lid
ig-bd.dig-re, see-did. police
yd-di, turtle ; pid, hair. indolent
bói goli, European. pole
job, basket. pot
.. pòlis-ke, dwell-does. auful
ló go, wrist ; shoulder. influence
.. bukura, name of a tree. pool
.. pūd-re, burn-did. .. bite
dai - ke, understand does. house
chopau'a, narrow. rouse
chau, body. boil
bòi goli, European.
būd, hut. church
chak, ability ; mich alen, why :
"ruch, Ross Island. dip
daga, large gap
gõb, bamboo utensil
he, ho ! aweh, etcetera. judge
.. jā bag, bad; mej, name of a tree.
ká gal-ke, ascend-does..
log, navigable channel. man
... mügu, face. nun
nau-ke, walk-does; To pan, toad. Fr. gagner
rd, more. bring
ngi ji, kinsmen ; erke:dang ke,
in trees, search does. finger
.. ngd, then. pap
.. pid, hair.
rab, necklace of netting; rata,
wooden arrow. torrent
dita, sea-water, not found
not found
bed
hag
king
lap
rest

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t
t'19
W
y
ten
not found
wet yolk
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY
[ FEBRUARY, 1925
ti, blood.
t'i, tear from the eye.
wo lo, adze, balawa, name of a tribe. yaba, a little.
Rules.
"The syllable under stress in any word is shown by placing a turned period () after a long vowel, or the consonant following a short vowel, in every word of more than one syllable.
"As it is not usual to find capitals cast for the accented letters, the capital at the beginning of a word is for uniformity in all cases indicated by prefixing a direct period, as .bal awa.
Notes.
(1) ä accented before a consonant. It is the English a in mat, as distinguished from à, which is the short of d or Italian a in anno.
(2) e accented in closed syllables, as e in bed. In open syllables unaccented as in chaotic or Italian padre, amore.
(3) No vanishing sound of i as in English say.
(4) No vanishing sound of u as in English know.
(5) Mr. Ellis has "German, haus."
(6) the h here is sounded: h is sounded after a vowel by continuing breath through the position of the mouth, while remitting the voice.
(7) When ng is followed by a vowel it must run on to that vowel only, and not be run on to the preceding vowel either as in finger or in singer': thus, bari-nga-da, good, not bering-a-da, be.ring-ga-da or be-rin-ga-da. It is not only when no vowel follows that ng is run on to the preceding vowel.
(8) g is a palatalised ng and bears the same relation to it as a bears to n. To pronounce attempt to say n and y simultaneously; to pronounce ng do the same for ng and y.
(9) this r is soft and gentle, with no sensible ripple of the tongue, as very frequently in English, but not merely vocal.
(10) this is strongly trilled, as r in Scotch or Italian r or Spanish rr.
(11) the Andamanese cannot hiss and hence they substitute ch for 8; thus, Rueh for Rus, the Hindi corruption of Ross [Island].
(12) this t is a post-aspirater t, like the Indian th and quite different from the English th. Hence the Greek spiritus asper is imitated by a turned comma. The sound t' is common in Irish English, and may often be heard in England.
It will be perceived that Mr. Ellis's Alphabet was devised with a complete knowledge of what he was doing, and that it has one great advantage. It marks accent in the simplest way practicable. The importance of doing this is not always appreciated. Many years ago I recollect talking to an educated Madrasi gentleman who knew English quite well, but was at times hazy as to the fall of English accents. We were discussing agricultural matters, when he suddenly puzzled my ear by talking of what I thought were blocks.' Soon, however, I perceived that he meant bullocks', on which word he had misplaced the accent, saying bullocks in place of bullocks. In many languages accent changes the meaning altogether of homomyms: e.g., in English desert and desert.
It is Mr. Ellis's Alphabet that has been the basis on which Mr. Man, Mr. Portman myself and others have worked. I say basis' because, simple as it is, it has been beyond

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FEBRUARY, 1925) REMARKS ON THE ANDAMAN ISLANDERS AND THEIR COUNTRY
29
the power of Indian presses and modifications have had to be made. Still it has been the form in which Andamanese has been reduced to writing for half a century, so that it has become as it were, the Andamanese script. To my mind it requires a much stronger linguist than Mr. Brown to upset it.
The remainder of Mr. Brown's remarks are on the use of hyphens. He says : " in writing Andamanese words I have followed the practice of separating by hyphens the affixes from the stems in each word." Here I agree with him as far as linguistic works are concerned ; for all other purposes Mr. Ellis has pointed out that beringada, good, abjadijo gada, spinster, and so on, are in speech one word and not split up into affix and stem.
Before parting with this phase of my remarks on the Andamanese, I will quote again from Mr. Ellis (pp. 51-52): “the following, written by Mr. Temple in July, 1881, on finally returning the MSS. to Mr. Man, sums up his opinion of the nature of the South and other Andaman languages : The Andaman languages are one group. They are like, that is, connected with no other group. They have no affinities by which we might infer their connection with any other known group. The word-construction (the etymology of the old grammarians) is two-fold ; that is, they have affixes and prefixes to the root, of a grammatical nature. The general principle of word-construction is agglutination pure and simple. In adding their affixes, they follow the principles of the ordinary agglutinative tongues. In adding their prefixes, they follow the well-defined principles of the South African tongues. Hitherto, as far as I know, the two principles in full play have never been found together in any other language. Languages which are found to follow the one have the other in only a rudi. mentary form present in them. In Andamanese both are fully developed, so much so as to interfere with each other's grammatical functions. The collocation of words (or syntax, to follow the old nomenclature) is that of agglutinative languages purely. The presence of the peculiar prefixes does not interfere with this. The only way in which they affect the syntax is to render possible the frequent use of long compounds almost polysynthetic in their nature, or, to put it in another way, of long compounds, which are sentences in themselves. But the construction of these words is not synthetic, but agglutinative. They are, as words either compound nouns or verbs, taking their place in the sentence and having the same relation to the other words in it, as they would were they to be introduced into a sentence in any other agglutinative language. There are, of course, many peculiarities of grammar in the Andaman group, and even in each member of the group, but these are only such as are incidental to the grammar of other languages, and do not affect its general tenor. I consider, therefore, that the Andaman languages belong to the agglutinative stage of development, and are distinguished from other groups by the presence in full development of the principle of prefixed and affixed grammatical additions to the roots of words."
On my use of the term 'affix ' in the above quotation Mr. Ellis remarked in a footnote, p. 51: "Mr. Temple, following the usual unetymological definition given in dictionaries, here uses affix in place of suffix. In what follows I shall adopt the practice of Prof. S. S. Haldeman in his Affixes in their Origin and Application, Philadelphia, 1865, p. 27: 'Affixes are additions to roots, stems and words, serving to modify their meaning and use. They are of two kinds, prefixes, those at the beginning, and suffixes, those at the end of the word bases to which they are affixed. Several affixes occur in long words like in-com-pre-hen-8-16il-it-y, which has three prefixes and five guffixes. Affixes also include infixes (or, as Prof. Haldeman calls them, interfixes), where the modifying letter or syllable is introduced into the middle of the base, as in the Semitic and other languages."
To this I may add that in all subsequent writings I adopted affix as a generic term, with prefix, infix and suffix as specific terms to describe particular forms of affixes.
(To be continued.)

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY
(FEBRUARY, 1925
THE JAT OF BALUCHISTAN.1
BY DENYS BRAY, C.S.I. (Chiefly from material collected by R. B., Diwan Jamiat Rdi, M. Aziz-uddin, Tahsildar
of Nasirabad, and L. Mộti Ram, Tahsildar of Sibi.) 1. Numbers.--3,753 Jats were enumerated at the census of 1901, being found chiefly in Kaldt (3,245) and Sibi (491), with a few odd families in Quetta and Zhôb. The following notes apply more especially to the Sibi Jats, from whom most of the material was obtained.
2. Origin.-At that census the Jats were classified as a clan of the Jat race, probably on the ground that their language is Jatki; but though this net is possibly wide enough to hold them, the two names Jat and Jat must be very carefully distinguished. They usually *pose as Balôch, much to the disgust of the Balôch himself. They hark back in approved fashion to Chakar Khan, the great Rind, and attribute their drop in the social scale either to their refusal to support him in his struggle with the Låshåris, or to their ancestral profession as camel-drivers, from which they are supposed to derive their name. According to Balôch tradition, so far from having dropped in the social scale, they have gone up a step or two, degraded though their condition is. For in the old days they were little better than savages, living unwashed, unshaven, unclothed, partly on their camels and partly on their women-their two sources of livelihood to this day. As for their absurd claims to kinship, the Balôch gay that Mir Chakar Khân himself had to warn them of the inevitable consequences of such impertinence, and Heaven proved him in the right by wiping out ten thousand of them in next day's battle. But though it seems clear that their claims to blood relationship are really preposterous, it is equally clear that their connexion with the Balôch is of long standing. In the old ballads they are styled Rauchi or R&vchi.
3. Lack of organisation.--They can hardly be said to have any organisation at all. The bonds between their various sections, of which thirteen were recorded at the census of 1901, are of the frailest, and in the individual section it is a case of kiri kiyi sardarên, or one tentone chieftain, as the proverb says. Latterly they have begun to awake to the idea that union is not without strength, and are beginning to follow, though very gingerly, the lead of their mótabars, notably of Sher Khân among the Barhånis and Gulzar in the Bugtî country. But if each man is a chieftain in his own tent, they are a cringing lot to the outside world, submitting with whispering humbleness to any indignity put upon them. Even among themselves a flood of abuse or a cuff with the hand or a blow with a shoe is the utmost limit of their valour.
4. Nomadic life.-Winter and summer they are on the move in search of grazing for their camels, carrying with them a mat-tent, a hand-mill, some pots and pans and a few sticks of furniture. Being notorious evil-livers and expert camel-lifters, they are not allowed to camp close to a village unless they have taken service with some big man.
5. Occupation of the men.-They are camel-breeders, camel-graziers and carriers. The camel indeed is their main staff of life. It supplies them with milk and with hair for making sacking and blankets, while the hair of the tail is twisted into ropes. When the camel trade is slack, they go out as day-labourers in the bazaars, or cut crops for the zamindars, or hawk about their home-made mats of dwarf-palm leaves. The large stave (lath) they carry has come to be regarded as the badge of their race.
6. Occupation of the women. The women have to do most of the household work ; they make and wash the clothes, bring in water and fuel, milk the camels, cook the food on a pan (taut) over three stones, and pitch and strike the tents, while much of their spare time is spent in making dwarf-palm mats, which find a ready sale among the tribesmen.
1 This article was contributed to the Journal in 1910, but was unfortunately mislaid until a recent date--ED.

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THE JAT OF BALUCHISTAN.
31
7. Recognised prostitution.-Not that a woman's life is one long round of toil and moil. On the march she takes her ease on a camel, while her lord trudges along on foot. The wife of one of the well-to-do is loaded with jewels from top to toe : rings (búla), pins, pendants (buldq), all of gold in her nose, golden rings and pendants in her ears, shells in her hair, a silver necklace round her neck, silver banglets on her arms and legs. This expensive enhancement of her charms, which is made complete among several sections by a tattoo mark between the eyebrows, is not intended for the selfish gratification of her husband : it is an outlay of capital which is expected to bring in a goodly return. It is a common saying that a tribesman who puts a camel out to graze with a Jat, becomes thereby the bhótar or master of the Jat's wife. He comes along every now and then to have a look at his camel and more than a look at the lady of the house. As he comes in, the Jat goes out. On entering the bhôtár leaves his shoes or stick outside the tent. If the Jat on his return finds the shoes or stick still outside, he shuffles with his feet or gives a discreet cough. If this hint is insufficient, he shouts out : "Master ! the horse has got loose!” or “ Master ! a dog has run off with your shoes !"-a hint too broad to be mistaken. Should a visitor come along when the Jat is absent, his presence in the tent will be advertised by his shoes outside or by some obliging old go-between who greets the husband with the stock euphemism "There's a stallion after the mare !" Though this is regarded as an ancient and honourable custom, and the husband, we are assured, takes pride in the conquests of his wife, it has of course a mercenary side to it. The bhótar makes presents in one form or another; if he is a big man in the tribe, he can of course help the family in a number of ways.
8. Religion.-They profess to be Sunni Muhammadans, but their religious convictions are not very deep-rooted. They don't keep the Muharram or fast in the Ramzan. But the two ids are celebrated with much merriment, feasting and singing; these are the only seasons of jollification in the year. They worship no saints and would be hard put to it to explain what the term means. They call in a Mullah for their domestic ceremonies, but if they cannot secure his services, they get on very well without him. Though they don't believe in Sayyads, they are not above being inoculated against small-pox by Sayyad Shahi of Dhadar. If there is an actual case of small-pox in the house, some damsels and lads are fed to the full on the eighth day, and the former pour water on the patient. The womenfolk are supposed to keep up their singing till the patient recovers.
9. Child-birth.-In the case of painful labour they dip the beard of some pious old man in water, and help on the delivery by rubbing the water on the woman's belly and making her drink some of it down.
10. Circumcision of females.-Like all Muhammadans, they circumcise their male children, usually between the age of three and seven. But having thus done all that religion demands of them, they carry the practice further and circumcise their females. Of the circumcision of females two accounts are given. According to the one, a girl is circumcised when she is twelve or thereabouts by an old nurse or midwife, a few female relatives being called in for the ceremony, which passes off very quietly. According to the other, a bride is circumcised within the bridal chamber on the bridal night by a midwife who performs the operation on the clitoris apparently) with a razor, and puts ashes on the wound. The explanation given is that they are reduced to thus sprinkling the bridal couch with blood, in order to prove that the bride is-what in this tribe she generally is not-a virgin.
11. Marriage age, etc.—They are perforce endogamous, as nobody, except possibly a Lori, would dream of giving his daughter to one of them in marriage. Though boys are sometimes married when quite young, girls are not married till they reach puberty. As they themselves put it, it would be a waste of money to marry a wife who is too young for

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY
(FEBRUARY, 1926
.
cohabitation and, what is more important, for the hard work of the household. It appears to be not unusual for an adult woman married to a minor to cohabit with his father, though secrecy has to be observed; but general illicit intercourse is so common that it is hard to say whether this incest deserves the name of custom or not.
12. Betrothal.-Marriages are often fixed up by an interchange of girls. An ordinary betrothal is arranged by the lad's father sending a couple of mộtabars or men of standing to ask for the girl's hand and negotiate about the bride-price. If the overtures are successful, the lad is taken to the girl's house in a large procession, composed of four mótabars and a throng of kinswomen and other females, who carry a red silk wrapper (súha), a red shirt (kurtd) and a silver finger-ring for the bride, as well as some sugar and henna. They come tripping along, singing and dancing while a drummer (langa) beats the drum lustily. On arrival at the house they dress the bride, distribute the sugar and apply the henna to the hands of both bride and groom. The bride-price is handed over, and the betrothal is then complete and as binding as a betrothal can be among folk of such loose morals.
13. Bride-price.-The bride-price is sometimes given in cash, rising from an insigni. ficant sum to one or two hundred rupees, but more usually it takes the form of one to three she-camels. If the girl dies before marriage, the bride-price is refunded ; if the lad dies, his heirs can claim the girl, and pocket her bride-price on her marriage.
14. Marriage. For seven days before the wedding the bride and groom are fed-no doubt for their better fertilisation--on flour which has been ground in both houses by a woman who is the sole wife of a loving husband. On the wedding day-preferably during the id, but not a Tuesday, Wednesday or Saturday—the groom sets out with a procession of kinsfolk, the women singing and dancing to the beat of a drum. On their arrival at the bride's house a mixture of bread and sugar, called chûri, is distributed among the company, who are feasted at the expense of the groom's father. A Mullah reads the nikâh according to the ordinary Muhammadan rites for a fee of one rupee, and the bridal couple retire to & kirt or mat-tent, which has been pitched for them some little distance from the encampment. Here they remain for seven days, only visited by a relative who brings them their food. On the first morning the bride's garment, stained with the supposed tokens of virginity, is exposed to view. If a Mullah's services cannot be procured, they are simply dispensed with ; one of the grey-beards performing the ceremony by chanting any Balôchi or Jaşki song he happens to remember.
15. Marriage of widows.-A widow returns to her parents and has perfect liberty to arrange her future life just as she pleases-whether as widow, mistress or wife. If she prefers to marry and can find the man to marry her, betrothal and marriage take place at one and the same time. The bride-price, which is only half the usual amount, goes to her parents.
16. Buffoonery at the ceremony.-The Mullah only gets eight annas or half the usual marriage-fee, which seems unfair considering all the indignities he has to put up with. For at the marriage of a widow the women regard the Mullah as a proper butt for the broadest of jokes ; they sew up his clothes with matting, and sometimes even take off his trousers and leave him naked, befooling and abusing him mercilessly.
17. Absence of divorce.-Divorce is unknown. It would indeed be a little out of place, seeing that the husband takes at least as keen and kindly an interest as his wife in her amours. It is hardly necessary to go as far as one of the correspondents on the subject, who finds the explanation for the absence of divorce in the charitable conclusion that the happiness of his wife is the first and last ambition of a Jat. Now and then no doubt a husband may think that matters are being carried a bit too far, especially if the paramour is a mere Jat like himself; but a small douceur will soon smooth down his ruffled feelings.

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FEBRUARY, 1925)
A NOTE ON THE ANTIQUITIES OF SALBARDI VILLAGE
18. Burial.-They bury their dead in the usual way with the head to the north, the feet to the south and the face towards the west. If they can get hold of a Mullah to read the service, so much the better; his fee is only eight annas or a rupee. The bereaved family are fed by the kin for three days, during which their ordinary occupations are suspended in token of mourning. On the fourth day a little dried juwar (andropogon sorghum) is parched and distributed with sugar. Visits of condolence are paid by the friends, who are feasted but contribute eight annas or so to the alms for the dead.
19. Inheritance.- Only male agnates inherit. First the son-(sons in equal shares, sons and deceased sons' sons per stirpes); then the father, then the brother, and in default of brother, the nephew; and then the uncle, and in default of uncle, the cousin-this forms the general order of precedence.
20. Maintenance of women.-Widows, daughters and the male issue of daughters are excluded from the inheritance. Not that the widow is part of the inheritance as elsewhere, for her bride-price, should she choose to remarry, goes to her parents ( $ 15). Like the daughter, who is, however, part of the inheritance, she is entitled to maintenance from the deceased's estate until she remarries. Inchastity, needless to say, does not cancel her rights in this respect. A NOTE ON THE ANTIQUITIES OF SALBARDI VILLAGE.1
BY R. B., HIRA LAL, B.A. SALBARDI is a small village with a population of about 300 souls, situated partly in the Betûl district and partly in the Amraoti district. It is 44 miles south of Badnůr and about the same distance (40 miles) north-east of Amraoti. The portion included in the Betal district contains a natural cavern, inside which is placed a lingam, which is worshipped on the Sivaratri day by thousands of pilgrims, mostly belonging to Berâr. The cave is a deep hollow, reached by a circuitous underground passage through a series of precipitous metamorphic rocks. The roof consists of the same material, from which, somehow or other, water oozes out and in small drops slowly falls on the lingam placed beneath it. This is taken by ordinary people to be a miracle, which in vests the place with the sanctity it enjoys. In spite of the fact that the passage is a difficult one to cross, obliging the pilgrim to crawl at some points, where the space between two rocks narrows into a small hole just enough to allow the body to pass through, people flock to it and even pay blackmail to the malguzar for the privilege of getting inside and paying devotion to the Mahadeo inside. An estimate of the crowd on the Sivaratri day may be made from the collections taken by the malguzdr at the entrance. It is about Rs. 800, if not more, when the charge is an anna or two per head. The pilgrims, especially late arrivals, continue to visit the cave for four or five days after the Sivaratri.
Inside the cave all is dark, and one has to go accompanied by a barber with a masál (torch). There are cracks in the rock in some places, whence a little dim light can be seen. The place where Mahâdeo is installed is a fairly high hall, which can accommodate 100 or more persons. Adjoining it there is another ball with any amount of guano manure, which the bats furnish. This is called the bari or field, where Mahadeo grows ganja (hemp) and dhatura, both of which crops are invisible to physical eyes. Here also lies his akhdd where he daily practises his exercise. A long subterranean passage leading towards the north is yet unexplored. Here any number of bats may be seen hiding in the dark. The story about this passage is that once 360 goats were sent down this unknown abyss, and that one of them came out at the Mahadeo shrine at Pachmarhi, about 85 miles away from Sålbardi, indicating that the Sålbardi Mahadeo is connected with the great Mahadeo of Pachmarhi. There are two passages by which people enter or leave the cave. From one 1 This note was contributed to the Journal in 1910, but was unfortunately mielaid until a recent date.-ED.

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entrance they get directly into the sanctum, and from another they first reach Mahadeo's akhard. The latter is a narrower passage than the former.
The cave, however, is a recent discovery, made within the memory of living men, but Sålbardi contains many ancient remains, probably the oldest that either of the two districts in which it is situated can show. They lie within a space surrounded by high mountains, on one of which the cave described above is situated. Just below this mount flows the river Gaiga, on the right side of which there is a Saiva temple built over a natural lingam. It is known as Tatoba ki Marhi and is built in the medieval Brahmanic style. It is a flat-roofed building, supported on massive pillars and ornamented from outside with figures and carvings. In the Mahamandapa a small platform has been recently constructed and is named and worshipped as Tåtoba's Samadhi. It is really the grave of some sadhu, named Tâtobân, who lived and died there : but the temple has existed there since about the tenth century A.D. Local traditions identify the place as the hermitage of Valmiki ; and that opposite it, just on the other bank of the Gangå, is pointed out as the one where Sitâ after delivery washed her clothes. There are two small cisterns, fed by a natural spring, which , are known as Sita ki Nahani or Sita's bathing place. Kuss and Lava are believed by the people to have been reared here and to have fought with their uncles Bharata and Satrughna. The numerous mortar-like holes in the rocks are said to be the marks of hoofs of horses, on which the soldiers from Ajodh ya rode. Side by side there is a shrine of Dholam Shâh, a Vali (Musalman prophet), whose miracles are forgotten. Apparently he was ins. talled by Babů Khân, dacoit, who made a small fort just above this place, which protected him from the attacks of his enemies. Inside the fort or rather rampart, now much dilapi. dated, there still stands a hall known as Baba Khan ki kachahri. It is built from stones, evidently belonging to medieval temples, which Babu Khân seems to have dismantled, using them for his Kachahri. The building is supported on massive pillars, and a side room has a gate, which certainly belonged to a temple, the figure of Ganesa being carved above it. There are also other stones with carvings of Hindu gods and goddesses.
A few yards away on high ground, the eye catches a white shrine, very modest in its structure, with no pretentions to antiquity or architecture. It is known as Muni ki Marhi, and is a Mân bhao shrine of a saint, who evidently died there. It is on descending just below this shrine that the traveller finds a contrast. For he suddenly comes upon a Buddhist Vihara, cut out of one piece of rock, with a sanctum in which there is an image of Buddha, with two persons on either side carrying a whisk. Under the pedestal there is a representation of a Jataka. Unfortunately somebody has broken off the head of Buddha. In front of the sanctum there is a hall about 18X 14 feet with two side rooms, and outside there is a verandah 26 X 14 feet, which also has two side rooms, one at each end. This is the oldest place, and it invests Salbardi with an importance hitherto unknown. A few yards away another monastery on a somewhat grander scale was cut out of solid rock, but for some reason or other it was never completed. It seems to have been abandoned when it was almost complete. The sanctum contains no images and the side rooms of the main hall were not fully carved. Apparently the verandah was first excavated, then the hall, after which the two side rooms and the sanctum, and all the three latter show marks of abandonment.
Buddhism seems to have lingered on in this part of the country till about the 7th or 8th century, and it is possible that these Vihåras, like the cave temple of Bhandak, may belong to that period. There is however nothing to show that they were not much earlier. On the contrary there are grounds for believing that they belong to a period prior to the seventh century, when the Rashtrakūtass of Malkhed held this part of the country. They
1 A copper-plate dated in the year 631 A.D. of these kings was discovered in Tiwarkhed village, 32 miles from Albardi. It records the grant of that village to a Brahman, and this clearly proves that this part of the country was under the sway of the Rashtrakatas.

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A NOTE ON THE WORDS. PERTALE' AND KALNADU
88
were Saivas, and apparently they would not have tolerated the Buddhistio monasteries within their dominions, especially just about the time when Sankaracharya preached a crusade against Buddhism and succeeded in pusting it from India. Indeed the unfinished state of the second Vibâra indicates precipitate action, apparently brought about by the persecution of the Buddhists, who must have been compelled to leave the place burriedly. The traditions which have grown up in regard to these places show how keen the persecution was. It could not tolerate the reminiscence of even Buddhistio names. Stories were invented, appropriating all the places as residences of R&ma and Siva or their retainers. The two monasteries are now known as Ghode ki Payagå und Ghode ki Lid or stables of Mahadeo's horses. The entrances, which have become disintegrated, are stated to have been eaten by the horses for want of sufficient fodder. The unfinished Vihara is called Ghode ki Lid, because there lies a large quantity of guano, which gives a smell compared by the people to that of horse-dung. These two monasteries are situated in a most picturesque valley surrounded by high mountains, on the fork formed by the rivers Mandu and its tributary, the Ganga. It is just the place which Buddhists would have selected for their Vihậras. Near the village is & sulphur spring containing hot water. A bath in it is supposed to cure skin diseases, but whether the pilgrims are afflicted with them or not, they bathe in it, considering it to be a necessary part of their meritorious performance. One of the peculiarities of this locality is that a strong wind blows throughout the year every day from 8 p.m. to 8 a.m. A NOTE ON THE WORDS PERTALE' AND KALNADU.'1
BY THE LATE T. A. GOPINATHA RAO, M.A. 1. The word pertale like kalnadu occurs in Kannada inscriptions and is one of those whose meaning is not properly understood. It occurs, for instance, in No. 148 of the collection of inscriptions of the Srirangapattana Taluka of the Mysore Distriot, a record belonging to the fourth year of the reign of the Ganga king SatyavAkya Perum Anadiga! and is dated the pertaledivasam of the month Marggasira. Mr. Rice has translated this word as the eighth day (of the fortnight).
The word pertale, or more correctly peretale, is a compound of the words pere and tale, two words which are common to the Kannada, Malayalam and Tamil languages. The former means the crescent moon, and the latter, the head or the beginning. Hence the compound literally means the head or the beginning of the crescent or the waxing moon. That this derivation is correct, will become patent from the following quotation, wherein the word occurs in a slightly altered form : Anit-talaip-pirai pal tindina Sarya-grahanatti-dru' (on the day of the solar eclipse that touched the beginning or the first of the crescent moon in the month of Ani). This passage occurs in an inscription found in the Jalan Athéévara temple at Takkôlam and is dated the twenty-fourth year of the reign of Rajakesarivarman. From the fact that & solar eclipse is mentioned, it becomes quite clear that talaipirai (or pirai-talai) refers only to the first of the waxing moon; in other words to the new moon. The English compound 'new-moon' conveys almost the same sense as pirai-talai.
Again, in the sixth Canto, entitled the Kadaladu-kádai, of that superb Tamil classic epic poem, the Silappadigaram, the phrase uvavu-talai occurs. It is a compound of uvaou and talai : uvavu (or uvd) means the conjunction of the sun and the moon and might refer to either the new or the full-moon. But in later Tamil works it is generally employed to denote the new moon. The phrase therefore is a paraphrase of the other, pirai-talai.
From the above explanations it is certain that peratnle means the new moon, and not the eighth day', as has been supposed by Mr. Rice in the document already alluded to. 1 This note was contributed to the Journal in 1910, but was unfortunately mislaid tilla recent dato.-E.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY
[FEBRUARY, 1926
II. The term kalnádu occurs in Kannada inscriptions in connection with the death of any person who falls in a battle, is killed in attacking cattle raiders, in hunting wild beasts etc. If the death took place on the battlefield, we see the king sometimes giving the kalnadu, in the name of the deceased hero. Generally some relation of the departed person gives it ; in a few cases the villages are seen honouring such a man with a memorial tablet.
Now the word kalnadu has been understood by Mr. Rice to mean ' a stony piece of land'. Adverting to this, he writes, "another interesting term is kalnádu, which is not so easy to explain, as it has long been obsolete and only occurs in the oldest inscriptions. So far as the word goes, it means a stony tract. But from the way in which it is used, as signifying the land
granted for the support of the family of a man who had fallen in battle, or been otherwise kil*led in public service, it seems to designate what is now known as "Government waste", that is,
land that has not been taken up for oultivation, or having been cultivated has been a bandon. ed." Dr. Fleet also agress with Mr. Rice in the interpretation of this word. If this is taken as the signification of the term, hard indeed mi.st be the heart of the king who grants to the family of the man who, in discharge of his duties towards his lord and master, offers even his life, a stony piece of land, or else land that has already been tried for cultivation and abandoned Or account of its worthlessness. Such a poor grant to the bereaved members of the family would never be an honest appreciation of the sacrifices of the person killed. If the king were well-meaning, he would certainly disdain to bestow a stony tract of land on the survi. vors of the deceased. That kalnadu does not mean a barren uncultivable land will be clear from what follows.
The word kalnadu is a compouud of kai and nadu, two words meaning 'a stone' and 'set up' or 'plant respectively. Both these words are common to all the Dravidian languages. In Tamil it is kal, in Kannada and Malayalam it is kallu, in Tuļu also it is kall, in the language of the Tôdas of Nilgiris it is kars, whereas the Telugu language alone has rayi. Similarly, nadu, natu, netu are the different forms of the Tamil term nadu in the Kannada language, and have the same meaning as in that language, viz., ' to fix firmly,' to stick or fix in the ground,' to'plant.' Dr. Kittel gives the following examples, in which this verb occurs
pasuva kattal-endu kaladalli natta guntavu', 'natta kambhada hage,' ditta-viranu irabeku' and natta marakke niru ereda hage,' in all which instances it is used in exactly the same sense in which it is employed in the compound kalnddu. Malayalam has its naduga, (the same as the Tamil nadugai, 'the act of planting ') which means to get into,'' to enter,' 'to be pierced or stuck into ': for example, 'naduvanum parippanum sammadikkade. In Telugu it is ndtu. Tulu also has the same verb to express the idea of planting. Thus we see that the simplest meaning conveyed by the word kalnadu is the planting of a stone. Verbal nouns in the Dravidian languages are generally formed by lengthening the initial vowel thus: todu, to dig out, tódu, that which is dug out, a canal ; padu, to fall in (such as, the teaching of another, under the abuse of another etc), pádu as in vali-padu, worship, kol padu, a conclusion etc.; vidu, to leave, vidu, freedom, or (figuratively, as in some previous instances) heaven. Similarly nadu, to plant, nadu, what has been planted. This verbal noun has been misunderstood for the noun nadu, a country, and hence all the mistakes in the inter. pretation of the word kalnddu.
Tamil literature yields a detailed discription of the custom of setting up memorial stones in honour of heroes fallen in battles. Tolkappiyam, the most ancient grammar and rhetoric of the Tamil language, has a sútram about kalnadu ,4 the purport of it is, that as soon as a man died in battle, a stone is sought out, bathed in holy water, set up in due form, and with praises consistent with the status in life of the deceased. In commenting on this passage, Nachchinarkkiniyar adds more details and quotes several passages from literary works, 2 Epigraphia Carnatira, Vol. III, Introduction, page 8. 3 Epigraphia Indica, Vol. VI, page 3, .n. 1.
Tolkappiyam, Porul-adigâram, Sūtram 60, the last four lines of it only, and the commentary theroon of Nachchin&ckkiniyar.

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FEBRUARY, 1925)
MISCELLANEA
which throw considerable light on the subject. One of these informs us that the stone is set after the name of the hero and the circumstances under which his death occurred are engraved on it. Another illustrative verse tells us that a string (káppu-nan or núl, Sans. rakaha-bandhana tantu) is tied round the stone, perfumes sprinkled, incense burnt and plenty of flowers thrown over it. Ghi is smeared on the stone, and it is set up with great pomp in the presence of all the friends and relatives of the deceased. Bards are then invited and paid liberally to sing the praises of the hero. Sometimes a covered stylobate is built round it, called the vira-salai. These facts are repeated in all subsequent grammars such as Víraso. liyam, Purapporul-venba-malai, and Ilakkana-vilakkam? etc. The custom of setting a stone could not have existed in the days of the author of that most modern of all grammars, the Ilakkanavilakkam. The curious custom is often referred to in ancient Tamil works, such as Kura!, Pattu-pattu, Purananû, u, 10 Kalladam, etc.11
From what we saw above, it appears that something like puja was offered to these stones. If then a simple phrase such as kal-nâțu gottam, ivu tamuttu irbbara kalgal eto, occurs without any land grant with it, we must apparently understand that a decent burial, with an inscribed memorial tablet, was given to the dead man. If, on the other hand, a land grant is made to the members of the family of the deceased, perhaps it was meant for the up-keep of the půja to the stone. Kalnadu then passes to another stage of connotation, and means that which is given for setting up the stone. Arayhow kalnddu does not mean the stony tract of land, as Mr. Rice understands.
MISCELLANEA. 1. THE KONKAN AND THE KONKANI
own.' In that sense that same class of Tamil LANGUAGE
Iterature uses the term in the following forms - 2. MONT D'ELI.
Kol, Kollai' and Kondi,' all of them alike
signifying plunder' or 'spoils of war.' ThereIn his review of the Konkan and the Konkani fore, ordinarily Kon-Kanam ought to mean the language by Dr. V. P. Charan, Mr. Edwardes sug- forest where any thing that can be taken possesgests a derivation for the term 'Konkan', deriving sion of by anybody that wishes to ; in other the word from Kongu' on the analogy of the words, it is a 'no-man's land, from which Kanarese form Tenkana. He rightly rejects the anybody can appropriate any thing that can be Sanskrit derivation of the word suggested by appropriated. This has reference mainly to the author as unconvincing, but his alternative driving off cattle, cattle grazing in the forest suggestion does not take us much nearer a con- could be taken possession of by anybody that vincing derivation of the word. The word Konkan cared.
cared.
The The
term term interpolated hat
interpolated between the two in its present form is the Kanarese form; merely means "great and gives the clearest but in classical Tamil literature, the term occurs possible indication that the two terms are intended in the Tamil form Kon-Kanam. What is more, to mean what they actually do in Tamil this region is treated as the kingdom of a chief. literature, namely 'vast.' So Konkan would tain, whose rulo extended over the neighbouring be the vast region of forest from which those territory even of Tulu. In one poem of the that chose might take possession of what Purandnari, the territory is spoken of as Kon. Perum-Kanam. The last werd in both the ex.
Whether this Tamil name was applied to a pressions means in Tamil 'forest.' The meaning of the first is not quite so clear. It comes from
foreign country, or whether it was actually Tamil the root 'kol', originally 'to take.' By 4 transi. land may be a more doubtful question; but all tion it comes to be taking that which is not one's the indications in classical Tamil literature give
5 Viradoliyam, verse, 15 of Porut-padalam and the commentary on it.
• Purapporul-verba-malai, Satrams, 12-14, of the Poduviyar-padalam, and the illustrative veres following them.
7 Ilakkana-silakkam, Satram, 619. 8 Kural, chapter on Palaichcheruklu, verso .
Pathu-pdttu, Malaipadukaddim, lime, 387-389 and its commentary. 10 Purandndru, verse, 221 and Agappd#, verse 131. 11 Also my paper on this subject in the Sendamil, Vol. III, pp. 68-61. 13 Poems : 104-156. Aham: 16, 97, 249. Naprinai : 391.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY
[FEBRUARY, 1925
38
ono the idea that it was a Tamil kingdom under then the suggestion that the Eli there was a & Tamil chief, who was also chief of Tulu and who Mashaka. I believe nobody will adduce the had his capitals and fortresses and hills, and the argument that these Tamil classics, whatever their other paraphernalia of a kingdom. The chief actual age, were later than the Mushakatamsa. that is referred to is Nannan, who has been handed So the translation Sapta Sailam is quite a regular down to ill-fame as the killer of a woman, so that translation of the Tamil name. in Tamil literature he is called generally Nannan That does not give the explanation of the Mont the woman-killer, to distinguish him from his son Deli, or Hili, as the Arabs have it. The clearest who bore the same name and who is called Nan. explanation is that it is a translation of the Malaysnan, a the son of Nannan, whose territory lay inland lam expression, as the Sanskrit is a translation of in the eastern portion of Kongu in the generation the Tamil. If to the first foreign visitor of the following.
coast or promontory the name had been given
as Elimala, and if he wanted 89 & mere matter This brings us to another geographical item
of curiosity to know what exactly it meant, the animadvorted upon by Sir Richard Temple both
obvious member of the compound mala is easily in the JRAS. and in the Indian Antiquary.
explained as hill or mount; and what about Eli ? It is the famous Mont Deli. Sir Richard felt very
If the person who used the term Elimalå had the easily persuaded by what Mr. Subramania Ayyar
notion that it had anything to do with the Eli said, on the authority of the Sanskrit Kavyam,
(rat), he could have offered the explenation then * Mushakavanda,' the medieval work that the
and there, and the translator would not have called late Mr. Gopinatha Rao published, in regard to
it Mont Deli; but instead of Eli, he would have the origin of the term. Because of the ea pres
put the equivalent of the rodent in his own lansions Mushaka-vanda and Mdahaka-nadu, Mr.
guage ; but the fact that Eli has been retained Subramania Ayyar jumped to the conclusion that
is a clear indication that the foreigner was not Mont Deli can mean nothing more than moun
able to understand the term, and could not get tain of the bandicoot or rat.' He went on
a satisfactory explanation of it from his informant. to characterise the translation Sapta Sailu as
The suggestion that the term Eli meant the rat an unwarranted manufacture on the part
and nothing else, would have struck the native of the Sanskrit-knowing Brahman. It is a matter
of the locality as very queer. The only for regret that we should be too ready to divino
possible explanation of the tarm il' that I Intentions on the part of authors of mischievous
can suggest is house, and that could only mean derivations and details, when a little closer in
that the hill and its slopes were the property spection may prove useful. The Kavya Mashaka
of seven illams or households of the Malabar coast. Vania and the country Mushaka cannot be held
Hence Mont Deli is an unconscious rendering of to supply us with the origin of the name Mont
the accurate early Tamil namo, only somewhat Deli, when we have very much more authentic
corrupted as it passed through Malayalam, but sources of information regarding the place.
not quite clearly understood by the first foreigner Mont Deli of the geographers is undoubtedly
who coined the term, whether he were Arab, Persian the hill surrounded by numbers of rivers and
or European. atreams, 16 miles to the north of Cannanore, which There is an interesting note on this on page 1, the writers of the Tamil classics always refer
Vol. II, of Longworth Dames' edition of the Book to distinctly as fl-il-kunram. The first term
of Duarte Barbosa, Mr. Thorne, I.C.S., whose note is seven, the second may mean & house, and is included in it, labours to derive the term Deli the third is hill, which in the mouth of a
from Tali in Zamandally. This would be un. Malayalam-speaking moderner would become
exceptionable, if the form of the word were Deli. Elimale by a procese of phonetic decay, which
The Arab word is Hili, and the European equivalent can be easily understood by one acquainted seems to be merely d'Eli, meaning the hill of Eli with the language. Hence the Brahmanical transla
18. | for Mont D'Eli. tion Sapta Saila bas very much more warrant
8. K. AIYANGAR. BOOK NOTICES. PA-I-A SADDA MAHANNAVO (Prakrta Sabda contains about 75,000 words. The author, Pandit Mahlzavah.)
Harago vind Das sheth, Lecturer in Prakrit in the This is the first part of a dictionary of the Prakrit Calcutta University, has taken care to support the language intended to be completed in four parte. It meanings that he gives by quotations from the is a comprehensive dictionary of the Prakrit language original sources, giving complete references. It giving the meaning of Prakrit words in Hindi. It romover one of the desiderata for a satisfactory provides, at the same time, the Sanskrit equivelents study of the vast Prakerit literature, which still of the Prakrit words. The dictionary as a whole remains unexplored, or explored but inadequately • Pattuppettu, 10
• Narrinal, 391 m above.

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FEDRUARY, 1925)
BOOK-NOTICES
39
by scholars Indian and European. It is likely to In fact the times and work of the Pallavas are be of great assistance in promoting this desirable of such importance to South Indian history that study. The author deserves to be congratulated we cannot know too much about them. Like upon the result of his labours in this good cause Vijayanagar, Káñchi is a "Forgotten Empire", The work is a monument of his learning and effort. and students who would illuminate the story of and it is to be hoped that his industry will be suita- the rise of South Indian religion and administrably rewarded, to encourage him to go on with his tion, would do well to unearth all that is possible work and complete it, as originally projected, in of the remarkable episode of the Pallavas in times four parts.
now long gone by. Mr. Srinivasachari has done S. K. AIYANGAR. quite rightly in adding to his summary of the
polítical history of the Pallavas another of the THE HISTORY AND INSTITUTIONS OF THE PALLAVAS
social institutions of the time. By C. S. SRINIVASACHARI. M.A. Wesleyan Mission Kåñchi was the chief seat of Pallava power all Press, Mysore, 1924. 24 pp.
through the first millennium of the Christian eraThis is a valuable contribution to a question the centre of the art, religion and civilisation they which seems at last to be on the way to settlement. inculcated. "The Pollavas brought to KAficht Mr. Srinivasachari has gone to the proper resources
the culture of the North, se distinguished from and has made a useful summary of it up to date.
what may be called Dravidian or Southern cul. 11 in but few years since the Pallava-Pahlavature" though this is not to say that by race they theory seemed impregnable and quite feasible.
were of the Northern people. Now we know that the Pallavas were not of out.
By religion they were, generally speaking, $aiside origin, but a Southern Indian family or clan.
ves, though Vaishnavism and Jainism flourished But to which clan they belonged or out of which
under them, or some of them, and they were the they robo, is still open to controversy. Mr. Sri.
great temple and cave builders of the South, aivasachari sete to work deliberately to sift the
Buddhism also flourished at times under their evidence.
tolerant rule. Then they were the chief promoFirst, he takes us to the name and its origin,
ters of literature, and many a famous name flouquoting finally Prof. S. Krishnaswami Aiyangar's rished under their encouragement. Theirs we statement: "So far as the available evidence also a glorious epoch of art and architecture, and goes, they were a dynasty of the Andhras, pro. fortunately it is still represented by many a noble bably related to or even springing out of the clan
ruin. of the Satav hanas." Next he dives into their
In the practical administrative side of life they early history, as rulers of Kanchi and neighbour.
were no less distinguished. Under them the ad. hood, and carries it from before the dato of the
ministration was complex and hierarchical in Gupta Emperors to the close of the 6th century
character, and the tax-system was heavy and A.D. Then come the days of the Great Pallavas,
cumbrous." But the great point was that "the real when " definito chronological arrangement
unit of administration was the village community, becomes possible," and the great struggle between
either an individual village or a collection of vil the Pallaves of Kanchi, and the Chalukyas of VA
lages," ruled by a special committee or sabha. tapi was carried on for a long period.
The outstanding feature of Pallava rulo was the Here Mr. Srinivasachari takes us through the attention paid to irrigation, and their works for records of ruler after ruler by name-Simhavishnu the purpose were very large. up to, say, 610 A.D., Mahendra "at first & Jain | The leaving of the village affairs in the hands and later converted to Saivism;" Narasimha. of the villagers themselves did not relieve the varman (c.630-668), whom he surnames the Great; Pallava kings from the general administration Mabondravarman (c. 688-674); Paramdavaravar.
of the country, which was entrusted to viceroys man (c. 674-690); Narasithavarman II, Rajasirinha and potty local rulers, who tended to become (o. 690-716), the great builder of the temples at
hereditary. This led to the creation of a number KAñohi, the "Seven Pagodas" at Mamallapuram, of minor chiefs of a feudal character, and as the the Panamalai temple; Nandivarman (715-779); superior central power diminished and then diod, Dantivarman (779-830); Nandi (c. 830-854); the whole country sank into the position of . Nripatunga (c. 854-880); AparAjita Pottaraiyar collection of merely feudal chieftainabipe with (880 .900). The succession, however, is not
Pallava names and Pallava titles, working for quito so clor M the above statement would ap- other centralised powers; c.9., the Choles and pear to make it, and there is much room for fur. the Kurumbas. It was a case of a systeip steadily thór rodearoh w to details. The outlino, however,
killing itself is now before we of this great raling race, which Bo all this mit may, there is olearly as made did so much for Southern India in time now long out for detailed sooount of Pallave rule, past and forgotten.
for another History of a Forgotten Empire. The

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40
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY
[ FEBRUARY, 1925
Pallavas ruled so long and did so much for the REMINISCENCES OY VIJAYA DHARMI SURE. By making of Southern India that they are worth it. SERI VIJAYA INDRA SURr. Shivpuri (Gwalior
R. C. TEMPLE.
State). Printed at the Indian Press, Ltd.,
Allahabad, 1924. THE PRIVATE DIARY OY ANANDA RANGA PILLAI,
This is a thoroughly Indian account of the from 1736 to 1761: Volume IX, Sept. 1754-Dec.
Jain charya, known as Vijaya Dharma Suri, who 1755; edited by H. DOD WELL. Superintendent,
died as lately as September 1922. The hero of the Government Press, Madras. 1924.
story was a great and important Jain saint and tes. The prosent volume of the famous Diary is fur.
cher, making friends wherever he went, and his nished, like the preceding volumes, with an excellent
story has been well worth recording. It has indeed introduction by the Editor, Mr. Dodwell, who
been the subject of volume after volume in at least divides the subject matter into three main cate
ten languages, including four of the chief tongues of gories, viz :-(a) the abandonment of the French
Europe, as he was on friendly terms with all the policy of adventure followed by Dupleix, (b) the in
principal European students of Jainism, amongst auguration of a new policy by his successor, Godeheu,
whom his great attainments as a scholar aroused and (c) the effects of the new policy under Godeheu's
enthusiastic esteem. His scholarship was used successor, de Leyrit. Godeheu landed at Pondi.
in bringing to fight unknown and oven unsuspected cherry at the beginning of August, 1764, with
works on his religion, and thus he earned the undying orders rocalling Dupleix and authorising his arrest, gratitude of his European correspondents. In his if he refused to comply with the summons. Mr. own country he was a religious power : altogether Dodwell explains the reasons for this action of the an admirable man. authorities in France, and is able from the evidence He was of the Vaisya caste and obviously unsatisof the Diary to elucidate the circumstances of factory as a youth, until he was about nineteen,
factory as youth. until he was shont. Dupleix's recall, which have hitherto been doubtful when he turned to religion and took up the life of a in one or two particulars. He also discusses the sadhu, which he followed for the next thirty-five years failure of the attempt to establish French Rule over till his death. As an ascetic, he read and preached south India, and attributes it chiefly to lack of sea.
constantly, founded schools, libraries and hospitals, power and to the mutual jealousy of the French
and disputed with Pandits-all to the advantage of agents in the East, which rendered impossible any.
his own faith and to the great benefit of Indian thing in the nature of team-work. He is probably
scholarship generally. A liberal-minded organizer, right in his view that the latter circumstance was a
he was able to found a periodical series of Jain more potent cause of failure than even the corruption and duplicity which marted the policy and
works, and this besides the books he himself wrote acts of the French in India. With the arrival of
and the fortnightly paper which he also started. Dupleix's successor, Ananda Ranga Pillai camu He lod in fact a busy life away from the political again into his own, and this portion of the Diary world, entirely devoted to doing good as he saw testifies to the gradual recovery of the influence it--- typical dchdrya, and as regards Oriental which he had lost through the intrigues and inter. scholarship it is a great misfortune that he did forence of Dupleix's half-caste wife. The reference
not live longer. on page 69 to "a certain island with a fort thereon
R. C. TEMPLE. held by the Hubshis," is somewhat obscure. Mr. Dodwell remarks in his footnote that "Ranga
Ranga | A STUDY IN HINDU SOCIAL POLITY. BY CHANDRA
A ny Pillai writes 'A visi kal', but he probably means the
CHAKRABERTY, Calcutta, 1923. Angrias, whom the Marathas attacked in the fol. lowing year with aid from Bombay." This may be
Yet another book by this indomitable writer, 80 ; but Angria was not an Abyssinian, whereas published in 1923, which he describes as "the the Sidi of Janjira (the Habshi) certainly was ; outgrowth of the materials I gathered to write a and although we have no record of any definite cultural history of the Hindus" and as "hastily. attack upon Janjira in 1754, the general sense of the irawn skotehos." He gave up the idea of publishpassage in Ranga Pillai's Diary applies more closely
ing the History' on reading Romesh Chandra to the island fort of Janjira than to the possessione
Dutta's Civilisation in Ancient India." of Angria. Possibly, however, the reference is to
The author has evidently been a wide and the Kolaba fort, lying just off the shore of the main. land: but in that case the use of the word Hubshi
enthusiastio reader and has collected a great in the enclosure to Balaji Rao's letter seems to be
amount of information interesting and useful to orroneous. The ninth volume of the Diary, as
scholars. Wbether his conclusions are bound is edited by Mr. Dodwell, is a worthy companion to another matter and so controversial that I do not the preceding volumes.
propose to enter into it in this notice. S. M. EDWARDES,
R. C. TEMPLE.

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Plate I
H. Heras, S.J.
JINJI
FIG. 2-RAJAGIRI
Indian Antiquary
FIG. 1-GENERAL VIEW OF THE INTERIOR OF THE FORT FROM THE FOOT OF CHANDRAYANDRUG, IN THE FOREGROUND THE TEMPLE OF VENKATARAMANA: IN THE BACKGROUND THE RAJAGIRI AND THE SQUARE TOWER
P
FIG. 3-THE SQUARE TOWER IN THE INNER FORT

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MART. 1925;
THE CITY OF JINJI AT THE END OF THE 18TH CENTURY
THE CITY OF JINJI AT THE END OF THE 16TH CENTURY.
By Rev. H. HERAS, S.J., M.A. It is well known that in the days of its glory the old fortress of Jinji, in the South Arcot District, was one of the strongest and most impregnable in the whole of Hindustan. It rightly deserved to be called The Troy of the East,' a name given it by European travellers.
To one of these travellers, Fr. Nicholas Pimenta, S.J., we are indebted for an account of the whole city, which will repay careful study. This Portuguese Jesuit was appointed Visitor of the Missions of the Society of Jesus in India by the Most Rev. Fr. Claudius Aquaviva, Superior General of the Society. In the course of his travels he spent a few days at Jinji, in the year 1597. There were no Jesuits then at the Court of the Jinji Nayak, but he wanted to pay his respects to Krisnappa Nayaka (1580-1620), the then ruling chief, and to thank him for his hospitality to several of the Jesuit Missionaries who had visited his Court on business.1
The above mentioned account sent by Fr. Pimenta to his Fr. General, and published in Purchas His Pilgrims, vol. x, chapter VI, pp. 205-222, reads as follows: "Wee went thence to Gingi ; the greatest Citie we have seen in India, and bigger then any in Portugall, Lisbon excepted." While visiting the place last April, it struck the author of the present article that the fortress could not possibly contain within its walls a city bigger then any in Portugall, Lisbon excepted.' My conclusion was that the city must have been outside the walls, the fortress being the citadel of the old Nayak capital. And on closer examination of Pimenta's narrative my supposition was confirmed by the following description : "In the midst thereof is a Castle like a Citie, high walled with great hewen stone and encompassed with a ditch full of water in the middle of it is a Rocke framed into Bulwarkes and Turrets, and made impregnable."4 No doubt the actual remains of Jinji mark only the site of what must once have been the heart of the old city, viz., the fort and the royal palace. The position of the rest of the town, or rather of what is left of it, was my objective.
I had a full day in which to effect my purpose, and at length I succeeded. Seated on the steps that lead up to the summit of Rajagiri I consulted Orme's Plan of Jinji referred to in his Military Transactions. There it was ; the map gave an outline of the old Fort. It was triangular in shape; the points where the bounding lines intersected were three hills; whilst the bounding lines themselves consisted of a continuous long black wall, which crowned the top of each hill, and ran across the valleys that separated the three hills, one from the other. It likewise showed the course of a small pettah running on the east side of the fortress outside the walls, at the very foot of the Chandrayan-drug, the southern hill ; while the present village is situated below the Kistnagiri, or northern hill. The pettah that existed in Orme's time and was surrounded by thin walls, of which no traces have remained, can only have been an insignificant quarter of the town. On the map there was also (what was more suggestive) & small path marked immediately in front of the Vellore Gate, on the north side of the fortregs. It led westwards and curved a little to the south after passing in front of the Rajagiri; by the side of this path as marked on the map, the following inscription may be seen : "Road to old Ginji." Where was the old Jinji, of Orme's days? That was the main question.
Thereupon with map in hand I tried to identify the places. I found the path after a diligent search ; it led us to a small village three miles north-west of the fort, named Mêlachêri. I opened the Gazetteer of the South Arcot District to get some information about this settlement, and came across the following description : "Mêlachêri.... It was known in days
1 Cf. for instance my paper The Jesuit Influence in the Court of Vijayanagar, published in The Quarterly Journal of the Mythic Society of Bangalore, January 1924, pp. 138-9.
I P. 217. I keep to the spelling of the old translation.
3 I have much pleasure in publicly acknowledging my gratitude to the Rev. T. Gavin Dutty, Diocesan Visitor of the Catholic Schools, Tindivanam, South Arcot, for his kindness in taking me to the place and showing me tho interesting historical remains so familiar to him,
• P. 217,

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY
( MARCH, 1925
gone by as old Gingi'and was apparently fortified." Here then was the "old Gingi" of the time of Orme, the name being retained even to the present day, as one of the villagers informed us. Probably the city of Jinji, when Fr. Pimenta visited it towards the end of the 16th century, extended as far as, and included, the village of Mêlachêri. The retention of the actual name of the village confirms this supposition ; for Mêlachêri means in Tamil, 'the settlement or the suburb of the west,' which evidently shows that it was originally a part of a large town.
Another fact also proves that this village was nothing else but a quarter of the old town of Jinji, viz., the existence in Mêlachêri of vestiges of an old palace, which was the scene of interesting events. When Zu'lfikår Khan, Aurangzeb's general, took possession of Jinji after the escape of Raja Ram in 1696, he appointed a noble Rajpat, named Sarůp Singh, as Governor of the city and fortress of Jinji. Sarap Singh was succeeded by his son Tej Singh, the famous Dêsing of the Southern folklore, who broke allegiance with the Nawab of Arcot, Sada'tu'llah Khan, refused to pay him tribute and declared himself the independent Raja of Jinji. The Nawab marched against him, and defeated and killed in battle the unfortunate Raja. Nevertheless, his descendants were recognised as Jagirdars of the Jinji Jagir, which primarily consisted of seven taláks. These Jagirdars during the 18th century had their palace in the middle of the present village of Mêlachêri. The latest male descendant of the Raja Tej Singh, called Sûru banaden Singh, owing to financial troubles, mortgaged the palace grounds to the Catholic Mission at the end of the 19th century.' Does all this not go to show that the old Governors of Jinji resided where Mêlachêri stands to-day?
That the Singh family lived in those surroundings is also proved by the fact that the small village built half a mile from Mêlachêri is called Singavaram, which means the town of Singh. There is here a famous old shrine of Ranganatha, cut out of the rock of a small hill, and surrounded by several little chapels which bespeak the ancient grandeur of the place. No traces of other monuments are at present to be found in the neighbourhood, but as late as Orme's time, as his map of the Carnatic shows, the whole space between Jinji and Melacheri WAS covered with monuments.
Now, knowing that the old city of Jiji extended three miles westwards, and supposing that the fortress was in the middle of the town, as Fr. Pimenta states, we can safely conclude that the whole city of Jinji at the end of the sixteenth century, in its most flourishing period, covered nine square miles about, and was therefore “bigger then any in Portugall, Lisbon exoepted."
Fr. Pimenta coming from St. Thome entered the fort through the northern gate called the Arcot or Vellore gate. "The Naicus,” he says (p. 217)“ appointed our lodging in the Tower, but the heat forced us to the Grove (though consecrated to an Idoll)” I feel inclined to think that this Tower is the eight storied square tower, 80 feet high, which still stands in the rectangular court of the inner fort. "It is the most conspicuous building in all the lower fort", says the South Arcot Gazetteer (p. 369). "The plan of each of the stories is the 5 w. Francis, South Arcot Gazetteer, p. 364 (Madras 1906).
of. Wheeler, Madras in the Olden Time, Vol. II, p. 218 (Madras 1861).
1 In the Baphiam Register Book of the Parish of St. Michael, Jinji, it is stated that SarubanAden Singh, belonging to Chatira (Kshatriya Casto), was baptized in July 28th, 1898, by Fr. Rogis (an dian Priest) at the age of 46, his god father being one Pannoussamy (Panuswami). His wife Annabai, aged 42, and two daughter Mariambai and Marthabhi, aged 13 and 4 rospectively, were simultaneously beptized. The parents of Suruban den were named Missoruada Singou (vic) and Krishnabdi, and at the time of the baptism of their son, they were still living in Malachéri, according to the same book. Fr. Godec, M.A., then Parish Priest at Jinji, whom I met in Alahdi, South Aroot, informed me that Sarubanâdem used to onll himself King of Jinji. The terrible oyolone that swept the country on December 2'And, 1916, wm pro. bably the sun of his donth. Howwe found dead on the road the following morning, as recorded in the obituary book of the same Parish. When passing through Jinji last April, there was still living in the village in a pitiable condition the second daughter of Suruba Aden, childon had abandoned by her husband

Page #51

Plat: 11
Indian Antiquary
JINJI
Fig. 4-THE VELORE GATE
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FIG. 5-PLAN FROM ORME's LITERARY TRANSACTIONS
H. Heras, S.J.

Page #52


Page #53

MABOK, 1925)
THE CITY OF JINJI AT THE END OF THE 16TH CENTURY
same and consists of a single room about eight feet square surrounded by a verandah built on arches from which, on either side, two narrow stairways lead upwards and downwards". I was not able to identify the situation of the grove referred to by Fr. Pimenta. The circumstance that it was "consecrated to an Idoll” makes me suspect that it was at the west of the gate of the inner fort, which leads from the foot of Rajagiri to the south-west forest. There is still a small grove in that place; and just outside the same gate is a little shrine to VênugôpAlaswami, which may perhaps be the idol mentioned by Pimenta.
"The next day," he continues, "the inner part of the Castle was shewed us, having no entrance but by the Gates which are perpetually guarded. In the Court the younger sort were exercised in Tilte. Wee saw much Ordnance, Powder, and Shot ; a Spring also of Cleare water. The Naicus had been here kept by his Uncle, whom yet by helpe of his friends he forced to become in the same place his unwilling successour, having put out his eyes.” Fr. Pimenta in this passage does not speak of the citadel on the top of Rajagiri, nor of the inner fort alone, but of the whole fortress. I am almost sure that Purchas' letter has been shor. tened. Fr. du Jarric, who saw either its original or the first printed copy in the Relacam Annal, published at Lisboa, clearly distinguishes these three places. His words are as follows: "It is the largest and widest city of the whole of India. The fort stands in the middle, being itself like a town, surrounded by high walls of hewn stones and a ditch full of water." Here, no doubt, the whole fortress is meant. “Within the fort stands & steep hill, which nature has made secure and art impregnable” (p. 369). These words evidently refer to Rajagiri. “There are many temples in the city and in the fort. The private dwellings &re not elaborate, except some belonging to the rich and to the influential people. Among these the palaces of the King are the most prominent, built in a peculiar style with towers and verandah." We know from this extract that the Nayak possessed two palaces, one in the fortress (that is the inner fort at the foot of Rajagiri), the other in the city. Perhaps the latter was the one located in Mêlachêri and occupied afterwards by the Singh family. As to the palace in the fortress, Fr. Pimenta speaks of it a little further on. "The following day the Naichus brought the Fathers into the fort (viz. to the fortress which was already called by the author arx] ; as they entered, the reports of the guns and the songs of the buglers excepted them, being the soldiers in parade. Whatever rare and precious the fort contained was shown that day to the Fathers. Every thing belonging to an impregnable fort seemed to have been adopted in this one. Here the Naichus had been ordered by his uncle to be kept after the death of his father, but freed by his subjects he confined his uncle in the same fort, whom he preferred to deprive of his eyes and his liberty than of his life. Then the king riding on horse back and accompanied by a thousand armed soldiers took over Fr. Pimenta to the palace” (p. 641). These words are not given in full in Purchas' edition, because the passage we read in Purchas runs as follows (p. 218): "He was guarded homeward with a thousand armed men". Nevertheless we learn from both passages the distinction between the fortress (arx) and the palace (regia). Hence in the following extract he spoke of the palace of the city, to which he went from the fortress on horseback, surrounded by a thousand soldiers : "In the Streete were ranked three hundred Elephants as it were fitted to the warre. At the Porch [in the vestibule of the palace according to du Jarric) one entertained him with an Oration in his praise, a thing usuall in their solemne pompes” (p. 641). Fr, du Jarrio also describes the dress of the orator mentioned by Purchas : he was veste purpurea amictus, dressed in red robes.
Though the history of Jinji still remains to be written, travellers who passed through it at the time of its splendour are by no means the worst sources of information for the scholar who may attempt to write it. I shall feel more than satisfied, if my comments in regard to Fr. Pimenta's account of Jinji may perhaps throw some light on the subject.
• Du Jarric, 8-J., Thesaurus Rervm Indiacarum, I., p. 640. (Ooloniae Agrippinae, MDOXV).

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41
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY
[ MARCH, 1925
SPURIOUS GHOTIA PLATES OF PRITHVIDEVA II. BY RAI BAHADUR HIRA LAL, B.A.
THESE Copper plates were brought to light by Mr. Ishwar Segram, Tahsildar in Baloda Bazar of the Raipur District in the Central Provinces. They were found by a cultivator of Ghotia in his field. Mr. N. J. Roughton, I.C.S., the Deputy Commissioner of the District, was good enough to send the plates to me for deciphering the record on them.
The plates measure 13 in. x 8 in. and are strung with a ring having the King's seal on it. The weight of the plates with the ring is 294 tolas or a little less than 7 lbs. The seal is circular with a seated figure of Gaja Lakshmi, having an elephant on each side pouring water on her. Below the figure of the goddess is inscribed Raja Srîmat Prithvîdeva in two lines, the letter Śri being reversed.
The characters of the record are Nâgarî of the Kalachuri type, belonging to the 12th or 13th century A.D.
There are 36 lines in all containing 26 Sanskrit verses, the invocation at the beginning and the name of the engraver and date at the end being alone in prose. The record bristles with spelling mistakes, not one verse or line being free from them, but this is apparently due to the ignorance of the engraver, who left out several letters which he could not read, leaving blank spaces for filling up afterwards, a thing which was unfortunately never done. Had only one ellipsis, viz:-the date of the month, been filled up, it would have been possible to demonstrate at once the forgery of this record, to be referred to later on.
The inscription purports to record the grant of a village Gothayâ1, apparently situated in Sagatta Mandala, to one Gopâla Sarmâ of the Asvalâyana Gotra, having the three pravaras Vasishtha, Maitrâvaruna and Kaunḍinya. He was born of Rihila, son of Hari Brahman, and was a learned man, as he had studied the Śrutis, Smritis and Puranas. To me it appears that it was he? who made use of his great learning in committing this forgery, the composition whereof has been attributed to a Vâstavya (Kayastha) Vatsaraja, son of Kirtidhara. The Haihaya King Prithvideva II has been made the donor, and his genealogy is given, commencing from Kekkala (Kokkala), the name of Karttavîrya being mentioned as the originator of the family. The descendants of Kokkala who find a mention are his son Kalingaraja, grandson Kamalarâja, and great-grandson Ratnarâja (I). The latter's wife was Nonallâ, from whom was born Prithvîdeva (I), whose son was Jâjalladeva (I), whose son was Ramhadeva (Ratnadeva II), whose son was Prithvideva (II), 'of bright fame.'
The charter is dated Samvat 1000 on a Thursday of the bright fortnight of Bhadrapada month, the most important item, the date being omitted. The record does not state what Samvat it refers to. If it be taken to be the Kalachuri or Chedi era, which was started in 248 A.D. by the ancestors of the King mentioned in this record and which was universally used in Kosala or Chhattisgarh, of which Ratnadeva II is mentioned as an ornament in the tenth verse of this record, we would arrive at a period (1248 A.D.) when Prithvideva II's great-grandson and namesake, Prithvideva III, had ceased to rule and the latter's grandson or great-grandson was occupying the throne. Clearly, therefore, the Samvat referred to in the record cannot be a Kalachuri one. After the disuse of this era in Chhattisgarh we find no other Samvat in use, except Vikrama or Saka. The latest date in the Kalachuri era found on inscriptions of Chhattisgarh is 933 (1181 A.D.), of the time of Ratnadeva III.3 A record belonging to the time of his son Prithvideva III, (after whom no successors find an inscriptional mention, though the line continued up till
1 Clearly the present Ghotia, where the plates were found.
* He may not have enjoyed the grant himself, but surely he left it as a legacy to his descendants. He may not have been even a contemporary of Prithvidova II.
Epi. Ind., vol. I, p. 451.

Page #55

No.1
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Page #56

Indian Antiquary
No. 11
Spurtous CITOTIA PLATES OF TIE FATTY KING PRITHVIDEVA I
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Page #57

No. 111
. Indian Antiquiry
THE KING'S SEAL ON THE SPORIOUS GHOTIA PLATES
जावा
b7
Reo Bahadur Krishna Sustri

Page #58


Page #59

MARCH, 1925]
SPURIOUS GHOTIA PLATES OF PRITHVIDEVA II
48
1732 A.D.) is dated in the Vikrama year 1247 or A.D. 1190. In this record the word Vikrama is not specifically mentioned, but in the Khalârf stone inscription, which refers to the Raipur branch of the Haihaya kings, the date is specifically given as Vikrama 1470 or Saka 1334 corresponding to 1415 A.D., as found by Dr. Kielhorn after the correction of some inaccuracies. From this it would appear that the dating in Vikrama era had gained currency by the middle of the tenth century of the Kalachuri era or the end of the twelfth century of the Christian calendar. It may be noted that the Saka era was not much in vogue in Chhattisgarh, as we do not find it used except in sporadic cases, and that too in conjunction with the Vikrama era as in the Khalârî record. In the present case the Saka year would be as unsuitable as the Kalachuri year, as it would correspond to 1078 A.D., which falls about the reign of Prithvideva II's great-grandfather's grandfather.
In my view the present forgery was committed when about a hundred years since the death of Prithvideva had passed away, that is, about the middle of the 13th century A.D., when any date could have been assigned to him without being easily detected. To give the record the sanctity of great antiquity, the date of the grant was apparently put back 300 years and dated in the Samvat prevalent at the time, viz:-the Vikrama era, whose year 1000, corresponding to 943 A.D., gave the desired age. But the effect of this (apparently not noticed at the time) was a reference to a time anterior to the advent of the Haihayas in Chhattisgarh. It fell about the time when Kokalla's father reigned at Tripuri in the Jubbulpore District.
In fact it was not Kokalla who came to Chhattisgarh, but one of his 18 sons, Kalingråja, who was great-grandfather of Prithvideva I, who in turn was as far removed from Prithvideva II, the alleged donor of Gothaya village. What is most wonderful in this record is the audacity with which it was forged, throwing dust in the eyes of such great kings as the Haihayas. Perhaps this would not have been possible, but for the fear inculcated in the imprecatory texts of the Dharma-Sastras, for do they not enjoin that they who seize property dedicated to Gods or Brahmans are borne as black serpents, and do not the confiscators of a Brahman's lands or those who consent to such an act live sixty thousand years in Hell?
A facsimile of the plates is reproduced from the impressions kindly taken for me by Rao Bahadur Krishna Sastri, B.A. The text is so corrupt that a corrected version of practically the whole record would be necessary, which appears inexpedient in view of its being a forgery. The record is published to prevent scholars from taking it as a genuine record and uselessly labouring over it. The only lacunae of any importance which need be filled up are:=
ent Letter: केवलः नृपवर पुरीम पृ ॥ दव
रह्मदेवः
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4 Hira Lal's C.P. Inscriptions, pp. 107-108.
do.
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in line 3
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in line 21
in line 22
in line 22
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in line 35
in line 36
Ep. Ind., vol. II, p. 288.

Page #60

THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY
MARCH, 1926
REMARKS ON THE ANDAMAN ISLANDERS AND THEIR COUNTRY.
BY SIR RICHARD C. TEMPLE, BT., C.B., C.L.E., F.S.A. Chief Oommissioner, Andaman and Nicobar Islands, from A.D. 1894 to 1903.
(Oontinued from page 29.)
IV Brown's Andaman Islanders: Theories.
(1) Ceremonies. I now pass on to what Mr. Brown calls (p. 229) "an attempt to interpret some of the beliefs and customs of the Andaman Islanders, as they have been described in the earlier part of this work." It will be perceived that it is necessary, in dealing with the theories Mr. Brown works out upon his observations, to treat all the observations as correct, despite the criticisms to which I have hitherto subjected them.
He explains (p. 229) that "by the interpretation of a custom is meant the discovery, not of its origin, but of its meaning." He then launches out into his theories as to the meaning of the Andamanese customs, arriving, it will be seen, at novel results upon a novel system, though he does not claim novelty for it, as in a footnote (p. 325) he gives the honour of originating it to Prof. Emile Durkheim and Messrs. H. Habert and M. MAuss. He divides his interpretation into two long Chapters on "Andamanese Customs and Beliefs : Ceremonial" (pp. 229-329) and "Myths and Legends” (pp. 330-406). I propose now to follow him in these two Chapters.
Mr. Brown then explains his method, and here it is necessary to observe him closely in order to do justice to his argument. He continues (p. 229):
« To seek the origin of customs, as the word origin is here used, is to seek then know the details of the historical process by which they have come into existence. In the absence of all historical records, the most that we could do would be to attempt to make a hypothetical reconstruction of the past, which, in the present state of ethno. logical science, would be of very doubtful utility. It is otherwise with the meaning of customs.
And in regard to the term 'hypothetical reconstruction' he says: “the making of hypothetical reconstructions of the past has been regarded by a number of writers as the principal, if not the sole, task of ethnology. My own view is that such studies can never be of any great scientific value."
On p. 230, Mr. Brown goes on : " The problems that this chapter presents are therefore not historical but psychological or sociological. We have to explain why it is that the Andamanese think and act in certain ways. The explanation of each single custom is provided by showing what is its relation to the other customs of the Andamanese and to their general system of ideas and sentiments. Thus the subject of the present chapter is not in any way affected by questions of historical origin of the customs as they exist at the present dav Nor are we concerned with the comparison of the customs of the Andamanese with those of other savage races. Such comparisons are not only valueless for our purpose, but might be misleading."
He does not consider such a method to be " a true comparative method ... . What we used to compare is not institutions but serial systems and types." And he does not approve of separating description from interpretation, as "the field ethnologist has a great advantage over those who know the facts only second hand." He is however aware of the practical difficulties in the way of combining observation with interpretation, and says (p. 232)
I have tried to present the argument in such a way that the various steps of the ana. lygis shall be immediately apparent, so that the reader may be able not only to indge the value of the conclusions, but also to form a clear idea of the psychologioal methods by which they are reached. Any attempt to explain or interpret particular

Page #61

47
MARCH, 1925] REMARKS ON THE ANDAMAN ISLANDERS AND THEIR COUNTRY
beliefs and customs of a savage people is necessarily based on some general psychological hypothesis as to the real nature of the phenomena to be explained. The sound rule of method is therefore to formulate clearly and explicitly the working hypothesis on which the interpretation is based. It is only in this way that its value can be properly tested."
Mr. Brown then states (p. 232): "the hypothesis that seems to be most usually adopted by English writers on anthropology is that the beliefs of savage peoples are due to attempts on the part of primitive man to explain to himself the phenomena of life and nature." And on p. 233 he writes: "A second hypothesis explains the beliefs of primitive man as being due to emotions of surprise and terror, or of awe and wonder, aroused by the contemplation of the phenomena of nature. Both these hypotheses may be held together, one being used to explain primitive beliefs and the other to explain others." In this way Mr. Brown dismnisses Frazer, MaxMüller, Marett and McDougall and sets up Durkheim as his guide.
We now come to a very important statement for the present purpose (pp. 233-234.) :"Stated as briefly as possible the working hypotheses here adopted is as follows:
(1) A society depends for its existence on the presence in the minds of its members of a certain system of sentiments (an organised system of emotional tendencies centred about some object), by which the conduct of the individual is regulated in conformity with the needs of the society.
(2) Every feature of the social system itself and every event or object that in any way affects the well-being or the cohesion of the society becomes an object of this system
of sentiments.
3) In human society the sentiments in question are not innate but are developed in the individual by the action of the society upon him.
(4) The ceremonial customs of a society are a means by which the sentiments in question are given a collective expression on appropriate occasions.
(5) The ceremonial (i.e., collective) expression of any sentiment serves both to maintain it at the requisite degree of intensity in the mind of the individual and to transmit it form one generation to another. Without such expression the sentiments involved could not exist."
Mr. Brown then says (p. 234):
"Using the term 'Social function' to denote the effects of an institution (custom or belief) in so far as they concern the society and its solidarity or cohesion, the hypothesis of this chapter may be more briefly resumed in the statement that the social function of the ceremonial customs of the Andaman Islanders is to maintain and to transinit from one generation to another the emotional dispositions on which the society (as it is constituted) depends for its existence. The present chapter contains an attempt to apply this hypothesis to the ceremonial customs of the Andaman Islanders." These remarks are followed up by others equally important (p. 235):
"For the clearer understanding of the argument it is necessary to draw attention to a few rules of method that will be observed.
(1) In explaining any given custom it is necessary to take into account the explanation given by the natives themselves.
(2) The assumption is made that when the same or a similar custom is practised on diff. erent occasions it has the same or a similar meaning in all of them.
(3) It is assumed that when different customs are practised together on one and the same occasion there is a common element in the customs. This rule is the inverse of the last.
(4) I have avoided, as being misleading as well as unnecessary, any comparison of Andamanese customs with similar customs of other races. Only in one or two instances have I broken this rule, and in those I believe I am justified by special considerations." We have now Mr. Brown's argument clearly before us. There is to be no comparison and no history. The theorist is to work out his theory for himself from the facts as he understands them. Prima facie, this is a very dangerous position to take up. Let us see how Mr. Brown sustains it,

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The Marriage Ceremony. Mr. Brown commences (pp. 235 ff.) with the marriage ceremony. “The main feature of it is that the bride and bridegroon are required to publicly embrace each other." After discoursing on the subject in simple language, he says (p. 236): "the meaning of the marriage ceremonis readily seen. By marriage the man and woman are brought into special and intimate relac on to one another, they are, as we say, united."
He next remarks that "the ceremony brings vividly to the minds of the young couple and also to those of the spectators the consciousness that the two are entering upon a new social relation," and later that it "serves to make it clear that marriage is a matter which concerns not only those who are entering into it, but the whole community." And again he says (p. 238): "at marriage the giving (of presents) is one-sided, no return being expected, for it is an expression not of personal friendship on the part of the givers, but of the general social good will and approval." In these words Mr. Brown adumbrates his main theory, as will be seen later.
The Peace-Making Ceremony. In this ceremony, Mr. Brown's special discovery, in the North Andaman, the dancers are in two parties, the one aggressive and the other passive : go (p. 238) "anger appeased dies down ; wrongs expiated are forgiven and forgotten : the enmity is at an end." The ceremony ends with an exchange of weapons, which would seem to ensure at least some months of friendship, for you cannot go fighting a man with his weapons when he has yours.” "The social function [of the ceremony] is to restore the condition of solidarity between two local groups that has been destroyed by some offence."
Mr. Brown's method of explanation makes it necessary to leave parts of seremonies to be explained separately later on, and as the argument proceeds this habit will be found to be constant. In this case the passive party stands against a fibre screen left for future examination, and in both this and the marriage ceremony there is ceremonial weeping which is next examined.
Ceremonial Weeping. “The principal occasions when ceremonial weeping occurs are as follows (p. 239) (1) When two friends or relatives meet after having been for some time parted, they embrace each other and weep together. (2) At the peace-making ceremony the two parties of former enemies weep together, embracing each other. (3) At the end of the period of mourning the friends of the mourners (who have not themselves been mourning) weep with the latter. (4) After a death the relatives and friends embrace the corpse and weep over it. (5) When the bones of a dead man or woman are recovered from the grave they weep over it. (6) On the occasion of a marriage the relatives of each weep over the bride and bridegroom. (7) At various stages of the initiation ceremonies the female relatives of a youth or girl weep over him or her."
Mr. Brown observes (p. 239) that the weeping" is always a rite, the proper performance of which is demanded by custom . . . . It is an example (p. 240) of what I have called ceremonial customs. In certain circumstances men and women are required by custom to embrace one another and weep, and if they neglected to do so it would be an offence condemned by all right-thinking persons."
Mr. Brown explains the weeping thus (p. 240) : "the purpose of the rite is to affirm the existence of a social bond between two or more persons." And he sees in it (p. 242): "an affirmation of solidarity or social union (in the peacemaking ceremony] between groups, and that the rule is in its nature such as to make the participants feel that they are botind to each

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49
other by ties of friendship." Similarly (p. 242) the weeping at the end of the mourning is regarded as "the renewal of the social relations that have been interrupted." So that the rite in the three cases above is (p. 243)" a ceremony of aggregation."
So again at marriages and initiation ceremonies, which are (p. 244) “long processes that are only completed by marriage," the rite of weeping (p. 243) "serves to make real (by feeling), in those taking part in it, the presence of the social ties that are being modified." At death the social ties are profoundly modified and the weeping rite (p. 244), " which is obligatory .... is similar to that at marriage and initiation."
After mourning the bones of the dead are recovered, and the dead is (p. 245) "now entirely cut off from the world of the living." Mr. Brown then takes the weeping as "& rite of aggregation whereby the bones, as representative of the dead person (all that is left of him), are received back into the society henceforth to fill a special place in the social life." On the whole he regards the ceremonial weeping as "the affirmation of a bond of social solidarity between those taking part in it."
Mr. Brown then draws up certain conclusions, (pp. 245-6) "(1) In every instance the ceremony is the expression of an effective state of mind shared by two or more persons. (2) The ceremonies are not spontaneous expressions of feeling : they are all customary actions to which the sentiment of obligation attaches. (3) In every instance the ceremony is to be explained by reference to fundamental laws regulating the effective life of human beings. It is not our business here to analyse their phenomena, but only to satisfy ourselves that they are real. (4) Each of the ceremonies serves to renew or to modify in the minds of those taking part in it some one or more of the social sentiments."
These points exhibit Mr. Brown's theory and his reasoning. My criticism of his actual argument is that the line of reasoning might easily vary with each observer. If his method of “interpretation ” is generally adopted, we shall have as many different interpretations as there may be independently-minded theorists.
Dancing. In considering this subject Mr. Brown breaks into that of several others connected therewith in rather & confusing manner. Firstly he observes (p. 247) that dancing signifies enjoyment and next that it is rhythmical : then that dance and song, rhythmical clapping and stamping on a sounding board, are all parts of common action. Next he observes that the function of the dance (p. 249) is to bring into activity as many of the muscles of the body as possible," and also the two chief senses, sight and hearing, and finally that every one joins in it,- all the men in the dancing and all the women in the chorus. Lastly, he concludes with some diffidence (p. 249) that “the Andamanese dance (with its accompanying song) may be described as an activity in which, by virtue of the effect of rhythm and melody, all the members of a community are able harmoniously to co-operate and act in unity."
After discussing awhile the psychical effects of rhythm on the individual and the whole party present in creating “what we call esthetic enjoyment," Mr. Brown considers (p. 251) the effect of the dance a8 & social and collective activity, coming to the conclusion (p. 252) that the primary social function of the dance is to produce & condition in which the unity, harmony and oonoord of the community are at a maximum." This argument, he holds, explains the dance before setting out to a fight. It arouses (p. 252) " in the mind of every individual a sense of the unity of the social groups, of which he is a member," and it serves (p. 253) " to intensify the collective anger against the hostile group." Similarly dance meetings in ordinary times serve (p. 253) « to unite two or more groups into one body." The whole argument and the conclusion are rather trite and quite as dangerous in ordinary hands as those on weeping.

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Personal Adornment. The consideration of dancing leads to that of personal adornment by ornamenting and painting the body (p. 254). "The most important function of any adorning of the body [of the dancer) is to express or mark the personal value of the decorated individual." But " the occasions on which such personal decoration is used are strictly defined by custom." Brides and bridegrooms are (p. 255) painted to express the "increased social value to the pair." So in the painting of the newly initiate and of the dead is carried on (p. 256) to expresa the regard of the living. Here Mr. Brown remarks that he does not believe that the personal ornament and dancing among the Andamanese are connected with sexual emotion.
Protoctivo Omaments and objects. Some ornaments, however, (p. 257) are worn, (e.g., strings of human bones), as a protec. tion against sickness or the Spirits. Other objects that cannot be worn, (e.g., fire), have the same properties. They are considered together. “The interpretation offered is that the customs connected with this belief in the protective power of objects of various kinds are means by which is expressed and thereby maintained at the necessary degree of energy a very important social sentiment, which, for lack of a better term, I shall call the sentiment of dependence."
The object affording protection on which the Andamanese is most dependent is fire. It is his most valuable possession, for he could not make it. Says Mr. Brown
«The belief in the protection power of fire is very strong. A man would never move even a few yards out of camp at night without & fire-stick. More than any other object fire is believed to keep away Spirits that cause disease and death. This belief it is here maintained is one of the ways in which the individual is made to feel his dependence upon the society. Now this hypothesis is capable of being very strictly tested by the facts ; for if it is true, we must expect to find that the same protective power is attributed to every object on which the social life depends. An examination of the Andamanese beliefs shows that this is so, and thereby confirms the hypothesis."
Mr. Brown then goes into details as to the protective qualities of the bows and arrows, and of their parts or of the materials from which they are made, worn as amulets and necklaces. They apply, too, to the string of the bow and other strings or rope, to the canoe and paddle used in fishing; to the very trees, canes and fibres from which they are made; to the materials, sach as bees-wax used with them. The argument here is well worked out (pp. 257-263), but Mr. Brown confesses that he did not enquire whether iron for arrow heads, materials for basket-ware, or clay for pottery were looked on as protective. Two other articles bones of animals and human bones used for personal ornament-he leaves over for future discussion.
Mr. Brown here makes & statement of such value to his subsequent argument that I must quote it in full (p. 264)
“ It would seem that the function of the belief in the protective power of such things as fire and the materials from which weapons are made is to maintain in the mind of the individual the feeling of his dependence upon the society. But viewed froin another aspect the beliefs in question may be regarded as expressing the socia! value of the things to which they relate. This term 'social value' will be used repeatedly in the latter part of this chapter, and it is therefore necessary to give an exact definition. By the social value of anything I mean the way in which that thing aftects or is capable of affecting the social life. Value may be either positive or negative, positive value being possessed by anything that contributes to the wellbeing of the society, negative value by anything that can adversely affect that wellbeing."
This statement Mr. Brown follows up by making three propositions, which he thinks he can demonstrate (pp. 264–265);

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"(1) Any object that contributes to the well-being of the society is believed to afford protection against evil.
(2) The degree of protective power it is believed to possess depends on the importance of the services it actually renders to the society.
(3) The kind of special service it does actually render."
Mr. Brown commences by the consideration of the use of odu clay, (1) in mourning, (2) at initiation, (3) in the crapuli design. Here he disagrees with Mr. Man (pp. 265-268), especially as to the meaning of the term 'hot' to an Andamanese. So we are not on firm ground as to the interpretation of language. Mr. Brown's explanation (p. 268) is Mr. Man's second explanation, the Andamanese paint themselves for protection against being smelt by the spirits. This leads Mr. Brown to an interesting observation (p. 268) that the Andamanese "identify the smell of an object with its active magical principle." They also think that if they do not destroy the smell by painting themselves after eating certain objects they will become ill.
Dangerous Foods.
This argument leads to that of certain foods being dangerous in association with sickness and the Spirits. The danger of foods is not equal, and Mr. Brown gives a sort of gradation (p. 269) from dugong to vegetables: the most difficult to possess is the most highly prized and dangerous. Hence Mr. Brown puts forward (p. 270) a proposition, "that the custom of painting the body after eating food is an expression of the social value of food." What the Andamanese feels, therefore, is (p. 272) "not a fear of food, but a sense of the social value of food."
This interpretation brings Mr. Brown into a difficulty, which he thus expresses (pp. 272273): "the sense of the social value of such things as fire and the materials used for weapons translates itself into the belief that these things afford protection against danger. This would seem at first sight to be contradicted by the explanation that I have just given of the belief in the danger of food." He proceeds to face the difficulty and to show that the materials of food that are dangerous (i.e., cause harm) in themselves are a protection when used "according to custom": e.g., (p. 273) "wearing ornaments of the bones of animals that have been eaten," and thus expressing the social value of the animals. He believes that the preservation of the skulls of animals difficult to kill is regarded (p. 274) "as a means of ensuring success in hunting as well as a protection for the hunters."
Initiation Ceremonies.
Mr. Brown then embarks on the initiation ceremonies, (p. 276): "I hope to show that these ceremonies are the means by which the society powerfully impresses upon the initiate the sense of the social value of food, and keeps the sense alive in the minds of the spectators of the ceremony." He holds that they are the means "by which the child is made an independent member of the society," and he takes them into consideration from the point of the whole society and of the initiate. They form the child's (youth or girl) moral education by a "long series of abstentions and ceremonies,"-abstention from favoured articles of food and social functions: ceremonies creating "intense emotional experience" and sense of personal social value.
As regards the foods eaten at initiation ceremonies, Mr. Brown explains (p. 283) the purpose of the ceremonies to be "to endow the initiate with the power to eat the dangerous foods with comparative safety," and (p. 284) " to endow the individual with a social personality."
Sickness.
The danger from eating food is sickness, which is caused by an attack of the spirits of the dead (p. 285). Mr. Brown explains the Andamanese notions about the Spirits by consider. ing the customs as to death and burial.

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Death and Burial.
The consideration of the general subject carries Mr. Brown into that of several minor ones. A death to the mind of the Andamanese does not destroy & personality. It creates • profound change, however, and turns the deceased (p. 285) from "an object of pleasurable states of the social sentiments into an object of painful states." The burial customs (p. 286) are "a collective and ritual expression of collective feeling."
The burial customs do not depend as much on the fear of the dead as on their social value. The dead man's ties of solidarity have not ceased to exist, but (p. 288) "continue until the society has recovered from the effects of his death." This, Mr. Brown thinks, explains the burial customs abstention from particularly valued foods, painting the body with white clay and so on.
At the end of the mourning ceremonies (p. 292) "the dead man becomes completely absorbed in the spirit world and as a spirit he has no more part in or influence over the social life than any other spirit, and the mourning is brought to a close by means of a ceremony. : This ceremony has two parts. One is the recovery of the bones and their reaggregation to the society, & rite that we may regard as the final settling of the dead man in his proper place." The bones are dug up as soon as the society has recovered from the disruptive shock of the deceased's death, and are worn in various ways as the greatest power of protection to the wearer, just as are the bones of eaten animals. The mourners return to the normal social life with a dance and ceremonial weeping as a rite of aggregation.
Nomenclature. A person's name is dropped from use after his death and this custom Mr. Brown explains at some length (pp. 294 ff.):"there is a very special relation between the name of anything and its fundamental characteristics. .. and a very important connection between a person's name .... and his social personality . The name is always avoided whenever the owner is for any reason prevented from taking his or her usual place in the life of the society." The name of a girl from her first menstruation to the birth of her first child is dropped and she is given "& flower name." At initiation and mourning, after marriage and after other important occasions boys' names and girls' flower-names are dropped for a time. In fact (p. 297) “at any period, in which a person is undergoing a critical change in his condition in so far as it affects the society, his name falls out of use (is tabued). The reason for this is that during such periods of change the social personality is suppressed or latent, and therefore the name which is closely associated with the social personality must be suppressed also."
The Spirits. The basis of Andamanese beliefs about the Spirits, Mr. Brown maintains (p. 297), " is the fact that at the death of an individual his social personality (as defined above) is not annihilated, but is suddenly changed."
"The Spirits are feared and regarded (pp. 297-298) as dangerous. The basis of this fear is the fact that the Spirit (i.e., the social personality of a person recently dead) is obviously a source of weakness and disruption to the community, affecting the survivors through their attachment to him, and producing & condition of dysphoria, of diminished social activity ..The fear of the deard man (his body and his spirit) is a collective feeling induced in the society by the fact that by death he has become the object of a dysphoric condition of the collective consciousness."
The people's own explanation of their fear of the spirit of the dead is a fear of their own Bioknons and death. The basis of this notion is this (p. 298):

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"The near relatives of the deceased, being bound to him by close ties, are influenced by everything that happens to him, and share in his good and evil fortune .... (p. 299). The feelings of the living towards the spirits of the dead are therefore ambivalent, compounded of affection and fear, and this must be clearly recognized if we are to understand all the Andamanese beliefs and customs."
Nevertheless (p. 300) Mr. Brown holds that there is a hostility between the society and the world of spirits, which induces him once in a way to make a comparison with other peoples. And then he proceeds (p. 301) to say " that the Andamanese do not regard the power that is possessed by the Spirits as being essentially evil." This brings him to the consideration of the medicine-man (p. 301 ff.).
Medicine-men and Dreamers. A man can become a medicine-man in three ways :(1) by dying and coming to life again. (2) by straying into the jungle and being affronted by the Spirits. (3) by having intercourse with the Spirits in dreams.
The difference between a medicine-man and an ordinary man is the possession of the same power as the Spirits : i.e., he can cause and cure sickness, and can arouse and dispel a storm. He produces his effects by communicating with the Spirits in his dreams.
Sleep is "& condition of diminished social activity” and therefore dangerous. All such conditions (e.g., sickness) are dangerous, when (p. 303) “it is necessary to take ritual or magical precautions." Sleep is visited by dreams, “by which the nature of the spirit world may be represented by the imagination," and (p. 304) the Andamanese "regards the dream-world as a world of shadows and reflections. In his dreams he acts as his double and it is his double that becomes his spirit. “To summarize the argument, the belief in the world of spirits rests on the actual fact that & dead person continues to affect the society."
The Principles underlying the ceremonial These considerations bring Mr. Brown to his 'Principles,' which he states thus (p. 306) :"(1) There is a power or force in all objects or beings that in any way affect social life (2) It is by virtue of this power that such things are able to aid or harm the society. (3) the power, no matter what may be the object or being in which it is present, is never either essentially good or essentially evil, but is able to produce both good and bad results. (4) Any contact with the power is dangerous, but the danger is avoided by ritual precautions. (5) the degree of power possessed by anything is directly proportioned to the im. portance of the effects that it has on the social life. (6) The power in one thing may be used to counteract the danger due to contact with the power in some other thing.
7) If an individual comes into contact with the power in anything and successfully avoids the danger of such contaot, he becomes himself endowed with power of the same kind as that with which he is in contact."
Here Mr. Brown adds a caution (p. 306): "remembering always that the Andamanese Islanders themselves are quite incapable of expressing their beliefs in words and are prob ably only vaguely conscious of them.”
The Social Lite. Mr. Brown now becomes more difficult to follow (p. 307): "It has been held in this obapter that the society or the social life is the chief source of protection against danger for the individual." That is to say on the whole argument that the society is both the danger and the proteotion of the individual.

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(MABOK, 1928
He then goes deeply into matters of the dangerous' conditions after certain foods, heat, odour and painting the body; making comparisons by the way with the ideas of the people of the Malay Archipelago and Melanesians, in the course of which he makes the notable remark (p. 312) regarding the Andamanese Calendar, that it is a Calendar of Scents." His Argument finally leads him to the hypothesis (p. 315) that " in the Andamans the customary regulation of personal ornament is a means by which the society acts upon, modifies and regulates, the sense of self in the individual."
Mr. Brown then states (p. 315) that "there are three methods of ornamenting the body in the Andamans; (1) by scarification, (2) by painting, and (3) by the putting on of ornaments. By scarification (p. 315) " the society makes use of the very powerful sentiment of personal vanity to strengthen the social sentiments." By painting the body the society makes (p. 315) * both the painted individual and those who see him feel his social value." Rod paint (p. 316) has a double purpose,--as a protector and as a declarer of social value. Similarly, by putting on ornaments the society is moved by a double motive (p. 319) :" the desire for protection and the desire for display." .
“We are thus brought (p. 330) to the final conclusion that the scarification and painting of the body and wearing of most, if not all, of the customary ornaments are rites, which have the function of marking the fact that the individual is in a particular permanent or temporary relation to that power in the society and in all things that affect the social life, the notion of which we have seen to underlie so much of the Andaman ceremonial.”
Omamentation of objects.
Lastly Mr. Brown considers (pp. 323 f.) the ornamentation of objects such as bows, canoes and baskets
"Such ornamentation consists of (1) Incised patterns (on bows, etc.), which may be compared with the scarification of the body. (2) Painting with red paint and white clay (bows, canoes, skulls, etc.), or with prepared wax (Nautilus shell cups, etc.). (3) patterns made with the yellow skin of the Dendrobium (baskets, etc.). (4) shells attached by thread (baskets, baby-sling, eto.).
Hore Mr. Brown remarks (p. 323): "The important point to note is that the decoration applied to utensils is of the same character throughout as that which, when applied to the body, has been shown to be an expression of the social value of the person."
Conclusion. Mr. Brown's oonclusion is stated on p. 324 : "It is time to bring the argument to a conclusion. It should now, I hope, be evident that the ceremonial customs of the Andaman Islanders form a closely connected system, and that we cannot understand their meaning if we only consider each one by itself, but must study the whole system to arrive at an interpretation. This in itself I regard as a most important conclusion, for it justifies the oontention that we must substitute for the old comparative method-by which isolated customs from different social types were brought together and conclusions drawn from their similarity, new method by which all the institutions of one society or social type are studied together so as to exhibit their intimate relations as part of an organic system."
On p. 228 Mr. Brown says that the ceremonial of the Andaman Islands involves" the somption of a power of a peouliar kind " which " is the source of all good and all evil in human life." And finally he says (p. 326): "It is, in a few words, the moral power of the

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MASCH, 1925)
MISCELLANEA
55
society acting upon the individual directly and indirectly and felt by him in innumerable ways throughout the whole course of his life." Mr. Man calls this power 'God' All this is to say that Mr. Brown is a follower of the " new method," the method of Durkheim.
I have tried to let Mr. Brown tell, in these pages, his story in his own language, and it veems to me that if we are to abandon the “old method ” of comparative study for the new, we shall find ourselves involved, not in a scientifio discussion, but in the forniulation of an empirical philosophy. As regards Mr. Brown's own argument, it is a pity that it is based only on his own observations in the field, which reject all Mr. Man's that do not justify bis theory.
(To be continued.)
MISCELLANEA. MANDANA AND BHAVABHUTL
Kumarila Bhatta or any other person, especially a It is encouraging to note that the query of Prof. | he mentions himself as a great scholar. JaganB. N. Sharma (Modern Review, Nov.) about the iden- nath Pandit-raja was a pupil of a number of persons, tification of Mandana and Bhavabhati, has after all as he tells us in his Rasagangadhara. This mat s response (Modern Review, May). It is indeed argument of Mr. Bhate is still more weakened a very important question; but Mr. V. R. Bhate, by the fact that the name afar is one I regret to remark, has not paid to the question
of the least known and the most mysterious the sustained and careful attention that it names met with in Sanskrit Literature. Unless deserves. In settling such important historical and until mar is traced, it can prove problems, the first pecessity is to cast off all our nothing at all. prejudices and pre-suppositions, not warranted by
It would be a very hard task for any person, who logical reasons. The arguments put forward by
has carefully read Malati Madhava, to agree with Mr. Bhato carry us not an inch further from where
Mr. Bhate that Bhavabhūti favours Buddhism. we were left by the original query. The identifica.
We find quite the reverse. The character tion of these two great historical personages is
Kamandaki, though it has many merite, does not still an open question.
reflect.credit on the Buddhism of his timo. Is a Now I shall try, as briefly as possible, to show
Bauddha Sanyasini permitted by older Buddhiem that the arguments, presented by Mr. Bhate,
to engage in love intrigues ? Certainly not. prove nothing at all.
If we are to follow the samo trend of reasoning, we Mr. Bhste calls Bhavabhati & braggart, and
can say that he still more favours the Tantrikas expects that had Bhavabhûti been known by the
when he introduces Saudamini. On the face of it, DAMA of Umbeks, he must have mentioned it in the it would be absurd to say so. The object of a real prologues of his three dramas. But it may be said dramatist is never to favour or disfavour any sect. that, it the commentatore, who follow the tradition, Ho simply holds a mirror to nature and gives 18 a are to be believed, the name. Bhavabhūti itself true picture of the society of his time. Bhavawas not the poet's genuine name. They tell us that bhàti was living in the time of the Vedic renaissance, Siva himself appeared to the poet and gave
and so it is no wonder if he throws side-lights on
Buddhism etc., not favourable to them but him and therefore he became known
rather showing their decay. and degeneration. as Bhavabhâti: (TIK BETE: ). What.
The fourth argument of Mr. Bhate has really ever may be the significance of this tradition, the urprised me. He has not oven taken the trouble to name Bhavabhäti seems to beve been a kind of understand the passage quoted from Chitaukhi. proudonym only. It is qui possible that when Umbeks has been quoted there, not for identifying Bhavabhati had passed away, his real name might himself with Bhavabhậti, which, had it been so, have been forgotten by the coming generations. It would be, as Mr. Bhate observes, really absurd. He is not a single case in the literary history of the hne been quoted with reference to quite a different world. The mystery about the names of Shake topic discussed there. Even if the identification is peare and George Ekot is too modern an ex.
not borne out by evidence other than the statementa
of the commentator, the passage quoted from ample to require any elucidation here.
Chiteukhi is quite sufficient to sbow that The fact of Bhavabhta's being a pupil of Arafa Bhavabhati had written some philosophical work donn not bar him from becoming the pupil of I also
1 Vide Ouarand macharita Viraraghava and Goswami odition,

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With regard to the well-known Kariká : aferent af etc., we may say that it is found written in a number of ways. At one or two places Mandana is no doubt separately mentioned; but such as old authority as te, the षड् दर्शन समुचय, does not
commentator on mention Mandanas. Even if the Kárika has the name of Mandana in it, it will not carry much weight; for it is found in a later work. When once a tradition, whether right or wrong, becomes afloat, even scholarly persons begin to follow it blindly.
Whoever Mandana might have been, it is well known that he lived in Mahismati Puri, the modern Mandla, which is in the Central Provinces, not very far from Berar. So it in no way contradicts the statement of Bhavabhuti.
The seventh argument of Mr. Bhate is not his own. This difficulty was also felt by Prof, Sharma, who has in his query stated arguments, both in favour of and against the identification. But it may be said that Mandana, if the author of the Naiskarma-siddhi is to be believed, was in the habit of writing commentaries on his own works, and he might have done so even in the case of Bhavana-viveka,
[MARCH, 1925
It is not only in the Sankara-digvijaya that we find Mandana identified with Umbeka. Kriánade va, in his Tantra-chudamani, mentions the name of Umbeka as one of the
commentators on Tantra-vdrtika. Aufrect3 and Hall 4, in their excellent catalogues of manuscripts, tell us that Umbeka was the vulgar name of Mandana5. Moreover, Sankara-digvijaya, though it abounds in so called exaggerations, can not be so easily swept aside. Exaggerations may be made in the case of descriptions, but they are not possible with regard to personal names. अज्जुर्न may be called पार्थ, गुडाकेश, धनञ्जय etc., at different places, but not भीष्म, द्रोण
etc.
THE BOMBAY CITY POLICE: an Historical Sketch, 1672-1916, by S. M. EDWARDES, C.S.I., C.V.O., sometime Commissioner of Police, Bombay. Oxford University Press, 1924.
Mr. Edwardes, for reasons of health, resigned the arduous post of Commissioner of Police in Bombay in 1916, shortly before the agitation for Home Rule commenced in India. His tenure of office came to an end, therefore, just as the old conditions of Indian Government were giving place to those now still in their infancy, and he has done well to place on record what kind of achievements he and his predecessors managed to perform in the cause of order.
In 1668 Charles II transferred Bombay to the E. I. Company and in the following year Gerald Aungier was appointed Governor and at once organised a "rude militia" consisting largely of "black Christians" (Portuguese Eurasians), to keep order. So the Bombay Police may be said to be as old as the place itself as a British possession. This body developed into a Bhandari Militia after the suppression of Keigwin's Rebellion, which it joined in 1783, largely as a result of the cheeseparing policy of Sir Josis Child. In one form or another the Bhandari Militia lasted on to 1800. It
The few lines which have been written above are intended simply to remove mis-representations, which are liable to stop further research on this very important question. The question of the identification of these two bright luminaries, is as important from a historical standpoint as it is interesting from a literary point of view. It should attract minds, unprejudiced and trained in higher oriental research work.
V. N. SHASTRI.
BOOK-NOTICES.
was primarily a military body for protection against neighbouring powers, but police duties were also an integral part of its occupations. The times were lawless and judicial functions were performed by officials without any real legal knowledge, added by native functionaries known as vereadores. By 1720 the Mayor's Court was instituted by Charter and justice became a little more regularly administered. The police arrangements remained however so unsatisfactory that in 1771 the Bhandari Militia were definitely employed on regular police duties, under rules, some of which were severe-all Europeans ever had to obtain passes. Coffrees (runaway African slaves) seem to have been very troublesome at that time to the general public.
General Wedderburn was in charge of the Militia and organised a system of night patrols "from which sprang the later police administration of the Island." Crime, however, did not diminish, and in 1778 the Grand Jury complained vigorously, bringing about the appointment of Mr. James Tod as Chief of Police, who framed regulations, which were the commencement of the Bombay Police Code. He had a chequered career as head of the Police and be was never really successful, coming finally to downright वामनस्तुभय वेति न कितिदपि रेवण: || Introduction
'भों (उ) बेकः कारिकां वेत्ति तन्त्रं वेत्ति प्रभाकर ।
to Mahavidyd-vidambana. (G.O.8.)
3 Vide Catalogue Codicum Sanskrit-orum Bibliothecæ, 255b, 1864.
Vide Index to the Bibliography of the Indian Philosophical Systems, pp. 166, 170, 1859. Populare igitur, Mandance nomen Umbeka fuit.

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grief on a conviction of corruption in 1790. Crime in his day was as rampant as ever and professional begging by so-called faqirs and jogis was a public nuisance. It is so largely still.
In 1793 a Commission of the Peace was established in Bombay under an Act of Parliament, and Mr. Simon Halliday was appointed to be first Superin. tendent of Police up to 1800. Under his regime, police arrangements outside the Fort were tho. roughly revised and placed under a Deputy Superin. tendent, Mr. James Fisher. At that time the Superintendent had multifarious duties, which were afterwards gradually distributed among other officials.
Crime, however, remained rampant and public protection more than indifferent, untilin 1809 reform was demanded. A Recorder's Court had been established in 1798, but the powers of the Police Superintendont remained very wide, until Sir James Mackintosh, Rocorder, 1803-11, declared them illegal; and indeed the procedure of the police at the time was undoubtedly arbitrary to the European legal mind. So in 1810 & Committee of Enquiry was set up under Mr. Warden, Chief Secrotary to Goverment, which produced a famous document known as Wanden's Report. The Police had become noto. riously inefficient and corrupt, and no wonder, for Halliday's successor as Superintendent was tried for corruption. Warden's Report onded in Regulation I of 1812 which "formed the basis of the police administration of Bombay, until 1856." But Warden demanded the services of an "admirable Crichton" in the Superintendent, and such a person was not forthcoming till 1855, in Mr. Charles Forjett. Con. sequently the new Regulations effected "little or no improvement" in the state of public safety. Every householder "was compelled to employ private watchmen, the forerunners of the modern Ramosi and Bhaya." Punishment of ordinary folk continued to be barbarous, and it was not till 1846 that a Brahman was executed for a crime of violence. In 1832 occurred the serious Parsi-Hindu riots, precursors of many of the like in later years. The causa was thoroughly Indian, as they arose out of & Government order for the destruction of pariahdogs. There may have boon some improvement in general security at this time, but property remained in an unsafe condition. This is not to say that no attempts at improvement were made, for indeed such were constant. To go into a minor mattor, at somo poriod before 1838, the uniform peculiar to the Bombey Polico-sepoy was established dark blue with a yellow head-dress.
One of the causes of failure on the part of the police administration lay in the class of official appointed to the executive control of the force. Thay woro junior military officers, appointed without reference to their capacity for the work, poorly paid and never oncouraged to do well. In 1860
there were serious riots between Parsis and Muham. madans, and the outcry against the police had be. come so great that there was a fresh enquiry in 1856 and Mr. Charles Forjett was appointed Superintendent just before the outbreak of the Mutiny. This was a fortunato appointment indeed. Thereafter the history of the Bombay Police resolves itself into an account of the proceedings of the seven successive Commissionera up to 1816.
Charles Forjett (1855-1863) was a Eurasian (the modern Anglo-Indian). "He owed his later BUCCO8868 as a police officer to three main factors, namely his great linguistic faculty, his wide know. ledge of Indian caste-customs and habite, and his masterly capacity for assuming native disguises." He owes his fame to his action during the Mutiny, but he did many things for the city in his charge and the body he controlled. How he saw where the roal danger was locally in the Mutiny, and how he discovered the plot and met the situation generally is well told by Mr. Edwardes, who writes truly when he says: "one hesitates to imagine what might have happened in Bombay, if a man of less courage and ability had been in charge of the force in 1857." Forjatt lived on in England in dignified retirement in the enjoyment of many well-earned rewards till 1890.
He was succeeded by an equally capable man, Sir Frank Souter (1864-1888), in whom the city was peculiarly fortunato, as he was in charge for 24 years. In the last years of Forjett there had been an enormous increase of every kind in Bombay, due to the profits in cotton during the American Civil War, including a great influx of bad characters. There was accordingly a re-organisation of Police, but not of the Magistracy till 1877, and it was not till 1883 that the Police Commissioner began to issue reports on the working of his department. His great difficulty was the under-manning of the force, and for one reason and another that has been the trouble of all his successors. In Souter's time too, commenced another trouble, the annual pilgrimage to Mocca from Bombay, nowadays & matter of great consequence owing to increased facility for travel. He had to face alsd serious riote, Sunni and Shia in 1872 and Parsi-Muhammadan in 1874, which were partly aggravated by the extreme constitutional theories of the Governor. An injudicious police magistrate also interfered disastrously in the searching of suspicious characters at night. Another now difficulty arose at this time, due to facilities of travel, in the care and guarding of distinguished visitors, and yet another in the matter of housing the police, which it took the Government 14 years to rectify after admitting it immediste importance. All this and much more Sir Frank Bouter had to face, and during his long administration the city had progressed in size and importance almost beyond beliel.

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Sir Frank Soutor was succeeded by Col. W. H owing to the system of insurance; the regulation of Wilson (1888-1893), another remarkable man, street traffic owing to the great increase in wheeled who again was troubled with insufficient buildings traffic which showed the inability of native polico and staff, which he did not succeed in getting made to direct it; the system of the deportation of beggars up to proper strength. He did, however, succeed which was stopped by the Goverument, leading in putting & stop to the mischievous rain-gambling to & serious and permanent increase in the nuisance.
an ingenious form of indulgence in a vice to which The illiteracy of the Indian subordinate others, Bombay is addicted. In one case in which he was too, had become a serious handicap to efficiency, but concerned-the poisoning of a whole Memon family waa not.remedied in Mr. Geli's time. He also had by a dissoluto member thereof-he was hampered to face serious Muharram riots and strikes in conby a peculiarly Indian habit the whole Memon sequence of the conviction of the agitator Tilak, in community persistently made every effort to render the settlement of which his successor, Mr. Edwardee, enquiry abortive. .
played. an important part. Finally towards the The next Commissioner was Mr. R. H. Vincent end of his time the Morison Committee reorganised (1893-98), who was a foreigner by birth. He too the detective branch of the Police force into the was hampered by an insufficient force. During
Criminal Investigation Department (C.I.D.). his five years of service occurred the most serious
Mr. Gell was followed by the author himself, Mr. riot (Hindu-Muhammadan, 1893) ever known in
S. M. Edwardes, (1909-1916), who had drafted the Borubay; the outbreak of plague which threw en
Report of the Morison Committee. He was the enormous amount of risky labour on the Police,
first member of the Indian Civil Service to hold the 80 gallantly met as to draw an eloquent panegyric
post and met with some opposition at first, in con from Mr. Edwardes; and the initiation of the politi.
sequence, from the Imperial Police Service. Liko cal Ganapati festivals (1894), organised by the noto
all his predecessors Mr. Edwardes was hainpered by rious agitator, Bal Gangadhar Tilak, and sub
an inadequate force owing to financial stringency. sequently a constant source of trouble to the
Ho managed, however, to accomplish much in the public peace.
seven years that he held the Commissionership:
establishing the Police Gazette, issued three times Mr. Vincent was succeeded by Mr. Hartley
daily with all details of recent crimes, setting up Kennedy (1899-1901), who managed to do a good
many now stations, teaching English to the Indian deal during his short term of office and, like Forjett,
constabulary: controlling motor traffic and the WAS successful in A8Burning native disguises. Ho
Mecca pilgrimage ; improving the Finger-Print was at once faced by & great volume of crime
Bureau ; looking after derelict girl children ; and as a consequence of the plague--the immediate
finally during the great war clearing the city of causes being disease, starvation and unemployment,
undesirables. He had also to face Royal visits and a minor cause the reluctance of the judicial
and a great increase in the cocaine traffic and also authorities in India to convict on the ovidence of
the collapse of improperly forned Indian banks, a police alone. Mr. Kennedy also did much to
feature of the Bombay habit of specuiation. But reduce the beggar nuisance and to reduce the number
his main achievement was "the abolition of the of those who procured women, Indian and European,
dangerous and rowdy side of the annuai Muharram for prostitution.
celebration," the story of which is exceilently told. The next Commissioner, Mr. H. G. Gell (1902-09) Another very important matter for the time being was a popular selection, but he had an anxious career were his excellent arrangements, well backed by his and had to deal with Royal visite, riots and strikes, subordinates, during the Great War. including those of the Post Office and Indian Police Such in brief is the story of the Bombay Police themselves, and a dangerous revolutionary move. and its leaders-to those who can look bacis to life ment, to meet which last his office was not organis. in Bombay a very 'instructive tale. «History' ed, besides being understaffed. There came the is so much taken up with the general doings of the inevitable 'enquiry, but it did not lead to any great that one cannot be too thankful for the story practical result during Mr. Gell's occupancy of the of the guarding of public safety, which to intimately Commissionership. There was troublo also about concerns privato life. The present writer can the low pay of the police which constituted a legiti-l recolleot Bombay when there was a big gap in the mato griovance, the setting straight of which Railway route to Calcutta and the official Military occupied so long a time that a largo portion of the method of proceeding to Madras was by ses down force struok, and unfortunately the situation was the west Coast to Beypore near Calicut in a small not righted until the settlement had the appearance six-knot British India steamer and thence by rail to of the rights of the men being extorted from the Madras; when the kindly old Pantee, Postoji, Government. At this period the great cotton fires still ruled at the bygona Byoulls Hotel, and when occurred, which were believed to be incondiary, the ladies of his race were only beginning to show though the culprite were novor detected, partly themselves to European friends here and there.

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Afterwards he was in Bombay for varying periods memory of great religious emotion and of solid occasionally and saw its immense progress until the kinahip with unknown people from far distant days of the plague, when fear was great and the countries. But these exalted ideas are tempered courage of very many magnificent, when men went by sentiments of a meaner character. The poliabout quietly and the funeral pyres at the burning tical consequences of the Haj are of but feeble ghata wore always alight; and then again, not many
growth." years ago as a man's life goes, when the motor car
After a close analysis of the haram and the variand other things had once more greatly changed the
ous tabus and rites connected with it-particularly superficial aspect of the city. One know of course
the ritos of ihram, known by the technical name that the police existed. They were in the streets
of miqdt (plural mawdqit), he investigates the hisand their superior officers were acquaintances, but
tory and character of the famous Ka'aba, which how life and property were kept safe and the strug.
is to-day an irregular cube of heavy stonos, congle to secure that safety were unknown quantities.
taining the black stone which forms, as it were, Ono read, equally of course, of riots, strikes and
the focus of the pilgrimage. The Ka'aba has been disorders, but they did not personally concern one,
destroyed more than once. Abd-el-Malik bin and whatever the period, either in the old Bombay
Merwen, for examplo, rebuilt it in A.D. 693 in the or the new, the feeling always was that one was in
form which it was supposed to have had in the the forefront of life-up to date in fact and that
time of the Prophet. It was later reconstructed there was no reason to be anxious as to the safety
by El Walid bin al Moghaira, who transformed it of property. The book lifts the veil and shows uz
from a simple enclosure into a regular temple or clearly how great the difficulty of preserving life
mosque, covered by & terrace. Later again it and property has always been ; how continuous
was destroyed and rebuilt by. Ibn ez Zubair, who the anxiety and the labour and the self-sacrificing
addod now features, including a second door. skill and thought that has been bestowed by many
The author explains fully the character of the mon devoted to the public welfare. Thinking over
alterations and restorations of the haram which these things, one cannot but be grateful to them,
have been carried out since the seventh century. and to Mr. Edwardes for explaining their work so
As regards the black stone, he suggests that in well,
ancient pre-Islamic times the Ka'aba may have R. C. TEMPLE.
boon the shrine of a pagan Arab deity, Hobal. LE PLURINAGE A LA MEKKE; ETUDE D'HISTOIRE
There is some evidence that in the time of the RELIGIEUSE. By GAUDEFROY-DEMOMBYNES.
Prophet's youth it was surrounded by divers idols Annales du Musée Guimet, Tome XXXIII; and served as a kind of pagan pantheon, and that Paul Geuthner, Paris. 1923. .
the principal deity was the black stone, regarded The author describes this work as "notes for as "the right hand of Allah on earth" or "the the study of the rites of the pilgrimage." It is eye of Allah." He indicates that the sanctity much more than that ; for he has given in great of this stone was derived from the fact that it was detail the result of a prolonged enquiry into the the cornerstone of the haram, and that in this various ceremonies and rites connected with the rospect its worship was identical with the reverenco Muhammadan pilgrimage to Mecca, into the his- accorded to, and the sacrificial rites connected tory and character of the principal buildings and with, comor-stones among the Assyrians, Babyodifoes round the Ka'aba, and into the significance lonians, Egyptians, and Hebrews. When the and origin of the customs which are imposed upon Prophet founded his monotheistío faith, he was the devout Hdji. He has not touched upon the foroed, like the original propagators of other creeds, political spect of the Haj, considering this to be to assimilata a good deal of pagan custom and of far low importance than the religious mapest, superstition; and, consequently, when the old "I wooxcopt," he writus," certain personages shrine of the haram became the dwelling of the of avowed sanctity and the shoal of profesional One God, the black stone wal permitted to retain bogan, the entire population of Mocca lives by lite sanctity as the corner-stone of the transfigured mad for the pilgrimage. It prepares it, loads it, shrine. Some of the rites formerly connected •xploite it, and that done, it sinks into a somnolent with the Ka'aba and its black stone have been oxdatno, broke only by low intrigue, mongre abolished in the course of ages ; and two of them, aaloulation and potty passion. The pilgrimage which are described by old Muhammadan writers, placu sa surovole on the brow of the Yunalman indicate that the worship belongod to a very anand give him, without doubt, an inotiaceable cient form of popular and pre-Islamic superstition.

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accept the author's view, had nothing whatever to do with this embargo upon carnal pleasures, wh ch was a definite part of the ancient rite at the annual worship of the mother-goddess. But whatever its origin, the prohibition for a fixed period during the ceremonies at Mecca still operates; and it is only after the sexual idbu has been raised by the tawdy al ifadha, or rite of desanctification, that the pilgrim is free to seek the embraces of woman. The fact that by far the greater number of pilgrims are men, who travel without their women folk, is probably responsible for the growth of prostitution at Mecce. Other ceremonies now performed there, which originated in the paganism of preIslamic ages, are the sacrifica of animals and the ceremony of cutting the hair or shaving the head : and those, as well as other features of the annual Haj, such as ablution, prayer, costume, and the talbiya, which have to be observed by every pilgrim before he is fit to approach the shrine, are discussed by the author with the help of all available evidence 49 to their cha acter and significance.
One of the author's most illuminating chapters is concerned with the sacred well Zemzem, which was an essential feature in the ancient worship of the Ka'abat and was closely connected with the rito of siqaya or ceremonial potation by the pilgrims At one time the right of superintending and arranging this congregational drinking was vested in a particular Moccan family. Ancient literature shows that there were once three build
inge beside the sacred well, one of them a tank . for ablution and other two, pavilions. In one
of these pavilions was manufactured a fermented liquor of dried grapes and barley or com, called nabidh or adwig: in the other the liquor, which was very bitter, was mixed with the water of Zemzem. Up to the eighth century A.D., the pilgrims, or rather the worshippers at the ancient shrine, drank only the liqour (adwig), which was first offered to the deity and then consumed, as a pledge of a good harvest. Moreover, the actual ceremony of drinking took place at the moment of tawdy al ifadha—the ceremony which, so to speak, desanctifies the worshipper and sets him free to indulge in worldly avocations, including especially sexual acts. When Islam took the place of the old pagan cult, Muhammadan orthodoxy could not tolerate the consumption of sdwig: but finding the custom too old and firmly founded to be wholly abolished at once, it combined it with the cult of the well of Zemzem—thus, so to speak, diluting the pagan superstition with the pure water of a higher faith, and preparing the way for the ultimato abolition of the drinking of adwig, which occurred some time in the eleventh century A.D.
In describing the other edifices which stand noar the Ka'aba, the author discloses fresh traces of the pre-Islamic cult which centred round the shrine. He regarde the maqdim Ibrahim as a pagan relio, which may once have been a stone of sacri fice. After the foundation of Islam, tales had to be invented to explain its presence and importance in the new faith, and so gradually it became the qibla, behind which the principal Imam stands when leading the prayers within the sacred onclo. sure. The sacred pigeons of the moque, el masjid el haram, are another link with the pagan past and take the mind back to the worship of pigeons, connected with the cult of Astarte of Byblos, which was widely known throughout the lands bordoring the Mediterranean Sos. This same Syrian cult probably provided the basis of the prohibition of sexual union during the period of ihnim. The aceticism of Islam, if we are to
This review may suitably conclude with an extract from the final note in which the author sums up the lesson of his researches. "Entre temps sans doute quelques pratiques ont disparu, celles du sawig par example. Mais le formalisme reste dominant, et c'est lui qui continue à régler le haji. Et les pratiques les plus anciennes et les plus nettement magiques persistent, méme contro l'effort de la doctrine orthodoxe. Il faut consta ter que ce ne sont pas les peuples lointains, nou. veaux venus à l'Islam, qui ont apporté des prati. ques heterodoxes, et que, comme on le sait, " l'innovation condamnable" (bida') des docteurs musulmans est presque toujours me coutume ancienne, plus puissant que tous leurs écrits ; co Bont les Arabes d'Arabie, les Bedouins, les Mek. kois eux-mêmes qui conservent les vieux usages antóislamiques, qui ont cependant perdu leur signification. Ici, comme en d'autres matières, l'élargissement de la pensée est venu de l'extérieur, des centres nouveaux de culture où se mêlaient des pensées diverses, et la capitale religieuse de l'Islam est restée, et rien n'est plus normal, un centre de pratiques mesquines, de discussions étroites et de mercantilisme religieux. Le mouvement de l'Islam moderne doit tenter, ici comme ailleurs, de combiner, en une doctrine harmoni.
use, les traditions d'un glorieux paseé intellectuel avec les exige 09 de la pensée moderne."
S. M. EDWARDES.

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APRE, 1929) COPPER-PLATES OF UTTAMA-CHOLADEVA IN THE MADRAS MUSEUM
61
THE COPPER-PLATES OF UTTAMA-CHOLADEVA IN THE MADRAS MUSEUM.1
BY THE LATE T. A. GOPINATHA RAO, M.A, AND
M. K. NARAYANASAMI AYYAR, B.A., B.L. THE Bet of copper plates containing the subjoined inscription belongs to the Government Central Museum, Madras. The plates are bound together by a ring, which bears on it an inscription in Sanskrit, which distinctly tells us that it belongs to the Påndya king Jatila var. man, one of whose documents is also found in the Museum. The seal, which must have belonged to our plates, is put on another set : it also contains an inscription in Sanskrit, mentioning the fact that it belongs to the Chola king. Evidently therefore the rings and seals have got mixed up and have been affixed to wrong sets. • As early as 1891 this set of copper-plates was reviewed by Dr. Hultzsch : he writes, "No. I is an inscription on five copper plates, for the loan of which I am indebted to the Superintendent, Government Central Museum, Madras. The character is Tamil and Grantha. Both the beginning and the end of the inscription are lost. The plates are strung on a ring which bears & well-executed seal. The chief figure on the seal is a seated tiger, the emblem of the Cholas, in front of which are two fish, symbol of the Pandya kings. These three figures are surrounded by a bow, the emblem of the Chêra king, at the bottom, & lamp on each side, and a parasol and two chauis at the top. Round the margin is engraved a Sanskrit 816ka in Grantha characters, which may be translated as follows :- This is the matchless edict of king Parakesarivarman, which teaches justice to the kings of his realm.' The full name of the king is found at the end of the first side of the first plate : Ko-Parakesarivarman, alias Uttamachôļadēva. The legend Uttama Chola is engraved in Grantha characters on both sides of a gold coin, and the legend Uttama-Chola in Nagari characters on the reverse of a silver coin, both of which are figured in Sir Walter Elliot's Coins of Southern India (Nos. 151 and 154). The obverse of the silver coin bears the figures of a tiger which is seated between two fish and a bow, while a sitting tiger and a single fish are represented on both faces of the gold coin. The resemblance of the devices on the coins to those on the seal of the inscription leaves little doubt that both the coins and the inscription have to be attri. buted to the same king Uttamachôla. The edict was issued by the king in the sixteenth year of his reign at Kachchippêdu, i.e., Conjeevaram, and at the request of a minister of his, in order to confirm the contents of a number of stone inscriptions which referred to certain dues to be paid to a temple of Vishnu at Kachchippedu. Thus, according to a stone inscription of the twenty-second year of some Kô-Parakêsarivarman, the villagers of Kuram and of Ariya perumbakkam (Nos. 15 and 18 on the Conjeevaram taluk map) had to supply 500 kad i of paddy per year as interest for 250 kr Lanju of gold, which had been lent from the temple treasury, and the villagers of Ulaiyar (No. 115 on the same map) had to supply 150 kad i of paddy as interest for 50 kalanju of gold. According to a stone inscription of the ninth year of K6. Vijaya-Kam bavarman, the villagers of Olukkaippakkam had to pay 1 kalanju and four mañjadi of gold per year as interest for 24 kasanju of gold. As one manjadi is 1/20th k Janju, the rate of interest comes to 5 per cent., while in all the Tanjore inscriptions it is 121 per cent. In the sixteenth year of some Ko. Parakesarivarman, the inhabit. ants of four different quarters of Kachchippedu received 200 kalanju of gold, for which they had to pay an interest of 30 kalaniu. Here the rate of interest is 15 per cent. The last date referred to in the preserved part of the inscription is the eighteenth year, of some Para kêsarivarman, 'who took Madura and Ceylon.'' '
This article was contributed to the Journal in 1911, but was unfortunately mislaid until a recent date.
Ann. Rep. on Epigraphy for the year 1891 pp. 1-3.

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The inscription is recorded in Sanskrit and Tamil; a large portion of the former is lost with a few plates which are missing at the beginning. Thus we have lost the most important portion, that dealing with the pragasti of the Chola dynasty : but the Tamil portion is suffi. cient to indicate the name of the king by whom, and the purposes for which, the grant was issued. The Sanskrit portion and the Sanskrit worde occurring in the Tamil portion are written in Grantha alphabet, and the Tamil in Tamil characters. The Tamil writing is quite similar to the beautiful writing belonging to the reign of Rajaraja I., found in the Briha. disvara temple at Tanjore and on the Cholêsvara temple at Mêlpadi. The orthographical peculiarities are not many and we may therefore notice the few striking ones. Distinction between d and v is made by impressing a gentle curve at the bottom of the former ; see kudaba occurring in 11. 6 and 10 in which d is found ; compare it with v occurring in bhava in l. 8. The long i in secondary vowels is written with a distinct loop, which the short i has not; e.g., darśaniyau in l. 10; in niyey in l. 22, etc. Difference is also made between short and long secondary u symbols of the consonant m; e.g., mûvéndao in 1. 14; mũnru occurring in 11. 38, 39, etc. The letter ti has the secondary i joined to on the top of it: compare opápi occurring in l. 23, padi in l. 25, pannirandinukku in l. 50, etc.
The document belongs to the 16th year of the reign of Parakêsarivarman Uttamachoļadêva and records that, while the king was seated in the south Chittira-mandapa in the palace at Kachchippedu, the adhikarin, Nakkan Kanichchan alias Sole-mûvênda-vêlar of Sikkar, requested His Majes: y that, as the grants made to and enjoyed by the deity of Cragam had not been registered, they might be reduced to writing in proper form. The king commissioned this same adhikarin to attend to this business. Thereupon, this specially deputed officer examined all the old records and, after getting himself properly equipped with the details of the income and expenditure, makes the necessary arrangements.
The items of income according to the inscription are:(1) Taxes on articles sold by weight or by measure in the city of Kachchippêdu. (2) The produce of the lands purchased from the temple funds in the following places :
(a) In Tundunukkachchêri, the plot of land on the south of Sendaraipottan: the cheruvu north of Kadaạikkundil and Va akkil-kundil, which is in the enjoyment of Köşêriyar.
(6) Bought from the citizens of Kachchippêdu, the plots of land called Chitravalli. pperuñjeruvu, Loka-maraya-pperuñjeruvu.
(3) Interest on the following amounts lent out from the temple treasury to the following public bodies :
Kaļañjus.
Interest. (a) To the sabha of Ariyarpperumbakkam
250
500 ka lis (6) Do. Uļaiyûr
50
150 do. (c) Do. Olukkaippakkam
1 kl.-4 mj.4 (d) To the inhabitants of Kambuļånpadi Do.
Adim Anappadi Do.
200 .. 35 kl Kanchakappadiyar ..
35 Do.
Ersuvaļichchêri .. 18 (4) Taxes on houses situated in the suburbs of Sôļâniyamam at the rate of 1 nali and 1 ulakku of oil and 2 ndl is of rice.
24 731
This inscription is edited from impressions kindly furnished to me by Mr. Edgar Thurston, Superintendent of the Madras Museum, in 1905. Though this copper-plate grant was noticed so far back as 1891 by the Government Epigraphist, Ootacamund, seeing that nothing was done towarde publishing the same, I applied for impressions to Mr. Thurston who under the orders of the Government readily supplied them to me.-M.K.N.
4 Kl and mj stand for kalalju and manjadi respectively.

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63
NW W ORA
0 :
:
: :
From the amounts realised from these four sources the following expenditure has to be incurred :No. Item of Expenditure.
kadi. padakku. náļi. kl. mj.
a year. 1. Rice offering to the god of Oragam three times a
day 2. Two different vegetables to do. ..
Ghee, & ulakku a day ... Curds three times at & uri for each occasion Betel leaves and nuts three times a day .. Firewood -
do. Pay of the officiating priest at one padakku paddy per diem and five kalanjus of gold per annum 1or cloths .. .. . .. ..
Do. his assistant at 6 nolis a day and 1 kalanju of gold a year for cloths .. .. ..
Do. guard of the temple at one kuruņi of paddy per diem and two kalajus of gold per annum for cloths .. .. .. .. .. .. Pay of the two gardeners at one kuruņi and four na?is a day, and one kaļaiju of gold a year for cloths, for each .. .. .. .. .. .. Acharya-puja on each Sankranti at 17 kalanljus of gold, for twelve months, 15 kl. .. .. .. For sandal and incense at 3 pon a month; for one year, 14 kl. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. Three baths per diem ; for the whole year, # pon Three cloths for the deity for a year, one ka! anju
of gold .. .. ... .. 15. Pay of Musicians as ander -
(a) One big-drummer .. .. (b) Two small-drummers (c) One player on karadilcai ..
Do. ta!am .. ..
Do. dekandikai .. _ Do. -- kaļam (0) Do. kai-mani Total number; nine persons, 150 kadis of paddy per annum due as interest from the sabha of Ulaiyûr and the lands purchased from the citizens of Kachohippêdu and Tunduņukkachcheri .. .. .. .. 150
180 " . .. 16. Pay of cleaners and sweepers of the temple pre
mises, per diem 3 ndlis . .. 17. For the two deities set up in the Karikkala-terri:
(a) Rice offering for each at 6 naļis three
. times a day, for both the deities .. (6) Vegetables three times a day .. (c) Fuel .. .. ..
: :
:
s

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No. Item of Expenditure.
kaði. padakku. nați. kl. mj.
& year. (d) Ghee three times a day, one ulakku at 5
nális of paddy .. (d) Two lamps, one for each deity, at one uri of
ghee .. .. .. .. .. .. . 1 4 .. .. o Sandal and incense at 1 mj. per mensem, for one year .. ..
.. .. 12 We have seen above, under the heading of income, that the two following were set apart for a festival to be celebrated in the month of Chittirai, lasting seven days; viz., the interest on 200 ka! 17jus of gold amounting to 30 kalanjus, the taxes on houses in the suburbs of soļani. yamam amounting to some quontity of oil and rice. The expenditure on the first item was arranged as follows:
Oil consumed in burning torches, etc. .. .. .. 7 kalanjua. Flowers and sandal .. .. .. .. .. .. 2 To the devarad iydr3 . . . . . . . . . . . .
- Feeding Brahmans
.. .. 10 To the bearers of the palanquin of the deity and to the spe. cially invited musicians .. .. .. .. .. .. 15
Total gold .. 30 kalaijus. The accountant of Solaniyamam was to keep accounts for this temple, and the remuneration for his service was to be one kuruni of paddy per diem and two kalanjus of gold a year
A perpetual lamp was to be burnt from the interest on the sum of 25 kalanjus borrowed by the Sankarappadiyâr of Ira najayappadi, Ekavirappadi and Vamanappadi. The evening lamp was to be burnt from the oil collected from the inhabitants of Solaniyamam.
Now about the extra expenses on account of the two deities already mentioned :
(1) For bathing them on the Uttarayana Sajkramanam and Chittirai Vishu, for the torch bearers and banner carriers and the Parushain ayanmars, one tani of paddy.
(2) For him who arranges the ghoshthi, one túni and one pada kku. (3) For pûja, half a kalanju of gold.
Besides these, other items of expenditure might be incurred slightly over and above the arrangements herein mado. If any obstacle occurred in the proper management of the temple affairs, those of the eighteen niidus were to settle the differences. The officers in charge of this city, the Auai-váriyar, (the municipal members), the members of the (sabha of) Eruvaļi. chchêri and of Kañjagappadi were to audit the temple accounts immediately after the festival was over. Those of the above-mentioned chéris alone could nominate the temple guards in conformity with the rules laid down in the records kept in the temple. The temple manager, the guards and the accountant were not to be taxed by the city. If the temple authorities were not able to obtain, for the conduct of the puja, the services of those who had already learnt to officiate as temple priests, they should appoint only such Brahmans as are well versed in the vēdas.
This document was written at the command of the adhikarin by madhyasthan Narpatten. payira Ma i galádityan of Iravirappadi, belonging to this city.
At the end of the inscription a statement is made that the citizens of Kachchippêdu sold the plot of land called Marajapperunjeruvu to the temple of Uragam.
The engra ver of this document, who has done his duty most satisfactorily and splendidly, was one Arand&igi Pôrmiga viran alias .... So far about the contents of the record, We shall turn our attention to the historical side of it.

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The king Para kêsarivarman Uttamachôladeva, to whose reign this record belonge, must evidently be later than Parakêsarivarman Parânta ka who took Madirai and ļam, an epigraph of whose 18th year is quoted herein. We know from some other inscriptions that Rajaraja I bore the surname Uttamachôladeva, but he was a Rajakesari varman. Therefore the Uttamachôľadêva of the present grant must be different from Rajaraja I, for the person mentioned in the present grant was, as we already stated, a Parakêsari varman. We know on other epigraphical evidence that Madurânta ka, the son of Gandaraditya, was also known by the name of Uttamach ladêva. In No. 199 of the collection of the Epigraphist with the Government of Madras for the year 1901, we read' Parântakan Madêviyar, the queen of Gandaradityadêva, alias the great queen of the Sembiyan, (the Chola),--the queen who had the fortune to bear as her son Madurantakadeva alias Uttamachoľadêva'. Almost the same terms are employed in describing this queen in two other records, one of Tiruvakkaraj and the other of Uyyakkondan-tirumalai. The former runs thus Sembiyan Madêviyar, the queen of Sri Gandaradityadêva,-the queen who had the fortune to bear Uttamachóļe dê va'. The latter reads, 'Pirántakan Mwêvadical alias Sri Sembiyan Madêvi, the queen who bore Madurantakadêva alias Uttamachôļadêva.8 From these quotations it is clear that MadurAntaka, the son of Gandaraditya, went by the name of Uttamaohladêva. As the names Parakesari and Rajak@sari are alternately borne in the Choļa dynasty, they must have belonged to the kings of that dynasty as follows:
Parakesari Parântaka I. Rajakesari Gandarâditya
Arimjaya Rajaditya. Parakesari Madu.
Parantaka II. rintaka alias Utta. macholadêva.
Rajarajadêva I.
Rajakesari varman. Again, an inscription of the 24th year of the reign of Rajaraja I., found in tho Darukavanêsvara temple at Tiruppalattusai, actually quotes an inscription of the 13th year of Uttamachôladêva. No doubt the Uttamachôladeva here must refer to Madurântaka, the king to whose reign the Madras Museum plates belong. Sir Walter Elliot describes two coins with the legend Uttamachôļa, and Mr. Venkayya also mentions in his Annual Report on Epigraphy for the year 1904 that Dr. Hultzsch describes several bearing the same legend, in both Nagari and Grantha ; some of these it would appear are attributable to the king of our record, while others are said to belong to the reign of Rajendrachôladêva I. All these facts oonclusively prove that, prior to RAjaraja I, there lived a king named Uttamach ladeva, and that he was identical with Madurântaka.
The date of this king is obtained by No. 265 of the collection of the Madras Epigraphist for 1907. It belongs to the Mahalingasvâmin temple at Tiruvidaimarud ûr and is dated in Kali year 4083, in the 13th year of the reign of Uttamachôļadêva alias Parakesarivarman.
• An inscription in the siva temple at Tiruvasi near Trichinopoly which calls this king by the name Uttamacho adeva.
." Sri GandarAdittadevar nambirattiyâr Pirántakan madàvadigal Pirâtiyar Sombiyan madaviya magapana Madurantakaddvarás Uttamasoudêvarai tiruvayiru-vâykka-udaiya PirAttiyar."
7 No. 200 of 1904; "6.1 Ga: darálittadêvar nambiratiyar Set Uttamasóladevaraittiruvayiru vlykke udsiya PirAttiyar ød Sambiyan madêviyar."
• No. 05 of 1892; “Madurântakadêvarêma $: Uttamasdladdvarai tiruvayiru-väykka-ulaiya PiratiyAr Piraptakap nådd vaļigala a sci fumbiyan madaviyar."
• No. 376 of 1903." .

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From this, the date of his accession is inferred as 969–70 A.D. The last known date of this king is the 16th year, which corresponds, to 985, the year in which, we know, Rajaraja I ascended the throne. Hence it is very likely that Madurantaka died that year and was succeeded by his nephew Rajaraja.
Another inscription, No. 325 of 1905, mentions that Madurantaka's wife was the daughter of a Miladudaiyar, and we know from the Leiden and Tiruvalangadu grants that his son was Gandaradityadeva. He led a very pious life, visiting and setting right the affairs of several temples and singing their praises. A decade of his verses is inoluded in the collection of hymns called the Tiruvisaippa.10
The Tiruvalangadu plates state that the people urged Rajaraja I to take up the reins of the government, but that he sternly refused to accept their kind solicitations, saying he would not take up the sovereignty as long as his uncle, Madurantaka, was fond of ruling. It is said that eventually Arumolidêva, (Rajarajadêva I), was anotnted as heir-apparent, even while Madurantaka was bearing the burden of the kingdom.' This step might have been taken by Madur Antaka on perceiving what direction the inclinations of his son Gandaraditya took.11 From amongst the youngsters he seems to have picked up the fittest and the most popular, Rajaraja I, to be his successor.
Uttamachôļa's mother was called Pirántakan Madêvadiga! alias Sembiyan Mahadeviyar. She seems like her grand-son, to have been & very pious lady. She built a number of temples for Siva ; for instance, the Chandramaulisvara temple at Tiruvakkarai,13 the Åpatsahâyêśvara temple at Adutupai,13 the Tiruvasaneri temple at Tiruvarur, etc.14, were built by her. Some of these constructions were completed in the reign of Rajaraja L. and therefore she seems to have survived her son Madurantaka and to have lived fairly long during the reign of Rajaraja I.
In connection with the name of the mother of Madurântaka, Mr. Venkayya has committed a mistake. He speaks of her as Udaiyapiráttiyar alias Sembiyan Madêviy Ar.16 The compound Vayiru-vdyttal means becoming pregnant with or bearing so and so '; hence Uttamachuladérayai vayiru-vdykka-udaiya-pirättiyar' means the queen who had the honour of bearing Uttamachóļadēva as her son.' This wrong interpretation has brought into existence an altogether fictitious queen named Udaiya PirAttiyar. The phrase vayiru-vdyttal occurs in several places in Tamil literary works; e.g., in Perumal Tirumoli, the saint Kulas@khara addresses Sri Rama as Kaušalai-tan mani vayir-vdyttavaré ! 16
The inscription refers to transactions that took place on the following occasions :(1) In the 22nd year of the reign of Ko-Parakesarivarman. (2) In the 9th year of the reign of Ko-Visaiya-Kampavarman. (3) In the 16th year of the reign of K0.Parakesarivarman (4) In the 18th year of the reign of Sri Parakesarivarman who took Madirai and flam.
Of these, the transactions that took place in the first two reigns, are said to have been found engraved on the wall of the temple.
10 He has sung a decade of verses beginning with mingdr-urwa-mil. Ho visited the temple at Tikkali. Vallam (Tiruvallam, near Kappadi) set right the affairs of the temple and bathed the central shrine with 1,000 pots full of water. Ho set up an image of Sivas in the temple at Gudimallam, etc. (S. I. I., Vol. III, p. 102, and No. 222 of 1903 respectively.) 11 Ep. Ann. Rep. for 1906, p. 68, para. 16.
13 No. 200 of 1904. 11 No. 357 of 1907.
14 No. 571 of 1904. 16 Ep. Ann. Rep. for 1904, p. 11, pero. 20.
10 Perum) Tirumoli, 8th Deoad, v. 1.

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One of us has shown elsewhere that Kampavarman must have ruled only after Parake. sarivarman Parântaka I.17 Dr. Hultzsch takes him to be a brother of Nripatungavarman.18 We are inclined to take the Parakêsari varman mentioned thrice in this record to be identical with Parantaka who took Madirai and flam.
The following are the names of places mentioned in the insoription :-Uragam, Tundunukkachcheri, Kambulânpadi, Adimanappadi, Kañjakappadi, Karam, Olukkaippakkam, Erruvalichcheri, Ranajayappadi, Ekavtrappadi, Vamanappadi, 80lAniyamam, and Kachchippêdu. Of these, Kûram and Olukkaippakkam excepted, all others appear to have been the names of the various quarters in Kachchippêdu, which is a modified form of the name of Kanchipuram. The Vishnu temple at Uragam has been praised by the Vishnava saints, Tirumalisai and Tirumangaiyalvårs.19 The village of Kuram is situated at a distance of six miles from Kanchipuram, and is famous as the birth place of Srivatsa chinna-miśra, better known as Kurattalvan, who was the foremost of the disciples of Sri Ramanuja, and who wrote down the Sri-Bhashya to the dictation of Ramanuja. It is in this place that Vidyavinita Pallava built a temple for Pinakapani, under the name of Vidyavinita-Pallava-Paramêsvaragaram. Olukkaippakkam is perhaps identical with Ozhakkôlpattu in the Conjeevaram talûka of the Chingleput District.
In the course of this inscription we come across the name Tolachcheviyâr Elakkaiyar. We are unable to say if it is the name of a single person or of a class of men. The first member of this compound literally means 'he or they with ears unbored'; the second means,' he or they whose hands shall not receive (alms and such like things).' It is said that their line became extinct, a statement which precludes the taking of these for an order of recluses. After they became extinct, in the suburb of Sôlaniyamam, which was enjoyed by them free of taxes by royal sanction, a number of people seem to have squatted. Since the abolition of taxes on Sôlâniyamam was solely for the benefit of the Elakkaiyar, the small taxes mentioned in an earlier part of the paper were levied upon these squatters, for the benefit of the temple. The inscription informs us that there were three images in the temple of Oragam, one the principal deity and two others in a quarter of the temple called the Karikala-terri.20 This latter word means a pial, a raised platform. The platform seems to have been named after Karikala, one of the early sovereigns of the Chola dynasty. There is also a likelihood of its being called after some later member of the same dynasty, for we know other kings, who bore the same name as that early king, reputed to have built the embankment of the K&vêri.
The fact that the festival is mentioned to be of seven days' duration, seems to indicate that the tantra that was followed in the service of temple was the Vaikhanasa and not Pancharatra system. The latter was systematically introduced in almost all the important Vishnu temples in Southern India by Ramanuja.
The present inscription is of more than merely historical interest, in that we learn a good deal about the state of civilisation of the times, what the staff generally employed in temples in those days was, what the qualifications of the officiating priests were, etc., etc. We have also some knowledge of the comparative value of bazar articles and the rate of interest and other similar matters. The rate of interest does not appear to be constant: it must be admitted that in some instances it was rather heavy. Interest was received either in money or grain.
17 Christian College Magazine for 1905.
18 Ep. Ind., Vol. VII, p. 196. 1
19 Verses beginning with ninr-irundu yoga-nidi' and 'nig radendaiy-Oragattu' of Tirumalisaiyalvar (vv. 63-4 of Tiruchchanda-viruttam), and Ntragattdy' (Tirunedundandagam, v. 8), kalleḍuttu' (ibid., v., 13), madil Kachchiy-Oragams (Biriya-tirumadal. 1. 69). Oragattuljavanai (Periya Tirumadal, 187).
3 These might be the gods at Tirukkaragam and Toninfragam, sung by Tirumangaiyalvar.

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TEXT.31
First Plate : First side. १. पति स्म च तेषां युग्मवंशपशालिनान्तेष्वेव क् [कृष ] ळानपाटि कंसहप्पा२. *व्यतिमानपाव्ये व चचेरीत्याख्यातेषु वाटवेषु तथा त मशतद्वया भ्यध३. क्त तेष्वव वाटकेष्वतिमानप्पाटि क युवळ [ न ] गटीति वाटकद्वयनातास्तन्तुष[ या - ४. स्तस्यैव हरेस्तुला प्रत्यादि मानसंम्भूतेष्वर्येषु हेमवृत्युनतेष्वत्थे
चायन्ययालोविनां श्रीकार्यकृतामभावात् स [*] राजा श्रीकार्यकर1. गाय तानेव स्व[ य*] भ्ययुङ्क्तः दातव्यम्मासि मात्रे बुडुबकसहितन्तण्डु७. ल प्रस्थयुग्मन्तैलप्रस्थञ्च चो नियमनिलयनरूरवस्थाविधाने ना4. देय राजभाव्यं करमिति मधुरोन्माथिना शन्यभावाचोळेनाज्ञापित१. स्तैरथ नगरजनैरप्यनुझातमेतत् [॥१*] आयब्यावयालख्य चो नियमषा१०. सिभिः मासक्रमेण चैकैकन्दर्शनायौ बुडमबिभिः [॥२*] राजयनताषाश्चतु-- ११. टिनिवासिनाम् हेरः कार्यनियुक्कैश्च सार्च मूरकवासिनः [॥ ३*]
Brf Ko-ppara. 12. kesaripanmar-ana ari Uttamasoladevarkku yandu padinaravadu Udai13. yar Kachchippettu kdyilin-allal terkil Chittira-mandapett-elun. 14. daruli irukka adigarigal solamavenda-velar Emberuman ik-Kachchippettu 15. Oragattu niprarulina Devarkku ik-Kachchippettuk-ka-nirai kiliyum kala. 18. lavu [kajli[yu]m ivarkku pogamay varum marrum ittevarkke Kachchippettum Tu17. n[dunu]kkachcheriyilum vilai kondudaiya bhamiyum marrum poli. 18. attullanavum munbu ittevarkku nivandan-jeydilAmaiyi. 19. Inivandan-jeyyavam ik-Kachchippettu irandu seri ittevarudai. 20. ya krikariyan-kadaikanavum arulichcheyvad-enryu vinnappain-jeyyai. 21. k-Kachchippêttu Oragattu niņsaruļiņa dêverkku ivvur kól-nisai kaliyum kalala 22. vu kaliyum vilai kondudaiya bhumigalum poliattullapavum niye (y) ni 23. Vandan-jeyviy-enrum ivvar Kambulanpadiyum Adimanappadiyum i24. vvirandu bêriyum i devar srikáriyam-arayavum ipparisu nivandan-jeygaven.
Second Plate : First Sida. 25. rum arulichcheyya adigari Sikkar-udaiyan Nakkan Kanichchan-apa so28. lamavendarelan vinnappattal nivandan-jeyvittapadi [[*] kalala27. vu kaliyum kol-nirai kaliyum idevar vilai kond-udaiya nilaagalil 28. pogamum i devar poli-attu silalêkhaippadi KôpPorakesaripanmarku 29. yandu irubatt-irandavadu Kürattu sa bhaiyarum Ariyerperumbakkattu 30. sabhaiyarum konda pon irundir-aimbadin kalanjinukku 31. taigalar ennalip-porkalal orappai nalaikku attakka. 32. [dava polisai nellu sifarrukkadiyum Ulaiyûr sathay&r sild33. 18khaippadi konda pon aimbadin kalaijinal orattai nalai34. kku alakkakkadava polisai nellu nûrsaim badin kadiyum Ko-vi. 35. taiya Kampapanmarku yandu onbadavadu Olukkaipakkattu sabhai36. yar Hilalekhaippadi kondu kadava pon irubattunar-kilaijinal ora
Second Plate: First Sid9. 37. ttai nalaikkida-kkadava polisai-ppon kalaije nalu malijadiyum ni. 38. vandafjeydapadi (11) tiruvamirdu mûnsu sandikku nel mukkufuni arun Aļiyu. 39. m kariyamudu irandukku mûnru sandikku nel nanAliyum neyyamudu nisadam
31 From inked impressions kindly furnished by Mr. Edgar Thurston, Superintendent of the Government Central Museum, Madras.

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40. ulakkiņukku nel aiññāļiyum tayiramudu pôdu uriyaga muņṛu sandikku [ta-] 41. yiramudu nali-urikku nel munṇaliyum aḍaikkayamudu mânṛu sandikku 42. nel munṇaliyum viragiņukku nel irunâliyum ârâdikkum
43. vêda-brahmanan oruvaņukku nel padakkum ivaņukku puḍa vai-mudal 44. orâttai nalaikku pon aiñgaļañjum paricharakani-jeyyu-mâni oruvaṇukku 45. nel arunâliyum ivanukku puḍavai mudal orâttai nâlaikku pon 46. kalañjum tirumeykappan oruvaņukku nisada-nel kuruņiyum ivaņu47. kku puḍavai mudal ôrâţṭai nâlaikku pon-iru-kalañjum nandavaṇam uļap48. pår iruvarkku nisada-nel kuruņi naņaliyum ivargalukku puḍavaikku pon
Third Plate First Side.
49. kalañjum Sankiranti onṛiņukku acharyya pūšanai utpaḍa pon kalañjêy kalaga Saikiranti pannirandiņukku pon padiņain-galafjum tirumeyyptohohu51. kkum tirupugaikkum tingal araikkal ponnaga ôrâṭṭai nalaikku 52. pon kalañjaraiyum tirunamanigai mûnṛukku ôrâttai naļaikku po53. n mukkalum tirupparisattam manṛukku oraṭṭai nalaikku pon kalan. 54. jum ugachohagal talaipparai onrum maddali irandum karaḍigai on55. rum talam oprum sekandigai onṛum kalam iraṇḍum kai
56. mani onṛumaga al onbadiņukku puḍavai mudal-utpada Ulaiûr poli57. attu nel nûrraimbaddiņ-kadiyum Kachchippêttu nagarattârpakkal vilai ko58. nḍudaiya nilattil Chittiravalli-pperuñjeruvana pattiyum Tundu59. pukkachchêriyil vilai konduḍaiya nilattil mêttu madagâṛu pâñja 60. Sendaraippottan nilattukku vaḍakkil taḍi mûprum Kadaḍikun.
Third Plate: Second Side.
61. diflijn vaḍakkil oheruvuv-onrum palla madagaru pâñja nilattu! 62. Kônêriyår pôgattil vaḍakkil kuṇḍilumaga taḍi aiñjiņal pa63. tti nilamumaga innilam iranḍu pattiyum ippoliyattu nel nûr
64. raimbadin-kâdiyum uvachchargal onbadiņmarkku nivanäamagavum [*] tirune65. Jukkiḍuvarkku nisada-nel munṇaliyum Karikala-terriyil iruvar Devark66. ku munṛu sandikku nisadam-arisiy-arunaliyaga nisadam-arisi kuruni na67. pâlikku nel mukkuruni arunaliyum kariyamudu mûņru sandi
68. kku nel naṇaliyum viragukku nel munņaliyum mûņru sandikku ney. * 69. yamudu ulakkinukku nel-nnaliyum iruvar dêvarkkum tirunonda-viļakki70. randiņukku ney-urikku nel kuruņi-nanaliyum tirumeyppachchukkum 71. tiruppugaikkum tingal mañjadi-pponnaga orâttai nâlaikku pon pan
72. piranḍu mañjaḍiyum ivviruvar dêvarkkum nivandhamagavum [*] KopParakesaripa
Fourth Plate: First Side.
73. nmarkku yandu padiņārvadu Kachchippe[t]tu Uragattu niprarulipa dévarpakkali. 74. vvür Kambulanpåḍiyar konda pon elubattu mukkalañjaraiyum A75. dim&pappadiyår konda pon eļubattu-mukkalajaraiyum Kadjaga76. ppadiyår konda pon muppattaingalafjum Erruvalichohariyar 77. konda pon padinen kalafjum Agappon iruṇarru-kkaļas,
78. jiņukku kalañjiņvây piļavu-polisaiyaga orâttai na
79. Jaikku vanda polisai-ppon murpadin-kalafiju ippo
80. n muppadiņ-kalafijum i devar Chittirai tiruvilavukku nivandañjeyda 81. padi tiruvila lunalaikkum enņaikku pon elu-kalañjum' ēļu naļaikku në 82. ru pâvúm nâṛu áândukkum pop irukaļañjum ēļunāļum kötti sey.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY
APRIL, 1928
83. yum dêvaradiyarkku korrukkum pasaņaikkum-Aga pop singaļafijum dļu 84. nalum brahmana-bhôjanattukku anradagattal ner-kondu
Fourth Plate : Second Side. 85. vattuvadana pon padin(ka)kaļañijum dêvar pallichohivigai kavußjivi. 86. gaiyarkkum sirappu vanda uvachcharkkum eļu nalaikku pon kalasjum 87. kandaliva pon angalañju Agappon nêr tiru viļavukku viļakku pi. 88. dippârum kodi eduppårum Kambulânpådiyârum Adim&ņappadiyarum 89. Erruvaļichchêriyârum Kañjagappadiyârum i dêvår kêriyana 60!&niya90. mattu munbulla Tolachcheviyarána Blakkaiyar echchaffamai91. yil ivvêlakkaiyyar pûrvva-marijadi irai iruk[ka] kadavarallamai. 92 yil ichchêrikku-ppurattu ninsu vandêrina kudigalai manaiyal tinga! nali 93. ulakk-ennaiyum irrun&ļi arisiyum i dêvarkke(y)-iraiyaga kondu martu inna. 94. garasjuttiņa irai epperpattadum koll&didagavum[1]*] ivargalai idanri mar95. su ipaikattinâr Geigai idai Kumari idai seydår seyda påven-koļva. 96. dagavum enru ipparisu Madiraiyum flamum-gonda sri Parakesaripanmarku
Firth Plate: First Side. 97. yându padinettávadu ikachchipêttu nagarattar seyda vyavasthaippadiyê(y) i. 98. dêvarum ivargaļai iviņaiyê(y) ko!vadagavum ichchêriyar i dêvarkku 99. kanakku iduvadagavum ivanukku i dêvar bandarattê nisadam kusuņi nellum 100. Anduvarai irukaļañju pon iduvadagavum (Jivvür Irānajayappadi Ekavîrap101. padi Vamana Sankara Sankarappadiyumåga mansu sêri-chChangarapadiyarum
konda pon 102. irupadin-kalafijinal munbu ninra gêriyarê kadava nonda-vilakkon103. rum solaniyamattárattum ennai sandi viļakkerippadagavum [ll] ira104. ndu sriköyilu! dêvargalai Uttaramayana Saigrantiyum Chittirai Vishuvum sna105. panamattuvadaļkum tiruviļ&visku viļakku-ppidippapkum kodi edukkum-aļuk106. kum tirumursam pugunda parushai-nayanm apku arisi tuniyum gôshti seydâņu107. kku arisu tunippadakkum pujanai.ppon arai-kkalasjum marrum sriköyilu! 108. kuraivullaņa nivandam pårådê kandaļivile seyvadagavum ittêvar srikari109. (yu]m idaiyurullana padinettu nattiyarume kadai kandu tirdu kuduppa. 110. ragavum[l*) infiagarattu nagaram-Aļvânum attai-vAriyarum Erruvaļichchêriyarum 111. Kañagappadiyarum ittêvar visam aļindadu Andutorum tiruvilachcheyda112. Valavê kanakku kanbad Agavum ichchuttappatto irandu sêriy Arumê dêvar ban. 113. dårattu vaitta nivandan-gondu tirume[y]k&ppu iduvad&gavum[ll] ittêvar
srîkaryya114 m kadaikkanbaraiyum tirumeykappanaiyum kaņakkeļuduvanai. 115. yum nagaramê javasthai seydu isaikolla-pper Adadagavum[il*) érikôyi. 116 lukku sriköyil nambay niram binarai-ppiraduvidil vêdam vala br - 117. hmananaiye Aradikka idu vadagavum ipparisu adigârañjeyvár-êva arai - 118. lai seydên iññagaratt-Ira virappadi madhyasthan Narpatteņ&yira Mangal&ditta119. nên eļuttu[1] *) ikKachchipêttu nagarattarpakkal vilai konda nilam Olôga. 120. marayappervñjeru vil kilakkil mêr-migudikkusaivu utpada virru-kkuduttôm ma 121. nagarattom[1] inda ssanom eļuttu vettina Arandaigi Pôrmiga virana ....
Translation.22 Lines 1-11. (In) the sixteenth year of the reign of) the king Parak@sarivarman alias Uttamachôļadēva, when His Majesty was pleased to be seated in the south Chittira-mandapa in the palace at Kachchippêdu, the adhikarin, Chola-mûvenda-vêļår, (humbly) submitted
39 The Sanskrit portion has been left out of the translation as it is fragmentary and us what little It contains ogours in the Tamil portion of the docu nont.

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Indian Antiquary
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Page #86

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Page #95

APRIL, 1925) COPPER-PLATES OF UTTAMA-CHOL ADEVA IN THE MADRAS MUSEUM
71
thus :-"My lord ! 23 The taxes on (articles) weighed in the balance and on (articles). measured by the foot, which belong to the deity who is pleased to stand in the temple of Uragam ; the (lands) that are in the enjoyment of this deity and which were purchased, for this same god, at Kachchippêdu and Tundunukkachchêri and besides these, the (amounts) that carry interest, were not in past times reduced to writing : 24 therefore, may it please your majesty to command that these might be reduced to writing and the people of the two chéris belonging to Kachchippedu be made to look after the business of (of the temple of) this god." The king was pleased to command; “Be the reducing to writing the (enjoyment of the ) taxes on (article) weighed in the balance and those measured by the foot, the lands purchased and those items that fetch interest, done by yourself, Be it also arranged that the people of) Kambulânpadi and Adimanappadi, the two cheris belonging to this town (Kachchippêdu), should scrutinise the business of (the temple of) this god."
This is what was written as the result) of the prayer of the adhikarin, Nakkan Kani. chchan alias Chļa-mûvênda-vêļar of Sikkar :
(The following is the account of the taxes on (articles) weighed in the balance and measured by the foot and the produce of the lands purchased by the deity (or in the name of the deity) and the interest-bearing amounts of this god, as gathered from stone inscriptions
In the twenty-second year of the reign of the king Parakêsarivarman, the gold received by the sabhas of Karam and Ariyar-pperumbakkam (is) two hundred and fifty ka! asjus of gold; the paddy, that has to be measured as interest on this amount, is five hundred and fifty kad is of paddy per annum.
The gold received, according to the stone inscription, by tho sabha of Ulaiyur is fifty lalalt jus; the paddy, that has to be measured as interest on this sum, is a hundred and fifty kadis a year.
(In) the ninth year of the reign of) king Visaiya Kampavarman, the gold received, according to the stone record, by the sabha of Olukkaippakkam is twenty-four kalanjus: the gold, that has to be paid as interest on this amount, is arranged to be one kalaju and four mañjadis.
Lines 25-65. (This is how the above inoome was arranged to be spent and accord. ingly) reduced to writing -
For rice offerings three times a day, the (quantity of) paddy (sanctioned for this purpose is) three hour unis and six ndlis : for two vegetables three times a day, paddy, three ndl is: and for ghoe daily a ulakku, paddy five ndlis: curds at a uri each time, three times a day, one nd? and a uri, paddy three ndlis: betel leaves and nuts thrice a day, paddy three ndlis: for the brahman who does the aradhana, (the quantity of) paddy (to be given daily is) & padakku; and for his olothes, five ka, anjus of gold annually; for the young man (a brahmacharin) who does the subordinate services of the temple, paddy (per diem) six ndļis : and for him for clothes, annually a kalanju of gold : for the temple guard, paddy daily one kuruñi and for his clothes, two kalarju & year; for two persons who la bour in the flower-garden, paddy per diem one kuruni and four ndlis and for olothes for these one kalanju of gold a year : for twelve Sankrantis, including the acharya-puja, fifteen kalanjus at the rate of a kalasju and a quarter of gold for each Sankranti : for eandal and incense at the rate of a eighth of a pon per mensem, for a year one and a half kalan jus : for bathing the image thrice daily, hree-fourths ofta pon per annum ; for musicians (89 under :-); for the (sounder of the) talai-pparai, one man; the
13 The word emberumdn might be taken in the vocative case and translated, as it has been dono, as addressing the king, or taken as a noun in apposition with Uragattu nigraliyad&var.
24 mibandham means not simply binding, but also a literary composition. Hence it has been taken reducing to writing.

Page #96

THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY
(APRIL, 1925
maddali, two; the karadikai, one; the talam, one; the sekandikai, one; the kalam, one ; and the kai-mani, one ; thus the (total number of) men (is) nine : for these, inoluding their clothing, annually a hundred and fifty kád is of paddy which is got from the sabha of Uļaiyur, as interest (on the sum they have borrowed from the temple) and the block of land called the Chitra valli-pperuñjeruvu, one of the plots of land purchased from the citizens of Kachohippêdu and the three tad is of land in the northern portion of the plot called the Sendaraipottan, watered by the oanal ooming from the higher sluice; the northern cheruvu in (the plot of) the land called Kadadi-kk-undil together with the northern kundil of the land which is in the enjoyment of Könêriyar and which is watered by the canal issuing from the lower sluice ; (thus making a total of) five tadi and in terms of pattis, two pattis ; (this land), together with the (above mentioned) one hundred and fifty kad is of paddy received as interest, shall be written down in the name of the musicians, nine in number: for those that clean the (the temple precinots), daily three nális of paddy.
Lines 65-72. For the deities on the Karikala-teffi ; for rice offerings thrice a day, at six nális each time, the quantity of rice (amounts to) a kuruni and four nd!is daily ; for this, paddy three kurunis and six nális ; for fire-wood, paddy three ndlis: for ghee three times a day, one ulakku; paddy for the same five ndlis: for the two deities, for two perpetual lamps, ghee at one uri, paddy for it, one kuruņiand four nális ; for sandal and incense for one year twelve manjad is at the rate of one manjadi a month -- may this be the written arrangement for these two deities.
Lines 72-103. (In) the sixteenth year of the reign of) the king Parakesarivarman, the inhabitants of KambuļAnpadi, belonging to this city, of Kachchippôdu, received from the treasury of) the god, who is pleased to stand in the temple at Uragam in Kachchippôdu, the sum of seventy-three and a half kalanjus of gold : the gold received from the sabha of Adimanappadi is seventy-three and a half kalanju of gold : the gold received by the citizens of Kañjagappadi, thirty-five kalanjus : the gold received by the inhabitants of Erruvalichchêri, eighteen kalasjus: the total gold (thus lent out on interest is) two hundred kalan jus. the total of the interest, per annum on the individual sums making up this two hundred kalaiju of gold is thirty kalanjus. (This amount was) written down for the celebration of a seven days' festival for this god in the month of Chittirai, thus :--for oil, seven kalasjus of gold : for (sweet) smelling sandal and flowers for seven days, two ka!aijus of gold: for the food of the devaradiyar who entertain the ghoshti, and for their (doing) půja (perhaps to the god of this temple), five kalajus of gold for the seven days : for feeding brahmans all these seven days, for the purchasing) paddy then and there, ten ka! anjus : for the bearers of the palanquin and for the musicians specially come for the occasion, one kalañju for the seven days : total gold to be spent on these (the musicians ?) is five kalanjus; the person who carry torches and banners shall be the inhabitants of Kambulanpadi, Adimanappadi, Erruvaļich. cheri and Kañagappadi. In Solaniyamam, the chêri belonging to this god, the line of the original occupants, Tolachcheviyar and Elakkaiyar, having become extinct, and since the Elakkaiyar were, according to the old arrangement, exempt from all taxes, those that have now come from outside and settled down in this chéri are obliged to pay to this god a tax of a nali anda ulakku of oil and two nd! is of rice per mensem ; besides this, the city shall not gather any other taxes from these people. Those that would receive any other taxes from them, shall make incur all the sin committed between the Ganges and the Kumari. Thus, according to the arrangements made by the inhabitants of this city in the eighteenth year of the reign of the king Parakesari varman, who took Madirai and llam, this god shall also levy this one tax alone on these people. The people of these (or of this chéri shall keep accounts for this deity. For the accountant) a kuruni of paddy per diem and two ka! anjus of gold annually shall be paid from the temple treasury. The amount of gold taken by the Sankarappadis of

Page #97

Apara, 1928)
THE FIGHT AT THE GAUNA OF QUEEN BELA
Iranajayappadi, Ekavirappadi and Vamanappadi is twenty kalafijus : from the interest on) this amount, the aforesaid chéris shall burn a perpetual lamp (during the day) and from the colleoted from the inhabitants of Soļaniyamam, the evening lamp shall be kept up.
Lines 104-108. For the two deities of the temple ; for bathing them on the UttarayanaSankranti and Chittirai vishu, for the carriers of torches and banners and for the parushai. ndyanmars, who come to temple, rice one túni: for him who arranges the ghoshti, rice one tani and a padakku : gold for půja, half a kalanju aid for any other deficiencies, expenditure might be inourred without reference to the written arrangements.
Lines 108-117. If any hindrances to the services of the temple occur, they shall be seted by the people of the sixteen ndd us (in assembly). The officer (administering the municipal) affairs of this oity, the annually elected members (of the sabha) of the city, the inhabitants of Erruvalichohôri Kafijagappadi, shall, as soon as the festival comes to an end, audit the accounts of this temple for the year. The people of the abovementioned chéris shall appoint the temple guard according to the rules maintained in the temple treasury. The citizens shall, themselves not resolve to tax those that do the business of the temple, those that keep the account and the guard of the temple, If those that have served in temples clready as cfficiating priests, cannot be obtained (for the paja of the temple), only a brAhman who has studied the vēdas must be appointed in their place).
Lines 117-121. Commanded by these who do the duties of the adhikarin in this city, I, NArpattonn Ayira-MangalAdittan, the madhyasthan of the Iravfrappadi, wiote this arrangement on palm-leaves; this is my signature. The engraver of this adsana is Arandangi Pormigavfran.
THE FIGHT AT THE GAUNA OF QUEEN BELA. BY THE LATE DR. WILLIAM CROOKE, O.I.E., F.B.A.
Prefatory Note. [Among the papers left behind by the late Dr. William Crooke was a MS. account of part of the Alhkhand as heard in a Northern Indian village by R&m-Gharib Chaube. As any version of this great cycle of legends is of value what Dr. Crooke's agent collected is now published.]
Text and translation.
1663 Khabaren hoi gain Padshah ko "dola leai Mahob jái.” Tab bulwki layo Chaunda ko aru, 1Ah kahi Bir Chauhan. Camo news to the king " (BelA's) palankeen has gone to Mahoba." Then ho summoned ChaundA and told the news to the Chauhan hero.
167 Kadi sawar bhayo hathi par, Chaunda dinho hukm phirdi. Titani phauj hati, Chaunda ki ginati men sawa lakh jawan. Chaunda sprang upon his elephant and sent his orders round. In Chaunda's reckoning, his army was one and a quarter lakhs of men.
168
Sang Chaundiy& ne lai linc aur Agê ko kari payan: Jahan pai dola tho Bela ko Chaunda, wahai garaso jai. Chaund& started as the head of his army, and it went forward And where Bela's palankeen was he surrounded it. 1 As this is poem of considerable length, te rendering of each stages is given after the text. 1 The nur boring noms to refer to some book. . That is, 188,000.

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169 "So sûrma jo hai dola sang, sanmukh hoe ke deya jawab : Chori karike tum bhage hân, ab tum khabardar hoe jäi." “The hero that is with the palankeen, come forth and make answer :As thod hast committed theft and run away, thou must now have care."
170
Sunike båteu ya Chaunda ki, tab Lakhan ne kahi sundi:"Na ham chori tumhari kinhí, na girah kati Pithaurd kyar." Hearing Chaunda's words, spake Lakhan :"Neither have I committed theft from you, nor have I cut Pithaura's waist-band."
171 "Bar biyahi Chandele ki dolà dâye Mahobe jayan." Sunike båten ya Lakhan ki, Chaund& agni jwal hoe jain. "The girl that was married to the Chandel is going to Mahoba." Hearing these words of Lakhan, Chaund& became as a flame of fire.
172 “Dola Mahobe jen na paihai: mano kahi Kannauji Rai. Dola dhari dewå Rani Bela ko, apno kunch jad karw&i." "The palankeen shall not go to Mahoba : mind the word of the King of Kanauj. Put down Rani Bela's palankeen and march you from this place."
173 Tab phir Lakhan bolan lage aru Chaund& se kahi sundi :"Dola chhinaid main nå dekhon jo yah dola deya chhindi." Then again began Lakhan to speak to Chaunda :"The palankeen snatcher I do not see-who this palankeen oan snatch from me."
. 174 Sunike båten ya Lakhan ki, Chaunda dinho hukmå phirdi :"Dola chhîn lei Lakhan se ; sab ke munda len katwai." Hearing these words of Lakhan, Chaunda sent out an order :* Take the palankeen from Lakhan, and cut off their heads."
175 Hukum paeke tab Chaunda ke Kshatrin dhare agári pae : Khainchi sirohi lai kammar se, dola pai chalani lagi talwar. Hearing the orders, Chaunda's Kshatriyas rushed forward. Drawing their arms from their waists, they raised the swords to the palankeen.
176 Donon or ke jhuke sipahi, sab kemaru, maru 'rat lagi. Sher bacha As chalai tamancha, bhala barchhi chhatan lag. Soldiers on both sides fell upon each other-all with the cry of " kill, kill." Pistols went off like tigers' cubs, spears and lances began to hurtle.
177 Chalai katiri Kotakhani; donon dal ik mil hoe jain : Chalai sirohi MAnAshahi: Aná chalai vilâyat kyar. There were Kotakhani daggers : and both armies became mixed up. There were Manash Ahi swords, and unds from foreign lands.
178 Tegha chatakain Bardwan ke kati-kati; girain arekha jawan. Uthain kabandh bîr ran khelain : ghailå uthabin kabahf-kabAhi. Bardwan gwords clashed together roughly : and beardless youths fell. Headless men got up and fought in the field, and the wounded got up and tetohod sigba
• The morning is that the pistol bullets were as agile as tigers' oube.

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179 Lakhan samujhAwain Kshatrió ko :-"Yaro, sharam tumhare bath. Muhara maro tum Chaunda ko, duhari talabain deun baphAi." Said Lakhan to the Kshatriyas : "My friends, my honour is in your hands. If you slay Chaund&, I will double your pay.”
180
Kanwajwäre man ke bárhe, jin nirlobh kari talwar. Bhaje sipahi Chaundawale : tab Chaunda ne kahi sunai The men of Kanauj were encouraged, who had used their swords without interest: Chaunda's men took to flight : then spake Chaunda :
181 "Das das rupiya ke chákar hain : náhaq dariho inhen katas! Hamari tumhari hoe lardi : dekhen kah& karain Bhagwan." · These are servants for ten rupees : you are killing them for nothing. Let the fight be between you and me : let us see what the Lord will do."
182
Lakhan jawab dayo Chaunda ko :"Niki kaht, ChaundiyA RAI Chot agmani Chaunda kori le, aur man ki hanse lewa bujhat." Lakhan made answer to Chaunda :-"Chaunda Rai's word is right: Aim first at my breast, O Chaunda, and satisfy the desire of your heart."
183 Chaunda ne tab gurj uthâyo, aur LAkhan par dayo ohalal. Gurj ki chot lagi hauda par; dhakka lagi Kannaují kyår. Then Chaund& raised his mace and aimed at Lakhan. The mace struck the haudd and shook the king of Kanaaj (Lakhan).
184 Dola gherf liya Chaunda ne, tab Sayyad ne kahi bunaf "Laye dharohar jo Kanwaj se, 8o Dilli men gaf nighai." Then Chaund& surrounded the palankeen, and the Sayyad spoke “What I brought from Kanauj as security, has been robbed in Delhi."
185
Khai sanak Ayo Sayyad, wah man men lagyo bahut pachhitan. Sayyad bashike gayo Lakhan ten, dekhi chot Kannauji kyar. The Sayyad lost his head, and great remorse was in his mind. The Sayyad went forwards to Lakhan and saw the wound of the king of Kanau.
186 “Kyon kumhilane, LÅkhan Rana? Ao ghawa denha men nåhin." . LAkhan jawAb dayo Sayyad se : "Chacha, suno hamArt båt." “Why are you fainting, Lakhan RANA ! You have received no wound." Lakhan answered the Sayyad :-"Uncle, hear my words."
187 "Garai chot kart Chaunda ne ; lagi gh&wi kareje m&nbió.". LAkhan lalkAro Chaunda ko “Bakleshi, khabandAr jao." “Chaunda gave me a deep wound: the wound has reached my heart." Then Lakhan shouted to ChaundA : " Leader, have a care."
188 Taulí ke bhala Lakhan mare, laike Ajaipal ko nám. Bhala lagyo ikdanta ke, wah gir paryo dharani bhahrál. Weighing his spear well Lakhan struck, taking the name of Ajaipal. The spear struck the one-toothed one, and he fell to the ground at once,

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189 Chaunda bhajyo ran khetan se; bhaji phauj Pithaurà kyar. Khabarán hoya gafó badshah ko : murcha hatyo Chaundiya kyar. Chaundt fled from the battlefield : fled the army of king Pithaura. The king heard the news that the enemy had beaten king Chaunda
190
Dola Lakhan laye ját hain, rakhi haii nagar Maho be jai. Sunike batiyan dola ki, Pirthi gaye sandkå khai. . Lakhan took the palankeen at once, and placed it in Mahoba city. Hearing the story of the palankeen, Prithvit was greatly disturbed,
191 Dhånd Tahar ko bulwayo, aur yat båt kahi samujhai :"Nagar Mahobe jo dola jai, tau jag hoe hain hansi hamar." He called Dhåndd and Tahar, and spake this word to them "If the palankeen goes to Maho bê city, then the world will laugh at me."
192 Itant sunike, tab Tahar ne lashkar dinho hukmà phiraj :"Marů danka ke bâjat khân, Kshatrin båndhi layo hathiyar."
hathir Hearing this Taher sent out orders to the army :"As soon as they hear the mari and the drum, the Kshatriyas afe to put on their arms."
193
Sor surma h&thin chachi gaya; Turkân bhaye ghord aawar. Dalganjan par Tahar charhi gayo ; Dhanda Bhauárå pai aswar. Brave mounted-men mounted on elephants, and Turks (Musalmans) on horses. Tahar mounted his [elephant) Dalganjan; and Dhåndù on his horse) Bhaunra.
194 Jujh naqara ke båjat khân, lashkar kûnch dayo karwai. Top rahkala Age baphige, pichhe phauj chali sab jai. As soon as the beat of drum has heard, the army was on the march. Cannon went in front, and behind them all the army.
195 Bajati jawen ye ran mahu&ri, Kshatri bir rap hoe jaii. Andhi aisi lashkar awai, hah&kar bîtati jai. The more the drums resounded, the more excited became the Kshatriyas. Like & storm the army came and the people cried out and wept.
196 Sat kos ke chau pherd men phaujer Prithi ki dikhrai. Prithi Raj ne tab lalkaro, dold chari khet rahi jai. Prithi's army was seen in a circle of seven k88. Then Prithi Raj shouted out, while yet the palankeen was four fields off.
197 "Kehi ki mata nAhar je? Kehi Rajpat lae autar ? Kaun ki sińhini ko jays hai dola laye Mahobe jai?" "Whose mother brought forth a lion? Which Rajput has begotten an heir ! Who is the son of the lioness that is taking the palankeen to Mahoba?"
198 Sunike båten Prithiraj ki, tab Lakhan ne diya jawab :“Hamari mata nâhar jaye : hamare jame kareje bar." Hearing the words of Prithi Raj, thep Lakhan made answer :"My mother bore a lion? In my heart doth grow hair!"
• Prithvi Raj, or RAI Pithaura, of Delhi.

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199 "Dola Mahobe liye jat haid : chori na karf, Bir Chauhan.” Itant sunike Prithiraj ne phir Lakhan se kahi sunal : “I am taking the palan keen to Mahoba. I have committed no theft, O brave Chaaban." Hearing this Prithi Raj again spake to Lakhan :
200 "Kai tumhare DA atkej hain, Lakhan. Kyon thano tum rart 1 Alha Odal jo Aye haii, khayo namak Chandele kyår." “ Your work is not stopped, Lakhan. Why do you pick a quarrel 1 If Alha and Odal were to come, they have eaten the salt of the Chandela king."
201
“Tum kyon Aye san jQjhan ko, Lakhan Kahan tumhAro kam". Banike bateu Prithiraj ke, tab Lakhan ne kahi sunai: “Why have you come into this battle, LAkhan ? What is your business here 1" Hearing the words of Prithi Raj, spoke Lakhan -
202 "Rathi ki AlhA ge Kannauj meu : ham ne Rajgir das inam. Dharm hamaro Alhå råkhyo : Ganjar pais& l&yo ugah." In anger (with the Chandels] Alhe went to Kannauj : I gave him Rajgt in reward. AlhA (now maintains my prestige, he realizes the revenues of Ganjar.
203 "Ganga kinhi ham Udal ee pagiyA palati Ban&phar math Alha Udal jo ran jujhain: pahile jujhain Kannauji RA." "Swearing on the Ganges I exchanged turbans with the Ban&phar (dal) . If Alha or Cdal fall in the field, the King of Kananj (i.e., myself, LAkhand will fall tra"
204 “Sang na chhoraih ham Odal ko ; tam suni lewa, dhani Chauhan." Bunike baten ya LAkhán ki, Pirthi rahe krodh meú chhAf. "I will never give up Udal: hear me, thou wealthy Chauhan." Hearing the words of Lakhan, Prithi was filled with wrath.
206 Prithfraj ne tab lalkaro : "Tahar nahar, båt un&a. Topaii lagas dewa marchan pei, in pajtó ko dewa usal." Then shouted Prithi Raj: "Tahar, thou lion, make true tho words [of Lakhan) Bot cannon on the entrenchments and blow there scoundrels away."
206 , Itant sanike tab Tahar ne topaii Age dal barhal. Hukmai daf dayo khalassfo kon, topå batts dewa lagal. Hearing this Tahar ordered the cannon to go forward. Anå ordered the gunners to put a light to the guna..
207 Donoo or ke chale khalassf: topdi batti upar pahuncho JA. Battf dal-dai an topao men, dhuana rahyo katak men chhA1. On both sides went the gunners and reached the cannon. They lighted and the smoke of the cannon covered the army.
The same w palilt

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208 Gola-ola ke sam tutapii: golf Magha bund arrdi. Goll lagafó jin hathin ko mänoi chora sendhi daf jof. Balls fell like hail and bullets like rain in Magh. When the elephants received the balls it was as if a thief had made boles in them,
209
Bamb to gola jin ko lågai, h&thi chig ghari ke rahf jafn. Gola lågai jin Kshatriu ke, so lattå se jäin up&i. If a ball struck an elephant he expired roaring in the morning. If a ball struck a Kshatriya he was blown away like a rag.
210
Chhoti goli ko lAgat khân Kshatri girain karanta khAfd. Ek pahar bhar golA barse topen; lal baran hoiya jalo. When bullets struck the Kshatriyas, they fell down rolling about. For & whole watch the guns kept shooting balls and became red hot.
211 Topain chhari dai Kshatrii ne ; tit tupak ki maraio mar. Tiran marain jo kamnaite : golin marain Turk sawar. The Kshatriyas deserted the cannon and shot with bows and arrows. Those who knew the work shot with arrowe: the Turk horsemen shot with bulleto.
212 Bhola barchhf chhatan lAgin; ûpar karAbin ki már. Kaibar lAgai jin Kshatrii ke sudho nikari jai wah par. Spears and lances began to be let loose, and bullets out of blunderbusses. Kshatriyas struck by kaibars were pierced through their bodies,
213 Chhoti golf jiu ke lågai chakkar kati giraiú arrai. Yahf lardi pacchhe pari gai, Kshatriu dhari agari pai. Those hit by bullets fell rolling in circles. This kind of fighting went on in the rear, while the Kshatriyas went forward.
214 Desh qadam jab ars& rahiyo jawanan khainchilai talwar.
Khat-khat' tegha bajan låge ; bolaichhapak chha pak 'talwar. When only & step and a half remained for arad, brave men drew their sword. The swords began to sing 'khat-khat and the scimitars went chapak chapak.
215 Ona chatakaid wah lashkar men : kati-kati girain Or sardar. Ulhais kabandh bir ran khelaio: ghahid uthain kabahi-kabaht. Ons was fighting in that army: Warriors and chiefs fell rolling about. Headless heroes got up and fought in the field and wounded men got up sighing,
216 Pyås pyAs'sab ke rat lagi ran men: páni náhin dekhaf. HAhAkÁr paryo lashkar me murda, ko maidan dekhai.
Thirst, thirst'cried out all in the field, but saw no water. Confusion fell upon the army and the plain seemed to be of the dead.
The M8 Les vos of bore with
noto" to be continued." but no continuation has been found,

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BOOK-NOTICE
79
BOOK-NOTICE. L'ASTOIRE DES IDES THEOSOPHIQUES DAN subordinated the lay element to the religious,
L'INDE: LA TutoSOPHIE BOUDDHIQUE. By instead of co-ordinating them, and thereby robbed PAUL OLTRAMARK; Annales du Musée Cuimet, it of its freedom of action. He was clearly far Tome XXXI. Paul Gouthner. Paris, 1933. less emancipated than the Buddha from the ancient
This work, which comprises more than 520 superstition, which escribed a separate spiri. pages, is concerned with certain important aspects tual worth, to exterior forms and ceremonies. of the Buddhist faith. The author, whose know. In the history of Buddhism it is the Sangha which lodge of Buddhist literature is profound, sets him has been the stable element; it has maintained self to determine the conditions, external and orthodoxy both in belief and practice. The lay internal, in which the key doctrinus of Buddhuam brethren were more open to the influence of their exercised their influence on the mind of man; surroundings, more mobile, lors attached to tra. in what manner these controlling ideas or doctrines dition. The monks are puror, but more rigid. The are inter-related; what effect they have produced lay congregation is more alive; but tho novelon the conduct of individuals and on the general ties which creep in under their influan community; how they have been transformed casionally opposed violently to the basic principles by the operation of pure thought ; how they have of the Faith. The influence of the lay brother been altered by contact with other schools of increased, as time went on. It was noticeable religious thought; and to what excesses in theory in some sections of the original church; it was and practice they have sometimes led. The au. still more noticeable in the Buddhism of the middle thor is, therefore, concerned with the Buddha and ages. It is supremo to day in Nepal, where preachthe Samgha only in so far as the personality of the ing and external activities are carried on by one and the organization of the other had a direct
married priests, that is to say, by householders, influence upon the direction of the spiritual efforts
and where the monks live in their retreats, comof past ages. Ho lays stress in his earlier pages
pletely cut off from all relations with the outside upon the lay character of the Buddha's teaching,
world. and upon the fact that the Teacher, whom it has often been the practice to represent as an ascetic,
At the close of a long and valuable chapter on divorced from everything external and profane, the landmarks in the literary history of the Bud. was on the contrary possessed of a profound sense dhistio doctrine, M. Oltramare raises the ques. of nature, and of the value of family and social tion as to how and why the religion founded by life. His method of preaching must have been Gautama disappeared slowly, but almost wholly, singularly impressive, for he not only organized from the land of its origin, after achieving at the A church, but also foundod a tradition of teaching, outset such phanomenal success. The Bud. furnishing by his own sermons and exhortations dhists themselves state that their religion suffered A pattern to which later his disciples found it noverely from the attacks of Kumarila in the 7th imperative to conform.
century and of Sankara at the beginning of the Buddhism shattered the fundamental oppoai 9th, and certain facts related by the Chinese piltion between the sacred and the profane, and
grim Hiuen Tsang indicate that Brahman hatred abolished the idea that certain individuals are of faith, which had so often supplanted them necessarily sot apart from the general body of in the favour of the powerful and ruling classes, men, owing to their possesion of some mysterious was intense and prolonged. Even so, instances inhérent virtue. The householder and the monk of violence were only sporadic, and there were no can have an equal share of piety, though their persecutions, properly so-called, on the part of methods of practising it may differ. This mutual the great rulers. Buddhism, indeed, suffered far blending of everyday life and religious feeling.. more from Islam, which destroyed its monasteries which Buddhism taught, marked a new epoch in wholesale. Yet here again the Muhammadan the history of humanity; and in offering a position invasions merely hastened the completion of a in his church to the lay devotee of both sexes, religious dissolution, which had commenced long the Buddha assured the success of the institution previously. What really ruined Buddhism was which he founded. It must not, however, be its over increasing affinity to Hindu cults, and in forgotten that his modification was merely an particular to the cult of Siva. The Chinese pil. extension of a line of evolution which commences grims give numerous examples of the penetration from the Upanishads, and that therefore the Bud- of pagan ideas, even in the monasteries most dha was the beneficiary, rather than the originator, renowned for their orthodoxy. It was especially of a change which hed its roots in a more distant through the Mandyd na that Buddhism became past. The Jain church also has had ito updsaka, infected with the morbid germs that led to its and has indeed tried to link them to itself by closer ultimato dooay. The followers of the Hindy bonds than those which united the householder declared openly that the moales of Nalanda bardly with the bhikalu in Buddhism, But Mahavir differed at all from Saiva friars. Eroploying
!

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as it did, more and more the same methods, ador. tious fears and notions of tdbu, but solely by a
wish that the Sangha should accommodato itself ing divinities of the same class and sometimes
to the social views and prejudices of its age. Apart tho solfsame gods, Buddhism was bound to be
from matters of social hygiene and decency, the abeorbed by Hinduism. The contact with the
discipline recommended by the Buddhist scrip cult of Siva transformed the Muhdyd no into an esoteric doctrine replete with Tantric ideas and tures is purely a moral discipline, and the pollution mysticism. This was the last avatdra of Buddhism, which thoy seek to wipe away is that of the heart.
"That which is impure is murder, thoft, lying, which practically ceased to exist in India from
cheating, light words, and avarice-not the food the 11th century. The third section of M. Oltramare's treatise is! that one ea'e." Rules are not an end in them
selves, but only the means to the one great enddevoted to a discussion of the place occupied by
f Indian Theosophy, Salvation. Lastly, Buddhism in the history of Indian Theosophy,
according to Buddhism the and in the third chapter of that section he deals whole soul and life of a man must be devoted to with the points of resemblance and difference the faith. Brahmanism had regulated mortal between that religion and the other chief religious life by successivo staged--the period of tutelage,
the householder's systems of India. The points of contact are many,
life, the secetic stage in the
forest, and finally the stage of sanyda-abandonbut are perhaps less remarkable than those which
ment of all earthly tice. The Buddha on the differentiate the doctrine of the Buddha from
other hand realized how brief and fragile a thing other creeds. First and foremost, Buddhism proclaimed the is life: no man can count on the morrow. There
fore he preached the need of immediate renunciaright and the duty of the individual man. It
tion for them that thirst for salvation, sweeping cast aside traditional ritual and established in
To acquire
asice the ita place & personal private faith.
artificial distinctions allowed by Hin
duism. The forest : the Bodhisattva knowledge of the Truth by oneself and then teach
can truly
dwell there by shaping his thoughts to scoord with it to others-that is what constitutos demuvidyd,
the spirit of the true vd napraatha. the first of the five heads of knowledge possessed
There must
be no delay, for "the slothful man who, in the by the Bodhisatta.
days of his vigorous youth, does not arise at the Secondly, as it has its seat in the heart of the
right moment, will never find the path of wisdom. individual man, Buddhism is eminently # psy.
Thero must be no division of a man's spiritual chological faith. Inasmuch as all religious acts
energy; he must give himself wholly to his task and religious sentiment act directly on the inner
--the task of ensuring his own salvation. consciousness of man, they are in offect psycholo.
In a final brief chapter the anthor sums up the gical. Equally so is the benefit which accrues
lemon of Buddhism, as he understands it, after from adoration of the Buddha : for enlightened
elaborate and painstaking research. I cannot Buddhists know that this cult is a source of puri.
do better than conclude this indifferent review fying emotion for him who follows it. It confirms
of a very able work by translating, as boat I car, the wisdom of the individual mind, assists the
the final paragraph. "Must one assume that dovout to destroy the germs of sin within him,
humanity would be wise to sit at the feet of the and, like faith, it leads directly to Vision or Nlu
Ancient Hindu sage? Many persons in Europe mination. "Honour and respect the Buddha,
and America think so. It may therefore be worth and the mysteries of the Law will be made plain
while to state in a fuw words why neither the man to yo."
ner in which Buddhism has approached the proThirdly, Buddhism broke down the ancient blem of man's destiny nor the solution which is barriers between the sacred and profane, and offers of that problem can really satisfy us. I donied the division of society into two rigid groupe, is impossible for us to embraco doctrine which or the division of places into two categories. If puts forward as the goal of life an intellectual and reverence is offered to bhikshu, declared the spiritual immobility, and as its ideal, wiadom Buddha, he owes it to ideas associated with the which sits apart and gazes from afar upon the garment he wears, and not to any personal active struggles of human existence. Buddhism
netification or consecration. One's veneration of brings happiness to those who follow it with sin. olupas and chaity arises from their being memen- cerity, because it teaches them to curb their tos of mighty acts or from their serving as the desires and sook their satisfaction in the narrow cap kat of precious relics; but these sanctuaries sphere of retirement and contemplation. But are so far from being "sacred," that all the world moral restlessness, spiritual unrest, the desire for may freely enter them. There was no trace of
so n hing better, the thirst for a fuller and deeper "fetichism" in the doctrine preached by the experience of what Life significe—these pomem Buddha, and so far as the prohibitions onunciated far greater beauty. The ideal of the Buddhist is by Buddhism in respect of food, ato., are concerned. I terrible mutilation of the Man." they were manifestly dictated, not by supersti
8. M. EDWARDS

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REMARKS ON THE ANDAMAN ISLANDERS AND THEIR COUNTRY
84
REMARKS ON THE ANDAMAN ISLANDERS AND THEIR COUNTRY.
BY SIR RICHARD C. TEMPLE, BT., O.B., C.I.E., F.S.A. Chief Commissioner, Andaman and Nicobar Islands, from A.D. 1894 to 1903.
(Continued from page 55.)
IV.
(6) Myths and Legends.
Mr, Brown's Philosophy of Social Value Developed. I now come to the last part of the argument in Mr. Brown's book : his interpretation of the Andamanese Myths and Legends. It becomes closer and more complicated than previously and frankly philosophical. He tells us that he is dealing with the Myths and Legends" in a similar manner" with the more important parts of the ritual and ceremonial, and he commences by laying down his procedure (p. 330):
"I propose to explain, not how the legends arose, but what they mean ; what part they play at the present time in the mental life of the Andaman Islander. Customs that seem at first sight meaningless and ridiculous have been shown to fulfil most important functions in the social economy, and similarly I hope to prove that the tales. .. are the means by which the Andamanese express and systematise their fundamental notions of life and nature and the sentiments attaching to those notions." Mr. Brown then starts straight off (pp. 330 ff.) on an Akar-Bale (Balawa) story.
The Night, the Day and the Cloada. In this story the origin of the Night and the Day depends on their connection with the Cicada or cricket (p. 330): "this species of Cicada, of which I do not know the scientific name, always makes a noise (songs' as the natives say) during the short interval of twilight between gunset and darkness and between dawn and sunrise." Upon this Mr. Brown remarks (p. 331) :
"The song of the Cicada, as the day gives place to night and as night changes to day is one of the most familiar of all natural phenomena of the Andamanege. Another fact that is made use of in the Legend is that if one of these insects be crushed 48 was the Cioada of the story, or even if it be taken up in the hand, it will utter its shrill and plaintive note, not unlike the cry of a human being in pain. Finally, to understand the tale, it is necessary to remember that in all the tribes of the Great Andaman divißion there is a prohibition against killing the Cicada."
To let the reader follow the explanation of the story and Mr. Brown's comments thereon I repeat it here as told to Mr. Brown: (p. 214)
“Da Tengat Sir (?) Spider) lived at Golugma Bud. He went fishing one day and got only one small fish of the kind called chelau (? Glyphidodon Sordidus). He turned to go home, and as he went he shot his arrows before him into the jungle (a very unusual act.] Then he went after thom to find them again. As he went he spoke to the fruits of the jungle, asking them their names. In those days the ancestors did not know the names of the fruits and the trees. First he asked the puiam, and then the gutuba, and then the chakli, but none of them replied. Then he found his first arrow. It was stuck fast in a big yam (gono). He took the arrow and said to the yam: 'what is your name?' At first the yam did not answer. Tengat turned to go away. He had gone & few steps, when the yam called him back, saying 'my name is Gono.' Tengat replied: 'Oh! I didn't know. Why didn't you say so before?' He dug up the yam, which was a very hig one. He went off to look for his second arrow. As he went he spoke to the stones in the jungle, asking their names, but none of them replied. Then he found his second arrow fixed in a large lump of resin (tug). He took the arrow, and as he was going away the resin (which the Andamanese regard as a 'stone ') called him baok, saying 'Here, my name is Tug: you can take me along with you.' So Tengat took the resin. Then Tengat forward a cicada (rita) and he took that also. When Tengat got to the hut (bud), every one came to look at the things he had brought. He showed them the yam. He told them its name and showed them how to cook it. This was the first time that the ancestors ate gono. Then Tengat took in his hand tho Cicada and squashed it between his palms. As he killed

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it the Cicada uttered its cry and the whole world became dark. When the people saw that it was dark they tried to bring back the daylight. Tengat took some of the resin and made torches. He taught the people how to dance and sing. When Da Kongoro (Sir Ant) sang a song, the day came back. After that the day and night came alternately."
Next Mr. Brown says that the skeleton of the Legend, (p. 331) is this: "one of the ancestors killed a Cicada (a forbidden act), the Cicada uttered its cry (as it does when hurt), and as a result, darkness covered the world (as it always does when the Cicada sings in the evening). Leaving aside, for the present, the rest of the story, we may try to make clear to ourselves just what this part of it expresses."
Then he goes on (p. 331) : "the explanation that I propose is to the effect that the Legend is simply an expression or a statement of the social volue of the phenomenon of the alternation of day and night."
He next remarks that "the one outstanding feature of the first importance is that the day is the time of social activity, whereas the night is a period when the society is, as a rule, not activo; " and that “one of the most important elements in the mental complex revealed by a study of the ceremonial is the recognition of the fact that it is on the activity of the society that the individual depends for his security and well-being." Also (p. 332) :
it is the inevitable result of this that the daytime, when the society is aotive, should be felt to be a period of comparative security, while the night, when all social activity ceases, should be a period of comparative insecurity."
Mr. Brown's next note is (p. 332): “the Andaman Islander, like many other savages, is afraid of the dark.... But I would hold that in the Andaman Islanders and probably in other savages, the fear of darkness, of night, is a secondary induced feeling, not by any means instinctive, and is in a large part due to the social sentiments, to the fact that at night the social life ceases. ... Because any condition of the individual in which he is withdrawn from active participation in the common life is regarded as one of danger from magico-religious foroes antagonistio to the society."
Having read all this into the tale Mr. Brown says (p. 332): "the interpretation that I would offer of the Akar. Bale [Balawa) Legend is that it is an expression of these sentiments relating to the night; an expression that takes advantage of the connection between the song, the Cicada and the alternation of the night and day .... The necessity of this particular form must be accepted as a postulate." After this he proceeds (p. 333) to show at length "that the Legend does express the social value of Night."
Prohibitions as Precautions. Mr. Brown harks back, however, for a moment to discuss the fear of night in a paragraph of the first iinportance to his general argument. He says (p. 333) :
“The fear of night, or rather, since that fear is rarely more than potential, the feeling that night is a time of insecurity, is part of the general attitude of fear or respect towards the forces of nature that are believed to be possible sources of danger to the society. Now, it has been shown that this particular attitude towards nature finds expression in ritual prohibitions of various kinds. For instance, the Andaman Islander translates his feeling of the social value of food substances into the belief that such things must be treated with ritual precautions." And then he goes on (p. 334) with the argument : " Applying this to the case before us, we must first recognise that to the Andaman Islander the alternation of the day and night and the singing of the Cicada are not separate phenomena, but are two parts or aspects of one and the same recurring event. Now, the night and day are things that cannot be handled, i.e., cannot be immediately subject to the actions of human beings, while the Cicada can be handled. Hence it is to the Cicada that the need of precaution is referred. Any interference with the Cioada is forbidden, and this prohibition serves as a mark or expression of the social

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value of that alternation of night and day with which the Cicada is so intimately associated. The Legend of the Akar-Bale (Balawa] Tribe is simply an elaboration of this theme."
The Invention of Singing and Dancing. Mr. Brown proceeds to examine other aspects of the Legend (p. 334): "the Akar-Bale story, besides giving an account of the origin of night, relates the invention of singing and dancing," which to the Andamanese " are merely two aspects of one and the same activity
• Dancing, except on a few special ceremonial occasions, always takes place at night." This is because of the belief that "dancing and singing are means by which the evil influence of darkness can be overcome, . . . . as they pos9ess magical efficacy against the dangers prevalent at night." On this he says (p. 335): "this relation between the (negative) social value of night and the positive) social value of dancing and singing is simply and clearly expressed in the Legend." It was the " singing" of the Cicada that produced the darkness, and it was the singing and dancing afterwards that produced the day, "BO effectual was the means adopted of neutralising the evils of darkness that finally resulted in the return of the daylight in which ordinary social life is possible.”
To this Mr. Brown adds (p. 335) : "the reference to the resin in the Legend can be easily understood. The Andamanese use resin to provide the light by which they dance, as well as for torches for fishing on dark nights ....Thus the social value of resin is that it affords a means of neutralising to a certain extent the effects of darkness."
Then he remarks (p. 335):" one of the ancestors, under the influence of an anti-social passion, killed a Cicada, which uttered its cry, and thereupon the world was covered with darkness.... but men have learnt how to use resin for artificial light, and how to remedy the effects of darkness by dancing and singing."
Lastly, Mr. Brown comes to the conclusion (p. 335) that the Legend of the Night, the Day and the Cicada' is this
"Simply the expression in a particular form of the relation between the Society and & certain natural phenomenon in terms of what have been called social values. We find expressed the social values of night and of resin and dancing. It may be noted that the Legend also gives a special social value to the ancestors, different from and greater than that of men or women at the present day. The Ancestors were able to do many things that men cannot do now :'they were able to affect the processes of nature in a way that is no longer possible."
The Discovery of the Yam. Mr. Brown passes on (p. 336) to discuss the discovery of the yam, & minor point in the Legend, which Mr. Man relates, (see p. 211 of Brown), as being the result of a chance shot with an arrow. Mr. Brown thinks it likely to be really a separate story brought into the present tale, as there is the shooting of an arrow in both. In this story, by chance shots with three arrows Da Tengat discovered 'new objects of three different kinds, animal (cicada), vegetable (yam), mineral (resin, which to the Andamanese is a stone'). On this fact, Mr. Brown observes (p. 337): " in common with other primitive peoples, the Andaman Islanders regard what we call luck or chance as due to the action of the magical powers possessed by objects and by human beings."
The Killing of the Cloada. And then. although he feels the points not to be plain in the Legend, Mr. Brown says (p. 337): "I think we must take it that Da Tengat was disgusted at his lack of succes in fishing .... His shooting of the arrows must be regarded, I think, as the result of his anger." In his irritation "he crushed the Cicada, thus bringing darkness on the world." Then Mr. Brown remarks: "it is a principle of the Legends that evil results follow from evil action :,.. (p. 338). It was the wickedness of the ancestor in giving way to hig

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feeling of irritation that led to the social disaster " of the coming of the night. Inversely it was "through the combined effort of the ancestors joining in a harmonious action (singing and dancing) that the day was brought back."
Major and Minor Motives in Legends. Mr. Brown here breaks off (pp. 339-340) to lay down a principle of interpretation. He begins by saying that he had “drawn a distinction between what may be called major and minor motives in the story. The validity of the interpretation of the legends offered in this chapter depends on the validity of this distinction, and it is therefore important to provide A method by which we separate major from minor motives. This can only be done when there are several versions of the same legend." .
And then he goes on to say (p. 339): "if we compare the Akar-Bale (Balawa] Legend with the Aka-Bea version recorded by Mr. Man, we see that they have in common :
(1) the explanation of the origin of night as due to the breaking of a rule :
(2) the training back of the trouble to the anti-social passion of anger on the part of an ancestor :
(3) the account of the origin of dancing and singing as a means of neutralising the effects of darkness.
All other elements of the story are different in the two storiés ...Both the Legends express the social value of night, and they both express it in very much the same way."
Beliefs about the Moon : Personification. Here Mr. Brown says, (p. 340) : "an exactly parallel explanation can be given of the Andaman notions relating to the Moon. The social value of moonlight is due to the fact that it enables the natives to fish and catch turtle and dugong by night. A clear moonlight night affords the best opportunity for harpooning dugong," the most valued of all food. "Therefore, we may say that during the second quarter the Moon gives valuable help to the natives, but during the third quarter withdraws that help."
Then he proceeds to say (pp. 340-341) : “At the beginning of the third quarter the Moon rises in the evening with a ruddy hue. The natives explain this red and swollen appearance by saying that the Moon is angry. When a man does something that hurts or damages another it is generally in Andamanese life) because he is angry. So to say that the Moon is angry is equivalent to saying that he is damaging the society by withdrawing the light by which for the past week or so they have been able to capture fish and turtle. The phenomena of the change of the Moon, in so far as they affect the social life, are represented as if they were the actions of a human being. We may describe this briefly by saying that the moon is personified."
But (p. 341): "Even the Moon is not expected to be angry without a cause. The natives say that the anger is due to some bright light having been visible at the time the Moon rises. The personification is thus further elaborated. The moon gives the light by which fishing and turtle hunting at night are possible. The light has a positive social value and its with drawal is an evil." The Moon is therefore regarded as jealous of artificial light, and by that belief "the value of the moonlight is recognised." The beliefs about the Moon and the Legend of the Night in fact (p. 341) "both express, in accordance with the same psychological Laws, the social values of natural phenomena."
The Fire Legend. Mr. Brown treats (pp. 341 ff.) the Fire Legend in a different manner: "I will next consider not a single legend but a number of different stories, running through all of which we can find a single major motive, I have recorded three legende

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which relate, with some differences of detail, how in the beginning the ancestors had no fire, how fire was introduced by one of them, and how many of them, being burnt and frightened, were turned into animals of different kinds."
And then remarks (p. 342): "the story serves as an explanation of the markings on birds and fishes, there being where the ancestor who became the species was burnt by the
fire."
Mr. Brown then lays down (p. 342) that "the clue to the true interpretation of the three stories [above mentioned) must be sought in the social value of Fire :" a proposition which ho then sets out prove (pp. 342 ff.).
“We may say, in a word, that it is the possession of fire that makes social life (as the Andamanese know it) possible . . . . Amongst all the creatures that inhabit the world, man is the only one that possesses and makes use of fire. Here, then, is the fundamental notion that is expressed in these Legends. At first, so the story runs, animals and human beings were one, and were not distinguished. Then came the discovery of fire .... (p. 343). It is the possession of the fire that makes human beings what they are, that makes life as they live it possible. It is equally (according to the Legend) the lack of fire, or the lack of the ability to make use of fire, that makes the animals what they are, that cuts them off from participation in human life.” Upozi this Mr. Brown argues (p. 343) : “The three stories considered above contain three motives : (i) They express the social value of fire, by making the foundation of human society (through the differentiation of men and animals) depend on the discovery of fire. (ii) They express & peculiar notion as to the relation of the human species to the other animals which is found in the Legends. (iii) They give a legendary explanation of some of the characteristics of animals, such as the bright colours of certain birds and fishes."
And then he argues (p. 343) that " these sa me motives are present in many of the Legends relating to the origin of fire."
The Flood Myth. Further consideration of the Fire Legends leads Mr. Brown to the Andamanese stories about the Flood. He commences with a remarkable statement (p. 344) :
“We have seen that oné explanation in the mythological sense) of how the birds arose is that they were ancestors who fled from the fire. There are other stories that give a different account and relate that the animals came into existence through & great flood or storm that overwhelmed the ancestors. Both of these Legends are to be found in the same tribes. Their incompatibility does not prevent them from being both equally accepted. If it can be shown that the story of the flood is simply an alternative method of expressing the same set of representations that underlie the story of the origin of the animals through the discovery of fire, the interpretation of the latter will be in some degree confirmed." And then Mr. Brown proceeds (p. 344): "I think that it was because some of the ancestors kept their fire alight that they remained human, while those who lost their fire were turned into animals. If many personal impressions are of any value, this is really the idea that does underlie the Legend in the native mind. Thus it would appear that this version of the Flood myth is simply a reversal of the Fire Legend previously considered. They both express the same thing in different ways. They both make the possession of fire the thing on which social (i.e., human) life depend, the fundamental difference between man and animals."
Mr. Brown next (pp. 344-345) disagrees with Mr. Man's account, who "seems to have come to the conclusion that there were two floods,"-an idea which interferes with Mr. Brown's argument. But passing this by, it must be noted that Mr. Brown then says; p. 345 :
“On the interpretation here suggested the major motives of the Flood Myth are (1) the social value of fire as expressed by making the differenoe between man and animals depend on its possession by the former and not by the latter ;

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(2) the notion of the animals as having once been one with the ancestors. These two motives are both present in the Legends of the origin of fire that were pre. viously considered."
· The Three Worlds. Mr. Brown now becomes ingenious (pp. 346-347) : “In a number of their Legends it is stated that the ancestors saved themselves by climbing up into a tall tree and into the trees. This is to be explained by the fact that the birds all live up in the trees, and many of them can never be seen save overhead. The top of the forest is where the birds live: it is their world, raised above the world of men and women. The flood drove the inhabitants to the tops of the trees. The birds remained there and only the human beings came down again.... (p. 347). This is, I think, what the Legend really means. The story of the flood gives a picture of a three-fold.world ... For the natives of the Andaman) Islands the top of the forest is an alien world into which they can only penetrate with extreme difficulty by climbing, and with the life of which they have little to do. Similarly the waters of the sea are another world into which they can only penetrate for a few moments at a time by diving."
Mr. Brown then carries the idea further (p. 347): "the same three-fold division of the world is seen in the beliefs about the three kinds of spirits, those of the forest. those of the sea, and the Morua who, while spoken of as spirits of the sky, are often thought of as living in the tops of the tall trees." But he is aware that here he is in a difficulty (p. 347): "it may be said that, on this view, no allowance is made for the existence of terrestrial animals." This he skims over by saying: "That is true, but it must be remembered that there are very few such animals in the Andamans."
The Origin of Animals. Mr. Brown is thug led on to examine " the story of the Origin of Animals in the Akar. Bale (Balawa) Tribe." Comparing the variants of the tale he says (p. 349) :
“The main purpose of the story is to relate how a great storm or cyclone visited the island in the times of the ancestors and turned many of them into animals. The storm was brought about by the action of one of the ancestors, who in anger did some of the things that are known to anger Puluga and cause & storm . . .. The purpose of the elements of the Legend is to explain how the great flood came about, by tracing it to the anti-social action of some or more of the ancestors, just as the night is supposed to have been produced by an ancestor who performed a forbidden action . . The origin of the catastrophe that separated the once united Ancestors into animals and human beings is thus traced to the fact that they could not live together socially and in harmony."
After reasoning at some length on these general statements, Mr. Brown (p. 350) draws the moral from the animals legends thus : "human society is only possible if personal anger be subordinated to the need of good order : the animals are cut off from human society because they could not live peaceably together without quarrelling."
The Personification of a Natural Phenomena. Mr. Brown is next, as it were almost naturally, led on to consider what he (p. 377) calls the Personification of Natural Phenomena, or what Mr. Man would call the Andamanese ideas of God. This point he examines at great length in some 32 pages of his book (pp. 351383). He launches into the mythology of this all-important subject with the statement (p. 350). "In the various stories (of the Fire and Flood) there are two separate elements": viz., firstly " the explanation of how a disastrous flood or storm caused by the non-observance of ritual prohibition connected with Biliku (Puluga)," and secondly "how, through the flood and storm," animals " became separated from the human race."
"The clue to the understanding" of Andamanese mythology (p. 351) "lies in the Andamaneno notions about the weather and the seasons." He then describes the seasong

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as he understands them, and again alludes to the meaning of the term kimil (gumul) in con. nection with them, which here (p. 352) “ denotes a condition of social danger or of contact with the power possessed by all things that can affect the life and safety of the society."
Mr. Brown here remarks (p. 362) that "the life of the Andaman Islander is profoundly affected by the alternation of the seasons," and in relation to the occasional cyclones in the islands he remarks (p. 352): "an old man recounted to me how on the occasion of a violent cyclone he and others of his village took refuge in the sea and on the open shore from the danger of falling trees, and remained there till the violence of the storm had abated." Hero I would note that either Mr. Brown did not understand the old man or the old man was rhodomontading. I have personally been through three cyclones,-twice at sea and once on the sea-shore. The sea on such occasions is about the last place any one would or could seek in a cyclone. He is right, however, in saying that the visit of such a storm is a time of real terror and extreme danger to such a people as the Andamanese.
Then Mr. Brown shows how the seasons (pp. 352-353) affect the food supply : “roughly we can say that the rainy season is the season of flesh food, the kimil season is the season of grubs, the cool season is the season of fruits and roots, and the hot season is the season of honey."
Biliku (Puluga) and Taral (Deria). To follow his own expressions Mr. Brown then states : "I propose to show that the Andaman Islanders express the social value of the phenomena of the weather and the seasons, i.e., the way these phenomena affect the social life and the social sentiments, by means of Legends and beliefs relating to the two mythical beings whom they call Biliku and Tarai. Using the word 'personification in a sense to be defined later in the chapter, we may say that the Andamaneso personify the weather and the reasons in the persons of Biliku and Tarai.”
These are the Northern forms; in the South they are Puluga and Deria. Biliku is associated with the North East Monsoon, i.e., the cold and the hot season: Deria with the South West Monsoon, i.e., the rainy season. “It is possible (pp. 353-354) to show that the Andaman Islanders associate with these two beings all the phenomena of the weather and the seasons, and are able to represent the changes of the latter as though they were the actions of human or anthropomorphic beings."
Mr. Brown's form of argument is that where there is general agreement as to beliefs on a particular subject, those are the major or important points: where there is a lack of agreement, those are the minor or less important points. On this argument he treats as a matter of lesser importance the fact that in the South Puluga is male and in the North Biliku is female. Then he says (p. 354): "applying the strict method outlined above, we may begin by noting that there is completely unanimity in regard to the connection of Biliku and Tarai with the North East and the South West respectively, and therefore with the monsoons. No interpretation of the myth can be adequate unless it sets out from this fact. The con. nection is so firmly fixed that it appears in the names of the winds themselves."
As to the ascription of the winds, Mr. Brown remarks (p. 365) that "only the South West wind is associated with Tarai and all the other winds with Biliku," and he says that the point is one of " considerable importance in the interpretation of this myth.” Biliku is therefore naturally connected with the chief winds and storms, and so is more important than Tarai. “This preponderance (p. 356) will need to be explained as one of the essentials of the myth.” In fact on p. 365 Mr. Brown asserts that it is Biliku that sends all the storms and Tarai that sends nothing more than heavy showers of rain. With the fear of Mr. Brown before me I cannot help saying that these assertions require modification. Storms do occur in the North East Monsoon and are occasionally severe : oyclones are terrible and

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occur usually then, but they are rare, no one individual being likely to experience more than one or two in his life, whereas in the South West Monsoon storms are constant and on the West Coast of the Andamans very severe.
The Anger of Biliku (Puluga). Mr. Brown now carries on the argument, p. 356 : "the Andaman Islander represents any natural phenomenon having negative social value as though it were the result of the action of a person in anger, this being the one anti-social passion with which he is most familiar in his own life. ... The negative social value of a violent storm is obvious," and they are therefore clearly due to the anger of Biliku.
He next remarks (p. 357): "another law of Andaman Mythology is that a person, such as the Moon, is never angry without cause," and he examines three actions of extreme importance which "cause the anger of Biliku." The first is the melting or burning of bees-wax. The season for doing this is necessarily the hot season, and "year after year the wax-melting season comes to a close in showery weather." So (p. 358) "the anger of Biliku following the melting of bees-wax is in one sense simply a statement of actual observable fact. The second point is the cutting down or digging up in the hot season of certain plants, which include the most valuable vegetable food. Here again, Mr. Brown argues (p. 359) : "there is a definite ground of association (of Biliku's anger] in familiar natural phenomena." The third action that can cause Biliku's anger is (p. 359) “the killing of a Cicada or making & noise while the Cicada is singing in the morning or evening." Here the explanation is (p. 360) that "the grub of the Cicada is eaten during the kimil (danger) season and at no other time of year," i.e., only in the cyclone season.
The Andamanese are represented here as a kind of ceremonial homeopaths. They do ceremonially the very acts that anger Biliku in order to cure or avert her anger E.g., (p. 359): “the efficient way of stopping a storm is to go into the forest and destroy the plants that belong to Biliku," and (p. 361) by performing the ceremony of " killing the Cicada" they insure fine weather.
Reviewing the whole subject, Mr. Brown writes (p. 362): "The explanation that I have to offer of their beliefs relating to Biliku and to the things that offend her is that they are simply the statement in a special form of observable facts of nature."
The Sex of Blliku. On this subject Mr. Brown remarks (p. 365): "There is a lack of agreement... Tarai, (p. 366) rules over the rainy season, in which the chief food is the flesh of animals of the land and of the sea : it is the business of men to provide flesh food. On the contrary Biliku rules over the seasons in which the chief foods are vegetable products of different kinds: it is the business of women to provide such foods .... There is (then) sound reason for calling Tarai male and Biliku female.. This way of thinking of Biliku as female is in harmony with her character as outlined above. Women in the Andamans) are notoriously uncertain, changeable creatures. You can always reckon fairly well what a man will do, but not so with a woman."
After carefully qualifying this statement about women by the words he puts in brackets, Mr. Brown goes on (p. 366): "In the South Andaman, however, both Puluga and Deria are said to be male. It can be shown that this view is also appropriate in its way. The Akar-Bale (Balawa) say that Puluga and Deria were once friends, but have quarrelled and now live at opposite ends of the earth and are perpetually renewing their quarrel." The two monsoons end in unsettled weather. The combat is such as would be fought among men: obyiously therefore Paluga and Deria should be male. All this Mr. Brown qualifies by the remark (p. 367): "I venture to think, however, that the Southern myth is not quite so

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satisfactory as the Northern one, does not translate quite so well all the different features of the natural phenomena with which it deals." He thus shows once again that he can never regard as likely any observation in the field that does not support his theory.
Biliku (Puluga) and Fire. Here Mr. Brown says that the Andaman Fire Legends (p. 367) "owe the origin of the connection between Biliku, the storm-sender, and lightning .... (p. 368). One belief is that it is a fire-brand flung by her through the sky: a second is that it is a mother-of-pearl shell (be) similarly flung: yet a third statement is that she produces the lightning by striking a pearl shell (be) on a red stone." Lightning is usually regarded as a fire-brand, but (p. 368) "the explanation of lightning as a shell depends not only on the pearly lustre of this kind of shell, but also on other features of it," and as to this point (on p. 369) Mr. Brown is not clear. I gather that the fire was stolen from Biliku, and becoming angry "she tried to punish the offender," by flinging "& fire-brand or a (pearl] shell" at him. She thus became hostile to the ancestors, and this is made a point as to her general attitude.
Bilku, the Enemy and also the Benefactress. "There can be no doubt,” says Mr. Brown (p. 370), "that [hostility) is the usual way in which the Andamanese conceive the relation between Biliku and the ancestors, and there fore, since the ancestors represent the society in its beginnings, between Biliku and themselves." But he sees that Mr. Man's descriptions of Puluga" as the creator of the world and the beneficent ruler of mankind " conflicts with this view. And then, although he admits (p. 370) that "there is no doubt that at times, and more particularly in the southern tribes, the natives do regard Puluga as the benefactor and even the creator of the human race," he adds a footnote (pp. 370-371):
"In dealing with the account given by Mr. Man of the Andaman mythology, it is necessary to remember that he was undoubtedly influenced by a very strong desire to show that the beliefs of the Andama nese about Puluga were fundamentally the same as the beliefs of the Christian about his God. It may be taken as certain that he did not consciously allow this wish to affect his record of the Andaman beliefs, but it is very improbable that it did not unconsciously have a great deal of influence both on Mr. Man and on his informants."
This is a dangerous line of observation, because if we are to hold that Mr. Man's view is too theistic, this book shows that Mr. Brown's view is equally too atheistio. The remark on Mr. Man's work seems all the more uncalled for when we read on pp. 371-372 :
“The revolution of the seasons brings to the Andamanese new supplies of relished foods,
-the grubs of the Kimil season, the yams and honey of the cool and hot seasons. One of the Andamanese names for the season of the North East Monsoon means 'the season of abundance. Therefore Biliku, as the personification of this season, is herself the giver of good things .... This view of Biliku as a benefactress, although it conflicts to some extent with the view of her as on the whole hostile to mankind, yet, since it springe from the essential basis of the myth, cannot be overlooked... Contrary though they be, these two aspects of Biliku are both integral parts of the myth."
Bilku and the Sun. Saya Mr. Brown (p. 372): “Besides the lightning, there is another natural source of Fire, the Sun. We find, therefore, two different and contrary) developments of the myth of the beginning of the world. In one of these the Sun is associated with Biliku, is regarded as belonging to her or made by her." He does not, however, follow up this version of the Creation further.
Biliku and the Spirits. On this point (p. 373) Mr. Brown says : " It is clear that Biliku and Tarai must be distinguished from the Spirits (Lau), yot at the same time Biliku is brought into relation with the Spirits by the existence of

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two alternative explanations of bad weather. One of the explanations is that storms are due to Biliku, while the other is that they are due to the Spirits, particularly the Spirits of the Sea. Both these beliefs, contradictory as they seem, are held by the Andamanese."
The Biliku-Tarai Myth. Mr. Brown winds up his remarks on the Biliku (Puluga) and Tarai (Deria) Legends with these remarks (p. 375): "I have tried to show that the whole myth is an expression of the social value of the phenomena of the weather and the seasons. These phenomena affect the social life in certain definite ways and thereby become the objects of certain sentiments : these sentiments are expressed in the Legends.... (p. 376). I have explained some of the more important of the Legends as being expressions or statements of the social value of natural phenomena." And finally he says : (pp. 376-377) "all the legends I wish to maintain, are simply the expression in concrete form of the feelings and ideas aroused by all things of all kinds as the result of the way in which things affect the moral and social life of the Andaman Islanders. In other words the Legends have for their function to express the social values of different objects,-to express in general the system of social values that is characteristic of Andamanese social organisation."
Personification of Natural Phenomena : Definition. Says Mr. Brown (p. 377): "It is now necessary to give a more exact definition of this term. By it I mean the association of a natural phenomenon with the idea of a person in such a way that the characteristics of the phenomenon may be regarded as though they were actions or characteristics of the person. The simplest form is that in which the phenomenon itself is spoken of and thought of as if it were an actual person. Thus the sun and moon are spoken of as Lady Sun and Sir Moon."
And then a little later on he says : "the name of the person is also used as the name of the phenomenon of which he is in the phraseology used here) the personification."
Process of Personification. After discussing the process of personification in mythology generally in terms of which the key-note of the argument is (p. 378), -"the first organised experience that the individual attains is all connected with persons and their relations to himself,"-Mr. Brown goes on to apply the theory to the Andamanese. He observes (p. 379) that “the Andaman Islander has no interest in nature save in so far as it directly affects the social life," and in order to express his emotional experience "he has to make use of that part of his own experience that is already thoroughly organised, namely, that relating to the actions of ona person as affecting another, or as affecting the society."
The Ancestors : Tradition. Mr. Brown next remarks (p. 381) that "the personification of natural phenomena is not the only method by which their social value can be expressed," which observation leads him on to discuss the question of the existence of ancestors," as to whom he says (p. 382) that "the ground of the belief in the ancestor is to be found in the existence of a sentiment fundamental in all human society, which I shall call the feeling of tradition."
Finally he is led to an opinion, of which one hears more later, relating to an "ordered form : "
"To put the matter (pp. 382-383) in a few words, the individual finds himself in relation to an ordered system-the social order to which he has to adapt himself. The two chief moments in his affective attitude towards that order are his sense of his own dependence upon it and of the need of conforming to its requirements in his actions. It is this his sense of his own relation to the social order,--that the Andaman Islander expresses in the Legends about the ancestors, which recount how that order came into existence as the result of actions of anthropomorphic beings."

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Culture Legends : Weapons and Implements. Here Mr. Brown leaves mythology and passes on to culture. He states (p. 383) that by his Culture Legends "the Andamanese Islander expresses his sense of his own dependence on the past," and then he says:
"It is obvious that the Andaman Islander cannot regard the ancestors as being persons exactly like himself, for they were responsible for the establishment of the social order, to which he merely conforms, and of which he has the advantage. He says, therefore, that they wero bigger men than himself, meaning by this that they were bigger mentally or spiritually, rather than physically, that they were persons endowed with powers much greater than those even of the medicine men of the present time. This explains the magical powers that are attributed to many, or indeed to all, of the ancestors."
As to the meaning of magical powers he has a significant note on p. 384: "In the last chapter it was shown that the attribution of magical force to such things as foods and human bones is simply the means by which the social values of these things are represented and recognised. Similarly here the magical powers of the anoestors are simply the representation of their social value, i.e., the social value of tradition."
The Order of Nature : Moral Laws. Mr. Brown now becomes distinctly philosophical in his argument (p. 384): “Besides the social order there is another, the order of nature, which is constantly acting upon the social order.
The Andaman Islander finds himself in an ordered world, a world subject to law, oontrolled by unseen forces. The laws are not to him what the natural laws are to the scientist of to-day, they are rather of the nature of moral laws. . . . Right or wrong mean acting in accordance with the laws of the world or in opposition to them, and this means acting in accordance with or in opposition to custom. Custom and law are indeed here two words for the same
..The forces of the world, as the Andaman Islander conceives them are not the blind mechanical forces of modern science : rather are they moral forces .... (p. 385) The law of the world thon [to him) is a moral law, its forces are moral forces, its values moral values; its order is a moral order." “This view (p. 385) of the world is the immediate and inevitable result of the experience of man in society. It is a philosophy not reached by painful intellectual effort, by the searching out of meanings and reasons and causes; it is impressed upon him in all the happenings of life, is assumed in all his actions : it needs only to be formulated. And the argument of this chapter has been that it is as the expression or formulation of this view of the world as an order regulated by law that the Legends have their meaning, fulfil their function."
..-. Function of the Legends. Mr. Brown's philosophic argument continues (p. 385): "The Legends of the Andama nese then, as I understand them, set out to give an account of how the order of the world came into existence... A fundamental character of the natural order (as of the social order) is uniformity : the same processes are for ever repoated ...... (p. 386) [The Legends) express two most important conceptions, that of uniformity (or law) and that of the dependence of the present on the past. It is the need of expressing these two conceptions that gives the Legends their function. They are not merely theoretical principles, but are both most intengely practical. ... The knowledge of what to do and what to avoid doing is what constitutes the tradition of the society, to which every individual is required to oonform."
Local Motives of the Legends. "The Legends 'set out (p. 386) to express and to justify the above two fundamental conceptions. They do so by telling how social order itself caine into existence, and how also, all those-natural phenomena that have any bearing on the social well-being came to be as they are and came to have relation to the society that they posge88. One group of facts that
thing:

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have an obvious relation to the society consists of the geographical features of the islands ... (p. 387) we may say briefly that the local motives of the Legends serve to express social values of localities .... (p. 386) Such notives are of considerable importance ; of much more importance than would appear from the stories."
. Animals as Ancestors. Mr. Brown next turns his attention to the subject of Animal Ancestors (p. 387): "many of the actors in the Legends bear the names of animals, but at the same time aro spoken of as though they were human beings .... (p. 388) It is not simply that the legendary person is a man with the name and some of the characteristics of an animal ; nor is it simply that the legendary person is the ancestor of the species of which he hears the naine. We can only adequately express the thought of the Andamanese by sa ying that he regards the whole species as if it were a human being." And on p. 389 Mr. Brown remarks: "there is & parallelism between the personification of natural phenomena and the personification of animal species."
Origin of the Legends. After explaining that the Andamanese base no Star Legends because (p. 393) they do not have their attention called to the stars, Mr. Brown sets about accoupting for the existence of the Legends (p. 393) : "the Andamnanese, like other sa vages, have not acquired the power of thinking abstractedly. All their thought necessarily deals with concrete things. Now the story form provides a means of expressing concretely what could otherwise only be put in an abstract statement.. . (p. 394) The chief ground for the interest in stories shown by children and by sa vages is, I believe, that they afford the ineans of exercising the imagination in certain specific directions and thereby play an important part in enabling the individual to organise his experience." And finally he makes some interesting remarks in this connection (p. 394): the point to be noted is that these tales are always frankly egoistic and boastful, and it is for this reason that they may well be con.pareil with the day dreams of the more civilised.... (p. 395) By means of the personification of natural phenomena and of species of aniinals, and through the assumption of the existence of the ancestors and their times, they are able to develop a special kind of unwritten literature, which has for thom just the same sort of appeal that much of our own literature has for us."
Inconsistency in the Legends. Mr. Brown frequently points out that the Legends contain inconsistencies, and he writes on p. 396: "it is clear that the Andamanese do not always apply to these Legends the law of logical necessity." And then on p. 397 he adds :
"The very existence of inconsistencies of this kind proves without any doubt that the mental processes underlying the Legends of the Andamanese are not similar to those that we ourselves follow when we attempt to understand intelligently the facts of nature and of life, but rather are to be compared to those that are to be found in dreams and in art,-processes of what might conveniently be called symbolic thought. It would hardly be necessary to point this out were it not that many ethnologists still try to interpret the beliefs of sa vages as being the results of attempts to understand natural facts, such as dreams, death, birth, eto."
Social Value of the Legends. At length Mr. Brown returns to his main argument, (pp. 397-398) : "The thesis of this Chapter has been that the Legends are the expression of social values of objects of different kinds. By the social value of an object is meant the way in which it affects the life of the Society, and therefore, since every one is interested in the welfare of the society to which he belongs, the way in which it affects the social sentiments of the individual. The system of social values of a Society obviously depends upon the manner in which the society is constituted, and therefore the Legends can only be understood by constant reference to the mode of life of the Andamanese."

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Mr. Brown's Conclusion. At this point Mr. Brown concludes his survey of the beliefs and customs of the Andamanese in words which justify this lengthy analysis of his book. Taking his enquiry to be one "not into isolated facts but into a culture," he writes (p. 400):
"Here I must conclude my attempt to interpret the customs and beliefs of the Andaman Islanders, but in doing so I wish to point out, though indeed it must be fairly obvious, that if my interpretation be correct, then the meaning of the customs of other primi tive peoples is to be discovered by similar methods and in accordance with the same psychological principles. It is because I have satisfied myself of the soundness of these methods and principles, by applying them to the interpretation of other cultures, that I put forward the hypotheses in these two chapters with an assurance that would not perhaps be justified if I relied solely on a study of the Andamanese."
The importance of such a statement, if Mr. Brown's principles are to be followed generally, will be at once apparent to the reader of these pages.
The Moral Force of Society. But Mr. Brown goes further. On p. 402 he writes : “Leaving aside altogether the question of how sentiments of these kinds come into existence, we may note that they involve the existence of experience of a particular type. The individual experiences the action upon himself of a power or force-constraining him to act in certain ways not always pleasant, supporting him in his weakness, binding him to his fellows, to his group. The force is clearly something not himself-something ontside of him therefore, and yet equally clearly it makes itself felt not as merely external compulsion or support, but as something within his own consciousness-within himself therefore. If we would give a name to this force we can only call it the moral force of society."
And then he adds (p. 404):"the Andamancse have not reached the point of recognising by a spocial name this power of which they are thus aware." That is to say, if I read Mr. Brown aright, the Andamanese have no actual terın for God '-- not even Biliku (Puluga).
The Andamanese Religion. He seems, however, l'ather to hesitate here. He writes on p. 405 : "throughout these two chapters I have a voided the use of the term 'religion.' My reason for this is that I have not been able to find a definition of this term, which would render it suitable for use in a scientific discussion of the beliefs of such primitive people as the Andamanese." But should he not call his discussion philosophic rather than scientific ? However, leaving this point aside, he adds (p. 405):
"The definition of religion that seems to me on the whole most satisfactory is that it consists of (1) A belief in a great inoral force or power (whether personal or not) existing in nature; (2) an organised relation between man and this Higher Power. If this definition be accepted, it is clear that the Andamanese bave religious beliefs and oustoms. They do believe in a moral power regulating the universe, and they have organised their relations to that power by means of some of their simple ceremonies.
... The purpose of these two chapters has been to explain the nature and function of the Andamanese religion."
The Conclusion. I have now taken Mr. Brown through his whole argument, using his own language as far as possible. Those who desire to know him further can study his remarkable book for themselves. It is worth the while of a student of cultural anthropology thus to ge into it, because we have had the arguments of Max Müller and his School of Mythology-the Sun Myth and the rest of it-supplanted by Frazer and the School of Comparative Anthropology, and how we shall have, if Mr. Brown has his way, a School of Philosophic Anthropology. If his ideas 'catch on 'I foreseo an endless number of volumes of a philosophic nature, all equally satisfactory to the writers and their schools, and more or less flatly contradicting

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each other. To start with a theory-Mr. Brown writes (p. 400), 'I have assumed a working hypothesis '- and work up the beliefs and customs of a primitive people thereon, open up a literary vista that appals me at any rate.
It recalls to my mind a verse that has remained with me from my childhood of long ago. If I remember rightly, Southey was the author, when writing of Mob, Cob, and Chitta bob. I may be wrong in the ascription. That, however, does not much matter, but after going through Mr. Brown's book, I cannot help wondering what length of a philosophy of religion could be built up round that one verse by some remote descendant, were it to remain on and be discovered : how he would 'interpret' first the words themselves and then their religious meaning: how his contemporaries would dispute with him about both points.
1 he Devil was dressed
In his Sunday best : His coat was red and his breeches were blue, And there was a hole where the tail came through.
(To be continued.) THE YEZIDIS OR DEVIL-WORSHIPPERS OF MOSUL.1
By H. C. LUKE.
Prefatory Note.
By Sta RICHARD O. TEMPLE, Br. ON 25th-28th August 1924, The Times published a series of articles by Mr. H.C. Luke, sometime Assistant Governor of Jerusalem, on the "Minorities of Mosul,” two of which will be of interest to the readers of this Journal, as they describe the Yezidis of that region who are called “Devil-worshippers." These people being surrounded by Muhammadans and probably of an ancient Persian' origin, their form of devil-worship has naturally a strong Musalman tendency. 'Devil-worship’ is however very common in India, especially in the South, where its tendency, on the contrary, is towards Hinduism. Nevertheless to my mind the term 'devil-worship is a misnomer, naturally invented by the early European travellers to the East, imbued with Christianity, to describe a form of religious practice foreign to their ideas : whereas, devil-worship is really the worship of supernatural spirits by primitive Animists. It is not devil-worship at all, as some of the spirits worshipped aro not credited with evil designs on human beings and their property.
In 1883 I secured from the library of my old friend and correspondent, Dr. A. C. Burnell, a long MS. entitled The Devil Worship of the Tuluvas, which I got translated through the Rev. Dr. A. Männer of the Basel Mission, and published it in this Journal in 1894 (vol. XXIII). I then made the above remarks and have never since seen anything to shake the opinion therein expressed. Indeed it is strongly confirmed by the situation in the Nicobar Islands, where European missionaries taught the people to apply the term 'devil' to the images and other objects they set up to scare away the evil spirits from their homes. There the devil' is really the devil-scarer.'
In the Jebel Sinjar to the west of Mosul and in the district of the Sheikhan to the north. east there dwell the peculiar people known variously to the world at large as Yezidis and Devil-worshippers. To all appearances of Kurdish stock and speaking a Kurdish dialect, their own name for themselves is Dasnayi ; the meaning of the term Yezidi, applied to them by their neighbours, is uncertain. The Shiah Moslems, by way of adding to the odium which their beliefs have brought upon the Yezidis, like to ascribe their foundation to Yezid Ibn Mu'awiya, the murderer of the Shiah hero Husein ; but their origin is infinitely more remoto than the times of the fourth Caliph and his luckless sons.
• Reprinted from The Times, August 27th and 28th, 1994.

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THE YEZIDIB OR DEVIL-WORSHIPPERS OF MOSUL
08
More convincing is the derivation from Yazdan, which is a Persian name of the Supreme Being; for the Almighty enjoys among the Yezidis a remote and abstract supremacy, although it is in truth littlo more than a succès d'estime. Their more serious attention is bestowed upon him whom we denominate, when we wish to be polite, the Fallen Angel, but whom they regard as invested by the Lord of All with full authority over this world below. Hence, though it may be difficult to love him, the Devil is a power to be propitiated, to be treated with all respect; hence their terror lest anyone should pronounce in their hearing the accursed word Sheitan. For this is the opprobri ous name bestowed on the object of their devotions by those who, in their ignorance, regard him as the spirit of evil, working in opposition to the Almighty, whereas all Yezidis know him for a supernatural potentate of the first magnitude, who has received for his activities a Divine carte blanche.
Satan Visualized. Hence, too, this ubiquitous, if not precisely benevolent, power is personified in a fashion very different from that obtaining among those who mistake him for Beelzebub. No cloven hoofs and forked tail, no horns and luminous eyes, figure in the Yezidi iconography. It is as the regal, the divine peacock, as Melek Taus, the Peacock Angel or King, that Satan is visualized by his fearful but faithful followers. It is, indeed, not impossible that Melek Taus was once Melek Deós “the Lord God," and was originally the attribute of the Almighty ; that it was snatched from the feeble hands of Yazdan by the celestial Mayor of the Palace and conferred, with an altered meaning, upon himself. At all events, the bronze peacock, Melek Taus, is the sanjag, the banner, the Palladium of the Yezidi people, the one object of their ritual never shown to those outside the fold.
This, then, is the fundamental article of Yezidi belief, the worship of the Peacock Angel, but it is by no means the only one. The recognition of the principles of good and evil, which it perpetuates, is derived in all likelihood from the Persian dualists; from Persia, too, the Yezidis may have drawn their cult of the sun, for Urumiah, the birth-place of Zoroaster, is very near to the lands of the Dasnayi. On the other hand, their Sun worship may be much older, for they adore him at his rising and setting and kiss the spot on which his ray first rests; and on great festivals they sacrifice white oxen at his shrine. Now we know that the Assyrians dedicated bulls to the sun ; and what is more likely than that this strange people, whose origin and beliefs point to a remote antiquity, should be a remnant of the race which once ruled in this very region ? Another circumstance, which lends support to this theory, is the extreme hairiness of the Yezidis. The men, almost without exception, have beards abnor. mally long and curly, and their hair is as coarse and thick as that of the hairy Ainus. When we consider how prominent a part is played by the beard in Assyrian sculpture, it is impossible not to be struck by this curious parallel.
An Accommodating Seet. Nothing if not broad-minded, the Yezidis regard as inspired the Old and New Testament, and the Koran. They accept the divinity of Christ, but believe that His reign will not come until that of the Devil is over, and that the latter has another 4,000 years to run. The language of their prayers is Arabio, although they do not understand it, and they assert that the water of the sacred spring at Sheikh Adi is miraculously derived from the well Zemzem at Mecca. They circumcize with the Moslems (though this may be a measure of self-protection), they baptize with the Christians, they abstain with the Jews from unlawful foods, they abhor with the Sabeans the colour blue. Moses, Manes, Melek Isa (Jesus), Mohammed, and even the Imam Mahdi oombine with Melek Taus to produce a medley of undigested and half-understood tenets unequalled in any other sect. That no teacher has come forward to bland those ill worted beljefs into a somewhat more coherent whole is

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probably due to the ignorance which is almost an article of faith among them. Before the war the arts of reading and writing were confined by an old tradition to a single family; and when, after the Armistice, the British Administration determined to open & school in the Jebel Sinjar many obstacles were encountered. The letters sh, and words rhyming with sheitan, had first to be eliminated from the text-books, and shatt, the usual Mesopotamian word for river, had to be replaced by the synonym nahr. The school, opened in the face of much opposition, did not survive for long. After a few weeks four pupils were drowned while fording a river gwollen by the rains, whereupon the Yezidis regarded their aversion from learning as divinely (or infernally) vindicated.
The catholicity of their beliefs has not saved the Yezidis from unpopularity and even persecution. Layard gives, in his “Nineveh and its Remains," a graphic account of how they were decimated by the Kurdish Beg of Rowanduz, who pursued those of the Sheikhan to Mosul, and massacred the wretched fugitives on the hill of Qoyunjik in Nineveh, on the site of Sennacherib's Palace, within full view of the exulting Moslawis. Soon afterwards came the turn of the Sinjar; and there were massacres of Yezidis in 1892 and during the war. There cannot now be more, at the outside, than 50,000 survivors, including the Yezidis in Transcaucasia, of a race which a hundred years ago mustered well over a quarter of a million. The steadfastness of the Yezidi under persecution is the more remarkable in that Melek Taus seems an uninspiring deity for whom to die. His cult rests on a basis of fear and expediency, from which love is wholly absent, yet scarcely ever have his followers been known to abjure, even when faced with torture and death, their singularly negative creed.
The Yezidi is a gentle being whose sufferings have left their mark in his cowed and melancholy demeanour. His chief enemy is the Turk, but to the Christian minorities, es. pecially to the Nestorians, he is drawn by the bond of a common oppression. It must be accounted unto the Yezidis for righteousness that during the war, albeit themselves heavily oppressed, they gave shelter to hundreds of Armenian refugees, who crawled from Deir ezZor to the Jebel Sinjar in the course of the great Armenian massacres, and stoutly refused to surrender them despite the persuasion and threats of the Turks.
The Yezidi Mecca is the shrine of Sheikh Adi, called after two persons of the same name, the one a Sufi saint of the 12th century, the other a Kurdish gardener of the 13th, who appear to have been blended into one nebulous identity. Before visiting Sheikh Adi we stayed for & day and a night with Said Beg, the hereditary Mir (Chief) of the Yezidis, in his castle of Ba Idri in the Sheikhan. Ba Idri, distant a few miles from Al Qosh, is an Oriental version of the true feudal stronghold of the Middle Ages. It stands assertively on the top of a small
plateau or hill, while the village crouches obediently at the bottom, some hundreds of feet below. The relative positions of castle and village symbolize not inaccurately the relations which exist between the Mir and his people.
The Power of the Mr. Over the Yezidis the Mir exercises an absolute and autocratic sway. The best lands, the handsomest women are his without question, and he is supported by an annual due leviod in money and kind upon all his subjects. So, while they are poor, he is tolerably rich, and is the proud possessor, as we learned with surprise, of five American cars. Nevertheless, his position has its drawbacks, for rarely does a Mir of the Yezidis die in his bed. Said Beg's great-grandfather, Ali Beg, was killed by the aforementioned Rowanduz Kurds ; his father, another Ali Beg, was shot by his mother's paramour, with the connivance, it is said, of the lady. Nor is Said Beg likely to make old bones, for he loves to look upon the wine when it is red and, above all, upon the Arak when it is white. Yet & certain charm of manner gever leaves him altogether, and intoxication seems but to heighten his natural melancholy.

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Plate II
Indian Antiquary
THE YEZIDIS, DEVIL WORSHIPPERS
THE MIR OF THE YEZIDIS
SHRINE OF THE PEACOCK
H. O. Lule

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Plate !
H. C. Luke
THE YEZIDIS, DEVIL WORSHIPPERS
SHEIKH ADI
Indian Antiquary

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He is a personage of remarkable appearance, tall and thin, with slim, delicate hands and a waving black beard gradually tapering to a point. He looks older than he is, and a slight cast in his mournful eyes gives him a faintly sinister look. He was clad, during our visit, in the finest black broadcloth, his dress consisting of full, baggy breeches embroidered with black silk, and a black Zouave jacket similarly embroidered. On his head he wore a black agal over a white silk keffiyeh. Black top-boots, lacing to just below the knee, completed his costume, the general effect of which was that of a Mephisto of the Russian ballet. No Bakst could have designed a more suitable outfit for the Lord of the Votaries of Satan, nor could Nature have endowed him with a more appropriate cast of countenance. That formidable dowager, his mother, was also at the castle, and we visited this grim, handsome, upstanding woman, who plainly despises her weakling son, in a lofty, smoke-blackened raftered hall in the women's apartments, where, beside a blazing open fire, she was holding her court.
The Mecca of the Yezidis.
On the following day, accompanied by the Beg's retainers, we rode over the hills to Sheikh Adi, a journey of three hours on horseback from Ba Idri. Soon we encountered a number of wayside shrines with the tapering fluted cones or spires (they can hardly be called domes) which are characteristic of Yezidi architecture. Beside each shrine there was generally a sacred tree enclosed by a wall, for the Yezidis are Nature-worshippers, and trees and water, stars and the moon compete with the Sun and the Devil for their veneration. Presently we turned sharply from the valley we had been following into another valley that runs into it at right angles. In a few minutes we crossed a stream by a small stone bridge and as we did so our Yezidi companions reverently removed their shoes. For we were now on sacred ground, in the Haram of the Yezidi holy place, not to be trodden by the faithful save with bare feet, in a region where no wild animal may be killed, no vegetation cut, no water polluted. It is a little paradise, this valley, of luxuriant groves and running water, of olives and pistachios, walnuts and figs, and silvery poplars beside the stream. The tender green of early spring was around us, and at our feet hyacinths and other wild flowers grew in abundance; the sides of the valley were white with hawthorn and pink with almond-blossom. The shrine itself lies almost entirely hidden in a bower of giant mulberry trees, and a pergola of these shades with its foliage the court in front of the temple.
Dohyk
ALQOSH
Amadia
R.TIGRIS
MOSUL
Miles. 05 10
20
THE YEZIDIS OR DEVIL-WORSHIPPERS OF MOSUL
O
J.MAKLUB
ne Sheikh Adr
Mazraa
NINTVEH (Site of)
DEIR MATTAL
Zab
Erbil
(5490)
97
But amid all this sylvan loveliness is suddenly struck another note. Up the wall of the temple, to the side of the door, there climbs, evil and sinister, a shiny black serpent. He is only cut in stone, it is true, and his colour is merely black-lead; but he comes as an abrupt reminder that here, despite the innocent charm of spring, the spirit of Apollyon broods. Other devices, such as lions, combs, and hatchets, are carved in low relief on the façade, and inscriptions in Syriac and Arabic, some of them upside down, are let into the walls at various places around the court.
The custodian of Sheikh Adi, who is Said Beg's first cousin, welcomed us at the porch of the temple, but, before conducting us into the arcana, insisted that we should eat. Cushions and felt mats were placed for us against the temple façade, and black-shirted fakirs (an order of the Yezidi hierarchy) hurried backwards and forwards with copper trays laden with eggs, pilau, chicken, and a sweet called baqlawa. Then we went inside, removing our shoes at our hosts' request and placing, as they did, a small coin on the threshold.
3

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The Shrine of the Peacock. As we entered, one of our escort, a Nestorian, almost enveloped in bandoliers, whispered to me: "Effendim, this was once a church of ours, like Nebi Yunus at Nineveh "-the Mosque containing the tomb of the prophet Jonah, which surmounts the Palace of Esarhaddon at Nineveh. Probably he was right, for the temple is known to have been built by Christians and it bears & general resemblance to the early Christian churches of these parts. The interior oonsists of barrel-vaulted twin naves, and is entirely unlighted. In a corner of the so uthern nave there rises a spring of beautifully clear water, the sacred spring from Zemzem, while from the middle of the northern nave a door leads into the Holy of Holies, a square chamber surmounted by the principal spire of Sheikh Adi. There is nothing in this room in any way resembling an altar; its only contents are two draped wooden chests, one of them presumably the repository of the bronze Peacock. More mysterious is the adjoining chamber, where is stored the olive oil used at the shrine. Ranged along the walls are rows upon rows of large earthenware jars, which looked, by the flickering light of our small tapers, as if in them were concealed the forty thieves.
There is no village at Sheikh Adi, but around and above the temple are hundreds of buildings, large and small, devoted to a variety of purposes. There are the dwellings of the custodian and his attendant fakirs, and rest-houses for the pilgrims who repair thither at the two great feasts of the Yezidi year. Minor shrines and oratories of all sizes and shapes, some of them get apart for pilgrims of particular localities, dot the valley on either side of the glen, and a little way up the southern slope rises the fluted spire of Sheikh Shems ed-Din, the Sun. From the roof of this lesser temple, where the white oxen are sacrificed to the tutelary god, we obtained a good view of the precincts, embowered in greenery and blossom. And at night, when every dome and eminence and grove and spire is il lumined by flares of bitumen (for no lamps are allowed at Sheikh Adi, and the wicks for the flares are made at the shrine), the effect is beautiful in the extreme. It seemed wrong that all this loveliness and light should be la vished on the Prince of Darkness; yet one could not but admit, if his shrine be any criterion, that he is a gentleman, and a gentleman of taste.
MISCELLANEA. BUDDHA AND DEVADATTA.
out that the legend of Grdhrakúta is very old The fold of comparative history is no vast
world type which is generally dismissed with the that nothing can be done without mutual co
explanation "aetiological", though as a matter operation. Each investigator can only report
of fact that explains nothing, but is merely a what he has observed within his own area and
word used to conceal our ignorance. Somo the conclusions he draws, relying on others to
of those logends at least can be traced to ancient completo his evidence or destroy it by counter
ritual, but the key to most of them is missing, evidence.
partly because of that blessed word "aetiological", I am therefore grateful to Mr. Kalipada Mitra
by the use of which most investigators think
themselves exempted from any further effort. for having done both (see Ind Ant., vol. LII,
This type of legend is world wide and is familiar p. 125). He has successfully disposed of the
to students of European Folk-Lore. They must argument based on the language used by the
thoroforo bo of a most romoto antiquity, far Buddha to Devadatta. I confess it was rather
more remote than Buddhism. Some of these & weak one and I let it go without regret.
legends explain the configuration of the country Mr. Mitra sees in the size of the stone hurled as the result of a contest of two gods. Fijian at the Buddha an objection to my suggestion evidence inclinos me to suppose that this type is that it is a cross cousin legend; he thinks such an an ocho of magical contests between cross cousins, immense stone could only be thrown with malice. magical contests, such as are commonly described But in the legend of Nayau and Vanuavatu by the Brahmanas as taking place between Gods enormous rocks are hurled, 80 enormous that they (dera) and Demons (asura), both descended from can be seen standing in the sea to the present day; Prajd pats, and in imitation thereof between the yet this is a legend of cross cousinship. I pointed sacrifioer (yajumdnah) and his bhatroya, word

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which translators ronder “enemy", but which southwards and eastwards following the general literally appears to mean "cousin."1 have trend of migrations and culture. Did it ever also shown in my “Matemal Relations in Indian prevail further went ? That is a question I Ritual" that the maternal relations take part in commend to the students of the Near East and the sacrifice as the vehicles of the Fathors or the the Aegean. I will merely point out that Demons according as the case may be.3
naming after the grandfather is a feature that If my hypothesis is correct, then it must have
often occurs in connection with the cross-cousin far reaching consequences, at which I merely system, and an organic connection between the hinted in my paper. Mr. Mitra has therefore two can certainly be explained, though not as rendered a great service in collecting the passages yet proved. For example, naming after the which relate to cross-cousin marriage in ancient
grandfather is still practised in Macedonia, and India. Especially interesting is the fact that
I have been promised evidence from ancient Rig Veda 7. 4. 3. 22. 6. was used as a mantra
Greek literature, which I am still awaiting. That for cross-cousin marriages.
may be very little to go on, but all things have It would seem that cross-cousin marriage once
small beginnings. prevailed in Northern India and has been driven
A. M. HOCART. BOOK-NOTICE. ASHANTI. By CAPT. R. S. RATTRAY of the Gold Coast Captain Rattray begins his survey by a wise Political Service, Head of the Anthropological remark: "It is an axiom in anthropology that
Department of Ashanti. Oxford, Clarendon Press, without a clear knowledge of the family organization 1923.
of tribe, it is impossible fully to understand This is an excellent survey of the people of Ashanti their social organization." And he then proceeds by a trained observer, after a year's work among to examine closely at length the organization in them. It differs greatly from similar books I have Ashanti. This leads him to the examination of recently had occasion to notice in this Journal, the ntoro institution, on which he makes the following
Mrs. Leslie Milne's Home of a Far Eastern Clan observation : "I believe it to be correct to state (Palsungs) and Mr. A. R. Brown's Andaman that the full meaning of the word ntoro, as underIolanders. All three have worked on the spot. stood in Ashanti, has hitherto been little known Mrs. Milne's book is observation pure and simple; to European ethnologists. Christaller [Dict. of the Mr. A. R. Brown's is observation to suit a theory: Ashanti and Fanti Languages) briefly and somewhat Captain Rattray's is theory based on observation. ambiguously defines the term as a person of the To apply a commercial simile : Mrs. Milne has game ancient family worshipping the same fetish.'” produced an accurate detailed ledger : Mr. Brown The position of the ntoro deeply affects marriages, & somewhat careless ledger to fit into a preconceived and accordingly Captain Rattray gives an account allocation of accounts : Captain Rattray an accurate of ntoro exogamous divisions, in the course of which ledger on which to base his balance sheet. The he is led to an account of Lake Boromtwe, which method of the last named seems to me to be alto- exhibits some remarkable phenomena not unknown gether admirable.
in England. But what will, especially in the Captain Rattray's book is concerned with an South, most interest Indian scholars is that the African people, but there are points in it of much Ashanti system of descent is matrilineal and interest to those engaged in Indian research. He matripotestal, that is, clan deszent is traced through does not deal minutely with the people themselves the female, and authority in the family lies mainly in their ethics, but confines himself mainly to three in the hands of the mother's brother, the maternal chief points, which may be described as family uncle (wofa). relationship, religion and land tenure. He gives Having thus dealt with the Ashanti family in addition some very valuable chapters on Drum classificatory system, Captain Rattray considers Language, the Golden Stool, gold weights and the religious beliefs and practices of the peoplo at neo-lithio implements. It will be observed that great length. Here he makes another of his illuthe subjects mentioned necessarily cover a great minating remarks: "Thule beliefs have for part of Ashanti customs. Incidentally I may centuries been described as 'fetishism' or 'fetish remark that anthropologiste all the world over worship, but these religious conceptions of the will be grateful to the Gold Coast Government fo Twi-speaking peoples of the Gold Coast and of setting up a State Department to enquire into the Ashanti have, in my opinion, been trievously ways and beliefs of the peoples over which it has misrepresented." Captain Rattray himself sway.
describes the religion as a belief in gods (abosom), 1 Sve my paper on The Cousin in Vedio Ritual "in this Journal. I am dealing with these creation ceremonies" in my "Studios in Origins," which I hope to get through the press this year or early next.
3 Man, 1924, No. 76.

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which are non-human spirits residing in certain "brass pans as their shrines under " 'Nyame, the God of the Sky, who is to him (the Ashanti) the Supreme Being of the Universe. He has of course also charnts, amuleta, talismans, mascota, " which may be termed fetishee." Such a situation will be familiar to all studente of Religion in India.
The ceremonies for the propitiation, solicitation or worship of ancestral spirits are elaborate, and that they are regulated by old custom is shown in the long account of the Adae Ceremony when the spirits of the departed rulers of the clan are worshipped. As in most animistio countries, Ashanti has its sacred groves and Captain Rattray gives an account of the ceremonies at the most sacred of all, that at Santemansa, where the first human beings, belonging to certain of their clans, came forth from the ground. This grove is a sanctuary where "to spill human blood is absolutely tabu." Next Capt. Rattray describes a "ceremony witnessed while the Burial Quarters of the Kings and Queens were undergoing repairs." In his account there occurs en passant a statement worth noting: "Those who were present in Coomassie during the recent trial, before their own chiefs, of the miscreants who desecrated the Golden Btool will never forget the sobriety and dignity with which that we was conducted." Another ceremony described is that of Baya when the samanfo spirits of dead ancestors are asked to bless the next year's crop.
Captain Rattray next has & chapter on "Nyame' the Supreme Being, where he is in conflict with the older authorities who "denied the conception of a Supreme Being in the West African mind." He sets to work to show that 'Nyame, the God of the Sky, is truly the Supremo in the eyes of the Ashanti peoplee, as distinct from the abosom or gods, whose "power emanates from various sources, the chief of which is the great spirit of the one God." The abosom are however for practical purposes far more important than "Nyame in Ashanti life. An instructivo account of groat interest is then given of the gods and their shrines and their origin, which seems to make them akin to Animistio spirits elsewhere in the world.
Hore Captain Rattray has a paragraph worth transcribing in full, as it will come home to many an inhabitant of India who is considering the relative position of Siva, Vishnu or Krishna as the Supremne (Paramesvara) and the godlings worshipped in everyday life : "I shall never forget the answer of an old priest with whom I remonstrated, chiofly to draw him out and see what he would say, for not trusting to the spirit of the great God and leaving out all the lesser powers, whose help was thus passively and indirectly invoked. He replied
follows: "We in Ashanti dare not worship the Bly God alono, or the Earth Godde alone, or
any one spirit. We have to protect ourselves against, and use when we can, the spirito of all things in the Sky and upon Earth. You go to the forest, 800 some wild animal, fire at it, kill it and find you have killed a man. You dismiss your servant, but later you find you miss him. You take your cutter to hack what you think is a branch, and find you have cut your own arm. There are people who transform themselves into leopards;
the Grassland people are especially good at turning into hyenas. There are witches who can make you wither and die. There are trees which fall upon you and kill you. There are rivers which drown you. If I see four or five Europeans, 1 do not make much of one alone and ignore the rest, lest they too may have power and hate me.'”
We now pass on to the curious Apo or Lampooning Coromony which is very African, and to the consecration of a shrine to the temple of the god Tano or Ta Kora, the greatest of the Ashanti gode-tho god of the mighty Tano river and the account of the religious ceremonies, with the a'fahye ceremony in connection with the eating of the first fruits of each crop. From this outline it will be obvious to the readers of this Journal that a study of the religious practices in Ashanti are well worth their while, under the able guidance of Capt. Rattray.
We need not here follow him in his dissertation on Law, Tenure and Alienation, but his chapter on Drum Language is of absorbing interest, as ho explains how"two drums set in different noto can possibly be heard as, or made to reproduce, actual spoken words." It is indeed a kind of Morse system and can be so applied, for Capt. Rattray Bays: "Mr. E. O. Rake, District Commissioner, Scoutmaster of the Mampon troop of Boy Scouts, and I received and read various messages, of the nature of which we were not informed beforehand, drummed by an African Boy Scout who was familiar with Morse—the high and low tonos, dashes and dota, carrying clearly through over a mile of the dense Ashanti forest."
Next the story of the Golden Stool of the Ashanti Kings, which is the shrine of the sunsum or soul of the people, is well-told, and the effect of its desecration upon the people can be readily under stood. There is also a Silver stool of the Queen Mother, a replica of which was presented to H. R. H. Princess Mary, Viscountess Lascelles, on hor marriago, a most delicate attention. The book winds up with an account of the Ashanti Goldsmiths and Gold Weights and the burial vessels (koudue) made to contain these last. The scoount shows that they bear a curious goneral family likeness to the animal and similar forms formerly employed among the Malays for their currency : see my 'Obsolete Tin Currenoy and Money of the Federated Malay States,' ante, vol. XLI.
R. C. TEMPLE.

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LEGENDS OF THE GODLINGS OF THE SIMLA HILLS.
COLLECTED BY PANDIT SUKH CHAIN OF KUMHARSAIN
AND TRANSMITTED BY H. A. ROSE, I.C.S. (Retired). LIST OF DEOTAS OR GODLINGS INCLUDED IN THE LEGENDS.1
1st Group.--The Kot Ishwar Family. 1. Kot ishwar. 2. Bhusâ included with Kot Ishwar. 3. Sher Koţ. 4. Adshakti at Kacheri. 5. Kasumbâ at Khekhsu. 6. Mehani (Kot Ishwar).
2nd Group.-The Marechh Family. 7. Dithu of Dholaser. 8. Malendu of Malendi. 9. Bharoog. 10. Paochi, Shawan.
3rd Group.-The Någs. 11. Kalwa Nag of Kandru. 12. The Nag of Dhali. 13. The Nag of Dhanal. 14. The Nag of Ghunda. 15. The Nag of Bagi.
4th Group.-The Dum Family. 16. The Dum of Sharmall and Gathan. 17. The Dum of Hemri. 18. The Dum of Karel. 19. The Dum of Jhangroli. 20. The Dum of Kamali in Kandru. 21. The Dum of Pharal in Chebishi. 22. The Dum of KotlA in Chebishf. 23. The Dum of Rupri in Chebishi. 24. The Dum of Parojusha in Che bisht.
5th Group.-Muls. 25. Mul Padoi of Koti. 26. Mul Padoi of ShailA. 27. Mul Padoi of Gheti.
6th Group.-Kalls and Bhagwatis. 28. Kali of And. 29. Kali of Dertů. 30. Durga Bhagwati of Bharech. 31. Bhagwati of Kachin Ghati.
7th Group.-Independent Deotas. 32. Manûn or Magneshwar. 33. Melan in Kotgarh. 34. Baneshwar of Pujarli. 35. Garon of Panjauli. 36. Kot of Kalmun. 37. Matlu of Shelota. 38. Heon of Pali. 39. Khoru of Sainja. 40. Ghat of Karel. 41. Lonkra of Jao.
1st Group.-The Kot Ishwar Family. 1. Kot lahwar Mahadeo (Shiva.)--He originated in the temple of Durg& at Hat Koti. (Durga's own history goes back to the times of the Mahabharata.) When Kot Ishwar Mahadeo, began to oppress the people in Hát Koti, the Br&hmans thought that the god had become a råkshasa (devil) and two Brâhmans, Obd and Shoba, by magic shut him up in & tumbf and corked up its mouth. The tumbi, with the god and goddesses in it, they intended to throw into the Sutlej 40 miles from Hat Koti, which lies on the banks of the Pabar. The Brahmans had also shut two matris up in the tumbi with the god. When they reached Parof BA, two miles from the Sutlej, the Brahman who was holding the tumbi stumbled and let it fall. As it broke in pieces the imprisoned god, with the two matris escaped. Kot Ishwar Mahadeo took shelter among the bana and bhekhal bushes, one of the matris soared to the top of the Tikkar hill, now called Kechêre, where she took up her abode in the kail trees; and the other flow across the Sutlej balting at Khekhsů.
Kot Ishwar, again began to trouble the people in the form of a serpent. He would suck milk from the cows and they blamed the cow boy, who was much alarmed when one day he saw a serpent sucking milk from his cows. He told the owners of the cattle, and a Bråh. man of Batara, a village near Kumharsain, sent to the spot and called on the serpent to appear, if he were a god; threatening to burn him by magic as an evil spirit or devil, if he did not. So the god walked into his presence and the Brahman, bowing before Kof Ishwar, invited bim to his village, where he lived for 12 years.
1 Whoro not otherwise indicated the deoide noted are in Kumharain.

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No Raja then ruled this part of the hills, which were held by the Mawannas or Mavis. Sûn û, a powerful Mawanna, heard of the god's miracles and began to worship him. Once he dreamed that the god did not wish to live at Mathana Jubas, where a temple was proposed for him, but would prefer Pich]A Tiba, now called Koti, and so a temple was built there for him. Long afterwards the present temple was built on a larger scale at Madholf.
At first he was represented by a single asht-dhat idol, but subsequently some fifteen more idols of mixed metal were added as companions. A rath (palanquin) was also made and the god was seated in it at melas.
Bhusa, another contemporary M&wanna, came to-& meld organised in honour of the god by Sûna Mawanna. He was dressed in ape skins. But Sand did not allow Bhupa to come before the god or touch his rath, so Bhurâ returned to his home at Bhusa, scarcely three miles from Madholi, in disgust. One day after his return, when breaking up new land he found a gold image, and for this he made a rath and seated himself in it.
This deota was brought to Mandholí, as he desired to live there with Kot Ishwar, and Sûn û and Bhura abandoned their feud.
Kot Ishwar was a terror to the countryside. He would kill any Mawanna who did not obey him. Some indeed say that the gold image which Bhuså found was Kot Ishwar himself in a new form, and that Bhus was killed by him.
When the Brahmans of Hat Koti learnt that Kot Ishwar had become a good spirit and was displaying miracles at Mandholi, two of them came to Lathi village, where they have been settled now for 77 generations.
Bhura Deotâ appeared about the same time as Kot Ishwar. His worshippers offer him only gold or masrû cloth while Kog Ishwar can accept anything. Goats are usually Bacrificed.
The following melas called jdgrds are held in honour of these Deotas :-(1) Bharare on the 1st Jeth ; (2) Madhauni on the Rakhri Puniâ in Bhadon ; (3) Madholi on the puranmdshi day in Bhadon ; (4) Pati Jubar on the 6th or 7th As&ş. But at the following places the jdgrds are held in Baisakh and Sawan on any day that may be fixed, Urshu-Khekhar, NAI, JAr, Sawari, Dib, Banú, Khabar, Dhali, kapri.
Kot Ishwar ruled this part of the hills before the Gera family settled at Karangla. Some. time afterwards the Gera brothers quarrelled over the partition of the kingdom, and so a cow-girl divided it into two parts, viz., Karangla and Kumharsain. Her decision is said to have been :-Jis Kepu tis Kandr, Jis Khekhar tie Dalar, “He who gets Kepu will get Kanár and he who takes Khekhar shall have Dalar." Kepu and Khekhar are villages on the banks of the Sutlej and Kanar and Dalar are villages high up the valley. A stream, the Sawari Khad, divides the country.
When the first Thakur came to Kumh&rsain, the country was made over to him by Kot Ishwar, who showed him favour, 80 that State has given him a jdgir worth Rs. 506, and pays the expenses of his jágrds. Six generations ago Thakur Ram Singh of Kumhårsain fought with RAÚA Pirthi Singh of Keonghal and by his aid the Thakur gained a victory.
Every third year the Deotâs' chari or staff is taken to all the basas, and when a new Rand ascends the gaddi the Deotå himself tours the country in a rath. Every house presents four pathies of grain. Kog Ishwar is the kula deo or kul deota (family god) of the chief of Kumhârsain. .
2. Bhurd.The account of this deotd is included in that of the foregoing, Kot Ishwar.
3. The Deota Sherko at Kumharsain.--This deotd has his temple in the palace at KumhArsairr. He is none other than Kot Ishwar himself, but is called Sherkot. None but members of the Raņa's family and the State parohits, who are called Sherkota Brahmans, can go into his temple. It is said that the original idol of Kot Ishwar is kept here and that the image at Mandholi is only a duplicate.

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4. Devi Adshakti or Durga Mata.--A Brahman of the Sakteru Pujära family relates that more than 100 generations ago his ancestors came from Kashi (Benares) and settled at Hat Koți; and that one of them came to Kacheri village with Adshakti Bhagwati. This goddess, with her sister and Kot Ishwar were shut up in the tumbi, as has been told in the account of Kot Ishwar. Adshakti flew to the top of Tikar hill above Ghåmana, a village in Kumbársain, and settled there in the form of a ling. Her presence was revealed to a Mâwanna of Tikkar in a dream, and the ling was found and placed in a temple.
Other pujáris of Kacherî say that Âdshakti, commonly called Bhagwati Mata, no doubt came from Hatkoţi, but that she was never imprisoned in a tumbi and that when the panda of Hatkoți had shut up Kot Ishwar in the tumbî the two Durga sisters accompanied him, one walking ahead and the other behind him looking for an opportunity to release Kot Ishwar. When the panda fell and Kot Ishwar escape 1, the two sisters also flew away. First they went to Rachtari village and thence to HAta.
Durga Matå settled at Tikkar, in which neighbourhood Bhuria, once a powerful MA wanni, had fallen into difficulties. He consulted Brâhmans, and they sent for a number of virgins, and, having made them sit in a row, called aloud to them that the spirit that distressed the Mawannâ, whether god or devil, would appear and reveal through one of the girls why he had harrassed the M&wanng. One of the girls then began to dance in an ecstacy and said that Bhagwati Mata was lying on Tikkar hill in the form of a ling, and that, of the two sisters, one lived at Kanda, on the top, and the other at Munda, the foot of the hill. The M&wanna and his Brahmans excused themselves to the spirits, saying that they had not known of their presence, and they promised to build a temple to the Mata. The girl in a trance walked up the Tikkar hill; the other virgins, the Brahmans and the Mewanná following her. She pointed out the spot where the ling lay and on that spot was built the temple called Matri Deori. which still exists.
At that time Polas, a Brahman from the Sindha Desh came to Lathi village and began to worship Durga Mata. He came really to look for Kot Ishwar, who would not appear before him, but at last after twelve years he revealed himself and then the Brahman began to worship bim. .
Kot Ishwar gave the pujdris of Batara village to Bhagwati Mata for her worship. These pujárís are said to have come from Kord Desh.
The Mateog Brahmans were settled in Batard and they worship Kot Ishwar daily, but at the four sankrants in Baisakh, Sawan, and Magh and at the Diwali, the Sherkota Brâhmang officiate.
Kirti Singh, the first Rand of the Kumhårsain family, acknowledged Durga Bhagwati as sister of Kot Ishwar and built her a new temple at Kacheri. Every third year & půjd meld is held and the State pays the expenses.
According to the custom of the Kumharsain family the jadolan ceremony (cutting the hair of a son or wearing nose or ear-rings by a girl) is performed at the Matri Deora. The Raņ& and his Ranis go in person to this temple with their children for the ceremony. Simi. larly on ascending the gaddi the new Rand with his family attends, at the Matri Deor&, & ceremony called the jaudid játra.
Bhagwati MAtå holds a jâgîr from the State worth Rs. 14-1-3 and also has a small kelon forest. Goats are sacrificed to her and every third year, or when desired buffaloes are also killed before her at the Matri Deorå.
Some people believe that though the Matâ has tomples at the Matri Deorf and Kacheri she is always sitting at her brother Kot Ishwar's side at Mandholi.
Bend and Bhuri are two bhors or servants of the Mata. Benu was a Ghot from Ben' in Kulld and Bhupf came from Jo Bag at Haltu. The latter is a female attendant and was originally a ghost. Both attend at the gate of the temple.

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5. Devi Kasumba at Khekhs0.-Khekhsů is on the north bank of Sutlej in Kulld. Kot Ishwar's other sister, Kagumba Devi, settled there when he escaped from Pro.
One of the Chhabishi Brahmans of Goán, a village in Kullu Saraj, saw in a dream & pindi or ling. The goddess then told him of her presence and desired to have a temple built for her at Khekhsú.
The people say that the artisan who made the image of Håt Koți Durg& was called in to make her image. When he had finished the image the Mâwanna of Hat Koti had his right hand cut off so that he might not make any more like it; but with his left hand he made a similar image at Khekhsů.
Rana Kirti Singh acknowledged this Devi as ķot Ishwar's sister and gave her a jagir worth Rs. 42-2-9. The original intention was that 9 bharaos of kidr land at Khekhar and goats should be given by the State on both the ashtamis, in Chet. and Baisakh. This Devi also holds a jdgir from Kotgaph and Kullû.
When Kot Ishwar has any jag she comes to Mandholi and joins in it. A Divali meld is held at Khekhsû. There used to be a bhunda every 12 years at Khekhsú, but the British Government has forbidden it owing to the risk of human life. Braga Deo is the bhor or servant of Kasumba. He was brought from Jundlå in Kumharsain and was originally a devil. 6. Mehani of Ko Ishwar.-No legend has been given of this deota.
2nd Group.--The Seven Marechh. There are seven Marechh Deotas, of whom three are found in Kumhårsain, two in Shangri, one in Kotgarh and one in Kulla, thus :-(1) Dithu at Dholaser; (2) Marechh or Malendu at Malendi; (3) Marechh at Baroog in Kumhårsain; (4) Marechh at Shawan in Shangri; (5) Marechh at Banar in Shangri; (6) Marechh at Kirti in Kotgarh ; and (7) Marechh at Baina in Kulla. Marechh of Kirti and Marechh of Bareog are said to be brothers of Ditha. The Marechh Deotas are said to have descended from the Managarovar Lake some 4000 years ago. Legends of only the first four Marechh deolas are given.
7. The Deotd Ditha, or Marechh, of Dholaser.-This Deota has his temple at Dholaser close to Kumharsain itself. The story is that he came from the Manasarowar Lake nearly 4000 years ago. On his way down he met Bhambů Rai at a place now called Bhambů Rai-ke-Tibba, (where the ruins of his palace are said to still exist), a peak between Baghi and Kadrála. Bhambů Rai, who was a Rajput Raja, like Kang, is looked upon as a maleksh or daint (devil). His favourite meat was a woman's breast and he ate one every day. He used to go to bathe in the Sutlej, thence he would go to Hat Koti for worship, and return to dine at his palace every day, a daily round of about 100 miles, which he accomplished in six hours. The people were greatly oppressed by him and at last the Deoth of Shuli (in pargana Kanchin of Bashahar) killed him. But after his death his evil spirit (pap) began to torment the Shuli Deota and to appease him a shanti was built for him as a resting place at Shuli in a separate temple. Every twelfth year Bhambů Rai comes out by night, never by day, seated in his rath, and rides and dances in it carried by the people. Women and children shut themselves up in their houses while he is out at night.
When Ditha Doota was coming down from the Mangsarowar Lake he was very powerful, and near Kadrála refused to let him pass, 80 a great fight was fought in which Bhamba Rai was worsted. Ditha then halted on his way at Marni, in a ravine near Madhwani in the valley Dorth of Narkanda in Kumharskin, and hid himself in a cave and ate human flesh. He used to accept human sacrifice. A long time afterwards, when the deotd Kot Ishwar held his meld at Chhachhori, Dithû hearing the karnal and narsinga, came out of his cave and joined in the fair. Both the deotás made friends, and Kot Ishwar invited Dithů to his temple at Koti.

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When Kot Ishwar and Bhurâ Deot& entered the temple, two goats were, as usual, offered for sacrifice, but Kot Ishwar declined to accept them, saying that he had with him a third deotá as his guest and that a third goat should be offered for him. So the people brought a third goat, but Dithù refused to accept it, saying that he preferred human flesh and that a virgin girl should be sacrificed. Kot Ishwar was displeased at this and ordered Ditha's arrest, and he was not released until he had sworn never to taste human flesh again. This pleased Kot Ishwar and be made Dith his wazir. He was given a place called Dholaser where his temple exists. Kot Ishwar deotd also assigned him his favourite, Kotala, a M&wanna, as his kårdar and this family was given a village called Bai close to Dholaser. Ditha brought with him from Marni a mohrú tree, which still stands with some kelon trees close to his temple. Rand Kirti Singh, founder of the Kumharsain State, affected this deota and gave him land worth Rs. 35-12-9. The deotá comes out of his temple when Kot Ishwar rides out in his rath at a meld. A bali meld is held every third year.
I forgot to say that Bhambu Rai was a Rajput from Bangar Desh country. Some say that one thousand years of Sambat Raja Judhistar had passed when Bhamba Rai lived in the country. It is Samvat 5009 of Raja Judhistar now.
8. The Deota Malendu, or Marechh, at Malendi.-The people of Chebishi pargana, who are devotees of Malendû Deota, say that the seven Marechh brothers came from MAnasarowar Lake and fought with Bhambû Rai when he barred their way. After his over. throw they came to Hata, whence they scattered. Malendû went to the Chhichhar forest, and after a time flew to the top of Dertû hill above Chebishi pargana. A Kali, or Kalka, called Bhagwati, who lived on this peak, received him kindly, but after a while she desired him to acquire a territory where he could be worshipped, and recommended to him the Chebishi pargana, as it was subsequently named.
The Deota Marechh left the Kalka and came to the Lanki forest. Thence he descended to the NAIA and reached Janjhat, a place where he found a brass båoli with brass steps down to the water. But some say either that he did not reach the brass baolt or that from the baoli he went to Dheongli and set himself under a bes tree.
The story goes that this Marechh, being anxious to make himself known to the people, transformed himself into a serpent, and sucked milk from the cows that grazed near by. A cow girl saw him and informed a Deongli Brahman. When he came, the serpent returned to his original form, an ashatdhatů image, and sat in his lap. The Brahman gave him dháp-dip. At that time the M&wannês of Basher and Pharâl were powerful, so the Brahman carried the image to Bashera, and the Bashera Mawannà in consultation with one of Pharal informed Deota Kot Ishwar of the new arrival. Kot Ishwar treated the Marechh kindly and gave him the present Chebishi pargana, but only on condition that he would not oppress the people, and that he should only be allowed goat and sheep (khadu not bher) to eat.
He was given a jágír of four kain of land in the villages of Pharal, Barot, Malana and Malendi, and also a field in each of the following villages, Bashera, Khabar, Khatgar, Shaile, Gheti and Dhanal. It was also agreed that Marechh Malendû should not go out for a ride on a rath unless Kot Ishwar gave him leave, and his rath is never decorated till Kot Ishwar Bende him a piece of masrü cloth in token of permission. Like Dithở he does not come out of his temple save when Kot Ishwar does so. Malendû was further ordered to observe the following teohars (at each of which Kot Ishwar sends him a goat), viz., Bisha, Rehali, Dewals, Magh and Sharuno. Lastly Malendo was asked to select a place for his temple and he chose Malendi, where one was built by the Bashera and Pharal Mawann As.
It is believed that the deotd is absent from his temple on the Maghi Shankrant for seven days during which the temple is closed and all work stopped till his return. The popular belief is that the deotd goes to fight with the rakshasas and daints at Bonda Bil, somewhere in Bashahar and returns after bathing at Kidárn&th. On his return the temple is opened

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and his gur or deud dances in a trance (chirnd) and through him the Deota tells the story of his strife with the rakshasa. Strange to say, if the rakshasas have won it is believed that a bumper harvest will result; but if the deatas win there is danger of famine. Yet though there is good harvest, if the rakshasas win there is a danger that pestilence may affitict men or cattle, and if the deotd wins, though there may be famine, they will avert pestilence.
A deota never speaks of himself, but only of the other deoids who fought with him. If ho says that a certain deotá has left his bell on the field, it is believed that his gur will soon die, or if he says that a musical instrument is left, the deota's turi (musician) will die, or if a key is left that the deotd's bhandari or a kardar will die. If Kot Ishwar deota throws dust towards a rakshasa and retire from the field there may be famine or some part of the Kumharsain State will be enoroached upon or given to another State.
There is a pond at Bonda Bil and a Brahman of Bashabr put a hedge on the side believed to be the deotas' side, and the other side of it is believed to be the rakshasas' side. It the hedge on the deotds' side falls, they are believed to suffer defeat, but if the rakshasas' hedge falls, they are worsted. If defeated, the deota says he is chut chipat ('impure ') and then a balti půjd is held on an auspicious day. None but Maon Nag of Suket plunges himself in the pond at the temple, and on the flash of his plunge the deotás bathe in the water sprays at the banks.
On the shankrant days Brahmans doing půjd recite mantras after ringing the temple bell and giving dhup-dip in a dhurnd or karach and offer dhů p-dip. These mantras are not found in any Veda, but are merely eulogies in connection with the Mahabharata fight. They are oalled kardanís and I give below the general kardani recited every day
देव पायोः बरहम पायोः वीशनु पायोः देव पायोः काली पायोः महा जोगनी पायोः महा काली पायोः देवी पायोः शकती पायोः देवन देव पायोः पशट कोटी पायोः पायोः देव कुलइशवर पायोः देष मेरछ पायोः
The Mahabharata praises a song called kardani. Certain Brahmans are believed to know the Sabar Bidid or Magic-lore, i.e., (1) Tantra, (2) Mantra, (3) Jadu. Their books are written in a character something like tankrd, but the language is different and very quaint. The Sabar Bidid is known to few Brahmans and they do not readily disclose its secrets.
Malenda has no connection with any other deotd but Kot Ishwar and it is believed that at the time of any pestilence or famine he comes out at night in the form of a torch or light and tours through his dominion. The image of this deotd is of ashat-dhat and sits on a pajrf, a small four-sided bed, but he has no singhdsan. The deota has a jdger worth Rs. 88, and one of his kárdárs called mashana is appointed by the State. A mashana is changed when necessary by the State. His gur is also called ghanitta and his kdrdars are commonly called mahtås.
Malenda has two bhors, Jhatak and Latå. Jhatak is of an uch or superior, while Lata is of a nich or lower, caste. Jhatak lived at Urshu, a place also called JhailA, so ho too is called Jhaila at Urshû. He became Malonda's wazîr soon after he came to Malendi and his dwelling is a thanb, a long log of wood which stands before the temple. The wazir's function is to drive away evil spirita, (bhût, pret and churel), if they possess any thing or man. He also protects people under Malenda's orders from visitations of any chái chidar, plague, famine, etc. Lata was originally a Koli by caste who lived at Kalma village. He died under the influence of some evil spirit and became a ghost. As he troubled the Kolis of Kalma and Shelag, they complained to the deota who, accompanied by Jhatak, visited the place and caught him. At first. Lat& would not come to terms, but the deota Malendů promised him his protection and that he should be worshipped by the Kolis and a rot loaf be given him on the four shankrants (Bish.
hat Dewalt and Magh): and that he should be presented regularly with dhup-dip after be hed himself received it, and that Kolis should sacrifice ewes (bheri) to him. Lata accepted

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these terms and swore to trouble the people no more, but he explained that he could not sit still and so Malendû erected the wooden log in front of his temple and in it Latå is doubtless ever moving.
Some say that Kot Ishwar gave Jhatak as wazir to Malendů. On one occasion Lata left Malendû and fled to Kot Ishwar, but on Malenda's complaint Kot Ishwar restored him to his master who took him back to Malendi.
BankA is another bhor who lives at Shelag. Kolis generally worship him and he drives away ghosts, eto. He was originally a devil in a forest but was subdued by Malenda.
9. Deotd Marechh of Bhareog.-This deotd of Bhareog is the family god of the Sheaul pargana people, and a small jagîr is held by him of the State.
10. Shawan Marechh at Paochi in Chebishi.-Paochi, a Brahman village in pargana Chebishi, has a temple to Shawan Marechh. An image of him was brought from Shawan, a village in Shangri, and set up here.
3rd Group.-The Nags. 11. The Deota Ndg, in pargana Kandart.-Nag is one of the most powerful deolds in the Simla hills. He appeared some 1500 years ago, at a time when three deotás held the part of the country which is now the Nag's dominion. These were Dadru in pargana Kandard, Bathindla in pargan Chadara in Keunthal, Malanshar in Madhan State (at Kiári), but their history is no longer remembered. The States of Madhân, Keunthal and Kumhårsain had established themselves when the Någ appeared, and there was a state called Koti in Kandard pargana, whose rulers belonged to the family of Sirmûr. Some people say that the Bain Thakur family of Madhan having died out, a prince of Kahlûr (BilAspur), the ancestor of the present chief was brought in to rule Madhân soon after the Nag appeared.
The Nag's own history is that five Bahman brothers, named Kala, Gajarr, Moel, Chind and Chanan, onoe lived at Bharana, a village now in Madhan. Kala the eldest was a hermit. Once & addha came to Bharâns and put his asan under a keloi tree, cooked some food and asked Kald to eat it with him. He gave Kâld four loaves, of which he ate two and kept the other two in his pocket. At the addha's invitation Kald stayed the night with him, and at midnight he saw that carpets were spread before the sadhu'a dsan, torches lighted and paris, and Raja Indar's dancing girls came and danced before the addha Kala watched this with amaze, but before daybreak the addhit and all had disappeared. Kald returned home, but was intent on finding the addhi again, as he believed him to be Raja Bhartarf. He climbed to the top of Tikkar hill, where his brothers grazed their sheep, but they could tell him nothing and bade him return home and fetch food. When he reached home Kald found his daughter in-law at work, and on his asking her to give him some flour, she said that she was in a hurry to milk the cows, and so he returned to Tikkar empty-handed. In his disappointment and out of love for the addhi he fled like a mad man, leaving his cap, topd, on the Tikkar peak, and throwing his two remaining loaves, which had turned into black stones, to the shepherds. While roaming far and wide in search of the addha, Kala flung away his clothes and every. thing he had on him, one by one, at different places, and at last he died. It is believed by people that when he gave his brothers the stones, they and the sheep also turned into stones and that KALA, when he died, became a sareli (a big snake).
This sareli dovoured men and lived on Tikkar hill. It would wander all over Chadara Madhan and Kandard--the then Kotf State-until the people begged the deotd Dodra, Bithindla and Malanshar for protection, but they wept and declared that they could not subdue the Nag that had appeared in the form of a sorell. Such a terror to the country-side had he become that he would draw people into his mouth from afar with his breath.
* This Koti State should not be confounded with the present Koti Stato near Simle.

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Hâtû fort was then in possession of Sirmûr and its officer sent 32 men to Räpar to fetch supplies. On their return they saw a cave where they intended to halt, but found themselves in the monster's mouth. Then four Sild brothers, Kaláls of Kelvi village, volunteered to kill the sareli and collected people for the enterprize. They found it sleeping in a náld, with its head at Kelvi and its tail at Khingsha, a distance of over five miles. It was arranged that one of the KalAls should enter its mouth with an iron jamdar (spear) in his hand, so that if the eareli shut its mouth the jamdar would keep his jaws apart, so that another man might enter his throat and thrust his jamdar through its neck, while others mounting its back might see the spear head and avoiding that spot hack at the serpent on every other side until it was cut to pieces. Led by the Kalals, the people acted as arranged, and the monster was killed, the escort 3 from Hata emerging alive from its stomach.
In the monster's huge head were found two images of Mul Nag, as the deotd had said. This image is jet black with a singhdsan, on which the Nag reposes, two Bhagwati Devis sitting on either side with hands clasped, and also on each side & tiger watching. One of the images is in the temple at Dhår village and the other is at Jadân temple in Chadará pargana.
Some say three images were found. Hundreds of people collected, and the Brâhmans who carried the images fell into a trance and the Nag spirit spoke through them, saying that he claimed the dominion over the three deotds and should be carried first to KiAri.
Besides others, Pargi of Kelvi, Moel Brahman of Bhrând, Fagîr pujard of Jadan and Sadi Ram pujara of Dhår (Kandara), accompanied the Någ to Kiari, and asked Dhonkla Chand, Thákur of Madhân, and his brother Kelå to accept this new deold. The Rånå said that none but Malanshar was his god and that the image was nothing but a newd or páp, and 80 the Chief hesitated to treat the Någ as a god, The people said that the Nag would strike like lightning. The Nag then left Kiari, but rested in a cave called Shûngra near it, until some three months later, a man named Gori of Kharal gave him dhúp-dip and ght, and thus encouraged the Någ soared to the skies and a bolt from the blue destroyed the MalAnshar deotá's temple. The Thakur's Rånd was distressed in many ways, his sons while sleeping were overturned in their beds and rolled down on to the obra (cow-shed), serpents appeared in the milk and worms in the food served to the family. The deota Malanshar confessed that he had no power to check the Nag and the Thakur of Madhan was compelled to acknowledge him as his family god, instead of Malánshar, who fled to Pajarli, where a temple was subsequently built for him. The Nag became chauri-ka-deo, i.e., the god of the gaddi and chaur. Some people say that it was after this time that the Bain family of Madhan was succeeded by a Kahlûr prince.
When acknowledged as gaddi deota of Madhân, the Nag returned to Chadard and asked the people to build him a temple at a place shown by ants. Jadûn was indicated and here the Någ's temple stands. It is said that the Nag is not fond of gold ornaments, so he never accepts gold. Two loaves that turned into stones were placed in the temple.
Bathindia deod was also forced to abandon his dominions to the Nag and took up his abode at Chotha in Bhajji.
Besides the Jadun temple the Nag wanted a temple at the spot where the eddha had appeared, and Kald had received two loaves. So here too a temple was built and in its enclosure stands the kelon tree beneath which there was a danoe. A fourth temple to the Nag was built at Dhar in Kandrů.
Dodrů Daota's temple which stood below Kamall village was destroyed by lightning. Dodro Aled to Madh&n and Dodrá is named after him.
8 Some say that the Hatd men were not bdrd-bish(19 X 20 = 32), but odno-biekt (13 X 20 = 240) men. * Kiarf was then the capital of the ohiole of Madhin State, Dharampur being chosen later on.
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A Thakur of the Sirmur family ruled Koti in Kandrů, and his family god was Narola, a deota which had come with him from Sirmûr. Mal commonly called Padoi had also accom. panied this prince from the Chunjar Malâna rawar (cave) near Mathiênå. This Thakur was hard pressed by the Raja of Kulla, who was building a fort on Tikkar, so he invoked the Någ for help. A small deori (temple) had already been built at Tikkar for the Nag, close to where the fort was being built by the Raja of Kulld, and the Nag performed miracles which deterred him from going on with the building of the fort.
The regi of Kulla used to go to sleep at Tikkar and awake to find himself at MAlag, five miles distant in Bhajji. For some time a mysterious spirit carried him to Malag every night, and at last when sitting on a plank at Tikkar, he found it sticking to his back. Dis. mayed at the power of the Nag deotd, the Raja's camp left Tikkar and returned to Sultanpur in Kulla, the plank still sticking to the nega's back. Distressed at this sight the Raja begged the Någ to pardon his negi, promising to present him with an image and a copper nakard, and also to sacrifice goats to him whenever he himself or any of his negis passed through the Någ's dominions. As soon as this vow has made the plank fell from the negis back. When anything cling to a man, the proverb goes: " Kalud Nag re jde takhti,” like the plank on Kalwa Nag.
The Kulla Raja sent a pair of copper nakards and an image still kept in the Dhar temple, called Man Singh (presumably the Raja's name). When the Kulld negi left Tikkar, the Thakur of Koti affected the Nag more than ever and gave him a jdgir in several villages. The name of this Thakur was Deva Singh, but whether he was the "Dothain ya" who came from Sirmûr or only a descendant of the Sirmûr family is not known.
The deotd Någ has the following bhors (servanta), and certain Bhagwat is are his com. panions -
(1) Bhor, as he is commonly called. It is said that Kald the Brahman, in his wanderings, tore a hair out of his head and threw it away at a place called Loli (hair). It became a spirit and joined the Någ when he appeared from the sareli's head. He acts as a watchman and is given a loaf by the people. When there is a khin at Loli he is given a khadu sheep.
(2) Khort. This bhor appeared from KhoșQ-thach (a plain near Rampur, two miles to the east of Thikkar hill). Kalû had left something at this thách. It, too, turned into a spirit and joined the Nag when he appeared. This bhor protects cattle, and is given an iron nail or ring called kanaild, as an offering by the people.
(3) Shatka. This bhor appeared from Shiwa, or Shabhog, the place where the satelt had his tail. Indeed, some say that its tail became a spirit called Shatka. He is offered a loaf by the people for protecting goats and sheep.
(4) Sharpal is considered a low class bhor and is worshipped by Kolis, etc. His spirit does not come into a Kanet or a pujdra, but a Koli is inspired by him and speaks. His funotion is to drive away evil spirits, bhit, paret, etc. The Någ does not go into the house of any low caste man and so Sharpál is sent in his place, the Nag's hargi (iron staff) accompanying him. A loaf is given to him. When returning, the Någ's hargi is purified by sprinkling on it milk and cow's urine. This is called shajhernd (making pure).
(5) Gungi is considered a female bhor and her abode is at Dy& above Dhar villago. Every third year, on an auspicious day (mahürat) fixed by a Brahman, the Nag goes to Dyà. A goat is sacrificed to the Nag and a cheli (kid) to Gungi. She appeared at Dy& from a hair which fell from Kåld or from his sweat, and joined the Någ. She protects people from pestilence.
(6) Thds is also a bhor. He orig inated at Kiari and came with the Någ when he was acknowledged by the Madhân gaddi. He also drives away bhat, paret, etc.
ole

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These are the six bhors, but the other companions of the Nag rank above them in degree. These are the Bhagwatis -
(1) Bhagwati Recht. A few years before the Gurkh& invasion, Ranjit of Bashahar came to Jadan and Dhar and plundered the deota Nag's treasury, some images of which he took to Bashahar. The deotd Nag punished him by his power and he found his ribs sticking out of his sides and the milk that he drank ooming out through the holes. One of the LAm& Gurds told him that his spoliation of the Nag's treasury was the direct cause of his complaint, Ho he returned all what he had taken from the temple.
Bhima Kali of Sardhan in Bashahar also gave the Nag a pair of chamba wood dhols and a karnal, together with a kali shut up in one of the dhols. When the instruments were put in the Nag's teriplo, they played of themselves at the dead of night. When people asked the Någ the reaso, he said that the kalt sent by Bhima Kali sounded them. The kalf of Bashahar, however, could do no further mischief as she was subdued by the Nag and bidden to dwell at Rechi, the hill above Sandha, where a chauntra (platform) was built for her. She is a kind of subordinate companion to the Nâg and protects women in ehildbirth.
(2) Nichi is a Bhagwatf. She dwells at Roni in Chadara in a deord (small temple) and lives with Jharoshra Kolis, but her spirit speaks through a Turt. Her duty it is to guard the Nag's musical instruments and nashan (flag), eto. If a Koli touches any instrument, a goat is taken from the Koli as punishment.
(3) Jal Matri Bhagwatt has her temple at Kingsha. She appeared near the water where the sarelf was killed, and is a goddess of water.
(4) Karmechri Bhagwati came out of a piece of the sareli's flesh, and her deord is close to that of the Nag at Jadân. She also drives away evil spirits and can tell all about the idgábhdgd, the kind of spirit that might cause trouble.
(5) Dhinchas Bhagwatt preserves stores of milk and ghi. People invoke her for plenty of milk and ghs in their houses.
(6) Devi Bajrash Bhagwati appeared from Ranfpur, where something fell from KAIQ and became this Bhagwati. She protects people from famine and pestilence.
(1) Bhanpat Tikkar lives with the Nøg at Tikkar. Tikkar Nag is the same as Jadan and Dhar Nag. The same Nag has separate images at Jadan, Kiari, Bharana, Dhar and Tikkar.
As generations have passed away, people now think each separate personage to be the the same Nâg. The different parganas each worship the Nag of their own pargana. People say that KAIC left his topd at Tikkar and that it turned into the Tikkar Nag. Dhar Nag calls the Nag of Tikkar his gurt. Jadun Nag calls Dhar Nag his dadd or elder brother. Dhar Nag calls Jadan Näg his bhad or younger brother, and BharAna Nag is called by him bahadrd or a brother. From this it may be inferred that Tikkar Nag is the central spirit of the other Nags, boonuse it was here that Kala became the sarelf and his shepherd brothers with the sheep and the two loaves all tumed into stones.
There are two temples on the top of Tikkar. At the following teohdrs, which are oelebrated on Tikkar, people collect at melas:
(1) the Salokrt in Baisakh ;
(2) the Jathenjo in Jeth, when all the Nags stay there at night and all the residents of the obuntry side bring a big loaf and ghl and divide them apongst the people. This loaf is called saond:
Ranjit wazlr, commonly called Ranji, and great-grandfather of Ran Bahadur, wazfr of Bashahar, who conquered Dodra-Kowar.
. This is the ridge which is seen from Simla and from which the Shalf poak rises. The ridge stretches north-east from the ShAli. Between the two temples lies the boundary line, the southern Valley being shared bot woon Madhan and Koanthal and the northern between Bhajjt and Kumharmin. The boundaries of four States moet bore.

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(3) at the Rehall, when 11 images called the 11 müls are brought, the shepherds also bringing their sheep and returning to the Dhår at night. The pujárds feast the people and next day two images (kunartf) go to Kamali village to receive their dues", and two images go to Newri village for the same purpose. These two images are the Deo-ka-Mohra and that of Man Singh of Kullu :
(4) at the Nag Panchami in Bhadou, when the observances resemble those at the Salokri:
(5) at the Magh or Makkar Shankrant, when three goats are sacrificed, one given by the Kumhârsain State ; one by the zami ndars and a third by the people of Loli village. The deotd also gets alms. One of the temples at Tikkar belongs to the Kandard people and the other to those of Jadûn and Madhân.
It may be noted here that there is also a Någ deotd at Kandi kothi in Suket, who is an offshoot of the Kalwa Nag deota.
The legend is that a Brahman of Bharând village went to Charag, a village in Suket, and asked some women, who were husking rice, to give him rice as bhog (food) for his idol of the Nag. The women scornfully declined to give him any, so the image stuck to the okhal, and warned by this miracle they gavo him some rice. At this time a bhat, which dwelt in a large stone, used to devour human beings and cattle, so the people called on the Nag for help, and he in the guise of lightning broke the stone in pieces and killed the bhut. The people built the Någ a temple which had 11 rooms.
Another Nag's temple stands at Hemri in Bhajji. Crows destroyed the crops in this village, and so a Bharana Brahman brought an image of the Nag and established it at Hemri. Dum deota, who also lives there, made friends with the Nag. The place where they live is called Deothan.8
At Newri village Dhai Nag slew a bhût who used to kill cattle. It lived in a stone close behind the village and a Newri woman secretly worshipped it, but Kalwa Nag destroyed the stone with the devil inside it, and overwhelmed the house of the woman, who was killed together with her 3 sheep. When the Någ goes to this village, he sits on the spot and speaks to the people. Every third year the Någ goes to Bharana and there drinks milk from a vessel.
In Kelo, a village in Bhajji, there lived an old man and his wife who had no son, co they asked the Någ for one, and he told them to sit there one Sunday at a place which had been purified by cow's dung and urine, and there present a goat for sacrifice and think of him. This they did, and the Någ appeared in the sky in the form of a large eagle. Descending to the place he placed in the woman's lap a male child and bore away the goat. The old woman found her breasts full of milk and nursed the baby. This family is now called the Lud Parwar or Eagle's Family. This miracle is said to have occurred 700 years or 17 generations ago. Another miracle is thus described
Some people of Dhar, who were returning from the plains through Kunhi&r State halted at Kunhiar for the night. As they were singing the bar (songs) of the Nag, he as usual appear. ed in one of the men, who began to talk about the affairs in Kunhiêr. The Rand asked them about their deold and his power, and they said that their Någ deotd could work miracles. So the old Rand asked the Nag for a son and heir (tikká), and vowed that if by the Nag's blessing he had a tikkd he would invite the deota to Kunhiêr. The Rand was blessed with an heir, but he forgot his vow and the boy fell sick. When all hope of his life was lost, therBrâhmans said that some deota had caused his illness as a punishment for some ingratitude. The Rana, thus reminded of the vow, invited the Någ to Kunhiår, and it is said that one man from every house in his dominions accompanied the Någ to Kunhiår. The Rana, afraid to entertain
1 I.e., parach is the revenue which is equal to 4 pathae of grain. • Dootd and than a place, i.e., 'two Deotas' place.'

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80 large an assemblage, soon permitted the deota to return home, saying that he wou.] not invite him again, as he was only a petty chief, but he presented him with 1l idols to b distributed among his temples. These images are called the Kanårtů mohras..
Padbi deotd is the Nag's adoptive brother, and Shari Devi of Mathiana is his adoptive sister. The deotá Manan is also his adoptive brother, but this tie has only lately been created.
The Jadún deotá sometimes goes to bathe at Malawan, a stream close to Jadán village, and he considers the Shungra Cave, where the Nag goes and stays at night, his tirath (place of pilgrimage).
Deota Nag of Dhar holds from Kumharsain a jagir in Kandrà pargana worth Rs. 76-6-3.
Dum deota has a small temple at Kamali in Kundrú. A man from Gathri brought him to Kamali. The Kamall villagers alone accept Dum as their family god, tho gh they respect the Någ, seeing that they live in his dominions.
12. The Deota Ndg of Dhalt in pargana Che bishi.-Not more than 500 years ago there was a temple in a forest at Tilku, where the zamindars of Dhali had broken up some land for cultivation. A deota there harassed them and the Brahmang said that he was a Nag, so they began to worship him and he was pleased. They then brought his image to Shailla village and built him a temple. When Padoi deotá passed through this village, a leper was cured by him and the people of Shailla began to worship him, so the Nag left the village and Padoi took possession of his temple there. But the people of Dhali took the Någ to their own village and placed him in a temple. Padoi is now the family god of the Shailla people and the Dhali men regard the Nag as their family god.
The Nag's image is jet black and a Bhagwati lives with him. A dhol and a nakara are his instruments of music, and he also has a jagunth or small staff. He visits his old place at Tilkû every year on the Nag Panchami day. He is only given dháp-dip once a month on the Shankrant day. The Brahmans of Barog, which lies in another pargana, worship him, as they once lived at Khechrû near Tilka. This Nag has no bhor and holds no jdgîr from the State. He has no connection with Kalwa Nag of Kandru.
13. The Deota Nag of Dhandl in Chebishi.--Another Någ deotá is he at Dhanal in Chebisht pargana. Nearly 500 years ago he appeared in a field at Någo-thâna a place near Pati Jubar on the Shangri Stato border, where there was an old temple. A man of Dhanal village was ploughing his field near Nago-thana when he found a black image. He took it home, but some days afterwards it began to persecute him and the Brahmans said that it was a Någ who wished to be worshipped, so the Dhanal people began to affect him. This deota, too, has a dhol and Karnal, but no jagunth. No khin is given him. The Dhanal people regard Malendû as their family god, yet they worship the Någ too in their village thinking that he protects cattle and gives plenty of milk etc. He has no bhor and holds no jagîr from the State.
The people of Kandrú think that these Nâgs in Dhanal and Dhali are the same as Kalwa Nag. The spirits came here also, but the Chebishi men do not admit the fact. This Nag has really no connection with Kalwa Nag of Kandrů.
14. The Deold Nag of Ghunda.-Ghunda village in Chagaon pargana of Kumharsain is inhabited by Rajput Mix g, who trace their ancestry to the old Bairat family, which once had held the ray of Sirmûr. When their ancestor came from Sirmûr; they brought with them an image (probably of their family god at that time) and made a temple for him at Ghunda. A Nag, who is another deota of Ghundâ, also resides with this deotd of Sirmûr.
This Nag is called Shirgul. His history as follows Many generations ago there lived in village Charoli (in Koç Khai) a Brâhman, whose wife gave birth to a serpent. This serpent used to come from a great distance to the Nâga Nali forest in Kumharsain and loved to play in a muid an near Kothi. Cows grazed in the maidan and the serpent sucked their milk. The cowherd was daily reprimanded by the people for his, carelessness, but at last he found

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that the serpent used to suck the milk. A fagir in Kothi village then determined to kill the serpent, so he came to the maidan at noontide and cut the serpent into three pieces, but he was burnt alive whilst killing it. Some days later a woman, who was digging clay, found some images, into which the three pieces of the serpent had turned. One of these images was brought by Brâhmans to Ghunda village, another was taken to Bagi (a village in Chajoli in Kumhårsain) and a third was taken by the Brahmans of Bhanwârâ, a village in the Ubdesh pargana of Kumhârsain, while temples were built to the Någ in these villages. The Ghunda Nag (though usually dudhadharf) is not dudhadhari and goats are sacrificed to him.
Every third year a balti půjd meld is held, but no annual fair. The people of Ghunda. Charyânâ, Kotlá, Kothi and Katali, especially the Kolis, worship him. This Nag deota has a grant of land worth Rs. 2-2-6 a year from Kumharsain. 15. The Någ of Bagi.-No notes have been preserved of this deold.
(To be continued.)
SONGS AND SAYINGS ABOUT THE GREAT IN NORTHERN INDLA.
BY THE LATI DR. W. OROOKE, C.I.E., F.B.A.
Prefatory Note.
BY SIR RICHARD O. TEMPLE, BT. MANY years ago the late Dr. William Crooke handed over to me a long MS. collection of songs collected in the United Provinces for publication. They required a good deal of work. ing up, but I published four series of them in 1910-1911 (Vols. XXXIX and XL) about Religion, the King of Oudh, and the Mutiny and other subjects. I find among his papers two othor oategories left, about great personages and marriage ceremonies. These I propose to publish now.
The Ballad to Raja Darshan Sloh. (Recorded by the teacher of Akbarpur School, District Fyzabad.) This ballad is sung in honour of Raja Darshan Sinh who helped the Bâbû of Kharpara Dih (District Fyzabad), when he was attacked by Sarb Daman Siúh, Harpal Sish and Shoo Denf Sinh.
Text. Abi ki ber RAJA BAba ko utâro; deswå men eåka tohär ho. Kauni taraf ghere Sarab Daman Sinh! Kauni taraf Harpal ho ? Kauni taraf ghere Biriya Sheodani Si h? Nikarai na kukur bilar ho. Pärab taraf ghere Sarab Damân Sinh: phatka ghere Harpal ho. Khirki men ghere haiir Biriya Sheo Deni Sinh; nikarai na kukur bilår ho.
Mohan, Mohan,' goharawain sab beldaran ke sardar ho, 'Jaldi se chayya pitâ de re Bisohi, mân lashkar utare hamar ho.' . S&nghi bhage Sarab Damân Sinh : &dhi rât bbâge Harpal ho. Hat bhinsår bhâge Biriya Sheo Denî Sinh: Chhut gaye Baba ka duar ho.
Translation. RAJA, save the Babû this time, and win thereby eternal fame for thyself. Which sido is Sarab Daman Siúh blockading? Which side is Harpal ! Which side is blockading Biriya Sheo Deni Siúh? Neither dog nor cat can come out. Sarab Daman Siph blockades the East : Harpal the gate. Biriya Sheo Deni Sinh blockades the wicket: neither dog nor cat can come out, All the chiefs of the beld&rs called out - Mohan, Mohan, 1 Get the bridge of boate over the Bishohî , so that our 3 army can cross over." 1 Some hero of the defenders at the fight. 3 A river Bowing by the village of Khanard Dik. 3 That is, Raja Darshan Sinh's army

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Sarab Damân Sinh fled in the evening 4 : Harpal fled at midnight. At dawn fled Biriya Sheo Dens Sinh, and the gate of the Baba was froed (from his enemies).
II. A Song about Amar Sinh. (Collected by Ramgharib Chaube.)
Tert. Amar Sinh to amar chaye, janai sakal jahan. Shah Akabbar ke god men mårå Salábat Khair. Amar ke kamar mei zahar ki katári: Jodha ne garh&i, Bikaner sawvai. Miyan Saldbat ke dun men darak daråk de gai. Hath jor, råní kahai : "umraon ki kâtil ho gai."
Translation Amar Singh has become immortal,6 as all the world knows. In the very presence of Akbar Shah he slew Salábat Kh&i. In Amar's waist was a poisoned dagger, Made in Jodhpur and polished in Bikaner. He drove it quickly into Miyan Sala bat's heart. Said (Amar Singh's) râni, with joined hands :-"there has been puurder of a noblo?."
ITI. The Ballad of Jagatdeo Thakur Panwar of Jarårt. (Recorded by Jagannath Prasad, teacher of the Village School, Rasûlábåd, District Cawnpore.)
This hero is now a godling, and as the ballad records his fight with the Mughals, that action may account for his deification.
Text. Jagat ke lilawai thâibh lijô rê. Jo koi baghiyâ men hoya, Jagat ke lilawai thaibh lijo re. "Lilaba ko charhibo, re Jagat, chori dejo : kamal ko chori, dharo shamsher." "Lilawa ko charhibo na chhâtai, ri Mâtå Jalani : kammar nahin chhůtai, nahin
shamsher." Am, nim, mahuâ lakhrânwa rahe Jagat, chali sewa mai). Kaun lagaye re âm, nim, mahud lakhrawen? Kaune sagar khodaye re ? Langûr lagaye re am, nim mahuå lakhrawen : Jagata sagar klodAye re. Mughal paraye re garh sågar, chauri marai piyas Kahe ko devi ki pakhwariyân ? Kahe ke jhanjh ? Kahe korang cholana ? Kahe ko hår? Kathkî re devi pakhwariyan : kanskut ki jhanjh. Harî dariai ko rang cholana : laungan ko har. Kaun le awai re devi devi-pakhwar-iyån ? Kaun le awaire jhanjh ? Kaun le awai re rang cholana ? Kaun le awai re hår? Barhái to le awai re devi pakhwariyan : sunara to le awai re jhanjh. Darzi to le awai re rang cholank : mahiyå to le Awai re hår. Khatkhat awai re devî ko pakhwâriyan : bajat awai jh&iijh. Ghumrat &wai re rang choland : manhkat awai hår. Unt saje re : hathiyâtı sajî rî : Baji hain Mughal ki phaujain, aur Jagato aswår. "Jag ata bara mawasi re: Jagatain lawo bandhi: paisa nahin ugahan deya." • That is, when Raja Darshan Sinh's army had crossed the Bisohi. 8 A play here upon the name Amar.
& Lit, "in Akber's lap." ? That is, "there will be very much vougrance."

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Bhůtar tei nikasî re Jagatå ki tiriyâ : "mahin hathai do Mughalan' ke pås, aur tum
sumiro Mahráni." Mathiya tei nikasî re devî kî âbhâ: san mukh hoya lasai sarda, bâyen Hanuman. Dahine ang larai Durga, aur måri Mughal sar kinhe re dari. Hathiya, ghorawa sab chhina lihil re, aur Jagat rahe sewå men liptaya.
Translation. Stop the dark horse of Jagat ! If any one is in the garden, let him stop the dark horse of Jagat. "Leave off riding your dark horse, Jagat : leave off your blanket and put on a sword." "I will not leave off riding the dark horse ; Mother Jalani & nor will I leave off the
blanket ; nor will I put on a sword.” Jagat was in her service among the mango, ním and mahud trees. Who planted the mango, ním and mahuá trees? Who dug the tank? Monkeys planted the mango, ním and mahud trees : Jagat dug the tank. The Mughals made a fortress of the tank, and the cows died of thirst. Of what are the goddess's sandals? Of what her jhanjh 9 ? Of what is her cloak? Of what her garland ? Her sandals are of wood : her jhanjh of bell-metal. Her cloak is of green silk : her garland of cloves. Who brought the goddess her sandals? Who brought her jhanjh ? Who brought her coloured cloak? Who brought her garland ? The carpenter brought her sandals : the jeweller her jhanjh. The tailor brought her coloured cloak: the gardener her garland. Sounding came the goddess's sandals : playing came her jhanjh. Flying came her coloured cloak: smelling (sweetly) came her garland. Ready with camels, ready with elephant, ready was the Mughal army and (so was) Jagat
with his horse. "Jagat is a great scoundrel : bring Jagat bound. He pays neither tribute nor taxes." Then came Jagat's wife from within :-"I will face the Mughals and do you worship
the Maharini [the goddess]." Then came the spirit of the goddess out of the temple : in the front fought the goddess ;
on the left Hanuman. In the right army fought Durgå, slew the Mughal and drove him back. Their elephants and horses were all captured, and Jagat was left to serve [the goddess).
IV. A Saying in Praise of Ráy Sinh of Bikaner. -. -- (Collected by Ram Gharib Chaube.)
Text. Jal anda ; thal ujale ; påtå mangal pes (bes). Main balihari wabi des ko, jah&i Raya Sioh Naresh.
Translation. The wells are deep; the land is white; and the leaves are auspicious. I admire the country, where Râyâ Sich is ruler.
V. The Rajas of Aghorf.
Text.
1. Bhae tarwå tei Bais: sama peruril Baghelyo.
JAngh jutt Karchull, katak Dillí le dolyo. • MATA Jalanf appears to be the name of the goddess of the shrine, in which Jagat is a godling, serving her. 9 A musical instrument.

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Patapit Paribar : khet Gohalau As juttau. Bhuja dand Chauhan, sor Dilli dal bajjau. Raghunand 10 nand kabi tilak kâhu "Som Bansh netråhin thâyo: Mathe Chandel sausar men Pramal Rao raja bhâyo.
2. Phaujain dalmali; mahâbali hain Sujan Shah : Mare kûch gali: naqår chhîn luja tha. Khân muflis ke gumán gorê ganj nám bare : Base suban ke dharm dwar diya tha. Jujh gae Sayyad : khar&b bhae aur log: Sâr ke Nawab, jo kharab jadda piya tha. Pûchhati hain bibî : "Are suna hai : Suján Shah; Agori mati jaha, Miyai, maine mana klyatha.
Kôu drigpal mohin lal le milai misal : Kou drigpal Achhe achhe hathi ghop le. Kou drigpál jo bihål trin dant dharai: Kếu drigpal raj blujat kishor le. Kôu drigpál sab dîn hin bhakh mulai nrip man Kahîn jîwa ke nihor le. Chakkwai Chandalå såk bandi Sri Ram bhanai: Raja jo Madan Shah milai kharg zor le.
Sang hain Firang, jo umang jang jîtabe ko ang. Angrez bal dino hain barai sou. Chamak sangîn, chamkat jaise bhán rde. Dapat karat ghor& duddhar sipahi son. Pashain kabi Shubh Ram : "Pratapf hain Adal Shah : Kharaq ke chalâe dah karat nikâe son. Dasahu disa ke dahlane drigp&l rahlane Aur qabbar Chandel ki chashdi soi.
Dal såji ki Bijaur ke Shâm Naresh; PAkbar dari bazar se kyo. Kunjal Shah Agori ke rakshak baji banke Ke bh&e charhayo :"Dhas ke Giri Merů, Sumar tardin pai hatáin, Na Chandel jahân loh lagâyo." Judhi paryo Sardar to Sengar Salibahan ko Båndhi ke kham gapayo..
Translation.
1. The Bais are sprung from the sole of the feet, the Baghels from between the navel and
the pubes : The Karchull, from the junction of the thighs, took their army to Delhi. The Parihars are sprung from the back, the Gohlauts from the fields :

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The Chauhans are sprung from the arms and their fame was sounded in Delhi, Says Raghunand the poet :
"The Som Baush are sprung from the eyes,
The Chandels from the forehead, (of whom) in the world Pramâl Rao has become a king."
." 10
2.
His armies are very large and Sujan Shah was very powerful
He slaughtered in streets and lanes, and seized the (enemy's) drums.
He broke down the pride and wealth of the Khan,
And
gave alms at his door to his followers.
The Sayyad fell in the fight and many people were ruined.
(The Sayyad) was Nawab of Sår, and he had drunk too much wine. Said his wife to him :-"Listen here, Sujan Shah, The Agorî, go not, Mîyan: I warned thee."11
3.
Some rulers meet the enemy with gold and rubies:
Some rulers with good elephants and horses.
Some rulers meet him with a blade of grass between their teeth.
Some rulers burn their estate and children.
Some rulers meet him with humility and in poverty to preserve their honour, Giving up all hope of life.
Says Sri Ram: "the Chandel brave and reckless,
Like Raja Madan Shah, meets (his enemy) with his strong swords. 13
4.
His companions are Europeans, who have the spirit of victory.
The English hold his valour in respect.
His sangin shines: it glitters like the sun.
He shouts to his horsemen with two-handed swords, as a roaring lion. Says Shubh Râm, the poet: "Glorious is Adal Shah, "
He destroys at once all that come under his sword.
All the rulers of the ten quarters tremble
When the news of the Chandel's (attack) had come. 13
5.
Sham Naresh of Bijaur arranged his army,
And came to make a fight.
Kunjal Shah, protector of Aghori, beat his drums, That his brethren might come up.
"May Mount Meru sink, and Sumar stir from its place
If the Chandal (cannot be) where the fight is."
In the fight fell Sardar Seugar Sâlibâhan
And they buried him in the ditch.14
117
(To be continued.)
10 This stanza purports to explain that RAja Pramal Rao of Aghori was a true Rajput of the Chauhan clan, and to give the legendary origin of the Rajputs of the Solar Line from parts of the body of the Sun (Soma) as a god.
It also explains that the writer was a poet named Raghunand. Later stanzas purport to have been written by other poets. So that the whole poem is really a collection of stanzas by different authors. 11 This stanza has no connection with the first, and relates a victory of Sujan, Prince of Aghori, over the Nawab of Sâr, a Sayyad.
13 Here again is another stanza by one Sri Râm about another chief of Aghori, Raja Madan.
13 Here the stanza is about Adal Singh Chandel of Aghorf in British times, and it is by one Shubh Râm. 14 This stanza relates the fight between Kunjal Singh of Aghori, a Chandel, with Shah Naresh of Bijaur, in which a Sardar, Sengar Sâlibahan, fell.

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BOOK-NOTICES. "A FORGOTTEN EMPIRE." By R. SEWELL. George "Sources of Vijayanagar History" containing about Allen and Unwin Ltd.
100 oxtracts from various works of literature, Sans. We welcome the issue of a reprint of "A Forgotten krit, Tamil and Telugu bearing upon this history Empire" by Mr. Robert Sewell, well known as the which forms a very important supplement, throwing Author of various works bearing upon the archæology valuable light on obscure corners of both Sewell's and history of South India. Sewell was the first History and Ferishta's History. Another important to recover from oblivion the history of the empire topic which has been satisfactorily worked out in of Vijayanagar which he truly called the "Forgotten the History Department of the Madine University Empire in 1900. It is nearly a quarter of a is the solving of the riddle of thu foundation of century since that book has become rare. Vijayanagar in a work entitled South India and Her It is therefore time that so important a work was Muhammadan Invaders. Any History of Vijayanagar brought out in a new edition. Owing to advancing to be up-to-date must take note of these important age and perhaps intermittent health it has not been contributions and incorporate much other material possible for Mr. Sewell to revise the book and bring now available. it up-to-date. Nevertheless the reprint is quite wel- Apart from these there is much else that is coming como as it contains a translation of two important to light and may become availablo in course of time Portuguese chronicles which Mr. Sewell himself
for historical use. A considerable volume of translated into English and published for the records in Spanish, French and Portuguese have first time. As a matter of fact, Mr. Sewell's work not been adequately exploited, and tho Rovd. H. upon this important subject does not claim to be Heras, S.J., of St. Xavier's College, Bombay, is at much more than the chronicles with an elabo- work upon a file of Spanish records which is likely
rate historical introduction containing all the infor- to throw a flood of light upon thu history of the mation brought to notice up to the time of the first I more obscure part of Vijayanagar History. publication.
A valuable publication on the subject from his hand Considerable Advance however has been made in our
may be expected very soon. knowledge of the history of Vijayanagar since the
Notwithstanding these new advances in the inves. book was first published. Apart from the inscriptional
tigation of the history of Vijayanagar Mr. Sewell's and archeological work embodied in the Epigra.
work is still welcome, as the reprint is issued in phist's Roports and South Indian Inscriptions,
cheaper form and brings the work within reach of a there have been somo works written on the subject
large number of readers. The only things that are in various branches which have contributed to
lost from the original editions are the illustrations, but advanco our knowledge of the history of Vijayanagar
that is largely compensated for by the reduction in considerably. The first of such to be mentioned
the price, the book being now availablo for 10 happens to be a work of the Governinent Epigra
shillings. phist Rao Bahadur H. Krishna Sastrigal. He
S. K. AIYANGAR. contributed three art.cles to the Director-General's Report of the Archaeological Survey of India, LES ORIGINES DE LA FAMILLE ET DU CLAN; by entitled the dynasties of Vijayanagar and its JAMES GEORGE FRAZER. Translated into French Viceroys, which incorporates all the epigraphical by LA COMTESSE J DE PANGE. Annales du Musée information brought to light by his own depart. Guimet. Tome XXX. Paul Ceuthner, Paris, ment. Next in importance is the publi- 1922. cation of an account of the Hampi ruing by Mr. This volume of 185 pages is a translation of the Longhurst, the Assistant Superintendent of Archwo. conclusions set forth in the fourth volume of Sir logy, Madras, who has been for years at work James Frazer's monumental work totmian and putting the ruins of the city of Vijayanagar in some Ecuyamy, which was published in 1910. Sir James order for vieitors. It is a informing handbook for Frazer himself contributes a preface in French, in those who wish to visit the ruins with some little which he explains the reasons why he has styled guidance for an intelligent appreciation of various this abridged translation " Origins of the Family parts of it. Then must be mentioned " A Little-known and the Clan " instead of "Origins of Totemism Chapter of Vijayanagar history "published in the and Exegamy," which would have been more correct. Mythic Society's Journal and since made available Roaders, who are acquainted with the English in a small book by the Professor of Indian History original in four volumes, will scarcely need informa. and Archaeology at the University of Marlras. This tion regarding the contents of this abridged publica. work deals with the dark period of Vijayanagar tion, which gives the results of Sir James Frazer's history from the death of the great Devaraya II to investigations into the enormous volume of evidence the accession of grentor Krishnadevarnya. New on the subject of the marriage customs and beliefs sources of information have been brought to bear of primitive and uncivilised races. Let it suffico on the question and that work was followed by to remark, as the author himself says, that the

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119
translation has been carried out by the Countesse de ) new towns in the Anglo-Saxon world. That is a more Pange "avec une clarté et une précision parfaites detail ; what does it matter whether the Hawaiians et dignes destraditions littéraires de on illustre came from Tahiti or not? But then, why load lignée."
& good argument with facts that are neither correct S. M. EDWARDES. nor relevant ? It is more serious when on
pp. 106 ff. he repeats & most circumstantial THE CHILDREN OF THE SUN. By W. J. PERRY,
account of the wanderinge of the Polynesian in M.A., Methuen & Co., Pt. XIV and 651. 8vo.
innocence of the fact that writers on Polynesia The late Dr. Rivers once remarked to me, “We
sellom distinguish their facts from their theories are coming back to the point of the view of the
and that their theorien lag very little behind those Lost-Tribeists': " Those who everywhore saw
of the Lost-Tribeiate. Even that does not affect traces of the Lost Tribes of Israel, in Mexico, m
the argument: there is plenty of ovidence for an Peru, in Ireland and where not, were sound in their
bastward movement in the Pacific without dragging main principle, however madly they might work
in details which are too precise to be accurate. it out: everywhere they found astonishing simi.
Polynosis is so little known that mistakes there larities-pyramids, sun-gods, and sun kings, and
are of little consequence. But when we come to so forth and they looked upon these as evidenous India we have an army of the most ruthlessly exact of a common ancestry. Unfortunately the men
scholars of the world lying in wait for any alip. who took up these researches were usually quite
When the author states (p. 156) that "India owa untrained in the methods of historical work; they
most of its civilization to the Dravidians," he will were often in addition strangn spirits rendered
be asked what his evidence is, whether he is aware stranger by long residence in the tropics and in
that even at the extreme sonth of India an ordinary solitudo; they were cranks with more enthusiasm
illiterate cooly can scarcely speak more than a few than discretion, and their .crudities frightened the
sentences without using & Sanskrit word, that if naturally timid scholar, who is only too apt to
he can read and write, it is thanks to the inventors overlook a good proposition in his alarm at the
of the Sanskrit alphabot, and then he will possibly extravagances with which it is overloaded. Then
read a translation of tho Ramdyana or the Purdnas ; came the psychological tendency inaugurated by
ho goes to tho theatre to hear a translation of Tyler, who immensely enlargod our knowledge,
Sakuntall or Hariscandra, and to the temple to but at the same time retarded our interpretation
worship gods with Sanskrit names; in fact he calls of the facts. We owe it to him that the anthro
his religion the Voda. Doubtless his gods are often pologist began to be taken seriously and yet com.
aboriginal gods which he has identifier with those pletely went astray. We are coming back however
of the dominant people; but that alone shows how to the Lost Tribes point of view without the lost
enormous was tho prestige of the Sanskritic culture. tribes and with an increasing accuracy and sobriety
One might as well say that the Romans scarcely of speculation. On the one haud tho exact scholar
influenced Gaal as that the Aryans made little and archæologist is losing his prejudice and is less impression upon the culture of the conquered racus. foarful of the comparative method ; on the other Mr. Perry might also be asked where he gets his hand the anthropologist is over more inclined to information that the "Aryans made no stone tako the scholar as his model of method. Mr. images, but such are common among the Dravidians." Perry's book marks & notable advance in this I look in vain through the list of authorities for direction. I will not say he has completely bridged the names of Burgess, Grünwedol, Foucher, Marshall, over the gulf between the two parties; in fact there or any other noted Indian archæologist I can are many things in this book which will indispose think of; so it is not surprising that Mr. Purry does those whone attontion is concentrated on detail not know that the earliegt South Indian sculpture rather than general correctness. The author for is Buddhistic and affiliated just like the earlier instance does not appreciate sufficiently the im- Northern School to the Greco-Persian and the portance of Quellen-Kritik. Take the Pacific, Greco-Buddhistio tradition. he accepts without reserve the theories Even these inaccuracies, though bearing on of Polynesian students, little realizing how little very important poirte, do not affect the main critique they themselves possess. He repeats argument, but they will no doubt cause many a the statement that the Hawaiians came from rigid disciplinarian who exalts the negative quality Tahiti : this statement, common enough among of accuracy above the positive virtues of enthusiasm, writers on Polynesia, rests on no fact beyond the
| courage, and broadth, to close the book with a bang claim made by all Polynesians to come from Kahiki, and read no further, thus missing the really im. Tahiti, Tawhiti, or Tafiti; there is no evidence portant contributions this book has made to that this is Tahiti; it is merely the name of the the history of civilization. For when all is said original home which gave its name to Tahiti and and done the archaio civilization has come to stay. Fiji, just as London, Plymouth, Dunedin, and count. Mr. Perry's views may be modified, his "culture loss towns of Great Britain bave been godfathers to sequences" may want revision, but the broad fact

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remains of a culture involving megaliths and solar evidence. The argumente brought forward by kings spreading from one end of the world to the the author would equally prove that England other, or rather I should say "cultures"; for and Scotland are moieties of a dual society. Mr. Perry considers general features and therefore ! The theory of the origin of the hostility between the genus only, and ignores the species and varieties. the moieties is a very lame one : it fails to For a start that is of little consequence ; if, as I recognize its sporting character and above all believe, civilization is one, and if all the successivo its close connection with the sacrifice. Mr. Perry waves that have spread in early times across the In. thinks it was the disrupting factor in the archaic dian Ocean and across the Pacific have received their society ; but in Fiji the rivalry of intermarrying impetus from one centre, it is of little importance tribes is the cement that binde society together : at the start whether we speak of an archaic civili- it is the foundation of trade, or rather their subzation or civilizations. The analysis comes later. stitute for it, of sport, of alliancee, of good
The thesis is, however, not altogether new, though fellowship. It may have degenerated, but its amplified, modified for the better and supported degeneration was the result and not the cause of by abundance of new evidence. It is in the decadence. The phenomenon of decadence is a unichapters on the Dual Organization and those that versal one that attacks all societies in all climates follow that I see Mr. Perry's most valuable con- and all ages; we do not know the causes, but the tributions. I am glad to see that he has definitely symptoms are familiar to all students of the broken with the old theory that the dual organiza. history of art ; and I fail to understand why tion is "primitive". He connects it with the malaria, hook worm, or the dual organization archaic civilization. Mr. Perry quotes a mass of should be invoked to explain why one people evidence quite sufficient to show that it is by no underwent a fate which is common to all. means & clumsy and inadequate contrivance to In the conclusion our interest revives: one may prevent incest, but merely one cog in a big wheel or may not agree with the author, but the chapter of doctrine, though all the complications of the is stimulating and presente new points of view. wheel do not appear. The main doctrine, the One confusion to which I demur is that between division of society into sky and earth people, is warlike spirit and cruelty. The most warlike clearly stated and the origin of heaven and hell people I have met may have been unfoeling, but is sufficiently indicated. Mr. Perry however has never actively cruel; on the whole I have found made a common mistake of describing the them kindly and good natured; the most unwarlike carth people as the "common people"; Sanskrit people I have come across has also boon the most scholars fall into the same error when they translate cruel. Whatever I have read or heard about the vis by "common people." It is clear vid could races of the world confirms my experience that on not refer to the masses, since it applies to the third the whole the most warlike are the least cruel. degree of twice bom; below them came the fadra, The Fijians were extreme cannibals, yet murder is or uninitiated, whose upper ranks were respectable almost unknown among them; the Sinhalese are enough to hold appointments at a Vedic courti. Buddhists, but hold the British Empire record for For a long time I made the mistake of attaching to murder. This incidentally supports the author's the Fijian expression "The People of the Land " contention that war is a custom and not an instinct, the same meaning as we should, until after long since the passion for war and the lust to kill are study I discovered it was merely a technical term not directly proportionate, but, if anything, in vergely for the lower half of the aristocracy, lower some so. Mr. Perry's contention will meet with violent times in everything, sometimes only in precedence opposition from the paychological school, but I am
As this is perhaps the most successful part of confident he will prove right, if by war is meant the Book I need not dwell on it, as the reader only organized warfare, and not private brawls. cannot do better than read it himself.
The whole idea of civilization being an education The twenty-sixth chapter entitled Egypt marks in certain tendencies is & fruitful one. Being & relapse. Why the author should want to trace new it is bound to be imperfectly applied in parts; all civilization to Egypt one fails to see. The but I think it will appear more and more that much Arguments fail to convince. For instance the dual which we have always put down to nature will turn organization is derived from Egypt; but first we
out to be the result of ages of training. have to prove the existence of the dual organization A most extensive bibliography follows the there. I am quite willing to believe that the text and would alone be a valuable contribution division of Egypt into North and South is an to the comparative student. instance of the dual organization, but I want
A. M. HOCART. Sata patha Brahmana, V. 3. 1. The low condition of the sadras has been exaggerated owing to the contempt poured upon them by the Brahmans. But firstly, the Brahmans were insufferably conceited; recordly, do not all the more genteel of our own sudras spend most of their time trying to provo that they are not middle class 1 And is not bouryeois a term of reproach, although the term applies to all but a very few of the upper classes ?

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JULY, 1925) WADDELL ON PHENICIAN ORIGINS
121 Reg. No .........
WADDELL ON PHENICIAN ORIGINS. BY SIR RICHARD C. TEMPLE, Br.
1. General Argument. THE well-known Tibetan scholar, L. A. Waddell, has spent the leisure of the greater part of a long official life, and the last twenty years entirely, in studying "the fascinating problem of the lost origin of the Aryans," and has at last produced a startling book,"The Phænician Origin of Britons, Scots, and Anglo-Saxons, discovered by Phoenician and Sumerian ingeriptions in Britain by pre-Roman Briton coins and a mass of new History." Such is his own title and it speaks for itself. A perusal of the book shows that he is of the diffusionist school of anthropologists, of which Elliot Smith and Perry are shining lights, and therefore antagonistic to the older school of searchers. The whole book is in fact subversive of accepted ideas, but that is not a reason for setting it aside summarily, especially as the writer has spent so much research for so many years on it, and is himself obviously convinced of the truth of the results of his work. I therefore propose now to examine them in detail.
On a careful perusal, the great weakness of the book shows itself in the etymologies which constantly.crop up, and this is all the more to be deplored, because the whole argument is based upon a personal reading of inscriptions on stones and coins, which is new and differs from those previously made. I am tempted here to give once more an old quotation : "There is a river in Macedon and also moreover & river in Monmouth, and there is salmons in both." This is not a wise way of making comparisons, and it seems to me that Waddell is only too prone to fall into this class of error. But to this quotation I would propose to attach another from Waddell's book itself -"Although the old tradition, as found in the Books of Ballymote, Lecan, Leinster, etc., is mainfestly overlaid thickly with legend and myth by the medieval Irish bards, who compiled these books from older sources, and expanded them with many anachronisms, and trivial conjectural details introduced by uninformed later bards to explain fanciful affinities on an etymological basis ; nevertheless, we seem to find in these books a residual outline of consistent tradition, which appears to preserve some genuine memory of remoto prehistoric period."
Indeed, it seems to me that, though at first no doubt the old time scholar and philologist will be inclined to throw the whole book aside as fanciful, there may be substantial truth behind the theory. At any rate, whether right or wrong, Waddell's reading of his crucial inscription--that on the Newton Stone-is honest and therefore worth enquiry, and I call to mind the fate of the first European enquirers into Buddhism, who were totally disbelieved by scholars, with the result that the study of that great religion and the Pali language was put aside for too long a time. On this ground alone I propose seriously to study Waddell's Bubversive work and to see what it seems to contain without prejudiced comment. Personally I do not think he has proved his case by this book, but that is not to say that it is not capable of proof. It should, however, be stated here that as the truth of the assertion that the Phoenicians spread civilisation is not acknowledged by many competent scholars—the very matter of their dealings with Cornwall is in doubt-it will require a lot of proving 'as the police gay. The late discoveries at Harappa and other places in the Panjab, and on the North Western Frontiers of India, showing communication between the inhabitants of the valley of the Euphrates and that of the Indus some three milleniums B.O., do not to my mind affect Waddell's argument as regards the spread of Mesopotamian civilisation through Phoenicians to Britain.
With these remarks I turn to a consideration of the general argument. Waddell holds that :
(1) Aryan civilisation is due to the Syrio-Phoenicians and dates back to about B.O. 3000 : (2) The Phænicians were Aryans and not Semites by race, speech and script :

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(3) The Phoenicians were lineal blood ancestors of the Britons and Scots; the Picts, Celts and Iberians being non-Aryans :
(4) There is in Scotland a bilingual Phænician Inscription, dating about B.C. 400, and dedicated to the Sun.god Bel by a Cilician prince froni Asia Minor, who calls himself Phoenician, Briton and Scot:
(5) This prince is the 'Part-olon, King of the Scots' of the chroniclers Geoffrey and Nennius (Ninian):
(6) King Brutus (Prat or Prwt), the Trojan, and his Briton colonists about B.c. 1103 dispossessed an earlier colony of kindred Britons in Albion and named the country Britain, the land of the Brits, where they left Phoenician and Sumerian inscriptions, which show the Phoenicians to be Aryan in race, speech and script :
(7) Their monuments also afford clues to the Phoenician and Hittite homeland of the Aryan Phoonician Britons in Syria, Phoenicia, and the Asia-Minor of St. George of Cappadocia and England:
(8) The Phoenicians, as the sea-going branch of the ruling race of the Aryans, diffused the higher civilisation throughout the world
(9) Many things peculiarly British are traceable to Phænician origin; e.g., St. George and the Dragon, the Red Cross of St. George, the Crosses of St. Andrew and St. Patrick, Britannia as a tutelary goddess, the Lion and the Unicorn:
(10) The whole family of Aryan languages, with their scripts including Ogam, are of Phoenician origin through Hittite and Sumerian, which last are synonymous terms:
(11) The earliest Aryan religion was Sun-worship, symbolising the One Universal God by the True Cross, as seen on the ancient Briton coins of the Catti and Cassi Kings of the pre-Roman and pre-Christian periods in Britain.
(12) The Phoenician colonists transplanted the old cherished homeland names from Asia Minor and the Phoenician colonies on the Mediterranean borders to Britain :
(13) They furnished the agricultural and industrial life of Britain and made London its commercial capital.
(14) They created the art of Britain on Hittite-Phoenician models :
(15) The Aryans of Britain, the Britons, are the Western Bharats', who are linked with the Eastern Bharats of India, whom Waddell calls the "Brit-ons of India."
(16) The Aryan Britons or British still inherit the gen-faring and commanding aptitudes of the Phoenicians and their maritime supremacy.
It will be seen at once how widely Waddell has cast his net and how much proof his contentions require. Let us see how he has gone to work on the vast problem he has set himself to solve. It will be seen from the very beginning that his method is startling.
The heading of the first chapter is as follows "The Phænicians discovered to be Aryans in race and the ancestors of the Britons, Scots and Anglo-Saxons." And then he gives us two quotations from Indian works which are typical of his argument. I now quote them in full :". The able Panch (Phoenician), setting out to invade the Earth, brought the whole world under his sway.'-Mahabharata, Indian Epic of Great Bharats. 'The Brihat (Briton) singers belaud Indra .... Indra hath raised the Sun on high in heaven.... Indra leads us with single sway.'-Rig Veda Hymn.” To these quotations Waddell adds a note :"On Bribat, as a dialectic Sanskrit variant of the more common Bharat and the source of Brit or Brit-on see later." We have here therefore the equivalence of Brihat and Bharat and Waddell's argument also is apparently that Brit-on derives from Brit-Bharat-Briha:. From Bharat comes Mahabharata. Bharat here in Sanskrit is, however, really Bharata, while Brihat is a method of writing Brhat, the derivative of which would be Barhata and
1 Waddell writes this name 'Barate. 1 I shall throughout write Bh where Waddell has 'B,

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not Bharata, and b and bh are not necessarily alternative or even connected consonantal sounds. This consideration reacts also strongly on the interpretation of Panch (Panch-ala) as Phoenician, or Phoenician Brihat, on the ground that Brihat=Brit-on. The equivalence of Brit-on with Bharat or Bharata does not seem to me to rest on a secure basis.
It will be seen that this criticism goes to the very root of the argument. However, let us now proceed to see how Waddell sets to work to support his opening statement. He takes as his starting point "the newly deciphered Phænician inscription in Britain -the Newton Stone-which he says is " dedicated to Bel, the Phoenician god of the Sun," by "Part-olon, King of the Scots," about B.C. 400, calling himself "Brit-on, Hitt-ite, Phoenician and Scot, by ancient forms of those titles." He also gives an illustration of the presumable personal appearance of the king from "bas-reliefs in the temple of Antiochus I of Commagene, B.C. 63-34." He calls the illustrations (there are two), “Cilician king worshipping the Sungod," saying "these two representations of the same scene, which are partly defaced, complement each other. The King, who is shaking hands with the Sun-god (with a rayed halo) presumably illustrates the dress and physique of the Sun-worshipper King Prat or Prwt, who also came from the same region."
It is important to go right into the foundations of the argument, and I draw attention, therefore, to the statements that the inscription on the Newton Stone is " newly deciphered," and to the facts that in the preface Waddell says "it is now deciphered for the first time," and that the illustration from the temple of Antiochus I of Commagene is said to illustrate presumably the appearance of the author of the Newton Stone. I do so because the connection of Brit with Bharat and of Part-olon with the Cilician King of the illustration is assumed by Waddell from the very beginning.
He then describes how he attacked "the Aryan problem " from its “Eastern or IndoPersian end," finding "that there was absolutely no trace of any civilisation, i.e., Higher Civilisation in India before the seventh century B.C.," and that "historic India, like historic Greece, suddenly bursts into view, with a fully fledged Aryan civilisation." He says that he was led "by numerous clues to trace these Aryan, or as they called themselves Arya, invaders of India back to Asia Minor and Syro-Phoenicia." And he next makes, as regards his argument, a crucial statement :-"I then observed that the old ruling race of Asia Minor and Syro-Phoenicia from immemorial time was the great imperial highly civilised ancient people generally known at the Hitt-ites, but who called themselves Khatti or Catti, which is the self-same title, by which the early Briton Kings of the pre-Roman period called themselves and their race, and stamped it upon their Briton coins-the so-called Catti coins of early Britain. And the early ruling race of the Aryans who first civilised India also called themselves Khattiyo." After this he says that "this ancient Khatti or Catti ruling race of Asia Minor or Syro-Phoenicia also called themselves Arri, with the meaning of Noble Ones.” Tae Arri he equates with Arya or Ariya of India, and the Khatti with the Goths-"the Soyths or Getre, the Greeco-Roman form of the name Goth, "as shown by the dress of "the early Khatti, Catti or Hitt-ites from the bas-reliefs of the Iasili rock-chambers below Boghaz-kui or Pteria in Cappadocia." "Here the equations are increasing thus :-Hitt-ite= Khatti - Catti-Geta - Goth, and the Hitt-ites are also Arri Ariya = Arya. These equa. tions are carried still further. The ancient Egyptian and Babylonian names for Hitt-ites is Khatti, taken to Britain as Catti, vide pre-Roman British coins, and the Old Testament Hebrew (days of Abraham) name is Hitt or Heth.
Then comes another crucial statement :-"The identity of these Khatti Arri or Hitt-ites, with the Eastern branch of the Aryans (of India] .... is now made practically certain by my (Waddell'a] further observation that the latter peoplo also called themselves in the Epios by the same titlo as the Hitt-ites, ::: : Khattiyo Ariyo, in their early Pali vernacular, and latterly Sanskritised it by the intrusion of an rinto Kshatriya Arya 1 i. and the

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Indian names Khattiyo, Kshatriya) have the same radical meuning of 'cut and rule' as the Hitt-ite Khatti has." This argument, together with that already alluded of Bharat-Brit, " practically establishes the identity of the Khatti or Hitt-ite with the Indo-Aryans and disclosessCappadocia in Asia Minor as the lost cradle-land of the Aryans." I would note here that there is an assumption that Pali preceded Sanskrit as a language, and that Khattiya is an older and purer form than Kshatriya.
We have, however, in the above statement Waddell's master key leading to "the complete bunch of keys" to the lost early history of the Indo-Aryans and the Hitt-ites. The first key of the branch is historical. He starts by saying that the Brahmans take the Epic and Pauranic lists of kings as Indian, but that European scholars ignore them. Here I cannot agree with him : e.g., Pargiter. However, Waddell states that "none of these early Aryan kings had ever been in India, but were kings of Asia Minor, Phoenicia and Mesopotamia centuries and milleniums beforo the separation of the Eastern branch to India." This is startling enough, but a still more startling statement follow "The father of the first historical Aryan king of India (as recorded in the Maha Bharata Epic and Indian Buddhist history) was the last historical king of the Hitt-ites in Asia Minor, who was killed at Carchemish on the Upper Euphrates on the final annexation of the last of the Hitt-ite capitals to Assyia by Sargon II in B.o. 718." Further " the predecessors of the Hitt-ite king, as recorded in cuneiform monuments of Asia Minor and in Assyrian documents back for several centuries, were substantially identical with those of the traditional ancestors of the first historical Aryan king of India, as found in the Indian Epic king-lists." Alas! "full details with proofs" are in the" forthcoming" book on Aryan Origins : 80 we cannot investigate this amazing statement here. But "the absolute identity of the Indian branch of the Aryans with the Khatti or Hitt-ites is established [thereby] by positive historical proof."
Waddell makes still further observations. Several of the leading earlier Indian Aryan dynasties have substantially the same names, records and relative chronological order as several of the leading kings of early Mesopotamia," the so-called Sumerians or Akkads." This is the point where apparently the Sumerian finds his way into this account of the origin of the Britons, Scots and Anglo-Saxons. The proof of this statement also is in Aryan Origins, but the observation supplies the key" to the material required for filling up the many blanks in the early history of ancient Mesopotamia in the dark and 'pre-historic' period there, and also in early Egyptian history and pre-history as well."
However, startling statements have not yet ceased, and it is necessary to quote at length again :"the Eastern or Indian branch of the Aryans, the Khattiyo Ariyo Bharats call themselves in their Epio, the Maha-Bharata, by the joint clear title of Kuru Panch(@la) & title which turned out to be the original of Syro-Phænician. These Kuru and Panch(Ala) are described as the two paramount kindred and confederated clans of the ruling Aryans." And Waddell then observes that "Kur was the ancient Sumerian and Babylonian name for Syria and Asia Minor of the Hitt-ites or White Syrians, and it was thus obviously the original of the Suria of the Greeks softened into Syria of the Romans." But was there any softening? Surely 'Syria' was only the Roman way of writing the Greek Suria.' Then says Waddell in a paragraphs worth quoting, whatever opinion may be formed of the argument "Whilst Panch(@la) is defined in the Indian Epics as meaning 'the able or accomplished Panch, in compliment, it is there explained, of their great ability-also an outstanding trait of the Phonicians in the classics of Europe. This discloses Panch to be the proper name of the ruling Aryan class, whom I (Waddell) at once recognised as the Phoenic-ians, the Fenkha or Panag or Panasa sea-going race of the Eastern Mediterranian of the anciont Egyptians, the Phoinik.es of the Greeks and the Phoenic-es of the Romans."

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The Panch' clan were devotees " of the Sun and Fire cult associated with worship of'. the Father-god Indra," and "the Hitto-Phoenicians were special worshippers of the Father-god Bel, also called by them Indara, who was of the Sun-cult." Both Panch and Phoenician were foremost among sea-going peoples. They were "sometimes called Krivi in the Vedas, which word is admitted by Sanskritists to be a variant of Kuru, which, as we have seen, means * of Kur' or 'Syria.' The early Phoenician dynasties in Syrio-Phoenicia, or 'Land of the Amorites' of the Hebrews, called themselves Khatti and Barat in their own still extant monuments and documents, dated back to about B.o. 3000." For proof we must wait for Waddell's Aryan Origin of the Phoenicians.
These are the arguments leading to the identity of the Phænician Khatti Barats with Britons and Scots, and also with the Anglo-Saxons, "a later branchlet of the Phoenician the Britons." And lastly Waddell finds "the identity of the Aryans with the Khatti or Hittites confirmed by Winckler's discovery" in 1907, "at the old Hittite capital, Boghaz Koi in Cappadocia, of the original treaty of about B.c. 1400 between the Khatti or Hittites and their kinsmen neighbours in the East in ancient Persia, the Mita-ni," who he "found were the Medes, who were also famous Aryans and called themselves Arriya." Now" in this treaty they invoked the actual Aryan gods of the Vedas of the Indian branch of the Aryans and by their Vodic names." E.g., the Vedic Sun-god Mitra, the Mithra of the Greco-Romans : also In-da-ra, who is "the Solar Indra or Almighty." However, Waddell says that "neither the Assyriologists now the Vedic scholars could be induced to take this view."
Such is the outline of the scheme of this remarkable book, and thereafter Waddell sets to work on the Phoenician ancestry of the Britons and Scots.
(To be continued.)
SONGS AND SAYINGS ABOUT THE GREAT IN NORTHERN INDIA.
BY THE LATE DR. W. OROOKE, C.I.E., F.B.A. (Continued from page 117.)
VI. A Contemporary Hindi Rhyme about Sivaji. Colleted by Kamgharib Chaube.)
Text. Indra jim Jrimbh Barawanal ambu par, Rawan sudambh par,
Raghu kul râj hai. Pawan bari båh par, Shambu Ratinah par, Jo Sahasrabahun par,
Ram dwijraj hai. Dåwå drum dand par, Chita mrig jhand par, (Bhusan) bitand par,
Jaise mrigraj hai. Têj tam ansh par, Kanch jimi Kans par, Taise ripu bansh par, Aj Prithraj hai.

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Translation. What Indra is to Jrimbh 16, What Jarawânal 16 is to water, To the proud Rawan
Is Raghu the King17. What wind is to the cloud, What Sham bu is to Káma, 18 To the Thousand-armed 19
LA Ram of the double-kingdom 10. What fire is to the forest, What the leopard is to the herd of deer, Is to the elephant the tiger (says Bhusan 91),
Such is the rule of the deer. What light is to the darkness, What Krishna is to Kansa, 29 So to his foe's family To-day is Prith-raj.23
VII. A Saying about Raja Man.
* Text. Panch rang jhanda hath bana; tori zanam bani zard : Dokhi mår dafe kiye : sokhi kinhe sard. Ant BhanwAr ka kila tor& : aige Man mard.
Translation. Five-coloured flag in hand ; thy carpet yellow; Thou didst remove sinners, and make the hot-tempered cool. Thou didst reduce the fort of Ant-Bhanwâr : such a man was Man.
VIII.
A Song about Chhatrasal Raja of Panna. (Told by Bhagwant Prasdd, teacher of Dhimsri, District Agra.)
Text. Khainchi gurj mårai, půja karat Raja Chhatrasal : Kholi metrå dekhai so Mleksh age aya hai. Mari shamsher, manahûn hathi ke basunda parHAthí sundî deren chhari aya hai. Kati daryo tang haudå, dårî dayo bhůmin pai: tori daryo man ; Than so Dilli pahunchayo hai. Kahai hain Sujan Bali: "dhanya Raja Chhatrasal! Teri shamshar jhe i pheri kaun aya hai"?
Translation. He struck him with a mace, as Raja Chhatrapal was worshipping. Opening his eyes he saw a Musalman 24 standing before him.
He struck the man with his sword, as he would strike an elephant on its trunk 16 The name of a demon.
16 JarawAnal is the fire-pit in which the water of the ocean is boiled till it evaporates. This is why the ocean never increases. 17 Raghu is Ram Chandra.
18 1.e., Shiva to Kâma, the god of Lovo. 10. Sahasrabahu, the name of a demon. 20 Here is moant Parasurama. 21 The name of the writer.
11 Kansa, Krishna's maternal uncle, was killed by Krishna 93 The ruler of the earth, 8.e., Shivaji. 4 Tbo vernacular term used is Moksh, barbarian.

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An elephant that had strayed from its herd. Then he threw down the howdah, threw it on to the ground, and broke off the heal And sent it off to Delhi. Says Suján Bali 25 : -Blessed art thou, Raja Chhatrasal, Who shall survive a blow from thy sword ?”
IX.
In Praise of Akbar. (By Ram Das Kachhadha-in Notes and Comments on the "Setubandh Kavya of Kalidas."
Communicated by Ramgharib Chaube.) Ram Das Kachhwaha described himself as the servant of Akbar in every way.
Text. Amero r& samudrawati yasumatin yah prat&pe na tawat, Dare gåshyati mệtyo, rapi karam muchattirath banijya břityoh ; Apya shraushit Purkņam, japati cha din krimam, yogam bidhate; Gangâm bho bhinna mambho na piwati Jallala-dindra. Angam, Bangam, Kalingam, Silhat, Tipura, Kamta, Kamrûpå ; Nándhram, Karnat, LAT, Dravin, Marhat, Dwarika, Chol, Pandyan ; Bhotânnam, Maruwarôt, Kal, Malay, Khurasan, Khandhår, Jámbu; Kashi, Kashmir, Dhakka, Balakh, Badaksha, Kabilan, yah prashash. Kaliyug mahima a pohiya mana shruti surabhi dwijdharm raksh ndy; Dhřit Bugun tanum ; tam prameyam purush Makabbar Shah mantosmi,26
Translation. He, who supports the earth from the ocean to Mount Meru, And saves the kine from slaughter, and has exempted the sacred places and traders
from taxes; Who has heard the Puranas recited, repeats the name of the Sun-goda7, and performs
yoga; Who drinks no water other than the Ganges, is JallAlu'ddin28, (Who rules over) Anga, Banga, Kalinga, Silhat, Tipura, Kamti and Kamarapa. Nandhra, Karnata, Lata, Dravina, Marhata, Dwarika, Chola, Pandya ; Bhota, Marwar, Urissa, Malaya, KhurAsân, Khandhar, and Jambu; Kashi, Kashmira, Dhakka, Balkh, Badash an and Kabul:9-may he prosper. He who incarnated himself in the Kaliyug to protect the Scriptures, the cow and the
twice-born, And virtue, the sanctity of which is danger of warning; That is the personage to whom I bow in obeisance-Akbar Shah.
Pa
A Hindu Legend of Naurang Shah (Aurangzeb). (Told by Kewal Ram, goldomith and Recorded by Jamiyat 'Ali, teacher, Saharanpur District.)
There is a popular legend that Aurangzeb caused a palace to be built on the surface of the Jumna at Agra, in order to lower the sacred river in the estimation of the Hindus, and went to live in it with his queens. But soon there came up a fire ont of the river and the Emperor and his queens were afraid of being burnt, and the Emperor himself went blind, which made the queens beg him to leave the place. And that is why he went to Delhi.
35 The name of the writer of the poem.
* The text is exactly as transliterated by the Brahman, Ramghartb Chaube, and is given as a Specimen of the modern idea of a Sanskrit text.. 37 That is, Surya Narayana.
3. The personal name of the Emperor Akbar * This liat purports to name the principal districta ip Akbar's Empire,

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Text.
Naurang Shah Mughal charhi Aya Nau sau umare sath bhun men an data.
Is jag men dewê sajjan ka man ghata.
Sat tawelou ki nenwâ dilaya. Jal mců chhori kawal chune kâ chatta gata.
Is jag meú dewa sajjan ka man ghatá.
Sat torou ko phorke, nikase jal ki phaili; Joti agin kĩ pharban lata.
Is jag meu dewâ sajjan ka man ghata. BadshAh ko andha kar diya. Begam khari rowain bhul g&ii mahalata. Is jag men dew& sajjan ka man ghata.
5. Hath jorke Begam kahati "Ab kî gunah bakhsho; bahut marå hua thatta."
Is jag meû dewê sajjan ka man ghata.
“Ja Dilli mei chhatar gațâyâ;" Nange paison âyâ, Badshah phir hata. Is jag men dew& sajjan ka man ghata
Translation
Came up Naurang Shah, the Mughal, With nine-hundred nobles he sat him on the ground.
In this world is the pride of god.worshippers destroyed.
He laid the foundations of seven buildings. He laid on the water a lotus of lime and bricks. In this world is the pride of god-worshippers destroyed.
3 Breaking through seven layers of iron, the light came out of the water, And the fire raged, as in a forest.
In this world is the pride of god-worshippers destroyed.
The Badeh Ah was made blind, And the queens stood weeping and lost their way to the palace.
In this world is the pride of god worshippers destroyed. Said the queens with joined hands"Forgive this sin : the joke is killing us." In this world is the pride of god-worshippers destroyed.
6 Going to Delhi he set up his umbrella80. On naked feet they returned—the Badshah went back. In this world is the pride of god.worshippers destroyed.
$That is, he set up his Court.

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LEGENDS OF THE GODLINGS OF THE SIMLA HILLS
LEGENDS OF THE GODLINGS OF THE SIMLA HILLS.
COLLECTED BY PANDIT SUKH CHAIN OF KUMHARSAIN AND TRANSMITTED BY H. A. ROSE, I.C.S. (Retired).
(Continued from page 113.)
Fourth Group.-The Dum Family. 16. The Deota Dum or Nagarkotid.-The following details may be added to the brief account of Dum deotá in Hinduism in the Himalayas. Dum of Katian (properly Gathan), a village in the Shilli pargana of Phågu tahsil of Keunthal, is the brother of the Sharmala Dum deota.
The latter's history is as follows An old Kanet named Shurâ, living in Hemri village (now pargana Chagaon in Kumhårsain), had no son. His wife Pargi was also old and she asked her husband to marry a second wife in order to get a son, but Shurâ refused on account of his advanced age. His wife induced him to go to the goddess Hátkoti Durgå and implore her aid, threatening to fast even to death until she promised him a son. Shurà reached Hatkoti in seven days (though it was only a two day's journey) and sat before Durga Devi, fasting for seven days. The goddess was greatly pleased to see his devotion and appeared before him with all her attributes (the sankh, chakkar, gadda, padam, and other weapons in her eight hands) and riding on a tiger. She granted Shurâ's request and bade him return home. Overjoyed at this bar he went home and told his wife the good news, and after three months she gave birth to twin sons, but both parents died seven days later.
They were nursed by a sister named Kaprî. While quite young the orphans showed signs of superhuman power. Their sister, too, soon died and the boys were employed as cowherds by the people, but they were careless of their cattle and devoted themselves to their favourite game of archery. So the people dismissed first one and then the other. Both of them then took service with the Thakur of Darkoti, but again they were discharged for idleness. They then roamed the country seeking service, but no one would help them, and so they went down to the plains and reached Delhi, where they enlisted in the King's army. To test the skill of his archers, the King set up a tawa, from which hung a horse hair with a small grain in the centre. No one in the army could break the grain with an arrow, except these two recruits, and the King was greatly pleased with them. His Rani told him that the youths were not common soldiers, but possessed magical power, and should be dismissed to their native hills with a suitable reward. So he gave them a huge vessel (charú) full of coins which they could not lift, and they were about to depart, when two deotda, Mahasů and Shrigul, who were prisoners at Dehli, appeared and called upon the brothers for help, as they belonged to the same hill country as they did, saying that if they petitioned the king for their release they would be set free.
The Dâm brothers implored the king for the deoids' release and their request was granted. The deotds were so pleased that they bade the youths ask of them any boon. they liked, and they asked their help in carrying the vessel home. The deotds told the brothers to mount their airy steeds, look towards the Kailash hills, touch the vessel, and whip their steeds. So they did and the airy steeds carried their riders high up in the sky, flying northwards over the hills and halting at Binu, a place near Gathan village. The gods went to their dominions and the vessel full of coin was buried at Binu where it turned into water, which was made into the baoli, now on the boundary of Kumharsain and Keunthal. The airy steeds disappeared on Mount Kailash, after leaving the young Dums at Binu.
Binu then belonged to the Thakurs of Rajana, and the Dom brothers made thomselven very troublesome to them, breaking with their arrows the ghards full of water, which the women used to carry home on their heads, or setting their bundles of grass on fire. The
The doorde Mahlon and Shrigul were said to be captives in Debli for being devil'oppresson in the hill,

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people became alarmed and at last the whole country side, with the Thâkur, brought the brothers to bay in a battle, in which the elder, who was called Dâm, was killed. Kon the younger also died and both were cremated on the spot where they had fallen, but they emerged from the ashes in the form of idols.
These miraculous images punished the Thakur in many ways, haunting him in his sleep and overturning his bed. To appease the images as pap, the Thakur conveyed them to Nagarkot in Kullû, but when presented there before the goddess they vanished. The people were distressed at their loss and fasted before Durga until she made them reappear. So she gave them back the images, but some say that she gave them other images in lieu of the originals. Thereafter Dûm Deotâ was also called Nagarkoția Deotâ of Sharmalla.
One image was brought to Sharmallâ where Dûm was established, while the image of Kon was taken to Gathan village. Temples were built for the residence of each. But some say that both images at those places were first established at Sharmalla. People used to invite the Deotâs to their houses, but the Sharmalla people refused to send them to Gathan, and so the people of the latter place stole one of the deotds and established him there.
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Sharmallâ Dûm has a cash grant of Rs. 16 annually from the Kumhârsain State. He is worshipped daily by Brahmans, but his gur (the man into whom the spirit comes and through whom it speaks) is always a Kanet. The deotd has his kardars, the chief among them being the bhandari in charge of the stores. The Sharmallâ women call him by the pet name of Nanu, but other people call him Dûm. His annual melâ is held on the Bishû day in Baisakh, but his játra is held every 7th or 8th year. When a new Rânâ ascends the gaddi, a Rajaoli mela is held, and the deotâ tours in the villages of his devotees. A Shânt meld is held every 50 years.
The deota's followers are found mostly in Ubdesh pargana and in the following villages:Bagî in Bhushahar, Durî in Khaneti, Bagru-Dhâr in Theog. Daro, Jall and Rewag in Shilli are also villages devoted to his cult.
The Doota used to have a melá at Shamokhar. Some say that while the deotás Magneshwar, Kot Ishwar and Dûm sat in their respective places and the melâ began, the trio quarrelled, and so the meld was forbidden to be held in the future by British Government order. The Dagrot people in consequence pay a chershi of Rs. 30 to Manan or Magneshwar every third year.
The deotâ helped Kumharsain to gain its victory over Keunthal, and when besought by a Rânâ of Jubbal, blessed him with a son, for which the Rânâ presented him with a golden image. The original Dûm image was of brass, and a few smaller images have been added as its companions. The Thakur of Rajâna was also blessed with a son at an advanced age and he presented Dâm with a silver chain worth Rs. 140. The Deotâ is rich, having silver instruments (narsinga and karnal) of music, while a necklace of gold mohars and gold ornaments always adorn him.
Ha is not dulathiri, but goats are sacrificed before him. He is believed by his devotees to be a very powerful god, blessing the people, but distressing those who do not obey him. The Dûm of Sharmalla had a large dominion of his own, but Dûm of Gathan has a much larger one.
The Pam of Sharmalla has seven khúnds (descendants of mávis or mâwannas who recognise his authority). These are:-Baghalû and Charoga in Khanetî, Atnet and Relû in Bashahar, Dogrê and Rachla in Kumhârsain, and Dharongû in Balsan. The Charogu, Relû and Dharogû khad (ra viacs) were seized by Dûm of Gathan and added to his dominions.
17. The Deotá Dûm of Hemri.-This Deota has the same history as Dûm of Sharmalla. Shurâ and Parg. lived at Hemri, and it is said that when the Dûm brothers were killed, their images were brought to Hemri and thence taken to Sharmalla and Gathan. Some say, however, that the Dûm brothers were killed by mávis before the Thakurs of Rajana ruled the country.

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131 There is an image of Dům at Hemrî temple, where the Hemri, Kathrol and Gumà people worship him. This deota, when necessary, goes to Kangrâ on pilgrimage (játrá).
A meld is held at Hemri on the Sharono (Salono) day in Bhadon. The Balti meld is held every third year. This deotá holds a jágir worth Rs. 4 from the Kuml&rsain State. A Brahman in Barech is his pujari, but he is generally worshipped by the Kolis and Lohars of Hemri.
18. The Dům of Karel.-At a temple in Karel village is worshipped a Dům, who is also an offshoot of the Dům brothers. People say that this Dům at first went from Hemrî to Gathan, and thence an image was brought to Karel, although Hemri and Karel villages are close together. The Karel people are worshippers of Gathan village, and as a mark of respect they keep a Dům idol in the temple in their village. A balti fair is held every third year and a bhundd meld—whenever the people wish-after 10 cr 15 years. Every house gives some goats to be killed, the people inviting their kinsmen, especially dhi-dhains and the sons-in-law and their children. The Barech Brahman does půjd in the morning only.
Bhat deotá resides with the Dum in the Karel temple. Originally a Sarsut Brahman living at Mateog & village just above Kumhårsain itself, Bhat was prosecuted by a Rana of Kumhârsain and ordered to be arrested, but he fled to the Kullû side pursued by a Karel sepoy, who had been sent to seize him. He was caught on the bank of the Sutlej, but asked the sepoy to allow him to bathe in the river before being taken back to Kumhârsain, and there he drowned himself. He became a demon and haunted the sepoy in his sleep, until the latter made an image in his name and began to worship him at Kapel. The other people of Karel, out of respect for the image, placed it in the temple beside that of the Dâm. Bhat Deota holds a small jagir of ten annas a year from the Kumharsain State.
19. The Deota pam of Jhangroli.-The people of Jhangrolî in Chagaon pargana brought an image of Dům from Gathan and built him a temple. He is worshipped with dhúp-dip every 5th day, but has no daily půjd. The people hold the Gathan Dům to be their family deotd, but the temple is maintained in the village as a mark of respect.
20. The Dam of Kamált in Kandrú.-There are no notes recorded of this Dom.
21. The Deotá Dům in pargana Chebishi.-Though the Dům deotds have their chief temples at Gathan and Sharmall&, there are a number of Důms with their temples in Saraj, as already noted. A Dum also came to Shadhoch, and there are four temples to him in the following villages of pargana Chebishi - Pharal, Kotla, Kupri and Parojusha.
The Dům of Pharal.-It is not known when this Dum was brought from Sharmalla. A man of this pargana lived in Saraj, whence he brought an image and placed it in a temple at Pharaj, with the express permission of Malendû deotd, who is the family deota of the Chebishi people. This Dôm has no rath, and his function is to protect cattle. If a cow does not give milk he is asked to make her yield it in plenty, and the ghi produced from the first few days' milk, is given to him as dhúp. No khin is performed for him, but Kanets give him dhip-dhip daily. He has no bhor.
22. The Dům of Kotla.--Kotla has always been held in jdgir by the Kanwars or Mias of Kumhârsain, and the Dům temple here was founded by one of them.
23. The Dům of Kupri.-The people of Kupri village say that more than 700 years ago they came from Rewag, a village in Ubdesh pargana in Saraj, and settled at Kupri in the Che bishi pargana of Shadoch. Their ancestors brought with them a Dům, their family deotá's image, and placed it in a temple. A field at Kupri was named Rewag after their original village.
The people of this village do not regard Malendû as their family god. There are at present 9 images of the Dum in the Kupri temple and a small piri (bed), where it is believed
Bhagwati lives with him. The Kanets are his pujdris and also his gurs. A khin meld is held every three or four years at night, when goats are sacrificed.

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24. The Dam of Parojusha.-Nearly 200 years ago Kajt, a Shadoch man, who had lived in Saraj, returned to his village and brought with him an image of a Dam, which he presented to his fellow.villagers at Beshera, and made them also swear to worship him. This they did presumably with Malenda's permission.
More than 100 years ago one of the villagers killed a sddhi, whose spirit would not allow the people to live at ease in their village, so they all left it and settled in Parojusha. A Bhagwati is believed to live with him in the temple. The Kanets worehip him, but their family god is Malenda. He has no bhor.
Fifth Group.-The Muls. 25. The Deotd Mal Padof of Koti in pargana Kandri.-Mal Padot is one of the biggest deotas in these hills, and he has temples in various villages in Bhujji, Shangri and Kumhår. gain. He appeared from a cave called Chunjar Maland, near Mathiana, not less than 1500 years ago. About that time a prince came from Sirmûr, presumably because he had quarrelled with his brothers, and accompanied by a few kárdárs, took refuge in the cave. He also had with him his family god, now called Narolia. His name is said to have been Deva Singh, but it is possible that this was the name of one of his descendants, who held Koti State in Kandrů.
While he was living in the cave, Padof, who was also called Mai, kept on playing on musical instruments and then calling out :-"Chutan, parin," I sbal fall, I shall fall." The prince one day replied that if the spirit wished to fall, he could do so, and lo! the image called Mal fell down from the cave before the prince.
Mal wished him to accept a kingdom, but he said that he was a wandering prince who had no country to rule. Thereupon a bari (mason) from Koti in Kandru came and told the prince that he had led him to that cave, and begged him to accompany him to a State where there was no chief. The prince said that he could not accept, unless the rest of its people came and acknowledged him as their Raja. So the mason returned to Kandrů and brought back with him the leading men of the country, and they took the prince to Koti, where he built a temple for the deota and a palace for himself. People say that the palace had eighteen gates and occupied more than four acres of land. Its remains are still to be seen near the temple where the deot Narolid was placed along with Mal Padoi. Some say that the temple stood in the middle of the palace.
The deota Naroliâ never comes out in public, but appears only before the Rånå of Kumhársain, if he visits him, or before the descendants of the mason who brought the prince to this country. He never comes beyond the Koti bdsa (dwelling house) to accept his dues (kharen, a small quantity of grain).
A few generations later it happened that a Thakur of Koti had four sons, who quarrelled about the division of the State. One son established himself in Kulla and then at Kångal, (now in Shangri), the second went to Tharû in Bhajji State, and the third settled at Malag now in Bhajji, while the Tikka of course lived at Koti. Kullû conquered his State but some Bay Kumharsain took it.
People say that Raja Man Singh of Kullu took Kangal fort. The descendants of the Kangal Thakur are the Mians of Gheti and Kariot in Chabishi). I could not learn whether the Thara and Malag Thákurs have any descendants now in Bhajji. It seems that Kotf State was founded a little before the Rajana State. The name of the State is only known in connection with Mal deotd's story or the songs (bars) sung in Bhajji.
Some people say that four images fell in the Chunjar Malana cave, while others think that there are four Mals in as many temples. Their names are Mol, Shir, Sadrel and Thâthla, and their temples are at Koti, Padoi, Kangal and Saran in Suket. But the old devotees of Mal deotd multiplied the Mal, by carrying his images and building temples to him wherever

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they went. Wherever there is temple to Mûl, he is now generally called Padof. At present his chief temple is at Padoâ in Bhajji, on the east bank of the Sutlej, but Koti is the jethu.. sthan or first place. Shânglû and Riṛkû are his bhors.
Rirku was a deota at Padoa, who came flying in spirit to Mûl at Koti. He ate a loaf given him by Mûl and accepted him as his master. He now drives away bhut pret when commanded by Mul, and the same is told of Shanglu.
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Thathlû deotá10 is wazîr to the Mal of Koti and when a rupee is given to him, four annas are given to Thathlû. Thathlû's temple is at Thathal in Kumhârsain and in it his image is kept, but people believe that Thathlu is always with his elder spirit and only comes to the temple when invoked or to take dhûp dip. Thathlû calls Mûl his dadû (elder). Mûl goes to Suni every year at the Dasahra and his spirit goes to Shuli to bathe. Padoa and Dharogra in Bhajjî have large temples of Mûl and there is a big temple at Parol in Shangri also. Padoî deotâ is very useful, if his help is asked, in hunting and shooting. There are two other temples of Padoî in Chebishi pargana, at Shailla and Gheti.
26. Mûl Padot of Shailla.-The Thakur's descendants also settled in village Kareot. The Gheti people, too, carried their family god to Kareot, but on their way they came to Shailla. Before that time the Nâg deotd used to be the family god of the Shaillâ people, but a leper in Shaillâ laid himself on the road and asked Padoî to cure him. Padof said that if he would cure him, he must discard the Nâg deotâ who was living in the village. The leper promised to do so and was cured. The people seeing Padof's superiority over the Nag sent him away to Dhali village, where the people still worship him. His temple was taken over by Padoî and he lives there to this day. A devotee of Padoî went to Theog and there built him a temple, only a couple of years ago [1908].
It is said that with the prince from Sirmûr came a Brahman, a Kanet named Gasâon, and a turi (musician), whose descendants are to be found in Kumhârsain, Bhajji and Shangri. Shangri State was a part of Kullû and made a State soon after the Sikh invasion of Kulla, when wazir Kapuru made Shangri State for the Raja of Kullů.
Padoi Deota of Koti has from Kumharsain a jagir worth Rs. 112. Goats are sacrificed and the Diwali and Sharuno festivals are observed, when a small fair is held.
27. Mûl Padot of Gheti.-When the jhâkur of Kangal fled or died, his fort was burnt by the Raja of Kullû, and the descendants of his house came to Kumhârsain in the time of Rana Ram Singh. They were given Ghetî village in jagir. The Koli fort was taken by them and they held it for about twenty generations. They brought with them to Gheti silver and copper images of Mûl, and these are kept at the Ghetî temple to this day.
Sixth Group-Kalls and Bagwatis.
28. The Deota Kali of Anû.-Long ago (people cannot say when) one of the zamindars of Anû went to Kidâr Nath and brought back with him an image, which he set up at Anû as Kali. Puja is not made daily, but only on the Shankrant day.
29. Kali of Dertú.-As to this Kâlî, see the account of Malendi. She has a small temple at Dertû and is believed to live there. Goats are sacrificed to her.
30. The Deota Durga of Bharech.-Durgâ deotd is a goddess who was brought by a Brahman from Hât Koti to Bharech, a village in Chagaon pargana. Brahmans worship her morning and evening.
31. The Bhagwati of Kachin Ghati.-At Kachin Ghâtî is a small temple of Bhagwati, who is worshipped by the people of pargana Sheol in Kumharsain. Though their family god is the Marechh at Bareog, they regard this Bhagwati with respect and sacrifice goats to her. She has no connection with Adshakti or Kasumba Devi.
10 The Thathlů Zamindars claim to be descendants of the Sirmûr prince, though they are now Kaneta.

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Seventh Group.-Independent Deotas. 32. The Deota Manun or Magneshwar.-At a village called Jalandhar in Kulla lived a Brahman, whose wife gave birth to a girl. When she was 12 years old, the girl, though a virgin, gave birth to twin serpents, but kept it secret and concealed her serpent sons in an earthen pot, and fed them on milk. One day she went out for a stroll, and asked her mother not to touch her dolls which were in the house, but unfortunately her mother, desiring to see her child's beloved dolls, uncovered the pot, and to her dismay the two serpents raised their hoods. Thinking the girl must be a witch, she threw burning ashes on them and killed one of them, but the other escaped to a ghard full of milk, and though burnt, turned into an image.
Meanwhile the virgin mother returned, and finding her loving sons so cruelly done by, she cut her throat and died on the spot. Her father came in to churn the milk, and in doing so broke the ghana in which, to his surprise, he found the image which the living serpent had become. Distressed at his daughter's suicide, he left his home, and taking the image in his turban he roamed from land to land.
At last he reached Sirmûr, whose Raja had no son. He treated the Brahman kindly, and he asked the Raja to give him his first-born son, if he wanted more children through the power of his image. The Raja agreed, and by the grace of the image he was blessed with two sons, the elder of whom was made over to the Brahman together with a jagir, which consisted of the parganas of Rajana, Mathiana, Shilli, Sheol and Chadara, now in Phägu Tahsil in Keonthal. It was called Rajana, and its former Thakurs have a history of their own, as their family had ruled there for several generations.
Hither the Brahman brought the Raja's elder son and settled at Rajána village, commonly called Mal Rajana in Shilli pargana. The Brahman settled at Manon, a village to the north-west of Rajana, where another deotâ was oppressing the people. But the Brahman revealed his miraculous image and people began to worship Magneshwar as a greater deota. He killed the oppressor, and the people burned all his property, certain mavis who resisted being cruelly put to death by the devotees of the new deota. Deori Dhar village was set on fire and the people in it burnt alive.
Later on when the Gesù family of the Kumhârsain chiefs had established themselves in the country, the deotá helped the Thakur (now the Rånå of Kumhårsain) to gain & victory over the Sirmûr Raja. The Kumharsain) State gave a jagir, now worth Rs. 166, to the Magneshwar deota of Manûn. He has a large temple, and the chief among his kardars is the bhandari who keeps the jágir accounts.
Sada barat (alms) are given to sådhús, faqirs or Brahmans. He is worshipped daily morning and evening by his pujaris. A meld is held annually at Manûn on the 17th or 18th Baisakh and another at the Diwali at night. Every third year another meld called the shilaru pitja is held. A big půjå meld is performed every 7th or 8th year and a still bigger one called shang every 30 years. When a new Rånå ascends the gaddi, the deord tours the country belonging to him. This is called rajdoli jatra.
The Nagar-Koția or Dum Deota of Sharmallâ was on friendly terms with this deotá, but they quarrelled while dancing at Shamokhar in Rånå Pritavi Singh's time, and so a dispute aroge about the right to hold a meld at Shamokhar. This quarrel lasted for a long time and the parganas of Sheol and Ubdesh (devotees of Dum and Manûn) ceased paying revenue to the State, until the British Government decided that the Daro Jal and Dagrot zamindars should pay Rs. 30 as chershi to Magneshwar deotá every third year, and that no deotá should be allowed to hold any meld at Shamokhar. This deotd is not duda dhari, and goats are sacrificed to him.
33. The Deota Melan or Chatar Mukh in Kotga, h. This deota is believed to be one of the most powerful gods in these hills. He is the family god of the Kot Khai and Khaneti chiefs and also of the Thâkur of Karangla. More than 3,000 years ago, when there were no

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Rajas or Rands in the country (except perhaps Bån sur in Bashahr) the people obeyed the deotds as spiritual lords of the land, while mdwannds held parts of the country. The deota Kand was supreme in Kotgarh and Khaneti Shadoch country. As he had only one eye, he was called kand. He delighted in human sacrifice, and every month on the Shankrånt day a man or woman was sacrificed to him as a bali. Each family supplied victims by turn.
Legend says that there was a woman who had five daughters, four of whom had in turn been devoured by Kana Deo and the turn of the fifth was fixed for the Shankrant day. A oontemporary god, called Khachli Nag, had his abode in a forest called Jarol, near a pond in Khaneti below Sidhpur (on the road to Kotgarh). The poor woman went to him, complaining that the deota Kana had devoured hundreds of human beings and that her four daughters had already been eaten and the same fate for the fifth was fixed for the Shankranti. She implored the Nag to save her daughter, and he having compassion on her, said that when Kåna deo's men came to take the girl for the bali, she should look towards the Nâg and think of him.
The woman returned home, and when on the day fixed Känå deo's men came for the girl, she did as she had been told. At the same instant a black cloud appeared over the Jarol forest, and spread over the village of Melan and the temple of Kanà deo, with lightning and thunder. Thero was a heavy downpour of rain, the wind howled, and a storm of iron hail and lightning destroyed the temple and the village. Both the temple of Kand and the village of Melan were swept away, but their remains are still to be seen on the spot. They say that large stones joined together by iron nails are found where the temple stood. Images of Various shapes are also found in the nála.
Now, there was no other deotd in this part of the country, and the people began to wonder how they could live without the help of a god. The custom was that they could hold no fair without a god riding in his rath, so they took counsel together and decided that the Deota Någ of Kachli should be the one god of the country. They chose his abode in the forest and begged him to accept them as his subjects, promising that they would carry him to Melan, build him a new temple, and love him as their lord, and that on meld days he should ride in a rath and be carried from place to place and be worshipped as he might please. But the Deota Nag was a pious spirit, his ascetic habits would not permit of pomp and pageantry, so he declined to offer himself as a god of the country, but told the people that he was a hermit and loved solitude, and that if the people were in real earnest in wishing for a god, they should seek one at Khasan (a village in pargana Baghi-Mastgarh, now in Bashahar) where there were three brothers, deotds in a single temple. He advised them to go to Khasan and beg these deotas to agree to be their lords, and promised that he would help them with his influence.
The Kharan Deotâs came in their raths for a meld at Dudh bali (in pargand Jao, now in Kumharsain) and there the Sadoch people proceeded to obtain a deotá as king over their country. While the three Khasan brothers were dancing in their raths, the people prayed in their hearts that whichever of them chose to be their god, might make his rath as light as a flower, while the other raths might become too heavy to turn. They vowed in their hearts that the one who accepted their offer should be treated like a king, that his garments should be of silk, his musical instruments of silver, that no sheep or she-goats should be given him, but only he-goats, and that his dominion should be far and wide from Bhaird near the Sutlej to Kupar above Jubbal (the custom still is that no sheep or she-goat fs sacri. fioed before Chatarmukh deotd and no cotton cloth is used). Their prayer was accepted by the second brother, who was called Chatar-mukh (four-faced). The name of the eldest brother is Jeshar and of the youngest Ishar. When Chatar-mukh caused his rath to be sa light as a lotus flower, eighteen mon volunteered to carry it away from the mell, and dancing bore it home on their shoulders.

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The Kharan and Jão people, finding that Chatar-mukh was stolen from them by the Shadoch people, pursued them shooting arrows and brandishing dangrås. The brave eighteen halted at a maidan behind Jao village, where there was a free fight,,in which Kachli Nag mysteriously helped them, and Chatar-mukh by his miraculous power turned the pursuers' a row against their own breasts and their dangrás flew at their own heads, until hundreds of headless trunks lay on the maidan, while not one of the Shadochâs was killed. The Shadoch people then carried the rath in triumph to Shathla village (in Kotgarh), in the first instance, choosing a place in the middle of the country, so that the god might not be carried off by force by the Kharan and Jão people. Thence the deotd was taken to Sakundi village (in Kotgarh), but the deotd did not like to live there and desired the people to build him a temple at Melan, nearly a furlong from the destroyed temple of the deotá Kânâ Deo to the Kotgarh side. This was done gladly by the people and Chatar-mukh began to reside here.
The people say that nearly 150 years ago Chatar-mukh went to Kidâr Nath on a játrá (pilgrimage), and when returning home he visited Mahâsu Deotâ at Nol, a village in Kiran in Sirmûr (Kiran is now British territory, probably in Dehra Dân District) as his invited guest. But one of Mahâsu's attendant deotás troubled Chatar-mukh in the temple at Nol and frightened his men so that they could not sleep the whole night. This displeased Chatarmukh, and he left the temple at daybreak much annoyed at his treatment. He had scarcely gone a few steps, when he saw a man ploughing in a field, and by a miracle made him turn towards the temple and ascend it with his plough and bullocks.
Deota Mahasû asked Chatar-mukh why he manifested such a miracle, and Chatar-mukh answered that it was a return for his last night's treatment; that he, as a guest, had halted at the temple for rest at night, but he and his lashkar had not been able to close their eyes in sleep the whole night. Chatar-mukh threatened that by his power the man, plough and bullocks should stick for ever to the walls of the temple. Mahasû was dismayed and fell on his knees to beg for pardon.
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Chatar-mukh demanded the surrender of Mahasû's devil attendant, and he was compelled to hand him over. This devil's name is Shirpål.11 He was brought as a captive by Chatar-mukh to Melan, and after a time, when he had assured his master that he would behave well, he was forgiven and made Chatar-mukh's wazir, as he still is, at Melan. Shirpâl ministers in the temple and all religious disputes are decided by him; e.g., if anyone is outcasted or any other chud case arises, his decision is accepted and men are re-admitted into caste as he decrees (by oracle).
Some other minor deotás also are subordinates to Chatar-mukh, the chief among them being-(1) Benû, (2) Janerû, (3) Khorû, (4) Merelû and (5) Basârâ. These deos are commonly called his bhoys (servants). The people cannot tell us anything about their origin, but they are generally believed to be rakshas, who oppressed the people in this country until Chatar-mukh subdued them and made them his servants. These bhor deos are his attendants and serve as chaukiddrs at the temple gate.
Benu is said to have come from Bena in Kulla. He was at first a devil. When it is believed that any ghost has appeared in a house or has taken possession of any thing or man, Deo Benu turns him out. Janeru came from Paljára in Bashahar. He, too, is said to be a devil, but Chatar-mukh reformed him. His function is to protect women in pregnancy and childbirth, also cows, etc. For this service he is given a loaf after a birth. Khorû appeared from Khorû Kiår in Kumharsain. He was originally a devil, and when Raja Mahî Prakash of Sirmûr held his court at Khora and all the hill chiefs attended it, the devil oppressed the people until Chatar-mukh made him captive and appointed him his chaukiddr at Melan temple. Merelû came out of a marghat (crematorium). He, too, is looked upon as a jamdat or rakshas. He had frightened the people at Sainja in Kotgarh, but was captured and made a chaukidår at Melan.
11 Shir means 'stairs, and pal means watch; hence Shirpal means 'a servant at the gate."

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Basârâ Deo is said to have come from Bashahr State, and some say that he was a subordinate deo of Basarů Deota at Gaora and troubled his master, 8o Basarû handed him over to Chatar-mukh; but others say that Powâri, wazir of Bashahar, invoked Chatar-mukh's aid, as he was distressed by the devil Basårå, and Shirpal, Chatar-mukh's wazir, shut Basara up in a tokni. Thus shut up, he was carried to Melan and there released and appointed & chaukidar. The utensil is still kept at Melan. This deo helps Benu Deo in turning out ghosts (bhut, pret, or charel). Basarû Deo was given Mangshû and Shawat villages where only Kolis worship him.
The people of Kirti village in Kotgarh worship Marechh deota. Less than hundred years ago Chatar-mukh deotd came to dance in a kirti jubar, and Marechh deota opposed him. Chatar-mukh prevailed and was about to kill him, when Tirû, a Brahman of Kirti village, cut off his own arm and sprinkled the blood upon Chatar-mukh, who retired to avoid the sin of Brahm-hatya (murder of a Brahman). Chatar-mukh, feeling himself polluted by a Brahman's blood, gave Marechh deota the villages of Bhanâna, Kirti and Shawat, and then went to bathe at Kedar Nath to get purified.
Every twelfth year Chatar-mukh 'tours in his dominion, and every descendant of the eighteen men who brought him from Dudh bali accompanies him. They are called the Nine Kuio and Nine Kashi. Kuin means original people of respectable families, and Kashi means those who wore. The Nine Kuin took with them nine men, who swore to help them to carry Chatar-mukh from Dudhbali. When the deotá returns from his tour, these eighteen families are each given a vidaigi gift of a pagri, and all the people respect them.
An annual meld is held at Dudh bali, to which Chatar-mukh goes to meet his two Kharan brothers. A big Diwali melá is also held at Melan every third year. Every year Chatar-mukh goes to the Dhada meld in Kotgarh, and in Sâwan he goes on tour in Kheneti State (Shadoch pargana).
The old pujaris of Kânå deota were killed by lightning or drowned with the deotd, and when Chatar-mukh settled at Melan, the Kharan pujárís also settled there, and they worship him daily morning and evening.
His favourite jätra is to Kedâr Náth, and this he performs every 50 or 60 years. He does not approve of the bhunda sacrifice, though his brothers in Kharan hold every twelfth year a bhända, at which a man is run down a long rope, off which he sometimes falls and is killed. Chatar-mukh goes to see the bhündå at Kharan, but does not allow one at Melan. There is a balti fair at Melan every third year. The deotd's image is of brass and silver. When he Teturns from Kidâr Nath, a diapan jag melá is held.
People believe that Chatar-mukh is away from his temple in Magh every year for 15 days, and that he goes to bathe at Kedar Nath with his attendants. They say that the spirits fly to Kedar Nath, and all work is stopped during these days. His bhandar (store house) is also closed, and his deva or gur, through whom he speaks, does not appear in public or perform hingarna. The people believe that Chatar-mukh returns on the 15th of Magh, and then his temple is opened amid rejoicings.
Some say that there is a place in Bashahar, called Bhandi Bil, where the hill rakshasas and devils assemble every year early in Magh, and Chatar-mukh with other deotds of the hills goes to fight them, and returns after fifteen days. The people say that Chatar-mukh has eighteen treasuries hid somewhere in caves in forests, but only three of them are known. The treasures were removed from the temples, when the Gurkhås invaded the country. One contains utensils, another musical instruments, and the third gold and silver images of which it was once robbed. The remaining fifteen are said to be in caves under ground.
The deota holds large jagers from the Bashahar, Kumhårsain, Kot Khai and Khaneti ohiefs.

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His chief kardars are the gur, bhandart, khazanchi and darogha of accounts. Four of them are from Kotgarh, and two from Khaneti. All business is transacted by a panchayat.
The deotà also holds a jagir from Government worth Rs. 80. Kumhargain has given him a jdgir of Rs. 11 and Khaneti one of Rs. 22. The three Kharan brothers once held certain parganas in jagir, pargana Raik belonging to Jeshar, pargana Jao to Chatar-mukh, and pargana Samat to Ishwar, but they have been resumed. Nearly 150 years ago the Melan temple was accidentally burnt, and when a Sirmûr Râni of Bashahar, who was touring in her jagîr, came to Melan, the deotá asked her to build him a new temple. She asked him to vouchsafe her a miracle, and it is said that his rath moved itself to her tent without human aid, so she then built the present temple at Melan, some 30 years before the Gurkha invasion. The devotees of other DeotAs jest at Chatar-mukh's powers.
Till nearly seven generations ago the Rånås of Kot Khas lived there and then transferred their residence to Kotgarh. When at Kotgarh, the tikkd of one of the Raņas fell seriously ill and the people prayed Chatar-mukh to restore him. Chatar-mukh declared he would do so, but even as her gur was saying that the tikkd would soon recover, news of his death was announced. Thereupon one Jhingri killed the gur with his dangra, but the Rånd was displeased with him, and the family of the murderer is still refused admission to the palace. Some say that the blow of the dangra was not fatal and that the gur was carried by a Koli of Batari to Khaneti where he recovered.
Chatar-mukh has given the Khanetî men the privilege of carrying him in front, when riding in his rath, while the Kotgarh men hold it behind. Another mark of honour is that when Chatar-mukh sits, his face is always placed towards Khaneti. He is placed in the same position at his temple.
Chatar-mukh does not like ghosts to enter his dominion, and when any complaint is made of such an entry, he himself with his bhors visits the place and captures the ghost. If the ghost enters any article, such as an utensil, etc., it is confiscated and brought to his temple.
Chatar-mukh is a disciple of Khachli Nag, who has the dignity of his gurú or spiritual master. Kepû deotd at Kepů in Kotgah is a mahadeo and Chatar-mukh considers him as his second guru. Dům deota at Pamlai in Kotgarh, a derivative of Dam of Gathan in Keonthal, is considered subordinate to Chatar-mukh and has a separate temple at a distance. Marechh Deota of Kirti and Mahadeo of Kepû can accept a cloth spread over the dead, but Chatarmukh and Dam cannot do so.
What became of Kana deotá after the deluge at Melan cannot be ascertained, but a story believed by some is that he took shelter in a small cistern in Sawari Khad. A woman long after a deluge tried to measure the depth of the cistern with a stick and Kan& deo's image stuck to it, so she carried it to her house and when his presence was known, Chatur-mukh shut him up in a house at Batari village. Some say that the woman kept the image of Kana in a box, and when she opened it, she was surprised by the snakes and wasps that came out of it. The box was then buried for ever.
34. The Deota Baneshwar of Pujarli.-Pujârli is & village in Ubdesh pargana of Kumharsain, and its deotd is said to be very ancient. Some say that in the early times of the mduannds there were three mawis to the south of Baghi, viz., Kero, Gahleo and Nali. The Kero mawis' fort lay in the modern Khaneti, and the Gahleo mawis' in Kot Khai, while the Nali mawis had theirs at Mel, now in Kumhårsain, under H&tâ and close to B&ghi. The mdwig1s of Gahleo brought this deotd from BAIA Hat in Garhwal and built him a temple at Ghela, a village in Kot Khal, as he was the family deotd of all three mdwis. But they were
13 The mawls were so wealthy that one used to spread out his barley to dry on a carpet, another could cover & carpet with ooins, and a third had a gold chain hung from his house to the temple. Two of the mdwis appear to bave been named Nalo and Gablo.

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all killed by Sirmûr and their houses burnt, so the Gahleo mawis (i.e., those of them who escaped) concealed the deotd in a cave in the cliffs above Gheld. Thence his voice would be heard, with the sound of bells and the scent of dhøp, so a Brahman of Pujarli18 went to the Jave and brought the deotd to a temple at Pujarli. He is regarded as their family deota by the people of Pajarli, Nagan, Karali and Banal. As he is dudhadhdri, goats are not sacrificed to him. When the spirit of the deord enters (chirna) his gur, the deotd says through him : Nalwa, Gahlrodna ap chhdye, na an chhara, 'Nahlo and Gahlo ! You spared neither yourselves nor me!'-because the mawis had involved him in their own ruin.
35. The Deotd Garon of Panjaul.-Dum Deotå lived in a temple at Panjaul, a village in pargana Chajoli of Kumhårsain, and a pujare of DasAna in Ghond State used to come every day to worship him at Panjaul. One day when crossing the Giri, he saw five pitchers floating down the river and succeeded in catching one of them. This he brought to Panjaul, concealing it in the grass and taking it back with him to his home. He forbade his wife to touch it, but she disobeyed him, and when she opened it, Wasps flew out and stung her. Her cries brought the pujari home from his fields, and seeing her plight he threw cow's urine and milk over her and the pitcher. She and the Wasps then disappeared, but in the pitcher the pujdri found an image which he carried to Panjaul, and then placed it in the temple beside Dům deota. This deotd is called Garon, because it was found in the Giri, and it is daily offered cow's urine and milk. It is worshipped also by the people of Panjaul. But its chief temple is at Deothi in Ghond, half the people of which State worship it, while the other half affect Shri-gul.
36. The Deola Kot at Kalmun in Chebishi.--Not more than 50 years ago Kot deotd of Kot in Kulla came to Kalmun in Chebishi pargana with Gush&on, a Koli, who lived in that village. One Talka, julahd of Kot, in Kulla, was a great friend of Gushảon, but after a time they quarrelled, and Talků, whose family god was Kot deotd, invoked him to distress Gushdon. This deotd is said to be one who will distress anyone who calls upon him to trouble another. GushAon then went to Kalmûn and with him brought Kot deotd, but he fell sick and the Brahmana said that it was Kot who was troubling him. Kot deotd then said that if Gushdon would build a deorf (platform) for him, he would cure him ; otherwise he would kill him. So Gushảon was compelled to build a deors, and then he recovered.
When Kot is displeased with anyone, he demands a fine of eighteen tolds of gold, though subsequently he may accept as little as two annas. He is said to be so powerful that. when he was distressing Gush&on, and Malendæ dcotd was asked for aid, the latter sent his bhor Jhaták to drive Kot away from Kalmûn, but Kot would not go. They fought, but Kot could not be subdued. Since then, whenever Malendů appears as a spirit in anyone, kot at once appears in a Koli-before him, and so Malendû can do nothing against him. Kot has no bhor and no jdgir.
37. Matla Deo of Shelota.-This deotd's temple is at Shelota in pargana Chebishi of Kumhårsain. Matld came out of matte (clay) and hence he is called Matla. Before RADA Kirti Singh founded the State, & mdwannd used to live at Shelota, and one day while his little Bons were playing in a field called Sati Begain, an image sprung from the earth, and they began to play with it. They placed it on the edge of the field, presented khalja (gum of the chir pine-tree) to it as dhüp, and waved a branoh of the tree over it, but Matlå deotd was displeased at this and killed them on the spot. Their parenta searched for them, when they had not
13 His family was called Molta, and only one house of it still survives. The present Brahmans of PajAlt hail from Tikargach in Bashaher. The Pajârâs of Pujárli appear to be called Kacher is (by of or family), and they founded Kacherl, a village near Kumh Arsain.

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returned late in the evening, and found them dead in the field. Seeing that there was an image close by, they took it up, thinking it must have killed the boys. The image was then taken to the village, and Brahmans began to praise it and ask the deota the reason of his displeasure. Through a Brahman in & trance the spirit said that his name was Matld, and that if a temple were built for him in the village and his worship regularly performed, he would make the boys alive again. This was promised him, and the boys rose up saying " Rama, Rama."
The Kanets and Kolis of Shelota alone worship him. He holds a small jagir worth Rs. 7-4-6 a year from the State. His bhors are Banka and Bansherå. Bank& deo was originally a ghost in the forest, but was subdued by MAtld and made his servant like Bansherd. Bank& also lives at Shelag village. Måtld is given goats in sacrifice, but only ewes are given to Banshera. Banshere's spirit does not come to a Kanet, but speaks through a Koli.
38. Deota Heon of Pall.- At Pali, a village in pargana Chagdon, is a temple where Heon deotâ resides. He is affected by the Pali people, but his chief temple is at Heon in pargana, Rajana in Keonthal. He is worshipped not daily, but every fourth day, by a Brahman. Goats are sacrificed to him.
39. Deota Kharan of Sainja.- At Khoşû, near the junction of the ChagAonti Khad, with the Giri in Kumhårsain, is an extensive area of kidr (rich cultivated land), and here Raja Mahf ParkAsh of Sirm ûr14 held his Court, after he had married a daughter of the then Rand of Keonthal. This darbar was attended by all the hill Ranâs and Th&kurs, except the Raņa of Jubbal who refused to attend, so the Raja of Sirmûr sent a force under the Rand of Kumhêrsain against Jubbal, whose Rånå was taken captive and sent to Nahan, where, it is said, he died in prison.
Close to this kidr lies Sainja, a village in which Khasan deotd has a small temple. Some say that Raja Mohendra Prakash of Sirmur left the idol there, but others say that it was sent there by a Rand of Kumharsain, in order to ensure good crops to the kidr belonging to the State. It is also said that the image was sent from Kotishwar's temple at Koti. Khasan is a deota of agriculture and is worshipped by the Sainja Brahmans morning and evening. Goats are sacrificed to him.
40. Bhat of Karel.-There is no note on the legend of this deota.
41. Lonkra of Jdo.--At Jao stands & small temple with a wooden Lonkra on guard at its gate. This Lonkra is a servant of Karan deotd of Bashahar.
NOTES AND QUERIES. COPPER-PLATES.
Plate dated 8. 1481 (A.D. 1659); Grant by Solve Can anybody tell me where the Copper-Plates
Krishna. mentioned below can be seen ?
1 Plate found at Gokak (once in possesion of 1 Plate found near Bhandup about 1835.
Narayan Bhat.) 1 Plate found by Dr. Bird in 1839, dated 245.
1 Morvi plate, (lated S. 585. 1 Plate found in 1881 (which records & grant! Plate (once belonging to Virupaksh Dev of by Aparajita Silahara in 997).
Narayan Shankar Temple). I Plate found in Surat in 1881 A.D.
1 Plato (once belonging to Shiralo Shambhaling). 1 Plate found in Shimoga, with Mr. Rice's
3 Plates found at Dharwar, dated Inscription.
450-563,
"Kadambas" period. 1 Plate found in the Dhareshwar Temple in 1499. 1 Plate found at Gokarn, dated S. 1460-1527 A.D.
1 7 Plates, found at Halsi, “Kadambas" Period; . Plato dated 1500 (grant in the reign of Deva and some Copper Plates, dated 714. Raya Wodearu Trilochis).
B. F. GHARDA. 14. The Raja of Sirmûr reigned 1654-64 A.D. and carried his arms as far as Sialkbar, DOW in Bashahr, near the Tibetan border.

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WADDELL ON PHENICIAN ORIGINS
WADDELL ON PHENICIAN ORIGINS. BY SIR RICHARD C. TEMPLE, BT.
(Continued from page 125.) 3. Phonioian Inscription in Britain.
The Newton Stone. The engvir...commences with the examination of this Newton Stone, which is the foundation of the whole argument. "The monument stands at Newton House in the upper valley of the Don in Aberdeenshire," and its existence las boen known to the world of scholars only since 1803. It has since that date been removed from a former site about a mile distant from its present one, and now stands near Mt. Bennachie, "within the angle of the old Moorland meadow (now part of the richly cultivated Garrioch vale of the old Pict-land) between the Shevack stream and the Gadie rivulet, which latter formerly, before the socumulation of silt, may have joined hereabouts with the Shevack and Urie tributaries of the Don." The monument actually stands close to the left bank of the Urie. The name Gadie leads Waddell to make one of his excursions into etymology, for he connects this river name of the Pict country with the Phoenician Gad, which was the usual spelling of "their tribal name of Khatti or Catti " and he says that "they were in the habit not infrequently of calling the rivers in their settlement Gad-i or Gad-es or Kad-esh." The name of the river Don, one knows from other sources, is spread in one form or another over Europe from Russis to the British Isles and is very ancient. The Newton Stone is not an isolated specimen, as Stuart has shown in his survey that 36 others are situated in the Don Valley.
The Newton Stone bears inscriptions in two different kinds of script." The main inscription has a swastika in the centre, i.e., half of it is inscribed before and half after it, and it is in a script which has often been attempted, but never read before Waddell tried his hand at it. The other inscription is "in the old Ogam linear characters. The scholars, who formerly attempted to decipher the main inscription assumed that it was either Pictish or Celtic, though Stuart suggested that it might be in an Eastern Alphabet. Then Waddell came on the scene and read it, right to left, as Aryan (not Semitio) Pbænician. He found it to be "true Phoenician and its language Aryan Phænician of the early Briton or early Gothic type.” He further recognised that various ancient scripts found at or near the old settlements of the Phænicians" were "all really local variations of the standard Aryan Hitto Sumerian writing of ancient Phoenician mariners, those ancient pioneers spreaders of the Hittite civilisation along the shores of the Mediterranean and out beyond the Pillars of Hercules to the British Isles." Armed with this knowledge he made "an eye-copy" of the Inscriptions. "In his decipherment” he "derived special assistance from the Cilician, Cyprian and Iberian scripts, and the Indian Pali of the third and fourth centuries B.O., and Gothic runes, which were closely allied in several respects. Canon Taylor's and Prof. Petrie's classic works on the Alphabet also proved helpful."
In view of the fact that Waddell's theory is built on this "uniquely important oentral inscription " I give here his "eye-copy of it." I MPTION ON THE NEWTOX STOR.
کررکر
Turrrrnyro 1ολουοτιο 214EVIS.1
finnut
lowonurl?

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These characters Waddell transcribes as follows, the Roman vowels being treated as inherent in the preceding letter:
KaZZi Ka KAST S(i)LUYRi GYAOLONONIE BIL POENIG I Kar SSSI
LOKOYr PrWTR:
These words Waddell translates, word for word, thus:
(This Cross the) Kazzi of Kast (of the) Siluyr-.
the Khilani (or Hittite palace-dweller)
"
to Bil (this) cross, the Phoenician Ikhar (the) Ci
lician, the Brit, raised (rishti).
On the Newton Stone is also inscribed an Ogam inscription, which has proved hitherto unreadable, because, for want of room, the strokes have been cut too close together, and therefore the spaces between the letters essential for reading are mostly absent. But with the light thrown by the above reading of the lettered inscription, Waddell makes the Ogam to read as follows:
+ICAR QASS (or QaSB(i)L) Kh'A S(i)LWOR GIOLN B(i)L IKhaR SIOLLAGGA R(ishti)
And he translates as follows:
(This Cross) Icar Qass of (the) Silur (the) Khilani (to) Bil Ikhar (of) Cilicia raised.
And finally he writes:-" then this bilingual inscription records that: this Sun-cross (Swastika) was raised to Bil (or Bel, the God of Sun-fire) by the Kassi (or Cass-bel [an]) of Kast of the Siluyr (sub-clan) of the Khilani (or Hittite Palace dwellers), the Phoenician (named) Ikar of Cilicia, the Prwt (or Prat3 that is, Barat or Brihat or Brit-on) raised."
Here then we have the fundamental facts that Waddell claims to have discovered for his theory, which clearly rest on his reading of the Newton Stone. It is the importance of this consideration for the present purpose that has induced me to examine his book so closely here. The first point of criticism is what brought Phoenicians into Scotland? Waddell's answer is that they were all over the British Isles and kindred regions, and not only in the South of England and Cornwall after tin. It will also be observed that we are obliged to take his reading on trust, because we are not given the actual analogies of the script with Phoenician scripts on which his reading rests.
Having thus read the inscriptions Waddell proceeds to find the date thereof, which "is fixed with relative certainty at about B.C. 400 by palæographical evidence," which of course is not available to us. "The author of the inscription," says Waddell, "Prat-Gioln, was the sea-king Part-olon, king of the Scots, of the early British Chronicles, who in voyaging off the Orkney Islands about B.C. 400, met his kinsman Gurgiunt, the then king of Britain whose uncle Brennus was. the traditional Briton original of the historical Brennus f, who led the Gauls in the sack of Rome in B.C. 390."
Because, as Waddell remarks, the letter w in the last line of the main text may also be read a.

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The rareness of exactly similar cursive Aryan Phoenician writing is due, Waddell thinks, to the fact that "as Herodotus tells us, the usual Medium for writing in ancient Asia Minor was by pen and ink on parchmente," and these parchments have perished. Lastly "the language of this Aryan Phoenician inscription is essentially Aryan in its roots, structure and syntax, with Sumerian and Gothic affinities" but this statement is not accompanied, so far as I can judge, by proof.
As regards the Ogam inscription Waddell writes -"the Ogam version is clearly contemporary with, and by the same author, as, the central Phoenician inscription, as it is now disclosed to be a contracted version of the latter. This discovery thus puts back the date of the Ogam script far beyond the period bitherto supposed by modern writers." Then he connects it with Sumerian and Hittite scripts, devoted to the Sun-cult, and containing Suncross, "and the title Ogam he connects with the script of the Sun-worshippers. He passes on “to examine the rich crop of important historical, personal, ethnic and geographical names and titles preserved in the Brito-Phoenician inscription of about B.c. 400."
3. The Royal Titles on the Newton Stone. In exainining these inscriptions Waddell goes largely into etymology and into philological comparisons. His results" disclose.... not only the Phænician origin of the British race properly so called and their civilisation, but also the Phoenician origin of the names Brit-on, Brit-ain and Brit-ish, and of the tutelary name Britannia. Details, alas !, are in the Aruan Origin of the Phænicians, not here. Waddell connects these titles with "the Eastern branch of the Barata" in the Maha-Bharata, after the Vedic custom of naming an Aryan clan after its for bear's name, and then he says :-"King Barat . . . . was the most famous fore-father of the founder of the first Phoenician Dynasty, which event" Waddell finds "by new evidence occurred about B.c. 3000." Going on, he says :-“whilst calling himself Phoenician and giving his personal name, the author of the Newton Stone inscription also calls himself" Briton, Scot, Hittite, Silurian and Cilician" by early forms of these names." He then proceeds to identify these titles.
Phoenician. The inscription has "the spelling Poenig4, which Waddell identifies with Greek, Phoinik.es; Latin, Phenic-es; Egyptian, Panag, Parasa, Fenkha; Hebrew, Panagi Sanskrit, Panch-ala; English, Punic, Phænician. And then he says "Poenig or Phænician possibly survives in the neighbouring mountain Bennachie, on which there may have been a Sun-altar to the Phoenix, Sun-bird emblem of Bil or Bel.” And then "in this regard," says Waddell, “the name of Bleezes for the old inn at the foot of Mt Bennach ie (now a farm house is suggestive of former Bel Fire-worship there." Bjeezes he identifies with Blaze, biayse or Blaise, "the name of a canonical saint introduced into the early Christian Church in the fourth century from Cappadocia, like St. George, the traditional place of whose massacre is at the old Hittite city of Savast.”. Blaise was the patron saint of Candlemas Day (2nd Feb.), so Bleezes "may preserve the tradition of an ancient Phoenician altar blazing with perpetual fire offering to Bel."
Cilician. This name is spelt in the main Newton Stone inscription as Sesilokoy and in the Ogan as Siollaggâ, and according to Waddell, equals Greek, Kilikia , Latin, Cilicia : Babylonian, Xilakku, Xilakki. Its seaport was Tarsus (Hebrew, Tarshish), whose actual harbour was Parthenia," or Land of the Partho ... a dialectic variation of the Phoenician epony Barat, in series with the Prât on the Newton monument.6. Tarsus was a special centre
It will be observed, however, that Waddell's actual reading is Penig If the acrent should be on the second syllable, it will seriously affect the identifcation with Phoenix, Phoenician
This name is read by Waddell a Prwt or Prat; the actual lottors inscribed being said to be PWT or PÅT.

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of Bel-worship .... under the special protection of the maritine tutelary goddess Barati .... the Phoenician prototype of our modern British tutelary Britannia."
The Cilicians are identified with the Phoenicians thus: "Phoenix and King Cadmus the Phnician are called the sons of Agenor, the first traditional king of the Phoenicians, and their brother was Kilix." Then says Waddell, “the ancient Phænician colonists from Cilicia proudly recorded their ancestry.... were in the habit of not returning to their native land [Ikar of Cilicia and of the inscription must have found Scotland a change from Palestine) .... and transplanted their homeland name of Cilicia to their new colonies."
E.g., near Bognor on the South coast of England lies "Sels-ey or the Island of the Sels .... where a hoard of pre-Roman coins of ancient Briton were found." Ey is a wellknown British term for island' in place names and Waddell remarks, by the way, that "significantly the Phoenician word for 'island' or 'sea-shore' was ay." But his point here is that these coins bore “solar symbols . . . . hitherto undociphered," though Evans thought them "something like Hebrew characters." Going on the Newton Stone Waddell reads these characters as SiL," which seems to be a contraction for the fuller Sssilokoy or Cilicia."
Not far off Selsey, on the ancient high-road, lies Sil-chester, “the preRoman capital of the Segonti clan of the Britons, said to have been also called Briten-den or Fort of the Britons" and is very Phoenician." This discovery of the ancient Phænician origin of the name Sels-ey, or Island
of the Sels or Cilicians," suggests a similar origin for “Sles-wick or ANCIENT BRITISH Abode of the Sles, for the Angles in Denmark," while "the Silik form COIN FROM of Cilicia . . . . seems also to be probably, the source of the Selg-ove
SELSEY. tribal title which was applied by the Romans to the people of Galloway coast of the Solway (Scotland)." This last" seems to have been the same warlike tribe elsewhere called by the Romans Atte-Catti .... =Catti or Atti or Hitt-ite."
Kast or Kwast. « This title is geographical and refers the founder of the Newton Stone inscription to Kasta-bala (Budrum)," the ancient capital of Cilicia about B.C. 400. It had a great shrine to Perathea (Diana), who "was Britannia." The country on the same river, the Pyrainus, was the Græco-Roman Kata-onia, Cata-onia, “the Land of Kat or Cat=Cattithe ancient Britons, and a title of the Phoenician Barat rulers."
The identification of Kast with Kasta-bala"givos us the clue to the Cilician sources of the Sun-cult imported into North Britain by the Phoenician Barat princes" of the inscription, from the bas-reliefs of Antiochus I of Commagene already mentioned. These refer to the old Sumerian ceremony of coronation, which " seems to be referred to in a Vedic hymn to the Sun-god Mitra - When will ye [Mitra) take us by both hands, as a dear sire his son ?'” And even more significantly in the Volu-Spa Edda" of the Goths in ancient Britain.
Kazzi or Qa88. "This title is clearly and unequivocally a variant dialectic spelling of Kati, an alternative clan title of the Phoenician Khatti Barats," deriving from "Kas or Kās, the name of the famous grandson of King Barat." It appears in the Vedic kings of the First Panch(-āla) Dynasty and in "the Epic king-lists" with the " capital at Kūbi, the modern Benares, bordering on the Panch(-āla) province of ancient India."
Kaski or Cassi is the title of the First Phoenician Dynasty, about B.C. 3000, of the Babylonian Dynasty, admittedly " Aryan" in B.O. 1800-1200 in Phoenician Inscriptions in Egypt. It is "now disclosed as the Phoenician source of the Cassi title borne by the Briton Catti kings...down to Caseivellaunus, who minted the Cas coins."

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Waddell then goes on:-The early Aryan Kasi are referred to in Vedic literature as officers of the Sacred Fire and the special protégés of Indra. And in Babylonia the Kassi were ardent Sun-worshippers with its Fire-offering, and were devotees of the Sun-cross. . . . in various forms of St. George's Cross, the Maltese Cross, etc." Waddell here gives a figure showing "the pious Aryan Cassis of Babylonia about B.c. 1350 ploughing and sowing under the sign of the Cross," which "explains for the first time the hitherto unaccountable fact of the prehistoric existence of the Cross." It further explains "the Cassi title used by the preRoman Briton kings,-a title in series with Ecossais for Scots, as well as the Kazzi or Qass" of the inscription. Assyriologists, however, apparently do not agree to this.
Icar.
This title, as Ikhar, Ixar and Icar is a personal name of Kassi royalties, and occurs under many forms, including Agar, in Hittite. Its meaning "may possibly be found in "Akharri or Axarri or Western Land," i.e., "Phoenicia and the Land of the Amorites."
Siluyri or Silwor.
These names suggest the ethnic name of Silures, applied by Roman writers to the people of South Wales bordering on the Severn," but that people were non-Aryans, and also "it may possibly designate a Silurus district in Spain," whence the author of the inscription is "traditionally reported to have come... immediately on his way to Britain."
Having thus seen how Waddell's works on his investigation and its results, we can next examine the further titles of Prat or Prwt and Gyaolownie or Gioln.
Prat or Prut.
Waddell commences here with a quotation from the Maha-Bharata :-" and king Bharat gave his name to the Dynastic Race of which he was the founder; and so it is from him that the fame of that dynastic people hath spread so wide." Also from the Rig-Veda :"like a father's name men love to call their names." The Phoenician Prat or Prwt, he says, has been shown to be identical with the Sanskrit Bharat or Brihat, and is now "disclosed as the source of our modern titles Brit-on, Brit-ain and Brit-ish. Bharat, he says, is also spelt Pritu, Prithu, Brihat and Brihad, which last "equates with Cymric Welsh Pryd-ain for Brit-on," and he gives a number of variants used by the Cassi Britons from Barata to Piritum. Later Phoenicians used Parat, Prat (the actual spelling being PRT), Prydi and Prudi on tombstones, calling the graves khabr Gothic kubl: while the geographer Pytheas, (4th century B.C.) copied by Ptolemy and other Greeks, used Pret-anikai and Pret-anoi for the Brit-ons. In the 3rd century A.D., the inhabitants of Parth-enia (Tarsus) called themselves Barats, as seen on their coins.
Such is Waddell's philological argument in brief for philologists to judge, and then he adverts, upon the evidence of certain coins, to the origin of the name Britannia.
Britannia.
The first four coins show prototypes of the figure (reversed) of Britannia on the modern British penny and half-penny. No. 1 has an inscription "Koinon Lukao Barateōn, the Commonwealth of the Lycaon Baratas," i.e., the Barats of Lycaonia in Cilicia about Iconium, Konia, which contained "the ancient city of Barata." No. 2 is a coin of Iconium; No. 3 of Hadrian; No. 4 of Antonine. On these Waddell remarks:-"these coins, with others of the same type elsewhere, are of immense historical importance for recovering the lost history of the Britons in Britain and in their early homeland, as they now disclose the hitherto unknown origin of the modern British main tutelary Britannia, and prove her to be of Hitto-Phoenician origin." The criticism here is obvious: it is quite possible that they show nothing more than
Waddell here is adopting a process of his own. First he says that a thing may be so and so, and later argues that is to and so, basing further argument on a supposition taken as a fact

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that successive artists copied old coins without reference to racial history. One would like to have a history of the Britannia coins, showing how the modern forms actually arose, point by point, before drawing such an inference as that above made.
“This benevolent marine and earth tutelary goddess of Good Fortune .... has been surmised by modern numismatists to be the late Greek goddess of Fortune Tychê) the Fortune of the Romans .... about B.c. 490." And then Waddell has a remarkable excursion into Vedic etymology :her proper name is now disclosed by the Vedic hymns of the Eastern branch of the Aryan Barats to have been Bharati, meaning 'belonging to the Bharats. She is also called therein Brihad the divine (Brihad-diva)': and she seems to be identical with Prit-vi or Mother Earth. Her special abode was on the Saras-vati River, which I (Waddell] find was the modern 'Sarus River in Cilicia which entered the sea at Tarsus, the Tarz of its own coins. ... In these Vedic hymns all the attributes of Britannia are accounted for ... She is hailed as the First-made mother in a hymn to her son Napat the Son of the Waters .... (thus disclosing the remote Aryan origin of the name and personality of the old Sea-god, Neptune and his horses and accounting for Neptune's trident in his hand)," and so on at length to much similar purpose. I cannot follow Waddell here. There is no word or name brihad, thet of brihat becoming d when combined with diva hy a well-known grammatical rule in S&nskrit, and neither brihat nor brihad-diva are proper names. If Bhārati is called brihad-divd it merely denotes that she was held to be "heavenly, celestial." There is also, so far as I understand, no Sanskrit term Pritvi meaning the Earth, the terms being Prithivi, Prithvi, Prathivi, Prithvi, which all have the root sense of breadth,' and are not at all the same thing as Pritvi. And why go to Cilicia for the original of Sarasvati ? Unless, of course, we agree with Waddell that the ancient Sanskrit works, the Vedas, the Epics, the Puranas, do not refer to India at all historically. And these are not all the difficulties here.
Waddell, however, goes even further in his etymological exoursions by deriving the name "Fortuna, by which the Romang called this Barat tutelary goddess,"8 from Barati, through her name was apparently really Bharati, or Fort-una, "Una .... derived from the Hitto-Sumerian ana, one. So Fortuna is a title of one of the Barats' (or Fortune)."
He next goes to the records of ancient Egypt and Mesopotamia, both of which lands are now disclosed in these pages to have derived their civilisation from the Aryan Phoenicians," who must thus have been ancient indeed. In ancient Egypt he finds "Bāirthy, goddess of the Water, whose name and functions are thus seen to be precisely those of the Aryan tutelary Bārati (or Britannia). Here he gives an Egyptian figure similar to that on the Britannia coins as “Brit-annia tutelary of the Phoenicians in ancient Egypt as Bāirthya," who is "the Lady Protector of Znpuna" or of the "Sailings of the Panags," i.e., of the Phoenicians. Waddell's own reading of the hieroglyphs is "Zapunaq."
We are next launched into Greek etymology. "Besides being the original of Britannia, the Phoenician tutelary Barati or Brihad the divine, is now seen to be presumably the BritoMartis, tutelary goddess of Crete . . . . civilised by the Phoenicians, who are now disclosed as the authors of the so-called Minoan civilisation there. This goddess, Brito-Martis, wao a Phænician goddess." She was identified with Diana, " like the tutelary goddess Parthanos." Here remarks Waddell : " Parthenos, as a title for Diana or Athene appears to have been ooined by the Greeks from that of Barati. And then he says :-"the British bearing of this identity of Barati and Brito-Martis with Diana is .... that the first king of the
7 Brihat (vrihal) is an adjectival expression in Sanskrit meaning great, wide, lofty, expansive. It is not a proper name. B had-dita, trihad-dita, is also an adjectival expression : ' belonging to the lofty eky, heavenly, oelestial
9 He began, however, by saying that this was only a surmise of modern numiamatists.
Might it not have merely meant that these goddesaes were regarded by the Greeks as virgins ?

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Britons had Diana (who bore also the title of Perathen or Britannia) as his tutelary." BritoMartis is the origin of the provincial expression 'O my eye and Betty Martin ' arising out of "the dog-Latin form in the Romish Church liturgies O Mihi Brito-Martis'." This leads to a delicious observation :-"if the first part of the sentence does not actually preserve an invocation to her under her old title of Mahi, or the great Earth-Mother, the Maia of the Greeks and Romans and the goddess May of the British May-pole spring festival."10
Briton, Britain, British. Here we have some truly wonderful philology. Briton, Britain and British are all " derived from this early Phoenician Barat title," for "the original form of the name Brit-on is now disclosed to have been Bharat-ana or Brihad-ana, as the affix ana is the HittoSumerian for 'one.'” So the English 'one,' the Scottish 'ane,' the Greek and Roman 'an, ene,' Latin una, Greek oin-og, Gothic einn, ains, Swedish en, Sanskrit anu-(an atom) are all of Hitto-Sumerian origin. Similarly Brit-ain, "the Land of the Brit, presumes an original Barat-una (or Brihat-ana)...like Rajput-ana, Gond-wana in India."
The above quotations show sufficiently Waddell's philological method, and we now pass on to the title Gy-aolownie or Gi.oln, which is important as it "discloses the identity of the traditional Part-olon, king of the Scots."
(To be continued.) THE ALL-INDIA ORIENTAL CONFERENCE.
THIRD SESSION (1924), MADRAS. THE All-India Oriental Conference held its third session at the Senate House, Madras, on the 22nd of December and on the two following days. The success of this session of the Conference was largely due to the untiring zeal of Dr. S. Krishnaswami Aiyangar, University Professor of History and Archaeology, who was the Secretary, and the hearty co-operation of & strong and influential Committee, formed in May last to make the necessary arrangements.
At 11.30 A.M., on Monday the 22nd of December the spacious hall of the Senate House was full to overflowing with scholars and several distinguished savants from all parts of India. The company included a few ladies. The proceedings began in true Oriental fashion with Indian music, and Vedic, Tamil and Arabic chants.
The Chairman of the Reception Committee, the Rev. Dr. E.M. Macphail, Vice-Chancellor of the Madras University, welcomed the members on behalf not only of the University, but also of the people of Madras. In his speech he pointed out that it was but proper that one of the earliest meetings of the Conference should be held in Madras, the centre of Dravidian culture, one of the most potent elements in the Hindu culture of to-day. He deplored the untimely death of Sir Ashutosh Mukerjee, who took a very keen interest in the Conference and was to have presided over its deliberations. He referred to the value of such a conference of scholars, engaged in different branches of study. The interchange of thought, the comparison of experience, and the contact of mind with mind have more lasting influences than papers, however learned and scholarly. The most effective influences are the spoken word and personal intercourse. He was gratified to note that the sympathetic study of the past was not unaccompanied in the Indian Renaissance by the study of the languages of the present-day, unlike the 'European Renaissance, which in its enthusiasm for the classics ignored the modern languages. His concluding suggestion was that the whole country should be divided on a linguistic basis, and that each division should work out the details of its own languages and dialects. and he hoped that the Madras Conference might institute a linguistic society of India with this end in view.
In opening the proceedings, His Excellency Viscount Goschen, Governor of Madrag and Chancellor of the University, made a scholarly speech befitting the occasion. His Excelicncy who described himself as “an enthusiastic amateur " in the field of research
1. All no doubt connected with the Mâyd of the Buddhist and the old Sanskrit philosophies !

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which is the object of the Conference, surveyed rapidly all the important contributions to our knowledge of the history of civilisation. His Excellency emphasized the need, in these days of hurry and bustle, " to turn from the present day world, and in imagination to throw our minds back to a world of generations long ago, and to cogitate on ancient writings and ancient inscriptions, ancient architecture and ancient schools of thought" and referred to the connection of India with other countries in the past and to the ample scope offered for research. His Excellency pointed out how the recent excavations of Mohenjo Daro have opened a new vista, and referred to the great names in historical and archeological researche. In conclusion, His Excellency said, "one could roam at length down these fascinating bypaths, each leading on into another and affording glimpses of romantic and historical views which urge one on; but you are all far better acquainted than I am with the journey and I must ask your indulgence for having as an amateur, though may I say, an enthusiastic amateur, attached myself to so distinguished a band of travellers. May the result of your labours be an addition to that sum of knowledge, to which your distinguished predecessors to whom I have alluded to-day so greatly contributed."
Then Sir P. S. Sivaswami Aiyar proposed Mahamahopadhyaya Dr. Ganganath Jha, ViceChancellor of the Allahabad University, to the chair with Shamsu'l-Ulema Dr. Modi seconding. The learned Doctor took the chair amidst applause and delivered his addres and made many practical suggestions. He deplored the fact that Oriental research has not received the attention it deserved in this country and emphasised the need for a central organisation, a little public sympathy, and University patriotism. For the proper interpretation of India's past history, we in India have certain facilities, which foreign Indologists with the best of motives and the greatest sympathy have not. It is not true that Indians, by nature, lack critical faculty, as is sometimes urged. The President alluded to various examples of high critical acumen exhibited by the great Indian thinkers, like Patanjali of old and the modern Vaiyakâranikas and Naiyâyikas. He urged "it is high time that our universities and institutes shook themselves free from the notion that they could not carry on Oriental research."
Turning to the question of Manuscripts he said it was criminal to neglect them any longer. The ancient history of our land, political, religious, and military, has to be reconstructed on more logical lines than hitherto by a judicious use of Manuscripts, many of which are crumbling to pieces and are being lost every day, never to be recovered again. Incalculable good would result to Oriental scholarship, if only the various provincial governments could make up their minds to spend the paltry sum of a lakh of rupees among them. He emphasized not only the need for acquiring Manuscripts by purchase or by transcription, but also the need for their preservation. Mere cataloguing, good in its own way, does not go far. What is true of Sanskrit literature, in this direction, is true of Arabic, Persian and Vernacular literature. The scope for research is unlimited, as the President pointed out. "The exploration of the single site of Pataliputra has shown what treasure may come to light by such exploration, and the sites of most of our ancient capitals have still to be investigated. Has not the mere digging of a site in Sindh provided information, which bids fair to revolutionise all modern conceptions regarding the antiquity of Indian civilization. Then again, meteorology has not even been attempted, and astronomy has been barely touched. Similarly, medicine, and che. mistry have been worked just enough to become inviting subjects of research. In law very little has been done. Dramaturgy and poetics in general have just begun to be studied. In philosophy much has been done. But very much more remains. In Nydya-Vaisesika and in Purva Mimâmsa all that we have done has been pure spade work; in the domain of the Kashmirian Saiva Philosophy, even spade work has not been done on the inter-relations of the several philosophical systems: there are many inviting problems still unsolved. In fact,

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the field is so vast that one feels staggered when one finds the handful of men that there are who could do the work."
Next he took up the question of the publication of manuscripts, and paid a glowing tribute to the Bibliotheca Indica, Trivandrum, Baroda, Kashmir, Vanivilasa and Chaukhamba series for their admirable work. In this connection he referred to the need for greater co-ordination and more advertisement.
In laying stress on the need for research and modern methods of style, the learned President himself, versed in the old learning, did not forget the value of the old type of scholars. "If outsiders," said he, "look upon this country with deep respect, it is by virtue of our Sástris and Maulvis. Let us cherish them in their purity." He denounced the introduction of examinations for Pandits and Maulvis, and pointed out how in this country examinations, instead of being slaves, have arrogated to themselves the position of masters. The passing of examinations has become a parama-purushartha. Under this system, according to which no depth of scholarship is necessary to pass an examination, the scholarship for which the Pandits of Benares were famous has almost disappeared. In the indigenous system a man continued his studies as long as he found any one able to teach him. There was no examination to put an end to one's studies. "No modern scholar can claim to have that knowledge of his subject, which these Pandits had, and that was due to thorough specialization. Pandits sometimes worked at a single sentence of an important text for hours together. He appealed to those in power not to try to modernise the Pandit or the Maulvi. These latter may not possess the wide outlook of the modern scholar, but they more than compensated for that by their depth of learning.
The Mahamahopadhyaya then dwelt at some length on the need for a revision of the canons of research in fixing the dates of men and events in the interpretation of ancient documents and texts, and the need for unbiassed study of our old texts. "From the oldest Bhashyakaras up to our own day, we find that a writer before he takes up a text for study or annotation has made up his mind as to what the text contains; and it is only after this that he begins to study it." This, though pardonable in older writers, who were avowed propagandists like the great Sankaracharya, cannot be tolerated in the present generation of writers, who set themselves up as unbiassed researchers after truth. "The Brahma-sûtras, in fact all the more important philosophical sûtras, have still got to be studied in this spirit." He exhorted those present to develop a passion for veracity.
Lastly, the learned President disillusioned the audience in regard to the impression abroad that this Conference is intended for only antiquated fossils who spend their time in lifeless, dry and dull subjects, which have and should have no interest for the modern Indian. "It is equally our aim to endeavour to promote and encourage higher work in the modern languages of India. The classical languages must inevitably be for the learned few; the people at large can be raised and elevated, and can feel the live influence of literature and learning only through the vernaculars. The history of these (vernacular) literatures has to be written, and the origin and development of these languages have yet to be traced."
His Excellency the Governor and the President of the Conference were then garlanded by Dr. S. Krishnaswami Aiyangar. The Rev. Dr. Macphail proposed a hearty vote of thanks to His Excellency for opening the Conference, and for delivering his scholarly address. The opening session terminated with a group photograph.
The delegates were invited in the afternoon to a Vidwat Parishad at the Sanskrit College, Mylapore. The orthodox recital of texts and disputations in the styles of the Gurukula days of yore were conducted in the Sastras, His Highness the Ex-Raja of Cochin, a Sanskrit scholar of reputation, and a student of Tarka, presiding. The proceedings were conducted entirely
2

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in Sanskrit, which is often supposed mistakenly to be altogether a dead language. This over, the members and delegates were entertained by Mr. Alladi Krishnasami Aiyar, a member of the College Committee.
This you followed by a lantern lecture by Dr. K. N. Sitaraman on Indian Architecture.
The 2nd day. The Reading of Papers.-The number of papers submitted to the Conference was very nearly 200. It was, therefore, resolved to divide the Conference into three sections; Language, Literature and Philosophy going into one section, and History, Geography, and Anthropology into another, while Dravidian and other Languages constituted a third. These were presided over respectively by Dr. Jha, Dr. R. C. Majumdar of Dacca, and Dr. S. Krishnaswami Aiyangar. For the Uruda group of papers Principal Muhammad Shafi of Lahore presided. The first section had as many as 75 papers to deat with, the second about 60, and the third about 35. The cutting of the time allowed for discussion, and the enforcing of the time limit, alone rendered it possible to get through so large a number. The subjects were varied, and the amount of information brought to bear on them was really amazing. On the second day there were two sessions, during which a large number of these papers were read. In the evening, the Andhra Sahitya Parishad were at home to the delegates, and exhibited various manuscripts. There was a distribution of shawls with gold borders to the learned Pandits and Maulvis, specially invited to the Conference. This was closely followed by the Presidency College Sanskrit Association's & performance of the Mricchakatika (the Little Clay Cart). The performance was a splendid exhibition of literary and histrionic talent by the students, and was much appreciated.
3rd day.-On tho third day there was a Literary Session from 8 to 11 A.M.
The business Moeting was held between 1-30 and 2-30 P.M., when the report of the Calcutta Session was presented by the Honorary Secretary and adopted. An All India Committee was appointed to draft a constitution. To this Committee was referred the question of a Journal for the Conference, and other kindred questions. The invitation of the Allahabad University to the Conference to hold its next session there, was also accepted.
The President was then thanked and garlanded, and was presented with a gold shawl. Mr. V. P. Vaidya proposed thanks to all those who rendered this session a success.
Later there was an exhibition of Hindu Music in various forms, vocal and instrumental This consisted of a long, varied, and interesting programme.
The success of this session of the Conference was largely due to Dr. S. Krishnaswami Aiyangar, the Secretary, and Mr. P. P. S. Sastri, the Joint Secretary, both of whom spared no pains to arrange every detail and to look after the delegates from the various parts of India.

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THE TATTVA PRAKASA.
(Of King Sri Bhojadeva.) TRANSLATED BY THE Rev. E. P. JANVIER, M.A., FATEHGARA, WITH A 'FOREWORD BY DR. J. N. FARQUHAR.
Foreword. The early history of the great Saiva sects is far from clear. The two chapters in the Sarvadarsanasangraha, called respectively Nakulisa Pasupata and Saiva Darsana, give us sketches of the teaching of two contrasted schools.
In the later books belonging to the type of the Saiva Darsana there are statements to the effect that the former type was revealed by Rudra, the latter by Siva : see Bhandarkar, Vaishnavism, Saivism, etc., 126-7; 16) and it is quite clear that the two groups of sects differ largely from each other both in teacning and practice. In my Outline of the Religious Literature of India, I have ventured to distinguish the groups as Pabupata Saivas and Agamic Saivas, because the teaching of the latter group rests finally on the Agamas, while the former goes back, as Madhava shéws us, at least to the tinie of the formation of the Lakulisa Pasupata sect, which appeared long before the Agamas were written.
In Madhava's eesay, Saiva Darsana, a good many of the ancient books are mentioned, especially the following Agamas, Mrigendra, Paushkara, Karana, Kalottara, Kirana and Saurabheya, and two works of which I know nothing, the Bahudaivatya and the Tattva Sangraha. Several ancient scholars are also mentioned, the Siddh Guru, Aghora Siva Acharya, Rama Kantha, Soma Sambhu and Narayana Kantha ; but they also seem to be otherwise unknown. But there are three quotations from a treatise called Tattva Prakasa and one from Bhojaraja; and it now turns out tbat Bhojaraja, king of Malwa, who reigned at Dhara, 1018-1060 A.D., is the author of the Tattva Prakasa. The text has been found, and is published in the Trivandrum Sanskrit Series, and all four quotations occur in it, I. 6, 7, 13, 17, and also a fifth passage which is referred to, I. 8-10.
It is clear that several sects come under the general category of Agamic Saivas, notably the Vira Saivas and the Tamil Saiva Siddhanta. Cowell and Gough, in their translation of the Sarvadarsanasangraha, take it for granted toat the system described as the Saiva Darsana is identical with the system of the Tamil Saiva school ; but whether the system is identical or not, it is clear there were two distinct groups, one scattered all over India whose literature was in Sanskrit, the other found only in the South, its literature all in Tamil. It also seems probable that the earliest books of the Sanskrit literature were written several centuries before the earliest books of the Tamil dogmatic began to appear.
I should therefore be inclined to conjecture that the earliest books of the Saiva Darsana were written by the Siddha Guru and other leaders at early dates, say between 500 and 1000 A.D., and that the Tattva-prakasa, written probably between 1030 and 1050 A.D., proved one of the simplest and clearest manuals of the sect, so that it was well fitted for quotation in a brief essay such as Madhava's is; and that the later books, including Srikantha Sivacharya's Bhashya, which are discussed by Bhandarkar, are the continuation of the same movement. It is probable that the people who professed the system were mainly Smartas : that is clearly true of Bhojadev.; and the few families which, to my knowledge, still profess the system in the South are Smartas resident in the Tanjore and Tinnevelly districts. It is possible that careful inquiry might discover others in North India who still cherish the old literature.
The Tamil Saiva Siddhanta rests primarily on the Tamil hymns of the great early singers, and the sect is a popular one, with many adherents among the common people all over the South. It is probable that the Tamil dogmatic was produced partly under the stimulus of the Sanskrit books. Yet it is also probable that the two eystems differ in a number of details : the Vedantic standpoint of the Sanskrit system is certainly Visishtadvaita, while the Tamil Saiva standpoint is called Sivadvaita;

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The Tattva Prakasa has been translated into English by the Rev. E. P. Janvier, M. A., of Fatehgarh, and is here published in the hope that it may help in the study of the teaching and the history of both schools.-J.N.F.
Chapter I.
1. May He, whose essence is intellect, the one, the eternal, the pervasive, the ever-risen, the Lord, the tranquil, the world's primal cause, the all-favouring,-may He be supreme!
2. The glory of Siva, which neither rises nor sets, nor is destroyed, gives final release, and which is by nature both knower and doer,-may that glory be supreme!
3. To her, by whom this Siva is energized to give experience and release to his circle of animate beings,-to her, the one who is, in essence, thought, the first, with all my soul I make obeisence.
4. For the sake of benefiting the world, we have, with a heart full of pity, succinctly composed this "Illumination of the Principles."
5. In the Saivagamas the most important thing is the series of three, namely the Master, the animate being, and the fetter, i.e., pati, pasu, pása. In this series the Master is called Siva, Animate Beings atoms, the Fetter the five objects.
6. Those whose souls are freed are themselves Sivas, but they are freed by His favour. He, it should be borne in mind, is the eternally freed, the one, having a body consisting of the five mantras.
7. The following five-fold action is predicated of the ever-risen one: creation, preservation, destruction, embodiment, and likewise the work of grace.
8. Souls are to be known as of three kinds : molecules of discernment, molecules of destruction, and whole molecules. Of these the first are under the influence of corruption, and the second under that of corruption and action.
9. The whole molecules are under the influence of corruption, matter and action. Of these the first is of two kinds: first, those whose impurity is destroyed, and, second, those whose impurity is not destroyed.
10. Showing favour to the first eight, Siva gives to them the rank of Lords of Knowledge. The others he makes Mantras. These are said to be seventy million.
11, 12, 13. Among the molecules of destruction, whose corruption and action are done away, showing favour to some, the Highest grants them the rank of King of the Worlds. Others he, of his own will, makes Lords of the Mantras. Of these there are one hundred and eighteen. At the time of the opening of the day the whole molecules exist as a residuum because of their connection with art and the rest. These others, being united by the force of previous action to the eight-doored bodies, enter all wombs. The eight-doored consists of the internal organ and the instruments of the action of intellect.
14. Eight of these are called "Mandalins," and an equal number are Krodh, etc., Vires and Srikantha and the hundred Rudras. These together are one hundred and eighteen.
15. In order by an act of power to deliver those whose corruption is matured, He, assuming the form of a teacher, unites them by initiation to the highest principle.
16. All the souls that are bound He appoints to the experience of sense-objects, according to their previous actions. This is the reason that they are called "beasts."
17. The fetters of the soul are of four kinds : the first two are called "corruption " and "action," and the other two arise from the material and obscuring energy of Śiva.
18. Corruption is to be regarded as single, but showing many powers; and, as the husk covers the rice, or the stain of the copper covers the gold, so corruption covers the knowledge and action of souls.
19. Action is said to be beginningless, good and bad, and various. Matter, being in the form of substance, is the root of the universe, and it is eternal.

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20. Because it is favourable to the fetters, the soul-obscuring power of the Creator is called a fetter. Thus the fetters are four-fold.
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Chapter II.
1. In all the books, from first to last, they call the five pure principles the Śiva principle. There is always energy in the Siva principle, and in the principle called the "Science of God." 2. In order that the soul may be cognizant and efficient, there arise from matter five principles,-time and destiny, and likewise art, and science and passion.
3. From matter arise, one from another, the unmanifest, the quality principle, intellect, egoism, mind, the organs of intellect, and action, their objects, also, and the physical elements.
4. Primarily for the experience of the soul there arise the twenty. There are, also, the three, between which and the qualities of matter there is fundamentally no difference.
5. The teachers describe the Siva principle as pervasive, single, eternal, the cause of the whole universe, characterized by knowledge and activity.
6. It is in reliance on this that desire and all the other energies perform their individual functions. Hence they call this the "all-favouring" one.
7. The first slightest movement of this one, who desired to create for the benefit of the intelligent and unintelligent, that is called the Power principle, and is not distinguished from himself.
8. The outreach that exists in the absence of increase or decrease, in the powers of knowledge and action, that the enlightened call the "Sadasiva" Principle.
9. When the energy called knowledge is in abeyance, and action is in the ascendant, that is called the "Isvara " Principle. It is always the performer of the functions of all.
10. Where the functioning power is in abeyance, and the one called knowledge obtains the ascendancy, the principle is called "Science." It is enlightening because of being in the form of knowledge.
11. The whole molecules, tone and syllable, are said to be ever dependent on the Sadasiva principle; again, the lords of the sciences on the Lord, and the mantras and sciences on Science.
12. There is in this world really no series of all these five, because of the absence of time; but for practical purposes, an arrangement of them has indeed been made in the text-book. 13. There is in reality one principle, called Siva, sketched as having a hundred various powers. Because of the difference in operation of the powers, these differences have been set in order as belonging to it.
14. For the sake of favouring the intelligent and unintelligent, the Lord, assuming these forms, performs an act of kindness to the intelligent beings whoso powers are held in check by beginningless corruption.
15. To the atoms the all-favouring Siva grants experience and liberation in their own functions, and to the brutish breed, strength to perform its proper task.
16. This surely is an act of grace for the intelligent, that liberation should have the form of Siva-lkeness. He, because of the beginninglessness of action, does not reach perfection without experience in this world.
17. Hence, in order to provide for his gaining experience, the Creator creates the body, the instruments and the universe. For there is no result without an actor, nor yet without material and instrumental causes.
Chapter III.
1. The energies are known to be his instruments, matter his material. The latter is described as subtle, single, eternal, pervasive, without beginning or end, kindly.
2. Common to all beings; this is the cause, also, of all worlds, for it is involved in the actions of every person; by its own nature it is productive of infatuation.

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3. Baving consideration for actions, Siva, by his own powers, causes change in matter, and to every soul gives bodies and their instruments to have experience withal.
4. Matter, being possessed of various powers, creates in the beginning the time principle only, binding the world into the forms of past, present and future : hence it is time.
5. Destiny is in the form of destining force; it, also, arises next from matter. Because it destines everything, therefore it is called destiny.
6. Afterwards art arises from matter. Gathering the con cuption of the souls, it reveals active power; hence in this world it is called "art.” .
7. With the help of time and destiny, matter is constantly doing its work of creation on everything, from the smallest particle to the earth.
8. For the purpose of revealing sense-objects to the soul, whose active power has been awakened, this art brings forth the srience principle, which is in the form of light.
9. This, by its own action, breaking through the obstruction to the power called know. ledge, ceveals the mass of sense-objects. It is in this world the highest instrument of the self.
10. When intelligence becomes capable of being experienced by the soul, and has the form of pleasure, etc., then science becomes the instrument. But intelligence is the instruinent in tho perception of sense-objects.
11. Passion is enthralment wachout distinction between the objects of sense. It is the ordinary cause of the attachment of the soul, and is different from the characteristics of intellect.
12. Bound by these principles, when the animate being reaches the state of having conscious experienoe, then it is called "soul" and is given a place among the principles.
Chapter IV. 1. For the experience, assuredly, of this very soul, the unrevealed is born of this matter. This unrevealed is undefined because of its unmanifested qualities.
2. From the unrevealed springe the quality principle, too, in the form of enlightenment, operation and restraint, called "sattva, rajas, tamas" and producing pleasure, pain and infatuation.
3. From the three elements arises intellect. It is said, also, to have the characteristic of distinguishing between sense-objects. This, too, is of three kinds by quality in accordance with actions of previous births. .
4. Egoism is three-fold, being in the form of life, action and pride of power. By union with it an existant sense-object comes into experience.
5. Egoism is, further, divided three-fold according to the difference between the qualities "sattva, rajas and tamas ; "and it is called by the names "modifying, passionate, elemental."
6. From the passionate arises mind, from the modifying arise the senses, and from the elemental the regions. This is the order of their emanation from that.
7. Mind is in the form of desire, and its business is consideration; the instruments of the intellect are the ear, skin, eye, tongue and nose.
8. The percepts of these are sound, touch, form, taste and smell. These are, respectively, their sense-objecte, even five of five.
9. The perception of sound, etc., respectively, is said to be the function of these. The voice, hands, feet, and the organs of excretion are the organs of action.
10. Speaking, grasuing, walking, excretion and satisfaction, are the action of thesc. The internal organ is three-fold and is called egoism, intellect and mind.
11. Because of the distinction between organs of intellect and organs of action, they, again are ten. With respect to their regions, they are ether, air, fire, water, earth: these are the live physical elements.
12. The subtle forms of sound, oto., are called their regions. The live physical elements arise from these five by the addition of one quality after another.

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13. Giving space, blowing, cooking, collecting and bearing, are described as the respective functions of the physical elements, ether, etc.
Chapter V. 1. That which is the ten-fold activity is performed when undertaken by the instrumental causes. The instrumental causes, because of their innate weakness, act in dependence upon result.
2. The first five belong to one class, because they are of the form of thought; but the remaining seven, beginning with matter, are said in the Saiva to be of two kinds.
3. In this world the connection of all, from the unrevealed on, is with the qualities, because of their being in the form of pleasure, pain and infatuation. There is this peculiarity in the last ten.
4. Despite a similarity in quality between sound, etc., and the unrevealed, because they are not equivalent, the one to the other, a separate class is to be recognized here. Also, there is a special caso of some through the connection caused by the latency of the effect in the cause.
5. The standing of all the principles has been related in order of creation. In the end, when the process is reversed, they sink back into matter.
6. Apart from matter every pure species sinks back into energy, and this stands at one with Siva the soul of all.
7. Matter, Soul, Siva,--this triad survives at the destruction of the world. Again, this becomes active, as before, in creation.
8. Through mercy to all the wearied creatures in the world, the Lord causes the destruc. tion of the universe, that these very beings may have rest.
Chapter VI. 1. Through pity for the animate beings, the highest Lord grants yet again, creation to those tormented by the fact that their action is not matured. Thus he matures the action of the embodied.
2. Having granted maturity of action through experience, and so, having performed the initiatory ceremonies, the one fount of mercy, the ever-gracious Siva, by an act of power, releases all animate beings.
3. That among all existences causing experience, which remains to the end of the age, is called a principle. Hence a body, a jar, or the like, is not a principle.
4. The source of each principle and its primary and secondary causes, also the arrange'ment of all the principles, have been related.
5. Moreover, the principle of principles, on which this whole universe reste, has been told easily. The glorious King Bhojadeva has arranged "The Illumination of the principles.”
A few Notes on Tattva Prakaså. I, 8. The originals of "molecules of discernment," "molecules of destruction," and "whole molecules " are, respectively,--vijñánakald, pralayakald and sakald. It is a question in my mind whether it is better to retain the Sanskrit terminology even in the translation, explaining it in the notes, or to translate this terminology as nearly as possible.
I, 9. "The first," viz., molecules of discernment.
I, 11, 12, 13. The translation of these versea is very difficult, owing to the fact that, as they stand in the Sanskrit they mean next to nothing. By a manipulation of the verses, which is indicated in the notes, the translation given here is educed. Is it better to try to make sense from the verses as they stand, or to commingle them as the notes indicate, fitting parts of different verses into each other, so as to make the perhaps better sense of the present translation ?

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I, 16. "Beasts"-This word I have consistently translated by the term "animate being," as in I, 5, but here I have departed from that translation because the context seemed to demand it.
II, 1 "Science of God"-The original is Îsvaravidyâ. Should it be translated?
II, 4. "The twenty" have been named in the immediately preceding verses. "The three" are those of I, 5.
156
II, 8. Sadasiv-Should this term be translated? If so, how?
II, 9. isvara-Of course, this can be translated "lord" or "lordly"; but the question is whether it would make the matter clearer to do so. What policy should one pursue in such matters ?
II, 10. "Science"-Vidya. The same question here.
II, 15. "Brufish breed "-viz., the fetters.
II, 16. "He"-viz., the intelligent.
III, 6. There is a play here in the original on kald and kalayitva. It seems almost impossible to reproduce this in translation, though it is important to do so.
VI, 5. 'The Illumination of the Principles "-This is the way I have translated Tattva Prakdéa. Would it be acceptable as the title of the whole, in place of the Sanskrit name?
BOOK-NOTICES.
THE HOME OF AN EASTERN CLAN: A Study of the Palaungs of the Shan States. By MRS. LESLIE MILNE. Oxford, Clarendon Press. 1924.
[AUGUST, 1925
We have in this volume another of the excellent books that Mrs. Milne gives us from time to time. In this case the tribes inhabiting part of British Burma, with which she deals, are brought before us in a manner that leaves little to be desired. Mrs. Milne is indeed an experienced and honest observer of human beings, and anthropologists have reason to be once more grateful for her energy, courage and capacity for telling her story.
She starts in her characteristic way by saying that "this book is concerned for the most part with the Katur [Samlong] tribe of the Palaungs, living in or near Namhsan, the capital of Tawngpeng [Taungbaing], which is nominally a Shan State, but is governed by a Palaung Chief and inhabited almost entirely by Palaungs." Mrs. Milne chose her place of observation well, and she next tells us how she came to know a people seldom seen outside their own States, and what is far more important, in detail how she learnt a language of which she knew nothing at all from a people who in their turn knew nothing of any language but their own. I know what this means, as many years ago I set to work to learn the language of savages in the same circumstances. I found that the savage was quite as bent on learning my language as I was on learning his, and entirely unable to explain his little peculiarities of grammar, which by the way included grammatical changes at the beginning of his words-African fashion-a habit that caused much thought and delay in ascertaining why apparently different words were invariably used for the same object each time he
was questioned. Mrs. Milne in her entertaining way tells us how she learnt Palaung, and I would advise all searchers into. the speech of wild tribes and the like to study her remarks seriously. She found willing, even devoted, helpers, largely I take it, though she never hints it, owing to her own personality-brave, kindly, energetic, humourous, sympathetic. She also gives us a bright and informing narrative of the journey into the wild hills occupied by the Palaungs, and though her narrative is always lively, it is quite easy to see that her journeys could only have been accomplished by a woman prepared to face all difficulties with an intrepid heart.
Passing on to the main contents of the book, it will be found to be most systematically put together, so as to tell the whole story point by point. Beginning with History and a short excursion into Ethnology, we shall find that the Palaungs are a Mon-Khmer people fixed in a land chiefly occupied by Shans and dominated by them: only one State, that of Tawngpeng, being, as already said, under a Palaung chief, whose capital Namhsan is, from an illustration, a typical Far Eastern village on the top of one of the many hills in the Shan States.
After this Mrs. Milne takes us through the Palaung's life from birth to death. Beginning with the baby, she writes: "The life of a Palaung, like that of a Shan, is hedged about. with racial and family traditions, and much that I wrote in my book on the Shans [Shans at Home] applies to the Palaungs, in so far as their early childhood is concerned, but there the resemblance ends." Every detail, and they are all valuable, is then given of the baby's life and upbringing, together with the superstitious practices in connection

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therewith; evon the songs sung to it and its games factures and make the money to purchase their are recorded. The naming custom by the week- wants "almost entirely by growing and curing tea day seem to be typically Far Eastern, it may be and by trading." In this they resemble an allied remarked in passing, and it is also pleasant to see people, the Nicobarese, who live on the coconut that "a little child has a happy life in the villages palm and its produce, which they sell. With this of the Palaung and Pale [a clan of the Palaungs]." proviso, Mrs. Mlilne explains the Palaung method
"Little children between the ages of four and of agriculture, such as it is. Under native, that nine or ten enjoy a good deal of freedom," and is Shan or Palaung ruie, disputes were settled, soon learn to make themselves useful. They "when there was a lack of evidence, by ordeal, certainly live in beautiful situations, are carefully in order that the assistance of Spirits might be taught the ways of life, sing many songs (recorded obtained." Trial by ordeal still takes place sub by Mrs. Milne), have counting-out games, indulge rosà under British rule. It is not easy to break in a secret language and unfortunately learn too down immemorial custom. Mrs. Milne, however, much about the Spirits. "The boys and girls has not much to say on this important subject, and all unmarried folk of a Palaung village are as she has never personally witnessed such a trial. looked after, as to their conduct, by certain elderly "Palaungs believe that nearly all the ills of life men and women," the Pakk'edang, who are wealthy are the work of evil spirits." In such circumstances and respectable, and appointed for the purpose to their beliefs in charms and omens are obviously teach them manners and to watch over propriety important, and Mrs. Milne goes into them at some of behaviour. There is a certain amountof initiation length. Speaking generally, their beliefs are to life by ordeal, all regulated. It will be seen that those of the secondary Far Eastern peoples. Every it is not a bad thing to be bom a Palaung child. Palaung woman desires children, though the customs When boys have been tattooed and girls have regarding child birth give her a bad time- very passed the ordeal of the pruh, they esase to be bad time. Child-birth, too, is an occasion when children and become young men and maidens, primitive superstitions are allowed to run and love-making begins. This is an elaborate riot more or less. The same may be said of death. affair, much regulated and controlled by custom, Mrs. Milne gives the death customs at large, and and magic is resorted to, to settle the right suitor some of them are of great interest. to marry as the courtship proceeds. This sometime. The modern Palaung is a professed Buddhist, ends in illegitimate children, generally, however but his Buddhism is only skin deep, as, according legitimised by subsequent marriage. But the to their own statement, it was introduced among Palaungs make good husbands and wives and them by the Burmese king Bodawpaya, who came are faithful to each other.
to the throne as late as 1781. Mrs. Milne explains As in Europe, so among the Palaungs, there are
that it is accordingly of the purer Southern typefavourite months for marriage, which takes place
the Hinayana, and she gives a brief account of it usually between 16 and 25 or more, as regards the
in some very interesting pages, as it affects the girls, the men being older. The marriage is gene
Palsungs. But the people are Animists at heart,
1.6., they are Spirit-worshippers, and in this they rally an elopement under very strict regulations by
Beem to differ among themselves greatly, but custom, there being a great deal of make-believe
obviously in this respect they are Far Eastern in about it. It ends with a formal recognition by
feeling. We have it all here, the wandering soul, the village elders and is really quite a proper
the metempsychosis, and the rest of it, and on such proceeding. -
points Mrs. Milne is most informing. Palaung When married, a man must have a house to live
cosmogony is indefinite, but the people "attach in, and as the building of a new house, just as in
great significance to dreams" and their interpreBurma generally, requires great care and prepara- tation. Mrs. Milne winds up her text with the tion, there is much resort to magio and "wise men" proverbe, riddles and folktales of this little known in all the proceedings from the choice of a site. folk. The Palaungs, however, show no great love for She has an Appendix showing differences in their houses, though they are very much attached custom, which is of exceeding value. For instance, to their villages, and Mrs. Milne has an interesting elopement' is not the form of marriage among little chapter on Home Life. She has much more all Palaung classos. With these remarks I part to say about the Village Life, the village being company with one of the best field books on ethnoalways in a picturesque situation" on the toplogy it has been my fortune to come across. of a hill, on a ridge connecting two hills, or on a
R. C. TEMPLE. spur of a hill." Mrs. Milne explains how the people live in it, their habits, manners and customs, their
THE FOLKLORE OF BOMBAY By R. E. ENTHOfestivities and their fears, and on the whole there! VEN, C.I.E. Clarendon Press, Oxford, 1924. are worse places in the world than Palaung villages This well-arranged book, which is likely to comfor natives to live in. The people have no manu. mand much attention from writers on primitivo

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belief and custom, comprises information collected pages. The belief connected with the appearance by the late Mr. A. M. T. Jackson from schoolmasters of a comet is also illustrated historically by the in Gujarat and the Konkan, which was subsequently popular view that Sivaji's death was marked by published in the form of Notes under Mr. Entho- the simultaneous appearance of a comet and a ven's supervision, and also information on the same lunar rainbow. lines secured by the author himself from the
On page 92 it is stated that some people believe Deccan and Karnatak, or Kanarese-speaking, dis
in the existence upon mountain-tops of a class of tricts of the Bombay Presidency. Mr. Enthoven
recluses, called Aghori-bavas, who devour human has thus made available to students of Folklore a
beings. The belief is based upon solid fact. Though large mass of authentic fact, which, so far as Bombay
the Aghori sect has practically been supressed, there is concerned, has never previously been published,
are cases on record for tho years 1862, 1878, 1882, and which, when studied in conjunction with the lato
1884 and 1885, in which members of this monstrous Dr. Crooke's two volumes on the popular religion
confraternity were convicted by British magistratie and folklore of Northern India, should oblige
of anthropophagy. Tod in his Travels in Western experts and scholars to pay more attention than they
India mentions Mt. Abu and the Gimar hills as hitherto have to ancient Indian customs and
being the headquarters of the sect. The records superstitions. In his Introduction Mr. Enthoven
of the Anthropological Society of Bombay contains refers more than once to Sir James Campbell's
i all the information available about them in 1892. valuable notes on "The Spirit Basis of Belief and
In his chapter on Spirit Possession and Scaring, Custom," which originally appeared in this Journal,
in which he deals exhaustively with the Godlinge, but rightly points out that spirit possession and
Mothers and Demons who form the real pantheon spirit-scaring do not suftice, as Sir James Campbell
of the mass of the people, Mr. Enthoven gives an was disposed to believe, to account for all the ideas
interesting table showing the caste of the priests and habits disclosed by the enquiry initiated by
who attend on these minor deities. The list by Mr. Jackson and carried to completion by himself,
itself is almost sufficient to prove the aboriginal and, in fact, that the origin of the beliefs and practices
character of these local gods and goddesses, who. in vogue among the people of Western India must
though in several cases they may have been bo sought in various directions.
adopted into Brahmanic Hinduism as manifestaThe author deals fully in his first chapter with the
tions of the higher gods, have really nothing in worship of the Sun and other natural objects.
common with Aryan ideas. Among the most In reference to Sun-worship one may add that some
valuable features of the author's work is his dispoople make use of a brass or copper device, Surya yantra, in the form of a square inscribed with the
covery of survivals of a totemistic organization names of the regents of the eight quarters, sur
among the lower classes of the Presidency. The mounted by two concentric circles bearing the
facts in respect of various social divisions have been various titics of the Sun.god, the whole surmounted given in the author's Trior and wastes o bombay hy the well-known device of the triangle within a and he confines himself, therefore, in the present circle. The device is included in one of the plates I work to enumerating some of the devaks and balis, in the original edition of Moor' Hindu Pantheon, which now represent the totem, and explaining the and spocimens have occasionally been obtained of mode of worshipping them. recent years by collectors of brass and copper images. I am glad to find that the author In connexion with the passionate feeling respecting supports my contention that mriganka, an epithet the sanctity of the Cow, which is briefly dealt with of the Moon, signifies "deer-marked." In the on page 213, it would be interesting to know exactly first volume of The Ocean of Story, edited by Mr. when this feeling developed; for it seems clear Ponzer, mriganka is declared to mean "hare.
from the known facts of history that this vehement marked," " because Hindus see a hare in the Moon",
belief did not exist to a marked degree at the date and in reviewing that work for another journal,
of Alexander's invasion or under the rule of the I pointod out that sasdnka or sasidhara is the
Mauryas. Regarding the objection of high-class epithet used in this sense, whilo mriyanka refers solely to the alternative belief that there
Hindus to touch or be touched by a dog, it is
is an antelope in the Moon. The practices incumbent
curious to reflect that the very last scene in the long upon Hindus during an eclipse are universal through
panorama of the Mahabharata is that of Yudishout India, and students of Maratha history will
thira climbing a mountain in company with his dog. remember that it was during an eclipse on the
and finally translated, with his dog, to Heaven. night of November 22nd, 1751, that Bussy attacked
The sentiment underlying the hero's insistence . the Peshwa's army and won an easy victory, owing upon the entry into Heaven of his faithful hound,
to the fact that the Marathas were fully engaged is apparently quite foreign to the ideas about the in the ceremonies described in Mr. Enthoven's I dog now possessed by the Hindu upper-classes. In

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the seventh chapter the author deals with the evil eye. magic and witchcraft, and mentions various methods adopted for counteracting the influence of witches. No mention, however, is made of the most potent method of all, viz., witch-murder. Perhaps in this respect the Bombay Presidency is more advanced than Behar and Orissa, where in 1920 the people murdered eleven supposed witches. A similar comment may be made on the subject of the cure of barrenness, which is included in the tenth chapter on women's rites. The murder of children, especially male children, followed by a bath in the blood of the murdered child, is well inown in other parts of India as a remedy for sterility. Three casos from the Panjab and United Provinces, which oocurred at the close of last century, have been recorded in this Journal. Three more cases occurred in the Panjab as recently as 1921. The absence of all reference to this type of ritual murder perhaps justifies the assumption that these savage methods of procuring offspring are no longer countenanced by the people of Western India.
Much more might be written about this pioneer work. The chapter on Village, Field and Other Rites is both important and interesting and should be road by those concerned with the rural economy of Bombay, while the chapter on Disease Deities should equally be known to those who deal with the sanitation of the small towns and villages and with the public health. Mr. Enthoven's work is not merely of value to the expert student of folklore and primitive belief, but possesses a practical value for all who play a part in the administration of the Bombay Presidency.
8. M. EDWARDES.
perusal, are epitomised in the fourth chapter of the essay, and are followed by a long note on the origin of the people of Annam. E. Chavannes, in his wasterly translation of the Memoirs of Seu ma Ts'ion, advanced the opinion that the Annamite race must have had affinity with that of the preChinese kingdom of Yue, which occupied the western portion of the province of Tchd-kiang and was destroyed in the fourth century B.C. M. Aurouseau in his note develope this theory and shows that it accords with certain well-established historical facte.
M. Parmentier contributed some interesting remarks on Indo-Chinese archeology, dealing with recently discovered Cham antiquities, the statue of Vishnu found in 1912 at Vong-thê, which now graces a small Buddhist pagoda, and various IndoChinese sculptures, the origin of which has not yet beon clearly ascertained. Another important paper is that of "The Vidy Arája" by Mr. Jean Przyluski, described as a contribution to the history of magic among the Mahayanist sects of Buddhism. He calle pointed attention to the fact that the doctrine of the Vidydrdja, or emanations from the Tathagata, finds its exact counterpart in one of the Gnostic scriptures, viz., the Eighth book of Moses, which was un questionably composed between the second and fourth centuries A.D. Like most Gnostic literature, it is a confused medley of religious beliefs in vogue at that date in the Eastern regions bordering on Greece. It is quite possible that Gnosticism borrowed largely from Indian philosophy, and it is equally possible that India in return felt the influence of various Eastern vecte about the fourth century A.D., that is to say, at the time when the idea of mantrardja appears in the Buddhist texts, and when ideas of magic commenced to pervade Mahåyanist literature.
M. F. Goré contributes an interesting collection of notes on the Tibetan rogions of Seu.Tohouan and Yunnan, which adds considerably to our goographical knowledge of those little-known lands; while ethnologists will find plenty of interesting matter in the miscellaneous papers which complete the literary portion of this volume. They deal with such subjects as "a method of fixing dates in vogue among the Laos", "Magic drums in Mongolia," and “The refuse of a neolithic kitchen-midden at Tam-toa in Annam." A bibliography and official record of the proceedings of the French School occupy the last two hundred pages of a work, which amply illustratos the capacity for painstaking and logical research posmossed by the French archeologist and antiquarian.
8. M. EDWARDH.
BULLETIN DE L'ECOLE FRANÇAIS D'EXTREME, ORIENT, Tome XXIII, 1923. Hanoi, 1924.
In a previous issue of the Indian Antiquary I dealt at some length with the history and achievements of the French Far Eastern School, particular. ly in regard to its antiquarian researches in Indo. China. The volume that now lies before me affords additional evidence, if this were needed, of the value of the work performed by French orientalists. The first hundred pages and more are occupied by an essay on the relations between Japan and IndoChina in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, contributed by M. N. Peri, to which are added separate papers concerning boat-building and shipping in Japan, loans at interest advanced to shippers by the Japanese at that period, and thirdly a Japanese plan of Ankor-Vat. These papers are followed by a remarkable historical reconstruction of the first Chinese con quest of the Annamite country in the third century B.O.,--the work of M. L. Aurotuneau. His conclusions, which are worth

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LA LEGENDE DE L'EMPEREUR AÇOKA (AGOKA. Finally, on reaching Kashmir, Buddhism became
AVADANA) DANS LES TEXTES INDIENS ET CHI. more eclectic, lost its character of a local sect, NOIS; par J. PRZYLUSKI. Annales du Musée and became a universal religion. This led to the Guimet. Tome XXXII: Paul Geuthner, 13, foundation of a third school of writers and comRue Jacob, Paris. 1923.
pilors, who recost, commented upon, collated, and This work which is characterized by deep know
developed tbe ancient texts. ledge of Buddhist literature and much analytical
In the course of his argument, the author pointe capacity, seeks to establish the approximate date,
out that there are three classes of Buddhist works the origin, and the character of the Asokávuddna,
which refer to the Buddhist Councils. The first which, while enshrining traditions identical with
class speaks of one Council only, the second menthoso appearing in the Vinaya, is probably far
tions two, and the third refers to a third Council. older than the latter work. At the outset of his
The A sokavadana falls in the first of these three thesis the author is able to show that the story
classes. He also shows that the story of Asoka's of Buddha's journey in the 4 fokdvadána is older
pilgrimage is fairly clear evidence that, at the date than the corresponding passage in the Vinaya, of composition of the Atolei vadana, the cult of and secondly that, whereas the author of the for. Ananda was an essential feature of Buddhism. mer shows an obvious preference for the country Thence he proceeds to discuss the question of round Mathuri, the compiler of the latter glori
Upagupta's appearance in the sixth and last episode fies the more westerly part of the land in which
of the Deeds of Aboka, as embodied in the
Adoled vadana, and comes to the conclusion that the early Buddhism was established. There can be no doubt that Mathurà exercised much influence
A foltvadana is a composite work, made up of an on the development and expansion of the Bud.
original outra describing the exploits of the Buddhist
emperor, amalgamated by a scribe of Mathurd with dhistic doctrine, owing to the fact that it was
the story of the first Council and the lives of the situated on one of the great Indian trade routes,
Patriarchs. He gives his reasons for holding that and also that its monastic scribes had inherited
this sutra or Adoldsutra was compiled between 160 from the Brahmans of antiquity a knowledge of i and 60 B.O. Sanskrit, as well as literary and philosophical tre. The reign of Pushyamitra seems to have marked, for ditions. The earliest Buddhist communities had Buddhism, the commencement of an epoch of decendeveloped more to the east, principally at Magadha,
tralization. With his rise to power the Magadha era where the texts embodying the teaching of Buddha
closes; and the propagation of the Law in a northwere probably recited in the Magadhi dialect and
westerly and south-wosterly direction receives a new were usually rhythmic, to allow of easy memori.
impulse. For Pushyamitra was a champion of Brah
manic Hinduism, and persecuted the Buddhists, who sing. When Buddhism penetrated the western
were thus forced to leave Pataliputra and fled proportion of the Gangetic valley, the monks of Ma.
bably towards Nepal and Kashmir, and also to the thura, who were con versant with Sanskrit and
regions of the valley of the Jumna, over which the in general were more intellectual and highly train. more tolerant Agnimitra was then ruling. ed than the ancient communities of the eastern The author, in the course of his work, makes a region, developed an entirely new literature, of reasoned enquiry into the origin and significance of which the Adokávadana is one of the most charac. the Buddhist legend of Pindola, and analyses the tales teristic specimens.
composing the Cycle of Aboka, which are one and all In brief, the author distinguishes three phases
derivable from an ancient and primitive legend, first in the gradual extension of the faith of Gautama elaborated among the Buddhist communities settled Buddha from the Gangetic valley to the plateaux
in the proximity of Pataliputra. An examination of of Upper Asia, each of which corresponds to a
" Asoka's Hell "(L'Enfer d'Acoka) leads to some very distinct period in the history of Buddhist litera
suggestive remarks on the influence upon Buddhism ture. Originally confined to Magadba and the
of Iranian ideag, notably in reference to the Buddhist
eschatology and the figure of the Saviour Maitreya, neighbouring areas, the disciples of SAkya Muni
who shows & striking affinity to the Iranian Saosyant. were content with the production of short compo.
The author's well-reasoned theme will form a valuable sitions in Magadhi, usually in verse. Later, in
addition to the literature which has grown up round the plain watered by the Ganges and Jamna, new
the figures of the Perfect one" and the compascon verts lent to the service of the faith the highly sionate emperor, who combined in himself the roles polished prose and dialectics of the old Sanskrit of monk and monarch, and carved on rocks, cavephilo-ophers. This was the period of Mathura, walls, and sandstone pillars in various parts of India during which longer and more perfect works, like the Buddhist gospel of truth, reverence and charity. the A doká valana, were published in Sanskrit.
S. M. EDWARDES.

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ZME RURRESENTATION OF SURYA IN BRAHMANICAL ART.
BY JITENDRA NATH BANERJEE. The worship of the Sun as a very prominent deity was prevalent amongst almost all the ancient nations of the world. Thus, the Egyptians had worshipped the Sun under various names such as, Horus, Re, etc., and the Assyro-Babylonians used to worship a Solar deity, named Marduk, whose fight with Tiamat, a huge monster of forbidding aspect, is narrated in their legends. The ancient Iranians paid their homage to the Sun-god under the name of Mithra, who was regarded as the first of the Spiritual Yazatas.' Helios, Apollo, the Sun-god, occupied a very prominent position in the religious pantheon of the ancient Greeks, and in a far distant corner of the world, bleeding human hearts were sacrificed to the Sun.god by the ancient Mexicans, in order to maintain him in vigour and enable him to run his course along the sky.' In fact, the religious history of every nation, if properly investigated, would clearly show that the worship of the Sun, in some form or other, formed an all-important part of worship in certain periods of its existence as a nation. The reason is not far to seek ; the Sun as the celestial luminary appealed foremost to the imagination of the people, and its daily appearance in the horizon, its apparently onward march across the firmament and its final disappearance on the western horizon in the evening gave rise to various mythological tales among various nations, to account for these phenomena.
The Indo-Aryans of the Vedic age were no exception to the general order of mankind, and the Sun was held by them in the highest esteem along with other nature gods. Sacrifices were offered to the Sun-god in various aspects, which were given different names such as, Sûrya, Savits, Pushan, Bhaga, Mitra and Vişnu, each personifying to a greater or lesser extent the different attributes of the Sun. Thus, Surya, “the most concrete of the Solar deities was directly connected with the visible luminous orb "1 and various qualities and functions, were attributed to him ; Savitr, "the stimulator of everything" (Sarvasya Prasavild in Yaska's Nirukta, 10, 31) denoted the abstract qualities of the Sun-god and so on. The most interesting of these different Solar deities is Vişņu. Originally a particular aspect of the Sun, chiefly extolled in connection with the march across the sky in three great strides, he came to occupy a very important position in the classical period and was regarded as one of the most important divinities of the Brahmanical Triad. Mitra, whose connection with Surya is a little obscure in the passages of the Rigveda, where he is mainly celebrated along with Varuna, is an Indo-Iranian God, the later Iranian aspect of whom influenced to a great extent the subsequent phase of Sun-worship in India. Bhaga, Pushan and Aryaman were three other aspects of Sun and they are also celebrated in Vedic hymns. This list of the Solar gods was later raised to twelve, usually known as Dvadasadityas, and the worship of these along with that of Nine planets or Navagrahas came to hold a very important and unique place in the Brahmanical rituals.
It is generally assumed by scholars that image worship was not existent in India of the Early Vedic period; and though there is a class of scholars who would call this view in question, there are no two opinions on the point that symbols representing particular aspects of divinities were frequently used in the performance of the ancient Vedic rites. Thus, we have references to the fact that the Sun was represented by a wheel in the Vedic ceremonies, which properly symbolised the apparent revolving movement of the Sun. Sometimes a round golden plate. or a fire-brand stood for the Sun*. The punch-marked coins, the origin of which has been traced by Cunningham prior to 1000 B.C., bear on their face various peculiar figures 1 Macdonell, Vedic Mythology, p. 30.
Ibid. 3 RV., 1, 176 (4), 4, 30 (4); Weber, Vajapeya, 20, 34; ORV., 88, note 4.
4 SB., 7, 4, 1 (10), "in piling the fire altar a dise of gold was placed on it to represent the Sun ". Maodonell, VM., p. 155.
Cunningham, Coins of Ancient India, p. 43 cf. Carmichael Lectures, 1921, ch. III, for Dr. D. R Bhandarkar's views.

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which can certainly be taken to symbolise the great celestial luminary. A spoked wheel with other variants of the same figure, assumed by some to stand for the Buddhist. Dhara mchakra, is very regularly found on these coins. This spoked wheel with its variants occurs also in the indigenous coins of Taxila (CAI., pl. III, 13), in those of the Odum baras (CAI, pl. IV, 14, 15) and in many other coins. The representation of the Sun as "a rayed disc " occurs also in the early punch-marked coins and in the coins of the local rulers of Northern India? In some cases, Cunningham takes these spoked wheel symbols for Dharmachakra ; but they can equally well be assumed to symbolise the Sun himself. Dr. Spooner, who was at first inclined to find in them Buddhist characteristics, subsequently abandoned his views about these marks and held the opinion that they were all solar symbols, though he would take them to be Zoroastrian in character 8. Again, in certain places the “rayed diso of the Sun is placed on an altar and surrounded by a railing, thus clearly indicating that the figures enclosed within the railing were really objects of worship inside a shrine'. Cunningham always describes this figure as "rayed circle of Sun on Buddhist basement railing "; but there seems to be no good ground, as far as we can see, for describing this basement railing as Buddhist, and it may equally well be taken to be Brahmanical in character. M. Foucher discerns in the infantile simplicity of these emblems the style of the most ancient manifestations of the religious art of the Buddhists. 10
But our difficulty is-are all the representations of this wheel and the lotus ascribable only to Buddhism? Originally they must have been emblems designating tha Sun, but later they were utilised by the Buddhists for their own purposes. On certain coins of the very earliest period, small ingots of silver and copper of a definite weight, are affixed a few marks, which look like very crude representations of a lotus. On other ancient coins, too, certain symbols are to be found, which are nothing but attempts to figure the lotusflower intimately connected with the Sun from the very earliest times 11. Thus the lotus flower is mentioned in the most ancient literature of the Indo-Aryans, and it played a conspicuous part in the mythology of Brahmanism ; its association with the Sun was due to the fact that the opening and closing of the flower timed with the rising and the setting of the Sun 12. This observation as regards the connection of the lotus flower with the Sun is fully borne out by the evidence of the Puranas, which enjoin the execution in sculpture of a twelve petalled lotus, on different petals of which figures of the different aspects of the Sun-god are to be placed with the god Bhaskara on the central pericarp (karnikd).13 The lotus flower, as symbolising the Sun and representing other ideas or principles? 4 connected with the Sun, came to hold such a unique position in Indian Art of all ages and all religions,
6 V. A. Smith, CCIM., pp. 136-7, Nos. 7, 8, 9, 10, 11. As regards the Taurine symbol, might it not symbolise in the earliest times the sun and the moon represented together, one by the disc, and the other by the crescent attached to it?
7 Cunningham, Coins of Ancient India (CAI), pl. III, 14 ; IV, 13; V. 6, 9, etc. . Cf. 4SIAR., 1905-06, pp. 150-55; and JRAS., 1915, p. 412. 9 Cunningham, CAI., pl. VII, 6, 9, etc. 10 M. Foucher, " Beginnings of Buddhist Art," p. 14.
11 V. A. Smith, OCIM., p. 136, Nos. 1, 15, etc., Nos. 2, 3, 5, 6, 56, 69, etc. J. M. Foucher, The Begin. nings of Buddhist Art, pl. I, figs. 1-4, 8, potalled lotus, the most characteristic form, to be found on the coins of Eran.
12 Encyclopaedia of Reliyion and Ethics, vol. 8, pp. 142-5.
18 Hemdri in his Vratakhanda, pp. 528, 535 and 539, quotes from Bhagavata P., Skanda P., and Matsya P., the respective passages dealing with Divâkara Vratan, AsAditya Vratam and Saryanakta Vratan. See also HemAdri, Vrata khanda, p. 553, about Sarya Vrata from Saura Dharma: "Upalipya sucau dese Suryyan tatra samarccayet. Sunlikhet tatra padmantu doddadiran sakarnikam." And red flowers (raktapuspa) were specially offered to Surya in his worship.
14 Primarily, the lotus flower appears to have symbolised for the Aryans from very remoto times the idea of superhuman or divine birth, and secondarily the creative force and immortality "-ERE., pp. 142-5.

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that in the portion of the Vienudharmôttara dealing with iconographic matters, we find full and detailed instructions for the figuring of a lotus flower.15
Thus, we see that in ancient Indian art the Sun-god was represented by various symbols, such as spoked wheel, rayed disc, lotus-flower in various forms and the like. When he came to be anthropomorphically represented, these wheel and lotus flower symbols were not totally discontinued, and we know that the wheel was placed in one of the hands of Visņu, one of the Adityas, and lotus flowers were placed in both the hands of the image of Sûrya himself. Moreover, the wheel and the lotus flower, as so many solar emblems, figured independently in many coins, seals, clay tablets and copper plate inscriptions of the Gupta period and afterwards. 16
No icon of the Sun-god is to be found in ancient Indian art till a comparatively late period. The reason is not far to seek; for none of the extant monuments of India with very few exceptions can be dated prior to the age of Asoka. Almost all the oldest monuments of the Maurya and Sunga period that are preserved to us are connected with Buddhism, and sometimes figures of Brâhmanical divinities, who are given a subordinate position, are to be found on one or other of these monuments17. The Sun-god figures rarely in these monuments, and mention may be made in this connection of the figures of Sûrya in an upright post of the Budh-Gaya railing, as also in the façade of the Ananta-Gumpha at Udayagiri18. The god is seen riding on a four-horsed chariot, with the reins in his hands, attended on either side by a female figure19 shooting arrows, personifying the dawn driving away darkness before the Sun. Another figure, probably of a divinity, which is taken by some scholars, though on insufficient grounds, to represent the Sun-god, occurs on the right-hand section of the façade of a cave at Bhaja. There, a figure is seen riding on a four-horsed chariot, under whose wheels are visible hideous struggling forms, identified by some as the demons of darkness. But as in this case the god, or whoever he may be, is not seen attended by the two female figures shooting arrows, he cannot be definitely identified as the Sun-god simply by reason of his riding in a fourhorsed chariot. Figures or figurines riding on four-horsed chariots, which can have no possible connection with the Solar divinity, can be found in many of the museums of India 20. But as regards the Budh-Gaya sculpture there cannot be any doubt that it stands for the Sun-god. Though the representation of this divinity is purely Indian in character, the conception is somewhat analogous to that of the Greek God Helios, who is also seen riding on four-horsed chariots 21. The Rigvedic description of the Sun-god, which is certainly the back ground of the human representations of this divinity in Indian art, pointedly refers to the fact of his riding a chariot drawn by one (the horse Etasa), 3, 4 or 7 horses, and there cannot be any doubt that this conception of this divinity is a purely Indian one. Again, in the particular form of the anthropomorphic representation of Surya in the art of the Gupta period and subsequent ages, we seldom fail to find these seven horses being driven by the charioteer
15 Viudharmottara, Bk. III, ch. 45, v. 1.8.
16 Fleet's Gupta Inscriptions, pp. 219, 269, etc.
17 Figures of the 33 gods, Kuvera and other guardians of the 4 quarters, Apsarases, Bri and others
in Bharhut and Sanchi.
18 Cf. a similar figure on the Lahaul Lota, Archeological Survey of W. India, vol. IV, p. 6.
19 Usa and Pratyusa, according to iconographic terminology.
20 Various terracotta fragments that were unearthed at Bhita showed these four-horsed chariots, some with riders. In this connection reference may be made to a terracotta plaque found there, supposed narrated in Kalidasa's 'Abhijna Sakuntalam.' See ASIAR, to represent Dushyanta's hunt, as 1911-12, p. 73, pl. XXIV. Bharhut and Sanchi railings bear on them many representations of the chariot drawn either by 2 or 4 horses.
31 Cf. Cunningham's Archeological Survey Reports, vol. III, p. 97; the four horses and the general execution resembles to a great extent the Greek representation of Helios, the Sun-god, but the chariot is Indian. See also in this connection the reverse device of the dated coin of the Indo-Greek ruler Plato. Whitehead, Punjab Mus. Cat. of Coins, vol. I, pl. IX, fig. V.

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Aruna, carved on the pedestal of the image. But the number of the horses shown in the pedestal of these images is not always seven, and reliefs with four horses, though rare, can also be found in India 23.
The epigraphic records of the Gupta emperors tell us about the many endowments by pious devotees, of temples and images in honour of the Sun-god24 Titles like Paramadityabhakta, and names such as Adityasena, Adityavardhana, Adityavarman, Prabhakaravardhan, etc., borne by the kings and chiefs mentioned in the Gupta inscriptions, unmistakably refer to the very wide expansion of the solar cult in northern India. But the images and temples of the Sun then erected have almost all been destroyed, and the ruins of these temples, in some cases at least, can be identified as those of temples of the Sun only through the evidence of the inscriptions which still remains
As regards the images, they are almost invariably lost. One inscribed image, however, was discovered by Mr. J. D. M. Beglar in 1879-80 and was first brought to notice in Cunningham's Archæological Survey Reports, vol. XV, p. 12. The date for the installation of the image is presumed to fall in A.D. 672-73, and though the image itself cannot be traced now, it has been described," as a man 2 st. 10 in, high, holding a water lily (lotus ?) in each hand, and with a small standing figure, on each side, that on the right being armed with a club.... " This short notice of the image of the Sun does not enable us to assert that it was of a type identical with many Sürya images discovered in Northern India, which have found their way to one or other of the museums of India. The essential features of such a type can be ascertained if we carefully examine some of these images 26. These are, the seven-horsed chariot of Surya with Aruna as the driver; the Sun-god with his legs covered, wearing bodice and jewels, with his two hands carrying two full-blown lotuses, his head adorned with kirita makuta; his two male attendants, one on each side, holding pen and ink-pot and sword, two female figures on either side in the alidha and pratydlid ha poses shooting arrows, and two or three female attendants. The figure of the Sun, and sometimes the figures of both the male attendants, too, have their feet encased in some sort of leggings. Sometimes the legs of these three figures are left uncarved and shown as inserted in the pedestal or what stands for the chariot 27. Another feature of this Sun-image is the peculiar girdle or waist zone which is depicted by the sculptors on the body of the image. This is referred to in iconographic texts As avya nga and has been rightly identified by scholars with the Avestan aiwiyaonghana, the sacred woollen thread girdle, which a Zoroastrian is enjoined to wear round the waist28. The boots, the close fitting bodice-like garment and this waist zone are the most prominent characteristics of this type of image, and their bearing on the evolution of the type will have to be duly considered.
The iconographic texts, which lay down rules for the making of images, are handed down to us in the pages of several of the Puranas, viz., Agni, Matsya, Padma, Vion udharmóttara, etc. in the Agamas, the Tantras, and works of early da te like the Brhat-Samhita of Varahamihira.
22 The seven horses and Aruna are frequently absent in the South Indian images of Surya.
33 Cat. of the Museum of Archæology at Sarnath, by D. R. Sahni, p. 322 ; M. Ganguly's Orissa and its remains, p. 356; Dr. Vogel's Mathura Museum Cataiogue, pp. 104-05, D 46.
24 Sir R. G. Bhandarkar, 'Vainaviom, Saivism, and Minor Religious Systems,' p. 154; Fleet, Gupta Inscriptions, pp. 68, 79, 126, 161, 208, 214, 288.
36 ASIAR., 1916-17, P. 14, pl. IX B. This marble temple of the Sun, one of the oldest Sarya temples known to us, is situated at Varman in the Sirohi State, Rajputana. For later Sun temples, which are still extant, we may refer to Suryanarkkoil in the Tanjore District (Gopinath Rao, vol. I, pt. II, p. 300), Modhora in Gujarat and Kondrak in Orissa.
30 cj. Dr. Bloch's Supplementary Cat. of the Archeological Exhibite in the Indian Museum, No. 3927, 5820, eto. Of. also the accompanying Plate II.
37 j. ibid., No. 3926, and Dr. Bloch's remarks in the footnotu ou page 79. See also the images of Steya at Ellora, Gopinath Rao vol. I, part II, p. 313, and pl. LXXXVIII fig. 2.
28 Quarterly Journal of the Mythic Society, 1918, p. 287.

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Works on art, which were compiled at a later date, also contain matters chiefly relating to these subjects, and the names of Silaparatna, Sri Višvakarmavatara-Sastra and Rů pamandant may be mentioned in this connection. Texts or portions of texts are, in many cases, the same in two different works, showing that either one borrowed from the other or both drew from a common source. Thus those describing the image of Sürya as given in Vişnudharmottara are identical with those quoted from Matsyapurana in Gopinath Rao's Elements of Hindu Iconography 39. On the other hand, different manuscripts or editions of the same work are found to contain varying texts, though there is no great discrepancy in the delineation of the essential features of the images 30. Then again, the texts in many cases are so very corrupt and there are so many copyist's mistakes on account of unintelligent copying, that we must be very cautious in drawing any far-reaching conclusions from a mere consideration of these texts, without reference to corresponding icons to bear out their evidence. Fortunately for us, the extant sculptures representing the Sun follow to a great extent one or other of these texts laid down in various works.
Without going into details, we may observe that the most prominent peculiarities of the image, as referred to above, find their place in these descriptions. Thus to quote Varahamihira, a representative writer of the sixth century A.D.
"Nasa lalata jamghorúgandavakšamsi Connatäni Raveh. Kúryádůdícyaveşarı güdam picaduro ydvat. Vibhraņas - svakararühe päņibhyam pamkaje mukutadhari. Kundala-bha sitavadanah pralambahari viyadga (viyanga) vritah.”31. The Matsya Purana (Bangavasi Ed., p. 903, ch. 261, v. 3-4) lays down that the Sun.god is to be shown in certain sculptures as having his body covered by a kind of garment and feet covered by effulgence, and possessing other peculiarities. The Sri Visvalarmavatara-Sastra describes the image of Sûrya in these terms:
Ekacalera rathodivya=starkhanuja susdrathih. T'uragaih saptabhiryuktah (?) rddhastatra sthitoravih..... Vrihatva (?) kpd suraktasca sulavanyo kumudyatha. Sahasransurmahatejomanikundalmand itah. Kuryuh...: Kavacaochanna vigrahah. Sanalapadmârajive (?) vibhrat skaṁdhe kare kramât ”32—(ch. 28, v. 51-53, etc.).
To translate it rather freely : “The Sun-god should be placed on a dirine one-wheeled chariot with seven horses driven by the charioteer, who is no other than (Aruna) the younger brother of Tarkshya. He should be wide-chested, red-coloured, and beautiful like a waterlily. A thousand brilliant rays should emanate from him, and he should be adorned with jewelled ear-rings. The body of the image should be covered by a coat of mail. He should hold two beautiful lotuses by their stalks and the lotus blossoms should be shown parallel to the shoulders ".
Though no mention is here made of the Avestan waist girdle—the avyañga, and of the northern style of dress, (udicyavesa) which are, as we have seen, mentioned in an earlier work, viz., the Brhatsamhita, still we do not fail to find a reference to the fact of the Sun's body being covered, evidently alluded to by Varahamihira in the term, gådan pådaduroyávat.' The Matsya Purana refers to the same peculiarity in these words : Cobakacchannavapusan Kvaciccitresu dar ayet: Vastrayugma samopetan caranau tejasduritau'. The reader will specially note the expression kevaciccitrêru darśayct,' and that it should be shown in certain sculptures' (citra here undoubtedly meaning a sculpture fully in the round and not a picture as some would suppose). This observation of the Puranakâr should be clearly borne
20 See Vishudharmóttara, bk. III, ch. 68, verses 2-11 and Gopinath Rao, Elements of Hindu Iconography, vol. I, part II, App. C., pp. 87-8.
30 The passages purported to be quoted by late Mr. Gopinath Rao from Matsya Puran to describe Sarya is quite different from the texts describing the same in Matsya Purára, edited by the Vangabasi Press.
31 Varahamihira, Brhatsamhith, ch. 59, v. 47-S.
33 I am quoting from & manuscript copy of this Iconographic text which was kindly lent to me by Prof. Dr. D. R. Bhandarkar.

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in mind, when we consider that these peculiarities of the image of the Sun, which were evidently alien in character, were not adopted subsequently by a certain class of sculptors, and images of the Sun-god devoid of these characteristic features were also known and described by the authors of the Silapaiâstras.
It has been fully pointed out by Sir R. G. Bhandarkar33 that a particular form of sun worship (Mihira or Mithra worship) was introduced into India from outside in the early centuries of the Christian era. The legend of Sâmba in the Bhavisya Purana, Varahamihira's testimony that an idol of the Sun is to be consecrated by a Maga Brahman 34, the correct identification of these Magas with the Persian Magi, and the avyanga worn by the figure of Surya as referred to above,-all these facts undoubtedly prove that this kind of worship was not identical with the form of Sun-worship prevalent in India from time immemorial; and it was Iranian in character 35. It has also been tacitly concluded by scholars that the peculiar type of the Sûrya image, which was worshipped all over Northern India during the Gupta period and subsequently, was also Iranian in character. But it should be pointed out that though this characteristic form of Sun-worship was borrowed from the Persian Mithra-worship, yet the very image of the Sun-god was not Persian, and very few such elements can be traced in its making. If the Sûrya image itself is thought to be derived from the Iranian Mithra, then we shall be justified in asking for an Iranian proto-type of this image. But we know that the Iranians themselves were not in the habit of worshipping images and our search for an image of Mithra, would be in vain, i.e., before Mithraism itself was to a great extent Hellenized. Mithra in ancient Persian monuments was represented by a symbol, as Sûrya used to be in the early Vedic times. Thus, for example, in one of the friezes on one of the four dakhmas (sepulchre) of Darius, near the site of ancient Istakhr near Naqsh-i-Rustam, "between the king and fire-altar appears Ahura Mazda hovering above, and a ball which is certainly meant to represent the Sun or Mithra" 36. According to the writer of the article Mithraism' in Encyclopædia of Religion and Ethics (vol. 8, p. 753), 'the busts of Sun and Moon and the circle of the Zodiac are standing features in the Mithraic monuments.' But we shall not be justified in saying that these busts of the Sun were the prototypes of the cult-picture of the later form of Sun- worship in India. The same writer makes the following observation about the expansion of Mithraism in Asia Minor. "The near eastern dynasts which sprang from the wreck of Alexander's Empire were fervent worshippers of Mithra, the spiritual Yazata.... It was doubtless at the courts of these mushroom monarchs that the Hellenization of Mithraism, which was the indispensable condition of its further diffusion, was brought about "37.
[SEPTEMBER, 1925
The fully anthropomorphic representation of Mithra in ancient art was due to this Hellenisation of Mithraism, and the type of Apollo-Helios, the Greek solar divinities, served as the original of this Mithra, as the Greeks saw in him a divinity very nearly resembling their own solar deities. That the Hellenes of Asia Minor identified this form of Mithra with their own solar and planetary gods is shown by a monument set up by Antiochus I of Commagene (69-38 B.C.), viz. "the enormous cairn on the tumulus of Nimrud Dagh" on which are five statues, one of which has the inscription, Apollo-Mithras-Helios-Hermes. 38 On another relief Antiochus is represented as grasing the right hand of Mithra, "who is represented in Persian dress with the radiate nimbus". Now, we find the representation of this Sun-god Mithra (Mihira) in the coins of Kaniska for the first time, and there he is shown as wearing a sort of boot, with his extended right hand holding something, his left hand clasping a sword hanging down from his
33 Vaisnaviem, Saivism and other Minor Religious Systems, pp. 153-5.
34 Brhatsamhita, ch. 60, v. 19.
35 Mr. S. K. Hodivala in his " Parsis of Ancient India," has collected all the evidence as regards the identification of the Magas with the Persian Magi, see ch. 10.
37 ERE., vol. 8, p. 754.
36 Spiegel, Iranian Art. pp. 17-18. 38 Ibid., vol. 8, p. 754.

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waist with his head encircled by a radiate nimbus and body heavily draped 39. On the reverse of one of the coins of the same king40 we see a figure exactly similar to the one described above, but the inscription in Greek is HAIOC (Helios). If we compare these two figures with the one of Apollo in one of the coins of Apollodotos 41, we shall see that the latter differs from the former in these respects only; viz., the attributes in the hand are different, the nimbus seems to be absent and the drapery of the upper part of the body is different. But we should make an allowance for the age that intervened between these two types, and the Kushan drapery of the former and the different attributes might be the additions of a later age.
Thus we may conclude that this Kushan "Mihira " most probably had for its prototype the Greek Apollo, as figured on the coins of the Hellenistic kings of India. We may compare with this the representation of Mithra in the Sassanian Art of the subsequent period. We certainly know at least two such figures carved on the reliefs at Taq-i-Bustân, which have been almost unanimously identified by scholars as standing for Mitra (Mithra).42 One of the figures has been thus described : "The body is clothed in a tunic-like robe, belted at the waist and richly set off at the back by an embroidered border with tassels. His head is encircled by a halo of rays and his feet resting upon a heavily carved sunflower, while he raises before him in both hands a long fluted staff. He has a foot-gear which appears to include spurs ... The sun-flower beneath the feet of the image, an early symbol of Sun-worship, is a triple flower, and the stem from which it rises is clearly marked. "43 This relief on which the figure is engraved, cannot be dated earlier than the latter part of the third century A.D., and we see here what features the type of Mithra came to possess subsequently in Iran. On the other hand, the Greco-Roman artists of Eastern Europe and Western Asia laid much importance on the legend about Mithra's having slain the Bull, and the Græco-Roman monuments came to bear usually the representation of Mithra in the act of slaying the Bull44. However, what is to be particularly borne in mind in this connection is this, that Mithra, who was originally represented in early Iranian Art by a symbol as in early Indian Art, came to be endowed with a human form after the cult of the Iranian Mithraism came in contact with the Hellenes of Asia Minor.
Now, should we seek to find in this Kushan Mithra, or as a matter of fact in the Hellenistic Apollo, the actual prototype of the booted Sun image of the early mediæ val period in India ? There is certainly much truth in the observation of certain scholars that the expansion of image worship in India was largely due to the close contact of her sons with the idolatrous Hellenistic invaders of India, and this expansion was also in no uncertain measure brought about by the activities and the exertions of the Scythic barbarians who came in the wake of these Hellenes and were largely influenced by them*5. Certain peculiarities, e.g.,
39 Whitehead, Purijab Museum Catalogue, vol. I, pl. XVII. p. 63. 40 Ibid., pl. XVII, No. 53.
41 Ibid., pl. v, No. 322. 42 Spiegel, Irunian Art, pp. 41-2; A. V. Williams Jackson, Persia Past and Present, p. 217 and plate.
18 Persia Past and Present, pp. 217.18. Spiegel in his Iranian Art remarks about the other figure: ** In the vicinity of the above relief (the one described in the body of the paper) is a panel containing three figures, the middle one is a king wearing a coat of mail, the left a female figure pours water from a vessel in her hand. Tho malo figure on the right weers a diadem, a long beard, a mantle fastened over the breast hangs over its shoulders, it offers to the king the coronal circle. I do not doubt that the female figure on the left represent Anahita and the figure on the right Mithra." (P. 43.)
44 Mythology of all Races, vol. VI, 287-8, pl. XXXIII, pp. 1 and 2.
46 M. Alfred Foucher in his Beginnings of Buddhist Art would date the introduction of the practice of image worship in India after she came in contact with the Greeks. Mr. R. P. Chanda in his Eastern
School of Indian Sculpture seemed entirely to support M. Foucher's view ; but lately he has modified his opinion and is now inclined to assert that though images were made and worshipped in certain places in ancient India, the impetus to the worship of images came to be widely felt in India of the Saka-Kushan period. See his Murti 0 Mandir, a vernacular address read by him in the Radhanogore Sahitya Sam. mpilan, 19th of April, 1924.

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the boots worn by the Indian Surya and the close-fitting drapery enjoined by the iconographic texts to be shown round the image, and in fact actually met with in most of these sculptures, would certainly justify an answer to the question in the affirmative. But it should also be remarked at the same time that the type which was thus evolved was the outcome of the genius of the Indian artists, and these few alien elements were so entirely subjugated in the later specimens that even the alien character of these features was completely lost sight of, and their presence came to be accounted for with the help of ingenious stories invented by the Indian myth-makers. The Indian artists endowed the image of Surya with all sorts of orna. ments pre-eminently Indian; e.g., kirita, keyûra, hara, valaya, udarabandha, etc. They placed two fully bloomed lotus flowers, Indian solar emblems, in his hands, and their conception of Sûrya as riding on a seven-horsed chariot attended by Úsha, Pratyúshâ, and several of the other accessory deities, was also indigenous in character. Here is another case in point where the Indian genius is responsible for wholly remodelling, and giving a new and original character to, a type that was primarily non-Indian in nature to a certain extent46A very careful consideration of a host of these Sun images found all over Northern India would most probably enable us to lay down the general rule that those images in which the alien elemente, e.g., the boots and the close fitting drapery, are most evident, are as a class earlier in point of date than those in which these features are least noticeable. The Sun-images of the extreme South, on the other hand, do not show the least trace of these characteristics, which were to a great extent overoome prior to their first introduction there. The iconographic texts also seem to support our conclusion, and these characteristics, which are more frequently to be noticed in the texts of the earlier period, came to be lost sight of or at most were very slightly noticed in those of the later period.
The legends that are current about the introduction of this form of Sun-worship, with this type of the anthropomorphic figure of the Sun-god as the cult-picture, have been briefly referred to above. But certain details are worth considering in order to account satisfactorily for the peculiarities of this type. The iconographic texts, also mentioned above, in brief, allude to these peculiarities in their own fashion. The peculiar kind of foot-gear, which is to be found worn by Sarya, was not known to the inhabitants of India proper, and so they enjoined that the images should be dressed like a Northerner (Kúryád udicyavegan). Now, what is meant by this injunction ? Iwe look at the effigies of Kaniska on the obverse of his coins, or at the headless statue of the same king 47 now kept in the Mathura Museum, we at once understand the meaning of this term, udicyaverum. Kaniska and the members of his race were to all intents and purposes looked upon by the dwellers of the Indian plain as peopk hailing from the north, aud quite consistently do we light upon certain elements of the dress of Kanişka himself, e.g., the peculiar boots, the heavy drapery, though Indianised afterwards to a great extent, the sword hanging down from the belt in a peculiar fashion, in the person of Sarya. Sometimes even the two male attendants on the side of the central figure, viz., Dandi and Pingala, are quite curiously enough, dressed in exactly the same way as Sûrya himself. We have seen that Mihira (Miioro) of Kaniş ka's coins, and ultimately Apollo of the coins of the Hellenistic kings of India, formed the original prototype of the Sarya image. The avyañga, or waist girdle worn by the Persians, is not to be found on the person of Mihira on the Kushan coins ; but we must bear in mind that Mihira there is covered from neck downwards with a heavy flowing drapery, which in the Indian sculptures of Surya gave placo to transparent garments, and the position of the Persian avyañga, various sorts of Indian ornaments like hara, keyûra, jewelled kañcidama, etc., was emphasised.
As regards the peculiar dress of this Sun-god, one other interesting observation can be made here, viz., that we know of at least two other Indian deities who are
46 of the observations of European scholars like M. Foucher and others regarding the evolution of the Buddha type.
* ASIAR., 1911-12, Plato LII,

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ordered to be depicted as dressed in the Northern fashion. Hemadri in his Vratakhanda (vol. II, pp. 145-146), while describing the images of Citragupta and Dhanada (Kuvera), lays down that both of them are to be shown as dressed like a Northerner, and the latter is also to be endowed with a coat of mail (kavací)48. Citragupta, who is to be placed on the right side of Yama, is to hold a pen in his right hand and a leaf in his left.49 Curiously enough, we see in this Citragupta some interesting resemblances, as far as its iconography is concerned, with the pen and ink-pot-carrying right-hand attendant of Sarya, who is known in iconographic literature by various names, such as Kundi, Piñgala, Dhâtâ, etc. This Udicyavera or the Northern dress was not fully understood by the imagemakers, and these top-boots were especially unintelligible to them. They liked to identify the heavy drapery of the upper part of the body of Sürya with the kavaca, or coat of mail, which they could understand. At least one of the Indo-Aryan divinities, viz., Varuna, is endowed with this coat of mail by the hymnist.60 The elaborate legend about Sarya's marry. ing Samgå, the daughter of Vibvakarma, her flight from him for his unbearable effulgence, and Vigvakarma's attempt at reducing this unendurable tejas of Surya, was composed to explain the peculiar foot-gear of the Sun-god. It is there narrated that Vibvakarma pat the Sun on his lathe (Sana-Yantra) and dimmed his brightness by peeling much of it from the upper part of his body; but he left his legs untouched. So some texts61 say that his legs were covered by his tejas or brightness, and the authors of these iconographic texts strictly enjoin that the legs of the Sun-god are on no account to be shown bare by the sculptor. Any sculptor violating this strong injunction will do so at the risk of becoming a leper for seven consecutive births. This story as well as those iconographic texts, which notice this peouliar feature of this type of Sarya image, show clearly, in this case at least, thap the types of the icons were evolved at first, and that then rules were laid down in correspondence with the type already arrived at, for the future construction of such images. We have remarked how gradually this alien characteristic of the image of the Sun was lost sight of, and the South Indian sculptor had no fear of being attacked with leprosy when he carved the image of the Sun with his legs bare, long after the booted Sarya was sculptured for the first time by his brother artists in Northern India.
148 For Sculptures of Kuvera with his feet shod and his body well-covered with & tunie, accompanied by his consort Harit, see M. Foucher, Beginnings of Buddhist Art, p. 145, pl. XVIII, 1 and 2.
49 Pardue tu daksine tasya Ciiragupta tu Karayet. Udicgavepam svd kdram dvibhujam aqumyadaria. nam. Dakpine Lekhanf tasya udme Patram tu barayet. Dhanada - Kartavyah padmapatrabho Varadona. raudhanar. Camikanátha, Varudal sarudbharanabhúsitat. Lambodara saturudhu-roodma-pingala locana. Udtoyave ar kavacthara bhardrdito Hara, etc.
50 Rigveda, L 26 13.-Vibrad-rapim hiranyan varunovaslanirnijam. "Wearing golden coat of mail, be veils himself in his radiance."
51 Mataya: Pundma (Vangavast Edition), p. 903, verse 4; of. Bangiya Sahitya Parishat Patrika, vol. XVI. Pandit B. B. Vidya vinod, in his article on Arya Pada Upanat' (Shoes on the legs of try's), tries to explain away this covering of the legs as the sculptor's attempt at representing the tejas of the Sun w onjoined in the Matsya Purga. But he seems to have fully missed the point that the texto and the logend itself in fact try to account for this non-Indian peculiarity in their own way. Again, if Burya's feet are covered siraply by his brightness, then how it is that we find these self-samo boots on the logs of his two male attendante, Dapdi and Kundi. One other interesting feature about these images seem to have been noticed by very few soholar, viz., even the legs of the female attendants of Shrys in many reliefs (of. those exhibited in the Gupta Gallery of the Calcutta Museum) are covered by these identical boote. In this connection, the figure of a soldier (1) on the upright of the railing of Bhahut should be noticed. The dress of this figure is very peculiar, unlike those worn by the figures of an Indian soldier. "On the feet are boots, which reach high up the legs, and are either fastened or finished by & chord with two tassels, like those on the nuck of the tunic." The type of the figure seems to be an alien one and we may compare it with the lion-riding negroid (1) figure on the East gate-way at Sanchi. The position of the figure from the waist downwards is not shown in the relief. (cf. Cunningham's Bharhut Stupa, p. 32, pl. XXXII. 1, and Grünwede!'s Buddhist Art, pp. 33-34, fig. 10.

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The
We know that the iconographic texts usually give two hands to Sûrya, and it is generally implied there that the figure of the Sun-god should be a standing one. Reliefs of Surya with two hands and in a standing posture hail from every part of India. But images of the Sun with four hands and in a sitting posture are also found in India, though very rarely. An early image of the Sun that was enshrined in Multan, which according to the legend of Sâmba in the Bhavisya Purana was the first to welcome this novel form of Sun-worship (Mithra worship) in India, has been described by the early Arab writers who wrote about India. This des cription, though not very clear, is well worth reproducing in connection with the seated type of the Surya image. Abu Ishak, Al Istakhri, who flourished about the middle of the tenth century A.D. writes, "The idol is human in shape and is seated with its legs bent in a qua drangular (squat) posture, on a throne made of brick and mortar. Its whole body is covered with a red skin-like morocco leather, and nothing but its eyes are visible.. eyes of the idol are precious gems, and its head is covered with a crown of gold. It sits in a quadrangular position on the throne, its hands resting upon its knees, with the fingers closed, so that only four can be counted."62 Al Idrisî's description of the image is similar in character, but he says 'its arms, below the elbow, seem to be four in number. '63 Other seated images of Surya are noticed by Mr. Gopinath Rao.64 As regards the four-handed images of Surya, Mr. Macdonell remarked that no images of Surya endowed with four hands are to be found in India. But Prof. Venkatesvara has contradicted Mr. Macdonell and has referred to a few reliefs where the Sun-god seems to be endowed with four hands. 55 But it should be remarked here that of these four-handed images of Surya, all seem to be of the seated type, and if a general observation can be made with some approach to accuracy, we should modify Mr. Macdonell's statement and say that standing images of Sûrya with four hands are hardly to be found in India. Another type of the image of the Sun, riding on a single horse, is referred to in the Agni Puranas and the Sri Viśvakarmavatára Sastra.56 One such relief in Kandi (Bengal) is mentioned by Mr. Nikhilnath Ray in his History of Murshidabad.
Solar character can be traced in the origin of the many important Brahmanical deities of the Puranic period. We have seen that Surya enjoyed a very prominent place in the Rigvedic period, and Visņu, recognised as one of his aspects, came to be regarded as one of the most prominent divinities subsequently and became the cult head of Vaisnavism. As such, many images of various types were made of him. The story about Samga's flight from Sûrya relates how from the leavings or parings of the resplendent body of the Sun, many weapons and attributes were made for other divinities. Thus Sudarsana Cakra, Vajra, Sula, Sakti were each made out of these cast-off portions of the Sun-god,, and they came to be regarded as the weapons particular to Visou, Indra, Siva and Skanda respectively. This legend perhaps shows, in no doubt a very peculiar way, the solar basis of these gods. Mr. Krishna Sastri remarks in his South Indian Gods and Goddesses (p. 236): "But within the flaming orb is recognised the god Narayana (Visņu) whose body is golden, who assumes the form of Brahmâ in the morning, Maheśvara (Siva) in the midday and Visņu in the evening.
52 Elliot's History of India, vol. I (1867), p. 28.
53 Ibid., vol. I (1867), p. 82. Idrîsî remarks 'There is no idol in India or in Sind which is more highly venerated.'
54 Elements of Hindu Iconography, vol. I, part II, plate LXXXIX (Chitorgadh relief), pl. LXXXVIII, fig. I (Bronze, Madras Museum), fig. 3 (Marble, Rajputana it is four-handed).
55 JRAS., 1918, pp. 521-2.
56 Sri Viśvakarmávatára Sastra, ch. 28, v. 59. Athabaévasamarudhaḥ karya ekastu Bhaskara. Agni Purdya (Vanga Vasi Edition, ch. 51, v. 3), borrows this passage from the former work and its descrip. tion of the images of the other Adityas is also a case of wholesale borrowal from the same,

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Fig. 1-SURYA WITH HIS ATTENDANTS
Dr. Stella Kramrisch

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FIG. 2-SURYA WITH HIS ATTENDANTS FROM KONARAK, ORISSA
Dr. Stella Kramriech

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.... An illustration from Chidambaram (fig. 144) evidently represents Sûrya as coinposed of Brahma, Vişnu and Mahesvara (Trimurti).67
It may be remarked in fine that the type of the image of the Sun-god, which was introduced into India in the early centuries of the Christian era and largely Indianised by the genius of Indian artists, may have played a prominent part in the development of the types of many other important Brahmanical divinities.
[The two figures accompanying this article are typically North Indian in character. The details in both of them are fully prominent. The garment covering the upper part of the body of Surya is finely suggested by the artist in Plate I ; whereas, the trunk from the waist upwards is left bare in Plate II. The avyañga and the boots are clearly marked in both the figures. The relief shown in Plate II (from KonArak, Orissa), a finely carved piece of sculpture, seems to be .later in point of date than the figure in Plate I.
I am indebted to Dr. Stella Kramrisch, Lecturer in Fine Arts in the Calcutta University, for these photographs.]
THE DATE OF THE KAUTILIYA.
BY H. C. RAY, M.A. “The finding of the Arthasastra of Kautilya," says Prof. K. V. Rangaswami Aiyangar "will remind students of Roman Law of the fortunate accident which made Niebuhr light upon the manuscript of Gajus at Verona, in 1816."1 The importance of the recovery of this work can scarcely be exaggerated. There is hardly any field in Ancient Indian History on which this Arthasdstra has not thrown welcome light. All students of Indology are therefore highly indebted to Dr. R. Shamasastry for not only editing but also translating it into English. To the translation again of this work Dr. Shamasastry has added a learned preface putting together all the references to this Arthasastra and discussing its age and author. ship. His contention is that the present work was composed by Kautilya, Prime-minister of Chandragupta the founder of the Maurya dynasty in the 4th century B.C. In thu introductory note which Dr. Fleet has written and which has been published at the beginning of this translation the same English scholar gives us clearly to understand that he is in substantial agreement with the conclusions of Dr. Shamasastry. Soon after their views were published, however, they were hotly assailed by European scholars, such as Hillebrandt, Jolly, Keith and recently Winternitz. Prof. Jacobi was the only exception. The criticisms levelled by these scholars may be reduced principally to 3 views :
1. The work might have originated with Kautilya, but was developed and brought to its present condition by his school.
2. The work was itself originated and developed by a school of polity which was a880. ciated in later times with his name.
3. The work might itself have been composed by one single author or at least one compiler or editor about the 3rd cent. A.D. and been fathered on the legendary Chanakya Kautilya, who was then looked upon as the type of a cunning and unscrupulous minister.
Let us now take into consideration the first two points which are closely allied. Kautilya, it is contended, may have originated the work, but the work itself was systematically developed and brought to its present condition by a school either founded by him or associated with his name. What is the evidence adduced in support of this position? Whenever the views of previous authorities on Hindu polity are specified and criticised, they have always been
07 Indian Antiquary, 1918, p. 136. Rai Bahadur Hiralal on Trimurtis in Bundelkhand has tried to bring out the solar character of these Trimurtis, see Plate II and compare it with tho 3-headed figure of Sarya in Chidambaram in Mr. Krishna Sastri's work. See also ASIAR., 1913-14, pp. 270-280.
1 Ancient Indian Polity, (Madras, 1916), p. 7.
For references to the works of the above scholars, see the bibliography at the end of this chapter. V. Smith in his Early History of India and Thomas in the Cambridge History of India have virtually agreed with Dr. Shamasastry and Prof. Jacobi.

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followed by a definite statement of Kautilya's own views, with a specific mention of Kautilya in the third person. This use of the name in the third person has led scholars to infer that the work wis composed, if not exactly by Kautilya, -by some teachers who flourished in the school conuected with his name. I regret I cannot bring myself to accept their line of reasoning. For they have adduced no evidence to demonstrate that the mention of an author's name in winding up the discussion of a subject, already handled by previous acharyas, must necessarily indicate that his name has been specified, not to denote him as the individual author but to denote his school. It is true that the sutras of the Půrva and the Uttara Mimamså, for instance, while introducing such discussions and specifying the names of the various teachers who contributed them, have ended with the specification of the views of Jaimini and Badarayaņa, their reputed authors. It is also true that both Jaimini and Badarayana were the reputed founders of these schools, but this latter conclusion does not follow from the mere mention of their names at the end of such discussions introduced into their sútras. We regard them as the originators of these schools, simply because they have been traditionally handed down as the founders of both the schools. But is there any independent evidence to show that there was a school of polity founded by Kautilya or associated with his name? Kautilya has been referred to so frequently in later literature that, if he had been really connected with a new school, at least one reference to this fact would have been traced somewhere in that literature. What we, however, find is that he is universally considered to be the author of the Arthaśdstra, but there is no reliable evidence that he was the founder of any school.3, Kautilya does not stand alone in this respect. We have a similar instance in Våtsyayana, the author of the Kamasutra. In these sutras also discussions are frequently introduced with the mention of the names of different previous authors and end with the view of VatsyAyana himself, whose name has always been mentioned in that connection. Are we then to suppose that the authors of these Kamasutras cannot be Vatsyayana himself, but that their body of sútras was evolved and completed by some acharyas of a school of erotics founded by him or associated with his name. Here, also, there is absolutely no evidence to show that there was any such school for the science of erotics.
Perhaps the most extreme opinion expressed in this connection is that of Prof. Hillebrandt, who remarks that the constant use of the phrase iti Kautilyah tells against the authorship of Kautilyah himself, and he therefore ascribes the work to his school. What this view really amounts to is, that the mere use of the name of an individual in the third person is an undoubted indication that the work is not his, but that of his school. This, however, ignores the fact that the practice of an author mentioning his name in the third person, when he has to express his own views, has been handed down in India even to modern times, and this is the reason why we find poets-saints like Nánaka, Tulsidas, Kavir, Tukaram, Chandidas and others invariably speaking of themselves in the third person.
I have just said that the mere phrase iti Kautilyah, or neti Kautilyaḥ, occurring in the Arthasastra, does not necessarily prove that it was not the work of Kautilya; but of his school. I am prepared to go a step farther. I have already remarked that there is no trustworthy evidence to show that there was any school in existence, which was connected with the name of Kautilya. Why, indeed, should there be any such school at all? Kautilya expressly tells us that his work is a mere compendium of what the authors of Hindu polity prior to his time had written on the subject. He does not claim much originality * at all. Nor does he deserve any credit for originality, except in such theoretical discussions as set forth the views of the previous authors. la these discussions only Kautilya gives his own individual opinion, which is to that extent
In the Midrand kshasa Kautilya appears with a disciple. But Jacobi has pointed out that the author of the Drama lived 1.000 vents after the statesman and described the time of his hero on the model of his own. Kamandaki calle Kautilya his guru, but there is nothing to show that kaupya was his parampara guru.
Artha sastra, 2nd ed., p.).

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original. But he cannot possibly be credited with having originated an entirely new system of political philosophy. To say, therefore, that he was the founder of any school is to my mind a view which is not only not borne out by facts, but is inherently impossible.
We now turn our attention to the consideration of the third of the views referred to above. Before, however, we can satisfactorily deal with this question, it is absolutely necessary to discuss another point, which is really the pivot of that and kindred views. So far as the Arthasastra goes, in many places we have been told that Kauțilya was the author of the book. I have already adverted to the discussions in which the names of previous authors precede that of Kautilya.. In three other places in the work the name of Kautilya occurs, namely, at the end of the 1st chapter, at the end of the 10tb chapter (IInd Book) and at the end of the last chapter. Thus it has been calculated that the name of Kautilya occurs in the book not less than 72 times, and, so far as the internal and external evidence of this work is concerned, Kautilya undoubtedly was the author of it; and further, as the concluding verses of the 10th and the last chapters show, this Kautilya must have been the prime minister of the Mauryan King Chandragupta. Can this Kautilya really be the author of the Arthasastra? I have already stated that Prof. Jacobi is the only European scholar who answers this question in the affirmative. Prof. Winternitz, however, holds the opposite view. It may not be posrible to agree with the former when he says that Kautilya was like Bismarck and could not have found time to establish a school, and Prof. Keith seems to be right when he remarks that "Kautilya was not Bismarck, and India is not Germany.' But it should be borne in mind that in India there was never any antagonism between practical politics and the academic pursuit of knowledge. The latest instance is furnished by the two brothers, Madhava and Sayaņa, who were administrators in the Vijayanagar Empire, but who nevertheless found time not only to study, but also to write about Vedic lore.? This, I think, satisfactorily answers the argument of Prof. Winternitz, when he says that the Arthasd stra was the work, not of a statesman, but of a pandit fond of pedantic classifi atic and definition. This last characteristic is certainly prominent in the writings of both Madhava and Sayana. Nevertheless, history tells us that both of them were shrewd administrators and wise stateemen.
Prof. Winternitz, however, adduces many more arguments in support of his position. Thus he tells us that the very name Kautilya gives rise to serious doubts. The fact that he is never called Chanakya and only once Vishnugupta, which is a copyist's addition, raises grave suspicions as to the real authorship. The word Kautilya means "crookedness," "falsehood.” Is it likely, he asks, that Chandragupta's minister should have called himself * Mr. Crooked'or" crookedness personified."? He forgets that in India people often bear names of evil import, but they are not ashamed for that reason of mentioning them. The Aitareya Brahmana has given us the name Sunalepha, which means the dog's tail'; and we know that the author of one of the ancient scripts of India wae Kharoshtha, which signifies 'the ass's lips.' But if we want any instance nearer home, it is furnished by Kautilya's Arthasástra itself. For does he not tell us that two of the authors of Hindu polity who flourished before him were Vatavyâdhi, i.e., 'Gout'or 'Rheumatism'8 and Pisuna, i e., 'slanderer' or "backbiter.' Why should Kautilya therefore be ashamed of calling himself Kautilya in his work, supposing for the moment that it meant Crookedness'? But is it so as a matter of fact? If he is to be called "Mr. Crooked," would not the term be rather Kutila than Kautilya ? Is there any instance of an abstract noun like Kautilya, which must always be in the neuter, being used for a male individual by changing the gender of that word ? Evidently Kau. tilya must be a taddhita name, and if we say that his mother was Kutil, his name must become Kautileya and not Kautilya. And if we suppose that he was called after his father
6 V. Smith and Thomas se em also to share this view. 8 JRAS., 1916, p. 131. 7 Some Contributions of South India to Indian Oulture, by S. Krishnaswami Aiyangar, pp. 309-10. # Arthaddatra, pp. 14, 33, etc.

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Kutila, the name would be Kauțila. I am afraid we cannot hope to explain the formation of the name, if we persist in connecting Kautilya somehow with Kutila. The author of the Sabdakal padruma perceived this difficulty and has therefore given a different etymology, viz., Kutah ghatah tam lánti kutalah kuladhanyah tesâmapatyan Kautilyah. This explanation may perhaps look fantastic, but what I contend is that the name must be explained as a taddhita form. It is possible that Kutala or Kuţila or Kotala or Kotila was the original name from which Kautilya was derived by Påņini's sútra Gargadibhyo yan. In later times, however, the gotra name Kautalya or Kautilya was confounded with the abstract term crookedness,' especially as the prime minister of Chandragupta, being the means of securing the sovereignty of the Mauryan family, must have been a first-rate diplomat and an adept in state-craft. He came thus to be connected somehow with all the dark and devious methods that are associated with diplomacy and duplicity. Recently Mahamahopadhyâya Ganapati Sastri has pointed out that the word Kutala is mentioned by Keśavasvamin in his Nanâarthårn. avasam krepa, as meaning both Gotrarini and an ornament.
It is thus difficult to see what objection there can be to our considering Kautilya, the prime-minister of Chandragupta, as the author of the Arthasdetra. The only way to cast doubt on this conclusion is to show that there are traits of style and some words or names in the body of the book, which are of a much later period. Sir R. G. Bhandarkar, 10 for instance, has taken his stand upon this type of internal evidence and has brought the composition down to a much later period. We will therefore direct our attention to these argumente. The strongest internal evidence on which these scholars have relied is the close affinity which tho Kautiliya bears to the sutra works of a later period and to the Kamasútra of Vatsyâyana, The method of stating the views of opponents in a discussion, together with their names, and setting forth the final decision by their specification of the view and name of the reputed work, is a special characteristic of the sůtra works of the later period, and as among these Vatey&. yana is the earliest, being referred to the fourth century AD, it is contended that Kautilya could not have been far removed in point oftime. He and his work are thus brought down to the second or third century A.D. I confess I am not oonvinced by any arguments which are based on mere considerations of style. To quote an instance, Mattavilása is evidently a drama of the seventh century, but in style, especially so far as the prologue is concerned, it has a remarkably close resemblance to the introductory portions of the 13 plays which have recently been ascribed to the poet BhAsa. We know the date of the Mattavildsa positively. It belonge to the seventh century A.D., and as we have got a positive date for this drama, an attempt was made by Dr. Barnett11 to bring the thirteen plays above-mentioned within this late period. But I do not think this view has commended itself to scholars like Prof. Winternitz, Keith and others. Secondly, it is true that the date of Vâtsyâyana's Kámasútra has been settled pretty accurately. There is no evidence that it was added to or was tampered with by interpolations. This, however, cannot be said in regard to the Vedantasútras of Badar yana or the Nydyasútras of Gautama. There can be no doubt that both the bodies of the sutras, as known to us at present, cannot be much earlier than the first century A.D. But it cannot be contended that most of the sûtras forming each one of these sets were not in existence long before. Take for instance the Vedanta sútras. To an impartial scholar there can be no doubt that they have been referred to in a passage of the Bhagavadgita, as noticed by Mr. Amalnekarls and Max Muller. 13 What is the explanation of this discrepancy? Perhaps the best explanation is that of Prof. D. R. Bhandarkar, who has contended with great force that these • Edited by Ganapati Sastri, Trivandrum series, Trakbarakanda ; verses 5, 33.
10 Presidential Address of Sir R. G. Bhandarkar, First Oriental Conference, pp. 6-7. 11 JRAS., 1919, p. 233 and 1923, p. 422.
12 C. V. Vaidya, Epic India, p. 497. 18 Max Muller, Indian Philosophy, p. 118.

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Vedanta-sutras, though they existed long prior to the Bhagavadgitâ, were added to from time to time and acquired their present fixity, when they were first commented upon by a most erudite commentator, perhaps Upavarsha. If such is the case, that particular trait of the sûtra style, which refers to the opponents' views along with their names and demolishes them by establishing the doctrine of the author, can very well date back to a time much anterior to the Bhagavadgitá and even the Kautilya. There is, therefore, nothing strange in Kautilya imitating that style in his Arthasdstra. Again, it is worthy of note that the Nyayasûtras, as they exist at present, like the Vedanta-sûtras in their present form are of the third century A.D. But curiously enough they do not share this trait of style and we may therefore reasonably ask why they should not share it with the Kamasutras of Vatsyayana, although both belonged practically to the same period. The truth appears to be that style is not always a safe argument to go upon. No doubt there are many works of one and the same period which partake of the same characteristic style, but that does not preclude an author from imitating another style,-a style not prevalent in his day. It will thus be seen that the trait of style shown by the Arthasdstra is also shown by the Vedantasûtras, the greater part of which are as old as the fourth century B.C., if not older.
We now turn to a consideration of the views of Dr. Kalidas Nag.14 He scouts the idea that the entire Arthasástra has come out from the head of Kautilya, like Minerva from the head of Zeus' and refers the work in its present form to the post-Mauryan period. His main contention is that the diplomacy of the Kauțiliya is not that of a centralised empire, but indeed that of a very divided feudalism, in which each chief is in perpetual conflict with his peers for hegemony and in his turn is crushed by a new series of wars. It represents the normal atomist politics of a very decentralised epoch,-quite the reverse of the politics of a great empire. Thus the diplomacy of the Kautiliya is either anterior or posterior to the Mauryas and does not show any trace of the centralising imperialism of Chandragupta.' In trying to establish his thesis he even goes so far as to deny the existence of the term Chakravartin in the treatise. But every student of the Arthasástra knows that Kautilya distinctly refers to this term. Thus Kautilya says: Deśaḥ prthivi: tasya Himavatsamudrântaramudichinam yojanasahasraparimâṇamatiryakchakravartiksetram.16
[Desa (country) means the earth; in it the thousand yojanas of the northern portion of the country that stretches between the Himalayas and the oceans form the dominion of Chakravartin or Emperor.]16
i
It is clear therefore that Kautilya expressly refers to Northern India (udicht) as the seat of a big empire (chakravartiksetra), which is inconsistent with the supposition of Mr. Nag that the Kautilya reveals the picture of a decentralised feudalism. Clearly Mr. Nag has been misled by those chapters in which Kautilya discusses the theories of inter-State relations and war. In explaining these theories Kautilya has to assume the grouping of states; but nowhere does he say that these states were all small. No one again will deny the existence of big states like Russia and France in modern Europe, merely from the fact that there is conflict-I might almost say perpetual conflict-amongst the states for hegemony. Yet the theories of inter-state relations of Kautilya can be applied substantially to modern Europe, with its great states like Russia and France and tiny states like Belgium and Greece. Kautilya truly remarks:
tejo hi sandhanakaraṇam: nátaptam lauham lohena sandhatta iti.
(It is power that maintains peace between any two kings: no piece of iron that is not made red hot will combine with another piece of iron.)17
(To be continued.)
14 Les Theories Diplomatiques De L'inde Ancienne et L'Arthasastra, Paris, 1923, pp. 114-121. 18 Trans., 2nd ed., P. 396.
15 Arthasdstra, 2nd ed., p. 340.
17 Arthadastra 2nd ed., p. 269. Trans., 2nd ed., p. 322.

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A VERSION OF HIR AND RANJHA. BY ASA SINGH OF MAGĦIANA, JHANG DISTRICT, PUNJAB. RECORDED BY H. A. ROSE, I.C.S. (Retireil).
Prefatory Note.
BY SIR RICHARD C. TEMPLE, Br. This rough Panjabi ballad is of interest to show how deeply the tale of Hir and Ranjha has eaten into the minds of the people. It is not a high class poem or even a well-told tale, but its main interest is that it was composed by one Åsa Singh, keeper of a "sweets" shop in the Sadar Bazaar in Jhang, who was a native of Maghiana, a village in that district. This we learn from the last stanza.
Text.
Alif.1
Åke Rabb nûn yâd kariye: Devi Mata de sâhita loriye, jî, Mere andaron uthya Chår-yáron :"Kissa Hîr te Ranjha joriye, ji, Waris Shah da hai bayan jelrå, Phog-satte 'atar na choriye, ji, Asa, Singhanan hal kuchh gum howe, Apo-Ap matlab s&r& phoriye, ji."
Translation Come and celebrate the praises of the Lord, And ask the help of Mother Devi, Within me have arisen the Four Friends (saying) - "Construct the tale of Hir and Ranjha As Waris Shah has told it. Do not leave out the sprinkling of the scents; And if any point is missed by Asa Singh Disclose the meaning of it thyself.”
Alif 2. Awwal da e bâyân, yåro. Ranjhihân bhire zamindår lokon. Manjů Takht-Hazare då Chaudhri si ;
-- Bete ath, jainde våkif kår lokon, Satan nål oh rakhie anjor bot: Dhido nål si usdå pyår lokon. Aså Singhå, jeda Manjû faut hoià,
Bhái nal Ranjha karan khår lokon • 1 The poem is arranged in 34 stanza3 numbered by letters of the Araba-Persian Alphabet generally in the order of the letters. Each stanza commences with the letter indicating it.
9 Author of the most celebrated version of the story, translated by G. C. Usborne, and published ante, Vol. L, as a Supplement.
3 The present author.

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Translation. This is the beginning of the tale, my friends! Ranjha came of zumindár folk (Jats). Manju was Chaudhri of Takht Hazara, And had eight sons of whom we know. With seven he was on bad terms, But Dhido he loved greatly. When Manjù died, 0 Åsa Singh There was disagreement between Ranjh&4 and his brothrea.
Ве Boliyan mårde Ranjhanei nûn Sat bh&i jehre usde han, Miân: . Ghar jawe te bâviân lânt'ane, Nal tuhmatân de qadhan jân, Mjau - "Nadhi Hîr Syal di paran leâwen, Tadân janî tain-nun jawan, Midi." Asa Singhkahnda : gharon vak hoke Ranjha tarak kita pin khân, Midis.
Translation. With (vile) words to Ranjha His seven brothers abused him.' They turned him out of the house with scorn and curses, On hearing these words from a traveller "Go and get the troth pledge of Hir the Syal. She is fit lover for a youth like you." Asa Singh says, Ranjha left his home, And gave up eating and drinking.
Te Tarak Hajáre-nûn kar Ranjha Jhang chalia, Rabb di As karke. Chải vanjlf khủndf te pal Chure, Gharon turid, Hîr da qiyas karke. Ratii vich masst. vajal vanjli. Mullai kadhia, 'ishq di pas karke. Kamm Rabb de dekh ton, Aså Singh&; BaithA nadi ten, chit,udas karke.
Translation. Abandoning Takht Hazara, Ranjha Went to Jhang, trusting in God. He took his flute brown with use, He started from his house dreaming of Hir. At night he rested in a mosque and played his fluto. The Mullas turned him away taking the side of love. Behold God's work, ASA Singh
He came and sat on the river bank, sad at heart. Ranjhk is rally the tribal name of the hero, but it is always used his personal name.

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Se sabiti şidq de nål kahnd& :"Main-nûn jhab de pår utár, MiAi." Ghusse ho muhane jawab ditt& "Paisa leke karange pår, Mian." Ranjha kahia :-"Faqir gharib-ban, Mian, Hathûn sakna be rozgår, Mian." Asa Singha, tamasha e dekh, tan bi : Kebți kareg& agán kaltár, Miân.
Translation. . With firm trust he says to the boatman) :
"Take me to the other side of the stream, Sir." Angrily the boatman replied :"I will take you over on payment, Sir." Ranjha said: "I am a poor man, Sir; Without a livelihood save by my hands, Sir." Asa Singh : behold thou too this wonder: What commands the Creator will give.
Jim
Jadan muhane jawat ditta, Ranjh, howe khald harian jehå: Pichhon Mulla kadh-ditta mas it vichoù; Agn hanr milie be-iman jehå. Ranjha " bismillah " karke lei vanjli; Rag gawian rûh-parchhan jeha. Asa Singh, us munhiáni mard rannan Sohna gabro, pari de shan, jeha.
Translation. When the ferryman had refused to take him across, Ranjha was left alone and perplexed. Behind the Mulla had turned him out of the mosque, And in front of him he met another rascal. Ranjh& saying " bi'smi'i'ah," took his flute And sang a soul-entrancing ditty. Asd Singh (says), he enchanted both men and women, This beautiful youth who was like a fairy.
Chim Charen Ranjhe-nůó beri uthe: Ranndu dcer jbabel dilo u hieni; Beri vich charde bahaliane ; Girdi baith bharindian muthiens, Ladhan samajhia : Meridá do rannan Ls Jatt di vanjli kuthiepi. ABA Singh : Ranjhe ten te mast hoidi Ghar chhor, khawind kolon ruthieni.

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Translation Two women from the boatmen's hamlet arose And took him into the boat. They took him into the boat and made him sit down, And they sat down and began to pound grain. Ludhan understood that his two wives Had been captivated by the Jatt's flute. Aså Singh (says] They were mad for Ranjha Left their house, and quarrelled with their husband.
He Haqq di puchhda bat Ranjha "Beri vich kehra palang kasiyae ?" "Etan Hir Saleti di sej, Mian, Qisse Bhagbhari kolon dasiyae." Sunke Hir då nånte khushi hoid: Sutta palang ten gharan dA nasiyle. Aså Singh:-Kahin Hír nga jahe kahiê; **Tera palang kise Jatt kasiye."
Translation. Ranjha asks for a true account - "Whose bed is that spread out in the boat. ?" "This is the bedding of Hîr the SyAl girl, Sir, Whose tale is told with that of Bhag-bhari." Hearing Hir's name he was delighted And he who had fled from his home lay down on the bed, Asa Singh (says) :-Some one went and told Hir: "Some Jatt is stretched upon thy bed."
Khe Khabar je itni pat us-ngi, Vich gham de Hir Syal hui, "Mere sej uthe sutta kaun ake?” Rawan nadi ten såyaú de nal hai Pahle már muhåne non chûr kita : Pher Ranjhe de an khiyal hai. Singh&: Hir di dil vika-chuki, Jadan nainan di nainen ten jhal hai.
Translation. When she heard this news Hir the Syal was vexed : “Who has lain down on my bed." Coming to the river with her companion, First she began to scold the boatman : Then she came and looked at RanjhA. [Says Asaj Singh :-Hir's heart was conquered outright When eye with eye exchanged its glances.
(To be continued.)

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BOOK-NOTICE. Gipsy LANGUAGES. BY STEN Konow, Oslo, he may perhaps say in the famous words of the
(Vol. XI of the Linguistic Survey of India student, asked after an examination if he had edited by SIR GEORGE GRIERSON, K.C.I.E., succeeded in demonstrating Euclid Bk. I Prop. D.LITT.) 14x108, VIII, 213 pp. Calcutta.
5, "I should not like to say that I proved it, but Government Press.
I think I made it seem very probable." The word " Gipsy" is here used in the sense
Though supposed to be Dravidians, these of " nomad." Its use is not intended to suggest
nomads now speak Aryan dialecte, generally conany connection with the Romani Chals of Europe.
nected with Rajputani, Gujarati or Marathi. A Throughout the length and breadth of India mi
number of the secret words used in their special gratory tribes are to be found, some settling down
argons are common to several different tribes, in towns and villages, others still moving from
and of these a few are found among Euro. place to place in pursuit of their ordinary avoca
pean Gipsies. Thus the word kajja or kdjd employtions. All or noarly all wandering tribes in India ed by Sagis and Nats, (also, it may be remarked have dialoots or argota of their own. Some of by Chürås who are not discussed at all in this these forms of speech are closely connected volume) 18 like the Roman pajo ( English with well-known languages, and have already
codger). It does not however mean, as hero stabeen described in the course of this series. Thus
ted, "man" pur et simple. It always mean six are dealt with in Vol. IV, along with Dravidian & man not belonging to the tribe. This is true languages, and seven in Vol. IX as belonging to also of gajo. In India there is a further limitation the Bhil languages. In the volume before us of meaning. The word means a man of ordinary six dialects and ten argots are discussed. The respectable society. Thus sai would not call dialects are gasi Beldări, Bhami, Ladi, Oaki and & Chāpå or Gagesā "Kajja," but a Hindu, MusalPendhari; the argots need not be specified. Say man or Englishman would be so called. Other is said on p. 5 to be a mere argot, but on p. 41, Romani words are jukela, jhukil, chukal chuk to be a distinct vernacular. The latter statement or dhokal, dog (Rom.. jukel), and rhaklo, boy is correct. It is a real dialect with its own (Rom. raklo). In addition to those there are declensions, conjugations, phonetio law and of course the numerous Romani words which are syntax, and is as independent as any non-noma- common to all Sanskritio languages. dic, non-criminal dialect which, spoken by few Prof. Konow is much to be congratulated on people, lies open to the influence of more powerful his contributions to the Linguistio Survey. neighbours. Dr. Konow, however, on p. 6 was Of the 16 volumea now before us he has written 5 perhaps thinking of the Criminal Variation which in all, and Sir George Grieron 11. It is may be described as an argot based upon the matter of great satisfaction to find distindialect.
guished foreign scholars, like him and Prof. The author's main thesis is one of intense inter
Bloch of Paris, devoting themselves to modern est. He argues on both ethnological and
Indian vernaculars, thus showing that importlinguistic grounds that all these nomads had a
ance does not depend on a remote past. The common Dravidian origin, and that for many
views expressed in the present work will command centuries they have roamed over India. In fact,
general acceptance, except those (occupying only ho hints that they are indirectly referred to in
half a page in all) which relate to the connection the Mahabharat, where Yudhishthira is warned of
of Romani with Indian languages. These should impending treachery in a jargon understood only
be reconsidered. by himself and the speaker. We can but wish The treatment of the similarity between that the limitations of space had not prevented
dialects widely separated geographically, a simithe production of more evidence and precluded larity which shows itself not so much in india fullor discussion of the whole problem. We vidual words as in methods of word-building, and phould like to know how these tribes differed particularly of secret word-building, is valuable from other Dravidians, why they separated from in itself and leads to important resulte. The thorn, whether they were ever a united, though picture of this great tribe with the wanderlust separato, whole, how and why they split into diverse in its veins, a band of peoplo much larger in time elements, and most important of all, what their past than today, fascinates the imagination; and connection is with the true Gipsies of Asia Minor the possibility of their being of the same race as and Europe. The arguments pointing to original the real Gipsies should attract the attention of unity are well put together, and a good case is Orientalists and fill with joy the hearts of the made out. The author will not himself claim founders and supporters of the Gypsy Lore Society. completely to have established his position, but I
T. GRAHAME BAILEY.

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SARALA AND DEVADARU.
BY JYOTISCHANDRA GHATAK, MA. FOR a very long time there has been prevalent among both Indian and Western scholas a genuine confusion as to the exact signification of the names of the two trees, 'Sarala' and 'Devad&ru'. Some have boldly identified the 'Sarala' with the 'Devadaru '; others have shown diffidence as to the identity, but have not been able to draw a satisfactory line of demarcation between the two; while still others have maintained a sceptical silence. As a matter of fact the actual difference between the two trees is too wide to have given rise to any real difficulty. This will be evident from the following article. The various lexi. cons, works on Rhetorio, poems, treatises on Ayurveda, works on Botany, Pharmacopæa, popular and scientific nomenclature, books on economic and commercial products, all agree in speaking to the same effect, and thus confirm what I have just now said. Even a careful exam. ination of the various passages of Raghuvamsam, Kumara simbhavam and Meghadata, in which the words occur, would show that the poet Kalidas was also quite aware of this difference.
Lau me, first of all, discuss the theme from the side of Lexicons : (1) Amarasimha speaks clearly enough. He has not only given the names of the
two trees in two different places, but has inserted the names of various other trees between them. He has given seven other names for 'Devadaru', and two other
names for Sarala.' cf. (a)............Sakrapadapah paribhadrakah
Bhadradaru drukilimam pitadaru ca daru cá, Patikdsthanica sapta syurdevadaruni. (S1. 54.)
(6) Pitadruß Saralak pitikdgtham. (81. 60.) It is apparent from the quotation that Putikastha is a common name for both trees. But this is no argument in favour of identifying them. To cite an instance,
Dvija' means both a 'twice-born caste' and 'tooth', but this does not imply that a twice-born caste is a tooth. (2) The Visva-prakasa lexicon points out the actual difference between the two, by placing them side by side, while giving the various meanings of the word
Deva-kartha. Cf. Devakdahantu Sarala-devad&ru-mahi ruhoh. (3) The lexicon Medint also very similarly draws a distinction, while giving the
various meanings of Pati-kastha.' Cf. Patiklethantu Sarala-devad Aru-mahi ruhôh. (4) Even the lexicographer Kekavasvámin seems to have recognised the distinction;
when giving the various meanings of the word Daru, he writes : “Daru kdsthe kli punar devadáruni"--and again when giving the meanings of
pitadaru, he says: Pitadaru punah klivam devaddruni candane. But when giving the meaning of
Sarala, he identifies the tree with Patikasthahvaya-druma.
From the above it will be evident that of all the names of the Devadaru tree, viz. Daru, Pita-ddru, Amara-pádapa, etc., Devadaru' was the one most generally known and most commonly used. This is the reason why in explaining the meaning of the other names of the tree, the term 'Devadaru 'has always been used. If 'Sarala' meant the samé tree as
Devadaru,'our lexicographer must have chosen that very word (inasmuch as it is the most popular of all its synonyms), instead of such an ambiguous term as pūtikástha, which, according to Amarasimha and a few other lexicographers, means both 'Sarala' and Devadaru'. (Vide above.) Besides, in a very large majority of treatises, 'Patike, tha' is exclugively used for the Sarala' tree alone. The author of the Sabda-Candrika, for example, gives

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..............
Patik&atha 'as a name for Sarala,' but he does not mention it as a synonym of 'Devad Aru.' Moreover, the singular termination in. Patikasthahvaya-drume is significant, and shows that the author must have meant only one, and not two trees by Patikathahvaya. Even if we take for granted that a singular case-affix has been used to mean both the trees, it stands, to reason that the use of the rather ambiguous term Patikdatho would have been avoided by the lexicographer, in view of the fact that definiteness and clearness are essential to lexicons.
Further, if we go to the etymology of the worl Palikantha, we find that there is a significant reference to the malodorovs principle contained in the wood of the tree. Now,
turpentine,' which is the oleo-resinous product of 'Sarala,' and is known as Saraladrava, Srivesta, Srirds, Vykradhapa, ctc., is decidedly more pungent and offensive in smell than Devadaru oil, or kelon-led-lel as it is popularly known. All these would go to support the view taken by me, viz., that the lexicographer Keśava-sv&min must have been aware of the difference between the two trees. .
(5) The lexicographer Hemacandra explains Saraladrava as Srivesta, Payası, Vukadhúpa.
(Vide Martya kânda, 7th Paryyâya). It is a point of much importance that the oleo-resinous exudation from the 'Sarala' tree has so many technical names, while the oleo-resinous exudation from the Devadaru' tree has no technical appellation. This also goes far towards pointing out the initial difference between the
two trees. As to works on Rhetoric, Bågbhata in his work Kdvydnusd sa na, ch. 1, very clearly
points out the difference. CJ. Sarla-devadaru-drákşd-kunkuma-camarajina......
turangamandmutpådah (p. 4. 1. 25. Nirnaya Sagara Edition). Even a work on Biography, viz., Ballala Caritam, a composition of the sixteenth
oentury, draws the distinction. cf. Saralam deva-kästhasca........(ch. 14, s. 23).
The works on the Ayurveda most pointedly mark the difference between the two trees and dwell at length upon their different medicinal properties. I quote below passages from the most eminent works on the Ayurveda, where 'Sarala' and 'Devadaru ' (or Daru) have Leen mentioned side by side.
1. Caraka : (1) Agurukutha...........Sarala-Sallali - devadårvagnimantha ..................
(vide Aguroddi Taila, ch. 3. Jvara-cikitsita, sec. 176). (2) Devadaru-haridre dve Saraltivist vacâm............(vide Udara-cikited 13 ch.
(Bangabesi ed., 18 ch. ) sec. 77 (or 104, Bangabasi ed.) (3) Due pañcamülé Saralan Devadaru Sa-nagaram. .......(vide Grahani cikitad; .ch. 15 or (ch. 19, Banga basi); sec. 32 or (sec. 53, Banga basi ed.); Dasamaladyam
Ghrtam.) (4) Saralam daru kesaram........(ch. 27, Trustambha cikitsd, sec. 16 or (29) aco.
to Bangabasi ed.) (5) Sari-Sarala-darveld-mañjistha..............(vide cb. 28 Watavyddhi cikited,
sec. 53 or sec. 110, Bangabasi ed.); Vald taila. (6) .......... Saralah kilimam hingu..........(vide Kalpasthanam, ch 7, sec. 8
or bl. 12, Bangbasi ed.). II. Susruta (1) Saralderadaru--gardira-Siméapd............(vide Satrasthanam, ch. 45, 109). (2) Tathagurum Sarjırasam Saralam devadaru ca (vide Cikitsitasthanam, ch. 16;
sec. 15).

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SARALA AND DEVAD RU
(3) ....Kutha-darubhiḥ. Sarald-guru-rdsnabkih (vide Cikitsita sthanam, ch. 19, sec. 15). (4) Madhulam Karasulla ca Saralam devaddru ca.........(vide Cikilsitasthanan,
ch. 24, sec. 14). (5) Ela trilagukan raend Saralam devadaru ta (vide Cikitsitasthanam, ch. 38, sec. 9). (6) Prapdradarbam naladam Saralam devaddru ca (vide Kalpasthanam, ch. 7,
300. 6). III. Bågbhaga - (1) Sriveppaka-na kha-sprkka-devaddru-priyaigubkih..........(vide ch. 17, Svayuthu
Cibited). (2) Nirgundyunusbara-Surdhra-Suvarna-dugdha Srivesta-guggulu................(vido
ch. 19, Kutha cikited, Mahávajrakam.). (3) Saralamaraddrubhyam Sadhitam...........(vide Kalpasthanam, ch. 5). (4) Sa-bhargt-ddru-Sarala-..........(vide Uttarasthanam, ch. 2. V alaroga-cikitsd.) (5) Rajani daru-Sarala..........(vide Uttarasthanam, ch. 2. Valaroga-cikitsd.) (6) .... roma-devdhva-Sarsapam. Mayarapatra-Srivdsam......(vide Uttara sthanam,
ch. 3, Vala-graha-cilited.) (7) .... Sarala-pippal-devadárubhiḥ...........(vide Uttaraethana, ch. 13, Timira
cikitad). (8) Yojyas dipam bhadra-kathat luathat Kd thacca Sdraldt. (vide Utamisthanam,
ch. 18, Karia-rôga cikitsd.) (9) Aguru-Candana-Kurkuma-Saribd-Sarala-Sarjarasd-maradárubhih. (vide Uttaras
thanam, ch. 27, Bhanga-róga-cikited ; Gandha-Tailam.) IV. Cakradatta(1) Rasnd Vikeddani daru Saralam Sailavdlulam. (J caradhi karah, sec. 52.) (2) Ela murd Saraln Sailaja-ddru-Kaunti........(Vatavyddhyadhikdrah ; sec. 51; Eladi.
tailam.) (3) ....ghangsára-kunda-Sarald.......... Srivasd-maradáru candan......... (Vatarya
dhyadhikaraḥ ; sec. 73, Ekddasa-satilam Maha prasdrani tailam.) (4) ....deruddru...... Srivdsanca Sakelakam. (loc. cit., sec. 74.) (5) Marsi-daru-vald-Calam. Srivaso....... (loc. cit., sec. 75). (6) Jingi-coraka-devaddru-Sarala-Vydghri......... (loc. cit., sec. 75). (Mahás uvandhi
tailam. . (7) .... Saralam daru kesaram........(Urusthambhadhi karah, sec. 7. Kuthadyam
tailam.) (8) Saileya-kuatha-guru-daru........Sriveştaka........ (Sothadhikârah ; Saileyadyam .
tailam). (9) Sarald-guru-kuthani dewadaru mahausadham. (Vidhyadhikarah, sec. 8.) (10) ...... Kala Saralayd Saha.... Punarnavá Sigru-dâru-dasamúla. (Prana-sothadhi
karah, sec. 3). (11) .... madana-Srivestaka-Suráhvayaih.... (loc. cit., sec. 15.) (12) Sarald-guru-bhadrákhyaiḥ......(Upada isddhikdrah, sec. 2). (13) Sriverakan Sarjarasam guggulu Sura-daru ca. (Mukharogadhikarah, sec. 1). 14) Evam Kuryyad bhadrakdęte kuşthe kdytheca Sarale. (Karşa-rógadhikarah,
sec. 8). (15) Siripa-puppa-Srivestaka.... Suraddru-padmakebara. (Vipádhikárah, sec. 18.) .
dhikarah, 100, 20adhikaran, sec. 1).

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V. Bhava-prabila : (1) Devadaru Smrlam ddrubhadram darvindra-daru ca.
Masta-daru dru-kilimam kilimam Sura bharuhah. Devadarus laghu snigdham tiktogram Katupdici Ca. Vivandhadhmana-Sothama-tandnd-hikka-jvardarajit.
Pramsha-pinasa-Slegma-kisa-lands-Samira-nut. (2) "Saralah pilavrkpaḥ syátta tha Surabhi-darulah. Saraló madhurastiktah katupla
nasi laghuh. Snigdhörnah barna-kanthaksi-roga-pakopoharaḥ smylah. Kaphanila
sorda-daha-kasa-murocha-Vranapahah. Another reading has Snigdhôsnak karna-lanthalpi-handlu-roga-harah Amrtaḥ. Kaphama-Svedarug-dahaKamalaksi-vrand pahah.
Thus B.P. not only differentiates them but gives a list of diseases which they cure respectively. So also the author of Madina-pala-nighantu fully differentiates them.
VI. Madana-pala nighantu(1) Devadaruh Sundhvaḥ Sydd bhadradaruh Suadrumah. Bhadraketham Sneha
virkpak kilimam Saleru-daru ca. Devadaru latu Snigdham tiktógnam laghu ndsayed.
Adhmdna-joara-Sothama-hikka-landa-kophd-nilan. (2) Saraló bhadraddrupa, nandanah diapa (dpa)-orkopa kah. Petaddruh pita-vyho, mahadi rahah. Kalidrumah. Saralah batukah Pake rasato madhuri laghuh.
Urnah Snigdhah-Samirksi-lantha-barid-mayd pahah (vide Abhayddivargah).
I give below in almost exhaustive list of the various names of 'Devadard' and 'Sarala' in two columns, 80 that they may readily be compared. The names common to both are italicised. Devaddru (Synonyms).
Sarala (Synonyms). 1. Amara-daru (Sura-daru), etc.
1. Srivasa (its oil also). 2. Indra-dåru (Sakra-daru), (Indra- 2. Sri-vesta (its oil also). výkşa, Sakra-pâdapa.)
3. Dhupa-vȚkşa (Dhuma-Věkşa). 3. Siva-daru.
4. (Dipa-vşkşa). 4. Sambhavam.
4. Pitadáru (Pita-dru) (pita-vkoa) (pita). 5. Bhaba-daru.
5. Bhadra-daru. 6. Surahvam.
6. Manôjña. 7. Sura-bhûruha.
7. Marica-patraks. 8. Snigdha-daru.
8. Snigdha-ddru. (Snigdha) Samjõah. 9. Bhadra-daru-(bhadra kåştha).
9. Sarala. 10. Bhadravat.
10. Nandana. 11. Daru-bhadra.
11. Kalidruma. 12. Devadaru (Deva-kästha).
12. Mahd-dirgha. 13. Pita-daru.
13. Pati-kågtha. 14. Masta-daru. 15. Daru (Dárukam). 16. Kalpa-pâdapa. 17. Snêha-vękşa. 18. Bhůta-hari. 19. Parbhadraka. 20. Pati-kaptha. 21. Kilima. 22. Dru-kilima. 1 Even (VII) Pdla Kapya has got-1446 ET E reft
to run organ 11 2. 72. 33,

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Herewith are two tabulated statements of the diseases which they are reputed to cure; the ailments for which both are specifics are italicised :Devudaru (cures)
Sarala (oures) 1. Suppression or retention of urine or 1. Ear diseases. fæces.
2. Throat troubles. (Ischuria, Intussusception of the 3. Eye diseases. bowels, Constipation, etc.)
4. Jaundice. 2. Flatulence (Tympanites).
5. Lichens, etc. 3. Dropsy.
6. Boils, buboes, etc. 4. Dysentery.
7. Itches. 5. "Rakta-pitta "=Hoemoptysis, Hoe
8. Skin diseases of every category. matemnesis, etc.
9. Dropsy, Intumescence (tumours, etc.). 6. Urinary troubles.
10. Constipation. 7. Cold in the head (Coryza).
11. Phlegm and disorders of the nervous 8. Cough, (.Asthma also).
system in general. 9. Itches.
12. Undue perspiration. 10. Untimely sleep.
13. Burning. 11. Hiccough.
14. Cough. 12. Fever.
15. Swoons, etc., (Syncope, etc.). 13. Piles (Haemorrhoids). 14. General biliousness and peevishnoss. 15. Troubles of the Nervous system. 16. Gravel (Calculus). 17. Paretic affections. 18. Fistula. 19. "Vata-rakta" (Leprosy, etc.) 20. Syphilis. 21. Gonorrhoea. 22. Phthisis pulmonalis. 23. Insanity. 24. Jaundice. 25. Worms, etc. 26. Goitre. 27. Rheumatism. 28. Imparts good complexion and grace.
That Devadaru is a great stomachic and a great digestive drug, will be apparent from its wide use in the preparation of various Digestion 'drugs (of. Vrhadagnimukha-cursa), eto. For its power to kill worms, vide Cakrawatta Krmirógadhikara. As a remedy for Insanity,' compare Cakradatte Unmadadhikara. As an icteric, its reputation stands very high (cf. Tryüpanadimandúram; Mandura-vajra vataka, etc.). In subduing 'calculus' its power is very great (cf.Varuyadi ghrta' etc.). As a remedy for 'Goitre' it occupies a very high position (of. Vyosádyam Tailam ). In paretio affections both Sarala and Devaddru are used (cf. Mahdsugandhi Taila in Vatavyddhi-Cakradatta). But Devuddru has a far greater reputation as an anti-paralytio drug than Sarala. The former enters into the preparations of Nardyana Taila, Mahdmdsa Tasla, Kubja-pmodnini Tata, Astádasd-katika-prasdrin Taila, etc., all of which are great anti-paralytic remedies. Devaddru is so effective a drug for Rheumatism that almost all the reputed preparations for removing the disease contain it (d. Raendda sa-milala. Raond-pañcaka, Rd ond -saptaka, Yogandja. guggulu, Ajamodadya vataka, etc.). It is a famous drug for Phthisis pulmonalis (cf. Sitopaládileha ). In the Ayurveda, Devadaru enjoys a singular reputation as a curative for
.

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Leprosy and various other diseases resulting from an impure condition of the blood (cf. Amriádydm ghatam, etc.). Dr. Gibson also recommends the use of the oil of Devadaru in large doses as highly efficacious in Vatarakta Leprosy, malignant abscesses, eto. Dr. J. Johnston is said to have cured a severe case of "Lepra mercurialis" by treating externally and internally with Deodar oil. (Vide Sir G. Watt's Economic Products of India.) Sarala is described in the Ayurveda as a great remedy for boils and buboes. The same view is confirmed by a number of European physicians, who discovered its efficacy clinically. Surgeon D. Picachy of Purnea wrote, “I have used it externally, to ripen boils, abscesses, and buboes with good effect." S. M. Shircore, late Civil Surgeon of Murshidabad, writes, "Gondh-biroza" (oil of the Sarala tree) certainly promotes suppuration when externally applied and is specially useful in indoleat abscesses and buboes." F. Mallone, late Civil Surgeon of Gauhati, writes--"I have found Gandha-biroza to be an excellent application for the ulcers known as Frontier Sores in the Punjab." (Vide Sir G. Watt's Economic Products of India.)
It will, I hope, be quite evident from what I have shown above that the two trees 'Sarala' and 'Devadaru' are not only different specifically, but have widely different medicinal properties.
I shall now discuss the matter from the standpoint of Botany. AU Western botanists, have very pronouncedly distinguished the two trees. Indeed, one (Devadaru) is a cedar, while the other (Sarala) is a pine. Even so old-styled a botanist as Roxburgh, who calls both of them Pine', distinguishes them very clearly by giving widely different characteristics to the two trees. He calls Devadaru,' Pinus Devadaru and Sarala,' Pinus longifolia (vide Flora Indica). The more modern botanists have called Devadâru,' Jedrus Libani Deodar, and Sarala,' Pinus longifolia. Indeed the latter is very easily distinguished from the former by its pale green tint, brown corky bark, three-fold leaves, and the absence of any distinct heartwood. The Himalayan Deodar has tufted leaves like the European larch. Its timber is most durable, and from it the highly fragrant resin never disappears, no matter how long it may have been cut.
To make confusion worse confounded, the people in Bengal call a tree by the name of Devadaru' which is neither Sarala' (Pinus longifolia) nor the Cedrus Deodar. This is a tree which is not a member of the coniferae at all, not even a gymnospermous plant. It is an angiospermous plant and belongs to the same family as the custard apple, i.e., Anonaceae N. O. Indeed, the cedar and the pine, although very different, belong to the same family of plants, and their points of affinity are not a few. But this so-called 'Devad aru,' i.e., 'the Deva. dâru of Bengal' differs from both of them very radically. It is curious that the people should have applied such a well-known name to the tree, by ignoring the difference which actually exists between this pseudo-Devadaru and the true Himalayan Deodar. This tree is botanically known as Polyalthia longifolia, or Uvaria longifolia or Guatteria longifolia. Very probably the origination of such a name for the tree can be traced to the fact, (as Sir George King also suggests in A Guide to the Royal Botanical Gardens, Caloutta), that this troe is very often planted in Bengal in the neighbourhood of temples or in the avenues leading to temples, and is regarded as a sacred tree. This tree is known in Orissa as Asoka,' in the Telugu countries as 'Putra-jiva,' and in Tamil countries also as
Asoka.' It flowers in February. Its fruits ripen during the rainy season and are very largely devoured by birds. They look purple and are either ovoid or oblong in shape.
To make the general reader fully recognise the actual difference between these three trees, viz., (1) Pinus longifolia, (2) Cedrus Deodar, and (3) Polyalthia longifolia, I shall give below a table showing their mutual relation at a glance :

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-
-
Spem a phyta
Gymnosperms
cel maine
Cy adae
Coniferae Gaetaceae Monocotyledons
Angiosperins coniferac Gnetaceae Monocotyledons Dicotyledona
• Thalam gora Calycifora Coroliittorne Incompletar Tamboa Cnetum Ephedra. Anonaceae (N.o.)
etc.
(3;xecies--Polyalthia longifolia) A. Pinaceae. B. Taxaceac (Yew family).
Cycas YAMDA
Dion Macephal
arros etc
etc.
(1) Pinus (0) Cedrus (3) Abies (4) Tsugi (5) Sequola (0) Larix (7) Thuja (8) Juniperus (0) Cupressus (Pine) (eedar) or Picca (Hemlock
(larch) (Arbor (Red cedar (Cypress) ('Scotch Ar (Spruce) Spruce)
vitae) etc.) is & pinus
Silver tir. while white fir 18
Spruce) Specles-'Sarala' Species-'Devadaru': I give below, the different characteristics of the three trees -
The so-called Devad aru' of Bengal.
1. Polyalthia Longifolia.
Uvaria longifolia (Indian fir or Mast tree). Habitat - A large creot evergreen glabrous tree, wild in the drier parts of Ceylon and Tanjore, cultivated throughout the hotter parts of India. It is commonly planted in avenues along roadsicles in Bengal and S. India.
Stem-Has got good bast fibre. Branches--Glabrous.
Lcaves-Narrowly lanceolate, taper-pointed, undulate. 5 to 8 by 1-2 inches. Base acute; petiole about inch long.
Flowers-Numerous, dense; yellow-green in fascicles, 1-14 inch across. Peduncles & inch or less ; hoary. Pedicele, 1-2 inch densely racemose
Practs-Minute, linear; pubescent, deciduous, about or above the middle: Sepals--- inch long, triangular. Petals--Narrow, linear spreading tapering to a point. Carpels-When ripe inch long; are numerous, stalked, ovoid, obtuse at both ends.
Fruit-Ovoid or oblong, one-seeded and purple. Favourite food of birds. The fruits ripen during the rainy season.
N.O. - Anonaceae (the same family to which custard apple belongs).
(Vide-Hooker, vol. I, p. 62; Theodore Cooke's Flora of the Bombay Presidency; Prain's Bengal Plants, p. 204.)
II. Pinus Longifolia.
(True Sarala.') Habitat -A large gregarious tree of the outer and drier Himalayan slopes, from the Indus to Bhutan, met with as low down as 1500 feet and ascending to 7000 feet. A more or lesa deciduous tree of the Siwalik range and outer Himalayas and also valleys of the principal Himalayan rivers ; attaining usually 100 to 120 feet height, but is very often stunted and gnarled. Trunk usually naked, rarely with 12 feet girth.
Stem- Bark is brown or yellowish-reddish and corky; furrowed; no distinct heartwood is noticeable.
Leaves-Three-fold, filiform, from 12 to 18 inches long; pendulous, with the marging # little scabrous ; 9 to 12 in slonder triquetrons, back obtuse, sheaths persistent.

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Flower-The female cones are globose or ovoid. The cones are shorter than the leaves ; are solitary or clustered, 4 to 7 inches by 3 inches in diameter; have got scales at the base.
Scales—The scales are 11 to 2 inches by inch are ovuliferous, much larger than the bracts, with thick recurved apices. The scales are persistent. Ovules two at the base of the scales, reflexed.
Male flowers-Antheral racemes, numerous at the extremities of the branchlets. Bracts-Solitary, one to each raceme. Filaments-Scarcely any. Anthers---Clavate, opening on each side and crowned with a large roundish scale. Cotyledons-About 12.
Oleo-resin-The oleo-resinous exudation of the tree is 'Turpentine oil.' Saralaniryydsa, Sri. Vasa, Sri vestaka, Payasa, Yavdsa, Ghrtahraya, Kiráhraya, etc., are the Sanskrit names for it. It is popularly known as 'Gandha- biroza ' in Upper India.
(Vide Roxburgh, Hooker, Watt in his Economic Products, Theodore Cook, Sir G, King in his A Guide to the Royal Botanical Gardens, Calcutta, W. A. Talbot's Systematic lists of the Trees and Shrubs, etc.)
III. Cedrus Libani Deodar.
Himalayan Cedar. (The true Devadaru.') Habitat-A very large evergreen tree, (often 250 feet). of the Western Himalayas, extending westwards to the mountains of Afghanistan and eastward to the Dauli river (a tributary of Alakananda) in Kumaon. Most common at 6,000 to 8,000 feet altitude, but in more eastem section of its area ascends to 10,000 feet altitude. It prefers a light soil and gneiss granite or even lime-stone sub-soil, but in the Himalayas it seeks the northern and western slopes thus avoiding the rain. It is especially abundant in the forests of the Punjab proper (Chamba, Kullu, Kangra, etc.), of Kashmir and Afghanistan. From Kumaon westwards generally 3,500 to 12,000 feet.
The geographical range of Deodar specially in altitude is very wide. In Brandis' Forest Flora of North-Western and Central India, pp. 620-24, three deodar zones have been differentiated. (1) Those in a dry climate in the vicinity of the arid zone of the inner Himalaya having usually the age of trees, 6 feet in girth, above 140 years. (2) Those in the intermediate ranges and valleys having 6 feet girth for an age between 110 and 140. (3) Those in the outer ranges under the full influence of monsoon and having the age of trees 6 feet in girth below 110 years. (Vide Sir. G. Watt's Economic Products of India and Commercial Products of India.)
Stem-Light yellowish brown, scented and moderately hard. Sometimes the girth of trunk is 36 feet (usually 30 to 45 feet) and age even 600 years. Bark thick, furrowed vertically and cracked transversely. The Heartwood is light yellowish. Medullary rays are very fine, unequal in width. No vertical resinous duct as in Pinus but the resin exudes from cells which are not visible to the naked eye. Deodar has well-marked annual ringe, each of which represents one year's growth.
Branches-Its branches are drooping, being more drooping than the Atlas or Lebanon cedars. Tips are drooping.
Leaver-Usually glaucous green, acute persistent for 3 to 5 years, in approximated fascicles of about 40 ; rigid acute; sheaths very short.
Flower-The strobilus or cone is erect, oval, 4 to 5 by 3 to 4 inches ; top is rounded. Scales very numerous ; thin, smooth even edged, transversely elliptic. Is destitute of bracts projecting beyond the scales of the cone. Cedrus has the cone of Pinus but the Scales are deciduous.
Seeds - inch ; wing longer, broadly triangular with rounded sides. Cotyledons-10; leaving a columnar axis.

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SARALA AND DEVADARU
Oleo-resin-The oleo-resin or gum is called kelon-ka-tel' in the Punjab and U. P. A true oleo-resin which resembles turpentine. No technical Sanskrit name for it.
(Vide Roxburgh, Hooker, Watt, King, Royle, etc.).
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The various and widely different characteristics of the three trees, as given by me above, will afford a true insight into the actual difference between them.
Turning to the works of the great poet Kalidasa, I shall show that our poet was thoroughly aware of the difference between a 'Sarala' and a Devadâru tree.' In the first place, it will be seen that wherever Kalidasa refers to 'Sarala,' he mentions some sort of friction or rubbing with its trunk, the result being either a conflagration or the diffusing of the smell of its oleoresin (cf. Meghaduta's Pûrvamegha, sl. 54; Kumara, I. 9; cf. Gandha-biroza, the popular name of it). Even 'Devadaru' is sometimes described as having its trunk rubbed by elephants (cf. Raghu, 2. 37; and 4. 76), but in such cases there is no mention of any odoriferous oil or resin exuding and diffusing its scent in the air. In the second place, Devadâru is in many places placed in proximity to some waterfall or hill-rivulet, its base thus affording a good place for rest. The Himalayan hunters repose either under or very near a Devadaru grove, where the breeze is still more refreshing on account of being the carrier of the cool particles of a fall of the Bhagirathi. (Cf. Kumara, 1. 15.) Thus we find that Mahadeva (Siva) himself chooses a place for his meditation at the foot of a Devadâru tree. (Cf. Kumara, 3. 44.) In the third place, had' Devadaru' meant to Kalidase the same thing as 'Sarala,' he could have chosen 'Sarala' as a substitute for 'Devadâru'. But on the contrary, we find that the poet is very careful about his vocabulary in this respect. The "Putrikṛta Devadaru "of Vrsabhadhvaja, of which we read in Raghu, 2. 36, is again mentioned as Devadaru in Raghu, 2. 56. Fourthly, the poet compares the long arms of such a mighty individuality as Himalaya to the tall Devadâru, and not to Sarala. (Vide Kumára, 6. 51.) Now, the usual height for a Sarala tree is from 100 to 120 feet. while the Devadâru tree often attains to a height of from 200 to 250 feet. We all know that Kalidasa is specially reputed for his similes or comparisons (Upama Kálidasasya); and here we find how accurately his comparison tallies with actual fact. Fifthly, while describing the grandeur of a Himalayan glen or slope, the very favourite flora of our poet seem to be six, viz. (1) the phosphorescent herb which emits light at night; (2) the 'Bhûrja' or (birch) tree; (3) the 'Kicaka bamboo; (4) the 'Nameru' (an Eleocarpus) tree; (5) the 'Sarala' tree; (Pinus longifolia) and (6) the 'Devadaru' tree (Cedrus deodar). Of these six, sometimes he mentions all, sometimes five, sometimes even two or one only. In Kumára, canto. I, when the Himalaya is being described, we find nearly the complete set excepting 'Nameru'. (Vide slokas 7-15.) In Kumara, canto. I, sloka 55, we find mention of two only of these plants, viz., Nameru' and Bhurja, together. In Kumara, canto 3, slokas 43-44, we find roference to two only, viz: (1) 'Nameru and (2) 'Devadaru.' In the description of the Himalaya in Meghadûta (Pûrvamegha) we hear mention of two only, viz:-(1) 'Sarala' and (2) Kicaka bamboo' (slokas 54 and 57). The description of the Himalaya during the course of the account of Raghu's conquest, as given in Raghu, canto 4, gives us the complete set. (1) Birch, and (2) Kicaka bamboo are mentioned in sl. 73. Sl. 74 mentions (3) Nameru.' Sl. 75 gives us (4) Sarala' and (5) the phosphorescent herb which serves as a lamp. Sl. 76 mentions (6) 'Devadaru.' This mention of 'Sarala' and 'Devadaru' almost side by side is both conclusive and convincing. Had 'Sarala' meant to Kalidasa the same tree as 'Devadâru', there would have been no necessity for mentioning it again in the very next sloka. Besides, even if we take for granted that the poet meant identical trees by Sarala' and 'Devadaru', the rhetorical fault of "Samapta-punaráttald" occurs, which is too broad and obvious a blunder to be committed by so great a poet.
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In conclusion I wish to say a little about Mallinåtba the great commentator. Many scholars have accused him of not knowing the difference between these two trees. To free the great savant from such censure, I shall present to the reader the actual perspective taken by him. Jást as Roxburgh and some other botanists include both cedar and pine under the general name 'Pinus', or just as we still now include the pine, the fir, the spruce, the larch, etc., under the generic title 'Pinaceae ', so Mallinatha included both the Devadaru proper' and the 'Sarala 'under the generic epithet 'Devadaru.' Thus we find in his Sanjivani on Raghu-Vamsam, canto. 4, sl. 75, "Saraléşu devadáruviseger". This is at once emphatic and convincing. Had he meant by Devadaru' the very same tree as 'Sarala', he would never have said this. It is only because he takes 'Devadaru ' in a generic sense that he says, "Saralandm devadarudrumandm" in his Sañji vani on Meghadâta Púrvamegha, sl. 54 for 55 acc. to some editions). Such a use of the word in a generic sense is warranted by the fact that even nowadays we find 'Sarala' called 'Saral Devad&r' in Gujarat and Maharastra. Similarly, in the Tamil Districts it is atill called 'Saral devdari,' and in the Telugu Districts it is still known as 'Saral devad Aru.' Besides, if we take note of the fact that Mallinatha came from a country which was very probably a Telugu-speaking one or at least a neighbouring one to that where Telugu was spoken, our perspective becomes clearer. I hope that I have thus established Mallinatha's position in some measure.
The Himalayan flora much resemble the European. The most prominent groups are, (1) the Coniferae of which again the pine, the cedar, the spruce and the fir, are by far the most abundant; (2) the Cupuliferae (oak family)-of which the most prominent members are the oak, the hazel, the beech, the birch and the alder; (3) the Salicineae (A mentaceae, N.O.), of which the poplar, the willow, the osier, the aspen and the abele stand out;(4) the Urticaceæ
-of which the elm and the plane deserve mention; (5) the Oleaceae - of which ash and olive are prominent members; (6) the Sapindaceae-of which the maple, the sycamore, the horsechestnut deserve mention : (7) the Tiliacere :-of wbich Eleocarpus ganitrus or Nameru' is most prominent. It is interesting to compare with this the favourite Himalayan Flora of KAlidåsa.
In fine, I would draw attention to the fact that 'Sarala', or Pinus longifolia, is still now called by that very name and its corruptions in the Punjab and in Kashmere. It is sometimes called 'Sarala,' sometimes 'Sarla', and also 'Salla.' This fact alone goes a great way towards establishing the difference between the Pinus longifolia (Sarala) and the 'Devadaru proper.' Lady E. Smith, also, in her Simla flowers shows to us the initial difference of the two trees. J. Forbes Royle, M.D., V. P.R.S., in his "Illustrations of the Botany and other branches of the Natural History of the Himalayan mountain and of the Flora of Kashmere" gives nice illustrations which cannot but impress one who bestows a glance on them. Indeed a picture of the flowers and leaves of 'Sarala' and 'Davadaru 'respectively would at once convince even the most sceptical of the great difference existing between the two trees

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WADDELL ON PHOENICIAN ORIGINS
WADDELL ON PHOENICIAN ORIGINS. BY SIR RICHARD C. TEMPLE, BT. (Continued from page 147.)
4. Partolon.
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Waddell gives much space to the discussion of "Partolon, King of the Scots and traditional first civiliser of Ireland about B.C. 400." The Indian references are now temporarily dropped and the languages compared are Western. The argument begins by "disclosing the Hitto-Phoenician origin of the clan title Uallana, or Vellaun(us), or Wallon of the Briton king Cassi-vellaun of Cad-wallon and of the Uchlani of the Cassi Britons." Two quotations are given :-"The Scots arrived in Ireland from Spain. The first that came was Partholomus [Part-olon].'-Nennius [Ninian]: and 'The clan of Gelecin, son of Erc-ol [? Ihr] took possession of the Islands of Orc [Orkney]. . . . that is the son of Partai went and took possession of the North of the Island of Breatan'-Books of Lecan and Ballymote."
We can now start on the investigation. Gy-ŝolownie Gi-oln Geleoin, by British phonetics, Wallon, and taken with the title Prat or Prwt, identifies the "Phoenician Barat author of the Newton Stone inscriptions," as "Part-olon king of the Scots, son of Erc-ol Parthai," who came to the Orkneys about B.C. 400. In the inscription he called himself Ikr or Icar. Here we get a clue. Gi-oln-Geleoin-Gleoin of the Irish-Scot histories of Part-olon was king of Scots in Ireland, and in the Book of Lecan there is a passage :-"In the same year came [to Erin] from the land of Traicia [Tarsi?] the Geleoin
.. Icathir-si [Agadir] was their name, that is... son of Part-olain." From this Waddell sees "a memory of King Part-olon's temporary location in Spain, as Agadir is the ancient name of Gades, the modern Cadiz," and of "Tarsus, the ancient Tarz or Tarsi." Then he gives us a philological sequence:-"Newton Stone, Gy-Aolownie, Gi-oln; Irish-Scot, Geleoin, Gleoin; Ptolemy, Uallaun(i); Cymric, Wallon. But Ptolemy's full name is Katya Uchlani, which represents Cassi-Uallaunus, Cassi-Vellaunus of the Roman days in Britain."
Having got thus far, Waddell says that this last title is proved to be Hittite by some difficult philological remarks, which he caps by an allusion to an inscribed monument (with figure) from the Roman wall at South Shields to "a Briton lady" of the Cat-uallauna clan, married to "a Syrian Barat from the Phoenician city of Palmyra " in the second century A.D. The Cat-uallauna Clan was found in Selkirk and Ceti-loin in Yarrow in the fifth century A.D. Gy-aolownie and Gioln "seem significantly to survive in Clyan's Dam near the Newton Stone, and in Cluny or Clony or Kluen (Khilaani) Castle near Mt. Bennachie: see also Cluny in France, and finally "the fact is established that Prat-gioln is the source of the later form of Part-olon" and "the Phoenician Barat author of the Newton Stone is revealed as the historical original of the traditional' of Part-olon."
Nennius states that Partolomus came from Spain to Ireland, and the Book of Ballymote⚫ that he arrived at Scene in the Bay of Kenmare in Kerry, whence the Newton Stone shows that he migrated to the North of Scotland for some reason. Geoffrey's Chronicles supports all this and records his meeting with Gurgiunt Boabtruc in the Orkneys, by which the North of Scotland is probably meant. Waddell finds the Phoenicians in the Orkneys and Shetlands from a hitherto unread inscription on a pre-Christian Cross at "Lunasting on the mainland of Shetland or Land of the Shets- Khat-Xat- Hitt-ite Ceti of the early Scot, monuments. Waddell gives his reading, which he got "without difficulty in a dialect of the Gothic of the Eddas," and finally we learn that "the Duke of Sutherland is still called locally Diuc Cat or Duke of the Cats, i.e., Catti." Geoffrey desoribes Part-olon as "of the Bar-olenses," where Bar-Barat, which was written by the Sumerian-Phoenicians simply as" Bara," and clenses

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is the Latinised form of Gioln Uchlani. “The Book of Leinster (the Book of Dun)" cells Part-olon the 'Son of Sera or Sru,' thus" attesting the remarkable authenticity of the tradition of the Irish-Scots" in preserving "the favorite form of the ancestral Barats' name selected by the founder of the First Phænician Dynasty in Mesopotamia, who regularly called himself the Son (or descendant) of Sar."" The nigration of Part-olon from Cilicia to Spain, Ireland and Scotland was "probably owing to the massacring invasion and annexation of Cilicia and Asia Minor by the Spartan Greeks in B.C. 399.” If so, his Newton Stone can only be dated ay about B.C. 400. It must have been inscribed considerably later.
Such is Waddell's method of identifying Bart-olon, on which so very much depends in the whole argument. Having "established" this Waddell goes on by philological means to disclose' & Phoenician origin for several names in the neighbourhood of the Newton Stone : e.g., Wartle, Wast-hill, Bourtie, Bartle, Barthol, and Bartholomew, which he finds is actually Bart-olomus, Bart-olon. The Brude title also of so many of the ancient historical kings of the Picts in Scotland (this people, by the way, being non-Aryan)" now appears clearly derived from Prwt or Pràt, with variant Brut, as a title of Part-olon." Waddell, however, explains at length that the "kings entitled Brude, Bruide or Bride," ruling over he Picts, "themselves appear to have been not Picts in race but Bart-ons or Brit-on Scots, i.e., Aryang" and Phoenicians by origin, like Bart-olon, the Soot of the Newton Stone. This explanation, however, raises a difficulty. If the ruling race was so entirely foreign, it is not prima facie apparent why the present race of the British Isles should have that ruling race as its principal ancestors. We shall see how Waddell deals with this question.
5. The Vans, the Picts and the Scots. In order to clear the ground for "the great and hitherto unsolved question as to how and when the Aryan language and civilisation were first introduced into Britain and by what racial agenoy," Waddell dives into three questions :
(1) Who were the aborigines of Ireland on Partolon's arrival ! (2) Who were the Piots ? (3) Who were the Celts ?
As these three races-the Wans, Vans or Fens "presumably the Fene or Fein title of the early Irish," the Piots of Scotland, and the Celts, are non-Aryan, Waddell's lucubrations do not here demand the same close attention as when he is considering the "Phoenician Britons." He only deals with them to clear the ground, but he does so in the same manner and with the same wealth of enquiry and decisions as he employs in the case of the Phoenicians.
Firstly he discloses the "Van or Fain origin of Irish aborigines and of their Serpentworship of St. Brigid, and of the matrilinear customs of the Irish and the Picts." The first migration into Erin is "stated in the Irish records to have been led by a woman, Ceanair or Cesair," who, as the matriarch, landed a' Duna-mark in Bantry Bay, "adjoining Part-olon's traditional landing place at Soene in Kenmare Bay." Now, the term 'Bantry Bay' means "the Bay of the shore of the Bans (Vans)." I may remark here that he has seen Macalister's work on the ancient days, but his opinion is " in no way modified by it."
Waddell then at great length leads us right across Europo to Asia Minor and to India in his search for Ceasair's people, the Vans. To him the evidence of their existence in the British Isles is broadoast in place names, suggesting that" the whole of Britain was formerly known as the Land of the Pents, Venets, Bans, Fins or Vans," while the old name for ancient Britain as Al-Ban (whenoo Albion) means probably the Rocky Isle of the Van or Ban." After going through Europe and Asia Minor and finding the Vans everywhere, Waddell says : -"these Vans or Biani were clearly, I find, the Pani aborigines of the Indian Vedic hymns and epics, who opposed the early Aryans in establishing their higher solar religion before the departure of the Eastern branch of the Aryans to India." This remark must be due to his denial, already alluded to, of the Vedas and the Epios referring to India : the Pani

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referred to would be, in his view, tribes in Asia Minor. Then Waddell adds :-"they were possibly also, I think, the remote prehistoric originals of the Fan barbarians, as the Chinese still term generally the barbarous tribes on the Western frontiers of the Celestial Empire, as far at least as Asia Minor."
Waddell thinks that "primitive matriarchist dwarfs" from Van (Armenia) penetrated to Britain at the end of the old Stone Age vid Gaul. They brought with them two fetishes of the Serpent-cult: (1) the Magic Oracle Bowl or Witches' Cauldron or Chura of Fire, and (2) Fal's Fiery Stone (Lia Fail). Later the female patron Saint of the Irish was Brigid, Bridget or Bride, an old pagan goddess, admitted into the Church and canonized for proselytising purposes. The tribal name Fomor, Umor, of the descendants of the matriarch Ceasair. Waddell traces to the name " of a chief of a clan of the dwarf tribes of the Vang, called in the Gothic Edda Baombur," - probably Virnur, the Upper Euphrates, separating the ancient territories of the Vans and the Goths, Baombuo's tribe Vans. Thus, roughly speaking, does Waddell deal with the aborigines of Ireland, and in the course of his discourse the Picts are often mentioned as being mixed up with the Vang. He, therefore, proceeds to enquire into the Picts, whom he finds to be "non-Aryan in racial nature and in affinity with the Matriarchist Van, Wan or Fian dwarfs, and as aborigines of Britain in the Stone Age."
The Picts have hitherto bafiled all enquiries. Their name does not appear in Latin authors before A.D. 296, presumably because .... that was not their proper name, but a nickname." They next appear with the Scots (Irish Scots) in A.D. 360 as "breaking through the Antonine Wall between the Forth and Clyde." They then harried the Britons till the arrival of the Anglo-Saxons, when they joined with the Britons against them. They dwelt in caves and were associated with the 'Pixies,' were matriarchal and connected with the Feins of Ireland, i.e., with the Vans, and disappeared historically on being finally conquered in A.D. 850. Waddell is of opinion that their sudden appearance and disappearance is "probably due to a mere change in their tribal name as aborigines." Pict' he thinks is due to the Latin pictus, painted, that is 'woad-dyed,' and the British forms of Pict, Peht, Pett, Peith, and so on, to their smallness (cf. English, petty; Welsh, pitiw; French, petit). It is also the Pit, Pet, connected with many place names. "On a review of all the new available evidence" Wadell thinks that their proper name was "Khal-des or Khal-tis.... applied to the aborigines of Van in Asia Minor.... in the ninth century B.C." This name is preserved, he also thinks, in Caledon, Clyde, Caldor, Chiltern and many other names. Ictis (Veotis) for the Isle of Wight is also, according to him, another form of the name. On all the evidence he looks on the Picts as a "primitive small-statured people probably from the Van Lake region [Armenia) ..wandering Westwards.... ultimately reaching Albion .... and giving off a branch to Erin." They are in fact one with the Vans. But we are not yet in a position to consider further the Brit-ons of the Aryan Part-olon until we have considered the Celts, who were, says Waddell, Aryans according to the philologists, but not Aryans according to anthropologists. He considers the Celts, Kelts or Culdees to be the Khaldes of Van or the Picts. This is to say that the Vans, the Picts, and the Celts are all types of one and the same race; but "unless the Celts are out of the way, we cannot solve the vexed question of the origin of the Britons and the Aryan question in Britain."
In the first place, the term Celt or Kelt, with its adjective, was "only introduced into the British Isles by unscientific philologists and ethnologists some few decades ago." In Greek and Latin authorities, Waddell tells us, the Celts were limited to Western Europe, 1.e., Gaul, but were never spoken of as being in Britain. Their first appearance as inhabitants of Britain was in A.D. 1706, whenoe" that application of the name got into literature from 1757 onwards. Thus "the so-called British and Irish Celts were not Celts and there were eyen no Celts in Britain,"

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Who then were the Celts? Waddell answers that they were 'early Picts calling themselves Kholdis or Khattis, an early primitive people," who, he finds on a mass of evidence, "were the early Chaldees or Galat-i or Gal-li of Van and Eastern Asia Minor and Mesopotamia in the Stone Age." Anyhow, they were not Britons.
6. Brutus the Trojan and British Civilisation.
The way is now clear to go on with "the hitherto unsolved question as to how and when the Aryan language and civilisation were first introduced into Britain and by what racial agency." Let us begin with Brutus the Trojan. "At length he came to this island named after him Britannia, dwelt there and filled it with his descendants':-Nennius (Ninian)." And then Waddell goes on:-"this earlier portion of the Chronicles records circumstantially the first arrival of the Britons by sea in Albion under King Brutus the Trojan about the year B.C. 1103, and his colonisation and first cultivation of the land, and his bestowal thereon of his Trojan (Aryan) language and his own patronymic name Brit in the form of Brit-ain or the Land of the Brit-ons." Brutus the Trojan is not mentioned in the Latin classics, and Waddell explains this ommission at some length, rehabilitating the early British Chronicles. Brutus' traditional birth-place was "in the Tiber province of Latium," which Waddell "connects directly both with Troy and Ancient Britain."
The story of Brutus is succinctly as follows: After the Trojan War Encas with Ascanius fled to Italy, obtained the kingdom of Italy (Latium) and Lavinia, the daughter of king Latinus. He was succeeded by Ascanius, who was the father of Brutus. Here Waddell has a characteristic note:-" King Latinus of Mid-Italy is stated in Nennius' version to be the son of Faunus [? Van ], the son of Picus [? Pict], the son of Saturn." Brutus accidentally killed his father and fled the country, going to Greece, whence he took a large fleet with men and treasure to Gades (Cadiz), and thence again to Albion, where he arrived about B.C. 1103. Here the Chronicle says:-"Brutus called the island after his own name Britannia and his companions Brit-ons . from whence afterwards the language of his nation, which at first bore the name of Trojan [Doric Greek] or rough Greek, was called Brit-ish . . . . But Corineus, in imitation of his leader, called that part of the island, which was given to him as Duke, Corinea and his people Corinene [Cornish men]." About B.c. 1100 "Brutus founded on the Thames a city [London]," which he called "New Troy," by corruption afterwards known as Tri-Novantum, until "Lud, the brother of Cassi-vellaun, who made war against Julius Cæsar, obtained the government of the kingdom.... and called it after his own name Kaer-Lud, that is the City of Lud [or Lud-Dun corrupted into Lon-don]." Brutus died about B.C. 1080, and his kingdom was divided among "three famous sons named Locrin [England], Albanact [Scotland], and Kamber [Wales]." Waddell avers that the whole account of the wanderings of Brutus is credible, finding Græco-Phoenician Colonies under Corineus, who bore a Græco-Phoenician name, at Gades, and also where he landed in BritainTotnes, with a Brutus Stone still shown, not far from the tin mines of Cornwall. At this last place "descendants from the Romans [properly Trojans from Alba on the Tiber] under Sylvius Posthumus [maternal great-uncle of Brutus]" were already settled. The date of the invasion of Alban [Britain] by Brutus and his associated Phoenicians is fixed directly by totalling up the reported years of reigns in Britain of Brutus and his continuous line of descendants and successors down to Cassivellaunus and his successors in the Roman period."
Having in such fashion dealt with the first invasion of Albion by "Trojan and Phoenician refugees from Asia Minor and Phoenicia." Waddell launches on the "Aryanising civilisation of the Picts and Celts of Britain by Brutus and his Brito-Phoenician Goths," and in the course

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of his remarks, he discloses “the Phoenician origin of the Celtic, Cymric, Gothic and English languages, and the founding of London in the Bronze Age.” He commences with a quotation from the Rig Veda :-"the tribes subject to the Cedi (Ceti or Getoe, Goth Phoenicians) are skin-clad." Cedi here would, however, in ordinary English script, be written Chedi, and Ceti - Keti. This consideration immediately raises a question; can we legitimately equate Chedi with Keti or Geta?
The Chronicles describe an opposition to the invasion of Brutus by giants,' and this introduces a new people as inhabitants of Britain, whom Waddell calls "an earlier trading branch of the Aryans and Phoenicians—the Muru or Amuru or Amorite giants and erectors of the Stone Circles and the Giants' Tombs"-old exploiters of the Cornish tin-mines centuries before Sylvius and Brutus.--"The higher Aryan civilisation" was, however, introduced by Brutus, who set to work at once on landing "to till the ground and build houges." The houses he built were of timber; i.e., they were Hitto-Phoenician, as is seen from " the common Briton affix for towns of-bury, -boro, -burg (as well as broch), and Sanskrit, pura,.... derived from the Hittite and Catti bur, a Hittite town, citadel or fort." He travelled across England from Totnes to the estuary of the Thames, giving names to the chief rivers, which Waddell finds, including the name of the Thames itself, to be "clearly transplanted namesakes from the rivers of Epirus, whence Brutus sailed, and rivers of Troy and Phoenicia," in a style common to all time. He instances, inter alia, the Exe, the Axe, the Avon, the Ouse, and the Thames, which last is clearly named after the Thyamis, the great river of Epirus, the Phoenician origin of which seems evident by its chief tutelary being named Cadmus, the name of the famous colonising and civilising sea-king of the Phoenicians." On the Thames Brutus founded Tri-Novantum (London) three centuries or more before the foundation of Rome. He prescribed laws, which “involves writing in the Aryan Phænician language and script. .. the form of which, ..we have seen in about B.C. 400 on the Newton Stone." As has already been said, Tri-Novantum also became later Kaer-Lud. This leads Waddell to make a typical note :-"Kaer, the Cymric for fortified city, is now seen to be derived from Sumerian gar, to hold, establish, of men or places : cognate with Indo-Persian garh, fort11; Sanskrit, grih, house ; Eddic-Gothic, goera, to build, and gard or garth."
What was the language that Brutus introduced and imposed on the aborigines of Albion and on the names of very many places, rivers and mountains? It could not be Celtic or classic Greek or Roman. It was obviously Trojan, which the Chronicle says " was roughly Greek which was called British." This Trojan was Dorio Greek, "contemporary specimens of which fortunately still exists from the twelfth to the tenth centuries B.C..... in Schlie. mann's excavations at Hissarlik." Waddell finds the Trojan script and language clearly akin to those of the later Aryan Phoenicians, and of the runes of the Goths, and of the legends stamped on the pre-Roman British Coins of the Catti, and the parent of the language and writing of the present day in Britain 'the so-called English language and script." The Goths Waddell has already "disclosed" to be Hitt-ites, who were "primitive Goths," and their runes have to him an obvious "affinity” to Hitt-ite script. The Anglo-Saxons are much later on the scene, so it is "evident that the so-called Celtic and the Brithyonio Celtio languages in the British Isles are merely provincial dialects derived from the Aryan Trojan Doric introduced by King Brutus the Trojan."
This great man also introduced Law, Art and Roads, so that the early Britons were anything but savages. Bronze was introduoed by the Phoenician Morite or Amorite exploiters
11 This word is, however, properly gadh, and thor is not at all the letter of Persian.

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of the tin mines centuries before Brutus, but he popularised it. In Religion he introduced an "exalted monotheistic religion with the idea of One God of the Universe, symbolised by his chief visible luminary, the Sun," that is Bel, in contradistinction from the aboriginal matriarchal serpents and the bloody sacrifices of the Druids. In fact Brutus created in the Britons a highly civilised, proud, powerful, refined race, who soon founded a colony on the Rhine (B.C. 970), so that there is " disclosed a hitherto unobserved British origin of the Anglo-Saxons and the Anglo-Saxon Language.” This opens up a vista for Waddell of many "British " remains in Denmark, France, Germany and Moravia up to the Russian borders.
Thus does Waddell show the Amorite-Catti-Phoenician origin of Things British.' The Brito-Phoenicians, he says, have left their marks broad-cast on place-names of all sorts all over the British Isles.. Quoting from the Vishnu-Purana that "the principal nations of the Bharats are the Kurus (Syrians) and the able Panch [Phænicians]," Waddell (the ascription of the Bharata and Panchala of the Vishņu Purana are his) gives a large number of names all over the country containing Barat in some form or other, or Sumer, on the ground that "Cymry (pronounced Cumri) or Cumbers is derived from Sumer," the alternative tribal epithet of the Phoenicians. The reader will find many surprising facts stated, and then Waddell passes in the same vein to “Catti, Keith, Gad and Cassi, titles in old ethnic and place names." He commences again with a quotation from the Vishnu Purana :-" his [the Khattiya's]1 sources of subsistence are arms and the protection of the earth. The guardianship of the earth is his special province.... By intimidating the bad and cherishing the good, the [Khattiya) ruler, who maintains the discipline of the different tribes, secures whatever region he desires." Waddell's ascription of Khattiya' to the people spoken of is explained in a foot-note :-" the old Indian Pali form of this tribal name was Khattiyo, which is spelt Kshatriya in the later Sanskrit ?" But this statement raises the questions: what has Pali to do with the Vishnu Purana ? Is Pali older than Sanskrit ? Whatever the answers may be, Waddell finds Khatti and its allied terms spread everywhere in Britain.
Beginning with the classical Cassiterides of the Cornwall "tin islands," which name finds spread wherever tin-"the cassiteros [so he spells it) of Homer and the classic Greeks and the Sanskrit kastara"-was taken by the Cassi.. . the leading clan of the seagoing Phoenicians." Here he says some remarkable things -"the Attic Greeks wrote 'katti. teros and Katti-terides,' thus showing the same equivalency as was used in Britain for the Cassi and Katti tribes and coins. In ..Sanskrit tradition kastra is tin and the place-name Kastîra, or place of kasti ra or tin, was located in the land of the Bahikas, a despised out-cast tribe, who also gave their name to a sheet of water, and who now seem to be Peahte or Picts of the Sea of Victis or Icht in Cornwall. The Arabs called tin kaz-dir, and the Assyrians and Sumerians ... kizasadit, kasduru and karduru." So the Cornish tin mines belonged to the Cassi tribe, and Waddell gives a number of place-names containing reference to the Cassi all over England and Scotland, stating that there are & similar number in Ireland.
He next observes that there are many Cassi-Catti "pre-Roman Briton" coins, and then he goes on to say "the current notion that the early Britons derived their coinage by imitating a stater of Philip II of Macedonia (B.O. 366-360) can no longer be maintained. Indeed one of the chief advocates of the old theory was latterly forced to confess, on further
13 But in the Vishnu Purana surely the term would be the Kshatriya's.'

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WADDELL ON PHOENICIAN ORIGINS
197
observation, that the Macedonian stater could not be the sole prototype from which the early Briton kings modelled their coinage." Waddell's view is that the coin is Phoenician in origin. Finally, Waddell gives a number of English surnames, despite their known late origin, which " clearly" preserve "vestiges of the name of the Catti, Khatti or Gad tribal title of the Aryan-Phoenician citizen of Britain. .. presumably in patrilinear descent." 7. Morite Phoenician Stone Circles.
Having thus dealt with the revival and distribution of the Phoenicians in waves over Britain, Waddell discusses the prehistoric stone circles still found there and elsewhere. Here his views are as subversive as ever, and he openly follows the theory of distribution by Phoenicians propounded by Elliot Smith and Perry. To give the trend of this argument, it is necessary to quote him at length. "The great prehistoric Stone Circles of gigantic unhewn boulders, dolmens (or table-stones), and monoliths, sometimes called Catt Stones, still standing in weird majesty over many parts of the British Isles, also now appear to attend their Phoenician origin. The mysterious race,, who created these cyclopean monuments, wholly forgotten and unknown, now appears from the new evidence to have been the earlier wave of immigrant mining merchant Phoenician Barats, or Catti Phoenicians of the Muru, Mer, or Martu clan -the Amorite Giants of the Old Testament tradition; and from whom it would seem that Albion obtained its earliest name (according to the First Welsh Triad) of Clâs Myrd-in (Merddin) or Diggings of the Myrd'. .... about B.C. 2800." To this statement he appends the following remarks:-This early Phoenician title of Muru, Mer, Marutu or Martu meaning the Western Sea' or 'Sea of the Setting-Sun,' which now seems obviously the ... Mor-bihan or Little Mor, Phoenician source of the names Mauret-ania or Morocco ... . is found.... in Britain associated with Stone Circles and megaliths, and . . several More-dun, Mor-ton and Mar-tin, Cor mostly on the coast; e.g., Mori-dunum, Marthen, West Mor-land, More-cambe Bay, Moray, etc."
Waddell then brings arguments to show that the Phoenician remains in Egypt, Spain, Portugal, Sardinia, are identical with, or similar to those in Britain, and that these last date long before Brutus the Trojan. He next states that "the purpose of the great Stone Circles now appears, somewhat more clearly than before, from observations now recorded, to have been primarily for solar observation; whilst the smaller circles seem mainly sepulchral." On the first of these points Waddell found something for himself "which has hitherto escaped the notice of previous observers." He found "by personal examination at Stonehenge, Keswick, Penrith, etc., that the point of observation was not at the centre of the circle, but at the opposite or south-west border, where I found a marked observation Stone." At Keswick... where the fine circle is "locally called Castle Rigg, or Castle of the Rig, a title of the Gothic kings, cognate with the Latin Rex, Regis and the Sanskrit Râja of the Indo-Aryans, and the Ricon of the Briton coins.... he found "an observation stone, with marks on it, inscribed in "Sumerian linear script " reading "seeing the low-sun," which was presumably "seeing the sun on the horizon." He then found a similarly inscribed stone at Stonehenge and in several other circles.
On these purely personal observations he builds up a long argument to show that "the great prehistoric Stone Circles in ancient Britain were raised by the early Mor-ite scientific Brito-Phoenicians as solar observatories. . . . and that their descendant Britons continued to regard them as sacred places." On the way to this result Waddell remarks that the name Hare-Stones is sometimes applied to the Circles in Scotland, and they seem to him to contain "the Harri or Heria title of the ruling Goths of the Eddas, which I show is the equivalent of the Hittite title of Harri or Arri or Aryan." The name "Kes-wick .. Abode of the Kes, i.e., the Cassi clan of the Hittites."
means the
(To be continued)

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BOOK-NOTICES.
THE PRAKRIT DHATY-ADESAS, by SIE GEORGE For the Hindus, when they absorbed Western ideas,
GRIERSON, K.C.I.E., Memoirs of Asiatic Society often gave them an Indian setting: and also the of Bengal, Calcutta, 1920.
period of absorption is one of such extreme interest This is another of Sir George Grierson's invaluable
in the history of civilization that any light thrown notes on Indian philology. A dhdtuddaja is
on it from the east is valuable. Therefore this a Prakrit root substitute for a Sanskrit root : such as
later system has been analysed in some detail and whereby Prakrit hoi can be an equivalent for
a brief account of the chief Hindu astronomers Sanskrit bhavati. Sir George then points out
who expounded the Westem astronomy has been that Prakrit roots are (1) identical with the corres.
included," (may I add ?) to the very great benefit ponding Sanskrit roota, (2) regularly derived from
of all studenta. them, (3) unconnected by any admitted phonetic
Mr. Kaye then goes into the earliest works dealing rule, e.g., where Skr.root.cal.equals Prak. root call.
in some way or other with astronomy, and these (4) derived from Skr. roots but having changed
he dates from B.C. 1200 to A.D. 200—all early their meaning, are substituted from some other
Hindu dates are however still controversial-and Sanskrit root with a meaning more nearly akin.
calls them the Periods of the Vedas, Brahmanan Tho last two classes from the ddatas..
und Upanishads, Sūtras and Vedangas. The Ma. Sir George then gives 1590 Prakrit forms collected
habharata, Ramdyana and the Puranas he considers from five standard works. His lists, however, go
apart; and finally he calls the whole of the oldest beyond the true adlias and include "many perfectly
works Period A, which he di vides into Vedic (Al), regular Prakrit words." In discussing the last of the
and Post.Vedic (A2). He then divides the other classes of Prakrit roots above described, Sir George
early writings into Period B (3.0. 400 to 1000), makos a very valuable remark: "there was never
and subdivides them into the Gupta (BI) and one uniform school of Prakrit Grammarians for
Bhaskara (B2). In this period B wrote Pulita, the whole of India. There were certaiy at least
Aryabhaga, Varihs Mihira, Brahmagupta and an Eastern and a Western school, which had marked
Bhaskara. In the Vedic times the year had 360 variations in their teachings .... each school
days with occasional intercalary months, in Postdeveloped independently of the other, so that after
Vedio times there was a five-year cycle of X 366 the lapse of centuries the divergences became
days. In the Gupta times came knowledge of very wide." All this is well worth bearing in mind.
the planets and eclipses of formal astrology and As a matter of detail Sir George points out that the
other details. In the Bhaskara times there was nosalisation of words in modern Indian vernaculars
a further development of these latter matters. is no modern innovation, nor is it accidental, but
Mr. Kaye then examines the texts under the As a development it is at least as old as the dadto
Period Al including the J&takes and pass on to adedas. Here again we have a very valuable
early formal astronomy, i.e., Period A2, "the suggestion.
main astronomical features of which are (a) the
five-year cycle of 8 X 366 days, and (6) the omission R. C. TEMPLE.
of all references to planetary astronomy." Here HINDU ASTRONOMY, by G. R. KAYR. Momoirs of
ho again examines the texte This starta him on the Archæological Survey of India. No. 18.
the dinouasion of definite astronomical subjecta, 1924.
such as the Nakshatras, Stars and Constellations, Of this most useful compilation Mr. Kaye writes
Years and Seasons, Solstices and Equinoxes, and in his Preface that " although this summary account
Procession. All this leads him to consider the goes over old ground it is all based upon original
important subject of Vedic Chronology and "a texte." I would like to add that when an expert
number of arguments that have been employed goes to the original texts it matters nothing how
to fix the chronology of the earliest Hindu worlos. much his subject covers old ground. In his In
These are fairly stated and the reader can form his troduction Mr. Kaye carefully scrutinises the history
own opinion of their value. Mr. Kaye then consi of the examination of Hindu astronomy by Eu.
der the Planeta and the week days abjects on mopean students in a scholarly manner and winds
which he is very informing. up with this pregnant paragraph: "In the fol He is then taken to the introduction of Gronk lowing chapters considerable attention is paid to astronomy about 400 A.D., and ite dominating the earlier Greek period of Hindu astronomy, and influence on Hindu astronomical teaching, which the later material might, with some propriety, is admirably exhibited. This brings him to his have been excluded altogether. However, not (second) Period B-the study of Hinda-Grook only has this later period a sort of traditional astronomy and the great astronomers who preclaim to attention, but its study often helps to sented it. Mr. Kayo subjects them to soarohing elucidato obscure points of the earlier period. criticism, and then pemes on to Hindu Astronomical

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BOOK-NOTICES
199
Instruments. "The only instruments of practical to Yarkand and Khotan. Two years later he utility for astronomical purposes described in started for China from Yarkand, going to Aksu, ancient Hindu works are the sun-dial and the Turfan, Cham: and thence to Su-chou, where ha clepsydra. An armillacy sphere is also described died. As a journey alone it was great accomas an instrument for purposes of demonstration. plishment, as another great traveller, Sir Aurel The only Hindu instrument of any antiquity Stein, testified in words of warm sympathy 300 actually found is the clepsydra, consisting of a years later. But the great value of it was that metal bowl floating in & vessel of water." A Goes discovered to the world of searchers that footnoto adds: “It is the only instrument der. Cathay is China. cribed in the din-i-Akbart," and to this it may be Father Wessels then takes us to Antonio de added that time was kept in the Royal Palace at Andrade (1580-1634), who reached Goa in 1600, Mandalay by a clepsydra, when the British took but did no travelling till 1624, when he set out from possession in 1885.
| Agra, for Tibet, reaching Tsaparang via Srinagar Mr. Kaye then attempte "to summarise, with in Garhwal and returning to Agra in the same year. the aid of modern mathematical formula, the more on this first journey he was accompanied by Manoel technical portions of the classical Sanskrit astro- Marques, another Jesuit. In the following year nomical toxts" and this "to aid the study of a 1625, Andrada started again for Tsaparang and particular intellectual phase" of period laid the foundation of the first Christian Church "characterised by a remarkable ronaissance of there in the following year. This time Fathers literature, art and science in and scienco in
India." India." (A.D. 509
(A.D. 509 G . de Souza and Marques, were with him and the 1000.) And thus Mr. Kaye is drawn to certain mission was joined later by others : Fathers "conclusions," which all students of things Indian de Oliveira, dos Anjos and Godinho, and Antonio should study and digest, and he winds up his very Pereira, Antonio do Fonseca, F. de Azevedo. valuable monograph with remarkablo observations Andrade himself returned to Goa and died there on Hindu astrology (Appendix 1). He adds a further in 1634. After his departure others carried on the Appendix on Hindu Astronomical Deities, which mission, which lasted till 1641 after a fashion, has, however, already appeared in JASB., 1920. when the Tibetans closed Tibet and Marques was
Altogether, Mr. Kayo has produced hero a most loft a prisoner in their hands. Andrado did great important monograph, of which the only criticism things for yeography, but they raised much con. I have to offer is as to the form in which it is printed. troversy later on. It would be so much more handy, and therefore more
Next comes Francisco de Azevedo (15781660). w ful to students generally, if it were printed in
Unlike the others, he lived to be 82, after working ootavo form. This would be quite feasible as there
at various mission stations in India. He became a are no plates.
Jesuit in 1697 at Goa, and out of his long life he R. C. TEMPLE. only spent six months in the Himalayas in 1631.
He started by going from Agra to Taaparang, EARLY JESUIT TRAVELLERS IN CENTRAL ASIA,
whence he went to leh and thence to Lahaul and 1603-1721, by C. WESSELLS, S.J., Martinus
Kulu (Nagar), and back to Agra. He has left a Nijhoff, the Hague, 1924.
valuable and most interesting correspondenco This is a work of real value to all occupied in behind, which is now unearthed for the first time. historical research. It gives accounts in detail Following Andrade's advice in a letter from of thoso early missionaries, whom the Jesuita sent
Teaparang, Fathers Stephan Oacella and T. Cabral into Central Asia in the 17th century, and of whom started for Utsang (Tibet) in 1628 from Cochin, we have had but the scantiest knowledge hitherto, Stephen Cacella (1585-1630) became a Jesuit in and that not by any means accurate. Father 1604 and reached India in 1614. J. Cabral (1599– Wonella has now, however, written a scientifio 1669) became a Jesuit 1619 and arrived in India and authoritative book, based on dooumente in 1624. In 1626 they both reached Hugli and then actus existence, though they are difficult to get Dacca and Hajo (in Assam). Thence they went at, and he has thus not only done justice to a most to Kuch Bihar and Rangamati, and thence to Phari worthy series of old travellers, but has dug a well of | in Bhutan. Then they went separately to Shigatee sound knowledge for those who would appease their in Utang (Tibet), Arriving there in 1628. thirst for it at the original sources. One can hardly In 1629 Cacella returned to Kuch Bihar and there spook too highly of a work of this description. picked up Father Manoel Diaz ; with whom he
The old Jesuit fathers thus roguscitated are started at once back for Shigatso, but Father Arstly Bento de Goes (1562-1607), who became Dias died at Morang and Cacells himself in the
Josuit in 1684 at Goa and started travelling for next year at Shigatse. In 1631 Cabral returned the Society in 1595, continuing to do so till his to India via Khatmandu, Patna, Rajmahal and donth twelve years later. In this short period Hugli. Thereafter he travelled for indeed; in he went first to Lahore and Agra. Then Lo returned Japan, Tonkin, Molaoca and Macao, returning to Lahore on his journey to " Cathay," via Kabull finally to India, dying at Goa in 1869.

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This journey to Tibet vid Bhutan and home Desideri, an Italian (1684-1733). Boooming A vid Nepal was as adventurous and valuable as Jesuit in 1700, he left Rome with Manoel Freyre any and we cannot be too grateful to Father Wessels for India in 1712. In 1714 he set out from Delhi for reconstructing it from original manuscripts. for Tibet, vid, Srinagar (in Kashmir) and Leh,
Noxt come Johann Grue ber and Albert d'Orville, and arrived at Lhasa in 1716, whence Freyre
German and a Belgian, with a tremendous journey. returned to India. Dosideri wandered about Tibet Grue ber (1623-1680) became a Jesuit in 1641 till 1721, when he was back in Lhasa, whence he and set out for China in 1656, vid Surat and Macao. returned to India via Kulti and Khatmandu, reach. From 1659 to 1661 he was employed in the Obser. ing Agra in 1722. Finally he returned to Rome, vatory at Pekin. Albert d'Orville (1621-1662) where he arrived in 1728 and died in 1733. There became a Jesuit in 1646 and set out for China has been much controversy over Desideri's travels vid Goa, Macassar, Macao and Shansi. In 1660 and one is thankful to Father Wessels for ho joined Grueber at the Observatory at Pekin. In "reinstating him from original documenta. 1661 they started across the Asiatio continent These, old Jesuits were wonderful men and we on their wonderful journey to India. They went cannot be too grateful to the editor of their corres. vid Hsi-ning and the Great Wall to Lhasa, thence pondence for thus placing before us the work they vid Khatmandu to Agra, which they reached the did and the difficulties they overcame in their following year (1662). Hore d'Orville died soon simple, unassuming way. after arrival from the effects of the journey.
R. C. TEMPLE. At Agrs Grue ber found another companion in Heinrich Roth (1620--1668). He became a Jesuit
THE ECONOMIC HISTORY OF ANCIENT INDIA, by in 1639, was in Smyrna in 1651 and proceeded to
SANTOSH KUMAR DAB. Calcutta, 1925. Goa vid Ispahan, and finally went to Agra where
This little book contains a series of lectures he joined Grueber. In the end, after much wander.
delivered to the defunct Kalikata Vidyd pith in ing, he died in Agra. With Roth, the indefatigable
1922-23 by the author, who is now Profonsor of Grueber started for Rome vid Delhi and Lahore History and Economics at the Tribhuban Chandra and down the Indus to Tatta. Thence through
College of Nepal and formerly at the Bagerhat Mehran and Kirman to Ormuz,' and thence by College, Khulna, Bengal. road through Mesopotamia to Smyrna by & route
As the Institution before which the lectures known to Roth. They reached Rome in 1664.
were delivered is dead. Prof. S. K. Das has thought Three months later Grue ber started with Roth
it best to publish them with additions, and he has back towards China, but he only got as far 88 done his best to cover his sertions by quoting Constantinople, where he became seriously ill his authorities of which there seems to be about and had to return by sea to Leghorn and thence to
150 of all sorts and ages, judging by his list. Florence, Roth went on alone to India. There
His lectures cover the whole ancient period after little is known of Grueber except that he did
of Indian History from the Paleolithic, Neolithic, not return to China and died at Barospatak in
Copper and Rig Vodic Agos, through the Brahmana, Hungary in 1680.
Buddhist, Mauryan, Kushån and Gupta Periods All these men, Grueber, d'Orville and Roth were to Harsha. And he appears to take a sensible view wonderful travellers, especially when we consider
of his subject in the ancient times, avoiding "on the conditions under which they travelled and the
principle all theoretical disquisitions, and aiming abeence of maps and predecessors' accounts and also at presenting the facts in a connected manner the ill-will that many high personages among Muham.
with a view to illustrate, as far as possible, the madans and others evinced to them en route. The
gradual development of the economic conditions pity is that they were not men with a roadly pen. from the earliest times." Altogether, it is a good
The last Jesuit traveller of the 17th century book to place in the hands of young studenta. to come under Father Wessel's notice is Hippolyte !
R. C. TEMPLE NOTES AND QUERIES. NORTH INDIAN PROVERBS.
printed in the Indian Antiquary of November, 1924, In reference to the North Indian Proverbs, will be found in Bihar Peasant Life, including two collected by the late Dr. W. Crooke, which appeared different vorsions of the first paying in the list. in the issue of this Journal for November 1924.
The wording of these sayings variee, as I havo Bir Gloorye Grierson writes es follows:
remarked, but the substance is always preserved. "These sayings are very common all over North
In North India agricultural operations are datod India in slightly varying forms. Collections of by the position of the Sun in the Lunar astoriams them have more than once been made, and will be 6.e., according to the Solar year. The Lunar Solar found in my Bihar Peasant Life, pp. 274 fl. and in year current in N. India is manifestly unsuitablo Patrick Carnegy's Kachahri Technicalities, Allaha - for dating Agricultural operations." bad, 1877, pp. 217 ff. Probably all those
EDITOR.

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201
THE DATE OF THE KAUTILIYA.
BY H. C. RAY, MA
(Continued from page 175.) Germany under the Hohenzollerns wanted to play the part of the Vijigipu on the continent. Before them France under Louis XIV and Napoleon had tried and failed at Blenheim and Waterloo, and at present it is the power of the legions of France and the Navy of Britain that is keeping the peace of Europe. France under the leadership of Poincaré is again trying to play the role of a 'conqueror.' Germany is her enemy. Because
tasya samantato mandalibhúta bhůmyantard ariprakrti). (The king who is situated anywhere immediately on the circumference of the conqueror's territory is the enemy.18) And Germany is the natural enemy of France, because
bhúmyanantaran prakrtyámitrah tulyábhijanassahajah. (The foe who is equally of high birth and occupies a territory close to the conqueror is a natural enemy.19)
Again Russia before the war, and Poland after it is the friend of France. For Kautilya says :
tathaiva bhúmyekäntard mitraprakytih. (The king who is likewise situated close to the enemy, but separated from the conqueror only by the enemy, is termed the friend of the conqueror.20) Similarly it can be shown that in the age-long conflict between France and Germany, Italy has played the part of a Madhyama, and America that of an Udasina power. Italy joined this war owing to her natural hostility to Austria, and America, because the Lusitania was sunk and her commercial interests were jeopardised.
The above will show that there is nothing in Kautilya, which is inconsistent with strongly established kingdoms and empires. It only pre-supposes the existence of groups of states, all of which were not necessarily small or weak. No one can say that when Chandragupta ruled, there were no other kingdomsrin India. There was the powerful state of Kalinga, which was not conquered till the time of his grandson Asoka, and beyond that the Andhra and Tamii States. On the North-Western frontier of India lay the powerful Selukid Empire, and it is well-known that the vision of the Maurya politicians was not limited by the four corners of India, but took cognisance of even distant Egypt and Macedon.21 Kautilya's denunciation of a king with a Kșudraparişad, 22 his rejection of the views of the Månavas, B&rhaspatyas and the Aušanasas, his reference to Indra's Parisad of a thousand ris, 23 his mention of a Chakravartik-etra in Northern India extending over a thousand yojanas, and lastly the whole of the second book give clear indications that, when the author was writing, a big and a growing centralised empire existed in the North of India.
Dr. Nag has also raised objection on another point. In his opinion the most definite argument against Prof. Jacobi's theory is furnished by an examination of the geographical facts. He says 'any serious student will hesitate to consider as having been written in the fourth century B.C. a treatine containing names like Harahura and KapiśA, 24 Kâmbhoja and
18 Arthasstra, 2nd ed., p. 260 and Trans., 2nd ed., p. 312.
10 Ibid., and Trane, 2nd ed., p. 313. In a later age the Chalukya of Vatapi were the praktumvitra of the Pallava sovereigns of the South. 20 Ibid. 31 A soka's Rock Edict, XIII.
33 Arthadastra, p. 269. 33 Political History of Ancient India, by Dr. H.C. Raychowdhury, p. 148.
# The correct form of the name is Kapila and not Kapiba, as Dr. Nag spe Es the word. The spelling of some of the words in this quotation is wrong, e.g.. Harahůrs and not Harshura.

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Aratta, BAlhika and Vandyu, Tampra parni and PandyakavAta, Suvarnakudya and Suvarnabhumi, China and Nepåla. Let us see how far this argument is sustainable. Of these geogra. phical terins BAlhika is mentioned in the Atharva Veda.26 K Apiša is mentioned not only in Påņini, but according to Pliny26 it had been attacked by Cyrus, the founder of the Achæme. nian empire. Kambhoja is mentioned, not only in the Anguttara Nikdya, but also in Y Aska's Nirukta (II. 2) and in the inscriptions of Asoka, even if we omit the somewhat doubtful reference to it in the early Persian Inscriptions.27 Tamra parni and Pandya are referred to both in the Indica of Megasthenes and the Inscriptions of Asoka 28 Suvarnabhůmi is mentioned in early PAli literature, which, according to many eminent scholars, looks back upon the PreMaurya period.39 The Arattas are referred to by the author of the Periplus in the first century A.D.80 and that they lived in India two or three centuries before that, is proved by the evidence of the Baudhayana Dharmasiilras. In fact, Mr.K.P. Jayaswal has already started a plausible theory about the conquering campaigns of Chandragupta with the help of the Arattas 31 Vankyu is taken by Dr. Någ in the doubtful sense of Arabia. But unless he can show that the term Vanàyu came into vogue in the Post-Mauryan period, the mention of it is no evidence in his favour. For it was not at all impossible for a Mauryan statesman to know about Arabis, if he was in constant contact with the rulers of the whole region between the Aegean sea and the Hindukush. But the mention of China surely would have become a piece of valuable evidence in Dr. Nâg's favour, if it could be conclusively proved that it is deriv. ed from the 1st Tsin dynasty, which was founded by the Duke of Tsin in c. 221 B.C. Un. fortunately the derivation is not accepted by all.39 Mr. Giles, for instance, remarks that the constant coupling of the word China with the Daradas, still surviving as the people of Dardistan on the Indus, suggests it as more probable that those Chinas were a kindred race of mountaineers, whose name as Shinas in fact likewise remains applied to a branch of the Dard race. Again it is not entirely impossible that the word is an interpolation, as Dr. Keith suggests.83 The mention of the words Nepala and Suvarna-kudya cannot be conclusive, because we do not know as yet when and how the words originated. But the occurrence of the word HArahara presente some difficulty. It occurs in the following passage :
Mrdvikaraso madhu. tasya svadešo vyakhyanan ka pisayanan harahirakamiti.34
Now what does harahüraka mean? Does it refer to the country of Harakūras ? The more correct form of the name that has been accepted by scholars is HArahna, the White Epthalites. Supposing, however, for the moment that the correct name is Hårahůra and not H&rahana, where is the ovidence that there was any country near India where this nomadic tribe was settled? We know of no portion of India which was named after them, as portions of the Punjab, Rajputana and Kathiawar were no doubt named after the Gurjaras. Then, again, supposing that a country of the Hårahůras existed and Kautilya was referring to that country, we should naturally expect a cha after hårahúrakam. According to Dr. Taraporewala, 'Harahürakam is evidently a loan word.' The word might be a Persian word. 'Hura' has been used in the Avesta to mean wine, and in Middle Persian to mean an intoxicating drink made of mare's milk (vide Bartholmae, Iranisches Wörterbuch). Hence, according to him, the
26 Vedic Index, Vol. II, p. 63. 36 VI, 23 (25); Cambridge History of India, Vol. I, p. 555.
37 Carmichael Lectures, 1918, p. 48 and pp. 57-56. Asoka's Rock Edicts V and XIII; Cambridge History of India, Vol. I, p. 334.
28 Indian Antiquary, Vol. VI, 129; Rock Edict XIII. 29 Cambridge History of India, Vol. I, p. 213. 30 Schoff (ed.). Periplus of the Erythraean Sea, p. 41.
31 Indian Antiquary, 1914, p. 124. The Årattas aro mentioned in the Dharma Sutras. According to.Dr. Keith 'the age to which the Satras may be assigned cannot be earlier than the seventh or later than the second century B.C.' Cambridge History of India, Vol. I, pp. 242 and 259, Raudhayang Dharma Satra, 1, 1, 2, 9.
33. The Encyclopaedia Britanica, XIth ed., Vol. VI. 23 JRAS., 1916, January, p. 136.
34 Arthajdstra, p. 120.

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word probably corresponds to the Sanskrit Sara-Surá (best wine).36 There can be no dcult, as suggested by Dr. Tara porewala, that hirahira is a loan word. But the derivation suggest. ed by him is uncertain. In lexicons hâruhûrd is made synonymous with grape,' and hárahúra or harahúraka with wine.' That seems to have been the original sense, which suits here excellently. Kapisayanam haraharakam will therefore mean wine extracted from the grapes of Kapića.'36 Thus the careful examination of the geographical information gives us no definite proof of a Post-Mauryan date for the Kaurillya.
There is another problem which deserves our attention in this connection. V. Smith, Thomas, Roychowdhury, R. K. Mookerjee and N. Lawat have pointed out many agreements between the accounts of Megasthenes and Kautilya. But recently, in discussing the date of Kautilya in one of his Readership loctures in the Calcutta University, Prof. Winternitz laid much emphasis on the work of his pupil, Dr. Otto Stein,38 who has tried to show thet Megasthenes agrees with Kautilya only in such things as would not change at different periods of time, e.g., irrigation by means of canals, etc., while he contradicts Kautilya in many essential points. The assumption is that they must necessarily belong to different periods. But he forgets that Kautilya's work was not merely an 'imperial gazetteer of the Maurya Empire.' Kautilya makes it perfectly clear that his Arthasastra was '& compendium of almost all the Arthastras, which, for acquisition and protection of the earth, have been composed by ancient teachers. 39 And as such, his work was almost an encyclopædia of ths Science of Polity up to his period. Thus it would not be reasonable to expect homogeneity, in the sense that it should reflect only the epoch of Kautilya. Though Kautilya was not wholly devoid of originality as a political thinkor, yet it cannot be denied, as he himself admits, that his work bore more or less the character of a compilation. Therefore the treatise naturally includes many facts which belonged to a period anterior to Kautilya. Then again, it is quite possible that the present treatise was written by him, before Megasthenes came to Pataliputra. When he came, many innovations in administration might have been inwoduced by Chandragupta porsonally or in consultation with his ministers; for example the boards described by Megasthenes as in charge of the business of the capital,' which are unknown to our author, may have been, as V. A. Smith suggests, 40 introduced by Chandragupta personally later on.41 Lastly, Megasthenes was not a trained critical observer. Had he been so, his Indica would not have spoken of the seven Indian castes and contained all the fine stories about gold digging ants, and men who could lie down in their ears, and so forth. Moreover, the original work of Megasthenes has been lost, and his account has only survived to our times in second or third. hand extracts. In these circumstances, he must be a very brave man who would venture to declare dogmatically that since Kautilya and Megasthenes disagree, they must be referred to different periods.
Objections against referring Kautilya to an early date have also been taken on two moro points. Prof. Jolly, for instance, after examining the legal part of the Arthasástra, has expressed the opinion that if the book is considered as having been written three centuries before Christ, including the legal part (Dharmasthiyam), then the whole accepted chronology of the Hindu
36 I. J. Sorabji, Some Notes on the Adhyakraprachdra, Allahabad, 1914, p. 59.
34 It is also extremoly significant that Kautilya in his Artha katra nover mentions the Saka Yavanas, Pahlavas and the Hapus who are generally referred to in all compositions of a lator porlod; of. Kafika-ortti on Pånini, IV. 2. 99.
87 Early History of India, pp. 138-149; Oxford History of India, pp. 88-92; Cambridge History of India, Vol. I. Pp. 475-491; Roychowdhury, Political History of Ancient India, pp. 146-155. N. Law, Studies in Hindu Polity. 30 Megasthenes und Kaufilya.
Arthadastra, p. 1-Pithivyd labhe....krlam. 40 Early History of India, 3rd ed., p. 141.
41 Another poasility is that suggested by Dr. R. O. Mojumdar, that the Arthadastra was written while the empire was in the making. See slao Raychaudhuri, Political Hiory of Ancient India, pp. 149-51.

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Schools of Law tumbles like a pack of cards.' Instances are not rare in the history of scholarship, when a new discovery or invention destroys the cherished theories of ager. Thus, with the discovery of the Sarnath Inscriptions of Kumaragupta II and the Damodarpur plates of Badhagupta, the whole accepted chronology of the Imperial Guptas tumbled like a house of cards. Mach capital, again, has been made out of the fact that the oldest (? hitherto known) treatises on metallurgy, attributed to Patañjali and Nagarjuna, appear to be more primitive than the chapters on the same subject in the Kautiliya. Mercury, for instance, which Sir P.C. Ray could not trace any further back than the earliest Tantric texts in the fifth or the sixth century A.D., 43 and which is only onco mentioned in Charaka and the Bower MSS. (fourth century A.D.), is mentioned by Kautilya. But I should like to ask these scholars why they must refer every treatise, showing an imperfect knowledge of a subject, to an earlier period than one showing a more developed knowledge? Is lack of developed knowledge always a test of antiquity ? Kamandaka's Nitigira, the present Sukraniti and the Barhaspatya Arthasastra, for instance, show an imperfect knowledge of statecraft in comparison with the Kauçiliya. But is any scholar for that reason ready to refer the latter to a later date? If they are not willing to follow such a course, why then should Kautiliya be alone referred to a later period than those treatises which show & more imperfect knowledge of metallurgy. Scantiness and imperfection are often the symptoms of decay and not of antiquity. These arguments can therefore never be conclusive.
The above discussion will show that the arguments advanced against the theory that the Arthasastra in its present form was a work of the Maurya period are far from convincing. I shall not, however, be surprised if somebody detects some interpolations in our present texts. But these interpolations must be very few and far between, and may perhaps be found confined to the Bharya portion of the work. In & moist climate like that of India the MSS. require frequent recopying, and it is just possible, as Dr. Nag suggests, that in the course of these frequent changes of materials, some slight alterations or interpolations have crept into this work. But this he has not demonstrated. Failing more substantial arguments, the conclusion of Dr. Shamasastry 14 that the Arthasastna represents the work of a writer of 300 B.O. is not to be lightly rejected.
Modern Works on the Arthasastra and its date. Hertel, J. .. .. Literarisches aus dem Kaufiliyasastra. W.Z.K.M., 1910. Hillebrandt, A... ... Über das Kautilyasastra. Breslau, 1908.
Zu Kautilya. ZDMG., Vol. 69, 1915. Jacobi, H. .. .. Kultur- Sprach- und Literarhistorisches aus dem Kautilya, Site.
KPA., 1911. Über die Echtheit des Kautilfya. Ibid., 1912.
Indian Antiquary, 1918-19 (Eng. Trans.) Jolly, J... .. Arthasastra und Dharmasastra. ZDMG., 1913.
Kollektaneen zur Kautiliya Arthasastra. Ibid., 1014. Text Kritische Bemerkungen zum Kaufiliya Arthasastra,
ZDMG., 1916-1917. Introduction to his Edition of the Text, Vol. I, published from
The Punjab Book Depôt, Lahore. 13 The revised Chronology of the Gupta Emperora, by Dr. R. C. Majumdar; Indian Antiquary, 1913 : Damndarpur Platea, edited by P. G. Basak : Epigraphia Indica, Vol. XV, p. 113 fl.; The Gupta Empire in the Sixth and Seventh Centurios A.D., by Hemohandra Raychowdhury. JASB. (New Beries), VOL XVI, 1920, PP. 313–26. • 48 History of Indian Chemistry. Vol. I, p. lxxi.
4 Introduction to his first and second editions of the Text and the English Translation of the Arthatastra of Kautilya.

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Keith, A. B. Shamasastry, R.
Ghoshal .. Nag, Kalidas Law, N... Mookerjee, R. K. Stein, Otto
Winternitz
Ray, H. Č.
ن :::
:
:
Bannerjee, N. C. Rapson.
:::::.
WADDELL ON PHOENICIAN ORIGINS
206
The Authenticity of the Kautiliya, JRAS., 1916. Introduction to the 1st and 2nd editions of his Text and English translation of the Arthasdstra of Kautilya.
Chanakya's Land Revenue Policy (fourth century B.C.), Ind. Ant.,
1905. Political
Theories of the Hindus.
Les Théories Diplomatiques De L'Inde Ancienne et L'Arthasastra. Studies in Ancient Hindu Polity.
.. Introduction to the above. Megasthenes
und Kautilya, Academie der Wissenschaften in Wien, Philosophisch-historischeklasse, Sitzungsberichte, 191, Band
Wien 1921.
Readership Lecture at the Calcutta University on the date of the
Arthasâstra of Kautilya (not yet published).
Was State-Socialism known in Ancient India? Sir Asutosh Mookerjee Silver Jubilee Volumes, Vol. III, Part I-Orientalia. Position of the Brahmana in Kautilya.
Proceedings and Transactions of the Second Oriental Conference, Calcutta, 1922.
.. Religion and Belief in the Arthasâstra. Ibid.
.. Political and Social Organisation of the Maurya Empire.
The Cambridge History of India, Vol. I; also pp. 679-80 for bibliography.
V. Smith
.. Early History of India, 3rd edition, pp. 136, 144.
Oxford History of India, pp. 76-93.
Raychowdhury, H. C... Political History of Ancient India, University of Calcutta, 1923, pp. 145 ff.
Aiyangar, K. V. Ranga- Ancient Indian Polity.
swami.
WADDELL ON PHOENICIAN ORIGINS. BY SIR RICHARD C. TEMPLE, BT. (Continued from page 197.)
8.
Cup-Markings on Stone and Circles on Coins.
On this abstruse subject Waddell is even more original and startling than he has been hitherto in this book. The long title of this Chapter thereon is sufficient proof :-" Prehistoric cup-markings on circles, rocks, etc., in Britain; and circles on ancient Briton coins and monuments, as invocations to the Sun-god in Sumerian cipher script by early Phoenicians: disclosing decipherment and translation by identical cup-marks on Hitto-Sumerian seals and Trojan amulets with explanatory Sumerian script: and Hitto-Sumerian origin of godnames; Jahoveh or Jove, Indra, Indri, Thor of the Goths, St. Andrew; Earth-goddess Mais or May, the Three Fates, and English names of the numerals." Material enough here, one would think, for a whole book. 3
Starting with eight figures of cup-marked stones in Britain, Waddell gives eleven of cup-marks on Hitto-Sumerian amulet whorls from Troy, which he compares with ten figures on archaic Sumerian seals and amulets associated with a Sumerian seal dated B.c. 3000, showing "circles as diagnostic circle marks of Sumerian and Chaldee deities in the Trial of Adam, the Son of God Ia (Iahoveh or Jove or Indara)."

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He then says that the early Sumerians wrote numbers as strokes (e.g., for 1, | for 2 and so on), which became circular holes when applied by a drill to stone: 0–1, 00 or 9- 2, and so on. He found that "many of our numerals in English, and in the Assyrian languages generally, are also derived from the Sumerian names for these numbers, although the fact has not hitherto been noticed.” We have already had his ideas on 'one' being equivalent to Sumerian ana and now he tells us that through "the occult values attached to certain numbers by the Sumerians," we are able to identify the Hitto-Sumerian god-names on the seals and tablets with the names of the leading Aryau gods of classic Greece and Rome, of the Indiau Vedas, of the Gothic Eddas, and of the ancient Britons, as inscribed on their pre-Roman coins and monuments. So 0-1 or 10 - God as monad : 00 -2 or 20 = the Sun. god : 000 = 3 or 30= the Moon or Moon-god, and so on up to nine figures and two special kinds of o. Waddell then launches into an explanation of the cup-marks in the light of the above observation and certain startling philological comparisons, which are not easy to follow.
He arrives in the course of his study at a remarkable philological conclusion :-" It will be seen, in scanning the key-list in the table, that the first or single circle or cup-mark, title for God, Ia or Jove, or the One God, has the value of A (i.e., the Greek Alpha : whilst the title for Him is the largo double o (i.e., the Greek O-mega, a name now seen to be also derived from the Sumerian mukh, great, and surviving in Scotch, 'muckle' or English much' and
magnitude,' 13 etc. It thus appears that the early Sumerian and our own 'pagan' ancient Briton ancestors called the Father God Ia or Jove by the very same title as God in the Apocalypse, namely, Alpha and Omega, the First and the Last.'” In a footnote Waddell adds that "Ia is also Indara.”
By the key-list Waddell reads the inscription on the scene about Adam already noticed, to mean "how Adam broke the wing of the stormy South-wind." He also read many other Hitto-Babylonian seals and found them to explain "the circles on ancient Briton coins and the cup-markings of pre-historic Britain," so that he could even read these last. Waddell in the same way next reads "the archaic Morite table of about B.C. 400" found
at Smyrna, on which he asks us to "note the initial word-sign for 'tomb' in the picture of the ancient barrow of the Indo-Aryans with its finial called thupa or tope," i.e., according to his reading : but surely the Buddhistic stúpa ortope' was a reliquary not a tomb. The 'word-sign' is, however, remarkable, as under
Waddell's reading of the tablet, it is to "a princess or priestess of the Bel-fire cult, named Nina, who is significantly called therein an Ari, i.e., Arya and Muru, i.e., Mor or Amorite. It invokes Taś for the aid of resuscitating the underground Sun and the Word Cross." Finally he says : -" it is significant that a large proportion of the words of the Morite tablet of about B.C. 4000 are radically identical with those of modern English, thus the second and third 'good girl' occur literally in the M Sumerian as kud-gal.'" This is truly an astonishing deduction, as, even granting that' kud gal' is a right transcription of the picture writing, which I give here, both the translation into good girl' and the transcription rest on the single assertion of Waddell himself,
He next proceeds to " unlock the long lost meaning and racial authorship of .... the prehistoric cup-marking in the British Isles” by the same keys, and finds them to be substantially identical with the Sumerian cup-marked solar amulets of Early Troy," and thus to be "Litanies for the resurrection of the dead by the Sun-Cross." He reads them to be invocations to the Archangel Tay, la or Jove - Indra. Their date he presumes to be that of the Stone Circles, B.C. 2800. He also shows a Briton coin inscribed Tascio' with
18 All this seems to mean that in Waddell's view Sumerian makh is the origin of the Groek, megas; Latin Magnus; English, much; Scotch, muckle.

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cup-marks. Thus" by new evidence. ... the truth of the conjecture of a Phænician origin.... hazarded by Prof. Nilsson of Sweden " is established and a positive and conclusive proof of the Aryan origin of the Sumerians, and of the Hitto-Phoenician origin of the Britons and Scots" is gained.
9. Sun-worship and Bel-fire rites and the Sun-cross, Having arrived so far in this fashion, Waddell now further develops his argument by "disclosing the Phoenician origin of solar einblems on pre-Christian monuments in Britain and on pre-Roman coins, and also the same origin of the Deazil or Sun-wise direction for luck, etc., and of John the Baptist as an Aryan Sun-fire priest." He starts with six quota. tions, of which I select the following. Froin the Sumerian Psalms he quotes “In the right hand of the king, the shepherd of his country." On this he remarks that the word for shepherd is " siba, disclosing the Sumerian origin of the English word ' shepherd,' " though shepherd' is clearly 'sheep-herd': but perhaps he means that the English sheep-Sumerian sib-a. Then he goes on from the Mahabharata "the able Panch [Phoenic-ian), the Chedi [Cetti or Catti) are all highly blest, and know the eternal religion--the eternal truth of religion and righteousness." It will be observed that this time we have Sanskrit name as Chedi not as Ceti: but can Chedi be equated with Catti! Ch with k ?
Waddell is now fairly launched on an enquiry--partly ethnology, partly folklore, and partly philology-of a wide and bewildering character under his guidance. Its object is to "furnish additional proof that those elements of the higher civilisation and religion and their names were introduced into the British Isles by the Aryan Barat Catti or Brito Phoenicians." They are therefore of prime importance to the present discussion.
Waddell begins by stating that the former Sun-cult is attested by the turning of the face of the dead to the East in the Stone and Bronze Age tombs," and in the "Deazil or Sun-wise directions in masonic and cryptic rites and in the lucky way of passing wine at table." The Phoenicians were a highly religious people, and " in worshipping the One God of the Universe, whom they symbolised by his chief visible luminary the Sun," they cherished the monotheism "expressed in the Sun-worship and Bel-worship. ... down the ages in the Mediterranean." It is also expressed in many other ways, notably" in one of the oldest Aryan hymns of the Vedas, in a stanza which is still repeated every morning by every Brahman in India, who chants it as a morning prayer at sunrise :
The Sun's uprising orb floods the air with brightness :
The Sun's enlivening Lord sends forth all men to labour." And then says Waddell :-" the Hitto-Sumerians usually called the Father-God Induru or Indara, the Indra of the Eastern Aryans and the Indri of the Goths," and to him most hymns and monuments are everywhere addressed. “This Aryan idea of the One FatherGod symbolised by the Sun is the Aten-worship of Egypt," and so is Aken-aten's new art ".... which is seen to be patently Phoenician.'
In the Newton Stone inscription the title for the Sun is Bel or Bil, which is now dis. closed to be derived from the Sumerian (ie., early Aryan) word for Fire, Flame or Blaze," to prove which statement Waddell has recourse to some wonderful etymology from Sumer to English. After which " we see the significance of the name St. Blaze for the taper-carrying saint introduced into early Christianity as patron of the immediate sola festival of Candlemas Day," and of the Bel-fire or Bel-tane rites and games, which still survive in many parts of the British Isles.... the name Bel-tane or Bel-tine means literally Bel's fire." Waddell here has a reference, used later on by him, to the generation of the sacred fire for igniting fire offerings to Bil or Bel" by the friction of two tender sticks, or fire drill, employed in Britain down to the middle ages and by the early Aryan Phænicians."

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He next proceeds to show that St. John the Baptist was made by Christian missionaries "the patron saint of the old pagan Bel-Fire festivities, who transferred them to the Eve of St. John's Day, the 24th June," celebrated all over Europe and by the Phoenician colonies. All this suggests that St. John, "who bears an Aryan-Gentile and non-Hebrew name, was himself an Aryan-Gentile and of the Fire-Cross cult." And then Waddell goes on to state that "his initiatory rite of baptism is wholly unknown in Judaism, whereas it is a part of the ancient ritual of the Sumerian and Aryan Vedic and Eddic Gothic Sun-cults." And this theory he supports with more remarkable philology. In the same way he supports another statement that the temple at Jerusalem was "a famous ancient Sun-God temple of the Hittites and Amorites connected with the Sun-God, Nin-ib, otherwise styled Tas, i.e., the Hitto-Sumerian archangel of God and the Tascio of the Briton coins and monuments."
Waddell has next some remarkable passages on "the Cross-sceptre or staff traditionally carried by John the Baptist as a special emblem of the Sun-God Ninib of Jerusalem. As the Son of God, that Sun-God is given in Sumerian the synonym of the God of the Cross + wherein that Cross in the form of St. George's Red Cross is defined as Wood-Sceptre' and also as 'Fire' and 'Fire-God' under the name Bar or Mas' (i.e., the English bar or mace)." So that" take up his Cross and follow me," is a reference to the fiery Red Cross sceptre and symbol of the Sun-cult. ... and is not an anticipation of the crucifix." These reflections lead Waddell to suggestions as to the Christ himself, which are, to say the least, startling; and of "the wise men of the East," the Magi, he says:-" this name is obviously derived from the Sumerian Mas, as bearers of the Maé or + Cross," which, he says, is an entirely new, and I may add isolated, derivation. Waddell has several more novel derivations for names in the New Testament.
[NOVEMBER, 1925
Then he returns to the Bel-Fire, winding up with the remark that "altogether the Phoenician origin and introduction of the Bel-Fire into Britain, as part of the old Sun-worship, thus appears to be cleared and established." And after some remarks that Deasil or Dessil, "the right-handed way of the Scots, who called the opposite Wideosins or contrary to the Sun, which is consi ered unlucky" was "inculcated in the old Aryan Vedic hymns and epics
... as the right way, or right-handed way, pra-daxina [dakshina]," Waddell passes on to the solar symbols on British coins." These he finds are used in the same conventional ways as on Sumerian and Phoenician seals. One observation he makes here is, at least a little confused: "the interchangeability of the Sun's vehicles seen on the British coins, etc., as Horse (Asvin), Deer (or Goat), Goose and Hawk or Falcon, is voiced in the Vedas and often in dual form :
O Asvin [horse], like a pair of deer,
Fly hither, like geese, unto the mead we offer,
With the fleetness of the falcon."
Here it seems to me that the Vedic composer only asks the Asvin to fly like a deer or goose or falcon. He does not identify these creatures with the Asvin.
Waddell next discusses "the Sun-Cross of the Hitto-Phoenicians as the origin of the Christian Cross on Briton coins and monuments, and of the Celtic and Tree Cross in Christianity, disclosing the Catti, Hittite, or Gothic origin of the Celtic or Runic Cross, the Red Cross of St. George, the Swastika and the 'Spectacles'; the introduction of the Cross into Christianity by the Goths; and ancient Brito-Gothic hymns to the Sun." We find him here as energetic and discursive as ever in the discussion. "The name Cross' is now discovered to be derived from the Sumerian (i.e., early Phoenician) word garza, which is defined as 'sceptre or staff of the Sun-God,' and also sceptre of the King. Its word-sign is pictured by the two-barred cross or battle-axe (khat, the root of Khat-ti or Hittite). ... The SunCross, engraved by the Phoenician Cassi, King of the Scots, on his votive pillar at Newton to the Sun-god Bil was substituted in Christianity by the Goths for the crucifix

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of Christ, which crucifix was of quite a different shape from the True Cross or Sun-Cross, now used in modern Christianity .. The earliest form of the True Cross... was, I find, the shape +, wherein the arms are of equal length." And then we come to some more of Waddell's Etymology :-" It was called pir, with the meaning of fire, thus disclosing the Sumerian origin of the English words fire and pyre; Gothic, Scandinavian, Anglo-Saxon and old English fyr, fire; and Greek pyr." It was " a simple symbol of divine victory and not a crucifix ... , but usually coloured red, its original colour as the red or fiery cross." Its origin "I find was the crossing of the twin tinder sticks, as producing by friction the sacred fire. See the Rig Veda :
The Bharats Srava the divine and Vata the divineHave dexterously rubbed to life effectual fire. O God of Fire, look forth with brimming riches,
Bear in each day our daily bread." Waddell then observes that the Hitto-Sumerian and Phoenician conventional variations (giving a large number on two pages of illustration) of the Cross were identical with those on pre-Christian and pre-Roman coins of ancient Briton. The Swastika he takes to be "the simple St. George's Cross" with free ends added to a bent foot pointing in the direction of the Sun's apparent movement across the heavens, i.e., "towards the right hand." The Celtic Cross, "supposed to have been invented by the Celts," he traces back to Sumerian times, when " the simple equal-limbed cross was sometimes figured inside the circle as the Sun's disc, and sometimes intermediate rays were added between the arms to form a halo of glory."
Waddell then examines the relation of the “True Cross in Christianity" to these preChristian crosses. The Crucifix of Christ is " figured in early Christianity as the shape of a T the so-called St. Anthony's Croes", which "occurs extremely rarely ... because the crucifix was not a recognised Christian symbol of the early Christians, .. . The Cross does not appear as a Christian emblem before A.D., 451." And then it was “not a substitute for the Crucifix,” but “a sceptre and symbol of divine victory, as it was in the Sun-cult." Christ on the Cross does not appear until the tenth century A.D., and then as a transference from the old Aryan Sun-Cross of victory. This was the contribution of the Goths to Christianity," as a vestige of the ancient Red Cross of the Catti or Xatti or Soot Sun-worshippers," which quotation from Waddell contains an etymology of the term 'Scot' characteristic of him.
The Red Cross of St. George sets Waddell on to that Saint, and he finds his original in "Bel the Geur, the Dragon-slayer and protector of the Hittite Cappadocia." This clue discovers the associated Crosses in the Union Jack ... of St. Andrew and St. Patrick ...as forms of the same Sun-Cross.” The "gyron Cross of British Heraldry is the gurin cross of the Hittites - , which seems to be a form of the Hindu Swastika ... found on early British monuments ... It bears the synonym of baru or fruit, i.e., berry, and thus discloses the Hitto-Sumer origin of the English word berry." And then Waddell has some more wonderful etymology thus:-" the details of the Catti or Hittite seal of about B.O. 2000 are seen to be substantially identical with those of the old pre-Christian Cross at Cadzow (or Cads-cu, the koi or town of the Cad or Phoenician), the modorn Hamil-ton, an old town of the Briton kingdom of Strath-Clyde, in the province of the Gad-eni, the Brito Phænician Gad or Cad or Catti." Both the Briton and the Hittite crosses, he says, have a figure of Tasia, the archangel, above the Swastika, of which the symbol known as "the Spectacles" is a decorated example, having its origin in the Catti or Hitto-Sumerian Solar worship. The ancient True Cross was of wood, and “the modern popular superstition 'to touch wood ' in order to avert ill-luck is clearly & survival of the ancient Sun-worship of the wooden Cross."
(To be continued.)

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A VERSION OF HIR AND RANJHA. BY A SA SINGH OF MAGHTANA, JHANG DISTRICT, PUNJAB RICORDED BY H. A. ROSE, I.C.S. (Retired). (Continued from page 179.)
Dal. Dekh-ke rûp Ranjhetre da Ap us-di Hir tamam hui: Ranjhe akhiâ: "ped-he palang Hire ?" Uth-chalid : "SA-di dalam hai." Hir kahid : " kiûn ruthke uth-turyou?" "Sätoi dag, ki sakht kalam hai ?" Singha ! Hîr Ranjhete ni kah-chuki: Sane khesh kabile ghulam hai.
Translation. When she saw the beauty of Ranjhetri, It was all over with Hir. Ranjha said: "Am I lying on Hir's bed!" He rose saying: “I make my salam." Hir said: "Why are you displeased, that you get up to go? Tell me what harsh word has been used." Says) Aså Singh ! Hîr finished speaking to Ranjheta : The message of love had enslaved her.
Zal. Zikr karda Ranjha Hîr age : " Authi prit pålan; sunehát Hire, Jadan 'ishq de mu'&mils siro Asan, Jadan prit na sagegi pal, Hire. Tusan haur de nål vivah karna Sadi kareg& kaun samal Hire." Ranjha kahich je :-thag-ke márnál." Tadan hun chhad khiyal Hire.
Translation Then said Ranjha in Hir's presence : "Love is hard to bear; listen Hir, When an affair of passion possesses one, Then, Hir, love cannot be endured. You will marry with another, Then who will look after me." Ranjhe spoke : "I shall die from the deceit" Then he immediately ceased to regard Hir.
Re.
“Ranjhia tud-di ho-chuki. Je main Chachake dhi Syal Jatti, Kasam Pir faqir di kha kite; Dil jor lita Jatt nål Jatti" Hik makar fareb bank kite: RanjhA kar-le turi charwal Jatti. Asd Singh ! Kah nal le Ranjhe-nn; Kare båp de age suwal Jatti:

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-
211
Translation "Ranjha, your affair is finished. I am a Syal Jatti, daughter of Chûchak, Who has taken an oath on his Pir That a Jatt must be united to a Jatti." Then she made a trick and deception : The Jatti made Ranjha become a herdsman. [Says) Asd Singh! She took Ranjha with her And went to beg of her father. 6
Ze. ZAri&n karke Hir jiti, Age bếp de kare e bit, Miản:Akhe : "Chak rakho in-nan, bahlawe. Jehre nit paunde dinen rat, Miau." B&p Hîr tui puchia : “Kaun honda?" Kahendâ : "Nån Dhido, Ranjhâ zât, Mi&o." Singh& ! Chúchak Syal ne châk rakhiâ Hir nál jain-di mulakát, Miân.
Translation Hir wept greatly before her father, And said these words to him :"Take him into your service, daddy, He will always be there day and night." Her father asked of Hir: "Who is he?" She said "His name is Dhido by caste a Ranjha." [Says Asaj Singh ! Châchak the Syal engaged the man, Who was in love with Hir.
Sin.
Sariyan majhiyan hak turik Sache Rabb da nam samal Ranjha. War war kulärke kah Chûchak :
Rakhe Manga de vich khiyal, Ranjha; Bele vich musibatân bhâriâni. Rall-kare kise de nal, Ranjha." AsA Singh&! Majhîn bele le-vary& Hoia dhup de nal be-hal Ranjha.
Translation In the true God's name Ranjha Drove out all the buffaloes. Again and again Chûchak charged him : "Look out carefully in Mangů, Ranjha : In the island there are many accidents. Let them not get mixed up with any others, Ranjha." [Says) Asd Singh : Ranjha drove out the buffaloes, And became senseless from the heat.
6 That he would engage him as his hordsman.

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Shin.
Shauq se tîn, Miâi, Ranjhne ngu Chůri den chali Jatti Hîr, Miân: Bele vich Ranjhe mahiú chårde nui, Daron razar aya Panj-Pir, Midi Chûri Hîr thiú leke nazar dharda Nåle majh bhûrî sandå shîr, Miki. Singha ! Hîr bakhshî Pirân Ranjhne-nui: Pir vid& hoe deke dhîr Miân.
Translation. From love for Ranjha Hîr, the Jatti, went out to take him his food. While he grazed the buffaloes in the island, The Five Pîrs appeared to Ranjha from afar: As he received his food from Hîr, Among the grey buffaloes. [Says Asa] Singh : the Pirs gave Hir to Ranjha, And disappeared having given him courage.
Swad. Saf ditha Kaido Hîr jandi : Chüri legai nål tatbir haisi, Chand rakh Ranjhete de pâs Jatti. Nadion len-gai thanda nữr haisĩ ; Pichhon Ranjhne-thuu chůri mang-liti. Kaido banke åyå faqîr haisi. Ai Hîr Ranjha kiti galh, Singha ! Kaido magar bhanni Jatti Hîr haisi.
Translation Kaido saw clearly Hir going (to Ranjhaj And the artifice with which she took the food, And left it with Ranjha. He took some cold water from the river, And then went to Ranjha and asked for some food. Kaido came disguised as a beggar Hîr came and talked to Ranjha, [says Asa] Singh. And behind Hir, the Jatti, came Kaido.
Zwad. Zarb l&i Jatti Hir dadhi; Mar Kaido nan halon be-hal kita. Kaido mel chûri Ayå pås Chuchak, An Hir da kull hawal kita. Sunke Hîr digall harian hoia; Ghusse nal Chachak rang 141 kita. Singha ! Chår mahîn Ranjh& shahr &ya, Chúchak ghar-thin dûr charwal kita.

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Hir, the Jaṭṭi, struck Kaido And beat him severely.
Translation.
Kaido took the food and came to Chûchak,
And told him all his tale regarding Hîr.
Hearing about Hir Chûchak was distressed
And his colour became red with rage.
[Says Asâ] Singh: When Rânjhâ came back to the village driving the buffaloes, Chûchak turned his herdsman out of the house.
Toe.
Taur phirya tadoù Chûchake dâ, Jadan bhaiyâu ne kitâ tang, lokou. Baith Hir de vihâh di gal karde.
Nåle sochde mand-then chang, lokon. Sunke Kheriâi-ne bhej nâî dittâ ;
Kahia: "Saide sang karnâi je ang, lokoù ? Singha! Hir sang Saide mangai Chuchak. Hoya Ranjhne da zarad rang, lokon.
Translation.
Then Chuchak's intentions changed,
When the brotherhood pressed him hard, good people.
He set to work to make a marriage for Hîr.
Much he thought in sadness, good people!
On hearing this the Kheris sent a barber
And said: "Do you wish to make a betrothal with Saida ? "
[Says Asa] Singh: Chûchak betrothed Hir to Saida,
And Ranjha's colour became yellow, good people!
Zos.
Zulm kitâ bap Hîr de ne Dittî Saide-nui Hir vihâh, lokoi. Ratti vas nachale Ranjhetre då: Dinen rät bhardâ thande sâh, lokon. Hîr Kherîyan di dolî nâha chardi. Ate maranda rakhdî châh, lokon. Mahin waste Chûchake minnat kîtî: Ranjha chalia ho hamråh, lokoй.
Translation.
With great harshness Hir's father Gave her in marriage to Saida. Ranjha's blood would not flow in his veins : Day and night he heaved cold sighs.
Hir refused to mount the Kheris' palanquin And wished to die, good people.
213
She begged Chûchak for a month's grace, Ranjha went along with her, good people.

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'Ain.
Ishq da mårya, Midi Ranjha Rahun khá ghussa åyå chal pichhan. Bibi Hîr de pyår dukhyar hoke 'Ashiq ân baitha jal-mal pichhân. Jatti Hir dalgir jâi zikr sunyå :"Ranjha anda ändå giyâ val pichhai; Singh&! Hîr likhya :-" Jogi bane dweu." Ditta khatt káshid hathgal pichhan.
Translation. Afflicted with love, Midi Ranjha Followed after in a passionate rage. Distressed by love for the Lady Hîr, The lover came and sat behind a jal tree. Hîr, the Jatti, heard of his distress :" Ranjha is coming after us." [Says Asa] Singh: Hîr wrote: "Pretend to be a Jogi." And gave her letter to a messenger to take back to him.
Ghain. Gham-hatya jadoo khatt milya, Jogi bannan di kare tatbîr Ranjha. Gorakhnath de tile-then ja-phautha, Aukhe jhag bele jangal chîr Ranjha. Náth dår-ma-dar tai bahut kita, Aipar pakka hoya damangir Ranjha Singh! Hîr de khatt then 'amal karke, Akhir-kår ho-giya faqir Ranjha.
Translation. When Ranjha grief-harassed received the letter, He arranged to disguise himself as a jogi, And reached the shrine of Gorakhnath. With great trouble he cut through the jungle, [Gorakh]nath then made a thorough arrangement for him, And Ranjha became his true devotee. [Says Asa] Singh : acting on Hir's letter, At last Ranjha became a faqir.
Fe. Fer turya taraf Kheriydi di : Raste milya ek aiyal, dadha. Le shakl pahchånus Ranjhne di: Lage puchne hal-hawal, dadha. Jhagar-jher pichhon Ranjhe Akh-ditta - "Mainy&håó Ranjh& prit-pal, Jadha." Singha Pall& chhupa aiyal kolgú ; Rangpur pohuttha ahaunq nál, dadh A.

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215
Translation. Then he turned again towards the Kheris; And on the way he met a shepherd, Who recognised Ranjha's appearance without doubt, And began to ask his news. After some parley Ranjha told him : "I am that Ranjha greatly afflicted by love."
Says Asa) Singh : at last he got rid of the shepherd, And reaching Rangpur, was mad with desire.
Kaf (1) Kai kuanrîân bharan pani; Ainyân khuh hetei shahr jo vasdiani. Sohnå vekhke mast-almast jogi, Már sainiai särian hasdiani. Ranjha khair di waste shahr turyâ; Woh bhi chà ghare kadam kasdiani. Singha ! "Nawa jogi sadi des AyA." Vanj Hîr Syal nun dasdiani.
Translation. Some girls were drawing water, They dwelt by the well below the village : They saw a handsome, crazy jogi. All the girls laughed at him. Ranjha went to the village to beg for alms; And they went with him carrying their waterpots. [Says Asa) Singh : They said : “A new jogi has come to our country." And they went and told Hîr, the Syal.
Kaf (2). Kiya "alakh ! alakh !" Ranjhe Pahle vich vehre pind Kheriyan de. Dari Jatt di gân theo dudh dulya. Jatti kharik tari nál jhesiydi de :"Nan Khair da," ten dhunde Hir tain: Jhati paunda phire vich vehriyån de. Singh I Ranjhe ne vanj bandar vichon Kadhya Sahti nui nal bakhoriyan de.
Translation Crying "dlakh, dlakh," Ranjha First went into the court-yards of the Khoris' village And milked the cow of Dari, the Jatt. The Jatti [his wife) drove him out with abuse. [Saying]:" In the name of God ", he searched for Hir, And wandered round peeping into the yards. [Says Asa] Singh: RanjhA by a trick Got Sahti to come out of the yard,

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Gaf. Gai charkha cha gharin Sahta; Magaruu Ranjhnå bue te A-khala, Vekh Hîr nun: " Alakh " jagâyasů, Nal Sahti de morcha 1A-khala, (Sahti muthả china, Ranjhå lave nâhin), Kar Hîr de milan di chAk khala. Singhå! Sahti then goli di nisha kit : Ấp moliyi dị mất kha-khala.
Translation. Sahti took her spinning wheel into the house, And Ranjha followed her and stood at the door. Seeing Hîr he cried loudly " Alakh " : And while he stood wrangling with Sahti (For Sahti was pounding china, Ranjha did not take it), He stood there arranging how to meet Hir. [Says Åsa] Singh : He gave Sahti a stupefying drug in a pill And she herself pounded it with the pestle and ate it.
Lam (1). LeAi Hîr pahchân RÂnjha, Baith puchhdi, vâng nimaniyâi de “Khabar yar di das kai, Mian Jogi," Galan kardinál bahaniyân-de. Ranjha bagh nuí giya, ta Hir pichhe, Mel hoeni dard Ranjhaniyâu de. Singha ! Milke Hîr jân gharen ai; Sahti ján kadhe nål ta'aniyaú de..
Translation. Hir recognized Ranjha And sitting down, as it were asked his news - "Tell me, Mian Jogi, some news of my lover," Says she speaking with craft. Ranjha went to the garden and Hir After him, And there they met, and Ranjha's grief left him. [Says As&] Singh: Then Hîr came back to the house, And Sahti drove her ont with her scorn.
Mim. Mihr setin Hir sang Sahti: Dilan nål salah nigah kardi :"Tain-nun mile Baloch te assan Ranjha." Sahti yar de milan di chAh kardi. "Aj Hîr nuń khet legániy&ú main," Sahti må age gal ja kardi. Singha ! Makar d& Hîr nun sapp larya. Sahti sabb saheli gawah kardi.
6 The whole scene illustrates the Chiniot proverb :"khair pås, ni, vehra diydi rannd." He says to the women in the yard "give me alms, my dear." This proverb refers to the impudence of begging jogte or fagfra, who enter courtyards (vehd) and address the women in them as nf (dear, darling) a term used only by a husband to his wife. Sahti was Hir's nannan or husband's sister (sister-in-law).

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Translation.
Sahti and Hir had been friends And with hearty advice she regarded her (and said) - “Let the Baloch meet you and Ranjh& me." For Sahti had a lover to meet, "To-day I am taking Hir away to the fields :" So (Ranjha) said to Sahti : [Says Asa] Singh: The snake of treachery bit Hir. Sahti made all her companions witnesses to what was said.
Nain. Nal zárt Ajja bap tain Sahti Akhdi : " Phah kahA, Ain : Jatti Hir nun lafya râng zalim. Le mândri kull buld, skin. KAle B&gh andar baitha ek jogi." Sahti Akhya : "Sad le &, skin." Singha I Saide de kahe na mal Aya. Ajja leaunda Pir mana, sain.
Translation With lamentation Sahti says to her father Ajja : "Set a snare, my lord, A wicked snake bas bitten the Jatti Hir! Send and call all the soothsayers : There is a jogi staying in the Kala Bagh." Said Sahti:"Call him here, sir." Says Asa Singh ; At Saida's word he would not come at all. Ajjd sent and brought the saint.
Våw. Vekhke Hîr da hAl jogt Kahnda : “Karu changi mantr mår jab de." Sahti Hir faqir nun lai khere; Kothi vich pawan bahar vår jab de Sone Pir sore ten Murad âyâ; apo-&p le tureni yâr jab de. Singhå! Khabar hoi dini Kheriyai nui, Mile jah Murad sawâr jab de.
Translation. Seeing Hir's condition, the jogf Said -“I will recite an excellent charm for a snake at once." Sahti and Hir brought him to the kherd; But just as (Ranjh&] was entering the house Mur&d, the horseman, came from Sona Ptr, And himself took the lover away. Says Asa Singh : "In the morning the Kheris had the news That Murad, the horseman, had met him (Ranjha).

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He. Har sawar Murad kolon Mile sutte Ranjheto nan A, Mian. Hir kho-lae turt Ranjhne thou; Kita mar faqir fand, Mian. Akhil Hir: "J& kök tan pas adali" Ranjha kakyai uthe ja, Mian. Singha ! Ranjhne di suni kak Raje; Khere laini zabt kara, Mian!
Translation. By violence the horsemen with Murad, Came upon Ranjh& while he slept. They quickly dragged Hîr away from Ranjha And beat the faqir (Ranjha). Hîr said: "Go thou and cry for justice to the judge." Ranjhå went and raised his cry. [Says Asaj Singh: The Raja listened to Ranjha's cry, And seized the property of the Kheris.
Lam (2) La jehfå legiya Hîr Khera, Nal khushî de watan-nui phir charia. Ranjhe Hir bad-du'a dittf;' Lagi ag, te 'Adal da shahr saria. Raja samajh& be-inşAf hoid Khushi jaund& Khere-nan phir pharta. SinghA 1 Hir mili phir Ranjhne non Leke Jhang-Syale nun an-vația.
Translation When the Kherfs took Hir away With joy to their own country, Ranjha and Her cursed them And the village of 'Adal caught fire and was burnt. The Rajà understood that there had been injustice, And gladly went and seized Kherd again. (Says Asa] Singh ! Ranjhå received Hir again, And taking her entered into Jhang Syala.
Z
'
O Alif (3). AkhiA Hir de m&-peän ne : “Ledwi Ranjhia janjh bank-karke." Khushi nAl Ranjha rawan watan hois. ' Pohuttha apnå ves vata-karke. Pichhe Hîr de ma pean mata kita: Hfr marie zahr khaw-karke. Singh&! Hir-ndo m-peAn zahr ditti, Kiti gor andar dakhil jA-karke.

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Translation Then Hir's parents said “Let Ranjha bring the marriage procession." With joy Ranjha departed to his own land And arrived there, having changed his clothing. Then Hir's parents conspired, And killed Hir by giving her poison. (Says Asaj Singh : Her father and mother poisoned Hir And put her into her grave.
Ye. Yad kar Hir de m& pe&n ne Kita Ranjhe val kashid taiyar jab de. Pohuttha Takht-Hazáre de vich kashid Milia Ranjhne-ndó ahin mar jab de. KAshid AkhiA: “Mar-g41 Hir tert." Ranjha rowan laga zar-o-zar, jab de. Ranjha Hir de gham viob faut boia. Asa Singh 1 Mlle doen yar jab de.
Translation Thon Hir's parents remembered, And again sent a message to Ranjha.. The messenger arrived at Takht Hazara. And met Ranjha uttering sighs. The mossenger said: “Thy Hfr is dead." Ranjha began to weep and lament, Ranjha died of grief for Hir. And then, [says) Asa Singh: the two lovers mot at last.
Alif (4). Unnth sai ik-tallA san haist. Ase manh n&win Somwar, jano. Qissa Hfr te Ranjhe dt dosti da Kita shaunq de nal tai, Ar, jano. Zilh& Jhang, Maghianâ men ghar mera. Sadar Karli halwat da kai, jano. Howe bart kam-besh, ta mu'af karnan Asa Singh Hindi wakit-kar, jano.
Translation. This is the year nineteen hundred and forty one.' Know that it is Monday, the ninth of the month Asauj. Know that with pleasure I have compiled This story of the love of Hitr and Ranjha. My home is at Maghiand in the District of Jhang. Know that I keep hahodi'shop in the Sadar Bazar (of Jhang). If there is a letter too much or too little forgive it And know that ASA Singh is skilled in the Hindi tongue (i.e., Panjabt).
? That is, Samvat 1941 OF A.D. 1884.

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MISCELLANEA THE CATAMARAN IN THE EARLY NINE- managed with great ease, and if the mou are TEENTH CENTURY.
washed off by the surf they readily rogain their In Mr. J. J. Cotton's paper on George Chinnery, station on the raft. On those rafte all species of tho Artist, who flourished between 1774 and goods can be oon veyed on ship-board, that will not 1832, in Vol. VI, Proceedings of Meetings, Indian be damaged by salt water, and when several Historical Records Commission, India, January, Cattamarans are joined together, the heaviest 1024, there is an account of a little book entitled Cannon are transported by them to and from the • Views of Madras' which was published in 1807. ships as well as shot, anchors, and many kinds of To this Chinnery contributed six plates. Plate Military stores." IV represents the “Cattamaran," used as & ses
Note by Sir Richard C. Temple, Bt. boat off Madras, and to it is attached a quaint In December 1874, I was a Lieutenant in the and accurate account of them.
Royal Soots Fusiliers, stationed in Fort St. George, "The Cattamaran is a raft composed usually Madrap. I went on board the mail boat going of three, but sometimes of four, logs of wood, which to Calcutts to see a friend. The weather was are fastened together with ropes made from the doubtful and the ses very rough. I spent about an cocoa-nut tree. These are cut to a point at hour with my friend in the saloon, and on going one end, whilst the other is left broad and flat. I on deck I found the cyclone signale flying on shore The opposing surfaces at the junction of the sides and every Masoolah boat gone. The ship iteoll was of the wood are made smooth, but the upper making ready to go to sea, but a Catamaran or and under parts of the raft are rounded off. so still hung about it, looking for letters. To one of They are paddled along by the Natives, and by
the men keeping them I gave a lotter to my their means communication can be held with the Commanding Officer explaining the situation. ships in the roads, much quicker than by the It reached him quite safely through an awful Masoolah Boat, and in weather when the letter surl. I did not see Madras again for several days, could not venture through the surf. They are as the mail boat went right out to see.
BOOK-NOTICE SIVATATVARATNAKARA, by BABAVA RAJA OR KELADI. As a work of Sanskrit literature, which belongs to
Published for the first time by Messrs. B. M. an age of decadence when artificiality in composition Nath and Co., Vepery, Madras
reigned supreme, the book is of great use to the This is an encyclopædic work in Sanskrit con student of culture especially and is quito worthy of taining about 108 Tarangas or chapters in 9 books or publication. Two passages from this work were Kallalas, and contains in all a total of about 13,000 incorporated in the "Sources of Vijayanagar slokas or verses. According to the colophon of History", published by the Madras University, the work, it was composed in the year A.D. Those passages will give an idea of the character 709-10 by the Lingayat prince Basava of Ikkeri. of the work and the historical matter that can be This work was hardly known before, and is one of gleaned from them. those brought prominently to light by the work of Messrs. B. M. Nath & Co., Vepery, Modre, have the search Party of the Government Oriental shown commendable enterprise in undertaking Manuscript Library which made an attempted publication of the work through the co-operation publication possible. It is a work of great magnitude, of a number of scholars, who all of them deserve dealing with all branches of learning much affected at the thanks of the public. Having regard to the the time. Though there is not much that is original size of the book and the expenses involved in this it still gives one an idea of the prevalent state of publication, the enterprise needs public support to culture in South India and the departments of is be carried to completion. We hope that that that came in for cultivation at the time. It is a support will be given in adequate measur, to enable work of some considerable importance historically, the enterprising publishers and those scholars that 28 the chaptons in 16 which may be regarded as agreed to co-operate with them to carry the enter. historical, throw a very considerable light upon a prise through without a bitch. comparatively dark period of South Indian history.
8. K. AIYANGAL. NOTES AND QUERIES. HOBSON-JOBSON. " People in England have no conception of the A few weeks later an illustrated daily paper referred overwhelming religious antagonism which this to the Muharram as 'the Muhrami, a festival in festival (Muharram) oan Arouse, and are not much honour of Hobson-Jobson, the grandson of the Assisted to a better understanding by the London Prophet:" Edwardos, Orime in India, p. 12. It is Press. One of the leading newspapers in 1928 quite clear that the creation of "Hobson-Jobsons" informed its readers that the Bakri Id way a festival is an art still very much alive. in honour of 'Bakeri, # writer of devotional verse.'
R. C. TMPLE.

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TIRILINGA AND KULINGAH
TIRILINGA AND KULINGAH.
By G. RAMADAS, B.A., M.R.A.S. In the Purle plates of Indravarma, son of Danamaval, the donee is said to have been & native of Tirilinga, and he was made to settle in Kalinga by the gift of a piece of land in the village of Bukkur in Kuraka-rashtra. The modern word Telugu appears to have come from Tirilinga.
The existence of the country called Tiriliiga has not till now been supported by any ancient document, and philologists have had to speculate on the origin of the name Telugu. Some argue that Trilinga has been coined to justify the origin of the language, while Sanskrit scholars contend that Telugu is derived from Trilinga. Historians who have secured documontary evidence for Tri-kalinga, venture to derive the word from it. Since there exists & charter which proves that there was once a country called Tirilinga, it is desirable to study its history and to determine where it existed.
The document, in which Tiriliiga is mentioned, is dated in the year 149 of the Kalinga era. It has been shown in the 'Chronology of the Early Ganga Kings of Kalinga'that they reckoned their years from A.D. 349. The date of the grant is therefore A.D. 498. This clearly proves that Tiriliiga was in existence in the fifth century of the Christian era.
Ptolemy, a navigator of the second century, gave the latitude and longitude of a place he called Trilingan, and Yule and others, led by that information, located it in Arakan and identified it with Tripura. But as it cannot be known from what place the Egyptian navigator started his measurements, much reliance cannot be placed on what he has said.
Though none of the other Purdnas mention this place, the Brahmanda Purana alone gives some mythical account of it, which appears to be later interpolation shall have to speak of this again.
In the long list of countries, said to have been invaded by Samudragupta, the name of Tirilinga is not found. But this cannot be assumed to disprove the existence of the country. Possibly the chief. centre of administration, as in the case of other kingdoms, may have been mentioned in the list and may not have been identified by us with Tiriliiga. It may also be that the region known as Tirilinga formed part of the kingdom under & ruler mentioned in the Allahabad Pasasti. But indirectly it can be proved that the region existed in the time of the great Gupta in vader.
The Siddhantam plates, dated in 193rd year of the Kalinga era (A.D. 542), mention Eranda palle, a country said to have been subdued by Samudragupta. Since the Purle grant of Indravarma is earlier by only 44 years, it may be presumed that Tirilinga and Eranda palle were co-existing. Whether the region existed prior to the fourth century, is not apparent; as there are no records to support it.
Documents indicatiag that Tiriliiga was in existence after the fifth century cannot be found; but there are nevertheless indirect proofs for it. The Telugu language is found in Samvatsarambulu, a word used in the Chikulla plates of Vikramendravarma II4. On palæographical grounds the plates are assigned to the eighth century. The stone inscription in the temple of Sri Malleśvara-swami in Bezwada is in Telugu verse, and the inscription belongs to the ninth century (A.D. 890).
From the middle of the eleventh century Telugu compositions flourished, and in them is given clearer information regarding the country, which lent its name to the language spoken by more than half the population of the Madras Presidency. 1 Ep. Ind., Vol. XIV, No. 27.
3 J BORS., Sept. & Dec. 1923. 3 Ep. Ind., Vol. XIII, No. 19,
Ep. Ind., Vol. IV, No. 25.

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Atharvanacharya, who lived about the end of the eleventh century or the beginning of the twelfth, says in his Tirilinga Sabdanusasanam,
'जयति प्रसिद्ध लोके सर्वलक्षण लक्षितम् । शब्दं त्रिलिङ्ग शब्दाना मधर्वण कवेः कृतिः ॥ करोमि शब्द शब्दानानां त्रिलिशाना सलक्षणम् ।
बार्हस्पत्यानि सूत्राणि काण्वं व्याकरणं विदन् । "May the grammar of Trilinga words, including the science of lakshana, composed by the poet Atharvana find fame in the world. Having studied the rules of Bphaspati and the gram. • mar of Kanva, I shall write a grammar, including lakshana, of the language of the people of Trilinga." Here Trilinga is used in the plural to denote the people. So also in Andhra Kaumudi,
कर्णाटाश्चैव लिङ्ग गूर्जरा राष्ट्रवासिनः ।
द्राविडा द्राविडाः पञ्च विन्ध्य दक्षिण वासिनः ॥ " Karnatas, Trilingas, Gurjaras, the inhabitants of the Rashtra country, (and) Dravidas are the five Dravida (sects) living to the south of the Vindhya (mountains). Karnatas are the people speaking the Kannada language ; Dravidas are the people speaking Tamil; the people of Gujarat are the Gurjaras, and Maharattas are the people of Rashtra. Therefore Trilingas are the people living in the country to the north of the Krishna. In Brahmanda Purana more precise limits of this country are given :
श्रीशैल भीम कालेश महेन्द्रगिरि संयुतम् । प्राकारन्तु महत्कृत्वा त्रीणि द्वारानु चाकरोत् ।। त्रिलोचनो महेश स्स त्रिशूलच्च करे वहन् ॥ त्रिलिङ्गरूपी न्यवसन्त्रि द्वारेषु गणैर्वृतः । अन्नविष्णु स्सुरयुतो दनुजेन निशम्भुना ॥ युद्धवा त्रयोदश युगान् हत्वातु राक्षसोत्तमम् ।। अवस तत्र ऋषिभिर्युतो गोदवरी तटे ।
तत्काल प्रभृति क्षेत्रं त्रिलिजामिति विशतम् ॥ "Designing an extensive frontier comprising Sri Saila, Bheemesvara, (DAksharama) Kalaga and Mahendra mountain, (he) made three gates (in it). The three-eyed god, Mahesa, holding the trident in his hand and attended by his followers, posted himself at the three gates in the form of three lingas. Andhra Vishnu, helped by the gods, fought for thirteen ages with the giant Nisambhu and killed that best of the rakshasds. He then took up his residence on the banks of the Godavari ; since then the country is known as Trilinga."
Whatever be the extent of the country, the central seat was on the banks of the Godavari, and that was Trilinga. The region of which Trilinga was the capital was known by the same name. Regions under the control of a government are called after the place where that government is located Kingdoms in vaded by Samudragupta are indicated by their capital towns. The nadus, regions, take their name from the chief city in them; e.g., Vêgi-nadu is the country under the sway of Vengi.
The various sects amongst the Brahmans of Southern India adopt the name of the region from which they originally came. Vegi-nadu Brahmans were the natives of the region around Veigi%3; so were the Kosala-nadus and Vela-nadus. The sect of Brahmans called Telaganyulu must have been at one time, the natives of the region of Telanga; for TelagAnyulu is a modification of Telanga-nadulu.
This sectarian division on the regional basis was not confined to the Brahmans alone. Amongst the sadras is a class known as the Telagas, which is merely a corruption of Telanga. The Sadras of Kalinga are known as the Kalingas; those of the country around

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Simhachalam in the district of Vizagapatam (Govara Kshetra of the Simhachalam Inscriptions) are Gavaras. The Telagas are a Telugu caste of cultivators, who were formerly soldiers in the army of the Hindu rulers of Telingana".
The region gave its name to the language spoken there. The first Telugu poet, Nannaya, who seems to have had his home in this region, says that the Chalukyan King, Raja Raja requested him to write the Mahabharata in Telugu, in the following words:
ka | Jananuta | Krshna-dwaipayana-muni Vrshabhabhi-hita Mahd-bharata baddha nirûpitârdha-mérpada denuguna rachi-yimpu | madhika dhee-yukti meyin. "You who are praised by men! write in Telugu the theme that is incorporated in Maha-bharata by the sage Krishna-Dwaipayana, that it may show greater intelligence."
Then the poet engages himself to write it. He calls his language Telugu or Tenugu. But Śrinatha, an inhabitant of Kondavidu, the western part of Krishna District, says that his language is Karnâta.
gee
Praudhi barikimpa Samskrta-bhisha-yandru
Palukunu, dukâramu-na nandhra bhasha yanḍru Yavar-êmanna nakémi korata na kavitvambu Nijamu Karnata bhasha.
"By its grandness it is called Sanskrit; pronunciation and intonation show it to be Telugu. Whatever they may say, what do I lose? Surely my language is Karnata." Ramakrishna of Tenali says that his native town existed in the Andhradêsa:
Andhra-bhûmee....
.tara-bha-maina.
Sri Tenályagrahara...
Thus the Telugu writers themselves admit that their language differed with the region of their abode. But some use Andhra and Telugu as synonyms. Tikkana Somayaji, a native of the district of Nellore, draws no distinction between Andhra and Telugu. C. P. Brown, author of the Telugu Dictionary, says that there are five varieties of the language, distinguished by prása or alliteration. Whatever be the number of dialects, the language spoken in a particular region is Telugu; the Brahmans that lived there formed the sect called Telaga-nyulu or Telanga-nadula. The cultivators there were Telagas or Telangas.
The rulers of the tract also got their title from it. Srinatha, a Telugu poet of the fifteenth century, requests a lord of Telunga for musk. This lord of Telunga belonged to the family of Samparaya. Similarly Vêmulavada Bheemakavi approaches a Teluiga-raya with a similar request. In Rama Vildsamu, written in the thirteenth century, a Telunga king is mentioned. He was the son of Era Potarâju and his name was Ramanarendra. Another lord of Telunga is described by MAdaki Singana in his Andhra Padma Puranam. He was the brother of Muttabhupala, and had his capital at Râmagiri in the province of Sibbi, to the south of the Godavari (Gautami). The poet Singana lived about A.D. 1340.
Pillalamarri China Virabhadraya, who lived after A.D. 1428 in the Court of Salvagunda Narasimharaju, says in his Jaimuni Bharatamu that Salva Mungu had conquered the southern Sultan and having wrested his kingdom from him gave it to Sanparaya. It was this Samparaya's son who was called Telungu-raya' by Srinatha.
Vikrama Chola in about A. D. 1111 marched north and drove Telunga Bhima into the mountains. These extracts prove that a country called Teluiga once existed; its ruler was called Telunga-raya; its Brahmans were Telanga-nadulu, and the cultivators were the Telagas. The kingdom of Sabbi, mentioned by Madiki Singana, is perhaps represented by Sabba-varam in Godavari District. It is in this part of the Madras Presidency that the Telagas mostly abound. A study of the family names (generally adopted from the places where they
6 Madras Census Report, 1891.
6 South Indian Inscriptions, Vol. II, part ii, No. 68.

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originally dwelt) of the Telagândulu (Telanga-nadulu) and also of the Telagas (Telangas) may help us to give the precise limits of the region called Telanga or Telinga.
This inquiry also helps us to establish the correct spelling and pronunciation of the name of the region. This name is said to have been a corruption of Trilinga. Vinnakota Peddana, a grammarian of the fourteenth century, gives the derivation in his Kavyalan kárachudamasis gee | Tat-Trilinga-padamu tat-bhava-maguta-che Telugu desa-managa déta padiye
Venuka desamu nandru gondara-bbisha sancha gatula baragu chundu ! "That (word) Triliiga being corrupted, it became clearly applied to the country, afterwards some understand it to mean the country, and some the language. Thus it is applied to both."
Here we may add that the language is said to have got its name from the country.
Appa Kavi, a grammarian of the seventeenth century, explains the origin of the word thus :tell geel Tatra nivdaamai tanari katana-nandhra desam-bu da-drilinga-khya-mayye
delwaguchu-dadbhavamu danivalana bodamé venuka kondaru danine tenugu
nandru | "As it has been the abode of the lingus, the Andhra country became known as Trilinga; Telugu is derived from it, and afterwards it came to what some call Tenugu."
All the grammarians who investigated the origin of Telugu or Tenugu, seem to have worked on the theory that the region got that name by being bounded by the three lingas of Sri Saila, DakshArama and Kalêsa. Vidyadhara, a poet of the time of Pratapa Rudra of the Kakatiya Dynasty, was the first to invent this argument for the origin of the name. In his Pratápa-Rudriyam, & work on Sanskrit Rhetoric, he wrote thur in praise of his patron king :
स्वामिन् । त्रिलिजन्देश परमेश्वर ! यै देश निमि रेष याति महतीम् । ख्याति त्रिलिंख्यया । येषां काकति रान कीर्ति विभवः Gare dest: Far: 1 ते देवाः प्रसरत्प्रसादमधुना श्री शैल काळेश्वर दाक्षाराम निवासिनः प्रतिदिनम्
त्वच्छ्रेयसे नाप्रतु ॥ "O lord I the prime ruler of the country of Triliiga ! By which the region attains the great glory of being called Trilinga, and which by the splendour of the fame of the Kakati kings has been made into the Kailasa mountains, may those gods of Sri Saila, DAksharama and Kalesa shower their blessings now and be every day vigilant for thy prosperity."
It is only a poetic conception to say that the region got its name from having the three lingas on its confines. The Telugu country, or rather the way of the kings of Warangal, did not confine itself within these three place. The Brahmanda Purana includes Mahendragiri, and says that Triliiga lay within the four sacred places. Mahendra mountain being situated in the country of Kalinga, to say that this hill was on the frontier of the Telugu country, is to askert that the people of Kalinga also spoke Telugu ; or rather, the country as far as the Mahendra hill was also called Telanga. But from the copper-plate grants of the early Ganga kings, the country up to that hill was called Kalinga. Therefore the statement in the Brahmdnda Purana must have been inserted at a later time.
7 Historical Geography of Kalinga, Mythic Journal, July 1924.

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The poetic explanation of Vidyadhara had been accepted by other grammarians, and they worked upon it. It has already been shown that Vidyadhara's explanation is not acceptable, as the Kakati empire extended beyond the three holy places; much less so are the explanations of his successors. So the correct name of the country has to be determined.
In old inscriptions, though written in Sanskrit, the names of places are not found in their Sanskritised form, but in their native form. Kottura and Vengi are mentioned in their native form in the Allahabad Prasasti of Samudragupta. Similarly in the Purle grant, written in correct Sanskrit, the name of the home of the donee is mentioned as Tiriliiga. This is clearly not Sanskrit. A study of its derivatives in other languages confirms the view that the original name was Tiriliiga.
Teliaga (221. Census Report, 1912) is & village in Pedda Kimidi Zamindari of Ganjam District. A village Telanga is mentioned in the copper-plate grant of Narasimha Deva II 8 of the Ganga family. This is identified with the village of Teelung of the Indian Atlas. Telâng is the name of a family in the Maratha country. A Telinga king is stated to have gone to Sundara Pandya (Jatavarman Sundara I who is said to have reigned from A.D. 1251).
Therefore Tilinga or Telanga was the proper form, from which the modern word Telugu or Tenugu is derived. Tirilinga, but not Triliiga, must be the word that gave rise to Tilinga or Telanga.
The conception that the country derived its name from the three phallic emblems of Siva on its borders, arose from misunderstanding the last syllable to be linga. A careful study of words ending in nga helps us to understand rightly what idea 'Tirilióga 'conveyed.
Kalinga is the name of a very ancient kingdom; and its derivation is similarly misunderstood. A large number of villages in Ganjam and Vizaga patam districts have names which end in ngi, a form of iga. Bodda-ngi (Nos. 79 and 80 Gumsoor Taluk)10 is formed of Bodda (sycamine tree) and ngi. Kona-ngi (No. 287 Parlakimidi Taluk) of Kona (end) and ngi; Odangi (No. 256 Balleguda Agency) of Oda (lord) and igi; Borongo (No. 16 Chikati zamindari) of Boro or Borra (a hollow) and ngo; Bonangi (No. 14 Srungavarapukota Taluk, Vizaga patam Census Report, 1911) of Bona (food) and nigi. In all these cases the final termination is rigi, but not angi, as some would suppose ; for that which remains after angi is taken away, conveys no meaning e.g., Bontangi where 'Bon' has no meaning.
Sanskrit scholars contend that ngi and its other forms igi and rigo are derived from gam, to go. This does not seem reasonable, as the Sanskrit termination has to be applied to a Dravidian word.
Kalinga is declared to be formed of Kalin (in strife) riga (to go), i.e., because it had been & country where there was always strife, it is so named. This explanation is quite against what history tells us. The Mahabharata tells us that the king of Kalinga together with his son led a large army to help the Kurus. They were so powerful that Bhimasena had to spend a day in vanquishing them.
The edicts of Asoka clearly state that the kingdom of Kalinga was peaceful and flourishing; and all classes of men lived in it in peace. The Hathi-gumpha Cave Inscription of Khára vêla does not speak of any strife in the country. Had it been a country where people had quarrelled among themselves, it would not have been populous and wealthy; and a foreign king would not have desired to subdue it. In the light of these facts, the origin given by the Sanskrit grammarians appears unsatisfactory and unfounded.
In the language of the Kuis, a Dravidian tribe, the grain called paddy is known as kulinga. In the Ramdyana the grain-eaters are called Kulingah:
Adyah panthah Kulinganam ye-cha-nye dhanya-jeevinah.11 8 JASB., Part I, No. 3, 1896.
Arch. S. of S. I., Tamil & Sanskrit by Burgess And Natesa Sastry, No. 28. 10 The reference is to the Census Reports of 1911. 11 Kishkinda Kapde, chap. 58, verse 26.

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In the first pla in are grown the paddy and other grain-eaters'. Kulinga, which is a kind of grain spoken of in the Sanskrit works of medicine. The Aryans in their original home did not know anything of paddy; it is only from the Dravidians in the valley of the Ganges that they got a knowledge of this kind of grain. These Dravidian tribes have been consequently called the Kulingah. In the Mahabharata and in the Purdnas, the word Kalingdh, a modification of Kulingah, is used in the plural.18 This is in accordance with the number, in which the word is used in its native language. nga is the plural termination in the language of the Kuis or Khonda, and is added to words ending in li, ta, ja, da, ga, na, ti, eto. ; nouns expressing a collection are always plural, e.g., hurvi-nga-beans; cheppu-nga -shoes.
>
It is from this word kulinga that the people and their language got their name. When the plural ending is taken away kuli remains. If the medial 'l' is taken away, the word becomes k-1, just as paluku becomes pa-klu ; talli becomes td-i.. It is to be observed that, when the medial 'T' is omitted, the vowel in the first syllable is lengthened and the last consonant is doubled. So kuli becomes kú-i; to make the last vowel vocable 'v'is put before it and Ki-vi is the name of a tribe of the same class.
These Ka-is or Kavis were called the Kulingah by the Aryans. The transition of Kulinga to Kalinga in Aryan mouths is reasonable. The name of the people was afterwards applied to the country inhabited by them. In the ancient works of India, there are evidences to prove that the people whom the Aryans called Kulingås or Kalingas had their original home on the banks of the Jumna and the Ganges, and they receded along the Ganges before the Aryans. Thus being driven southwards, they were forced to leave the mouths of the Ganges and settle peacefully in the country along the East Coast. By the time of the war of the Mahabharata, they had established a powerful kingdom there. It is only in the hills bordering this region that these tribes are still found. All this has to be said just to show that the name Kalinga had its origin in the language of the Ka-is.
Thus linga 'in Kalinga has no reference to the phallic representation of Siva. The word is made up of kali and nga. Similarly the 'linga' in Tiriliiga has as much evistence as that in Kalinga. The word is made of Tirili-nga ; the last syllable being the plu terrination. It is used in plural to denote a class of people, and the termination nga is added because the singular ends in li. The meaning of Tirili is now obscure and has to be discovered from the study of its derivatives.
Tirli-ka is a small lamp in dialectical Telugu : ka being a termination meaning 'belonging to.' So tirli, & contraction of tirili, means 'light. If the inedial r or ri is omitted, the word becomes tilli; just as parupu becomes pappu ; nirupu becomes nippu ; chirdku, chikku; tarugu, taggu; moradu, moddu; karugu, kaggu.
Tilli or Tella means 'white, bright' or 'light', its derivative, teli, occurs in teli-navvu (bright smile); teli-ganti (white-eyed); teli-gamu (white planet, Venus). Tella-udre (became pale). The derivatives of this now obsolete word are found in other Dravidian languages also.
Pillai is the vernacular name of Chidambaram, a town between the Vellar and the Coleroon rivers, with its famous ancient temple of Siva.13 The name Chidambaram is made of chit (- wisdom) and ambaram ( - horizon or sky), i.e., & place of wisdom. The vernacular name Tilai also must mean the same thing, but the Tamil grammarians explain that the name was given to the place because there was a grove of lilla trees (excæcaria agallocha); but the place
19 Like some other names of countries, it is usually confined to the plural number (ngd) confounding the place with the peoplo inhabiting it-Mon. WILLIAMS.
18 Manual Administration, Madras Presidency, Vol. IV, page 216.

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bears a Sanskrit name also, which must naturally mean the same thing as tillai.14 So tillai means 'wisdom' and 'wisdom' is generally described to be 'bright.' Tillai means 'white'. or bright. The Telugu words telivi, teliyuta (wisdom) are derived from tirili.
Thus tirili (wisdom, brightness)+ nga means 'people of wisdom'. In the Brahmaṇḍa Purana it is said that Andhra-vishnu, along with rishis, resided on the banks of the Godavari. In India all wise and learned men were spoken of as rishis in ancient days. This conforms to the real name of Tirilinga. The place where these Tiriling&h (wise men) lived became known as Tiriliiga. Sir George Grierson, has nearly arrived at the real origin of the word Telugu when he said: "It seems probable that the base of this word is teli and that nga or gu is the common Dravidian formative element. A base teli occurs in Telugu, teli (bright); teligula (to perceive)",
Tirilinga, therefore, was a tract of land where learned and wise men lived. Telugu had its origin there. Telanga-nâdu Brahmans had their home in that country, and the Telagas were its original cultivators. It had a king called Telunga-raya. The modern Sabbavarm in the Godavari district marks the position of the country. As the country is mentioned in a document of the year A.D. 498, it must have originated about the fourth century, if not earlier. Telugu, therefore, must have had the begin. ning of its rise from about the same date.
THE CULTURAL VALUE OF THE ANCIENT MONUMENTS IN JAVA. (Translated from the Proceedings of the Java Institute.) BY MARY A. RUS; JOGJAKARTA.
[The Java Institute held a Congress at Jogjakarta on December 24th to 27th, 1924, when many interesting questions were discussed, and amongst them was the question: What value have the ancient Javanese Monuments for present and future Javanese Culture? In this important discussion the following gentlemen took part: 1. Dr. T. D. K. Bosch; 2. Mr. N. A. van Leeuwen; 3. Dr. Radjiman; 4. Mr. Maclaine Pont. In the following paper their remarks are translated. ]
I.
By Dr. T. D. K. Bosch.
The value of the ancient Javanese monuments for present day culture is small, because only a very limited number of enlightened Javanese understand the significance thereof, and Page #258

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Two sides especially of Hindu-Javanese art have interested the European researcher; namely, the historical and the aesthetical. The historical or scientific interest seeks to investigate the developing stages of Hindu-Javanese architecture. The materials at their disposal are, first of all, the buildings themselves, by following the study of whose form of style it is possible to arrive at a chronological classification: secondly, the sources of history, such as the pean of Nagarakrotagama, the history Pamraton, and the legends: thirdly, the iconography, or knowledge of images, with which is closely connected the interpretation of the rows of bas-reliefs along the galleries of walls of the temples.
The purely aesthetical method of contemplation is usually opposed to this learned point of view. At present nobody asks who made these works of art, or how or when they were created, or what ideals and aims they express. The only object is to admire the beautiful as the beautiful. The qualities of beauty free the work from its surrounding and temporary milieu. The artist, who creates an actual work of art, works, according to the aesthetes, by grace of divine inspiration, and is thus raised above all temporary happenings. The attitude of complete surrender in devout admiration is the only one possible towards the revelation of creative artistic genius.
It stands to reason that these two points of view can never be so one-sidedly defended in practice. The historian must take over something of the sense of beauty, the aesthete some. thing of the scientific notion. There is room for an unlimited amount of individual opinion between the above-mentioned extreme courses. Yet the information about ancient Javanese art, which the Javanese receive from the West, moves between these two poles.
How will the Javanese react thereto? He will feel attracted towards everything appertaining to his own modern Javanese culture, to the antiquities of the Majapahit, known to him from the babads, to the temple reliefs which show the well-known figures and tales from the wijang. But towards the large sphere outside this he will remain a stranger, and all the beauties the aesthete can display will pass him by without making any deep impression on his mind. From the most distant ages the Javanese have always revealed a tendency to elucidate and group things according to their mystical value, to draw them within the sphere of the supernatural, and to encompass them with the many-colored threads of parables and symbols. Even now-a-days this tendency shows plainly in the mystical contemplations of the wajang figures. When the wajang still continues to exercise a fascination, not only over the crowd, but over even the most enlightened Javanese, then that fascination is not due to interest in the historical development, nor to rapture over the beauty of the leathern figures, but to the mystical feelings of the spectators which seek something round which to crystallize.
The love of the Javanese will also first be awakened towards ancient Javanese art, when this speaks to him mystic in language. When witnessing a production of Hindu. Javanese art, the interest of the Javanese appears generally just where that of the European savant and the aesthete ceases. He asks for the symbolic significance of the performance, and if he receive no answer, he himself has one quickly at hand, in which good and evil powers, the senses, the vital spirits play an important part-an explanation which usually mocks the most reasonable claims science demands. For instance, the greatest and the only value for its contemporaries of a shrine like the Borobudur must have lain in the fact that it revealed to them the eternal truth about the highest matters-creation, humanity, redemption from the cycles of reincarnation,-in an ingenious symbolism. Nevertheless, over the meaning of the Borobudur as a great symbol, in which the creed of a whole period is expressed,

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there is spread an inpenetrable veil. Science is still incapable of answering these questions. And in this instance Borobudur is favoured by exceptionally privileged circumstances, in comparison with a Siva building like the Jandi Prambanan.
Without any exaggeration it can be stated that everything has its own importance in Hindu-Javanese architecture. The tiniest motif hidden to the eye has had a meaning, as we)) as the awe-inspiring grim lala head commanding the aspect of the whole gable above the entrance to Prambanan. Also the harmonious proportions between the lower parts of the buildings, the joinings of the profiles, the horizontal divisions, all have symbolic signifi. cance; they are founded on numerical mysticism. The same refers to the bright colours, and to all these symbols, each in its own place, and with its own meaning, joined together in a great spiritual building of thought.
Hindu-Javanese art blossomed in the same sphere of mysticism as the mediæva] WestEuropean. "Symbolism created a cosmic view of a still stricter unity and closer connection" Huizinga wrote in Mediæval Autumn," than causal-scientific thinking enables. It embraced with its strong arms all nature and all history. It created an inviolable precedence, an architectural articulation, a hierarchic subordination. For in every symbolic connection there must be a lower and a higher grade. Furthermore, nothing is too lowly to express and to glorify the highest. All things offer stay and prop for the rising of thoughts towards the eternal; by mutual aid the ascent from step to step is accomplished." We are, however, in closer touch with Christianity than with the Eastern religions. Furthermore, medieval mysticism remains conscious of the fact that it is only expressed by metaphors. Eastern imagination is not very lucid. It is so customary for an Easterner to express himself in symbols, that it is impossible for him to depart from this habit.
Art is only of value to the Indian, in so far as it enables him to give expression to his thoughts and feelings. Science must not withdraw from its duty of leading the way in this respect, under penalty of losing contact with its milieu, Java, and the spirit of the age. This spirit of the age also has its claims. Indeed it is not only the Javanese who show dissatisfaction, when only the outer edge of art is constantly displayed, and no insight is allowed into the world of ideas from which it is derived. Is it to be wondered at that by the strong craving for self-immersion, which during the last years has become manifest in every sphere, many should turn away from official science and knock at the door of theosophy for enlightenment!
As soon as the Javanese realize that the ancient monuments whoever their makers may be also have wisdom to impart in glowing ingenious language to the present day generation, then indeed is the seed sown, from which under favorable circumstances genuine love and admiration for the ancient art will grow.
Education will play a very important part in the process of evolution. The starting point must, however, be justly chosen. Science will have to subordinate Javanese intellect, forcing this latter to a logical way of reflection and methodical examination. Beware of the error, however, in considering it only possible to awaken interest for ancient Javanese art by overwhelming the Javanese with historical facts, or pointing out the beauty of it. The value of the ancient art will prove to be chiefly a matter of sentiment. One single shrine thoroughly comprehended will do more towards the spiritual development of the young generation than the combined historical knowledge and esthetical appreciation of each and every one of the scattered antiquities of Java,
II.
By Mr. N. A. Van Leeuwen. "The question what religious tendencies are and their philosophical significance" writes William James in Varieties of Religious Experience, "must be answered by the application of two totally different methods of examination. In the first instance the question arises :

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Art.
What is the nature of the examination, its origin, its history. In the second instance: What is the interest, the significance or purpose thereof?” According to the first mentioned method we must make a study of ancient Javanese monuments, and the present and future culture of Java. Acoording to the second method the question arises : What significance can the old Javanese monuments exercise over present and future Javanese culture ? Only in this way will it be possible to treat the subject objectively without disturbance by personal sentimente.
1. What are ancient Javanese monuments Naturally we have in mind the monuments conngnorating or narrating & by-gone culture. Consequently it will be necessary first to investigate which forms of culture already exist. Forms of culture can be divided into three categories : Art, Religion, Philosophy. The foundation of the latter is rectitude and moral sense. Science, resting on reason, is not an expression of oulture belonging to any fixed time or people.
Consciousness of mankind expresses itself in five different spheres and five different ways: namely, physically as visible deed, emotionally, intellectually, essentially, through being human, and spiritually, in the intellectual life. The three first mentioned are merely human, instruments only of consciousness. The spiritual sphere is superhuman : such expressions as grace, sacrament, charismata, are here suitable. The essentially human sphere falls as under: in faith, discernment, insight and expression. These five phases of consciousness are clearly defined in the three divisions of culture, thus bringing all the forms under fifteen headings as shown in the following outline
Religion.
Philosophy. 1. Statical describing Cult
History. 2. Dynamical
Tradition
Mythology. 3. Descriptive
Theology
Natural Science, 4. Dramatical
Faith
Metaphysics. 5. Architectural
Mysticism
Magic and Occultism. The abovementioned groups all have their roots in common consciousness. With regard to natural science, take, for instance, the knowledge of the people as to the art of healing, meteorology, psychology, etc. Music, singing, elocution, dancing, eto., fall under dynamical describing art. Architecturo derives its existence from human intercourse, which manifests itself in domestic life, meetings and worship, all demanding buildings, Architectural style is not reproduced from nature, but from mathematics, therein of itself surmounting the natural. So far as to classification of the ancient Javanese monuments.
II. What is the present and future Javanese culture ? Lexis defines culture as being the raising of desire above the state of nature. Clay puts culture opposite to nature as premeditation against the in-premeditated and unconscious. Wolff calls culture & form-association of spirits. It can be said also that in nature the cosmic (the individually unconscious) working of the spirit is the most pronounced, whereas in culture it is the personal working. Culture and nature both have their roots in a community. We can only speak about culture also in connection with a group. "Genins" writes Bierens de Haan, "is the workman who by reason of the needs of humanity, and in its service, builds culture. Theingenions personality as a creator of culture gives expression to what lies unawakened in the community."
Culture is not a sum of forms which can be indicated, but something organic, a living something which finde revelation in the forms, but is not confined to these. Just as man is not the sum of one head, two arms, etc. Separate forms of culture cannot be set aside and maintained by technical skilfulness, any more than an amputated arm can be kept alive: vide Berlage, Beauty in Cohabitation, page 75, re the causes of decadence, when he says: "Art is the result of a common working of the spirit, above all of a common feeling." This is specially

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true with regard to architecture, which has always been intimately connected with worship, as in the case of temples and cathedrals; or it is a glorifying of social conditions, as expressed by palaces and townhalls: vide Walenkamp, on present and future building.
"The soul is fed with neither constructive nor external matter, neither with schools and diplomas, but with spiritual nourishment : with religion and philosophy, and above all with mysticism. Mysticism is not a denial of reason, but its apotheosis. Mysticism completes reason. There is an indissoluble unity between artist, priest and philosopher." (Just Havelaar, The Symbolism of Art, page 17).
The soul of a people lives in culture, and the soul of the Javanese lives in the present day culture. What shapes does this culture show us ? Alas, it is a meagre result. All the spiritual expressions--architecture, mysticism, magic-have died out; the essential (drama, wajang, faith and metaphysics) only half exist in tradition. If the future culture wants to become something more-less weak, more creative and more convincing-for the stranger, if it desires to be the living expression of a wide-awake and self-asserting national conscious. ness, then mysticism must again be reverenced, the dualism of the faith overcome, and the intellectual science, restored to honour, must again act on the basis of the lower mani. festations of culture.
The future culture will take its colour from the future national coneciousness. A free Java, an Indonesia, will make a rich culture possible. If Java remains bound down by foreign influences, culture will languish and perhaps disappear.
The factor which must be present, to prevent every expression of culture proving fruitless or absolutely vain, is the national consciousness. The psyche of a race, nation or people, is no abstract matter, but a very concrete reality, organically arranged in the human units, the constituting individuals. This consciousness has need of various foims of body and soul by which to express itself, and in this the human units necessarily must take part. In the blood of the race lie the hereditary seeds, upon which the physical and racial signs are founded. In the same way a human being is not a set of limbs with a soul within, but a soul which has command over various organs in this material sphere.
Now it is essential that the highest trio of elements, architecture, mysticism and magic, again occupy their proper proportions. These three possess a strong common relationship. In the home and the temple buildings, for instance, the various parts have their own sym. bolic significance ; every spot and each construction has its mystical and magic meaning; each style, or orientation, is based on the same hidden reasons. This is also the case in town architecture. Just as mysticism and magic can be considered to be the nerves and veins of the national body, so is architecture the frame thereof.
III. What significance have the monuments for culture? The monuments are only of significance in so far as they form part of the present or the future building of culture. They have as much significance for the present culture as the straw has for the drowning man. The drowning man is in this instance the national consciousness. From this source the seeking for support, the general interest in the ancient, the endeavour to comprehend. Further. more the fear arising from self-preservation. There is not a culture, but & cultural movement. Life manifests itself by change. Tradition as a system is not culture. At the present moment this cultural movement is very palpable, it using the ancient as foundation for new ideals.
In conclusion, just a word about the practical side of the question. Compare here the essay by Molaine Pont in Djawa, IV, I, page 71 : "The first condition is that all native societies, all native teachers and other intellectuals, should not consider the cognizance of beauty in the architecture of their own people merely as an esthetical appreciation, but as

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a means whereby to enrich and improve, and above all again adapt sane ideas to their own surroundings and daily habits, and not only architecture."
The ancient only inspires pride, reverence and application, when it intervenes in our lives. It does not enter our lives, if hoarded up in museums. Only visible buildings around us have any influence on our daily lives. But most of the monuments here in Indonesia are no longer even inhabited ruins, let alone the centre of active life. Here no name of street, square, bridge nor palace calls to mind an illustrious past. This is where education can help, firstly by the teaching of history, so far as this is not misused to acquire knowledge, but to build up character, to awaken national pride. The facts of history are the least important parts. History must be idealized; national sentiment arises from hero-worship.
From the very first the work must lead in the direction of a united Indonesia. If the Java Institute only concerns itself with Java, it is liable to one-sidedness. The ancient Javanese monuments must be considered as ancient Indonesian monuments, and included within the circle of all such monuments. When reverence for old Indonesian history is awakened by real Indonesian education, then the national consciousness will again have freedom to work; then ancient Indonesian monuments will become the centre of life, and the soul of the people will arise in self-conscious power. The significance of the ancient lies not in its shape, but in its substance as foundation for the new.
III.
Preliminary Advice by Dr. Radjiman,
By culture is meant an elevation of man by a harmonious development of his abilities in the way of striving towards a certain ideal, a world or life contemplation. Here we must ask ourselves what was the ideal of the ancient Javanese monuments. This is of the greatest importance, because thus only can we ascertain the value thereof, and decide if they have any significance for our future or not.
The Javanese language has no word which exactly expresses the Dutch words for "Art" or "artist," so deeply is art absorbed in our daily utterings. "Art is a form in which a world contemplation expresses itself. On the one hand we find this contemplation has other possibilities of expressing itself. On the other, the forms we find in a work of art are not only restricted to art itself, but apply to more than one form of civilisation." (André Jolles in De Gids, March 1st, 1924). According to Javanese conceptions, still another significance is attached to the work of art, namely the educational value of the work. Between the Eastern and the Western contemplation of life there is a difference, which has far-reaching consequences on the social manifestations, e.g., on morals.
If you approach the Borobudur from the side nearest the Progo, the first impression received from the distance is the two-fold aspect of the monument; to wit, the crowded appearance of the lower part and the empty solitude of the upper part. If you ascend the structure, making a complete round from the lowest gallery up to the stúpa, in which previously the largest unfinished statue of Buddha stood, you will find the explanation. The crowded lower part consists of angular galleries with parapets filled with works of soulpture. The solitary upper part only contains cupolas with images of Buddha placed in a circle unencompassed by parapets. The division is the expression of the Buddhistic teaching of being and not being, two contradictions which still are bound together. In this connection the images of Buddha in the galleries carry earthly ornaments, which the Buddhas under the cupolas lack. There is a connection between the ordinary human and the exalted human, which is shown in the galleries. The Javanese artists did not strive to work in exactly truth to nature, but according to a deeper spiritual conception. By numerous singularities of expression it is clearly pointed out that you have to relinquish material matters in order to enter the spiritual. This point of view must be continually borne in mind when judging Javanese works of art.

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Let us now proceed to the question: "What is the culture of our present society?" Characteristic of Javanese psyche is its synchronous character. After the fall of Majapahit, the ancient Javanese era yielded place to the Wali's, this being characterized by absorbing the Muhammadan faith without renouncing their previous Saiva and Buddhistic religions. Following upon this, came Javanese contact with Europeans. The decline of the Javanese intellect dates from the Wali period. Still, however, there are features in Javanese society which still expound the old traditions. These features are certainly not consciously the old ones, yet they are closely united with the charactēr of the Javanese life and social perceptions. You have only to bear in mind the various slamatan festivals, the petangans, artistic utterances such as the wajang games, the dances, music and literature. Especially in the wajang games and the literature, which still remain so popular, are there proofs enough that the old culture still clings to our peyche. The heroes of the wajang games are also to be found reproduced on the ancient Javanese monuments.
Western culture pivots round an intellect, wherein material objects become the main point. The Western view of life with the exception of Jewish and Christian doctrines, which, however, are never lived up to by Western leaders follows a materialistic trend. By reason of this we have the victories of science, technique and international intercourse. This also engenders the glorification of the idea of "interest," imperialistic expansion, economical theories. As regards the Javanese people it can be stated without doubt that their social development still runs in the direction of the old religious culture, although not so intensively as formerly, on account of the connection with the dominant Western culture, which more or less forcibly inspires a materialistic view. Take for instance the schools. From the elementary to the highest education not once is any allusion made to the Javanese view of life implicit in the old culture.
Our task is to do all we can to awaken again the idea, which is termed "knowledge," of our old culture, especially as regards metaphysics. I do not mean by this that we should not make use of Western experience. On the contrary, there are many things we do not possess at present, and which we shall certainly have to learn. Still they will only be "aids" in the direction of our evolution according to the old conception of culture. Materialistio means will be necessary, but the means must not become the main point.
Thus it is absolutely necessary that we examine the ancient Javanese monuments, and particularly their internal features, according to our own metaphysics, and not from the Western standpoint. We should advise not only preservation, but also reconstruction, of ancient Javanese monuments, according to scientific and æstbetical requirements. Perhaps they will not only spiritually influence present Javanese society, but also be of value to the human race in general.
N.
Preliminary Advice by Mr. Maclaine Pont. We may examine the question whether the study and restoration of the ancient Javanese monuments cannot be used as a foundation, on which to build up a new orientation of Javanese art traditions, and a consolidation of Javanese art handicrafts, so that all attempts to raise these could be grouped together to form a school for the exercise of architecture on a classico-national basis. Such & school might be the first step towards the founding of an academy. This would fit in better with the Javanese character than any other technical education. Opinions, however, are very divided as to how great a share the Javanese have had in the erection of the large monuments. A dispute has arisen as to who can claim the paternal rights. It is certainly not difficult to point out many special Javanese elements which are missing from the Indian buildings on the continent, such as the Hala head,

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the Makara, the spouts. The exceedingly strong personal element in the Indian images became in Java a stereotyped "loveliness." On the other side Javanese decoration is distinguished from the overloaded continental by its elegant style. Hindu architecture is of a more overwhelming beauty, overpowering us by its irresistible vitality. It is far more solid in conception than the Javanese. It is carried out with an ease which seems to mock all problems. But it is least of all purist. Errors against the teachings of architectural balance are made even in the days of the most perfect works. The Javanese works on the contrary excel in refined architectural spirit, a careful deliberation, an accurate balance. Still more in the same vein can be found.
Real architecture, particularly religious architecture, generally comes after the agitation caused by a new spiritual movement, i.e., not before the spiritual benefits have reached the masses. This in itself makes it very improbable that the large architectural movement of Central Java could have been founded by, or erected for, a few rulers, without the great masses of the people having taken any intensive part therein. The upper classes, including the - priesthood, have never had a craving for monumental buildings of worship in the Indian sphere of culture. It is very peculiar in this connection that in Java no palaces of any special interest were built during that period. In the narrow sense of the word the Hindus did not build for themselves. They erected the large religious monuments to consolidate the State. It is significant that the erection of the great buildings in Central Java coincides with the fight for supremacy in Java between the two great dynasties of Java and Palembang. What other purpose did the erection of these buildings serve than the winning of the spiritual aspirations of the Javanese people? The Buddhistic dynasty of Palembang builds Borobudur: opposed to this stands the Saiva Prambangan built after the expulsion of the Palembangers.
How has Hindu rule influenced Java? This influence must have been stronger and of a more sublime character than was ever possible to a mere Hindu builders' guild. There must have been an architecture in Java, resembling in many features the primitive Jameh style, before the Hindu dynasties came to Java. This architecture was used in Sumatra, and perhaps also in Java, in such a way that the differences with Jampa are explicable. It is this style of building which blossomed forth into the grand classical architecture of Central Java.
It is a great question whether the Hindu dynasties gained their supremacy over Java by & war of conquest, and it is easier to assume that they gained a firm footing by their religious propaganda, expounded by missionaries working with an ulterior political aim. The influence exercised by the higher Hindu castes has obviously first of all been a further elevation of the canonical architecture based on Indian proportional outlines. Who were the sculptors ? Certainly not Hindus; for there are far too many non-Indian elements in the style.
The two following hypotheses must be assumed: In the first place, before the classical architectural movement, Java had its own school, developed on distinctly Javanese-Malay lines, primarily, perhaps, originating from the heart of Asia over the lands of the Khmers and Jams (Indo-China). In the second place, the reliefs of the Borobudur plainly indicate the influence of a greater kindred sphere. In these reliefs a deliberate compendium is given of all kindred forms of architecture.
There has also been lively intercourse in the south-eastern Asiatic world regarding spiritual matters. The style-notion behind the school of sculpture of the Borobudur is not Indian, but Javanese or Javanese-Malay. It seems improbable that a guild, which during thousands of years, through all climates and diverse periods of culture, upheld their canonical

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fundamental ideas, should suddenly by a voyage to Java lose their own constructive line of thought and express themselves in a totally different manner. No Hindu guild can thushave been at work on the reliefs of Java. This does not exclude the working of casual Hindu sculptors. Personal Hindu influence is very possible.
Which part then of the reliefs can have been the work of Hindus? A very close study of a few reliefs of the Borobudur reveal first of all that the sculptors themselves did not possess even the slightest knowledge of Indian structure ; secondly that, in illustrating Hindu tales, they picture the persons in complete Javanese surroundings; and thirdly, that this state of things is accepted by both the worldly and priestly builders. But at the same time they intimated that in the Holy-land of India the roofs and emporans were ogee-shaped. In this manner a Javanese representation arose out of conditions in the Holy-land. An influence was brought to bear on Javanese compositions by priests and Hindu rulers having no technical education.
It is quite a different matter with the Prambanan reliefs. Here is a much freer, more realistic style, and only here and there & reminiscence of some unreal reproduction from the buildings of the Holy-land. There can be no doubt therefore that the lion's share of the build. ing and composition of the classical architecture of Java must be placed to the credit and the aesthetic initiative of the Javanese. It cannot but strike us how much superior ie the workmanship of the few exalted figures, the Buddhas themselves, the sick and the dead and others. These principle figures seem to have been the work of picked men with special faculties. These may have been Hindus.
How is it now with the totally different East Java architecture? In this respect decadenca has been suggested. Nevertheless, the East Java temples adhere much closer to the primeval architecture. For all the characteristics of the primeval form are re produced in the construction of the Jandi Kidal with its four staircases along the base leading from the gallery to the temple door and to the faux portes, with its level shut temple shaft and closed-in sloping projecting cornice. Only the pear-shaped top and the jointed roof are replaced by the spire representing the Holy Mountain.
During the second prosperous period the Javanese, now left more to themselves, created an architecture in the true sense of the word. Whoever makes a successive study of the East
Javanese temples is continually struck by the great difficulties to be overcome in the per'fectioning of this type, but also by the surprising and exquisite way in which these esthetic difficulties have constantly been surmounted.
Side by side with this religious architecture there arose in Java a monumental civil architecture, having its own specific laws of beauty and character. As a direct result of their mode of life, mostly spent out of doors owing to the climate, and made possible by the public security, the Javanese produced a typical "walled round "architecture. By a continuously more massive conception of enclosing dwellings and compounds it was possible to erect monumental abodes, without running any danger from earthquakes or renouncing the valuable asset in that climate of an open style of building. Even if the second period of Javanese architecture is inferior to the first with regard to the classical in its religious monuments, its secular architecture is more interesting. The termination of the Hindu-Javanese period in no way dammed the currents of the architectural art arisen in Java.
In conclusion we may make the following statement. Even though the most exalted manifestations of Hindu-Javanese art be ascribed to a fortunate meeting of two highly enlightened cultured people, still the Javanese, and with them a few other races of the

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Archipelago, have played an extremely important part in the building of the mediaval monuments. Part of these monuments must be ascribed entirely to the fine preceptions of the Javanese builders. These people are not yet dead, and the significance of the ancient Javanese monuments lies in the fact that they form the conscience of the Javanese as a race, by bearing witness to what this race has once been able to create.
By the restoration of the monuments, the intellectual and artistic powers among the native people must be made more of. More consideration ought also to be given to the preservation and the judicious restoration of the few intact buildings left to us from the Muhammadan age. Secondly, the restorations must be in connection with a systematically technical-aesthetical training ad hoc of native workmen, for this is the way to arrive at a new development of native handicrafts. The question of how far the work of restoration can be carried is only a question of the pecuniary resources at our disposal. Do not let us be led away by too exaggerated a puritanismi.
WADDELL ON PHENICIAN ORIGINS. BY SIR RICHARD C. TEMPLE, BT.
(Continued from page 209.)
10. St. Andrew as an Aryan Phoentelan. Waddell next sets to work to show that St. Andrew, the patron saint of Scotland, is a survival of Indara of the Sumerian Psalms and Indra of the Rig Vedd. He says that "St. Andrew as patron saint with his cross incorporates the Hitto-Sumerian Father-god Indara, Indra, or Gothic Indri Thor, introduced, with his hammer, into early Britain by Gothic Phoenicians ;” and then that this discloses the pre-Christian worship of Andrew in early Britain, and the Hittite origin of the crosses on the Union Jack and Scandinavian Ensigns, the unicorn and Cymric goat as the sacred goat of Indara, the goat as rebus for Goth, and St. Andrew as an Aryan Phoenician." He next quotes Sumerian Psalms as to Indara, and then the Rig Veda thus :
"Indra, leader of the heavenly hosts and human races,
Indra encompassed the Dragon. O Light-courier, day's Creator.
Slaying the Dragon, Indra let loose the pent waters.
Indra, hurler of the four-angled rain-producing bolt." St. Andrew, with his X cross is the patron saint of the Scyths, Gothic Russia, Burgundy of the Visigoths, Gothland and Sootland, and is Hittite Phoenician origin in his legend. He bears "the Aryan Gentile and non-Hebrew name of Andrew, presumably Aryan Phænician, and the priestly legend attached to him incorporates part of the old legend of his namesake Induru, a common Sumerian title of the Father-god Bel, who is the Hittite Indara, Indri or Eindri the Divine, a title of Thor of the Goths, and Indra, the Father.god of the Eastern branch of the Aryan Barats ... The worship of Andrew with his x Cross was widespread in early Britain, and in Ireland or ancient Scotia, in pre-historic times long before the dawn of the Christian era.... He is the Inara stamped with cross, etc., on ancient Briton coins." Waddell here gives two pages of illustrations of the cross saltire or leaping cross of St. Andrew on " Hitto-Sumerian, Trojan and Phoenician seals ” to compare with “pre-Christian monuments in Britain and Ireland," showing them to be identical. Waddell remarks that St. Andrew's Cross " appears to have been ... the battle axe or hammer symbol of Indara or Thor." However this may be, I may say that during the Burmese War of 1885-9 I myself saw dacoits crucified by villagers by being tied to & cross saltire and left to die in the sun. In fact, as an execution' instrument the cross saltire x is more easy to manipulate than the Christian Cross for St. George's Cross +.

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At this point we have some more etymology. The cross-saltire's function is defined the word value of pap (thus giving as a "protecti..g father or Bel," and its name has as the Sumerian source of our English word papa for father as protector).... It is also called geur (or George) or tuur (or Thor), . . . . and is generally It is specially associated supposed and with reason to pic: ure a battle-axe with Father Indara or Bel." Waddell, however, later on says that the synonym for cross-saltire is "gur, hostile, to destroy, which gives the Sumerian origin of the Old English gar, a spear, and gore, to pierce to death." This rather vitiates its association as geur with 'George,' the husband-man, though St. George was the slayer of the Dragon. But perhaps Waddell means that 'St. George' arose out of a corruption and has nothing to do with the Western name 'George.' In his view, moreover, St. George and St. Andrew are identical and both represent Indara, Indra. In a footnote here is a remarkable statement: "in Sumerian the name In for the hospitable house [or shrine] of Indara discloses the source of our English inn." There are several more of such derivations in this part of the book: e.g., "The Sumerian word-sign for Kat or Xat, the basis of the clan title of Catti or Xatti (or Hittite).... is the original source of Ceti or Scot"; and later on we reach :-" the Scythians were Aryanised under Gothic or Getee rulers, and their name Scyth, the Skuth-es of the Greeks is cognate with Scot." Also "the Sumerian Sign Xat represented their own ruling clan-name of Catti, Xati, Ceti or Scot."
237
St. Andrew came "from Beth-Saidân or Beth-Saida. Beth is the late Phoenician form of spelling the Sumerian Bid, a bid-ing place or abode, thus disclosing origin of the English word bide.' And Saidân or Saidâ, which has no meaning in Hebrew, is obviously Sidon. The Phoenician sea-port of Sidon was latterly, and is now called Saida and is within fifty miles of Beth-Saida." On this and other grounds it appears to Waddell that it is "probable that Andrew, Peter, Bartholomew and Philip were not only Aryan in race, as their names imply, but that they were part of a colony of Sidonian Phoenicians, settled on the shore of the Sea of Galilee of the Gentiles," where Christ himself "preached chiefly."
Andrew, as an Apostle, according to Syrian Church history, "(like Indara, who maketh the multitude to dwell in peace) freed the people from a cannibal Dragon, who devoured the populace by ... spouting water over the city and submerging it," as is freely represented in Hitto-Sumerian seals. His name is usually spelt in Sumerian. the House of Waters (In-Duru, or the Inn of the Duru, i.e., the Greek" udor and Cymric
88
dur, water"). On this Waddell point has a remarkable quotation from the Rig Veda :
·
"I, Indra, have bestowed the earth upon the Aryans,
And rain upon the man who brings oblations,
I guided forth the loudly-roaring waters.
O Indra, slaying the Dragon is thy strength, Thou lettest loose the floods
Indra, wearing like a woollen garland the great Parusni [Euphrates] river,
Let thy bounty swell high, like rivers, unto this singer."
And then he gives a quotation from a Sumerian Psalm :
"The waters of Purusu [Euphrates], the waters of the Deep
The pure month of Induru purifies."
And he says that "a similar function is ascribed to Jehovah in the Psalms of David. " This connects Andrew with Indara, Indra, and Induru, and to the Vedic Parusni-Euphrates, Waddell says that "the Euphrates was called by the Sumerians Buru-su or Paru-su and in Akkadian Poru-sinnu, which latter appears to be the source of the Vedic name of Parusni." Even Andrew's reported martyrdom in Achaia under a proconsul Ageas is a Hitto-Sumerian
3

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY
[ DECEMBER, 1925
or Gothic myth, as "the Sumers and Goths were historically known as the Ægeans or Achaians :" proof unfortunately in Waddell's yet unpublished Aryan Origin of the Phænicians. Also the desire of Scottish maidens for husbands, which leads to prayers for them on the eve of St. Andrew's festival (30th November) is ' now explained by Indra's bestowal of wives": e.g., the Rig Veda verge :-—Indra gives us the wives we ask.' On the whole Waddell is clear that St. Andrew is the survival of a Hitto-Phoenician god.
"St. Patrick's Cross also appears to have had its origin in the same pagan fiery Sun Cross as that of St. George ... St. Patrick ... was a Catti or Scot of the Fort of the Britons on Dun-Barton, who went to Ireland or Scotia, as it was then called .... to convert the Irish Scots and Picts of Erin in A.D. 433." From "his famous Rune of the Deer" it is evident that he incorporated the Sun and Fire cult into his Christianity, when "consecrating Tara in Ireland, whence the name Deer, the Sumerian Dara, now seen to be the source of our English deer, is the basis of one of the Hitto-Sumerian modes of spelling the god-name of In-Dara, who.... is symbolised by the deer or goat." So " we discover that the crosses of the British Union Jack, as well as the crosses of the kindred Scandinavians are the superimposed pagan red Sun-Crosses and Sun-god's hammer of our Hitto-Phænician ancestors."
We next come to the unicorn, “the special ancient heraldic animal of the Scots," which "is now disclosed to be the sacred goat or antelope of Indara, which is figured in early Hittite rock-sculpture with one horn". On the name sig, sigga, Sumerian for goat, Waddell has a long etymological note, which is notable in its way :“Sumerian qüd, gut, supply goat, Goth and Getoe: Sumerian sag, sig supply Sakai, Sacae, Saxon, and the Indo-Aryan clan name Sakya, and the Saga,s of Egypt; uz supplies Uku, Achai-oi and Greek aix and Sansk it aja, a goat. The goat is a universal emblem. In the Vedic hymns “the Sun is sometimes called the goat, with the epithet of "the one-step; in Hitto-Sumerian seals and on Phænician and Græco-Phænician coins " it is found in connootion with the Sun-cross and the protecting archangel Tas, and also in early British monuments. And thus it was that the goat and its symbols spread to Britain. In illustration of all this Waddell gives four pages of figures, and notes thereon of goats as Goths in ancient Sumerian and Phænician seals and ancient Briton monuments.
11. Tas Mikal, the Archangel Michael. We are next taken to a discussion on "Tas-Mikal, the Corn-Spirit or Tash-ub of the Hitto-Sumers," who " is Tascio of the early Briton coins and prehistoric inscriptions, Ty the Gothic god of Tuesday, and Michael the Archangel, introduced by Phænicians; disclosing his identity with the Phænician archangel Tazs, Taks, Dashap-Mikal and Thiazi, Mikli of the Goths, Daxa (Daksha) of the Vedas, and widespread worship in early Briton; the Phænician origin of Dionysos and Michaelmas Harvest Festival, and those names .. Tasc, Tascio and Tascif are synonyms with Dias on ancient Briton coins."
The tutelary deity of the Sumerians or early Phænicians was Tas or Dias, "the first-born Bon of God Ia (Jahveh, Jove or Indara), the archangel messenger of la." Tas "is hailed as the gladness of corn, Creator of wheat and barley. This discovers his identity with the Cornspirit of the Greeks, Dionysos." Tascio (-Tas) " is the Hitto-Phænician original of St. Michael the Archangel in name, function and representation," and his cuit was widespread in Britain " in the Phænician period.” Vestiges of the cult of St. Michael " as the Corn spirit.... survive to the present day in the name Michalmas for the Harvest Festival (September 29th) in Britain, in association with his sacred sacramental Sun-goose, the Michaelmas Goose of that festival, and in the St. Michael's Bannock or cake of the Michaelmas Festival in the Western Isles of Scotland."
Waddell is of opinion that the idea “ of investing God with an archangel " came comparatively late. “The Father-god or Bel was early given by the Aryans the title of

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WADDELL ON PHOENICIAN ORIGINS
239
Zagg or Sagg (or Zeus) "with the meaning of Shining Stone or Being, Maker or Creator, thus giving the sense of the Rock of Ages to the God as the Creator." Then "this early Aryan name for God. . . . is found spelt by the early Sumerians. .as Zaks or Zakh, in the form of the enthroned Zax or Zakh (En-Zax), with the meaning of the enthroned Breath or Wind." This, however, is Waddell's personal reading, "the Assyriologists read Zax by its Semitic synonym of Lil. The Sumerians .delegated the powers [ of God] on earth to a deputy in the person of the first-born Son of Ia, the archangel Tas or Taxi (Mero-Dach or Mar-Duk), who was made in Babylonia to overshadow his Father." However among the "Hitto-Sumerians and Phoenicians ... Tas appears to have retained his original character of the archangel of the One God."
Then "the early Aryans or Hitto-Sumerians, Khatti or Catti Goths instituted a patron saint or archangel of agriculture and the plough . . . . They also took from this their title of Arri or Arya (Englished into Aryan), which I find is derived from the Sumerian ar, a plough (thus disclosing the Sumerian origin of the Old English' to ear' (i.e., to plough) the ground; Gothic, arian; Greek, aroein; Latin, arare)." Next, after the fight with "devil worshipping aborigines under the leadership of their great warrior Aryan king, the second king of the first Aryan dynasty of the traditional lists," they apotheosized him as their archanged patron saint. He is thus, the human original of "the archangel Taxi or Tas, the Tash-ub or Tash of the plough... ., the Tascio of the Briton coins. . . . and St. Michael, the Archangel of the Gentiles." He is figured in the same conventional manner on the Briton coins as on the Hitto-Sumerian seals. Waddell gives these plates of coins to show this.
"Michael, in ancient Mesopotamia as Me-ki-gal, applied to the barley-harvest cuttingse-kin-kud," in which vernacular word Waddell characteristically sees the origin of the English seel and cut. "In the Vedas" his name is seen in " Magha-van or Winner of bounty (magha), a title of the Sun-god Indra, 14 and of some of his deputies: and the Vedic month Magha is the chief harvest-month and the month of great festival.... In India he is figured as Daxa [Daksha], or the dexterous Creator, with goat's head and field of food-crops." His name as given by Waddell in a great number of forms, British to ancient Sumerian, and this starts him on a fresh etymological speculation on the Sumerian origin of Scottish task, an angel or spirit; of the Gothic warrior Ty or Tuesday; of the French Mar of Mar-di; and of the Greek Dionysos: also of lam, a plough-share (Sumerian) in Lam-mas. Waddell next discusses "the hitherto inexplicable prehistoric symbol of the "Crescent and Sceptre," in frequent occurrence in the neighbourhood of the Newton Stone, which "is now discovered to represent the ear-piercing of Tas, the heavenly husbandman-piercing the earth by his spear-plough and heaving up the soil into ridges for cultivation." This identification he finds confirmed by the Ogam inscription on the top of the Logie Stone in the same neighbourhood, hitherto unread. This he reads as B(i)L Ta QaB 'HO Ra, and translates," To Bil and Tachab, Ho raised (this)." Ho he takes to be the same name as Hugh, and its possessor to be a "Cassi Barat in race like Port-olon." In the same neighbourhood have been found many bronze sickles, chiefly at a place called Arre-ton, " presumably 'town of the Aryans.""
Waddell gives next a fresh etymology, which is at least interesting if one could believe it to be correct. Aberdeen Cathedral is called St. Machar or St. Macker, and this name he takes to be St. Michael or Makhiar, "just as Indara's shrine, a little further South was converted into St. Andrews, where significantly the first Christian church was dedicated to Michael, i.e. the first begotten son of Indara or Andrew." Finally Waddell points out that the cult of St. Michael is all over Britain, as to the antiquity of which he makes the following
14 But have we not here a 'new' sense of Maghavan.

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quotation from the most recent clerical authority:-"Given an ancient dedication to St. Michael and a site associated with a headland, hill-top, or spring, on a road or track of early origin, it is reasonable to look for a pre-Christian sanctuary-a prehistoric centre of religious worship." And he winds up with the statement that "for the first time" it is discovered that "the racial title Arya or Aryan ... is the Hitto-Sumerian word Arri."
12. The Aryan Phoenician Element in the British Isles.
In discussing the general question Waddell starts with quotations from the Vedas, which show his attitude :
Indra hath helped his Aryan worshippers,
In frays that win the Light of Heaven.
He gave to his Aryan men the godless dusky race: Righteously blazing he burns the malicious away.
Indra alone hath tamed the dusky races And subdued them for the Aryans.
[DECEMBER, 1925
Yet, Indra, thou art for evermore The common Lord of all alike.
And to him who worships truly Indra gives
Many and matchless gifts.-He who slew the Dragon,
He is to be found straightway by all
Who struggle prayerfully for the-Light.
Waddell's general view is that there were several successive waves of immigration of the Aryan Catti-Barat Stock, and despite the mixture with aboriginal blood, this stock has survived in tolerable purity. As to the extent of the intermixture, the early Aryan Gothic invaders were essentially a race of highly-civilized ruling aristocrats in relatively small numbers, and before the arrival of Brutus the Trojan, there was little intermixing. Permanent settlement seems only to have begun in his time, but the aborigines were of a different colour and inferior mentality, and inter-marriage was repugnant. However, increase in the Aryan population and rise in status of aborigines brought about intermarriage, which steadily increased until there is "no such thing as an absolutely pure-blood Aryan left in the British Isles." Yet the superior intellectuality of the Aryan tended to fix his prominence in the intermixture, making him the back-bone of the nation, though there has never been any wiping out of aboriginal stocks. Therefore on the whole "the terms Briton, British, English, Scot, Cymri, Welsh or Irish, in their present day use, have largely lost their racial sense and are now used mainly in their national sense." Thus does Waddell unconsciously answer a question that constantly arises in the reader's mind during a study of his book:-how could the Phoenicians, assuming that they really did come into and conquer the whole country, have so entirely dominated the minds and the languages of the aboriginal races of Britain ?
Waddell has had a magnificent dream, but his methods of etymological, ethnical, and chronological comparison and historical deduction make it impossible for scholars to believe that he has shown it to be true, despite the immense labour he has bestowed on it.

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DECEMBER, 1928 )
BOOK-NOTICES
241
BOOK NOTICES. HISTORY OF THE NAYAKS OF MADURA, by R. looked by the serious student of Indian
SATHYANATAA AIYAR, edited by S. KRISHNASWAMI History. Any book that throws light on its AIYANGAR. Madras University Historical Series. details is worthy of careful attention. Humphrey Milford, Oxford University Press. Mr. Sathyanatha Aiyar in his Introduction gives 1924.
an admirable general survey of Madura history. Wo have here an excellent book by a Madras
In his view the Hindu principality arose out of University historical research student who has set
the fall of a Muhammadan kingdom there, after about his work in the right way, no doubt under
the early Muhammadan raids, and its acquisition the experionced guidance of his editor. It is not by the Vijayanagar Dynasty was the foundation a new subject, for I well remember Mr. V. Ranga
of what was afterwards the great Vijayanagar chari's voluminous history of Madura in the
Empire. Madura then became a Viceroyalty of Inlian Antiquary, in 1914-1916 (Vols. XLIII. that Empire almost from the beginning, about 1360. XLV). But Mr. Sathyanatha Aiyar has been Then there were many troubles until about 1530 diving into all the available records, and here he when the Viceroyalty under the Nayaks became has had the invaluable assistance of Professor
semi-independent. Meanwhile the Portuguese Krishnaswami Aiyangar. The result is an
missionaries appeared on the scene and the whole. authoritative book.
Balo con version to Christianity of the coast fisher. The most interesting part of the work at present
folk, which made them ipso facto subjects of the lies in the Appendices on the remarks of the Jesuit
King of Portugal, raised difficulties. Presently Fathers on this part of India in the 17th century.
the Empire began to disrupt. and in the events By this observation I do not wish to detract from
relating thereto Madura took its share, always the value of the remainder of the book, but the
apparently seeking an opportunity to proclaim appearance of these travels of Jesuits at that period
itself independent. Then came the Muhammadan in South India at the same time as Father Wessell's
attack on the Vijayanagar Empire from ite Northern invaluablo Early Jesuit Travellers in Central Asia
boundaries from Golkonda and Bijapur-and its makes them of peculiar interest, as they show how
final overthrow. The fall of the Empire spelt the
doom of the Vioeroyalties, and then the Marathas indefatigable the "early" Jesuits were and how great were their inconscious services to Indian
appeared on the noone and Aurangzeb attacked History during the pioneer days of the European
the Nayaka' great enemies, the Dakhani Muham. invasion. In Father Wessel's book wo have the
madan States. The confusion was almost endless, groat doinge of Goes, Andrade, Azevedo, Caoella,
and in the end the Marathas put down the Madura Cabral, Grueber, Roth, d'Orville, Desideri and
Viceroyalty in the earlier half of the 18th century.
But Mysore baved herself and is still ruled by the many another, from Constantinople to the Great Wall of China and Pekin, and all through the
dynasty that made itaelf then conspicuous., Himalayas, from Kashmir to Nepal and Tibet and
Such is the morost outline of the story of so great on to Bhutan. Mighty travellers indeed were they.
importance to modern India generally, the details And we have the letters and reports in Father
of which are told with conspicuous ability in the Bertrand's La Mission du Madurd III from one
pages of Mr. Sathyanatha Aiyar and the notes of Father after another, relating as contemporarios
Prof. Krishnaswami Aiyangar. the historical events of their time in the extreme
R. C. TEMPLE. South of India. These are followed by similar
ANCIENT MOD-INDIAN KSATRIYA TRIBES. Vol. I., documents of the first decade of the 18th oentury
by BIMALA CHARAN LAW, PH.D., M.A.; with a from John Lockman's Travels of the Jesuite, iteelf
foreword by DR. L. D. BARNETT, M.A.; Thacker consisting of translations from Lettres Ediflantie
Spink and Co., Calcutta, 1924. and lastly we have extracts from John Nieuhoff's
Dr. Barnett in his foreword to Dr. Law's latest Voyages and Travels in Brasil and East Indies.
work calls attention to the change of attitude on It hardly need to be said that such evidence is of
the part of scholars during the last quarter of a first rate quality, and the more addition of those
century towards early Indian traditions,-partiappendices to the book justifies its compilation.
oularly those embodied in the Epice, Puranas, The kingdom of the Nayaks of Madura lasted and Buddhist and Jain canong. So far from about 300 years in the 15th to 18th centuries, and rejecting them en bloc as mere folk tales, they are played a great part in the protection of South now endeavouring to trace the skeleton of real India for the Hindus from Muhammadan aggression, history which is believed, probably rightly, to and thus its existence was a matter of vital import. underlie this huge mass of legend. The excavations ance to Hinduism generally as a religion. It was at Knossos and the discovery of the Minoan civilizaalso deeply involved in the rise of Christian power tion, which are now proved to have formed the in India. A study, therefore, of the history of the basis of more than one ancient Greek myth and Madura kingdom is one that cannot be over legend, are themselves sufficient to justify the

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belief of those students of prehistoric India who declare that a kernel of actual fact, albeit small, is enshrined in the tales and legends of the vanished past. For example, Dr. Barnett, confesses his conviction that the Bharata war, though obscured by fable, was a real historical event; and speaking generally, scholars are more inclined to adopt in relation to Indian tradition the views which Caxton once expressed in relation to the legend of king Arthur. It will not do, he said in effect, to dismiss summarily all Arthurian traditions as so many old wives' tales. They are too wide-spread and persistent not to have some basis of solid fact underlying them besides, the people who believe them, love them, and write of them, cannot all be credulous fools. These words might be applied with equal force to the story of the Great War and several other Indian traditions.
Dr. Law's work is frankly an attempt to present a detailed account of the ancient Indo-Aryan tribes, which occupied the valley of the upper Ganges and its tributaries in pre-historic times. Starting from tradition, as embodied in ancient Sanskrit and Pali works, and checking it with other literary and archeological material, Dr. Law gives all the information obtainable about the Kurus, who appear as the Bharatas in the Vedic age and are connected with the Panchalas in the Brahmanas; the Panchalas, who were originally termed Krivis and are mentioned both in Buddhist literature and in the Arthafastra of Kautilya; the Matsyas, orthodox followers of Brahmanism, who are mentioned in the Rig Veda and the Brahmanas, and are associated with the Chedis and Surasenas in the Epics and Puranas; the Surasenas, who are first mentioned as skilled warriors in the Code of Manu, and whose capital, Mathura, was at one time the centre of Krishna-worship and later the cradle of the Bhagavata religion; the Chedis, who also date back to the Vedic age and later were divided into two branches, one of which occupied Bundelkhand and the other Nepal; the Vasas or Vatsas, a Rigvedic tribe, whose capital Kausambi, not far from the modern Allahabad, became a great trade-centre in a later age; the Avantia, who are mentioned for the first time in the Mahabharata and were connected with the Yadus and Kuntis of western India; and the Usinaras, about whom little or nothing is known.
Despite the difficulties of his task, Dr. Law has contrived to compile a most interesting work. As Dr. Barnett remarks, he has spared no effort to make an exhaustive and careful collection of the materials that Indian tradition offers, together with many relevant data from other sources that will aid in the construction of a critical history. Dr. Law's book needs no higher recommendation than this.
S. M. EDWARDES.
[DECEMBER, 1925
TALES FROM THE MAHABHARATA, by STANLEY RICE, with illustrations by FRANK C. PAPE. Selwyn and Blount. London, 1924.
This is a charming little book, containing renderings in verse of eight of the noteworthy legends
enshrined in the Mahabharata. Mr. Rice has chosen his tales well-the Dice Match, the Birth of Sakuntala, the Story of Nala and Damayanti, the Death of Bhisma, the Legend of the Flood, the Story of Savitri, the Vision of the Dead, and the Descent into Hell. It is these talos, and others from the same vast store-house of legend and tradition, which, as Mr. Rice rightly remarks in his Introduction,
46
are living and throbbing in the lives of the people of India, even of those illiterate masses that toil in the fields or maintain a drab existence in the ghettos of the towns." And who knows but what some, kernel of truth and hard fact underlies the two great Epics of India? Many scholars are now disposed to believe that a skeleton of real history underlies the huge mass of epic legend, and that the great war between the Kauravas and Pandavas, though much obscured by-fable, was a real historical event. If this be so, the more obviously legendary tales which embellish the course of the Mahabharata narrative acquire additional meaning and import. ance. Moreover such stories as those which Mr. Rice has embodied in easy-flowing verse, which closely follows the meaning of the original, inculcate a high moral and are worthy to rank with the ethical teaching of any country. The stories of Nala and Damayanti and of the death of Bhisma should be known to everyone. One can only hope that Mr. Rice will publish further volumes of these tales in similar form. The story of Dhruva, which has been described as "the very jewel of starmyths," would surely lend itself to treatment. And if future instalments of the tales are embellished with illustrations, such as those which Mr. Pape has contributed to the present volume, the series will deserve a place in any library.
S. M. EDWARDES.
IDENTITY OF THE PRESENT DIALECT AREAS OF HINDUSTANI WITH THE ANCIENT JANAPADA, by DHIRENDRA VARMA. Allahabad 1925.
This useful little pamphlet of the Allahabad University takes the statements of Sir George Grierson's Linguistic Survey, and shows therefrom that the modern dialects of Hindustani coincide almost completely with the ancient Janapadas of Madhyadesa. That is to say, it shows that the people and their languages have not changed during all the times of which there is any history. It is an interesting study.
R. C. TEMPLE.

Page #273

INDEX.
F.T.N.I. stands for the Supplement, Folk Tales from Northern India, pp. 25-40. G.D. stands for the Supplement, Geographical Dictionary of Ancient and Medieval India, pp. 191-214. G.K. stands for the Supplement, A History of Important Ancient Towns and Cities in Gujarat and Kathiawad, pp. 9-54.
P.E.W. stands for the Supplement, Notes on Piracy in Eastern Waters, pp. 85-92.
A Forgotten Empire, by R. Sewell, (book-notice), 118
A Study in Hindu Social Polity, by Chandra
Chakraborty, (book-notice)
40 A Version of Hir and Ranjha, 176-179, 210-219 Abd-el-Malik bin Merwân
Abdu'l Ghafur
Abhiras
abosom
Adimapappadi, vil.
adolains
Aghoris
dhdra
..
Akbar, verse in praise of Akbar, folk-tales of Alhkhand
All India Oriental Congress Ahmadabad. See Asapatti. Amar Sinh, ballad of Ambaka
anadrees
59 88-89 G.K. 19 99, 100 62, 67, 71, 72 1, 4 n. 158 G.K. 9 127 F.T.N.L 38-40
73 147-180
..
..
..
..
114 G.K. 22 3, 4, 6 n.
Anahilapattana, G.K. 12, 13, 23, 24, 32, 43, 50-52 Anahilapura G.K. 12, 53 G.K. 14-16, 50, 52 40 90-92
Arandapura
Ananda Ranga Pillai ancestors, beliefs about, (Andaman). Ancient and Medieval India, Geographical Dictionary of. See Geographical Dictionary of Ancient and Medieval India.
..
241
Ancient Mid-Indian Keatriya Tribes (vol. 1), by Bimala Charan Law, (book-notice) .. Andaman Islanders and their Country, Remarks on the 21-29, 46-55, 81-94 Andamanese language, system of writing Andhras
Andrews, Capt.
Angria
animals, origin of (Andaman)
Ankleshwer
Ankuleswara (Ankleswar)
21 39 P.E.W. 91 40 86, 92 G.K. 28 G.K. 11
..
Annual Report of the Mysore Archaeological" Department for 1923, (book-notice).
Antiquities of Salbardi Village, Note on
Arcot, Nawab of .. Ariyarperumbakkam, vil.
Arthastra of Kautilya..
G.K. 16
Asapallt Ashanti, by Capt. R. 8. Rattray, (book-notice), 99, 100
19 33-35 42 61, 62, 71 171-175, 201-205
Alokavadana
Astakapra. See Hastakavapra.
asura
Atharvaveda átmavidya Aṭṭai-variyar Aungier, Gerald
Aurangzeb. See Naurang Shah.
Auvai
Baba Khan (dacoit)
Bachelor's Delight. See Oygnet. Bahadapura
Bahuloda .. Bdlardmabharatam
Baloch
BAna-Perumal (viceroy) "Bandarins"
Bardaximo
Bargoza. See Bharukachchha. Baroda
Battee Bauden
:::
Bharata war Bharoch
Bear, Capt.
Bela, Queen, fight at the Gaur of Bhadrapalli
Bhagwatts (godlings) Bhandari Militia
Bharukachohha, Bhrgupura
Bhattaraka Bhavabhuti
Bhimadeva I. Bhimadeva II. Bhinmal .. Bhojadeva of Dhara Bholada. See Bahuloda.
bhotár
bhrdtreya, meaning of
bhukti
::: :::
..
G.K.
:::
..
..
17, 18 16
80
64
56
9, 12
34
G.K. 33 G.K. 32, 33, 54
7 30 14 & n.
..
1, 3, 4 n. G.K. 53
G.K. 37 1-4 n. P.E.W. 90
· P.E.W. 91
73-78
G.K. 53
..
101, 110, 133
56 242 32, 33, 50, 51, 53 G.K. 33-35 G.K. 21, 39 55, 56 G.K. 12, 13 K. 13
G.K. 43, 44, 51, 52
151
..
160
គ
...
..
31
16, 17, 18 G.K. 10

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244
INDEX
Coffrece
und .. .
.. G.K. 10 Bhomillika
. G.K. 35, 61
.. 66-90, 93 Birbal, folk-taler of .. ..F.T.N.I. 38-40 Bombay, Revenues of ; Early statement, 1-6 Bombay City Police, (book-notice) .. . 66 Bonnell ..
.. ..
.. P.E.W. 921 Borobudur .. .. ..
.. 228, 229, 232, 234, 235
228, 229, 232, 234, 235 Bosch, Dr. T. D. K., on Ancient Monuments of Java .. ..
.. .. 227 Brahmans .. . . . . .
.. . .
120 n. bravos (palmeiras) . .. .. 2, 3, 4 & n., 5 Bristol
.. P.E.W. 85 Broach
.. .. G.K. 33 Brown, Mr., on the Andaman Islanders, 21, 23,
25, 46-57, 81-94 Buckhurst .. .. .. .. P.E.W. 86 Buddha, 79, 80; image of, at salbardi, 34, 35; in the Borobudur ..
. .. 232 Buddha and Devadatta .. . .. 98, 99 Buddhism ... .. .. .. 7, 68, 79, 80 Bulletin De L'Ecole Francaiso D' Extreme Orient, (book-notice) .. .. ..
..
.. .. .. 169
.. 169
Chivers (Dutch pirate) .. .. P.E.W. 89 Chachak .. ..
.. 211, 213 ChudasamAs, the .. ..
G.K. 21, 22 Cicada, beliefs about (Andaman), 81-83, 88 circumcision, femalo
.. .. 31 Cities of Gujarat, details of
G.K. 50-54 clepsydra .. ..
.. .. 199 Coated, John
P.E.W. 85
.. .. 56 Coito .. ..
.. 2, 8 n. Colouria .. ..
.. 1, 2, 4n. Consway, Capt. ..
P.E.W. 89 Conjeevaram .. Copper-plates, inquiries regarding .. .. 140 Copper-plates of Uttama Chladeva in the
Madras Museum .. .. .. 61-73 corner-stones, ritos connected with . .. 59 Cousin, in Vedic Ritual .. .. .. 16-18 Cribb, John .. .. .. P.E.W. 90 Crong-cousinship .. .. .. .. 98, 99 Cultural Value of The Ancient Monumente of Java ..
.. .. 227–236 Oygnet .. .. .
. .. P.E.W. 91, 92
"
... 61
.. 199
.
..
..
..
P.E.W.
90. 91
.
.
*
..
.
81-83 .. 199
Cabral, Father T., S.J. .. Cacella, Father Stephen, 8.J. .. .. .. 199 Casar ..
.. P.E.W. 90, 91 Calicut Merchant .. ..
P.E.W. 88 Cambay ..
.. G.K. 37, 63 Catamaran, in the early nineteenth century .. 120 Catti
122-126, 207-209, 237-240 Cazam brod, Sieur .. .. .. P.E.W. 87 ceremonial weeping (Andaman).. .. 48-49 ceremonies at Mecca
.. .. 60 Champaner
.. .. G.K. 23 Chandos ..
P.E.W. 92 Chandragupta ..
.. .. 19 Chandravati .
.. G.K. 23, 61, 62 Charles
.. P.E.W. 91 Charles II .. ..
. P.E.W. 87, 91 Chávotakas
.. .. G.R. 29 Cheraman-Perumal-Nayanar
..... 7-15 Cherney (Charni).. ..
1, 4 n. Chhatrasal RAJA of Panna, ballad about .. 126
.. G.K. 24 Chidambaram .. .. .. 8, 226, 227 n. Chikulla plates of Vikramendravarma IL. .. 221 Child, Sir John .. .. P.E.W. 85, 86, 91 Children of The Sun, by J. W. Perry, (book. notice) ..
.. 119 Chinid!u Kambha .. .. . . .. 19 Chito .. .. .. .. .. 2, 8 n. Chitra valli-pperufjeruvu .. .. .. 72
Dabhoi .. ..
G.K. 24, 62 Dadhichipura .. ..
. .. G.K. 24 Dadhimati river .. ..
. G.K. 24 dancing (Andamans)
... ... 49, 83 Darbhavati ..
G.K. 24, 61 Dasnayi. See Yezidis. Date of the Kautiliya ... 171-178. 201-206 day, origin of (Andamans) .. de Azevedo, Francisco, S.J. .. de Andrade, Antonio, S.J. .. .. .. 199 de Fonseca, Father Antonio, 8.J. .. .. 199
Croes, Bento, S.J. .. .. .. .. 199 de Oliveira, Father, B.J. .. .. .. .. 199 de Souza, Father G., S.J.. .. .. ..199 death, beliefs about (Andamans) Doria, Andaman deity .. .
87-89 DeotAs (Godlings) .. .. dela
G.K. 9 Desideri, Hippolyte, S.J. .. .. .. 200 Devabhadra. See Dvipa. Devadaru. See Sarala and. Devadatta. See Buddha and Devasuri (Jain priest) .. .. .. G.K. 16 devil worshippers. See Yezidis. Dhåndalpur .. .. .. .. G.K. 27 Dhandhuka
.... .. ..
.. .. .. G.K. 26 Dharasena I., inscription of . .. G.K. 49 Dhavalakka, Dholka .. G.K, 26, 27, 63 Dholam Shah (Valé) .. .. .. .. 84
ChhuyÀ
,
8, 226,
2
"

Page #275

INDEX
245
..
..
.. 119
68, 66
Ganga dynasty
..
38
.
..
.
58
George
.
..
Dholka
G.K. 26, 27, 62 | French in India .. .. .. .. .. 40 Dhurvasens 11, inscription of .. G.K. 15, 18 Freyre, Manoel ..
. . . . . . . 200 Diaz, Father Manoel, 8.J.
.. .. 199 Dobson, Thos. . ..
P.E.W. 88 Dohad .. .. ..
G.K. 24, 62 d'Orville, Albert, B.J. ..
.. 200 dos Anjos Father, 8.J. .. .. .. .. 199 Doszory" .
8,6 n. Dravidians Drum language (Ashanti)
.. 90, 100 Dual Organization (of ancient Society) .. 120 GandarAdityaudva du Jarrie, Father .. ..
Ganeshgad Inscription of Dhurvasna IV., G.K. 60 Dum (godlinga) .. .. .. 101, 129 132 Dupleix .. .. .. .. .. .. 40 Ganapati festival .. . Dvipe .. ..
G.K. 25, 26, 29 Gell, H. G. .. Dwkravatt (Dwaraka) .. .. G.K. 28, 30 Geographical Dictionary of Ancient and Modi
val India, ancient names in .. G.D. 191-214
..P.E.W. 81, 88 Gbogh . ..
.. G.K. 23, 63 Gipsy Languages, by Sten Konow (book-notice), 180 Gingi. See Jinji. Girinagar ..
G.K. 30, 31, 32 Girnar
G.K. 20, 21
Godebeu .. Early Jesuit Travellers in Central Asia, by O.
Godhr ..
22, 23, 62, 63 Werelle, 8. J., (book-notice) .. .. 190, 200
Glodrahaks
G.K. 22, 23 Eaton, Capt. John .. .. P.E.W. 90 Golden Stool, the ..
.. 99, 100 Eaton, Capt. Joseph .. ..
Good Hope.. ..
P.E.W. 90 Economia History of Ancient India, by Santosh
Grantham, Sir T.
P.E.W. 87 Kumar Das, (book-notice) .. .. .. 200
Grueber, Johann, 8.J.
.. .. .. 200 Edwardes, &... .. .. .. 68-58 Guptas, chronology of .. .. .. 19 Feypt. .. .. .. .. .. .. 120 Ravtrappadi ..
67, 73 takkaiyar
67, 79 Kilia, Mr. A. J.. (on 8. Andaman language), 26-29 F Walid bin al Moghains
.. .. 69 esign, Moorish .. ..
P.E.W. 88 Epruvalichcheri .. .. 62, 64, 67, 72, 73 Every, Capth ..
P.E.W. 89 Haddock, Joseph
P.E.W. 86 Haihaya dynasty ..
.. . 4, 40 HAJ, the .. Halliday, Bimon Hamlyn, Joan
P.E.W. 90 Hand, John ..
P.E.W. 88 .. 201-203.
:::::::::
Hkrahur .. haram, the ...
..
Jodies 1, 2, 80. Harshapur, Harol ..
G.K. 49–01 Sicht the Caims of Queen Bell .. 78-78 Hastalavapr, HathAb..
G.K. 49, 51 fire, legend of, (Andamana) .. 84-86, 89 Hathi-gumpha Inscription of Khazalo .. 225 flood, myth, (Andamans) .. 88, 86 Homachandra ..
G.K. 13, 16, 26 Folklore of Bombay, by R. E. Enthoven, C.L.E., " Henley, Capt. .. .. .. 'P.E.W. 89
(book-notico) .. .. .. .. .. 167 "Henry Due" .. .. .. .. 2. 8 n. Folk-Tales from Northern India, F.T.N.I. 28, 40 | Hide, Jonathaa ..
. . $ P.E.W. 86 food, beliefs about (Andamane).. 61, 84, 88, 89 Hindyna'.. ..
.. .. 79 Forgotten Empire, by R. Bowell, (book-notico), 118 Hindu Astronomy, by G. R. Kay. (book-aptico), 198 Torjott, Charles ..
.. 87
Hindu medicino .. .. .. .. .. 20 Formoen . .. .. .. P.E.W.97 Hle and Ranjha .. .. 176-170, 310-310 Foro ..
.. 3,3, B n. History of the Nayake of Madura, by Bathyanatha Troels, Capt. ..
P.E.W. 4 Alyas, (book-sotico) .. .. .. .. 1

Page #276

246
INDEX
.
..
13
Inscriptions-conid. Copper-plato-cond
Tiruvalla ..
Uttama Chola deva .. Interlopers Innajayappadi It-Bing .
. . .
. .
History and Institution of the Pallavas, by C. 8.
Srinivasachari, (book-notioo) .. .. .. 99 Hittites ..123, 124, 142, 144, 195, 197, 238—238 Hiuen Triang, GSK. 14, 18, 19, 20, 39, 43, 60, 62, 63 Hobal (Arab deity) .. .. .. .. 59 Hobson-Jobson .. .. .. .. .. .. 220 Home of An Eastern Olan, by Mrs. Leslie Milne, (book-notice) .. .. .. ..
.
. . 166
_73
..
..
P.E.W. 85, 86
.. 78 . G.K. 40
. .
40
..
10
Jagatdeo Thakur, ballad of
.. 114, 116 Jainism .. ..
.. G.K. 13, 14 Jandi Kidal, the ..
. 238 Ibu sa Zubair .. .. .. ..
Jatilavarman ..
.. .. 61 Identity of The Present Dialect Areas of Hindu
Jate, origin of .. .
.. 80 toni with the Ancient Janapadu, by Dhirendra
livelihood of .. ..
.. .. 80 Varme, (book-notice) .. .. . .. 948
religion of . ..
.. . 31 prostitution among .. .. .. ..
. . .. 81 ..
. Makkan obat Ilakkanavilalcham .. .. .. .. .. 81
social customs of ..
.. 31-33 Indian Medicine : (1) An Interpretation of Ancient
Java, oultural value of the ancient monumenta
of .. Hindu Medicine ; (2) A Comparative Hindu
.. .. ..
.. 227-236 Materia Medica, by Chandra Chakraborty,
Jebel Sinjar .. .. .. .. 14, 96
Jesuite, early, in India (book-notice)
.. .. .. ..
... 190, 300, 341 Indo-Aryans (and Sun-worship).. .. .. 10
Jhinjuw Ada . . .. G.K. 24, 61
Jinji, City of .. .. Inneription
Josiah .. ..
.. P.E.W. 88 Bezwada Tomple .. .. .. .. 991 Junagadh. Soe Girinagara. Girnar .. .. .. .. .. G.L. # Hathi-gumphs of Kharsvela .. .. .. 225 Khalac! .. .. Mandator ..
.. .. .. .. G.K. 63 Phoenician, in Britain .. 122, 123, 141-147, 239 Wadnagar .. .. .. .. G.K. 14 Copper-plate
AlAkta varsha Subbatunga G.K. 17, 18, 19 Bengumr. .. .. .. G.K. 37 Ka'abe, the
.. .. .. .. 80, Childles, of Viloamendravarms
Kabul .. . .. .. .. G.K. 34 Dharanens I. G.X. Kachchippedu ..
61-84, 67, 70—72 Dhermena II. .. G... 19 KadAdi-ik-undil ..
. .. .. 72 Dharagena IV. ..
Kairo. See Khataka. Dhurona II. ..
G.K. 18 KAlachurt ora Dhuna III. ... O.K. 11 KAIApaka .. ..
.. G.K. 18, 51 Dhurup. IV. ..
G.K. Kalides .. . Govinda HI. .. G.K. 18 Kalinga .. .
221, 238, 236 Govinda IV.
Q.X. 18 Kadds .. .. Krishparaja Alaks varaha ..
Kataballopadi
69, 67, 71, 79 Narasimba Deva II
Kompavaman ..
.. .. 7 Prithvidova II ..
Kafobiakappadiyke, vil... ... Purlo plates of Indravarma
231, 198 KMichi . . Rudradaman .
G.K. 11
Kuchipuram .. Siddhantam plato
Kinobon.. .. SilAditya III ..
.. G.K. 20 Kanishka .. .. .. Biladitya V.
.. G.K. # 1 Kafijagappadi .. .. . . . #, 74, 75 Siladitya VI.
.. G.K. #3 Katjalceppadł .. .. Śry raya Siladitya
.. G.K. 97 Katarugra .. .. . .. G... 19 Seandagupta
G.K. 20, Kapadiwan) Imcription of Ak Alavenha fabhe. Tamada-illam
.. 18, 19, 18 tunga .. .. .. G.K. 14, 16,
292 189
27
..
18
385986
.. 121

Page #277

INDEX
247
..
..
87
.
.. .
88 68
..
62
Salbardi : G.K.
2
Kapika .. ..
.. G.K. 18 L'Histoire des Idées Theosophiques dans L'Inde ; Karikkala-terri .. ..
63, 67, 72 La TMosophis Bouddhique, by Paul Oltramaro, Karm Antapura .. ..
G.K. 17, 81 (book-gotico) .. .. .. .. .. 79 Karn. (k.).. ..
.. G.K. 16 Little Engand. See Oygnat. Karpadeva II. ..
.. G.K. 13 Rarpavatt. Soe As pallt. Karpatavanijaya .. ..
G.K. 17, 88 KAhahrada, Kabadraha ... .. G.K. 18,81 Kattargam. Seo Kantaragrame. Kauţiliya, date of .. 171-175, 201-205
Mackintosh, Sir J. Kautilya .. .. ..
.. 171-176, 201-205 Madagascar
Dew K&vt. Soe Kapika.
.. .. P.E.W. 89, 90, 92
89, 90, 92 Kedderee ..
Madhava ..
P.E.W. .. 86 .. .. ..
.. .. 161 Keigwin's rebellion
MadurAntakadáva ..
.. .. 65, 66 Konnedy, Hartley
Magueria .. .. .. Ktra!Alpatti
Mahabharata 9, 10, 14
. . ..
242: ..
G.K. 25. 20.30 Khambayat.. See Stambhatirtha.
Mahadeo, shrine of, at SAlberdi ..
.. 33 Khotaka .. .. G.K. 19, 20 Mundydna .. .. .. .
.. 79, 80 Kidd, Capt.
P.E.W. 89
Mahismati Puri. Soo Mandla. Kodungblar
.. .. 7,9
Mahodei. See Kodungblár. Kolaba fort
Maitreys ..
. . . . . . 100 Kolls (godlinga) ..
Majapahit ..
.. .. 228, 233 Kollam era ..
Malik Kafur .
.. G.K. 47 Kopdriyar .. ..
72 MallinAthA..
.... .
.. .. .. .. 190 Konkan and the Konkani language ..
Man, Mr. E. E, (on Andaman islanders), 25, 28, Konkani . .. . 37, 38
83—88, 89 KO-Parkdecima. Soo Uttama Cholador
mandala .. ..
. . .. .. G.K. Kotipurs .. .. .. G.K. 19 Mandans and Bhavabhuti
.. 65, 68 Kot fahwar (godlings) .. .. 101-108 Mandasor Inacription
... G.K. 63 K-vitalya-Kampavarman
.. 64 71 Mandla
Mandla
.. .. .. .. .. ..
.. 66
. Krishnadeva .. • 56 manca. (palmeiras)
2, 6 n. Krishnappa Nayaks
Mangrol, Mangalapura Pattapa.. G.K. 36, 63 Kshatrapol, Western
.. G.K. 1 maqam Ibrahim Kudu .. ..
MA Ajapperufijoruvu, vil. Iwlinga (paddy) .. .. 896-816 Margaret Pink
P.E.W. 02 Kumarapala .. G.K. 93 marinho .. .
.. 3, 8n. Kundraplasharita G.K. 12, 13 Marques, Manoel, 8.J.
... .. 199 Kumarila ..
Marriage ceremony (Andamana)
.. ... 18 Ktown, vil 61, 67, 71 Massingberd
P.E.W. 85 matul
.. 3. 6 n. Matr .. ..
.. G.K. 36 Mayor's Court (Bombay) Mooca .. medicino-men (Andam Megasthence
.. .. 103 Malacheri .. .. Melek Taus.. ..
.. 95, 96, 98 memorial stones ..
.. 36, 37 Merchans'. Delight
P.E.W 86 D Ligende de L'Empreur Açobr (Açola Ana Mers
G.K. 35, 38 dd1a) dan. Les Teates ladies # Ohinois, by J. Marutui .. .
G.K. 38,0 Prayluski. (book-notice) ... ... .. 160 Mithra (Mitra) .. .. 161. 166, 167, 170 La Nouvelle Trompeuse .. .. P.E.W. 90 Modhers ... ..
. . G.K. 37 legends (Andamana). Soo myths and.
Monsoone, beliefs about, (Andaman).. 87-19 Logends of the Godlings of the Simla Mont D'EH .. . Hills .. .. .. 101-113, 129–140 Monuments of Java ..
.. 221--236 Le Pllarinage à la Mokke, by Godefroy Domom. moon, beliefs about, (Andamans) .. 84, 90 bynes, book-notico).. ..
Morning Star ..
P.E.W. 89 Los Origine de la Pamille et de Olon, by James motabaro .. .
.. . 30.9 Georgo Prune flock-notice) . .. .. 118' .. 118 Mottaks, Mots
... G.K. 36
1
.. ..
00 84
.
..
79
..
..
86

Page #278

248
INDEX
mriydika ..
.. .. 168 Muls, (godlings) .. .. .. 101, 132, 133 munes. .. .. .. . 1, 2, 3: (muraco) 4. Mwhakavansa .. myths and legends Andamans).. . 81--94
.. 199
nabidh. See ndwig. NachchipArkkipiyAr
.. .. 36 Nagara Brahmans
G.K. 14, 15 Nagarakrotagama
.. .. 228 Nags (godlings) ..
101, 107-113 Nakúlida Pasupata
.. 101 Namuci ..
.. .. .. .. 17, 18 Nândipuri, Nandod
.. G.K. 28 Nannan (Tamil K.)
.. .. 38 natural phenomena, beliefs about (Andamana).
88–89, 90 Naurang Shah, Hindu legend of .. 127, 128 Navasari grant ... .. .. .. G.K. 27 Navasárika (Naosari) ..... G.K. 27, 28 Nemindths .. .. . G.K. 21, 22 New Jerusalem ..
P.E.W. 85 Newton Stono, 122, 123, 141-147, 191, 207, 239 Nicholus .. .. ..
P.E.W. 90 night, origin of (Andamans) . . 81-83 Nodittanmalai . ..
14, 16 nomenclature (Andamana) Nousaripe See Navas&rika. ndoro
. .
. . . Nyama, (Ashanti deity) ..
Parmar chiefs
.. G.K. 23 Parnadatta pathaka ..
.. ... G.K. 10 Pattecas, Butcher's inland
.. ..
.. 2, bn. peace-making (Andamans) Pereira, Father Antonio, S.J. .. Pereira, Father Godinho, S.J. .
. 199 Periya pundam .. .. .. 7, 10, 11, 12 "Portale" and "Kain Adu,", Note on the words,
35-37 Perum Akködaiyar, k. .. .. .. .. 11 Perumilalai-Kurumbar Pettit, John
..P.E.W., 86, 86 Phænicians. 121-125, 141-147, 191-197,
205—209, 238240 Phanis .. .. .. P.E.W. 85, 86, 89 pigeons, sacred Pimenta, Fr. Nicholas .. .. 41, 42, 43 Piracy in Eastern Waters, Notes on, P.E.W. 86–92 Piratoh Anglo-American, P.E.W. 89, 91, 92;
Arabian, P.E.W. 85, 87, 91: English, Bee European; European. P.E.W. 86, 87, 88, 90, 91; French-American,P.E.W. 90: Sanganian, P.E.W.
85—87, 91; Vachels Warrols), P.E.W. 86, 87 Pitt, J. .. .. .. .. :P.E.W. 87 P olynesia .. .. .. .. .. .. 119 Pont, Maolaine (on ancient monuments of Java),
231, 233-236 Porbundor .. .. .. .. .. G.K. 49 Prabhasa, (Vorával) .. G.K. 29-32, 83, 84 Prakrit Dhabu-Ademas, by Sir George Grierson,
K.C.I.E., (book-notice) .. .. .. 198 Prambanam, the .. .. .. 229, 234, 235 Provident .. .. .. .. P.E.W. 85 Prithvideva II., Spurious Ghotin Plates of, 44, 45 Private Diary of Ananda Ranga Pillai, (edited
by H. Dodwell), (book-notice) .. .. 40 Proverbs, North Indian, note on ... .. 200 Pulaga (Andaman deity)
8690, 93 Purdndndru .. .. .. .. .. 37 Purlo plates of Indravarma .. .. 221-225 Pushyagupta .. .. .. .. G.K. 22 Pushyamitra
.. .. 160 putikdotha .. ..
181, 182, 184
Ogam Inscription ..
.
..
..
122, 239
omamenta, oto., (Andamans) .. .. orla .. .. .. .. .. .. Ozhakkolpatta. Soo Olukkaippakkam.
50, 51, 84
1,4n.
Quedabu
..
P.E.W. 86
Paia Sadda Marannavo, by Pandit Haragovind Shoth, (book-notice) ..
.. .. 38 Palaunga . ..
.. .. 166, 167 Pallava administration . Pallavas .. ..
.. .. 39 Panch. Soe Phoenicians. Panchagara
.. G.K. 28, 29 Para kemarivarm An. Soo Uttama Choladova ParAkAsarivarman Parantaka, k. .. Pararaton .. .. ..
.. 228
Radjiman, Dr., (on ancient monuments of Java), 232 RAJA Darshan Shah, ballad of .. .. 113, 114 Rajagiri . . . . . . 41, 43

Page #279

INDEX
249
67
Rajaktarivurman, inscription of
.. 36 Raja Man, maying about ..
.. .. 126 Rajaraja L. .. .. ..
.. 65, 66 Raja of Aghort, ballad of ..
117 Rajasthara (k. of Kerala) .. Rajan khara (poet) .. Ramanuja .. .. . Rama Varman (k. of Travancore) Rapajayappadi .. .. Ranganatha, shrine of .. Ranjha. See Hir and. Rao Gariyo .. Rashtrakatas .. .. 34, 36; G.K. 20 Råg Sinh, verse in praise of Recorder's Court .. .. .. . Redelytte .. .. ..
.. ..
P.E.W. Red flag .. .. ..
.. P.E.W. 90 religion (Andaman). .. .. .. .. 03 Reminiscences of Vijaya Dharma Suri, by Shri
Vijaya Indra Suri, (book-notice) Rovenues of Bombay .. .. .. 1-6 Riota in Bombay .. .. .. .. 67, 68 Roth, Heinrich, S.J. ..
.. 200 Royal James ..
P.E.W. 02 Royal James and Mary .. P.E.W. 91
.
72
116
67
88
..
G.K.
26
Satan, in the Yosidi system
.. .. 9697 Satavahann Satavahan .. .. .. Satisfaction
.. P.E.W. 89
. Batrufjaya
.. G.K. 12 Satyavakya Porum Anadigal (Ganga k.) . 35 Saurashtra ..
.. G.K. 25, 26
. .. .. .. 1, 2, 4 n. ad-roig .. .. .. .. .. .. 80 Say, Edward
P.E.W. 86 Seasons, beliefs about (Andamans) .. .. 87 Sekkilar .. .. .. Sombiyan Madoviyke (q.)
wye (9.) . .. 68, 68 Sendariapottan .. .. Sengorporaiyan .. .. .. .. 7, 8, 11 Sheikh Adi, shrino .. .. .. 96-98 Sheilchan .. ..
.. .. 9496 sickness, beliefs about, (Andamans) .. .. 61 Siddhapura .. . .. .. G.K. 44 Siddhardja Jayasimha, G.K. 12, 17, 24, 26, 27,34 Sidi of Janjira .. .. .. .. .. 40 sthor. See Simhapura. ŚilAditya III, inscription of SilAditya V, inscription of silAditya VI, inscription of
.. G.K. 23 SilAditya Harshavardhana
.. .. 19 Silappadigdram .. ..
.. .. 36 Sithapura .. .. ..
.. .. G.K. 46 Sindhala of Malwa
... .. G.K. 19 singing (Andamans)
.. .. .. 83 rigdya
.. .. .. 80 Sivabhagapura ..
.. G.K. 42 bivajt, bontomporary Hindi rhyme about, 126;
P.E.W. 86 Sivapuram
.. . 15 & n. Sivarajapura. Soe Sivabhagapura. Sivaca Sivatatearatnakara, by Basava Raja of Keladi,
(book-notice) .. .. .. .. .. 220 social life, (Andamans) .. .. .. 53, 81-94 86|Aniyamam, vil. .. 62, 64, 67, 72, 73 Solankis . . . .
.. .. G.K. 20 Soma .. ..
.. .. 17, 18 Somanathapattana. See Prabhasa. Songs and Sayings about the Great in Northern
India .. .. .. 113--117, 126-128 Souter, Sir F. ..
. .. .. .. 57 spirit-belioft, (Andamans)
.. . 52, 53 Spurious Ghotia Plates of Prithvidova II. 44, 46 Brfbhavana
. . . G.K. 42 Sri Krishna .. .. .. C.K. 25, 30, 31 Grimala .. .. . .. G.K. 43, 44 Srt-Malle vara-swami temple .. .. ..221 Brinagara .. .. .. .. .. G.K. 42 Srtathala.. See Siddhapura. Sry karaya SilAditya Yuvar&ja, Inscription of,
G.K. 27
sacred groves (Ashanti) .. . .. 100 sacrifico, Vedio .. ..
.. 16, 17 Behaaralingn tank.. .. .. G.K. 12, 53, 54 Saida .. ..
213, 217 Saiva Darlana .. .. .. ..
.. 181 Baina acts ..
161 Saiva Siddhante, Tamil .. Sajjana .. .. . .. .. G.K. 22 Baka ora .. .. .. .. .. .. 46 BAlberdi Vilago, Note on the Antiquities of, 33-36 Sambhaft . .
.. P.E.W. 85 Sangha .. .. .. .. .. 79, 80 Sundhan. Seo Stambhanals. Sant Singh .. " Baikana
. .. . ..
.. .. .. .. 12, 13, 79 Santara-digvijaya Santo On ..
P.E.W. 90 Sapie Lao, Maruvan
.. .. .. 10
38 Sarala and Devadaru ..
.. 181-190 Sarbhon. See Bribhavana. wakidhara .. .. ..
.. 158
:
..
56
:
:
Sapta Saila
:

Page #280

260
INDEX
:::
:::
Stambhanala ..
G.K. 47, 48 | Tinwitalyddar-purdiam .. .. .. 11
.. .. G.K. 47, 48, 58 "tisati" .. .. .. .. .. 2. 6 . Stanok .. .. .. .. 2. n. Tod, Jamos ..
... 56 Bthana .. .. ..
.. G.K. 48 Tolachohoviyar Blakkaiyar (meaning ol), 87, 78 SthAl-Ravi (Chera k.)..
.. .. 18 Tolldppiyam .. Stone circles, Morite Phoenician
Tondai-mandalam ..
.. 11 Strrighie Merchant ..
P.E.W. 91
Tri-kalinga Sad Amapura .. ..
.. G.K. * Triliiga. Seo Tirilings. Badras .. .. .. 120 n. Trompeuse.. ..
P.E.W. 90 Sulphur spring at SAlberdi .. .. 35 Tunduņukkachcheri
.. 62, 63, 67 Bumerians .. .. .. .. .. 206, 207 Tushaapa .. .. .. .. .. G.K. 32 Sami .. ..
.. G.K. 46 Tyrrel, John .. P.E.W. 88, 86, 88, 89, 91 Sundaram drtti-Nayanar ..
7–, 13-16 sun-dial .. .. .. ... .. .. 199 run-worship .. .. .. 158, 161-171 Surubenaden Singh .. .. .. 42 & R. Sarya, representation of, in Brahmanioal art,
161-171 Suryapura .. .. .. .. .. G.K. 46 Swatanipata, by P. V. Bapat, (book-notice) .. 19 Suvish Akha .. .. .. .. G.K. 22 Swan, Capt. c. .. .. .. P.E.W. 91
Udayamati (9)
..... OK. 10 Udayana .. .. .. .. .. G.K. 58 Udfoya vepar ..
.. 168, 169 Ulaiyar, vil. ..
01-03, 11, 12 Ulugh Khan
.. .. G.K. 13 Umbeks. Soo Bhavabbuti. Uppalahota .. .. .. .. G.K. 17 Oragam .. .. .. .. 62-64, 67, 71, 72 Uttama Chladova, copper-plates of .. 61-73 unavu-alai, meaning of .. .. .. .. 35
111,
87
Takht Faskra .. .. Tales from The Mahabhdrata, by Stanley Bion,
(book-notice) .. .. Tano, Takova, (Ashanti deity) .. Tantra-choqamans .. Tantra-driba .. .. Turla, (Andaman deity) .. Titoba (Sadhu) ..
.. .. 34 Tattva Prakasa ..
.. 151-156 tood ah ifadha .. ..
.. .. 60 Valabhi .. .. G.K. 14, 16, 8, 10, , , Tojahpala .. .. .. .. G.K. 23, 53 VA- telbe
.. ..
.. .. .. .. 18 Toj Singh .. ..
Vkmenappadi .. ... .. ... 67, 78 Telaga .. .. .. . 231, 223, 224, 227 VAmannsthall .. .. .. .. O.K. A Than. 8oo Stine
Vanarkja, Chavotaka k.. G.K. 11, X, 80 Theophile. 8oo Dvipa.
Van Loouwen, N. A., on the Ancient Monit Tillal, Soo Chidambaram.
monta of Java .. .. .. .. ** Tidlinga . ... " .. 321–287. Varayuda .. .. ..
. i. 11 Tirubballdyajhdng-uld ..
$. 14 n., 10 Vardhamana, Wadhwan .. .. .. .. 18 Tirukkaodiyur .. .. .. 10 Vatapadrapura .. ..
G.L. 37, 38 Tirumurna pikkpoi
Vaulensen (Waliceshwar) .. .. 1,4 .. Thirutton dallage ..
Vedio Ritual, The Cousin ta .. 1848 Tirunko..
.. 7, 8, 9 Vijaragadar (Chara L.) .
"
..
7

Page #281

INDEX
951
..
68
40 .. 118
Wilson, Col. W. H. worlds, beliefs about, (Andamana)
..
.. ..
89 68
Vijay Dharma Suri Vijayanagar Vikrams or village autonomy .. Vincent, R. H. "vin.or" Virdhavala .. Vim Saivus .. wahaya .. . Vlenge, Vllagar Vrtea
2, 8 n. .. G.K. 63
. 161 .. G.K. 9
Xeraphin ..
..
..
..
..
& n.
G.K.
.. 17
..
yam, discovery of (Andemana) .. Yatodhara .. .. .. Yasdan .. .. .. .. .. Yomaval. Soe Ankpalli. Yenid Ibo Mo' Awiya. . " Yeaidis or Dovil-worshippers of Moral ..
o 06-98
m
Wednagar. Soe Anandapura. Warden, 7. .. .. Weddorburn, General .. widow-marriago .. ..
.. ..
..
.. 56 .. 32
Zemgam, well Zulfiler than
.. ..
.. ..
.. ..
..
..
:

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Malabarese and Arabians. 850. It has been mentioned that Sivaji manned his fleet with Muhammadans as well as Hindus. In February or March 1682-3 two Arab ships and four grabs in the employ of Sambhaji, the Maratha, unsuccessfully attacked the Company's ship President (Captain Jonathan Hide) off the mouth of the Sangameswar River in the Ratnagiri District (Orme, Hist. Frag., p. 120; Bomb. Gaz., I, i. 77).
English. 851. On the 9th August 1683 Admiralty Jurisdiction for the trial of pirates was granted to the East India Company (Bruce, II. 496-7). Apparently up to this time all Europeans accused of piracy in Eastern waters and arrested in India had to be sent to Europe for trial, a dilatory, expensive and unsatisfaotory process, which, if it had been continued, would have rendered it impossible to deal with these gentry when their numbers became formidable, as they did within the next few years.
852. In 1684 the Bristol Interloper (John Hand, Commander), visited the Maldive Islands, and having been refused permission by the king to trade in cowries, fired upon the town. As the Bristol returned with a full cargo, it is evident that either the king reconsidered his deci. sion or that the Bristol got a cargo for nothing (Ind. Off. O.C. 5232, 28th October 1684). In January 1685 the Bristol left Surat, Sir John Child hoping (Letter to Madras, 6th Feb. 1684-5) that it would be the last time she would trouble them. On her way home she put in at Johanna, one of the Comoro Islands, off the north-west coast of Madagascar and there met with Captain John Tyrrel of H.M.S. Phoenix, who had been sent out with a Commission to take Interlopers (Ind. Off. O.C., 5387). In May, Captain lyrrel, having taken the Bristol and put a prize crew on board, set sail in her company for Bombay, but the Bristol sank on the voyage, her crew being saved by the Phoenix. On his arrival, Tyrrel handed over the crew of the Bristol to the Bombay Council, who, according to Hamilton (I. 192) treated them as pirates. If the account given of John Hand in Ind. Off. 0. C. 5035 is true, his behaviour had certainly been that of a pirate. At Sumatra he fired upon a Dutch vessel and he was killed whilst landing to plunder and burn a native town (Hunter, II. 295). According to the Log of the Massingberd (Joseph Haddock Comniander), under date 11th February 1684, Hand accidentally shot himself in the leg and died of the wound. Captain Haddock does not say how the accident happened.
853. In 1681 one John Coates, Master and part Owner of the Redclyffe of Bristol (apparently some kind of Permission Ship) went to India, and arrived at Masulipatam in 1684. After some little time he appears to have engaged in the service of the King of Siam, who was on bad terms with the King of Golconda. In reprisal for injuries alleged to have been suf. fered by Siam, he seized and plundered the ship Kedderee belonging to a Brahman subject of Golconda, and the ship New Jerusalem belonging to an Armenian merchant John de Marcora. The latter ship he sent under Alexander Leslie on a cruise in the Bay of Bengal, where, under Siamese colours, she seized the Quedabux in sight of Point Negrais. These actions caused the native Government to close all trade with, and supply of provisions to, the English at Mada pollam, and it was only with some difficulty that matters were accommodated (Protest dated Madapollam, 5th December 1685, Letters to Fort St. George, Coates, pp. 25-31). Coates was killed soon after, whilst assisting the King of Siam to quella Macassar insurrection. (Pitt to Madras, Achin, 29th Sept. 1686-7).
Sanganlans. 854. In 1683 Mr. John Pettit, a member of the Bombay Council, having quarrelled with Sir John Child, the Governor, went trading in his own ship the George to the Persian Gulf. On the 28th October the George was attacked by Sanganian pirates and, after repulsing their

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attack, was accidentally blown up. Mr. Pettit and some of the crew were taken prisoners to Aramra, where (Depos. of Ben Osborough, Masters of the George, 0. C., 5304) he died of burns and wounds received in the fight, whilst he was trying to settle terms of ransom with his captors. His death was due merely to neglect, and not as stated by Hamilton (I. 198. 202), himself a free-trader, in any way to Sir Jobn Child's refusal to pay the ransom demanded, though he certainly referred to Pettit's death in a most unbeooming manner :-"As for Mr. Pettit, he is dead and gone to the Devil."
855. About the same time the Sanganians took the Josiah Ketch, which also blew up in the fight (Biddulph, p. 73). Another of their captures was the Merchant's Delight (Captain Edward Say). Say was an interloper who had settled at Muscat in 1682 (Orme, Hist. Frag., p. 127: Miles, p. 217). In 1884 his ship went ashore near Cape Raselhadd. Some Arabe of the Jenebeh tribe contracted to salve the cargo on condition of receiving ono half of it, and faithfully carried out their bargain, explaining that they did so because, eight days before the stranding of the ship, it had been prophesied to them by a local Fakir, who had solemnly adjured them to keep their word loyally (Hamilton, I. 58). After getting his ship afloat, Captain Say set sail for Bombay, but was attacked by two Sanganian vessels (one of 150 men and 10 guns, the other of 50 men and 4 guns), which boarded him. His black sailors, 30 in number, leapt overboard to save their lives, and left him alone with two servants, one of whom was immediately killed. He himself was wounded, but the gold buttons on his coat, showing him to be a person of importance, saved his lifo. His captors stripped him to his shirt, and in this state kept him prisoner for two months, though otherwise they treated him not unkindly. He had hidden 1600 Venetians (i.e., sequins) in a loaded gun, hoping to recover them later ; but when they arrived off Aramra, the pirates, who had not examined the gun, fired it off in saluting the fort, so his hopes were disappointed. Soon after he was released by the Queen of the country upon his gwearing on an image of the Virgin (robbed from a Portuguese ship), that he did not know which of her men had taken the money that had been on his ship (Ovington, 438-446). Apparently Say went home some time after this trying experience, for on the 20th April 1698 the East India Company complained to the Council of Trade and Plantations in London that the Buck. hurst (Captain Edward Say) had cleared for Surat, but was really bound for Muscat with a cargo of guns for sale to the Arabs (Cal. State Papers, East Indies).
356. In September 1685 Captain Tyrrel left Bombay on a cruise to the northward and, off Cosgeer (Sir John Child says off Versivah'), on the 11th, he caught sight of a suspicious looking vessel. She appeared to be a country ship, but refused to allow him to examine her and made a desperate resistence when the Phoenix fired upon her. It was only at the seventh attempt that the English, under Lieutenant George Byng, father of the unfortunate Admiral. gucceeded in carrying her, and then she was in a sinking condition. She proved to be a Sanganian pirate of 150 tons, 120 men and 8 guns (the Phoenix carrying 42 guns). The Phoenix had 7 men killed and 15 wounded. Only 43 of the Sanganians were saved alive (Surat Factoru Records. Letter from Child, 19th Septembor 1685; Sloane MS.. 854).
857. The Sanganians, as I have said, comprised many tribes. Hamilton distinguishes at this time between the Sanganians and the Warrels. He says (I. 131-2):-" The next province to Cutehnagen is Sangania. Their sea-port is called Baet (in Gujarat) very commo. dious and secure. They admit of no trade but practise piracy. They give protection to all criminals who deserve punishment from the hand of justice ... I had several skir. mishes with them. They, being confident of their numbers, strive to board all ships they can come at by sailing. Before they engage in fight they drink Bang, which is made of a seed like
According to the Deposition of the Mate, Samuel Harris (Ind. 08.0.0., 6233), the Commander of the George ww Thomas Matthews,

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hempseed, that has an intoxicating quality, and whilst it atỉects the head they are furious. They wear long hair, and when they let that hang loose they'll give no quarter '89. Hamilton also says (I. 134) that the Gujarati ports employed Rajputs to protect them from the Sanganiaus (who were themselves largely of Rajput origin). His account of the Sanganians seems to contradict Fryer's (see para. 331 above) in certain points. His remark about their letting their long hair louse when they intended to give no quarter reminds one of the Spartans at Thermopylae combing out their long hair in preparation for their last stand (Herodotus, VII. 248). Heliodorus (c. 400 A.D.) writes of the Egyptian pirates "The pirates, willing to render themselves as formidable as they can, among other things, cherish long hair, which they suffer to grow down their foreheads and play over their shoulders, well knowing that flowing locks, B they make the lover more amiable, so they render the warrior more terrible" (Theagenes and Chariclea, Bohn's Greek Romances, p. 45).
858. The Warrels were the Vadhels, a class of Rajputs associated with the Vagher pirates of Kathiawar (Hedges, II. 327 n). Of these Hamilton writes (I. 140) :-"All the country between Diu and Daud point, which is about thirty leagues along shore, admits of no traffio, being inhabited by free-booters called Warrels, and often associate with the Sanganians in exercising piracy and depredations. They confide much in their numbers as the others do and strive to board their prizes and 80 soon as they get on board they throw in showers of stones on the prize's deck in order to sink them that way if they don't yield, and they have earthen pots as big as a six-pound grenade shell, full of unquenched lime well sifted, which they throw in also and, the pots breaking, there arises so great a dust that the defendants can neither breathe nor see well (see paras. 162 and 343 above). They also use wicks of cotton, dipt into & combustible oil, and firing the wick and throwing it into their opposer's ship, it burns violently and gets fire to the part it is thrown in."
Ara blans. 359. In reprisal for piratical interference with Dutch trade the Sieur Caza mbrod with eight Dutch ships seized thirteen "Moor" vessels near Gombroon and on the 4th August 1684 ocoupied and fortified the Island of Kishm (Dubois. p. 248),
360. In 1684 Sir Thomas Grantham was sent to India in the Charles II (60 to 70 guns) with & Royal Commission to re-establish the English Factory at Bantam, and, if that were impracticable, to proceed to the Persian Gulf to enforce the Company's claim to one half the revenues of Gombroon or Bandar Abbas (Bruce, II. 499, 539-40). He arrived in Bombay on the 12th November 1684 and very tactfully suppressed Keigwin's rebellion. According to Bruce, he took a small force to the Persian Gulf to put an end to the piracy there prevalent.
361. Sir John Chardin (Coronation of Solyman, III. 1) mentions the existence, about this time, of Arab pirates at Al Kadar on the eastern side of the Persian Gulf and on the mouths of the Shat-al-arab.
Danes. 862. A new Danish Company had been formed in 1670 and about ten years later there began to appear rumours of acts of piracy by Danish ships. Hamilton (I. 349) says that in 1684 the English ship Formosa having left Calicut for home, the same night a great firing was heard out at sea and no further news was ever received of that ship. It was supposed that she had been sunk by two Danish vessels which were cruising between Surat and Cape Comorin" on what account none could tell but themselves."
863. On the 29th September 1686 Mr. J. Pitt wrote to Madras from Achin that on the 20th a Danish ship in that port, having news of a very rich Surat ship, had cut her cable and
* Walter Vaughan, & prisoner at Johor in March 1702-3, says of the people of Macassar " when the mon let down their hair (which they always wear knotted up behind) they are desperately resolved to go through with their designs." (Adventures of five Englishmen from Pulo Condore, p. 117.)

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Bailed, presumably in pursuit, and that they had heard guns fired. On the 2nd January 1686-7 he wrote that the Danes bad taken her.
864. Meanwhile the Danes had gone westward, and on the 16th November the Calicut Merchant (Thomas Dobson Master) met of Mangalore two ships, both Lutch built, the smaller of which put out an ensign wholly red (i.e., the Moorish ensigno) the other no colours. A little later the Moorish ensign was lowered and the greater ship hoisted the Danish flag and ensign and ordered the Calicut Merchant to strike. Being unable to escape, Captain Dobson surrendered, and the enemy boarded him, killing one man, wounding others and plundering freely. Dobson himself was very roughly treated and forced to go on board his captors. He found that one ship belonged to the King of Denmark and was commanded by a Captain George Banes. The other ship belonged to the Danish Company. Though no resistenco had been offered, Captain Banes pretended that the English had wounded one of his men, and demanded compensation. Dobson refused point blank, but was forced to give & written acknowledgement that he had received full satisfaction for the damage done him. Thereupon the Danish Captain ordered all the plundered goods to be restored, paid for what could not be found and sent his Surgeon on board the Calicut Merchant to attend to the wounded. In fact, for the fow days that the ships remained in company, he behaved 80 politely that a number of passengers, who had suffered most when his men came aboard, refused to give any account of their losses. Finally the two ships partod, giving each other a salute of three guns, and the Calicut Merchant pursued her way to Gombroon. (Letters to Fort St. George, 1686-87.)
865. In January 1686-7 Captain John Tyrrel came up with four Danish men-of-war off St. John's, which was their usual cruising station, sent Lieut. George Byng on board" and demanded by what right they robbed." They showed the King of Denmark's Commission and said "that their King has received some affronts by the Mogull's subjects and they are resolved not to put it up without satisfaction from the Mogull." Accordingly, having carefully ascertained that there were no Englishmen on board these ships and having obtained an assurance that no ships carrying a pass from the President at Surat should be injured, Captain Tyrrell left them (Tyrrell, to Surat. 12th January 1686–7; India Office 0.0., 5555; Bomb. Gaz., XXVI. i. 98).
366. Captain Tyrrell's object in ascertaining that there were no Englishmen on board the Danes, was the necessity of refuting the charge made by the rich Indian merchant Abdul Guffoor, chief of the Borah community (Siyar-ul-Mutaqharin, I. 237), who had informed the Mughal Government that the so-called Danish pirates were English under Danish colours, hie had, he said, lost ships of the value of 700,000 rupees. No doubt, he thought that he could recoup his losses most casily from the English if he could make them responsible for the subjects of all the European nations in the East. His disappointment in this matter made him a bitter enemy, and his wealth a dangerous one, to the English (Surat Council to Madras, 15th Feb. 1686-7). As to his wealth, Hamilton writes (I. 147): "Abdul Gaffour (Abdu'l-Ghafur), # Mahometan merchant that I was acquainted with, drove a trade equal to the English East India Company, for I have known him fit out in a year above twenty sail of ships between 300 and 800 tons, and none of them had less of his stock than £10,000 and some of them had £25,000; and after that foreign stock was sent away, he behoved to have as much more of an inland stock for the following year's market. When he died he left his estate to two grandsons, his own son, who was his only child, dying before him. But the Court had a fling at them,
70 The author of Duquerne's Voyage and Return from the East Indies ( 1690-1). published 1698, says (p. 117) " that the common flag of the Moore is no more than a cimeter crost with its scabbard on red ground," but that certain rich Moorish merchanta "had a flag all red by way of listinction." On the other hand, in the Madras Consultations for February 1746 (p. 39 ) occurs the expression Moons colours vist. Red" and in the Log of the Charles II, 31st October 1697, "a Moors ensign, all rod."

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89
and got above a million sterling of their estate." The Siyar-ul-Mutagharin (I. 237) says that Abdu'l Ghafur's fortune was, in part, confiscated by Haidar Kuli Khan, Governor of Gujarat. It will be seen that the exaction of Death Duties upon private estates was a well Betablished custom in the East two hundred years ago.
IV
Anglo-Americans. 867. Hitherto we have dealt with forms of piracy which enjoyed, in general, the approval of the communities to which the perpetrators belonged. In fact, so far as what may be called indigenous piraoy is concerned, such approval continued right up to modern times. But towards the end of the 17th century there arrived in the Eastern Seas a new class of freebooters, composed of men who were outlaws from their own communities or seamen who had mutinied against their officers and carried off their ships, or who, when their ships bad been wrecked in far away places or taken by pirates had, more or less voluntarily, turned pirates themselves. The bulk of them appear to have been British, but even the English Rocords - which are practically the only ones that I have been able to consult show that the pirate crews were largely composed of Frenchmen, Dutchmen and Danes. It will be noticed that a large number of the pirate captains were Irish, and if we exclude the Dutchman Chivers and the French captains, the only non-Irish pirates of note were the Englishman Every and the Scotchman Kidd. Most of these pirates came from the European Settlements in North America and the West Indies, where their ships were fitted out-in many cases de privateers or private men-of-war, with con:missions from local Governors against national enemies, though their real destination and object were open secrets. In general these pirates came by the Cape of Good Hope, but some from the South Seas by way of the Spanish Settlements in Malaysia. A number came from the West Coast of Africa, where there were frequent mutinies amongst the crews of merchant ships. They sought the Eastern Seas partly because the chances of booty in the Gulf of Mexico and the South Seas were then growing small, and partly because of the stories which had reached them of the immense plunder so easily to be gained from the Eastern traders. All who came round the Cape of Good Hope found a jumping off point in the Laland of Madagascar, which lay conveniently for intercepting the trade to India as well os to the Red Sea, and which, at that time, was not occupied by any power strong enough to interfere with their operations, whilst, owing to the frequent visita of European ships and the settlement of runaways of all nations amongst the natives, communication with the latter was an easy matter.
368. The abortive attempts of the French to settle in Madagascar and the Dutch use of the island as a source for their supply of slaves (see para. 285 above) have already been mentioned, but the runaways who had settled in the country were not confined to members of these two nations, for when on the 22nd April 1685 Captain John Tyrrell of H.M.S. Phoenix touched at St. Augustine's, he found there a number of the natives who could speak English sufficiently well to be easily intelligible. In fact, a certain Captain Rivers had settled there and traded with passing vessels. He was the chief man in the place and was about 50 or 60 years old (Sloane M8., 854).
869. On the 25th November 1685 one Charles Hopkinson, mate of the Satisfaction (Captain Conaway), deposed that after committing piracy on the coast of Newfoundland, they had come to the Guinea Coast and that, at Cape Lopez, Captain Conaway had returned to America in a Portuguese prize. The rest of the crew under their first mate Harris went to Natal, Mozambique, Madagascar and Johanna, where they joined the Morning Star (Captain Henley), in which ship they went to the Red Sea and, after getting some booty, thenge to Ceylon, where the ship was blown off the coast whilst he was on shore (India Office o.o., 8443).

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870. In March 1685 the old Buccaneer John Eaton (Captain of the Nicholas of London) arrived from the South Seas at the Island of Guam in the Ladrones or Marianne Islande. The people were then in rebellion, so, pretending that he was French, he obtained a Commission frong the Spanish Governor to make war upon them, beharing, according to Burney (IV, 161-2), with great cruelty and, apparently, taking much booty, for when he arrived at Canton in May and found there 13 Tartar vessels laden with Chinese plunder consisting of the richest productions of the East, he could not persuade his men to atteck them, as they said to fight for silk and such things would degrade them to mere pedlars to carry pocks at their backs (Cowley's Voyage round the World in Kerr, X, 232, Sloane MS.,1050). In December 1685 Eaton was at Timor, where some of his men left him, amongst them the Navigator, Captain W. A. Cowley. Apparently Eaton died about this time, for in the Proceedings of the Mayor's Court at Madras, under date 24th June 1689: is entered a claim against the "Estate of Captain John Eaton in the custody of Charles Sherrard," whilst in May 1686 some of his men had got to Bengal, for in that month they seized the Coinpany's Ketoh Good Hope in Balasore Road, and under the command of the mate (Duncan Mackintosh, who had joined them), went on a cruise, in which they evidently took good booty, including a Chinese junk from Amoy and a Portuguese ship, both in sight of Malacca, finally turning up in Madagascar “with a good store of gold and diamonds but very few men” in May 1689 (Governor Yale's Instructions, to Supra Cargoes, doc., 23rd April 1638 ; India Office 0. C., 5582, 5583, 5690).
Danes. 871. On the 6th October 1686 there were two pirates in the Gulf of Mocha, one flying English and the other Dutch colours (Bomb. Gaz., XXVI. i. 100). These may have been English and Dutch, but it was supposed that they were the Danes mentioned above in para. 364.
872. Towards the end of 1689 the Santa Cruz, a rich Portuguese ship from Porto Novo, was taken by pirates, supposed to be Danes, betwsen Goa and Surat. (Madras Cons., 17th Feb. 1689-90).
French Americans. 373. On the 20th October 1686 the Bauden Frigate (Captain John Cribb) of 170 tons, 16 guns and 29 men, with 39 soldiers, bound for Bombay, was attacked by a French pirate off St. Jago (or Santiago), one of the Cape Verd Islands. Her captain and chief mate were killed in the fight, but the enemy were driven off by the crew encouraged by the supercargo, Mr. Richard Salvey, who, though badly wounded himself, kept the deck until the end of the engagement. The pirate was supposed to be the Trompeuse, 11 which was so notorious in the West Indies that to go pirating was called to 'go Trampuseing' (Sloane M8., 3671, 2; Cal. 8. P. America and West Indies, 1697. 76. vü), but the original Trompeuse had been destroyed by Captain Carlisle in August 1683, though her Captain Jean Hamlyn escaped (Col. Off Records, 1-53, ix). Hamlyn, with sixty of his old crew, seized a ship of 36 guns which ho called 'La Nouvelle Trompeuse. She was arrested in Boston in September 1684 under the command of une Michel Andreson, Bhra or Lavanza, & reputed Frenchman (Cal. 8. P., 1384, Nos. 1759, 1862).
874. On the 31st of the same month and in the same locality the Cæsar, Captain Edward Wright, of 535 tons, 40 guns and 120 men, with 116 soldiers, beat off five pirate vessels, which hoisted French colours as well as the Red Flag (India Office 0. C., 5537).
The story of the Bauden seems to have attracted no attention in England, possibly because it was not reported until four or five years later, but that of the Cæsar had the honour to be celebrated in a ballad "The Cæsar's Victory' (Firth, p. 128. From the Pepys Collection, V, 384).
1 Capt. Henry Udall of the Herbert found the Trampore at the Lale of Mayo on the 3rd Jan. 1688 (Marine Reoorde, India Office), so this was evidently her cruising ground.

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Arabians and Sanganlans. 875. During 1686 Arab pirates did much mischief in the Gulf of Mooha, and three Arab ships from Cong harassed the Indian traders (Edwardes, 133), whilst in Deoeinber Sanganian pirates gave some trouble on the coast of Thana. Prompt assistance was sent by the Bombay Government (Bomb. Gaz., XXVI, i. 100). 876. In February 1887 Arab pirates appeared in the Persian Gulf (Ibid., p. 100).
English. *877. The depredations of the Danes and other pirates, being all credited to the English, led first to severe measures against the latter by the Mughal Officers, and next to open war. On the 23rd May 1687 the Bombay Council issued orders to Captain Joseph Eaton to take all Mughal ships and to sink them rather than allow them to escape. The humble position of the Company's officers at this time is shown by the fact that on the 1st January 1686, when Captain Eaton was flying the King's Jack under the Council's orders, Captain Tyrrell took it away from him (Ind. Off. 0. C., 5496). The orders to Captain Eaton were of course an act of war-a war which was conducted by the English in a somewhat high handed manner, e.g., in 1687 at Mocha, Captain Andrews of the Charles II, seized the oargo of the Streights Merchant (Captain Beer from England) and that of a ship belonging to Mr. Samuel Whitaker commanded by one Wren, who was killed for refusing to surrender his cargo. The Company had to pay heavily for this outrageous conduot, the claim for coffee alone on the Streights Merchant being £32,000. In 1688 the Royal James and Mary, together with the Charles and Caesar, being ordered to intercept country shipping, brought fourteen sail into Bombay. In 1689, Governor Child, returning from Surat to Bombay, seized a fleet of vessels carrying corn to the Mughal army at Bandar Rajapur (Coates, pp. 21-23). Ovington (p. 164) tells us that the eney success of the English in this wer over ships manned by lascars and " Moors led to the thought of piracy upon the Mocha and Surat merchants. In 1691, he soys, they took from them booty worth £120,000 and as much the next year.
378. Amongst prisoners in the Marsha sea in 1692 was one " William Wildey [1 Captain of tbe Welfare, se para, 327 above) for suspicion of the murder of one Captain Price by duoking him in the sea, between the Island of Moreshus (Mauritiu.) and the East Indies in the end of May 1687" Calendar of Prisoners, doc., H. C. A., I, xiji).
Anglo-Americans 879. In the year 1687 Captain Charles Swan was murdered in Mindanao. Swan had been sent by Sir John Buckworth and others, about 1683, to trade with the Spaniards (Ind. Off. O. C., 5690). He held a Commission from James, Duke of York, in which he was ordered neither to give offence to, nor to submit to any, from the Spaniards. The latter, according to his account, killed some of his men treacherously. Others deserted him and joined the Buccaneers, until finally, in despair, he turned Buccaneer himself. At last, having quarrelled with his comrades, he sailed to the Philippines, but when he arrived there, he could not make up his mind to turn pirate against his own countrymen, though, according to the Madras Council (Letter to Bombay, 13th Sept. 1688), he had committed many piracies in China, the Manilas and Mindanao. At the last mentioned place, in January 1686-7, his crew mutinied and carried off his ship, the Cygnet, leaving him, the supercargoes, and a few others, ashore, where it is belioved that he was murdered by the native chief; but Captain Forrest when he visited Mindanao in 1775 (Voyage to New Guinea, p. 309) was told that he was drowned by the accidental overturning of his boat. The crew meanwhile elected one John Read their oommander (Dampier's Voyages, I, 401 ; Sloane M8., 3236; f. 199 b) and renamed their ship the Bachelor's Delight. After & prolonged cruise, in which she is said to have taken a Surat Manila ship, she came, in May 1688, to Trimlewas, on the Madrag ooart, where some twenty of te crew including the Surgeon, Harman Coppinger, deserted. Some surrendered voluntarily to the

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Madras Council, whilst others escaped up-country and entered the Mughal's service, which they could not be persuaded to leave, even by a promise of pardon coupled with an offer to take them into the Company's service. After a few days stay at Trimlewas, the Bachelor's Delight sailed south and robbed a Goa ship off Ceylon of gold to the amount of £20,000. thereby ruining a number of the proprietors, who were Madras merchants. She then went to Madagascar, evidently by a roundabout route, for she was seen there in May 1689 (see para. 381 below) having again changed her name, this time to Little England (Madras Cone. 7th June ; Letter to Bombay, 13th Sept. 1688; India Office 0.C., 5689). Burney (IV, 261) saye that she was abandoned by her crew in Madagascar in May 1688, being so old and leaky that she bank at her anohors. Dampior says that from Modagascar, Read, with a few of his men went to America, the rest stayed on under Test who went to the coast of Coromandel and entered the Mughal's service Voyages, I, 510).
880. On the 19th December 1687 a pirate, Jeremy Nicholo, died at Madras. On the 11th January 1688 died another, named Charles Lane. On the 3rd February the pirate Ralph Shackleby was shot and James Smith hanged. On the 4th February the pirate Aler. ander Hunter was hanged aboard the Royal James, evidently as an example to the sailors (Malden, List of Burials at Madras).
881. Bruce (Annals, II. 657) says that in 1688-9 the English in Madras were troubled by pirates fitted out in the West Indies, who had taken shelter in the ports of Aden, Muscat and Madagascar, that one of them [? the Cygnet] had captured a valuable vessel belonging to Madras (most of the oargo of which was owned by the President), and that five other English pirates were cruising off Achin. Ovington (p. 102) writes : “While ye anchored here [i.e., St. Helena, some time in 1689), there came into harbour & ship laden with negroes from Mada. gascar, belonging to New York [? the Margaret Pink,] Captain Oliver Gainsborough, fitted out hom New York by one Frederick (Phillips), a Dutch merchant, for slaves from Madagascar (see Sloane MS., 3672] who acquainted us with three pirates which she left rendezvouzing in St. Augustine's Bay, a port belonging to hat island. Two of the ships were English and the other Dutch, and all were richly laden with store of silks which they had taken in the Red Sea from the Asian merchants that traded from Mocha to Surat and other coasts of Indostan. Their rigging was much worn and weather beaten, and, for want of a new suit of sails, they were forced to employ double silk (see para 191 above) instead of canvas, and proffered that exchange to the Commander. They had spent so much time in the naval eurprise of the Moore and loading themselves with the rich booties, which were easily taken in the Red Sea, that their ships became almost useless and unfit for navigation, which brought them thither for recruits. They were prodigal in the expenses of their unquiet gain and quenched their thirst with Europe liquors at any rate this Commander would put upon it, and were as frank both in distributing their goods and guzzling down the noble wine as if they were both wearied with the poesession of their rapine and willing to stifle all the melancholy reflections concerning it." Ovington adds that the European pirates used to shelter at St. Augustine's during the monson, and had such contempt for the Indian traders that one of their ships with a crew of only twenty men would attack and take, without any danger, the largest "Moor "ship. I have not been able to identify the pirates above referred to, but Captain Freake reported on the 8th December 1689 that, at the end of May, he saw at St. Augustine's two pirates, one the Little England (formerly Captain Swan's Cygnet), the other a New England brigantine, which had met her at St. Augustine's. They had in consort plundered one Portuguese ship on the coast of Sofala and another at the Island of Mohilla. They disappeared northward on hearing that the Company's ship Chandos (Captain Bonnell) was expected at Johanna (Ind. Off 0, C., 6690),

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srlbalkantha-Same as Balkaotha (Chaitanya-charitamrita, II, ch. 9). śrlbhoja-Palembang in Sumatra, a seat of Buddhist learning in the seventh century, much frequented by the Chinese pilgrims (Beal's Life of Hiuen Tsiang : Introduction;
I-tsing's Record of the Buddhist Religion : Takakusu's Introduotion, p. xliv). srthatta-Sylhet (Yogini Tantra, Pt. II, ch. e). Srikakola-It is a corruption of Srikankali (see erikarik&11.) srikankali-Chikakol in the Northern Circars. It is one of Pithas where Sati's loin
is said to have fallen. grikantha-Same as Kurujangala. Its capital was BilAspura, thirty-three miles north
west of Shaharanpura (Kathdsaritsagara, ch. 40). Bana Bhatta in his Harshacharita (oh. iii, p. 108) says that Sthånvisvara (modern Thaneswar) was the capital of Srikantha which was the kingdom of Prabhakara varddhana, the father of Harsha or SilAditya II and of his brother Rajyavarddhana; Harsha Deva removed his seat of government
from Sthânesvars to Kanonj. grikshetra-1. Puri in Orissa. Ananga Bhima Deo of the Ganga dynasty built the
temple of Jagannatha in 1198 A.D. under the superintendence of his minister named Paramahamsa Rajpai at a cost of forty to fifty lace of rupees. He reigned from 1175 to 1202 A.D. But recently it has been proved that the sanctum of the temple of Jagannath was built by Chora Ganga Deva, king of Kalinga, to commemorate the conquest of Orissa early in the 12th century and Ananga Bhima Deva enlarged the temple, built the Jagamohan and made arrangements for the worship. According to Mr. Fergusson, the temple itself cocupies the site where formerly stood the Dagoba containing the left canine tooth of Buddha (Havell's Hist. of Indian and Eastern Architecture, p. 429).. The town was then called Dantapura and was the ancient capital of Kalinga (see Dantapura and Kalinga.) The Gangavamal kings reigned in Orissa after the Kesari kinge from 1131 to 1533 A.D., the first king of the dynasty was Churang or Sarang Deva generally called Chodganga, and the last king was the son of Pratap Rudra Deva who died in 1632 and who was a contemporary of Chaitanya (Hunter's Oriesa and Sterling's Orissa). See Utkala. The temple of Bimala Devi at Puri is one of the fifty-two Pithas (Devf-Bhagavata, bk, VII, ch. 30) where the two lege of Sati are said to have fallen Besides the tem. ple of Jagannath, the other sacred places at Puri are the Indradyuma-sarovara, Gundachika or Gunjika-badi or Gundiv&-mandapa of the Puranas (Gundachika being the name of Indradyumna's wife), MAst's horise; Chandantaiko or Narendra (tank) where the Chandana-yatra of Jagannatha takes place in the month of Baisakha every year : the 18 Nalds or the bridge of 18 arches built by Kabira Narasinha Deva, king of Orissa, in 1390 A,D, where the pilgrim tax was formerly collected and was the western gate of the town of Pari. Chaitanya-mahaprabhu lived at Kasi Misra's house called Radh. kanta's Math. Here in a small room he is said to have lived ; in this room are kept his wooden Sandals (khadam), hiß water-pot (kamandalu) and a piece of quilt (katha); at Sarvabhauma's house at a short distance, he used to hear the Bhagavata-Purdna. the walls of the reading-room still contain the portraits of Sarvabhauma, Chaitanya and RAJA Pratapa Rudra Deva in fresco. Near Sarvabhauma's house is a house where Haridasa lived ; a miraculous Vakula tree (Mimusop, Elengi) grows here forming an aroh below which Harid&sa, Chaitanya's disciple, used to sit. Through a crack in the knee of Tota Gopinatha, Chaitanya Deva is said to have disappeared ; this temple is in the skirt of the town. For the other places of pilgrimage of Srikshetra, see Purushottama-kshetra. 2. Prome in Burma, or rather Yathemyo, five miles to the east of Prome, founded by Duttabaung 101 years after the Nirvana of Buddha (Arch. 8. Rep., 1907-8, p. 133).

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ármal-Bhinmal, the capital of the Gurjjaras from about the 6th to the 9th century
A.D., 60 miles west of Abu mountain (Skanda P., Srimala-Mahat, as oited in Bomb. Gaz.. Vol. I, pt. I, p. 461). It is the Pilo-molo or Bhinmal of Hiuen Tsiang, a town of
Kier-chi-lo or Gujjara (see Bhagavanlal Indraji's Early History of Gujarat, p. 3). Srinagara-1. The capital of Kasmir, built by Raja Pravaragena about the beginning
of the fifth century of the Christian era (Rajatararigini, bk. III, vs. 336363). The Dal or the celebrated lake containing the floating gardens, mentioned by Moore in his Lalla Rook (The Light of the Harem) is situated on the north-eastern side of the city. It con. tains the Shalimar Bag of Jahangir, the Nasim Bag of Akbar and other beautiful gardens.
2. Ahmedabad in Guzerat (see Karnavati ). Śfingagiri-1. Singhari-matha, 2. Singapura, 3 Rishyassiógapuri, 4. Singeri,
5. Sringeri in Kadur district, Mysore, sixty miles to the west of 'Button-giri which is on the north of Belloor, on the left bank of the river Tunga (Madhavacharya's Sankaravijaya, ch. 12; Archavatarasthala-vaibhava darpanam, p. 87). The presiding deity of the Matha is Sarasvati or Saradambe or Sarad Amma. Sankaracharya established four Mathas or monasteries on the four sides of India for the propagation of the Vaidic religion after the overthrow of Buddhism, and he placed them under the charge of his four principal disciples (Sankaracharya's Mathamndya). On the north, the Jyotirmatha (Joshi-matha) at Badrinatha was placed under the charge of Totaka Acharya who was also known by the name of Ananda Giri and Pratardana ; on the south, the Sringeri-matha or 'Sringagirimatha in the Deccan was placed under the charge of Prithvidhar Acharya, son of Prabhakara of Sribeli-kshetra (for Prithvidhar Acharya see 'Sarkaravijaya, ch. 11). called also Hastamalaka, but according to the 'Sankaravijaya, it was in charge of Sankara's principal disciple Suresvara Acharyya; on the west the 'Sarada-Matha at Dwarika in Guzerat under Visvarupa Acharyya, who was also called Mandana Migra. Suresvara Acharyya and Brahmasvarupa AchAryya (Madhavacharya's 'Sankaravijaya, chs. 8, 10); on the east Govarddhana-matha or Bhogavarddhanamatha at Jagannatha in Orisga under Padmapada Acharyya who was also called Sanandana ('Sarkaravijaya, ch. 13). Sanandana was the first disciple of Sankara. According to the Brahma-yamala Tantra there are six Mathas: Sarada-Matha, Govardhana-Matha, Joshi-Matha, Singeri. Matha, on the west, east, north and south respectively: and the other two Mathas are Sumeru-Matha and Paramåtma-Matha. Sankaracharya died at the age of thirty two, ac cording to some in the Kali era 8889 or (3889-3101=)788 A.D., according to others in the Kali era 2631 or (3101-2631)170 B.O. Madhavacharya, or as he was called Vidyaranya, was in charge of the Sringeri-Matha in the fourteenth century of the Christian era; he was the author of the Vedantio work called Panchadasi, Sarva-darsana-8dra-sangraha, Nidana-madhava, Sankara-vijaya and other works; he was born at Bijayanagara (Golkanda) and was the minister of Bukka Deva of the Yadava dynasty of Bijayanagara of Karnata; his younger brother was Sayanacharya, the celebrated commentator of the Vedas (Dr. Bhau Daji's Brief Notes on Madhava and Sayaņa ; in R. Ghosh's Literary Remains of Dr. Bhau Daji, p. 159; Weber's History of Indian Literature r Mann's trans., p. 42 note). For an account how Bibh&ndaka Muni chose Sringeri as his hermitage where he lived with his son Rishyabringa see Ind. Ant., II, p. 140; Rishyaśpinga after his return from Anga performed asceticism at Kigga, six miles from Spirgeri. Spiógagiri is an abbreviation of ķishyabringa-giri (Rice's Mysore and Coorg, Vol. II, p. 413). For the succession of the Gurus of Spiúgeri after
Sankaracharya see Mackenzie Collection, p. 324. Splågavarapura Singraur on the river Ganges, twenty-two miles north-west of Allahabad.
It was the residence of Guhaka Nishada, who was the friend of Dasaratha and Rama (Ramayana, Ayodh., chs. 50, 52). It is also called Ramachaura.

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spingeri-matha-Same as śpingagiri. berpotho-Bians, ninety miles east of Jajpur Indian Antiquary, XV). It was also called
Pathayampuri (see Pathayampurt). Sriranga-kshetra-Same as Srirangam. Srirangam-Seringham, two miles to the north of Trichinopoly in the province of Madras.
It contains the celebrated temple of Sri Rangam, an image of Vishnu. The temple was built by the kings of the Nayak dynasty of Pandya. It is mentioned as a place of pilgrimage in Malaya P. (ch. 22, v. 44) and Padma P. (Uttara kh., ch., 90). Sriranga Mahat. mya forms a part of the Brahmanda Purana, an abstract of which is given in the JASB., 1838, p. 385. Ramachandra is said to have resided at this place on his way to Lanka. Ramanuja, the celebrated founder of a Vaishnavite sect, lived and died here at the middle of the 11th century. He was born at Sriperambudur or Sri Permatoor in the Chingleput district in 1016 A.D. About a mile from the temple of Sri Raigam at a place called Tiruvanaikaval the temple of Jam bukesvara is situated. Jam bukesvara is the Apa (water) image of Mahadeva, being one of the five Bhautika-murttis or elementary images (see Chidambara). It is a phallio image around which water is continually bubbling up from the figures between the tiles on the floor, evidently caused by some artesian well.
It was visited by Chaitanya (Chaitanyacharitamrita). Cf. Kalahasti. śrfranga-pattana-Seringapatam in Mysore (Garuda P., I, 81). ári-salla-1. It is situated in the Karnal country in the Balaghaut Ceded districts, and
on the south side of the Křishņ& river, at the north-western extremity of the Karnul territory, about 102 miles W.S.W. of Dharanikota and 82 miles E.N.E. of Karnul and 50 miles from the Krishna station of the G.I.P. Railway. Dr. Burgess found it to be an isolated hill about 1570 feet high, surrounded on three sides by the river Krishna and on the fourth partly by the Bhimanakollam torrent. The present temple dates from the sixteenth century and resembles the Hazara Rama temple of Bijayanagara (Buddhist Stupas of Amaravati, p. 7; Burgess's Antiquities of Kathiawad and Kachh, p. 233; Hamilton's East India Gazetteer, Perwuttum). It is also called Sri Parvata and Parwattam. It contains the temple of MallikArjuna, one of the twelve great Liigas of Mahadeva and Brahmarambha Devi (Baráha Purana, ch.85; Madhavacharya's Sarkara-vijaya, ch. 10; Malatf-Madhava, Acts I, IX). From the name of the goddess, the mountain was called Brahmarambha-giri or briefly Brahmaragiri-the Po-lo-mo-ki-li of Hiuen Tsiang, where Nagarjuna lived. For a description of the temple see Asiatic Researches, 1798. See Amarelvara. Påtala-Ganga, which is & branch of the Krishna, flows past Srisailam. King Vema, son of Prola, built a flight of steps and a hall at Srisailam in the 12th century A.D. (Ep. Ind., Vol. III, pp. 59, 64, 291). 2. A portion or peak of the Malaya or Cardamum mountain which is the southern portion of the Western Ghats. It was visited by Chaitanya (Chaitanya-charitamrita, II, ch. 9; Syamlal
Goswami's Gaurasundara, p. 216. śrl-sthånaka-Thana, in the province of Bombay; it was once the capital of Northern
Kookana (see kon kapa). It was the seat of a reigning family called Silahara, hence it Wag called Puri of the Silaharas (Da Cunha's Hist. of Chaul and Bassein, pp. 130, 168). srtyard dhana-pura-Kandy in Ceylon, built by Walgam Abha Maharaja (Tennant's Ceylon,
Vol. I, p. 414; Dathavamsa, Introduction, p. xix). But this identification has not been approved by Dr. Rhys Davids who agrees with Mr. K. J. Pohath that Srivarddhangpura is about three and half miles from Damba-deniya in the Kurunegalla distriot (The Questions of King Milinda, p. 303). See Dantapura. Bishop Copleston is also of opinion that Srivarddhanapura was not the ancient name of Kandy. Srivarddhanapura still erigts: it was founded by ParAkramabahu III in the 13th century (Bishop Copleston's Buddhism in Magadha and Ceylon, p. 236).

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Srughna-Kalsi in the Jaunsar district, on the east of Sirmur (Beal's RWC., 1, p. 186 note). Cunningham identifies Śrughna with Sugh near Kalsi, on the right bank of the Budhiyamuna, forty miles from Thaneswar, and twenty miles to the north-west of Saharanpur, in the Ambala District, Punjab (Anc. Geo., p. 345). It was visited by Hiuen Tsiang in the 7th century. The kingdom of Srughna extended from Thaneswar to the Ganges and from the Himalaya to Mozuffarnagara including the whole of Dehra Dun, portion of Sirhind, Kyårda Dun and the Upper Doab (Cal. Rev., 1877, p. 67). Stambhapura-Same as Stambha-tirtha (Inscriptions from Girnar; Merutuiga's Prabandha. chintamani, Tawney's trans., p. 143). The Astacampra of the Periplus (Mr. Schoff's translation) and the Astakapra of Ptolemy (McCrindle, p. 146) appear to be transcriptions of Stambhakapura or Stambhapura. But see Hastaka-vapra. Stambha-tirtha-Khambhat or Kambay in Guzerat (Ep. Ind., Vol. I, p. 23). Khambhat or Khambha is a corruption of Stambha. The local name of Kambay is Tambanagari (Bomb. Gaz., Vol. 1, Pt. I, p. 208 note). It is also called Stambhapura. The consecration of Hemachandra, the celebrated lexicographer, as a Jaina monk, took place in the temple of Saligavasa hika at Stambha-tirtha in the reign of Kumarapala in the 12th century (Prabandhachintamani, p. 143).
Stana-A country to the north of India (Garuda P., I, 55). Same as Kustana. Sthanesvara-Thaneswar (see Kurukshetra). Sthâneéwara, or properly speaking Sthanviévara, was the place where the Linga worship was first established (Bamana Purana, ch. 44). See Brikantha. It is 25 miles south of Ambala on the river Sarasvati. Sthânu-tirtha-Same as Sthanesvara (Mahabharata, Salya, ch. 13; Bamana P., ch. 44).
King Vena was cured here of his leprosy (Bamana P., ch. 47).
Stri-rajya-A country in the Himalaya immediately on the north of Brahmapura, which has been identified with Garwal and Kumaun. In the seventh century it was called Suvarnagotra or the mountain of gold (Vikramankadevacharita, XVIII, 57; Garuda P., ch. 55). It was the country of the Amazons, the queen of which was Pramila who fought with Arjuna (Jaimini-bharata, ch. 22). That an Amazonian kingdom existed in the transHimalayan valley of the Sutlej, as stated by Hiuen Tsiang is confirmed by Atkinson's Himalayan Districts. He says that the Nu-wang tribe in Eastern Tibet was ruled by a woman who was called Pinchiu. The people in each successive reign chose a woman for their sovereign (Sherring's Western Tibet, p. 338).
Subhadra-The river Irawadi.
Subhakata-Adam's Peak in Ceylon (Upham's Rajaratnakari). Subhavastu Same as Suvastu (Cunningham's Anc. Geo., p. 81).
Subrahmanya-1. Karttikasvami, about a mile from Tiruttani, a station on the Madras and Southern Mahratta Railway, on the river Kumaradhara, 51 miles from Madras. It was visited by Sankaracharya (Anandagiri's Sankaravijaya, Cal. ed. ch., 11, p. 69). It is also called Kumârasvami (see Kumarasvami). 2. The Subrahmanya hill, now called Pushpagiri, is a spur of the Western Ghats on the north-western boundary of Coorg in the South Canara district of Madras. 3. See Suddhapuri.
Suchakshu-The river Oxus; it was also called Vakshu (Siva P., Dharma Samhita, ch. 33). Sudamapuri-Porebander in Guzerat, where Sudama or Sridams lived (Bhagavata P., X,
ch. 80). It was the port of Chaya.
Sudarsana-dwipa-Same as Jambudvipa (Ramayana, bk. IV).
Sudarsana-sara-A celebrated lake in Kathiawar in the valley round the foot of Girnar, formed by Pushyagupta, a governor under Maurya Chandragupta, by damming up a stream, The lake was repaired by Chakrapalita, the son of Parnadatta, the governor of Saurashtra

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at the time of Skandha Gupta, in 137 of the Gupta era (The Rudraddman Inscription of Junagar in JASB., Vol. VII; Corpts Ins. Ind., III, p. 88). See Girinagara It was
visited by Nityananda (Chaitanya-Bhagavata, Adi, ch. VI). Suddhapurl-Teruparur, in the Trichinopoli district, sacred to the god Subrahmanya
(Skanda P., Sankara-Samhita, Siva-Rahasya, quoted in Prof. Wilson's Mackenzie Collection.
p. 144). Sudhanya-kataka-See Dhanakataka. (Havell's Ancient and Medical Architecture of India,
p. 140). Sudhapura Soonda in North Canara (Thornton's Gazetteer). Spdharmanagara Thatun in Pegu, on the river Sitang, about forty miles north of
Martaban. Sodra Same as Sadraka (Vishnu P., IV, 24). endra The bountry of tho Sadrakas of the Mahabharata, Oxydrakai or Alexander's
historians and the Sudraki of Pliny, between the Indus and the Sutlej above the junction of the five rivers near Mithankot and south of the district of Multan (McCrindle's Invasion of India by Alexander the Great, p. 236 and Map; and Mh., Sabha, ch. 32; Ind. Ant., I, p. 23).
Their capital was Uoh (called Kuchchee in JASB., XI, p. 371). Sugandha Nasik on the Godavari. It is one of the fifty-two Pithas where Sati's nose is
said to have fallen (Padma P., Adi Kh., ch. 32). Sugandhavartt-Saundatti, in the Belgaum district in the presidency of Bombay. It was
the later capital of the Ratta chieftains (Bhandarkar's Early Hist. of the Dekkan). It was afterwards called Venugráma or Velugráma, the modern Belgaum (Sewell's Sketch of the
Dynasties of Southern India, p. 894). SuhmaSuhma has been identified by Nilakantha, the celebrated commentator of the
Mahabharata with Radha (see Radha and Trikalinga). It was conquered by Pandu (Mbh., Adi P., ch. 113). In the Brihat-samhita (ch. 16), Sumha is placed between Banga and Kalinga and it is mentioned as an independent country in the Matsya Purdna (ch. 113) and Kalli Pardna (ch, 14). Bigandet says in his Life of Gautama (see also Lalitavistara, ch. 24) that the two merchants Tapusa and Palikat (Bhallika) who gave honey and other articles of food to Buddha, came from Okkalab near Rangoon, but according to Dr. Kern from Ukkala or Utkala. They arrived at & port oalled Surama where they hired five hundred carts to carry their merchandise. This port has been identified with the port of Tamralipta (Dr. Satis Chandra Vidyabushana's Buddha-deva, p. 143 note); this identification is perhaps correct as Surame may be a corruption of Sumha. In the medieval period Radha was called Lata, Lara or Lala. In the Dajakumdracharita, ch. VI, D&malipta or Tamluk is mentioned as being situated in Sumha, though in the Mahabhdraia (Sabha Parva, ch. 29) and in the Matsya Puriņa (ch. 114), Sumha and Tamralipta appear to have been different countries. (See the history of Sumba or West Bengal in my Notes on the History of the District of Hughly or Ancient Rada in the JASB., 1910, p. 599). There was another country by the name of Sumha in the Punjab conquered by Arjuna. It appears from the Vishnu Purana (pt. IV, ch. 18) that Bali, a descendant of Yayati by his fourth son Anu, had five sons Anga, Banga, Kalinge, Sumha and Pandra, after whom five kingdoms were named. Buddha delivered the Janapada Kalyani Sutta' while dwelling in a forest near the town of Desaka in the
country of Sumbha as Sumha was also called (Telapatta-Jataka in Jataka, Vol. I, p. 232). Suhmottars It is the same as Utlara (Northern) Radha (Matsya P., ch. 113) ; see Radha
Some of the other Puranas have got Brahmottara which is evidently & mistake for Suh.
mottara (Brahmanda P., oh. 49). gakara-kahetra-Boron on the Ganges, twenty-seven miles north-east of Itah, United
Provinces, whero HiranyAkahs was alain by Vishnu in his incarnation as Vartha (Bour)

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who held up the earth with his tusks from sinking (Bardha P., ch. 137). It contains a temple of Varaha-Lakshmi. The river close by is known as, Buda-Ganga or properly the ancient bed of the Ganges, Tulsi Das, the celebrated Hindi poet, was reared up at this place during his infancy when he was deserted by his parents. See Reņuka-tirtha. For further particulars, see Soron in Pt. II of this work.
Sukla-tirtha-Ten miles north-east of Broach in Guzerat, a sacred place near which are also Humkaresvara-tirtha and Ravi-tirtha (Padma P., Svarga Kh., ch. 9; Revised Lists of the Antiquarian Remains in the Bombay Presidency, Vol. VIII, p. 102). There is an ancient banian tree at Sukla-tirtha. Chanakya, the celebrated minister of Maurya Chandragupta, is said to have resided at Sukla-tirtha (Padma P., Svarga, ch. IX; Matsya P., ch. 191, v. 14).
Suktimana-parvata-The portion of the Vindhya range which joins the Pâripâtra and the Riksha-parvata, including the hills of Gondwana, the Chhota Nagpur hills and the Mahendra range (see Karma Purana, ch. 47).
Suktimati-1. The river Suvarnarekha in Orissa, 2. A river which rises in the Kolahala mountain and flowed through the ancient kingdom of Chedi, modern Bundelkhand (Mbh., Adi, ch. 63). General Cunningham has identified it with the Mahanadi and Mr. Beglar with the Sakri in Bihar (Arch. S. Rep., vol. XVI, p. 69; vol. VIII, p. 124). Mr. Pargiter has correctly identified it with the river Ken (Kane) (JRAS., 1914, p. 290 and his Markand. P., ch. 47, p. 285). 3. Suktimati was the capital of Chedi (Mbh., Vana, ch. 22). It is the Sotthivati of the Buddhists (Chetiya-Jataka in the Játaka, Cam. Ed., III, p. 271). See Chedi.
Sukumari-See Kumari, 3. (Mateyn P., ch. 113).
Salabheda-tirtha-See Salapāņi.
Sulakshini-The river Goga which falls into the Ganges.
Salapan Sulpan Mahadeo or Makri Fall, a place of pilgrimage near the junction of the Nerbuda and a mountain stream called Sarasvati. It is also called Sulabheda (Skanda P., Revà kh., ch. 44, 49; Thornton's Gazetteer, 8.v. Nerbudda).
Sulathika-Sulathika of the Dhauli inscription of Asoka has been identified by James
Prinsep with Surastrika (JASB., 1838, pp. 253, 267) or Surashtra. Sulochana-The river Banas in Guzerat (Brihat-Jyotisharṇava).
Sumagadhi-The river on which Rajagriha (Rajgir) in the district of Patna is situated (Prof. Max Duncker's History of Antiquity, trans. by Abbott, p. 111). Sumâgadhi is evidently the Sone which flowed through the town of Rajgir in Magadha. It is described in the Ramayana (Adi, ch. 32), as "looking beautiful as a garland within the five principal hills." But it should be observed that the Sone formerly flowed through Rajgir through the present bed of the Sarasvati and was called Magadhi (Ram., I, ch. 32): see Girivraja. Sumana-kata-Sripada; Adam's Peak in Ceylon. The footprint on the peak is worshipped by the Hindus, Buddhist and Mahomedans alike, each claiming it to be that of their own god. It is one of the highest mountains in the island (Muthu Coomara Swamy's Dahdan, p. 21). Sumbha-Same as Suhma.
Sumeru-parvata-1. The Rudra Himalaya in Garwal, where the river Ganges has got its source; it is near Badarika-Asrama (Mbh., Santi, chs. 335, 336). It is also called Paficha Parvata from its five peaks: Rudra Himalaya, Vishnupuri, Brahmapuri, Udgårikantha and Svargarohini (Fraser's Tour through the Himala Mountains, pp. 470, 471; Anandale's Popular Encyclopedia, s.v. Himalaya). Four of the five Pandavas died at the last mountain (see Gangotri). The Mateya Purana (ch. 113) says that Sumeru Parvata is bounded on the north by Uttara-kuru, on the south by Bharatavarsha, on the west by Ketumâlâ and on the

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east by Bhadrasvavarsha; and the Padma Purana (ch. 128) mentions that the Ganges issues from the Sumeru Parvata and falls into the ocean flowing through Bharatavarsha on the south. The Kedarnatha mountain in Garwal is still traditionally known as the original Sumeru (JASB., XVII, p. 361). According to Mr. Sherring all local traditions fix Mount Meru as lying direct to the north of the Almora district (Western Tibet, p. 40). 2. A mountain in Śâkadvîpa, called also Meru (Mbh., Bhishma, ch. 11). It is the Mount Meros of Arrian near Mount Nysa or Neshadha of the Brahmânda P. (ch. 35); the Hindukush mountain (see McCrindle's Ancient India as described by Megasthenes and Arrian, p. 180). Sundha-desa-Tipârâ and Arracan.
Suparna-1. The Vainateya Godavari, an offshoot of the Vasishthi Godavari which is the most southerly branch of the Godavari (Brahma P., ch. 100). 2. Same as the mountain called Yamuna (q.v.) (Devi-Bhagavata, VI, ch. 18; compare Imperial Gazetteer, s.v. Tons). Surabhi-Sorab, in the north-west of Mysore, which was in the possession of Jamadagni, father of Parasurama (Rice's Mysore Inscriptions: Intro., p. xxviii). See Kuntalaka. pura.
Sarabhipattana-Kubattur, the capital of Surabhi or Sarab in Mysore (Mbh., Sabha, ch. 30). It is the Sopatma (q.v.) of the Periplus and Kuntalakapura of the JaiminiBharat; it was conquered by Sahadeva.
sarasena-The kingdom of which Mathura was the capital (Harivaméa, chs. 55, 91; Brihatsamhita, ch. xiv, v. 3). Sara, the father of Vasudeva and Kunti, gave his name to the country of which he was the king. Surashtra-Kathiawad and other portions of Guzerat. (Mbh., Vana., 88). See Saurashtra. It has been identified with Surat, though perhaps wrongly as it is not an old town, but founded on the ancient site of Suryapura. According to some, however, "Surat is a remarkable old city. It abounds in monuments of departed greatness (Miss Carpenter's Six months in India, vol. I, p. 82; Padma, P., Uttara, ch. 62). Surashtra is the Sulathika or Surashtrika of the fifth tablet of the Dhauli inscription of Asoka (JASB., 1838, p. 237). For a list of the Sah kings of Surashtra, see Ibid., p. 351. Not far from the town of Surat there is a sacred village called Pulpara on the Tapti which is visited by pilgrims and Sannyasis from the most remote parts of India.
Surathadri-The Amarakantaka mountain in which the rivers Narbuda and Sone have
got their sources (Märkandeya P., ch. 57).
Surparaka-It has been identified by Cunningham with Surat. Dr. R. L. Mitra, evidently following Yule, identifies Surparaka of the Buddhist period with Sipelar (Sippara of Ptolemy), a seaport near the mouth of the Krishna (Lalita-vistara, p. 10 note). But these identifications are not correct. The Chaitanya-charitâmṛita places it to the south of Kolhapur. McCrindle places it (Soupara of Ptolemy) about one hundred miles to the south of Surat near Paum in his map of Ancient India in his Megasthenes and Arrian. The Brihat-Jyotishârnava gives the following boundaries of Surpâraka-kshetra : on the east the Sahyadri, on the west the sea, on the north the Baitarapinadi, and on the south the Subrahmaniya. Parasurama is said to have resided on the Chaturangana-hill of Surpårakakshetra (Mbh., Santi, ch. 49). The Bhagavata (X, ch. 79) places it on the north of Gokarna. It has been correctly identified with Supara or Sopara in the district of Thana, 37 miles north of Bombay and about four miles north-west of Bassein, where one of the edicts of the Asoka was published (Smith's Aioka, p. 129; Journal of the Bom. Br. of the Royal Asiatic Society, vol. XV, p. 272; Bhagawanlal Indraji's

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Antiquarian Remains at Sopara and Padana). Burgess also identifies it with Supara in the Konkana near Bassein (Antiquities of Kathiawad and Kach, p. 131). It was the ancient capital of Aparanta or the Northern Konkana (Dr. Bhandarkar's History of the Dekkan, sec. III, p. 9). The Pandavas rested at this holy place on their way to Prabhasa (Mahabharata, Vana, ch. 118). It is mentioned in the Periplus (2nd century A.D., As Ouppara; perhaps it is the Ophir or Sophir of the Bible as Sauvira was too much
inland. Surpäraka was included in Aparanta-desa (Brahma Purana, ch. 27, v. 58). saryanagara-Srinagar in Kashmir. The Mahomedans changed the name into Srinagar
(Bernier's Travels, Constable's Ed., p. 397 note). Saryapura Surat (JASB., vol. VI, p. 387; J. Prinsep. Raamaia, 1, 61). At Surat,
Sankaracharya wrote his celebrated commentary on the Vedanta, Dr. Rhys Davids derives the name of Surat from Sauvira (Buddhist India, p. 38). Surashtra is perhaps
wrongly identified with Surat (see Surasktra). Susarmapura-The ancient name of Kot Kangra (Ep. Ind., 1, p. 103 note; II, p. 483)!
See Nagarkot. Swartu-The name of a river in the Nadstuti of the Rig Veda (X, 75); a tributary of
the Indus. Sushoma-The river Sindhu in the Panjab (Rig Veda, x, 76). The Indus. It is perhaps
the Zoanes of Megasthenes, the modern Suwan (Vedic Index of Names and Subjects, vol.
II, p. 461). butuda-The river Sutlej in the Panjab. (Rig.- Veda, X, 76). Suvahd-The river Banas in Rajputana. Suvam -The river RAm-Gange in Oudh and Rohilkhand (Wilford : Asia. Res., XIV, p.
410). Suvarnabham-Burma (Brihat-camhita, oh. xiv, v. 31; Turnour's Mahavamsa, ch. XII)
Its classic name in Burmese documents is Son¶nta, the Chryse Regia of Ptolemy, But Fergusson identifies it with Thatun on the Sitang river, forty miles north of Martaban; it was the Golden Chersonese of the classioal geographers (Havell, Hist. of Indian and Eastern Architecture, p. 612). It comprised the coast from the Sitang river to the Straits (Gray's Buddhaghosuppatti, p. 25). Phayre has identified it with Pegu (Ramanya), of which the capital was Thatan (JASB., 1873, p. 24). The Mahdoamsa (ch, XII) relates that after the third Buddhist Synod in 246 B.C., Agoka despatched two miasionaries, Sona and Uttara, to Suvarna-bhumi for proselytising the land. They landed at the port of Golanagara, about 30 miles north-west of Thatun (JASB., 1873, p. 27). The Shwe Dagon Pagoda of Rangoon was built by Bhalluka and Trapusha on the eight hairs presented to them by Buddha (Asiatic Researches, vol.
XVI; JASB., 1869, p. 473). Suvarnagiri-Mr. Krishna Sastri has identified Suvarnagiri with Maski, situated to the
west of Siddapur in Mysore, where he has recently discovered a minor rock Edict of Asoka. The importance of this Edict lies in the fact that it contains the name of Asoka, whereas the other Edicts mention the name of Piyadasi, Suvarnagiri was one of the four towns
where - Viceroy was stationed by Asoka, the other three being Tazila, Ujjain and Tosali in Kalinga (V. A. Smith's Asoka, pp. 44, 73, 138). Bahler was inclined to look for
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Savarnagrama--Sonargaon, which is now a collection of insignificant villages, such as Magrd.
para, Painam, Goaldi and Aminpur in Bikrampura in the Narainganja sub-division of the district of Dacca, is situated on the opposite side of Munshiganja, on the river Dhale. svari, about 13 miles to the south-east of Dacca. It is the Souanagoura of Ptolemy. It was the capital of Eastern Bengal before Bakhtiar Khilji's invasion in 1203; it war famous for its fine muslins (Dr. Wise: JASB., 1874, p. 83: Ananda Bhatta's Balidiu. charitam, oh. 1; Taylor's Dacca, p. 106; Rennell's Memoir, 1785, p. 49). It flourisbed at the time of the Vaisya (merchant) named Sanaka who migrated to Bengal from Ramgad, forty-five miles to the north-west of Jaipur, in the time of Adisura, king of Bengal, who conferred on him the title of Suvarna Baộik. According to Mr. BradleyBirt, the descendants of Lakshman Sena, after Bakhtiyar Khilji's easy victory over him in Nadia, fled to Sonargaon on account of its secure position and lived there till the time of Danuj Roy, the grandson of Lakshman Sena, who submitted to Emperor Balin, when the latter went to chastise his rebel viceroy Tughril Khan. Since that date for three or four centuries up to the time of Isha Khan, who lived in the reign of Akbar and who had married Sona Bibi, the widowed daughter of Chând Roy, zemindar of Bikrampur, Sonargaon was the headquarters of Mahomedan rule in Eastern Bengal. (For the history of Sonargaon, see Mr. Bradley-Birt's Romance of an Eastern Capital, ch. III.) On the fall of Sonargaon, Daoca became the capital of Bengal, during the administration of Islam Khan, governor of Bengal under Jehangir: In 1704 the capital was
removed from Dacca to Murshidabad. Suvarnamånasa-The river Sona-kosi (Kalika P., ch: 77; Bisvakosha, 8.v. Kamarup: ) 1
Nee Mahåkausika Suvarnamukhart-The river Suvarnamukhi or Suvarnamukhari on which Kalahasti
is situated (see Kalahasti). The name is mentioned in the Siva P. II. ch. 10. Suvarnarekha-1. The river Palasini which flows by the side of the Girnar hill (see
Girinagara). 2. A river in Orissa, which is still called by that name (see Kapisa). Suvastu-1. The Swat river now called by the name of Sihonpedra Nadi (Mahabharata,
Bhishma, ch. IX), the Suastos of Arrian. It is the Subhavastu of Hiuen Tsiang (800 JASB., 1839, p. 307 ; 1840, p. 474-Lassen). The united stream of the Panjkoora and the Swet rivers falls into the Kabul river. Pushkaravati or Pushkalavati, the capital of Gândhara or Gandharva-desa, stood on this river near its junction with the Kabul river (see Pushkalavati). The Swat river has its source in the fountain called NagaApalala. 2. Swat (Panini's (Ashtadhy dyf). Buddhist writers included Swat in the country of Udyana. The country of Swat is now inhabited by the Yusufzais. It was at Swat that Raja Sivi or, properly speaking, Usinara of the Mahabh drata and the Sivi-Jataka, gave his own flesh to the hawk to save the dove. The capital of Sivi of the Sivi-Jataka was Aritthapura or Arishthapura (Jataka, Cam. Ed., IV, p. 250). Charbag is the present capital of Swat (JASB., 1839, p. 311). See bibl. But according to the Maha-Ummagga-Jataka (Jataka, VI, p. 215, Cam. Ed.), Sivi was between Bideha
and Panchala. Sväml-tirtha--1. See Kumara-swami (Karma P., Upari, ch. 36, vs. 19, 20). 2. In
Tirupati in Madras, Svatt-Same as Svett. Svayambhunatha Simbhunatha, a celebrated place of pilgrimage in Nepal, about a mile
and a half to the west of Katmandu. It contains a Buddhist Chaitya (typified by a pair of eyes on the crown of edifice), dedicated to Svayambhunatha, a Manasi or Mortal Buddha. It is associated with Maßjusri Bodhisatva who camo from Maha-China to Nepal (Wright's History of Nepal, pp. 23, 78). The Chaitya is situated on the Gopuchchha

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mountain, which in the three former Yugas was called Padma-giri, Bajrakůta, and Gossióga respectively. It contained a sacred lake called KAlîhrada, which was desecrated by Mañjuśrf. The Svayambhu Purdna, a Buddhist work of the ninth century, gives an account of the origin of the Svayambhunatha Chaitya, and extols its sanctity over all places of Buddhist pilgrimage. According to Dr. Rajendralal Mitra, its author Manjusri lived in the early part of the tenth century (R. L. Mitra's Sanskrit Buddhist Literature of Nepal, p. 249). Prachandadeva, king of Gauda, became a Buddhist Bhikshu under the name of Santikara, and caused the Svayambhunatha Chaitya to be built (Svayambha Purana, ch. VII: Bandha
P., ch. 216, v. 38). Sveta See Swotl. (Siva P., II, ch. 10). See Kashthamandapa, Manjupa tan and Nopala Sveta-girl-The portion of the Himalaya to the east of Tibet (Mbk., Sabha, 27; Matsya P.,
ch. 112, v. 38). Swatt-The river Swat in the Panjab (Rig Veda, X, 75; Siva P., ch. 10). It was also called
SwetA : the Suvastu (g. v.) of the Mahabharata. Syamalanatha-Samalji in Mahi Kantha, Bombay Presidency. The temple of Samlaji is said
to have been built in the fifteenth century in an old city (Padma P., Srishti, ch. ll;
Antiquarian Remains in the Bombay Presidency, VIII, p. 237). See samalanatha Syandik -The river Sai, seven miles south of Jaunpur and twenty-five miles north of
Benares (P.N. Ghose's Travel and Ramdyaņa, Ayodhyd-kAnda, ch. 49). gyont-The river Kane or Ken in Bundelkhand (Matsya P., ch. 113, v. 25). See Karna. vatt. It is very unlikely that the name of Ken, which is a great river, should not be mon. tioned, though it has its source in the same rivershed as the Tonse, Paigunf, eto. Under phonetic rules Syeni would become Keni or Ken. But soo suktimatt.
T. Tacara-See Dharagara. Dr. Fleet has identified it with Ter (Thair), 95 priles south-east of
Paithans, in the Waldrug district of Hyderabad. Tagara is mentioned in the inscriptions found at Tanna (Thana) and Satara Conder's Modern Traveller, Vol. X, p. 286). Dr. Bhagavanlal Indraji identifies it with Junnar in the Poona district (Early History of Gujarat), and Rev. A. K. Nairne and Sir R. G. Bhandarkar (Early History of the Dekkan. sec. viii, p. 32) with Darur or Dharur in the Nizam's Dominions (Bom. Gaz., Vol. I, Pt. II. 16. note 3). Wilford identifies it with Devagiri or Daulatabad, Dr. Burgess with Roza near
Devagiri, and Yule with Kulbarga. It has also been identified with Trikata (see Trikata). Tailanga-Same as Telingana. Talla parul-The river Pennair in the province of Madras on which Nellore is situated. Taittirt-Tartary (Bhavishya Purana, Pratisarga, Parva, pt. iii, ch. 2, p. 35). Tullka-Persia, celebrated for its fine breed of horses (Nakula's Ašvachikitsitam, ch. 2). Takka-deba- Between the Bipasa and the Sindhu rivers in the Panjab. It was the country
of the Vahikas (Rajataranging, v, v. 150; Moh., Karna, ch, 44). Same as Mada-deba
(Hemchandra's Abhidhanachintamani), and Aratta. Takshay -Taxila, in the district of Rawalpindi in the Panjab. General Cunningham places the site of the city near Shahdheri, one mile north-east of KAJA-k&-serai between Attock and Rawalpindi, where he found the ruins of a fortified city (see Delmerick's Notes on Archæological Remains at Shah-ki-Dheri and the site of Taxila in JASB., 1870, p. 89 ; Arch. 8. Rep., Vol. II, p. 125). St. Martin places it at Hasan Abdul, eight miles north-west of Shah-dheri. Takshasila is said to have been founded by Bharata, brother of Ramachandra, after the name of his son Taksha, who was placed here as king (Ramayana, Uttara, chs. 114, 201). In the Divydvaddna (Dr. R. Mitra's Sanskrit Buddhist Literature of Nepal, p. 310), however, it is mentioned that Buddha in a former birth was king of Bhadrasila and was known by the name of

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---
Chandraprabh: he allowed himself to be decapitated by a Brahmin beggar, and since then the town is called Taksbasila. The Kathasaritsagara (Bk. VI, ch. 27, and Tawney's trans., Vol. I, p. 235) placed it on the bank of the Bitasta (Jhulum). Omphi (Ambhi), king of Taxila, submitted to Alexander when he invaded it. Asoka resided at Takshasila, when he was viceroy of the Panjab during the lifetime of his father (Asoka-avadana, in Dr. R. L. Mitra's Sanskrit Buddhist Literature of Nepal, pp. 6 f.). Asoka's elder brother, Sumana, was viceroy of this place when Bindusara died: he lost his life in & battle with Asoka, and the latter became king of Magadha. It was at one time the capital of Gandhara (Nandi-visala J Ataka on Dr. Rhys David's Buddhist Birth-stories, Vol 1, p. 266; Sarambha Jataka in Jat., Cam. Ed., Vol. I, p. 217) and a celebrated place of Buddhist pilgrimage. Takshasila contained the celebrated university of Northern India (Rajovada Jataka) up to the first century A.D., like Balabhi of Western, Nalanda of Eastern, Kanchipura of Southern, and Dhanakataka of Central India. It was at Takshasil A that Panini, the celebrated grammarian, (Dr. Satis Chandra Vidyabhu. shana's Buddhadeva, p. 220, Havell's Ancient and Medieval Architecture of India, p. 140), and Jivaka, the celebrated physician in the court of Bimbisara (Mahavagga, VIII. 1. 7), received their education. Jivaka was the son of Abhaya by a prostitute named Salavati and grandson of Bimbisara, king of Magadha. While yet an infant, he left Rajagrihe to study the art of medicine at Takshasila, where he was taught by Atreya. Most probably Chanakya was also educated here. (Turnour's Mahavamsa, Intro., and Himacandra's Sthavir dvalicarita, VIII, p. 231, Jacobi's ed.). The teachers charged as fees one thousand pieces of money from each pupil, after completing his education (Jataka, Cam. ed., I, pp. 137, 148). The Vedas, all the arts and sciences including archery, were taught in the university, and people from very distant parts of India came here (Ibid, v, p. 246 ; II, p. 60). TakshasilA and Benares (Ibid., IV, p. 149) only possessed Brahmanical universities (for the other universities, see Nalanda). The ruins of this famous city are situated at a distance of 26 miles to the north-west of Rawalpindi and two miles from Kala-ka-Serai Railway station. The site of this city is now occupied by the villages Sha-dheri, Sirkap, Sir-sukh and Kacchakot (Arch. Surv. Rep., Vol. V, p. 66; II, pp. 112, 125; Panjab Gazetteer ; Rawalpindi district: Ep. Ind., Vol. IV). Sirkap is the place where Buddha in a former birth cut off his head. (Beal's RWC., Vol. I, p. 138). One and a half miles to the east of Sirkap, at a village called Karmal, are the ruins of a stopa where the eyes of Kunala, Asoka's son by his queen Padmavati, were destroyed by the machination of his step-mother Tishyarakshita (Kunalavadana in Avadana Kalpalata, ch. 59; Divy dvadana, ch, XXVII). Karmal is a corruption of Kunala. At Hasan Abdul, which is 8 miles to the west of Kala-ke-Serai at the foot of & bill, is the tank of Elapatra Nag, now called the tank of Baba Wali or Pakja Sahib, surrounded by temples (Cunningham's Arch. 8. Rep., II, p. 135). Four miles from Sirkap are the ruins of a large building in the form of quadrangle, sur. rounded by cells marking the spot on which stood the famous university of Takshasila, where Jivaka studied the science of medicine. The Manikalya stúpas are situated at a distance of 14 miles to the south of Rawalpindi. In the first century B.o., Takshasila became the capital of the Kushans after their expulsion from Baktria (see Sakadvipa). Sir John Marshall has discovered an Aramaic inscription carved on a marble column at Taxila. Perhaps tho inscription is evidence of Persian rule on the borders of India under Darius, whose general Soylax made some conquest in 510 B.C. as recorded by Herodotus, or 515 B C. according to others (Duncker's Hist. of Antiquity, p. 38), that is 30 years after Buddha's death. Taxila was conquered by Alexander 326 B.C.; four years hater it became part of the Magadhe empire undor Chandragupta. In 190 B.O, after

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the death of Asoka, it was conquered by Demetrius and brought under the sway of the Bactrian kings, and it became the capital of a line of Greek princes. Then the Saka and Palhava kings Maues, Azes, etc., reigned here till about 60 A.D. They were succeeded by the Kushan emperors. The Bir Mound was the oldest settlement: then Sir-kap became the capital of the Greek princes and the Saka and Palhava Kings, and at the time of the Kushans the capital was removed to Sir-Sukh (Arch. Sur. Rep., 1912-13, by Sir John Marshall).
Talakada-Talkaḍa, the capital of Chela or Chera on the Kaveri, thirty miles east by south of Mysore, now buried in the sands of the Kaveri. Same as Sirovana. According to Mr. Rice, the ancient name of Talkaḍ was Talavanapura (Ep. Ind., Vol. III, p. 165). It was the capital of the kings of the Ganga dynasty in the 3rd century, and their kingdom, extending beyond the southern Mysore country, came to be known as Gangavadi Ninety-six thousand. The Ganga power was overthrown at the beginning of the 11th century by the Cholas from the Tamil country. The remaining part of the Mysore country was the Hoysala-rajya, the capital of which was Dorasamudra (JRAS., 1911, p. 815).
Talavanapura-See Talakada.
Talikata Same as Talakâda (Brahmânḍa P., ch. 49).
Tamalika-Tamluk, which evidently is a corruption of Tamalika, and Tamalika again is a
corruption of Tâmraliptika. Same as Tâmralipti.
Tamalini-Tamlik. Same as Tamralipti.
Tâmalipta-Same as Tâmralipti. Tâmalipta is a corruption of Tamralipta. Tamalipti Same as Tâmralipti. Tamalipti is evidently a corruption of Tamralipti. Tamasa-1. The river Tonse, a branch of the Sarayu in Oudh, which flowing through Azamgarh falls into the Ganges near Bhulia. It flows twelve miles to the west of the Sarayu. The bank of this river is associated with the early life of Valmiki (Ramayana, Bala, ch. 2). The name of Tamasâ is properly applied to the united stream of the Madhu and the Biswi from their confluence at Dhoti. 2. The river Tonse in Rewa in the Central Provinces (Matsya P., ch. 114; Ramayana, Ayodhya K., ch. 46). 3. The Tonse, a river in Garwal and Dehra Dun (Cal. Rev., LVIII (1874), p. 193). The junction of the Tamasa with the Yamuna near the Sirmur frontier was a sacred place, where Ekavira, called also Haihaya, the progenitor of the Haihaya race and grandfather of Karttaviryarjuna, was born (Devi Bhagavata, VI, chs. 18-23). Tâmasavana-It was been identified by Cunningham with Sultanpur in the Panjab. Sultanpur is the capital of Kulu, situated at the confluence of the Bias and the Serbari: it is also called Raghunathpur from a temple dedicated to Raghunatha (JASB., Vol. XVII, pp. 206, 207; Vol. XVIII, p. 391). According to General Cunningham, the whole of the western Doab-i-Jalandharapitha was covered with a thick jungle, from which the monastery took its name of Tâmasavana (JASB., XVII, p. 479). It was at the Tâmasavana convent that the fourth Buddhist synod was convened by Kanishka under the presidency of Vasumitra (Beal's Introduction to Fa Hian). According to Hiuen Tsiang and other authorities, the fourth council was convened at Kundalavana monastery in Kashmir, near the capital of that country (Smith's Early Hist. of India, 3rd ed., p. 268). Vasumitra was one of the Buddhist patriarchs (for the lives of the 28 Buddhist patriarchs from Maha Kasyapa to Bodhidharma, see Edkins' Chinese Buddhism, ch. V, and Index, p. 435): their names are Maha-Kasyapa, Ananda, Sangnavasu, Upagupta, Drikata, Michaka, Vasumitra, Buddhanandi, Buddhamitra, Paráva, Punayadja, Asvaghosha, Kapimara, Nagarjuna, Kamadeva, Rahulata, Sanghanandi, Sangkayaseta, Kumarada, Jayata, Vasubandhu, Manura (Manoratha), Baklena, Singhlaputra, Basiasita Putnomita, Pradjñatara and Bodhidharma. For the Theraparampard from

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UpAli, see Dipavamsa in JASB., 1838, p 928. The date of this convention (78 A.D.) at Tamasavana is said to have given rise to the Saka era, though Kanishka belonged to the Kushan tribe of the Yuetis or Yuechis (see sakadyipa). But according to some authorities, the Saka era was founded by Vonones (see Panchanada). Asvaghosha wrote his Buddha. charita-kavya in the court of Kanishka. Nagarjuna and his disciples Arya Deva, Parsva, Charaka and Chandrakirti were the contemporaries of Kanishka (see General Introduction
to the Records of the Buddhist Religion by Takakusu, p. lix). Tamolipta-Same as Tamralipti. Tamra-The Tamor (see Maha-kausika). Tamrachuda-krora-It is perhaps the full name of Korura, the capital of Chera or Kerala
(Dandi's Mallika-mdruta, Act I): see Korura. Tâmralipta-Same as Tamralipti. Tamralipti-Tamluk, which was formerly on the mouth of the Ganges, is now situated on the
western bank of the Rupnår&yana, formed by the united stream of the Silai (Silavati) and Dalkigor (DvArikesvari) in the district of Midnapur in Bengal. It was the capital of the ancient kingdom of Sumha (see Sumba) in the sixth century of the Christian era, and it formed a part of the Magadha kingdom under the Mauryas (Smith's Asoka, p. 69). A greater portion of the ancient town has now been diluviated by the river. The town is mentioned in the Mahabharata, (Bhishma, ch. 9; Sabha, ch. 29), the Puranas, and the Buddhist works. It was celebrated as a maritime port (Kathasaritsagara, Lambaka XII, ch. 14), and an emporium of commerce from the fourth to the twelfth century of the Christian era, the sea having now receded south to a distance of sixty miles. It was from this port that Vijaya is said to have sailed to Ceylon. The only building of any archeological interest that now exists in the town is the temple of Barga-Bhima mentioned in the Brahma P. (Tamolupta Mahat, and the K. ch., p. 33), which was evidently an ancient Vihara, perhaps one of those referred to by Hiuen Tsiang, transformed not earlier than the fourteenth century into a dome-topped Hindu temple of the Orissa atyle by an outward coating of bricks and plaster, after the expulsion of Buddhism. The image of the goddess appears to be old and is formed of a single block of stone, with the hands and feet in mezzo-relievo. Dandi, the author of the Dasa kumaracharita, who flourished in the sixth century A.D mentions that a temple of Birdubásini was situated at Tamralipta (ch, 96). In the seventh century, I-tsing resided at Tâmralipta in a celebrated monastery called Baraha monastery. The present temple of Hari or Vishnu-Narayana is said to have been built some 500 years after the destruction of the ancient temple by the action of a river. The ancient temple was situated on the east of that of Barga-Bhima. The new-built shrine contains two images of Arjuna and Krishna. Traditionally, Tamluk was the capi. tal of Mayuradhvaja and his son Tâmradh vaja, who fought with Arjuna and Krishna, and hence Tamluk has been identified with Ratnapura of the Jaimini-Bhdrata; but the situation of Mayuradhwaja's capital on or near the Nerbuda, as mentioned in that work, makes that identification impossible. Comparison of several manuscripts of the Brahma Purana shows that the "Tamolupta-mahatmya " inserted in some of them is an interpolation. TAmraparni-1. Ceylon of the Buddhists. It is mentioned in the Girnar inscription of Asoka
(JASB., VII, p. 169). 2. The river Tambraparni, locally called Tambaravari or the united stream of the Tambaravari and the Chittar in Tinnevelly, which rise in the Agasti-kata Mountain (Bhagavata P., x, ch. 79; Raghuransa, IV, v. 60 ; Sewell's Arch. Surv. of 8. India, I, p. 303. Thornton's Gazetteer s.v. Tinnevelly). It is celebrated for its pearl fishery. Rishi Agastya is said to have resided on this mountain (see Malaya-girl). The port of Kolkai which was at the mouth of this river, now 5 miles inland, is mentioned by Ptolomy (see Pandya and Kara) : it gave its name to the Kolkhic Gulf or Gulf of Manar,

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Tamravarna-The river Tâmbaravari: see Tamraparn! (2), (Brahmanda P., ch. 49). Tangana-The country stretching from the Ramgangå river to the upper Saraya (Brahmanda P., ch. 49; McCrindle's Ptolemy, p. 210). It has been identified with Hataka or Ladak (Baroosh's Dictionary, vol. III, preface, p. 50).
Tanusri-Tenasserim, the southern division of the province of Lower Burma. Tapani-The river Tapti.
Tapasa-Same as Tapasâsrama (Vayu P., ch. 45, v. 129; Brahmanda P., ch. 49). Tapas&srama-Pandharpur in the Bombay Presidency (Barahamihira's Brihat-samhita, XIV, v. 15; Bom. Gaz. Vol. I, Pt. I, p. 511). It is the Tabasoi of Ptolemy. Same as Fandupura. Tapi-The river Tapti (Bhagavata P., V, ch. 19). It rises in the Vindhyapada mountain (now called the Satpura range) at the portion called Gonana-giri, and falls into the Arabian Sea. Surat stands on this river.
Tipd-Same as Tapl (Brihat-Siva P., II, ch. 20).
Tarapura-Tarapitha, a Siddha Pitha, near Nalhati in Birbhum, Bengal (Tararahasya). Telligana-The country between the Godavari and the Krishna. McCrindle supposes that Telingana is a contraction of Tri-Kalingana or Tri-Kalinga (see Andhra and Trikalinga). It is the Satiyaputra of the Asoka inscriptions (The Buddhist Stúpa of Amaravati, p. 3 by Burgess). It is also called Tilinga (Saura Purana; Tawney's Prabandhachintamani, p. 45). In the Mackenzie Manuscripts, (in JASB., 1838), the capital of Tilinga-desa is said to be Kolocondai or Golconda (JASB., VII, p. 128). Its variant forms are Telinga, Telugu and
Trilinga.
Tibbat-Same as Bhotanga and Himavanta. There can be no doubt that Tibet, including Bhutan, carried on trade with Bengal in gold, musk, etc., at least from the 12th century, if not from the 7th to the 16th century A.D. (JASB., 1875, p. 282; Tavernier's Travels, Bk. III, ch. 15).
Tilaprastha-Tilpat, six miles to the south-east of Toghlakabad and ten miles to the south. east of the Kutb Minar (Col. Yule's Ibn Batuta's Travels in India; Ind. Ant., III, p. 116). It was included within Indraprastha, the capital of Yudhishthira. Shaikh Farid Bukhari built Faridabad near Delhi on the greater part of the old pargana of Tilpat (Elliot's Glossary, Beames' ed., II, p. 123). It was one of the five villages demanded by Krishna on behalf of Yudhisthira from Duryodhana. See Pâniprastha. Tilodaka-Tilara, a village on the east bank of the Phalgu, visited by Hiuen Tsiang, thirtythree miles to the south of Patna. It is the site of a famous Buddhist monastery. Tilogrammon-Identified by Col. Yule with Jessore (McCrindle's Ptolemy, p. 75). It is a transcription of Tiragrâma (see my " Early Couree of the Ganges" in the Ind. Ant.). Timingila-From its position among the countries of Southern India conquered by Sahadeva (Mbh., Sabha, ch. 30; Brihat-Samhita, XIV, v. 16) and from the resemblance of its name, it may be inferred that Timingila was the ancient name of Dindigala valley, in the district of Madura, Madras Presidency. It is the Tangala and Taga of Ptolemy. Tirabhukti-Tirhut (Devi Purdna, ch. 64); see Videha. Tirhut is a corruption of Tirabhukti. Tirisirapalli-Trichinopoly (Dr. Caldwell's Drav. Comp. Gram.) See Trisirapalli. Tirthapuri-A sacred spot on the west of Mount Kailas in Western Tibet, twenty-one miles from Darchin or Gangri, and half-a-day's journey to the north-west of Dulju in the Himalaya, on the bank of the Sutlej. It contains a very hot sulphur spring. Bhasmâsura or Brikasura is said to have been killed at this place: a heap of ashes is pointed out as the remains of that Asura (JASB., 1848, p. 156; Sherring's Western Thibet, p. 284; see also Bhagavata, X, ch. 88). The place of Bhasmasura's death is also pointed out in a cave called Guptesvarnath Mahadeva's temple, situated in a hill near Sasiram in the district of Shahabad. Bhasmasura obtained a boon from Mahadeva to the effect that whoever should be touched by him upon the head would at once be consumed to ashes. He wanted to try

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the efficacy of the boon, by touching the head of Mahadeva himself, the giver of the boon. Mahadeva fled, pursued by Bhasmasura and took the protection of Vishnu, who advised the Asura to make the experiment by placing his hand upon his own head instead of upon that of another. He followed the advice, and was at once consumed to ashes. But the story is differently stated in Sherring's Western Thibet, p. 285
Tomara-The Tomaras inhabited the Garo Hills in the south-western corner of Assam (Matsya P., ch. 120; McCrindle's Ptolemy, p. 235).
Tonda-mandala-The portion of Dravida of which the capital was Kanchipura (Mackenzie Manuscripts in JASB., 1838, p. 128). It is the same as Tundir-mandala of the Mallikamarula (Act I).
Tosall-Tosali of the Dhauli inscription of Asoka. It has been identified by Wilford with the Tosala-Kosalaka of the Brahmanda Purana (ch. 51), and simply Kosalaka or Kosala of the Brihat-samhita (JASB., 1838, p. 449). It appertained to Dakshina-Kosala or Gondwana at the time of Asoka (see Kosala-Dakshina). Tośali is the Tosale of Ptolemy. The Konsala-gång or Kosala-Ganga of Kittoe, which is the name of a tank near the Dhauli hill, confirms the statement that Tośali was the ancient Kosala (Ibid., p. 435). Traipura-Same as Tripuri.
Trigartta-1. The kingdom of Jalandhara, a part of the district of Lahore. Wilford identifies the place with Tahora. Tahora or Tihora is situated on the river Sutlej, a few miles from Ludhiana, where interesting ruins were observed by Captain Wade (JASB., Vol. VI). Kangara, which is also situated in Jalandhara between the mountains of Champa (Chamba) and the upper course of the Bias, is identified by General Cunningham with the ancient Trigartta (Brihat-Samhita, ch. 14, and Dr. Stein's Rajatarangint, Vol. I, p. 81). The Hemakosha identifies Trigartta with Jalandhara; Trigartta means the land watered by the three rivers, which are the Ravi, the Bias and the Sutlej (Arch. S. Rep., Vol. V, p. 148; Pargiter's Markandeya P., 321, 347 note; JASB., 1880, p. 10). From the inscriptions it appears that modern Jalandhara was the ancient Trigartta (Ep. Ind., I, pp. 102, 116). 2. North Kanara: see Gokarna (Bhagavata P., X, ch, 79). Trikakud-See Trikata (Atharva-veda, IV, 9, 8; Dr. Macdonell's Hist. of Sanskrit Literature, p. 144).
Trikalinga-Same as Telingana. Trikalinga is mentioned in the Kumbhi Copperplate inscription in JASB. (1839, p. 481), which gives the genealogy of the Kalachuri dynasty. But Trikalinga, according to Pliny, comprised the regions inhabited by the Kelinge, MaccoKalings and the Gangarides-Kalinga (Cunningham's Ancient Geography of India, p. 519; JASB., 1837, p. 286). The Kalinga were the inhabitants of Kalinga proper; the MaccoKalinga were the inhabitants of Madhya-Kalinga or Orissa, and the Gangarides-Kaling were the Ganga-Radhis or the people of Radha who lived on the banks of the Ganges, their capital being Gange or Saptagrama (see Saptagrama, Sumha and Radha). It appears that the kings of South-Kosala or the Central Provinces were called kings of Tri-kalinga which evidently included Dakshina-Kosala, including the Patna state of the Central Provinces (Ep. Ind., Vol. III, pp. 323, 359; JASB., 1905, p. 1). According to General Cunningham, Tri-kalinga or the three Kalingas were the three kingdoms of Dhanakataka or Amaravati on the Krishna, Andhra or Warangal, and Kalinga or Rajamahendri (McCrindle's Ptolemy, p. 233).
Trikita-1. A mountain in the south-east corner of Ceylon (see Lanka). 2. Trikota, a lofty mountain to the north of the Panjab and south of Kashmir; containing a holy spring it is the Trikakud of the Atharva Veda (Thornton's Gazetteer). 3. Trikuta was conquered by Raghu (Raghuvamsa, IV, v. 59). Trikûța has been identified with Junnar; it is the Tagara of Ptolemy, which in Sanskrit is Trigiri or Trikûta (Indian Antiquary, Vol.

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VI, p. 75; Vol. VII, p. 103; Bhagavanlal Indraji's Early History of Gujarat, p. 57). 4.
The Yamunotri mountain (Annandale's Popular Encyclopedia, 8.v. Himalaya). Trilinga-Same as Telingana. Vidyadhara Malla, king of Trillöga, is the hero of the
Biddhakalabhanjild by Rajasekhara who flovrished in the 11th or 12th century. Pellokantha-A celebrated place of pilgrimage, situated in Lahul. in the Kullu subdivision on the left bank of the Chandrabh&gå river, about 32 miles below the junotion of the Chandra and Bhaga. It is said to be an image of Mahadeva established by the
Pandavas, but in fact it is an image of Avalokitesvara (JASB., 1902, p. 35). See Kulata. Trimalla-Tirumala, six miles west of Tirupati or Tripati, in the district of North Arcot.
The celebrated temple of Balaji is situated on a mountain called Sesh&chala. The Papanagini-Gaoga rises in this mountain. It was visited by Chaitanya (Chaitanya.
Charitamrita, ii, ch. 9; Gaurasundara, p. 212). Trinotrebvara-Than, a sacred place of pilgrimage in the Jhalawar sub-division of Kathiawad (Guzerat), on the bank of the river Uben, where the temple of Mahadeva Trinetreivara, now called Tarnetar, is situated (Skanda Purana, Prabhasa Kh., Arbuda, ch. 8). It.
is near the lake or kund called Bhadrakarna. Tripadt-Tirupati or Tripati in the district of North Arcot, 72 miles north-west of Madras,
and at a short distance from the Renigunta railway station : it is a place of pilgrimage (Chaitanya-charitamrita). Same as Venkata-girl. On the top of the Seshachala or Venkatagiri mountain, which is reached after crossing six hills (six miles to the east of Tripadt), is the celebrated image of Narayana, called Veókateśvara or Balaji Visvanatha, established by Ramanuja, and at the foot of the mountain are the images of Ramachandra, Lakshmana and Sita, who are said to have halted at this place for one night while they were returning home from Lanka. Tripura.-1. Tipara. It was included in Kamardpa (Tara Tantra). It was also called
Kirdtadesa. 2. Same as Tripurt (Mbh., Bana, ch. 252). Tripur-1. Teor, on the river Nerbuda, seven miles to the west of Jabbalpur, where Mahadeva is said to have killed Tripurasura (Padma P., Swarga, ch 7, and Rapson's Indian Coins, pp. 14, 33). The town is said to have been built by the three sons of Taraka. sura. The story of the destruction of Tripura is an allegorical description of the expulsion of the Buddhists by the Saivas (see Linga Purana, Pt. 1, ch. 71). It was also called Tripura. It was the capital of Raja Kokalladeva and the Kalachuri Rajas of Chedi in the ninth century of the Christian era. It was also called Chedinagara. According to the Matsya Purana (ch. 116), Tripura was the capital of Bana Raja, whose daughter Usha was abduoted by Aniruddha, the grandson of Krishna : henoe, according to this Purana, Tripura was the ancient Sonitapura. 2. Chedi (Hemakosha). The Kalachuri or Chedi Samvat was founded by the Kalachuri Rajas of Chedi in 248 A.D. Trt-fish-The lake called Nynee Tal (Naini Tal) in the United Provinces. The name of
Tri-Rishi is mentioned in the Skanda Purana, quoted in JASB., XVII, p. 368. The
temple of Nayana Devi is situated on the bank of the lake. Trishna--1. The river Tista (Martin's East. Ind., iii, p. 369; R. K Roy's Mbh., p. 283
note). 2. The river Tigris in Salmala-dvipa (Chal-dea). Trishnapall-Trichinopoli, in the Province of Madras. Same as Trifirapalli. The Rak
shasa Trisira, a general of Ravana, dwelt at this place (Wilson's Mackenzie Collection,
pp. 49, 192). Tristrapalli-See Trishnapalli and Tiribirapalli. Trisrot--1. The river Tista, in the district of Rungpur (Mbh., Sabha P., ch. 9; Arch.
8. Rep., XV, pp. 127, 131 ; Martin's Eas. mn India, iü, p. 369; Kalika P., ch. 77). %. The river Ganges (Amarakosha).

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Triéala-Gandaki-See Trléala-Ganga. Trisala-Ganga-That portion of the river Gandak or Kali-Ganga which passes through the valley of Noâkot in Nepal after its junction with the river Trisûla, is known by the name of Trisula-Ganga (Bardha P., ch. 145). It is also called Trisûla-Gandaki. Tritiya The river Tista. But this identification is doubtful (see Siva Purána, Sanatkumara-samhita, ch. 14). It is a river in Gaya, evidently the Tiliya (Agni P., ch. 116). Triveni-1. Same as Muktaveni (Brihatdharmma Purana, Purva kh., ch. 6). It has been alluded to in the Pavanadûta (v. 33). 2. The junction of the Gandaki, Devika and Brahmaputri (Bardha P., ch. 144). 3. The junction of the Ganges, Yamuna and Saraswati at Allahabad (Bardha P., ch. 144). 4. The junction of the three rivers Tâmor, Arun and Sunkost; it is immediately above Barâha-Kshetra (JASB., 1848, p. 644). Tropina (of the Greeks)-Tripooray, the ancient capital of the king of Cochin in Southern India. But Tropina of Pliny (A.D. 23-79) has been identified with Tripontari or Tirupanatara opposite Cochin (Bom. Gaz., Vol. I, Pt. I, 533).
Tryamvaka-Twenty miles from Nasik, a celebrated place of pilgrimage (see Godavari). It was visited by Chaitanya (Chaitanya-charitamṛita).
Tukhara-Balkh; Bactria of the Greeks and Tokharistan of the Arab geographers (Mahabharata, Sabha P., ch. 51; Brihat-Samhita, ch. 16). According to Legge, it has been identified by Eitel with Yuehshe, the country of the Indo-Scythians of the Greeks and Tartars of the Chinese writers, who destroyed the Bactrian kingdom in 126 B.C. and finally conquered the Panjab and other parts of India. Kanishka was originally king of Yuehshe (Legge's Fa Hien, p. 34). According to Dr. Stein, the upper Oxus valley, including Balkh and Badakshan (Dr. Stein's Rajatarangint, Vol. 1, p. 136; Layard's Nineveh, Vol. 1) was called Tukhârâ. It was inhabited by the Tocharis of classical writers. Tushara (or Tukhârâ) was celebrated for its fine breed of horses (Nakula's Aivachikitsitam, ch. 2). Same as Tushara.
Tuljabhavani-Tuljapur, four miles from the Khandwa station of the G. I. P. Railway in the district of Nimar (now in the district of Naldurg) in the Nizam's territory (Bom. Gaz., Vol. IX, Pt. I, p. 549). It is one of the 52 Pithas (Gladwin's Ayeen, Akbery, p. 396). It is the Bhavânînagara or Tula-Bhavânînagara of the Sankaravijaya (ch. 19), and Tuljapura of Devi-Bhagavata P. (VII, 38). It was visited by Sankaracharya. Durga is said to have killed Mahishasura at this place (Devi-Bhagavata, VII, 38 and Burgess' Antiquities of Bidar and Aurangabad, p. 1). The name of the goddess is Mahasarasvati
or Tukai.
Tuljabhavaninagara-Same as Tuljabhavani. Tuljapura See Tuljabhavani.
Tulunga-South Canara.
Tuluva-South Canara (Skanda P., Sahyadri Kh.), lying between the Western Ghats and the sea and between the Kalyânapur and the Chandragiri rivers, where Madhvacharya called also Párnaprajña and Madhyamandira, the founder of the Madhvachari or Chatuḥsana sect of the Vaishnavas, was born (see Udipa). According to Dr. Hultzsch, Tulu is northern Malayalam (Ep. Ind., Vol. I, p. 362).
Tumbura-A country situated within the Vindhya range (Vayu P., ch. 45). Tundira-mandala-Same as Tonda-mandala.
Tungabhadra-A tributary of the Krishna, on which Kishkindhya is situated. It is formed by the junction of the two rivers Tunga and Bhadra, both of which rise near the south-west frontier of Mysore. The source is called Ganga-Mala (Ind. Ant., I, p. 212). Tungavent-The river Tuigabhadra (Mbh., Bhishma, ch. 9). Turushka---Eastern Turkestan (Garuda P., I, ch. 55). Tushara Same as Tukhârâ (Matsya P., ch. 121).

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U. Uchcha-Nagara—Bulandsahar; see Barana. (Ep. Ind., Vol. 1, p. 379). Udabhanda-Same as Udakhanda. Udakhanda-Chind or Uņd, on the southern bank of the Indus in the Peshawar division of the
Panjab (Cunningham's Ano. Geo., p. 52). It is fifteen miles north-east of Attock. It was
the capital of Gandhara and of the Shahiya kings (Dr. Stein's Rajatarangini, II, p. 337). Udandapura-The town of Bihar in the district of Patna. It was also called Dandapura
and Odantapuri or Udantapura. The name of Bihara (town) occurs in the Dvdvimsa Avadana (Dr. R. Mitra's Sanskrit Buddhist Literature of Nepal, p. 88). It was for some time the capital of the Pala Rajas of Bengal (Arch. S. Rep., Vol. VIII, p. 76). Here still exist the ruins of a fort called the Gad, the palace of the Pala Rajas, while the building called the Nowrattan was the abode of the Muhammadan Amil. "Gopala, the founder of the Pala dynasty (according to Mr. V. A. Smith, 815-60 A.D.), built a great Buddhist monastery in Udandapura, his capital, Pataliputra being then in ruins. The celebrated Vikramasila-vihara was constructed by king Dharmapala, son of Gopala, in the province of Bihar on the top of a hill situated on the right bank of the Ganges in the middle of the eighth century A.D. (see my Bikramasila Monastery in JASB., 1909, p. 1). On the solitary hill immediately to the north-west of the town of Bihar was situated a celebrated vihara with a sandal-wood figure of Bodhisattva Avalokitesvara, which was visited by Hiuen Tsiang in the seventh century. According to the Aigvarika or Theistic sect of Northern Buddhism, Adi Buddha is the supreme god; he created by means of Dhyana or meditation the five Dhyani-Buddhas, viz., Vairochana (of white colour), Akshobhya (blue), Ratnasambhava (yellow), Amitabha (red) and Amoghasiddha (green). Each of the five Buddhas created a divine son called Bodhisattva. Amitabha Buddha created by means of Dhy Ana Avalokitesvara Bodhisattva or Simha-natha Lokesvara (whose figure may be mistaken for the figure of Mahadeva), also called Padmapáni. He was entrusted with the creation and he created Brahma, Vishnu, Mahesvara and dele. gated to them the power of creation, preservation and destruction (Hodgson's Literature and Religion of the Buddhists, pp. 60, 61). See Nepåla and Uravilva. Titarawa, seven miles to the south-east of Bihar, also contained a Buddhist monastery, the ruins of which may still be observed. Bihar remained the seat of local government till 1541 A.D., when Sher Shah removed the seat of government to Patna, in consequence of which Bihar was deserted and fell into ruins (Elliot's History of India, Vol. IV, p. 477). The Id-darg& and the tomb of Makhdum Shah also called Sheriff-uddin Ahmedi Phia, who died in 1380, were constructed in the town of Bihar in 1569 A.D., as it appears from an inscription
(JASB., 1839, p. 350). Udantapura See Udandapura (Ananda Bhatta's Ballala-charitam, ch. 2). Udayagirl-A mountain which is five miles east of Bhuvanesvara in Orissa. It is & spor
of the Assia range (ancient Chatushpitha) containing many Buddhist sculptures of & very ancient date (JASB., vol. XXXIX). It is separated from the Khandagiri hill by a narrow gorge. The oldest caves are on Udayagiri hill, ranging from 500 B.O. to 500 A.D. The celebrated caves are the Tiger Cave and the Elephant cave, and among the excavations the Rani-nur, which is a two-storied monastery with fine sculptures, is the most celebrated, the Ranî being the wife of Raja Lalata Indra Kesari (Stirling's Orissa in Asiatic Researches, vol. XV). Perhaps the mountain contained the Pushpagiri Sanghe
ráma mentioned by Hiuen Tsiang. Udayanta-Same as Ujjayanta (Skanda P., Prabhasa Kh., Vastrapatha-Kshetra-Mahat.,
ch. I, v. 16). Uddayana-Same as Udyana. Vadiyana-Perhaps its corruption is Urain (Devi P., ch. 42); see Ujjayint 2.

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Udichya-The country on the north-western side of the river Saravati (Amarakosha,
Bhumi, V). Udipa-In South-Canara in the Karwar district, on the river Papana sini, where a Math
was established by MadhvAcharya called also Porņaprajna, the author of many of the commentaries on the Vedas (see Tuluva). The image of Krishna, which is called Udupa Krishna in the Chaitanya charitamrita (II, 9) and which was visited by Chaitanya, was established there by MadhvachArya who recovered it from a vessel which had foundered near the coast of Tuluva. MadhyAcharya wrote many of his works while residing at this town (A. K. Dutt's Religious Sects of the Hindus ; Chaitanya-charitamrita). He was born in 1199 A.D. and was educated at Ananteśvara (Literary Remains of Goldstijcker, vol. I, p. 248). Uđipa is evidently a corruption of Udupa (Bhavishya P., Pratisarga P., pt. III,
ch. 3, p. 35). Udra-Orissa. Udumvara-Same as Audumvara; Ordavari of Ptolemy. Udumvaravatt-Mentioned in Patañjali's Mahabhashya ; see Audumvara. UdupaSame as Udipa. Udyana-Udyana was situated to the north of Peshawar on the Swat river, but it is pro.
bable that it designated the whole hill region south of the Hindu Kush from Chitral to the Indus including Dardistan and portions of Swat and the Eusofzai country, now called the Swat-valley; in short, it is the country about Ghazni to the north-west of Kasmir (see Henry Yule's Marco Polo, vol. 1, p. 155). Mangala was the capital of Udyana; it is the Meng-ho-li of the Chinese travellers. Udyâna appertained to the ancient country
of Gandhára or Gandharva-dega. See Ujlanaka. Udyanta-Parvata-It appears to be the Brahmayoni hill at Gaya (Mahabharata, Bana P.,
ch. 84). Ugra-1. Kerala (Devi P., ch. 93; Hemachandra). 2. Same as Mahasthana (Padma P.,
I, ch. 42). Ujalikanagara-Jais, twenty miles east of Rai Bereli (Führer's MAI.). Ujant—The ancient town of UjAnî (Ujjayini of the Brihat-Dharma P., Pärva, ch. 14)
comprising the modern villages of Kograma, Mangalkot (Mangalakoshtha) and Aral, situated in the sub-division of Katwa in the district of Burdwan in Bengal. It is one of the Pithas. It is mentioned by Kavikankaņa in his Chandi (Sahitya-Parishat-Patrikd, 1320, p. 161; Trikändasesha) and in the Manasar-bhashan. Kograma was the merchant's quarter and the birth-place of Lochandås, the author of the Chaitanyamangala, whereas Mangalkot contained the king's palace. Ichhani is about two miles to the east of Ujans
on the Ajaya. Ullain-Ujin, the capital of Avanti or ancient Malwa. It is situated on the river Sipra.
Same as Ujjayinf. Asoka resided here in "263 B.C. as the Viceroy of his father Bindusara (Turnour's Mahavamsa, ch. V.) It was the birth-place of Mahindra, the son of Asoka. The Garddabhilla dynasty-a dynasty named after the most celebrated of its kings, reigned at Ujjayini. Garddabhilla offered violence to Saraswati, the sister of KalikâchArya who in revenge uprooted Garddabhilla and established the Saka kings at Ujjayini. Gardda. bhilla's son Vikramaditya destroyed the Sakas and inaugurated the Samvat era, for which see Kalikdcharyya-katha, & Jaina work. The commentary of the Kalpasutra (the celebrated Jaina work) contains the story of KAlikachArya who changed the Paryushana Parva to the fourth day (Merutunga's Therdvali; Samayasundara's Kalikdcháryya-katha, a MS. in the Sanskrit Callege Catalogue, p. 27). But there is much conflict of opinion regarding the identity of Vikramaditya and the founder of the Samyot era. Dr. Bhan. darkar, Fergusson, Vincent Smith and other authorities identify him with Chandra Gupta II who was called Vikramaditya. He was the son of Samudra Gupta and Datta Devi.

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-
About 375 A.D. Chandra Gupta II ascended the throne of Ayodhya, where the seat of governmont had been removed by his father from Pataliputra, though the latter was still regarded as the official capital. Chandra Gupta (Vikramaditya) conquered the Saka king Rudra Singh, son of Satya Singh and removed the seat of government to Ujjayini about 396 A.D. (Transactions of the Royal Asiatic Society, vol. 1, p. 211, and a Jaina work named Buddha Bildsa quoted in the same volume at p. 413). Ujjayini was at that time the capital of the Saka kingdom comprising Surashtra, Malwa, Cutch, Sindh and Koukan. He was a patron of Buddhism and Jainism, though he himself was an orthodox Hindu, being tho worshipper of Siva according to some, of Vishņu according to others. His coins show on the obverse a king shooting a lion with the legend "Maharajadhiraja Šri," and on the reverse a goddess seated on a lion with the legend “ Sri Simha Vikrama" (Dr. Bhandarkar's Feep into the Early History of India, p. 390 ; Mr. V. A. Smith's Early History of India, p. 256). Dr. Hoernle, however, is of opinion that Yasodharman, the general of the Gupta emperors, assumed the name of Vikramaditya in 533 A. D. after he defeated Mihirakula in the battle of Karura. But Mihirakula was a Hun and not a Saka. It is said that in the reign of Vikramaditya, flourished the following celebrated persons : KAlidaga, the author of Rughuvansa, Sakuntala, etc., Amara Sinha, the author of Amarakosha ; Varahamihira, the author of the Brihatjataka, who died about 587 A.D. (Literary Remains of Dr. Bhau Daji, p. 109); Vararuchi (called also Katyayana), the author of the Varttika and the Prakrita prakúsa ; Ghatakarpara, the author of the Yamaka Kavya ; Dhanvantari, the author of the Vriddha-Susruta Samhita : Kshapanaka, also called Din. någachûrye, a disciple of the Buddhist patriarch Vasubandhu (see Mallinatha's commentary on v. 14, pt. 1 of the Weyhad ûta) and author of the Nyayapraveśa ; Saúku ; and Betalabhatta, the chronicler. They were called the "nine gems” of the court of Vikramaditya (Dr. Bhau Daji's Sanskrit Poet Kalidasa ; in R. Ghosh's Literary Remains of Dr. Bhau Daji: Jyotirvidabharana, ch. 22, v. 10). But these poets lived at different periods, and Kalidasa lived in the last decade of the reign of Kumara Gupta (about 445 A.D.) and he died a few years after the death of Skanda Gupta (JRAS., 1909, pp. 731-39). For the history of the Sab kings from Chastana to Rudra Sah, see the Literary Remains of Dr. Bhau Daji, pp. 111, 112. In the seventh century A.D. at the time of Sarkarachârya, Sudhanva was king of Ujjayinî,; he persecuted the Buddhists and obliged them to take refuge in the countries beyond the boundaries of India (Madhavacharya's Sankaravijaya, chaps. 1 and 5). In the midst of the city stands the celebrated temple of the Mahadeva called Mahâkâla of the Purâņas and Kalapriyanatha of the drama ; it is one of the twelve great Liigas mentioned in the Siva Purana, (Pt. 1, chaps. 38, 46). The shrine is claimed byžthe Jainas as being built by Avantisukumara's son (Sthaviravali-charita, XI, v. 177). Its sanctity is referred to by Kalidasa in his Meghaduta (I, vs. 37, 38). The temple of Mahakala stands in the centre of an extensive courtyard surrounded by walls. But the image is actually situated within a subterranean chamber which is reached by a subterranean passage, and just overhead is another chamber which contains the image of the Mahadeva Paresnáth. In front of the courtyard is a porch, the pillars of which are evidently of very ancient date. The temple, however, is a modern one. In the courtyard of the temple is a small reservoir called Koţi-tirtha (Sthaviravali-charita, ch. 22). From the name of Mahakala, Ujjayinî was called Mahâkálavana. Besides the temple of Mahakala, those of Siddhanátha and Mangalesvara are celebrated. The Chowbis-kh&m. bhå, which is evidently a gateway supported by 24 pillars of black stone beautifully carv. ed, appears to be a very ancient structure. On the northern side of the town are situated the Kaliyadaha or the ancient Brahma Kunda of the Skanda Purana and the temple of Kala-Bhairab at Bhairogad. At a short distance from the Dailsvamedha Ghat is situated the celebrated place called Avkapada now called Ankapat, the hermitage of Sandipani

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Muni where Krishna and Balarama were taught by the Risbi; at Damodara Kunda they washed their Takhtas or slates. About two miles to the north of the town is Bhatrihari's guhd on the bank of the Şipra, which appears to have been a portion of the old town. A low doorway made of stone leads through a subterranean passage to various chambers supported on ancient pillars of black carved stone containing inscriptions (see Charanádrl). At the temple of Harasuddhi Devi Vikramaditya used to cut off his head every day and offered it to the goddess, which was, however, restored by the latter (Betala-pancha-vimsati). The Gogashehid, an isolated hill in the south-east quarter of the city, is said to have contained the celebrated throne of Vikramaditya exhumed by Raja Bhoja of Dharanagara (Dvdtrimsat puttalikd). A beautiful bird's eye-view of the city is obtained from the top of this hill (JASB., 1837, p. 813-Observations upon the past and the present condition of Ujjain or Oujein by Lt. Edward Conolly ; Skanda Purana, Avantya kharda, Avanti kshetra-Mahat.). On the south-western side of the city is the ob. servatory of Raja Jai Singh of Jaipur now in ruins (for its description, see Asiatic Resear
ches, vol. V). This observatory is the first meridian of the Hindu astronomers. Uljánaka-Ujjanaka is evidently a corruption of Udyana ; it is written as Udyanaka in the
Padma Purana (Svarga, ch. 19), see Udyana. According to some authority it also included Kafristan, the country situated on the Indus, now inhabited by the Siyah Posh or "black-clad ” from their wearing goatskin dresses (JASB., 1859, p. 317). It is also mentioned in the Mahabharata (AnusAsana, ch. 25). Ouchang of Sung-yun is evidently
#transcription of Ujjánaka. Ujjayanta-Mount Girnar, close to Junagar in Kathiawar. It is sacred to Neminátha,
the twenty-second Tirthai kara of the Jainas (Mahabharata, Vana, ch. 88; Hemachandra). The temple was repaired by Sajjana during the reign of Siddharaj, king of Pattana or Anahillapattana (Tawney : Prabandhachintamani, p. 96). Ujjayanta is mentioned in this work as a synonym of Raivataka. See Girinagara. In the Rudra-Daman inscription
of Girnar, Ujjayanta is written as Urjayata (JASB., 1838, p. 340). Ujjayini-1. Same as Ujjaini. 2. Urain, in the district of Monghyr, near Kiyul contaiu
ing many Buddhist remains. Perhaps Urain is a corruption of Uddiyana (Devi P., ch.
42). 3. Same as Ujani (K. ch., p. 132). Ujjihậna--Same as Uddiyana (Brihat-Samhita, ch. 14). Ukhala-kshetra-Same as Sakara-kshetra ; in fact Ukhala is a corruption of Sûkara. It
is also called Ukala-kshetra (Cunningham's Arch. 8. Rep., I, p. 266). Umâvana-Same as bonitapura (Hemakosha; Trikandasesha: Jaimini-bharata, ch. 21);
Kotalgad or Fort Hastings in Lohul in the district of Kumaun. It was at this place that Uma, the daughter of Himalaya, performed asceticism to get Mahadeva as her
husband and here she was marricd (Brahmanda P., ch. 43). Upa-Banga—The central portion of the eastern part of the delta of the Ganges (Brihat Sam
hitd, ch. 14; Buchanan Records in the Calcutta Review, 1894, p. 2). The country to the
east of the Bhagirathi including Jessore (Digvijaya-Prakása). Upahalaka-Same as Kur ala (Hemakosha) Upamallaka-Malacca. Upaplavya-Same as Virâta (Mbh., Udyoga P., oh. 145). Uraga-Sanie as Urasa (Mbh., Bhishma, ch. 9 and Sabha, ch. 26). Uragapura Uraiyur or Trichinopoli; it was the capital of Pandya in the sixth Toentury
(Raghuvamsa, VI, vs. 59, 60). Mallinátha, the celebrated commentator, identifies it with Någapura which is evidently Nagapatam on the river Kanyakubja (Coleroon); perhaps Mallinatha's Någapura is simply a synonym of Uragapura. Uragapura is evidently the Argaru of the Periplus (Mr. Schoff's edition, p. 46) and its Tamil form is Uraiyur.

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According to Dr. Caldwell, however, Uraiyur, called also Kori, is almost identical with the modern town of Trichinopoly; it was the capital of the Cholas who reached the zenith of their power in the 11th century and ruled over the whole Tamil country, including the country of the Pandyas, south Travancore (Dravidian Com. Grammar, pp. 13, 14). In the Pavanadûta (v. 8), it is placed on the river Tamraparni. It is also called there Bhujaganagara (v. 10).
Uralyur-Same as Uragapura. At present a suburb of Trichinopoly (Arch. S. Rep., 1907-8, p. 232; Caldwell's Drav. Com. Gram., p. 13).
Uranjira The Vipâsâ, the modern Bias; it is perhaps the Saranjes of Arrian. Urasa-The Hazara country, between the Bidaspes (Jhelam) and the Indus on the west of Kasmir; it is the Arsa of Ptolemy and Wu-la-shi of Hiuen Tsiang (Dr. Stein's Rajatarangini, i, p. 180). Prof. Wilson identifies it with the valley of Gureiss or Gurez, three days' march from Kasmir, but Dr. Stein identifies Gurez with Daratpuri, the capital of Darada (see Darada). Darada and Urasa are mentioned as separate countries in the Matsya Purana (ch. 120, v. 46). General Cunningham identifies it with the district of Rash just to the west of Mozafarabad which is on the north-east of Kasmir (JASB., XVII, p. 485).
Uravilva-Buddha-Gaya, six miles to the south of Gaya. It was here that Buddha attained Buddhahood at the age of thirty-six in 522 B. c. in the sixteenth year of the reign of Bimbisâra, below the celebrated Pipal tree (Ficus religiosa) called also the Bodhi tree (MahaBodha tree of the Agni Purana, ch. 115, v. 37), immediately on the west of the great temple. Fergusson supposes that the great temple was built in the sixth century by Amara Deva (the author of the Amara-kosha), one of the nine gems in the court of Vikramaditya who reigned in Malwa from 515 to 550 A.D. (History of Indian and Eastern Architecture, p. 69). But Dr. Rajendralal Mitra says that the theory about Amara Deva's having built the temple in the sixth century is founded on Mr. Wilmot's inscription (Asiatic Researches, vol. 1), which was a myth, and never had any tangible existence. In his opinion the temple was built in the first century, B.C. on the site of Aśoka's vihara, by two Brahmin brothers whom he supposes to be Saukara and Mudgaragâmini, the founders of the celebrated monastery at Nalanda (Buddha-Gaya, pp. 238, 242). The Muchilinda tank, now called Buddha-kunda, is situated to the south of the temple, but Dr. Rajendralal identifies it with Muchirim to the south-west of the temple. The place where Buddha walked up and down after attaining Buddhahood is marked by a plastered parapet now called Jagamohan (anciently called Chaikrama: see I-Teing by Takakusu, p. 114), situated almost immediately to the north side of the temple. The rail to the south of the temple is one of the most ancient sculptured monuments in India, being built at the time of Asoka. The temple is now in charge of a Hindu Mohant, who resides in a monastery near the great temple, which was built by a Mohant named Mahadeva in the early part of the eighteenth century. The circular slab of chlorite carved in a complicated mystic pattern, now lying in the front room of the temple of Bâgiswari originally an image of Vajrapâni is supposed to be the Vajrasana (the diamond throne), on which Buddha sat when he entered into meditation below the Bodhi tree. The temple of Târâ Devi, which is really an image of Padmapâni, the son of the Dhyani Buddha Amitabha (see Udandapura) is situated close to the great temple (Dr. Mitra's Buddha-Gaya). Meghavarana, the Buddhist king of Ceylon, built a monastery to the north of the Bodhi tree at Buddha-Gaya with the permission of Samudra Gupta about the middle of fourth century A.D. (Smith's Early History of India, p. 287). Urjagunda-1. The country of the Urjagundas, who lived near the Daradas, was in the upper part of the Kishenganga valley in Kasmir, and their capital seems to have been at Gurez (Gares of the Atlas) which appears to be a corruption of Urjagunda (Matsya P.,

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ch. 120). 2. Urjagunda is a transcription of Urgen di or the Khanat of Khiva (Vambery's
Travels in Central Asia, p. 339). Urumunda-Parvata-Kankali-tila, an artificial bill in Mathura where Sânavåsi, the precer
tor of Upagupta and the third Buddhist patriarch, resided (Growee's Mathura, ch. 6). Upagupta also resided on that hill before he came to Pataliputra at the request of Asoka (Bodhisattvdvadana-Kalpalata in Dr. R. Mitra's Sanskrit Buddhist Literature of Nepal.
p. 67: Avadana Kalpalata, chs. 71, 72; Rockhill's Buddha, pp. 164, 170). See Mathura. Usaras—For the nine Usaras (Usara-Kshetras) or its corruption Ukhalas, see Renuka-tirtha. Uśfnara-Girl-The Sewalik rango or the hills at Hardwar, through which the Ganges forces
her way into the plains (Katha-Sarit-Sagara, I, ch. 3, and Padmanabha Ghoshal's Guide
to Travellers in India). See sivalaya. . Utkals-Orissa (Brahma P., ch. 43). Utkala is a corruption of Ut-Kalinga which means
north (UI) part of Kalinga. Chauduar, situated on the opposite side of Katak across the river, was the ancient capital of Orissa under the Magadha kings. The Kesari dynasty from Yayati Kesarî reigned over Orissa from 474 to 1132 A.D., and the Ganga. vamsi kings from Choraganga to Prataparudra Deva's son reigned from 1132 to 1532. Chaitanya Mahaprabhu visited Jagannath during the reign of Pratâ parudra Deva (1503 to 1524). The capital of the Kesaris were at Jajpur and Bhuvanesvar, and the capitals of the Gangavamsi dynasty were at Katak, Chauduar and Barabați. In the fifth cen. tury Orissa was converted to Saivism from Buddhism during the reigns of the Kesari kings and from Saivism to Vaishnavism in the twelfth century at the time of the Gaugâvamsi dynasty. See Odra. At the time of the Mahabharata, Utkala formed a part of Kalinga (Vana Parva, ch. 114), the river Vaitarani being its northern boundary; but at the time of Kalidasa, Utkala appears to have been an independent kingdom (Raghuvamsa, IV. v. 38). According to the Tard Tantra, the southern boundary of Utkala was Jagan. nath. Utkala and Kalinga were separate kingdoms at the time of the Brahma Purana
also (see ch. 47, v. 7). Utpalaraṇya-Bithoor, fourteen miles from Cawnpcre, where the hermitage of Valmiki
was situated. It was at this place that Sit& gave birth to Lava and Kuba. It was the site of the celebrated city called Pratishthana, which was ruled by Räjā Uttanapada, the father of Dhruva. It contains a ghat called Brahmâvartta-ghat. Uttanapada is also said to have been the king of Brahmavartta, the country between the rivers Sarasvati and Dfishadvati. The remains of a fort here, on the bank of the Ganges, are pointed out as the fort of Raja Uttanapada. Utpalavana according to the Mahabharata (Vana
P., ch. 87) is situated in Pafchala. Utpalâyata-Kanana--Same as Utpalaranya (Markand. P., chs. 60, 70). Utpalâvati-The river Vypar in Tinnevelly (Mahabharata, Bhishma, ch. 9; Griffith's
Ramdyaņa, note; Vamana P., ch. 13).. Utpaleswara--The portion of the Mahanadi in the Central Provinces before its junction
with the river Pyri or Pairi (Asiatic Researches, vol. XV). Utsavasanketa-See Pushkara (Mahabharata, Bhishma, ch. 9). Uttånika-See Ramganga in Oudh. Same as Uttaraga. Uttarag & -The river Ramganga in Oudh (Lassen's Ind. Alt., II, p. 524; Ramayana, Bk. II,
ch. 71). It rises in Kumaun and falls into the Ganges opposite to Kanouj. Uttara-Gaŭgå-1. The river Sindh in Kasmir. 2. Gangabal lake which lies at the foot
of the Haramuk mountain in Kasmir and which is considered as the source of the river
Sindh. (Dr. Stein's Råjatarangini, vol. II). Uttarakuru-The northern portion of Garwal and Hanadeśa, where the river Mandakini and
the Chaitraratha-Kanana are situated (Aitareya Brahmana, viii, 14, 4; Mbh., Vana, ch. 145). It originally included the countries beyond the Himalaya. It is the Ottorakorra

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of Ptolemy. Lassen places it to the east of Kashgar (Griffith's Rêmáyana, vol. IV, p. 424). Tibet (Mbh., Bhishma, ch. 7) and Eastern Turkestan were included in Uttarakuru (Ramayana, Kishk., ch. 43). It was situated in the Himalaya (Jataka, Cam. ed., V, P 167). According to Mr. Bunsen the slopes of the Belur Tagh, a mountain range in Central Asia in the high land of the Pamir, in which the great rivers of that region have got their source, are the Uttara-Kuru of the Aryan Hindus. The Belur Tagh is also called the Kiunlun; it forms the northern boundary of Western Tibet and is covered with perpetual snow. It is also called Mustagh, Karakorum, Hindu-kush and Tsunlung (Balfour's Cyclopaedia of India (s.v. Belur Tagh). Uttara-Kuruas also called Harivarsha. The Brahmanda P. (ch. 48), places it far to the north of India, and mentions that it was founded on the north by the ocean (v. 53). The name perhaps exists in Korea which appertained to the Ullara-Kuru-dvtpa.
Uttara-Madra--Media in Persia. Media is a corrupted form of Mada or Mada which is a corruption of Madra, the Uttara-Madra of the Purâņas. Media comprised the province of Azerbijan (the Airyanan-vejo of the Avesta). See Ariana.
Uttara-Mânasa-1. The Ganga lake near Nandikshetra at the foot of the Haramukh Peak in Kasmir (Dr. Stein's Rajatarangini, vol. I, p. 111 note). 2. A sacred place in Gaya (Vayu P., ch. III, v. 6); see Phalgu.
Uttarapatha-Comprising Kasmir and Kabul. It is mentioned in the Guserawa inscription (JASB., XVII, pp. 492, 498). See, however, Dr. D. R. Bhandarkar's Ancient History of India, Lecture II. Uttara-Videha-The southern portion of Nepal where the town of Gandhavati is situated (Svayambhu Purana, chaps. III, IV; Sugata-Avadana in R. Mitra's Sanskrit Buddhist Literature of Nepal).
Y.
Yadava-Girl-Mailkote or Melukote, in Mysore, 25 miles to the north of Seringapatam, where Vetaladeva Ballala-râi, a Jaina king of Karnata or properly Dvarasamudra in Mysore, who was afterwards called Vishnuvarddhana, erected a temple of Krishna known by the name of Chawalrâi in the twelfth century, after he was converted to Vaishnavism by Ramanuja (A. K. Dutt's Religious Sects of the Hindoos and Dr. Burnell's South Indian Palæography, p. 28). Same as Dakshina-Badarikasrama.
Yajña-Baraha-A celebrated temple of Barahadeva in Yajñiapura or Jajpur in Orissa. Yajnapura Jajpur in Orissa on the river Baitarani (Mahabharata, Vana, ch. 114). It is said to have been founded by Raja Yayati Kesari in the sixth century. Jajpur is a contraction of Yayatipura. It was the capital of the Kesari kings till the tenth century, when the seat of government was removed to Katak by Nripa Kesari. The temple of Biraja at Jajpur is one of the fifty-two Pithas where a part of Sati's body is said to have fallen. Brahma is said to have celebrated the horse-sacrifice ten times at Dasaswamedha Ghat on the bank of the Baitarant river, and hence the place obtained the name of Yajapura. The four most important places of pilgrimage in the province of Orissa are Chakra-kshetra or Bhuvaneswara, Sankha-kshetra or Puri, Padma-kshetra or Konârak and Gada-kshetra or Yajapura. Vishnu in order to commemorate his victory over Gayasura, (the story of the demon being an allegorical representation of the extent of Buddhism in India), left his foot-mark (Pada) at Gaya, his discus (chakra) at Bhuvaneswara, his conch-shell (sankha) at Puri and his lotus (Padma) at Konarak (Dr. R. Mitra's Antiquities of Orissa, vol. II, pp. 145 and 107; but see Stirling's Orissa). There are many colossal images at Jajpur, especially of Kâlî, Barâhînî and Indrânî cut into alto-relievo out of blocks of indurated Mugni or chlorite slate rock (Stirling's Orissa; JASB., 1838, p. 53). See Gayânâbhi.

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ANCIENT TOWNS AND CITIES IN GUJARAT AND KATHIAWAD
22. Dwaravatf. According to Hindu tradition and legends, Dwaraka or Dwaravati is a city of hoary antiquity. When Sri Krishna had to flee from Mathura, being chased by Jarasandha, infuriated by the death of his maternal uncle Kansa, he came to Saurashtra and founded Dwaraka. The tradition appears to us to embody the historic fact of an Aryan tribe coming and colonising Saurashtra as a result of pressure of population or internal feuds. When precisely this event occurred, we cannot definitely say; it all depends upon whether we accept the Mahabharata war as a historic fact, and if so, upon the date we assign to it. These controversial questions we cannot discuss here ; suffice it to say, that although Dwarakâ may not be as old 1200 B.C. (which to us appears to be the date of the Mahabharata war, a historic event), it must have been much earlier than the third century B.O., the time of the present Mahabharata. For it is referred to thrice in the present Maha. bharata, 98 and it would hardly be possible to say that all these chapters are interpolationg. Barake of Arrian again is, as Yule suggests, undoubtedly Dwaraka. Dwaraka then is a very ancient city in Kathiawad, as old as Prabhâsa or Girinagara.
The legend of the original site of Dwaravati being engulfed in an oceanic inundation appears to us to be true and for several reasons. In the first place, it has been referred to in almost all the Puranas that deal with the life of Sri Krishna, even the Mahabharata gives & detailed description of the event. Jain authors also occasionally mention and utilise the event.°8 Secondly, if the site of the original Dwaraka had not been engulfed in ocean, one fails to see how several localities could have advanced the claim to be the site of the original Dwaraka. Such & doubt about the original sito is conceivable about a forest (e.g., Pañoha. vati or Dandaka), but not about a city unless it has, like a forest, disappeared. As it is, the coast between Porbunder and Miyani (near Shrinagara), the locality near Madhupura, 36 miles north-west of Somanâ thapajtana, and three miles south-west of Kodinar-all these claim to be the sites of original Dwaraka. And finally there is abundant evidence to show that such ohanges in ooeanio configuration were common on the Kathiawad coast in ancient times. Valabhi which was a port in the fifth century is now seven miles inland. Modern Diu, now an island, was a Dwipe or peninsula connected with the mainland during the eighth century [Vide under Valabhi and Dwipa respectively). There is therefore nothing inherently improbable in Dwaraka also suffering in & somewhat similar manner from oceanic freaks.
Modern Dwaraka, it seems, was not a popular centre of pilgrimage in early times. No krants are discovered, awarding lands or villages to the Dwaraka shrines. Were it & famous, Aourishing and opulent seat of worship, it would not certainly have escaped the kind attentions of Muhammadan conquerors like Mahmud Ghazni, Alaf Khan and others. As it is, the city has not suffered at all from Muhammadan vandalism.
There hardly exists any source of information, inscriptional or literary, which supplies any information about Dwarak & in the first millennium of the Christian era. The account given in Sisupalava tha, canto II, is of course purely poetic.
28. Dvipa. In the grant of Silâditya 111,99 Dvipa is referred to as the native place of the donee brothers. According to Mr. Dey100, Devabhadra is the ancient name of the island. This may be 80, but from the eighth century onwards at any rate, the name was Dvipa, as the expression frafratar in our plate would show. The change of Sanskrit Dvipa' into vernacular Diva 'is quite common; compare for instance the names Lakhadiva islands and Maldiva islands. Mbh., I, 218 and 219, XVII, 7.
97 Mh., XVII, 7. 98 Pbc., 195.
" Ep. Ind., IV, p. 7o. 10. G.D.A:1., under Dwipa.

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No trace of Dvipa can be had before the seventh century. If Devabhadra was really its ancient name, Theophila of Ptolemy may be Devabhadra; for Thoopbila or dear to gods 'would be a fair rendering of Devabhadra. But this presupposes that Devabhadra was actually the name; and unless convincing evidence is adduced to prove it, the identification must remain one of many conjectures.
According to Rajput legends, Vachchharaja set up a principality of Parmar Rajputs at Divkot or Divapattana sometime in the middle of the seventh century. Seventy years later, sudden changes in geographic and oceanic configuration caused a sudden inundation, and as a result Dvipa, so long a peninsula, became an island. In this, Venir&ja, the reigning king, was drowned; but his queen, who was with child, escaped and subsequently delivered a son named Vanaråja.
For reasons that will be given in the article on Panchasara, we hold that this legend is & strange admixture of truth and fiction. There was no Parmår principality at Dvipa ag early as the seventh century: the principality in question was at Panchasara. The story of the oceanic transformation is, however, true, and the legend is invented to connect Vanaraja with it. So many stories were told of Vanaraja, the future founder of the Châvotaka dynasty, as narrowly escaping death and destruction in his early babyhood; it was thought possible to represent him as miraculously saved from oceanic floods, and so he was repre sented as sprung from a Chap principality residing at Dvipa, the scene of disaster.
Dvipa seems to have been a fairly prosperous place in the seventh century; Parsi emigrants were first attracted to it. After about twenty years they left the place for Sanjan near Surat.
24. Dhandhuka. Dhanduka, the head-quarters of Dhandhuka sub-division of Ahmadabad district, is a fairly old town. It is not referred to in Valabhi, Rashtrakůta, ChAlukya or Gurjara inscriptions ; therefore it may not be much older than the tenth century. It existed however in the eleventh century; for Hemachandra, the famous Jain priest and author, was born here on the full moon day of Kartika 1145 VIK SAM (1089 A.D.). It was here that Devachandrkohárya saw him in 1097 A.D., thon a lad of only eight, but possessing a face beaming with intelligence and a person characterised by auspicious marks. Finding him to be a boy of exceptional promise, the Acharya prevailed upon his parents to surrender him to the Jain Church,
At this time, Dhandhuka did not belong to the Solanki dominions ; for, before the con. quest of Saurashtra by Siddharâja (1094-1143), the dominions extended only so far as Bahuloda, about 25 miles north-west of Dhandhuka. With the annexation of Saurdahtra by Siddharja, Dhandhuka probably became the head-quarters of a district. During the V&ghela rule, in the thirteenth century, its importance increased owing to its being at the very heart of the Vaghela territories.
25. Dhavalakka. Though towns like Khetaka, Kasadraha, and Karpatavanijya, which are in the vicinity of Dhavalakka or modern Dholka, figure prominently in Valabhi inscriptions, they do not so much as mention Dhavalakka. If it had then boon, as it subsequently became, the head. quarters of a district, it would certainly have been referred to somewhere.
Though traditionally believed to be the site of Matsyapur or Virátanagara (where the Pandavas lived for a year incognito), Dhavalakka was in those early days only a village it probably rose to importance when Anahilapattana became an important capital and commercial emporium in the tenth contary. Stambhatirtha or modern Cambay was the port for the extensive import and export trade of Anahilapattana ; and Dhavalakka Was on the way between those two places, as also on the way between Gujarat and Kathiawad. As all this trade passed through Dhavalakka, it developed into a city and naturally booame the headquarters of a district.

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During the twelfth and thirteenth centuries, it became one of the most important cities in Gujarat and an important centre of financial transactions. 101 Under Vaghela rule, the importance of the town still more increased, for the Vaghelâ dominions at first consisted only of the territories around Dhandhuka and Dholka or Dhavalakka. It became their capital. The tank at Dholka was built by Mianaldevi, mother of Siddharaja.
The identity of ancient Dhavalakka with modern. Dholka is too bvious to need explanation.
27
26. Dhandalpur.
Dhandalpur, 12 miles east of Chothia, is one of the places which claim the honour of being the birthplace of Siddharaja Jayasimha. The queen had stopped there to see a 'Siddha', and she there gave birth to the illustrious monarch. Siddharaja converted the place into a fort and constructed a tank now known as Adalu.
27. Navasarika.
The identity of ancient NavasArika with modern Naosari, 20 miles south of Surat, is obvious; Dr. D. R. Bhandarkar further points out103 that an unpublished grant with the Bombay Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society mentions a river Pârâvi as being in the vicinity of Navasarika, a river which is the same as modern Pûrnâ near Naosari.
Modern Naosari is a town of great antiquity. It was known to the Greeks as one of the ports of Western India, for Ptolemy mentions103 it as a port between Bharoch and Sopara. He spells the name as Nousaripa; but there can be no doubt that Nousaripa is the same as Navasarika.
Not being, like Bharoch, a port for the extensive commerce of Northern India, not being also a suitable outlet-as was the case with Kalyan-for the export and import trade of the Deccan, it is doubtful whether Navasarika ever carried extensive trade with foreign countries. It was probably a port of only coastal trade.
There are no inscriptional or literary references to Navasarika during the first five centuries of the Christian era, to enable us to obtain information about the town during that period.
During Chalukya rule in Gujarat, Navasarika became a place of importance. Dr. Bhagwanlal Indraji thinks that it was the capital of the Gurjara Chalukyas. 104 With due deference to the learned doctor we must state that his conjecture does not seem to be true. The famous Begumrå plates of 738 A.D. mention Navasarika only as a 'vishaya' or district, 106 at most a division; were Navasarika the capital, the reference would have been made in a different way. From the Navasari grant of Śryasraya Siladitya Yuvaraja, dated 421 G.E. [740 A.D.], it is clear 10s that Navasarika then was the head-quarters of the heir-apparent; the king must be residing somewhere elso. He had appointed his son the Viceroy of a province of which Navasarika was the head-quarters. His capital must obviously have been else. where.
Naosari was the scene of a decisive battle in 739 A.D. Abdul-i-Rahman, Governor of Sindh, overran Saurashtra, Northern Gujarat and Malwa in 738 A.D., and then made a foray towards Bharoch. Avanijanasraya Pulukesin, a feudatory Chalukya prince, met and repulsed him at Navasarika, probably with the aid of his uncle Vikrama I. The famous Begumr & plates give a detailed description of the incident. Cf. तरलसरतारतरवारिहारितोदित सैन्धवकच्छेल Augendamträvskafterest Praderafemefanantafenfreiwar...wwska wwanfenfregungenaet..... समरशिरसि विजिते ताजिकानीके ..
101 Of. for instance the following passage in the Girnar inser. of 1232 A.D. Bigscieò qoLUSCO नगरेषु मुद्रा व्यापारान् व्यापृण्वता तेजःपालेन... मुद्रा व्यापार of course meanis saraf business.
103 P. 38.
104 B. G., 1. p. 107.
109 Ep. Ind., VI. 286.
106 प्रथममेव नवसारिकाविषयप्रसाधनाचाय...
100 स्वाभवः शिलादित्वयुवराजो नवसारिकामधिवसन... |

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About the subsequent history of Navasarika, we do not know anything for certain; with the fall of the Gurjar Chalukyas, it must have passed into the hands of the Rashtrakutas. In the ninth century Naosari seems to have developed into a Jain centre. The Surat grant of Karka, dated Saka 743, records the grant of certain properties to some Jain temples at Navasarika.
Parsi immigration took place in the sixteenth century, so its account does not fall within the scheme of this thesis. It is true that a small Parsi colony had settled there as early as 1142 A.D.; but the main colony came about 1520.A.D., when the Parsis were driven out of Sanjan by Muhammadans.
28. Nandipuri.
Nandipuri is the same as modern Nandod; the capital of Rajpipla state in the Revakantha Agency. It is about 30 miles north-east of Bharoch. The identification presents no philological difficulties; the change of Skt 'r' into Pkt. d'is well-known; and the instances of Skt. 'pa' changing the preceding vowel into 'o', when disappearing, are numerous; cf. Mayôra from Mayapuri, Badoda from Vatapadra, Bardoli from Bhadra. palli, etc.
Two of the six genuine grants of the Gurjar rulers are issued from Nandipurf;107 the rest are issued from various places of encampment. The former two open with the word ga: and on the strength of the analogy of the Valabhi plates (which when issued from the capital always begin with af:), we may well conclude that Nandipuri was the capital of the southern Gurjar kingdom [580 to 808 A.D.].
Dr. Bühler however thinks that Nandipurî mentioned in those two plates is the old fort so named just outside the Jhadeshwer gate of Bharoch. This identification is for several reasons unacceptable. Since Nandipuri fort was constructed for the defence of Bharoch and practically formed part of it, a grant issued therefrom would naturally commence with : rather than with rega:, for Bharukachchha was well known all over India, and its name would naturally have been preferred to that of an obscure fort forming part of its defences. Moreover, if the grants were really issued from this fort, the expression would necessarily have followed Nandipurî, for the fort could not have been, either the capital or the place of residence, but only a temporary place of encampment of the king. Nor is there anything improbable in the sway of the donor King Dadda II [o. 620-c. 650] extending upto Ankleshwer, villages in which districts are assigned in those grants. For Dadda the second was a powerful chief and could afford successful protection to the Valabhi king against so mighty a monarch as Harshadeva of Kanoj Cf. परमेश्वर श्रीहर्षदेवाभिभूतवलभिपतिपरिचाणोपजातभ्रमरभ्रशुभ्रन्श्रविभ्रमयशोधवलः | Kaira grant of Dadda II. 108
For the greater part of its existence, however, the Gurjara principality at Nandipurî was only a feudatory, owing allegiance now to Chalukyas 109 and then to Rashtrakutas, as the occasion required.
29. Pañchâsara.
Ancient Pañchâsara is the same as Pañchâsar, a fair-sized village in Wadhwan Prânt situated on the boundary line between Gujarat and Cutch. There being a complete phonetic identity, there can be no doubt on this point; the possibility of Panchasara, the capital of the Châvotaka principality, being another than this Pañchâsara is excluded by the statement of Merutunga that Pañchâsara was situated in Vardhamâna Ahara. 110
107 Ind. Ant., XIII, 82 ff. 109 B. G., 1.1. p. 107.
108 Ind. Ant., XIII, 82. 110 Poc., p. 16.

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29
According to ono tradition Panohasara was the soat of the Chavotaka principality, according to another it was Dvipa or modern Diu. It is possible for both traditions to be truo, for there may be two branches of the clan settled at these two places. Novortheless, tho Chavotakas who eventually ostablished themselves at Anahilapura scom to us to bo previously ostablished at Panchasara. Tradition assorts that previous to their establishmont at Anahilapattana, tho Chavotakas wero ruling for 71 years; were the place of their principality at Dvipa, we shall have to suppose that they were ostab. lished there as early as 675 A.D. This appears doubtful if their capital were Dvipa : for Valabhi rule at this time extended much further to the west than Dvipa, as Junagad was under their suzerainty. It is thereforo doubtful whothor it was possible for a Chap branch to establish itself at Dvipa in 675 A.D., so far away from its original homo in Mount Abu and liommed in by a powerful empiro. Panohasara on tho other hand is much nearer to Bhinmal, where the main branch was ruling. Valabhi rule never extended so far to the north. It wil be shown subsequently that the Châps continued to hold Panchasara in spite of their defeat: the tradition, therefore, which says that Vanarâja was born at PafichAsara, would confirm the theory of Patch&sara rather than Dvipa being the capital. And finally the Pafchasara Parswanatha teinple built at Anahilapattana by Vanaraja 111 would remove all possible doubts in this matter; for the temple was so named because the image was brought from Pafcha. sara, the old seat of settlement.
Ratnamala says that Jayasekhara, the Châvotaka king of Panchasara, was attacked in 752 Vik. Sam. by a Chalukya king of Kanoj. This tradition is obviously incorrect, so far 49 the name and place of the invader are concerned [for during the seventh century Pala and not Chalukya kings were ruling at Kanoj]; but it seems pretty certain that Vanaraja's father was slain and that he was born a posthumous child in distressed ciroumstances. Legends assert that he was born in a forest and detected there by Silaguņasûri, a Jain priest who helped his mother to rear him.
The defeat of the Châp clan was not decisive; it seems to have soon re-established itself at Panch&sara ; otherwise we cannot explain how the grant of Pulukesin Janaśraya [dated Vik. Sam. 784) should refer to a Chåvad kingdom at Panch Asar. It appears that even after the foundation of Anahilapattana a branch of the family continued to rule there, of course, as foudatories. But with the fall of the main branch and the installation of the Solankis, the local branch also must have disappeared.
The town, even in the days of its highest glory, must have been but of moderato dimen. sions. It was only a feudatory capital and therefore could not have been a great city.
80. Prabhåsa. Prabhasa, better known as Somanathapattana or Verával, is perhaps one of the most ancient cities, not only in Gujarat, but in the whole of India. No purely historic evidence is available regarding its foundation, the earliest inscriptional reference to it being that of the Nasik Cave inscription No. 10 (which is repeated also in Karli Caves), wherein we are informed that Usabhadata, the son-in-law of Kshatrap Nahapana (whose date is now fixed at about 90 A.D.) had defrayed the marriage expenses of 8 Brahnianas at Prabhasa. 113 But Prabhasa as a place of pilgrimage was well known all over India much earlier than the first century A.D.; for, even if we decide to leave out of consideration the references to it in the Purânas 118 as of doubtful chronological value, there still remains the Mahabharata
111 Pbc., pp. 23-24. 111 प्रभासे पुण्यक्षेत्रामणेभ्योऽष्टभावाप्रमाने
118 20.9., Karma Purdns, Uttara Vibhaga, XXXV; Ayni Pundna, chap. 109, Ram., Kishkinda, XLIII-6, eto.

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which refers to it in three different chapters of three distinot parvans. 114 Now, as it is not possible to maintain that all those three roferenocs are later interpolations, we must concludo that long before 300 B.C. (which is the generally accepted date of the present Mahabharata compilation), the fame of Prabhâs& as a place of pilgrimage had travelled all over India.
To trace the history of the town before the fourth century B.C., we have to rely, as in the base of Dwaraka, upon the doubtful evidence of tradition and legends. If agreeing with Mr. B. G. Tilak, we fix the date of the Mahabharata war in the thirteenth century B.C., we must admit that in the fourth contury B.o. Prabhasa had a history of several centuries behind it. Prabhasa, in fact, is intricately woven by tradition with the lifs of Sri Krishna ; he goes for. ward from Dwaraka to Prabhasa to receive Arjuna, who had come there on pilgrimage ; and thore he spends a few days in his company. This again is the place whero, at the instance of Sri Krishna, the Yadavas assembled when they flew at one another's throats.116 And finally this was the place whore Sri Krishna was mortally wounded by a hunter, who mistook him for a deer. 116
The next thing we have to do is to investigate the causes that contributed to the universally recognised holiness of the place in those early times. At present the place is known as a centre of Saivite worship; but was such the case in the earliest times ?
In this connection General Cunningham observes - About 720 A.D. Krishna, the Pahlava ruler of the Peninsula, built the fort of Ellapur, the beauty of which according to in. Boriptions astonished the immortals. In it he placed the image of Siva adorned with the cresoent. Following this clue I incline to identify Ellapur with the famous city of Somanátha, which as the capital of the peninsula was known as Pattana. Now Ellapur through Elawar can easily become Veraval.'117
We must however differ from Cunningham and maintain that, long before 720 A.D., Somanåtha was well-known as a centre of Saivite worship. What king Krishna Mid was to restore the tomple and fortify the city. If Somanatha came to possess its Siva shrine first in 720 A.D., how can we explain the Pauranio references to the Siva temple at Prabhasa ? Compare for instance
eru varefter eraar: 19 Agni P., chap. 109.
अन्यच तीर्थप्रमुखं सिद्धवासमुशहतम् ।
T ara facer UMTET : KA., II chap. 35. It is, therefore, clear that Somanátha was well known as a 'Sthana' of Siva during the third and fourth centuries A.D.; the possible inference from the absence of a single Valabhi grant to the temple (in spite of the fact that most of the Valabhi kings were Saivites) that the temple did not exist during the Valabhi dynasty may be easily rebutted by the observation that a temple which has been systematically looted and plundered five times by Muhammadans oan hardly be expected to preserve any remains of antiquity.
The Siva worship at Somanátha, however, is not much older than the beginning of the Christian era ; for it is not mentioned in the Mahabharata which refers to it in detail three times, In the Tirthay&tra section of Vanaparvan every 'tîrth'is followed by a brief description ; when, however, Prabhåsa is mentioned, no reference is made to any Siva temple. We are simply told 114 (i) समुझे पश्चिम यानि तीर्थान्यायतनानि चवानि सर्वाणि गत्वा स प्रभासमुपजाग्मिवान् ।
(ii) get a gozar l... Tinatarrarat graet Il वत्र पिंडारकं नाम तापसाचरितं शिवम्।। (iii) जराऽथ तं देशमुपाजगाम मुग्धस्तानी गलिप्पुरुषः। स केशवं योगयुक्तं शयानं सुगासक्तो कुब्धका सावकेन ।
Sporta de ... 116 : ayeun TUTTO I
T
r ang TTTTEET il 110 Vide No. 113.
117 4. G., 1. p. 319.

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प्रभासं चोदधौ तीर्थ त्रिदशानां युधिष्ठिर ।। If then there was no Siva tomple, why was it regarded in thoso carly times as a holy place of pilgrimage is the noxt question. It is possible to see in the association of Sri Krishna with the place a possible cause of its sanctity; but as no temple of Krishna is ever known to have existed at Prabhasa, we must rule this suggestion out of consideration.
In our opinion the holiness of the place was originally due to its simply being an antara or a seasido place. Well-known is the tendenoy of our people of regarding a beautiful and attractive seaside place as a holy place. An analysis of the accounts of the placo given in the Adi and Mausala Parvans shows that at about 300 B.C. the place was regarded more 48 a seaside place of recreation, where jovial fairs were held, than as a holy tirtha.' Thus Adi P. chap. 218, describos Prabhasa as a holy but also as a lovely and attractive place 118, where Krishna and Arjuna sportively spent their time 119. Arjuna has come there on a pilgrimage, yet there is no reference made to any shrine visited or rites performed by him. It is therefore obvious that the place was regarded as holy simply owing to its propinquity to the sea. Hence it is described as an art arima. Sri Krishna's injunction to the Yadavas aruar agit arafa 96942:1 (Mau., 2-24) and their subsequent assemblage at Prabhasa shows that in those early times pilgrimage to the ocean meant pilgrimage to Prabh&sa; this supports our theory that Prabhasa was regarded as a 'tirtha ' simply because of its propinquity to the ocean. There existed in early times neither a temple of Siva nor a templo of Krishna. When exactly the temple of Siva was founded we do not know, but it cannot be much later than the first century A.D.; for most of the Puranas refer to it. We have already explained why no grants to the temple are discovered in modern times.
With the establishment of Siva worship the fortunes of the city rose rapidly. From the account of Ibn Asir 130 we know that every day thousands of pilgrims came to perform the worship and that 300 barbers were required to perform their 'Kshaura Karman.' Nor is this an exaggeration ; for, the pilgrim tax levied at Bahuloda alone on their frontier by Solanki kings used to yield a revenue of 72 lacs a year. 181 Ibn Asir further informs us that 10,000 villages were assigned to the temple. The number is of course exaggerated; but in spito of the absence of a single copper plate to attest any such grant (the cause of which We have already explained), we can well believe that the villages assigned to the temple were numerous. For the neighbouring Valabhi dynasty followed Saivism, and its liberality know no bounds. The Solankis again were followers of the sanie faith ; Mälarája is said 151 to have been visiting the place every week.
The wealth of the temple therefore ried with that of royalty; there was a chain of gold, 200 maunds in weight with golden bells attached to it, which was shaken at night, when a fresh party of Brahmaņas had to be roused from sleep for carrying on the worship. The dark chamber, in which the idol was kept suspended, was lit up by a chandelier of glistening gems. Mahmud's booty at the temple amounted to two million dinars.'
The wealth of the town was not solely due to the donations its temple received: the maritime commerce of the place must have contributed an important share. Alberuni says 113 that the reason why Somanatha became so famous was that it was a convenient station for ships plying between Sofala (in Zanzibar) and China. This statement is confirmed by Merutunga who narrates how Yogaraja, the grandson of Vanarâja, seized and plundered some storm-stayed ships at Prabhasa. But the maritime activity of the place paust have
ofta
...
118 Pirateur afgang logora 119 of Eca rara e Foia II 111 Pbc., p. 84.
133 Pbc., p. 125.
130 B.G.I., 1. p. 165 ff. 133 Sahau's tran., II. p. 109.

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commenced much earlier than the eighth century A.D. For if we accept Dr. Bühler's opinion 114 that there was maritime intercourse becween India and Mesopotamia in the eighth century B.O., we can well assume that Prabhasa [which is already shown to be a very old town] may have been serving as a shipping station since that early time. For what port is more convenient for such purpose for ships trading between Basra and Bharoch?
[JUNE, 1926
Next we have to consider the question whether the city was ever the capital of Gujarat or Kathiawad. We have already shown that Girinagar was the capital of Saurashtra from very early times to the sixth century, when it was shifted to Valabhi by Bhattaraka. Till the fall of Valabhi, Girinagara belonged to that Empire. Prabhasa then could not have been till then the capital of Kathiawad; it might have been at most the capital of a petty local principality. Nor can we accept Ferishta's statement that at the time of the invasion of Soman&tha, it was the capital of Gujarat, Nahrwala [Anahilapattana] being then only its frontier city. For tradition is unanimous in affirming that Anahilapattana was the capital of Gujarat under the Châvotaka and Solanki dynasties. Elliot further informs us 126 that at the time of Mahmud's invasion, Bhîmadeva I, unprepared to meet him, abandoned his capital Anahilapattana and retreated to Cutch. As a matter of fact Somanâtha did not then even form part of the Gurjara kingdom; the pilgrim tax on the Somanâtha pilgrims levied at Bahuloḍa shows that the peninsula did not form its part. It was only during the reign of Siddharaja Jayasimha that the peninsula was annexed to the Solanki empire, and even then the seat of the viceroy was not at Prabhâsa but at Girinagara. At the time of Mahmud's invasion Prabhasa was the seat of some local chief; hence the suffix Pattana 126 attached to its name; hence also Ferishta's confusion.
Well known is the account of the destruction of the Siva temple by Mahmud of Ghazni in 1024, but what is not equally well known is the bravery of the Hindu defence. The issue of the battle was hanging in the balance for three days; when a breach was effected in the ramparts, a street-to-street fight ensued; 50,000 Hindus had laid down their lives before the Idolbreaker could enter the temple. -
The work of restoration was however undertaken within thirty years by king Kumarapala, who appointed a 'pañchakula ' or committee under the presidency of his local governor, Gandabhava Brhaspati, and entrusted the work to its supervision. The work was completed within two years, and at its completion the king came down to Pattana to pay his obeisance to the Lord.17 The style of sculpture and architecture of the present battered seashoro temple of Somanâtha, which has been converted into a mosque, shows that it is the same as was built by Kumarapala; for the style of construction is in complete agreement with that of other buildings of Kumarapala.
Within 150 years of this restoration, the town again suffered from a Muhammadan inva. sion; for after the capture of Anahilapattana and Cambay, Alaf Khan passed on to Kathiawad and destroyed the temple of Somanâtha about 1300 A.D. When Alaf Khan returned, the work of restoration was again undertaken under the patronage of Khengar IV [1279-1333 A.D.], the Chudashama king of Junagad, as his Girnar inscription clearly shows.118 But the restored temple was not destined to endure long; for the town suffered from three more Moslem invasions; first from the invasion of Mozzafar in 1390, then from that of Mahmud Begada about 1490, and lastly from that of Mozzar II about 1530. It was the last invader who committed the sacrilege of converting the temple into a mosque.
125 P. 98.
124 Indian Palæography, p. 84.
120 पत्तनं यत्र राजधानी स्थिता com. on Kama Sura, I. 4. 2. 137 Pbo., p. 130.
138 श्रीप्रभारी सोमनाथप्रासारकृत् ।

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57. The Power of Fate.
(Told by Hasan Khan Fathan of Saharanpur.) There was once an astrologer who said to the King of Shâm (Syria), "Thou shalt meet thy death at the hand of the King of Rům." Hearing this, the king stayed at home through fear. One day he went into the bath chamber, and lo! a golden bird appeared with a chain which hung to the ground. The king grasped the chain to seize the bird, when it flew away with him and landed him on the parade-ground, where the King of Rûm was exercising his troops. The King of Rûm recognised him and showed him due hospitality, asking him what food he needed. "I like no food as much as the cucumber," he answered. The King of Ram then called for a cucuinber and began cutting it in pieces and feeding his guest. But all of a sudden the King of Shâm snoezed, and the knife by mischance pierced his nose and entered his brain. Such is the power of Fate.
58. The Thakur and the Koli. (Told by Makkhan Jat of Hatkauli, Mathura District, and recorded by
Bhala Bania of that village.) A Koli once took service with a Thâkur. One day the Koli said to his wife :-"I am going to my master. Do you need aught?” She replied, “ Ask your master to give me & petticoat and a sheet." Her husband promised to do so. He found the Thakur just ready to set forth to the house of his lather-in-law and was bidden by him to go with him and mind the horse. As they went along, the Thakur said to the Koli, “Take my sword and be careful of it, as it is of great value.” On arriving at & river, the Thâkur asked how they were to cross. “You ride on," said the Koli, and I will hold on to the tail.” When they reached mid-stream, the scabbard dropped into the water, and the Koli cried :" Something black has fallen from the sword." "Where did it fall," shouted the Thâkur. "Just about there," said the Koli and flung the sword after it. Then he said, "I just remember that my wife asked you to give her a petticoat and a sheet." Said the Thakur, “Be gone, accursed one! What a fool I was to take such a stupid lout as my servant."
59. The Sadhu and the Rat.
(Told by Shiba Sinh, Brahman, of Saharanpur.) A rat, who lived in the jungle, was one day chased by a cat. He took shelter in the hut of a Sadhu and begged his protection. The Sadhu blessed him and said, "Go, my son, and become a cat." So he was turned into a cat and lived by hunting the rats in the jungle. One day, being chased by a dog, he again ran to the Sadhu, who blessed him and said, "Go, my son, and becomo a dog." So he became a dog and used to hunt cats in the forest. One day he was attacked by a tiger and again sought the Sadhu's help. The Sadhu blessed him, and he beeame a tiger, spending his time in chasing and killing deer. At length the deer got to know him and left the jungle, so that he had nothing to eat and suffered from hunger. By chance the Sadhu passed that way, and the tiger sprang upon him. Then the Sadhu cursed him, saying " Go, my son, and become a rat again." He implored the Sadhu to allow him to remain a tiger. But the Sadhu left him saying, “Thou art an ungrateful beast. If I bless thee again, perchance thou mayest work me evil."
60. The Prince and Pån Shah zâdi. Told by Jhuman Lal of Didarganj, Azamgarh District, and recorded by
Jadunandan Rae of Baswan.) There was once a Prince, whose parents died after they had betrothed him to 4 prin. cess in another land. One day, while hunting, he felt thirsty, and went to a river, on the surface of which he found a pan leaf floating. When he touched it, he lost his senses : and bringing the leaf home, he placed it on a shelf.
The Prince's food was prepared daily and placed near his couch; but every night some one oame and ate it. At last he determined to watch, and he out his finger and rubbed it

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with salt and pepper. At night when Pån Shâzâdi came out of the leaf on the shelf and began eating his food, he seized her and made her live with him as his wife. After many days the parents of his betrothed summoned him to come and marry his bride, whereat he was very sad and asked Pan Shahzadi what to do. She said, "Go and marry her. But when will you return;" "I will come," said he, "when the dove that sits on the banyan tree has eggs, and the tree flowers."
So he departed; and the dove had eggs and the tree flowered, but he never returned. At last Pan Shahzadi had a flying elephant made, which could also speak. In this she concealed herself and was borne to the Prince's palace. The Prince was delighted and had the elephant placed on the roof of the palace. There his wife found it, and while he was out hunting, she had it burnt. The Prince W&B sore grieved at the loss of the elephant; but & Sadhu took the ashes and prayed to Bhagwân, and lol a lovely girl rose from the ashes. This was the Pan Shahzadi.
She went to the palace, and hearing that the Prince was sick unto death at the burning of the elephant, she disguised herself as a beggar, boiled some oil, and threw it over him, whereupon he at once recovered. He asked her to enter and see his queen, and when he himself came in a little later he found two lovely princesses together. So he knew that this was Pan Shahzadi; and he killed his other queen, and they lived happily ever after.
61. The Lion and the Jackal.
(Told by Ramda yal, Khairagarh, Agra District. ) A lion, who lived with his wife in a cave, used to leave her daily and go forth to look for prey. One day up came a jackal, mounted on a fox and carrying a bow and arrow of reed. Finding the lion away from home, he said to the lioness, "Where is that wretched husband of yours?" "What do you want with him?" she asked. “Do you not know that I am the lord of this jungle, and that yoаr husband owes me his house-tax. I am look ing everywhere for him, and when I find him, I will kill him." The lioness was much afraid at these words, and to pacify the jackal she gave him some of the meat stored for the use of her family.
After this the jackal used to come every day and get meat, and used all kinds of threats and abuse against the lion. Through anxiety and annoyance the lioness grew quite lean, and at last the lion noticed it and asked her, “Why are you so lean, when I bring abundance of meat daily?" Then she told him of the visits of the jackal and what he used to say; and when he heard it, the lion was very wroth; and next morning, instead of going out to hunt as usual, he lay down in ambush olose to the cave. Up came the jackal as usual and began to abuse and threaten the lioness. Then the lion rushed at him, and the jackal ran before him under the pillar shoots of a banyan tree. He managed to push his way through them, but the lion stuck between two branches and could not escape. In a few days he died there of hunger and thirst.
Some time after, the jackal went back to the place, and when he saw the lion dead he was delighted, and, going to the lionees, said, "It is not good for any female to remain & widow. You must come and live with me as my wife." So he took the lioness to his den. Now the lioness, when the lion died, was about to have oubs, and soon after she went to live with the jackal, they were born. She was so much afraid of the jackal that she said nothing;
but when her cubs were six months old, one day they asked her who their father was. She • told them the jackal was their father.
Then the cubs went to him and said, "Father, teach us the language you speak." He answered, "I cannot teach you my language, because, if you learnt it, you would be the masters of the three worlds." But at last they persuaded him to teach them, and when he gave one bowl, they knew that he was only a jackal after all. So they fell upon him and tore him to pieces.
May Parameswar so deal with all rogues like him!

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62. The Magic Fish.
(Told by Lakshman Prasad, Brahman, Jalesar, Etah District.)
Famine broke out in the land and grain sold at the price of pearls. All the people began to die of starvation, when one day in the river beneath the city there appeared an enormous fish. Many thousand maunds in weight was he, and so large that he could not be covered by the water, and his body stretched from bank to bank. When the people saw the fish, they all ran to the river and began to cut off pieces of his flesh, which they cooked and ate. Now there were in the city an old Brahman and his wife, and they too were sore afflicted by the famine. The old woman said to her husband-" Why should we die of hunger, when all the people of the city feed on the flesh of this fish? Go you and get a share." The old Brahman went at the order of his wife, and he took with him a basket and a knife. When he came to the place where the fish lay, he saw that much of his flesh had been cut off and there were great holes in his body; but he was still alive. When the Brahman saw his state he was moved to pity, and the fish said-" Why do not you, like all the other men of the city, cut off some of my flesh'?" The Brahman answered-"I fear the Lord Narayan, who has ordered me to eat no flesh and to touch naught save the fruits of the earth." The fish answered-"Thou art a man of piety I will now give thee two rubies, one of which sell and buy food; the other keep for me, until I demand it from thee."
The Brahman took the rubies and went to another city. One of them he sold and gave food to his family, until the famine had passed. Then he came back to his own city; and meanwhile the fish had been reborn and become the Raja of the city. He, remembering how the people had treated him, began to treat them with the most extreme cruelty. When the Brahman returned, he was going to salute the Raja; but the people said-"Why do you approach this tyrant? He will surely do thee mischief." But he went and stood before the Raja who said-" Where is that which I entrusted to thee?" The Brahman knew not what he meant. At last the Raja said-" Where is the ruby, which I gave thee by the river bank?" The Brahman knew that the fish had become a Raja and gave him the ruby. The Raja said-"Thou alone of all my subjects didst treat me with mercy in the days of my affliction. Now I will make you my chief Pandit. As for my people, I will revenge my wrongs upon them all the days of my life." But the Brahman besought him in the name of Narayan, and he forgave their offence.
63. The Fate of the Slattern Wife.
(Told by Dharm Das, Schoolmaster, Lalitpur).
The wife of a certain Bania was a wretched slattern, and did not know how to cook anything. One day, as he was setting out for his shop, he said, "Cook some curry for din. ner." So she procured all the materials and put them in a pot to boil. By and by the stuff began to boil over, and as she did not know what to do, she ran to a neighbour and asked her advice. "Put a little pebble in the pot," said she. But the slattern wife put in a big stone which smashed the pot, and all the curry was spilt on the floor.
On her husband's return, she scraped up as much as she could and placed it before him: but it was so full of mud that he could not touch it. Being a good-natured man, he said, "You must do better next time. I will take away the pieces of the broken pot." She would not let him do this, but put the broken pieces on her head and tried to go out. Now the door was so low that she had to bend her head, and so the pot slipped and a lot of curry ran over her clothes. "Wait," cried her husband, "I will call a washerman, and he will clean it for you."

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But she paid no heed, ard walked down to the river-bank, where she took off all her olothes, intending to wash them. But a dog smelt the curry on her sheet, and when she took it off and laid it down, he promptly ran off with it, and she was left naked and ashamed on the bank. Her husband heard her lamentations, and brought her another covering, and then took her home.
64. The Cunning of the Bania.
(Told by Lala Mukund Lal of Mirzapur.) There was once a Bania who was about to go on a pilgrimage, and he did not know what to do with his money. So he went to a Mahâjan and asked him to keep it. The Mahajan said -"Yon must give it to me in private." So they went into the jungle, and the Mahajan said " If any one sees me take this money, perohance he may rob me. Are you quite certain that nobody is watching us?" "I am sure no one is watching us save Parameswar and the trees and the animals of the jungle." "That will not do for me," said the Mahajan, and refused to have anything to do with the money.
Then the Bania went to his Guru and asked him to keep the money, but the Guruji refused. The Bania said to his wife—“No course remains but that we take the money with us." Just then a thief was behind the house and watched the Bania tie up the money in his bundle. When every one was asleep, he broke in and was just laying his hands on the bundle, when the Bania woke and saw him. But he was afraid to try and catch him, lest the thief might do him an injury. So he called out to his wife, "After all I won't go on pilgrimage to-day." " What a fool you are," she answered, "just when you paid the Pandit and he fixed the lucky moment for your departure.” “Is this the proper language to use to your husband ?” and with that he caught up the bundle and threw it at her, and shouted " Help brethren ! my wife is killing me!" Immediately all the neighbours rushed in and said, "What are you fools fighting about?" Said the Bania-"I only wanted to show you that thief in the corner." When the thief was caught, even the Bania's own wife admitted that he was a very crafty fellow.
65. The Cunning of the Paddy Bird.
(Told by Ramnath, Stutent, Musanagar, Cawnpore District.) There was once a paddybird, which lived on the bank of a tank, and so cunning was he that he never tried to catch the fish in the tank, but lived on the worms and grubs he found on the bank. One day the fish came near him in the water, and one of them said "We see that, unlike your kind, you make no attempt to kill us. Why is this go?" The paddy bird answered—“ You must know that I have made the pilgrimage to Jaggan. nath, where no one takes life ; and now I have become pious, and in this way I rule my life.” The fish answered—“We approve of your pious life. May none but you inhabit the banks of our tank." The summer came on and the water in the tank began to dry up. The paddybird went away for a couple of days, and the fish were very anxious about their friend. When he came back, he said " As the summer is coming, I have been very anxious about your safety, and I have been thinking that perchance when the water dries, some evil-minded bird may attack you. Now just at the other side of yonder mound I have found another tank, in which the water is deep, and I will, if you approve, take you there one by one. The fish agreed to the proposal and the paddybird began taking them out one by one. But when he took them to the other side of the mound he ate them. This went on, until in the tank there remained but a single crab. The paddy bird took him in his beak and was just about to eat him, when the crab thrust his claws into the bird's mouth and choked him; and that was the end of the hypocrite.
66. The Frog's Cunning. (Told by Ganesa Lal, Schoolmaster, Digh, Fatehpur District.) In a certain well there lived the frog Ganga Datta, who was the wisest of all the frogs in the land. And in the same well lived the serpent Priya Darsan and the biscobra Bhadre,

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Now Priya Darsan used to prey on the small frogs of the well until they were all consumed, and there remained only the master frog Ganga Datta, who began to reflect that one day Priya Darsan would devour him. So he planned how he could avoid calamity and save his life. One day he went to Priya Darsan and said with folded hands-" MahAraj, I have been considering the case of this well, and I am full of fear lest thou shouldst one day starve, as all the small frogs have now been devoured." "Thy words are true," replied Priya Dargi, "I too am anxious about the future. Hast thou any plan whereby this danger may be removed ?" "My plan is this," answered Ganga Datta, "Close to this well is a tank, in which there are many frogs. If I could only get out of this well, I would go there and on some pretence induce them to come into this well, and thus Your Highness would have a store of food for many years." Priya Darsan replied—"This device of thine is wise. But how can you ascend the wall of this well ?" He said—“Thou hast only to order thy servant Bhadre the biscobra, who flieth, to take me on his back and fly to the top of the well. It is then my part to complete the business."
Priya Darsan agreed and called the biscobra Bhadre and ordered him to carry the frog Ganga Datta to the top of the well. When Ganga Datta reached the upper ground, he was overwhelmed with joy at his escape. So he hastened to the tank and sat on a log and loudly croaked to his brethren, and when they came before him, he told them of the wickedness of the serpent, Priya Darsan. They blessed him for the subtlety of his wit, and just then Bhadre called out-" Ganga Datta, our lord Priya Darsan waits for thy return and the fulfilment of thy promise." But Ganga Datta laughed and answered-" What sin is there which a hungry man will not commit for the sake of food, and what chance have the poor in the presence of the great ? Tell him that now I have escaped, I will never return to the well again."
Bhadre took this message to the serpent Priya Darsan, who lamented that he had been beguiled by the device of the frog Ganga Datta.
67. The Three Wishes. There was once a very poor man who made his living by cutting wood in the forest. One day, as he was working hard in the utmost misery, Mahadeva and Parvati passed by. and Parvati said to her spouse-." You are always blessing some one. Now give a blessing to this poor creature." Mahadeva said," In this life every one gets his due, and it is useless conferring favours on a boor like this." But Parvati insisted ; and at last Mahadeva said to the wood-cutter-" Ask any boon you please." The man said — "My wife is a shrew, and I dare not ask a boon without consulting her." Mahadeva answered -" You can consult her; and when you want to ask a boon, plaster a piece of ground, wash, and sit within the enclosure and make your request. But you can only ask once, and your wife and son may ask too."
**The wood-cutter went home and told his wife what had happened. She said-"I must have my wish first." So she did as the god had ordered, and she prayed-" O Lord, may my body be turned into gold." And it was as she prayed.
Just then the Raja was passing by on his elephant, and looking into the house of the wood-cutter, he saw this woman of gold and he loved her. So he sent his servants and they seized her, placed her in a litter, and carried her off to the palace.
When the wood-cutter saw that he had lost his wife, he too did as the god had ordered and prayed—“O Lord, may my wife be turned into a sow.;" and so it was. When they opened the litter to take her to the Raja, they found within it only a foul sow; and when the door was opened, she ran away and returned to her own house. When the son of the wood-outter saw this loathsome animal enter the house, he rushed at her with a bludgeon.

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But his father stopped him and said "This is your mother, who has been turned into a sow by my prayers, to save her from the Raja. Now you can make your prayer." Then the boy prayed-" O Lord, turn my mother into her original shape." And so it was.
Then Mahadeva said to Pârvati-"Now you see that it is useless trying to help boors like these."
68. Mir Kusro and the Kachhi.
(Told by Shankar Sinh Thakur of Ravi, Fatehpur District.)
One day the Emperor Akbar went out hunting, and in the chase he was separated from his companions and became very hungry. He came on a field where a Kachhi was watching his crop of melons and said to the man, "Give me one." "I can give to none," said the Kachhi, "until I offer the first-fruits to the Emperor." This he said, not knowing that it was the Emperor who stood before him. The Emperor offered him money, but the Kachhi would not part with one of the melons.
Akbar was pleased with his honesty, and on returning to the palace he said to Mir Khusro" When a Kachhi comes with a present of melons, see that he is at once conducted into my presence." Mir Khusro knew that the Emperor was pleased with the Kachhi and proposed to reward him handsomely. So a day or two later, when the Kachhi came with his melons, he said to him :-"I will take you to the Presence; but you must promise to give me half the reward which the Emperor confers on you." Mir Khusro was then summoned by the Emperor. Meanwhile Birbal passed by and asked the Kachhi what his case was. When he heard of the covetousness of Mir Khusro, he said to the Kachhi :-"Get him to give you a written undertaking that he is to take half of what the Emperor awards you." This being done, Birbal advised the Kachhi what to do when the Emperor summoned him. Accordingly when he appeared before Akbar and was asked what boon he desired, the Kachhi said:"Swear thrice that you will give me what I ask." Akbar swore thrice and the Kachhi then said:"Give me a hundred blows of a shoe." Akbar was amazed and tried to make him withdraw his request. But he would not; and when he had duly received fifty strokes, he said:"Stop! I have a partner who is to share with me," and he pointed to Mir Khusro. When Akbar heard the tale, he was amazed at the rude strength of the man, and said to Mir Khusro :-"Now you have the reward of your covetousness. Fifty strokes with the shoe will end your life. Better will it be for you to settle with your partner." So Mir Khusro had to pay an enormous sum to escape, and the Emperor gave the Kachhi a village, which is still known as Kachhpurwa in the neighbourhood of Agra.
69. The Evil of Covetousness.
(Told by Ram Singh, Constable of Kuthaund, Jalaun District.)
One day Akbar and Birbal were out hunting on an elephant, when Akbar noticed some. thing sparkling on the ground, which looked like a pearl. So he made some excuse and got down. But on touching it, he found that it was only a drop of spittle glistening in the sunshine. Being ashamed, he said nothing; but on returning to the palace, he asked Birbal what was the meanest thing in the world. Birbal asked for a month's grace to find out, and went and stayed in a village in the hope of learning the answer from the people.
He asked the women what was the meanest thing in the world, and they said :-" Ask our husbands;" and when he asked the husbands, they said, "Ask our women." Then an old Ahir woman invited Bîrbal to stay with her. So he went and found food ready cooked for the household. When she asked Birbal to share their meal, he said:"How can I, a Brahman, eat with an Ahir ?" "What does it matter," said she, "no one will know." But as he still refused, she brought a purse of two hundred rupees and gave it to him. Then he put out his hand to take the food. But she drew the food away from him, saying:-" How

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evil a thing is covetousness, when a man like you will lose his caste for such a petty sum." Birbal was ashamed, and returning to the Emperor, said :-"Covetousness is the vilest thing in the world."
70. The greatest leaf in the world.
(Recorded by Hazari Lal of Agra.) One day Akbar asked his courtiers which was the greatest leaf in the world. They named various kinds of leaves ; but Birbal said: “The leaf of the Nagar Bel is the greatest in the world, because it reaches as high as Your Majesty's lips." Now the betel leaf is called Nagar Bel or Indra Bel, because it is believed to grow in Nandana, the garden of Raja Indra.
71. The fruit of good wishes.
(Recorded by Hazari Lal of Agra.) Akbar once asked Birbal, "How much do you love me?" Bfrbal replied :-"Dil ko dil pahchanta hai," or in other words "I love you as much as you love me."
They went forth and met a milkmaid tripping along in the pride of her beauty. "Look at this silly girl," said the Emperor, "she can hardly walk straight, she thinks so much of herself.” When she came up to them, Birbal said to her, “The Emperor is dead." She began to laugh and said, "What matters it to me? He that buys my milk is Emperor."
By and by they met an old woman staggering under a load of wood. "How miserable a thing is poverty," said Akbar. Then said Bîrbal to her, "The Emperor is dead," on hearing which she began to wail and fell down on the road. "Now," said Birbal, "Your Majesty will see that people think of you as you think of them."
72. Akbar's questions.
(Recorded by Hazari Lal of Agra.) Akbar said once to Bîrbal, “I will ask two questions, to each of which you must give the same answer." The questions were :
“Why is the Brahman thirsty ?"
“Why is an ass disconsolate ?” To both Birbal replied, “Lota nahin," meaning in the case of the Brahman "He has no water-vessel," and in the case of the ass, "He has not had a roll."
73. Birbal's wit.
(Recorded by Hazari Lal of Agra.) Birbal once quarrelled with Akbar and went and hid himself in the city. Akbar could not discover his whereabouts. So at length he issued an order that two or three men should appear before him at noon, and stand half in the sun and half in the shade. No one understood how to comply with this order; so they went and consulted Birbal, who said "Put a bed on your heads and go to court, and you will be half in the shade and half in the sun." Akbar knew that they must have done this by Birbal's advice, and in this way discovered where he was and recalled him to court.
On another Occasion Akbar asked Birbal, "Was there anyone born at exactly the same moment that I was?" "Thousands," replied Birbal. "Then why am I an emperor," said Akbar, "and they poverty-stricken?” Birbal took a number of betel-leaves and asked Akbar to thread them on a string. Then he told him to unthread them and see if there was the same sized hole in each leaf. When Akbar found that every hole differed in size, Birbal, said, "Even so are there all sorts and conditions of men."
74. The result of Good Intentions.
(Recorded by Hazari Lal of Agra.) One day, when Akbar was talking with his courtiers, Birbal said, “Intention (niyat) is everything." "Prove it,” said Akbar. Soon after Akbar went hunting, and losing his way, was attacked by thirst. He saw an old woman watching a field of sugar-cane and asked her for a drink. She broke one of the canes and filled a cup for the Emperor.

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Next day, when Akbar and Birbal were conversing, the former asked what was the revenue rate on sugar cane, and when he was told it was only one rupee per acre, he thought what profits the old woman must be making out of her field. So he sent for the Revenue Minister and or lored the rate to be cloubled.
Again Akbar went to the field and asked the old woman for a drink. This time she had to cut half a dozen canes before she could fill a pot with the juice. He asked her the reason, and she said, "This is the result of the evil thoughts of the Emperor, who has doubled our assessment." The Emperor took her words to heart and had the assessment reduced to the former rate. (For another version, see Burton, Arabian Nights, IV, 51-W. CBOOKB.]
75. Birbal and tobacco.
(Told by Bansgopal Lal of Bansi, Basti District.) Akbar and Birbal were once on the roof of the palace, when Akbar saw an ass grazing near & field of tobacco, but not touching the plants. Now Birbal used to chew tobacco. Akbar then remarked, "Even an ass does not touch tobacco." "No, Your Majesty," replied Birbal,"no one who is an ass touches tobacco."
76. Akbar and Birbal's daughter.
(Recorded by Hazári Lal of Agra.) Akbar once told Birbal that he wished to become a Hindu. Birbal remonstrated, and said that the religious duties of a Hindu were very onerous. But Akbar paid no heed and said, "I give you a fortnight to make me a Hindu." Birbal went home very sorrowful and confided in his daughter. Said she, "Do not be anxious. I will give him a fitting answer." So next day she went to Court and came in tears before the Emperor, who enquired the reason of her grief. “Pardon me," she said, "I have committed a gross error. I am Your Majesty's washerwoman, and yesterday when I put the clothes of Your Majesty and the Empress into water, the water caught fire, and the clothes were burned." "Are you mad?” said Akbar, “Who ever heard of water catching fire?" "And who ever heard," she replied, " of a Musalman becoming a Hindu ?" Akbar was pleased and dismissed her with a present.
77. How Birbal sowed Pearls.
(Recorded by Hazari Lal of Agra.) One day the Emperor and Birbal were in Darbar, when the latter spat. The courtiers informed Akbar, who was much offended at this breach of good manners, and had the Vazir turned out of the palace. As he was leaving, Bîrbal said to his enemies : "If I am Birbal, before long I shall see your houses overthrown."
He departed to an outlying village and commenced working in the fields. One day the Emperor met him, and the old affection for Birbal revived. Said he, “What have you learnt, since you took to farming ?” “I have learnt to grow pearls." "Then you must grow them for me," quoth Akbar. "It is only in special places that they can be grown," replied Bîrbal.
So Birbal returned to Court and Akbar gave him seed-pearls from the royal treasury; and Bîrbal selected as the site for his sowing the place where the houses of his rivals stood. The Emperor had them straightway razed to the ground. There Birbal sowed some dûb grass and the Arwi yam. When they had grown, he took Akbar there one morning and showed him the dew-drops on the plants, which looked like pearls in the sunlight. Akbar was delighted and said, "Go and pick some for me." Birbal replied, “None can pick these pearls save him who in all his life has never spat." Akbar understood the moral and restored him to favour.

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CHAPTER II.
Principles of Selection. We shall be confining our attention in the following pages only to important towns and cities; not to all towns and cities; 80 we must now address ourselves to the task of laying down some principles to govern the process of selection. Unfortunately it is not very easy to lay down universal and unmistakable criteria in this respect. The material itself is scanty and defies any attempt to lay down such principles. Inscriptions and copperplates' make only incidental reforences to towns and villages ; if any details are at all given they are usually of the villages granted, with which, however, we have nothing to do in this thesis. About the dimensions, population, trade or commerce of the headquarters of the district or sub. division to which these villages belonged, the plates say nothing; they simply mention them barely. Nor do literary prabandhas improve the matters muoh; for they generally describe in detail only the capitals of their heroes.
Under such circumstances we must be guided in our selection by general considerations.
(i) Those places which are mentioned as capitals, ports, arts, frontier forts or places of pilgrimage must have been in ancient times important towns or cities as a general rule. In modern times they may have dwindled into mere hamlets, but that does not prevent their inolusion in our list ; for, it can be shown that thoy had seen better days in ancient times.
(i) Those places again which do not come under any one of the above categories, but which nevertheless bear the epithet , git or TT after them, must be consi. dered important towns. In Sanskrit literature these epithets are invariably applied only to cities, and we are justified in oonoluding that a place which bears any of these epithets is entitled to demand inclusion in this thesis.
(ii) On the other hand places mentioned as TH need not be included; for that epithet usually denotes a village. Unless, therefore, there is clear evidence to the contrary that a particular place, though designated by the term gråma,' is not, as would appear prima facie, & village, we may safely exclude as a rule all those places bearing that appellation.
(iv) A place which is mentioned as the headquarters of an andra or dharan or vishaya may be safely considered to have been an important town or city. The territorial sub-divisions denoted by ahara, dharant and vishaya were as extensive as modern col. lectorates, and as a rule included under their jurisdiction a number of villages varying from 800 to 1,60043, Now Yasodhara, one of the commentators upon Vatsyâyana's Kamasútras, while commenting upon 1, 4, observes :
पत्तनं यत्र राजधानी स्थिता । नगरं अष्टशतप्राममध्ये तब्यवहारस्थानम् ।
सर्वर्ट द्विशतप्राममध्ये । चतुःशतग्राममध्ये द्रोणमुखं खटान्महद्भवति । From this it is clear that, since the headquarters of our vishayas were places from where affairs of villages ranging from eight to sixteen hundred were administered, they must have been important towns.
(v) The cases of the headquarters of desas and mandalas are still more unambiguous. These territorial divisions comprised territories as extensive as two or three of our modern oollectorates put together. It therefore goes without saying that their headquarters were important towns. 41 of megafreyfrut
a r art-Surat plates of Dhruva III. medgrave r a-Kapadwanj plate

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of those places, which are mentioned as the headquarters of a pathaka, bhukti, bhami or sthall, the case is rather doubtful. Pathaka corresponded to what in British India is now known as a sub-division. It therefore consisted of about two or three hundred village. Bhukti, bhumi and sthali usually corresponded in Ancient Gujarat to the modern taluka and consistod of about 100 villages.
Were the headquarters of these divisions towns, and, if so, important ones, is the question now to be considered. According to Yasodhara, quoted above, they were not towns, for he is not prepared to extend to them the epithet nagara; he devises special appellations for them. If these are different from grama or village, they are also different from nagaras or towns. In modern times taluka headquarters are usually towns, but that probably was not the case in ancient days The irresistible econoniic forces of modern civilisation, which are de populating villages and overcrowding towns and cities, were altogether absent in ancient Indis. Nor again did Ancient Indian polity contain any elements that would transform a taluka headquarter into an important town. In modern times the villager has to go to the headquarter of his taluka for the adjudication of his disputes, for the obtaining of loans, medical relief and even many of the necessary articles of daily life. In Ancient India, on the other hand, such was not the cage. Each village was a self-contained unit economically as well as administratively. Chola epigraphs No. 77 of 1900, No. 223 of 1902-show that even cases of unintentional homicide, not amounting to murder, were decided by local village assemblies. The account of local self-government in Ancient India given by Mr. Radhakumud Mukerji clearly shows how little the ancient villager had to do with the headquarter of his taluka or digtriot. The way again in which these taluka sub-divisions are mentioned sometimes is most significant. We have statements like shlygraferata: 43 99949uratara:qrat, 44 etc., eto. Now if these headquarters were really towns of importance, the divisions would have been simply named after them without any mention of the number of villages they oontained. The necessity was probably felt of denoting & sub-division after the number of villages it oontainod, because there was very little roally of importance to distinguish its capital from the villages included under it. Even in modern times, the headquarters of a taluks are often mere villages of five or six thousand; the case could not have been anything better, but much worse in ancient days. We thereforo conclude that:
(vi) The headquarters of a bukti, bhimi or sthali were not towns, and therefore are to be exoluded from a list of important towns and cities.
The headquarter of a pathaka remains to be considered. A pathaka usually corresponded to a modern sub-division and therefore probably consistod of 200 or 300 villages. Not impossibly then its headquarter may have been in some cases a pretty town. We there fore oonolude that for the purposes of this thesis.
(vii) The headquarters of pathakas are to be included, provided they are otherwise places of interest.
Those then are the principles which have been laid down for the purpose of selection of important towns and cities for this thesis.
Having thus determined the principles of selection and criteria of importance to be applied for the purposes of this thesis, we shall now say a few words regarding the arrangement of towns and cities tbat we have thus selected
As towns and cities are to be selected because of their importance, it is naturabthat we should be expected to arrange them according to their relative importance. But for several reasons this procedure was impossible. In the case of most of our towns, we know neither their
19 Baroda plates of Karkaraja. Ind. Ant., Vol. XII, 156. 46 Kapadwanj platos of Akalavarsha Bubhatuoga.

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population nor their dimensions, nor anything about their commercial, religious, social or public activities. The principle of relative importance therefore would have been very diffi. cult in its actual application. Bosides, many of our towns were not contemporaneous, so it is still more difficult to compare the importance of a town (which we know but imperfectly) in one age with that of another in another age.
If we decide to arrange them in groups of capitals, forts, ports, holy places, district head. quarters, etc., the same difficulty would arise in arranging the several constituent towns and cities within these groups. It will not be easy to ascertain the relative importance of capitals, forts, etc., inter se.
Nor can we accept the principle of relative antiquity for our arrangement. It would have been a very good principle, were it only possible to apply it in all cases. As it is, in the majority of our towns and cities, we do not know even the approximate dates of their foundation. We cannot therefore obviously accept the principle of relative antiquity for our arrangement.
In such circumstances the principle of alphabetic order is the only one possible. It is true that it entails the disadvantage of turning our mind from a city of hoary antiquity to a town of medieval origin, from a town, famous as a fort, to another famous as a tirtha. Nevertheless, as we have already seen that other better principles were fraught with great difficulties in their actual application, there was no other course left. The principle of alphabetio arrangement has its own advantage of facilitating reference ; so it has been adopted.
The arrangement however is according to Sanskrit and not according to the English alphabet. The reason is obvious. Most of our towns and cities bore Sanskrit names in the past, and it is but natural that if they are to be arranged alphabetically, they should be arranged according to the Sanskrit alphabet.
CHAPTER III. History of the cities selected.
1. Aokuleswara. Modern Ankleswar, the headquarter of a Taluka of the same name in Broach district, is a fairly ancient town, for it is referred to as the headquarter of a vishaya or district in two copperplate grants of Dadda II.46 In one of these it is spelt Akrüregwara, which Beems to be its original name, Aukuleswara being a popular corruption. That this Akrureswara is not different from Ankleshwar can be proved from the fact that the villages Sisorda and Walner, the modern counterparts of the villages Sirisha padraka and Waraṇera referred to in the above grant, are to be found in modern Ankleshwar Taluka, one, eight miles to the south-east and the other, twelve miles to the south-west of Anklegwar.
From the Begumrå plates of Krshnaraja. AkÁlavarsha dated Saka 810,46 it would seem that Ankleshwar had become the capital of the Gujarat Rashtrakatas some time in the middle of the ninth century. For therein he states अस्तु वः संविदितं यथा मया श्री अंकलेश्वरावस्थितेन मातापिनोरात्मनश्च पुण्याभिवृद्धये...When we remember that the plates in question were not issued from Ankleswar, the above conclusion becomes irresistible. The town shows Bo imposing remains which would bear out its claim to onoe being capital; and no wonder ; for within fifty years after its becoming a capital, the Gurjar Rashtrakūta branch, which was never very powerful, came to an end.
46 Ind.. Ant., Vol. XIII, pp. 116, 82.
46 Ibid., p. 68

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2. Apahilapajjana. The identity of Anahilapattana with modern Pattan or Patan, sixty-six miles north of Ahmedabad, is now universally accepted. Anahilawada, Anahilapura, Anahilapathaka are some of the different spellings of the city found in inscriptions ; Mahomedan writers refer to it as Nahrwala.
According to tradition, the city was founded by Vanarâja, the founder of the Châvotaka dynasty in the Vi. Sam. 802. The traditional year of foundation was well-known during the fourteenth century, for grants are found forged in that century purporting to be from Vanaraja and dated in 802 Vik. Sam. Merutunga also assigns the event to the same date in Prabandhachintamani; but in another of his works, Vicharaśrepi, he assigns it to Vik. Sam. 821. Whatever may be the precise date, we may be certain that it cannot be far from the middle of the eighth century A.D. Tradition says that the present site was pointed out to Vanaraja by & shepherd named Anbila as most auspicious for the founding of a new capital, and that Vanaråja, therefore, named his capital after the shepherd. Whether the tradition is true we cannot say, for similar traditions are told about many cities.
Anahilapattana was the capital of Gujarat under the rule of the Chåvotakas, Solankis, Vaghelas and the Muhammadans. The oity grew in importance immediately after its foundation; ruler after ruler in the Hindu period embellished it and contributed to its grandeur by erecting temples, palaces, vihdras, lakes and gardens. Unfortunately Muhammadan vandalism has wiped out the traces of most of these. Vanarâja is known to have built there a chaitya of PanchAsara Perswanatha and temples of Muleswara and Tripureswara ; 47 no trace of them now remains. Similar is the case of Durlabha lake excavated by king Durlabha (suc. 1010 A.D.).
In the case of Queen's Well and Sahasralinga tank, imposing ruins still exist. Of these, the Queen's Well was built at the instance of Udayamati, the consort of Bhima I (suc. 1022), and had the reputation of being the largest, grandest and loveliest well in Gujarat ; Merutunga goes as far as to say that this reservoir surpassed even the famous Sahasralinga tank.48 The present ruins of the well show that its reputation was well-deserved.
The Sahasralinga tank was constructed by Siddhrája Jayasira ha. During its excavation the king was engaged in a long war with Malwa, so the work was entrusted to a committee of craftsmen and ministers who could finish the great work only by the timely gift of 3,00,000 by a merchant prince.49 The lake derived its name from the numerous temples of Siva placed on the steps round it. In the centre of it was an islet, upon which was erected a temple of Rudreswara 60 The temple has been now turned into a mosque. Besides this temple, there was also one of Krahna,61 The beauty of this lotus-oovered, swan-teaming lake was further enhanced by a towering snow-white column of victory, of which no traces are now left.6. To judge from the taunt of the Benares king to Jayasimha's ain bassador at his court about the use of the tank water by the Apahilapattana populace, though it was nirmdlya of Siva, the tank must have served the purpose of water supply for the citizens.
The author of Kumdra pdlacharita says 'if you can measure the waters of the ocean, then may you attempt to count the number of souls in Pattana.' This is poetic exaggeration ; but it goes to show that the city was very thickly populated. Muhammadan writers also agree in declaring that the city was very large. A survey of the ruins shows that the city 41 Pbc., pp. 23, 24.
** Ibid., p. 78. * Ibid., p. 90. 50 Traffertfar: sfarsiarar: Orta a refereres afsta: 1) नगरवर्णन स एप कासारविरोऽवतंस कंसपहर्तुः प्रतिमा विभाति ॥
in "बस्योः सरसस्तीरे राजले रजसोज्वलः | किर्तिस्तंभो नभीगंगाप्रवाहोऽयसरीजव || कीर्तिकौमुदी

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must have been six miles in length and two in breadth (a fact which confirms the truth of the Kumarapalacharita statement that it was eighteen miles in circuit) ; we may therefore safely conclude that the population must have been at least half a million, if not considerably more.
And no wonder ; for the city was a great emporium of trade. Kumdrapálacharita informs us that there were as many as 84 marts in the city, each one being separately assigned to a different commodity. The export and import duties amounted to 1,00,000 tankas (Rs. 5,000) every day. Many Muhammadan merchants were domiciled there; and they were, says Idri, honourably received by the king and his ministers. They enjoyed, he goes on to observe, protection and security. Since even foreigners apprehended no danger to person or property, we may conclude that the police arrangements were also satisfactory.
The city was surrounded by strong fortifications and contained many palaces and temples of exquisite workmanship. There were also pleasure gardens which were freely used by citizens.63
Under the later Solanki rulers the city became a centre of Jain activities. The numerous Jain images to be found among the ruins make it clear that the Jain temples were onoe very numerous in the city. Late in his life Kumarapala himself became a convert to Jainism. Most of his ministers and those of his successors professed the same faith, and Hemachandra, the celebrated Jain grammarian and lexicographer, rosided in Kumāra pala's court as his spiritual guide. All these factors naturally contributed to the remarkable prosperity of Jainism.
Mahmud of Ghazni was the first Moslem invader to attack and plunder the city. On his way to Somanátha (Elliot informs us), he suddenly fell upon the city, and king Bhima, unprepared to meet him, abandoned it to the invader, who sacked and plundered it.64 But no sooner had the Muhammadans returned to the Indus than Bhimadeva reoccupied his capital and began to restore it. Under this prince and his two successors, the city not only regained its lost wealth, but attained its greatest splendour.
In 1178 Mu-'izzu-l-din of Ghazni attacked the city; but Bhimadeva II, who had just ascended the throne, inflicted a crushing defeat on him. The goddess of victory deserted him however, in 1195 when he had to face Qutl-u-din, a general of Mahmud Ghori. The Gujarat army was defeated and Anahila pattana was again sacked by the Muhammadans. The invaders, however, could only temporarily retain the capital, for Bhimadeva soon recaptured it, chasing the enemy to Ajmer which he besieged for a time. To avenge himself for this defeat and disaster, Qutl-u-Din again invaded Gujarat in 1197. This time he defeated the Gujarat army and again captured the capital. As he had to return soon to Delhi, Bhimadeva could reoccupy his capital. 66
The city, howavor, was destined to enjoy peace only for a century, for during the reign of Karṇadeva II, it was attacked by Ulugh Khan, brother of Ala-ud-din Khilji. He captured the capital and sacked the whole country. Karnadeva fled to Ramadeo Rao of Deogiri and all his wealth fell into the enemy's hands. The Imperial Governor appointed from Delhi destroyed all temples, confiscated their property, and used the temple material for the erection of mosques. Throughout the fourteenth century the city continued to be the capital of Gujarat under the Muhammadans; it was only in 1411 that it was abandoned in favour of Ahmadabad66.
Being thus exposed to the systematic, continuous and zealous vandalism of the resident Moslem governors, for a full century and more the city now retains little of its former grandeur; even traces of its former glory are few.
"जात्वा सरसि सौरभ्वं लीलोयानापावरन् । कीर्तिकौमुरी 56 Ind. Ant., Vol. VI, p. 186 .
55 Ep. Ind., Vol. 1, p. 22 ff. 86 Ane, N, ., p. 61 a.

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3. Anandapura. About the identity of Anandapura there exists a great difference of opinion. Acoording to Dr. Fleet the ancient Anandapura is modern Anand, 25 miles south-east of Kaira, according to Dr. Burgess, it is the Anandapura of Kathis wad, situated about fifty miles north-west of WAIA, and according to Stevenson, Vivien de Saint-Marten, Dr. Buhler and Dr. Bhandarkar it is the modern Wadnagar in northern Gujarat.
The last mentioned view appears to be the correct one. Wadnagar has, of course, no phonetic resemblance to Anandapura as the remaining two places have; but there exists a time-honoured tradition which attests & change having occurred more than once in the name of the city.. We are told that it was called Chamatkarapura in Kịta Yuga, Anartapura in Treta Yuga. Anandapura in Dv&påra Yuga, and Vfdhånagara in Kali Yuga.
The truth of this tradition, so far as it relates to the names Anandapura and Ånartapura, is fully borne out by inscriptional evidence. For a prasasti belonging to the reign of Kumarapala, which is incised on & stone slab near the Samela tank at Wadnagar, distinctly refers to the city by the name Anandapura, which it proceeds to derive in a fanciful man. ner: cf. pats atsa ari: qitroma rotfr ru Rawatara ifta verse 20 Ep. Ind., Vol. I, p. 299). It is thus clear that during the twelfth century the modern Wadnagar was known by the name Anandapura. The fact again that the above prasasti refers at least in three places to the settlement of the Nagara Brahmanas at Anandapura is quite in keeping with the tradition current among the Nagara Brahmaņas that Wadnager was their ancient home.
It is thus clear that modern Wadnagar was known by the name Anandapura in the twelfth century. The statement of the tradition that it was also once known by the name Anartapura is also confirmed by inscriptional evidence. For Narayanamitra, who is the grantee both in the grant of Dharasena IV (dated 330 G.E.) and in the grant of Kharagraha II (dated 337 G.E.) is described by tho first grant as hailing from Anartapura and by the second as belonging to the Chaturvedin community of Anandapura. It is therefore clear that during the first half of the seventh century modern Wadnagar was known by both the names Anan. da pura and Anartapura, as the tradition says. Of these two names, Anartapura which ocours in the Dharasena II grant dated Gupta era 270 is the older name, based perhaps upon the name of the province in which it was situated; while Anandapura seems to be, as is clear from the Wadnagar prasasti quoted above, & later adaptation of the same name, to give it the meaning of the city of joy. In this connection it is significant to note that all later inscriptions, e.g., the grant of Siladitya II, 352 G.E., of Kharagraha II, 337 G.E, of Sil&ditya VI, G.E. 447, give the name as Anandapura ; while it is only the earlier ones, which give the earlier name, Anartapura.
The town is mentioned by Hiuen Tsiang 67, and the details he gives about its situation help us much in the task of its identification. He says 'From this (Valabhi) going northwest 700 li or so, we come to '0-nan to-pu-lo (Anandapura). This country is about 2,000 li in circuit, the capital about 20. The population is dense, the establishment rich. There is no chief ruler but it is an appanage of Malwa...!
From this statement it is clear that Anandapura was 140 miles from Valabhi, and that is precisely the distance of Wadnagar from WAIA; whereas Anandapura of Kathiawad is only 50 miles from Wall. It is true that the direction mentioned favours the claim of Anandapura of Kathiawad; for it is to the north-west, whereas Wednagar is to the north-east of Wala. But mistakes of direction are not uncommon with Hinen Tsiang. Thus, after describing
57 Beal, Vol. II, p. 268.

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his journey to Katch, he observes From this going north 1,000 li or so, we come to Fa-la-pi (Valabhi).68' Now Valabhi is 1,000 li or 140 miles to the south and not to the north of Katch. Here Hiuen Tsiang gives us accurate distance, but commits a mistake of direction. The same might be the case with Anandapura.
Then again, in the days of Hiuen Tsiang both Katch and Anandapura were under Malwa rule. If by Anandapura we understand the town in Kathiawad, this would appear very improbable. Anandapura is only 50 miles from Valabhi, and from the dimensions of the kingdom given by Hiuen Tsiang, it would appear that the extent of the Anandapura province must have come well within thirty miles of Valabbi. Now in the time of Dhruvabhajta, Valabhi was a powerful principality; even the chief of Junagad owed allegiance to the Valabhi ruler. Besides, the grant of Druvasena II dated 316 G.E. shows that in about 640 A.D., the Valabhi dominion extended much beyond modern Anandapura right up to Kalapaka or modern Kalwad. On the other hand, if by Anandapura we understand Wad. nagar, this difficulty does not arise. It is 140 miles distant from Valabhi, and it is in the fitness of things that the Malwa king who held Katch should also have held Wadnagar, situated on the highway from Malwa to Katch.
Nor does the reference to the death of the son of Dhruvasena by the Jain Kalpa Sutra writer residing in Anandapura support Burgess' inference that it must be situated fairly near Valabhi, since an author residing there refers incidently to Dhruvasena's bereavement. A Jain author residing in Wadnagar may well refer to the incident. For, according to the testimony of the Chinese traveller, Dhruvasena was a liberal ruler, who every year distributed lavish charity to all types of Bhikshus who used to come to Valabhi from even the distant corners of India. His fame then must have travelled much beyond Wadnagar, which after all was only 150 miles from Valabhi.
From the inscriptional references to the city, it is clear that Anandapura was a famous centre of learning and Brahmaņism.69 Neither Ånandapura in Kathiawad nor Ananda in Kaira are known to have ever possessed this reputation. Wadnagar, on the other hand, is famous as a centre and home of the Nagara Brahmanas. Abul Fazl notes in his Ain-j. Akbari that Wadnagar is a large and ancient city, chiefly inhabited by Brahmanas. The Anan lapura prasasti found on a tank stone at Wadnagar, besides proving that modern Wad. nagar was called Anandapura in the days of Kumara pala, shows that long before ita date the place was famous as a centre of learned Brahmaņas. Anandapura of the fifth and sixth centuries, described as a home of 'traividya' and 'chaturvidya' Brahmanas, must be modern Wadnagar-and no other place.
Nor does the circumstance that villages in Kaira district are assigned to Brahmaņas residing in Anandapura support the claim of modern Ananda. Anandapura was only 70 miles from Khetaka; the villages were in Khetaka vishaya, so their distance from Anandapura may have been considerably less.. A Bramaņa at Anandapura oven in old days could well manage properties situated in a village about thirty or forty miles distant. Besides, it is well known that it is the Government's convenience rather than the convenience of the donees, which determines the selection of the villager to be granted. Thus a Dantivarman
88 Beal, Vol. II, p. 260. Compare for instance: wadiad
... sprayereratermarareal sprangefer
t y
ora...regat.-Dharasena II Grant. froidSiladitya II Grant. Tarafiq..Kharagraha II Grant.

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grant of Saka 78960 records the grant of a village in Gujarat to & sangha at Kampilya in Farukhabad district in U.P.! Besides, it was impossible for the Valabhi rulers to assign villages in Wadnagar district, for the simple reason that it was in the Malwa dominion. In the majority of cases, moreover, though hailing from Wadnagar, the donees were domiciled at Kaira or Valabhi, so the difficulty of the distance would not have confronted them. The claim of modern Ananda, then, based upon its propinquity to the villages granted, does not stand.
The history of the city from the sixth to the sixteenth century is already referred to in the above controversy of identification ; only a few facts remain to be stated. The city being chiefly & colony of Brahmanas, possessed no political significance. It does not seem to have ever been the seat of an independent chiefship; for it was even without ramparts till the days of Kumara pala.61 Being a Brahmana colony, it is natural to infer that it must once have possessed numerous temples. Abul Fazl's statement that it contained three thousand pagodas may be an exaggeration ; but it supports our inference. If, after the Muhammadan rule of 300 years, it had so many temples, in the days of its full glory it must have boon a veritable city of temples.
A legend is quoted by Forbes about the foundation of this city. Kaneksen, & prince of the Ikshwaku race, is said to have abandoned his native country Kansala in 144 A.D. and founded Anandapura, wresting the territory from & Parmar ohief. As we can trace the history of the city to the sixth century, the legend may be true as regards the date of foundation ; but whether there was such a king as Kaneksen and whether he founded the city are matters which require confirmation before they can be accepted.
4.& 5. Asäpalli (Inalading Karna vatt). Modern Ahmadabad occupies the sites of old As&palli and Karnavati. As&palli, which is the same as Yessa val of Muhammadan writers, is now a village just near Ahmadabad known as Asawal. It was the head-quarters of a Bhilla principality in the time of king Karma [1064-1094 A.D.), who lod successful expedition against it. After its conquest and in consequence of an omen from a local goddess Kochharva (who, to judge from the naine, does not seem to be Aryan), Karna built her a temple along with temples to Jayanti devi and Karneswara Mahadeva. In the same vicinity he found. ed & new city, named Karnavati after himself. The city is now probably merged in modern Ahmadabados
The new city soon became a centre of Jain worship. A temple of Arishtanemi was erected. The famous Jain priest Devasuri was residing and preaching here ; for Kumudachandra had to go to Karnavati when he wanted to see Devasûri. It was to Karnavati again that Dovachandracharya repaired for the education of Hemachandra, when he had managed to prevail upon the parents of Hemachandra to permit their son's becoming a Jain Bhiksh0.63
According to Mr. Manidra Dey, the Rajanagara of the Jains is the same as Karnavati or modern Ahmadabad.14 This is probable, for besides being, as shown above, a centre of Jainism, it was for a time at least the place of residence of king Karna.66
Ahmad Shah I was much enchanted by the climate and situation of Yessawal. He therefore shifted his capital to it and founded in its vicinity a new city named after himself. So has arisen modern Ahmadabados.
6 Ep. Ind., Vol. VI, p. 286. 1 माभूत्तस्य तथापि तीव्रतपसो बाधेति भत्तया नृपः। & fragtfr a afer
Tirgerufet-Ep. Ind., I, p. 300. 63 An. N. G. Ahmadabad.
.8 B. G., L. 1, p. 170. 04 G.D.A., 1.
* Pbc., p. 80.

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6. Uppalaheta.
Uppalaheta was the headquarters of a 'pathaka' or what would called a sub-division in the eighth century. Cf. aut sastequà (Siladitya VI
now he
grant of 447 G.E.).
As it is stated to be in Kaira district, it must be the same as modern Upleta in Thasra Taluka, 35 miles due east of Kaira. Modern Upleta then has once seen better days; for as the headquarter of a 'pathaka' (which included 200 or 300 villages) it must have been a fair sized town. As the place is mentioned nowhere else, nothing more can be stated about it.
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7. Kantaragrâma and Karmântapura.
A forged grant of Dhruvasena II 6 mentions one Kantaragrama; Surat plates of Dhruva III 67 [dated Saka 789] refer to one Karmântapura. But both these are the names of one and the same place, which is none other than the village Kattargam, two or three miles north-east of Surat.
Kattargam is the popular corruption of Kantaragama, which in turn is the Praktised spelling of Sanskrit Karmântapura, r and m sounds being transferred for phonetic convenience. This identification is further supported by the statement anache afacercar: graft aftercare: of the forged plate which is obviously modelled upon the statement कर्मान्तपुरप्रतिबद्धषोडशोत्तरमामशतान्तःपाती in the genuine plate. Both statements obviously refor to one and the same place. If Karmântapura is thus Kantaragrâma, it follows from philological logic that the modern Kattargam village is the same as ancient Karmântapura.
There are other considerations also which support this identification. Nandiaraka village in the Kantaragrâma district was bounded on the west by the sea; this shows that the district was like modern Ratnagiri a coastal one. Then again Pârâhanaka village of the genuine plate was immediately to the south of Mottaka or modern Mota (five miles to the north of Bardoli). Karmántapura then must be in a coastal district not far from Bardoli. Both these conditions are satisfied by modern Kattargam.
Modern Kattargam then must have been a fair sized city in the ninth century. For, it was the headquarter of a big district of 1,600 villages and Yasodhara observes टात प्राममध्ये . Its prosperity however declined, possibly because the headquarter of the district was shifted elsewhere; it probably was only a fair-sized town, if not merely a big village during the fourteenth century, hence the forged grant which seems to belong to this century calls it a 'grama ' instead of pura'.
8. Karpatavanijya,
This place is mentioned as the headquarter of a territorial sub-division of 84 villages in the Kapadwanj grant of Akalavarsha Subhatunga dated 867 A.D."9 About the identity of this Karpatavanijya with Kapadwanj, where the plates were found, there can be no doubt; phonetic changes explain themselves; modern Kapadwanj contains some houses as old as 800 years; near the walls of the city there is the site of a still older town.
The importance of Karpatavanijya, though only a taluka town in the ninth century, lay in its being on the trade route from Central India to the coast. In the Solanki period the town was transformed into a fort by Siddharaja Jayasimha, who also constructed a tank70 to supply drinking water to the troops and townsmen. Being a fort on the southern frontier of the Solanki dominions, it must have been in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries a place of great importance.
66 Ind. Ant., Vol. X, p. 284. 68 Com. on Kama Satra, 1.4.2. 70 Kaira Gazetteer.
67 Ind. Ant., Vol. XII, p. 179. es Ep. In., vol. I, p. 55.

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9. Kalapaka.
Kalapaka is but once casually referred to in inscriptions and not at all in literature. From the copperplate grant of Dhruvasena II, dated 316 G.E., we learn that it was the headquarter of a pathaka' or a modern sub-division in Kathiawad during the seventh century. According to Dr. Bhagwanlal Indraji this Kalapaka is the same as modern Kalawad, a village of 2,500 population, 60 miles north-east of Porbundar; and the suggestion appears probable. For there is no other place in Kathiawad with which we can identify Kâlâpaka, and the phonetic change too is not inexplicable. The change of Sanskrit p into Prakrit v is well known, the principle of dissimilation' accounts for the change of the last 'ka' into da. According to the local legend, it was here that a Val Raja married a Kanthi girl, thus forming the tribe of. Val-k&this.71
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10. Kâpika.
Ancient Kapika is the same as the modern town Kavi in Bharoch District, situated not far from the gulf of Cambay. In the modern name the determinant suffix 'kâ' is dropped (a procedure not unknown even in early times as will be presently seen) and 'p' is changed to 'v' as is so often the case. There is also strong geographical evidence to support the identification. Inscriptions state that it was situated in Bharukachcha vishaya; modern Kavi is situated in Bharoch District. Villages Kemajju, Sihugrams, Jambha, Ruhanada and Jadrana, which are stated to be near Kåpika, are in the vicinity of modern Kavî as well; for modern Kimoj, Shigam, Jamadi, Ruhnâd and Jatrâna are the respective counterparts of the ancient names.73
From the statement यथा मया कापिकान्तर्वर्तिभूते कोटिपुरे in the grant of Govinda III it would appear that Kapika was a territorial sub-division next in extent to ' vishaya', which is referred to in the previous part of the plate. It was probably then the headquarters of a 'pathaka,' and hence a fair sized town in the ninth century. At that early time it was famous as a 'mahâsthâna' or holy place; for the Cambay plates of Govinda IV call it a — mahasth&na'. Cf. लाटदेशखेटकमंडलान्तर्गतका विकामहास्थानविनिर्गताय इहैव मान्यखेटे वास्तव्याय काविका महास्थाननिकटवर्ती. During the ninth century then Kapik& was a Brahmanic tîrtha', famous for the learning of its Brahmanas; its fame as a centre of Jainism probably dates from the time of Kumarapala.
The Naosari plates of Jayabhatta 73 are issued from a camp at Kavyavatara. This Kavyâvatâra is the same as ancient Kapika; the suffix ka or kd was always regarded as optional; [cf. the two spellings Godraha and Godrahaka of modern Godhra]; 'p' was changed 'v' and the honorific suffix was added. The addition of this suffix_was a common phenomenon; compare for instance स्तंभनकपुरावतार श्रीपार्श्वनाथ देव zeguzareinuri in the Girnår inscription of Vik. Sam. 1288. Kavyâvatâra then is the same as Kapika.
"
11. Kasahrada.
In the Baroda plates of Dhruvaraja issued from Sarvamangalasattâ near Khetaka, Kasahrada is mentioned as the headquarter of a desa or territorial subdivision. In the Kapadwanj plates of Akalavarsha Subhatunga the same place is referred to as Kasadraha. In the latter plate we read अस्तु वः संविहितं वया... श्रीलेटक सर्षपुरकासह एवरर्थाटनव... श्रीरामान्तयति कर्पयनियचतुरशीतिकावडी व्याप्रासमाम; and from the manner in which Khetaka or Kaira, Harshapura or Harsol, Karpatavanijya or Kapad. wanja are mentioned, it is clear that Kasadraha too must have been not far away from these towns. Dr. Bhagwanlal Indraji's suggestion, then, that Kasadraha is the same as modern Kasandra, 25 miles south of Ahmadabad, appears acceptable; for Kasandra 71 Kathiawad Gaz. 73 Ind. Ant., vol. V, p. 145. 73 Ind. Ant., vol. XIII, p. 77.

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is only 15, 28, 30 miles distant from Kaira or Khetaka, Kapadwanj or Karpatavanijya and Harghapura or Harsol respectively.
Merutunga informs us that when Muñja, the suppositons son of Simhadantabhata, expelled Sindhala, the real son, from his ancestral possessions in Malwa, the latter came and established himself in Kasadraha. As Tilaipa, the Karnataka king who put Muñja to death, died in 997 A.D., we may conclude that the village of Kasandra was the capital of a petty principality by the middle of the tenth century. Whether the successors of Sindhala were ruling there and if so how long, we do not know. It would appear that even in the days of its greatest glory, Kasandra must have been only a pretty town. It was situated too near Kaira to become an important city or the headquarter of a vishaya.
12. Kotipura. A Kavî grant of Govinda II dated Saka 749 mentions « Kotipura situated in the Kåvikâ district. From the statement of the inscription fraafiye arifet preferate... AT TATT, it appears that this Koțipura had a temple of the sun; it must, therefore, be the same as modern Kotipura, about 25 miles north of Bharooh, which also, besides being situated near Kavi, possesses a temple of the sun called Jayaditya.
In the Mahabharaja list of tirthas ' is mentioned a Koti tirths, but whether that Koti. pura is the same as this is doubtful, as the epit gives us no clue either to the locality or to the deity of the place. So we cannot say whether our Kotipura is as old as the third century B.C. Nor does the statement in Kamasutra prift erst T779 wigsmit t ra14 enable us to conclude that our Kotipura is the same as Kotta in the above passage. It is true that the Abhîras at the time of Vatsyâyana had penetrated as far to the south as Nasik, and that an Abhir principality flourished on the Western coast in its vicinity; for Nasik cave No. 15 contains the statement TET Frederea for f ree spitsee TR . It is also true that while commenting on the above quoted passage from Kama Sutra, Yashodhara observes ca att ATA FATTE I Nevertheless our Kotipura, though situated in modern Gujarat, is not the same as iegt, though it also was situated in Tara as Yashodhara observes. For rentre of Yashodhara denotes, as we have already shown, south-western Rajputana ; and therefore, is clearly modern Kotah situate in that province. The earlier history of our Kotipura, if it possessed any, is lost in obscurity.
18. Khetaka. Ancient Khetaka, situated on the Vetravati, is the same 'as modern Kaira, standing on the Vátrak. The identification is so obvious as to need no explanation; the view referred to by Mr. Dey TS that Kachcha is the ancient name of modern Kaira is altogether untenable. It is true that Higen Tsiang spells Khetaka as Kechha, but a foreigner's spelling is hardly a safe guide in such matters. The place is called Khetaka in the ninth century inscriptions ; nor can it be said that the name was changed subsequent to the visit of the Chinese traveller. For in two grants of Dharasena II, which being dated 252 G.E., and 270 G.E.T6 are 50 years earlier than the time of Hiuen Tsiang, the place is called Khetaka and not Kachcha. The grant of Dharasena IV, dated 332 G.E.," is almost contemporary with Hiuen Tsiang, and it also spells the name as Khetaka. As most of the places mentioned 74 Kama Sutra, 1-5.
70 G.D.A.1., Khetaka. 76 Ind. Ant., vol. XV, p. 187.
11 Ind. Ant., vol. XV. p. 331.

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in Khetaka District (e.g., Asilâ pallika=modern Aślali, Vattasomålika=modern Vantavalli, Viswa palli=modern Vansol, Karpațavânijya=modern Kapadvanj, etc.) are to be found in Kairs District, we have to reject the theory that Khetaka referred to in the Valabhi grants might have been another Kaira situated in the peninsula of Kathiawar. No such place is known to have existed in Kathiawad, and as Valabhi rule extended on the continent of India right up to Godhra, it was possible for Valabhi kings to assign villages in Kaira district.
Khetaka is usually referred to as the headquarter of an Ahåra or district. Sometimes 78 it is mentioned as the headquarter of a 'mandala' or group of districts; and no wonder, for Khetaka was really a very big district. Hiuen Tsiang says that it was 3,000 li or 600 miles in circuit; the district may well have extended, as Cunningham says,'' from the bank of the Såbarmati on the west to the great bend of the Mahi on the north-east and to Baroda in the south. Being the headquarter of so big a division, Khetaka must have been an important city ; during Valabhi rule it was probably the headquarters of their continental possessions. With the fall of the Valabhis, it passed into the hands of the Rashtrakūtas, when too it was the headquarters of a mandala."78
About a hundred years after the fall of the Rashtrakatas in about 975 A.D., the city was captured by the Solankis. Karna I (1064-1094) is known to have annexed territories as far to the south as Ahmadabad ; his successor, Siddharaja, extended the sway of his dominions much beyond Dabhoi, which was his frontier fortress. Khetaka then must havo belonged to the Solanki empire after about 1000 A.D.
According to the Puranas, Chakravati is the old name of Khetaka. Its king is said to have been defeated by the Pandavas.80
14 Girinagara. Originally the name of the city of Junagad (=Yavanagada), Girinagara or Girnar has now become the name of the hill adjacent to it. The city was originally so named because it was by the side of a beautiful hill, called sometimes Ujjayanta and sometimes Raivataks; that the two names designato the same hill, is clearly shown by statements in the Junagad Inscription of Skandagupta 81 and in Kirtikaumudi.82
Since ancient times Girinagara has been a very famous place; and no wonder, for it was at once a 'tirtha,' a capital, a hill station, a fort and a place of fair. Hence it was that Aboka found it a very suitable place for the wide publication of his rock edicts.
To Hindus, Jainas and Bauddhists alike Girinagara is e'tirtha.' Brahmanism since very early times regarded the place as exceptionally holy; for even the great epic says 83 :
उज्जयन्तच शिखरी क्षिप्रं सिद्धिकरी महान् ॥ "तत्र देवर्षिवीरेण नारदेनानुकीर्तितः ।। 'पुराणः श्रूयते कोकः तं निघोष युधिष्ठिर ॥ पुण्ये गिरी सुराष्ट्रषु मृगपक्षिनिषोषिते ।
उज्जयन्ते स्म तप्तांगो मामृष्ठे महीयते ॥ 78 Ep. Ind., VII, 28.
76 4.G.I., 443.
. 80 Kaira Gazetteer. 81 M o ta farlar gefur fermarester:
समुद्रकान्ताश्चिरवन्नोषिताःपुनः पति पास्ववथोचित बबुः ॥
भवस्य वर्षागपज महोडर्म महोधकर्जयता प्रियेप्सना ॥ 88 कथांचापुच्छय तमीशमाचं मायनसी रैवतकं जगाम ॥ 93 Mbh., III, 88, 25 ff.
45 TCERTA!

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Why precisely the place was considered so holy, theepic does not state. The Skandapurana, however, informs us 84 that the sanctity of the place is due to Sajkara Laving practised severe penance there in times gone by. When at the end of his austerities he went back to Kailasa, he left behind him on the hill his garment; hence the place is called 'vastrapatha'. This story is not referred to in the Mahabharata and may, therefore, be late. The association of Krshna with the place may possibly be the original cause of its becoming a 'tirtha. In this connection the foot-print of Garuda, still pointed out to the pious pilgrim, is significant.
The Jainas also regard the hill as a holy place. Their 22nd Tirthankara 'Arishtanemi or Neminátha who is said to have been a cousin of Sri Krishna is believed to have died here. Hence the Digambara sect considers the place as particularly holy.
With the publication of the Asokan edicts, the place became sacred to the Bauddhists as well. Several Buddhistic caves are existing even at present.
The hill was also resorted to as a hill-station since very early times. This is clear from the following passage in the Mahabharata :
ती विहत्य यथाकामं प्रभासे कृष्णपांडवौ । महीधरं रैवतकं वासायैवामिजग्मतुः । पूर्वमेव तु कृष्णस्य वचसा तं महीधरम् । पुरुषा मंडयांचकुरुउपनहुश्च भोननम् ।।85 ततः कतिपयाहस्य तस्मित्रैवतके गिरौ । वृष्ण्यन्धकानामभवदुत्सवो नृपसत्तम ।। प्रासादै रत्नचित्रैश्च गिरेस्तस्य समन्ततः । स देशः शोभितो राजन्कल्पवृक्षव सर्वशः ।। वादिवाणि च तत्रान्ये वादकाःसमवादयन् । ननृतुर्नर्तकाश्चान्ये जगुर्गेयानि गायकाः ॥
एते परिवृताः स्त्रीभिर्गन्धर्वैश्व पृथक् पृथक् । तमुत्सवं रैवतके शोभयांचक्रिरे नृप ॥ So it would appear that in early times the hill was used as a hill-station and resorted to by fashionable people for joyous purposes. The description of the improvements made at Girnar by Tejahpala given in Kirtikaumudi also confirms our inference.
With its hill-fort dominating the surrounding rich plains of Saurashtra, Girinagara was an ideal place for the capital. And there is ample evidence to show that it has been its capital since very early times. From the statement अशोकस्य मायस्य कृते यवनराजन सुबाष्पण
984 and especially from the word s e in it, it appears that in the days of Asoka it was the seat of his Kathiawad Viceroy. The reference to Chandragupta's viotroy being unfortunately fragmentary, we cannot positively assert that in the time of Chandragupta also, the capital was the same; but overwhelming chances are in favour of Girinagar. Dur. ing Kshatrapa rule the capital was again at Girinagara ; for the famous Rudradaman inscription of the year 72 states anagra 79
ar reparat 77 atgrui est fag#. When Iswaradatta Abhira conquered Ujjayini and expelled the Khatrapas from their capital, Girinagara probably became the capital of the Western Kshatrapas. From the Junagad inscription of Skandagupta, it is evident that when Saur Ashtra was annexed to the Gupta dominions, the Imperial Viceroy was stationed at this very place. In face of this inscriptional evidence, the statement of the tradition that viceroys of the Guptas and after them of the Valabhis were rosiding at WAmanasthall must be rejected ; Hiuen Tsiang also says that the capital was situated at the foot of the mount Yen-chen-ta (=Ujjayanta). It was therefore Girinagara and not Wamansthali.
Bhattaraka, the founder of the Valabhi dynasty, shifted his capital from Girinagars to Valabhi, leaving behind him a vioeroy to look after his affairs thero. At the fall of Valabhi. the viceroy became independent and founded what is known as the Chudasama dynasty. # Chap. 30. * Moh., I. 218.
* Mh., I. 219.

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One of the early kings of the dynasty, Rao Gâriyo, was at war with Malaraja who besieged his capital; but all the efforts of Mûlaraja to reduce the fort were unavailing and he had to withdraw. In the ninth century, however, the Chuḍaśamâs shifted their capital to Wamanasthali.
Let us now turn to the important sites at the place. The splendid temple of Neminatha on the hill was built in the twelfth century by Sajjana, the first Kathiawad viceroy of Siddha. raja Jayasinha (1094-1143 A.D.). The construction of the temple is said to have required a sum equal to three years' revenues of Kathiawad. The flight of stairs to the hill was the work of Ambaka, the son of Udayana, the minister of Kumarapala (1144-1174). Mortally wounded in battle, the dying minister requested his sons to carry out his plan of constructing, inter alia, a flight of stairs at Girnar; the dutiful sons duly executed the work, as the inscription shows.
The most important thing worth seeing in ancient Girinagara no longer exists; and but for two inscriptions we would never have even known its existence. For more than a thousand years there was situated near Girinagara a big tank of water constructed for agricultural purposes. The valley of the Raivataka mountain near Girinagara was converted into a reservoir by the construction of a dam as early as the fourth century B.C. by Pushyagupta, the Vaisya governor of Chandragupta; conduits from this were made during the reign of Asoka by his Yavana Governor Tushâspa. These beneficial works constructed under Mauryan patronage lasted for more than four centuries; but a powerful flood in December 150 A.D. [Margasirsha Vad I Saka 72] broke the dam 'converting the lake into a huge desert.' Suvishakha, the Pahlava governor of the Western Kshatrapas, immediately rebuilt the dam.87 The dam continued to function till August 455 A.D. when a powerful downpour of rain again shattered it.88 In the summer following, a new dam was again built by Parnadatta, the viceroy of the Guptas. When this dam was destroyed we do not know; it must have lasted at least for two centuries. With the transfer of the capital to Valabhi, the importance of Girinagara must have declined; the Valabhi kings probably did not care to incur the expense necessary for the reconstruction of a dam in a place which was no longer their capital.
The dam was 300 yards in length, each of the remaining sides of the lake being about one mile.
15. Godrahaka.
In the copperplate grant of Siladitya V 89 (dated 441 G.E.) Godrahaka is referred to as the place of encampment from which the king issued his grant. This Godrahaka is the same as modern Godhra, the capital of the Pancha Mahals District. 'Ka' being a determinant suffix was dropped (cf. Kavi from Kapika); and Godraha naturally developed into Godhra. Dr Bühler has pointed out how '' has been used in the Vakpati plates in the sense of a lake, in expressions like a lake for elephants.' Etymologically, then, Godrahaks would mean a place which possesses a lake for cows. Modern Godhra possesses a large tank.
C
Dr. Bühler however doubts whether Godrahaka, referred to in the above Valabhi plate, is the same as modern Godhra. He is not certain that the Valabhi empire in 760 A.D. extended so far to the east as to include Godhra, and therefore suggests the possibility of another
88 Skandagupta Inscr., 136, G.E.
87 Rudrad&man Inscr., Saka 72. st Ind. Ant., vol. X, p. 16.

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Godhra existing in Kathiawad. But no Godhrá is known to exist in Kathiawad, and the doubt as to whether the Valabhi dominion extended so far a few years before its fall is entirely dispelled by the grant of Siladitya VI, which shows that in 447 G.E. or 766 A.D. the Valabhi empire extended to Anandapura or Wadnagar. If Siladitya VI could hold Wad. nagar, there is nothing improbable in Siladitya V holding Godhra.
Being fairly distant from Anahilapattana, the capital of the Chavotakas and the Solankis, Godhra seems to have become, some time after the fall of Valabhi, a seat of a petty local dynasty, professing allegiance when necessary to the Aņahilapattana or Dhara house. Tejahpala, the minister of Kumarapala, was betrayed by a King of Godraha at a critical time in his operations against the King of Bharoch.
अथ गोद्रहलाटदेशनायौ मरुनाथैनिभृतं निबद्धसन्धी ।
विधुरे परिहत्य तत्र मित्रद्वितयं तत्कटकादपयतुस्तान् ॥90 How long the local chiefs oontinued to rule, we do not know; but it cannot be for a long time. The Muhammadan invasion must have swept away this chiefship along with many others.
15a. Ghogha. The old name of the place is Gundigad. It was a port of some consequence under the Valabhis; but its influence declined with the fall of Valabhi, when it simply became a nuser of sailors. During the Muhammadan period, however, it developed into a great city with a large market.
16. Chandravati. At the junction of the Banas and the Swalen, about 40 miles north-west of Sidhapur, is situated a small village, Chandravati. Though now hardly of any importance, the place was once & capital; for the Parmar chiefs of Abu, who were feudatories of the Solankis, were residing at this very Chandråvati. The Parmar principality of which Chandravati was the capital was an important one; and its help was found to be of great value by the suzerain power. In his campaign against Arņorâja, Kumarapala was put to much trouble owing to the defection of the Parmar chief; Bhimadeva II on the other hand could turn the scales against Qutb-u-Din, when he was assisted by his vassal Dhardvarshs of Chandravati.
The Parmar rule came to an end with the Muhammadan conquest of Gujarat in 1303, and Chandravati's importance naturally began to decrease. The city has suffered from Moslem vandalism ; nothing but ruins now exist at the old site. The ruins are overgrown with jungle, and what was indicative therein of the city's former greatness has been already sold by the Gerwar chiefs. The extent of the ruins, now consisting of choked up wells and foundation, indicates, however, that it must have been a fair-sized town with a population of about 20,000.
17. Champaper. Champaner, 25 miles east of Baroda is an old place. It is said to have been founded by Champå during the time of Vanar&ja" (c. 775). The local chiefs oontinued to rule as Anahile pattana feudatories till the time of the Moslem conquest.
0 Kuthewar Gas
91 Rdo M614, p. 72.

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18. Chhaya. Chhayê was a famous port at the beginning of the Christian era, and it is believed, though on doubtful grounds, to be the same as modern Porbunder. According to Bhagawata, Porbunder is the same as Sudâmapura, which was founded by Sri Krishna for his friend Sud&ma.
According to Yule, the port Bardaxima of Greek writers is the same as Porbunder ; but Burgess' observation that the name of the village of Barduga near Shrinagar, situated in the same looality, may be the original of the Greek name seems to be nearer the truth.
19. Jhinja wada. The fort of Jhinjuwada is situated about '35 miles south-west of Anahilapattana. Dabhoi and Jhinjuwada were sister fortresses built in the eleventh century by Siddharaja. Jhinjuwada is better constructed and more regular than Dabhoi. Its name oocurg nowhere in any inscription.93 This place disputes with Dhandalpur the honour of being Siddharaja's birthplace. It also became a frontier fortress of the Ahmadabad Sultans after 1300 A.D.
20. Darbhavati. Ancient Darbhavati is the same as modern Dabhoi, 40 miles north-east of Bharoch and 20 miles south-east of Baroda. Burgess informs ug94 that it was during the reign of Siddharâja Jayasimha [10941143] that Darbhavati was converted into a frontier fortress. The style of architecture as well as the elaborato richness of sculpture fully bear out the tradition that the temple of Rudramahala and the forts of Jinjuwad and Darbhavati were all built at the same time.
The construction of the fort is not very regular ; two of its sides meet in sharp angles and exceed the others in length. The shorter sides extend to about 800 and the longer ones to about 1,000 yards. All the gates are now severely damaged; their original grandeur and magnificence have now altogether disappeared.
When once raised to the position of the frontier fortress of a mighty kingdom, Darbhavati rapidly grew in importance. It is mentioned as one of the most important cities of Gujarat in the Girnar Jain inscription of 1288 Vik. Sam. Cf. farroa garrafaelवीर्येषु श्रीमाणहिलपुरभृशुपुरस्तंभनकपुरस्तंभवीर्यवतीधवलकप्रमुखेषु नगरेषु...कोटिधः अभिनवधर्मस्थानानि प्रभूतferratar: 1
Soon after the fall of Anahalapattana in 1300, Darbhavati fell before the onrushing tide of the Muhammadan invasion. Its temples were as usual destroyed..
21. Dadhtohipura. Dadhichipura is the old Pauranio name of Dohad. Acoording to the legend, it was here that the sage Dadhichi practised the severe penance which eventually became of so great a benefit to the world. The river Dadhimati on which it is situated is named after him, as also the temple Dudheshwara Mahadeva."
Whether the city is as old as implied by the legend may be doubtful; bpt it is at least as old as 1000 A.D. The Chal Talao at the place is attributed to Siddhardja Jayasimha; the town was also the place of settlement of the Bahria Rajputs during the thirteenth century.
G.D.A.I., p. 48. * Ant. L., p. 218.
18 Ant. K, JhinguwAda."
Panch Mahal Gas,

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45. Raja Bhoj and his Râni. (Told by Nathu Mal, Bania, of Saharanpur.)
Raja Bhoj was noted for his deeds of piety. Every day he used to feed one hundred and one Brahmans. One day a Brahman came in to eat, and as he left he did not bless the Raja as the other Brahmans did. This astonished Raja Bhoj, and the next day, when the Brahman came and acted in the same way, the Raja seized his hand and asked him the reason. "I cannot tell," he answered. "And if you want an answer you had better go to Bandu Patwa." Now Bandu Patwa was a noted magician.
When Raja Bhoj went to Bandu, he found that Bandu had just cut off the nose of his wife and the forelegs of his dog. The woman came out and saluted the Raja, and the Raja asked Bandu why he had done this thing. "Had I not cut off my wife's nose, such is her pride that she would not have come out to salute you; and my dog is always barking and trying to bite visitors; so I cut off his legs that he might not be able to move out of the corner." Then the Raja asked Bandu why the Brahman had not saluted him. He said :"I cannot tell you; and if you want to learn, you must go to the Sadhu who lives in the forest."
The Raja went to see the Sadhu in disguise. Now Bhanmati, the Rani of Raja Bhoj, was unfaithful to him, and just as the Raja was going along the road he saw a palanquin coming along. As they came near him, one of the bearers fell down in a fit, and the Rani called out and offered a gold mohur to any one who would take his place. He helped to carry her to the hut where the Sadhu lived, and there she got out and stayed for the night.
The Raja determined to watch her. So one day he slept, intending to keep awake at night. When the Râni saw him sleeping, she woke him, and he said :-"Why did you wake me out of such a pleasant dream?" She said :-"What was the dream?" He replied:"I dreamed that I saw you with the Sadhu in the forest." She knew that her secret was discovered. So she sent a message to the Sadhu telling him what the Raja had said. The Sadhu sent her a cord and said :-"When he is not watching you, tie this cord round the Raja's neck." She did so, and the Râja was forthwith turned into a dog.
The Rani tried to shut up the dog in a closet, but he escaped and ran off to the house of Bandu Patwa. He knew the device of the Sadhu. So he loosed the string off the neck of the dog and the Raja recovered his original form. Bandu Patwa shut the Raja up for some days in his house. Meanwhile the Sadhu had taken the form of the Raja and sat on his throne and lived with the Râni as her husband. One day the Sadhu sat in Darbar and gave an order that every one was to attend with his dog. Bandu Patwa went with the dog whose legs he had cut off. The Sadhu said :-" You rascal, where is your second dog?" Bandu answered :-"I have no other dog and you may search my house if you please." Then he went home and said to the Raja:-"You had better leave this and go a hundred kos off, lest the Sadhu finds and slays you." Raja Bhoj said: "I never walked a kos in my. life. How can I go a hundred kos?"
Then Bandu Patwa made a magic chariot, and mounting the Râja in it, sent him to a place which was one hundred and fifty kos distant.
The chariot halted in a garden, where the daughter of the Raja of the land was swinging. She soon went to her palace, and Raja Bhoj got into the swing and fell asleep. When the princess returned and found a man asleep in her swing, she was wroth and was about to slay him with a sword. But one of her maidens said:"It is wrong to slay a albeping man. When he wakes, slay him if you please." Then the princess woke the Raja and asked him who he was. When she heard the tale, she went to her father and said :-"I desire to marry the man whom I have found in my garden." Her father was angry and said:"Marry him if you choose." So they were married, but her father gave them no dowry and they

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om.
left him in poverty. The Raja was obliged to go and borrow some flour from the wood. cutters to make a meal for his wife and himself. He then wished to go to his own land, but the Rani said :-"We cannot go till we have returned the flour to the woodoutters." The Raja wert into the forest to cut wood, and the first tree he touched turned out to be a sandal tree. This he sold, and every day he used to cut & sandal tree, till he gained great wealth and his father-in-law recognised him and gave him half his kingdom.
One day two awans were sitting on a tree above the original palace of Raja Bhoj, and one gnid to the other :-“This is a splendid palace." The other said "The palace of Raja Bhoj is much finer." The Sadhu was listening and knew that Raja Bhoj must be alive. So he and the Rani disguised themselves and went in search of Raja Bhoj to slay him. Bandu Patwa knew their plan and he followed them. He said to Raja Bhoj :-" The Sadhu and your Rani are coming to this city, disguised as dancers, and they have planned to turn you into some vile beast and slay you. Whon they come and dance before you, they will ask as their reward your Naulakha (necklace). Do not give then the whole necklace, but keep two beads of it."
Ho did as Bandu Patwa advised, and when he had given the Sadhu and his Rani the necklace, all but two beads, he threw one bead at the Sadhu and the other at Bandu Patwa, whereupon the Sadhu became a fowl and Bandu a cat, which devoured the fowl. And that was the end of the Sadhu.
Then Raja Bhoj said to Bandu Patwa :-“ What should be done to my false Rani?" He said :-"Slay her and bury her at the cross roads, that every one's feet may fall upon her."
So it was done, and Raja Bhoj got back his kingdom and lived long and happily with his new Rani.
46. The Quest of the Princess.
(Told by Lala Hardwari Mal, teacher, Fatehpur.) There was once a Raja who had a son, and in his old age he said to himn :-"I am shutting up two rooms in thy presence. Open thein when I am dead." A few days later the Raja died; and when they saw that the prince was only a youth, the soldiers and the courtiers began to loot every thing which was in the palace. An old man was standing close by, and the prince said to him :-"Why do you not take the chance and plunder something?" The old man answered :-"I have eaten thy salt and I cannot do this." A short time after, the prince reinembered the words of his father, and he called the old man and told him to open the rooms. When he opened one room they found it full of old shoes. Then the prince told him to open the other room, and when they unlocked the door, they found a cock tied by its legs to one of the roof beams. When the cock saw them, it began to crow, and the old man said to the prince :-"It is possessed by a demon; do not touch it." The prince untied the cock and gave it to the old man to sell in the bazar.
The old man sat in the bazar by the wayside with the cock in his lap. The people began to jest at him, and one said: "For how many cowries will you sell this cock ?" He answered :-"Give me your daughter or sister for the bird and take it away." The old man did all he could to sell the cock, but no one would buy it. Then a Raja came into the bazar and asked the price of the cook. "A thousand rupees," said the old man. The Raja paid down the money and gave it to the Bhathiy Arin of an inn close by. She asked :-"Who will buy the flesh of this cock ?" The Raja replied :-"He of the bald head, the cripple, the blind and the deaf and dumb."
Then the old man got his hair shaved, bent his back and put on his eyes the web of a spider and came to the Bhathiyarin and said :-"Bibi, give me the meat of the cock. The Raja wants it." She was very glad to get rid of it, and she gave the old man the meat and the

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pot in which she had cooked it. He bought some food and went to the prince. The prince was very hungry and began to eat the flesh of the cock and the old man said :-"When you have done, throw the bones to me." As the prince was eating the meat he found in it a ring, and when he put it on his finger, two demons stood before him. When the prince asked who they were, they said :-"We are the slaves of thy finger." The prince said :-"Co and call the old man, my servant." When the old man came, the prince told him with delight how the demons had become his slaves. But he said :-"I will not live with these demons." "Do not mind them," answered the prince." They are now members of our household."
Said the old man :-"We have naught in the house to feed so many mouths as these. Let us go out hunting and kill something for food." Then one demon rolled on the ground, and at once he was turned into a horse with splendid trappings, and the other rolled on the ground and became a servant finely dressed and armed. The prince mounted the horse and rode off to the forest. By and by he came to a fort in the forest, and from it there came & piteous cry. The prince rode on and, entering the fort, he saw a Sadhu crying and a crowd of nen stood watching him. The prince asked the Sadhu why he was lamenting, and he said :-" Will you share my trouble ? " "I will share it," said the prince. Then the Sadhu said :-"In a certain land a girl has been born, and from the day of her birth twenty-five maunds of food are daily cooked. A great pan is full of boiling ghi. There are eighty-eight million tanks full of water, and the garden is in charge of a MAlin who lives two hundred million miles away. If any one were to cons:ime the food, drink the water, and go to the Malin and come back in the space of eight minutes with a garland of flowers, the girl will be given to him in marriage. But if any one attempt these tasks and fail, he will be ground to pieces in a sugarcane-mill."
The prince determined to attempt the task. When he came to the palace in which the girl lived, he saw a mighty drum hanging at the gate and this he struck to announce his coming. When the maid-servant of the girl heard the sound of the drum, she said to her mistress "Some one has come to sacrifice his life for thee." The girl told her maid to bring him, and he was taken into her presence. The girl said :-" Eat all this mass of food which has been cooked since the day I was born." The prince and the demons began to eat it, and so quickly was it eaten that they ate it all in eight mouthfuls. Then she said to them :-" Drink the water of all the tanks." They drank it all up in one gulp. Then she said to the prince :" Jump into the pan of boiling ghi." The prince was about to jump, when the demons made & sign to him, and the prince said: "Any one can do this. Let my servant do it." The princess agreed, and the deinon spat into the pan and all the heat left the ghi. Then he told the prince to jump in and he did so.
Then the princess said :-"Only one deed remains to be done. Bhura Deo (The Brown Demon) is holding a cup in the sky. You must strike it with an arrow and cause it to fall." The prince shot three arrows, but Bhura Deo held the cup so tightly that he could not make it fall. Then one of the demons flew up to the sky and broke the hands of Bhura Deo, and the other demon told the prince to shoot one arrow more. The prince did so and immediately the cup fell on the ground. Then the princess said "You must now bring the garland of flowers from the Malin." He said :-"Let one of my servants do this." The princess consented, and one of the demons flew away. Hardly a moment had passed when he returned with the garland.
So the prince married the princess. Great store of wealth she had, and they lived long in happiness.

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47. The punishment of Raja Indra.
(Told by Bansidhar, schoolmaster, Bah, Agra District.) Once upon a time there were a swan and his wife, and the land in which they lived was ruined by famine. So the swan said to his mate :-"Let us seck another land." They flew on and on, till they came to a lovely garden, in the midst of which was a lake. The awan said :-"Let us halt here." Now the master of the garden was a crow, and he received them hospitably. They stayed a few days, and as they were going away the crow said to the swan "Why are you taking your mate away with you? She belongs to me, because she was my nate in a foriner life." The swan refused to give her up, and the crow said :“Let us call a Panchayat of the birds." Now there were in that land no other birds but crows. So, before the council met, the crow went round to all his brethren and asked them to give a decree in his favour. The trial came on, and when both sides had stated their case, the council gave a verdict in favour of the crow and made over the female swan to him. The swan said: "I appeal to Raja Indra." So to Raja Indra they went, and before the case came on, the crow went to Raja Indra and said :-"If you give the case in my favour, I will bring you the fruit of immortality.” Through his longing for the fruit, Raja Indra gave the case in favour of the crow. The crow took the swan, and they nested on a tree over the palace of Raja Indra. One day Raja Indra was going to worship his god, when the crow, who had just been rooting in a dunghil, flew by and dropped a piece of filth on the head of the idol. When Raja Indra saw that his worship was defiled, he cursed the crow and said:"Faithless wretch, you promised me the fruit of immortality. Not only did you break your word, but you have defiled the deity as I am worshipping him." The crow answered :" Who art thou to claim the fruit of immortality, when thou hast lost thy virtue and doest injustice?” Raja Indra was ashamed, and the crow called the swan and said "Take your mate. I did this only to prove that even among the gods there are liars."
48. The Pound of Flesh.
(Told by Rasul Baksh, combmaker, Saharanpur.) Two men, who were gambling with dice, made a wager that the loser was to allow the other to cut off a ser of flesh. One of them having lost, the other was preparing to cut his flesh, when the loser objected. So they both referred the matter to the Kazi. After considering the case, the Kazi said to the winner "Bring your knife and cut off a ser of flesh. But if you take even the weight of a rati more or less and spill a single drop of blood, your life will be forfeited." The winner, fearing to violate this condition, abandoned the wager.
[The pound of flesh, of which the tale of Shylock is the most famous instance, has been bibliographised by R. Kohler in Orient und Occident, 315 ff. It is possibly of Oriental origin : but whether the above version is original is another matter.-W. CROOKE.]
49. The Sweeper Youth and the Rani. (Told by Pandit Tej Raja and recorded by Munshi Har Prasad, Dinaganj, Budaun District.)
There was once an old sweeper woman who used to clean the courts of the Raja's palace. One day she fell ill, and being unable to work, she dressed up her son in woman's clothes and sent him to sweep the palace instead. As the lad was sweeping, he saw the Rani sitting at the window of her chamber combing her hair : and when his eyes beheld her, he was overcome with love, and crying, "Alas for the Rani ! Alas for the Rani!” he ran home and lay there as if dead.
His mother seeing this, was amazed and feared the wrath of the Raja, if the matter came to light. So she went secretly to the Rani, told her what had happened, and

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implored her forgiveness, pleading that her son had been attacked with sudden madness. The Rani said :-"Let him give up his sweeper's trade and go into the forest and devote himself to the worship of Mahadeva."
The boy went into the forest and devoted himself to meditation, so that he became a mighty saint, and all the great ones of the land used to go to him and procure the realization of their desires. After a while the Râni said to the Raja :-"Let me too visit this famous saint, that I may pray for the long life of thee and my children." The Raja gave her leave, and she approached the saint. "I am she," said she, "whom thou sawest in the upper chamber." The saint replied:"I am not the same. The great ones of the land honour me; and this is all through devotion to the Almighty." Thus he became a real saint, and his fame spread abroad.
50. Vishnu Sarma and His Wife.
(Told by Pandit Gore Lal of Kailganwa, Lalipur, and recorded by Pandit Radhika Prasad.) There was once a Pandit named Vishnu Sarma, who for a long time refused to marry. At last, under pressure from his friends, he married a blind Brahman girl. When she became pregnant, he went to her, and after reciting mantras threw some rice over her; whereupon the child in her womb spoke and said that he was indeed his son. So he was wont to do, whenever she became with child: and the child always spoke from her womb and testified to its legitimacy.
The other women used to laugh at her, saying:-"If your husband is as learned as this, why does he not cure your blindness?" So she told her husband that if he would not give her her sight, she would commit suicide. Hereupon he threw rice over her and repeated mantras, and she recovered her sight.
One day after the time of her purification, she was bathing on the roof of her house, when her eyes fell on a groom, and she conceived. Then the Pandit threw rice over her, according to the usual practice; but the child made no reply. When he asked his wife, she would not tell him how matters stood. So for very grief and shame he fell ill and died.
After his death a son was born, who claimed a share in the estate, which the others refused to give. The case came before Raja Vikramaditya, and he asked his queen to test the matter. So she donned her royal robes and called all the sons to her. She asked each in turn to sit beside her on the couch, and those who were the legitimate sons of Vishnu Sarma refused by reason of the modesty of noble birth, while he that was the son of the 'groom took his seat beside her. Thus she knew that he was not the legal heir, and his claim was disallowed by the Raja.
[For instances of these supernatural births, see The Legend of Perseus by Hartland. -W. CROOKE.J
51. The Rogue and the Goat.
A goat once strayed into the house of a rogue, who forthwith killed and ate it. The owner came to him soon afterwards and asked him if he had seen his goat. The rogue replied:-"Not only have I seen it, but I have eaten it." "Then you must give me one as good or pay the price," said the owner. "Why should I pay for it?" said the rogue. "If you don't," answered the other, "I will claim it from you on the Day of Judgment." "But suppose I deny the matter." "Then the goat itself will come and give testimony against you." "Well," said the rogue, "when I see the goat coming before the Almighty, I will catch it by its ear and say to you, Take your goat and don't come annoying me with false charges'."
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52. The Weaver Bird and the Elephant. (Told by Ram Sahai, Brahman of Aulharanpur, and recorded by Jang Bahadur Kayasth,
Basitnagar, Hardoi District.) A Phadka or weaver bird and his wife, the Phadki, once built their nest on an acacia tree, and close by lived an elephant and his wife. Now the elephant used to come daily and rub himself against the acacia tree so violently that it was almost uprooted. One day, when the tree was shaking violently, the Phadki said to the Phadka "My dear husband, if this goes on much longer the tree will fall, our nest will be thrown down, and our eggs broken. You must see to it at once.” “What can I do against such a great beast as this?” said he.
So the Phadki went herself to the Elephant's wife and said, "Great trouble will soon befall your husband if he goes on rubbing himself against our tree." The female elephant warned her husband, but all he said was, “Let me once get the wretched creature under my foot and I will crush him to powder." Next day he went as usual to the tree, and as he was rubbing himself against it, the Phadki flew down, got into his ear, and began to scratch and tear with her claws and beak. The elephant howled for mercy, and from inside his ear the Phadk oried, "Did I not warn you that one day evil would befall you?” Then, when the Elephant besought her to desist, she repeated the following verse :
Ari chhoto ganiye nahin jate hot bigår
Trin samuh ko chhinak men chinagi deli bigar. ie. “Never despise an enemy, however insignificant. A little spark destroys a great pile of bay in a moment."
This is one of the cycle of tales in which the inferior animal overcomes the mightier one.--W. CROOKE.)
53. The Result of Charity.
(Told by Thakur Sinh, Ahir, of Saharanpur.) There was a princess who was so haughty that she said, “I will marry none save him who can bring Airavati, the elephant of Raja Indra, and all the fairies of Indrasan to the wedding.” In that city lived a poor Brahmani who was in the most bitter poverty. One day an old Brahman, who was Bhagwan in disguise, came to her door and asked for food. Her son was given to charity and he said, “Mother, there is naught in the house wherewith we may feed this poor Brahman. Cook my dinner and let him bave it." So the old woman cooked her son's dinner and gave it to the Brahman. But by the grace of Bhagwan the food doubled in quantity, and when the Brahman had eaten, there was enough and to spare for the boy and his mother. What was saved they gave tu the needy.
Bhagwan was pleased with the boy; so that night he appeared to him in a dream and said, "Go and demand the princess as your wife." Next morning the boy went to the palace and demanded the princess. Her father and the courtiers were wroth at his preBumption and the Raja ordered that he should be slain. But Bhagwan appeared to the Raja and said, "Do not slay the boy. To-morrow the elephant Airavati and the fairies of IndrasAn will accompany his marriage procession."
And so it was ; the Brahman boy married the princese amid the utmost splendour. So may Bhagwan reward all who do good.
54. The Fruits of Covetousness.
(Told by Thakur Sinh, Ahir, of Saharanpure) There was once a Chamar who wanted a cocoanut to offer to his god. So he went to the bazar to buy one. He asked the price, and the Banys said, "An anna apiece." "And whence and at what rate do you buy them ?" asked the Chamar. “They come from Kahnpur," he replied, "and they cost half an anna each." The Cham Ar thought he would

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save his money and buy at Kahnpur. So he went there and asked the Banis the price “Half an anna each," he answered. “And whence and at what rate do you get them?” “They come," he replied, "from Calcutta and the price is a pice apiece." So the Chamar went to Calcutta, and when he asked the merchant the price, he said, “ The price is a pice apiece, but if you go out to the forest close by, you can pluck as many as you like for no. thing." The Chamår went to the forest and saw the cocoanuts growing on the trees, but they were so high from the ground that his wits were bewildered. At last he took courage and climbed to the top of one of the trees and tried to break off the nuts; but the stems were very strong, and as he used his strength to break them, he slipped, but was lucky enough to cling to a branch lower down. Then he looked out for someone to help him down; and by and by a camelman came up, and the Chamår offered him a reward if he would help him. So the camelman brought his camel to the foot of the tree, hoping to jump down on its back. But as he climbed up, the camel ran away and was lost in the forest. So the two remained clinging to the branch until a horseman passed that way. They implored him to help them down. Seeing them in this strait, he made them promise him all they possessed. So he drew up his horse to the foot of the tree, hoping to jump down on his back. But when the horseman climbed up, the horse ran away and was lost, and the three remained hanging to the branch. But it was too weak to bear the weight of all of them, and it broke, and they all fell down and were killed. Such is the fate of the covetous.
55. How the Raja suffered Misfortune. (Told by Ajal Bihari Lal and recorded by Sayyid Imdad Husain, Kunwarpur, Fatehpur District.)
There was once a Raja who was famed for his glory and piety. He had a Rani whom he loved dearly, and she bore him two sons. One day the Raja was hunting in the forest, when Ill Fortune in the guise of a man met him. When the Raja asked who he was, he said, "I am Il Fortune. Many a Raja have I reduced to poverty and now I am come upon thy head." When the Raja heard this, he was sore grieved and thought to himself, "It is well that I Fortune has come upon me while I am still young and able to work for my living." So he said, “Thou art welcome.” Just then a tiger rushed out and fell upon him. He was.sore wounded. His horse was killed, but he escaped with his life. When he re. covered, he went to his capital, and on the way met a faithful servant of his house, who said, " Venture not into thy city. In thy absence the Diwan has seized the kingdom and turned thy Rani and sons out of the palace. It were well that thou shouldest not enter the city, where a reward is set upon thy head. Wait in this garden, and if it be possible, I will bring thy wife and sons to thee."
The Raja waited in the garden in sore plight, and the servant went and found the Rani and her sons in a miserable hovel in the most extreme distress. He told her of the arrival of the Raja, and she said, "If it be possible, bring me to him, and when the days of sorrow have passed I will reward thee." The servant brought the Rani and her children to her husband, and she found him lamenting his changed condition. She said, "What is the use of mourning when Paramesvár is displeased with us ? Let us go to another land and work for our living."
They wandered long and far, and at last were exhausted with hunger. They came to a river, where a kindly fisherman gave them a couple of hooks, and the princes went to the bank to catch fish. As they were fishing, & crocodile came out of the water and devoured them. Their parents searched for the boys but could not find them, and went their way sorrowing. So they came to a city, where a grain-parcher took them into his service, and for many days they worked, stoking his furnace,

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After the boys were lost, some fishermen were dragging the river, and by chance the crocodile fell into the net. When they cut him open, the two boys came out of his belly safe and sound, and the fishermen took them home and kept them as their own sons.
Now the Raja of that land was an old man and he had no son. So he sent his Wazir to search for a boy to be his heir, who should be possessed of the marks of royalty. The Wazîr found the youths with the fisherman, and when he examined them, he found the marks of royalty upon them. So the Raja took them as his sons, and by chance he appointed their own father to teach them. He did not know that they were his sons, until they came to be married and repeated the names of their forefathers. Then he knew them, and when he told the Raja of his misfortunes, he provided him with an army. So he came to his own land, overcame his faithless Diwan and they all lived in complete happiness May Parameswar change the fate of all as he changed theirs.
56. The Prince who would not marry. ..
(Told by Mukund Lal Kayasth of Mirzapur.) There was once a widow who lived near the hermitage of some Sadhus, and she was always in attendance on them. One day one of the Sadhus blessed her and said, "Woman. for thy care of us thou shalt be rewarded with a son.” She said, "How can I, a widow, have a son and what will the folk say of me?" He answered, "I cannot withdraw my blessing ; but I can change it somewhat." So he took her hand and made a mark on it with his finger ; and she conceived. And when the days were full, a son was born from her hand. She took the babe, and through fear of the folk laid it on the river-bank and went her way.
Soon after a Brahman came there to bathe, and seeing the babe, being himself childless, he took it home and reared it as his own son. Time passed, and the boy became a noted Pandit. His adopted father wished him to marry. But he said "I will not marry as long as you and my mother are alive."
When the Brahman died, he divided his substance among the poor and needy, and went to a forest, where he remained twelve years repeating the name of Rama. Then he came to a city and stood before the house of a banker. The banker asked him who he was and he said "I am a wandering Sadhu and have come to see your city." The banker replied "My house is a mere hut. It is to the Raja's palace that you should go." He came to the Raja's palace, and the daughter of the Raja saw him and gave him food. "Ask a blessing," he said. She answered, “I love a certain prince, but he refuses to marry me. Go to him and induce him to take me.”
The Sadhu went to the Prince and said-“Why do you refuse to marry the daughter of the Raja ?” He replied, “In a former life she was my mate and we were both deer One day the hunters came upon us, and she escaped and left me in their hands. Hence I will have no more to do with her.” The Sadhu answered—"Dost thou not know the tale of Jaratkaru ?" The prince said—“Say on."
Said the Sadhu-"Jaratkaru, like yourself, refused to marry. One day he went into the forest, and suddenly he came to a well in which five men were hanging. He asked them who they were. They said- We are thy five ancestors, and we must hang here until you marry and beget a son.' Hearing this, Jaratkaru agreed to marry."
Hearing the words of the Sadhu, the prince was afraid, and consented to marry the princess. The Sadhu retired to the forest, whence he was shortly afterwards translated to Vaikuntha.

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81. Bahadapura. Udayana, the famous minister of Kumâra pâia, had two sons, Bahada and Ambaka. The father, being mortally wounded in battle, entrusted to his sons the task of carrying out his wish of repairing and constructing temples at several places in Gujarat. At the time of building, as the father had wished, the Neminátha temple at Satruñjaya, the brothers also founded a town in the vicinity, named Bahadapur, after the eldor one. No extant village in the surrounding region can be identified with the place. Dr. Bhagwanlal Indraji thinks that its site may be close to the ruins east of Paltana, where large quantities of conch shells and bangles are still to be found 129.
82. Bahuloda. Jayakesin, king of Karnataka, had a daughter nained Miyaņalladevi. She longed, -90 goes the story,--for the hand of the Solanki king Karna [1064—1094), although he was very old, because she hoped successfully to use her queenly influence for abolishing the pilgrim tax levied at Bahuloda on pilgrims to Prabhasa. Forbes suggests 130 that this Bahuloda must be the same as Bhaloda, a ford on the Narmadå river near its mouth, a little above Suklatirtha. This suggestion cannot be accepted; for in the time of Karna I, the Anahilapattana kingdom did not extend much to the south of Ahmadabad, it was king Karna himself who was first to capture Asapalli or Ahmadabad, and Suklatirtha and BhAloda are more than 100 miles to the south of that city. Besides, as the pilgrim tax was on the pilgrims going from Anahilapattana and northern Gujarat to PrabhAsa, it is clear that this Bahuloda must have been somewhere on the boundary between Northern Gujarat and Kathiawad; for pilgrims from Anahilapattana could hardly be expectel to pass through Bhaloda near Suklatirtha on their way to Prabhasa. And yet we are told that when, after her marriage, Miyaņalladevi proceeded from Anahilapattana to Prabhasa, she had to pass through Bahuloda 131
This Bahuloda is most probably the village Bholads, about 20 miles south-west of Dholka For it is on the boundary line above referred to; besides, it presents no philological difficul, ties in identification.
This village Bholada must have been an important town during the eleventh, twelfth and thirteenth centuries; for the annual pilgrim tax received there amounted to 72 lakhs131. The amount of the tax inay be an exaggeration ; but it is a good indication of the traffic of the place.
88. Bharukachchha, Bharoohor Bhroach is a town of hoary antiquity; it was known as Bhrgupura, Burgukachoh ba and Bhrgukshestra in ancient times; the port of Barugaza, 139 Barygaza 138 or Bargosa 184 of the Greek writers refers to the same place.
The importance of Bhrgupura in ancient times was due to two causes; firstly, to its being a holy place, and secondly, to its being the port of export and import of the whole of northern India. Its sanotity as a 'tirtha' is recognised in the Puranas ; 136 and no wonder; for here king Bali is said to have performed the famous sacrifice, in which he gave away his whola bmpire 149 BG., I. 1. p. 188. 130 Ras Mala, p. 84.
191 Pbc., p. 84. 133 Periplus.
133 In Ptolemy. 184 In the famous epitaph on the tomb of the Indian philosopher at Athens. Of Zarmanochegae, an Indian, a native of Bargose who immortalised himself according to the custom of his country' ---Strabo, III, 119. 186 E.g., Karma Purana, II, ch. 41. The quaran ta: STATT

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to Vishnu in the form of Vâmana. As early as the first century A.D., if not much earlier, it was a well-known 'tirtha'; for Usabhadata is known to have constructed several tanks, wells, and rest houses at this place for the use of pious pilgrims 136.
But the fame, prosperity and wealth of ancient Bhrgupura were due almost entirely to its extensive maritime commerce. When precisely its maritime activity commenced, we do not definitely know; but it existed even in pre-historic times. The discovery of articles of exclusively Indian origin in the ruins of Babylon has made it absolutely certain that, as early as the third millennium before the Christian era, if not much earlier, India was carrying on extensive trade with Babylon; but as the Babylonian words for the Indian articlos are of Tamil origin, it is clear that it was the Dravidian south rather than the Aryan north which was chiefly engaged in that trade. But the prosperity of the southern ports must have soon induced Bhṛgupura to copy their example; we may therefore approximately assign the commencement of the maritime activity of Bhrgupura to the middle of the second millennium B.C.
And for this, there is ample evidence. Baudhayana Smrti, which is assigned by Buhler to the fifth century B.C., states that northerners [i.e., people of Gujarat, Kathiawad and Sindh,-for Baudhâyana himself was a southerner] being long accustomed to sea voyages are not to be condemned on that account. 137 Maritime activity in the Aryan north must then have existed long enough to be considered an established fact even by the orthodox Smṛtikâras. Then there is the evidence of the Buddhist Jatakas. The book belongs to the fifth century B.C., but the folk stories on which it is based must be much earlier. The conclusion of Dr. Buhler, based upon statements like these rariff नावाय विपणस्थाय... (Sapparaka Jat, IV, p. 140 ) तदा च भरुकुच्छ वणिजा नावाय सुवण्णभूमिं गच्छति (Sussondi Ját., III, p. 188) that this maritime activity existed in the eighth century B.C., is indeed well-founded. If it was in full swing in the eighth century B.C., it must have commenced much earlier.
Bhrgupura was not a convenient port. How dangerous was the approach to and depar ture from it, is graphically described in the Periplus. 138 Nevertheless, by the beginning of the Christian era it had monopolised all the export and import trade of northern and central India. The Periplus informs us: From Ozene is brought down to Barugaza for the supply of the country and for the export to our own markets onyx stones, porcelain, fine muslin.'138 But it was not Ujjayini alone, but the whole of the northern India, which was using this port for export trade; the importance of places like Kapadwanj, Sânchi, Bhilså and others was primarily due to their being on the trade route between Pâtaliputra and Bharoch. In fact, there was no other port which could be conveniently used in those times by Pâtaliputra, Varanasi, Kanouj and other northern cities. In the first century A.D. it had become such an important port that even Kabul was sending its merchandise to Bhrgupura for export. For the Periplus says At the same time there is brought to it from the upper country by way of Proclais for transmission to the coast Kallybourine, Patropapigic and Kabalitic spikenard, and another kind which reaches it by way, of Skuthia.' Now what places are indicated by the first two names is not known, but the last points undoubtedly to the region round Kabul; for Ptolemy calls its inhabitants Kabolitai, 139
130 भरकच्छे दशपुरे गोवर्धने चतुःशालावसधप्रतिश्रयप्रदेन आरामतडाग उदपानकरेण - Nasik cave No. 10. 137 पंचधा विप्रतिपत्तिः दक्षिणतस्तथोत्तरतः ।... अथोत्तरतः ऊर्णाविक्रयः सीधुपानं उभयतोदद्भिर्व्यवहारः आयुधीयकं समुद्रसंयानं इति । इतरदितरस्मिन्कुर्वन्दुष्यति इतरदितरस्मिन् । तत्र देशप्रामाण्यमेव स्यातू ।
138 Translation in Ind. Ant., Vol. VIII, p. 161.
139 It would seem that the export trade of the Deccan also passed through this port. For the Periplus says From these marts, Paithana and Tagara, goods are transported on waggons to Barugaza, through difficult regions that have no roads worth calling such.'

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How rich was this extensive trade may be inferred from the fact recorded by Pliny, that there was no year in which India did not drain the Roman Empire of a hundred million Besteroes. 140
Being such a flourishing port, it is natural that Bhrgupura should have been the capital of a local kingdom. 141 In this connection the epithet Pattana 'attached to it in the Jataka is significant, for Yashodhara observes, as stated already, W r ait feucl. This Bharukachchha kingdom probably comprised the territories between the Narmada and the Mahi; for the Puråņas always refer to it, when enumerating the names of countries, as
T: H T:. Being & capital, it was a well fortified place, for its ramparts are referred to in a grant of Dadda II. When not the capital of an independent kingdom, it was the headquarter of the province. During Rashtrakata rule it was a capital. With the rise to power of the Solanki dynasty, the port passed into its possession. The Salunika Vih Ara at Bharoch was built by Bahada at the desire of his dying father Udayana.
The maritime activity of the place was in full swing in the second century, as is clear from the account of the port given by the Periplus; it continued unabated to the seventh century when Hiuen Tsiang visited it in the course of his Indian tour; for the observant pilgrim has noted that the riches of the town were entirely due to its extensive maritime trade. 149 The trade probably declined considerably during the next two centuries owing to Arab piracy, which became rampant at that period.
84. Bhumillika. The dilapidated fort of Bhumli or Ghumli, situated in the Barada hill, 25 miles north-west of Porbundar, is the site of ancient Bhumillika. Once the capital of a fairly powerful principality, it is now nothing but a heap of ruins. All is now jungle where a multitude of human beings resided....Nothing remains as witness of its former glory save an insignificant temple near its western wall, the arch of a royal palace, and a large bathing reservoir. '143
Bhůmilliks was the capital of the Mers for four centuries. The original home of the Mers was in the northern part of Kathiawad, where they ruled contemporaneously with the Valabhis; but on the fall of Valabhi, they extended their sway over southern Kathiawad and transferred their capital to Bhimillika, which with its natural defences must have appeared very suitable for their purpose.
Only two inscriptions refer to Bhamillika; one of them is fragmentary and the other is spurious. The former is datod 585 C.E., but supplies no information whatever about the place ; the only information we obtain from it is that BhomillikA existed before the end of the ninth century A.D.
The Dhinkini copper-plate 144 is spurious, because there was no solar eclipse on Jyeshtha 30 VIK, BAX. 794, as the plato Alloges: Nevertheless, from the statement in the plate that king Jaikadev was ruling at Bhämillika in Vik. Sam. 794 or 738 A.D., we may conclude that . in the twelfth century (to which the forged grant seems to belong, to judge from its character), there existed a tradition of Bhamillike having been the Mer capital since very early times. We may therefore conclude that by the beginning of the ninth century Bhumillika was a capital.
In the tenth century, however, an Ahir kingdom was founded at Junagad and, as a consequence, the fortunes of Bhamillika began to decline. The Jaitwas seem to have abandoned their capital Bhůmillika and shifted their place of residence to Shrinagara, near 140 Play, Natural History, XII, p. 18.
141 Plolemy, p. 156. 163 Beal, IL. P. 269;. Their solo profit is from the sea." 145 And ., p. 184 ft.
14 Ind. Ant., XXI, 151.

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Porbunder. Bhūmillika, however, continued to be the principal fort and centre of defence of the principality till the year A.D. 1313, when it fell before a desperate siege by a Moslem army from Sindh.
According to a local legend narrated by General Jacob146, the fall of Ghumli was due to a curse pronounced by Suan Kasarin, a coppersmith's daughter, upon the ruling king for mur. dering her bridegroom-elect with a view to violate her chastity. She first threw herself on the protection of the local Brahmanas, who gladly espoused her causo ; no less than 125 of them performed self-immolation for her sake, but to no purpose. Nothing would soften the tyrant's heart, and finding no way of escape, the virgin bride uttered a fearful curse, that the city and its king would be destroyed, and she then escaped in flames, ' a victim of tyranny, love and superstition. Soon after occurred the Sindh invasion, and the town, after a prolonged siege and desperate battle, fell.
This tradition seems to be not altogether imaginary. It is true that it assigns the Sindh invasion of 1313 to the eleventh century, but such mistakes of dates are common even to true traditions. The tradition seems to be true ; firstly, because there still exists on a hill near Ghumli a temple dedicated to the heroine of the above legend, and secondly, because the fact that even after the withdrawal of the Muhammadan army, the Jaitwas did not attempt to rebuild the fort and restore the city, seems to show that they were influenced by the superstition about the ourse of the dying virgin.
To judge from the extent of the ruins, Bhumillikê was about a milo in length and half a mile in breadth ; its population therefore might well have been about 15,000. The ground plan of the town resembles & widespread fan. The ramparts of the fort were strong and massive and were surrounded by a deep ditch.
35. Mangrol or Mangalapura Pattana. The port of Mangrol, situated a little below Navibunder in Kathiawad, is a very ancient place, widely famous even in the first century as a good port. For Monoglosson, mentioned as a mart in Kathiawad or Syrastrênê by Ptolemy146, is no other than this very port. It cannot be Mangalore on the Malabar Coast, for Ptolemy distinctly says that it is in Syrastrênê. Gohils were ruling here in the twelfth century as feudatories of the Solankis.
86. Matri. MAtri is referred to as the name and headquarter of a sub-division in the Samangad grant of Dantidurga ;147 and tradition, apparently based upon the verse
मातृभाक्तः प्रतिग्रामं प्रामलक्षचतुष्टये ।
ददता भूप्रदानानि यस्य मात्रा प्रकाशिता ॥ in this grant asserts that the sub-division was so named, because in every village thereof a grant to Brâhmanas was made by the mother of king Dantidurga.
Matri, here mentioned, is the same as modern Måtar Taluka with its headquarter at Matar, five miles south of Kaira. From the verse :
महीमहानदीरेवारोधोभित्तिविदारणम् ।
लोका विलोकयन्त्युच्चैः कृतं यज्जयकुनरैः ॥ ooourring in the above plate, it is clear that Dantidurga's sway extended even to the north of Kaira, so there is nothing improbable in Mátrî of the plate being Matar above referred to, especially as the new name is an obvious modification of the old one. .
87. Mottaka. Mota, five miles north of Bardoli, is an ancient town; for it is the same as Mottaka, mentioned in the grant of Dhruva III, dated Saks 789. The grant states that Mottaka was situated in the Karmântapura district; and Mota, the modern counterpart of Mottaka, is 145 JR4S., V, p. 78.
146 P. 38.
147 Ind. Ant., XI, 110 ff.

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but 20 miles from Kattargam, the modern counterpart of Karmêntapura. Besides, the grant refers to the place as a
WATEUR, 148 and modern Mota is even now famous as the home of Motala Brahmanas. There can be, therefore, no doubt about the identification.
There exists, as far as we know, no other references to the place earlier or later, inscriptional or literary; so no more information about the place is available.
88. Modhera. The village Modhera, 18 miles south of Patana, was in early times a fair-sized town; the brick remains and occasional fragments of sculptured stones that are scattered round the present hamlet justify this inference.
It was formerly a contre of solar worship. The present dilapidated temple of the sun was one of the most beautiful and splendid temples in Gujarat. From its style and struoture the temple appears to belong to the eleventh century and the inscription dated
1061, on one of its stones confirms this view. But the temple must have been a centre of solar worship for a long time; otherwise the necessary funds for the erection of such a beautiful and grand temple would not have been forthcoming. Temples of the sun were common in ancient India as early as the fifth oentury. The famous Mandasor inscription of Bandhuvarman and Kum Aragupta records for example the building of a sun-temple149 at Dasapura in 629 A.D. Our Modhera solar worship may not perhaps be as old as the sixth century; but it must be much earlier than the eleventh.
There existed for about eight centuries near Modhera a very big reservoir of water, formed by a dam constructed across the Râpen. The lake was named Karnasagara, after Karna Solanki [1063-1094) who built it. The dam was strong enough to last for about 750 years, for it gave way only in 1814 A.D. The area covered by the lake was about 10 sq. miles.
Siddharaja Jayasimha converted the place into a fort during the twelfth century thus enhancing the importance of the town.
89. Vatapadrapura. Vatapadraka or Vatapadrapura is the ancient name of modern Baroda. The change of Vatapadra in Skt. into Vadodara in Prakrit has many parallels, like M&yor, Dabhoi, Dholka, eto., which are already referred to under Nandipuri.
Vatapadra was the name of several villages in Kathiawad and Gujarat in ancient times, but the one referred to in the Baroda plates of Karkardja II (dated Saka 734) ie the modern Baroda itself. For the grant informs us that to the east of Vatapadra was Jam buvdvika, which is the same as Jambuwada to the east of modern Baroda ; to the west Avkotaka, which is the same as modern Akota, west of Baroda ; to the north Vaghghachcha, which is the same as Vaghodia, north of Baroda.
During the ninth century, however, Baroda was only a village ; for the grant of Karka. råja above mentioned confers the whole revenues of Vatapadra on the Brahmaņa donce. This would hardly have been the case, bad the place been an important town like modern Baroda. Besides, the plate itself says that it was a village or 44.
During the course of the next three centuries the village seems to have developed into a town; for Merutunga calls it a 'pura,' when he mentions it as one of the places where Kumarapala had stopped for a while, on his flight from Cambay to Bharoch when pursued by Sid. dharaja. Now as Baroda is situated just on this road, Vatapadrapura of Morutunga must be Baroda itself.
During the thirteenth century the town seems to have been a centre of trade, some merchants from it are known to have defrayed the expenses of a temple of Aditya at Pattana during the reign of Kumarapala. The town, however, was not very important; 14. Ind. Ant., XI, 111 ff.
149. stoletja ng affeci:

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had it been so, the Girnar inscription of 1222 A.D. would have mentioned it along with Anahilapattana, Dhavalakka, Stambhatírth and others. • Acoording to tradition the place bore in ancient times the name Chandanavati, which was subgequently changed to Varavati.160 There is no inscriptional or literary evidence to support the tradition. From the ninth century, at any rate, the name of the place was Vatapadra.
40. Vardhamâna. Wadhwan, the headquarter of Wadhwan prant in northern Kathiawad, has a history of several centuries behind it. For it is the same as Vardhamana, which is mentioned as the headquarters of a bhukti'or taluka, in the grant of Siladitya IV, dated 403 G. E. 161
In the eighth oentury, however, it was only a fair-sized village, being simply the headquarters of a taluka, as the absence of the epithet' purs' after it would seem to indicate; but soon its importance increased. The Anahilapattana Chavotakas, it would seem, had permitted the establishment of a branch of their family at Vardhamana in feudatory relation to them. selves; for in the Haddal copperplate a Chap king says of himself :-'
a v a Araruतेन समधिगताशेषमहाशब्देन महासामन्ताधिपतिश्रीधरणीवराहेण...कृतम्'118
In the beginning of the tenth certury (for the above grant is dated Saka 839), Vardhamana had developed into a feudatory capital. It was probably at this time that it was transformed into a fort by the construction of strong ramparts.
With the rise of the Solankis at Anahilapattana, the Ch&pa rule at Vardhamana came to an end. Nevertheless the importance of the town did not diminish ; for it now became a frontier fort of the Solanki Empire. It was a military camp where the army used to be mobilised and concentrated, when the Solankis had to take action against their southern neighbours. Merutunga informs us that when Siddhardja proceeded to subdue the Abhir king of Junagad, his army was encamped at Srivardhamanapura, whence it commenoed its march southward, 163 along the new road across the peninsula specially constructed for military purposes by Siddharája. [Before the construction of this road, the way to Soman&ths from Anahilapura was along the coast via Valabhi, Ghogha, Hastakavapra and Dwipa. Direot route across the peninsula was rendered difficult by the dense forests with which it was covered.) The construction of the new route resulted in the importance of Vardhamana being considerably enhanced.
In ancient India Vardhamana was a common name of towns, several of which were known by that name. But Vardhamana, referred to in the two inscriptions above, is Vadhwan in Kathiawad. As the inscriptions state clearly that it was situated in Saurashtra, this Vardhamáns can 164 be neither the Vardhamana situated in Bihar, 166 nor the Vardhamanakoti in Dinajpur District (where Harshvardhans had encamped in 638 A.D.), nor the Vardhamana situated apparently between Allahabad and Benaras, 166 nor the one situated in Malwa. 157
The town is named aftor Vardhamana Swamin, the 24th Jain Tirthaikara, who is said to have relieved it from tho ravages of a cannibal Yakshs. The Jain Tirthankara in question is a historio personality, but whether he flourished here is extremely doubtful. The legend only shows that the town was, in early times, a centre of Jainism ; and we know that Merutunga, the famous Jain priest and author, was a native and inhabitant of this place. All his books, which are so valuable for reconstructing the ancient history of Gujarat, were composed at this place. 150 Baroda Gaz.
1 Arafafafarlararae Tea 14.-JRAS., X, 336. 153 Ind. Ant., XII, 193.
168 Pbr., p. 96. 14 GDAI., 1. under.
166 JAS., Bongal, 1883. 16 Mrafeer. 24, 25.
167 JAN., Bongal, 1883.

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41. Valabhi.
Col. Tod was the first scholar to identify ancient Valabhi with modern Vala, 18 miles west by north of Bhavnagar, and the capital of a third class chief in Kathiawad. In the local slang, the town is still called Valen; in documents two centuries earlier it is spelt as Valeh or Valhe, which is a corruption of Valahi of Jain and Valabhi of Sanskrit writers. It is true that modern Vala is not a port, while Alberuni's statement that the town was destroyed by a naval expedition from Sindh 168 shows that ancient Valabhi was a port; but this discrepancy does not make the above identification untenable; for the creek which once united Valabhi to the sea has since been choked up with silt.169
Valabhi was founded by Bhattaraka, the Gupta general in Saurashtra, who overthrew Parnadatta, the imperial viceroy, at Girinagara. At first Bhattaraka professed allegiance to the imperial house, but soon after the death of Skandagupta [c. 482] he became independent, transferred his capital to Valabhi, a new city which he had founded, leaving a Governor at Junagad to look after his affairs there.
Dr. Bhagwânlâl Indraji observes the ruins of Valabhi show few signs of greatness." With due deference to the learned doctor, we must beg to differ from him. In the first place we cannot expect to find any imposing ruins at Valabhi, for it was destroyed about 770 A.D., while stone buildings were introduced in Gujarat only in the ninth century. A city built of mud and wood cannot be expected to preserve imposing traces of its greatness eleven centuries after its fall. Secondly, from Hiuen Tsiang we know that its circumference was six miles and that its population was numerous and wealthy. There are a hundred,' he says, whose wealth amounts to a million. The rarest merchandise from distant countries is found there in abundance. '160
Valabhi then must have been a flourishing city of great importance. Nor was the dominion, of which it was the capital, as insignificant as Dr. Bhagwanlal thought. There is undisputed inscriptional and historic evidence to prove that even in 760 A.D., the sway of Valabhi extended to Wadnager in the north, 161 Godhra in the east 163 and Junagad in the west. 163
Besides being capital and port, Valabhi was also a famous centre of Buddhistic scholarship. Hiuen Tsiang attests the existence of one Buddhistic vihara' at a little distance from the town, but the copperplates show that there was also another located in the city itself. Hiuen Tsiang's statement that the former was founded by Sthiramati and Gunamati is confirmed by a copperplate grant of Dharasena I, dated 269 G.E., which states that the monastery was founded by Sthiramati.164 The city monastery, which is usually described as framfarae, was founded by Dudda who was a daughter of the sister of King Dharasena I 166, and who is therefore referred to as Queen Dudda in inscriptions. 166
These monasteries which were very liberally endowed by the reigning, house 167 were centres of Buddhistic learning. Sthiramati, the founder of the first Vihara, was a deep and famous scholar; he had written several commentaries upon the works of his 'guru Vasubandhu, which were well known in the days of Hiuen Tsiang. 168 His monastery had a splendid library of sacred books; a fragmentary grant of Guhasena I, dated 240 G.E., provides, inter alia, for the purpose of the purchase of holy books. 169
100 Beal, II, p. 260.
158 Sachau's trav. I, p. 192. 159 BGI., 1. p. 79. 162 Siladitya V, grant of, 441 G. E.. Ind. Ant., X, p. 16. 181 Alina copper plates, Gupt. Vol., p. 171.. 163 Beal, II, p. 7. 164 मया वलयामा कार्यरत स्थिरमतिकारित श्रीवाया... 106 स्वभागिनेयीपरमोपासिकादुड्डाकारितविहाराज - Dharasenas grant, Ind. Ant, IV, p. 115.
166 बलभिस्वतलनिविष्टवुड्डाकारित विहार - Dhruvasena II, grant of, 310 a.x.
167 Dhruvasena II, grant of, 310; Guhasena, grant of, 240 G.; Dharasena I, grant of, 269 a.m.; Dadda II, grant of, 417 G.E., &c., &c. 108 Beal II, p. 260 ff. 100 eden gerade(wards).

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The Valabhi kings were patrons of learning. They valued science just as they reverenced religion. 170 Like ascetics, scholars also flocked to their court. Valabhi had become during their dynasty as famous a centre of Buddhistic learning and scholarship as Nalanda. For It-Sing tells us that in his time (671-695 A.D.) Nalanda and Valabhi were the only two places in India, which deserved comparison with the famous centres of learning in China. Advanced students, instructed by their teachers and instructing others, used to pass two or three years at these centres. Eminent and accomplished men also used to assemble in crowds to discuss possible and impossible doctrines.' We may here mention that Bhartihari, the author of Bhatti kavya, flourished in this city under the patronage
of Shri Dharasena IV.171
40
The city was a fortified place; the gates of ramparts are referred to in one inscription.173 There was ample open space outside the ramparts where, the army could be encamped and fairs held. Some of the space was reserved for gardens and orchards, which answered the needs both of recreation and religion. An inscription of Guhasena I, dated 240 G.E., records the grant of several gardens in the city to the Vihara founded by Dudda.
Valabhi rulers were quite catholic in their charity; hence all sects flourished in the capital. Hiuen Tsiang records that there were temples of Jains and several hundreds of the heretics. Valabhi must therefore have attracted in its days of glory several Brahmana immigrants, an inference which is supported by inscriptional evidence. 173
The prosperity of Valabbi lasted only for about three centuries. Several legends are told regarding the cause and manner of destruction of Valabhi; but being mutually inconsistent, they are of little historic value. The conjectures of early scholars, who assigned its destruction to Scythian or Baktrian invasions, have now to be rejected, as the city was existing in a flourishing condition about 640 A.D., when Hiuen Tsiang visited it. As the Valabhi copperplates bring the dynasty down to Silâditya VII and to the year 766 A.D.,174 the fall of Valabhi must have taken place during the reign of his successor Dhruvabhatta. The local tradition, which assigns the event to the year 523 A.D., as well as the Prabandhachintamani statement that it took place in 376 VIK. SAM.176, must be summarily rejected.
The legend, which assigns the dilapidation of Valabhi to an earthquake, caused by the curse of an enraged Brahmana 176, will be acceptable only to those who believe in sudden supernatural interference in human affairs. The story told by Merutunga of Raika, a disaffected merchant prince of Valabhi, financing a Muhammadan invasion from Sindh, embodies a historic fact; for, it is confirmed by Alberuni, 177
At the instigation then of this Rańka, who was somehow enraged with the Valabhi king, whether it was for taking forcibly the jewelled comb of his beloved daughter for the princess' use or for wishing to occupy the villa dearly bought by him, we need not stop to enquire. The Sindh ruler sent an expedition by sea. The naval detachment made a surprise night attack, in which the king was killed; the city was afterwards pillaged and destroyed. Now as Mansura, the capital of the Moslem king who sent the expedition, was not founded till about 750 A.D., and as the latest Valabhi copperplate is of the year 766, we may assign the fall of Valabhi to about 775 A.D.
The Arab historians admit that the victor could not impose his terms upon the vanquished; the Rajputana tradition, which states that a branch of the local family continued to rule at Valabhi till its subjugation by Malaraja at the end of the tenth century appears to be based upon a historic fact.
170 Beal II, p. 269.
171 काव्यमिदं रचितं मया वलभ्यां श्रीधरसेन नरेन्द्रपालितायाम् । 173 विजयस्कन्दावारालभित्र द्वार होंब वा सकात् - Siladitya, grant of, 290 G..
179 Eg., आनन्दपुरविनिर्गताय... वलभिवास्तव्याय - Grant of Siladitya II, 352 0..
174
Pbc., p. 176.
Sahau's trav., I, p. 193.
Alina copperplates, Gupta Vol., p. 171: 170 JRAS., XIII, p. 151.
175
177

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42. Våmanasthall Vamanasthalt or modern Vantthali is about 8 miles south-west of Junagad. In a local ranastambha 'inscription the place is called Vamanapura. The place is a very old one. The Mahabharata refers to a Vamana Tirtha 178 but gives no clue to its locality ; but in all probability it is the same as our Vamanasthali; for Girnar Mahatmya states that the central incident in Vamana incarnation took place at this very place and that the city was founded by Vámana himself. There is still a temple of Vamana at the place. It thus appears almost certain that V&mana tirtha of the Mahabharata is the same as our V&manasthali.
According to a tradition which seems to be trustworthy Vamanasthalt was the capital of the Kathiawad Viceroys of the Guptas 179 during the fifth oentury. Nor is there any necessary clash between the tradition and the inscriptional evidence which, as we have seen already, 180 points out to Girinagara being the capital. For the distance between the two towns is only about 8 miles, both were situated in one and the same Pauranic locality: and it is just possible that the Gupta Viceroys may be shifting in the summer to Girnar hills from Vamanasthalf like our present Viceroys shifting to Simla from Delhi.
Paro adatta the last local viceroy, says the tradition, was a weak ruler,-a statement which we can accept only if we regard the composer of the Junagad Skandhagupta inscription as a fulsome liar, but whether weak or strong he was overthrown by his General Bhattaraka who for & time continued to rule at Vamanasthali as a Gupta feudatory. But soon after the death of Skandhagupta [c. 480] he declared independence, and shifted his capital to Valabhi, placing a governor at V&manasthali, to look after the administration of the province.
Vamanasthall continued to be, throughout the Valabhi rule, & province of that dominion. Local governors had probably become hereditary chiefs, for Hiuen Tsiang speaks of a king of Saurashtra residing at the foot of Orjayanta mountain but being a feudatory of the Valabhi house. A grant of Dhruvasena III dated 332 ... records the gift of Pedhabhadra village in Vamanasthali distriot, thus proving that the district in question belonged to the Valabhi dominions. At the fall of Valabhi, the local viceroy became independent. Ho had no son and therefore appointed his son-in-law as successor. Thus was founded the Chadashama dynasty at Junagad in the ninth century.
The local kings it appears were not favourably inclined to Saivism, for we find that Malardja attacked and captured the city and took its ruler Graharipu prisoner for molesting pilgrims to Prabhasa. Graharipu promised to behave better and was reinstituted as a feudatory. But the Chûdaśamás, the Solankis found to be refractory feudatories; for Siddharaja Jayasimha had twice to undertake punitive expeditions to Vamanasthall. The same was the experience of the Vaghelas ; Viradhavala though married to the sister of the reigning brothers, could not induce them to pay the customary tribute. The sister's entreaties proved unavailing before the manly and independent spirit of her brothers. A fearful battle ensued in which both the brothers were slain. Nevertheless the victor could do nothing more than collecting his tribute ; for we know that the Chadasamas continued to rule right up to the sixteenth century when their dominions were annexed by Daulatkhan Ghori.
48. Visnagar or Visala nagara. This is a town of medieval origin founded by Visalded. Whether he was the Vaghela prince or the head of the confederaoy that drove the Muhammadans in 1146 is doubtful. 376 Chap. III, p. 85. 170 Ind. Ant., II, 312. 180 Pide back under. Girinagara.'

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44. satrunjaya. Satrufjaya, a famous centre of Jainism in Kathiawad, is situated on a hill about 35 miles, south-west of Bhavnagar. There are at present two temples on the hill-one of Adinatha and the other of Neminátha. Of these Adinatha's temple is apparently the older, since it wag repaired by Ambaka at the desiro of his dying father Udayana, the minister of Kuindrapala ; it must have been originally constructed many years eorlier.
As regards the Neminátha or Parswanemi temple, it was built by Vastupala, minister of Bhima. Someswara's statement regarding this temple, viz.,
धर्माय निर्मापयतिस्म तस्मिन्मन्त्री धरित्रीभृति वस्तुपालः ।
HATA HyraryThat II Ki Kau. IX, 39, is confirmed by the Girnar inscription of the year 1288 VIE. SAM wherein we read ter after preifatrwy agreftet
a f ... Vastupala is also said to havo built a tank at the foot of the hill. Cf. ETECKTET E f a# TIX, 43. ]
45. Sivabhagapura. Sivabhâgapura appears as the headquarter of a district in two inscriptions. In the Kapadwanj grant of Dhruvasena III dated G.E. 334 it is inentioned as a distriot as also in the Kharagraha II plates (dated 337). In the latter plates we read wiegtafetare A Trear f og fra farmara wewat : : From theso two plates, therefore, we may conclude that (i) Sivabbagapura was somewhere in the vicinity of Kapadwanj, and that (ii) it could not have been far away from Khetaka where the donee of the second grant was residing.
We are therefore inclined to think that Şivabhagapura is the same as modern Sivarajapura, situated five miles east of Godhra. It is about 35 miles from Kapadwanj and 50 from Kaira. Pangulapallikagrama appears to be the modern village Pallia in Thasra Taluka which is about 30 miles from Kairs where the donee was residing and 20 miles from Sivarajapura to which district it belonged. The change of bhaga' into 'raja' in the body of name of the place is such as casily occurs in course of time.
46. Srinagara. Srinagara near Porbunder is an ancient place. According to the tradition of Rajput bards it became the capital of the Jaitwas in the tenth century when they found it un afe to reside at Bhamillika or Bhumli owing to the Ahir capital, Junagad, being too dangerously near it. Srinagara they soon abandoned for Porbunder.
Ptolemy (p. 33) mentions Bardazêına as a town in Syrastrene or Saurashtra which Yule identifies with Porbunder. But Dr. Burgess prefers Shrinagar, a much older place in the same distriot having near it a small village called Bardiya which may possibly be a reminiscence of the old name. If such is the case, Srinagara may be as old as the first century B.C.
47. Srbhavana. Veni and Radhanpur plates of Govinda Iil, both of the Saka year 789, refer to one city called Sribhavana. These inscriptions inform us almost in identical words that after the defeat of the Gurjara, Malava and Marasarva kings, Govinda III had encamped his army at Sribhavana during the rainy season before he undertook operations on the Tungabhadr& against the king of Karnataka. This Sribhavana then must have been rather in Gujarat than in Karnataka ; for it is reasonable to suppose that after three arduous campaigns against three different kings, the army would naturally have preferred a stay at its home rather than somewhere in Karnataka, an enemy country to go where would have entailed a march of several hundred miles. Sribhavana then must have been somewhere in Gujarat. The statement in

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the plates free for Ta araiu STI TEHETTE forretrgate II gives us no clue to its situation, but Merutunga's statement that Siddharaja Jayasimha had encamped at Sribhavana on his way back from Malwa to Apabilapattana shows clearly that it must be somewhere on the way from Malwa to Gujarat. Dr. Bhagwanlal Indraji suggests that this Śribhavana might be modern Sarbhon about six miles east of Amoda in Bharoch district. There is no philological difficulty in this proposed identification ; but some diffioulty arises owing to there being another Sarbhon in Surat Taluka about five miles south of Bardoli. This latter Sarbhon however cannot be our Sribhavana, for it is too much to the south to be a convenient place of stoppage for Siddharaja on his return from Malwa to Anahila pattana. Even Sarbhon near Amod is rather too much to the south; but we may well suppose that the king may have decided to visit Bharoch before his return to the capital.
From its desoription given by Merutunga, it would appear that Sribhavana was a city of considerable importance. It had several temples and public buildings which were illuminated on the arrival of the victorious monarch. In the eighth oentury also it must have been no small town, for it oould conveniently accommodate and meet the needs of a victorious army of considerable numerical strength.
48. srimala. N.B.-Being situated outside the boundary of Gujarat, Srimala ought to have been excluded from this thesis, nevertheless as it was the capital of the only kingdom long known as the Gurjars kingdom, it was decided to include it.
Pielo-mo-lo was, according to Hiuen Tsiang, the capital of the Kieu-che-lo or Gurjar kingdom. Cunningham had proposed to identify it with Balmer, but it is now generally admitted that Pi-lo-mo-lo is Bhinmal, situated about 80 miles to the north of Anahilapattana and 40 miles west of Mount Abu.
According to Srimala-Mahatmya in Skanda Purdna, the city has been changing ito name every 'Yuga,' Srimala, Ratanmala, Pushpamala and Bhinmal being its names in Krta, Treta, Dw¶ and Kali Yugas respectively. All these names may not perhaps have been in vogue; but SrimAla certainly was ; for in about 16 inscriptions discovered at Bhinmal, the town is referred to as Srimala. Cf. : GOT Herera EAT:
Srimala MAhAtmya tells a number of legends about the city, how it was founded by YayAti, how Gautama practised severe penance there, how Laxmi remembered here her former birth, eto. We need not however stop to consider them; they are useful only in attesting to the antiquity of the place which, however, can be otherwise proved.
Srimala was the capital of the main Gurjara principality ever since its establishmet in Marwad. This event took place, as we have already seen, early in the sixth century ; BO it was then that the town was founded. At the time when Hiuen Tsiang visited it, it was in flourishing condition, its circuit was six miles, population dense and establishments rich and well supplied.
The prosperity of the town, however, increased as years rolled on. For, the Gurjara rulers of the place grew very powerful and their principality ranked fourth in India ; so the town too must have increased in importance. Extensive fortifications were constructed and according to Uffet. the English traveller (who visited it in 1611), they enclosed a circuit of 36 miles. 181 Within the enclosed wall were constructed several tanks which served the double purpose of facilitating defonce and meeting the various needs of citizens. All these tanks are now stonestripped and many of them are filled up. In fact only three remain, Brahma Sarovara, Karada Lake and Jaikop tank. The town possesses an ancient temple the sun called
101 Yleh in Korr's voyages quoted in BG., 1.1, p. 449.

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Jagatswamin whioh is perhaps as old as the town itself. From the inscriptions at the place, it appears that a big festival was celebrated at the temple every Aświna month: Cf. afareta Tereer..
T afur...( Inscr. No. 12 ). Prosperity of Bhinmal declined with the rise of the Solankis during the eleventh and twelfth centuries. Still the local dynasty continued to rule, perhaps as feudatories, to the end of the thirteenth century, for the Bhinmala inscriptions take the dynasty right up to the end of that century. At about A.D. 1297 the dynasty was overthrown by Muhammadans and the importance of the town began to dwindle rapidly. For a while early in the fourteenth century, the place retained some importance as it was one of the chief towns in the kingdom of the Gongira Chowhans of Jhalor (J&balipura); but even that principality soon succumbed to the Muhammadan pressure and Bhinmal lost its importance for ever.
Srimala has been from early times the home of Srimali Brahmaņas. Magha, himself a Srimali Brahmapa, was a native of this place and enjoyed the court's patronage. It was to Bhinmal or Srimale, that the messengers of King Bhoja repaired when they were sent out to bring Magha. For in Prabandhachintamani, we read my w refrathi पुण्यवत्तां च सततमाकी सपनोसकसबा राजादेः सततं प्रेग्यमानैः श्रीमालमगराखिमसमवे समानीव सबहुमानं... Here...9 a frarestato ali... preer The statement of Prabandhachinidmani is further confirmed by Prabhavakacharita of Pradyumnaasûri in the 14th canto of which we read
भस्ति गुर्जरचोऽम्बसीराजनबदुर्जरः । स श्रीमालमित्वस्ति पुरं मुखमिव सितेः। सत्र...श्रीवर्मलाताबमधुमर्मभिदासमःस्व सुप्रभदेवोऽस्ति मन्त्री मितसपा-किलः॥ .................................
A efter: श्रीमाषी नन्दनीबागस्विन्दनाशीलचन्दनः।। It is therefore clear that our Srimala is the city where the poet Magha flourished by the end of the tenth century.
49. Siddhapura Siddhapura, situated about 15 miles further up the Saraswati than Anahilapattana, has come to acquire its present name during the twelfth century. Before that century, the name of the place was Sristhala. For in an insoription of Malardja188 we read
चौलुम्बान्वबनः महाराजाधिराज-श्रीमूलराज....समस्तरामपुरुषानवबोधयति । ...अस्तु वः संविदितम् | वया श्रीमदन हिलपाटकावस्थितरस्मानिःसूर्वमहणपर्वणि श्रीस्थलके प्राचीसरस्वतीवारिणि स्नात्वाविद्यापति रुद्रमहालय
.... Here the mention of the famous Rudramahalaya temple makes it abundantly clear that Sristhals can be no other place than Siddhapura (which at present POBBesses the RudramahAlaya temple). The circumstance of the Saraswati taking a sudden turn to the east is also satisfied by Siddhapura ; it is in fact considered peculiarly holy precisely on this sooount.
The city was given its present name in the twelfth century in honour of Siddhardja Jayasimha who completed the temple of Rudramahalaya left incomplete by MalarAja. The looal Brahmaņas, who probably devised this name, must have taken peculiar pleasure in proposing it, for it was complimentary not only to Siddharaja but also to themselves; for Siddhapura also means the city of the perfected.'
Neither the Mahabharat 183 nor Agni Purdņa, 184 neither Kürma Purana186 nor Vardha Purdya186 make any mention of Sristhala as a 'tirtha.' Nevertheless at present the place is regarded as a very holy tfrtha ; Sraddhs offerings to maternal ancestors are enjoined to 101 Ind. Ant., VI, p. 192.
193 III, ch. 84, 85.
184 Chap. 109. 14 Uttarabhaga, chap. 35.
186 Chap. 149.

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be offered here as those to the paternal ancestors are enjoined to be offered at Gay&. Hence the place is often called 'mâts gaya.' For, the legend says that it was by bathing at the Alpasarovara of this tîrtha and by using its water for the Sraddha to his mother that ParagurAma was purified from the sin of murdering his mother at the dictate of his furiated father.187 The Matr Yajñia is performed at KapilAśrams, two miles west of the town where besides the Alpasarovara, there are two more holy lakes, viz., Jñana v&pik& and Bindusarovara.
The city rose to importance under Malaråja. Goaded perhaps by qualms of conscience for having murdered his maternal uncle, Mälar&ja passed most of his old age at Sristhala. By his royal patronage he induced several families of learned Brahmanas in U. P. to come to and domicile in Sristhala. Audichyas, Gaudas and Kanojas still ascribe their arrival in Gujarat to the royal invitation of Málarája given to their ancestors.
The famous RudramahAlaya temple at Siddhapura was commenced during the reign of Málarája; but owing to several reasons much progress was not made with the work. Sid dharaja however took up the task and reconstructed the whole temple on a scale far surpassing that originally contemplated by Molardja. To judge from the ruins, the temple covered an oblong of about 230 foot by 300; in the centre stood the temple, two or three stories high with a mandap of 500 square feet.
The temple has twice suffered from Muhammadan vandalism, once in 1297-8, at the hands of Ulagh Khan and again in 1415 at the hands of Ahmadshaha. At present only a few fragments remain, but to judge from the description of the temple in Prabandhschintamani it must have been, before the Muhammadan sacrilege, an edifice of exquisite beauty and magnificent grandeur.
Ptolemy mentions, among the towns east of the Indus, a town Asinds which SaintMartin identifies with Siddhapur. This identification cannot be accepted, for Siddhapura itself, as shown already, is a modern name. Asinda bears hardly any resemblance to Sri. sthala, the ancient name of the town.
50. Simhapura. Simhapura is the same as modern Sihor, 18 miles due south of Bhavnagar and 25 miles West of Hathab. Simhapura, through Simhûr, has become Sihor, the preceding vowel being lengthened by way of compensation for the loss of the following nasal.
Simhapura was in ancient times a flourishing city of great importance. Burgess thinkg188 that it was the capital of the Sah dynasty but there is no evidence, inscriptional or literary, to support this conjecture. Under such circumstances then a conclusion based apparently on the presence of the word Simha in the name of the town is likely to be misleading.
We must also observe that Simhapura mentioned in Brihatsamhitd as a city which suffers from a lunar eclipse in Amphora 189 is not the same as our Simhapura in Saurashtra. That Simbapur is the district so named which is situated on the north-western frontier of India adjacent to Kashmir.
Our Simhapura is certainly an ancient town; for it figures as an important town as early as the seventh century. For, there is a grant of Dharasena IV, dated 326 G.E., wherein we read farscaparata: fairy magret og 1994 fra 1974:190 The usual way
187 109
Ind. Ant., XIII, p. 282 ff. Ker's translation, p. 34.
188 180
Ant. K., p. 18. JBBRA8., X, 79.

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of the plates to refer to towns and villages is by mentioning the territorial division in which they were situated. The fact that Simhapura is mentioned by itself shows that it was then too well known to need any such reference.
How much older than the sixth century the city is we do not know. Among the several cities mentioned in Ptolemy or the Periplus, it does not bear resemblance to any, nor are there any inscriptional or litorary references to it. So the exact antiquity of the city we cannot determino.
In the tenth century, the city becamo a colony of Audichya Brahmanas who came to reside there at the invitation of Malardja. Siddharája Jayasimha is said to have assigned a hundred villages 101 to this Audichya colony in the twelfth century.
The site of the old city is half a mile away from the modern village. In connection with the name of the place, it is interesting to note that as late as the middle of the last century, lions were numerous in the adjoining forest-clad bills; even now there are many panthere.
51. Saml. Among the cities east of the Indus Ptolemy (p. 150 ff.) mentions one as Auxoamis or Ayumis. Saint Marten identifies this with Sami, the capital of a Muhammadan chief, lying a little to the east of the Saraswati and 25 miles from the coast. Yule, however, thinks that Auzoamis is Ajmer, but this is doubtful, for the sequence of the oities mentioned leads us to think that the city in question should be not far from Astakapra and Theophile, both of which are situated in the peninsula. Ajmer besides is too much inland. Saint Marten's identification too is by no means convincing ; we are inclined to think that modern Sami may not be so old. We are, however, unable to propose any identification for Auxoamis of Ptolemy. It was probably in Rajputana as it is stated to be to the east of the Indus and not in Gujarat.
52. Suryapura. A grant of Siladitya V dated 441 G.E. mentions one Saryapura as the head. quarter of a vishaya or district. Forbes names Suryapura as one of the harbours of Anahila vad kingdom and thinks that it may be Surat. 192 But this view has to be rejected. In the first place Surat is a modern town; we have already seen that Karmântapura was the chief city in Surat district in ancient times. It is hardly possible for two cities situated two miles apart to flourish together. Secondly, we must remember that the Chavotakas never possessed the Lata provinces; it was as late as the time of Solanki Karņa (1064—1094] that the territories upto modern Ahmedabad came under the Solanki sway. It is almost oertain that the Solankis never possessed territories so much to the south as Surat. For Godhra and Bharoch were independent chiefships even in the twelfth century when the Solanki power was at its height ; how then is it possible to maintain that Suryapura was Surat and was a port of the Anahilwad kingdom?
The Silâditya grant above referred to was issued from Godhra ; Säryapura then must have been somewhere in the Panch Mahals or even further to the east. The grant says खुर्वपुरविषये वप्पोहनदीताहेबाभवटकमामः There is a village Bhaliawad in Dohad Taluka on & rivulet which is not named in the map. If this is our Babuvataka, Süryapura must be situated within a radius of about 40 miles from it. We are unable however to propose any identification as we can discover no village bearing a name resembling Suryapura within that radius. Of course there is one Surpur in Bikaner State but as the dominion of the Valabhis never extended beyond Anandapura, it cannot be our Suryapura. .
191
Pbc., p. 107.
193 Ras Maia, I, p. 245.

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53. Stambhatirtha. Stambhatirtha is modern Kham bayat situated on the gulf of Cambay. The name does not occur in the Pauranic lists of tirthas nor is it mentioned by Greek writers. Mr. Dey's statement therefore that Gambhuta was the old name of the place, Stambhatirtha being a name given in the Chavotaka period may be true. But we do not know why the new appellation was seleoted to supercede the old one.
The earliest reference to Stambhatirtha is perhaps that in the Kavi grant of Rashtrakara Govinda III dated Saka 749193 where the king of Stanbha is mentioned as one of those who were threatening King Dhruva. This Stambha may most probably be our Stambhatirtha. The local dynasty came to an end during the Solanki period and the town weh ennexed to the Anahilapattana kingilom. Though tho town ceased to be a capital, its prosperity did not decreaso. In fact it increased and no wonder, for Stambhatîrtha now becamo a natural outlot for the export and import trade of the mighty Gurjar dominion. The extensive trado of Anahilapattana, Agra and Dolhi was all carried through this port; it was from here that Muhammadan pilgrims from the northern India used to go to Mecca. There were several parts in the city 3194 merchants in the city were very rich, it was one of the chief money markets of Gujarat.196 Many Muhammadan merohants had also domiciled at this port.
Stambhatirtha was also the naval port of the Solankis. Muhammadan chroniclers inform us that when the mother of Mahmud Ghori, who had embarked for Mecca from this port, was attacked by pirates, she was saved by the timely assistance of the naval squadron under Tejahpala which was probably stationed at this very port.
Being such a rich and flourishing port, it is natural that it should have possessed all the amenities of ancient city life. Gardens and orchards were numerous, some being intended to serve the needs of divine worship, others being meant to answer the purpose of human recreation; there were also pleasure lakes, used as public baths.196
It is natural that such a wealthy city should have been attracting many needy Brah. manas. Vastupala is said to have laid out a new suburb for them. 187 Someswara informs us that several new temples were built by Vastupala and the fact is confirmed by the Girnar inscription already quoted.
With the Muhammadan annexation of Gujarat, the city's fortunes declined. After the fall of Anahilapattana Alaf Khan captured and plundered the city. An interesting fact may here be noted that at the time of this incident, Malik Kafur, who subsequently became 80 famous a general, was & slave in the household of a Muhammadan merchant at Stambhatîrtha. Alaf Khan sent him to Delhi where his fortune rapidly advanoed.
54. Stambhanaka. It was once believed by scholars that Stambhanaka was the same as Stambhatirtha. This was natural; for philologically the identification is so tempting to make; and no other village or town is known to exist which bears the name of Stambhanaka. Nevertheless we must reject the identification, for Stambhatirtha was situated
193 Ind. Ant., V, 119 ff. 196 piwo Tongagoare...:
196 of. for example, 7447 Ktrti Kaumudt, chap. III.
197 pritain Parafia !
104 Kirti Kaumudi, III, 8. -Girnar Inscr. 1222 A.D. 4:al rif T a traukiem

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on the Mahi; whereas Stambhanaka was on the Shedhi.198 Besides the Girnar inscription of 1288 VIK. SAM, mentions Stambhanaka as distinct from Stambhatirtha. Cf. CHITHT पुरस्तंभनकपुरस्तंभतीर्थदर्भवतीधवलक्कप्रमुखेषु नगरेषु...
Whore this Stambhanaka was situated, no body has as yet been able to determine. We propose to identify it with the village of Sandhan situated about seven miles south-west of Kairs and & mile and half to the south of the Shedhi. Philologically the identification, though difficult is not improbable; the superfluous final 'ka' being dropped as usual, Stam. bhana easily developed into Sandhan. The village being only a mile and half from the Shodhi can well be said to be situated on it.
There is a tradition to the effect that the place was founded by Nagarjuna. When Nagarjuna found out the image of Parswanatha engulfed in Dwaraka at the time of its inundation, he is said to have removed it to the banks of the Shedhi at the site of old Stam. bhanaka. The legend goes on to narrate that Nagarjuna possessed an elixir coveting which a Sala vahana prince murdered him. But as the secret of the elixir perished with Nagarjuna, its course was arrested ; hence the place came to have the name Stambhanaka.199
To us the legend appears as a later invention. There was a Jain shrine at the place in the twelfth century; for we know that Kumarapala had appointed Malla, the famous Jain disputant, as its priest. An attempt therefore is made in this legend to claim high antiquity for the shrine which was the place of residence of so famous a personage as Malla and incidentally to explain and derive the name of the locality. It is however clear that unless strong historic evidence is adduced to support the Jain theory that Stambhanaka is named after the idol of Stambhana Parswanatha, we cannot accept it as probable.
55. Sthana. To the north of Wadhwan is situated in Kathiawad a village called Than which is the vernacular rendering of the original Sanskrit name of the place Sthana. This place is more interesting for its traditions than for its inscriptional or historio references. This is said to be the country of the Deva Panchala clun from which Draupadi sprang; and the place is regarded as one of peculiar sanctity, hallowed by the residence of the sages and by its propinquity to shrines like that of Trinetreswara. A chapter in Skanda Purana is devoted to this god and is popularly known as Tarneter Mahatmya. From this chapter we learn that the solar temple at the place was built by Mandhata in the Satya Yuga.
Among the cities east of the Indus Ptolemy200 mentions one Theophila. The name means 'dear to gods' and is obviously & Greek adaptation from the original Sanskrit name. Dr. Burgess thinks that Theophila might be this Than. Now Than or Sthana is no proper name; the original name of the place must be something different; and as it is regarded so holy, the place might well have once borne an appellation equivalent to 'dear to gods.' But all these are mere oonjectures and the identification therefore cannot be accepted as certain. Nor does the statement in Skanda Purana that the place was once a big city covering several square miles and containing & population of about half a million necessarily support its identification with Theophila of Ptolemy; for the chapter in question of Skanda-Purâna is very late and may be based upon the pious imagination of its writer rather than upon any genuine historia tradition. It may be that Theophila is actually our Than ; our contention simply is that the evidence so far adduced for the identifioation is not convincing and decisive.
Than was the seat of a Parmar principality during the thirteenth century. It was then probably that the place was converted into a fortified town. There are temples of Vasuki and Sorya at the place ; of these the latter is ancient; it was rebuilt in the sixteenth century. 109 Pbc., p. 194.
19 Pbc., pp. 194-7, 200 Ep. Ind., I, p. 58 ft.

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56. Harshapura. There is only one inscriptional reference to Harshapura ; it occurs in the Kapadwanj plates of Akalavarsha Subhatuiga and his feudatory Mahasamanta Prachchhands 201 Therein we read :-अस्तु वः मविविदितं यथा श्रीखेटकहर्षपुरकासद्रह एतम्र्धाष्टमयं...मया श्रीहर्षपुर्धाष्टमश FIFT:
a raffarna... From this it is evident that (i) the towns Khetaka, Harshapura and Kasadraha were situated not far from one another and that (ii) the Kapadwanj or Karpata vånijya sub-division formed part of Harshapura district.
Dr. Bhagwanlal Indraji thinks that this Harshapura may be Harsol in the Präntei Taluka of Ahmadabad district. This seems to be the case, for the distance of Harsol from Karpatavanijya or Kapadwanja being only 20 miles, it is possible to regard the latter as a sub-division of the former district. Nor is Harsol too far from Khetaka and Kasadraha ; for Kaira and Kasandra are only 50 and 40 miles respectively from Harsol. These distances are not considerable for we must remember that Harshapura was the headquarter of a district which was distinct from the Kheţaka district. Distance between the headquarters of two contiguous districts may well be 50 miles.
Nor are there any philological difficulties in the way of the proposed identification. We have already quoted 202 instances of a disappearing 'pa' changing its preceding 'a' or 'A' to o': so Harshapura, first became Harshor and then Harsol, l' being as usual substituted for 'r'not only for simplification but also for dissimilation, one 'r' having already occurred.
That Harsol though now a village was once a town can be seen by some fragmentary ruing near it. There is a tower to the east of the town bearing an Arabic inscription of 1599. This shows that Harsha pura continued to be a place of some consequence to the end of the sixteenth century.
57. Hastakavapra. Hastaks vapra is the same as Hathab in the Bhavnagar territory. There are no philological difficulties in the identification. 'Ka' was optional as early as the sixth century; for two grants of King Dharasena I separated by the distance of only two years from each other spell it differently, once retaining and once omitting the,' ka.208 The liquida ' was dropped and the preceding 'a' lengthened by way of compensation. There being two consecutive conjunct consonants, the first sta' was simplified by changing it to 'tha'; and finally the resultant Hathapra changed into Hathab, the final conjunct being simplified, and 'p obanging into 'b' owing to the stress which the syllable originally bore. Locally the name is still pronounced as Hath&p.
The plates however supply additional evidence for the identification of Hastakavapra with Hathab; for the villages Kukkuța and Maheshwara-Dasenaka mentioned in them as being situated in the Hastakavapra Ahåra are modern Kakad and Mahadevapur, respec. tively, both being within a few miles of Hathab.
Hastakavapra then was at Hathåb, neither at Talaja as Yule thinks nor at Gopinaths as Lassen opines. It is difficult to see how Hastakavapra can develop into Talaja, as neither 'la' norja' occur in the original word. Gopinatha on the other hand has no philological connection with Hastakavapra and Lassen does not state if, when, now, and why the old name Hastakavapra was changed into the modern one of Gopinatha. 301 Ep. Ind., I, p. 55 ft.
203 Vide back under Vatapadrapura. 308 Cf. 91 at a tu...dated 207 G.E.; and 16
TE 9 78: dated 209 G.E.

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In Ptolemy as well as in the Periplus, mention is made of a town called Astakapra. Ptolemy enumerates it among the cities to the east of the Indus; 204 in the Periplus we are told that the extent of the coast from Bartarikon (on the middle mouth of the Indus) to the promontory called P&pike near Astakapra which is opposite Barugaza is 3000 stadia. This precise mention in the Periplus of the locality of Astakapra leaves no doubt as to its being the same as Hathab; for, firstly it is just opposite Bharoch, and secondly its distance from the mouth of the Indus is just what is given by the Greek writer. The Greek form is derived at as Bühler points out not inmediately from the Sanskrit one, but from an intermediate Prakrit förn Hastakampra which had been formed by the dropping of the liquid' va'and the insertion in its place of a nasal as is still the custom among the Gujaratis. The loss of the initial 'ha' will cause no surprise to anyone who knows the difficulty experienced by the Gujaratis in pronouncing that sound; and what is true of the modern Gujarati was probably true also of his ancestor.
Hathab then is a very old place as old at least as the beginning of the Christian era. Though now only a village with a population of 1,000, at that early time it was an important and flourishing port as the Greek references show.
In the sixth century the town was the headquarter of a district in the Valabhi dominions, as the two plates quoted already and the Ganeshgad plates of Dhruvasena IV show. The plates' unfortunately supply us no information whatever about the extent, condition or importance of the town. We may however well suppse that the maritime activity of the place still continued; precisely for that reason perhaps was the place selected for being a district headquarter.
CHAPTER IV.
General Features of City Life. Having given in the last chapter a history of Gujarat oitios, we propose to make in this chapter a few general observations about cities and city-life in ancient Gujarat. Our sources supply only scanty information on this point; nevertheless wo derive some very interesting facts from them.
Dimensions.-Let us first consider the dimensions of our cities. Inscriptions or Praband has hardly make any references to the population of cities; Kumarapalacharita says, as we have seen, that you would then be able to know the number of souls in Anahilapattana when you will be able to ascertain the number of drops in ocean. Even Hiuen Triang who is very careful to give the extent of cities has nothing to say about their population except that it was dense or otherwise. It would therefore appear that the Mauryan practice 206 of taking census of cities was not in vogue in Gujarat.
Nevertheless, we can get a tolerable idea of the dimensions of our cities and towns. Fortunately Hiuen Tsi.ng supplies us with the circuit of many a city. Fortunately Time, the Universal Levellor, has not entirely obliterated the ruins of some at least of the old cities like Ghumli, Chandravati, Valabhi, Simhapura, etc., etc. We are therefore enabled to affirm that Gujarat cities were usually not very big as is the case with modern cities. With the solitary oxception of Anahilapattana, which, as we have seen, was a big city, most of the prominent cities did not contain a population of more than 30,000 to 40,000. Bharoch, an all-India port, was during the time of its highest glory only 20 li208 or four miles in circuit, i.e., only about one square mile in area. The circuit of Valabhi was only six miles, though it was the capital of a flourishing kingdom. The circuit of Anandapura, though the chief city of Anarta and the provincial headquarter under the Malwa rule, was only 20 li or four miles.206 204 Protemy, p. 146. 205 Artha Sastra, chap. xxxv.
306 Beal., II, p. 289.

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Its area then could hardly be more than one square mile. Bhamillika and Chandravati, though important feudatory centres in their own days, were, to judge from their ruins, only half a square mile in extent.207
From all this we may well conclude that the average flourishing and important city in ancient Gujarat was a square mile and a quarter in extent; its population then could hardly have, on the average, exceeded 25,000.
If such was the case with capitals, ports and forts, what was the case of towns, which were district head-quartors and sub-divisional head-quarters, we can well infer. These were not the places even of petty chiefs who could attract to them the needy Brahmana or the aspirant poet; sometimes, it is true, that the 'Dataka' or governor of a distriot was a soion of the royal family208 ; so he may have had a petty court of his own. But this must not have resulted in any appreciable augmentation of population. There were no irresistible economic forces operating at that time, as they operate now, causing villages to be depopulated and oities overcrowded. So these towns, on the average, could hardly have had a population of more than 10,000.
It is true that they were centres of administration of the whole district'; but we must also note that in the Ancient Hindu Polity, the principle of devolution was carried to the greatest possible extreme. Inscriptional evidence in Gujarat, as well as in the remaining parts of India, clearly shows that the adjudication of civil and criminal disputes used to take place locally in every village. Whenever a village is granted away, the donee is invariably invested with the right of receiving the proceeds of fines in civil and criminal cases that were adjudicated in the village. If the ancient villager had to run up to the Taluka and Zills head-quarter for the adjudication of the pettiest dispute, civil or criminal, this would hardly have been possible. From the Chola epigraphs, Nos. 77 of 1900, and 223 of 1902, it appears that even such grave cases, as those of culpable homicide not amounting to murder, were decided locally in villages. Ancient Indian villages were independent, self-contained units economically as well as administratively, a fact which must have adversely affected the development of Zilla head.quarters into cities of considerable dimensions. The fact that many of these like Karmantapura, Harshapura, Kasadraha, Kalapaka have dwindled down into villages a thousand or so in population, also shows that they could not have been at any time cities of over 10,000 population. No sudden devastation is known to have overcome them; and the shifting of the head-quarter of the district cannot account for so great a reduction.
If the district head-quarter was usually less than 10,000 in population, the sub-divisional and taluka head-quarters must usually have been only large villages of about four to six thousand population.
Defence.-Having thus determined the dimensions of our cities and towns, let us 600 what was their defence arrangement. Usually they were walled ; in cases of capitals, commerciai ports and frontier cities there were strong ramparts surrounded by deep ditches. We have already seen how capitals like Valabhi, Bhumillika, Bhinmal, Anahilapattana, ports like Bharoch and Hastaka vapra, and frontier towns liko Vardhamana, Darbhavati, Jhinjuwada were all strongly fortified places. Gates of the towns and cities were carefully guarded ; and ingress and egress was possible only through them. There was usually local militia to defend the town and cities ; many inscriptions are discovered in the south, immor. talising the memory of local heroes who had laid down their lives in the defence of their towns and villages 209
208 Oj. Siladitya !I, grant of, 362 G.E.
307 Vide back under ithumikhaka and Chandravati. 209 Hattimallur Inscription of Krishna I (765 A.D.)

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Buildings. During the earlier period, mud and brick was the material usually used, stone masonry came in vogue only in the ninth century. Specimens of many of the bricks used for ancient houses are discovered in the ruins of Valabhi, Ghumli and Chandravati, they show that the bricks were nearly as strong, for all practical purposes, as stones them. selves. Even when the stone was introduced along with the marble, it was used chiefly for temples, tanks and dams; ordinary houses including public buildings usually consisted for the most part of bricks.
Public Buildings.-Secular public buildings were not many in ancient towns and cities. Administration being largely decentralised, there was no necessity of having an endless number of central offices to be located in the district head-quarters. Each town, however, had at least one public hall called 'nigama sabha' (Nasik Insc., No. 12) which was used for the transaction of public business, for the preservation of public records and other similar purposes.
Religious public buildings, i.e., temples, viharas,' etc., were in our Gujarat cities very numerous. In mort of the cities that Hiuen Tsiang visited, he notes, as we have already seen, the presence of a number of 'viharas' and temples. Whore a modern city possesses one temple, the ancient one possessed probably five. And no wonder; for people were in those days more religious, faithful and devotional than they are now, and their charity was usually directed to the erection, reparation, enlargement or endowment of temples and * viharas.' If after the Muhammadan rule of more than 300 years, Wadnagar could posse88 in 1600 A.D. more than 300 temples, as noted by Abul Fazl, we may well conclude that the averago Gujarat town of our period possessed far more temples than the average modern town.
Water supply.--Where citizens were unable to get the necessary water supply from wells, large tanks were usually constructed for that purpose. We have already seen how many of our towns like Godhra, Dholka, Dohad, Dabhoi, although they were not capitals, possessed large tanks for drinking-water. In capital cities like Anahilapattana and Bhinmal, tanks were many; and some of them at least were set apart as public baths; for prabandhas refer to people sporting in tanks.210 From drinking-water tanks, water was taken to con. venient centres in the towns and stored thore in wells, from which the locality around would derive its water supply.
Gardens and Orchards. It appears that gardens and orchards were an important feature of ancient Gujarat towns and cities. We need not base this conclusion upon the poetic description of our prabandhas; there is ample other evidence. For, as we have already seen in many of our grants, the granted property consists of gardens and orchards situated either within the town or on its precincts. In fact, the presence of numerous temples and pious devotees inevitably entailed the laying out of numerous gardens.
These gardens, though originally intended, in most cases, for the purposes of divine worship, must have also incidentally served the purpose of human recreation. The statement about Daśapura gardens :
स्वपुष्पभारावनैर्तनेगन्द्रैः मदप्रगल्भालिकुलस्वनैश्च । ।
2017 201 fata 97 Aagala || Mandsor Inscr. clearly shows that some were definitely reserved as places of public recreation.
Wealth and Commerce.-Gujarat and Kathiawad have been, since earliest times, rich in natural wealth, we have seen how the author of the Periplus' was impressed by the bounty
310 Compare the following verse in the description of Dasapura.
सटोस्थवृक्षग्युतनकपुष्पविचित्रतीरान्तजलानि भान्ति | प्रफुलपयाभरणानि यष सरांसि कारंडवसंकुलानि ॥

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which Nature has distributed over these territories. Naturally Gujarat cities were wealthy; of most of the Gujarat cities visited by Hiuen Tsiang, he notes that they were rich. And no wonder; for besides the natural wealth of the province there was the commercial talent of its inhabitants, as remarkable then as it is now, to help the accumulation of wealth. Most of our flourishing cities, we have seen, were noted for their trade and commerce. Valabhi was a capital no doubt, but if there were a hundred in the city whose wealth exceeded a million, as Hiucn Tsiang observed, it was due to the rarest merchandise in India being stored in its mart. Prabhasa was no doubt a 'tirtha 'but part of its wealth was, as we have seen, due to its being the steaming station for boats plying between Africa and China, Bharoch and Mesopotamia. Karpațavânijaya was only a taluka place, but it rose to importance because it was on the trade route between Bharoch and Central India. The rise of Dhavalakka, Stambhatirtha, Ghogha, Mangrol, Bardaximo and Godbra was primarily due to commerce.
Merchants then were an important class in ancient Gujarat. Many of these were merchant princes; we have seen how the Sahasralinga tank could be completed only by the opportune help of a merchant prince, how Tejahpala had to fight an actual battle with another merchant prince who wished to set at nought the authority of his chief Viradhavala. Many of the ministers too of the Solankis were sarafs and bankers. Thus Udayana, the minister of Kumara pala, was a merchant prince. Tejahpåla, the minister of Viradhavala, was a famous banker at Cam bay and had opened soveral branches of his business at other cities in Gujarat 211
The merchants, if rich, were also liberal; many of the city improvements and temple repairs were possible, as is shown by the Girnar and Karli inscriptions, only through their liberality.
The crafts and tra les of each city had a guild of their own presided over by a Sreshtin. The guild had its own rules, its own militia for defence, its own bank to advance money to its members, to receive deposits from them, and to administer guild-charities. All this is clear from the Mandsor inscription which describes the constitution and function of a typical Lata guild of the fifth century. What was true of the fifth was also true of the twelfth century.
From the tenth century onward, Muhammadan traders also began to reside in Gujarat cities. We have seen how there were many Moslem traders both at Cambay and Anahilapura.
Public Education and Libraries.-In Ancient Gujarat as in Mediaval Europe, education was entirely monopolised by the church. Buddhistic' viharas' were not only centres of monasticism but also centres of education and learning. They were nurseries of Buddhistic scholars and possessed libraries of the sacred literature (as is implied by the grant for the purchase of books to a Valabhi vihara). It was in those monasteries then that the Buddhist children were taught and taught freely; hence the numerous public and private endowments which they received. What was true of Bauddha vihåras was also true of the Jain ones : in fact the literary activity of the Jain priests is more prominent than their religious activity. Education of the Hindu boy was entrusted to the Hindu Pandit. We have seen how many of our grants record the gifts of whole villages tó Brahmaņas famous for their learning. They were expected in return, as South India Inscriptions show, to keep the torch of learning burning : one of the Surat plates also records how worthily a Brahmaņa at Bhadrapalli or modern Bardoli was spending the revenues conferred upon him by his sovereign. 212 211 7** T 5TTARE ..-'irnar Inger. 212 विमोऽभूभद्रपल्या बहुजनधनतासंकुलायां धरायांम् । ख्यातः श्रीकोहिनामा जनित जनमुखोऽध्वर्युसनाचारी।
यस्मिन्नार्थजना ददत्यविरतं प्राज्यं कनानाविकम् | निश्चिन्तावरपरणाः समभवन्दुर्भिक्षकालेष्वपि । a car
Y ITAV aangift 1 - Ind. Ant., XII, 185.

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64 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY ( DECEMBER, 1926 As regards technical education, it was imparted by the respective guilds who used to take as apprentices intending scholars. Public Administration.-We must, before concluding this section, say a few words about the public administration of our Gujarat towns. We have already seen how the villages enjoyed large amount of self-government. What was true of villages was also more or less true of towns and cities. The government was vested in a Dataka' or governor appointed by king; but he was guided in administration by a Panchakala' or Panchayat committee. We have seen how the construction of the huge Sahasralinga lake was entrusted by Siddha. raja, not to his public works department but to a local committee composed of ministers and merchants. The restoration of the Prabhasa temple was entrusted by King Bhima to a 'Panchakala' presided over by his local governor. When Siddharaja Jayasimha had to ascertain the amount of the Imperial tax levied at Bahuloda, he had to inquire regarding the matter not of his local officer but of the local * Panchakala.' We shall get a good idea of the amount of self-government enjoyed by our towns and cities when we realise that the collection of such an important imperial tax as that levied at Bahuloda, a tax which yielded a revenue of 72 lacs, was entirely entrusted to a local body. On the strength of these facts, we may well conclude that in ancient Gujarat towns and cities, local administration was entrusted to committees mostly consisting of non-officials. Thus there was a committee to collect reven'ie, another to supervise over the water supply, a third to carry out repairs of public temples and buildings. There were probably similar committeon to look after drainage and road repairs, to keep a watoh over foreigners and to maintain intact the defences of the towns. Such then were, briefly speaking, the main features of cities and city-life in Ancient Gujarat. The picture they reveal has charms of its own. It reveals a city-life free from the bothers of modern civilization but yet possessing many of the amenities of life which strangely enough we have come to Associate only with modern times.513 The average city, being but of a moderate size, combined the advantages both of the city and village life. There were no slums, there was no overorowding; there were nice arrangements for the carrying out of municipal functions. Person and property was safe, even Muhammadan traders admit that they could apprehend no danger in Gujarat cities though they were in a hopeless minority in the twelfth century. Though divided into various sects and creeds, the citizens lived amicably; Hinduism, Jainism and Buddhism existed side by side, each oontributing a valuable share in the formation of the culture of Gujarat, 213 That the features of cities and city life herein described were common in Ancient Indis will be perceived from the following verse occurring in the Gangadhara etone inscription of Viehwavarman (Gupt. Vol., p. 72) which describes the normal features of a good city. वापी-तडाग-मुरसन-सभोरपान-नानाविधोपवनसंक्रमदीर्घकाभिः यो गगराततपुरं समलचकार / / ॐ तत्सत् नमार्पणमस्तु /