In Search of the Original Ardhamagadhi English Translation

Author(s): K R Chandra, N M Kansara, Nagin J Shah, Ramniklal M Shah
Publisher: Prakrit Text Society Ahmedabad
Catalog link: https://jainqq.org/explore/001128/1

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Prakrit Text Series No. 35 IN SEARCH OF THE ORIGINAL ARDHAMAGADHI K. R. CHANDRA English Translation By N. M. KANSARA General Editors Nagin J. Shah R. M. Shah D. M. PRAKRIT TEXT SOCIETY AHMEDABAD

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Prakrit Text Series No. 35 IN SEARCH OF THE ORIGINAL ARDHAMAGY DHI K. R. CHANDRA English Translation By N. M. KANSARA of The Original Hindi Book Pracina Ardhamagadhi ki Khoj mer General Editors Nagin J. Shah R. M. Shah D. M. PRAKRIT TEXT SOCIETY AHMEDABAD

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Publisher : R.M.Shah Hon. Secretary D. M. Prakrit Text Society 12, Bhagatbaug Society Sharda Mandir Road Ahmedabad-380 007 Copies : 150 Year : 2001 Price : Rs. 100.00 Graphics : Rakesh Computer Centre Rakesh & Bhavana H. Shah 272, B. G. Tower, Outside Delhi Gate, Ahmedabad-380 004 Phone : 6303200, 7418197

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DEDICATED To PT. DALSUKHBHAI MALVANIA Who initiated and constantly encouraged me in this novel field of studies

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Contents Pages Preface Foreword by Prof. Paul Dundas Author's Note Foreword to the Original Hindi Edition by Pt.Dalsukh Malvania Abbreviations & Reference Works CHAPTERS 1 - 26 27 - 46 47 - 58 59 - 70 1. The State of Ardhamagadhi in Various Editions of the Jaina Canonical (Agamic) Texts 2. Archaic Linguistic Elements in the Ardhamagadhi 3. The Antiquity of the Ardhamagadhi Agama Texts and the Place of their Composition 4. The Ardhamagadhi Language of the Prakrit Grammar of Hemacandra 5. The Original Ardhamagadhi Form of the Word Ksetrajna 6. The Textual Reading of the Opening Sentence, the Upodghata, of the Acaranga 7. Reconstruction of the Original Ardhamagadhi: An Endeavour Principal Characteristics of Archaic or Original Ardhamagadhi Appendix Reviews And Opinions on the ACARANGA Linguistically Re-edited 71 -78 79 -83 84 - 90 91 -95 97 -118 IV

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PREFACE The Prakrit Text Society is happy to publish the present work entitled 'In Search of the Original Ardhamagadhi', the English rendering of Prof. K.R.Chandra's Hindi work 'Pracina Ardhamagadhi Ki Khoja mem'. Thus we make available to the Englishspeaking scholars of Prakrit and Jaina Agamas the valuable results of Prof. Chandra's researches. It is very interesting to follow his sincere scholarly efforts in reconstructing the original Ardhamagadhi language. We are indeed grateful to Prof. Paul Dundas for writing appreciative foreword to the present work. Again, our sincere thanks are due to Prof. N.M.Kansara for translating the original Hindi work into English. It is really very sad that Prof. H. C.Bhayani, the soul of Prakrit Text Society and world-renowned erudite scholar of Prakrit, passed away on 11th November, 2000 and is no more to see this publication. It is hoped that the present work will certainly be of great use to students and scholars of Prakrit. D.M.Prakrit Text Society 12, Bhagatbaug Society Ahmedabad-380007 March 15, 2001 V Nagin J. Shah' R.M.Shah General Editors

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FOREWORD There can be very few significant literary or religious writings which have been immune from some forin of scribal, editorial or interpretative alteration in the course of their transmission through history. The continuing use of texts and the mutability which they evince as a consequence are, after all, sure signs of their living significance and of the regard in which they are held amongst the various communities in which they are located. Against this background, many recent participants in philological scholarship have found the notion of a definitive version of any particular work less alluring than it may once have been, and over the last decade or so, pluralistic times indeed in the academic world, textual instability and polyvalency have been deemed particularly worthy of scholarly attention. Nonetheless, this situation, commendable though it may be in many respects, need not entail a further acquiescence to the claim that because the primal versions of ancient texts, especially those, as in early India, whose origins may lie in an oral setting, cannot possibly be retrieved authoritatively, attempts to speculate about their original configuration are therefore vain or valueless. The basic aims and obligations of philological scholarship have not altered so much in this respect. The production of printed editions of the "vetambara agama is hardly a new phenomenon. The process started in the mid nineteenth century, although, as Ludwig Alsdorf pointed out (Les Etudes Jaina : etat present et taches futures, Paris : College de France 1965, p.31), the testimony of each of these early editions had little more value than that provided by an individual manuscript. However, more recent editions, whether Indian or western, althciigh often better organised VI

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in terms of sources utilised, have frequently been influenced by certain flawed presuppositions about the value of the readings provided by the manuscript tradition. Ideally, any truly critical edition of a Jaina scriptural text would be accompanied by as wide of range of readings as feasible and by all the various available layers of medieval commentary. Such an edition can in fact be found in the recent remarkable Ph.D. thesis ("The Nirayavaliyasuyakkhandha and its commentary by Sricandra: critical edition, translation and notes') submitted to The Australian National University in 2000 by Royce Wiles. However, it would have to be admitted that the work in question, the relatively short and little commented upon cluster of upangas 8-12, is more amenable to this sort of presentation than the older and longer scriptures of the canon. An alternative editorial strategy might then be radically to reconsider the nature of the readings which have been bequeathed to us by the manuscripts and early commentaries connected with the old mula sutras, the most important textual witnesses for early Jainism. It is just such a thoroughgoing reappraisal of this evidence, hitherto largely taken for granted, which has occupied the energies of Professor K.R. Chandra in recent years. Though a laborious sifting and analysis of the available printed sources (a task which, it should be said, was accomplished without any electronic assistance), Professor Chandra has been able to show how many earlier editorial procedures employed in producing 'critical' versions of the Svetambara agama were based on erroneous assumptions about the nature of the Prakrit in which the texts were composed. Chandra's findings, which in effect represent a bold attempt to reconstruct the linguistic shape of the original Ardhamagadhi of the canon, VII

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were clearly and conveniently set forth in Pracina Ardhamagadhi Ki Khoj Men of 1992, an English version of which is presented here to the scholarly world, and Restoration of Original Language of Ardhamagadhi Texts of 1994. In addition, it has been possible to judge the practical value of Chandra's insights with the appearance in 1997 of his edition of the first chapter of the Acaranga Sutra in which his analytical methods are applied to what is perhaps the oldest Ardhamagadhi text. Editorial work of this sort may superficially appear excessively technical or lacking in excitement. Yet it unquestionably forms the bedrock upon which subsequent historical and literary judgements must be based. As such, Chandra's researches compel attention. What will be their longterm consequence of course remains to be seen. If very few, and certainly not among them Professor Chandra, will wish to contend that this reconstruetion of the original Ardhamagadhi can give unmediated access to the actual words of Mahavira, many will now wish to reflect seriously upon the implications of what is the most important develpoment in the critical editing of the oldest Jain scriptures since the institution of the Jain Agama Granthamala. It will be the urgent task of competent scholars to frame responses to Chandra's work and integrate his important conclusions into the history of Middle Indo-Aryan and the Jain agama. PAUL DUNDAS Department of Sanskrit School of Asian Studies University of Edinburgh Scotland, U. K. VIII

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Author's Note It is a pleasure to publish this book which is English translation of the author's original Hindi book 'Pracina Ardhamagadhi Ki Khoj mem' publishedd by Prakrit Jain Vidya Vakas Fund, Ahmedabad, 1992.It was well received by the Prakrit scholarts in India and abroad. It was suggested from the West that its English version should be published for international market. This suggestion was brought to the notice of late Pt. D. D. Malvania and Dr. H. C. Bhayani and they instantly agreed to publish the same. On our request financial aid was granted to our association P.J.V.V. Fund by the Kalikala Sarvajna Sri Hemacandracarya Navama Janma Satabdi Smrti Samskara Siksana Nidhi, Ahmedabad and for that we are very grateful to the Nidhi and Revd. Acarya Sri Silacandrasuriji for his liberal support to this academic cause. On our request the Hindi text was translated into English by Prof. Dr. N. M. Kansara and for that we are grateful to him. We have made some alterations in the order of the chapters of the Hindi edition and added in the end opinions and reviews of the Acaranga, Prathama Sruta-Skandha, Prathama Adhyayana which was linguistically re-edited by the author and published by the P.J.V.V.Fund, Ahmedabad, 1997. All this kind of work is done to restore the origtinal form of Ardhamagadhi which was nearer to and resembled Pali in the phonetic nature of the medial consonants of its vocables. We are grateful to Prof. Paul Dundas who wrote the FOREWORD to this edition. After going through my book 'Pracina Ardhamagadhi Ki Khoj mem he expressed the view that "only by challenging longheld presuppositions will scholarship on ancient texts be advanced" and so we thought it proper to request him to write the FOREWORD. Now we are grateful to the Prakrit Text Society and its new office bearers Dr. N.J.Shah (President) and Dr. R.M. Shah (Hon. Secy.) for publishing this English version. K. R. Chandra, Hon.Secy.,P.J.V.V.Fund. IX

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Foreword to The Original Hindi Edition ___ eka viziSTa prayatna kaI vidvAnoM ne jainAgama-AcArAMga kA samaya I.sa.pUrva 300 ke AsapAsa rakhA hai kintu aba taka kisI vidvAn ne usa samaya meM likhe gaye azoka ke zilAlekhoM kI bhASA ke sAtha AcArAMga kI bhASA kI tulanA nahIM kii| kisI ko yaha vicAra bhI nahIM AyA ki jaba donoM kA lagabhaga eka hI samaya hai taba bhASA meM itanA antara kyoM ? dUsarI bAta yaha hai ki bha. mahAvIra aura bha. buddha donoM ne apane upadeza bihAra meM diye haiM to usa pradeza kI bhASA meM hI diye hoMge taba phira jainAgama aura pAli piTaka kI bhASA meM bhI samAnatA kyoM nahIM ? 2 ___ inhIM praznoM ko lekara DaoN.ke.RSabha candra ne sarva prathama azoka ke lekha, pAli piTaka aura jainAgama-AcArAMga kI bhASA kA abhyAsa karane kA prayatna kiyA hai| maiM sAkSI hU~ ki isake lie unhoMne apane abhyAsa kI sAmagrI lagabhaga 75 hajAra kArDoM meM ekatra kI haiM / AcArAMga ke sAtha sAtha sUtrakRtAMga, RSibhASita, uttarAdhyayana, dazavaikAlika,suttanipAta aura azoka ke zilAlekhoM ke zabdoM ke saMskRta rUpAntara ke sAtha kArDa taiyAra karavAye haiM / isI sAmagrI kA prastuta grantha "prAcIna ardhamAgadhI kI khoja meM" meM upayoga kiyA gayA hai / unhoMne isa samasyA ke samAdhAna ke lie jo lekha likhe unhIM kA saMgraha prastuta graMtha meM hai / prastuta grantha eka choTI sI pustikA hI hai parantu usake pIche DaoN.candra kA kaI varSoM kA prayanta hai - yaha hameM bhUlanA nahIM cAhie / jainAgamoM ke saMzodhana kI prakriyA zatAdhika varSoM se cala rahI hai kintu usa prakriyA ko eka nayI dizA yaha pustikA de rahI hai yaha yahA~ dhyAna dene kI bAta hai aura isake lie vidvajjagat DaoN. candra kA AbhArI rahegA isameM koI saMzaya nahIM hai / X

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vizeSa rUpa se bhagavAn mahAvIra ne jisa bhASA meM upadeza diyA vaha ardhamAgadhI mAnI jAtI hai to usakA mUla svarUpa kyA ho sakatA hai yaha DaoN.candra ke saMzodhana kA viSaya hai / isIlie unhoMne prakAzita jaina AgamoM ke pAThoM kI paraMparA kA parIkSaNa kiyA haiM aura dikhAne kA prayatna kiyA gayA hai ki bhASA ke mUla svarUpa ko binA jAne hI prakAzana huA hai yA kiyA gayA hai, anyathA eka hI perA meM eka hI zabda ke jo vividha rUpa milate haiM vaha saMbhava nahIM thaa| unhoMne prayanta kiyA haiM ki prAcIna ardhamAgadhI kA kyA aura kaisA svarUpa ho sakatA hai use prasthApita kiyA jAya / AcArya hemacandra ke prAkRta vyAkaraNa kA bhI nayI daSTi se kiyA gayA adhyayana prastuta grantha meM milegaa| udAharaNa ke taura para 'kSetrajJa' zabda ke vividha prAkRta rUpoM ko lekara tathA AcArAMga ke upoddhAtarUpa prathama vAkya ko lekara jo carcA bhASA kI dRSTi se kI gayI hai vaha yaha dikhAne ke lie hai ki jo abhI taka mudraNa huA hai vaha bhASA-vijJAna kI dRSTi se kitanA adhUrA hai| Do. candra kA yaha sarva prathama prayatna prazaMsA ke yogya hai / itanA hI nahIM kintu jainAgama ke saMpAdana kI prakriyA ko nayI dizA kA bodha dene vAlA bhI hai aura jo Agama saMpAdana meM rasa le rahe haiM ve sabhI Do. candra ke AbhArI rheNge| . dalasukha mAlavaNiyA 8 operA sosAyaTI ahamadAvAda-7 tA. 11-12-91

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Aca. Adh. Agamo. Agamodaya Alsdorf Ch. Charpe. Cu. Geiger Isibha. Jambu. JVB. Kliene Schriften Ludwig Alsdorf Mehendale MJV. No. Su. Su.Kr. Sen. Udde. Utta. Vivahapa. : : : 1: : : : : : : : : : : CC : P. PP. Pischel PTS. Punya. : Schub., Schubring : Silanka. CO : 1. : 4. 4 : Abbreviations Acaranga-Sutra Adhyaya Chapter Agamodaya Samiti, Mehsana Agamodaya Samiti, Mehsana = Ludwig Alsdorf Chapter Jarl Charpentier Curni W. Geiger Isibhasiyaim Muni Jambuvijayaji Jain Vishva Bharati, Ladnun Ludwig Alsdorf Kleine Schriften M.A.Mehend ale Mahavir Jain Vidyalay, Bombay Number Page Pages R.Pischel Prakrit Text Society, Ahmedabad Muni Punyavijayaji Walther Schubring Silankacarya Sutra No. Sutrakrtanga-Sutra Sukumar Sen Uddesaka Uttaradhyayana. Vyakhyaprajnapti XII

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Reference Works 1. Acaranga-curni, Shri Rishabhadev Kesharimal, Ratlam, 1941 and corrected textual readings by Muni Punyavijayaji in the Aca.Curni, L.D.Inst. of Indology, Ms. No. 15880. Acaratnga Sutra, Erster Srutaskandha, Walther Schubring, Leipzig, 1910 Acarangasutram, Niryukti evam vrtti, Agamodaya Samniti, Mehsana, 1916 Angasuttani, Agama-sabda-kosa, Part I, Jaina Vishva Bharati, Ladnun, 1980 5. Ashoka Ke Abhilekha : Dr.Rajbali Pandey, Varanasi, V.S.2020 Avassayasuttai, See Dasaveyaliyasuttam. Ayaramgasuttam, Muni Jambuvijayaji, MJV. Bombay, 1976 Ayaro, Muni Nathmal, Yuvacarya Mahaprajna, Jain Vishva Bharati, Ladnun, 1974 Cittasambhuta, vide Ludwig Alsdorf, Kleine Schriften, Wiesbaden, 1974, P.186 Comparative Grammar of Prakrit Languages, R. Pischel, Varanasi, 1965. 11. A Comparative Grammar of Middle Indo-Aryan, Sukumar Sen, Deccan College, Poona, 1960 12. Dasaveyaliyasuttai, Uttarajjhayanaim, Avassaya suttam, Muni Punyavijayaji, MJV. Bombay, 1977 13. Historical Grammar of Inscriptional Prakrits, M.A. Mehendale, Deccan College, Poona, 1948 XIII

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14. Isibhasiyaim, W. Schubring, L.D.Instt.of Indology, Ahmedabad, 1974 15. Itthiparinna (Sutrakrtanga, 1.4), vide Ludwig Alsdorf, Kliene Schrifen, Wiesbaden, 1974 16. Kalpasutra, Muni Punyavijayaji, Sarabhai Manilal Nawab (Gujarati), Ahmedabad, 1952 17. Ludwig Alsdorf, Kleine Schriften, Wiesbaden, 1974 18. Paiya-Sadda-Mahannavo, Pt. Hargovinddas Seth, Prakrit Text Society, Varanasi, 1963 19. Pali Literature and Language, W. Geiger (English by B. Ghosh) 1968. 20. The Prakrit Grammarians, Nitti Dolchi, Motilal Banarasidas, Banaras, 1972 21. Prakrta Vyakarana, (Gujarati), Pt.Bechardas Doshi, Uni versity Grants Commission Board, Ahmedabad, 1978 22. Praksta Vyakaranam (Prakrit Grammar) Acarya Hemacandra, ed. Prof. P.L.Vaidya, 1928 23. Sutrakstangasutra, Part I, Muni Punyavijayaji, PTS. Ahmedabad, 1975. 24. Suttanipata, P.V.Bapat, Poona, 1924 25. Suyagadamga -suttam, Muni Jambuvijay, MJV, Bombay, 1978 26. Uttarajjhayanaim, See Dasaveyaliya-suttam. 27. Uttaradhyayan Sutra, J. Charpentier, New Delhi, 1980 XIV

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Publications of Prakrit Text Society Series No. Name of the Book Price 350/16/21/15/21/28/50/25/10/15/ OM 3; cirrwwww 20/ 32/ aMgavijjA (Re-Print) prAkRta paiMgalam bhAga-1 caupanamahApurisacariyaM prAkRta paiMgalam bhAga-2 AkhyAnakamaNikoza-vRtti paumacariyaM, bhAga-1 pAiya-sadda-mahaNNavo pAsanAhacariu nandIsUtra-cUrNI nandIsUtra-vRtti prAkRta sarvasva paumacariyaM, bhAga-2 kathAkoza vajjAlaggaM mUlazuddhi puhaIcaMdacariyaM dazakAliyacUrNI-pratAkAra dazakAliyacUrNI-pustakAkAra gauDavaho sUtrakRtAMga-cUrNi-pratAkAra sUtrakRtAMga-cUNi-pustakAkAra setubandham gAhAkosa prAkRtAdhyAya apabhraMza vyAkaraNa tArAyaNa (tArAgaNa) harivaMzapurANa bhAga-2 samakitavicAra 30/21/20/30/30/45/ 17. 18. 19. 25/25/30/40/35/ 5/8/ 23. 24. 20/ 50/30/ 26. XV

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28. 30. 31. m 33. 3 27. harivaMzapurANa bhAga-1 40/A Study of Bhagavati - Sutra 130/mahAnisIha suyakkhaMdha 100/riTuNemicariu (harivaMzapurANa prakAzyamAna) bhAga-3(1) 150/ riddhaNemicariu (harivaMzapurANa prakAzyamAna) bhAga-3(2) 200/32. dohA gItI koza 90/isibhAsiyAiM kA prAkRta-saMskRta zabda-koza 60/34. jinAgamoM kI bhUla bhASA 120/35. IN SEARCH OF THE ORIGINAL ARDHAMAGADHI - 100/saMdeza-rAsaka bhAga -1 65/saMdeza-rAsaka bhAga -2 65/chinemicariyau Pt. IV(1) 75/38. pravacanasAra kI azeSa prAkRta - saMskRta zabdAnukramaNikA 60/siribhayaNa suMdarI kahA (kathAkhaMDa) 250/40. prAkRta bhASAoM kA tulanAtmaka vyAkaraNa 40/ 3 37 XVI

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1. THE STATE OF ARDHAMAGADHI IN VARIOUS EDITIONS OF THE JAINA CANONICAL (AGAMIC) TEXTS We do not find uniformity (particularly pertaining to the phonetic changes) in the various editions of the Ardhamagadhi Jaina Canonical (Agama) texts. Due to change in places and circumstances, and passing of time, linguistic changes have taken place in textual readings; even then we do find some archaic variants of textual readings preserved to some extent. In some book or some edition some readings which are of very old stage in some places, are found along with some other of later period in the same edition. These points are here highlighted with due illustrations, with the hope that on the basis of the available data itself we may be able to preserve the archaic form of the language of the Jaina Agamas to whatever extent, by re-editing them. (A) Changes In The Textual Readings Of The Ardhamagadhi Agama Texts From the point of view of the linguistic changes in the textual readings of the Jaina Agamic texts, the remarks made by the very serious researcher, Agama Prabhakara Muni Sri Punyavijayaji in the Introduction to his edition of the Kalpasutra1 are very important. The gist of his opinion in this matter is as follows : (1) There is much variation in all the manuscripts from linguistic point of view. (2) (3) (4) We do not have for our reference the ancient manuscripts on the basis of which the authors of the Curnis and the commentators adopted their readings or their norms. It is necessary to seriously think afresh about original textual readings. The readings adopted by the authors of the Curnis are not found in any of the manuscripts. 1

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(6 ) THE STATE OF ARDHAMAGADHI IN VARIOUS EDITIONS OF THE JAINA CANONICAL (AGAMIC) TEXTS (5) As to the general loss of medial unaspirate con sonants and the change of medial aspirate consonants to 'H', this rule had not been much prevalent. The later Acaryas have deliberately introduced changes in readings, or they have done so due to lack of understanding of ancient usages on their part. Inspite of all this, some original readings have survived in many places. (7) During later period the Prakrit language got mixed up, like hotch-potch, in all regions, and consequently the language of the Jaina Agama texts too has got mixed up likewise.? (8) Due to all these reasons it has become very dif ficult to find out the state of the original language of the Jaina Ardhamagadhi Agamas. These changes have occurred in every text of the Agamas, the Bhasyas and the Curnis. (9) The Prakrit Grammar of Hemacandra is not an adequate means for the purpose of critical research. Out of the points, enumerated above by Muni Sri Punyavijayaji, Nos. 3, 5, 6 and 9 are highly important. In the course of our studies and researches, the present author too has been convinced that the Jaina Agamas call for a reediting from the linguistic point of view. (B) Some Examples Of The Changes That Have Occurred In The Ancient Language In The Course Of Time The process by which the changes have occurred in the original ancient language of the Jaina Agamas can be illustrated by means of some usages : (1) The word 'TIVITA' (a) 'sabbesam jivitam piyam - Dhammapada, 130 (b) 'savvesim jivitam piyam - Aca., 78. (MJV.) The word "jivita is found to be identical in both the 2

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In Search of the Original Ardhama gadhi K.R. Chandra Dhammapada and the Acaranga, since Buddha and Mahavira were contemporaries; this should be born in mind. The change that occurred in the case of this word can be clearly seen in the edition of the latter work by Prof. Walther Schubring. The reading in his edition is as follows : (c) 'savvesim jiviyam piyam - Aca. p.8, 1.25. Here, . the influence of the Prakrit Grammarians' rule pertaining to phonetic change can be clearly seen in the case of the reading * jiviyam. (2) The word 'KSETRAJNA' Various variants of the word, 'ksetrajna' are found in the Aca., Su.Kr. (MJV.) as preserved in the manuscripts of these works, such as, khettanna, khetanna, khedanna, kheyanna, kheanna, khettanna, khetanna, khedanna, kheyanna, kheanna.' The question here arises is : Were all these different forms of this word prevalent in usage contemporaneously, i.e., at the same period of time and in the same region ? It is quite clear that the above list of the variant forms contains the usages of the Magadhi Prakrit (eastern region), the Sauraseni Prakrit (northern region) and the Maharastri Prakrit (western region) of India. The last five forms are clearly due to the influence of Prakrit grammarians, and they have been introduced in the later period. (3) The word 'ATMAN In the Aca. all the three forms of this word, viz., atta, ata and aya are used. Here the usage *aya is clearly a later usage; is it not? The form has been derived by the elision of the medial 't' and the influence of the Prakrit grammarians is obvious therein. In the Itthiparinna (Su. Kr. 1.4.2.22) Alsdorft has adopted the usage 'ajjhatta for the word 'adhyatma', as in 'ajjhatta visuddhe', while in other editions of the work the form is 'ajjhattha', as found in 'ajjhattha visuddhe'; it is ob 3

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THE STATE OF ARDHAMAGADHI IN VARIOUS EDITIONS OF THE JAINA CANONICAL (AGAMIC) TEXTS viously a later usage. (4) The word 'MOKSA' (Uttara., Ch. 4.3.) (a) mokkhu (Punyavijayaji, MJV.); variants mukkhu, mukkha. (b) mukkha (Charpentier's Edn.). The change of the vowel 'O' to 'u' before a conjunct consonant, in the above illustration, is due to the influence of the later linguistic usage. (5) The use of the consonant 'L = (Vedic) The Prakrit grammarians hold that the use of '!' was confined to Pali and Paisaci only. But, its usage in some or other way has been found to have survived in the Acaranga Sutra and the Sutrakrtanga, as for instance : lelu and lelumsi (Aca. vide Pischel, 379); leluna (Aca. vide Pischel, 304, 379) In the modern editions we find 'I' in the place of '!'. This is a fine illustration of the way in which the old usage disappeared. (6) The following variants clearly show the peculiarities of the later linguistic usages : MJV. Edn. of the Acaranga anitiyam sahasammuiya anupuvviya pamajjiya gacche samabhijaniya Variants in MSS. and other Edns. of the Aca. The above variants have been adopted as the original readings in some or other of the editions of the Acarangasutra. aniccam (1.1.5.45) sahasammuie (1.1.1.2) anupuvvie (1.8.8.230) pamajjijja (1.9.1.273) gacche (ija) (2.15.786) samabhijanijja (1.6.3.187; 8.4.214) (7) About the Prakrit reading for the expression 'SRUTAM ME BHAGAVATA' 4

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In Search of the Original Ardhamagadhi K.R. Chandra (a) (c) (d) The Aca. (MJV.) has the following reading in the very beginning : suyam me ausam tenan bhagavaya evamakkhayam (1.1.1.1). The Vijayodaya-tika on the Mularadhana reads as follows: sudam me aussamto bhagavada evamakkhadam At one place the Su. Kr. (2.2.694) reads as follows : sutam me ausamtena bhagavata evamakkhatam (MJV.) In the beginning of each of the Adhyayanas of the Isibhasiyaim, there is the following reading : arahata ..... buitam, wherein the consonant 't' has been preserved, while in the other readings mentioned above, in one case the 't' has changed to 'd', and in the other one 't' has been replaced by 'y'. Illustrations of recurring usages of later period in the Manuscripts due to phonetic change : (Published (Variants in (Sutra No.) text-reading)? the Mss.) picchae pischae Aca. 52 pucchae pumchae matta 8 mamta Aca. (Schu. edn.)p.4.15 egada egata Aca. 79 nassati nasati etam eyam paveditam pavetiyam adhe ahe thibhi thihi 84 abhikkamtam ahikastam 1.2.1.5. (JVB. Edn.) vipariyasam vivajjasam Su. Kl. . vivariyah 1.1.4.9

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THE STATE CANONICAL (b) OF ARDHAMAGADHI (AGAMIC) TEXTS The Readings in the Mss. of Acaranga-Curni: For matta 64 logam kurani kammani parivamdana atithibale 46 66 46 61 IN VARIOUS EDITIONS OF THE JAINA mamta loyam kuraim kammaim pariyamdana atidhibale Aca. "C 66 (C 66 "C 6 40 20 82 : Similar instances of readings with phonetic changes 7 79 (9) in the Suttanipata in Pali are notable : Thus, we find pahamsamano for pahassamano (50.10) and vitaramsi for vitarasmi (55.41) It is clear how linguistic changes go on creeping into the archaic form of the language, with passing time. (C) Peculiarities Of The Two Editions (Schu. and Jambu.) Of The Acaranga Schubring has adopted the readings with the elision of medial unaspirate consonants and with the change of the aspirate consonants to 'h', thus he has literally followed the rules of the Prakrit grammarians. On the other hand Munisri Jambuvijayaji 10 has retained the medial consonant in its original form in his edition. Schubring has adopted the readings with the complete elision of the medial 't', and 'ta', 'ti', 'tu', 'tum', 'to', of the terminations of cases, tenses and those of the participles, etc., while actually we find, in the very ancient Palmleaf Ms. (A) utilised by him, the occurrence of the termination 'ti', of the present tense to the extent of 50 per cent; we do not find 'i', in the place of 'ti', everywhere11 in the Ms. The elision of the medial 't', is comparatively very less in the edition of Munisri Jambuvijayaji. In Schubring's edition the elision of the medial consonants exceeds 50%, while in that of Munisri Jambuvijayaji it is 25% only. 12 In Schubring's edition the initial dental 'n', the dental 'n' of the indeclinable, the medial and initial 'ny' as 'nn',

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In Search of the Original Ardhamagadhi K.R. Chandra the medial 'nn', the change of the initial and medial 'jn, to only 'n' and 'nn' are found, while in the editions of Munisri Jambuvijayaji we find 'n', and 'nn', in all these cases. From the point of view of the gradual evolution of the Prakrit (i.e. MIA.) languages, Jambubijayaji has adopted the peculiarities of the Prakrit of later period, while Schubring has adopted here those of the Prakrit of the ancient period.13 The guttural and the palatal nasals 'n' and 'n' occurring in the conjunct consonants of the same class, are found retained in Schubring's edition, while in the editions of Munisri Jambuvijayaji these nasals have been changed to the nasal dot (anusvara). This practice is the one of modernizing in a way those of the ancient times. 14 Thus, it is proved that different editors have adopted different norms in editing ancient texts, and have not given importance to ancient usages in view of the antiquity of those texts. (D) The Words And Terminations with Various Phonetic Changes in Different Editions. (1) The Readings of the Acaranga : Schu. Agamo. JVB. MJV. Sutra No. (a) Phonetic change : k = k, s, y logavai loyavadi logavai logavadi 1.1.1.3 logam loyam loyam logan 1.1.3.22 logamsi . logamsi logamsi logamsi 1.1.1.9 mahova- mahova- mahova- mahovagaranan garanai garanan karanam 1.2.4.82 bahuga bahuga bahuga bahuya 1.2.4.82 i = j, y viyahittu viyahitta vijahittu vijahitta 1.1.3.20 t=t, a, y bhagavaya bhagavata bhagavaya bhagavata 1.1.1.7 paveiya paveia paveiya pavedita 1.1.1.7 paveiya pavedita pavedita pavedita 1.1.1.24

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THE STATE OF ARDHAMAGADHI IN VARIOUS EDITIONS OF THE JAINA CANONICAL (AGAMIC) TEXTS Schu. Agamo. annayario annayario JVB. annayario MJV. annatarito annatario ahitae bhavati ahiye bhavai ahiae bhavai Sutra No. 1.1.1.1 1.1.1.2 1.1.2.1 1.1.1.1 (twice) ahiye bhavai d = d, y kammavai padisamveei uyaram udayadh = dh, h kammavadi kammavai kammavadi 1.1.1.3 padisam padisam- padisam vedei vedei vedayati 1.1.1.6 udaram uyaram udaram 1.1.2.15 udaya- udaya udaya- 1.1.3.26 ahedisao ahodisao ahedisao adhedisato 1.1.1.1 n = n, n . no no 170 no natthi 1.1.1.1 1.1.1.1 natthi natthi natthi j n = n., n., nn-, nnnayah nayam samanunne samanunne natam samanunne natam samanunne 1.1.1.1 1.1.1.4 nn = nn, nn ainnaya- adinnada- pat pai adinnada. pat chinna adinnada nam chinnam 1.1.3.26 1.1.5.45 chinnan chinnan ny = nn, nn annayario annayario annesinin annesim (b) Nominal Suffixes : annayario annesini annatarito annesim 1.1.1.1 1.1.1.2 cuo 1.1.1.1 1.1.3.26 anega annayara- mmi cue anege annayara- mmi cuo anega annayara- msi cute anega annayara mmi 1.2.6.96

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In Search of the Original Ardhamagadhi K.R. Chandra JVB. MJV. Sutra No. 1.9.1.27 1.2.6.98 Schu. Agamo. (c) Verbal forms : addakkhu addakkhu sahae sahai padisani padisamveei vedei anupaliya anupalijja (d) Participle : viyahittu viyahitta adakkhu sahate padisam vedei anupaliya adakkhu sahati padisamve dayati anupaliya 1.1.1.6 1.1.3.20 vijahittu vijahitta 1.1.3.20 (2) Readings of the Itthiparinna (Su. Kr. 1.4) : Alsdorf MJV. JVB. Punya. Udde.& Su. ekada saviya 1. 14 1. 26 (a) Phonetic changes : k = k, g, y egaya egata saviya saviya uvakasanti uvakasanti uvagasitt- uvagasitt- anam anan -jaiya jatika -pagae -pagae ekada savika uvakasanti uvagasitt anam jatika -pagae - jaiya -payaya 2. 19 2. 5 8 = g, a bhogamie bhogamie bhogamie bhogamie 2. 1 1. 9 (=mrgah) j = j, a oe oje teyasa oe teyasa oe teyasa 2. 1 1. 21 teyasa t = 1, d, y -jaiya sarapada- gam jatika sarapada- jatika sarapaya- 2. 19 -jaiya sarapada gam gam gam 2. 13

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THE STATE OF ARDHAMAGADHI IN VARIOUS EDITIONS OF THE JAINA CANONICAL (AGAMIC) TEXTS Alsdorf th dh, h gorahagan gorahagam gorahagam aha aha aha d =d, y, t egaya aittho -pagae 26 egaya ekada adamsagam adamsagam ayamsagam dh = dh, h ahe (Sutra No.) 1.4.1.25 1.4.1.17 1.4.1.2 MJV. 1.4.1.24 1.4.1.16 egata 1.4.1.15 ahe (b) Nominal forms, Verbal forms and Participles : aittho -pagae aittho -pagae " ruksam grhani JVB. suksmena vaca aghae aghati aghae samthavanti samthaventi samthavemti pavesehi pavesehi pavesahi adaya ayae ayae (c) Some more examples from the Itthiparinna (Su. Kr. 1.4): (Sanskrit) atmahitaya ahe bhavanti Punya. Udde. & Su. goradhagam adha egata ekada atamsagam adhe aitthe -payaya -patae aghati suhumena (Alsdorf) vaya (Alsdorf) 10 (Prakrit) luham (other Edns.) gihani (Punya.) 2. 13 1.18; 2.2 - 1. 4 1. 14 2. 11 1. 11 2. 17 pavesehi 2. 11 1. 10 1. 3 1. 19 2. 5 2. 10 (Editions) rukkham (JVB.) gihaim (other Edns.) suhumena (other Edns.) vayai, vayae (other Edns.) atahitaya (MJV.) bhavamti (Punya.) homti ayahiyae (other Edns.) (other Edns.)

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In Search of the Original Ardhamagadhi K.R. Chandra (Sutra No.) (Sanskrit). (Prakrit) (Editions) 1.4.1.9 mucyate muccae (Alsdorf) muccati, muccai (other Edns.) 1.4.1.31 icchet icche (other icchejja Edns.) (Punya.) 1.4.1.12 viharet vihare vihareija (Alsdorf) (3) Sutrakstanga 1.6 : (MJV.) (JVB.) (Ch. Sutra No.) pannasa pannaya 1. 6. 8 mahiya mahie 1. 6. 13 This presents a clear picture as to how the scribes and editors are influenced by the words and forms of later period, as also the fact that ancient usage of words and forms too have survived. (4) Isibhasiyaim : (Schubring) (MJV.) (Chapter) cauttham catuttham uvahanavam uvadhanavai ayati ayai bhavidavvar bhavitavvam koham kodham jadha jaha parinnata parinnata vedana veyana ghattati ghattai (5) Uttaradhyayana : (a) (Charpentier) (Alsdorf, p. 150) (Ch. SUtra) sambhuya sambhuta 13. 11 11

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THE STATE OF ARDHAMAGADHI IN VARIOUS EDITIONS OF THE JAINA CANONICAL (AGAMIC) TEXTS (b) (MJV.) 15 kamabhoe bhogaim (c) (Charpe.) niyanapayada uccoyae kammaim mahalayaini sesani cautthii (JVB.) (Ch. SUtra) kamabhoge 13. 34 bhogain .13. 20 (JVB.) (MJV.) niyanappagada nidanapagada 13. 8 uccoyae uccodae 13. 13 kammaini kammani 13. 26 mahalayain mahalayani 13. 26 sesani sesa im 26. 28 cautthie cautthii 26. 12 (6) Acaranga-niryukti, Adhyaya 1 (Agamodaya Samiti) (Niryukti) (GathaNo.) (Consonant) (Gatha quoted) (Page No.) ega ekka. 19 . (k) solasagam samjoge pagai gaimaharo payasahassio 30 (d) atthapaeso nissamgaya sanna 63 (n) Nominal and Verbal forms solasayam samjoe payati gati-ahare padasahasio atthapadeso nissamgaya sanna Evo ovuna 7 acalo acale gaimaharo 30 gati ahare janijja janejja (7) The Readings of Acaranga quoted in other work : Acaranga (MJV.) Vijayodaya Tika 16 Sutra of the Mularadhana No. uvatikkamte upatikkamte 214 aha atha (yatha) -payam -pattam 588 12

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In Search of the Original Ardhamagadhi K.R. Chandra (E) Acaranga (MJV.) Vijayodaya sika Sutra mattiya mattigatahappagaram tathappakaram The Word-Readings Of Different Periods In The Same Edition : (1) The Word-readings according to the Word In dex given at the end of Schubring's Edition of the Acaranga : (a) vijna = vinnu, vinnu; arya = ariya, ajja ; artha = attha, attha ; atman = atta, appa, aya; arhat = arahanta, ariha; adhas = aha, ahe, aho; avesa = avesa, aesa ; etc. (b) k = g, y (i) agara, agasa, aladdhaga, appaga, aharaga. (ii) ahiya, abhiseya, alaiya, (=alayika), anugamiya. (c) j = 1, y ajina, avijanao. viyahittu (variant - vijahitta). (d) d = d, y udaya-nissiya, ainnayanam(= adattadanam). The Readings of the Acaranga of the Agamodaya Samiti (Sutra No.) : [= t, y (a) iccete (2, 5, 6, 7) iccee (3) (b) parinnata ..... parinnata-kamme (17) parinnaya ..... parinnata-kamme (30) parinnaya ..... parinnaya-kamme (13) (3) The Readings of the Acaranga of Jaina Visvabharati Edition (Sutra No.) : (a) t= t, y bhavai (1, 4, 134), bhavati (2, 25, 48) parinnaya bhavamti (12), parinnata (2) 13

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THE STATE CANONICAL (F) (4) ARDHAMAGADHI IN VARIOUS EDITIONS OF THE JAINA (AGAMIC) TEXTS bhavamti (34) jai-marana-moyanae (10), jati-maranamoyanae (103) natam (2, 4, 25), nayam (4, 134) OF (b) n = n, n no sanna (1), no natam (2) (c) ny = nn, nn nevannehim (33, 88), nevannehim (64) The Readings of the Acaranga of MJV. Edition (Sutra No.): (a) t=t, y jiviyassa (7), jivitassa (24); parinnaya (9), parinnata (39) ; dukkhapadighatahetum (7), dukkhapadighataheum (13) dukkhapadighayahetum (51); annatarito disato (1), annatario disao (2) (b) d = d, y pavayamana (23), pavadamana (42) (c) dh dh, h adhe disato (1), ahao va (2) = (d) ks kkh, h dakkhinao va (1), dahinao va (2) Different Readings In The Same Edition : (1) i - Sometimes Archaic and Sometimes Younger Reading: (i) (a) Acaranga, First Srutaskandha (Sutra No.) khettanna (MJV. 32, 79, 104, 176, 210) khetanna (MJV. 109, 132, 209) kheyanna (MJV. 88, 109) (ii) anitiyam (Schubring, p. 22. 7) aniccayam (Schubring, p. 4. 30) (iii) adhe (MJV. 174) ahe (MJV. 1) 14

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In Search of the Original Ardhamagadhi K.R. Chandra (iv) tividhena . . . bahuga (MJV. 79) tivihena... bahuya (MJV. 82) (v) egada (MJV. 79) egaya (MJV. 66). (b) Itthiparinna (Sutrakrtanga, 1.4) Alsdorf has sometimes adopted archaic readings and sometimes younger readings in the re-editing of this chapter : (1) d = d d = y, a vadittanam (1.23) channapaena (1.2) itthiveda (1.23) veya (1.20) padachejjaim (1.21) nisiyamti (1.3) p= p p = v upakasanti (1.20) viruva-ruvani (1.6) n = n n = n suhumena (1.2) channapaena (1.2) jn = nn in = nn khedanna (1.20) panna (1.20) ay = e ay = a nimanteti (1.4,6) damsasti (1.3) (2) Sometimes readings of three different strata are found in the same sentence : Acaranga (MJV.) (a) vitaham pappa khettanne tammi thanammi citthati (1.2.3.79) (First Stratum) (Second Stratum) (Third Stratum) pappa khettanne tammi citthati vitahan thanammi (b) vadhemti vahemti vahimti (1.1.6.52) (c) sada (1.1.4.33) egada egaya (1.1.1.67) sata 15

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THE STATE OF ARDHAMAGADHI IN VARIOUS EDITIONS OF THE JAINA CANONICAL (AGAMIC) TEXTS (3) Conviction of their belonging to the ear lier or later period due to the introduction of the phonetic change in the similar words of different works : : From the two works, Acaranga and Avasyakasutra published by MJV., Mumbai, a few usages17 are given below, which clearly show that while there are archaic usages in the Acaranga, whereas there is a marked influence of the phonetic change of the later period in the medial consonants in the same words in the Avasyakasutra : (Acaranga) (Sanskrit) (Avasyakasutra) agani (agni) aggi anidana (anidana) aniyana atithi (atithi) atihi atta (@tman) appa appa ata aya aya abodhi (abodhi) abohi abohi adana (adana) atana ayana ariya (arya) ajja uvatthita (upasthita) uvatthiya (jati) (G) Difference In The Readings Of Two Most Ancient Agama Works, Of Almost The Same Period, Edited By Schubring : ajja jati jai 16

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In Search of the Original Ardhamagadhi K.R. Chandra (Acaranga) (Isibhasiyaim)" (Aca.) (Isibha.) (d) bhagavaya arahata ayae adaya taiya tatiya ayana adana bhavai bhavati vayam vadam virai virati savvao savvato paveiyam vedesti sevae sevate (p) aivaya atipata kheyanna khittato (H) Different Systems (Of Editing) Adopted By Differ ent Editors: (Sutrakrtanga-Alsdorf) Conso- (Acaranga-Schubring) nants adaya (1.4.1.10) ainnayanam (adattadanam) p.3.21 vijanehi (1.4.2.10) viyahittu (vijahaya), p. 3.10 (I) About The Medial t: (1) Isibhasiyaim" In the edition of Schubring, sometimes t is elided and sometimes it is retained : (Printed) (Variant) [elision] [retained] lippae (Ch. 3) lippate asiena (Ch. 3) asitena (retained] [elision) ayati (Ch. 1) ayai agacchati (Ch. 1) agacchai (2) The position of the medial t in the Acaranga and Isibhasiyaim (Schubring's Editions of both the works) Although the medial 't' was found in some in 17

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THE STATE OF ARDHAMAGADHI IN VARIOUS EDITIONS OF THE JAINA CANONICAL (AGAMIC) TEXTS stances in the manuscripts of the Acaranga (1st SrutaSkandha) used by Schubring but he has scrupulously picked out in some instances the medial 't' (in words, case-suffix or terminations), as one would do with a fly fallen in butter, but in the edition of the Isibhasiyaim he has not done so; the retention of 't' in it as analysed in some chapters is as follows : (Chapter (Retained) (Sonant) (Elision) (Percentage No.) of Elision) d 32 O 2 19 0 29 14 12 21 (3) For the Acaranga, Schubring seems to have taken for granted that wherever the medial 't' is found, it is '-t-' variant (sruti) and hence to be thrown out, but he did not adopt this same rule for the Isibhasiyaim. The elision of the other medial consonants, as in the case of - t- has not been adopted; sometimes 'd' = 't' is also found. This process of making them unvoiced is the stage that preceded that of elision. In the Isibhasiyaim'd' = 't' has been preserved (yadi = jati 3.2), but in the Acaranga such readings have not been adopted, although they were found in the manuscripts. It seems from these facts that at the time of editing the Acaranga he was under the influence of the rules of the Prakrit grammarians as stated in their works with reference to the later Prakrit, but at the time of editing the Isibhasiyaim he did not stick to those rules and followed the proper system of adopting the oldest readings. (See the Acaranga, I, ed. H. Jacobi, 1882) (4) Other editors have also adopted the readings with elided medial - t- as for instance : 18

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In Search of the Original Ardhamagadhi K.R. Chandra jati (Uttaradhyayana - (Variants in the Charpe. Edn.) manuscripts) (a) jai (13. 18) harai (13. 26) harati nabhisamei (13. 30) nabhisameti (b) sambhuya (13. 11): sambhutal8 Some Editors Have Adopted 'n' And Some Others 'n' For The Initial Dental 'n' And 'jn': Illustrations from the Word-Index of the MJV. Editions : n = n, n Editor Jambuvijayaji Editor Punyavijayaji Acaranga Sutrakstanga Uttaradh- Dasavai- Avasyaka yayana kalika Su. 19 nagga natta nara, nara nara naraga naraga nama, nama nama nara nagina satta nara naraga nama nikaya nikkhamta niggatha nara nama nikaya nikkhamta niggastha, niggatha nikkhamta niggamtha niggatha niggastha niyama niyaga nivvana nivvana nivvana niyama niyaga nivvana nivvuda nisiejja nila po nivvuda nisiejja nila no jn = n, n nana nana nana nana nata naya in = nn, in nisanna nisanna 19

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THE STATE OF ARDHAMAGADHI IN VARIOUS EDITIONS OF THE JAINA CANONICAL (AGAMIC) TEXTS (K) Archaic Word-Forms Not Adopted: (1) Alsdorf considers 13.10 of the Uttaradhyayana (Cittasam-bhuta) as an 'archaic' verse. In the MJV. Edition, the reading adopted is 'aya' (13.10) for the word 'atma', while the Curni adopts the variant 'atta'. In such a situation, why should the archaic reading 'atta' have not been adopted ? (2) Acaranga (JVB. Edn.) pahu ejassa (Aca. 1.1.7.145) (3) Itthiparinna (Edited by Alsdorf) 20 Sometimes the archaic readings and sometimes the younger readings. (a) (Archaic readings accepted) itthivede (1.23) (1.26) vidu vi vadittanam (1.23) luham (from Curni) (1.25) (b) (Younger readings accepted) veyanuvii (1.19) pavaenam (1.26) muccae (1.9) (Archaic Variants) pabhu ... 20 (Younger readings as variants) viu vi vaittanam rukkham (Archaic readings as variants) vedanuviyi (Curni gihaim 21 (1.17) (4) Archaic word-forms in the variants : (A) Acaranga: (a) Schubring's Edition (Adopted Readings) (Variants) kheyanna (16 times) pavadena ( muccati (Oldest Palmleaf Ms.) gihani (variant) reading) " khettanna (3 times in Curni and 5 times in G Ms.)

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In Search of the Original Ardhamagadhi K.R. Chandra khedanna (p. 17.21) khettanna (Curni and G Ms.) aniccayani (p. 4.30) anitiyan (Cumi) cuo (p. 1.7) cue (Cummi) jiva anega (p. 3.18) jiva anege (A Ms.) arambhamana (p. 6.1); aranibhamina22 (Curni) anaiyamane (p. 12.25) anaiyamine (A Ms.) annayarammi (p. 11.29) annayaramsi (A, D, G. Mss. and Curni) (b) JVB. Edition padisamvedei (1.1.1.8) padisamvedayai (Gh. Ms.) cuo (1.1.1.2) cute (Gh Ms.) (c) MJV. Edition rogasamuppaya (1.2.2.67) rogasamuppata (Sam., Kham. Mss.) egaya (1.2.1.64) egata (He.1.2.3, La., 1. Mss.) samnihisamnicayo (1.2.5.87) samnidhisamnicayo (Curni) abhikastam (1.2.1.64) abhikkamtam (Schub., He. 2, 3, La., 1. Mss.) pavvahie (1.2.4.84) pavvadhie (=pravyathitah) (Khe. Ms.) iha, jaha, taha idha, jadha, tadha (Curni and Old Palmleaf Mss. of MJV. Edn., refer Prastavana, p. 44) se tan sambujjhamane se ttam (silanka, Curni and (1.1.2.14) Schu.) kuraim kammaim (1.2.4.82) kurani kammani (Sam., Sam., Kham., Khe. Mss.) annayarammi (1.2.6.96) annayaramsi (He. 1,2,3; La. Mss.) anupuvvie (1.8.8.230) anupuvviya (except Kham Ms.; and Curni) sahati (1.2.6.98) sahate (He. 1,2,3 ; La. Mss.) sahae (Schu.) sahate (JVB.) kappai (1.1.3.27) kappati (Sam., Sam., Kham., Khe. Mss. and Curni) 21

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THE STATE OF ARDHAMAGADHI IN VARIOUS EDITIONS OF THE JAINA CANONICAL (AGAMIC) TEXTS (B) Sutrakstanga : (a) JVB. Edition (Variants) mahie majjhammi (1.6.13) mahiya majjhammi (Kh. Ms. and Curni) visohaitta (1.6.17) visodhaitta (Curni) (b)MJV. Edition sambohi (1.2.1.1) sambodhi (Curni) aha (1.4.2.16) adha (Curni) kayapuvvam (1.4.2.18) kadapuvvani (Curni) gihaim (1.4.1.17) gihani (Curni) eyaim bhayain (1.2.1.3) etani bhayani (Curni) aittho (1.4.1.19) aitthe (Pu. Ms.) kadehis gahati (1.2.1.4) kadebhi23 gahae (Curni) (C) Uttaradhyayana : MJV. Edition aya (13. 10) atta (Curni) Presentation of the way of Rejecting Archaic Word-forms, in another manner : (a) Rejected Archaic Readings occurring in younger Mss.24 pavvahie (MJV., Aca. pavvathie (I. Ms.) 1.1.2.10) kuraim kammaim (Schu, kurani kammani B., Bl., Aca.p.9.8) B2. Mss.) ihamegesim (MJV, Aca. idhamekesim (Kham., Ms.) 1.2.1.64) ihamegesin (JVB, Aca. idhamekesim (Ca. Ms.) 1.2.1.4) () Younger Reading in the Original, but Archaic Reading in the Vitti : viyahitta (Aca. Agamo. Edn. vijahitta (Vitti reading sutra 19) p.43b) (c) From Mss. also adopted by editors sometimes Archaic and sometimes Younger Readings (1) cuo (JVB., Aca. 1.1.1.2) cute (Ca. Ms.) (2) natam (JVB., Aca.1.1.1.4) nayam (Ca. Ms.) 22

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In Search of the Original Ardhamagadhi (d) Rejection of the Contemporary Popular Forms: (-mina - Popular) 25 (Pre. Par. -mana) ghayamane (MJV., 1.6.4.192) ghayamine (Schu., p. 31.3) samanujanamana (JVB. samanujanamina (Schu., 1.6.4.91) Aca., p. 31.4; 33.9) (L) Rejection By Later Editors Of Archaic Word-Forms Of The Preceding Editions : (1) Acaranga: (Later Edition) aviyanao (MJV. 1.1.6.49, and JVB.) niie (JVB. 1.4.1.2) bahuya (MJV. 1.2.4.82) K.R. Chandra (Preceding Edition) avijanao (Schu.) nitie (Schu.) bahuga (Schu., and Agamo., and JVB.) addakkhu (Schu.; Agamo.) kurani kammani (Agamo.) adakkhu (MJV. 1.2.5.88, 1.9.2.70 and JVB.) kuraim kammaim (MJV. 1.2.4.82 and JVB.) (2) Sutrakrtanga : vivegamayae (MJV.1.4.1.10) vivegamadaya (Alsdorf) (M) Language Of The Original Preacher Looking As That Belonging To The Later Period While That Of The Compiler As Of Ancient Period (1) Acaranga (MJV.) (a) Compiler's language tattha khalu bhagavata parinna pavedita (Sutra 7) socca bhagavato anagaranam chamegesim natam bhavati, Sutra 14; (See also Sutras 24, 25, 35, 36, 43, 44, 51, 52 as also 58 and 59) (b) In the above examples there is no elision of the medial 't', 'd' etc., while the elision is found in the following illustrations from the original discourse : 23

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THE STATE OF ARDHAMAGADHI IN VARIOUS EDITIONS OF THE JAINA CANONICAL (AGAMIC) TEXTS (i) kappai na kappai (Sutra 27), sampayasti (Sutra 37), etthovarae (Sutra 40); (Elision of -t-). (ii) pavayamana (Sutra 12,13), hiyayamabbhe (Sutra 15); (Elision of -d-). (2) Isibhasiyaim : (a) Compiler's language arahata isina buitam (Every chapter begins with this reading; the - t- has been preserved here.) (b) The original language of the discourse samahie (samahitah), lubbhai(lubhyate), jagarao (jagstah) - (Adhyaya - 38) bhavao, kammao, ajjhavasayao (there is -o for -to, Adhyaya - 39) Similar instances of the elision or retention of medial - t- from each chapter can be quoted profusely. CONCLUSION It is clear from this sort of linguistic analysis that in the task of editing of the Ardhamagadhi Agama texts, the method adopted by the editors has not remained consistently uniform; the medial consonants are sometimes retained, and sometimes changed into voiced and mostly elided (with changing the aspirates to h). The terminations of cases and tenses are sometimes archaic and sometimes younger, i.e. of the later period. The problem is this : Ardhamagadhi is an archaic language which is very old as compared to the Maharastri Prakrit. The Ardhamagadhi Agama literature originated in the Eastern region of India, and the period of the First Redaction of the ancient Agamas (i.e. the Ganipitaka of the Twelve Asgas (i.e. duvalasamga-ganipidaga) is anterior to that of the Ashokan Edicts. In view of these points, one has to accept that the Original Ardhamagadhi - 24

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In Search of the Original Ardhamagadhi K.R. Chandra language of the First Redaction (prathama vacana) of the Jaina Agamas has suffered Mahrastriisation; there can be no doubt about this. But, even then one finds archaic readings, old in view of the evolution of the language, and therefore, why should they not be accepted ? Archaic readings are found in the manuscripts of the Agama texts and the Curnis. Hence, for the purpose of preserving the archaic form of the original language, it is but proper to adopt the archaic readings. This is the main purport of the present study. Foot-Notes 1. Kalpasutra, Muni Sri Punyavijayaji, Sarabhai Manilal Nawab, Prastavana, pp.3-7 and 14-15 (Original in Gujarati), 1952 A.D. 2. Is it for this reason that any originality of the Ardhamagadhi is not been found clearly in the Prakrit Grammar of Hemacandra ? 3. See 'Restoraion of the Original Language of the Ardhamagadhi Texts' by the same author, published by P.J.V.V. Fund, 1994, pp.20-21, and see 'Ksetrajna sabda ke vividh prakrita rupom ki katha aur uska Ardhamagdhi rupantara, vide SRAMANA, P.V.R. Inst., Varanasi, Oct.-Dec., 1990, Year 41, Anka 10-12, pp. 49-56. Ludwig Alsdorf, p.200. 5. This reading is correct as per other evidences. Two case - suf fixes 'ya' and 'e' are appended in the printed reading 'sahasammuiyae. See, 'Sahasammuiyae Patha Par Kucha Carca (Hindi), A.I.O.C. Proceedings, Calcutta, 1986. 6. Acaranga, Prastavana, p.36 (MJV. Edn.). 7. MJV. Edn. 8. Additionally note down that the readings, 'jaha' and 'taha' have been adopted in the places of jadha' and 'tadha', respectively. See Variants, Sutra 92, p.27, .fn.7, Aca. (MJV.), and its Prastavana, p. 44. para 1. 9. Acarangasutra, Erster Srutaskandha (Leipzig), 1910. 10. Acaranga (MJV.), 1977. 11. The position of the medial - t- is found preserved to the extent

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THE STATE OF ARDHAMAGADHI IN VARIOUS EDITIONS OF THE JAINA CANONICAL (AGAMIC) TEXTS of 50 to 100% in different Adhyayanas of the Isibhasiyaim edited by him; this is a matter of surprise. (Cf. supra, pp.17-18). 12. The elision of the medial consonants is found to be sometimes 10%, sometimes 25%, sometimes 35%, and on an average 25% only in the Isibhasiyaim edited by Schubring. 13. See, my article, 'Pracina Praksta Bhasa mem Adya Nakara ya Nakara', 'PRAKETA VIDYA', Udaipur, July-Sept., 1989. 14. See, my article, 'Pracina Prakrta mem 'na' aur 'na' ke Parivartan ki Samikna', 'PRAKATA VIDYA', Udaipur, July-December, 1990. 15. The medial -g- is preserved in the MJV. Edn. of the Samayari, 26th Adhyayana, seven times, while in those of Charpentier and JVB. editions it is generally found elided. 16. Acaranga, (MJV.), Prastavana, pp.36-37. 17. Quoted from the Index, given at the end of the relevant editions of the works and the Isibhasiyaim Ka Prakrit-Sanskrit Sabda kosa, K.R. Chandra, 1998. 18. Alsdorf has here adopted the reading 'sambhuta'; see, Kleine Schriften, p.190. 19. Although the period of the composition of the Avasyaka-niryukti is later, the dental in' is generally found retained in the Edn. of the work published by the Agamodaya Samiti, e.g. (i) natthi, nanaviha, niuna, nijjutti, niddosa; (ii) nana, nayavva, sanna; (iii) uvavanna; (iv) anna (anya). 20. See, Kleine Schriften, pp.197-198. 21. But, in 1.25 the reading is cittalamkaragani (i.e. the reading with the suffix -ani). 22. The suffix - mina, in the place of -mana of the Present Participle is found in the Ashokan inscriptions. 23. It is proper to mention here the usage of the word 'thibhi (stribhih), found in all the Edns. of the Acaranga (1.2.5.84). It is surprising how this usage has been preserved. It is proper to accept the reading 'kadebhi'. 24. See, the Prastavana of the relevant edition of the work with regard to the antiquity or modernity of the manuscripts. 25. See, Infra, foot-note 22. 26

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2. ARCHAIC LINGUISTIC ELEMENTS IN THE ARDHAMAGADHI We find, in the senior works of the Jaina Ardhamagadhi Agama literature', some of the linguistic usages which have escaped the influence of the Prakrit languages that evolved in later period; they have preserved their archaic forms in tact. If these forms are compared with those of the usages of the Prakrits of the later period, it will clearly reveal that these escaped archaic usages prove the antiquity of the Ardhamagadhi (in contrast to the later Prakrits, like the Sauraseni, the Maharastri, etc.) and at times one cannot but avoid feeling that they are similar to the forms of Pali usages, thus, vindicating the fact of their antiquity in support of which the following usages should be noted. (A) Additional matter Post-HIndi Edition : Traces of the usage of Vedic !'(a) mostly in the Agamic Texts. Aca.-dalima, aviliya, paripiliya, Su.Kr.-, leluna vide Pischel 240, 304, 379, 592. This consonant is preserved in Pali and has been inherited in some cases by other MIA. dialects and by some NIA. languages also. Modern Indian Editions have replaced '?' by l' or '?'. This is a specific and crystal clear example of how a language undergoes transformation at the hands of editors of later period and of different regions. In the Sattasai (Saptasati) of Hala which is edited by a Marathi editor the Y' is available in a number of words because the editor is a Marathi and in that language the syllable ?' is a part of its usage, whereas the same text edited by Hindi speaking editors does not have '?' and it is replaced by I' or ' '. 27

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ARCHAIC LINGUISTIC ELEMENTS IN THE ARDHAMAGADHI (B) (ii) Medial -dh- retained. asadhu Su.Kr. 2.2. 713, p.176; samadhiya Su.Kr. 1.10.6, p. 85, fin. 26 (v.1. from Curni) Voicing of the Medial Consonatns, Instead of Elision : Numerous usages with voicing of medial 'k' are surely available in the Ardhamagadhi. Along with them, sometimes we find that the usages with 'd' and 'dh' in place of 't' and 'th' repectively (i.e. voiced medials too) are preserved in Ardhamagadhi, as for instance : (1) pada for patat patra (4 times in the Aca. (MJV.) 2.6.1.592; sarapadagam (sarapatakam) - Su. Kr., 1.4.2.13 (Alsdorf)"; (2) bhavidavvam (bhavita vyam) - Isibha., 3.1 (Schubring) and also (additional matter postHindi Edition) the instances from the Su.kr. (MJV. Edn.) sikkhadi(v.1. kham 2) 1.5.1.303, adite=atite (v.1. kham 2, Pu. 1) 1.6.356), ativadaya = atipataya (v.1. kham 2, Pu. 1, La) 1.8.414, adivadeja for atipatejja (v.1. kham 1) 1.8.429, uppadahi for uppatahi (v.1. four times from the Curni) 2.1.643 tadha, radha, jadha, kadham, savvadha (for tatha, ratha, yatha, katham, sarvatha) see, Isibha., 3.7.8;24.3., 25.14; 35.12;38.29; 40.10; 45.25. jadha (yatha), Aca., 2.5.555; Su. Ki. (MJV) jadha 1.1.2.45, annadha, variant, 1.7.384, (kham 2, Pu. 1, La.). (4) adha (atha) - Itthiparinna, Su. Kr., 1.4.1.23 (Punya. Edn.) (5) The forms with 'agha' for the root 'akhya', such as, agha, aghavana, aghavijjanti, 28

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In Search of the Original Ardhamagadhi (C) (6) K.R. Chandra aghavittae, aghaviya, aghavemana, etc., which are found in the Ardhamagadhi works, are also the evidences of the voicing of 'kh' to 'gh' (See, Pischel. 202, 551; 85, 88; 350, 382, etc.) (7) Similarly, among the illustrations given by Hemacandra, of course excepting 'k' = 'g', we find 'c' = 'j' (8.1.177) as in pisaji (pisaci), 'th' 'dh' (8.1.186), as in pidham, pudham (prthak), and 'ph' 'bh' (8.1.236) as in rebha (repha), they seem to be the usages of the archaic Prakrit language. The period of the Ardhamagadhi is older than other Prakrits. Hence, it is not improper from the point of view of linguistic evolution, if we find t' = 'd' and 'th' = 'dh' In this context, it is but highly proper when Nitti Dolchi' remarks that when Hemacandra' prohibited the change of 't' to 'd' in common Prakrit, all such usages were automatically removed from the manuscripts of the period subsequent to him. A clear example of this modified process is the edition of the Acaranga published by the Mahavira Jaina Vidyalaya. The editor, Munisri Jambuvijayaji, has clarified in his Prastavana (p.44) that he has adopted the forms 'jaha' and 'taha' ( for 'yatha' and 'tatha', respectively) in the place of 'jadha' and 'tadha' in accordance with the tradition of the commentators. Anaptyxix (svarabhakti) Instead of Simplification of Conjunct Consonants : = The process of anaptyxix, through which conjunct consonants are separated is believed to have been 29

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ARCHAIC LINGUISTIC ELEMENTS IN THE ARDHAMAGADHI anterior to that of assimilation. According to Pischel (132, 133), the anaptyxix in the case of some of the conjunct consonants is found more in the Ardhamagadhi. Some of the examples are as follows: (words used in Acaranga : agni = agani Su. (34,37,39,211,212) usna = usina (Su. 107) tusnika tusinia (Su. 288) panyasala = paniyasala (Su. 278) vaiyavstya = veyavadiya (Su. 199, 207, 219, 227) Some other examples given by Pischel (133) are : kasina (krtsna or krsna), pasina (prasna), nigina (nagna), dihara, (dighara-dirgha), etc. We may add the following to this list : From the Isibha. nitya = nitiya, arya = ariya, paryaya = pariyaya, karyam = kariyam (Ch. 11.3), agnikayah = aganikae (ch.10, p. 23.3) (D) The usage of 'atta' for the word 'atman : Four alternative usages, viz., atta, ata, aya and appa are found in the place of the word atman. Out of these, only atta form occurs in the Ashokan Inscriptions. Hence, this form is the oldest. In the Ashokan Inscriptions of the Western India we find the usage atpa instead of atta; and this atpa has later on changed to appa and has then been more prevalent. From atta developed ata, and from the latter developed the word aya gradually; these are thus later usages, from the chronological view-point. In the first Srutaskandha of the Acaranga, which is the oldest Prakrit work, atta is found in greater proportion than the ata, which is compara 30

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In Search of the Original Ardhamagadhi K.R. Chandra tively in less proportion; in the second Srutaskandha, however, we find appa frequently, while atta, ata and aya are rather rare; Examples, Aca.I-attanam, attasamahite, attattae, atato, atavam, atavadi; Aca. Il-appano, appanam, appana, appanenam (E) Usages of Conjuct Consonants with Dental Nasal 'n': vahni (vahni-maruya-samyoga) - Isibhasiyaim, 9.24 (Schubring). In the later period this same word has been used in the form of vanhi. Other examples are : annatari (anyatari) - Aca. 1.1.1.1. anna (anya), annaya (anyaya), channa, chinna, pannaga, manne (manye) - Su. Kr. We find in these usages 'nn'(dental), instead of 'nn' (cerebral). This indicates that they are archaic usages. (F) The form 'vayam', the Nominative plural of the Pronoun 'asmad' : The popular form of the nominative plural of 'asmad' is 'amhe' in Prakrits. But, the form vayam has been preserved in the older portions of Ardhamagadhi, in place of amhe, as for instance : vayam puna evamacikkhamo (Aca. 1.4.2.138) tesim pi vayam lajjamo (Aca. 1.8.8.203) vayam (Aca 2.5.1, 561-563; Su. Kr. , 1.1.2.47, 1.3.2.187, 189; 2.1.647, 2.6.838) jahim vayam savvajanassa vessa (Uttara., 13.18, Cittasambhuta) Pischel. (419) has mentioned the usage of 'vayamas found seven times from the Acaranga, six times from the Sutrakstanga, three times from the Uttaradhyayana, as also from the Bhagavatisutra and the Dasavaikalika. 31

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ARCHAIC LINGUISTIC ELEMENTS IN THE ARDHAMAGADHI (G) (Additional matter post-Hindi Edition): A number of archaic forms with the -ani suffix for the Acc. Plu. of the Neuter gender are available in the Senior Canonical Works, e.g. Aca, kurani kammani 1.148, duccaragani 1.298, mamsuni 1.303 Aca 2.11 - muingasaddani, etc. 669, vinasaddani etc. 670, talasaddani, etc., 671, samkhasaddani, etc. 672, vappani, etc. 673 and so on. Aca 2.12- gamthimani,..... pothakammani, cittakammani, ..., vivihani, 689 (and so on totalling 11 in number. In these Sutras there are nominal forms with the usage of -aim suffix also, e.g. viruvaruvaim, saddaim, egatiyaim, etc. Uttara. - niratthani 1.8, khettani 9.36, bhimani 19.47, tanani 23.17, etc. Dasavai. - uvvattanani3.5, asanani 9.2.17, savvani 10.19 Isibha. - kammani 2.5. dukkhani 15.1, imdiyani 16.3, etc. (H) Some Archaic Usages of the Instrumental Singular of Words Ending in Consonants : Pischel (364, 396, 407, 411, 413) has mentioned numerous old usages from the Ardhamagadhi; they are - vaya = vaca (Uttara.; Dasavai.) kayaggira (Dasavai.); we find vaya in the Su.Kr. (1.4.1.24) also. Other examples are : viusa, teyasa, ceyasa, jasasa, sirasa(also kayasa, jogasa, niyamasa, payogasa, balasa, bhayasa, etc.) and matimaya, mahaya, janaya, etc. These usages have been quoted from the Acaranga, the Sutrakrtanga, the Uttaradhyayana, the Dasavaikalika, the Sthananga, the Bhagavatisutra 32

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In Search of the Original Ardhamagadhi K.R. Chandra and the Aupapatikasutra. We may add to these from the Su. Kr. the usage 'ayasa' (for 'atmana', 1.4.1.6 Alsdorf) and 'atasa' (MJV.) 'pannasa' (1.6.8; 1.13.13,14) and from the Isibha. 'cakkhusa'(35.23), 'cetasa' (27.2), 'tejasa (37, p.83.24), etc. (I) The Forms with Case Suffix '-bhi' of Instrumental Plural : Some residual usages of this case termination found in the Ardhamagadhi are as follows: thibhi (=stribhih) - Aca 1.2.4.84; pasubhi (=pasubhih) - Uttara 9.49 samjhamebhi - Isibha., p.128.2, 9 (Schubring); kadebhi (?) (Su. Kr. Curni usage). (cf. infra, p. 26 f.n. 23) (J) Some Usages with the form having the Case Ending -aya' of the Dative Singular : (i) Isibha. - nevvanaya (27.2), vahikkhayaya and mohakkhayaya (38.7), jhanaya (38.15), kammadanaya (38.16) mokkhaya (24.38), nevvanaya (27.2) Sutrakitanga - atahitaya (MJV, 1.4.1.16) annapayaya (annapakaya) - Variant of Curni quoted on p.50 of the MJV Edition. (Normally, we find the forms with the suffix -ae in such cases). (K) Old Usages of Ablative Singular as Adverb : padiso (tasamti pana padiso disasu ya - Aca. 1.1.6.49). Pischel (413) has quoted the following instances : diso disam (Aca. 2.16.6) MJV; p. 278 variants : disodisis, disodisi. disodisim (Prasnavyakarana, Uttaradhyayana, Nayadhammakahao). We may add the following examples : 33

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ARCHAIC LINGUISTIC ELEMENTS IN THE ARDHAMAGADHI (L) paogaso (Isibha 24.37), bahuso (Aca. 1.9.4.17) savvaso (Aca. 1.9.1.12, 16, 18) Similar usages are found in the Pali Suttanipata also, e.g., puthuso (50.14,15), sabbaso (53.6,16) Forms of Genitive Singular : (1) Present Participle - karao (kurvatah) Aca. 1.1.1.4, aviyanao (variant a vijanato = avijanatah, Aca. 1.1.6.49; also see Sutra Nos. 144, 148, 149, 154). Forms quoted by Pischel (396) are : viharao, akuvvao, hanao, kittayao; vippayahato can be quoted from the Isibha. 16, p. 33.20 (2) Forms of Words Ending in Consonants (Gen. Sing.) : dhimato (dhimatah) Isibha 9.15 dhiimao, mahao (mahatah), bhagavao (bhagavatah) (Pischel, 396) jasassino (Pischel, 405) The Older Nominal suffix '-mhin and '-mhi' of Locative Singular : (1) The evolution of the case-suffixes '-mhim' and'-mhi' has been from Sanskrit case-suffix -smin'. The termination -mhi'is found in the Western Ashokan Inscriptions. Later on.-mmi' termination has evolved from this '-mhi'. The Locative singular suffixes in Pali are '-smim' and '-mhi', which should be noted in this context. The Preserved Usages of '-mhi' and '-mhin' in the Ardhamagadhi Works: imamhi (Vyavaharasutra, 7.22, 23) kamhim (Uttaradhyayana, 15.2 Alsdorf)' (M) 34

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In Search of the Original Ardhamagadhi K.R. Chandra (2) The Older Nominal suffix '-ssin' of the Locative Singular : The popular suffix of the Loc. Sing. in the Ardhamagadhi is '-assi', as for instance, logamsi, nayaramsi, aggimsi, vaumsi. But, the suffix '-ssim' is rarely found but in a few places. In fact -ssim' is the suffix anterior to the '-amsi', and the '-ssim' has evolved from '-smin'. In the Ashokan Inscriptions we find the written form -sim' for this'-ssim'. Prakrit grammarians have prescribed -ssis' case suffix for pronouns, but it has not been mentioned with reference to the nouns'. This case suffix must have been prevalent in the archaic forms of nouns, too. But, later on the case suffix '-amsi' became popular everywhere. The ancient usages with the suffix '-ssim' have been only rarely preserved. One such instance is found in one of the manuscripts of the Acaranga, and it is consigned to the variants in the foot-notes in the printed edition of the work; thus, logassim(Aca.1. 1.1.9, a Variant in MJV. Edn.) It seems the usages with this suffix '-ssim' have disappeared from literature since the Prakrit grammrians too have not mentioned it with reference to the nouns. (3) The form 'rao' (ratrau) of the Locative Singular of ratri : The popular Loc. Sing. form of the word ratri in Prakrit is 'rattie' but the ancient forms 'rato and 'rao' too are found to have survived". diya ya rato ya (Aca. Su.189, 190 MJV.) aho ya rao ya (Aca. Su. 63, 73) Over and above these see the Aca. Sutra Nos. 133, 282, 291, etc. Pischel (386) has quoted similar instances from the Sutrakstanga, Uttaradhyayana, Dasavaikalika, etc. 35

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ARCHAIC LINGUISTIC ELEMENTS IN THE ARDHAMAGADHI Some More Archaic Forms : (i) vedavi (vedavit) Nom. Sing. (Aca. Sutra 145, 163, 174, 196) kalaveyavi (Isibha., 22.12) (ii) jantavo, sahavo, (Nom. Plu.; Aca., Su. Kr., Uttara., Pischel, 380) (iii) dummana, sumana (Nom. Sing.; Su. Kr. Pischel, 408) (iv) ativijjam (atividvan) (Aca. Su. 112, 115; Su. Kr. Pischel, 299) (N) (0) (v) hrimato (Su. Kr. 1.2.2.18; variant himato) (vi) tamasi (Loc. Sing.; Pischel, 408) (vii) nipatanti (Isibha. 10, p. 23.9); the prevalent form would be ni(ni)vadamti), ('ta' 'da'); we find nivatimsu (Su. 295, 297) and nivatita (Su. 148, 316), in the Aca. (viii) vidhiyate (Isibha., 22.14) (ix) dhit (Isibha., 22.1) (x) dittatejasam (Acc. Sing., Isibha., 39.1) The nominal suffixes 'ya' and 'ya' Similar to Pali, and 'ye' Similar to Ashokan Inscriptions : - The Prakrit grammarians have not mentioned the 'ya' and 'ya' as the oblique case suffixes of feminine sing"., as a result of which even though there might have been the usage of these suffixes in ancient Prakrit literature, such suffixes must have automatically been discarded. In fact these suffixes are older and are found in both Pali and Ashokan inscriptions. It does not seem proper to say that there could not have been such suffixes in prevalence, because the period and the region of the origination of the original Ardhamagadhi and Pali literature has been the same. If some usages of such suffixes have survived in the Ardhamagadhi, they indicate an archaic trait, For instance, 36

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In Search of the Original Ardhamagadhi K.R. Chandra anupuvviya (Aca., 1.8.8.230, Inst. Sing.) mucchaya ( Isibha., 3.2 Gen., Sing.), araniya (=aranyam) Isibha., 22, p.43, 9), pudhaviya (=prthivyam) .Isibha., 22.p.43.8). Similarly, the usage 'sahasammuiyae' (v.1. -tiyae,-diyae) of the Aca.; must have actually been 'sahasammuiya'or sahasammutiya or (-diya (cf. H. Jacobi) as is found in the Uttaradhyayana (sahasammuiy'asava-samvare) (28.17), the Aca. Niryukti Gatha 65 and 67, and the Aca. Curni, p.12. The form 'sahasammuie' too of this word is found. In the Sutrakrtanga, we find the usages 'mahiya majjhammi (1.6.13), 'cariyaya apamatto' (a variant, 1.9.30), 'samahiya rate'(1.10.6, samadhiya' in Curni), bhasaya dose, gune ya bhasaya Su. Kr. 2.6.791. The usages with the nominal suffix-ye' as found in the Isibhasiyaim are as follows: subhasiyae bhasaye (Isibha 33.4). Here there is the use of the Inst. Sing. suffix-ye' instead of 'e', which is similar to that found in the Ashokan inscriptions. paduppabhayae rayaniye (Isibha 37, p.83. 23, Loc. Sing.) In the Acaranga Curni , too, we find the usage 'gahaye ceva bhannati amdayadi (p.35.11, Loc. Sing.). Usages with Archaic Terminations of the Past Tense : Various older terminations for the past tense are found in the Ardhamagadhi, that have disappeared from the later literature; they are of the 3rd person singular and plural and some times used for other persons and numbers also. For the terminations -si', -57', -im; 1; 'ttha', ittha', '-u', .. u'; '-ssam', amsu' and -issu' see Pischel, (515518). The antiquity of these terminations is proved 37 (P)

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ARCHAIC LINGUISTIC ELEMENTS IN THE ARDHAMAGADHI on the basis of those in usage in the Pali literature and Ashokan inscriptions. Examples from the Ardhamagadhi literature : (1) akasi (Aca. 1.9.4.314), rikkasi (Aca. 1.9.1.257), ahesi (Aca. 1.9.1.298): pakasi, nasi (Isibha., 31, p. 69. 10,18). acari (Aca. 1.9.3.294); bhuvim (Isibha., 31, p.69.18). Cf. abhiramim (Pali Suttanipata, 63.2), etc. kuvvittha (Aca. 1.9.4.321), esittha (Aca. 1.9.4.318). ahu (=ahuh) (Aca. Su.140, Su kr., 1.2.17,20); abhu (=abhut) (Uttara., Pischel 516), adakkhu, adakkhu, addakkhu, addakkhu (Aca. Su. 88, 151, 152). akarissam (Aca. Su., 4; Pischel 516), pucchissa'ham (Su. Kr. 1.5.1). (6) ahamsu (Aca. Su. 1.4.1.28 abhavinsu. (Su. Kr. 1.15.25), himsimsu (Aca. Su. 52,256,295), lusimsu, nivatimsu, viharimsu (Aca. Su.295,297). (Q) Usages with archaic terminations of Optative Mood : The common terminations of the Optative Mood in Prakrit are 'ja', -ija, ijja', 'ijja'; and 'eija, -eja but, in the older portions of the Ardhamagadhi texts, archaic usages with older terminations have survived, which may be illustrated as follows : (1) The termination '-e': gijjhe (grdhyet), harise (harset), kujjhe (krudhyet), kanduyae (kanduyayet), kine (krnet), care (caret) - Acaranga; labhe (labhet), citthe (tisthet), uvacitthe (upatisthet) - Uttaradhayayana (See, Pischel, 462); acche (acchindyat), abbhe (abhindyat) - Acaranga, 38

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In Search of the Original Ardhamagadhi K.R. Chandra Su. 1.1.2.15; Pischel, 466; gacche - Aca. 2.1.2. 338 (four times)., 2.15.786. They are corroborated by similar archaic usages that are found in the Suttanipata (Pali) also, as for instance, icche (47.1), sikkhe (52.19), titthe, gacche (54.14), abhinande (54.18) (2) The termination -ya' (See, Pischel, 462, 464, 465): siya (syat), asiya (asyat), buya (bruyat), haniya (hanyat), sakka (sakyat), cakkiya (*cakyat), labbha (*labhyat), etc.; Aca. - pamajjiya (pramarjayet) 1.9.1.273; samabhijaniya 1.187, 214; siya (syat) - Isibha., 39.3.4; kujja (kuryat) - Isibha., 39.1,3; Aca. 2.1.2.338 (seven times) 2.15.786. (3) The termination '-eya': vatteya (varteta) - Isibha., 24.11. (In this matter Pischel, 459, says that no such archaic termination was ever prevalent. But, the once or twice occurrence of this in the Isibhasiyaim proves that such usages must have been prevalent in the older manuscripts, and that in the absence of the knowledge of antiquity of the language, they might have been removed by the scribes and replaced by the younger terminations. (R) Archaic forms of Gerund of Absolutive or Indeclinable. (1) For Gerunds, the forms of archaic usages can be shown thus, without applying the Prakrit terminations to the original roots, but only by phonetic changes in the original Sanskrit Gerunds: abhikamkha (abhikanksya), nikkhamma (niskramya), pakkhippa (praksipya), pavissa (pravisya), uvalabbha (upalabhya), pariccajja (parityajya)-See Pischel, 590. 39

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ARCHAIC LINGUISTIC ELEMENTS IN THE ARDHAMAGADHI In the younger Prakrit literature, the forms of the Absolutive Gerund that occur are those with the terminations -ia', and the currency of the archaic Sanskrit-like forms ceases, as for instance, lambhia, pavisia, pariccaia, etc. (Pischel, 590). Similar archaic usages occur in the Suttanipata, too, such as, arabbha (54.18), parakkamma (54.12). Some more usages, according to Geiger, are apuccha, nikkhamma, pariccajja, etc. Some more can still be added to these archaic usages of the Ardhamagadhi, such as, pappa (prapya) Aca. 1.2.3.79, Isibha., ch. 31 and 45; kicca (krtva) Isibha., 31; jitta (jitva) Isibha. 29, etc. The later forms for the above two usages are paviya, paviuna, karia, karetta, etc. and jiniya, jiniuna. can also be added to them. (2) The absolutive Gerund suffixes '-ttanam', -cca', '-ccanam', -yana', and '-yanam' are believed to have been of very old age; they occur in the sutra-works, like the Acaranga, Sutrakrtanga, Uttaradhyayana, Dasavaikalika, etc. (See, Pischel, 583, 587 end 592). Some of the examples from the Isibhasiyaim are kicca (35.1; 39.2.; 41.1), anacca (ajnaya) (11, p.23.20), nirakicca (11.5), nacca (11, p.23.20; 30.8), sahaittanam, (sadhayitva) (11.4), jinittanam (29.16) kasittanam, (32.4), etc. For the corresponding Pali usages with the forms having the suffix -tvana' such as natvana, katvana, chetvana, and for those with the suffix '-yana' and '-yanam', see Geiger 209, 214; And for the usages with the suffixes -cca' and '-cya' used in the Ashokan inscriptions, such as, agacca, (agatya), adhigicya (adhikrtya), etc., see Mehendale, p.45. 40

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In Search of the Original Ardhamagadhi K.R. Chandra (3) The Archaic Prakrit Usages of the absolutive form drstva: dissa ( Isibha., 28.22); dissa (Su. Kr., Vivahapa., padissa (Vivahapa.), dissam (Uttara.), etc., (Pischel, 334); they correspond to disva, etc., of Pali. (S) Ancient Usages of Present Participles : . (1) Usages with the suffix '-am' (= 'an') : akuvvam (akurvan) Aca. 1.9.1.271; janam (janan) - Isibha., 41.8 Similar usages are found in the Suttanipata, too, as for instance, akubbam (47.10; 51.18), passam, (51.15). (2) Usages with the suffix -ana' : buyabuyana (= bruvantah) - Su. Kr., 1.7.390. According to Pischel (562), such usages are very rare. Corresponding usages occurring in the Suttanipata are vada nam (42.2), vada no (50.11), pajanam, (54.9), paribbasana (51.1), etc. (T) The Archaic suffix'-ttae' (-ittae) of the Infinitive Gerund : This suffix is confined to the Ardhamagadhi literature only. It is the phonetic modification of the Vedic terminations -tave, tavai', (See, Pischel 578). The forms with this same suffix 'tave' are found in Pali and Ashokan inscriptions. (See, Geiger, 204.1); Mehendale, p.45. Examples from the Acaranga, according to Pischel are : tarittae, gamittae (1.2.3.6), thaittae (2.8.1), kahaittae, puraittae (1.3.2.2.), dharittae (1.7.7.1). According to Pischel (577), this suffix '-ttae'is very popular in the Ardhamagadhi. Pischel (578) has compared some of such forms with the Vedic usages, as for instance, payae = (Vedic patave ), vatthae Aca. 2.2.2.10 (= Vedic vastave); and also bhottae, patae, Aca. 2.1.1. 324. 41

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ARCHAIC LINGUISTIC ELEMENTS IN THE ARDHAMAGADHI (U) A Vedic Adverb: anuviyi, anuviyi, anuvii(See, Aca. Su. 26, 140, 196, 197). According to Pischel (593) all these are the Prakrit modified forms of the original Vedic word 'anuviti', which is used as an adverbial usage, rather than a gerund. It should be interpreted carefully in the same sense as is found in the Vedic usage. (V) Usages of Archaic Forms of Some Roots : (1) 'bhu' = bhava, bho, hava, ho, hu In the senior Ardhamagadhi works" like the Acaranga and the Sutrakrtanga, the use of the roots 'bhava' and 'bho'of the Sanskrit root 'bhu'are found in a greater proportion than those of its forms like 'hava', 'ho', and 'hu, which are very rare. The use of the root bhava' gradually tends to be scantier in the later Prakrit works, while that of the Prakritized roots like 'hava', 'ho' and 'hu'go on becoming more popular. The usages of Prakrit roots 'bhu', 'bhava' and 'bho' are found nine times in the Atthakavagga of the ancient Pali work like the Suttanipata, while those of 'ho' and 'hu'are found in twenty-two cases. In the Ashokan inscriptions, too, the usages 'bhu', 'bho' and 'bhava' are found to the extent of 25%, while those of hu', 'ho' and 'hava' are found to that of 75%. This kind of disparity between Amg. on the one hand and Pali and Ashokan language on the other hand is worth notable for the antiquity of Amg. Thus, as compared to the other ancient classical literatures and inscriptions, the usages with the archaic forms of 'bhu' and 'bhava' are found to a greater extent in the Acaranga. In view of this evidence, one can have an idea of the antiquity 42

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In Search of the Original Ardhamagadhi K.R. Chandra of the above work which forms the basis of this research. (2) The Usages of the Root 'bru' : The forms of the root bru' are found only in senior Amg. works, and not in works of later period. For instance", bemi, buya, buhi, bemti, buiya, baviti, buita, buitao, buyabuyana, etc. (See Pischel 464, 466, 494, etc.). 'tti bemi' and 'arahata isina buitam'are used in each chapter of the Isibhasiyaim. (3) The Archaic Forms" of the Root prap' (according to Pischel 504) are : (a) pappoi, pappoti, papputi (=prapnoti) - Uttara and (pappati 15.21, pappati 4.19, Isibha.). (b) paunai, (*papunati, *papunati) - Vyakhyaprajnapti, Aupapatikasutra and Prajnapanusutra. (c) paunati - Isibhasiyaim. 33.8; Su. Kr. 714. paunasti - Su. Kr. Sutra 517. (d) paunissami -Aca. Su., 187. (e) pappa (=prapya) - Aca. Sutra, 79; Isibha., Ch. 31.67.20 pappa 33.14. (f) paunejja - Aca., 2. 473. (g) paunittae - Aca. 2.490. (4) Archaic Forms of the Root 'Kr 's : (i) (a) kurute - Isibha., 29.17. (* kurvate - active voice usage ). This usage has not been noticed in the Prakrit Grammar of Pischel. In the Pali Suttanipata, however, such usages are found, as in 43.1, 4,56; 49.6 etc. See, Geiger 149. (b) kajjate," kajjati, kajjasti, 43

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ARCHAIC LINGUISTIC ELEMENTS IN THE ARDHAMAGADHI (i) kajjate (*karyate, a passive voice usage - Isibha. 34.3). (ii) kajjati - Aca. 67,73; Su. Kr. 747 (MJV.). Pischel has quoted the form kajjal. (iii) kajjahti is its plural form (=kriyante) traced in the Aca. 87, the Su. Kr. 714, etc. (c) kajjamana - Su. Kr., 431. (ii) The Usage of the Forms of the Root kuvva' kuvvati (Su. Kr., 376, 417), kuvvasti (Su. Kr., 262, 418); kuvvamana (Aca., 19), kuvvam, (Aca., 13; Su. Kr. 753); kuvvittha (Aca., 321), kuwaha (Aca., 117)", kuvveija (Isibha., 33.7, 17), etc. Such usages are found in the Pali Suttanipata also, as for instance, kubbati, kubbanti, pakubbamano, kubbetha, kubbaye, etc. (see W. Geiger). The above archaic usages prove the antiquity of the Ardhamgadhi, in comparision with other literary Prakrits, e.g. Magadhi Sauraseni and Maharastri and at times helps one to realize that it is similar to Pali. Originally the first redaction of the Ardhamagadhi canons (i.e. the duvalasamga ganipidaga = 12 Amga (texts) was done a few centuries before (i.e. circa 4th Cent. B.C.) the Christian Era". Hence, similar and other usages, comparable with those in the Pali are found in this literature. This language is definitely senior and elder than (anterior to) the Maharastri and Sauraseni Prakrits, and there is no doubt that the phonetic changes (such as, the elision of the medial consonants, etc.) as are found in the usages of words, have all crept in during the subsequent period." 44

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i 1. n . In Search of the Original Ardhamagadhi K.R. Chandra : Foot-Notes: In the absence of the mention of any other edition, the examples are quoted from the editions of the Agama texts as published by the Mahavira Jaina Vidyalaya, Bombay. Some of the archaic usages (with suffixes and terminations of Cases of Nouns and Verbs) gradually go on dwindling and at times go out of use, and new forms replace them, in the Prakrit literature of the later period. Kleine Schriften : Ludwig Alsdorf, Wiesbaden, 1974, p.200. The Prakrit Grammarians (1972), p.159, f.n.4. Praksta Vyakaranam, 8.1.209. MJ. Edn. ata- (atma-), atana, atana (atmana), atane (atmanah), atanam (atmanam). Kleine Schriften (1974), p.232. There is no mention of the case-suffix '-amsi' in the Prakrit Grammar (8.3.11; 8.3.59) of Hemacandra. Over and above this, a number of archaic usages of the Ardhamagadhi language are not at all mentioned by him. The opinion of Pt. Bechardasaji Doshi, that the Grammar of Hemacandra cannot explain all the usages of the Ardhamagadhi, since he has never taken note of all the usages of the Agamas, seems to be totally justified. Cf. 'Praksta Margopadesika', (4th Edn.), 1947, p.31. 10. An archaic usage, viz., 'tebbho' (tebhyah, Ab lative Plural) has survived in the Sutrakrtanga (1.1.1.8). The Prakrit Grammarians have mentioned the nominal suffixes 'a', 'a' and '7 in the place of these ones. In fact these suffixes have evolved from the 'ya' and 'ya'. The syllables ya' and ya' must have changed to 'a' and 'a' by the won ojo. 11. 45

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ARCHAIC LINGUISTIC ELEMENTS IN THE ARDHAMAGADHI 12. 14. 15. 16. 17. time these grammars were composed, and hence they might have not been mentioned. As a result, all those usages that possessed -ya' and ya' in the senior works must have been changed to those with '-a' and '-a'. See, the Indices to the MJV. Editions. See. The Indices to the MJV. Edns. of the Acaranga and the Sutrakstanga. The Examples given in the sections 3 and 4 are from the Comparative Grammar of the Prakrit Languages by R. Pischel. Cf. S.M.Katre, 'Prakrit Languages and their Contribution to Indian Culture, (1945), p.60. Cf. Pischel (508 and 517) for these usages. ibid. This is the date of the First Redaction at the Pataliputra Council which is believed to be held in the second decade of the fourth century B.C. See, Taina Sahitya Ka Brhad Itihasa, vol. I (Varanasi, 1966), Prastavana, p.51by Pt. D. D. Malvania. Agamaprabhakara Muni Sri Punyavijayaji clearly held that the general elision of the medial unaspirate consonant and change of the aspirate one to 'h' was not so much prevalent in the comparatively Senior Texts of the Ardhamagadhi. This has already been mentioned by us in the initial chapter of this work. And, Pt. Bechardas Doshi, too, held that the original Ardhamagadhi language gave prominence to the consonants, but in the course of time the (medial) consonants disappeared (or were elided). Cf. 'Praksta Margopadesika' (4th Edn. 1947), p.29. 19. 46

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3 THE ANTIQUITY OF THE ARDHAMAGADHI AGAMA TEXTS AND THE PLACE OF THEIR COMPOSITION The nature of the Ardhamagadhi language of the Jaina Agama texts is not uniform. This is known to all scholars. And, it is also wellknown that with the passage of time and due to migrations, changes occurred in the original Ardhamagadhi language. Inspite of this situation, even now there are such linguistic evidences in these Agama texts, on the basis of which it can be determined that the composition of the Ardhamagadhi Agama texts took place in Eastern India, and that even now one finds therein numerous elements of the language of the Ashokan period, which have survived somehow in their unmodified form. (1) The Characteristics of the Ashokan Language in the Ardhamagadhi : (A) Use of 'aha' for 'yatha, and of ava' for yavat': Generally, the initial y'changes to j'in the Prakrits, but the usages with aha and ava for yatha and yavat, respectively, are often found in the Ardhamagadhi, as for instance: ahattahiyam (yathatathyam) or ahattahiyam (*yathatathiyam), which is the title of the 13th Adhyayana of the Sutrakrtanga. If this title was to be in Prakrit, it would have been jahataccham (see, Pischel, 335); ahasutam (yathasrutam)- Acaranga 1.9.1.254; ahakadaim (yathakstani) - Sutrakstanga 2.5.761. Such usages are often found in the Ardhamagadhi Agama works. Pischel has quoted twenty such examples from the Agama works in his Prakrit Grammar. The works from which he has quoted, and the examples of 'aha' and 'ava' he has given are as follows : Acaranga - (a) ahakappan, ahanupuvvie, ahariham, ahasuhuman, ahasuyan, ahatiritta, ahakadam, ahasaccam, ahaparijunna; (b) avakahan, avakahae, avanti, etc.; Sutrakstanga - ahakammani, ahakadan; avakaha, etc.;

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THE ANTIQUITY OF THE ARDHAMAGADHI AGAMA TEXTS AND THE PLACE OF THEIR COMPOSITION Additional (post Hindi Edition) forms from the Aca. and the Su.kr. (MJV. Edns.) are as follows : Aca. ahaparinnatam, ahalamdam 2.7.1.621; Su,Kr. ahavakasenam 2.3.732, ahavagasenam 2.3.723, ahaparinna 2.3.722 ahabienam 2.3.732, 733; ahavaram 2.3.733. Sthananga - aharainiyae; avakahae, etc.; Vyakhyaprajnapti - ahamaggam, ahasuttani, etc.; Jnatadharmakatha, Upasakadasa and Kalpasutraahakappam , ahamaggan, ahasuttam ; Aupapatikasutra - ahanupuvie; Uttaradhyayanasutra - ahakammehin. As regards the change of the initial sy'into a; Prof. Mehendale (p.274) says that this was the practice with the Ashokan inscriptions of the Eastern region, and it is found in other regions, too, due to the influence of this region. This practice dwindles after Ashok, but some such usages are found in the Eastern region upto the second century B.C. (Mehendale, p.13). Inscriptional examples : atha (yatha) - Dhauli, Jaugada, Kalasi and Pillar inscriptions (yatha: elsewhere) avam, ava (yavat) - Dhauli, Kalasi, Pillar inscriptions, Giranara, Shahabajgadhi and Manasehara. (B) The use of the word 'muti' for 'mati': In the Acaranga, there occurs the following usage, viz., sahasammuiyae ( se jam puna janejja sahasammuiyae) - Aca., 1.1.1.2. The following variants for this usage are found in its vitti, viz.; sahasammuie, sahasammaie. The Acaranga Niryukti (Gatha No.65,67); and the Uttaradhyayana (28.17) have sahasammuiya (Instr. Sing.). That means, sammui is the original word used in the sense of the word sammati = svamati. The usages like muta, muti and sammuti are found in the Pali Suttanipata also, e.g., dittham sutam mutam 48

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(iii) In Search of the Original Ardhamagadhi K.R. Chandra (43.3; 51.17) sammuti (51.10), mutiya (Instr. Sing., 47.12) Such usages are found in the Ashokan inscriptions also, e.g., vedaniyamute (= vedaniyamatah), gulumute (= gurumatah) in the Kalasi inscription No.13; mukhamute (= mukhyamatah) in the Shahabazagadhi and Manasehara inscription No.13, and mute (= matah) in Kalasi inscription No.6. It is obvious from these examples that the usage mute was prevalent for the word matah, and hence it came into use in the Pali, and the archaic Ardhamagadhi Prakrit also.. (C) The Case Termination ave' = ae' of Dative Singular : The dative singular termination rae'for words ending in a'is very popular in the Ardhamagadhi, as for instance, in tam se ahitae (Aca. 1.1.2.13). Pischel (361, 364) has quoted many examples of this usage from the Agama texts. The predecessor of this case termination is 'aye' and it is to be found in the Ashokan inscriptions, too (Mehendale, p.28), e.g., imaye athaye, (= asmai arthaya) in Dhauli, 5.7, and imaye dhammanusathiye (asmai dharmanusistyai) in Dhauli, 3.2. The form athaye is found in the Shahabazagadhi and Manasehara, too. It is not found in the central, western and southern regions. This very case termination aye'changes to e' in the north-western region during the later period, but in the rest of the regions the forms with aya'are found later on (Mehendale, p.283). Since no inscriptions of the later period are found from the eastern region, examples of that region cannot be given. (D) Archaic forms of Imperative III. plu. (additional matter post Hindi Edn.) Aca 2.1.357 (texual reading is paribhaeha but the variant is) Pari(ya ?) bhaedha-Mss. Khe, Jai. sunedha me -Isibha. 26.1 (E) The Use of the Present Pariticiple Affix-mina'in the place of 'manal: Sometimes the use of the Present Participle Affix '-mina' is found in the place of -mana'in the Ardhamagadhi Agama 49

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THE ANTIQUITY OF THE ARDHAMAGADHT AGAMA TEXTS AND THE PLACE OF THEIR COMPOSITION texts. Sometimes the forms with '-mina' are consigned to the variants, and the forms with -mana'and -mana'are placed as the accepted reading. According to Pischel (562) this affix is found to a greater extent in the Acaranga only, e.g., ghayamina, samanujanamina, anadhayamina, agamamina, abhivayamina, apariggahamina, amamayamina, asaemina (Aca. Schubring, p.31,33; (MJV. Sutra, 192, 199); vikasamina (Su. Kr.); bhisamina, bhibhisamina (Nayadhammakahao); numerous such usages are found in the Vyavaharasutra; and the critical reading of the Aca. Curni (p.41.7) edited by Punyavijayaji is also like this, viz. , arambhamina vinayam vadamti (Sutra 62). Here the question arises : Where did the Participle affix 'mina' come from, and in which period was it prevalent ? We get the answer from the Ashokan inscriptions, as for instance, sampatipajamina, vipatipadayamina- (Separate Dhauli Inscription); palakamamina - (Sahasarama Minor Inscription), payamina - (Pillar Inscription) pakamamina - (Siddapura, Rupanatha, Bairat Minor Inscription, Yerragudi Erragudi Inscription). pakamamina - ( Brahmagiri Minor Inscription). According to Mehendale (562), the affix-mina'is not found after the Ashokan period. This proves that the Ardhamagadhi texts, having usages with this affix are definitely as ancient as the Ashokan period. (F) The Affix-ttu' (-ittu' of the Absolutive Gerund : According to W. Geiger the affixes of the Absolutive Gerund that are found, to a greater or lesser extent in Pali, are as follows, viz.,.-eva', -tvana', '-cuna', 'cca, ya, -yya', iya', and yana' (208-214) All these affixes (except theyya) are found in the Ardhamagadhi, of course with phonetic modifications; but there occurs one more termination, viz., -ttu'(-ittu'), which is not found in Pali (Pischel, 577), for instance, 50

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In Search of the Original Ardhamagadhi K.R. Chandra janittu (Acaranga), caittu (Uttaradhyayana), pavisittu, pamajjittu (Dasavaikalika), vamdittu (Kalpasutra), sunittu, bhunjittu (Dasavaikalika), etc. All these examples are found in senior Ardhamagadhi texts, and have been quoted by Pischel. These same affixes are found employed in the Ashokan inscriptions. Hence, they could be prevalent only in the works belonging to that period. If they were not in currency at that time, how could they find place in the Ardhamagadhi? Some instances from the Ashokan incriptions are as follows: janitu/-ttu (Dhauli Separate inscription) sutu/ - ttu (Kalasi, Topara), srutu /- ttu (Shahabazgadhi, Manasehara)'. All the five peculiarities, shown above, viz., initial y = a-, mati = muti, the Dative Singular termination - ae, the Present Participle Affix - mana -mina, the affix -ttu of the Absolutive Gerund, are found in the Ashokan inscriptions. We have no inscriptional evidences of the period anterior to them. Hence, we cannot say how much archaic they are than even the Ashokan inscriptions. But it is certain that the very fact of their occurrence in the Ardhamagadhi Agama texts proves that some of the Agama texts are at least as old as the inscriptions of the Ashokan period. (2) Peculiar Characteristics of the Eastern Dialect (of the Ashokan Period) available in the Ardhamagadhi (G) r = In the Ardhamagadhi Agama texts, one finds numerous usages with 1 in places of r, as for instance : In the First Srutaskamdha of the Acaranga there are found ladha (294, 295, 298, 300), lukkha (176), luha (99, 161, 198, 295, 310) elisa (177), anelisa (229), elikkha (297), palichimdiya (145), palichimdiyanam (115), palichinna (144), paliochanna (151), palimokkha (151), urala (udara, 263), etc.; In the Su. Kr. these forms are traced; (MJV. Edn.) paligove 1.121, palibhinda 279, paiiumca 447, 560, paiimamtha 448; 51

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THE ANTIQUITY OF THE ARDHAMAGADUT AGAMA TEXTS AND THE PLACE OF THEIR COMPOSITION palimamthaga II. 713, palimokkha 717, palipaga 732, 33, palikkhina 850, etc. antalikkha (10, p.23.5), palichanno, (45.45) in the Isibha. apalichanna in the Vyavaharasutra.. palichanna in the Bshatkalpasutra. palimadda in the Nisithasutra; etc inliis Prakrit Grammar, Pischel (257) has quoted numerous such examples, viz., amtalikkha (antariksa) pariyala (parivara), paliyanta (paryanta), ruila (rucira), etc., from the Aca., Uttara., Dasavai., etc. In this matter, he remarks that the usage of r = 1 occurs frequently in the Ardhamagadhi as compared to other Prakrits. From this viewpoint, this language seems to be akin to the Magadhi, and isolated from the Maharastri (Pischel, 257) In the Ashokan inscriptions of the Eastern region, mostly I is found in place of r; hence, this characteristic clearly belongs to the Eastern region, and there is close affinity of the composition of the Ardhamagadhi literature with the Eastern region i.e., the Magadha country leaves without any doubts. (H) k = g The change of the medial -- = -g- is frequent in the Ardhamagadhi; and the medial -g-is mostly retained. It was due to the influence of this language that this process must have continued in the Jaina Sauraseni and Jaina Maharatrstri (Pischel, 202). In other Prakrits also we sometimes find - g. in place of -k. The examples from the Ardhamagadhi are loga, asoga, agasa, egamega, jamagasamaga, kulagara, sagapagae, silogagami, appaga, phalaga, etc. According to Mehendle (p.271), the process of changing -k-to -g- belongs to the Eastern region, and it gradually spreads to the Central, Southern and Western regions. The examples from the Ashokan inscriptions are loga (loka) in the separate inscription of Jaugada, while on the other hand icia is found in others. 52

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In Search of the Original Ardhamagadhi K.R. Chandra In his grammar Hemacandra, tno, has given numerous examples of the change of -k- into -5-, which seems to be an indirect reference to the peculiarity of the Ardhamagadhi. The mention of the elision of the medial consonants is there in the Sutra 8.1.177; the examples given in the vrtti on it are loga, ego, savago as those of the Vitti statement fityeva kasya gatvam? This is one more evidence in favour of the Ardhamagadhi being the language of the Eastern region. (1) The Use of the word 'samasta' in the sense of samipa': In some of the works, known as Aiga, of the Ardhamagadhi Canonical literature, the word 'adurasamamte' is found to be employed several times ; it means 'not away from (but) nearby'. i..e 'near, in the vicinity, beside'. This usage is found in the context of the way in which the disciple used to sit, with modesty, in front of the Ganadhara, i.e. the chief disciple of Mahavira while listening to the instructions as for instance, Indabhui namam anagare adurasamamnte java ...; for other such examples, see the Agamasabadakosa, Part I (1980) p.55. The usages of both the words 'samanta'and 'samanta' are found in the Sanskrit literature. In the Vedic literature they are used in the sense of 'neighbouring', 'besides', i.e. 'nearby'. But, in the later Sanskrit literature, the word 'samanta' is used in the sense of a 'feudatory king' (who used to sit near the Emperor, in his assembly). This same word is used in the sense of 'nearby' in the Ardhamagadhiliterature; there is no usage of the word 'samamta' in its place. The usage of the word 'samanta'in the sense of a 'neighbour' is found in the Ashokan' inscription of Dhauli, Jaugada and Kalasi, while that of 'samanta'is found in the inscription of Shahabazgadhi and Manasehara. In the Giranara inscription, there occurs the word, samipam'in its place. It is clear from this that, from the viewpoint of spelling, the usage of the word 'samanta' has come down to the Ardhamagadhi Agama works, from the same region in which it was prevalent as such. Thus, there is no doubt about the fact that the composition of the Agama works took place 53

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THE ANTIQUITY OF THE ARDHAMAGADHI AGAMA TEXTS AND THE PLACE OF THEIR COMPOSITION in the Eastern region. The use of the word 'samanta'in the sense of a 'neighbour' or 'neighbouring' is found in the Pali' literature, too. (J) The Anaptyxix (svara-bhakti) in the Conjunct Con sonants with -y : The conjunct consonants are generally simplified by assimilation in the Prakrit languages. But, in the Ardhamagadhi, the instances of the anaptyxix are frequent in the usages where the .yis the latter member of the conjunct consonant, as for instance, anitiya (anitya) - Aca., 1.1.5.45; tahiya (tathya)- Uttara., 28.14; kariya (karya) - Isibha., 11.3; veyavadiya (vaiyavrtya) * Vyav. Su., Aca. 1.5.4.163. Similar usages are found in the Pali Suttanipata also, as for instance, tathiya (tathya) - Suttanipata 50.5,6; macchariya (matsarya) 49.2. 1 This process of simplification instead of assimilation of the conjunct consonants is found, according to Alsdorf, in the Ashokan inscriptions of the Eastern India, while in those of the North-Western and Western India they are either assimilated or just preserved', as for instance, sakya = sakiya (Jaugada), saka (Giranara), sakya (Brahmagiri, Siddapura); ibhya = ibhiya (Dhauli, Jaugada), ibhya (Manasehara), ibha (Sahbazgadhi, Kalasi); vyanjana = viyamjana (Dhauli, Jaugada, Kalasi), vyamjana (Giranara). (K) The Usages of Final -a' = '-e' (with case-termination) in the words of the Ardhamagadhi language : The case-termination 'e'for the masculine nouns ending in-a in the Nominative Singular is found in general in the . Ardhamagadhi language; it is originally the salient feature of the Magadhi language. But, in nominal forms other than this one, where there is final ah, the occurrence of '-e'in the place of ah'is linguistically noteworthy from the regional point of view, e.g., 54

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In Search of the Original Ardhamagadhi K.R. Chandra (a) puras = pure' (in jassa natthi pure paccha maijhe tassa kuo siya - Aca., 1.4.4.145; pure samkhadim va paccha va - Aca., 2.1.2.338); purekala, purekamma, purekkhada, purekkhara, puresamthaya, etc. vide Pischel (345). adhas = adhe, ahe (uddhan adhe ya tiriyam ca pehamane - Aca., 1.9.4.320; adhe disato va agato - Aca., 1.1.1.1; kayah ahe vi danisemti - Su. Kr., 1.4.1.3). hettha is also explained as derived from the word adhe. Adhestat = (*adhestat) = dhastat = hastat = hetthat, hettha (see, Pischel ,107) bahavah = bahave (Aca., 1.9.3.295, 297, 302; Su.Kr., Uttara, Uvasagadasao, Nayadhamma, etc. see, Pischel, 380) namatah = namate (jaha namate aganikae siya-Isibha. 22, p.43.5; se jaha namate - Isibha, 31, p. 69.20). nah = ne, ne = asmakam, (paridevamana ma ne cayahi iti te vadanti) -Aca, 1.6.1.182; see, Pischel, 419). The practice of changing the final 'ah'of a word-form to 'e'instead of to 'o'has been prevalent specially in the Eastern India, as is evidenced clearly in the Ashokan inscriptions. Such a change is found in other word-forms too, over and above that in the word-forms having the termination of the Masculine Nominative Singular of the words ending in 'a' As for instance, lajine, (rajnah) - Dhauli, Jaugada, Kalasi; atane (attane = atmanah) - Separate Jaugada inscription, Separate Dhauli inscription; piyadasine (priyadarsinah) - Dhauli, Jaugada, Kalasi. But in the inscriptions of other places there are found the usages with the final 'o'in place of 'ah'e.g. rano, (Giranara, Shahabazagadhi) rajano and priyadasino (Giranara). it is ciear from these instances that the usage with -ah' = '-e'is inherited by the Ardhamagadhi from the 55

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THE ANTIQUITY OF THE ARDHAMAGADHI AGAMA TEXTS AND THE PLACE OF THEIR COMPOSITION language of the Eastern India, and this is an irrevocable proof of the origion of the Ardhamagadhi canonical works in the Eastern India. (L) The Use of the Word 'akasmat'in the Ardhamagadhi: It is an important point to be noted that the use of the word akasmat in its original form has been preserved in the senior Ardhamagadhi Agama work, fettha hi janaha akasmat' (Aca.,1.8.1.200, Schubring, p.33.14); akasmad damdavattie tti (Su.Kr., 2.2.698, three times). Here, silankacarya, the commentator of the Acaranga remarks : akasmad iti magadhadese agopalanganadina samskrtasyaivoccaranad ihapi tathaivoccarita iti (Aca., MJV, p.70, f.n. 17; also see, Su.Kr., p. 157, f.n. 23), i.e. this is the peculiarity of the Magadha country. The preservation of the final '-t'of a word, e.g. dhit, is also found in the Isibhasiyaim, (22.8). The final '-at 'is found in the Magadhi portion of the Sanskrit play the Mrcchakatikam, as in, dulat padittho si (Act II, preceding the verse No. 1). Pischel (314) considers the usage 'akasma' in the Ardhamagadhi to be incorrect, e.g. akasmaddamda (Suyagadamga, Thanamga) and akasmakan (Suyagadamga). He suggests the usage of akamha as proper in their place, since akasma is purely a Magadhi usage. But, when the akasma (Dhauli Separate, 1.20,21 and Jaugada Separate, 1.4.) is found in the Ashokan inscriptions of the Eastern region, its usage in the Ardhamagadhi cannot be taken as incorrect. Instead, this usage should be regarded as strong evidence for determining the antiquity and the place of the origin of the Ardhamagadhi. Hence, the suggestion of Pischel to adopt the word akamha in the place of akasma does not seem to be proper. (M) The Absolutive Gerund 'kattu'of the Root 'kr': The affix of the absolutive Gerund -ttu'has been discussed above. Here, some other facts are presented with reierence to the usage 'kattu' derived from the root kr. 56

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In Search of the Original Ardhamagadhi K.R. Chandra According to Pischel (577) the usage of kattu or other forms with the (affix) termination -ttu are found in a number of Agama texts, such as the Acaranga, the Sutrakrtanga, the Uttaradhyanana, the Dasavaikalika, the Vyakhyaprajnapti, the Vipakasutra, the Aupapatikasutra, etc. Over and above the kattu usage Pischel has quoted other usages also, viz., avahattu, ahattu, samahattu, sahattu, etc. From the point of view of the phonetic change the termination -ttu' has changed to ttu'. The Absolutive Gerund form kattu of the root kr is found in the Ashokan inscriptions, like Separate Dhauli and Separate Jaugada inscriptions of the Eastern region. In other regions, -tu' (= ttu) in place of tu'(= ttu) occurs. Is it not proved, on the basis of this usage, that the Ardhamagadhi texts were composed in the Eastern region ? The relation, of the above mentioned characteristics with reference to the language of the Ardhamagadhi Agama texts, as found with those of the language of the Ashokan period proves the antiquity of the Ardhamagadhi language. And, the particular characteristics that are similar to those of the language of the Eastern region in Ashokan period, prove that the Ardhamagadhi texts were composed in the Eastern India. The Jaina tradition too claims that many years prior to Ashok (i.e. in the 4th century B.C.) the First Redaction of the Duvalasmga-ganipidaga = dvadasanga - ganipitaka i.e. the initial twelve Angas of the 45 Agama Texts was done in Pataliputra (capital of the Magadha country). Do the archaic and peculiar usages, that are found in the Ardhamagadhi language, not support the date and place of their origin ? Generally, the time of the origin of senior Agama texts is believed to be prior to that of the Pataliputrao Redaction. 57

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THE ANTIQUITY OF THE ARDHAMAGADHI AGAMA TEXTS AND THE PLACE OF THEIR COMPOSITION : FOOT-NOTES : The practice of writing or inscribing only one consonant in place of its duplication is found in the inscriptions, as for instance, ttu = tu. Examples from the Ashokan inscriptions : (a) amtiyokasa samamta lajane (Dhauli, Jaugada, No.2.2) : (b) artiyogasa samamta lajano (Kalasi, No.2.5); amtiyokassa samamta rajano (Sahabazgadhi, No.2.6); .. gasa samamta rajane (Manasehara, No. 2.6); artiyakasa samipam rajano (Giranara, No.2.3). See, 'Pali-English Dictionary', wherein the usages from the Dighanikaya and the Vinayapitaka are quoted. L. Alsdorf : Kleine Schriften, pp.451-2; and see, Mehendale, No.43, p. 22. The following forms are found there in Sanskrit language in the case of the word puras occurring as the first member of a compound, viz., pura, purah, puras, puras, pura, puro; there is no usage of pure in them. See, Taina Sahitya Ka Brhad Itihasa, Vol. I, Prastavana by Pt. Dalsukh Malvaniya, p. 51. o + wio 58

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4. THE ARDHAMAGADHI LANGUAGE OF THE PRAKRIT GRAMMAR OF HEMACANDRA' In view of the preceding chapters and after critically studying whatever a few characteristics of the Ardhamagadhi language that have been mentioned by Hemacandra in his Prakrit Grammar, i.e., the eighth adhyaya of his Siddhhahaima- Sabdanusasanam, can we not formulate an independent, and more comprehensive grammar of the Ardhamagadhi, by adding some more points ? Acarya Hemacandra begins his Grammar of the Prakrit Languages with the sutra 'Atha prakstam '(Si.H. Sab, 8.1.1). In order to show the applicability (pravstti), inapplicability (apraitti), option (vibhasa), and variant usages (anyat), etc., and with reference to the rules given by him, he has formulated the next sutra, viz., 'Bahulam' (Si.H.Sab., 8.1.2). Then, the sutra "Arsam'(Si.H.Sab., 8.1.3) is given to indicate the language of the seers. In this connection, he has quoted an example' (from the Avasyakasutra) in his vitti, i.e. the Auto-commentary, on the sutra 8.4.287, viz., 'poranam addhamagaha-bhasaniyayam havai suttam, i.e., the ancient aphorism is fixed in the Ardhamagadhi language. While explaining this, the terms farsa'and 'ardhamagadhi' are shown to indicate the same language : iryadinarsasyardhamagadha-bhasa-nityatvam (vrtti on 8.4.287). It is surprising that Hemacandra has not given separately any rules for this Arsa or the Ardhamagadhi language in his grammar. No independent literature of the Magadhi langauge' is available, but Hemacandra has composed 16 sutras (8.4.287-302) for this ianguage. For the Paisaci ianguage, 22 sutras ( 8.4.303-324) are there. No literature of the Culika Paisaci is extant, even then 4 sutras ( 8.4.325-328 ) are there for it. The Sauraseni literature has survived to a great extent in the Digambara tradition; even then, he has framed 27 59

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THE ARDHAMAGADI LANGUAGE OF THE PRAKRIT GRAMMAR OF HIEMACANDRA sutras (8.4.260-286). And, for the Apabhramsa language 118 sutras (329-446 ) are formulated. Even though the Agama literature in the Ardhamagadhi language is extant to a great extent, he has not given at any single place independent sutras systematically for the language of the Svetambara Jaina Agamas, the sect to which he belonged. Was it that he did not inherit any treatise on the grammar of the Ardhamagadhi language, like that of the other Prakrits, through tradition ? Or, had the language of the Ardhamagadhi literature undergone changes to such an extent that it was almost perplexing to formulate harmonious sutras of grammar for it, independently ? From the sutras of his Prakrit grammar, it seems that the specific characteristics that are noticed in the context of the Prakrits in general also mostly apply in the case of the Ardhamagadhi, while some more peculiarities are mentioned at some places in due course in the vrtti, i.e., the Auto-commentary. In the very beginning itself, after giving the sutra -ARSAM' (8.1.3), he has explained in the vrtti, saying 'bahulam bhavati'and 'arse hi sarve vidhayo vikalpyante, i.e., in the Arsa there are varieties and all the rules optionally apply in its case. This would only prove that while he took trouble of formulating the grammar of all other Prakrit languages he did not do so for the Ardhamagadhi, perhaps because he might have faced great difficulties in isolating the antiquarian characteristics from that literature. It was due to such an outlook that Pt. Becardas Doshi was not at all prepared to accept the Ardhamagadhi as an independent language in his 'Prakrta Vyakarana! Of course, this has been criticized by Seth Hargovindadas', and Pischel has already given the status of an independent language to the Ardhamagadhi.' It is not necessary to remind that Bharatamuni in his Natyasastra has specifically referred to the Ardhamagadhi as one of the seven languages mentioned therein, and he has called it as an independent famous language." 60

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In Search of the Original Ardhamagadhi K.R. Chandra In his Prasasti at the end of his Siddha-haimasabdanusasanam, Hemacandra has declared, by way of a justification for composing a fresh grammar, that he has composed a faultless (niravama) and formal (vidhivat) grammar. Does this statement apply in the case of the Ardhamagadhi? It seems, by his sutra Bahulam' and by its explanation saying 'sarve vidhayo vikalpyante, the archaic (Arsa) language has been given very great freedom, and the grammarians got absolved from all limitations or it has been so stated on the line of Vedic grammatical rules because of in that language also there was no uniformity of affixes, suffixes and terminations as it was a conglomeration of various dialects and therefore the aphorism that 'chandasi bahulam', similarly the Ardhamagadhi incorporated the linguistic features of more than a single dialect according to the dictate of Lord Mahavira to his disciples to teach his religion to the public of different regions in their own mother tongues and therefore it became full of distinct and various forms and hence characterised as 'bahulam'. Inspite of this situation, could it have been possible to formulate an independent grammar incorporating the peculiar characteristics of the Ardhamagadhi language? This is being considered here. Peculiarities of the Arsa mentioned. In his vrttion the sutras of the Prakrit grammar, Acarya Hemacandra has referred to the peculiarities of the Arsa (Ardhamagadhi) language 31 times at various places.' Of these, one pertains to the main peculiarity, viz., about the case termination e' of the Nominative Singular of the Masculine Nouns ending in 'a' Apart from this, he has referred to the case termination of the nouns twice. He has referred to once about the tense and once about the participle. All other statements mostly refer to phonetic changes. On the basis of the examples quoted with regard to these peculiarities it becomes clear that Ardhamagadhi was 61

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THE ARDHAMAGADHI LANGUAGE OF THE PRAKRIT GRAMMAR OF HEMACANDRA an archaic Prakrit language. The instances are as follows. 1. The change of Initial 'y-' to 'a-': The sutra (8.1.245) is ader yo jah, i.e., initial y-changes to i -. but 'arse lopo 'pi' is also mentioned, as for instance, ahakkhayani (yathakhyatam), ahajayan (yathajatam). This same process is found in the Ashokan inscriptions also. The process of changing initial y-to ;-belongs to a very late period (Mehendale, p.274)'. This change occurs generally in the case of the indeclinables yatha and yavat in the Ardhamagadhi. 2. As an example under the sutra arse dugullam (8.1.119) the word dugulla (dukula) is quoted. Here, instead of the elision of medial -k-, we find it voiced to -g-, while the point sought to be illustrated is the change of vowel and duplication of consonant (duallam, duulam). But in the example of the Ardhamagadhi, there occurs the change of medial -k-to -g- instead of its elision. The process of voicing is older than that of elision. We get once the instance of such a change, as in loga'(2.7) in the place of loka'in the Jaugada Separate inscription of Ashoka belonging to the Eastern region. We also get such an instance of the change of medial 'k'to 8', as in upasaka = uvasaga, in an inscription of Kharavela. 3. Along with this, there is shown the change of medial k to g in the vstti on the sutra 8.1.177 which prescribes the elision of the medial unvoiced consonants, as for instance, egattam, ego, amugo, savago, agaro, titthagaro, and it is added that there are a number of such instances in the Arsa. All this is the process of voicing, and it became prevalent in many such words of the Jaina Sauraseni and Jaina Maharastri, under the influence of the Ardhamagadhi. According to Mehendale', this process of the voicing of the unvoiced consonant spread to other regions from the Eastern one. According to Pischel, too, the medial-k-changes to -g- in the Ardhamagadhi." In fact, should not this change have been mentioned by Hemachandra as a peculiarity of the Arsa in his Prakrit grammer ? 62

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In Search of the Original Ardhamagadhi K.R. Chandra 4. In the sutra 8.2.138, the examples 'avaha'and 'uvaha' for the word 'ubhaya' are quoted, and the vrtti adds arse ubhayokalam, it means that in the Ardhamagadhi the medial 'bh' does not change to h' in this word. It is not invariable that the medial bh'generally not changes to 'h'in the archaic Prakrit language. This characteristic is traced in the senior Agama texts edited by western scholars like Jacobi, Schubring, Charpentier, Alsdorf, etc. Medial dental n n or (cerebral) : As per the sutra 8.1.228, the medial dental -n- changes to cerabral --, but the vrtti adds 'arse aranalam, anilo, analo ityady api. 5. This trait of the change of medial dental -n- to cerebral -n- belongs to South India as per the Ashokan inscriptions, and it spreads to other regions later on; it is not at all a linguistic feature of the Eastern India". 6. Under the sutra 8.1.254, about 25 examples of the change of r to I have been quoted in the vrtti, at the end of which it is added 'arse duvalasange ityadyapi'. In the Ashokan inscriptions the forms (for the word dvadasa) that are found are duvadasa and duvalasa. Later on the d'and 'changes to 7: The process of the change of r'to 7'does not belong to the Sauraseni or Maharastri; or it rather belongs to the Magadhi and therefore to the Eastern region. It is more probable that those words, as with such a change,as are found in the Vrtti came down from the Ardhamagadhi to the other Prakrits and became popular therein. 7. In the vrtti on the sutra 8.1.26., the parallels given in the Arsa for the words manahsila and atimuktakam are manosila and aimuttayam, respectively, while for the Prakrits the forms given are manamsila and aimumtayam, respectively. This process of transforming one of the assimilated conjunct consonant into anuswara, manassila manamsila and aimuttayam aimumtayam, is believed to be belonging to a later period. 63 =

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THE ARDHAMAGADHI LANGUAGE OF THE PRAKRIT GRAMMAR OF HEMACANDRA 8. In the sutra 8.2.17 'ks' is equated with 'ochand it is stated in the vrtti that arse ikkhu khiram sarikkham ityadyapi drsyante', i.e., 'ks' changes to 'kkh, too. In the Ashokan inscriptions, this is the pecularity of the Eastern region. In other regions 'cch' is found. Later on in all the regions 'och' and 'kkh' are found simultaneously (Mehendale, p.217) 9. In the vrtti on the sutra 8.1.57, the statement arse purekamman'has been quoted by way of an example of as' = 'e, thus purah = pure. This process belongs to the Eastern region. In the Ashokan inscriptions, 'e'occurs in the case of the forms of the Nominative as also the Ablative and Genitive Singular of the words wherein the visarga is found at the end with the preceding vowel-a-, i.e. -ah. The usages namate and namate (for namatah) are found in the Isibhasiyaim (Adh. 22 and 31, pp.43.9 and 69.20, respectively). 10. The case termination '-e'of the Nominative Singular of the Masculine Nouns ending in a, is the principal characteristic of the Ardhamagadhi, as per the sutra 8.4.287; this is the linguistic peculiarity of the Eastern India. 11. While mentioning the forms "abbavi'and 'abbavi' (for abravit of the root bru) of the past tense, it is stated in the vrtti (on the sutra 8.3.162) that 'arse devindo inam abbavi, i.e., the form in the Ardhamagadhi is abbavi. And, the form bemi (=bravimi) of the Present Tense has been given as an example in the vstti statement arse bemi'(on the sutra 8.4.238). Both these forms are archaic and are generally found in the most ancient Prakrit works only". Such forms are not found in the later Prakrit literature. Similar forms are found to occur in the senior works of the Pali literature, too". 12. While explaining, in the sutra 8.1.206, the change of 't'to d'in the affix of the Past Passive Participle, the vstti states that krta changes to kada, as in dukkadan, sukadam, and hata to hada, as in ahadam, avahadam. 64

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In Search of the Original Ardhamagadhi K.R. Chandra This Process, too is found in the Ashokan inscriptions, wherein krta chages to kata", and this very ?' later on gets voiced and becomes ! 13. In the vrtti on the sutra 8.2.146, while giving an ex- . ample of Absolutive Gerund, it is stated 'kattu iti tu arse; i.e. the termination in the Ardhamagadhi is cerebralised to 'ttu? This peculiarity belongs to the Eastern region of the Ashokan period". In the other regions, the termination -ttu' (dental) occurs. Could all these characteristics not have been arranged together systematically at one place in the form of the sutras, as has been done in the case of other Prakrit languages ? For these latter, even their stray peculiarities are put together and explainded in the sutra form. For Instance : (a) In the case of the Sauraseni : (1) purvasya puravah (8.4.270), i.e. the word purva becomes purava; (2) keva iyaduanau (8.4.271), i.e., the affixes for the Absolutive Gerund are -iya' and '-duna! (b) In the case of the Magadhi : (1) vrajo jah (8.4.294) is explained in the vstti as magadhyam vrajeh jakarasya nno bhavati, e.g., vannadi; (2) tisthah cisthah (8.4.298), e.g., cisthadi; (3) aham-vayamoh hage (8.4.301), i.e., ahan and vayam become hage. (c) In the case of the Paisaci : hrdaye yasya pah (8.4.310), the example quoted in the vstti is hitapakam; (d) In the case of Praksta (1) kirate ca (8.1.183), as in cilao; (2) saikhale khah kah (8.1.189), as in, sankalam; 65 *

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THE ARDHAMAGADHI LANGUAGE OF THE PRAKRIT GRAMMAR OF HEMACANDRA (3) chage lah (8.1.191), as in chalo, chali; (4) sphatike lah (8.1.197), as in, phaliho; (5) kakude hah (8.1.225), as in kauham; (6) bhramare so va ( 8.1.244 ), as in bhasalo; (7) yastyam lah ( 8.1.247 ), as in, latthi. He had enough material for formulating independent aphorisms in the case of the Ardhamagadhi as is evident from the examples he has quoted for the Arsa language. Apart from this he could have made a special statement for the initial 'n'= 'n', and could have formulated the sutras for the change of jn, 'nn', 'ny' to 'nn', as has been done in the case of Magadhi by him in a sutra 'nya-nya-jna- njam nnah' ( 8.4.293). All these fall under the archaic linguistic process. Their change to the retroflex n'or 'nn'is also a later process of evolution. In the examples (except the Dharvadesa of the Fourth Adhyaya) given by Hemacandra himself, the occurrence of the initial 'n'and the initial 'n'is found in the ratio of 8:1, i.e., generally, we find only 'n'in the initial position; similarly, the 'nn' in the place of jn, 'nn', 'ny'occurs more frequently while the 'nn' is comparatively scanty. Similarly, a sutra could have been formulated to state that the guttural and palatal nasals ( of the K-class and Cclass ) could be used with the respective consonants of those classes; in this connection, he states in his vrtti of the initial sutra (8.1.1 ) that the nasals do occur in the conjunt form (with its own class); and, in 8.1.30, it is prescribed that when they occur jointly ( with their own classes), they are optionally changed to Anusavara. In spite of this, among all the usages quoted" in Hemacandra's Prakrit grammar, mostly these conjunct nasals are used, and not the Anusvara in them. No Mention of Some of the Characteristics The characteristics that are not at all mentioned in the Prakrit grammar of Hemacandra are as follows. Among these, some are of course much popular, and some have been preserved sometimes in the form of archaic usages. 66

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In Search of the Original Ardhamagadhi K.R. Chandra (a) Much popular usages : (1) The termination assi'of the Locative Singular, e.g., nayaramsi, logamsi, rayahanissi; (2) The termination -ittae'of the Infinitive; (3) The termination -ae' of the Dative Singular (of Masculine Nouns ending in -a. (4) The terminations -iya, iyana', 'iyanam, and Sittanam' of the absolutive gerund ( 8.2.146); (5) Although the termination 'cca' of the absolutive Gerund has not been mentioned along with those of other participles but it has been as if indirectly referred to in connection with the phonological change of '-tva'='cca'(8.2.15), as in socca, bhocca, nacca. But, the 'ccanam'is not at all mentioned. (b) Occurring Sometimes : (1) The usage of akasma or akasmat; (2) About the occurrence of usage with medial -ta-(popu larly known as 'ta' sruti). (3) The usage of -d- and -dh- in the place of -t- and -th-, respectively, in the medial position; (4) The termination -bhi of the Instrumental Plural; (5) The termination -mhi of the Locative Singular of Pronouns; (6) The termination -ya, -ya and -ye of the oblique Singular forms of Feminine Nouns; (7) The termination -mina of the Present Participle; (8) The termination -i and -im of the Third Person Sin gular of Past Tense. Of these characteristics, the usages of the occurrence of -d-'and -dh-'respectively, for the medial -t-'and-th'are of course found in the Magadhi and the suaraseni, but such usages are found irregularly seldom in the Ashokan inscriptions, and in the same way in Pali too. The termination 67

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THE ARDHAMAGADHI LANGUAGE OF THE PRAKRIT GRAMMAR OF HEMACANDRA -bhi' is found in older Pali works. The feminine terminations -ya, ya'and -ye'of the singular are found in the ancient inscriptions and in the Pali language. The present participle with the affix '-mina' occurs in the Ashokan inscriptions. The terminations -i'and -im'of the past tense (3rd person singular) occur in the Pali, while the former is found in the Ashokan inscriptions. (c) Examples of Archaic Terminations of the Past Tense from the Ardhamagadhi : (1) -; - as in, abbavi ( Sen, No. 149, p.165); bhuvi = abhuvit (Viyahapannatti, Pischel, 516); (2) -im* as in, bhuvim ( Isibha. Adh. 31, p. 69.18; Namdisutra, Pischel, 516 ); (d) Examples of similar Archaic Terminations from the Pali literature : (1) -i - as in, agami, kari, vedi, (Sen, No.149, pp. 164 165 ) ; (2) -im*- as in, agamim, carim, (Sen, No.149, pp. 164 165 ); (e) Examples from the Ashokan Inscriptions : (1) -i . as in, nikhami (Dhauli, 8.2), nikrami (Shahabazgadhi, 8.17; Manasehara, 8.35). (2) *These may be compared with the Rgvedic usages like akramim, vadhim (Sen, No.149, p.165). All theses peculiarities have somehow been preserved in the ancient works of the Ardhamagadhi literature since the period of the initial inception of the Ardhamagadhi literature is as old as that of the Pali literature, and it took place in the Eastern region where Lord Mahavira and Lord Buddha preached; and such linguistic processes are found in the Ashokan inscriptions of this same region. In view of these evidences, therefore, it is important to note that the Ardhamagadhi language is as archaic as the Pali and the language of Ashokan inscriptions. 68

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In Search of the Original Ardhamagadhi K.R. Chandra : FOOT - NOTES : 1. This is a somewhat revised version of my paper entitled Ardhamagadhi Bhasa Aura Acarya Hemacandra ka Prakrta Vyakarana', published in the 'Sambodhi, vol. XVI, 1989, pp.4251; it is presented here with due thanks to the editor of the Journal. 2. Paia-sadda-mahannavo', (2nd Edn., 1963) Upodghata, p.45, f.n. 4. 3. No exclusive work in Magadhi is extant, except the Magadhi that is used in the Sanskrit dramas. 4. Paia-sadda-mahannavo' (1963), Upodghata, p.35. 5. Pischel, 16-17. 6. Bharata's N.S., "..... saptabhasah prakirtitah (17.47). 7. One more sutra (8.3.137) should be added to those ones that are mentioned by Nitti Dolchi. Cf., 'The Prakrit Grammarians' (1972), p.180, f.n.1. The topics in the vTtti on various sutras of Hemacandra's Prakrit Grammar ( 8.4) are as follows : Number T opic Number Topic of Sutra of Sutra Arsam 1 Final consonant Phonetic change of Indeclinable vowel Change of 'ah' Nipata Initial non-conjunct Case suffix of noun consonant Medial non-conjunct Optional case terminations consonants Initial conjunct Past tense consonants Medial conjunct 1 Participle consonants 8 = 31 Total Sutras The sutra-numbers, in the Prakrit grammar of Hemacandra ( 8.4 ), treating the above topics are as follows, pada-wise: 23 69

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THE ARDHAMAGADHI LANGUAGE OF THE PRAKRIT GRAMMAR OF HEMACANDRA Pada 1. 3, 26, 46, 57, 79, 118, 119, 151, 177, 181, 205, 228, 245, 254, (=14); Pada II. 17, 21, 86, 98, 101, 104, 113, 120, 138, 143, 146, 174 (=12); Pada III. 137, 162, (=2); Pada IV. 238, 283, 287 (=3); 14+12+2+3 = 31 ( Total ). 8. Mehendale, M.A., 'Historical Grammar of Inscriptional Prakrits, Poona, 1948. 9. ibid., p. 271. 10. Pischel, R., Comparative Grammar of the Prakrit Languages, para 202. 11. Cf., Mehendale, op. cit., p. 276; 12. Cf., Pischel, 515. 13. Cf., Geiger, Pali Literature and Language, No. 159, IV; Sen, pp. 163-166, Nos. 145-149. 14. See, The Word Index to the Ashoka ke Abhilekha by Rajabali Pandeya, Jnana Mandala Ltd., Varanasi, V. S. 2022. 15. Ibid 16. See the Index of Words appended to the Prakrit Grammar of Hemachandra by P. L. Vaidya, Poona, 1928. 70

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5. THE ORIGINAL ARDHAMAGADHI FORM OF THE WORD 'KSETRAJNA' The Prakrit forms of the word 'ksetrajna' occur sixteen times in the First Sruta-skandha cf the Acaranga' (Sutras 32 (4), 79 (1), 88(1), 104 (1), 109 (5), 132 (1), 176 (1), 209 (1), 210 (1), they are found variously in the different editions, as shown below : (a) (1) kheyanna only, in the edition of Schubring; (2) kheyanna nine times, and kheyanna seven times, in the Agamodaya Samiti edition; (3) kheyanna once, and kheyanna fifteen times in the JVB. edition; (4) kheyanna twice, khetanna six times, and khettanna eight times in the MJV. edition. (b) Variants : (1) There is only one variant khettanna (thrice from the Curni and five times from the G Ms.) in Schubring's edition; (2) There is no variant in the edition of the Agamodaya Samiti; (3) Two variants are noticed, viz., khettanna and khettanna (from the Ca Ms. and the Curni, respectively) in the edition of Jaina Vishva Bharati; (4) Five variants, viz., khittanna, khedanna, khedanna, kheyanna and kheanna, are found in the edition of Mahavira Jaina Vidyalaya. It is surprising that there is no mention of the variant khettanna in this edition, while Schubring has quoted the variant reading khettanna from a Palmleaf Ms., and Curni. (c) The various Prakrit words with phonetic changes used in different editions are as follows: (1) kheyanna, kheyanna, khetanna, khettanna These four variants have not been adopted uniformly by different editors. 71

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THE ORIGINAL ARDHAMAGADHI FORM OF THE WORD 'KSETRAJNA' (2) The forms noticed as variants in the above editions are khettanna; And khittanna, khedanna, khedanna, kheyanna and kheanna, as mentioned (in b,4) above. (3) Thus, we get in all nine forms which can be classified in four types as follows kheyanna, kheanna (nn) -jn = -nn; khetanna, kheyanna (nn) -jn = -pn; khettanna, khettanna, khittanna (tt) - tr = tt; khedanna, khedanna (d) - tr = t = d. In some forms t = d= a= y. (i) (ii) (iii) (iv) (d) (1) The word 'ksetrajna' occurs in Sanskrit literature and it is used in the following senses': knowing localities, familiar with the cultivation of the soil, clever, cunning, knower of the body, i.e. the soul, the conscious principle in the corporeal frame, dexterous and skilful. (f) (2) The Paiya-sadda-mahannavo gives 'khedajna' as the Sanskrit equivalent of the words kheyanna and kheanna, with the following meanings : clever, knower, dexterous, skilful. There is no mention of the other Prakrit forms as shown above, in this Prakrit Dictionary. (3) In the Agama-sabda-kosa, Anga-suttani (JVB. Edn.) both the words khettanna and kheyanna are given along with ksetrajna as their Sanskrit equivalent.' (e) The author of the Curni, explains this word as follows: (1) khittam janati khittanno; (2) khittam agasam, khittam janatiti khittanno, tam tu aharabhutam davvakalabhavanam amuttam ca pavuccati, muttamuttani khittam ca janamto paena davvadini janai/jo va samsariyani dukkhani janati so khittanno pamdito va. The commentator of the Acaranga mostly explains 'ksetrajna' by the word 'khedajna' and also gives 72

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(8) In Search of the Original Ardhamagadhi K.R. Chandra the meanings nipuna = 'expert', abhyasa = 'study', srama = 'effort', etc. (Agamo, Edn., p. 124). Sometimes the word 'ksetrajna' is explained as 'expertise'. Silankacarya, in his commentary (on Su. 132) explains "khedajna'thus : 'jantu-duhkhaparicchetrbhih'. In fact the original word was 'ksetrajna' which later on changed to 'khedajna' also. But, the Prakrit words 'khedanna' and 'khedanna'are found mostly in the paper manuscripts only.' The Prakrit forms (readings) that are adopted for the word 'ksetrajna' in the MJV. Edition of the Acaranga, and its variants noticed from various manuscripts (palmleaf and paper) are as follows: Adopted Reading Variants and Mss. of MJV. Edn. (Basic manuscript & Sutra No.) 1. khettanna - 32,kham.,I.,Cu. khetanna, Sam., He. 1,2; kheyanna, kheanna (else where) 2. khettanna-32,1., Cu. kheyanna, kheanna (else where) 3. khettanna-32,1., Cu. khetanna, Sam., Kham., He.1,2; kheyanna, kheanna (else where) 4. khettanna-32,1., Cu. kheanna , He. 3; La., Jai.; khetanna (elsewhere) 5. Khettanna - 79, sam. khetanna, Kham., Jai ., Kham Cu. kheyanna,Sam.; He. 1,2,3; La. 3; I.; Cu. 6. khettanna - 104, Here the reading khetanna (everywhere) in the Curni (p.100.1) 7. khettanna - 176, kham. khetanna, Khe., Jai., I.; kheyanna (elsewhere) 8. khettanna - 210, kham. khetanna, Khe., Jai.; kheyanna (elesewhere) 73

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THE ORIGINAL ARDHAMAGADHI FORM OF THE WORD 'KSETRAJNA' 9. khetanna - 132, kheanna, Sam., khedanna (elsewhere) He. 1,2,3; La.; khittanna, Cu. 10.khetanna - 209, khe., Jai., .. kheyanna (elsewhere) 11. khetanna - 109, khetanna, Kham; (elsewhere) kheyanna, He. 1,2,3; I., Sam. 12.khetanna - 109 Cu(?) kheyanna, Sam, Khe, Jai., I., He., 1,2,3; khedanna, Sam, Kham. 13.khetanna - 109(elsewhere) khedanna, Kham. 14.khetanna - 109(elsewhere) kheyanna, Sam., He., 2,3, La., I.; khettanna, Cu., 15.kheyanna - 88,(not clear) khittanna, Cu.; khedanna, kheyanna(in other Mss.) 16. kheyanna - 109, except kheyanna, He., 1,2,3, La., Khemu Cu., Jai., I. (h) A Critical Survey of the Selection of Readings by Editors : The individual peculiarity of Schubring is that he does not mention the variant readings which are against his accepted principles. It it, therefore, difficult to say what variants were found by him, until we review the material utilized by him. He has given only one variant 'khettanna', and he has rejected it in preference to the reading kheyanna' which he has adopted everywhere. He has preferred 'nn' in the place of 'jn' and 'tt' in place of 'tr.' and 'y' in that of 't'. In the notes, he has mentioned both the words ksetrajna and khedajna as Sanskrit equivalents. The numerous Prakrit transformations of the word 'ksetrajna' can be explained from the point of veiw of historical linguistics, in the following manner : ksetrajna = khettanna - khettanna - khetanna - khedanna - khedanna and kheyanna - kheyanna. (1) khettanna - (From the view-point of linguistic pe culiarity) a word (of the stage of the Pali, Magadhi and Paisaci.) From the regional view-point it 74

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In Search of the Original Ardhamagadhi K.R. Chandra dialectically represents the West, North-West, and South (according to the Ashokan inscriptions). (2) khettanna - Characteristic of the Eastern region (as per the Ashokan inscriptions). It is an important point that the First Redaction of the Jaina Anga Agamas was done in the Eastern India at Pataliputra. (3) khetanna - The original word 'khettanna' changed to 'khetanna', because the optional elision of one of the consonants occurring in a conjunct one is recognised in the Prakrit language. (4) khedanna - When the centre of religious preach ing (i.e. Jainism) shifted from Magadha (East) to the North-West (to Mathura, i.e., the Surasena region), the medial 't' changed to 'd', thus transforming the word 'khetanna' to 'khedanna'. This change of 't'to'd'occurs in the region of Mathura, where the Second redaction of the Jaina Agamas was fixed up; this change of l' to 'd' is the main feature of the Sauraseni. (5) kheyanna - Again, when the centre of (i.e. Jainism) religious propagation shifted further to the Western region (of Gujarat and Saurashtra), the word 'khedanna'was transformed into kheyanna' (due to elision of the medial unvoiced consonant and introduction of 'y' as well as the change of the dental nasal to the cerebral one. Note that the place of the fixing up of the Third Redaction of the Jaina Agamas was Valabhi (in Gujarat). Thus, the elision of the medial consonant (as also y-sruti) and the change of n'to n'are accepted as the lingustic processes of a later period, particularly of this very (Western) region; it is quite proper both from the chronological as well as the regional points of view (based on the evidence of inscriptions). In this manner although the archaic Prakrit form Khettanna'(the ancient form prevalent in the Eastern India, i.e., the Magadha country) changed to 'kheyanna' in the later 75

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THE ORIGINAL ARDHAMAGADHI FORM OF THE WORD "KSETRAJNA' period (in the Western India) due to the regional influence, even then, if the reading 'kheyanna' occurs to a greater extent in the manuscripts of the later period, the original ancient form of the word used in the Jaian Agama texts must have been 'khettanna' only. From this view-point, the reading kheyanna' adopted by Schubring proves to be not proper, nor does the reading 'kheyanna' adopted by other editors. It is a point worth a special attention that among the readings that occur in the Curni, the use of 'y' in the place of 'ti' is rather rare. When the word 'khettanna' passed through the stages of 'khedanna' (i.e. 't' + 'd') or 'khedanna' (i.e. 'n + n) due to the linguistic changes occurring in the Prakrit, the original component 'ksetra 'of the basic word 'ksetrajna'was forgotten due to the ignorance of the original tradition, and it was taken to be rather 'kheda' and began to be understood in the sense (i.e. , 'grief' or 'fatigue') of the latter. The way in which the word 'matra' changed to 'matta'. 'mata', - 'maya'; 'patra' to 'patta', 'pata' and 'paya', and atma' to 'atta', - 'ata' and 'aya', in the same way the word 'ksetra' changed to 'khetta' - kheta - kheya'. Hence, the tradition of deriving the word from 'khedajna' is a later one', and not at all proper. However, Pischel (276) has given only the word 'kheyanna', and as its Sanskrit equivalent 'khedajna', but in the same place he has given 'matrajna' as the Sanskrit equivalent of the Prakrit word 'mayanna', then why not kheyanna should stand for ksetrajna. The gist of all this investigation and analysis is that the original word in the Ardhamagadhi was 'khettanna' only, which was related to the Sanskrit word 'ksetrajna' meaning 'the knower of the Self,' and not at all to the word 'khedajna'; this new equivalence is the contribution of a later period. With the process of linguistic change in the developments in the Prakrit language, under the influence of different times and places, the word 'khettanna' underwent many metamorphoses and took many forms, and all these have survived to this day in the different editions of the Acaranga. It is 76

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In Search of the Original Ardhamagadhi K.R. Chandra hardly necessary to say that in the new edition of the Agamas, only the reading "khettanna' should be adopted as proper, appropriate and the archaic one. Similarly, from the point of view of different times and places, the word took many shapes, and these are found in different forms in different manuscripts of the three stages of the collation of the versions of the Agamas. The cause of all this is the influence of the local usages of the changing times and places. If this word was uttered by Lord Mahavira, and was given a word-form by the Ganadharas in writing and recitation of their compilation of his teachings, as also in the First Redaction of the Jaina Anga Agamas compiled in Pataliputra, the form of this word must have been 'khettana' as is evidenced by the Ashokan inscriptions of the Eastern region; and hence only this form of this word should be taken as original and appropriate. If this be unacceptable, the next choice would be the (Sauraseni) reading 'khedanna' or khedanna' of the Second Redaction as but proper. In case this too is not acceptable, the third choice should be the reading 'kheyanna' only of the Third Redaction fixed up in Valabhi. Thus, it will ultimately mean that it is Devardhigani who composed the Agama texts and his language is influenced by the Maharastri rather than the Magadhi. But the question that arises is, how can the usges of the anterior period and prevalent in different times and places occur in the same composition of a same later date. The only explanation in such a case is that, if this work is an ancient text, and that too of the Eastern region (Magadha-desa), the only proper and acceptable archaic reading of the word should be the khettanna one; and this should be adopeted in the Acaranga text. This is the only conclusion justified on the basis of the linguistic and historical development. By chance, as an additional evidence, we find the readings 'a-khettanna; (642), 'a-khettanna' (641), 'khetanna' (680) in the printed MJV. edition of the Second Sruta-skandha of the Sutrakstanga. Do the last two readings, not support the reading "khettanna or Khetanna' of this word ? 77

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THE ORIGINAL ARDHAMAGADHI FORM OF THE WORD 'KSETRAJNA' : FOOT-NOTES : 1. Mahavira Jaina Vidyalaya Edition, edited by Muni Jambuvijaya, 1977. (Additional matter post-Hindi Edition) In the Sutrakstanga (MJV. Edn.) the text and variants are as follows: (Text) (Variants in Mss.) (a) khettanna 2.1.641 (a) khetanna khetanna 2.1.641, 680 kheyanna kheyanna 2.1.640 kheyanna (b) khettanna 2.1.639, 642 khetanna khetanna 1.15.619; 2.1.643 kheanna, kheyanna kheyanna 1.6.354; 2.1.640 kheyanna,khetanna 1.La 2. (a) Sanskrit-English Dictionary by Monier Moneir-Williams, Oxford, 1899, p. 332, col. 2: Under 'Ksetra..."-jna, mfn. knowing localities, TBr. iii; AitBr.; TandyaBr.; SBr. xiii; ChUp.; familiar with the cultivation of the soil (as a husbandman). L.; clever, dexterous, skilful (with gen.), MBh. i, 3653; cunning, L.; (as) m. 'knowing the body, i.e. the soul, the conscious principle in the corporeal frame,svetUp.; Mn. viii, 96; xii, 12 & 14; Yajn.; MBh. Hariv. 11297, &c." ksetrajna = atma (ksetrajna atma purusah) - Amarakosa 1.4.29; 3.3.33 The word 'khettanna'occurs among the variants in the section b (3) of this chapter. Ayaramgasuttam, MJV. Edn. (1) p.26, f.n. 8; (2) p. 39, f.n. 10. ibid., p.26, f.n. 8; p. 39, f.n. 10 (He. 1,2,3 and La. Mss. Why should the preference be not given to archaic readings when such readings are already found in the manuscripts of the original texts and the Curni? The use of both the readings, khettanna' and 'khetanna' is found in the Sutrakrtanga, 2.641; 2.641, 680 respectively. 7. No such word like 'khedajna' is noticed in the Sanskrit and Pali Dictionaries. 78

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6. THE TEXUAL READING OF THE OPENING SENTENCE THE UPODGHATA OF THE ACARANGA While passing on orally to his disciple Jambuswami the teachings of Lord Mahavira, that were listened to by him as they were uttered by the Lord, the Ganadhara Sri Sudharmaswami with the words : "suyani me ausani! tenan (v.l. tena in Curni) bhagavaya evam akkhayam ..." ( the beginning of the First Uddesaka of the First Adhyayana of the First Sruta - skandha of the Acaranga ) We may think first, on the two words of this statement, 'ausam' and 'tenan' from the context in the sentence, and then the three words, viz., 'suyam', 'bhagavaya' and 'akkhayam' from the linguistic point of view. There can be nothing to remark regarding this statement if it has been added subsequently - a very very long time posterior to the age of Sudharmaswami, for establishing a system of narration. But, if this statement had existed right from the time of the redaction of the First Council (prior to the Fourth century B.C. i.e. even before Asoka), it definitely deserves to be deliberated upon. Sudharmaswami was a direct disciple of Lord Mahavira, and Jambuswami that of the former. From the point of view of time, Lord Mahavira was not a past teacher far removed from Sudharmaswami, so as to necessiate the latter' to use the words 'tenam bhagavaya', i.e. by that Lord', for Lord Mahavira. If the intervening period had been very long, and it had been an incident of past, such a usage would have been justified; otherwise it does not seem proper. There is no unanimity about this usage among the commentators in Sanskrit and the curikara too. About the possibility of the reading 'ausamtena' in the place of 'ausam tena', the author of the Curni (p.9) writes : "ahava ausamtena, jivata kahitam athava ausamtena gurukulavasam ahava ausamtena samipada vinayapuvvo sissayariyakamo darisio hoi avasamta ausamtaggahanena /".

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THE TEXUAL READING OF THE OPENING SENTENCE : THE UPODGHATA OF THE ACARANGA While explaining the meaning of "srutam maya ayusman", in his vrtti (p.11), Silankarcaya states : " mayeti saksan na punah paramparyena", i.e. by the usage maya the author means that he had himself listened directly, and not by tradition (later on). Further, he adds : " yadi va amrsata bhagavat-padaravindam..., avasara va tad-antika ity anena gurukulavasah kartavya ity a veditam bhavati, etac carthadvayam amusamtena avasamtena; ity etat pathantaram asrityavagantavyam iti". Since this has been explained thus, it seems but proper to think that Sudharmaswami listened to the teachings of Lord Mahavira while he was staying with and serving the latter. From this viewpoint only the reading 'ausamtena" seems to be proper. This same reading, viz., "suyam me ausamtena bhagavata evam akkhayas" is found in the Second sruta-skandha (Sutra 638) of the Acaranga (MJV), and the same reading is found in the Curni, too; moreover there is the reading 'bhagavata' in the place of bhagavaya (Acaranga, MJV. Edn. p. 227 f.n. 2). Other References : In some other context, the usaga of the word 'ausamto' is found several times in the Eighth Adhyayana of the First Sruta-skandha of the Acaranga itself, when a bhiksu addresses a Gathapati or the latter addresses the former, as for instance; ausamto gahavati (8.2.204; 8.5.218); ausamto samana (8.2.204; 8.3.211). Looking to these usages, as also that of 'auso' as a Vocative in the Sutrakstanga, e.g., vaccagharagam ca auso khanahi (1.4.2.13) when the former usage is found to occur several times in the Acaranga and the Sutrakrtanga, it has to be considered as to how proper is the usage of the word 'ausam'. (1) The usages in the Acaranga, First Srutaskandha : ausamto gahavati (1.8.2.204); ausamto samana (1.8.3.211); auso (1.8.2.204); Similar usages occur many times in the Second Srutaskandha (2.1.9, 396, 399 etc.; cf. Index to the edition). (2) The usages in the Sutrakstanga : auso (1.3.3.198); ahauso (2.6.837); ayam auso (2.1.649); 80

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In Search of the Original Ardhamagadhi K.R. Chandra samanauso (2.1.644); ausamto (2.7.845, 846, 848, 851 etc.). About more than twenty times the usages of auso and ausamto are found in this work too. (3) Usages in Other Works Similar usages are found in other works also. For instance: evameva samanauso : je amham niggamtho va'... (Nayadhammakahao, N. V. Vaidya's Edn. Ch. 4, p.67; Ch. 5, p. 82; Ch. 7, p. 89); auso Tetali-putta ehi ta ayanahi (Isibha. Schubrig's Edn. Ch. 10, p.23.5; auso Tetali-putta katto vayamo (ibid., p.23.11). (4) Usages in the Pali Tripitaka Literature: Here too, the usage of the word 'avuso" in the Vocative is found to occur, with 'v' in the place of 'y' as it is there in avudha (= ayudha). The form 'avuso' (Voc. Plu.) is taken to have been an abridged one of ayusmanto, while the regular form is believed to have been ayusmant. We may, now, consider the phonetic changes found to have occurred in the words 'suyam', 'bhagavaya' and *akkhayam'. The first and the third words are Past Passive Participles, while the second one is form of the Instrumental Singular. Looking to the similar usages found in the Acaranga itself, the phonetic changes that have occurred in them, do not seem to be proper. Some of the usages in the First Srutaskandha of the Acaranga (MJV) are as follows: 1. aha sutam vadissami (1.9.1.254). 2. (a) bhagavata parinna pavedi ta (1.1.1.7; 2.13; 3.24; 4.35; 5.43; 6.51; 7.58); (b) bhagvata paveditam (1.2.5.89; 6.3.197; 8.4.214; 8.5.217; 8.5.219; 8.6.222, 223); (c) mahanena matimata (1.9.1.276; 9.2.292; 9.3.306; 9.4.323. 3. (a) esa maggo ariehim pavedite (1.2.2.74); (b) munina hu etam paveditam (1.5.4.164); (c) jam jinehim paveditam (1.5.1.168); (d) paveditam mahanenam(1.8.1.202); (e) buddhehim evam paveditam (1.8.2.206); (f) nayaputtena sahite (1.8.8.240); (g) cariyasanaim...jao burao aikkhaha taim... (1.9.2.277); 81

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THE TEXUAL READING OF THE OPENING SENTENCE : THE UPODGHATA OF THE ACARANGA. Thus, several such usages, like suta, pavedita, sahita, buita, as also like bhagavata, matimata, etc., are found to occur in the First Sruta-skandha of the Acaranga itself. From this point of view, the introductory sentence in the context should have been : 'sutam me ausamtena bhagavata evam akkhatam'. In this very context, let us notice the usages found in the Isibhasiyaim, which has been edited by Schubring himself. In this work, the use of the phrase, " ... arahata isina buitam' occurs with the name of the concerned seer, in the beginning of each and every chapter. Thus, the usage'arahata' occurs 43 times, that of 'buita^'37 times, and that of buiyam 7 times. Compare with this the readings, in the Acaranga, viz., bhagavaya.. akkhayan in the light of the one, viz., "arahata... buitam in the Isibhasiyaim. Veteran scholars have accepted the Isibhasiyaim to have been as old as the four senior Ardhamagadhi Agama works, viz., the Acaranga, the Sutrakrtanga, the Uttaradhyayana and the Dasavaikalika. Why then should there be such a difference in the languages of these two works? From this point of view, the correct and archaic reading in the Acaranga would have been 'sutam me ausastena bhagavata evam akkhatam'. And, this very reading is supported by the following readings from the Sutrakstanga : (i) suyam me ausamtena bhagavata evam akkhayam (2.1.638); (ii) suyam me ausamtenam bhagavata evam akkhatam (2.3.722); and (iii) sutam me ausartenam bhagavata evam akkhatam (2.2.694). So far as the question of the change of the medial dental 'n' to the cerebral 'n' is concerned, it should have been the former only, originally. The process of the change of 'n' to 'n' belongs to the period subsequent to the Christian Era, particularly prevalent mostly in the South, West and North-West In 82

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THE TEXUAL READING OF THE OPENING SENTENCE: THE UPODGHATA OF THE ACARANGA dia, as is evident from the Ashokan inscriptions and those of the subsequent period.* According to the additional material found after the publication of its original Hindi edition 1991-92, the reading 'ausamte nam' seems to be the proper one in the place of the 'ausamtenam', 'nam' as an indeclinable and 'ausamte" as the Magadhi form (of ayusmat) in the Vocative Singular. : Foot-notes: I am thankful to Professor M.A. Dhaky of Varanasi, for assessing the reading from this point of view. Three types of forms are found for the Vocative, viz., ausam, auso and ausamto. Of these, the form 'auso is Singular, and the 'ausamto' is Plural of Honorific Singular. It should be noted that whereever the usage 'ausam' occurs, it is preceded by the word 'tena' or the 'tenam. Hence, it seems it was from the original word 'ausamtenam' that the element 'tenam' or 'tena' got separated in the course of the later period. In this connection it seems now, in the light of fresh researches, that the original reading must have been 'ausamte nam', in accordance with the usage in the Magadhi language. Cf. Acaranga, Prathama Srutaskandha, prathama Adhyayana, edited by K.R. Chandra, Prakrta Jaina Vidya Vikasa Fund, Ahmedabad, 1997, p. 76. 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. Cf. Pali Tripitaka Concordance, p.345; the reading in the Vijayodayatika of the Mularadhana is thus - sudam me aussanto bhagavada evam akkhadam (Aca., Introduction, p. 36, MJV. Edn., 1977). This sentence is in 'Sauraseni Prakrta in which the form is 'aussanto' then why not 'ausamte' form in the Amg. Prakrta with the Nominative and Vocative Singular suffix - e. of the -a ending Masculine Noun in Magadhi. Cf. Paramparagata Prakrta Vyakarana Ki Samiksa aura Ardhamagadhi, edited by K. R. Chandra, Pra. Jain Vidya Vikasa Fund, Ahmedabad, 1995, Adhyaya No. 7 and 8. Cf. Ardhamagadhi Bhasa mem Sambodhan Ka Eka Vismrta Prayoga 'Ausante', Sramana, July-December, 1995, Parsvanatha Vidyapitha, Varanasi. 83

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7. RECONSTRUCTION OF THE ORIGINAL ARDHAMAGADHI : AN ENDEAVOUR The teachings of Lord Mahavira about the aspects of proper conduct like non-violence, as recorded in the First Uddesaka of the Fourth Adhyayana of the First Sruta-skandha of the Acaranga, the most ancient text of the Jaina Ardhamagadhi literature, are as follows : "savve pana savve bhuta save jiva savve satta na hamtavva na ajjavetavva na parighettavva na paritaveyavva na uddaveyavva". 1.4.132 This means : no being should be killed, nor should any being be tormented in any way. This is the pure, regular and eternal religion (Dharma) that has been taught by the self-realized souls. The text of words of Lord Mahavira emphasizing this fact have been edited as follows in the different editions of the Acaranga : (i) esa dhamme suddhe nitie sasae samecca logan kheyannehim paveie (Schubring's Edn., 1.4.1); (ii) esa dhamme suddhe nije samicca loyam kheyannehim paveie (Agamo. Edn., 1.4.1.126); (iii) esa dhamme suddhe niie sasae samicca loyam kheyannehim paveie (JVB. Edn., 1.4.1.2); (iv) esa dhamme suddhe nitie sasae samecca loyam khetannehim pavedite (MJV. Edn., 1.4.1.132). Among the words used in these four editions, the following readings of the text are not uniform : (Sanskrit) (Schu.) (Agamo) (JVB.) (MJV.) 1. nitya = nitie niie nije w nitie 2.sametya = samecca samicca samicca) samecca 3.lokam = logam loyam loyam loyam 4.ksetrajnaih = kheyannehim kheyannehim kheyannehin khetannehim 5.praveditah = paveie paveie paveie pavedite It is clear that these variant readings have been adopted, as per the different individual beliefs about the principles of the speech, (and not according to the historical and 84

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RECONSTRUCTION OF THE ORIGINAL ARDHAMAGADHI evolutionary developments in the Prakrit language, nor having taken into consideration the nature of the teacher's speech as prevalent at the time and place), and under the influence of the rules of the Prakrit grammarians (which being not historical chronologically, do not explain the peculiarities of the Ardhamagadhi language). Consequently, there are found the variants in their readings. It is necessary to understand properly the how and why of this imparity. (1) Some editors have changed the 'e' to 'i' when it pre cedes the conjunct consonant, as in samicca (for samecca). (2) Some editors have effected the elision of medial 'r' or of medical 'd', as in niie (for nityah) paveie (for praveditah). (3) Some editors have changed the initial dental 'n' to cerebral 'n', as nitie, niie, (for nityah). (4) Some have elided the medial 'k', by 'y' while some other has voiced it to 'g', as in loyam, logam (for lokam); in loyam there is 'y' -sruti of the residual vowel. (5) Some have changed the medial '!n' to 'nn' and some others to 'nn' as in kheyanna, kheyanna (for ksetrajna). (6) Some have changed the 'tr' to 't', while some others the 't' to further 'y' (7) Some have changed the medial 'd' to 'r' (from khedajna), while some others to 'y'. It seems, from these variants, that each editor had his own particular assumption about the Ardhamagadhi language. The main reason for this situation is that no Prakrit grammarian has given us a compact grammar of the Ardhamagadhi language. If we consider all these variants, and examine as well as review them critically, we will realise to some extent at least as to how such a difference has occurred in them. It seems, from the phonetic changes found in these words, that : (1) Some editor may have felt the likeliness of the intrusion of Pali language in the word 'pavedita', and hence thought it proper to adopt 'pavedia' only; 85

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In Search of the Original Ardhamagadhi K.R. Chandra (2) Some may have suspected the 'r'- sruti in the 'khetanna' and 'nitiya' and so they adopted 'kheyenna' and 'niie', 'niie' only; (3) Some may have been influenced by the rule of elision, and so thought it necessary to elide medial 't' and 'd' and adopt the reading 'paveia'; (4) Some may have felt the change of 'j' to 'nn' as improper (i.e. going against the phonetic rule of Prakrit), and so changed it to 'nn' in accordance with the grammatical rule. In these adopted readings : (1) There is Pali too, as in pavedita; (2) There is Pali and Ardhamagadhi too, as in samecca; (3) There is Ardhamagadhi too, as in logam; (4) There is Maharastri too, as in loyam, niie, kheyanna; and (5) There are, on the other hand, the linguistic peculiarities of the Eastern region during the Ashokan period as in 'logam', 'niie' and (kheya) nne(him). It seems, from this analysis, that as a result of all these, the Ardhamagadhi language as is found at present is practically a hotchpotch' of many Prakrit (languages) dialects. In whatever manuscripts that were availed of by each of the editors, there were variant readings too, but they have left out some of them. In fact, if considered from the viewpoint of historical development of the Prakrit (M.I.A.) languages, there were preserved in some or the other Mss. the archaic elements (i.e. retention of medial consonants of the original language; but they were not at all taken into consideration. For instance : (1) The variant reading 'khettannehim was available there in the Curni and in the G manuscript, those were utilised by Schubring; (2) The variant reading 'khettannehim' was there in the C manuscript utilised for the JVB. edition; 86

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RECONSTRUCTION OF THE ORIGINAL ARDHAMAGADHI (3) The variant reading 'khittanna'was there in the Curni utilised for the M J V. edition. In spite of this situation instead of adopting the reading 'khettanna' in its original archaic form) why should the readings 'kheyanna' or 'kheyanna'be adopted, when both these forms belong to the later period from the viewpoint of linguistic evolution, first comes 'kheyanna' and later on kheyanna'. In the Acaranga (First Sruta-skandha), Schubring has uniformly adopted the only reading "kheyanna'through out, but the form 'kheyanna' is also found adopted in the JVB. edition; the form 'kheyanna'is adopted in the Agamo. edition; and all the three forms, viz., kheyanna, khetanna' and "khettanna', are found adopted in the MJV edition but 'kheyanna' is no where found. The equivalent of this word is ksetrajna'in Sanskrit which means 'atmajna'or the Selfrealized one. But, later commentators have connected it with "khedajna' through conjecture and ignorance about the original form and sense of the word; and further they have endeavoured to explain it whimsically, deriving it from the latter conjectural word. In view of this latter derivation, the medial -de' is supposed to have been elided, and the residual-a-changed to'-ya-' glide. This would be a change like the one in matra - matta - mata - maya, and patra - patta - pata paya similar to the development of atma + atta -ata - aya. (1) It was, therefore, not necessary to replace-tr-' by -d'. (2) In the archaic Prakrit language-tr' has changed to '-tt-' and not to '-t-' or '-y-'. (3) In the Ashokan inscriptions of the Eastern region 'jn' has been found to have been represented by 'nn' and not by 'nn'. (4) Generally, the phonetic change of 'nn' to 'nn appears to take place in the period subsequent to the Christian Era, and that too from the Southern and North-Western regions. 87

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In Search of the Original Ardhamagadhi K.R. Chandra (5) 'nn' = 'nn' is purely a Maharastri Prakrit' pnonetic process, not the one of Pali, Magadhi, Paisaci or Sauraseni as per the grammarians themselves. (6) The usage with'nn' = 'nn'in the original (i.e. archaic) Ardhamagadhi, therefore, is tantamount to forcibly knowingly or unknowingly transforming it into Maharastri. Has this not happened in the past ? and is yet happening ? due only to ignorance about the genuine characteristics of the original Ardhamagadhi language ? (7) Prof. Schubring has throughout adopted'nn' for 'jn', but in adopting 'y' in place of 'tr' and in leaving off 'tt', he has chosen improper reading. It seems unavoidable to point out that he too has been influenced by the derivational equivalance with the word 'khedajna'. He has adopted nitiya' in place of nitya'; which is quite proper as it is archaic form. But, `niiya' and 'niiya' are purely artificial, and looks as if it is the literal implementation of the rule of elision of the medial'-ta' without taking into consideration the archaic trait of the language of East India of the Ashokan times. (8) It is surprising to find that neither the word 'nitiya (which is archaic), nor the 'miiya' or 'niiya' are there in the Prakrit Grammar of Pischel (9) There has been the prevalence of anaptyxix in the ancient inscriptions and ancient Prakrit, as for instance, kya = 'kiya' 'tya' = 'tiya', 'vya' = 'viya', etc.; in conjunct consonants whereas assimilation of them belongs to a later period. (10) The change of 'e'to'' (preceding the conjunct consonants), e.g., 'samicca in place of 'samecca', will not be found everywhere, nor is it a characteristic of antiquity. (11) The Ardhamagadhi literature is full of the usage of medial 'k' = 'g'; which is sporadically traced in (the Ashokan inscripcions of the Eastern region, in the form of an option only. Elision of medial 'k' is the common characteristic of the Maharastri Prakrit; and this process of elision belongs to a much later period. The elision of medial 'd' and 't', 88

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RECONSTRUCTION OF THE ORIGINAL ARDHAMAGADHI as in 'paveiya't pavedita', is also the peculiarity of the later Prakrits. In the Sauraseni and the Magadhi, the 'd' is generally retained, and in the Pali and the Paisaci, the 't', too. (12) The Ardhamagadhi is related more to the Magadhi, but not to the Maharastri; the very occurrence of the element 'Magadhi', in the name 'Ardhamagadhi' of this language indicates its antiquity. Had it not been so, the language could have been termed as 'Ardha-Maharastri' or 'Ardha-Sauraseni' ? (13) From this viewpoint, whatever archaic forms (nominal, verbal and of participles) occur in the senior texts of Ardhamagadhi, they indicate that this language is nearer to the Pali and Ashokan dialect of the East but not to the Maharastri. (14) Originally, the Ardhamagadhi language was not a mixture of Magadhi and Maharastri : it is the distortion of the process of a later period. Now, therefore, if the sentence under discussion belongs to the age of Lord Mahavira, being the very utterance from his holy mouth, or if it be the faithful reproduction of his speech in the written form by his Ganadharas, the sentence should, in that case, read as follows : 'esa dhamme suddhe nitie sasate samecca logam (or lokam) khettannehi' pavedite' If this speech is not as it was uttered by Lord Mahavira, or it was not as presented by the Ganadharas, or it is not the reading of the First redaction at Pataliputra of the fourth century B.C., but rather of the Third and Final redaction fixed up in the time of Devardhigani at Valabhi (fifth-sixth century A.D.), or it was he who has compiled/composed the scriptures, in that case there is no question of any discussion for us, and anyone can accept/adopt whatever reading that may occur in the context'. 89

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RECONSTRUCTION OF THE ORIGINAL ARDHAMAGADHI : FOOT NOTES : 3. 4. 1. For confirmation of this type of opinion, see, Kalpasutra, Ed. Muni Punyavijayaji, Sarabhai Manilal Navab, Ahmedabad, 1952. Introduction, p.7. Cf. 'Paramparagata Prakrta Vyakarana ki Samiksa aura Ardhamagadhi', Chapter 9, K.R. Chandra, 1995. ibid., Chapter 10. Cf. Mehendale. 1948, pp. 22-24 5-7. The elision of't' in 'sasate'seems to be improper. The ancient text like the Isibhasiyaim is full of the usages with medial '-t-". The use of the suffix 'him for the Instrumental Plural in the place of 'hi' is also of the later period. For the research work about the medial '--','-k and the case termination -hi that has been carried out after the publication of its original Hindi edition, see 'Paramparagata PrakstaVyakarana ki Samiksa aura Ardhamagadhi', K.R. Chandra, Prakta Jaina Vidya Vikasa Fund, Ahmedabad, 1995, Chapter 4, and mainly viii on p,27; and p, 28; chapter 15, p,135. See also on pp, 142-144 for the readings with the medial '-t.quoted from the auto-commentary on the Visesavasyaka-bhasya; also, cf. 'Acaranga, Prathama Srutaskandha, Prathama Adhyayana', K.R. Chandra, Praksta Jaina Vidya Vikasa Fund, Ahmedabad, 1997, for the reading reconstructed from linguistic viewpoint. 8. Additional matter Post-Hindi Edition :- But the wording of this sentence in the Sutrakrtanga itself (MJV. Edn.) is as follows: esa dhamme dhuve nitie sasate samecca logam khetannehim pavedite (sutra No. 2.1.680) and moreover there is the textual reading nitie in place of nitie in the Su. Kl. (2.6. 822). This proves beyond doubt that texual readings suggested above would stand to be original and archaic. 90

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8. PRINCIPAL CHARACTERISTICS OF ARCHAIC OR ORIGINAL ARDHAMAGADHI The language that was spoken in half region of the Magadha country or the language which contained half of its characteristics as similar to those of the Magadhi language and the other half which were prevalent in the neighbouring regions was known by the name Ardhamagadhi. Keeping this tradition in mind, and on the basis of the archaic usages that have still survived in the Prakrit grammar, ancient Pali literature i.e., senior Pali works, ancient and senior Ardhamagadhi works and manuscripts of the Agama literature, Curnis etc., the indigenous characteristics of the original Ardhamagadhi can be determined, and those characteristics can serve as our guide for editing the ancient works whose seniority or antiquity can be determined on the basis of the topic of contents, style and metre of the individual Ardhamagadhi work. I may humbly put forth the main characteristics of Amg. as follows : 1. In the case of the Indeclinables in Samskrta with initial y-', if 'a-'is found in the place of y-, it should be given preference. The medial unaspirate consonants should not be elided, as is generally done in the case of the Maharastri. (It cannot be denied that the process of eliding medial consonants has been encouraged in course of time due to the recitational facility of the text with predominance of vowels.) 3. Generally it would not be proper to prefer the medial -h-' in the place of the medial aspirate consonants. The medial -k'or the 'g-'found in its place, as also the original medial -g-' should be preferred. The medial '-t-' should not be elided with the impression that it is -t- of the phonetic change (i.e.-t- sruti), since the interpolation of the -t-sruti in manuscript - writing belongs to a very late period. 2. 91

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PRINCIPAL CHARACTERISTICS OF ARCHAIC OR ORIGINAL ARDHAMAGADHI 6. If the medial d-'and -dh-'are sometimes found in the place of the medical -t-' and '-th-; respectively, they should be taken as preserving an ancient characteristic. If sometimes medial -t-'is found in the place of medial -d-, it should be taken as representing an ancient stage, anterior to the process of elision. 7. If sometimes !' is found, as in the case of the Pali, it should not be changed, as a rule, to d? (Cf. The example of the word 'kalabha'quoted by Hemacandra in his vrtti on his sutra 8.1.7; and also the examples of 'lelu'and 'le!ussi' quoted by Pischel, 304, 379.). For the usage of words like kila, khela, chhala, salada, talaga, talava, tala, dohala, pila, phaliha, phaliya, velu, solasa, etc., in Ardhamagadhi (cf. Pischel's Index of words). The initial dental 'n-'should be preferred and the dental 'n'of the word na, an indeclinable, should be preserved as such as has been in practice with the western editorscholars like Jacobi, Schubring, Alsdorf etc. and some Indian editors. 9. If sometimes the dental '-n-'is found in the medial posi tion, it should not be deemed necessary to change it to cerebral '-n-' everywhere. 10. The 'l'found in the place of "r, should be preserved as it is a specific feature of Magadhi. 11. If a reading with anaptyxix, in the place of assimilation of conjuncts is found, it should be preferred, e.g., daviya (for dravya), nitiya (for nitya), tathiya (for tathya), agani (for agni), usina (for usna). 12. The guttural nasal 'n'and the palatal 'n 'occurring with the homogeneous consonants of their own class should be preserved as such as is the case with the western editors. The practice of changing them to Anusvara everywhere should not be insisted upon. 13. If a conjunct of palatal nasals 'nn' is found, it should not be taken as fit to be discarded on the ground of 92

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In Search of the Original Ardhamagadhi K.R. Chandra the grammatic rule as it does not provide us with the factual practice that was in vogue in the ancient times. 14. The conjunct consonants "jn', 'nn', and 'ny 'should be changed to 'nn', as is being done by the Western editors. Let it be specifically noted that the change of conjuncts -ny'and -rn'to dental 'nn'has been the peculiarity of the Eastern India of the Ashokan period. 15. The araha for arhat or arahanta; atta or ata for atman; khettanna for ksetrajna; and akasmat - all these are archaic - usages; hence they should be preserved. 16. Like pure for Samskrit puras, adhe for Skt. adhas should be preserved. 17. If the case suffix '-e' of the Nominative Singular of Masculine Noun ending in -a'is found, it should not be changed to -0); it should be preserved as such. 18. If the case suffix '-ni' is found in the Nominative and Accusative Plural forms of Neuter Nouns, it should be preserved as such. 19. If the forms with archaic suffix of the Instrumental Sin gular of words ending in consonants e.g. manasa, vacasa, teyasa, tavasa, cakkhusa (Pischel 408), and if sometimes forms, like atasa, kayasa, pannasa, balasa, bhayasa (Pischel 364), with the termination sa'in the case of the words ending in vowels, are found, they should be preserved. 20. If the termination bhi'of the Instrumental Plural is found, as in thibhi, (Aca. Su. 1.84), pasubhi (Uttara. 9.49), it should not be changed to -hi'. 21. The terminations -aya' or 'ae, used for the Dative Singular, of the Nouns ending in-a'should not be changed. 22. If '-e'is found in the place of -0, in the Ablative Sin gular forms of Nouns and Pronouns ending in 'a', wherein a visarga occurs in the final position (- :') of Skt. forms it should not be changed. It is one of the peculiarities of the Ashokan inscriptions of the Eastern region. As per this very ruie, the ine (for nan = asmakam) shouid * not be changed to 'no? 93

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PRINCIPAL CHARACTERISTICS OF ARCHAIC OR ORIGINAL ARDHAMAGADHI 23. Similary, if there occurs an archaic form of the Ablative Singular as a Participle, e.g., padiso, and kamaso (in the sense of the Instrumental Singular) in the case of words ending in consonants and the forms with the case suffix -so, like savvaso etc., in the case of words ending in vowels it should be preserved. 24. If the case suffix '-mha'of the Ablative Singular occurs, it should be preserved since it is an older suffix evolved from smat: 25. The Nominal suffixes ya, ya', -'ye' (or even -'and a) of the oblique nominal cases (from the Instrumental to the Locative Singular), in the case of Feminine words, should not be deemed fit to be discarded, taking them to be the case-suffixes of the Pali language. 26. The case suffixes '-to' or '-o' of the Genitive Singular of the Present Participle should be preserved as instances of archaic forms, 27. The various historical case suffixes -ssim, -ssi', 'smim, -smi', -mhim'or -mhi' of the Locative Singular should be preserved. (The error of confounding 'sa' and 'ma' mutually is found not only in the manuscripts, but also in the inscriptions; consequently, at times the 'ssi' or 'assi' are found to have been changed to mmi'or -asmi' in some instances. 28. If there occurs the termination -ti' of the Third person Singular of the Present Tense it should not be changed to -;'(see the text of Acaranga edited by H. Jacobi, 1882). If the termination te'of the Present Tense of the Third Person Singular in Atmanepada is found, it should not be changed to ti' or ';'orti' or i'. 30. The terminations '-e'and ya'of the Optative Mood are older than its later -ija'and -ija' forms; they should, therefore, be preferred. 31. The archaic terminations, like -si', si", -im'-T'; 'ttha, ittha; -u, -u; --ssam, 'amsu, -imsu, of the Past Tense, 94

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PRINCIPAL CHARACTERISTICS OF ARCHAIC OR ORIGINAL ARDHAMAGADHI that have somehow or otherwise survived, should be preserved. 32. The suffix '-da'of the forms in Past Passive Participles of the roots eding in r'as also of some other roots, as found in kada, mada, nivvuda, avahada, gada, etc., should not be changed. 33. The termination mina'of the Present Participle, if found as in the Ashokan inscriptions, should be preserved; it indicates antiquity. 34. The absolutive terminations -tta', 'ttanam, ya'(-iya'), -ya', '-yanam, '-cca', and '-ccanam' are considered to be older ones. 35. The termination -ttae' (-ittae) of the Infinitive is older one. 36. The usage of bhava'for the root bhu'should be con sidered as older than that of bho', 'hava', 'ho', and 'hu'. 37. Those historical forms that are connected with the An cient Indian Language (OIA), even if the phonetic changes may have occurred in them in some instances, should be preserved as such, whether they may be the forms of Nouns or Verbs or Participles or Indeclinables. 95

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REVIEWS AND OPINIONS ON THE ACARANGA PRATHAMA SRUTA-SKANDHA PRATHAMA ADHYAYANA (Linguistically Re-edited) (Page xxx + 328; Price : Rs.150-00) K. R. CHANDRA Prakrit Jain Vidya Vikas Fund Ahmedabad 1997

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REVIEWS AND OPINIONS ON ACARANGA The editing of a Jaina Agama text - be it Svetambara or Digambara is one of the most difficult tasks of Prakrit scholars. For the last more than one hundred and fifty years, both occidental and oriental,scholars have been trying their best to edit Jaina Agama texts faithfully and correctly, and for this, they have accepted some principles for the Prakrit literature, and the Jaina Agama texts, in particular. Though J.Stevenson translated the Kalpasutra along with the Navatattva (London, 1848), he did not mention the MSS from which he had translated the text. Later on, a critical edition was prepared by Jacobi (Leipzig, 1879). At present, though we find some discrepancies with the printed editions of the Kalpasutra, it is, shll a kind of the earliest reference to the Kalpasutra used by many scholars. But the best edited text of the Jaina canonical literature, as far as we know, is A.Weber's edition of the Bhagavati- sutra. (Ein Fragment der Bhagavati, in ABA.1865 (pp.367-444) and 1866 (pp.155352). It was as early as 1865-66, Weber realized certain orthographic difficulties of the manuscript for selecting a particular reading. As a result, in his introduction he has laid down certain principles for editing Jaina canonical texts. Later on, Hermann Jacobi (Acarangasutra, London, 1882), Pischel (Desinamamala, Bombay, 1880) and many others have all faced the problems of editing Prakrit texts in general, and Jaina Agama texts, in particular. In modern times Hiralal Jain, A.N.Upadhye, Dalsukh Bhai Malvania, Harivallabh C. Bhayani and many others have edited Jaina Agama and Prakrit texts and encountered insurmountable difficulties in selecting certain readings for the texts whenever they have collated a text from some manuscripts. When the world of Prakrit has been wavering for a long time to find out the correct and faithful reading of the Agama text, it was, at that time the edition of K.R.Chandra's Acaranga. the first chapter of the first Srutaskandha appeared in the horizon a few months ago. Dr. Chandra has been working on this text for a long time, and as a prelude to 98

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In Search of the Original Ardhamagadhi K.R. Chandra his edition he has written several articles and books on the problems of finding out the original language of the Agama text. The present text i.e. the edition of Acaranga, is an outcome of that long persistent labour. In his edition he has discussed again quite a lot on how to edit a Jaina Agama text, and what type of reading is to be selected for the restoration of the original language of the Ardha - Magadhi texts. It goes without saying that he has laboured much on this point, and from that point of view, he has been successfui in presenting the text faithfully. Linguistically also this text will help the scholars to find out different readings of the printed texts. I can vouchsafe sincerely that this text will furnish us lots of material for the future generation to work on. It is true, indeed, that there might be some scholars who may not like all his arguments as applied to the text. Some of the readings he has selected for the main body of the text can be altered with the readings of the text given by him in the footnotes. The reading of the very beginning of the text may be altered as per reading of the other texts and some may feel that some of the readings may not represent the original language of the text. For example Chandra's reading sutam me ausante(?) nam can be altered as sutam me ausam tenam, in this sort of reading the difficulty is with the euphonic combinations santena. This sort of sandhis is not very happy in Prakrit. Moreover, tenam is a very common word used in most of the Ardhamagadhi canonical texts and this is not to be separated by any way, particularly when it is an adjective to the next word Bhagavata evam akkhatam. In some of the commentaries of the Agama text where the words tenam kalenam tenam samayenam are found, some commentators tried to separate te and sam and so also kale and nam and take some sort of explana. tions which did not go on a par with the original intended meaning of the text. However, as far as the general notions are concerned, certain remarkable features of this edition can be mentioned. 99

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REVIEWS AND OPINIONS ON ACARANGA One of the noticeable things in his edition is the absence of ya-sruti in Amg., even though consciously or unconsciously in some places, perhaps, ya-sruti is printed, e.g. at page 118 : 35 the reading jatimaranamoyanae which, to my mind seems to be a sort of ya-sruti with the loss of the intervocalic consonant. The reason for this reading is that one of the editions has given this reading moyanae without any variation. From his edition it appears that the author thinks that ya-sruti is not one of the vital features of Amg., as most of the scholars think, but is a later development in later Prakrits. Of course in accepting the reading moyanae the author has given his explanation for the retention of ya-(see page 12:12), yet this simple restoration shows that the author has partly accepted ya-sruti at least in those places where he has no other alternative readings available in any edition. It should be borne in mind that ya-sruti has a long history in Indian languages. Panini (400 B.C) has recorded this phenomenon for the Sanskrit language (comp.Pa.viii.3.18). This was also found, of course, very rarely in Pali probably as a remnant of Sanskrit (Geiger. Pali Literature and Language , 60). In Prakrit, of course, it is abundantly found because some of the intervocalic consonants constantly drop out as a result the remaining vowels after 'a'or 'a'have a slightly (ya) like sruti which is linguistically also very very correct. D. C. Sircar has mentioned an ya-sruti in the Burhikhan Brahmi Inscription in Bilaspur District, M. P. He says "The epigraphy may be palaeographically assigned to a date about the close of the first century B.C."....."The language of the Inscription is Prakrit. Interesting from the epigraphical point of view is the ya-sruti in the names Payavati for Prajapati and Bharadayi for Bharadvaji. But there is no case in which a surd has been modified into a sonant." (Quarterly Journal of the Mythic Society, Culture and Heritage Number, Bangalore, 1956, pp.221-24). And in almost all the manuscripts of the Amg. texts this type of ya-sruti is found. So, I do not know how 100

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In Search of the Original Ardhamagadhi K.R. Chandra far it is right to think that there was no ya-Sruti in the Amg. text. (For a detailed study of the problem, see my articleYa-Sruti in Prakrit. Jain Journal, Vol-xxvi, No.3 January, 1992, pp. 157-169). However. Dr Chandra, at least, has been consistant in not recording any reading with ya-sruti (except in a very few cases) throughout the text and from that point of view he has maintained what he has said in the Introduction. His other points like the initial and medial dental njna, nya etc. need some more consideration than what he has said in the Introduction. The whole problem of editing Jaina Agama texts is a severe one, and the problem is not like Sanskrit or Pali. This is, indeed, true that we will have to accept some procedures to edit a Prakrit text, before we venture to improve upon the text. His inclusion of .dhaintervocally makes the text a Sauraseni one. In some cases, intervocalic - k- is changed to -g- but in other cases - k(intervocalic) is retained. However, I am not in a position to assess all these readings in this short space and time, but I am sure that this text will provide lots of interesting phenomena for future generations to come. On the whole this edition is admirable and commands respect from the readers of Prakrit. One thing very praiseworthy is that what Dr.Chandra thinks as the correct reading, he has accepted and his conviction that the original language of the Amg. text was more archaic than what is found in later Prakrits is faithfully represented in the text. I personally believe this edition of Dr.Chandra will rouse stimulations in the minds of the scholars and for that reason this edition has a remarkable value in the scholarly world. Satya Ranjan Banerjee JAIN JOURNAL, CALCUTTA, VOL.XXXI. No.4, April, 1997, pp.134 -136 101

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REVIEWS AND OPINIONS ON ACARANGA Co-editor of the Dictionary of the Prakrit Proper Names (Ahmedabad, 1977), Mr.K.R.Chandra is known for his longtime interest in Middle-Indian Languages and in Jain traditions. At L.D.Institute of Indology of Ahmedabad, and at the Gujarat University where he has worked for a long time, he was able to closely follow the research and the thinking which led to the discovery and the collation of the ancient manuscripts on the palm-leaves of the canonical texts and of their comments, and then at the publication, by the Mahavira Jain Vidyalaya (MJV) of the Jain Agama Series, Bombay, 1968 and the following. The difficulties, the codicological particularities and the linguistics were properly studied by the editors (Muni Punyavijaya at the head) who worked on it in the introduction of the first volume of the collection : they bring out the ceremonial criticism, very heavy, very polished, of which the new editions are well-stocked (equipped). But in the light of the entire lot of the documents thus made accessible gradually, K.R.Chandra judges that a lot of progress in the knowledge of the old Canonical language (authentic) can be accomplished, provided that first of all take into account methodically, systematically, all the lessons, that transmit the most ancient sources, to proceede in comparison to which the treatises prepare themselves. It is with what they use in the present study, which will render to the making of the three publications of the same series; Pracin Ardhamagdhi Ki Khoj Mem(on the traces of the old Ardhamagdhi), Ahmedabad, Vidya Vikas Fund 8, 1991, 110p, Restoration of the Original Language of Ardha. magadhi Texts, Ahmedabad, 1994, (Prakrit Jain Vidya Vikas Fund), 93 p. and Paramparagat Prakrit Vyakaran ki Samiksa aur Ardhamagadhi, Ahmedabad, 1995. In short, as clarified in the introduction (chap.1) it is proposed here, after a very thorough study, to make an inventory of the most ancient attested forms in the 5 most ancient canonical treatises and every time that it finds itself 102

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In Search of the Original Ardhamagadhi K.R. Chandra attested somewhere, to replace them with the most recent forms which had replaced them eventually in the course of the transmission. Hence, for example, the intervocalic consonants are often restored etc. as also the typically Ardhamagadhi endings. (nouns-masculine, e.g.-e etc.) There is the series of the collection undertaken : (chap. 2) comparison of the lessons of the Acaranga in the different editions and the different manuscripts of the text, in the other Agamic treatises and the ancient Prakrit texts, being successively 1) Mahavira Jain Vidyalaya and Agamodaya Samiti, (Mehsana 2) MJV and Jain Vishva Bharati (Ladnun);3) of these three between them 4) and of the Vrtti of Silanka (ed.Agamodaya Samiti); then 5) 6) 7) MJV and three manuscripts on palm leaves dating to the XV century. The same edition "MJV" (1977) is then compared (10,11) with the various manuscripts given and not held back at the Schubring editions or the MJV. itself. The following sections (12 to 15) compare, amongst others, the different nasal notations (initial intervocal in a group......cf. Also in the Uttarajhaya, the isibhasiyaim, the Dasaveyaiiya, the Vasudevahindi, the Paumacariya, sections (18 to 24) the sixteenth reminds the teachings of Hemacandra. We see to which point the inventory must have been meticulous. It serves as base to the reediting linguistically of the Acar. Book 1, Chap. 1, as proposed (thanks to the critical apparatus) by K.R.Chandra. (chap. 3 page 73-156) - Come then the statistics and the tables (chap. 4) which take to show that the weakening of the intervocal occlusives had been, in ancient Ardhamagadhi, less advanced than what we are led to believe in most of the editions; then the alphabetical index of the examined vocabulary (chap.5), the conspectus of the Chandra edition and then editions previously cited, (chap. 6, page 198-269) then a few secondary annexes.Undeniably, the readings which were self-imposed by Mr.Chandra had been made with the utmost care and allow to ascertain, in fact, a difference between the forms 103

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REVIEWS AND OPINIONS ON ACARANGA attested here and there in the manuscripts and those stated by the editors. The majority of differences are based on phonetical facts or rather, no doubt, on orthographical facts which do not let one note with rigorous exactitude. They are often tributaries of habit more or less conservative so good that they do not reflect exactly the state of the language that they transcribe. One must above all count with the conventions followed by certain transcribers (copyists) (cf. The first volume edited by MJV, Introduction, pages 87,111, etc.) Hence, in itself the spelling can only imperfectly inform on the point of evolution of a language at a given point of time, even less, in the occurrence than the manuscripts are several centuries later than the time of compilation of the canon, furthermore from those where were composed the most ancient treatises. Statements of the morphological facts are more convincing, especially when they are examined in the passage where the metre is a guarantee of the quantity of prose than, often, of the form of origin. In all, even if one hesitates to blindly follow K.R.Chandra, it remains that his work, by a rare precision would be to contribute to the history of codicology and that he invites to the critical reading of the editions even those most scholarly. Further more, on a lot of points, the history of languages used by the Jains demands a more detailed investigation, as had been shown, a few years ago, a chapter which examines the language of the Mularadhana in the thesis of Karl Oetjens, Sivarya's Mularadhana, Note: For insight on the fast unto death-Literature of the Jains (Hamburg, 1976). Prof. (Madam) Colette Caillat Original in French, BULLETIN D'E TUDES INDIENNES, PARIS (English Translation by Nalini Balbir) No.15. pp. 417-8, 1997 104

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In Search of the Original Ardhamagadhi K.R. Chandra The First Adhyayana of the First Sruta-skandha of the Acaranga, is considered to be the earliest and oldest composition of the Jaina Ardhamagadhi Agamas. It has been reedited linguistically only. The task undertaken by its editor Dr. K. R. Chandra is a Herculean one as per the opinions of various scholars and particularly of the late Agamaprabhakara Muni Shri Punyavijayaji and Pt.Bechardas Doshi. It took the editor ten years of pains-taking labour to prepare this edition as it was first of all very necessary to sort out the archaic word-forms of the original Ardhamagadhi from the published authentic editions of the important Agamic Ardhamagadhi texts and from the all available manuscripts. It entailed the preparation of thousands of cards for recording the variant readings, to be arranged alphabetically in order to ascertain the original. By way of preparing the background of his researches, Dr. Chandra had published three works to do the spadework. The first one was about discovering the ancient archaic Ardhamagadhi language of the 6th century B.C. when Mahavira delivered his sermons in that language to the laity. The next one was about the restoration of the original language of the Ardhamagadhi texts. And the third one was the exploration of the ancient traits of the Ardhamagadhi language from the Prakrit Grammar of Hemacandra and those of others. The author knows well that right from the times of the 24th Tirtharkara Mahavira, the emphasis has been on the contents of the sermons delivered by the great Arhat, than about the exact nature of the language, since the sermons were essentially oral, that it was the task of the direct principal disciples, known as Ganadharas, to reduce them to laconic aphoristic texts and preserve them in oral tradition, and that the texts thus preserved in oral traditions were sought to be reduced to written documents much later, from time to time centuries after the demise of Mahavira. But, being a linguist by profession, the editor has taken up the uphill, and almost impossible, task of discovering the original nature of the language of the times of the great 105

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REVIEWS AND OPINIONS ON ACARANGA Tirtharkara, and has been working on it with utmost missionary zeal. In this he has obtained the commendations and enconiums from veteran scholars of Prakrit language and Jainism, like Prof. A. M. Ghatage, Prof. G. V. Tagare, Dr. Nathmal Tatia, Prof. S. R. Banerjee, Shri J. P. Thaker, Shri M. A. Dhaky, Prof. Sagarmal Jain and many others, since it is beyond controversy that the language in which Lord Mahavira taught his sermons was definitely archaic Ardhamagadhi. It should be noted that the editor has gone about the task undertaken by him here very systematically, First he has presented the concordance of the orthographic variants sutra-wise from the editions of the Mahavira Jain Vidyalay, the Agamodaya Samiti, the Jain Vishvabharati, the silanka's commentary and from several earliest known manuscripts of the 13th, 14th, and 15th centuries. Next he has documented ariation between writing the nasal consonant as a dot or homo-organic (para-savarna) nasal, between the n and n, between preservation, voicing or elision of the intervocalic stops or the stop-constituents of aspirate stops. Dr. Chandra has given, in the fourth section statistical information about certain phonetic changes as seen in earlier and later word-forms, along with a complete alphabetical index of all the word-forms of the restored text, and has also presented in parralel columns, the restored text along with the corresponding texts according to the known earlier editions. Thus, the present work by Dr.Chandra succeeds in giving a glimpse of some phonological and morphological features of the original Agamic Ardhamagadhi, of which we find a later form in the Eastern Asokan inscriptions. And the literary evidence based on comparative documentation and assessment of all available data substantiates it. Dr. Chandra has tackled one of the several aspects of the task of restoring the Agamic texts. Other requisites for forming a sound, authentic and trustworthy idea of the original character of the Agamic texts and the historical 106

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In Search of the Original Ardhamagadhi K.R. Chandra changes they have undergone, are those of tracing and locating old words and meanings, expressions, phrases, verses, stylistic devices, themes, legends and tales that are specific and commonly shared by the early stratum of the Ardhamagadhi and the Pali canonical texts. This is indeed a stupendous, rather Herculean, task of important research work that may be taken up by other veteran scholars and students of the Ardhamagadhi canon, for which Dr.Chandra has taken for himself the role of a torch-bearer, and which should be undertaken with regard to the senior texts of the Jaina canon. The importance and the stupendity of the undertaking can be realized when it is taken into account that Dr. Chandra could cover only a tiny fraction of the text of just one part of the one of the eleven Agamic texts. Let us hope, inspite of his uneven health, he continues to inspire some of the like-minded scholars of Prakrit languages and Jainology to take up the bid and continue his researches in the field with all the earnestness it fully deserves. N. M. Kansara, SAMBODHI, VOL.XXII, pp. 242-44, 1998-99, L. D. Inst. of Indology, Ahmedabad Several works forming part of the Svetambara Jaina Agama (Canon) inform us that Mahavira delivered his religious discourses in the Addhamagaha Bhasa (i.e., Ardhamagadhi language). He chose this language for his discourses as it was the spoken language of the people. It was so called, according to one view, because it was current in half of Magadha (modern Bihar) to which region Mahavira himself belonged. According to another view, the language was so called because it shared some of the features of the dialects that were current in the adjoining regions. In other words, it was not wholly, but only partly Magadhi (ardhamagadhyah). But the language of the Svetambara Jain canon which was finally fixed and reduced to writing at the conference of Valabhi under Devarddhi Ganin hardly shows char 107

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REVIEWS AND OPINIONS ON ACARANGA acteristics common to Magadhi. On the contrary it shows surprisingly great affinity with Maharastri. Scholars of linguistics explain the transformation as an inevitable result of the powerful impact of the dominant literary Maharastri. It is a well known fact that from the days of Dandin's Kavyadaria Maharastri has enjoyed the enviable status of 'prakrstam prakrtam'- the best among all Prakrit languages. The language of the canon which was undergoing changes slowly and imperceptibly during the very long period of 1000 years from the days of Mahavira, when it came in contact with literary Maharastri, after migration, it was very natural, that it should be highly influenced by the latter (the literary Maharastri). Muni Punyavijayaji has a somewhat different explanation. The phonological changes in the readings of the text had not been due to a natural process but these changes in the spelling of the words have been brought about intentionally by the later Acaryas at different times or on account of losing contact with the original forms of the ancient Prakrit when the community of monks was unable to understand the original forms of the language (Ardhamagadhi). Acarya Abhayadeva, Acarya Malayagiri etc., found it necessary to change old forms into the new or younger forms and it is they who have transformed old forms. Whatever be the circumstances responsible for the changes, the fact remains that the original (Ardhamagadhi) language of the Svetambara Jain Canon is greatly influenced by the standard Maharastri Prakrit. Now, it is an admitted fact that the Jain Agama texts are not sabda-pradhana but artha-pradhana. The Jains have tried to preserve the true meaning (artha) and not the original words (sabda) of Mahavira : atthaM bhAsai arihA suttaM gaMthaMti gaNaharA NiuNaM / (Mahavira promulgates the true meaning of scriptures in the course of his religious discourses, and his 108

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In Search of the Original Ardhamagadhi K.R. Chandra Ganadharas - immediate disciples or apostles undertake the task of arranging them in the sutra - form, in the form of scriptures). If we remember this fact, we need not bother or worry too much about the nature of word forms--whether older or younger as both convey the original true meaning. Looked at from this point of view any attempt to restore old Ardhamagadhi would amount to a futile exercise. The above view is, it would seem, one-sided. The problem has another side too. From among the forty-five texts of the Jain Agama some like the Acaranga, Sutrakstanga are decidely the oldest which retain older forms of the ancient Prakrit to a considerable extent. By adopting modern tools and methods of research and generally accepted principles of text editing we can fairly certainly hope to restore the ancient Prakrit - Ardhamagadhi--in which Mahavira spoke and his immediate disciples-the Ganadharas-tried to preserve his discourses. Dr.K.R.Chandra, a veteran Prakrit scholar, has devoted a number of years to a study in depth of this problem of restoration of the ancient Prakrit - Old Ardhamagadhiin which Mahavira gave his religious discourses and his Ganadharas embodied them. In the work under review Chandra presents, after carefully applying the principles of restoration evolved by him, the restored text of Ayaramga 1.1 by way of a sample demonstration. Chandra divides his work into the following six sections : Section 1 : consists of Introduction both in English and Hindi. (pp.1-12) Section II: presents Comparison of the word-forms of the text of Acaranga with that of its various editions and manuscripts, other Agama texts and older Prakrit texts. (pp.15-72) Section III : gives restored text of Ayaramga 1.1, on the basis of available archaic word-forms. (pp. 75-156) 109

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REVIEWS AND OPINIONS ON ACARANGA Section IV: gives information about certain phonetic changes as seen in earlier and later word forms. (pp. 157-166) Section V : gives a complete alphabetical Index of all the word-forms of the restored text. (pp. 167. 195) Section VI: presents in parallel columns the restored text along with the corresponding texts of the earlier well-known editions. (pp. 199-269) At the end of this section (VI) H. Jacobi's text of the first chapter of Ayaramga is reproduced. Curious readers would find it instructive to compare Chandra's text with that of Jacobi (pp. 271-276). Then follows an Appendix presenting excerpts from the Reviews and Opinions on the linguistically re-editing of the Acarangasutra and restoration of the original Ardhamagadhi language. (pp.277-327) In the beginning we meet with the opinions of Prof. Malvania, Prof.Bhayani, Prof.Ghatage and few more scholars. We have finally the views of Muni Punyavijayaji on the form of the original language of Jain Ardhamagadhi texts as it is found altered in the preserved MSS.(pp.xi-xiv) Dr. K. R. Chandra deserves warm congratulations for his brilliant piece of research. We earnestly hope he continues his work of editing the remaining part of Ayaramga on the same lines as followed in the present work. V. M. Kulkarni JOURNAL OF ASIATIC SOCIETY, BOMBAY, Vol.73 for 1998, pp. 259-261. The great teachers Mahavira and Gautama Buddha (Circa 600 B.C.according to Europeans and 1600 B.C. according to Yugabda) were contemporaries. They lived in adjacent areas and preached their gospels practically to the same people living in the same area. But the texts of their teachings that have come down to us show as if they belonged to different centuries, Pali appearing to be older than Ardha 110

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In Search of the Original Ardhamagadhi Magadhi (AMg.). The reasons are historical. Pali the fortunate of the two, got royal patrons like Asoka and Kaniska, while tracts of AMg. were preserved in their memory by Jain sages who depended on the support of their community which itself had to go through different vicissitudes resulting in their migration towards the West in the Maharastri-speaking area. K.R. Chandra Not that the present Pali is the actual Buddha-Vacana (Buddha's speech). Nor is it the language of the first Sangiti at Rajagrha, convened by Maha Kassapa immediately after the emancipation (nirvana) of Buddha and tried to pool together Buddha's words as remembered by 500 direct disciples of Buddha. Dr.B. C. Law in his History of Pali Literature traces in Pali the influence of Western Prakrits, especially the Girnar Edict of Asoka. Whatever be the reason, but Pali could retain some semblance to its older form. AMg.texts were preserved in their memory by Jain sages. But when devastating famines visited Magadha, their patrons ordinary people themselves became victims of the famine and could hardly support the sages--repositories of certain sections of the Agama. Hiralal Kapadia in his History of the Canonical Literature of the Jains gives us a long list of such sections which are irretrievably lost. Hemacandra, the great polymath, in his Commentary on Yoga Sutras notes: "Finding that the Jina Vacana (Jain Canon) was almost lost (ucchinna-praya) as a result of the famine the revered Acaryas Nagarjuna and Skandila got (the remnant of it) written down in books". (jinavacanaM duSSamAkAlavazAducchinnaprAyamiti matvA bhagavadbhirnAgArjunaskandilAcAryaprabhRtibhiH pustakeSu nyastam / ) Finally Devardhi Gani convened a conference at Valabhi in Kathiawad (Gujarat) in the 6th Cent. A.D. and recorded the available AMg. canon in books. This is generally regarded as the standard AMg. Canon now. After the fixation of the Canon, the era of scribal errors, emendations and additions (all unauthorised) began. 111

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REVIEWS AND OPINIONS ON ACARANGA I was not surprised when I found six inexplicable variants of the word ksetrajna () in Mumbai's Mahavira Jaina Vidyalaya (MJV.) edition of the Acaranga Sutra in Dr. Chandra's Hindi book: Pracin Ardhamagadhi ki Khoj mem. As a text critic, one gets used to it. But I was surprised to find that Dr. Chandra collected 75000 forms (cards) from ancient Jaina texts like Acaranga, Sutrakrtanga, Rsi-bhasitani, Uttaradhyayana, Dasavaikalika and compared them with those in Pali Sutta-nipata and Eastern Edicts of Asoka. With such tremendous labour, Dr. Chandra could ascertain some linguistic characteristics of the Jina Vacana-that too when no Prakrit grammarians including Hemacandra, treated AMg.in their treatises. Dr. Chandra's work was trail-blazing. That was in 1991. Dr. Chandra persisted in his search for Jina Vacana. In 1994 Dr.Chandra published his monograph, "Restoration of the Original Language of "Ardha-Magadhi Texts." Herein Dr. Chandra presents a critical comparative and scientific phonological and morphological study of variants of some vocables from Acaranga, Part I (MJV.Ed.1977) and their old variants available in palm-leaf and paper MSS. of the same text. It proves the obvious influence of Maharastri on AMg. canon due to environmental circumstances, passage of time and Maharastri-oriented scribes who were naturally inclined to use pro-Maharastri forms for corrections (?), emendations, additions, etc..I doubt whether orthodox Jain teachers can (could) even think of "polluting" the Jina Vacana by modernising it for their followers. With my friend Satya Ranjan Banerjee, I congratulate Dr. Chandra for this brilliant piece of research with meticulous care, though I do not agree with him (Dr.Banerjee) in tracing the affinity of AMg. with old Persian. The present work under review is an epoch-making piece of research. Herein Dr. Chandra tries to reconstruct the original AMg. canon of Acaranga, Part I, Chapter 1. Dr. Chandra is eminently capable of undertaking this epoch-making somewhat revolutionary work. 112

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In Search of the Original Ardhamagadhi K.R. Chandra Dr. Chandra has tried to take us one step nearer the Jina Vacana. His method is realistic. He has taken the best available edition of the Acararga, viz. of Mahavira Jaina Vidyalaya, Mumbai (1977) as the basic text. It also contains some new AMg., i.e. pro-Maharastri forms. He substituted them with old AMg. forms culled from ancient (senior) AMg. texts like Sutraktariga, Rsi-bhasitani, Uttaradhyayana. He did not try to emend the text as per his discretion. Thus the restored text appears like one excavated at Vaisali or some other ancient site in Magadha. He has given us an alphabetical list of such words utilised by him (Part V, pages, 167195), a tabular statistical statement of phonological changes in AMg. (See part IV, Pages 157-166) and he modestly states that this statistic table shows general tendencies in soundchanges in old AMg. The most interesting part is his word to word comparison of his restored text with that in the editions of W.Schubring (1910), Agamodaya Samiti (1916), JVB.Ed (1974) and MJV.Ed. Mumbai (1977). Any unbiased scholar will concede that the restored text presents the ancient AMg.(Part VI, pages, 198-269), as compared with other editions of the Acaranga. It is not feasible to discuss the phonological, morphological and syntactical characteristics of old AMg. in the context of the present work. I think the Amg. forms traceable to Vedic Skt.rather than to classical Skt. may be regarded as original or older AMg. forms. Thus forms like adhe in adhe disato, adha, idha, Aorist forms like ahesi, ahamsu, akarissam can be accepted as old AMg. Pischel in his Grammatik der Prakrit Sprachen (516,517 & 518) has given Prakrit derivatives of Skt. past Imperfect and Perfect. On the basis of his variants from various old AMg. texts Dr. Chandra notes the following characteristics of old (or original) AMg.: (1) Retention of initial and medial dental nasal n, the change of in, ny, nn to nn. For example : 113

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REVIEWS AND OPINIONS ON ACARANGA (i) N retained i na, natthi, neva, jonio, anudisao, (ii) JN=NN : sanna (samjna), parinna (parijna), (iii) NY=NN : anne (anye), annesim (anyesam), (iv) NN=NN : padivanna (pratipanna). There are exceptions which show change to cerebral n. For example:sani (nunam), nana (jnana), appana (atman). (2) A tendency to retain intervocalic K, c, 1, or p and occasionally to change them to g, j, d, (the earlier three respectively). The elision of medial consonants is Maharastrism. Thus kappati is an old AMg form while kappai shows the influence of Maharastri and hence a younger form. In morphology we find the following old terminations preserved in the restored text : For example : Nom. Sg. -e (for the Maharastri -o which is frequently used in other texts of the Canon. Neuter Nom. and Acc. plural suffix - ni., Instrumental Sg.-ena (not enam), Instrumental Plutral in-hi (from Vedicbhih as in karnebhih srunuyana devah), Ablative Sg.-to., Locative Sg. -ssim (Old.Skt.-smin). Sometimes editors unaware of the -e termination of Nom. and Vocative Sg.create some confusion. The main reason is that old MSS. do not separate words in writing as we do so today. All the letters are written without any adequate gap between two words. Thus we find the opening sentence of Acaranga printed as follows: Suyam me ausam tenam Bhagavaya evamakkhayam (ii) Sutam me ausamtena (or ausastenam) Bhagavata evamakhatan (sutaM me AusaMteNa (athavA AusaMteNaM) bhagavatA evamakkhAtaM) The Curni interpretes: maya avasata (9241 371974) "By me while worshipping." Tradition tells us that Sudharman heard it directly. It is to Jambusvamin that he calls "ausam (Ayusman) Long-lived" (37741847). If the reading is taken as "Ausantenan"(313 ) that will qualify the instrumental Sg. Bhagavaya (04). To call the Lord "Ayusman" (3774047) is really strange. 114

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In Search of the Original Ardhamagadhi K.R. Chandra The sentence, if the letters are arranged as follows, makes a logically good sense : Sutam me ausamte nam Bhagavata evamakkhatam (sutaM me AusaMte NaM bhagavatA evamakkhAtaM ) "Oh Ayusman (Jambu)! I have heard etc." The forms ause, bhamte are common in other old AMg. texts and the Curnis (For details vide: Chandra on "AUSAMTENAM" (3zai) in SRAMANA, July-Sept. 1995). Dr. Chandra has provided us with the text of the first chapter of the frist part of Acaranga published by Prof. H. Jacobi, 1882. Jacobi was lucky in securing perhaps the oldest Ms. (of 1292 A.D.). It is noteworthy that the old German Scholar more than a century ago, with scant MSS. material, could sense the old AMg. forms. In a way it supports the restored text (by Dr. Chandra), though he was not then aware of it. Prof. Dr. K. R. Chandra, a devout Jain scholar, has been "haunted" with the cause of restoring the Jina Vacana to its pristine purity. He culled 75000 forms (cards) from old AMg. texts, pored over practically every letter of the standard editions of the Acaranga, studied text-critical problems of such Agamic works and presented a model edition of the Ist Adhyayana of the Acaranga which even Sudharman will appreciate from High Heavens. It is certainly creditable that Dr. Chandra has singlehandedly prepared this excellent edition- a beacon for generations to come. But such epoch-making projects should be undertaken by some research institute founded for this specific purpose. Fortunately, Gujarat and Rajasthan have a number of good old Bhandaras. There are eminent scholars who can competently undertake such work. And the liberal munificence of the Svetambara Jain community will certainly finance such a project. Sangli, 4-7-98 G. V. Tagare 'zramaNa', vArANasI, janavarI- jUna, 2000 115

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REVIEWS AND OPINIONS ON ACARANGA As is shown by the many scholars' acknowledgements in your book they (Prakrit Scholars) fully recognize your point (Alsdorf once spoke to me about it with regard to the Thesis of Dr. Oetjens, one of his pupils) and appreciate your present work on Ayara. Ch.1 as that of a marga-darsaka. In my comment which I sent you on May 29th, however, I hinted already at the practical consequences. This work must be done principally in India where most of the manuscripts are. Who will do the job ? Prof. Dr. W. B. Bollee Dec. 9th 1998 Bamberg, Germany prAkRta bhASA ke prasiddha vidvAn DaoN. ke. Ara. candra prAcIna ardhamAgadhI kI zodha evaM pATha-nirdhAraNa ke kArya meM sannaddha hai / AcArAMga-sUtra ke prathama zruta-skandha ke prathama adhyayana kA bhASA kI dRSTi se punaH sampAdana isI prayatna kA dyotaka hai / unhoMne AcArAMga ke adyAvadhi prakAzita pramukha saMskaraNoM evaM prAcIna hastapratoM ke AdhAra para AcArAMga ke ardhamAgadhI rUpoM ko sunizcita kara AcArAMga kA yaha nayA saMskaraNa taiyAra kiyA haiM / ardhamAgadhI AgamoM ke prakAzita saMskaraNoM meM pATha-bheda kI samasyA sarvavidita hai| ardhamAgadhI bhASA para vizeSataH mahArASTrI prAkRta kA prabhAva dRSTigocara hotA hai / DaoN. candra ne jaba yaha dekhA ki AcArAMga-sUtra prAcIna Agama hai evaM usake pAThoM meM bheda prApta hotA hai to unhoMne isakA samAdhAna DhU~Dhane kA prayAsa kiyA / usI kA pariNAma prastuta grantha hai / isameM unhoMne AcArAMga ke prathama zruta-skandha ke prathama adhyayana kA hI ardhamAgadhI ke upayukta rUpoM kI dRSTi se sampAdana kiyA haiN| isake lie unhoMne mahAvIra jaina vidyAlaya, mumbaI, jaina vizvabhAratI lADanUM, Agamodaya samiti, zubriga Adi ke saMskaraNoM, jaina jJAna bhaNDAra, khambhAta evaM jesalamera kI tAr3apatrIya pratiyoM aura vibhinna AgamoM evaM vRttiyoM kA upayoga kiyA haiM / kina-kina saMskaraNoM, hastapratiyoM evaM anya AgamoM meM eka hI zabda ke kauna-kauna se rUpa upalabdha hote haiM, isakA tulanAtmaka vivaraNa bar3e parizrama se taiyAra kiyA gayA hai / tulanAtmaka sAriNI meM uttarAdhyayana. isibhAsiyAI Adi anya AgamoM meM prApta zabdoM ko bhI rakhA gayA hai| tulanAtmaka vivaraNa se ardhamAgadhI ke prAcIna rUpoM kA nirdhAraNa karane meM paryApta saralatA ho gaI hai| pATha nirdhArita karate hue kucha pATha-bheda bhI darzAye gaye haiM / isa __ 116

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In Search of the Original Ardhamagadhi K.R. Chandra ke pAThoM kA nirdhAraNa karatI hai / pustaka ke prArambha meM paM.dalasukha mAlavaNiyA evaM pro.eca. sI. bhAyANI ke vicAra bhI prakAzita haiM / aba prazna yaha hai ki DaoN. candra ke dvArA nirdhArita ardhamAgadhI pATha jainAcAryoM, upAdhyAyoM, zramaNa- zramaNiyoM evaM vidvAnoM dvArA mAnya hote haiM yA nahIM ? kyoMki Agama ke pracalita pAThoM meM parivartana Agama-paramparA meM AdaraNIya nahIM hai| kintu Agama kA pATha jaba eka na ho, hara saMskaraNa meM bhinnatA prApta hotI ho to phira usa bhinna pATha ko Agama kA prAcIna mUla pATha kaise mAnA jA sakatA hai ? bhagavAn ardhamAgadhI meM pravacana kara gae yaha sarvamAnya hai tathA gaNadharoM ne bhI use Agama rUpa meM ardhamAgadhI meM hI grathita kiyA haiM / phira una AgamoM meM bhASA kI ekarUpatA kyoM nahIM hai ? unameM bhASAgata bheda kyoM pAyA jAtA hai ? bhASAgata bheda ke kAraNa usa zabda kA artha bhI surakSita nahIM rahA hai| ataH Agama kA bhASAgata eka rUpa honA Avazyaka hai / DaoN. candra kA isa dizA meM prayAsa sarAhanIya hai |.ddoN. candra ne yadyapi pUrNa zodha ke sAtha samyak pATha-nirdhAraNa kA prayAsa kiyA hai, tathApi ise antima nahIM kahA jA sktaa| koI zraddhAlu yA vidvAn isa dizA meM apanA matabheda prakaTa kara sake to isake sahI pATha-nirdhAraNa meM Age bhI sahAyatA milegii| DaoN. candra ne ardhamAgadhI kA pATha nirdhArita karate samayaM prAcIna pATha ko upayukta mAnA hai, kintu prAcInatA kA AdhAra kyA ho, isake lie unhoMne kucha niyama bhI apanAye haiM, yathA- (1) prArambhika mUla dantya nakAra ko mUrdhanya NakAra meM nahIM badalA hai| (2) jJa = na rakhA gayA hai / (3) nya, na = na apanAyA hai| (4) vyajaMnoM ke sAtha saMyukta rUpa meM prayukta anunAsika vyaMjanoM ko yathAvat rakhA gayA hai| (5) madhyavartI alpaprANa vyaMjana ke lopa aura madhyavartI mahAprANa ke sthAna para hakAra se sAmAnyataH dUra rahA gayA hai / (6) 'yathA' aura 'tathA' ke lie 'adhA' aura 'tadhA' ko prAthamikatA dI gaI hai / (7) pulliMga prathamA ekavacana meM 'e',napuMsaka liMga prathamA bahuvacana meM 'ni', tRtIyA ekavacana meM 'ena' aura 'tA', paMcamI ekavacana meM 'to', tRtIyA bahuvacana meM 'hi' aura saptamI bahuvacana meM 'su' pratyayoM ko prAthamikatA dI gaI hai / 117

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REVIEWS AND OPINIONS ON ACARANGA DaoN. candra kA prayAsa nizcita rUpa se prazaMsanIya hai| AzA hai ve sampUrNa AcArAMga evaM anya AgamoM ke prAcIna bhASika rUpoM kA bhI nirdhAraNa kareMge tathA vidvAna pAThaka isase lAbhAnvita ho sakeMge / . DaoN. dharmacanda jaina 'sAhitya samIkSA', _ 'jinavANI', jayapura, agasta 1998 yaha pustaka jahA~ jaina AgamoM ke saMpAdana kI arvAcIna paraMparA kA Adarza namUnA peza karatA hai vahIM ApakI isa kSetra kI sAdhanA kA jvalaMta pratIka bana gayA hai| pUjya AgamaprabhAkarajI dvArA vyakta kI gaI abhilASA Aja Apake dvArAbhale eka adhyayana ke rUpa meM hI sahI paripUrNa huI hai yaha jaina saMzodhana kSetra kI eka romaharSaka ghaTanA kahI jaaygii| "saMpatsyate hi mama ko'pi samAnadharmA" - bhavabhUti kI yaha ukti yahA~ caritArtha hotI hai / jaba maiM pAli bhASA ke paricaya meM AyA to eka prazna uThA ki AgamoM kI bhASA bhI usI dezakAla kI hai to donoM meM itanA aMtara kyoM ? ApakA saMpAdita prathama adhyayana dekhane para samAdhAna huA / aba pAli aura ardhamAgadhI meM utanA hI aMtara mAlUma hotA hai jitanA ki dakSiNa aura uttara gujarAta kI gujarAtI meM ho sakatA hai| 'tripiTaka' bahuta pahale hI bhArata se bAhara cale gae aura vahAM jaise ke taise raha gae / jaina AgamoM ko bhinna bhinna zatakoM meM jaina zramaNoM ke badalate hue uccAroM se prabhAvita honA pdd'aa| Aja ke saMzodhana-pradhAna aura ucita suvidhApUrNa samaya meM mUla bhASA taka pahu~cane ke dvAra khule haiM, phira bhI yaha kArya atyaMta zramasAdhya hai| isa grantha ke hara pRSTha para Apake pracaMDa parizrama ke darzana hote haiM / isa prakAzana ke lie Apa ko badhAI aura isI praNAlI para AcArAMga, sUyagaDaMga jaise prAcIna AgamoM kA punaH saMpAdana Apake hAthoM se hI saMpanna ho yaha maMgala kAmanA preSita karatA huuN| muni bhuvanacandra dinAMka : 4-8-98 moTI khAkhara (kaccha, gujarAta) 118

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