Indian Antiquary Vol 02

Author(s): Jas Burgess
Publisher: Swati Publications
Catalog link: https://jainqq.org/explore/032494/1

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THE
INDIAN ANTIQUARY,
A JOURNAL OF ORIENTAL RESEARCH
IN
ARCHÆOLOGY, HISTORY, LITERATURE, LANGUAGES, FOLKLORE, &c., &c.
EDITED BY
JAS. BURGESS, M.R.A.S., F.R.G.S., AUTHOR OF "THE ROCK-TEMPLES OF ELEPHANTA," "THE TEMPLES OF SATRURJAYA," "VIEWS OP
ARCHITECTURE AND SCENERY IN GUJARIT AND RAJPUTANA," &c.
VOL. II. 1873.
Swati Publications
Delhi 1984

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Published by Swati Publications, 34, Central Market, Ashok Vihar, Delhi-110052 Ph. 7113395 and Printed by S.K. Mehra at Mehra Offset Press, Delhi.

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CONTENTS.
Authors' names arranged alphabetically.
243
V. BALL, B.A., Geological Survey of India :--- ON THE ANTIQUITIES OF RAMGARH HILL, District of Sarguja JOHN BEAMES, B.C.S., M.R.A.S., &c., &c., Balasore :CHAITANYA and the VAISHNAVA POETS of BENGAL: Studies in the Bengali Poetry of the 15th and 16th Centuries...
The EARLY VAISHNAVA POETS of BENGAL: I. Bidy&pati
REVIEW: A Grammar of the Urdu or Hindustani Language, by John Dowson, M.R.A.S., &c. ON THE SUBDIVISIONS of the BRAHMAN CASTE in Northern Orissa
PAGE
Mr. Growse, p. 218)
W. C. BENETT, B.C.S., Gonda:NOTES connected with Sahet Mahet PROF. RAMKRISHNA GOPAL BHANDARKAR, M.A., Elphinstone College, Bombay :---
Note on a Letter by Prof. A. Weber, Berlin... PATANJALI'S MAHABHASHYA
On the INTERPRETATION of PATANJALI
33
BHAVABHUTI'S QUOTATION from the RAMAYANA Reply to Professor Weber
THE MORBI COPPERPLATE
H. B. BOSWELL, Bo. C.S., Belgam:
Reply to query on p. 338...
Rev. D. C. BOYD, M.A., Bombay :
TRANSLATION of a portion of Weber's critique on Goldstücker's "Panini"
...
REVIEW: Lotus Leaves by H. C. Dutt B.:
The KHATRIS
J. G. BÜHLER, Ph.D., Gujarât :
The DESIRABDA SANGRAHA of Hemachandra ABHINANDA the Gauda...
ON THE AUTHORSHIP of the Ratnávali
ON A PRAKRIT GLOSSARY entitled Pâïyalachhi PUSHPAMITRA or PUSHYAMITRA ?
A. H. BURGESS, M.A., London:REVIEW-Essays on Eastern Questions, by W. G.
Palgrave...
***
The BARLY VAISHNAVA POETS: II. Chandi Dis Letter-Chand's mention of Śrt Harsha,-(reply to
240
***
1
37
56
www
68 187
12
59
69
94
123
238
257
370
61
150
A. C. BURNELL, M.C.S., M.R.A.S., &c., Mangalor:
THE MRITYULANGALA UPANISHAD
Reply to Query on p. 214
On the COLOSSAL JAINA STATUE at Karkala
On the VILLAPPAKAM COPPERPLATES
Capt. ROBT. COLE, Maisur:
CROMLECHS in MAISUR...
G. H. DAMANT, B.C.S., Rangpur:ON the DIALECT of the PALIS ON some BENGALI MANTRAS INSCRIPTIONS on a Cannon at Rangpur BENGALI FOLKLORE:-The two Ganja-Eaters
28
17
102
127
166
362
92
266
274
353
371
86
101
191
218 271
The story of a Touchstone... 357
T. W. RHYS DAVIDS, C.C.S.:INSCRIPTIONS at the Audience Hall of Parakrama Bahu, Palastipura, Ceylon
PAGE
THE EDITOR:--
PAPERS on SATRUNJAYA and the JAINS:-I. Kathiawad and the Jains REVIEW: Miscellaneous Essays by H. T. Colebrooke, 2nd Ed....
PAPERS on SATRUNJATA and the JAINS:-II. The Tirthankaras or Jinas. 134 -V. Satrunjaya Hill
Annals and Antiquities of Rajasthan, by Lieut-Col. James Tod. 2nd Ed.....
246
www
AJANTA CAVES .. ON COPYING INSCRIPTIONS REVIEWS: Supplement to a Classical Dictionary of India, by John Garrett, Director of Public In. struction, Maisur 204
DISCOVERY of DIES
Note on MOUNT ABU INSCRIPTIONS REVIEW: Histoire du Bouddha Sakya-Mouni depuis 8a naissance jusqu'à sa mort, par Mme. Mary Summer....
INSCRIPTION AT VISALGADH
...354 ... 152 183
33
On Indian Dates J. F. FLEET, Bo. C.S.:
NOTES on INSCRIPTIONS at Gaddak, in the Dambal Taluka, Dharwaḍ
www
JAS. FERGUSSON, D.C.L., F.R.S., &c., London:Letter-Early Indian Buildings and their Dates.
14
... 204 213
255
COORG SUPERSTITIONS
NOTE on Dravidian Numerals
25
371 372
The late CHARLES E. GOVER, M.R.A.S., Madras:PYAL SCHOOLS in Madras
F. S. GROWSE, M.A. (Oxon), B.C.S., Mathura:Letter-Sri Harsha, anthor of the Naishadha...213, 306 Rev. Professor A. F. RUDOLF HOERNLE, D.Ph., Banaras:
Query: Subha Chandra, author of the Sabda Chintâmâni
28 93
296
Rev. F. KITTEL, Merkara :
THE CANARESE COUNTRY compared with the countries adjacent to it (a Translation)...
NOTES concerning the Numerals of the ancient Dra
vidians
210
Letter: Genitive Post-positions: in reply to Dr. Pischel (p. 121)... DENZIL IBBETSON, C.S.:Query on cleaning coins KASINATH, Sirsa:--
KHATRIS
SERPENT WORSHIP
Rev. C. EGBERT KENNET, Madras:NOTES on early printed Tamil Books
NOTES on the SAIVA-SIDDHANTA
52
29
(reply p. 370) 33
26
124
180 343
23
24 47
124

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1
CONTENTS.
... 107
PAGE COORO SUPERSTITIONS :- Demons and Deities 168 The COORGS: Polyandry .
... 182 On the KARNATAKA VAISHNAVA DASAS ... 307 Rev. F. J. LEEP.OR, Tranquebar :Queries : Right and Left hand Castes, the use of the sacred thread ... ... (See reply, p. 274) 214
... 218, 267, 324, 344 Capt. J. S. F. MACKENZIE, Maisur Com niasion :On the RUDE STONE ARCHXOLOGY of Hassan Dis
trict, Maisur ... .. ... HALE MAKKALU-(continued from vol. I. p. 380) ... 29 Tas MENHIRS of the Hassan District... ... ... 49 THE KULUVADI of the Hassan District ON THE RULES which govern Kanarese Poetry ... 109
SRAYANA BELLIGOLA .. .. CM., London :--Literary Note .. Capt. S. B. MILES, Political Agent, Muskat :
REMAINS in MEKRAN ... ... ... ... A. K. NAIRNE, Bo. C.S., Bandora :MUSALMAN REMAINS in the South Korkan :
1. Dabhol ... .. ... ... 278 >
2. Ports south of Ratnagiri ... 317 V. N. NARSIMMIYENGÅR, Bangalor :MARASA VAKKALIGARU of Maisur LEGEND of the Menhirs of Maisur
LEGEND of Rishya Sping ... Rev. MAURICE PHILLIPS, L.M.S., Salem :
TH SEVEN PAGODAS ... ... .. ..
TUMULI in the Salem District ... ....... PADMA NAO GHOSAL, Calcutta -
Etymology, &c. of Caloutta. .. ... ... .. 370 RICHARD PISCHEL, D. Ph., London ON Pror. HOERNLE'S THEORY of the Genitive
Post-positions ... ... ... ... 121, 366 P. N. PURNAIYA, B.A., Yelimduru :
THE CALENDAR of Tipu Sultan ... ... ... 112 HIS HIGHNESS RAMA VARMÅ, Firet Prince of
Travankor : INSCRIPTIONS in the PAGODAS of Tirakuranguli in
Tinnevelli, and of Suchindram in S. Travankor ... 360 W. RAMSAY, Bo. C.S.:
Tux HILL of SAPTA SRING ... ... ... .. 161 E. REHATSEK, M.C.E., BombayAN EMBASSY to KHATA or China A.D. 1419; Trans
lated from the Persian ... ... REVIEW: The Prosody of the Persians,' by H. Blochmaun, M.A. ...
119 HINDU PRONUNCIATION of GREEK, and Greek Pro
nunciation of Hindu Words, translated from the German of Dr. Weber... ... ... ... ... 143 ON ATTRACTION and REPULSION, translations from
the Persian ... ... 151, 182, 214, 241, 305, 337 TRANSLATION of Lassen's Account of the Jains. 193, 258
of Persian Document ... ... 282 DER PHRASES AND DIALOGUES ... ... ... 331 B. LEWIS RICE, Acting Director of Public Instruction, Maieur NAGAMANGALA COPPERPLATES, transliterated and
translated, with remarks ... ... ... ... 155 JAINA INSCRIPTIONS at Sravana Begola ... 265, 322 RÅM DÅS SEN, Zamindar, Berhampur
Letter-On Chand's mention of Srl Harsha... ... 240 JOHN ROWLAND, Bengal U.C.S. - MOUNT ABU .. ...
PAGE W. F. SINCLAIR, Bo. C.S., Khandesh :NOTES on JUNNAR TÄLUKA ...
... 10, 43 Nore on a BUDDHIST CAVE at Bhamer, Khandesh. 128 NOTES ON Natural History : I. Snakes ... 171 STONE and WOODEN MONUMENTS in Westeru Khan
desh ... ... .. ... ... ... ... 201 List of Weapons used in the Dekhan and Khan desh .. ..
.. .. ... 216 Notes and LEGENDS connected with Animals :-II.
Birds, &c. ... . .. ... .. 929 H. J. STOKES, M.C.S., Negapatam :WALKING THROUGH FIRE
190 DINSHA ARDESHIR TALEYARKHAN, Rajkot:• LEGEND OF VELLUR
. ..
.. 172 T.:
REVIEW: Narmada Sankara's Narmakofa .. . 203 KASHINATH TRIMBAK TELAG, M.A., LL.B.
Bombay: Os the Date of Sri HARSHA... .. . ... 71 H. G. T., Vizagapatam :REMARK on the Note concerning Ancient Dravidian
Numerals, p. 94... ... ... ... ... ... 97 M. J. WALHOUSE, late M.C.S., London:ON SOME FORMERLY EXISTING ANTIQUITIES on the Nilgiris ... ... ...
. ... ... 975 Major JOHN W. WATSON, Acting Political
Superintendent, PahlanpurTHE STORY of RÂNI PINGLA
... ..215 LEGENDS OF THE EARLIER CAUDASAMA RAs of Ju.
nagadh ... .. ... ... . .. . 32 LEGEND of RAN TUNK... ... ... ... ... 339 DR. ALBRECHT WEBER, Berlin -
REMIKS on some articles in the Indian Antiquary. 57 On the DATE of PATANJALI, translated from Indis.
che Studien by the Rev. D. C. Boyd, M.A. ... 61 HINDU PRONUNCIATION of GREEK, and Greek Pronunciation of Hinda Words, translated by E.
Rehatsek, M.C.E. ... ON PATANJALI, &e.
.. 206 CAPT. E. W. WEST, Assist. Political Agent, Kolha
pur: NOTES on WITCHCRAFT and DEMONOLOGY in Gajarat ... ...
... 13 KART DASTUR in Jesht Purnima ...
Note: Plurality of Village Headmen ... ... ... 33 REV. JOHN WILSON, D.D., Bombay: MEMORANDUM on the SHOE QUESTION, as it affects
the Parsis ... ... .. ... . .. JAMES WISE, M.D., Dhik:
Query on Shah Kabir... ... .. .. ... F. N. WRIGHT, B.A., Oxon, B.C.S., Cawnpur :
THE CHANDEL THAKURS . .. Colonel H. YULE, C.B., Palerme :NOTES on Supara, and "the Discovery of Sans
krit" ... ... .. SOPEITHES king of the Kykeol... ... ... .... 370
-
335
SELECTIONS AND MISCELLANEA. The Prithiraja Rasu-Extract from the Kanhapatti
Prastar ... ... ... Selections from Rev. Dr. Sherring's Work on The Hill Tribes of the Nilgiris....... ...
Castes
30,99
249

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CONTENTS.
... 177 ... 181
PAGE Progress of Oriental Research in 1870-71 Asiatic Societies :
Bengal ... .. Ceylon ... ... ... Royal Asiatic .. ...
Société Asiatique ... The Saurashtra Society ... Early Printing in India ... Definition of Fo or Buddha Service Tenures in Ceylon Archæology of Maisur... The Gujarat Lion, by Capt. Trotter ...
124 Hassan Abdal ... ... ..
125 A Human Sacrifice .. ... The Mahåmågam at Kumbhakonam
... 151 A Festival at Haidarabad
152 Castes of the Bombay Presidency ...154, 242, 274, 372!
PAGE Three Copper-plates from the Krishna District ... 175 Archaeology of Belari ... ... Naked Procession ... Archæology in North Tinnevelli
... 202 Ng& Monumenta ... ...
... 214 Notes on the Bhondas of Jaypur ...
236 Early Roman Intercourse with India ... Shahbau Garhi Inscription ... Dr. Leitner's Greco-Buddhist Sculptures ... The Chera Dynasty Vithoba of Pandarpur . ..
... 272 Pehlevi Inscriptions ..
.. ... ... 273 Traces in the BHAGAVAD-Gira of Christian Writings
and Ideas, from the German of Dr. Lorinser ... 283 Dr. Bühler's Report on Sanskrit MSS. in Gujarat .. 304 The Garos... ... . The Lushais ... ... ... ... .. .. 363
241 242
249
... 136
...
... 836
ILLUSTRATIONS.
1.4. Cromlechs in Maisur (4 pages) ... to face p. 86, 87
5. Statue of Gomateśvara at Sravana Belgola ... 129
6. Rishya Spinga conveyed to Anga ... ... ... 142 7-8. Nagamangala Copperplates I. to VI. (2 pager). 156 9.
VII. to X.. (1page). 158 10. Impression of a forged die... ... ... (out) 213 11,12. Finds in Tumuli, Salem District (2 pages) 296, 227 13,14. Cave at R&mgarh Hill (2 pages) ... ...244, 245
15. Inscriptions at Ramgarh Hill, and at Pulash
pura (2 pages) ...... ... ... 246, 247 16. Morbi Copperplate (facsimile) ... ... .. 17. Inscription at Sravana Belgola ... .. 18. Five-celled Dolmen, &c. .. .. 19. Weapons found in a stone circle ... 20. Colossal Statue at Kärkaļa . 21. Villappalkam Copperplates ( 9 pages).. ...

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY,
A JOURNAL OF ORIENTAL RESEARCH.
CHAITANYA AND THE VAISHNAVA POETS OF BENGAL. STUDIES IN BENGALI POETRY OF THE FIFTEENTH AND SIXTEENTH CENTURIES. BY JOHN BEAMES, B.C.S., M.R.A.S., &c. 'wish-granting
daughters all died her first-born
THE PADAKALPATARU, or wish-the scriptures child, however, was a son named Biswarup, who
of the Vaishnava sect in Bengal. In form it is a collection of songs written by various poets in various ages, so arranged as to exhibit a complete series of poems on the topics and tenets which constitute the religious views of the sect. The book has been put together in recent times, and takes the reader through the preliminary consecration, invocations and introductory ceremonies, the rise and progress of the mutual love of Radha and Krishna, and winds up with the usual closing and valedictory hymns.
Before beginning an analysis of this collection so remarkable from many points of view, it will probably be of some assistance even to those who have studied the history of Vaishnavism, if I state briefly the leading points in the life of Chaitanya, and the principal features of the religion which he developed, rather than actually founded.
Bisambhar (Vishvambhara) Misr was the youngest son of Jagannath Misr, a Brahman, native of the district of Sylhet in Eastern Bengal, who had.emigrated before the birth of his son to Nadiya (Nabadwipa), the capital of Bengal. His mother was Sachi Debi, daughter of Nilámbar Chakravarti. She bore to Jagannath eight
The facts which here follow are taken from the " Chaitanyacharitamrita," a metrical life of Chaitanya, the greater part of which was probably written by a contemporary of the teacher himself. The style has unfortunately been much modernized, but even so, the book is one of the oldest extant
afterwards under the name of Nityânand became the chief disciple of his more famous brother. Bisambhar was born at Nadiya in the evening of the Purnima or day of the full moon of Phalgun 1407 Sakábda, corresponding to the latter part of February or beginning of March A.D. 1486. It is noted that there was an eclipse of the moon on that day. By the aid of these indications those who care to do so can find out the exact day.t, The passages in the original are
Sri Krishna Chaitanya Nabadwipe abatarî; Ashtachallis batsar prakat bihârî; Chauddasat sât sake janmer pramân, Chauddasat panchâune hoilâ antardhân.
Chaitanyacharitâmrita, Bk. I. ch. xiii. 1. 13. Śri Krishna the Visible became incarnate in Nabadwip,
For forty-eight years visibly he sported; The exact (date) of his birth (is) in Saka 1407,
In 1455 he returned to heaven. And again
Phalgun purnima sandhyây prabhur janmoday, Seha Kâle daibajoge chandrer grahan hay. On the full moon of Phalgun at eve was the
lord's birth,
works in Bengali. My esteemed friend Babu Jagadishnath Ray has kindly gone through the book, a task for which I had not leisure, and marked some of the salient points for me. †There was an eclipse of the moon before midnight Feb. 18, O.S. 1486.-ED.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[JANUARY, 1873.
At that time by divine provision there was an
eclipse of the moon.-Ch. 1. xiii. 38. In accordance with the usual Bengali superstition that if a man's real name be known he may be bewitched or subject to the influence of the evil eye, the real name given at birth is not made known at the time, but another name is given by which the individual is usually called. No one but the father and mother and priest know the real name. Bisambhar's usual name in childhood was Nimâi, and by this he was generally known to his neighbours.
In person, if the description of him in the Chaitanyacharitâmrita (Bk. I. iii.) is to be considered as historical, he was handsome, tall (six feet), with long arms, in colour a light brown, with expressive eyes, a sonorous voice, and very sweet and winning manners. He is frequently called " Gaurang" or "Gaurchandra," i. e., the pale, or the pale moon, in contrast to the Krishna of the Bhagvat who is represented as very black.
The name Chaitanya literally means soul, intellect,' but in the special and technical sense in which the teacher himself adopted it, it appears to mean perceptible, or appreciable by the senses. He took the name Sri Krishna Chaitanya to intimate that he was himself an incarnation of the god, in other words, Krishna made visible to the senses of mankind.
The Charitâmrita being composed by one of his disciples, is written throughout on this supposition. Chaitanya is always spoken of as an incarnation of Krishna, and his brother Nityanand as a re-appearance of Balaram. In order to keep up the resemblance to Krishņa, the Charitâmrita treats us to a long series of stories about Chaitanya's childish sports among the young Hindu women of the village. They are not worth relating, and are probably purely fictitious; the Bengalis of today must be very different from what their ancestors were, if such pranks as are related in the Charitâmrita were quietly permitted to go on. Chaitanya, however, seems to have been eccentric even as a youth; wonderful stories are told of his powers of intellect and memory, how, for instance, he defeated in argument the most learned Pandits. A great deal is said about his hallucinations and trances throughout his life, and we may perhaps conclude that he was more or less insane at all times, or rather he was one of those strange enthusiasts who wield such deep and irresistible influence over the masses by virtue of that very condition of mind which borders on madness.
When he was about eighteen his father died, and he soon afterwards married Lachhmi Debi, daughter of Balabhadra Achârjya, and entered on the career of a grihastha or householder, taking in pupils whom he instructed in ordinary secular learning. He does not appear, however, to have kept to this quiet life for long; he went off on a wandering tour all over Eastern Bengal, begging and singing, and is said to have collected a great deal of money and made a considerable name for himself. On his return he found his first wife had died in his absence, and he married again one Bishnupriyâ, concerning whom nothing further is said. Soon after he went to Gayâ to offer the usual pinda to the manes of his ancestors.
It was on his return from Gaya, when he was about 23 years of age, that he began seriously to start his new creed. “It was now," writes Babu Jagadishnath, "that he openly condemned the Hindu ritualistic system of ceremonies is being a body without a soul, disowned the institution of caste as being abhorrent to a loving god all whose creatures were one in his eyes, preached the efficacy of adoration and love and extolled the excellence and sanctity of the name, and the uttering and singing of the name of god as infinitely superior to barren system without faith." Chaitanya, however, as the Babu points out, was not the originator of this theory, but appears to have borrowed it from his neighbour Adwaita Acharjya, whose custom it was, after performing his daily ritual, to go to the banks of the Ganges and call aloud for the coming of the god who should substitute love and faith for mere rites and ceremonies. This custom is still adhered to by Vaishṇavas. The Charitâmrita veils the priority of Adwaita adroitly by stating that it was he who by his austerities hastened the coming of Krishna in the avatar of Chaitanya. Vande tam srîmadadvaitáchâryam adbhuta
cheshțitam, Yasya prasâdâd ajno’pi tatswarūpam niru
payet. I praise that revered teacher Adwaita of won
derful actions, By whose favour even the ignorant may perceive
the divinity) personified.-Ch. I. vi. Thus in Sanskrit verses at the head of that chapter which sings the virtues of Adwaita: in the Bengali portion of the same chapter it is asserted that Adwaita was himself an incarnation of a part of the divinity, e.g.

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JANUARY, 1873.]
CHAITANYA.
Adwaita Acharjya fshwarer angsa barjya. his home, in the first instance, to Puri to see the The teacher Adwaita is a special portion of shrine of Jagannath. Thence for six years he god.
roamed all over India preaching Vaishnavism, And the author goes on to say that Adwaita and returned at last to Puri, where he passed was first the teacher then the pupil of Chaita- the remaining eighteen years of his life and nya. The probability is that Adwaita, like the where at length he died in the 48th year of his majority of his countrymen, was more addicted age in 1534 A.D. His Bengali followers visited to meditation than to action. The idea which him for four months in every year and some of in his mind gave rise to nothing more than them always kept watch over him, for he was indefinite longings when transfused into the now quite mad. He had starved and preached earnest fiery nature of Chaitanya, expanded and sung and raved himself quite out of his into a faith which moved and led captive the senses. On one occasion he imagined that a souls of thousands.
post in his veranda was Râdha, and embraced it His brother Nityanand was now assumed to so hard as nearly to smash his nose, and to be an incarnation of Balaram, and took his place cover himself with blood from scraping all the 28 second-in-command in consequence. The skin off his forehead ; on another he walked practice of meeting for worship and to celebrate
into the sea in a fit of abstraction, and was " Sankirtans" was now instituted ; the meet
fished up half dead in a net by a fisherman. ings took place in the house of a disciple Sribas,
His friends took it in turns to watch by his and were quite private. The new religionists
side all night lest he should do himself some met with some opposition, and a good deal of
injury. mockery. One night on leaving their rendezvous,
The leading principle that underlies the whole they found on the door-step red flowers and
of Chaitanya's system is Bhakti or devotion ; goats' blood, emblems of the worship of Durga,
and the principle is exemplified and illustrated and abominations in the eyes of a Vaishnava.
by the mutual loves of Rådhå and Kpishņ&. These were put there by a Brahman named
In adopting this illustration of his principle, Gopal. Chaitanya cursed him for his practical
Chaitanya followed the example of the Bha
gavad Gita and the Bhagavat Parâna, and he joke, and we are told that he became a leper in consequence. The opposition was to a great
was probably also influenced in the sensual tone extent, however, provoked by the Vaishnavas,
he gave to the whole by the poems of Jayadeva. who seem to have been very eccentric and
The Bhakta or devotee passes through five sucextravagant in their conduct.
cessive stages. Sánta or resigned contemplation
Everything that Krishna had done Chaitanya must do too,
of the deity is the first, and from it he passes thus we rend of his dancing on the shoulders of
into Dasya or the practice of worship and Murori Gupta, one of his adherents; and his
service, thence to Sákhya or friendship, which
warms into Batsalya, filial affection, and lastly followers, like himself, had fits, foamed at the
rises to Mádhurya or earnest, all-engrossing love, mouth, and went off into convulsions, much
Vaishnavism is singularly like Sufiism, the after the fashion of some revivalists of modern
resemblance has often been noticed, and need times. The young students at the Sanskrit
here only be briefly traced. With the latter schools in Nadiya naturally found all this very
the first degree is násút or 'humanity' in which amusing, and cracked jokes to their hearts' con
man is subject to the law shara, the second tent on the crazy enthusiasts.
tarikat, the way of spiritualism, the third In January 1510, Chaitanya suddenly took it 'arif or knowledge, and the fourth hakikat or into his head to become a Sanyasi or ascetic, and the truth. Some writers give a longer series received initiation at the hands of Keshab Bhå- of grades, thus-talab, seeking after god ;''ishk, rati of Katwa. Some say he did this to gain res- love;' m'arifat, insight;' istighndh, 'satisfacpect and credit as a religious preacher, others tion;' tauhid, 'unity;' hairat, 'ecstacy;' and lastly say it was done in consequence of a curse laid fand, absorption.' Dealing as it does with God on him by a Brahman whom he had offended. and Man as two factors of a problem, VaishBe this as it may, his craziness seems now to navism necessarily ignores the distinctions of have reached its height. He wandered off from caste, and Chaitanya was perfectly consistent in
Conf. Capt. J. W. Graham's paper On Sufism, Bombay Literary Soc. Trans. Vol. I. pp. 89 et seqq. ; Rajendralala Mittra's valuable introduction to the Chaitanya Chandrodaya (Biblioth. Ind.), pp. ii-iv and xv; also Jones' Mystical Poetry of the Persians and Hindus, Asiat. Res. Vol. III. pp. 165-207; and Leyden On the Rosheniah Sect, &c.,' As. Res. YOL XI. pp. 863-428.-ED.

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4
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
this respect, admitting men of all castes, including Muhammadans, to his sect. Since his time, however, that strange love of caste-distinctions, which seems so ineradicable from the soil of India, has begun again to creep into Vaishnavism, and will probably end by establishing its power as firmly in this sect as in any other.
Although the institution of love towards the divine nature, and the doctrine that this love was reciprocated, were certainly a great improvement on the morbid gloom of Siva-worship, the colourless negativeness of Buddhism, and the childish intricacy of ceremonies which formed the religion of the mass of ordinary Hindus, still we cannot find much to admire in it. There seems to be something almost contradictory in representing the highest and purest emotions of the mind by images drawn from the lowest and most animal passions.
"Ut matrona meretrici dispar erit atque discolor." So must also Vaishnavism differ from true religion, the flesh from the spirit, the impure from the pure.
[JANUARY, 1873.
meats. This is called the adhibás. The principal performer then sings one song after another, the others playing the drum and cymbals in time, and joining in the chorus; as the performance goes on many of them get excited and wildly frantic, and roll about on the ground. When the performance is over the drum is respectfully sprinkled with chandana or sandalwood paste, and hung up. Several performances go on for days till a whole Śakhâ has been sung through, and I believe it is always customary to go through at least one Pallab at a sitting, however long it may be. The Bengali Kirtan in fact resembles very much the Bhajans and Kathâs common in the Maratha country, and each poem in length, and often in subject, is similar to the Abhangas of Tukaram and others in that province.
The singing of hymns about Râdha and Krishna is much older than Chaitanya's age. Not to mention Jayadeva and his beautiful, though sensual, Gitagovinda. Vidyapati, the earliest of Bengali poets, and Chandi Dâs both preceded Chaitanya, and he himself is stated to have been fond of singing their verses. There was therefore a considerable mass of hymns ready to his hand, and his contemporaries and followers added largely to the number; the poems of the Padakalpataru in consequence are of all ages from the fifteenth century downwards; moreover, as Vaishnavism aspires to be a religion for the masses, the aim of its supporters has always been to write in the vulgar tongue, a fortunate circumstance which renders this vast body of literature extremely valuable to the philologist, since it can be relied on as representing the spoken language of its day more accurately than those pretentious works whose authors despised everything but Sanskrit.
The Padakalpataru, to keep up the metaphor of its name throughout, is divided into 4 s'akhas or branches,' and each of these into 8 or 10 pallabas or smaller branches, 'boughs." It should be explained that the kirtans are celebrated with considerable ceremony. There is first a consecration both of the performers and instruments with flowers, incense, and sweet
The first Pallab contains 27 hymns, of these 8 are by Gobind Dâs, 8 by Baishnab Dâs, 3 by Brindaban Dâs, the rest by minor masters. Brindâban Dâs and Parameshwar Dâs were contemporaries of Chaitanya, the others-including Gobind Dâs, who is perhaps the most voluminous writer of all-are subsequent to him. Of the hymns themselves the first five are invocations of Chaitanya and Nityânand, and one is in praise of the ceremony of Kirtan. There is nothing very remarkable in any of them. Number 5 may be taken as a specimen, as it is perhaps the best of the batch.
Nanda nandana gopijanaballabha, Râdhânâyaka nângaradyâma : So sachi nandana Nadiyâpurandara, suramunigana manamohana dhâma : Jaya nija kântâ kântikalebara,
jaya jaya preyasî bhâbabinoda: Jaya Brajasahacharf lochanamangala, jaya Nadiyâbadhû nayana âmoda: Jaya jaya śridâma sudâmasubalârjjuna, prema prabandhana nabaghana râpa : Jaya Ramâdi sundara priyasahachara, jaya jaya mohana gora anûpa: Jaya atibala balaramapriyânuja, jaya jaya Nityananda ananda: Jaya jaya sajanagaga bhaya bhanjana, Gobinda Dâsa âsa anubandha.
"Nand's son, lover of the Gopis, lord of Radha, the playful Syâm:
Is Hte, Sachi's son, the Indra of Nadiya, the heart-charming dwelling of gods and saints; victory to him who is love embodied to his own
It is many years now since I read Gitagovinda as a text-book at college, but the impression I still retain is that it was in many parts far too warm for European taste.

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beloved, hail! hail to him who is the joy of the existence of his well-beloved I hail to the delight of the eyes of his comrades in Braj! hail to the charm of the sight of the women of Nadiya ! hail! hail to Sridam, Sudam, Subal, and Arjun, bound by love to him whose form is as a new cloud! hail to Râm and the rest, beautiful and dear companions! hail to the charmer, the incomparable Gora (Chaitanya)! hail to the mighty younger brother of Balarâm! hail! hail to Nityanand (who is) joy (personified)! Hail to him who destroys the fear of good men, the object of the hope of Gobind Dâs !"
I would call attention here, once for all, to what is one of the principal charms of Vaishnava hymns, the exquisitely musical rhythm and cadence. They seem made to be sung, and trip off the tongue with a lilt and grace which are irresistible.
CHAITANYA.
This hymn is interesting as shewing how completely Chaitanya is by his followers invested with the attributes of, and identified with, Krishna; it has no other special merits; nor anything specially interesting from a philological point of view as it is nearly all Sanskrit.
The next six are in praise of the sect itself, of Adwaita, and the principal disciples. That on Adwaita by his contemporary Brindaban Dâs gives a lively picture of the old Brahman, then follow seven in praise of the Kirtanias or the old master-singers-Bidyapati, Jayadeva, Chandi Dâs; then four on Krishna and Radha, containing only a succession of epithets linked together by jay jay!
The twenty-third begins the adhibâs or consecration, and is curious less for its language than for the description it gives of the ceremonies practised. It is by the old masters Parameshwar and Brindaban, with the concluding portion by a younger master Bansi. The poem is in four parts and takes the form of a story how Chaitanya held his feast. It runs thus:
23. Atha sankirtanasya adhibása. Eka dina pahun hâsi, Adwaita mandire basí, Bolilen sachir kumara;
Nityananda kari sange, Adwaita basiyâ range, Mahotsaber karila bichara: Suniya ânande hâsi, Sitâ thâkurâni âsi, Kahilen madhura vachana:
Ta suni ânanda mana, mahotsaber bidhâne. Bole kichhu Sachir nandana:
Names of Chaitanya's disciples.
Suna thakurâni Sitâ, Baishnaba ânîye ethâ, Amantrana koriya jatane:
Jebâ gâe jebajâe, âmantrapa kari tâe, Prithak prithak jane jane:
Eta boli Gorarâya, ágya dila sabbâkâya, Baishnaba karaha âmantrane:
Khola karatâla laiyâ, aguru chandana diyâ, Purna ghata karaha sthâpane:
Aropana karo kalâ, tâhe bândhi phulamâlâ,
5
Kirttana mandali kutuhale:
Mâlâ chandana guyâ, ghrita madhu dadhi diyâ, Kholo mangala sandhyâkâle :
Suniyâ prabhur kathâ, prîte bidhi kaila jathâ, Nânâ upahára gandhabâse:
Sabe Hari Hari bole khola mangala kare, Parames'wara Dasa rase bhâse:
"One day coming and smiling, sitting in Adwaita's house, spake the son of Sachî, having Nityanand with him and Adwaita, sitting in enjoyment, he planned a great festivity. Hearing this, smiling with joy, Sîtâ Thâkurânî coming spoke a sweet word hearing that with joyful mind the son of Sachi spoke somewhat in regard to arranging the festival. Listen, Thâkurânî Sîtâ,† bring the Baishnabs here, making pressing invitation to them: whoso can sing, whose can play, invite them separately, man by man.'. Thus Gora Rai speaking gave orders for an assembly: 'Invite the Baishnabs! Bring out the cymbal and drum, set out full pots painted with aloes and sandal-paste: plant plantains, hang on them garlands of flowers, for the Kirtan place joyfully. With garlands, sandal, and betelnut, ghee, honey, and curds consecrate the drum at evening-tide.' Hearing the lord's word, in loving manner she made accordingly various offerings with fragrant perfumes: all cried 'Hari, Hari' thus they consecrate the drum; Parameshwar Dâs floats in enjoyment."
Of the remainder of the adhibâs I give merely a paraphrase omitting the numerous repeti
tions.
2. Having prepared the entertainment she invites them, "kindly visit us, to you and Vaishnavas, this is my petition, come and see and complete the feast;" thus entreating she brought the honoured guests, they consecrate the feast. Joyfully the Vaishnavas came to the feast: "to-morrow will be the joy of the great festi-, vity, there will be the enjoyment of the singing Sri Krishna's sports, all will be filled with delight." The merits of the assembly of the devo
† Sita was the wife of Adwaita.

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tees of Sri Krishņa Chaitanya singeth Brinda- Mana uchâtana, niswasa saghana, kadamba ban Dâ8.
kênine chỉ: 3. First set up the plantains, array' the full Chorus. Rai emana kene bê haila; pots, adorned with twigs of the mango; the
Guruduru jana bhaya nahi, Brahman chants the Vedas, the women shout
Mana kotha bå ki deba pâila : jay I jay! and all cry Hari! Hari! Making the
'Badki chanchala, basana anchala, sambarana consecration with curds and ghi, all display
nahi kare: their joy; bringing in the Vaishnavas, giving
Basi thâki thaki, uthaye chamaki, bhashana them garlands and sandal-paste, for the celebra
khaiñat pare : tion of the Kirtan ; joy is in the hearts of all,
Bayese kibori, rajar kumari, tähe Kulbadha bither come the Vaishnavas, to-morrow will be
bála : Chaitanya's kirtan; the virtue of Sri Krishna
Kiba abhilashe, bâdhaye lålase, na bujhi tâh Chaitanya's name, and the indwelling of Sri
hâr chhale: Nityanand singeth Das Brindaban.
Tåhår charite, hena bujhi chite, hật bâţâila 4. Jay ! jay ! in Nawadwip; by Gorang's
chande : order Adwaita goes to prepare the consecration
Chandi Dass kay kari anunaya thekechhe of the drum. Bringing all the Vaishnavas with
Kaliyê phânde. sound of " Hari bol," he initiates the great feast. He himself giving garlands and sandal-paste,
“She stands outside the house, a hundred converses with his beloved Vaishnavas, Gobind
times restlessly she comes and goes: depressed taking the drum plays ta-ta-tum tum, Adwaits
in mind, with frequent sighs, she looks towards lightly clashes the cymbals. Hari Dâs begins
the kadamba jungle. Why has Rai (Radhika) the song, Bribas keeps time, Gorang dances at
become thus ? serions is her error, she has no fear the kirtan celebration. On all sides the Vaish
of men, where are her senses, or what god has navas crowding echo "Hari bol," to-morrow will
possessed her ? Constantly restless, she does be the great feast. To-day consecrate the drum
not cover herself with the comer of her robe : and hang it up, joyfully saith Bansi sound vic
she sits still for a while, then rises with a start, tory I victory !!
her ornaments fall with a clang. Youthful in The metre of this last is rather pretty, and I age, of royal descent, and a chasto maiden to therefore give the original of the first two lines.
boot: what does she desire, (why) does her
longing increase ? I cannot understand her moJaya jaya Navadwipa majh,
tives : from her conduct, this I conceive, she has Goranga adeba pâña, Adwaita thakura jafia.
raised her hand to the moont: Chandi Das says Kare thola mangala saj:
with respect she has fallen into the snare of the Having thus concluded the initiatory cere
black one (Krishna)." monies in the 1st Pallab, the 2nd Pallab begins This poem vividly expresses the first sympthe real " Kirtan." It contains 26 hymns by toms of love dawning in the girl's heart, and from masters who are mostly of comparatively recent a religious point of view the first awakenings of date. Of the old masters Gobind Das and consciousness of divine love in the soul. It is Chandi Dâs alone appear in this Pallab. We
| difficult for the European mind, trained to draw now commence the long and minutely described a broad distinction between the love of God and series of emotions and flirtations (if so lowly love for another human being, to enter into s word may be used) between Rådhå and Krishna, state of feeling in which the earthly and sensual and this Pallab and in fact the whole of the first is made a type of the heavenly and spiritual, but Sakha is on that phase called “parbaraga" a large-sonled charity may be perhaps able to or first symptoms of love. In No. 2, Chandi admit that by this process, strange though it be Das represents two of Radha's Bakhis, or girl- to its own habits and experiences, there may friends, whispering together as they watch her have been some improvement wrought in the from a distance (the punctastion refers to the inner life of men brought up in other schools of cæsura, not to the sense);
thought; and my own experience, now of fourteen Gharer bahire, dande satabârn, tile tile fise years standing, enables me to say that Vaishnavjây:
ism does, in spite of, or perhaps in virtue of, • The poet's name is inverted to make a rhyme for Etr- used for in old Bengali, and sometimes for s win tan in the preceding line.
simply. The I in this word is the palatal al occasionally She has formed some extravagant desire.

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its peculiar modus operandi, work a change for the better on those who come under its influence. Two more hymns on the same subject follow, and in No. 5 Râdhâ herself breaks silence. Kadamba bane, thâke kona jane, kemana sabada âsi:
Eki âchambite, śrabaner pathe, marmer-hala pasi:
Sandhâñâ marame, ghuchâñâ dharame, karile pâgali pârâ: Chita sthira nahe, sâstha nâ rahe, nayâne bahaye dhârâ:
Ki jane kemana, sei kona jana, emana sabada
kare:
ARCHEOLOGY OF HASSAN DISTRICT.
Na dekhi tâhâre, hridaya bidare, rahite nâ pâr ghare:
7
I have left myself no space to finish this Pallab, or to make remarks on the peculiarities of the language, which in the older masters would more properly be called old Maithila than Bengali. It is nearly identical with the language still spoken in Tirhut, the ancient Mithili, and in Munger and Bhagalpur, the ancient Magadha, than modern Bengali. As the Aryan race grew and multiplied it naturally poured out its surplus
Parâna na dhare, dhaka dhaka kare, rahe darśana âse:
Dâse:
"In the kadamba grove what man is (that) standing? What sort of word coming is this: the plough of whose meaning has penetrated startlingly the path of hearing? With a hint
Jabahun dekhibe, parâna pâïbe, kahaye Urddhaba population in Bengal, and it is not only philologically obvious that Bengali is nothing more than a further, and very modern development of the extreme eastern dialect of Hindi. All these considerations, however, I hope still further to develope at some future time.
of union, with its manner of penetrating making one well-nigh mad: My mind is agitated, it cannot be still, streams flow from my eyes: I know not what manner of man it is who utters such words: I see him not, my heart is perturbed, I cannot stay in the house: My soul rests not, it flutters to and fro in hope of seeing him: When she sees him, she will find her soul, quoth Urdhab Dâs."
HERE, there, everywhere are to be found scattered throughout the district the remains of ancient races. Before describing these, however, I would wish to point out what to me appears a grave defect in all reports of such remains. Everybody who has read the interesting papers from time to time printed in the journals of different societies must have observed that the words cairn, kistvaen, cromlech, stone circle, dolmen, are employed by different writers in different senses. The difficulty this gives rise to, in trying to generalize the results of the many examinations made, can only be appretiated by those who have made the attempt. In the October number of the Journal of the Ethnological Society of London 1869, we have a paper by Major Pearse on the raised "Stone Circle" or "Barrow." Here then we have stone circle or barrow as convertible terms. Sir W. Denison in his paper on "Permanence of Type," published in the same journal, calls similar remains tumuli; other writers when describing them use the word cairn. In his Prehistoric Times, Sir John Lubbock has "cromlechs" or stone "circles," while Dr. Lukis applies the word cromlech to all
ON THE RUDE STONE ARCHEOLOGY OF THE HASSAN DISTRICT, MAISUR.
BY CAPTAIN J. S. F. MACKENZIE, MAISUR COMMISSION.
elaborate megalithic structures of one or more chambers. It is needless to multiply examples. The time has arrived when the annals of prehistoric research should be purged of this evil.
With a view of making some sort of a beginning the following suggestions are made :
BARROW. (A. 8. beorg, beorh, hill mound, sepulchral mound, from beorgan, to shelter.Webster): All mounds raised above the level of the ground without any circle of stones to mark the edge.
TUMULI. Similar mounds having a circle of stones either on the top or round the bottom.
CIRCLES.-Circles of stones where the enclosed area is on a level with the surrounding ground. The size of the stones which mark the circumference being immaterial.
CROMLECH.-Stone structures above or partially above ground and which are surrounded by a circle of stones.
DOLMEN. Similar structures but without the circle of stones.
CAIRNS.-Heaps of small stones whether surrounded by a circle or not.

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on the annual day of worship he has the right of presenting his offering of fruit and flowers before every one in the village-aking prece
MENHIRS. Standing monoliths whether plain dence even of the Brahmans. The right to the or ornamented. "pujâriship" is jealously asserted and often
All the above different kinds of remains are gives rise to disputes among relatives. I have to be found in the Hassan district. seldom seen a village temple without the tree known in Canarese as "Kanigalu" growing close by. This tree has a large white flower with yellowish centre, the leaves do not come forth until after the tree has flowered. The flowers which have a strong scent are sacred to the village deities alone, and are never to be seen adorning the altars of the more orthodox Brahmanical gods. The very small size of these dolmens which are used as temples is a peculiarity it is difficult to account for.
KISTVAEN. Any stone structure found under the present surface of the soil in barrows, tumuli, or circles.
BARROWS. I have as yet only come across four two close together, about 4 miles from Polliam on the Bangalor-Mangalor road; two near Arsikerri in the Harnhalli taluka. I have not had time to examine them thoroughly, but sufficiently so to justify my saying they are bond fide mounds of made earth, the work of men's hands. A peculiarity with regard to those now under notice is that we have two barrows close together, not three yards apart, and where one is round the other long. The proximity of the one to the other, and there being no others in the immediate neighbourhood, would justify our thinking them both the work of the same
race.
The barrows near Polliam were, it is said, made in order that a Polygar, who belonged to the left hand caste, might from the top make his daily salâm to the Râja who lived close by. Near those at Arsikerri is a menhir where, according to the natives of the place, the Polygar's elephant was tied while he and the principal persons of his Court from the top of the barrows watched the public games held in the fields around.
DOLMENS.-Throughout the district, no matter how mean its appearance or few its inhabitants, every village has its temple or temples sacred to the "village" god or, more correctly, goddess. None of these temples are large, and many are rude attempts at copies of the temples dedicated to Siva, showing clearly that Brahmanical influence has been at work in that particular village. Still, however strong this influence may be, close to the more modern village temple is always found its prototype, the dolmen, under the protecting slab of which the rude stone representing the goddess Mariamma finds sheiter. These dolmens are formed of three side slabs with one or two slabs for a top. One side is always open, and there appears to be no particular direction for this opening since in different dolmens it faces all the points of the compass. Very few of these true village temples exceed three feet in height; some are only one foot. The best specimens, as is to be expected, are to be found in out-of-the-way villages. The pujari or priest is of the low Holyar caste, and
TUMULI. There is a fine specimen of this class close to the ford over the Kâveri near Gunni on the Chenraipatam-Nursipur road. From its size, the trouble expended on its construction, and its position it is evidently the last resting-place of some chief who fell in defending or forcing the passage over the ford. He was not the only one over whose remains a mound was erected: close by are smaller mounds sacred to the memory of minor chiefs whose names and deeds are buried in the long forgotten past. The large tumulus is surrounded by three circles of upright stones. One round the bottom; the other two, about four feet apart, are half-way up the slope. The whole of the surface of the sides is covered with large pieces of white quartz. Time, and "flowers of the stone," as the natives call lichen, have dimmed the lustre with which the quartz once sparkled. But at night in its pristine state, when each facet of quartz helped to reflect the moon's pale but silvery light, the effect must have been striking, and this monument appeared worthy of him to whom it had been consecrated. The principal tumulus rises 15 feet above the crest of the ridge on which it is built. It is almost circular, and the diameter at the top about 75 feet. It is made entirely of blackclay, with here and there a thin layer of sand. We dug a pit down through the centre until we came to the original surface of the ground, but found nothing, not even a kistvaen. The villagers afterwards told us that years and years ago, so their fathers had told them, this tumulus had been examined and a horn and bangle found.
CROMLECHS.-I have come across none in this district, but since the neighbouring district of

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Kurg is peculiarly rich in such remains, I have no doubt that careful search among the jangals would bring to light some specimens of
these remains.*
ARCHEOLOGY OF HASSAN DISTRICT.
CIRCLES. Large numbers of these are to be found all over the district. Several stones varying in size, but seldom larger than 1 feet, mark the circumference of these circles; the enclosed area is on a level with the surrounding ground or nearly so, and the diameter from 12 to 18 feet. Sometimes, but rarely, two circles, one within the other, are found. These circles are always to be found in groups, the number in each group varies from several hundred to but five or six. Near Fraserpett on the banks of the Kâveri, the best collection is to be seen; here we have several hundred all clustered together occupying as is usual the highest ground in the neighbourhood. On digging below the surface soil we come on the covering slab of a kistvaen, These kistvaens are formed of slabs of granite and have always an opening at one end, large enough to admit of an ordinary-sized man of the present day passing through. They are always full of earth in which are embedded pots of every sort and kind, some of decidedly Etruscan look both in form and appearance, others in no way to be distinguished from the common chatti of the present day; some have three short legs, others have none. Pieces of iron instruments, bones, and a black substance, supposed to be charcoal, are also found. The kistvaen, however, is not always found complete. In some there is nothing but the bottom slab, on which always in one corner are-to be found the pots and other finds. one and one only-I found a stone arrow or small spear-head. Similar remains, containing similar finds, are to be met with not only throughout the whole of Maisur, but the neighbouring districts of Koimbatur and the Nilgiri hills are reported to be particularly rich in this class of remains. They are generally supposed to be burying-grounds of an extinct race.
In
CAIRNS. A number of these are to be found,they are the graves of persons who have been either killed by tigers or died of leprosy. The common belief is that if the body of a leper is buried, no rain will fall on the lands of the vil lage where this is done. They are therefore always buried under a pile of stones.
MENHIRS. From the simple unadorned monolith to the highly-carved monumental stone whose inscription tells why it was erected, we find
I am inclined to think they will be found only on or among hills.-ED. Kodu kalu means 'slaughter stones,' see Vol.I. p.872.-ED.
9
great numbers differing in size, in form, and in, appearance. The most common-so numerous indeed as to form a regular class of themselvesare those known to the natives as kodu kallu. Kallu is the Canarese for stone. These are said to have been erected by the Râjas of Kurg to mark the boundaries of their kingdom. They are however found in places where, from other evidence, it can be proved that these Rajas (for in its best days Kurg was but a petty state) never held sway. The explanation given by the natives then cannot be held to be correct. The original meaning of the word kodu has been forgotten, or the word so corrupted that it is impossible from its present form to determine the original word. The similarity in sound between kodu and Kodagu (which is the Kanarese for Kurg) has, I think, given rise to the usual explanation. Such mistakes do arise sometimes. For instance in the Malnâd portion of the district, Orchids are called "Situhuvu" (or flowers of the mist). The similarity in sound between Situ (mist) and Sitâ (Râma's wife or sister) is too much for individuals of a highly imaginative mind who give a long story of how and why they are called Sita's flowers. However to return to the kodu kallu. They are about 3 feet above the ground and always divided into three compartments. The upper generally represents a priest with long and flowing locks officiating at an altar carrying a linga, and on the side is seated the person in whose honour evidently the stone has been erected. The centre compartment has two women, said to represent frail ones of the Hindu paradise, fanning with chauras the central figure. The lower division delineates a battle scene, where the combatants are represented now on foot now on horseback. In one case there is shown an elephant. The most interesting specimen I have met with is one near Arsikerrê. It is as usual divided into three compartments but has an inscription in "Halla Kanada" or old Kanarese. The letters are clear and have been read. The date is given as "Châlukya Vikrama" 42. I have come across other kodu kalu bearing inscriptions, but the character is unknown to the natives.
There are two or three different accounts given by the natives about the origin of the circles. One, and the most common, that they are the dwelling-places of the followers of the five Pându princes who, having lost their all by gambling, were obliged to wander among the forests
This is probably the era of the Chalukyas referred to in the Tidgundi copper-plate (see Ind. Antig. Vol. I. p. 83), commencing 1076 A.D.-ED.

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of Southern India. Another that they were built in order to protect the followers of Sâlivahana from a rain of fire which had been foretold by one of the prophets of the land. All the many accounts agree in ascribing these circles to the handiwork of a pigmy race. The following extracts with regard to the "rain of fire" from Vol. VII. (pp. 278, 279, 289) of the Madras Journal of Science and Literature are interesting:
"Through his (S'alivahana's) wickedness there was no rain-a great famine-inuch distress, and one house distant ten miles from any other house; the country little better than a waste benighted wilderness. The ascetics retiring to the wilderness in secret made murmuring complaints to Siva and Vishnu. Siva, to avenge the desolation, solicited from the Adi Parabarama (Supreme Being) a firerain. Athi-seshan beforehand apprized S'âlivahana of its approach in a dream. S'âlivahana announced to all the followers of Sarvesvarer the coming firerain, and recommended them to build stone-houses, or to remain (on the day fixed) in rivers; by both of which means they would be preserved uninjured by the fire-rain. They followed his advice, some quarrying stones and building houses, others watching on the banks of the largest rivers; and they were all on the alert. S'iva, opening his frontlet eye, sent a rain of fire. S'alivahana's people took refuge in their stone-houses and he himself with
THERE is perhaps no other tract in the presidency of the same extent which offers so many points of interest as the Junnar Tâluka, called formerly Sivaneri, after the famous fort of that name; and certainly I know of none which contains within so small a space so much variety of climate and production.
[JANUARY, 1873.
his army on the banks of the Kâveri (here used to designate a river in general) avoided it by plunging in the water. Siva, seeing this, had recourse to the Supreme Being, and by meditating on the five lettered mantra, sent down a shower of mud. Those in stone houses were thereby blocked up and suffocated; those in rivers came out and escaped.
0 00
Junnar is the northernmost tâluka of the Punâ Collectorate, marching with Nagar, and lies upon a series of mountain rivers which empty themselves into the Ghór, something in the shape of a three-pronged fork.
NOTES ON JUNNAR TALUKA, PUNA ZILLA.
By W. F. SINCLAIR, Bo. C. S.
The prongs are the valleys of three streams which, gradually converging, form in their delta the narrower socket. The southernmost of these, the Minâ, rising in the deep glen of Ámboli, flows eastward; at first through a narrow but fertile valley, called after it the Minâner. It is as troublesome and capricious in its small way as the Ganges, and plays havoc every year with boundaries, and sometimes with crops, for the first ten miles of its course, changing from one bed to another in the deep lacustrine beds
。。。。。。。。。
"One instance may be given of the fire-rain of which mention occurs at the commencement of the MS. The Jains have a doctrine that a rain of fire always goes before the periodically recurring universal deluge. But though the aforesaid notion of the Jains may have suggested the idea of fire-rain, yet it seems in the document under notice to be a symbol made use of to denote divine judgments: whether the idea, in this sense, may be borrowed from a well-known historical fact or otherwise, let others determine. o "The fire-rain rather seems to be a symbol of the anger of Siva; in plainer terms, an insurrection against S'alivahana; and if so the shower of mud may have a symbolical meaning also and may help to the meaning of a tradition which states that Uriyur, the capital of the Chola kingdom, was destroyed by a shower of sand or mud."
We have here a reason why the houses or kistvaens were made of stone, i. e., to protect their inhabitants from the fire-rain, and how they were filled up by a shower of mud.
of clay and gravel, which offer no foundation for any work that might restrain it within due bounds. The ryots are well aware of its character, and accordingly most of the villages are set pretty well back from the stream. In one, however, Nîrgudé, there is unfortunately a fine temple of Mâruti, built upon a knowe, that was probably considered secure, about a hundred years back. But the river, constantly encroaching, had at the time of my visit cut away the ground from under the village to such an extent that it was disappearing at the rate of eight or ten houses a year. Government offered a new site, but the villagers declined to leave Mâruti. As it was impossible to found any protecting work in the treacherous substrata, I suppose Mâruti is by this time himself in a fair way to join his worshippers in the bed of the Minâ. This temple is (or perhaps was) remarkable for its fine cloisters, built, I believe, in the last century by a member of the Kulkarnis family, who had grown rich in the service of Mâdhaji Sinde on the plunder of Hindustân.

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JUNNAR TÁLUKA.
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Here is the ford by which, as well as I could learn, Raja Sivaji crossed to surprise Junnar in May 1657, after a mountain march through the jungles of the present Ambegâm Petå. The pass by which he entered the Minâner goes by the name of the Kawal Khind, or Crow's Gap, as being more fit for a crow than for any featherless biped. It is however now passed, with much labour, by bullocks. Two miles below Nirgude the trap-rock crops out to the surface, and here is a fine Mughul dam, nearly perfect, but the canal is gone which formerly conducted its water to Baglohôr, the garrison garden of the fortress of Sivaneri. From this down, the Minâ flows, like a respectable river, in one very rocky bed to Nârâyaņagam, a fine village on the Punâ and Nâsik road. Here is another dam of unknown age, which, lying broken when we came into the country, has been repaired by the Government, and is now the most successful piece of irrigation that I know of; taking up no ground, costing little for repairs, and water- ing, as well as I recollect, about 8,000 acres from its double canal. We might well attend a little in these matters to the wisdom of "the men of old time, and our fathers that begot us."
The Musalman rulers of Western India and the earlier British conquerors built few great tanks; but they covered every perennial stream with Bundâras (weirs) which irrigated each their own village or two, while they encroached not at all on the cultivable land, and any damage a chance flood might do was easily and cheaply repaired. The Mînâ passes under a good modern bridge past Narayanagam, and joins the Ghop near Pimpalkhera, leaving to its left the fort of Narayanagash.
The second stream, the Kukri, springs from a veritable "cow's mouth" carved roughly in the living rock, into a charming little kunda, or natural basin, near the Koli village of Pår. Thence it flows northward for a couple of miles, and turns again to the south-east, when it reaches the long narrow valley which terminates at the Nâng Ghåţ. This famous pass is no more nor less than a huge staircase, built in a crack of the precipice that here overlooks the Konkan, & wall of rock 1,500 feet sheer up and down. Curiously enough, this spot, where any one would think the natural limit of Konkan and Dakhan to be pretty well defined, is said to have been in old days the scene of a hot boundary dispate between the inhabitants of Ghâțgarh,
above the Ghât, and of the nearest Konkan village below. The belligerents assembled on a high point of rock overlooking the contested frontier, and debated for a long time without prospect of coming to any better solution than the fool's argument. At last a Mahâr, the liereditary guardian of the boundaries of Ghatgarh, arose and adjured all present by a great curse to fix the boundary where he should stand still. This was agreed to, and he forthwith jumped over the cliff. On the spot where he was dashed to pieces a red stone still commemorates the event, and marks the boundary of the two villages, whose inhabitants perform certain devotions there once a year.
The legend is curious as illustrating both the extraordinary love of the Indian villager for a boundary squabble, be the locality ever so well marked out by nature, and the devotion of hereditary officers to the duties of their wattan. The sacrifice of the poor Mahâr, a sort of Little Pedlington Quintus Curtius, affords a precedent which might be turned to advantage in Europe.
It is possible that rectification of frontiers might not be so much talked about, were it customary to settle them by the happy despatch of foreign secretaries and ambassadors.
The Ghât itself, as I have said, is a mere winding cleft in the rock, which was converted into a regular staircase by the energy of a certain Nânâ Rao. I think that he wrought about the beginning of this century, and is not to be confounded with Nânâ Fadnavis (Balaji Janardan). However, I speak only from local tradition, and am open to correction. There are several caves about the herul of the Ghat, one of which used as a dharmasalâ, another generally contains good water, and a third is said in former days to have been a toll-chest, into which the passers-by threw the toll money, to be collected once a day by a kárkûn. In what golden age of Hindu purity this happened I know not. In the present day no toll is collected, but if it were still thrown into the cave, and respected by men, it would probably be made away with by a numerous breed of small and sacred monkeys, said to be peculiar to the place (which I doubt). Above the Ghât, on some comparatively open ground, are a great number of mounds, testifying, I think, to the former existence on this spot of & considerable town. The modern village of Ghâtgarh is nearly two miles off, nestled on the flank of the fort of Jiwdban. This is a huge crag accessible only

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by one path, which was nearly destroyed by the English in 1818, but a single man can still climb up. There is a curious vaulted magazine at the top. I believe that Dr. Bhâu Dâji discovered, either here or at the Ghât, some inscriptions relating how a great king had sacrificed in this place whole armies of sheep and goats, hecatombs of horses and camels, and nine elephants. However, I have not seen either the inscriptions or the learned Doctor's papers on the subject. This fort of Jiwdhan forms part of a curious. Pleiades constellation of fortresses called the seven forts of Junnar. They lie something in the shape of the constellation to which I have compared them, and resemble it further in that "Qua septem dici sex tamen esse solent," for the locality of the seventh is very little known, and it was not till after diligent search that I discovered it on a hill over the head waters of the Dudari river, between its valley and that of the Kukri, now in question. It is, as well as I recollect, called Nimgori, and fronts westward over the Konkan with Harichandragarh and Jiwdhan, This latter, being at a corner, forms also part of the southern line of defence, with Châwand, Siwneri, and Nârâyanagarh, all rising, like it, out of the watershed of the Minâ and Kukri. Communications between these six are guarded by a fort called Harsha, commanding a pass from the Kakri valley to that of the Dudari, the next northwards. The whole together
NOTES CONNECTED WITH SAHET MAHET. BY W. C. BENETT, B.C.S., GONDA.
THE agreement of information derived from wholly independent sources lends their value, if they have any, to the following comparisons of local tradition with known or conjectured historical facts.
1. It is related at Ayudhya that the great king Vikramaditya was visited at the close of his reign of eighty years by a Jogi named Samudra Pâl. The magician induced the king to allow his soul to be transferred to a corpse, and himself occupied the vacant royal body, thus acquiring the throne of Ayudhya and Srâvasti, which was occupied by his dynasty for seventeen generations.
[JANUARY, 1873.
form a complete protection to the two great military and commercial routes of those days, vid the Nânâ and Malsej Ghats, neither of which can be approached by any route not commanded by at least three of the seven. The fort of Châwand, which is the next east of Jiwdhan, is more like a huge broken pillar than a hill, and is, like Jiwdhan and the rest, provided with a vaulted magazine at the top, and, like it, extremely difficult of access, and for the same reason, viz., the destruction of the only gate by our Engineers in 1818. To the east of it lies the village of Keli, whose inhabitants were, according to the local legend, driven out during the Mogalaiâmmal (imperial rule) by a strange and terrible plague. Men fell down dead at the plough, at their meals, on the road, without any visible cause. After a short time the survivors, who were of the caste called Gurâvs, the hereditary priests of Siva, concluded that the aborigines of the hills, the Kolis and Thâkûrs, had enchanted the place, and fled southward 18 kos into the Bhîmânêr, where their descendants are patels to this day. They have never-such is the pertinacity with which the Dakhani clings to hereditary rights-relinquished their claim to exercise the patel's office in Kelf. In 1871, while the district was in my charge, they renewed their claim, offering to return to live there. I left the taluka on sudden orders, and do not know what was the end of the matter.
A king Vikramaditya of Srâvasti is mentioned in the Raja Tarangini as the conqueror of Matrigupta of Kashmir, and the best authorities put him in about the middle of the second century.
Samudra Gupta of Behar is still better known. Surely this legend affords a very strong confirmation to the conjecture that the local monarchs of Śrâvasti were conquered by the rising Gupta dynasty; and it goes far to explain the utter desolation, contrasting so violently with the power which it must have had when it could subdue distant Kashmir, which the Chinese pilgrims found a few centuries later at Śrâvasti.
2. The second tradition is as follows. The
king of Sahet Mahet (Śrávasti) was a great hunter. He returned one evening from the chase just as the sun was setting, and his queen, fearing that he would lose his dinner, sent up to the roof of the palace the beautiful wife of his younger brother. The sun-god stayed to watch her till she descended, which was not till the feast was ended, As the king rose from table

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twilight commenced, and the bells struck one watch of the night. An investigation into the difference between the apparent time and that struck by his servants inspired the king with a determination to see his brother's lovely wife, and his incestuous passion was punished by the ruin of his state. Amidst a terrific storm the city was turned bottom upwards. The Kânûngos add that this happened forty years after the defeat at Bahraich of Sayyid Sâlâr, thus making the date 1073 A. D.
Pandit Sûraj Nârâyan Áchârya of the Sultanpúr district, a good Sanskrit scholar, gave me the following information without allowing me to discover the sources from which he drew it. After the fall of the Buddhist dynasty of Kanauj, the Thârûs descended from the hills and occupied Ayudhya. The dispossessed Buddhist called in Raja Srichandra of Srinagar in the hills about Badrinath, who drove back the Thârâs, and, marching north, founded Chandravatipura, now known as Sahet Mahet. His grandson was the celebrated Suhil Dal who defeated the Muhammadans. Not long afterwards Chandra Deva Sombañsi of Kanauj took Sahet Mahet, and the Surajbañsis of Suhil Dal's family fled to the neighbourhood of Simla where their descendants still live. Suhil Dal's family were Jains.
DEMONOLOGY IN GUJARAT.
Lassen in his account of the later dynasties of Kanauj describes an inscription which records
NOTES ON WITCHCRAFT AND DEMONOLOGY IN GUJARAT. POLITICAL AGENT, KOLHAPUR.
BY CAPT. E. WEST, ASSISTANT DURING some years residence in Gujarat the writer of these notes had frequently occasion to take official cognizance of cases where witchcraft was supposed to have been at work, and made at the time some brief memoranda of the popular opinions on this subject as elicited in the investigation into these cases. From the memoranda thus made the following notes are taken.
Lassen's account (Ind. Alt. III., 751) is-" With respect to the victories ascribed to Laxmanasena we should mention that contemporaneously, with him the Rahtors Chandradeva and Madanapala reigned at Kanauj, and their reigns extended, roughly speaking, from 1072 to 1120 A.D. Of the first it is related that he conquered Kanauj, and made a pilgrimage to Benares, a town which must have. belonged to his kingdom, as we cannot assume that aims of piety took him to the town of a hostile ruler. It is therefore possible that Laxmanasena gained a victory over Chandradeva, without subduing the kingdom; on this supposition Laxmanasena must have ruled over the country to the east of Kanauj, or Koshala with its capital of Ayudhya."
In a note he refers to an inscription in As. Soc. Ben. Journ.
13
that Srichandradeva, the first of the great Rahtor princes, who came to the throne in 1072 A. D., was protector of the sacred places of Ayudhya and Koshala (i. e. Śrâvasti).†
Here we have three sources of information, which comparison almost conclusively shows to be quite distinct. From them we gather that the king of Śrâvasti who defeated the Muhammadans was a Jain (the pandit, confirmed by that part of the local tradition which does not allow him to eat after sunset); that his dynasty was overthrown by Srichandradeva of Kanauj (the pandit and the inscription); and that this happened in 1073 A. D. or about then (the inscription and the local tradition).
It is perhaps worth mentioning that a small and comparatively modern Jain temple in Sahet Mahet is said by the villagers to be sacred to Sobhavanâth. This can hardly be other than Śambhavanâth, the third Tirthankara, who was born at Sawanta, and whose two predecessors and two successors were all born at or near Ayudhya. A curious tradition makes Sudhaniya the grandfather of Suhil Dal, and localizes his conflict with Arjuna, described in the Drigvijaya section of the Mahabharata, at Chandrâvatipura or Sahet Mahet. The epic hero's death at the hand of Babhruvahana is localized at Mânikpur, about a hundred miles south of Sahet Mahet. The fact is worth recording, but any remarks on it would lead to mere conjecture.
There are five demons par excellence who are supposed to get possession of unhappy human beings, either of their own accord or through the incantations and machinations of enemies of the sufferers. One of these, who is called Nar Sing Véro, is of the male sex, the others being females and bearing respectively the names Melâdî, Shikotar, Dhéra, and Dâkun. The symptoms that shew
vol. X., where Chandradeva is alled the protector of the sacred places of Kasi, Koshala, c.
Lassen's explanation of the pig image is exceedingly probable; it is a common proverb Chhatri ka bhagat, na müsal ka dhanukh :" you can't make a saint of a Chhatri, or a bow of a rice-pestle; but the traditions of the Kanauj rule in Koshala are too distinct and universal to permit me to accept the conjectural conquest by Laxmanasena. A copper-plate of Jaichand of Kanauj has been discovered in Ayudhya.
Lassen Alterthumsk. III. p. 751 and Conf. Colebrooke, Misc. Essays, vol. II. p. 286. As. Resear. XV. pp. 447, 457; and Jour. As. Soc. Beng. vol. X. p. 101.-ED.
See my Introduction to the Temples of 8'atrunjaya, p. 4. -ED.

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the presence in a person of one of these demons vary in almost every case. One woman described what took place in this way. She was returning, she said, by herself, from her father's house to her own village, when there came a sudden violent gust of wind: she got afraid and the demon that moment entered into her. After this she constantly had miscarriages. One night she saw in a dream the demon sitting by her, in form like a human being ciad in a dark kamli, who reproached her with having left it so long hungry, and told her that in consequence of her neglect it had destroyed her children. In other cases the presence of the demon is shown by unaccountable illness and sometimes by delirium.
When a person is thus affected, the first thing done is to send for a Bhopa or witchfinder. This is generally a Koli, a Wâgri, or a Râwalio, and he almost invariably comes accompanied by a comrade who plays a peculiar kind of drum called the dakla during the incantations. The Bhopa, as a rule, commences by enquiring into all the particulars of the case, and does not fail to ask whether there is any person who has had a quarrel with the sufferer, and who may be supposed either to have cast the evil eye on or otherwise bewitched the patient. The subsequent proceedings vary according to the exigencies of the case and the habits and wants of the Bhopa. Sometimes a dôrdô or knotted silk cord of five colours is fastened on the patient's arm, and balls called la d us, and in shape like the sweetmeat of that name, are made, a blazing cotton wick being placed among them. These are then waved solemnly round the head of the bewitched person and are afterwards placed outside the village, the theory being that the demon will leave the person and go out to eat the ladus. At other times a goat has its throat cut in presence of the sufferer, the Deva being supposed to drink the blood while the flesh
THE peninsula of Kathiawâd, or Surâshtra, in Gujarat, is the Holy land of Western India. Among its sacred places Mount Girnår, the ancient Ujjayanta, must have been at a very early period a place revered by the Buddhists, who founded their monasteries on its summits, whilst
[JANUARY, 1873.
becomes the perquisite of the operators. In other cases a cocoa-nut is placed in the name of, and to represent God, and near it are placed a lota with a copper coin in it, some grain, and a brass saucer containing a lighted wick. The dàkla is then played continuously and monotonously, the demon being loudly called on to declare itself, and the patient after a time gets tremendously excited, rocks violently to and fro with a measured motion (an action for which Gujarati provides a technical term-y-g), and at last speaks in a hollow voice announcing himself or herself to be such and such a demon, who has been induced by others or has spontaneously entered into the sufferer, and who is only to be got rid of by certain ceremonies.
Where no one is suspected of having bewitched the patient a cure frequently follows the performance of the prescribed ceremonies; and if it does not, a complaint is sometimes brought against the Bhopa for breach of contract! A favourite and most efficacious remedy is immersion in the water of the river at Sâmlajf in Mahi Kânța. When the annual fair at this place is going on, crowds of patients may be seen on the banks of the river in the morning rocking convulsively to and fro with the peculiar motion described above. They are then taken by their friends into the water, which at that season is icy cold, the demon is taunted and abused, and after several immersions the patients are brought to the bank invariably breathless
and often cured.
PAPERS ON SATRUNJAYA, &c. BY THE EDITOR.
I-Kathiawdd and the Jainas.
Should, however, any one be accused of having bewitched the sufferer, the consequences are often very serious, the death or mutilation of the accused sometimes resulting. Cases have been known of a reputed witch being burnt alive on the pyre with her supposed victim; and witches sometimes have their eyes burnt out or otherwise destroyed to prevent their casting the evil eye on other unfortunates.
their great patron Aśoka- the beloved of the gods'-engraved his celebrated edict of mercy and toleration on the rock at its foot. Somanâth, on the south-west coast, where tradition says Krishna died, was the site of the temple of Someswar, Lord of the Moon,' the first of the
4

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twelve Śiva Lingas in India, and the history of the destruction of which by Mahmud of Ghazni is familiar to every reader of Indian history. Dwarka or Dwaraka, in the extreme west of the peninsula, is the most celebrated of the shrines of Krishna, and where he is fabled to have slain Takshak and to have saved the sacred books. And not to mention Tulsi Syam and places of less note, the sacred hill of Satrunjaya, near Pâlîtânâ, has probably been a sacred place from the earliest times of the Jaina worship, a great tirtha- the first of places of pilgrimage.'
S'ATRUNJAYA, &c.
The last of these more immediately concerns us for the present; but before referring to its history or buildings, it may be as well to give some notices of the sect whose members have erected its hundreds of temples.
van
The Jainas or Śrâvaks are to be found in most of the large towns of the lower Ganges and in Rajputana, but they are most numerous in Gujarât, Dharwad, and Maisur. As their name implies, they are followers of the Jinas or quishers' of sins-men whom they believe to have obtained Nirvana or emancipation from the continual changes of transmigration. With them life, which they do not distinguish from soul,' -and its vehicle matter are both uncreated and imperishable, obeying eternal physical laws, with which asceticism and religious ceremonial alone can interfere. Their ceremonial has therefore no real reference to a Supreme Personal God, and their doctrine excludes His Providence. This at once points to their connection with the Buddhists; indeed there can be little doubt that they are an early heretical sect of the Hinayana school of that persuasion, and probably owed part of their popularity, on the decline of the purer Bauddha doctrine, to their readier admission of the worship of some of the favourite Hinda divinities into their system, and their retention of the tyranny of caste customs. But much of their phraseology is of Bauddha origin: thus their laity are called Śrâvakas,hearers, the same name as among the most ancient Buddhists is applied to those who 'practise the four realities and suppress the errors of thought and sight, without being able to eman
The others were Mallikarjuna, at Srisailam in Telingana Manakala at Ujjain Omkara on the Narmada ; Amares wara near Ujjain; Vaidyanath, at Deograh in Bengal, which still exists; Rameswara at Setubandha in the island of Rameswaram in Madura; Bhimas ankara at the source of the Bhima N. W. of Punâ ; Tryambaka near Nasik; Gautamesa, unknown; Kedaresa on the Himalayas; and Visves'wara at Banaras.
15
"
"
| cipate themselves entirely from the influence of passion and prejudice,' but who, solely occupied with their own salvation, pay no regard to that of other men.' Then the Buddha is constantly spoken of as the Jina or vanquisher;' his exit from existence-like that of the Jaina Tirthankaras-is his Nirvâna; both employ the Swastika or S â t y a as a sacred symbol; the sacred language of the Buddhists is Ma ga dhi,-of the Jainas Arddha Magadhi; the temples of both sects are Chaityas; those who have attained perfection are Arhans; and Digambaras or naked ascetics were a Bauddha, as well as a Jaina sect.f. Further, the Jainas indicate South Bihar as the scene of the life and labours of nearly all their Tirthankaras, as it was of Sakya Sinha. Buddha is often called Mahavira-the name of the last Tirthankara, whose father the Jainas call Siddhartha the establisher of faith-the proper name of Buddha,-and both are of the race of Ikshvâku; and Mahâvira's wife was Yasô dâ, as Buddha's was Yasodharâ. Moreover Mahavira's is said to have died at På wâ, in Bihar, about 527 B.C., and Gautama Buddha, between Påwå and Kusinara, in 543 B.c. These coincidences, together with many analogies of doctrine and practice, seem to indicate that the Jainas are of Bauddha origin.
Of the history of the origin of the Jainas we know little or nothing. Professor Wilson has the following remarks :
The Bauddhas "are said in one account to have come from Banaras in the third century of the Christian era, and to have settled about Kanchi, where they flourished for some centuries; at last, in the eighth century, Akalanka, a Jain teacher from Sravana Belligola, and who had been partly educated in the Bauddha college at Ponataga disputed with them in the presence of the last Bauddha prince, Hema sitala, and having confuted them, the prince became a Jain and the Bauddhas were banished to Kandy... We know that the Bauddha religion continued in Gujarat till a late period or the end of the twelfth century, when Kumara Pala of Gujarat was, converted by the celebrated Hemachandra to the Jain faith, but by the fourteenth century it seems to have disappeared from the more southern portion of the peninsula.
t Conf. Hodgson's Illustrations of Buddhism, pp. 48, 218.
The Singhalese Buddhists specify twenty-four Buddhas, before Gautama, the same number as that of the Tirthankaras or Jinas.-Conf. Mahanamo in his Tika, in Turnour's Mahawanso, Introd. [8vo. pp. lxii.-lxv.] 4to. pp. xxxii.xxxiv.; Hardy's Buddhism, p. 94. Compare also the first six chapters of the Kalpa Sutra with Bigandet's Legend of
Gaudama.

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According to the information procured by Col. | Mackenzie, "from the establishment at Sravan Belligola, the Jains of the Dakhan were the objects of royal patronage as early as the seventh century before Christ: an inscription cut on a rock is added in evidence; but this testimony is solitary, and is at variance with all other documents. There is indeed, on the contrary, an inscription placing Chamunda Raya in the eighth century of S'alivahana, whilst the only Châmunda of any note-a prince of Gujarat-flourished in the eleventh century of the Christian era. But the strongest argument against the accuracy of the date is, that amongst a very considerable number of Jain inscriptions, or nearly a thousand, there is no other of a similar period. The earliest grants are those of the Jain princes of Homchi, a petty state in Maisur, which commence in the end of the ninth century. From this they multiply rapidly in the eleventh and twelfth centuries, particularly under the Velala Rajas, and extend to the sixteenth and seventeenth under the Rajas of Vijayanagar who, although not of the Jaina persuasion, seem to have shewn liberal countenance to its professors.
"To this evidence, which is of the most unexceptionable description, the traditions of the country offer no contradiction. In the Pandyan kingdom the Jains rose upon the downfall of the Bauddhas, and were suppressed in the reign of Kuna Pandya, which could not have occurred much earlier than the ninth or tenth century, or might have been as late as the eleventh. The subversion of the Bauddhas of Kanchi by the Jainas took place, as has already been mentioned, according to some authorities, no earlier than Saka 710 or A.D. 788. The Bauddha temples at Devagond and Vella pollam were destroyed by Jaina princes in the eleventh century. About the same time the Lingawant Saivas put to death Vijala, the Jaina king of Kalyan, and demolished the temples of the sect. Vishnu Verddhana, the Velala Raja of Maisur, was converted to the Vaishnava religion in the twelfth century. It is highly probable, therefore, that the Jaina faith was introduced into the peninsula about the seventh century of the Christian era; that its course south was stopped at an early period, but that it extended itself through the centre and in the west of the peninsula, and enjoyed some consideration in the tenth and eleventh centuries; that it was mainly instrumental in its outset to the declension of the B a uddhas, and that in the twelfth century the joint
"According to some traditions, the date of Kuna Pandyan is called 950 of S'alivahana, or A.D. 1028; but there are several reasons for supposing this to be erroneous. The Madura Purána, and its original the Halasya Mahatmya, come down to the end of this prince's reign; and they are attributed to the reign of Hari Vira Pandyan, in 973. Either their date, therefore, is erroneous, or that of Kuns Pandyan is incorrect; but there is every reason to suppose they are not much misplaced."-H. H. Wilson, Jour. R. A. Soc., vol. III. p. 216.
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attack of S'aivas and Vaishnavas put a final term to its career, and induced its decline. There are, however, still many Jaina establishments in the Dekhan, and the religion is not without numerous affluent votaries."†
But whilst it owed its spread in part to the persecution of Buddhism in the eighth and ninth centuries, it may have originated much earlier. One indication of its early origin is perhaps supplied by Hiwen Thsang when he states that " At forty or fifty li south-east of the city (Seng-ho-pu-lo,-Sinhapura) we reach a stupa, built of stone by the King Wu-yeu (Aśoka). Near it is a convent which for a long time has not had any devotees.
"Near it, and at a short distance from the stupa, they shew the place where the founder of the heretical sect who wear the white garments (svetavasa ?) comprehended the sublime principles that he sought after and began to expound the law. Now they shew an inscription there.
t Wilson, Mackenzie Collection, vol. I. pp. lxv-lxviii. On the grounds of M. Stan. Julien's conjectural Sanskrit:
"Beside this place they have built a temple of the gods. The sectaries that frequent it submit themselves to strict austerity; day and night they manifest the most ardent zeal, without taking an instant's rest. The law that has been set forth by the founder of this sect has been largely appropriated from the Buddhist books, on which it is guided in establishing its precepts and rules. The more aged of these sectaries bear the name of Bhikshus (mendicants); the younger they call Chami (Srámanerâs-novices). In their observances and religious exercises they follow almost entirely the rule of the Śrâmanas.. Only they retain a little hair on their heads, and moreover they go naked. If, by chance, they wear garments, they are distinguished by their white colour. These differences, and other very trifling ones, distinguish them from others. The statue of their divine master resembles, by a sort of usurpation, that of Ju-lai (the Tathagata); it only differs in costume; its marks of beauty|| (mahâpurusha lakshanani) are exactly the same."
Elsewhere Hiwen Thsang frequently met with religionists of the Ching-liang-pu or Sam
equivalent for white garments' Gen. Cunningham tries to identify Khetas with this place. Svetámbara would have suited the translator equally well, if not better. See Cunningham, Anc. Geog., pp. 124, 5.
§ The Buddhist devotees wear garments of a yellowish brown.
The Chinese has Siang-hao, an expression which, applied to Buddha, includes the 32 signs of beauty (mark characteristic of a great man) which they attribute to him. See Burnout, Lotus de la Bonne loi, p. 552 ft.
Stan. Julien, Mémoires, I. 163, 4.

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JANUARY, 1873.]
matiya school, by which doubtless he designates the Jainas, since they still call their doctrine Sammati.
The leading and distinguishing doctrines of the Jainas are the denial of the divine origin and authority of the Vedas; reverence for the Jinas, who by their austerities acquired a position superior to that of even those Hindu gods whom they reverence; and the most extreme tenderness of animal life. Life "is defined to be without beginning or end, endowed with attributes of its own, agent and enjoyer, conscious, subtle, proportionate to the body it animates" -diminishing with the gnat and expanding with the elephant; through sin it passes into animals or goes to hell; through virtue and vice combined it passes into men; and through the annihilation of both vice and virtue it obtains emancipation. The duties of a Yati or ascetic are ten, patience, gentleness, integrity, disinterestedness, abstraction, mortification, truth, purity, poverty, and continence; and the Śrâvakas" add to their moral and religious code the practical worship of the Tirthankaras, and profound reverence for their more pious brethren." The moral obligations of the Jainas are summed up in their five mahâvratas, which are almost identical with the pancha-sila of the Bauddhas:-care not to injure life, truth, honesty, chastity, and the suppression of worldly desires. They enumerate four merits or dharmas-liberality, gentleness, piety, and penance; and three forms of restraint government of the mind, the tongue, and the person. Their minor instructions are in many cases trivial and ludicrous, such as not to deal in soap, natron, indigo, and iron; not to eat in the open air after it begins to rain, nor in the dark, lest a fly should be swallowed; not to leave a liquid uncovered lest an insect should be drowned; water to be thrice strained before it is drunk; and vayukarma-keeping out of the way of the wind, lest it should blow insects into the mouth. The Yatis and priests
DESISABDASAMGRAHA.
17
carry an Ugha or besom, made of cotton thread, to sweep insects out of the way of harm as they enter the temples or where they sit down, and a Mohomati or mouth-cloth to prevent insects entering the mouth when praying or washing the images.
The proper objects of worship are the Jinas or Tirthankaras, but they allow the existence of the Hindu gods, and have admitted to a share in their worship such of them as they have connected with the tales of their saints. As among the Bauddhas, Indra or Sakra is of frequent occurrence, the Jainas distinguishing two principal Indras-Sukra, regent of the north heaven, and I's âna, regent of the south, besides many inferior ones; and images of Sarasvati and of Devi or Bhavani are to be found in many of their temples. Nor are those of Hanu mân, Bhairava, or Gape é a excluded from their sacred places.
Besides, they have a pantheon of their own, in which they reckon four classes of superhuman beings, Bhuvanapatis, Vyantaras, Jyotishkas, and Vaimânikas,-comprising-1, the brood of the Asuras, Nagas, Garuda, the Dikpâlas, &c., supposed to reside in the hells below the earth; 2, the Rakshasas, Pisáchas, Bhûtas, Kinnaras, Gandharvas, &c., inhabiting mountains, forests, and lower air; 3, five orders of celestial luminaries; and 4, the gods of present and past Kalpas, of the former of which are those born in the heavens-S a udharma, féâna, Sanatkumâra, Mahendra, Brahmâ, Lântaka, Sukra, Sahasrara, Anata, Pranata, Arana, and Achyuta, &c. Each Jina, they say, has also a sort of familiar goddess of his own, called a Śâs an adevi, who executes his behests. These are perhaps analogous to the Saktis, or Matris of the Brahmans; indeed among them we find Ambika, a name of Kaumari, the Sakti of Kartikiya, and Chandâ and Mahakali, names of Bhavani.
THOUGH we have been for a long time in possession of a number of Hindu grammars
THE DESÍSABDASAMGRAHA OF HEMACHANDRA.
BY G. BÜHLER, Ph. D., EDUCATIONAL INSPECTOR, GUJARAT.
Stan. Julien, Mémoires de Hiouen Theang, tom. II, p. 164; and my Notes of a Visit to Gujarat, pp. 60, 61.
H. H. Wilson, Works, vol. I, p. 807; Asiat. Resear., Vol. XVII., p. 268.
Bee Rules for Yatis in the Kalpa Sutra, Stevenson's tranet, pp. 108-114; and especially Nava Tatra, in ib., P. 194
-
which treat of the older Prakrits, and though several European scholars have given us excel
SH. H. Wilson, Works, vol. I, p. 817; Asiat, Res., vol. XVII., p. 272.
For many similar prohibitions see Delamaine On the Brawaks or Jains; Trans. R. Asiat. Soc., vol. L., pp. 420, 421. Amarakosha, I. i. § 1, 88; and conf. Hodgson, Mustrations, p. 218.

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18
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
lent descriptions of the grammatical structure of these dialects, it is to be regretted that only a very small portion of their stock of words has become known. Our ignorance of the Prakrit Vocabulary is partly owing to the circumstance that, besides the Prakrit passages of the Sanskrit dramas-if we except the Buddhistic Pâlf writings a portion only of one larger Prakrit work has been edited. Sanskritists are deterred from the task by the paucity and bad condition of the Prakrit MSS. But another equally important obstacle to a fuller exploration of the Prakrits is the entire want of native vocabularies, which could do the same service to the student of the Prakrits as the Amarakosha and kindred works did and still do to the Sanskritist. The method of teaching in the Brahmanical schools, as well as the testimony of various writers, make it certaint that such vocabularies existed and were accessible very recently. But no work of the kind has, to my knowledge, as yet been made known.
I am happy to be able, to a certain extent, to fill this gap in our knowledge of the literature of the Prakrits, as I have recently obtained a copy of a Desisabdasamgraha, written by the famous Jaina Polyhistor of the twelfth century, Hemachandra or Hemácharya, which contains about 4,000 Prakrit words, together with explanations in Sanskrit. The MB, of which I have obtained a loan only for transcription, comprises according to the colophon 3,325 slokas (agglomerations of 32 syllables each) on 74 folios. Its
date is Samvat 1587. It is correct and in
good preservation, except that the upper odges of some leaves have been gnawed by rats, whereby,
in one instance two half lines and on several
pages a few letters have been lost. It is written in Devanagari characters, but presents the archaic forms of letters usual in Jaina MSS. Hence it is frequently very difficult to distinguish between u and o, between tth and chchh, and between jjh and bbh.
Besides the text of the Desisabdasamgraha, which is written in Prakrit Áryâs and gives
I mean Hala's Gathakosha, a part of which was published, together with a German translation by Prof. A. Weber, in the Abhandlungen der D. M. Ges. 1870.
† E. g., of Bhanudikshita, who quotes a Destkosha in his commentary on the Amarakosha, Aufrecht, Oaf. Cat, p. 182a.
[JANUARY, 1873.
the Desi words with Prakrit equivalents, the MS. contains a Sanskrit commentary. The latter explains each Desi word in Sanskrit, and contains also frequently discussions on doubtful forms. At the end of the explanation of each verse, one or two Prakrit sentences have been added, in order to illustrate the use of the Desis explained. Thus each word is repeated three times. The book is divided into eight Vargas, viz.-I. Svaravarga; II. Words beginning with gutturals; III. Words beginning with palatals; IV. Words beginning with linguals; V. Words beginning with dentals; VI. Words beginning with labials; VII. Words beginning with the liquids ra, la, ra; VIII. Words beginning with sa and ha. The words under each letter are arranged according to their length, and according to their meaning. First come those that have only one meaning, in the order of bisyllabics, trisyllabies, tetrasyllabics, and so forth; and the words having more than one meaning make the conclusion.
Both text and commentary are Hemachandra's work as may be seen from the introductory verse:Desi duhsandabha pratyah sandarbhitapi durbodha | A'chartyahemachandrastattam sandribhati vibhajati vai, and from the colophon of the book,-ityachártya s'ri Hemachandravirachita svopajnadhes'isamgraha vrittavaahtamo vargah samaptabl
The first four verses of the text give the definition of the term Deéf, and define the scope of the work. They run as follows:
गमणयपमाणगहिरा सहियपहिययहियंगमरहस्सा । जयइ जिणिदाण असे भासवरिणामिणी वाणी ॥ १ ॥ णीसेसदे सिपरमलपलाविभकु ऊहलाउलत्तेण । विरहज्जर $ देसीसद्वसंगहो वण्णक्कमसुहओ ॥२॥
off a fact herg णय गओलखणासत्तिसंभवा ते इर निनद्वा ॥ ३॥ देसवि से सभसिद्धीइ पण्णमाणा अनंतया हुति ।
तम्हा अणाइपाइयपयट्टभासाविसेसओ देसी |४ ||l
'Glory to the language of the Jinendras, which is difficult on account of the employment of parallel passages not explained by the commentators (gama), Tof categories** and of proofs, the secrets of which got to the hearts of the wise, and which comprises all other languages.††
Viraijjai jai-MS. suhasas may also be read suhau. The metre is Gfti or Udgatha. Tatparyabhedinah sadris'apathah !
Naya vastve kades'agrähipah syadvada virodhinobhipriyavishes'ah |
naigamasamgrahavyavahar ari justtras'abdasamabhirûtdhae vambhatabhidhanah
Apara utkarsho yadaa'eshabhâshart patvena parina
mate
yadaha deva daivim nara narim s'abaras chapi sabarim | Tirtyanchopi tairas'chim menire bhagavadgiram | 'evambhuta jinendrânâm arhatâm vänt jayatiti" samban dhah |

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DESISABDASAMGRARA.
19
2. This collection of Debi words, which is As it may interest many Sanskritists to see easy because they are arranged in alphabetical what the Debt words are like, I subjoin a order, is composed in order to remedy) the con- portion of the words beginning with 7 (a), fusion caused in the minds of students) by the together with their Sanskrit equivalents : astonishment arising from the fragrance of the
असं विस्तारितमादरणीयं त्यक्तं च Prakrit works.
3. Those words are included here which are arter T T : not explained in (my) grammar, nor known from the Sanskrit dictionaries, nor owe their origin to | अइगयं मार्गपश्चाद्भागः समागतं प्रविष्टं च the power called gauņi lakshana (i. e. are not common words used in a metaphorical sense).
अइणीयं आनीतम् 4. "Endless are the forms that are used in the
| अहरजुवई नववधूः various provincial dialects. Therefore the term Desi is (used here) to denote those words only अइराणी इन्द्राणी व्रतसैविनी च स्त्री which have been used since immemorial times in | अहरिम्पो कथावन्धः Prakrit.'
Hemachandra's collection includes, therefore, | अइहारा विद्युत्॥ only those words which have been used since immemorial times in Prakrit literature or speech,
PETT TYPOT TAETIF: and which cannot be derived from their Sanskrit araca : : Salaala prototypes according to the rules of Prakrit grammars, as well as those Sanskrit words which
| अंकारो साहाय्यम् have changed their meaning in Prakrit, provided | अकासि पर्याप्तम् that the change is not due to a metaphorical use. Ho excludes all Tadbhavas, as well as the | अंकियं परिरम्भः greater number of the Tatsamas and the substi
अंकुसइयं अकुशाकारम्।। tutes for Sanskrit roots. These principles have not, however, been strictly adhered to in the el 1976:** body of the work. More than once the example of his predecessors, amongst whom he names
अंको निकटम् Gopala and Drona most frequently, has moved the
अकंतं प्रवृद्धम् author to admit verbal derivatives which ought not to have been included. He discusses every
भकंदो परित्राता one of these cases in the commentary, and tries to अकसाला बलात्कार । ईषन्मत्ता च स्त्री excuse his departure from his general rule. In this respect, as well as by the careful examina- BTT YTTET tion of the evidence regarding doubtful words, he shows his scholarly taste and raises himself
| अक्कुटु अध्यासितम् far above the common book-makers, who are so अको दूतः numerous among the writers on the Hindu
अकोडो छागः Sastras. * Des'i sabdena des'is'astr anyuchyante
ye cha sanskritâbhidhânakosheshu na prasiddha api Nih s'es'hadcsis'ilstrånam parimalanens pallavitam predur
gaunya lakshanayê valankêrachdamanipratipadi
taya s'aktyg sambhavanti bhutam kvachid arthasamparkatvena kvachidvarpinupur vinis'chayabhAvena kvachidutanugatik pibaddhas'abder
yathê markbe baillo gangátate gasigas'abdasta iha thataya yaktutúhalam tenákulatvam
désisabdasamgrahe na nibaddhah Ath kathamavanapabhrashtas'abdapankamagno janah -
1 Des'a vis'esha maharashtrâbhirâdayasteabu prasiddh - muddharaniya iti paropachikirsbärabbabastena hetuna de
yam
aga paschat! s'iruppam s'abdánam samgrabo virachyatesmåbhiriti s'esbah
Nikkaro läjitah utkharuhamvio tukshiptah Laksbane s'abdas'astre siddhshemachandranâmni ye
Preyando dûrtab hingo jarah | viddo prapachah na siddhah prakritipratyayadivibhagena da nishpanne
Dadha mûrkha ityevamidayah s'abda yad yuchyeramstetra nibaddhah
stadê des'avis'eshenimanantatvatpurush&yushen@pi yetu vaijarnpaljaraupphâlapisunasanghavollachavajapa
na sarvasamgrabah ayatsisasabadayah kathyidinimades'atveda sabitasten
tasmadanádipravritt praktitabb bevis'esba evades'i
s'abdenochyatell yairdes'ishu pratigríbftâ apyasmabhims nibaddbah yechs satymapi prakriti pratyay divibhagena siddhau S Has another form airippo. samskritâbhídhinakoshesha da prasiddhih
By metathesis for achirabhi. yatha amritanirgamachchbinnodbhavamahanadadays- 1 Corresponds to. Sanskrit ankus'ayitam. s'chandradaryâharadishyartheshu
Halahas kankellf.

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20
भख्कणवेलं सुरतम्। अख्कलियं प्रतिफलितम् भख्कवा यादृक्
अडिगेो यौवनोन्मत्त :
अगयो दानव :
भंगवणं रोग :
अंगवलिज्जं अङ्गवलनम्
अगिला अवज्ञा भगुज्झहरो रहस्यभेदी
अंगुटी अवगुण्ठनम् अंगुच्छलं अङ्गुलीयम्”
अग्गखंधो रणमुखम् !
अग्गवेओ नदीपूर : +
नीरस : ।
अच्छारो साहाय्यम् मर्छ अत्यर्थं शीघ्रं च अछिघरुलो द्वेष्यो वेषो वा ॥
अछिवडणं Stammering. अछिवियछी परस्परमाकर्षणम् अछिहरुलो द्वेष्यो वेषो वा अंजनिया तापिच्छे
अजराउर उष्णम् अंजसं दर्पण:
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
अजुअलवण्णा अम्लिकावृक्षा: भजुओ सप्तच्छद :
• Might be read angatthalam. From agra and skandhah.
. अज्जओ सुरस गुरेटकयोः तृणभेदयोः
अज्जवसियं निर्वापितम्
अज्जागौरी
अज्जु दर्पण :
अज्जो जिनेन्द्र :
अझ त्यो पश्वागत : अज्झओ प्रातिवेश्मिक :
अज्झत्यो आगतः
अग्गहणा अवज्ञा
अग्गिओ इन्द्रगोपकीटो मन्दश्यति ॥
अग्घाडो अपमार्ग :
अज्झो एषः
अग्घाण तृप्त : अङ्गुलिनी कलिणीए
अज्झोलिया क्रोडाभरणा मौक्तिकरचना
अचलं गृहं । उक्तं । गृहपश्चिममदेश: । निष्ठुर : अट्टै अष्टास्वर्येषु । कृशो दुर्बलो । गुरुर्महान्। शुकः
पक्षी । सुखं सौख्यम्। धृष्टो वियातः । अलसः
शीतकः । शब्दों ध्वनि: । णसत्यपनृतम्। अट्ठखणं प्रतीक्षण परीक्षणम्
तो पर्यन्तः
| अट्ठजंघा मोचकाख्यं पादत्राणम्
अठ्ठावियारं मण्डनं मण्डलकं वा
अमियं पुरुषायितं विपरीतमितियक्त्
अज्झपिसाओ राहुः अज्झरकणं अकीर्तिः
अज्झसियं दृष्टम्
अज्झस्सं आक्रष्टः
अज्झा असती। शुभा। नववधूः । तरुणीतिचार्यः
अज्झेगी दुग्धदोह्या धेनुर्या पुन: पुनर्दुह्यते । मज्झत्तो प्रत्यागत:
[JANUARY, 1873.
अडओ मत्स्य:
अडखम्यियं प्रतिजागरितम्
भडणी मार्गः
अडवणा असती
अडया असती.
Agravegah, f Agmhapa
| Agnikaha

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JANUARY, 1873.]
THE SHOE QUESTION (PARSI).
अडाडा बलात्कार: अअक्कली कयां हस्तनिवेश: अकछियारं अच्छिन्नम् अडणो जार: अणनूं निर्माल्या अणप्पो खजः अणरामओ अरात: अणराहो शिरसि चित्रपट्टिका अणारको क्षणरहित: अणहं अक्षतम् अणहप्पणयं अनष्टम् अणहारओ खन्घनिम्नमध्यम् अणाडो जारः अणिलं प्रभातम् अणिहं मुखं सदृशम् अनीक संनिभम् अणुअलं प्रभातम् अणुआ यष्टिः
अणइउ शणक: आणं आकृतिर्धान्यविशेषश्च अणुबधियं हिका अणुवज्जियं प्रतिजागरितम् ।। अणुवहुया नववधूः अणूसती अनुकूल: अणुसंधियं अविरतं हिक्का अणुसूया आसन्नप्रसवा अणू शालिभेद: अणेकज्झो चन्चल: . अणोदयं प्रभातम् अण्णओ तरुणो धूर्ती देवरश्व अण्णत्ती अवज्ञा अण्णमयं पुनरुक्तम् अण्णाणं विवाहवधूदानम् अण्णी अर्थ: कात्यये अण्णियाशब्चश्व
देवरभार्या। पतिभागनी। पितृष्वसा। अण्णोसरियं अतिक्रान्तम्
MEMORANDUM ON THE SHOE QUESTION AS IT AFFECTS THE PÁRSÍS.
BY REV. JOHN WILSON, D.D., BOMBAY. A GREAT aversion existe in the Pársí commu- Nature, and particularly of the distinctive Elenity to the taking off of shoes as they enter public ments recognized by the ancients. The earth and or private houses; and on this aversion they al- ocean (as well as light and fire, the heavenly most uniformly act, even though they decline to bodies, and the treasures of the atmosphere) are render the other token of respect,--the uncovering of with them considered sacred, and preserved, accordthe head, customary among tribes and peoples ing to recognized rules, from natural and ceremowho retain their shoes. They are also indisposed nial defilement. to uncover either their head or feet when taking The Pársís, in consistency with the principle now oaths, standing in the witness-box, or engaging in | referred to, consider themselves as guilty of adefilereligious services. Their disinclination to uncover ment of the earth when they touch it with their bare their feet, rests, I am persuaded after much inquiry, feet, except when they are offered bodily to the on the peculiarities of the religious system which earth, with effusions of water made upon them in they observe, and not on mere self-assertion or un- articulo mortis. The Pársís, when praying to fire politeness. All who are intimately acquainted with in their own houses, or when repeating general the Parsis will admit that, in matters of mere cour- prayers, keep on their shoes. tesy, they are a considerate and pliant people. It The Paraí Mobeds, when they enter the Atishgah, is in part owing to this feature of their character or sanctum of the Fire-Altar, leave their walking that all along they have been on such good terms shoes without, exchanging them for slippers kept in with our countrymen.
readiness at the entrance of the Atisbgáh. Besides A marked feature of the Zoroastrian writings. slippers, they may have on stockings when they which the Parsis consider the rule of their belief approach the altar. The slippers they leave at the nd pr..ctice, is Physiolatry, or the worship of margin of the holy place when they resume their shoes.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
The customs of the Pársís in reference to these matters, I am persuaded, are of great antiquity. I have numerous Sassanian coins and a few medals in my collection. On their reverse they have all a fire-altar with one or two worshippers represented having both their head and feet covered.
A plate given by Anquetil du Perron represents a Pársí repeating the prayer of the Kusti, or sacred cincture, with his head covered and shoes on his feet. In describing the Civil and Religious Usages of the Pársís, Anquetil thus writes :-" Les Mobeds sont sans sonliers dans l' Atesch-gâh : ils n'ont que des chaussons; ou s'ils se servent de pantoufles, il faut qu'en sortant ils les laissent dans l'Ateach-gâh. Les mêmes précautions doivent avoir lieu à l'égard de l' Izesch-khanéh. Il n'est guères possible d'aller dans les rues sans que les souliers deviennent impurs, ce qui oblige de les quitter en entrant dans l' Atesch-gâh ; et faire trois gåms les pieds nuds c'est commettre, à chaque gâm, le péché Farman." In corroboration of this statement, he refers to the Pársí Raváits, or Collections of Traditions and Correspondence (between the Pársís of India and the Zoroastrians of Persia). I have read
[JANUARY, 1873.
his testimony to the chief Dastur of the Kadamí Pársis of Bombay (now holding the office of the late learned Mullah Firoz); and he has certified to me its accuracy.
Once on a time the son of Som was seated in his court among his Samants, having made a brilliant assembly. Kanh the Chauhan was also seated there, his long moustaches looking terrible, with Châmand
In the collection of fragmentary writings forming the Zendavesta of the Pársís, I do not remember to have met with any passage making express mention of the covering or uncovering of the feet, except when a person is enjoined to lay aside his shoes, as well as to strip himself of his clothes, when he enters water to drag from it a dead body (Vendidad, fargard VI. 56). In the Patits, or Penitential Services of the Pársís, written in old Persian or Gujarátí, such expressions as the following occur: -"If I have gone without the Kustí (the sacred cincture), I repent of it. If I have defiled my feet, I repent of it" (Patit Kod, 19). "If I have walked on the earth with only one shoe on, if I have buried corpses in the earth,... if I have gone on, the earth without shoes. . . ., I repent of it" (Patit Irání, 7). Other passages of a similar import are to be found in these Penitential Prayers.
Though oaths are allowed to the Pársís, no injunctions about the form of them are given in their sacred books.
THE PRITHIRÁJA RASAU,
OF KAVI CHAND BARDAL
EXTRACT FROM THE KANHAPATTI PRASTAV-FIFTH BOOK.
WHEN Prithiraja was a minor, Bhola Bhima ruled | Ray, Narsinha, Kaimas, and other warriors. Pry
in Gujarat. Sarang Deva was his uncle, whose sons were Pratap Sinha and his six brothers-Arisiйha, Gokaldas, Govind, Harisiñha, Syam, and Bhagwan. They were brave warriors, they owned the sway of no master. They slew Rana, the most powerful of the Jhalas. When Sarang Deva died, Pratap Sinha succeeded him, and his brothers served under him. They had five hundred horse. They lived in the Mewâs, plundering the Yadava's country. A complaint was made to Bhima, who went against them. He encamped on the bank of a river, and his elephant, bathing in it, was slain by Pratap and Ari Sinha. They killed also the mahaut. When he heard of it, Bhima declared that, though previously he had intended only to seize them, he would now think it no fault to slay them. When the brothers heard this they contemplated leaving Gujarat, meantime Prithiraja sent for them: he gave them grants (pata) of villages and other presents, and treated them with great respect. The seven Chalukya brothers, crafty and bold, remained faithfully in his service, coming one by one they placed his feet on their heads.
thiraja shone in the midst as the new moon on the second day of the light half. Around him shone a cluster of stars. Pratap, with his seven brothers, paid obeisance to Prithiraja. He came and sat down opposite to Kanh. The Mahabharata was the subject of talk. Pratap put his hand to his moustache. Kanh Chauhan saw it. He drew his sword, the devourer of many. He cut him where the jane was worn. 'Hu!' 'hu!' sounded through the hall. Pratap foll. Arisiñha was enraged: he struck Kanh on the left arm with his sword. Kanh raged like a lion awakened, or a fire having ghi thrown into it. Kunvar Prithiraja rose and retired into his palace. Behind him he closed the door. The fight raged in the hall. Arisinha struck Narsiñha on the head with his sword, and pierced Rambha the Bargujar. Seeing this Chamand was enraged. The strife was like a forest conflagration. Kanh slew Arisinha. Govind with a jamdad in his hand furiously attacked the Chauhan. Kanh seized and slew him. Narsinha threw his arms round Harisiñha, and others rained blows upon bim, but he threw Narsinha down and got above him. Châmand plunged his sword into his back. Harisifths followed Ari and pierced the mansion of the sun. Well done Châluk! well done his father and mother! who not even in thought attempted to flee.
* About 70 lines descriptive of the army and its march omitted.-J. B.

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THE CANARESE COUNTRY.
23
Narsiñha throwing the corpse from off him rose. Châluk to his house and slew him." Kanh replied, Bhagwan attacked him. Narsinha cast his arm "Why laid he his hand on his moustache ?" "O round him and plunged his dagger into his belly : Kanh, if you will attend to what I say our fault will the valiant Bhagwan also fell to the earth; "alas !' be forgotten. Bind your eyes with a bandage." alas!' sounded in the world of mortals: 'victory!' Prithiraja ordered also that any acting like him victory!' in the abode of the Suras. Gokal rushed should suffer the same punishment. He bound on like a furious elephant, or like lightning burst- Kanh's eyes with a gold-worked cloth, and ordered ing from the sky. He threw himself upon Kaimas him to remove it only when at home with his brandishing his gurj. Kaimas cut him down with women or in battle. He made Kanha present. his sword as one cuts & plantain tree. Vishnu sent The story was wafted as perfume by the wind. Garnda to receive him. Madhava Khawas burst Châluk Bhima heard that the Chauhan had slain open the door and threw himself between the com- the sons of Sarang. He was inflamed with grief batants. Dagger in hand he struck down the Pra- and anger, and wrote to the Chauhan demanding måra. The rage of Kanh was appeased. Hail hai! "bair," which the Chauban declared himself ready Bounded in the darbår. The companions and to grant at any time. Bhîma proposed to his servants of the Chåluk, hearing what had happened, officers to advance on Ajmir. Vir Pradhân [or pressed into the hall: they beheld the corpses lying "chiefs and ministers"] represented that in the in their blood. They fell upon Kanh like shooting rainy season it was fitting to remain at home, and stars or like moths rushing to a lamp. They dashed recommended that the Chauhan should be attacked open the doors. Narad began to clap his hands and at Kartik. The Raja agreed : as the time passed the dance; the sixty-four Devis (d'aktis) of the terrible Chåluk's rage abated. The Chauhan, lord of Samcountenance were filling their drinking-cups with bar, remaining at Ajmir behaved like an avatar of blood; Bhairavas and Bhuts sported, Khetrapalas Krishna. also, it seemed as if the Kalpa had come to an end. The servants of the Chalukyas and the Chauhan In S. 1138 (A.D. 1081) Prithiraja mounted the rougnt: their swords flashed like lightning, Sival throne at Dehli, from which Anangapala with his was stringing his necklace; the field of battle was queen had retired to BhadrikAshrama. Garlands of red with blood; the earth shook; human limbs flowers were bound at the doors, and in the ten were scattered over it. Bhuts sounded their drums, directions buffalo calves were sacrified to the local Virs shouted, some piercing the sun's disc attained gods. Shahâb-ud-dîn again attacked him, but was moksha, some passed to swarga : debts contracted defeated by him and captured by Chamand Ray. in a former life were paid off. For two gharis The Sultan was fined and released after a month. (48 minutes) the sword played: a hundred and On a subsequent occasion, Prithir&ja, having disfifty men were slaia by Kanh; the rest fled: the covered property buried in the Khatwan (TTT), brother of Somes'a, raging like Kala, slew the seven
& jangal at Nagor, determined, by the advice of brothers of Bhima and was victorious. Then he Kaimas, to call Samarsisha Rawal of Chitror, the was restrained by his friends. Prithirdja bearing husband of his sister Pritha, to assist him, for he of the matter was angry with Kanh. Kanh heard it : feared three enemies—the Ghori Sultan, Jayachand he remained at home and fought not the darbar. of Kanauj, and Bhime. The Ghori, however, made For three days in Ajmir the shops were shut- an attack, but was defeated by Prithiraja and river of blood flowed in the bazar.
Samarsifths, and after a month's confinement he Finding that Kanh came not to the darbår, Prithi- was released-paying & fine. The treasure was rája went to his house and said "Why have you then removed from its concealinent and shared done thus ? All will say the Chauhan called the among the Samants,
THE CANARESE COUNTRY COMPARED WITH THE COUNTRIES
ADJACENT TO IT.
TRANSLATED BY REV. F. KITTEL, MERKARA The following lines were written by Sarvagña, mum; all that are born speak indistinctly. The the son of Basava Arabi, & Brahmin. His road to the east is not to be taken (verse 1). father's home was Mistra in the Dharward dis- Roasted corn is cheap; for an obeisance you get triot; but Servagñia was born in a certain village some buttermilk; there are small Bolanam called Ambaldra. He became clever fellow, fruits to suck instead of mangos). Can one deand made verses on various subjects, always clare the east to be rich ? (v. 2.) using the Tripadi metre. He may have lived Whithersoever you look you see thorns of the two centaries ago.
miserable Ocymum ; all the people, even when DEBORIPTION OF COUNTRIES.
grown up, sponk indistinctly. The north is not (Prous serrion.)
beautiful (v. 8). The villages are far from each On ench road are thorns of the shabby Ooy other; water is met with every ten miles; there

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is no shade to stand under. The road to the north is not to be taken (v. 4).
With your dish of great millet you have many varieties of split pulse and the milk of well-fed buffaloes. Look at the riches of the middle country 1" (v. 5.) With your dish of Panicum you have suitable split pulse and a lump of butter as big as a sling-stone. Look at the means of the middle country 1(v. 6.) You have your cakes of wheaten flour and the milk of the lusty buffaloes, and enjoy the love of modest female. I have not seen the like (v.7). May cake-dust (that does not satiate) fall into the mouth of him who says that the country, wherein Bengal gram and wheat are sown and grown, should be burnt ! (v. 8.)
The forest of the west) is full of immature fruits; the country is full of huge trees ; promises are not kept. I have had quite enough of the Hill country (malanâdu, v. 9). The climate is damp; bellies are swollen ; ah, why should one go to a country where sinners stir and eat (their food) with wood (ladles-v. 10)? There are green ginger and turmeric ; there are jag- gary and betel; there are good jack-fruits to eat. Can one declare the Hill country to be a good one ? (v. 11.) There is rice water, there is mud, there are hot dwellings, there are wives that are gratifying. Oh, look at the relieving features of the Hill country ! (v. 12.)
(But) in this (southern) direction Asuras have been born as men; Dasasira's (Ravana's) enemy has given them their name and rejected the region of the Tigulast (i. e. Tamulians) (v. 13). There are the Kaļakûţa poison, and such malice as you might experience if you trusted a scorpion. I have had quite enough of the wind of the Tigulas, who are like mean dogs that bark in a deserted village (v. 14). Better than a friend of the Tigulas is a barking bitch; better than the shadow of the Magaļi treet is the alligator of swallowing habits (v. 15). How shall I tell the self-conceit of the country where reasoning has been born! Sankara's worship (pôja) is practised excessively in the south (v.16).
In the east is passion (râga), in the north abstract contemplation (yoga), and mere sickDess (roga) in the west ; the south is the residence of sensual pleasure (bhoga, v. 17). In the east people have no proper waists (or perhaps "clothes"), in the north they have no proper words, in the west they are greatly given to anger, in the south they are pompons (v. 18). The east is for whoremasters (vița), the north for jesters (vidůshaka), the west for villainous catamites (pîțhamardaka), and the south for very smart fellows (nâgarika, v. 19). The east is for Hastinis, the north for Chitrinis, the west for Sankhinis, and the south for Padminisf (v. 20).
NOTES CONCERNING THE NUMERALS OF THE ANCIENT DRAVIDIANS.
By Rev. F. KITTEL, MERKARA. Or the mental faculties of the ancient Dravi- guage, wherein it bears the forms Bâsira, dians their Numerals bear some witness. From såsir, så vir a, ayira. them we learn that when apparently still free As we have seen, the early Dravidians were from all Aryan influence, they contrived to not behind the body of the Aryas in countcount up to a hundred. The earliest state of ing. To show their way of thinking in produetheir berds and flocks, and of their bartering, ing the numerals, we give the numerals up to did not make it necessary to go higher. In the ten, together with the nearest words indicative same way, not before the tribes that at present of their meaning. The longer forms stand by form the Aryas of the West had left their themselves, the shorter are used only as the first brethren, the later Zoroastrians and Brahmanas, | members of compounds (compare Gondi Nu&c., did these feel the necessity of the number merals in the Indian Antiquary, p. 129). "sahasra." This sahasra was, in course of time, 1. ondu, onru (pronounce : ondu), onji, borrowed from them by the Dravidians, and was OT, ôr, om, on. onda, ottu, to be also incorporated by them into their own lan- undivided, be one. A unit without a branch." Literally, country of growth (bolavala).
The Hindus may there are four classes of woment Tigula means person of abuse."
Padminis, Hartinia, Chitrants, and anthile, of which the The Maguli tree of the text is probably the Tamil first is the most perfect-Forbes' Ros Moli, vol. L p. 60. Magil, Maguda, Magila = Mim saops Elongi.
-ED. 5 Oar manuscript has sankbe which is corruption (either of manko doubt, or) of sankhy ronsoning or
* When the affix da is joined to a short monosyllabic of inkly, the system of philosophy.
root with final, the root in this case being or, this liquid 1 Bankars is either Sivs or the Vedanti Bankar (8'- is sometimes changed into the Bindu. Observe do has karlicharya).
become ji (in Tula), for which peculiarity compare No. 6.

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REVIEW
25
2. irandu, era du, eral, rad du, iru, ral, therefore, seems to convey the idea of ad
ir, ir, in, ip. ir, ir, to split. The split- dition, conf. No. 3: further addition. ting off of a branch.
7. elu, el, el, ep. el, él, to rise. A still 3. mûnru (pronounce : mandu), mūru, greater rising.
muji, muyyu, mun, mû, m-u, mun, 8. entu, ettu, eņma, em, en. en, to mur, to advance, grow. A further advance.f count. Probably "a computation of two 4. nålku, nângu, na ku, nâ l, nar, even numbers. conf. No. 4. nan, na. In the formation of this word the 9.om-battu, on-ba du, om-bay, oridea of evenness seems already to have guided m-ba. One less than the combination, i. e. the Dravidians, as the nearest root is nal, one from ten.** See No. 10. to be beautiful, nice, sufficient (nangu, 10. pattu, pandu, pannu, padin, pabeauty). An evenness.
du, padi, payin, pay, pa. pattu, 5. aydu, ayndu, a nju, aynu, ayñ, parru (pronounce : pattu), to come to
ayn, a ym, añ, ay, ay, aydu, to go ; gether, join. A joining or combination of all to obtain (conf. isu, to make go, throw). The the ten fingers. It counting of the fingers of one hand forms a Hundred with the Dravidians is nûr, nugoing or one turn : & turn.
ru, nůdu. Its root is nun, nun nur, 6. âru, âji aru, âr. Âru as & verb is nûr, to become small, fine, pointed, smooth or
stated to express the meaning of samarthatva, powdered ; conf. No. 3. Point, extremity of 1. e. to be strong, or to strengthen; the nume- computation,
REVIEW MISCELLANEOUS ESSAYS, BY H. T. COLEBROOKE, 2nd Ed. suredly those of Mr. Colebrooke, that Indianist Higginbotbam and Co., Madras, 1872.
50 learned and conscientious, that vir nunquam COLEBROOKE's Essays, contributed in the first place satis laudandus, as he has been so justly styled to the Asiatic Researches and the Transactions of by Dr. Stenzler in the preface to his recent the Royal Asiatic Society, are memoirs of the highest beautiful edition of the Råghu Vansa; for we value, and, from their excellence and accuracy, hava do not hesitate to say that, without the excellent from their first appearance been justly regarded as works of Mr. Colebrooke on the Sanskrit lanstandards of reference on the matters to which guage and the most abstruse sciences of India they relate. MM. Abel Rémusat, E. Burnouf, and --where he lived thirty years as a member of V. Cousin early brought them to the notice of con- the adininistration-the knowledge, so far complete, tinental savans, and in 1833 M. Pauthier prepared of the language of these sciences, and of the & careful version in French of the five esenys relat- sciences themselves, might have been almost ining to the Philosophy of the Hindus that had definitely retarded in Europe. For, only to speak appeared in the Transactions of the R. Asiatici of the Essays on the Philosophy of the Hindus, Society, adding the Sanskrit texts and numerous Mr. Colebrooke has read all the numerous Sanskrit valuable notes and appendices. In his preface M. works on that philosophy he had succeeded in proPauthier remarked : "If ever memoirs deserved curing, and it is from the methodical extracts and & complete and faithful translation they are as- resumés from these works that he has composed his
Here the da appears as du, twice with the Bind optionally al or ayti, syn, aym. before it, 44u being only another form of n du; there rbas become j; see No. 8. Aru mean also "river," are nitya and vaikalpiks Bindus in Dravida.
* way." As a kind of analogue of vayiru, banji, belly. The primary root appears to be mu, m (cf. mu + fem e n + ma, this ma being an affix to form du, growth), and thus the first form, according to rule, is verbal nouns ; it generally appears as me. mo + Bindu + du; maru, in this case, is secondary ** In ormba tbe m is the Bindu. form of the root, the ru being frequently used to produce # The first three forms are quite regular, i. e. par + tu such forms.ru has become ji (in Tulu), which change (tu du, conf. ottu under No. 1), par + da (=pandu, see is also seen in 6.nru, ndu has become y yu conf. No. 1). The single d in the three following forms at first padin-payin under No. 10.
night looks strange but all difficulty is renioved when conBy the aflix ku a verbal noun is formed. The liquids sidering the form ps in the end. This pa is unchangeable. 1, (n; cf. Ine, ale, airi-Antiquary, p. 228), as seen by k whereas the liquid r falls under the rule of S'ithilatva (cf. and naku, fall under the rule of s'ithilatya, for which see No. 4), i.e. the rule that in many cases a liquid before No. 10..
, 9, dis so slightly sounded that no double consonant is Saydu is sy + da, syndu is sy + Bindu + da, formed, and accordingly bas simply been dropped, so that asja too is ai + Binds + da, the du baving become jo, PA+ da (di) bas remained; .de. erde, breast, baduku. cf. No. 1. The rule is that when to certain long roots, barduku, life. d appears twice in the form of y; see for instance miy (mt) and bey (be), da is joined, the root is under No. 8, and compare the j ( known cognate of g) under shortened an the Bindu put between (mindu, benda) ; Nos. 1 and 6. We add that pankti, wben meaning the numthis rule may also in this case explain the short & before the ber 10, is Tadbhava of the Dravidian pattu, just as Bindu in adu. Wherever the ju (du) is again dropped mukt, pearl, is . Tadbhaya of mutty, and ukti, and at the same time the Bindu is retained the theme is curl, Tadbhava of ruttu

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memoirs-precious models of exposition and philo- Indian Classes, the Jains, and the Muhammadanssophical analysis-in which the European scholar from the second. Messrs. Higginbotham & Co. of withdraws himself to allow us alınost constantly Madras have now issued & careful reprint of Coleto converse with the Indian writers, which secures brooke's own edition, which, except in the Sanskrit, for these abridged expositions of the philosophical is not only page for page but line for line and litesystems of India the highest amount of confi- ratim the same as the original. This will render dence and accuracy possible."
the work very useful to those who have occasion to Colebrooke himself published a selection of his turn up the references to these Essays by more recent Miscellaneous Essays in two volumes in 1837, but writers. We cannot help regretting, however, that the work soon became scarce, and in 1858 a reprint references to other souroes of information have not in small type appeared simultaneously at Leipzig been added. and London, containing thirteen of them, or the A memoir of the author from the Asiatic Journal whole of the first volume, and three essays-On 1 is prefixed.
CORRESPONDENCE AND MISCELLANEA. KHATRIS.
to the Akhada of Nirmal fakírs some lakhs of To the Editor of the Indian Antiquary. rupees. Its management rests with the Mahant SIR, I have perused the letter about Khatris, con- and Panchs of that large body. They lend the money tributed by Mr. J. White, Assistant Collector of on good security to Råjas and Mahârâjas. The exFuttehpur, and being myself a member of that penses of food, &c., of the whole body, which contains caste (Dehliwal Khatri), I beg to offer a few remarks. several thousand members, dispersed all over Hin
The story of Parasuram and the escape of a dustan, are defrayed from the proceeds at the Allahapregnant Kshatriya woman in the house of a Brah- bad and Haridwar fairs. man is generally believed as the origin of the Mr. White says" Khatris themselves allow that Khatris. Every one of that caste looks to the they have comparatively lately come from westward, Panjab as his home, and up to the present time it and this is conclusively proved by the distribution contains the largest proportion of the Khatri popula- of their sub-divisions" (the Panjabi, Lahori, Dehliwal, tion, which gradually lessens as you descend towards Purbi, and, I may add, by one mors--the Agrawal). the east, until it almost totally disappears beyond Panjab, meaning towns beyond Lahor, and Purab, Patna. Only very recently a number of Panjabi meaning towns in the east of Allahabad, Mirzapur, Khatris have, for purposes of trade, settled in Banaras, Patna, &c., which are mostly inhabited by Calcutta. Khatris are dispersed throughout almost all the large towns of Upper Indie, but a Khatri There is no ground for Mr. White's conjecture that they family will scarcely be found south of the Vindhya have, like the Jats, come from some country beyond range. Half a century ago a few families settled at the Indus. Had such been the case, Khatris, like Jats,. Hydrabad when Chandu Lal Khatri was the Nizam's would have been denominated by the Brahmans prime minister.
S'udras or Mlechhas. No pious Brahman eats food Judging from their physiognomy, they are of pure cooked by a Jat, but most will if prepared by a Aryan blood. Next to Kashmiris they are the fairest Khatri. I once asked an elderly member of our race in Hindustan ; next to Brabmans they are the family why we, though living at Agra, are called most religious class, reading much of the Hindu scrip- Dehli wals. He explained that his great-great-grandtures. As Guru Nanak belonged to this caste, he is father, having fled from Debli with his family on regarded as the patron or national saint of the the general massacre of its inhabitants by Nadir Khatris. His and his successors' componitions Shah, settled at Agra, consequently by the way of (QT HITT) are looked upon with great reverence and distinction people called them 'Dehliwals.' It may respect, and generally read. The deistical doctrines be fairly conjectured that Khatris, among whom-in and tenets inculcated by the great Khatri reformer order to preserve purity of blood-family relations have considerably influenced their morals, manners, are still most scrupulously enquired into before and customs, weaning them to a great degree from forming marriage connections, might split into many superstitions still clung to by other Hind: divisions, when, from the want of facility of comtribes. This leads some to suspect their being munication, intercourse with one another had pargenuine Hindus. Not only Lahna but almost all tially stopped for hundreds of years. Khatris of the ten successors of Nanak were Khatris. Nånak- Lahor, Dehli, Agra, and Purab married, dined, attendshahi fakirs are reverentially received in our ed social ceremonies with those of their own or families. Chandu Lal used to feed thousands of adjacent towns only, and in the lapse of time have fakirs every day. When he had reached the height grown into distinct divisions. They all have the of his prosperity at the Nizam's Court, he presented same stories and traditions of their origin, the same
• Ind. Ant., VOL. I., p. 289.

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27
religious and social cerernonies, even the same songs mothers, and orphans, loudly bewailing the loss of among their females and the language peculiar to those dear to them, surrounded the palace asking for them.
support. There was no such thing as a pension under It is natural that by long intercourse with Hindus the Muhammadan rule. Promising them to devise and Muhammadans, many customs should be ex- suitable means for their maintenance, Aurangzeb bade changed, and pure Hindi has with them already them go home; and summoned Lallu and Jagdhar, given place to mixed Urdu. As Khatris mostly in- two Khatri chiefs, to take their advice in the matter. habit the Muhammadan capitals-Lahor, Dehli, Agra, The prudent Muhammadan ruler thought of the Lakhnau, &c.-many Moslem customs, as wearing desirability of re-marrying their widows, but they the Sarhi on marriage, the use of shoes by females, said, in reply, that it was beyond their power to in&c., have crept not only into our society, but also troduce the system, though very advisable, until among Kayaths, Agraw&l Banias, Oswals,&c. Khatris they should consult with their caste-fellows on the and Kayaths use a greater number of Persian words matter. A grand meeting of the Khatris of Dehli in familiar language than other Hindus.
was called for the purpose. Some agreed and signed I append the following notes, which may interest a bond, but when Lallu and Jagdhar's turn came, some readers
they refused until they should get the permission of 1. In the time of Nanak the site on which the now their old mother. They went home and explained commercial town of Amritsar stands, was a forest the whole to her. She tauntingly answered "If with a pond, a solitary place well fitted for retired you are fully determined to introduce the Muhamfakírs. Nának, once in company with many others, madan Nikah system among us, which shall for went to bathe in it; he dipped in and was lost ever stamp your name with the black stain of hetersight of. His associates gave bim up for lost, and odoxy, select a good old fellow of eighty for my remained there without food and drink, bewailing husband." The youths, thus put to shame, went no the untimely death of their favourite. They searched more to the Panchayat. for his body in the water but could not find it. On The meeting waited Lallu and Jagdhar's return the third day, to their great joy and astonishment, he froin morning till evening ; one of the number in suddenly appeared on the surface of the water with despair taking a stone threw it into a well, repeatsteaming hot Monbhog (a sweetmeat), since helding the words 'aise ki tasi main jaya Lallu aur Bacred to bím, in his right hand and repeating the Jagdhar,' meaning 'let Lallu and Jagdhar go, I words"Wah Guruji ! Dhanyah Guruji. Sath Guru- won't wait any longer.' The sentence has since ji/" meaning Glory to the Teacher. He is blessed. passed into a proverb. The meeting dispersed He alone is true.' The terms signifying God are
without deciding the question. On the following day mostly used on solemn occasions and in saluting the report was made of this disregard to the royal one another. His companions, thus convinced of his mandate; the Emperor, in his usual indignation, divine origin, became his proselytes. To comme
dismissed all Khatris from the imperial service and morate the miracle the institution of Kadhây& proclaimed that they should never be taken into state Pras'kda ( ST) was established among the employ. Thus thousands were thrown out of busiKhatris.
ness and began to starve. One day they suddenly 2. The Khatris are descendants of a warlike race. surrounded the imperial palace, humbly supplicatThe name Khatri occurs in the Indian History since
ing the Emperor to provide for their livelihood. the time of Baber when he visited Guru Nanak.
Aurangzeb thought it prudent to appease the enThey were constantly employed by the Mughul
raged mob. He promised them support, but he was emperors as soldiers. Toder Mall, the celebrated
not willing to restore them to their former positions. financier of Akbar. belonged to this caste. Au
The next day a royal firman was granted them, rangzeb sent all the Khatri forces on the great
conferring on their caste the sole privilege and expedition into the Dekhan against the kings of inonopoly of Daláli, or profession of broker, in the Golkonda and Bijapur and the Marathas. Great
bazars of Dehli and Agra. Since that time the prowas the slaughter in the imperial armies ; the Khatri fession, though now humble, has been confined to and Hindu forces were almost annihilated. On the Khatris. Even under British rule, in which freereturn of the camp to Dehli, the widows, sisters,
dom of choice is the privilege of every subject, • This ceremony is celebrated by Khatris on occasions celebrator's friends, relations, and neighbours, invited for of marriage or child-birth, and sometimes as a thanks
the occasion. When the sermon is over, the presiding giving when blest with prosperity in any dealing, or wben
fakir stands up, and with him all the party. He repeats aloud relieved from distress. The Inrge pan in which the the tenets and prayers-adis s'abile composed by Ninakin gloAlonbhog, sweetmeat made with butter, wheat-fiour, and
rification of the one Eternal Being without form, Creator sugar, in equal proportions, has been prepared, is placed
and Protector of the Universe. At the end of each hymn on a wooden elevated plate and covered with a white sheet. the party joins with the fakir in the acclamation Wak A Nanak Shabi fakir, either quru of the family, or any
Guruji ! After this every one presents to the fakir someono else known for his religious knowledge and merit, thing in money (rare) according to his means. The presiding, takes a seat just behind the pan; the Granth ceremony ends with the distribution of the contents of the Saheb or words of Nanak and his followers being reve- pan as a treat (pras'ada) to all present. rentially placed on a wooden stool before him. He reads See my letter on Rajah Toder Mall-Proceedings of from it to the audience, which is chiefly composed of the Asiatic Society of Bengal for August 1872.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[JANUARY, 1873.
very few dare intrude upon their rights. A greater number now, finding letters more lucrative, attend English schools and colleges. Not a few of them enjoy coveted posts of trust under the Governinent.
KAS'I NATH. Sirsa, Allahabad, 12th Oct. 1872.
The same. SIR, Your correspondent Mr. White (Ind. Ant., vol. I, p. 289) wishes for information about the caste of Khatris in Hindustan. He says," One account is that they are sons of a Rajput (Kshatriya) woman by a Sudra father. I am not inclined to place any reliance on statements like this, for the simple reason that every caste which cannot explain its origin invariably invents the Kshatriya theory of paternity." A reference to the Institutes of Manu, chap. V. v. 12, 13, 16, and 28, will show that a tribe called Kshatri existed then and held the same theory of paternity.
B.
EARLY INDIAN BUILDINGS. To the Editor of the Indian Antiquary. SIR,-On the 4th of January 1871 Bábu Rájendralála Mitra read a paper to the Asiatic Society of Bengal, the object of which was to expose certain fallaciesinto which, he believed, I had fallen in treat- ing of the history of Architecture in India.
As my answer was easy and obvious, I thought of replying at once, but on second thoughts it appeared more fair to allow the Babu to substantiate his accusations by stating his reasons at full length before doing so, and I thought also that in the interval he might see reason to modify the crude statemente he then put forward.
Though nearly two years have elapsed since his paper was read, he has made no signs of resuming the subject, and I am now informed that we must wait till the Greek kalends for the publication of his essay. Under these circumstances, as the matter is of importance to the history of art, I hope you will allow me a brief space to state my reasons for dissenting from the Babu's conclusions.
The passages in which they are principally stated are the following
" An opinion is gaining ground that the ancient Aryans were not proficient in the art of building substantial edifices with stone and bricks, but that the primitive Hindus were dwellers in thatched huts and mud houses. Mr. Fergusson, who has adopted this opinion, adds that the Hindus learnt the art of building from the Grecians, who came to India with Alexander, and that the oldest specimens of architecture in the country appear to be in the first stage of transition from wood to stone.
" It is denied" (by the Bábu)" that the Buddhist religion- & mere reformation of the old Hindu
faith-could have any influence in originating architecture, and the invasion of Alexander is compared with the British expedition to Abyssinia, in which very little impression was produced on the domestic arts of the Abyssinians. It is difficult to believe that Alexander brought with him any large number of quarriers, masons, and architects, to leave some behind him for the education of the people of this country in architecture, and it would be absurd to suppose that a king like Asoka, who is presumed to bave lived originally in thatched hute, would of his own accord send for architects and quarriere from Greece to build him a palace," &c.
My first answer to these accusations is, that there is no passage or paragraph in any works ever written or published by me which, if fairly read with the context, will bear the interpretation here put on it, and I defy the Bábu to produce one.t
If, however, he will allow me to extend his own simile, I will try and explain to him what I did say. After the fall of Magdals and the death of King Theodore, the English retired on Egypt, which they had taken possession of on their way to Abyssinia ; and during the next seventy or eighty years keep up a continual and close intimacy, both commercial and political, with their former foes, till the acoession of the Great Theodore IV., Emperor of all Central Africa. He formed alliances with the " Chaptaro" kings of France, England, Germany, and Russia, and established missions in their capi. tals at Paris, London, Berlin, and St. Petersburg ; and, from the reports of his agents and constant intercourse with foreigners, this enlightened monarch was led to introduce into his own country some European arts hitherto unknown in Central Africa, but at the same time adapting them carefully to the state and wants of his own people.
Substitute Bactria for Egypt, and Asoka for Theodore IV., and you get pretty nearly what I believe, and always have believed, in this matter, but a very different thing from what the Bábu represents me as saying or believing.
As for the "mud" and "thatch" of the previous part of the quotation, they are entirely the Bábu's own creation ; no such words occur in any work I ever wrote, nor any expression in any degree analogous to them. My belief on the contrary is, and always was, that the palaces of the Mauryan kings of Palibothra were at least as extensive-certainly more gorgeous--and probably cost as much money as those of the Mughul emperors of Agra and Delhi, yet they certainly were in wood.
I will not ask the Bábu to undertake such a journey now, but if he will take the trouble to eximine a set of photographs of the palaces of the Burmese kings at Ava, Amirapura, or Mandalay, or of the 101 monasteries that line the shores of the Irawadi, or of the buildings at Bankok, he will ascribe to Alexander the erection of certain towers in the Kabul Valley, which I believed to be Buddhist monumenta of the third or fourth century A.D.-History of Architecture vol. II, p. 460.
• Proceedings Asiatic Society, January 1871.
+ The only passage I can find in any work I ever wrote in bich Alexander the Great's name is mentioned in connection with Indian art, is when I say that tradition

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JANUARY, 1873.)
CORRESPONDENCE, &c.
29
discover the existence of an architecture wholly in ing so old as Chandragupta. The quarriers, masons, wood-above the foundation-infinitely more gor- and architects whom Alexander brought with him geous and more artistic than the pukka palaces of must, consequently, all have been over a bundred Calcutta, to which his knowledge of the art seems years old before they commenced to impart their to be confined. The truth of the matter is, that ex
knowledge to the Hindus. Perhaps they may at cept for its one great defect-want of durability- that advanced age have been too feeble to inpart wood is a better building material, especially in their knowledge, or perhaps they had forgotten their hot climates, than stone. It admits of far greater
native arts. I must leave to the Bábu to explain spaces being roofed, with far fewer points of sup- how this may be ; but certain it is they left no trace port. It admits of framing, and consequently of of their art on anything now known to exist in India. immense economy of material, and it allows of cary- The truth of the matter is, the Babu bas read my ing, gilding, and painting to an extent with difficul
| works in a hazy, lazy, oriental kind of way, and has ty attainable in stone. If the Mauryan kings
hastily drawn from them conclusions much more
in accordance with his own personal feelings than thought only of their own splendour and comfort, without any hankering after brick and mortar im
with anything he found in any writings of mine. mortality, they were right to use wood instead of
If he follows the same course in future, and does stone, as the kings of Burmah and Siam now do.
not read bis Sanskrit works with more care, and quote The Mughul emperors thought of posterity, and we
from these with more accuracy than he has done
from my works, we may safely predict that anything are grateful to them for so doing, but I would like to see a wooden palace that had been built by Akbar.
he may write about the ancient architecture of the
Hindus won't be worth much more than the value Fattelipur Sikri would have been & dwarf and
of the paper on which it is written. mean in comparison. "The question, however, is not one for argument
Langham Place, Nov. 1872. JAS FERGUSSON. but of fact. I have before me some hundreds of photographs of caves in Western India and Bibar
Query. of Buddhist rails and gateways—such for instance as I HAVE been lately so fortunate as to discover a those of Sanchi, and of other buildings erected be- | MS. of a Prakrita Grammar, by Subha Chandra, tween 250 B. c. and the Christian era. All these, entitled Sabdå Chîntâmani. The concluding lines without a single exception, are literal copies in stone a re : iti .... sri S'abhachandra virachitâyâm of the foring of wooden carpentry, and such as nosvopajnas'abda-chintamanivrittau dvitiyasya adhyapeople could have used who had ever seen or been yasya chaturthah pâdah; samapto 'yam vrittih. familiar with stone architecture. Besides this, all From this it would seen that the MS. is complete. the bas-reliefs at Sanchi, in the first century of the It consists of two adyâyas each containing four Christian era, tell the same tale. The basement of pådas. Subha Chandra follows Hemachandra's arthe houses, as of our modern wooden bungalow, the rangement of the Pråkrita sátras, not that of Varssolid parts of the town walls all in fact that can be
ruchi, Bhanaba, and others. But he gives Hemacalled engineering are in stone or brick ; all the
chandra's stras here and there in a slightly differsuperstructure is even then in wood, like the ribs in ent order, and adds a few sttras of his own ; thus the roof of the caves. These are such patent facts
in the beginning of the work, which commences that I do not believe that any one, who will take the
with a series of samjnå stras (on technical terms); trouble to examine the evidence, can arrive at any
a feature which, I believe, is unique in this work other conclusion than I have done.
on Prakrita Grammar. It is clearly later than In his haste to find fault, it does not seem to have
Hemachandra's Grammar, and appears also to take occurred to the Bábu that he was accusing me of notice of later Prakrit formations. saying that " Alexander brought quarriers, masons,
I shall feel much obliged to any one who can and architects to teach the Hindus"-Greek archi
give me further information on this work; especitecture, I presume-which I never did say; and then
ally who Subhachandra was, and when he lived ; and that I stated that the Hindus, during the two centu
whether there are any other MSS. of his work ries and a half that elapsed before the Christian era,
known to exist, and where. were employed in elaborating a perfectly original style of their own, without any trace of foreign
Benares, Nov. 18, 1872. A. F. RUDOLF HOERNLE. influence, except perlaps ornainent here and there which may be Assyrian or Persian. I'am at a loss
HULLE MAKKA.U.' to guess how the Bábu can reconcile these contra
(See Ind. Antiquary, vol. I. p. 380.) dictory staternents, unless it be thus. From the first The head-quarters of this sub-division of a caste tiine I wrote on Indian architecture to the present is a village in one of the talukas of the Bangalor day, I have always asserted that Indian stone archi- district. Single families are to be found scattered tecture commenced with Asoka, 250 B. c. I do throughout the province, the members of which once not know, and never pretended to know, of any build- & year go round their beat collecting their dues.
J. R. A. 8. VIIT., P. 38. Picturesque Illustrations of of Architectura, vol. I, p. 5. History of Architecture, vol. Ancient Architecture in Ilindoalan, Intro, p. 2. Llandbook'IL, p. 450 ; and io lectures and papers passim.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[JANUARY, 1873.
The Komti (merchant) caste have also "Hulle, plain its various significations, and also to show in Mukkalu," who are called "Kanchala viraru." The what sense it furnishes the name to a distinct caste. "Khanchåla viraru" wear red-coloured clothes, and a Commonly, any devotee is called a Gowain, whether breastplate engraved with a likeness of " Virabhad- he lives a life of celibacy or not, whether he roams ra." They are entitled to receive from each Komti about the country collecting alms or resides in a a yearly fee of one fanam, and the usual dues on house like the rest of the people, whether he leads the celebration of marriage, &c. This sub-division an idle existence or employs himself in trade. The of the caste, it is said, owes its existence to the mark, however, that distinguishes all who bear this following circumstance
name is, that they are devoted to a religious life. On the 2nd of the moon's increase in the month Some besmear their bodies with ashes, wear their Palguna of the year Prabhava, 2628 after the hair dishevelled and uncombed, and, in some inKaliyuga, Vishnu Verdhana, king of Rajamahen- stances, coiled round the head like a snake or rope. drapura, happened in the course of his conquests These formerly went naked, but being prohibited to arrive at Pennagonde. Invited by Kusuma by the British Government to appear in this fashion Shetti, a member of the Komti or Vaishya caste, in public, bid defiance to decency nevertheless by the king paid him a visit. Struck with the beauty the scantiness of their apparel. They roam about of Vasavamba, the inerchant's daughter, the king de- the country in every direction, visiting especially manded her in marriage. The merchant was placed spots of reputed sanctity, and as a class are the in a fix. It was impossible to decline the proposed pests of society and incorrigible rogues. They honour, while compliance with the demand would mutter sacred texts or mantras, and are notably entail loss of caste. The merchant apparently fond of uttering the names of certain favourite accepted the offer, but secretly he and the heads of deities. Some of them can read, and a few may be the caste determined to commit suicide by burning learned; but for the most part they are stolidly themselves. Mulla, an old and faithful servant of ignorant. Others, of a much higher grade, reside the merchant, learned his master's secret intention,
in maths or monasteries, where they lead a life of determined not to be left behind, and begged to be contemplation and asceticism. Yet they quit their allowed to join his master in his self-sacrifice. To homes occasionally, and, like the first-named, underthis the Komtis agreed, and Mulla committed take tours for the purpose of begging, and also prosuicide with them. In consideration of his devotion
ceed on pilgrimage to remote places. Most of them to the caste, Mulla's family were created "Hulla
wear a yellowish cloth, by which they make them Mukkalu," and their descendants have ever since
Belves conspicuous. Fakirs or devotees of both of enjoyed certain privileges.
these classes usually wear several garlands of beads A similar sub-division is to be found among the
suspended from their necks and hanging low down following castes
in front; and carry a short one in the hand, which, (i.) Kurubaru (shepherd).
by the action of a thumb and finger, they revolve (ii.) Agasu (washerman).
perpetually but slowly, keeping time with the low (iii.) Sevacharra, Gowdagalaru (ryota who utterances proceeding from their lips. They also wear the lingam).
bear upon their foreheads, and frequently on other (iv.) Gandigaru, Vokkaliga (a sub-division of parts of their bodies, particularly the arms and the casto which furnishes most of the ryots in chest, sacred marks or symbols, in honour of their Mysore)
gods. (v.) And, strange to say, the “Malidigaru," In addition, there is & considerable number of or lowest left-hand caste, and who live by work
Gosains, not however separated from the rest by ing up leather.
any caste distinctions, who, although by profession The "Hulle Mukkalu" of each caste will re
belonging to this religious class, apply themselves ceive alms only from the members of its own parent nevertheless to commerce and trade. As merchants, stock. Beyond learning their names I have been
bankers, tradesmen, they hold a very respectable able to glean nothing of their origins. The prin
position. Some carry on their transactions on & cipal duty of the “Hulle Mukkalu" appears to be
large scale. One of the principal bankers in the learning the pedigree of those members of the
city of Mirzapur is a Mahant or high-priest of parent caste in his immediate neighbourhood, which Gosains--a certificate of great wealth and influho carefully repeats when on his beat.
ence. J.SF. MACKENZIE.
One of the chief peculiarities of this caste is, that 6th December 1872,
besides its natural increase from within, it is con
stantly adding to its numbers from without-Brah SELECTIONS FROM ME SHERRING'S WORK ON
mans, Kshatriyas, Vaisyas, and Budras; the two *HINDU TRIBES AND CABTES."
former specially may, if they choose, become Go
Bains; but if they do no, and unite with the memGOBAIN.
bers of this fraternity in eating and drinking, holdThe term Gosain is so vaguely employed by ing full and free intercourse with them, they are cut Hindas generally, that it beooines necessary to ex. off for over from their own tribes. It is this

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JANUARY, 1873.)
31
CORRESPONDENCE, &c.
circumstance which constitutes the Gosains a distinct dependance on the kindness and care of others is and legitimate caste, and not merely & religious thus of the most absolute character, yet they order,
are not reduced to want, or even to distress : they The ceremony observed at the creation of a Go- are fed by the Brahmans, and the Gosains, another sain is as follows. The candidate is generally & class of devotees, but of lax principles, and not boy, but may be an adult. At the Siva-ratri fes- restricted to any one caste. The Dandis do not tival in honour of Siva), water brought from a marry, and have no houses of their own. They tank, in which an image of the god has been depo- have literally nothing they can call their own, except sited, is applied to the head of the novitiate, which a diminutive mat to lie upon, a small pillow, the is thereupon shaved. The guru, or spiritual guide, cloth they wear, a stick, and a kamandal or hermit's whispers to the disciple & mantra or sacred text. pot for holding water. The stick they use at the In honour of the event all the Gosains in the neigh- age of fifty, previously to which they are only bourhood assemble together, and give their new disciples, and are not called Dandis. member their blessing; and & sweetmeat called Not a few of this religious order are learned men, laddu, made very large, is distributed amongst them. and devote a large portion of their time to study The novitiate is now regarded as a Gosain, but he and meditation. They are great readers of the does not become a perfect one until the Vijaiya S'astras, such as the Mimansa, Nyaya, Manjuka, Hom has been performed, at which a Gosain, famous and others, and also of the Puranas. Many Brahfor religion and learning, gives him the original mans, even Pandits, or learned Brahmans, come to mantra of Siva. The ceremony generally occupies them for instruction, which they impart freely three days in Benares. On the first day the without the smallest recompense. All classes of Gosain is again shaved, leaving & tuft on the the community pay them the greatest ho top of the head called in Hindi Chundi, but in to worshipping them. They are addressed as Sanskrit, Shikha. For that day he is consider- Swami Ji, that is, master, lord, spiritual teacher. ed to be a Brahınan, and is obliged to beg at Although they are said to worship idols, yet they a few houses. On the second day he is held to be make no obeisance to them. They are singularly & Brahmachari, and wears coloured garments, and independent in all their actions, and make no salam also the janeo or sacred cord. On the third day or sign of respect to any object, human or divine, the janeo is taken from him, and the Chundi is cut
TRIDANDI. off. The mantra of S'iva is made known to him, and also the Rudri Gayatri (not the usual one daily
A species of Gosains, originally they bore a pronounced by Brahmans). He is now a full Gosain! trident as their emblem ; hence the naine which
they assume. This practice, however, has ceased or oanparast, is removed from other persons, and abandons the secular world. Henceforth he is
to be observed. They are S'aivas, or worshippers bound to observe all the tenets of the Gosains. The
of Siva, and in habits are like Gosains. The Tricomplete Gosains, who have performed the ceremony
dandis do not marry. Their bodies after death are of Vijaiya Hom, are celibates. It is customary
buried, not burnt. therefore for men not to perform it until they are forty or fifty years of age, as it involves the aban- This class, or order, is of many kinds. Some are donment of their wives and families. Gosains will prognosticators of future events; others lead about eat food in the houses of Brahmans and Rajputs animals of monstrous formation in order to excite only. At death their bodies are not burnt, but are religious wonder and curiosity; others have their either buried or thrown into the Ganges.
ears split and wear in them a kind of ear-ring for DANDI.
sacred purposes. Persons of all castes can, in these The Dandis ar neither a caste nor a tribe of
latter daye, enter the order ; but this was not the Hindus, but are an order of devotees. As they
rule originally. Jogis are not particular on the keep themselves very distinct from the rest of the
subject of marriage, and some of them take to themcommunity, they demand a separate notice. Their
selves wives. At death their bodies are buried; habits are peculiar. One of thent has supplied an
and their tombs, termed Samadh, are held in 88appellation for the entire class, derived from their
cred estimation, and are often visited by pilgrims for habit of always carrying a staff in the band. Hence
idolatrous purposes. the name Dandi, from danda, a stick. They are
The term Jogi or Yogi is properly applicable; Brahmans and receive disciples only from
says Mr. Wilson, " to the followers of the Yoga or
the Brahmans.
Patanjala school of philosophy, which, amongst The Dandis do not touch fire, or metal, or vessels
other tenets, maintained the practicability of acmade of any sort of metals. It is impossible, there
quiring, even in life, entire command over elementary fore, for them to cook their own food like other
matter by means of certain ascetic practices." Hindus; it is equally impossible also for them to
BRAKHACHARI. handle money. They wear one long unsewn reddish This name is given to a sect of Brahman ascetics. cloth, thrown about the person. Although they are They wear red cloth and the rudraksk, let their hair on principle penniless, yet they do not beg. Their and beard grow, and besmear their bodies with
JOOL

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
ashes. They are worshippers of Siva. The Bramhacharis live as recluses apart from their families, and at death their bodies are burnt.
The word Bramhachari is also applied to a religious student, to persons learned in the Vedas, and in various other ways.
THE HILL TRIBES OF THE NEILGHERRIES. (Madras Standard, Oct. 18.)
NEXT to the Badagas, in importance and numbers, are the Kotahs. They live in seven Kotagherries or villages, situated far apart on the hills, so that each Kotah village has its own set of Badagas, for whom they make tools, ropes, baskets, jewels, and whose funerals they attend with their musical instruments. The Kotahs are of very low cacte. they will eat from any one, and do not object to devouring carrion of all sorts; they are not particular how an animal dies, and during a murrain the Kotahs feast and fatten. They cultivate the soil with a little more care than the Badagas, but grow the same grains, &c., and in the same style. They keep cattle, which they sometimes kill for food, but strange to say they do not milk them. Their Shukars (funeral ceremonies) and marriage ceremonies are much the same as those of the Badagas, though they do not spend as much money on those occasions. They are far more independent than the Badagas, and do not care to work for Europeans. Their iron-work is of the coarsest description. They, however, make batchets, adzes, and bill-hooks pretty well, and their neighbours like them better than English tools. They are very keen after game. A few can shoot, and if any one they know to be a good shot gives notice at a village, the inhabitants. will all turn out, yelling and shrieking after sambur, They make a strong durable rope out of buffaloe hide, much sought after by Badagas for fastening their cattle, &c. Their women work up a sort of black clay, found in swamps, out of which they make pots for themselves and neighbours; but of a very inferior kind. One most remarkable circumstance amongst these people is that they actually court venereal disease; a young man who has not suffered from this before he is of a certain age is looked upon as a disgrace! It is hardly necessary for me to say that they are vilely dirty in their habits, and most immoral. Their language is a most discordant jargon, entirely different from that spoken by any other of the bill tribes, and I have heard them boast of the fact that no one but themselves can understand it.
[JANUARY, 1873.
posed to minister to the wants of their owners in the happy land of departed Todahs. Formerly all the buffaloes a man had were despatched after him. Government has now put a restriction on the number, and the Todahs are not allowed to kill them without notice being given to, and permission obtained from, the authorities. The Todahs greatly object to this restriction; but I know they are really very glad, because the greater number of cattle they have, the more ghee, and consequently the more rupees, are procured. They do not like to have many women amongst them, and it used to be a custom among them to kill all the female children but one which a woman might bear. In former times these murders were perpetrated with much ceremony and feasting; latterly they were more quietly performed, till Government put a stop to them altogether. The Todahs do not, however, seem any better for it. Three and four men are supposed to have only one wife in common. Any children she may bear are common to all. Like the Badagas and Kotahs, they are very immoral. The women do nothing but lounge about the munds, butter their hair and cook. The Todahs eat a variety of greens, the heart of the thistle, fungi, tender shoots of bamboo, and meat, when they can get it. They kill young ball calves and eat the flesh, but will not touch that of grown cattle; they will do anything for sambur or ibex, though they never shoot or capture game themselves. They are terrible thieves, and many sportsmen have lost game through the tricks of their Todah shikaries.
Last come the Kurumbas; they are not very numerous about the Neilgherries; they live in horrible dirty villages at the foot of the hills, amongst the thickest forest teeming with jungle fever; they are of the sect known in Wynand as "Jaan" or "honey" Kurumbas. They get this name from their chief employment, which is seeking honey. They used to live almost entirely on roots, but of late years they have found it remunerative to cultivate their soil, and their clearings are much larger than they used to be. They never take more than three or four crops off the same piece. They barn their dead with very little tamasha. Besides supplying the Badagas with the elephant pole required at their Shukars, the Kurumbas have to sow the first handful of grain for the Badagas every season, for which service they receive a small quantity of the crop. Unlike their neighbours, the Kurumbas are a very small, emaciated lot; nevertheless they are very active and will out-walk any other natives. They have incredibly keen eye-sight, gained from constantly watching the bee to its hive. When they find one not quite ready to take, they place a couple of sticks in a certain position; this sign will prevent any other Kurumba from taking the honey ("a rule of their own"), and no Badaga or other hill man would meddle with it on any account, for fear of being killed by sorcery, for they dread the Kurumba more than any wild beast; indeed their fear of them is so great that a simple threat of vengeance has in some cases proved fatal. This, I believe, has originated from Kurumbas having at different times poisoned Badagas in a secret underhand way, so as to make their deaths appear as if caused by supernatural agency. In times gone by, when the Kurumbas of a village became very notorious, Todaha, Badagas, and Kotahs would combine, surround the village at night, and murder all the inhabitants. For following elephants and bison they are invaluable assistants, as they will never lose or mistake a track. They, however, dread the charge of an elephant, and though they will put you near the game very well, they scamper up trees the instant any danger appears; indeed I have known them vanish almost mysteriously when a rogue elephant was in question before a shot was fired. They have a jargon of their own, apparently a mixture of Canarese, Malayalam, and Tamil.
RIFLE.
Next to these gentry come the Todahs: their men are generally fine handsome fellows, and I have heard some of their women spoken of as beauties. They are,however, a lazy, good-for-nothing lot; they do no work at all beyond tending their buffaloes, cutting sticks, seeking honey and building their munds or villages, for which they certainly choose very pretty sites. They get all their grain from the Bada gas and Kotahs; a good part of it is paid to them as a sort of black-mail, which they used to levy with much rigour and authority; but since their neighbours have got more independent, and know that Government will protect them from injustice, this levy is paid more from custom than fear, and I dare say before long the Todahs will have to buy all the grain they require. The Todahs formerly would not allow the Badagas to graze their cattle in the neighbourhood of their munds: now, however, the latter tribe build kraals far out amongst, and even beyond, the Todah munds, and feed their buffaloes with those of their would-be masters with impunity. They burn their dead without much ceremony at the time, except that the corpse must be burned only at certain phases of the moon. Should a man die on what they consider a bad day, his body is kept in the hut over smoke for 10 or 15 days till a "good day" comes! They afterwards hold a "Kerd" or killing of buffaloes, which are sup

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FEBRUARY, 1873.]
THE CHANDEL THAKURS.
THE CHANDEL THÁKÚRS. By F. N. WRIGHT, B.A., Oxon., B. C. S.
MONG the many tribes that by migration,
A
desire to obtain relief from an over-crowded home, have established themselves in the Antarbed, the Chandel Thâkûrs present perhaps as interesting a history as any. The following particulars are derived from two family histories (Banswala)the one belonging to the now extinct branch of Sheorâjpûr, and the other to that which, first establishing itself in Sachendi, has covered with its numerous ramifications the whole of the south of parganah Jâjmau, zilla Kânhpûr. The former history is in Persian, the latter in Hindi; and the characteristics of each are so strongly marked, and have so important a bearing on the accuracy of the facts which they relate, that it is necessary briefly to call attention to them.
The account contained in the Persian MS. was compiled by order of the last râjâ, Sati Prasâd, in A. D. 1841. The main object of the compilation being an elaborate statement of the rights due to, and the wrongs suffered by, the Sheorâjpûr râj, little space is devoted to the pre-historic period; but the details of the more recent events are concise and particular. Though, however, the phraseology is elegant, and graceful couplets on the attributes of various rajâs break the monotony of somewhat dry detail, the reader is not encouraged to linger till he arrives at the commencement of English rule, when the fortunes of the powerful clan began to totter-their final ruin being accomplished by the disloyalty of their chieftain in 1857, and his imprisonment and subsequent death in a stranger's house. The Hindi MS., also of comparatively recent date, is the compilation of one or more bards; and containing probably the material for many an epic, chanted to admiring and wondering audiences round the village chaupal, it is full of mythical and exaggerated details, which, whatever lustre they may lend to the proud family to which they refer, decidedly lessen our faith in the accuracy of all that is not supported by collateral evidence. While, therefore, the Hindi MS. is of value in so far as it corroborates the more precise record of the Persian document, compiled
I have in vain attempted to fix the exact date of compilation: it is probably not the work of one time only.
This pedigree I have collated most carefully with others in possession of cadet branches. As it is a mere list of names, I do not give it here.
33
from papers actually in possession of the writer at the time of writing, though lost subsequently in the mutiny, it is to the latter we must look for a trustworthy description of the manner in which the Chandels came to establish themselves so far from their original home.
The Chandels trace their origin through Chandra, the moon, up to Brahma, the great creative principle, including in their pedigree historic names, such as Jijât and Pûr. From Brahma to Sati Prasâd, the last acknowledged râjâ, 118 generations are numbered; but the various pedigrees collated contain several discrepancies in the earlier names, some of which are noted below. The mythical origin of the Chandels is thus described by the Hindi MS.:"Hemvati was daughter of Indarjît, Gahlwâr Thâkûr, Raja of Banâras; with her at midnight the Moon had dalliance: she awoke when she recovered her senses, and saw the Moon returning to his own place. She was about to curse him, and said "I am not a Gautam woman" (this allusion is obscure), when he replied-"The curse of Sri Krishn has been fulfilled; your son will become very great, and his kingdom will extend from sunset to sunrise." Hemvati said"Tell me that spell by which my sin may be absolved." Chandra said-"You will have a son, and he will be your absolution;" and he gave her this spell- Go to Asu, near Kâlingar, and there dwell. When within a short time of being delivered, cross the river Kin (?), and go to Khajrain, where Chintaman§ Banya dwells, and live there with him. Your son shall perform a great sacrifice. In this iron age sacrifices are not perfect. I will appear as a Brahman and complete the sacrifice: then your absolution will be perfect."
The fruit of this intrigue was Chandra Varma (called in the Persian MS. Chandra Puras, or Chandra Deo); and the date of his birth is given as Kâtik Badi 4, Sambat 204. From him to the well-known Parmâl Deo, whose fort, Kâlingar, was taken by Kûtb-ûd-dîn, A. D. 1202 (Sambat 1258), there are, according to the Persian MS., 49 generations; but the Hindi MS. reckons only 23. The chronology of the
"Of Hemraj, Brahman in Indarjit's service."-H. Elliot. The descendants of this Chintaman for many years retained the office of Diwan to the Chandel râjâs.
Elliot's Ind. Hist., II. 281.

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latter, however, is glaringly incorrect: the dura- tion of the reigns of successive râjâs never agrees with the period given in the dates of each succession ; while Parmal Deo's reign is dated 1044 Sambat, or a discrepancy of over 200 years from the date mentioned above. The date given by the Persian MS. of the succession of Sabhájit, son of Parmål Deo, 1223 Sambat, agrees more closely with that of the Hindi Ms. The Persian MS. probably erre in excess of names; as, for instance, when brother succeede brother on the gaddi, and the reign of the second is reckoned as that of a separate generation. It is clear, however, that no correct date can be assigned to any tribe in the long pedigree till the invasion of the Muhammadans.*
Chandra Varma, then, the reputed son of Chandra, established his dynasty after a series of battles waged, according to the Hindi MS., by countless hosts of horsemen, who were paid from extravagantly exaggerated treasures in Chande Chandawal in the Dakhan. To him and his successors the same MS. gives almost universal empire in India : he is represented as annually making expeditions with enormous armies and immense treasures, conquering râja after râjâ, and exacting tribute from the kings of Rûm and Ceylon. He, it is said, founded the fort of Kalingar; and branches of his family settled themselves in the Kârnâtik, in Kallu Kanhûr, in Mirat, the Sambal country (Rohilkhand), and Kumaon. The latter rûj was founded by Manikchand, fifth in descent from Parmal Deo, and son of Bihr Deo, who reigned at Kanauj, accord- ing to the Persian MS. ; while the Hindi MS. gives Kandar Varma, grandson of Chandra Varma, as the founder.f
It would seem fruitless to endeavour to define the exact limits of the territory actually subject to any one raja (as is attempted in Elliot's Supp. Glossary); for the claims of each to universal empire are mere romance, dexterously coloured by the bard with glowing accounts of huge armies, countless treasures, and innumerable marriages.
I divide the history of the Chandels into the following dynasties :
The Chande Chandawal. The Chanderi founded by Damkhoh (Persian MS.)
Bir Varma (Hindi MS.)
The Mahobafounded by Madan Varma (Persian MS.)
Mân Varma (Hindi MS.) The Kanauj, founded by Sabhájit.
The Sheoraj pûr, founded by Sheoraj Singh. of these five dynasties, those preceding the Mahoba line are pre-historic. Instead of the 18 râjâs of Mahoba given in Elliot's Glossary, the Persian Ms. gives but 8, and the Hindi MS. but 14. I give them here.
Mån Varma. Gyan Varma. Ján Varma (? Nanda, Ganda--Ell. Gloss.) Gaj Varma. Kil Varma (? Kirat Varma-Ell. Gloss.) Sakat Varma. Bhagat Varma. Jagat Varma. Rahlia Varma. Suraj Varma. Rûp Varma. Madan Varma. Kirat Varma.
Parmal Deo, after whom the suffix"Deo" was invariably used.
of the causes of the several migrations, no satisfactory explanation is given in either MS. If we accept the Mahoba as the only genuine Chandel dynasty, the two preceding dynasties can represent only the settlement of junior branches of original stock in convenient situations. It is, however, quite as reasonable to consider the whole lineage as one, and the migration to Mahoba (which is certainly not the original birth-place of a Chandel tribe, if name is any guide) as induced by the same causes as those that led to the subsequent migrations. With respect to the migration to Mahoba, the Persian MS. says : -" At this time the râjâ of Kanauj, a Gahlwar, who till this time was rich and prosperous, first frum the blows received at the hands of Rai-Pithaura, and afterwards from the pressure of Shahâb-ud-din Afghan Ghori, left his home and established himself in Banaras. Then Sabbajit, by advice of his wazirs and khedives, established himself in Kanauj." The Hindi MS., in a long involved passage attributing the destruction of Kanauj to Prithiraj, says“ Then Sabhájit left Mahoba for Kananj." This leaves the impression that the Chandels, finding the reputedly fertile and wealthy Kanauj open wal being eliminated); this sketch, however, is intended to show only what is contained in genuine native historier.
+ I have endeavogrod, without success, to obtain accurate information on this point.
. I regret I have not General Cunningham's account of this interesting race to verify the date, 800 A.D. given by him as that of their rise (it would seem to me to be that of the founding of Chanderi, the rajus of Chande Chanda

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THE CHANDEL THAKU RS.
35
R
AO.
PA
From this
to them, crossed the Jamuna for the fertile him the betel leaf prepared for him daily in his plains of the Doâb.
home, before the hour of midday meal." 'The Both MSS, are agreed that for eight genera- Hindi Ms. simply says:-" In 1983 Sambat, tions the head-quarters of the clan were at Bheoraj Deo came to Sheorkjpor, and, destroying Kananj, though the year of the migration thither the fort of Rådhan, founded Sheorâjpûr." The is given by the Persian MS. at Sambat 1223, fort at Râdhan certainly appears too massive and by the Hindi one as 1180—& comparatively to have served as head-quarters for so brief trifling discrepancy.
a time as would appear from the Persian M8. The eight râjâs of Kananj were
It probably dates from before the Chandel Sabhájit.
incursion Gyás Deo.
The object, therefore, of this last migration Ghansyâm Deo.
is not clearly brought out. From the analogy Bihr Deo.
of the settlements of Gaur Thâkûrs in Nârh, Lahr Deo.
parganah Rasûlabad, the Mughuls of Bârah Süp Deo.
and the Chauhậns of Mohânâ, parganah Ak
bârpur, zilla Kanhpûr, it would seem that the Bâs Deo.
Meos (Mewâs, Mewatis, whose rule is invariably Khakh Deo. Dhâm Deo.
put at 550 years back, as having preceded the
existing clans) becoming turbulent and lawless, Sheoraj Deo Pat Deo Lag Deo the aid of the stronger Hindu râjâs was acceptfounded Sheo- founded founded ed by the emperor, and grants of land bestowed râj pûr. Pachor.
Sapihi.
upon them for their services. In Elliot's GlosᎡJ. . RAWAT:
sary it is said “The Chandels of Sheorâjpûr From this From this From this
in Kânhpûr are represented to have received branch descend- branch des- branch des
from the Gautams 62 villages in that parganah, ed the cended the cended the
having been induced to leave Mahoba after the Rawat of Onha. Rânâ of Sakrej. Rawat of RA
defeat of their chief, Birmaditya,t by Prithiwatpûr.
raj.". This account of the origin of the Chandel A sort of intermediate, migration was made
influence in zilla Kanhpûr is not confirmed by from Kanauj to Rådhan, where the remains of a
either of the MSS.; nor is it perhaps probable large fort overlooking a wide expanse of country
that it would be, even if true. It takes, moreover, bear silent witness to departed greatness. The
no account of the Kanauj dynasty. The 62 vilPersian Ms. gives the following account:
lages, however, are well known to the present “Sheoraj Deo founded Sheorajpur and called
day, and formed the råja's tålaka under our it after his own name, so that from Kumaon
settlements. to Karra (Manikpur) the whole country of 'I have shown above the principal branches of Kananj was in his possession. Since the rule the original Chandel stock; of these, the Pachor of the Muhammadans had been established now. branch is extinct, and the Sakrej branch practifor some time, all the râjâs and great men of cally so. The rânâ still grasps at some remnant the country attended the emperor's court, and of clan-authority, and his attendance at wed-. amongst them Sheorâj Deo, regarding whom it dinge is sought after to give the ceremony éclat." was ordered that leaving Kanauj" (where he was on the death of the râna, those of the brotherprobably too strong) "he was to reside in Tappa hood who still warm to their old nobility meet Radhan and Bilhat, in the parganah of Bithûr, and, contributing small presents of grain, clothes, where is "Sita Rasoi.'. Sheoraj accordingly, and money, go through the ceremony of imprint obeying the emperor's order, left the fort of ing the tilake. The other branches stil flourish, Kananj, and first building a fort in Rådhan lived the representative of Onha being the picture of there ; and afterwards founding Sheorijpâr, he Rajpût squire. The last titled occupant of the established his role there. While he lived in Sheorajpar gaddi, accused of disloyalty, Was Kanaujhe had soldiers, horse and foot, namerong stripped of all his landed property--mutilated as as the waves of the ses, so that to enumerate them its value was by the conferment of sab-proprie is impossible. They say that when the Mjå went tary rights on the Mukaddame at the last settle for a short time to Karra, horsemen carried to ment and thrown into jail; and after the expira * Zilla Fattehpar.
f No such name in the podigree.

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tion of his sentence he died dependent on the charity of a Brâhman landowner, to whom all the sanads were left. Of the original given by Akbar to Raja Ramchandra, I append a traus- lation.
The original branches, therefore, possessed themselves of the old parganahs, Sheorajpur, Shooli, and Bithûr, and also stretched over the river Pandu into parganah Akbarpur. One branch, however, the renegade branch of Sachendi, remains to be noticed. The Persian MS., which gives a clearer account than the Hindi one belonging to the Sachendi family-Bays, regarding their rise :-“They say that Harsingh Deo, son of Karkaj Deo, a brother of Karchand, who lived at Bihari (? Pyari), on the banks of the Ganges, had a son, Hindu Singh, very strong and great, but infamous for his oppression of the rayats.. At that time Râjá Indarjít, hearing of this, was grievously offended. One day that very man, passing through Lachhmânpar Misran, got up & quarrel with the inhabitants, and began to oppress them greatly. The Brahmans complained to the râjâ, and set forth all the oppresBion they had undergone. The râja, becoming very angry, wrote to him, ordering him to leave his home and seek another country, and wamed him that to eat and drink in this country was forbidden him : it were better he went elsewhere. He then, with all his belongings, went and settled in Tappa Sapihi (v.s.), and became the servant of the Râo of Sapihi. At that time fortune so favoured Hindu Singh that he rose to great power, and built forts in Behnor and Bachendi, and established his rule over a large tract of country, and engaged thousands of soldiers, horse and foot, and obtained victories in many battles waged against him. His fame was noised abroad, and he assumed the title of Raja of Sachendi." From the Hindi MS., however, the family history of the Sachendi line, we obtain the following account of the rise of that family, which overran the whole south of Jajmau, and eventually got the territory under the old family temporarily in its grasp. “The 85th was Gargaj Deo, who had two song-Karchan Deo, by a concubine, and Harsingh Deo, the sister's son of the Tilakchand Bais. When Gargaj Deo died, Karchan Deo and Harsingh Deo disputed about the succession, hearing which Tilakchand came to the râni and desired she would give the raj to Harsingh Deo. She refused, and set Karchan Deo upon the gaddi Harsingh Deo left Sheoraj pôr, came to Behnor,
and founded Bir-( ? Har-)singhpûr and a second gaddi." The truth appears to be more with the latter account, Hindu Singh being a descendant some generations distant of Harsingh Deo, and living in the reigns of Indarjît and Hindupat, cotemporary of Firoz Shah, to which râjâs, says the MS., "Hindu Singh, in spite of his power, never failed in respect, nor committed so grave an offence as that of his son, Sambhar Singh." Hindu Singh's power indeed became so great, and his contumacy so determined, that the reigning emperor got the Badauria râjâ to attack him and expel him the country, the great forts of Behnor, Sachendi, &c., being given over to the Badaurias. Sambhar Singh, however, returned 18 years after, and recovered the whole of the lost territory. This same Sambbar Singh rose to such power, that he ousted the young Ribal Singh (who had to fly the country), and obtained title-deeds to the greater part of the country, and established a "Thâna in Sheoraj pûr." With the aid, however, of Nawab Najaf Khân, Nazim of Nawab Wazir-ul-Mamâlik Asf-ud-Daulah, he (Ribal Singh) re-established his authority over the whole parganah of Sheoråjpûr.
Thenceforth the history is but of local interest, the Persian MS. being an account of the raja's relations with the English, and the Hindi MS. a barren list of names, useless except for the purpose of tracing the founding of any particolar village.
The above pretends to no scientific accuracy, but is merely a resumé of the more interesting portions of two genuine family histories translated by the writer, In reality the Hindi MS. is devoted to the wonderful doings of Parmál Deo and his heroes, Ala and Udal, whose feats absorb quite half the volume. For grace of style (notably in the account of how Hinda pat was persuaded to marry again, though blind, after the death of a favourite son) the Persian MS. is greatly to be preferred, but for a thorough sample of a family history the Hindi MS. is specially valuable, Sanad of Jalal-ud-din Akbar to Rdja Ramchand.
Since it has been brought to our notice that from time of old, according to immemorial custom, Rs. 15,000 for support, and one“ tinka" per cultivated bigha by right of seigniory from the villages of parganah Bithür, Sirker Kanany, by title of zamindári, have been received by my good friend Ramchandra Chandel, and that he is in possession of full enjoyment of that grant and fees : he has petitioned our majesty that an

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order be passed that the abovementioned grant and fees, by title of zamindâri from the villages above mentioned, according to former custom, be continued in his possession and enjoyment from Rabi; that from year to year, and from harvest to harvest, he may enjoy and possess them; and being a true and loyal servant, may for ever pray for our greatness and prosperity.. Be it ordered, therefore, that all officers and servants, Jâgirdârân and Croriân, now and for ever, obeying this order, and accepting those
VAISHNAVA POETS OF BENGAL.
HAVING, in the introductory essay, given a general view of the subject of Vaishnava literature in its philosophical and general aspect, I propose now, in this and succeeding papers, to analyze more in detail the writings of some of the principal early masters, with special reference to their language. The Vaishnavas are the earliest writers in Bengali, and in them we trace the origin of that form of speech. In Bidyapati indeed the language is hardly yet definitely Bengali: it is rather an extremely eastern member of the wide-spread group of dialects which we call, somewhat loosely, Hindi-a group whose peculiarities are, in the western portion of its area, allied to Panjâbi and Sindhi, while in the east they have developed characteristics which find their extreme, and almost exaggerated, expansion in modern Bengali.
Very little is known about Bidyâpati. Native tradition represents him as the son of one Bhabânanda Rai, a Brâhman of Barnator in Jessore. His real name was Basanta Rai, and he is mentioned by this name in one of the poems of the Pada-kalpataru (No. 1817). The date of his birth is said to be A.D. 1433, and of his death 1481. These dates are probably correct, as his language exhibits a stage of development corresponding to the beginning and middle of the fifteenth century. He mentions as his patrons Rai Sib Singh, Râpnarayana, and Lachhimâ Debi, wife of Sib Singh; and in one passage he prays for the "five lords of Gaur" (chiranjiva rahu pancha Gaureéwara kabi Bidyapati bhane). From these indications I should place the poet at Nadiya (Nabadwipa), afterwards the birthplace of Chaitanya, Rai Sib Singh and the other "lords of Gaur" being wealthy landowners of
37
rights as free, complete, and fixed, leave them in his possession, nor change nor alter in any respect, nor interfere in any way, nor demand a fresh title.
THE EARLY VAISHNAVA POETS OF BENGAL.
I.
BIDYA'PATI.
BY JOHN BEAMES, B.C.S., M.R.A.S., &c.
95 Villages.
Râdhan... 44 villages. Bharbedi... 6 villages. Bilhat .... 12" Haveli...... 18 Phalphandi 7
"
......
Barua..... 8 73
Note. Of the above, only Râdhan and Barua are names of villages: the remainder are local definitions of areas now extinct.
that district; and we may accept his language. as a type of the vernacular of Upper Bengal (Gaur) at that period.
A considerable number of this master's songs, under his nom de plume of Bidyapati (lord of learning), are contained in the Pada-kalpataru ; and his popularity is probably due to his being only just dead and still in great repute when Chaitanya was born. The reformer is said to have been fond of reciting his poems, as well as those of the Birbhum poets, Jayadeva and Chandi Dâs, the former of whom wrote in Sanskrit and the latter in Bengali. The printed edition of the Pada-kalpataru is unfortunately very uncritically edited; and the compiler, Vaishnaba Dâs (or, as modern Bengalis would pronounce his name, Boishtob Das), is a man of very modern date, so that there is reason to suspect that a general modernization of the text has taken place, individual instances of which will be pointed out hereafter. Bengali scholars themselves admit this, and do not deny that the process has been. ignorantly conducted, many a good racy word of ganwari, or village Hindi, having been mangled to make it bear some resemblance to the modern Bengali, with which alone the editor was acquainted. A reconstruction of the text is not possible until the subject has been more thoroughly handled. Working alone in this virgin field, I am especially anxious to avoid all hasty and unsupported conjectures, and shall therefore treat the existing text as tenderly as possible, only suggesting such amended readings as are obviously demanded by the context, and bearing in mind that the great divergence of modern Bengali pronunciation from the ancient standard may have had some influence on the

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spelling, inasmuch as the poems were handed To-day I will give thee instruction : down orally for a long time before they were First indeed thou shalt sit on the edge of the reduced to writing.
couch ; In making selections from this master, we are When thy lover would look at thee), thon to a great extent confined to the amatory portions shalt turn away (thy) neck; of the collection. The contemporaries of Chai- When he touches (thee) with both hands, thou tanya were the first to introduce the chaster shalt put aside (his) hand; poems, which treat of Krishqa's early life in Braj Thou shalt be silent even when he speaks a (goshtha) and Jasoda's maternal cares (bâtsalya). word ; The pre-Chaitanya writers seldom speak of any. When I shall deliver thee (to him) hand to thing but love of the grossest and most sensual hand, kind.
Quickly turning thou shalt seize me tremblingly. In transliterating there is much uncertainty Bidyâpati saith-This is delight indeed ; and irregularity in respect of the short final a The tutor of love (am ly, I will teach you the sound. Strictly speaking, though omitted in lesson. prose, it should always be pronounced in verse;
II. but if this rule were observed in these poems, (Speech of Krishna's messenger to Radha.) the metre would be destroyed. As a general Jibana chahi jaubana basa ranga, rule, Hindi words end with the consonant, and Tabe jaubana jab supur ukha sanga; words still in their old Sanskrit form sound the Supurukha prem kabahu jâni chhari, vowel; thus, we should read jab, hám, but Dine dine chand kalá sama bâri. backana, not bachan. This rule again, however, Tahun jaichhe nângari kana rasabant, w as is constantly neglected ; and I have therefore Bara punye rasabati mile rasabant. been guided by the practice of the Kirtanias, or Tuhun jadi kalasi, kariye anusang, professional singers, whose method of pronuncia- Chatri piriti haye lakh guņa sang, tion depends upon the tune, and has been handed Supurukha aichhan nahi jag majh, down by imunemorial tradition. The Sanskrit 'Ar tåhe anurata baraja samajh : v and b are both pronounced b in Bengali Bidyâpati kahe ithe nahi laja and I have so written them throughout. The Rap gunabatikä iha bara kaja.-I. iii. 4. (63.) text and translation will be accompanied by a
Translation. few notes explaining the difficult words or con- i Youth is the greatest delight in life. structions; and I shall conclude with an attempt Youth is then, when with (one's) lover. at sketching an outline of the grammar used Having (once) known the good man's love, when in the poems.
wilt thou leave it?
Day by day, like the digits of the moon, it grows. (Rådhâ's confidante instructs her how to be
Sportive as thou art, just so amorous is Kanh: have at her first interview with Krishna.)
By great virtue the amorosa meets the amoroso : Sun, sun, e dhani, bachana bisesh!.
If thou sayest, influenced by desire, 'Aju han deyaba tohe upades:
Stolen love has a myriad merits, Pahila hi baithabi sayanaka sim,
(Yet bethink thee) such a lover there is not in Heraäte piyâ morabi gim,
the world : Parasite duhun kare bârabi pâni,
All the denizens of Braj are enamoured of him. Mauna karabi pahun kaïrate bani,
Bidyâpati saith-In this there is no shame; Jab hâm sonpaba kare kara api
This is the great business of a beautiful and Sath se dharabi ulaţi mohe kanpi.
virtuous woman. I Bidy&pati kaha iha rasa sathat, Kamguru har sikhayaba pât.--I. i. 22.(49.)*
(Radha's confidante describes her mistress's Translation
condition to Krishna.) Heer, hear, O lady, a special word!
Khelata ni khelata loka dekhi laj, • The first number is that of the S'Akha of the Pade-kal
cf. Horace Epod. + Manum puella suavie opport
tao, antrema ef in aponda cubet. pataru; the second, the Pallab; the third, the song; and
To wit, the gratification of mensual desires! One canthat in brackets is the consecutive number which runs
not help wondering what results such teaching this can through the whole collection, and is after all the easiest to be expected to produce ; fortunately, these parts of the refer to
Vaishnava creed are not often sung before women.
.

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VAISHNAVA POETS OF BENGAL.
39
As though the sun and moon rose together driv
ing away the darkness. Cho. Ah lady! the moonlight has increased : With what labour how many charms fate has
given to thee! Thy budding breast thou coverest with thy
robe, showing it a very little ; With how much soever labour thou hidest it, the
snowy mountain cannot be hid. Looking sidelong with glancing eye, adorned
with collyrium, Like a lotus shaken by the wind, tilted by the
Woight of the bees. Quoth Bidyâpati - Listen, maiden, know that
such as is all this, Rai Sib Singh and Rûpnarayan, (such is)
Lachhimâ Debi in truth.
Herata na herata sahachari mâjh. Suna, buna, Madhab, tohâri dohai! Bara aparüp âju pekhalu Rai; Mukharuchi manohar, adhara surang, Phutala bândhuli kamalaka sang. Lochana janu thira bhpinga âkâr Madhu matala kiye usaï nå pår. Bhânaka bhangima thori janu. Kâjare sâjala Madan dhanu Bhanaye Bidyâ pati dautik bachane Bikasala anga na jâyat dharane.--I. iv. 5. (80.)
Translation. Sporting, (or) not sporting, on seeing folk (she
feels) shame; Beeing, (or) not seeing, (she remains) among
her companions. Hear, hear, Madhab, the cry for help to thee!
In ill guise have I seen Rai to-day; · The charming brilliance of her face, her tinted
lip (Were as though) the båndhuli flowered beside
the lotus. (Her) eye like a fixed bee in shape, (Which) drunk with honey flies not away. The slight curve of her eyebrows (is) as though Love had adorned his bow with lamp-black. Quoth Bidyâpati-A messenger's word indeed! The budding limbs are not being embraced.
The next example is historically interesting as containing the names of the master's patrons. Legend says that Lachhima Debi was to Bidyapati what Beatrice was to Dante, and Laura to Petrarch; and it is hinted that she was something more; but this latter insinuation seems to be contradicted by his attachment to the husband, Sib Singh, so I prefer not to believe it.
IV. Sandara badane sindůra bindu sâuala chikura
bhar; Janu rahi sasi sangahi uyala pichhe kari andhiyâr
Râmå he adhik chandrima bhel : Kata na jatane kata adabhta bihi bahi tore del. Uraja ankura chire jhâpâyasi thor thor darbây ; Kata na jatane kata na gopasi hime giri na lukây. Chanchala lochane bauka nekârini ağjana sobha- na tây,
vì t
h ế Janu in dibara pabane pelila ali bhare ultây. Bhana Bidy&pati sunaha jubati e sab e rupa jân, Ray Sib Singh, Rûpanarayaņa, Lachhim& Debi paramân.-III. xxiv. 7. (1852.)
i Translation. On (her) fair face the vermilion spot, black (her)
weight of hair,
(Description of Spring.) Áola pitupati râja Basant, Dhola alikula madhabi panth: Dinakara kiraņa bhel paugand; Kesara kusuma dharala hema dand, Nřipa âsana naba pithala pât; Kanchana kusuma chhatra dharu math; Mauli rasala mukota bhel tây, Samukhahi kokila panchama gây. Sikhikula nâchat alikula jantr, An dwijakula pashu asish mantr. Chandratap ure kuguma parág, Malaya paban saha bhel anurâg. Kunda billi taru dharala nišân, Patala tula asoka dalaban, Kinsuka labangalatâ eka sang, Heri sisira șitu âge dila bhang; Sainya sajaia madhu makhyik kul, Sisiraka sabahun karala nirmal. Udhârala sarasija pâola prân, Nija nabadale kara asana dân. Naba Brindabana râjye bihậr ; Bidyâpati kaha samayaka sâr.-III. xxvi. 7. (1450.) -
Translation. The lord of the seasons has come, King -Spring; the bees hasten towards the Madhavi : the rays of the sun have reached their youthful prime: the kes'ara flower has set up its golden sceptre, a king's throne is the fresh conch of its leaves ; the kânchan flower holds the umbrella over his head, its fragrant garland is a crown to him ; in front of him) the koīl sings its sweetest note. The tribe of peacocks dances (like) a swarm of bees, (like) another orowd of

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Brâhmans reciting invocations and spells. The pollen of flowers floats like a canopy, toying with the southern breeze. Jasmine and bel have planted their standard, with påtala, tula, and as oka as generals, kins'uka and clove-vine tendrils along with them : seeing (them) the winter-season flies from before (them). The tribe of honey-bees have arrayed their ranks, they have routed entirely the whole of the winter ; the water-lily has raised itself up and found life, with its own new leaves it makes itself a seat. A fresh spring shines in Brindaban; Bidyâpati describes the essence of seasons.
VI. E dhani kamalini suna hita bâņi ! Prem karabi ab supurukha jâni. Sujanaka prema hema sama tul, Dabite kanaka dwigun haye múl. Tutaïte nâhi ţute prema adabhut, Yaichhane bâphata mpinalaka sut. Sabahu matanga jemoti nâhi mâni; Sakal kanthe nåhi kokila bâņi; Sakal samay nahe pitu basant; Sakal purukh nâri nahe guarant; Bhaņaye Bidyâpati suna bara nåri, Premaka rit ab bujhaha bichári.-I. v. 8. (109.)
Translation. O lotus-like lady, hear a friendly word! Thou shalt practise love now, having known a goodman. A good man's love is equal to gold, (like) gold in burning it has double value. In breaking, it breaks not (this) wonderful love : it * In No. I. the following words deserve notice :
Baithabi, the Hindi form of the root with old Bengali termination : modern Bengali would be basibi gim. Sanskrit griva.
Pahun; this curious word is generally='near, 'Skr. pars've; but it must sometimes be rendered again, and sometimes, as in this instance, it is almost pleonastic.
Sathaf. I am not sure about this word. That means generally forin, shape, and in this place we may perhaps render this is delight in (full) shape in true guise, &c.
In No. II., the first line is literally having looked at life, youth is the great pleasure, from which the rendering in the text flows naturally.
Piriti=Skr. priti. Any one familiar with any of the Indian vernaculars will need no aid in this song. The grammatical forms are given further on.
No. III. Strictly speaking, we should read khelat, but the metre demands a final short a. The eighth line is literally 'having made (kive) drunk mátala) with honey (madhu) is not able (nd par for pare) to fly (urai for uraite). Bhanas #eyebrow.' Hd jáyat dharane is a difficult phrase. It may be nájáyat, 'does not go,' dharane, in holding is not held or embraced ;' but this is stiff, and I seek for a better explanation.
No. I V. SanalaSkr. syamala, Hindi sânwlâ. The third line means the moonlight has grown brighter from thy presence. In line 4, kata nd literally how much not?'that is, what efforts bas he not made?' jatane-Skr. yatne; bahi, having brought, having collected.' Lukdy-present 3 sing from lukâte; lit. 'one does not hide :' this usage is equivalent to a presive. In pabane pelila the pret. still
increases like the fibres of the lotus-stalk. All elephants are not of equal breed: not in every throat is the koil's voice : not at all times is the spring season : not all men and women are excellent : quoth Bidyâpati—Listen, good lady, now having pondered, understand the ways of love.*
I may now attempt to give a sketch, though necessarily little more than a sketch, of the grammar of Bidyâpati, regarded as the vernacular of Upper Bengal at the beginning of the fifteenth century. It will be observed that the distinctive forms of modern Bengali have only just faintly begun to show themselves, and where they do occur they are not so much definite forms as incipient dialectic variations.
The noun has lost all trace of inflection, The nominative is the crude form or base of Sanskrit. Occasionally, an e is added, sometimes for the sake of the metre, sometimes for emphasis, thusTaichhana tohari sobâge (sohâge gaubhagya“Of this kind is thy beauty."
Apana karama doshe"(Your own deed is (this) fault."
The objective case (under which we must include both accusative and dative) is most frequently left without any sign. The context supplies the sense.
Chintâ nâ kara koi“Let no one take thought." Ropivá premer bija
“Having planted the seed of love." shows indications of its old participial origin : it is here shaken'Skr. piditam. The construction of the last two lines is peculiar : the first line is addressed to Jabatt yuvati, i.e., Lachhima (Lakshmi) Debi herself ; but in the second, Rai Sib Singh would seem to be addressed. The translation above aims at reconciling the difficulty by treating the latter as though he were incidentally introduced out of compliment, 49 usual.
No, V. I leave the names of the flowers in their native dress. Most of them are to be found in any native garden, and they seem more natural and poetical in their own names than if we called them by the sweet dog-latin of the botanists. Tastes differ, but I prefer kes'ari and madhavi to Wrightia antidysenterica and Rottleria tinctoria. The metaphor by which the pistil of the kesari is compared to a sceptre, and its wide-spread petals to a throne, will be understood by those who know the flower.
Panchama is the fifth note in the native scale of music. The notes are sá, ri, ga, ma, pa, dha, ni. The koil's noto is always compared to pa, or the fifth of these sounds. As I know nothing whatever of music, I can only hope those who do will understand what is meant.
In line 9 the dancing of the peacocks is compared to the intricate movements (antra-yantra) of a swarm of bees, and their shrieks, most disrespectfully, to Brahmans reading. Madhu makhyik=Skr, madhumakshika; ksha is in Bengali khya:
No. VI. It is only necessary to note the form haye='is,' the original of modern Bengali hay. The grammatical forms are partially explained in the text.

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In rare cases, however, the modern Bengali ke occurs:
VAISHNAVA POETS OF BENGAL.
Kânuke bujhâï
"Having explained to Kanh."
The genitive is most usually left unmarked, the word which governs it being placed after it, in the manner of a Sanskrit Tatpurusha compound. This practice is universal with the early Hindi poets, as taila bindu-" a drop of oil;" rasa gana-" song of delight," and the like. Bidyapati's favourite method of forming the genitive is, however, by the addition of the syllable ka; thus
Sujanaka piriti pâshâna sama rehâ"The love of a good man is firm as stone." Maramaka dukha kahite hay lâja
"To tell the grief of (my) heart is shame (to me)."
Premaka guna kahaba sab koi"Every one will say (it is) the effect of love."
This form, in which the final a is not always pronounced, is a shortening of the fuller form kara or kar, which is found-(1) in Bidyâpati's pronouns, as takara bachana lobhái, "having longed for his voice;" (2) in the pronouns of the modern Bhojpuri dialect, as ikard, okará; (3) in a few Bengali words, as ájkar kálíkar, "belonging to, or of, to-day, to-morrow," &c.; (4) in the plural genitive of Oriya, both in nouns and pronouns, as rájánkar, " of kings," ambhankar, "of us," where the rejection of the final r is also common, so that they say and write rájánka, ambhanka; (5) in Marathi surnames, as Chiplunkar of or from Chiplun. There are several passages in Chand in which the genitive seems to be thus expressed by the addition of k only; the context is, however, so obscure, that I fear to quote them in support of the form itself.
In the passage quoted above, ropiyá premer bija, we have the modern Bengali genitive in er; but this is, I think, an intentional modernization of the copyist. The line would run just as well if we read premak, and this would be more in keeping with Bidyapati's usual style. It is very unusual in his poems to find the genitive in er. The instrumental and locative cases are both indicated by e.
Jo preme kulabati kulatâ hoï
"That a virtuous woman should become unchaste through love."
Mane kichhu nå-gapalu o rase bhola
Supurukha parihare dukha bichâri
"On account of the absence of the lover, having experienced grief."
Ambare badana chhapâï
"Hiding (her) face in (her) garment." Dipaka lobhe salabha janu dhâyala"From desire of the lamp as a moth has run" (i.e., flown).
Occasionally the Hindi se, 'with,' occurs, but rarely, as it is liable to be mistaken for the Bengali se, 'he.'
E sakhi kâhe kahasi anuyoge, Kânu se abhi karabi premabhoge"Ah, dearest! why dost thou question (me)? Even now thou shalt enjoy love with Kênh." Here again the e is added to the objective; kahasi anuyoge, "thou dost speak a question;" karabi prema bhoge," thou shalt make an enjoying of love."
41
Kole leyaba tuhunka priyâ"Thy love shall take (thee) in his arms."
Other postpositions are used with the genitive in ka, as májh, 'in,' sang, 'with,' thus:
Hatha sane paithaye śrabanaka májh— "Suddenly it penetrates into the ear."
Phutala bândhuli kamalaka sang"The bândhuli has flowered with the lotus."
Sometimes we have the old Hindi form in hi, which is there used for all cases of the oblique, though properly a dative, as in the line quoted in a former article (I. A., Vol I. p. 324). Jâmini banchasi ânahi sáta"Thou passest the night with another."
There is no distinctive form for the plural. When it is necessary to express the idea of plurality very distinctly, words like sab, 'all,' anek, 'many,' and the like, are used. Occasionally also we find gana, crowd,' as a first faint indication of what was subsequently to become the regular sign of the plural in Bengali.
We may now draw out our noun thusPrema, love. (emphatic) premé.
N.
A. D.
id. id.
Instr. preme, by love. Gen. premaka, of love. Abl.
premaka majh, sang, &c., with, by love.
Loc. preme, in love. Crude form. premahi,
"In (my) mind I nothing considered, being foolish through that love."
In the case of nouns ending in short i or u, no special inflections have yet been observed. The
1,6., supurusha, 'good man,' used for Krishna, the lover of Raha; kk for sh as usual in Hindi, though not in Bengali.

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Hindi rejects these short vowels, and Bidyapati seems to follow this rule, changing riti into rit, and váyu into bay or báo, Nouns ending in long i and a frequently follow the Bengali mode, and shorten those vowels : so we see dhani for dhani, badhu and bahu for vadha.
The pronoun, especially in the 1st and 2nd persons, is singularly Hindi in its general type, leaning towards the Bhojpuri dialect.
The 1st person has lost its real singular, which would probably have been either haun or mu, and instead thereof the plural hom is always found. This is the case in Bhojpûri, and is introductory to the universal employment in Bengali of ami for 'I,' thongh this is really a plural, the genuine singular mui being now considered vulgar and banished from polite speech. Thus we have
Näri janame ham nå karinu bhậgi"Born a woman, I have not been fortunate." Já ti goyâlini ham matihin“I am by caste a cowherdess, without wisdom.” Aju bujhaba ham tayê chaturarTo-day I shall understand thy craftiness."
of the oblique case in its most usual crude form, there are several variations :
Ki kahasi mohe nidân“What dost thou say to me after all ?” Mo bine swapane nâ herabi ân"Even in sleep thou shalt see no other but me."
at me." Ingite bedan nå janâyabi moy" (Even) by a sign thou shalt not show to me
thy pain." We even get a form closely approaching modern Berryali in
Bihi more dâruņa bhel“Fate has been harsh to me."
Here the text has probably been modernized ; the poet perhaps wrote mohe. The genitive exhibits the Bengali form.
Ki lagi badanas jhâpasi sandari, Harala chetana mor“ Wherefore dost cover thy face, O fair one ? It has snatched away my senses."
Kata rupe minati karala pahan mor " In how many ways did he intreat me !" (Literally "make supplication of me:" minati
vinati). Sugandhi chandana ange lepala mon “ He rubbed fragrant sandal on my body."
In order to avoid lengthening this paper too much, I will for the rest merely give the words which I have found, omitting quotations :
1st Person. Sing. Nom, há m. | Plural. 14 m. 7 Obl. mo.
[hame.] moy.
[hamahin.] mohe. more.nl mujh.
h & mar. Gen. mor.
hamari. The oblique form ased as in the noun for all cases, with or without postpositions.
2nd Person. Sing. Nom, tahun. Plural. tum, tumhi.
tunhi. Obl. to, tore.
tamahia. tohe. tuya. toy.
tujh. Gen. tor.
tuhunka.
3rd Person. Sing. Nom. so, se. Plural. (tini.]. obl. ta, tay:
t&he. Gen. tậkar. tâ hari.
tur. Leaving the subsidiary pronominal forms, which exhibit no striking peculiarities, I proceed to the verb, all the tenses of which have not yet been found, though the principal parts can either be pointed to in various passages, or inferred by analogy. The latter are inclosed in brackets.
Root Dharan-holding.'.
Present Tense. 1. [dharu), I hold. 2. dharasi, thou holdest. 3. dharaï,
dhare, She holds. dharaye,
dhara, All four forms of the 3rd person are found, and sometimes even a sort of double form in eye, as mágeye.
Past Tense. 1. dharinu,
dharalu, 2. dharali, thou heldest. 3. dharala, he held.
Future Tense. 1. dharaba, I shall hold. 2. dharabi, thou shalt hold. 8. dharaba, he shall hold.
Imperative. 2. dh&ra,
dharaha, bold thou.
dharahu, 3. dharak, let him hold.
I held.

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Present Participle.
1. Dharu, holding.
2. Dharat (or dharata), holding. Infinitive.
Dharite, Dharaïte,
JUNNAR TA'LUKA.
to hold.
This is really the locative case of the present participle dharat, and though it is now used as a regular infinitive in modern Bengali, yet in our text it must in most places be translated as a locative. Thus in song No. I. given above, heraita is "in (his) looking," i.e. "when he looks;" parasite, "in (his) touching," i. e., "when he touches." This sense is retained in the compound present of modern Bengali; thus dekhitechhi, "I am seeing," is dekhite + achhi-"I am in (the act of) seeing."
Conjunctive Participle.
1. Dhari,
2. Dhariyâ, having held. 3. Dhariye,)
FOUR miles below the Manik Dho stands the city of Junnar, commonly called Jooner-a typical specimen of an old Mughul garrison town. It lies upon the slope between the river on the north and the fort of Siwner on the south, and fills up altogether a space of about one mile and a half long and one mile broad, besides the usual contingent of garden-houses, mosques, and cemeteries. In the days of Aurangzeb it was for a long time one of the chief posts of the imperial army, frequently of the Viceroy in person, lying, as it did, in the centre of its group of fortresses, blockading the great routes of the Nana and Malsej ghâts, and offering every convenience for observing and incommoding the restless Śivaji in his Swaraj. The population of Junnar, exclusive of fighting-men, must in those days have been from 35,000 to 40,000 souls. It now contains about 8,500, and reminds one, within its ample enceinte, of the old pantaloon in "his youthful hose well saved, a world too wide for his shrunk shank." The name Junnar is said to be a corruption of Júnd Nagar"the ancient city ;" and indeed it is probable that there has always, since traffic and population got any hold on the country, been a considerable
The first of these is the old Hindi form so common in all the poets, the second is the modern Bengali form, the third is an intermediate: form from the older dhariyai of some Hindi poets.
No distinction is made between singular and plural; this is very much the case in modern Bengali, and especially so in the rural dialects, thus
43
Sab sakhi meli sutala pâśa
"All (her) friends meeting slept beside her." Where sutala agrees with the plural noun. Of the 3rd person imperative, a good example is
NOTES ON JUNNAR TÁLUKA.
BY W. F. SINCLAIR, Bo. C. S. (Continued from page 12.)
Mâna rahuk puna jâuk parâņa
"Let honour remain, but let life go." I do not, of course, pretend to have exhausted Bidyapati's grammar in these few remarks; but the more salient points have been indicated, partly with a view to fix the master's place in philology, and partly to exhibit the rise of the distinctive formations of modern Bengali.
town either on the site or in the neighbourhood of the modern Junnar. In the little village of Amarapura, about two miles east of the present city, there are great numbers of sculptured stones built into wells and tombs, apparently themselves the remains of Hindu temples. In the same place Mr. Dickinson, an English gentleman settled on the spot, found a stone which, I think, has been either a lintel or part of a frieze sculptured with a row of sitting figures, apparently Buddhist. There was within a few years ago an old Musalmân Jemadár hanging about the fort of Châkan, 18 miles north of Punâ, in whose family, he said, was a tradition that Malik'ul Tijâr, when he built the fort, brought a great number of large stones from the temples which he destroyed in Amarapura of Junnar. The Châkan fort itself is very much overgrown with prickly-rer and rubbish, and has been many times besieged, and at least twice mined, since the days of Malik'ul Tijar, which perhaps in part accounts for the fact that I, at any rate, could find no stones there at all corresponding to those of Amarapura. Of an earlier date, probably, than even these ancient remains are some at least of the Bud
The Marathi name of the original kingdom of the Bhonslas, lying between the Bhimâ and the Nira.

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dhist caves that abound in the hills all round the present city, and at about an equal distance from it. This looks as if there had been somewhere near its site an object serving as a centre to them all-e. g. a bazâr where the monks could beg.
The best-known is the group called the Ganesa Lenâ, situated south of the Kûkrî, and about three miles from the city, in the steep face of a hill which the Hindus call Ganesa Pahar, and the Musalmâns Takht-îSulaiman. The Sulaiman in question was not the son of David, but a fakir who lived on the top in former days. This hill is the northeast point of the Hattakeswar range, to be hereafter described. The caves are cut in a ledge of hard rock on its north face, and are in two groups, altogether about a dozen in number, The chief group contains one large vihâra about the size of a three-table billiard-room, one end of which is now occupied by an image of Ganapatí, or, as a pert young Brâhman once put it in my hearing "Yes; we have set up our Apollo there"! This Apollo-not of Belvedere, nor yet of Delos-gives to the hill and the caves the name of Ganesa Pahâr and Ganesa Lenâ respectively, and to the neighbouring campingground that of Ganesa Mal. He is rather a fashionable deity in Junnar, and in my time used to be an object of pilgrimage from considerable distances. East of the large vihara is a beautiful little chaitya, having pillars carved in the Kârlé style, but with more spirit and execution. The figures are elephants and tigers. The roof has horse-shoe ribs of stone, cut in the living rock; and this, with the superiority of the carving, indicates, I should think, a later date than that of Kârlé. The other caves are not in any way specially remarkable, unless that one of them contains a spring of very good water, which the pujâris of Ganapati try to prevent chance visitors from drinking. There is a good flight of steps part of the way up to this group, and a rough path the rest of it. The other half of the Ganesa Lenâ lies about half a mile further east, in a gorge, and is remarkable for the carving of one doorway (in a chaitya), and for the utter inaccessibility of some of the caves. Whether they were originally approached by means of ropes and ladders, or whether the steps have been destroyed by time, I cannot say. At any rate they are a great comfort to birds and bees. There are some inscriptions in these and the other caves, but they
[FEBRUARY, 1873.
have all, I believe, been recorded by Dr. Bhâu Dâji, and most of them by other people too. The next group of caves is called the Tulsi Lenâ, and is situated about three miles south-west of the town. They are, as far as I understand the matter, rather inferior to the Ganesa Lenâ, but in much the same style, and worth seeing in any case. The third group however, in the south-western face of the fort of Siwner, presents something new, For whereas the pillars of the Ganesa and Tulsi caves were of stone, and hewn, as far as possible, out of the rock, generally with a lotus-head, those of this group appear to have been either of wood or of stone deliberately built up; for they are quite gone, and nothing remains but the capitals in each case carved downwards from the lintel of living rock, and having a hole about one inch in diameter in the centre of the inferior face, as if to receive a point or rivet. The shape, too, of the capitals differs, for these are carved in (so to speak) concentric squares. The remains of a similar pattern in red, yellow, black, and white fresco still remained in 1871 on the ceiling of the largest cavea vihara, not quite so big as that in the Ganesa Pahár, The native legend, as usual, is that the five Pândus hewed out the caves in a night in pursuance of some bargain, that they parcelled out the work among them, and that he to whom this part of it fell was overtaken by morning, and left the pillars unmade, Who the lazy hero was, they cannot tell, but it was not Bhims, for we shall meet with his handiwork further on, In the northeast face of the fort are two more groups of caves, none of which are of any size. They are mostly small viharas, with their fronts supported by lotus-headed stone pillars; and the pendant capital which I have described is not found, as far as I recollect, in any of them. In one, however, the same frescoed ceiling-pattern was in existence in my time,
The last of the cave-hills is the Mân Môri, a long ridge lying east of the fort, and separated from it by a gap called the Bârao Khind. There are three small groups of caves in it, the chief being that attributed to the hero Bhima, and called after him Bhima Sankar, These are not. to be confused with the famous temple of Bhima Sankar built by Nana Fadnavis at the source of the river of that name. The top of this Man Môri hill is the site of a fakir's shrine, with a cistern, said never to run dry; and the same is the case with a similar shrine and eistern on an

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isolated hill opposite. They certainly did not The architecture matches with that of other dry up in 1871, but that was after a wet year. buildings in the town whose antiquity is proved These springs on the tops of hills are not un- by their inscriptions, and therefore I have little common here: there is a very fine one, for instance, doubt that in this very building was born on the fort of Narayanagash, which lies about the great founder of the Maratha power. It three miles east of the Purâ and Nasik road, and is to be regretted that no inscriptions are in forms part of the ridge between the Kakri and existence on the fort. Sayyid Jamal Ali, the the Minâ, with which we have been dealing. principal Muhammadan inhabitant of Junnar, The Narayanagash spring has an illegible in- told me that he remembered a Persian inscrip. scription, apparently in Persian.
tion purporting to have been engraved by order But the great lion of Junnar is the fort of of Chand Sultana in the mosque still known by Siwner, a huge mass of black rock cresting a her name. He had too, he said, made a copy of green hill-something like an iron-clad on an it many years ago for a European sahib, but Atlantic wave—that guards a double pass the inscription had disappeared in my time. through the range south of the town. The The whole top of the fort is covered with rockrock, as has been already mentioned, 'is honey- hewn cisterns, which contain rain water all combed with many caves, the refuge of hawks through the year, and keep it pretty sweet. The and vultures, pigeons and bees innumerable. late Dr. Gibson used the fort as a saniOn the south side it is approached by nine gates, tarium, and as a place of confinement for his one within the other; and on the north was for- Chinese convict labourers, one of whom was merly a secret passage through the rock leading dashed to pieces in trying to escape over from the Paga, or cavalry cantonment, that lay at the cliff. the base of the hill. The Påga, however, is now The town below contains many remains of marked only by bare mud walls, and a crack in Musalman grandeur. It was supplied with water the cliff shows where the English powder-bags by no less than eight different sets of waterdestroyed the postern stair. The most conspi- works, besides a fine ghâț to the Kakrî. It is cuous buildings on the top are a large-domed said, and the existing remains in part bear out tomb, and an 'Idgah, erected in honour of some the assertion, that the garrison could, when they old Pirzada. Lower down is a beautiful mosque pleased, fill the moat from some of these sources ; overhanging a tank. The two minarets are united and one of them supplied a curious underground by a single arch, and form a figure of the greatest bath still existing in the city fort or gashi (to simplicity and beauty, standing, as they do, sharp be distinguished from the hill fort of Siwner) against the sky. I have seen no other building This gaphi was 'itself a place of considerable. of this design, and do not know whether it is not strength, with large bastions and a flanker to the unique. The idea is said to have occurred to main gate, which opens north-east. It is now the the architect of the church of SS. Michel et heal-quarters of a Mamlatdar and subordinate Gudule in Brussels, but he was unable to carry judge, and the flanker is given up for municipal it out. This mosque is said to have been purposes. designed by, and afterwards finished in memory In the town itself are some good cisterns of of, Sultana Chand Bibi, the last and heroic various ages, a fine Jammå Musjid, and a rather queen of Ahmadnagar; and the tradition of curious, though not ornamental, building known the place is that it was here that she fell a as the Bâwan Chauri, which, as an inscription victim to mutineers stimulated by the gold and on its face records, was built by Akhlis Khân, intrigues of the Mughul. If this be true, it governor of the fort and city, at a date expressed is a most striking instance of historic justice by the line—" This is the glory of Akhlis that he who brought down the grey hairs of
Khân ;" but what the date was I have forAurangzeb with sorrow to the grave, the Maratha gotten. The building was very ruinous, and champion Râjâ Sivaji, was born on the other has probably been pulled down by this time. side of this same fort in, it is to be supposed, There were certain disputes about the proprietorthe heap of now ruined buildings beside the upper ship of this chauri, and many as to the derivagate, still pointed out as having been the tion of the name. Some derived it from the Killadâr's house. There are no remains of guard of 52 soldiers stationed there, and some any other building likely to have been used from its having been the head-quarters of 52 as the dwelling of so considerable a lady as sub-divisions of the city. The partiality of natives the wife of the powerful Shahji Bhonsle.' for the number 52 is curious: throughout the

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Dakhan, for instance, men speak of the little of Ibrahim Khân, the soldier of fortune of “ Fifty-two Berars," which we call East and less than two centuries ago, and even hinted West Berar; and Tod quotes a Hindi that an ancestor who had fought for the infidel rhyme
against the true believers was not to be boasted "Bawau Barj, chhapan darwaja,
of. Hinc (more than from the dearth of copperMaina mard, Naen kå raja."
pots) illae lacryme. These Musalınan gentleHowever, it is possible that the name of
men of Junnar were my frequent companions in this chauri, a purely colloquial one, may be
excursions, and pleasant society enough ; but only a corruption of "Bhâwan Chauri," from
they had preserved few traditions of the place, and its Martello-tower-like form. In the suburbs,
no written records. Junnar, in fact, never got besides the remains already mentioned, are
over the sack of 1657, when nearly every private several fine tombs, especially one very large
house in the place was burned or stripped, and one said to have been erected over a “ Habshi"
doubtless many manuscripts and records shared of the Jinjira family. This, however, I doubt, as
118, nowever, I doubt, as the common destruction. The chief families the tomb contains several inscriptions in honour
are three-(1) the Sayyids, who are Shiahs, of Ali (now defaced by some Sünni bigot), and I and whose head is Mîr Jamal 'Ali, a great do not think any of that family have ever traveller who has done the Hdj, and wanbeen Shiahs. Near to these is a fine garden- dered far in Arabia, Persia, and Turkishouse, said to have been built by the same tân; (2) the Pirzadê; (3) the Begs: these Habshi when viceroy, or deputy riceroy here. last two are Sanni families. They used to But the tradition is obviously unreliable, and have fierce battles every Muharram, but the even the property in the garden had been lost peace has been pretty well kept of late years, and abandoned when Mr. Dickinson, mentioned though the old feud still smoulders, ready to above, came here some 30 years ago, and took up break out on the first opportunity. One advanhis abode in the old summer palace, which he tage that I derived from the society of the still inhabits. This place is called the Afiz Bagh Sayyids, who, like all Shiahs, are very particular which Europeans, rightly or wrongly, improve about things clean and unclean, was that I heard to Hafiz Bagh. The garden is now probably the debated with great vigour the question whether best in its way in the Dakhan, containing a man may, or may not, without mortal sin, eat besides all the fruits and vegetables common to green parrot. The prophet, it appears, forbade Western India, many imported from the Antilles his followers to eat that which patteth its foot to by the proprietor, and a little coffee plantation its mouth, but elsewhere he permits them to eat which thrives exceedingly well, as do also oats. every bird that has a craw. Now the parrot Junnar, however, with all its old buildings and fulfils both conditions, and was therefore a subbeautiful gardens (for the Hafiz Bagh is only ject of considerable debate among the Shiah the best among many), is sorely decayed and sportsmen of Junnar. I believe the general poverty-smitten; and a Musalman subordinate opinion was in favour of the legitimacy of parrot of my own once complained bitterly to me on the ground that a parrot in the cold weather of his exile to such a place," where he could not is far too good meat to have been forbidden by get a copper big enough to boil a sheep whole the prophet. The place has no notable manufacat his son's circumcision-feast." This man was ture but that of paper, with which it once in himself a curiosity in a small way, for he supplied the whole Dakhan; but now it is underwas the lineal descendant of Ibrahim Khan sold, except for native accounts, by the contiGardi, the commander of the Peshwa's regular nental papers brought through the Canal. The infantry at the last great battle of Pânipat. Kâgadis, or paper-makers, are all Musalmans Ibrahîm Khân was beheaded by the conqueror and a very rough and turbulent set they are. Ahmad Shah Durânî. His son was consoled by If ever a Musalman outbreak occurs in Western the Peshwa with the grant of the village of India, it will be necessary to use the wild Áhdé, in tâluka Mawal, in jaghir, which the tribes of the neighbouring ghâțs to hold the family still enjoy. They have the title of Muhammadans of Junnar in check The Nawab, and are very proud of their descent ; | higher classes have lost power and position, the but when this unlucky scion of the line came to lower their employment; and there are the Junnar, he found himself among families of materials for much trouble in the scattered and ancient Muhammadan race who thought but ruinous houses of the old viceregal city.
. Since this was written I have beard with great regret of my old friend's death,

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COORG SUPERSTITIONS.
COORG SUPERSTITIONS.
By Rev. F. KITTEL, MERKARA. In a country like Coorg (Kõdagu), where, by sticks surmounted with silver, silver knives, the side of the Coorgs (Kodaga) and their low- common knives, &c., are kept there by way of caste (Póleya) servants, about 52 different Hindu memorial. A male ghost is called Karana, a tribes (or castes) have been settled for many female one Sodalichi or Karanachi. years, it is not easy to find out which of their All ghosts, whether male or female, are superstitions the Coorgs brought with them at thought to be troublesome; females even more the time of their immigration, and which were so than males. The Sodalichis have an unpleasant imported afterwards. Their superstitions, how- habit of smiting children with sickness, and someever, show Maleyâla, Tulu, Kannada (Canarese), times also adult male and female members and Brahmana elements.
of the house. On various occasions during the The Brahmans who are domiciled in Coorg year, with a view to appeasing the deceased, rice, have succeeded in introducing Mahadeva and arrack, milk, and other delicacies are placed Subrahmanya (under the name " Iguttappa"), for them in one of the wall-niches of the house, in entirely brahmanizing the worship of the or in places close to it; and once a month a river Kâvêri, in having temples erected and idols fowl or two are decapitated at the Kaymada. set up, in spreading Paoranika tales, and in But pampering of this sort is said often to fall usurping to some extent the paja at the places short of its purpose. In such cases a man of of Coorg worship. They have been greatly the house may profess to become possessed of assisted by the Lingaites in these successful one of the ghosts. He then puts off his headendeavours, especially in the introduction of the dress, walks to and fro in the house, and appears Linga Tulus still manage to smuggle in their to be in a trance. While in this condition he demons; Maleyâļas have made themselves is asked what is to be done to satisfy the ghosts; indispensable at demon and ancestor worship, and as the representative of the ancestors, he is and are also increasing the number of demons; presented with meat and drink (especially arrack). and Maisūrians, at certain times of the year, These gifts are called Kârana Barani. bring a Mâri Amma and carry it through the Neighbours are also allowed to come in and put country to have the people's vows paid to it. questions to the possessed one. (A) COORG ANCESTRAL WORSHIP.
Another cereniony called the Kâraņa Kola, Ghosts, i.e., the spirits of their ancestors, are i.e., ghost-masque, conducted with the object of believed by the Coorgs to hover inside and out- finding out the particular wishes of the ghosts, side of their dwellings, and to give endless | is performed every second or third year, and occatrouble if not properly respected. For their use sionally also every year. For this affair a Maleya Kaymada,* & small building with one apart- Ala performer is invited to the house (either a ment, or in some cases with a mere niche, is Panika, Baņņa, or Maleya); and at night he puts generally built near the house; or a Kôtat al on, one after another, five or more different sort of bank, is made for them under a tree, in costumes, according to the number of ancestors the fields where the family's first house has especially remembered at the time. Arrayed in stood. A number of figures roughly beaten in these dresses he dances to the accompaniment of silver plates, bronze images, and sometimes also a drum beaten by a companion, and behaves as figures on a slab of pot stone, are put in the if possessed by the Coorg ghosts. After each Kaymadas to represent the ancestors; and Kõla, or mask, he leaves the house with a fowl,
* Kaymada means "field-building, and also "building This decapitation is, as it appears, performed only when near at hand."
the ghost of Asjappa (ie, father, grandfather), a renowned + Kôga, in this instance, seems to mean "place of assem- Coorg hero, is thought to visit the Kaymada. At nuptial blage;" the Talus call it Kotti."
and funeral ceremonies it is customary to decapitate & pig Kerana, in Canarese, means "the black or dark one;" but in front of the Kaymadı. Once a year some of the Coorge it may be a Sanskrit term meaning "agent," "chief," in place some food in the burial-ground (Titangala). Such which sense it is used to denote the living heads of families. offerings are sometimes called "Kalaya" or "Kalaja," which It is, however, not impossible that the last-mentioned term may mean "spirituous, liquor," as a libation of arrack meaning has been attached to the word by brahmanical has always to accompany them (cf. the so-called Sansk influence. Sodalichi means "& female of the burning- term Kalya). ground;" Karapachi," a female of the Karanas." Sodalichi
|| Bâraņi is probably identical with Sanskrit Parapa, inay be an imported word, as we have the ancient Coorg term Tatangas, i.e., burial-ground. Burying the dead is custom
" breakfast." ary among the Coorge.
Kola occurs also in Tamil.

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[FEBRUARY, 1873.
a cocoanut, fried rice, and other eatables, and some arrack, and offers them in the court-yard. When in the state of trance, various questions are put to him by the people of the house, and also by neighbours. The food given him during the performance is also Karana Bâraņi. The masks having been finished, a pig, fattened expressly for the purpose, is decapitated in front of the Kaymala, either by the Maleyaļa, or by a Coorg of the house pointed out by him ; its head is put for some minutes in the Kaymada, and it is then taken back and given to the Malevala. The rest of the pig and the bodies of the fowls (the heads belonging to the Maleyaļa performer) are made into curry for the benefit of the house-people. Where there happens to be no Kaymada, the pig-offering is made at the Karana Kôța.
Females also behave now and then as if possessed by ancestral spirits." While thus affected they roll about on the ground, but they do not give utterance to any oracular responses. Sometimes threats are sufficient to cast out the ghosts ; at other times it is found necessary to call in sorcerers, either Coorgs or others, who, with the accompanying recitation of certain formulas, beat the possessed, or rather the ghosts, as the people think; and if this procedure proves ineffectual, the presenting of offerings (bali) is then resorted to.
(B) Coorg DEMON WORSHIP. Male and female demons, called Kaļi,t are held to be even more injurious than ancestral ghosts. One of the bad tricks of the Kûļis is their carrying off the souls of dying people. Whenever sore trials arise in a house, and strange voices are thought to be heard in and near it, a Kaniya, i. e., astrologer (in this case a Maleyâļa), is enquired at regarding the cause. If he declares that some relative of the house has not died in the natural way, but has been killed, and the soul carried off by a demon belonging to the house or to the village, or to some other village, a Kuļi Kôla, i. e., demonmasque, has to be performed for the liberation of the soul. As such a masque, however, takes place only at fixed periods (at a place called Kutta once a year, at other places once every second or third year), the master of the house ties some money to a rafter of the roof of his house, as a pledge of his willingness to have the masque performed at the proper time, or to go
• It may be remarked here that people are said to become possessed not only by ghosts, but also by demons
to one ; or he ties his brass plate up there and eats his rice from plantain leaves, to express his humble obedience to the demon. If the time for the demon-masque has come, one of the previously mentioned Maleykļa performers, or in his stead a Tuļu Paleya, is sent for ; and when he arrives he goes through the ceremony in the court-yard. Demon-masques are held either in the name of five Kaļis (Chamundi, Kalluruti, Panjuruli, Gaļiga, and Góraga, called the Pancha Bhậtas), or in the name of three (Kallugutti, Panjuruli, and Kalluruţi), or in the name of one (e.g. Châmundi). Several of the demon-masques are performed in the same manner as the ghostmasque, already described, the food which the performer takes in his trances being called Koļi Bâraņi. The liberation of the soul is effected thus : the performer, when representing the demon that has committed the theft, is begged to let the spirit loose ; he generally refuses at first to listen to the request ; but in the end he throws a handful of rice on such members of the household as stand near him, and with this action he gives the spirit over to them. The spirit alights on the back of one of these members of the family, who then falls into a swoon, and is carried by the others into the house. When, after a little while, consciousness is restored, the ancestor's spirit is considered to have joined the assembly of the other spirits.
If the liberation is to be obtained at the demon-masque of the village, or at that of another village, a man of the house goes to the performance, and presents a cloth to the performer, for which he receives in return a handful of rice, a piece of a cocoanut, or some such trifle, which is thrown into his lap, the spirit at the same moment coming and mounting the man's back. He has then to run off with his burden without looking backwards ; but after a while the spirit relinquishes his seat, and follows him quietly into the house and joins its fellowspirits.
The final act at a demon-masque is the decapitation of pigs either by the performers, or by Coorgs under their superintendence. One pig only is sacrificed if it is merely a house affair ; but several must suffer if the ceremony is performed for a village, or for the whole country, at the place called Kutta. Pigs must be killed in front of the so-called Kaļi Kota (fowls are killed upon it); and the general demon-masque of (Kaļi), and 80-called deities. t Káli means " wicked one;" it occurs also in Tamil.

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MENHTRS OF HASSAN.
Maste-kallu
Toda - Kena -Kattu.
Coswd | 新
“
三
Vyasan
távne - kailw
四分
-
--

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a village or of the country has to take place at the Kûli Kôța. The heads of the fowls and pigs are given to the performers, and the trunks are taken home to be prepared for dinner.
The demons have their Kôtas everywhere, near to and far from the houses and villages. A stone on an earth-bank under a tree sometimes represents a body of them, sometimes only one of their number; at other places one demon
THE MENHIRS OF HASSAN.
THE MENHIRS OF THE HASSAN DISTRICT. BY CAPTAIN J. S. F. MACKENZIE.
FROM all the information I have been able to glean, the Menhirs of the Hassan district may be divided into the following classes :
1. Maste Kallu.-These are rare. From three to four feet high, adorned with the simple figure of a woman, they mark the spot where some devoted wife has sacrificed herself on her husband's pyre, Transient as the flames in which she perished has been the woman's fame; her history and her name are lost. No inscriptions are ever found on such monumental stones: there is the figure of a woman, and nothing more.
2. Kodu Kallu (slaughter-stones).-These, as I have before observed, are common all over the district. Several are to be found in almost every village, but their history has been forgotten. They are usually divided into three compartments, but not always; for on the Mulnad we find only an armed man and his wife. The divisions between, and by the side of, the panels, in which are sculptured the three stages of the important event in the hero's history which the stone is intended to commemorate, often bear inscriptions in the old Canarese character. Now that the oldest form of this character has been deciphered, the reading of these inscriptions ought no longer to be the riddle it has been. The linga is always delineated in the upper compart ment. This proves that the men who were slain were Śivabactaru (followers of Siva). The Bellala kings (A.D. 1000) were not followers of Siva; and since their time no kings of that faith have ruled the country. Either, then, the court religion differed from that of the masses, or these stones were erected before the time of the Bellala kings. Judging by the character of the inscriptions, I should say they date from 800
to 1000 A.D.
3. Toda Kena Kallu.-These are rare. They are found near the village-gate, and have a charm
49
is represented by several stones. Here and there stone-enclosures are found around the Kôtas, and the Kôtas themselves vary very much in size. Demons are not fed except at masques, and on the performance of particular vows in the latter case no Maleyâlas or Tulus are required. Demons' food is arrack, fowls, and pigs, all three articles being much liked by the Coorgs themselves.
engraved upon them. This charm, it is supposed, averts or removes the cattle disease from the village once a year; the villagers assemble to worship it, when 101 of each of the following articles are presented-viz., pots of water, limes, plantains, betelnut, betel leaves, and copper coins.
4. Kari Kallu.-This is a plain, unhewn stone found inside and close to the village-gate. Neither figure nor inscription is ever found upon it. It was set up when the village was first formed. Once a year the headman of the village, or his henchman-the Kulwadi-presents an offering to this stone.
5. Vyasana-tôlu Kallu (Vyasana's armstone). These are rare, and are generally close to the Mutt (monastery ?) of some Śaiva priest. The following story from the Skanda Purâņa is said to account for the origin of these stones:Vyasa was once asked by his disciples Who is the first and greatest-Vishnu or Śiva?" Vyasa replied" Vishnu." Those of his disciples who preferred Siva expressed an unwillingness to be satisfied unless Vyasa would make this statement on oath, in presence of the god, in the temple of Iávanâth, Vyasa agreed to do so, and, raising his right hand, began to take the oath before the god. This was too much for Busiévara, who could not stand his master being reduced to the second place, He therefore drew his sword and cut off Vyasa's arm. The holy man appealed to Vishnu to restore the arm he had lost in attempting to assert his superiority, The god appe.ed and told his disciple that he was helpless in the matter, since Iévara was undoubtedly his superior. Vyasa now returned to Iévara and begged that the arm which had offended might, as a punishment, be tied hereafter to the leg of Busva (the bull, Siva's vehicle). To this Iévara agreed, and supplied Vyasa with a new arm.

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It is still the custom, when the god Iévara is being taken out in procession, to tie an arm made of cloth to the foot of the bull, carried on a high pole in front of the god. The Vaishnava Brahmans object to this badge of superiority being flaunted in their face; and whenever sufficiently powerful, they prevent the observance of the custom. This strong objection on their part, and the power they have acquired in the country, may account for the small number of stones of this class now to be found. What the man and woman, generally shown under the upraised arm
MARASA VAKKALIGARU OF MAISÚR.
BY V. N. NARASIMMIYENGAR, BANGALOR.
THE Marasa Vakkaligaru form a large and important sub-division of the rayat class in the province of Maisûr. They are to be found chiefly in the tâlukas of Nelamangala, Doddaballapura, Dêvandahalli, Chickaballapura, Gumminayakanapalya, Mâlûr, Hosakot, Kôlâr, and Bangalor. They are a hardy and industrious people, their principal occupation being agriculture. Small colonies of these rayats are also to be found in other localities, whither enterprize and the hope of gain have allured them.
There is a very peculiar religious rite performed among these people. Their women offer as sacrifice to Bhairava Linga, or Bhandi Dêvaru (the Saiva Phallus so called), the first joints of their right-hand ring and little fingers, which are cut off by the village carpenter. It is proposed to trace the origin and rationale of this practice. It must be stated in limine that Colonel M. Wilkes has noticed this rite in his History of Maisûr (Madras Ed. of 1869, vol. I. pp. 272 and 273). Without the Purânic element, the popular version is as follows:
[FEBRUARY, 1873.
(see Illustration), are intended to represent, I know not; and no one can enlighten me on this point. 6. Hanumantta Kallu.-This stone has nothing to do with the god whose name it bears, but is connected with a marriage privilege of the goldsmith caste. The goldsmiths, being of the left-hand caste, are entitled to only 11 posts to the awning erected during marriage in front of the house. But in those villages where this stone is to be found, the goldsmiths have the right, provided the awning is erected close to the stone, to use the full number of posts, viz., 12.
Once upon a time in the remote past, there was a great Rakshasa, named Bhasmâsura, who wished to become invincible. In the orthodox manner he performed "tapas" in honor of Siva for countless ages. That god, pleased with the devotion and asceticism of his worshipper, appeared to him in propria forma, and asked him what he wanted. The Râkshasa begged Siva to place in the palm of his right hand the fiery eye (Phâla nâtra) which the god wears on his forehead. No sooner asked than granted; but the sceptical giant maliciously attempted to experiment with the boon on the very grantor thereof. Awakened to
the peril of his situation, Śiva thereupon ingloriously fled, the vindictive Râkshasa pursuing him everywhere. The fugitive god, after vainly hiding himself successively in castor-oil and jawâri plantations, took refuge in a "Linga Tondê" shrub, and at last became invisible to his pursuer. It happened that at this time a Marasa Vakkaliga cultivator was at work in a neighbouring field, and Bhasmâsura enquired of him the whereabouts of Śiva, who had all along appeared in the disguise of a Jaugama. The wily rayat, true to the instinct of self-preservation, did not give any reply, but simply pointed his forefinger to the shrub in which Siva was concealed. The god was on the point of being annihilated by the giant placing his hand on his head, when Vishnu came to the rescue, and manifested himself to the Râkshasa in the form of a lovely maiden, meretriciously dressed. The Asura, who was notorious for lust, and for the most unbridled indulgence of his evil passions, forgot all about Siva and his destruction, and attempted to ravish the enchanting houri before him. She, however, recoiled from the pollution of his touch, and told him to wash and purify himself first. In following the command of his enchantress, the Rakshasa found all the seas, rivers, wells, &c., dry as if by magic. There was however a small pool of water on a rock close by, and the maiden relented so far as to advise him to pour three handfuls of water on his head. In his mad passion, the giant forgot himself so far as to place his hand on his own head, in the act of pouring the water over his person, and was instantaneously consumed to ashes. The pusillanimous Siva now emerged from his hiding-place, and in thanking Vishnu for

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MARASA VAKKALIGARU.
51
his deliverance from so imminent a danger, was in his turn bewitched by the unearthly beauty of the creature standing before him. He accordingly embraced her, and the result was the immediate production of three Lingas, respect. ively called Jinnê Linga, Kalle Linga, and Bhairava Linga, which were the very embodiment of Siva's essence. He thereupon assigned the first to the Jains, the second to the Kurubars, and the third to the Marasa Vakkaligaru for worship. It only remained for Siva to punish the traitor whose treachery had very nearly put an end to his own existence. He accordingly condemned the rayat to cut off his forefinger, which was the offending member, as atonement for his sin. The poor rayat did so without hesitation. In the meantime his wife appeared on the scene, and petitioned the god to accept her own ring and little fingers in lieu of her lord's forefinger, as the loss would be too great to men, who are required to labour with the hand for their bread. Siva was greatly pleased with the self-sacrifice of the rayat's wife, and granted her petition. It is the progeny of this virtuous woman who observe the vow to the present day. The place where the wicked giant was burnt to death may still be recognized by a hill in the Kolar taluka, called Siti Betta, where there is a mine of Vibhùti, or sacred ashes.
Such is the history of the origin of this singular rite, giren by a class of itinerant beggars called Pichiguntadavaru, who form a living encyclopædia of such traditions, and whose tales are implicitly believed by the Marasa Vakkaligaru, who are themselves unable to account for the strange custom,
The episode in the Bhagavata, which relates to the rise and fall of Bhasmasura, or more appropriately Vrikâsura, is totally different from the above story; but, as stated at the outset, the popular impressions on the subject which prevail among the ignorant Marasa Vakkaligara are alone described here.
These people may roughly be classed under three heads-viz., (1) those whose women offer the aforesaid sacrifice; (2) those who offer & golden substitute; and (3) those who do not perform the rite. These sections, however, freely intermarry with one another, and it is only in the performance of the sacrifice that the differ- ence between them exists.
Class I. embraces exclusively worshippers of Bhairava Linga, or Bhandi Dêvaru. The ceremony is performed by women after they
become mothers. The modus operandi is as nearly as possible the following - About the time of the new moon in Chaitra, & certain propitious day is fixed by the aid of the village Jôyisa, or astrologer, and the woman who is to offer the sacrifice performs certain ceremonies, or půjê, in honor of Siva, taking her meals only once a day, in the evening. For three days before the final operation, she has to support herself with milk, sugar, fruits, &c.all substantial food being eschewed. On the day appointed, a common cart is brought out, and is painted in alternate stripes with white and red ochre, and is further adorned with streamers, gay flags, flowers, &c., in imitation of a car. Sheep or pigs are slaughtered before it, their number being generally governed by the number of children borne by the sacrificing female. The cart is then dragged by bullocks, preceded by the usual music, the woman and her husband following, with new pots (karaga), filled with water and small pieces of silver coin, borne on their heads, and accompanied by a retinue of 'frionds and relatives. The village washerman has to spread clean clothes along the path of the procession, which stops near the boundary of the village, where a leafy bower or shed is prepared, with three pieces of stone installed in it, symbolizing the god Siva. Flowers, fruits, cocoanuts, incense, &c., are then offered, varied occasionally by an additional sheep or pig. A wooden seat (Manê) is then placed before the image, and the sacrificing woman places upon it her right hand, with the fingers spread out. A man holds her hand firmly, and the village carpenter, placing his chisel on the first joints of her ring and little fingers, chops them off with a single stroke of his right hand. The pieces lopped off are thrown into an ant-hill (Hatta), and, as soon after as possible, the tips of the mutilated fingers, round which rags are bound, are dipped into a vessel containing boiling gingili til (oil). This operation, it is believed, prevents bleeding and swelling, and accelerates the cure. The fee of the carpenter is one kanthirayi fanâm (four annas eight pies) for each maimed finger, besides presents in kind. The women undergo the barbarous and painful ceremony without a murmur, and it is an article of the popular belief that were it neglected, or if nails grow on the stumps, dire ruin and misfortune will overtake the recusant family. Staid matrons who have had their fingers maimed for life in the above manner, exhibit their stumps with a pride worthy of a better cause. At

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the termination of the sacrifice, the woman is presented with cloths, flowers, &c., by her friends and relatives, to whom a feast is given. Her children are also placed on an adorned seat (Hasê), and after receiving presents of flowers, fruits, &c., their ears are pierced in the usual manner. It is said that to do so before would be sacrilege.
Class II. consists of a section of the Marasa Vakkaligaru who, after performing the foregoing preliminaries, substitute for the fingers a piece of gold wire, of the same value as the carpenter's fee above stated, twisted round the fingers in the shape of rings. Instead of cutting the fingers off, the carpenter removes and appropriates the rings.
Class III.-Some families of the Marasa Vakkaligaru have altogether repudiated the worship
PYAL SCHOOLS IN MADRAS.
BY THE LATE CHARLES E. GOVER, M.R.A.S., MADRAS.
BUILT against the front wall of every Hindu house in Southern India, and I believe it is so in other parts of India also, is a bench about three feet high and as many broad. It extends along the whole frontage, except where the house door stands. It is usually sheltered from sun and rain by a veranda, or by a pandal or temporary erection of bamboo and leaves. The posts of the veranda or pandal are fixed in the ground a few feet in front of the bench, enclosing a sort of platform: for the basement of the house is generally two or three feet above the street level. The raised bench is called the Pyal, and is the lounging-place by day. It also serves in the hot months as a couch for the night. The raised pavement is termed the Koradu. Koradu and Pyal are very important portions of every house. There the visitor is received; there the bargaining is done; there the beggar plies his trade, and the yogi, sounds his conch; there also the members of the household clean their tecth, amusing themselves the while with belches and other frightful noises. It is, however, of a nobler use of the Koradu and Pyal that this paper shall speak, as may be gathered from its title.
[FEBRUARY, 1873.
of the Bhandi Dêvaru, and owe their allegiance to Vishnu in his several manifestations of Tirupati Venkataramanasvâmi, Chennarayasvâmi, Kadari Narsinhasvami, &c. They do not therefore undergo the revolting sacrifice.
Enveloped as this tradition and practice are in the haze of antiquity, it is difficult, if not almost impossible, to account for them. The Bhagavata is silent regarding the part which the Marasa Vakkaliga is said to have played in the foregoing legend in the destruction of Vrikâsura. Under these circumstances, a suggestion may be made. that the origin of the practice may not improbably have been in some attempted feminine rebellion against the authority of the "lords of the creation," and in the consequent measures. to suppress it.
Every village has its school; a large village will have several. It need hardly be said that there are no special school-buildings, no infant galleries, no great black-board, no dominie's desk. No: the most convenient and airy Pyal is chosen. It must have a good Koradu. Usually it is the headman who lends his for the purpose, for the headman's house ought to be the best in the village. In the northern Telugu districts each village has a "Kótham" or meeting-place in a central spot, like the "mandu" of a Kargi village. In that case the school meets there, under the pagoda mantapam, or even in a thatched shed. But in the Tamil
country the school is in the Pyal. When the lads come of a morning, they sit in line upon the Pyal, leaving the Koradu for the teacher and for their own passage.
In the great towns a great conflict rages between the new-fangled English Anglo-Vernacular schools and the Pyal schools. There is no denying that the latter are going to the wall. Even in the larger villages the Anglo-Vernacular school is pushing forward and elbows the more humble institution out of the place. In time a Pyal school will be as rare as the megatherium. Before it loses its pristine vigour or remodels itself after the English fashion, let us see what it is like, what it teaches, what it leaves undone. I have a weakness for these out-of-the-way aspects of native life, and have found such pleasure in studying this particular feature, that I feel as if I too had sat at the feet of the irritable Pandit, had studied his strange arithmetic, and been soundly rapped on the knuckles for having dropped a syllable in trying to repeat the Kural by rote.
They instruct in the three "R's," the first two very fairly, but of arithmetic only the very elements are taught. On the other hand, much time is often given to construing beautiful but obscure poems written in the high dialect, and, except as moral teachers, of little use in the concerns of daily life. The average number of children in each school is less than twenty-one, and it is, therefore, quite impos. sible for adequate teaching power to be employed. There is no apparatus beyond the sandy ground, certain small black-boards, and some kajáns. A sort of discipline is maintained by a constant and often severe use of the cane. Unruly or truant boys are coerced by punishments that partake of the nature of torture. They are compelled to sit or

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stand in cruel postures. Their legs are fettered. Hand and foot and neck are bent together and held fast by iron ties. A log fastened to a chain hangs from the waist, or is slowly dragged behind.
The Pyal school is, however, so important an item not only in education, but in the social and religious life of the people, that a somewhat detailed description of its actual work must be of great interest, and may prevent rash interference with a time-honoured institution. It will be well to consider first the payments made by the scholars. To show this clearly, I propose to exhibit them under two aspects those paid in a school for the well-to-do, and those in a school for the poor. We will suppose the son of a respectable good-caste writer to be sent for the first time to the nearest Pyal school, the teacher of which will almost certainly be a Brahman. A lucky day must first be chosen, and then the teacher comes to the new pupil's house together with all his scholars. Before the boy is handed over to the master, paja to Ganapatî or Ganes'a is performed by the family purohit, and then to Sarasvati, the goddess of learning, in the presence of the lad's father and male relations. Then presents are distributed to Brahmans, and fruits, sugar, &c., to everybody present. The school-master is placed sitting in a conspicuous part of the room, and then is presented with flowers, sandal (chandan), fruits, and a pair of cloths; one of which is twelve cubits long, and the other six cubits, the cost of both being about 1 rupees. The teacher then puts the cloths on, seats himself by the side of the proposed scholar, causes him to repeat a prayer to Ganes'a, asking for wisdom, and that his course of study may be fortunate and successful, and makes him repeat the whole of the alphabet three times. Next a flat vessel containing dry rice is brought in, and the teacher guides the finger of the pupil, so that he may write in the loose rice the names of the deity they serve, whether Vishnu or Siva. Then the ceremony concludes. All the school-boys are presented with beaten rice, Bengal gram and sugar mixed together, a handful each; the monitor or senior boy, who acts as the teacher's assistant, receiving also a few pice. Now the boy proceeds in procession to the school, where he is again made to repeat the alphabet three times. The procession then returns to his home, and they disperse for the day. With the next day commences the ordinary school career of the boy. It has also been agreed between the teacher and the father how much is to be paid monthly as the school fee. This sum varies with the means of the parent, but never exceeds eight annas a month.
Sometimes, however, it happens that the ceremony described above is postponed till the pupil has learned the alphabet. In that case no monthly fee is paid, but when the alphabet is fully known and the ceremony takes place, a more handsome present is given, which is supposed to include all school fees up to that date. It may be supposed that the latter method is most conducive to progress on the part of the pupil, but it is directly contrary
53
to the precepts of the so-called S'astras. In both cases a fee is regularly paid after the date of the initiating ceremony. This, however, does not include all the gains of the master. He receives presents at certain festivals throughout the year, especially at Pongal and Dasera; and on every 15th day he receives from the father of each pupil a gift of betel and pân; every Saturday he receives half a pollam of lamp oil; and every morning on his return from breakfast each pupil must bring a bratti or cow-dung cake. Beyond all these, at every major feast throughout the year, the teacher receives from each house half a measure of rice, curry-stuff, &c., while at Dasera and Pongal he has in addition a money present. The Dasera is specially distinguished, seeing he receives the Pongal present doubled, and, in addition, some days before the feast, he raises a subscription among his pupils to pay the expense of Sarasvati and Ayda Paja, which festivals occur during the Dasera.
Besides all these periodical presents, there are others which are supposed to stimulate the teacher to make every effort for the early advancement of his pupils. Thus, when any new book or chapter is begun, he receives an anna or a fanam from the boy who makes this one more step in his instruction. This fee is sometimes rebelled against, but not successfully, for it is also the custom of the teacher to give a sort of holiday to the whole school on the occasion, and, if the present be not given, the holiday is withheld, and thus the lads bring pressure on each other to ensure the necessary gift. The ceremonial at the Dasera feast deserves particular attention. A month or two before the feast begins, a number of songs are committed to memory by the pupils, under the guidance of the teacher. By the arrival of the feast the series is learnt by all the boys, who have also been taught how to sing each song to a particular tune. In some schools the lads are also taught to dance what is called the Kolattam. This derives its name from the fact that the dancers move to the beating of sticks, of which each lad has two. They are about eighteen inches long, and are fancifully painted. The lads draw up in a double line, facing each other, and, with a stick in each hand, coinmence singing, keeping time by striking the sticks held by them. As they sing and strike they move about in a sort of dance. All this is taught them by the teacher in the ordinary school hours, and should be properly practised in time for the Dasers. On each day of the feast the lads dress themselves in their best, holding in their hands paper spears, daggers, painted staves, &c., and go in procession to those of the pupils' houses where the school teacher expects a suitable present, and also to the houses of the well-to-do friends and relations of the pupils. Arriving at a house, the pupils seat themselves in the hall or on the pyal and koradu, and sing the songs they have learnt, dancing also the Kolattam if they have been taught it. The head of the house is then expected to give the teacher a handsome

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present, and bestow sweetineats upon the boys. This sort of thing goes on till the list of expected donors is gone through. Thus ends the long list of presents which, in a respectable school, enable the master to hold a suitable position in the community.
Things are different in a Pyal school for the children of the poor. Here no entrance fee is offered, nor any monthly payment until the alphabet is fully mastered. Nor is the customary present made on commencement of a new book or chapter. A small payment is made each month of, say, one or two annas, and a tiny present every fourteenth day. The same ritual is performed at Dasera as in the more respectable school, but the gains of the master are smaller in proportion, and similarly for each festival throughout the year. The daily bratti is given and the weekly oil.
Combining all sources of income, the teacher of a respectable Pyal school with about twenty-five pupils will receive from 15 to 25 rupees per mensem, while his fellow labourer in a poor locality will not receive more than from 5 to 10 rupees.
In Musalman schools no monthly fee is charged, and the teacher is entirely dependent on presents. Thus, whenever a new chapter of the Koran is commenced, the pupils should give from four annas to as many rupees, according to the wealth of the family. At the commencement of every festival, as the Muharram, Shab-i-barat, Ramazan, Bakri 'Id, &c., the teacher also receives presents-not more than four annas or less than one fanam. Once a
week, on the day before the sabbath, every pupil must also reward his teacher with two pies, just previous to the weekly half-holiday on that day. When the Koran is finished, the teacher receives a handsome gift, according to the means of the parent, including generally a pair of new cloths, shawls, or a silk khabu or cloak, as worn by the priests. The gift of a shawl or khaba is supposed to express deeper honour or greater thanks than a mere money present, as it especially denotes that the donee is a person of high respectability or learning. Beyond all this, the father of each child must send with him as large an entrance donation as his circumstances permit, together with a present of sweetmeats to be distributed among the school-boys.
It is not easy to estimate the Musalman teacher's receipts from the school alone, seeing that it is the teacher's duty also to perform all religious ceremonies in the houses of those who entrust their children to his care, and for each of these he receives a certain present of money, cloths, or food. It is evident, therefore, that the teacher must be a highly respectable person, and I am informed that none but really learned men of good descent are permitted to set up as teachers. Their gains correspond with their position, and are considerable for so poor a community, varying usually between rupees 15 and 30 per mensem.
[FEBRUARY, 1873.
arithmetic, and memoriter work in the high dialect and Sanskrit. Taking the first-named subject, it must be noted that all the text-books are in the high dialect, and that ordinary modern Tamil, &c., is not taught at all. The books used in almost every Tamil school are -The Kural of Tiruvalluva;
Only four subjects are taught in a Pyal school, whatever its character. These are reading, writing,
Attisudi of Auveiyar; Krishman-thudu; Panchatantra; Rámáyana of Kamban ; and Kada Chintamani. The grammatical portion of study is drawn from the Nannul, and the Nighantu.
In Telugu schools the list is different, and includes-Sabhaparva; Saptamaskanda; Sumati Shataka; Nulu Pakyanano.
There is no grammatical instruction in Telugu schools corresponding to that from the Nannul in Tamil schools, but the Telugu Amaram takes the place of the Tamil Nighantu. Some of the books in both lists have been printed, and, if the price is small, printed editions are used, otherwise the teacher alone has the book itself, and from that he daily copies on kaján the portion required for the next day's work. When the pupil becomes pretty dexterous in writing with his finger on sand, he has then the privilege of writing either with an iron style on kaján leaves, or with a reed on paper, and sometimes on the leaves of the Aristolochia Indica, or with a kind of pencil on the balaka, hulligi, or kadala, which answer the purpose of slates. The latter is most common in Telugu districts. The palaka, or hulligi, as it is called in Canarese, is an oblong board, about a foot in width and three feet in length. This board, when planed smooth, has only to be smeared with a little rice and pulverized charcoal, and it is then fit for use. The kadala is made of cloth, first stiffened with rice water, doubled into folds resembling a book, and it is then covered with a composition of charcoal and several gums. The writing on either of these may be effaced by a wet cloth.
Each school day, after 2 o'clock, the pupil copies the morrow's lesson from the teacher's kaján on to the palaka or portable black-board, which the parent must provide for his son, and which has to be blacked by the pupil as often as is required, usually three or four times a day. The pencil used is made of soft gypsum or balapam, as it is called in the vernacular. Having copied his lesson, the pupil carries it first to his master, who hears hin read it two or three times, making the necessary corrections both in writing and verbal delivery. The palaka is then carried home, its contents learnt by heart, and next morning the lesson must be repeated from memory to the teacher. This exercise is a very profitable one, as it teaches how to write, how to read, improves the memory, and stores it with the best literature of past ages. To deliver the lesson, the boys go one at a time to the teacher, hold the palaka before them with its front to the teacher and its back to themselves, thus by one act refreshing the teacher's memory, proving their own, and preventing fraud.
In this way every pupil obtains a thorough

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PYAL SCHOOLS IN MADRAS.
55
knowledge of four or five of the great classics of Writing is taught in the very best possible modethe language, and becomes perfectly able to read his in conjunction with the reading lesson. The pupil vernacular. It is not very certain that any other begins his writing lessons when he commences to system will produce much better results, except in learn his alphabet. He is spared the drudgery of the points about to be considered. In one respect the wretched system that custom makes necessary the system is better than that adopted in European in every English school, -the weeks of dreary labour schools for the poor. The classic books thus inaster- on unmeaning strokes, pot-hooks, and hangers. ed are also the moral law of the nation, and exhibit His first lesson is a complete letter, and thus he can
system of ethics of the highest character. Always feel that every day he makes real and useful excepting the Bible, I know no western book in progress. common use which can compare with the Kural, The alphabet is almost everywhere written with Auveiyar, and most of the other books so employed the finger on the sanded groupd. All future writing In fact, all observers are agreed that the Kural forms is done either in the mode described above-writthe real moral code of the country. It does noting the morrow's lesson on the palaka-or subsefall within the scope of this paper to show whether quently with the style on kaján, and in the more or how far the adult population follow the rules respectable schools with an English pen on paper. thus learnt in youth, but there can be no doubt as In connexion with this subject, another point of to the benefit that must follow such moral training. great excellence in the system of education practis
The inain evils of the system described above are ed in a Pyal school must be mentioned. It cannot two : the books read are all in the high dialect, be better introduced than in the words of Mr. Setonand hence, both in the collocation and the form Karr, the well-known civilian judge in Bengal. of the words themselves, are altogether different Referring to the Bengal Pyal schools, he says: from the language the lads must speak and hear in "These (indigenous) schools do supply a sort of their after-life. Hence their study corresponds information which ryots and villagers, who think pretty fairly with that of Latin in an English at all about learning to read and write, cannot and school. It needs no argument to prove that, will not do without. They learn there the system if the books studied were written in modern of baniya's accounts, or that of agriculturists. Tamil, the time spent in learning would be They learn forms of notes-of-hand, quittances, much more profitably employed, seeing that now leases, agreements, and all such forms as are in the lad leaves school untrained in the language constant use with a population not naturally dull which he must meet with in ordinary life, in the and somewhat prone to litigation, and whose social vernacular journals, and in all the living forms of relations are decidedly complex. All these forme modern thought. All western books that are trans- are taught by the guru from memory, as well as lated at all are rendered into the modern dialect, complimentary forms of address; and I lave heard and there ought to be no barrier to prevent any a little boy, not ten years old, run off from memory person at once appretiating them. Really effective A form of this kind with the utmost glibness. This education must march with modern language and boy, like many others, had never read from a book modern ideas.
in his life. On these acquirements the agricultural A great deal of time is also lost, seeing that it is population set a very considerable value. It is the impossible for a child to make such progress in a absence of such instructions as this which, I think. dead language as he could in a living one. In has led to the assertion, with regard to some districts, studying the Kural, for example, more time is given that the inhabitants consider their own indigenous to the commentary than to the text, because, with- schools to be better than those of Government. out the former, the latter is obscure. The result is | I would have all forms of address and of business, much the same as if, in English schools, the reading | all modes of account, agricultural and commercial, lessons were always in Ortulum or the Saxon collected, and the best of their kind printed in Chronicle.
cheap and popular forin, to serve as models. I A third evil lies in the fact that the system almost would even have the common summons of our precludes simultaneous or class teaching, and this is criminal or revenue courts printed off." a necessary element of rapid progress. It should I Much the same mode is followed in Madras. In not be forgotten, however, that the individual
addition to the regular teaching thus referred to teaching now given effectually prevents that resi- it is common bere for the teacher to borrow from duum of confirmed idlers, and therefore ignorant his friends all the up-country letters he can hear lads, which is the one drawback of the system of of. These are carried to the school, read, copied, class teaching in ordinary hands. The Pyal modo studied, and explained. Reading them is no easy turns out every pupil a fair scholar - though at a matter. The vernacular current band is as different great waste of labour. The class system ensures a from the printed character as German hand-writing fnuch higher average, but permite confirmed from the Roman type of books. English influence dullards.
has been steadily exercised against this current I have referred at this length to reading, because band, and in many districts it is passing away this subject is the key of the whole system, and superseded by the printing character. It is doubt the other lessons will not require much attention. ful whether this is an advantage, as we may consider

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[FEBRUARY, 1873.
for ourselves by imagining how we should get on candidates could at all decipher the writing. All if compelled to do all our writing in Roman charac- had been well educated and all could speak and ters, keeping the letters separate from each other. write English, yet not one out of four could read However this may be, the learning of the current their own language in that form which should be hand is a most important item of a iad's education. most familiar to them. Mufassal candidates could In English schools this subject is altogether neglect- generally read, thongh even among them those who ed, and it is most assuredly a grievous evil. For had been taught in good English schools were inost example, the work of the Census office is mainly deficient. The total number of candidates was expended on schedules written in the vernacular of probably not less than 1,000, and yet there was the various districts. Being compiled by the village immense difficulty in obtaining 200 persons even karnams, who are practised writers, the entries are tolerably at ease in vernacular writing. It is subusually in a clear current hand, far superior to mitted that in the national system of education which ordinary English writing. Yet when applications India is now slowly providing for itself, every were made for employment, and candidates were means should be taken to ensure thorough instrucexamined as to their power of reading the schedules, tion in vernacular reading and writing, substituting it was discovered that not one out of four of Madras | the modern for the ancient dialect.
REVIEW A GRAMMAR OF THE URDU OR HINDUSTANI LANGUAGE, teach him how to break it down into the ordinary
by John DowBox, M.E.A.B., Professor of Hindustani, style of the natives. It is a pity that the book Staff College. Trübner & Co., London. 1872.
is so destitute of philology. Although intendThis little book appears, from advertisements that ed for learners, there is no reason why even have appeared since it was issued, to be the first they should not bave a clue given them now of a series which Professor Dowson proposes to
and then. You may either teach a boy on the publish for the benefit of students of the Urdu dogmatic principle "This is so, learn it, and never language-the principal medium of commanication mind why," or you may tell him-"The reason between mun of all races and classes in India. In of this apparent irregularity is so-and-so." Of the looking through the neatly-printed pages, it is two methods the latter will certainly make his difficult to avoid envying the present generation
task easier, and probably also pleasanter. In the of learners. We in our time had no such books as book under aotice, for instance, the subject of these. Lucidity of expression, descending at times genders might have been treated in a much fuller almost to the colloquial style, an admirable clear- and more intelligent manner. Although in geakness of arrangement, and careful study of all the
ing, gender is to a great extent neglected, yet it is recorded forms of the written language, are appa- necessary to know the main rules; but Professor rent on every page; while the beauty of Stephen
Dowson has hardly made any attempt to explain Austin's well-known type enhances the pleasure of them. reading. Seeing how much the author bas made The subject of declension, however, is fully and of his materials, one cannot but wish he had had ably treated ; and the author has not fallen into the better materials to work on. How long is rubbish temptation, so cominon to grammar-writers, of maklike the Bagh-o-Bahár and the Totá Kahani to be
ing one declension into half-a-dozen on account of allowed to hold the chief place, in the estimation some trifling peculiarity, which is in most cases of scholars in Europe, amongst Indian classics? inherent in the base of the noun and is not a -books written to order for English students by declensional feature at all. Objection may be taken pedantie manshis, who wrote up to a given set of to the way in which the form of the plural pronoun rules which they invented for themselves, and of the 1st person, hamon, is spoken of; this form which have never had, and probably never will being very rarely used by good speakers, and conbave, any influence on the native mind, or currency demned as barbarous by men of taste, as it is among any but our own countrymen. If some one certainly indefensible from & philological point of would only send home twenty books taken at random view. The Prakrit amhe, from which ham is out of the masses issued by Munshi Nawal Kishore derived, makes no oblique form amhanam from of Lucknow, there would be more true vernacular which hamon could be derived. The same holds Urdu of the purest kind found in a fiftieth part good of tumhon, though in a less degree. of them than in all the stilted pages of the Araish-j- No less able and admirably lụcid is the treatment Mahfil and the rest put together. Still we must of the verb, in which all the numerous combinations take things as they are. From this book of Pro- which this supremely flexible language possesses fessor Dowson's the student in England would are drawn out in a logical and transparently clear certainly learn a very accurate and not inelegant sequence. Well and neatly put is the awkward style of Urdu, and a few years in India would modern construction of the past tense of transitive

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CORRESPONDENCE, &c.
57
verbs with ne-a construction which, it should be Our space will not allow us to go page by page noted, is rejected in speaking by at least one-half through this interesting book. The syntax is partiof those who use the language. It is, however, cularly good, bringing out in the clearest and most wrong to call the form of the conjunctive parti- refreshingly intelligent way, in spite of occasional ciple in -as kiye, liye, &c.-“ an irregular misapprehensions, the many-sided expressiveness of form," it being in reality the original form of a language which has no parellel for vivacity and this participle, and derived from the locative of
graceful turns of phrase, except in the most the Sanskrit past participle in ta, as krite, yate, &c., polished Parisian French. We conclude, then, by and some centuries older than the modern forms in congratulating Professor Dowson on having writke, kar, and larke. In fact, a group of ancient and ten by far the best Urdu Grammar that has yet much-used verbs has retained the older form, which appeared, and having thus rendered the acquisition has almost dropped out of use in other verbs.
of the most elegant and useful of all the Indian It is amusing to see the respect with which, on | vernaculars both easy and pleasant to the student ; page 113 (note), the inaccuracies of the Bagh-o- and if he pursues, as we hope he may, his task of Bahar and its fellows are treated. They are elevated editing a complete series of educational works, wo to the dignity of a crabbed passage in Thucydides, would recommend him to write to some one in India and the blunders on the ignorant münshi are treated for a selection of genuine native works, such as with the same respect as we should accord to the are current among the people, and not to content genvine phrases of the idiomatic Greek historian. himself with the threadbare and indecent trash The construction with ne is really so modern and which Forbes has raised to the position of Classics. artificial an invention, that it is extremely common Professor Dowson's Grammar is a distinct advance to find natives misusing it.
on Forbes; his texts should also be an advance.-J.B.
CORRESPONDENCE AND MISCELLANEA. REMARKS ON PARTS X. AND XI.
is also of the greatest interest. Last winter Burnell too By Pror. WEBER, BERLIN.
found a copy of the same work in Telinga character:
a comparison of both versions will no doubt yield To the Editor of the Indian Antiquary. much critical help for the restoration of the text, and Sir-I beg to offer you some observations on Nos. for the correction of Somadeva's later work. There X. and XI. of your Indian Antiquary, as they are very can scarcely be a doubt that the Bhútabhúshá of full of important and interesting communications. Gunadhya's original composition, according to I begin with the paper of B. G. Bhandarkar on the Dandin's testimony on the Pais'achabhasha, in which Date of Patanjali. Clever as it is, it is a great pity it was written according to Kshemendra and Somathat its author was not aware that I treated the deva, is but a Brahmanical slur on the fact that same subject ten years ago in my critique of Gold- Gunadhya was a Buddhist and wrote in Pali stücker's "Panini" (Indische Studien, V. 150 ff.). (Mr. Gorrey, in a very clever critique on my paper on Patanjali's mentioning the Pushyamitra Sabha the S'aptas'atakam of Hala, in the Journal Asiatique, (thus, Pushyamitra, not Pushpamitra, is the name, Aout-Sept. 1872, p. 217, arrives at nearly the according to the northern Buddhists) and the Chan- same conclusion; even Somadeva's work contains dragupta Sabha is already noticed there. But the some direct allusions to the Buddhist Játakas question regarding his age does not depend upon (65, 45, 72, 120 ed. Brockhaus); and the Buddhist this only, but has further light thrown upon it when character of many of its tales is quite manifest we adduce and criticise the testimonies of the (see my Indische Streifen, II. 367). The more we VAkyapadiya and the Bajatarangin as quoted learn of the Játakas, the more namerous are the by Goldstücker; and the final conclusion at which I stories shown to be which are found in India arrive is, that Patanjali lived about 25 after Christ. for the first time, and never afterwards appear in There is, after all, only one point in this argument the Brahmanical fable-and-tale collections. Some of which requires further elucidation. Kern, in his them are originally Æsopic, borrowed by the Budexcellent preface to his edition of Varahamihira's dhists from the Greeks, but arranged by them in their Brihat Sanhita (pp. 37, 98), refers the passage own way (see Indische Studien, III. 356-61). "arunad Yavano Madhyamikan," not to the Bud- The passage from Kumarila's Tantravirttika, dhist sect of that name, but to & people in middle which forms the subject of Burnell's very valuable India, mentioned in the Brihats. 14,2 (see also communication, was pointed out previously by Sankshepas'ankarajaya, 15, 156, in Aufrecht's Cata- Colebrooke (Misc. Essays, I. 315). That the Andhra logue of the Sanskrit MSS. of the Bodleian Library, and Dravida Br&hmans were in early times fully p. 2586).
engaged in literary pursuits, is manifest from the Bahler's paper on the Vrihatkath of Kehemendra fact that, according to Skyana, the last (tenth)

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book of the Taittiriya A'ranyaka is extant in two recensions which go by their name.
Sashagiri Sastri's paper on Vikramaditya and Bhoja is rather superficial ; his assertion that the Brihatkath & is believed to be the same as he Khathasarit Sagara, and that the author of the Vasavadatta inust therefore have flourished in the twelfth century, as he mentions the Brihatkathâ, is particularly misplaced in this number, which contains, some pages before, Bühler's excellent remarks on the same subject. His paper on Kalidasa in No. XI. is better, especially as it contains some very valuable inform- ation regarding a hitherto unknown work attributed to a person of Kalidasa's celebrated name, and the commentary on it by a Nichulakaviyogindra. I send you herewith my papers on the Jyotirvidabharana. In the first of them (page 727) I have pointed out the passage in Mallinâtha's commentary on the Meghadata, where he speaks of the poet Nichuln as a friend, and of Dinnaga as an adversary, of its author, and intimates that the fourtoenth verse of that poem contains an allusion to both of thein; and in the same paper I have also tried to deduce the consequences which would result from such a fact. The present discovery of a Nichulakavi as writing a commentary on a lexicographic production of a Sri-Kalidasa, and doing this at the instigation of a “Mahârâjâ Bhoja," is indeed very curious. Which of the many Bhojas may be meant here?
The Bengali Kirtans published by Beames in the same number are of the highest interest, as well as his notes and remarks on them. It is, for instance, a very curious coincidence that Bhojpuri, Bangali, and Oriya, that is to say, three quite modern Hindu dialects, have resorted again to the same expedient for the formation of the future tense as old Latin did more than 2,000 years earlier, vis., to the agglutination of the present tense of
. Such an occurrence, or, one ought to say, recurrence, is a striking evidence of the inherent consanguinity of the Aryan race and language, and of the inveterate and unchangeable character of them both.
Bhandarkar, in his paper on the date of the Mahabharata, makes good use of the Mahabhashya. And I hope shortly to be able to follow him, as soon as I get the edition of this work issued this summer in Banaras. I have always considered the publication of this work as one of the greatest services which could be rendered to Sanskrit philology, and I am very glad that it has come at last, It is true that, according to the statements of Hari's Vákyapadiya, as given by Goldstücker in his "Panini," and corrected by Stenzler and myself (Indische Studien, V. 166, 187), and according to those of the Rajatarangini, I. 176, IV. 487 (ibid. V. 166, 167), the Mahabháshya in its present form appears to have undergone much remodelling by "Chandrachary&dibhih." But still its testi-
mony will always be of great value, though not perhaps exactly decisive for Patanjali's time itself. I am very curious to know if really no direct allusions to the Ramayana will be met in it, as this would be very favourable to my conjecture regarding the comparatively late age of this work. With regard to the Mahabharata, the mentioning of Janamejaya and Dushyanta is not restricted to the Aitareya Brahmana, which alone is adduced by Bhandarkar, but they are mentioned also in the S'atapatha Brálmana, which contains moreover (partly relying on the Vajas. Sanhita and coinciding with the Taitt. Sanhita, and the Kathaka) quite a number of allusions to other names and personages who play a prominent part in the story, especially in the great war of the Mahabharata, viz., Nagrajit, Satânika, Amba, Ambika, Ambalika, Subhadra in Kampila (?), Arjuna and Phålguna (but as names of Indra!), Bhimasena, Ugrasena, and Srutasena asthree brothers of Janamejaya (compare Indische Studien, I. 189-207, and my lectures on Indian Literature (1852), pp. 110, 130-33, 175-7). The Kathaka has a legend about Dhritarashtra Vaichitravirya (Indische Studien, III. 469). The S'ankhayana sutra (XV. 16) speaks of an expulsion of the Kurus from the Kurukshetra, "Kuravah Kurukshetrad chyoshyante." There can be no doubt, therefore, that in the time of this work, as well as in that of Pånini, the main story of the Mahabharata had already firm existence, and probably also even then in a poetical form. The Buddhist legends, too (I mean those treating of Buddha's life-time and his jatakas, former births), contain direct allusions to some of these and to other personages of the same epic circle. But all this does not help to fix the age of the Mahabharata itself, which has grown out from the songs of the minstrels at the courts of the petty râjâs of Hindustan, and probably got its first form (it contains itself a tradition (I. 81] that formerly it consisted only of 8,800 verees) under the hands of either a Vaiņampâyana or a Pårds'arya (see my Indische Skizzen, p. 36), at a time when a race of Pandava kings was reigning in India (Indische Studien, II. 403), and in friendly connection with the Yavatia kings of north-western India; for the Yavanadhipa Bhagadatta, king of Maru and Naraka (very probably Apollodotos, about 160 before Christ), is called by Krishna "an old friend of the father of Yudhishthira Mahabharata, II. 578; Indische Studien, V. 152), and is mentioned repeatedly as supporter of his sake. The age of the grihya shtra, in which the passage occurs-Sumantu Jaimini-Vaisampayana-Paila-s'htra-bb­a-bharata-mahabharata dharmacharyah .. tripyantu-is itself uncertain : the corresponding passage in the Sankhayana-gribys omits the words "bh&rata-mahabharata-dharmacharyah" (compare my lectures on Ind. Lit., pp. 56-57), which may be a later addition. That the word "mahabharata" is mentioned also by Panini, I have pointed out very early (Indische Studien, I. 148); but I remarked at

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the same time that it does not signify there a work of that name, but very probably a person, just like th Mahajâbâla and the Mahâhailihila mentioned in the same sûtra along with it. According to the scholion it is to be taken as a masculine. "In connexion with âhava, yuddha, or taken as a substantive, with a word for war supplied" it means: "great war of the Bharata"-M. Bh. V. 4811; "yuddha, XIV. 1809 (Petersburg Dictionary). After all, the first direct testimony of the existence of an epic work treating of the same subject as our Mahabharata remains still as yet that passage from Dio Chrysostomos about the "Indian Homer."
CORRESPONDENCE, &c.
Your paper on Narayana Swâini is also very interesting and instructive.
With best wishes for the continuance of your highly welcome and valuable undertaking, I am, &c., A. WEBER.
Berlin, 28th Nov. 1872.
NOTE ON THE ABOVE BY PROF. RAMKRISHNA G. BHANDARKAR.
THROUGH the courtesy of the Editor of the Indian Antiquary, I have been permitted to see Professor Weber's letter, which contains notices of my article on the Date of Patanjali, and of my paper on the Age of the Mahabharata. This is not the first time the Professor has been so kind to me. One of my humble productions he has deemed worthy of a place in his Indische Studien. While, therefore, I am thankful to him for these favours, I feel bound to consider his remarks on my articles, and to reply to them.
Professor Weber thinks it a pity that I should not have been acquainted with his critique on Dr. Goldstücker's "Pâniui." I hardly share in his regret, because the facts which I have brought forward are new, and my conclusions are not affected by anything he has said in the review. He certainly brought to notice, in that critique (as I now learn), the occurrence in Patanjali of the expression "Pushpamitra Sabha." But Professor Weber will see that my argument is not at all based on that passage. I simply quoted it to show that even Patanjali tells us that the Pushpamitra he speaks of in another place was a king, and not an ordinary individual or imaginary person. My reasoning in the article in question is based on the words iha Pushpamitram Yajayamah. This is given by Patanjali as an instance of the Varttika, which teaches that the present tense (lat) should be used to denote an action which has begun but not ended. Now this passage was noticed neither by Professor Weber nor by Dr. Goldstücker; and hence the trouble I gave to the Editor of the Antiquary. The passage enables us, I think, to arrive at a satisfactory conclusion as to the date of Patanjali, since it shows that the author of the Mahabhâshya flourished in
an
59
the reign of Pushpamitra. And the conclusion based on this and on one of the two instances pointed out by Dr. Goldstücker, viz., Arunad Yavanah Sáketam, agree so thoroughly with each other, that they can leave but little doubt on the mind of the reader as to the true date of Patanjali.
But I must consider Professor Weber's argument for bringing Patanjali down to about 25 after Christ. The two instances brought forward by Dr. Goldstücker contain the name Yavana; and a king of that generic name is spoken of as having besieged Sâketa, commonly understood to be Ayodhya. This name was applied most unquestionably, though not exclusively, to the Greek kings of Bactria. The Yavanas are spoken f, in a Sanskrit astronomical work noticed by Dr. Kern, as having pushed their conquests up to Saketa; and Bactrian kings are also mentioned by some classical writers as having done the same. Looked at independently, this passage leads us to the conclusion arrived at by Dr. Goldstücker, that is, it fixes the date of Patanjali at about 150 B. C. But the other instance contains, in addition, the name Mádhyamika. The Buddhist school of that name is said to have been founded by Nagarjuna, who, according to the Rajatarangini, flourished in the reigns of Kanishka and Abhimanyu, that is, a few years after Christ. This instance then brings the author of the Mahabhashya to some period after Christ. Here then is a case resembling those which are frequently discussed by our Pandits, in which a Sruti and a Smriti (or a Sruti and an inference) conflict with each other. The Brahmanical rule is that the Sruti must be understood in its natural sense, and the Smriti so interpreted as to agree with it, that is, any sort of violence may be done to the Smriti to bring it into conformity with the Sruti, and the inference must be somehow explained away. Now, in the present case, Professor Weber's Sruti is the instance containing the rame of the Madhyamikas. But the word Yavana, occurring in it and in the other instance, cannot be taken to apply to the Greek kings of Bactria, for the dynasty had become extinct a pretty long time before Christ. Professor Weber therefore thinks that by it is to be understood the Indo-Scythic king Kanishka, who reigned before Abhimanyu. But Kanishka cannot be regarded as having oppressed or persecuted the Madhyamikas, for he was himself a Buddhist. This objection is obviated by the Professor by the supposition that he must have persecuted them before he became one of them.
I must confess this argument appears to me to be very weak. It has many inherent improbabilities. In the first place, I do not see why the passage containing the name Madhyamika and the name itself should be regarded as so much
By the way, I prefer the form "Pushpamitra" to "Pushyamitra," as the latter appears to me to be a mislection for the former, which might easily occur, 4, p, being often by careless scribes written as q, y.

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the Buddhists before he himself became a convert, is a mere supposition, not supported by any reliable authority. Kanishka is also not mentioned anywhere as having carried his conquests up to Saketa, while, as before observed, the Yavanas are mentioned by Hindu writers, and the Bactrian kings by Greek authors, as having done so.
The truth is that the name "Madhyamika" has been misunderstood both by D. Goldstücker and Professor Weber; and hence, in giving Dr. Goldstücker's argument in my article, I omitted the portion based on that name. The expression arunad Yavano Madhyamikán makes no sense, if we understand by the last word, the Buddhist school of that name. The root rudh means "to besiege" or "blockade;" and the besieging or blockading of a sect is something I cannot understand. Places are besieged or blockaded, but not sects. I am aware that Professor Weber translates this verb by a word which in English means "to oppress;" but I am not aware that the root is ever used in that sense. By the word "Madhyamika" is to be understood the people of a certain place, as Dr. Kern has pointed out in his preface to his edition of the. Brihat Sanhitâ, on the authority of the Sanhitâ itself. We are thus saved the necessity of making a string of very improbable suppositions; and in this way Professor Weber's argument, based as it is on the hypothesis that the Madhyamikas alluded to by Patanjali ere the Buddhist sect of that name, falls to the ground. The first of Dr. Goldstücker's passages (the word "Yavana" occurring in both of them), and the passage I have for the first time pointed out, taken together, determine the date of Patanjali to be about 144 B. C. And this agrees better with the other passages pointed out by Dr. Goldstücker. For if Patanjali lived in the reign of the founder of the S'unga dynasty, one can understand why the Mauryas and their founder should have been uppermost in us thoughts; but if he lived in 25 A. D., when the Andhra Bhritya dynasty was in power, one may well ask why he should have gone back for illustrating his rules to the Mauryas and Chandragupta, and passed over the intermediate dynasties of the S'ungas and the Kanvas.
more important than the other passage and the name Yavana. Why may we not rather take our stand on this latter name, and the mention of the conquests of the king so designated up to Saketa, and interpret the word Madhyamika by the light thus thrown upon it? And the passage I have brought forward is, I think, so decisive, and agrees so well with this statement, that some other explanation must be sought-for of the name Madhyamika; but of this more hereafter. In the next place, we have to suppose that the most important period of Nagarjuna's life was passed in the reign of Kanishka, that he lived so long in that reign as to have founded a school, and that in that reign the sect assumed the name of Madhyamika, and grew into such importance that its fame spread so far and wide, that even Patanjali in the far east knew of it. From the words of the Rajatarangini, however, it would appear that Nagarjuna and his disciples or school rose into importance in the reign of Abhimanyu, the successor of Kanishka; for the words are-" About that time (i. e., in the reign of Abhimanyu) the Bauddhas, protected by the wise Nagarjuna, the Bodhisattva, became predominant." And in the same reign, we are told in the history of Kashmir, the Bhashya of Patanjali was introduced by Chandrâchârya and others into that country. In the Vakyapadîya also it is stated that in the course of time it came to pass that Patanjali's work was possessed only by the inhabitants of the Dakhan, and that too only in books, i. e. it was not studied. Afterwards Chandracharya brought it into vogue. Now even supposing for a time that the Bhashya was written in the reign of Kanishka, i.e., about 25 A.D., fifteen or twenty years are too small a period for it to have come to be regarded as a work of authority, to have ceased to be studied, to have existed only in books in the South, and to have obtained such a wide reputation as to be introduced into Kashmir, a place far distant from Patanjali's native country and from the Dakhan. Even Professor Weber is staggered by the shortness of the interval; but instead of being thus led to call in question his theory or the soundness of his argument, he is inclined to doubt the authenticity of the texts brought forward by Dr. Goldstücker. Besides, he gives no evidence to show that the name Yavana was applied to the IndoScythic kings. I am aware that at different periods of Indian history it was applied to different races; but this vague knowledge ought not to be sufficient to lead us to believe as a matter of fact that it was applied to these kings. And the generic name by which they were known to the author of the Rajatarangini was Turushka. This name is not unknown to Sanskrit literature, for it occurs even in such a recent work as the Visvagunadars'a. I cannot, therefore, believe that Patanjali could not have known it, if he really lived so late as in the time of those kings. And that Kanishka persecuted
As to my paper on the Age of the Mahabharata, I have to observe that it was written with a certain purpose. Colonel Ellis, going upon the authority of the Gowja Agrahara grant, trauslated by Colebrook in 1806, and again by Mr. Narasimmiyengar in Part XII. of the Indian Antiquary, had referred the composition of the Mahabharata to a period subsequent to 1521 A.D., and had asked the Asiatic Society of Bombay to make inquiries as to whether the ashes of the Sarpa Sattra instituted by Janamejaya could be found by digging for them at Anagundi, with which the Colonel identified Hastinapur; and whether the remains of the palace, in which Bharata, the son of Dushyanta and S'akuntala, was crowned, were observable at the

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CORRESPONDENCE, &c.
place. My object, therefore, was to show that the Mahabharata was far more ancient, and that it existed at and before all the well-ascertained dates in Sanskrit literature. It was not meant to collect all possible evidence, whether certain or doubtful, for the existence of the poem. Had I thought of doing so, it would have taken me much longer time than I could spare, and some of the books to which it would have been necessary to refer were also wanting. I have not even brought together all the passages bearing on the point to be found in Patanjali's work. But I am content for the present to leave the task to the well-known industry and acuteness of Professor Weber.
WEBER ON THE DATE OF PATANJALI. [In order that our readers may have all the evidence before them, a translation is here appended of that portion of Professor Weber's critique on Goldstücker's "Panini" which refers to the Date of Patanjali.-Ed.]
At the close of Goldstücker's essay [Preface to the Mänavakalpasútra] we find an enquiry into the date of Patanjali (pp. 228-38). In the first place, from mention being made in his work of the Maurya, it is pointed out, and indeed thereby established, that he could not have lived before the date of this dynasty. The passage in question is of great interest, and would imply besides, according to the view of Patanjali, that Pånini also lived after that time! It is as follows: Patanjali, in commenting on the rule V. 3, 99: jivikarthech & 'panye, "in the case of a lifesustenance-serving (object, which is an image (pratikrita u is still to be understood, from 96), the affix ka is not used), except when the object is saleable,"-gives the following explanation (according to Goldstücker, p. 229): apanya ity uchyate, tatredamna sidhyati, s'ivah skando vis'&kha itikim kâranam mauryair hiranyarthibhir arch&h prakalpitah | bhavet tasu na syat | yâs tv etab sampratipujárth&h, tåsu bhavishyati "In the case of a saleable, e. y., Siva, Skanda, Visakha, the rule does not apply the affix k a being used in such cases). The gold-coveting maury a had caused images of the gods to be prepared. To these the rule does not apply, but only to such as serve for immediato worship (i. e., with which their possessors go about from house to house [in order to exhibit them for immediate worship, and thereby to earn money], Kaiyyata)." From this it appears that Patanjali is undoubtedly of opinion that Panini himself, in referring to images (pratikriti) that were "saleable," i. e., by their sale afforded sustenance of life (jivikArtha), had in his eye such as those that had come down from the Maurya! Be this as it may, the notice is in itself an exceedingly curious cne. If it were at all allowable, we might
understand the word maury a here as an appellative, meaning "sculptors," or something of the kind; as indeed seems to be the opinion of Någes', whose text, however,is corrupt (maury & h vikretum pratimas'ilpavantas is somewhat ungrammatical). But the word cannot be shown to bear such a meaning in any other passage. And the part. perf. causativi goes rather to prove that the Maurya were not themselves the actual makers of the images, but only caused them to be made ; although, to be sure, this cannot be laid down positively, seeing that causativa frequently appear also quite as new verba simplicia, and there are several instances of this precisely in the case of the root kalp. And if, in support of the view that the word refers to the Maurya-dynasty, it should further be adduced that Patanjali in other places also makes frequent mention of the covetousness of leings (cf. Ballantyne, pp. 234 and 315 : Gargas Satam dandyantâm | arthinae cha rájáno hiran y en a bhavanti, na cha pratyekam dandayanti), yet on the other hand it is not easy to understand how kings, in order to earn their livelihood and only on this condition is the example relevant to the shtra), should have caused inages of the kods to be prepared or exhibited for sale! But if, consequently, we cannot as yet quite rid ourselves of some amount of uncertainty, whether we are really to understand by the word maurya in this passage the dynasty of that name, there can at all events be no doubt with regard to the fact itself, that Patanjali did not live until after their time. The proofs which establish this, and which have been overlooked by Goldstücker, are contained in two examples which Patanjali adduces with reference to & vârttika in I. 1, 68 (Ballantyne, p. 758): Pushyamitrasabha, Chandraguptasabha. Even if the latter example (which recurs also in the Calc. Schol. on II. 4, 23) does not absolutely establish that he lived later than the time of the Maurya, yet the former affords quite conclusive proof of this; and we learn at the same time from this passage, that the bearer of the name Pushy&mitra who founded the Sunga dynasty, succeeding that of the Maurya, was not merely a general (senapati), as he is called in the Purana and in the Malavikagnimitra, but really & king (reigned, according to Lassen, 178-142 B. C.); for Goldstücker cannot well have any doubt as to the identity of the two Pushyamitras.
The date of Patanjali may, however, be still more definitely fixed. The lower limit is determined by a passage from the Rajatarailgini, adduced first by Böhtlingk, according to which Abhimanyu, king of Kashmir (reigned, according to Lassen, 45-65 A.D.), rendered some service to the text of the Mahabhashya, of which we shall presently speak more in detail. We cannot, therefore, come any lower down than his time. Goldstücker very justly calls attention to two highly important examples which Patan

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jali gives in commenting on a vârttika on III. | 2, 11. The rule refers to the use of the imperfect anadyatane, "when something is no longer present;" the vårt tika adds that it is used "paro'kshe cha lokavijnâte prayoktur dars'anavishaye | also with regard to something which is not (any longer) visible, but is perfectly well known, and which has been seen by the speaker himself, or might have been seen (literally, "falls within the sphere of his vision"); and as examples of such a case, Patanjali quotes two sentences :-arunad Yavanah Sâketam, "the Yavana oppressed Sâketa," and: arunad Y a va no Madhyamikân," the Yavana oppressed the Mâdhyamika." Both of these circumstances, therefore, when Patanjali gave these examples, must have belonged to the then immediate past, and have been still fresh in the memory of the people; as appears certain also from the tenor of the contrary examples which he quotes. Now, according to Goldstücker's assumption, the Yavana who besieged Saketa, i. e., in his opinion, Ayodhya, must be identical with Menandros (reigned, according to Lassen, 144-120 B.C.), of whom Strabo expressly records that he extended his conquests as far as to the Yamuna, while of no other Greek king of this period are so extensive military expeditions known. Patanjali must therefore have lived between 140 and 120 B. C. It is not possible, however, to bring into any kind of harmony with this view the second fact which Patanjali records of the Yavana, ciz, his oppressing of the Madhyamika. For the founding of the Buddhist school of this name is continually ascribed to Nagarjuna (see Buruouf, Introduction, p. 559; Lassen II. 1163; Köppen II. 14, 20; Wassiljew, p. 314). Now, we find, no doubt, conflicting statements with regard to the date of this renowned teacher; but, so far as the present inquiry is concerned, we need not concern ourselves either with the determining of this point, or with the intricate question regarding the actual date of Buddha's death; but we have simply to abide by the notice, overlooked by Goldstücker, in the Rajatarañginî (I. 173, 177; see also Lassen II. 413), according to which Nagarjuna is held to have lived under the same Abhimanyu, to whom, in the same passage (I. 176), is ascribed so peculiar care for the Mahabhâshya. For if we accept the latter statement as correct, we cannot well refuse to receive the former, also recorded in the same verses immediately before and after. Both stand and fall together. Relying on this passage, then, we are now in fact restricted to very narrow limits. For even if, as seems undoubted, it must be assumed that, in Abhimanyu's time, Nagarjuna was already advanced in years (which seems to be testified by the high reverence and the wide-reaching influence which, according to the words of the Rajataranginî, he enjoyed under that king); if, therefore, his founding of the Madhyamika-school may have taken
[FEBRUARY, 1873.
place much earlier, yet we must not date back this circumstance at the highest more than about 40 years before Abhimanyu began to reign; for it would be hardly credible that at a still earlier period of life Nagarjuna could have gained so prominent a position as to have been able to become the founder of a school. Between the years 5-45 A. D., according to Lassen's reckoning of Abhimanyu's coming to the throne, the following events must therefore fall-1. The besieging of Såketa by a Yavana; 2. The oppressing of the Madhyamika by the same or another Yavana; 3. The composition of the Mahabhashya; and between the years 45-65, lastly, 4. Abhimanyu's care for this work :-all this indeed only on the double assumption that the reading "mâdhyamikân" is correct, and that the name of the school, according to the Iudian tradition, did not exist until after its being founded by Nagarjuna. And now, as regards what I have marked as No. 1, the oppressing of Saketa by a Yavana, such an occurrence, if we are to understand thereby the besieging of Oude by a Greek king, is certainly not even conceivable as having happened at this period, seeing that the last independent Greek king of the Indian Mark ceased to reign, according to Lassen II. 337, about the year 85 B. C. The name "Yavana," however, passed over from the Greeks to their successors, the IndoScythians; and since in No. 2 we see this name used in describing an occurrence which, according to what is stated above, cannot have taken place till about 100 to 85 years before Christ,-seeing further that the occurrence in No. 1 must be essentially synchronous with that recorded in No. 2it follows that it can have been only an Indo-Scythic prince who had besieged Saketa shortly before Patanjali gave this example. Assuming now that by Saketa we are really to understand Ayodhya, as is certainly probable, then Kanishka (reigned 10-40 A. D., according to Lassen) is undoubtedly the only one of these princes-as indeed of all foreign princes before the Moslims-of whom so extensive a military expedition is (not merely conceivable, but even) not improbable; compare what Lassen, II. 854, records regarding the extension of his power toward the east. It is true that what Patanjali in No. 2 records of the oppressing of the Madhyamika by the Yavana, does not seem to be applicable to Kanishka, inasmuch as he is specially known as one of the principal promoters of Buddhism. On the one hand, however, we have also the still later information (in Hiuen Thsang J. 107, see Lassen II. 857) that Kanishka, during the earlier years of his reign, was hostilely disposed toward Buddhismand it is just from this earlier period of the reign, as we shall see below, that Patanjali's statement seems to date; on the other hand, is it possible that the statement refers only to special oppression of the Madhyamika in the interest of the Hinayana ?

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63
as indeed the perpetual contest between this latter and other Buddhist schools (cf. Hiuen Thsang I. 172) gave occasion to the great council held under Kanishka, which was intended to effect a reconci- liation. And although, according to the Rajataren- gini, Någârjupa's influence was in full bloom under Abhimanyu, yet it would still have been quite possible that under his predecessor, Kanishka, the predominant feeling might have been hostile to Nagarjuna, asin point of fact the latter appears never to have had any share in the council held under the presidency of Pârs'va and Vasumitra. With respect to No. 3, the composition of the Mahâbhâshya, we will in the first place bring forward here what can be gathered from other sources regarding the author, Patanjali. According to Goldstücker, the names Gonika putra and Gonardiya, with which in two passages of the Mahâbhâshya the view in question is supported, are to be referred to Patanjali himself, seeing that the commentaries (Nages'a on "Gonik@putra," Kaiyyata on "Gonardiya") explain them by the word " bhashyakára." As a matter of fact, Patanjali never speaks in the first person, but he is always spoken of in the third person, and his opinion is several times introduced by tu (pas'yati tv acharyah, in Ballantyne, pp. 195, 196, 197, 245, 281, 303, 787): it is also quite possible therefore that the words "Gonardiyas tv aha" do really refer to Patanjali. Ono only, however, of those two identifications can be correct; the other must to all appearance be false. For according to & communication for which I am indebted to Aufrecht's kindness, Gonardiya and Gonikaputra are two different persons, whom Vatay Ayana, in the introduction of his Kamasutra, celebrates side by side as his predecessors in the teaching of the ars amandi : in a very surprising fashion: the one, namely, as author of a manual thereon, showing how one should behave in this matter towards one's own wife; the other as author of a work treating of the proper procedure in reference to strange women: Gonardiyo bharyadhikarikam, Gonik&putrah paradarikam (namely, kamasutram samchikshepa): Bee Aufrecht, Catalogus, p. 215. In the body of the work Gonardiya is specially quoted five times, Gonikåputra six times. It would be delightful to get here so unexpected a glimpse into the private life of Patanjali. It may serve to get our minds at rest with reference to his moral character to remember that it is only the comparatively modern Nages's who identifies him with the Don Juan Gopikaputra, while by Kaiyyata, almost a thousand years earlier, the contemporary of the author of the Trik&ndas esha and of Hemachandra, he is compared with the honoured Gonardfya. As regards the name of the latter, Goldstücker, pp. 235-286, calls attention to a passage of the Kasika, I. 1, 76, in which the word "Gonardiya" (or "Gonardiyas," as the Calo. Schol. has it) is adduced as an instance of a place situated in the east (präch&m dese); and also to the
circumstance that Kaiyyata sometimes designates Patanjali as "Acharyadesiya," i. e., as countryman of the Acharya, or rather, contrasts him with the latter, i. e., Kâtyâyana, the author of the Vârttika; and that as Katyayana belonged to the east, Patanjali is also hereby assigned to the east. Mention should also have been made here of the special statement :-Vyavahite 'pi purvasabdo vartate, tad yatha, pûrvam Mathurâyâh Pâtaliputram (Ballantyne, p. 650) "Pataliputra" lies before Mathura, which is intelligible only in the mouth of a man who lived behind Pataliputra, and consequently decides for the eastern residence of Patanjali. In case, therefore, that "Gonardiya" is really to be understood as his name, the word can in fact be referred only to that "prâchâm des'a," not to the Kashinirian kings called Gonarda, as Lassen's opinion is, II. 484, and still less to the people of the same name mentioned by Varkhamibira, XIV. 12, as dwelling in the south, near Dasapura and Kerala. Now, according to what has been remarked with reference to Nos. 1 and 2, the work of Patanjali must have made a name for itself with great rapidity, in order to have been able to be introduced into Kashmir so early as in the reign of Abhimanyu. We come back again to this question further on : meanwhile we turn to what is in fact a highly inte. resting representation of the history of the Mahabhashya, which Goldstücker adduces for the elucidation of that verse of the Rajataraiigini which refers to the services rendered to the cominentary by Abhimanyu, from the second book of the V&kyapadiya of Bhartrihari, containing the so-called Harik&riks.
After this long digression on this passage, which seemed to be demanded by its importance, we turn now again to the proper question which is specially engaging our attention here, and on account of which it was was cited by Goldstücker. There can evidently be no doubt that the recovery, described therein by Hari, of the Mahabhashya by "Chandra and the others" is the same to which the statement of the Rajatarañgif I. 176 (some five or six centuries later) refers regarding Abbimanyu's caro for the work :Chandrach&ryAdibhir labdh(v) 4" dee'am tasmat
tadagannam Pravartitam mahâbhashyam, svain cha vyAkara
nam kritam Now, when Goldstücker translates "After that Chandra and the others had received command from him (Abhimanyu), they established a text of the Mahabh­a, such as it could be established by moans of his MS. of this work, and composed their own grammarl," this translation rests partly upon an application, demanded by nothing in the passage, of the meaning which, without sufficient grounds, he has attached to the word Agama, vit., "M8. ;"partly upon the quite gratuitous assumption

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that such a "MS." received, according to the Vákyapadiya, from Parvata, came "into possession of Abhimanyu" by the hands of Chandra and the others. In my opinion we have to abide simply.by Lassen's conjecture : tad-agame (Loc.), "after they had received from him the command to come to him;" and indeed this appears to me quite indubitable when we take also into consideration the second passage of the Rajatarangini, IV. 487, already quoted by Böhtlingk, in which it is said of Jayapida (reigned, according to Lassen, 754-85), des'ântaråd &gamayya vyachaksh&nan kshama
patih pråvartayata vichhinnam mahâbhâshyam svaman
dale "From another land bade come explainers thereof
the earth-prince, And brought the split Bhashya is the kingdom
new into vogue." And the combination, occurring here, of pravartayata with svamandale, definitely decides that in the first passage also (I. 176) pravartįtam is to be understood as meaning, not the "constituting of a text," but the "introduction" of the work into Kashmir; and, consequently, the wbole of Goldstücker's polemic against the hitherto received conception of this verse is shown to be perfectly idle and groundless.
And, moreover, Bhartrihari's representation by no means leaves the impression that all that is recorded therein could have taken place within the short period of about 30 years; and yet, according to what has been said above on Nos. 1 and 2, regarding the passages "arunad Yavanah Säketam" and " arunad Yavano Madhyamikan," it is not easy to account for a longer interval between the composition of these passages and the introduction of the Mah- bhishya into Kashmir; wo obtain this interval, to wit, when, in the absence of every other fixed point, we strike the mean between the dates already found, 5-45 and 45-65 A.D., and consequently fix the composition of the Mahabh­a at 25 A.D., and Abhiinanyu's care for the same at 55 A.D. The question therefore naturally arises, whether possibly those two examples may not have come into the text only through "Chandra and the others,"-originally therefore do not come from Patanjali at all? That the restoration of a text lost for a time—and this, according to the Vakyapadiya, was really the question at issue-in the fashion which Indian scholars are accustomed to employ, would not take place without interpolations on their part, is, to say the least, extremely likely; and there
fore we cannot well call in question the possibility that even the two passages referred to above may belong to such interpolations. But in that case the entire ground on which we stand with reference to this question becomes so unstable and uncertain, that we gladly hold by the assurance that these passages may just as likely be genuine. The very poculiar manner in which, in the Mahâbhâshya throughout, Patanjali is spoken of in the third person, is certainly remarkable, and might easily lead to the supposition that the work, as wc popsess it, is rather a work of his digciples than of Patanjali himself (compare what is said in the Acad. Vorles., p. 216, regarding two other cases of the kind). This is not, however, absolutely necessary: the example of Cæsar shows that such a practice may be employed even when the author is speaking of himself; and therefore it would certainly require very special evidence to prove such a conclusion. If, in reference to this, it could be established that in the Mahabh­a-I can speak naturally only of the compa. ratively small portion to which we have access in Ballantyne's elition-cases are found in which a series of proof-passages are cited only with their initial words, while the text of the passages follows afterwards in extenso, together with a detailed explanation, yet on the other hand such self-commentaries are by no means uncommon in Indian literature; and, in consideration of the remarkable amount of detail with which even the Mahabhåshya otherwise treats its subject, not in the least degree surprising: the brief exhibition of the proof-passages finds, too, its quite corresponding analogue in the peculiar use of the work for closing a discussion by versus memoriales which gathet up in brief what has been already said. It would be presumptuous to pronounce at present on the completo authenticity of the existing text of the Mahabhishya, when we have access to only 80 small a portion. And in the preceding discussion I have only sought to show that, in so far as we are at present acquainted with its contents, there exist no directly urgent grounds for doubting its authenticity. In the meantime, the two passages adduced by Goldstücker : “ arunad Yavanah Saketam" and "arunad Yavano Madhyamikan," may be regarded as furnishing sufficient evidence for determining the date of Patanjali; and on that evidence it would appear-on the assumption that Lasgen's chronology is correct--that the date oust be fixed not, according to the opinion or Goldstücker, at 140-120 B. C., but probably at about 25 after Christ.

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THE KULWADI.
THE KULWADI OF THE HASSAN DISTRICT.
BY CAPT, J. S. F. MACKENZIE, MAISUR COMMISSION. T OOKING at him in his official position, l'intruder's cloth, tie up some salt in one corner
U the Kulwadi is the village policeman, the of it, and turn him out. This is supposed to beadle of the village community, the head-man's neutralize all the good luck which might have henchman ; but as the "epresentative of that accrued to the trespasser, and avert any evil despised and outcaste race--the Holiar, he which might have befallen the owner of the house. appears most interesting. Tossed to and fro in At Mailkota, the chief seat of the followers the great sea of immigration which passed over of Ramanuja Acharya, and at Bailur, where the land, he, who once held the foremost place there is also a god worshipped by the three in the village circle, has, with each successive marked Brâhmans, the Holiars have the right wave, sunk lower and lower in the social scale, of entering the temple on three days in the until to-day we find him but a hewer of wood year specially set aside for them. At Mailkota and a drawer of water. In the rights and they have the privilege of pulling the car. privileges which yet cling to him, we, how- These are the only two temples in Maisur ever, get glimpses of his former high estate, where the Holiars are allowed in. The followand find proors that the Holiars, or lowest ing is, according to the Brâhmans, 'the reason right-hand caste, were the first to establish why':-"On Ramanuja Acharya going to Mailvillages in this part of the country. The kota to perform his devotions at that celebrated Kurabas, or jungle tribes, may have been the shrine, he was informed that the place had aborigines, but, naturally of a wandering dis- been attacked by the Turk king of Dehli, position, they confined themselves to the chase. who had carried away the idol. The Brahman They have no part or parcel in the village immediately set out for that capital; and, on cornmunity; the Holiars, on the other hand, arrival, he found that the king had made a have, and through their representative, the present of the image to his daughter; for it is Kulwadi, occupy a prominent position. As a said to be very handsome, and she asked for body, they are the servants of the ryots, and are it as a plaything. All day the princess played mainly engaged in tending the plough and with the image, and at night the god assumed watching the herds. One of the members of his own beautiful form and enjoyed her bed; this despised caste is generally the priest to for Krishna is addicted to such kinds of the village goddess, and, as such, on that annual
adventures (Buchanan, vol. I. p. 342). Ramanuja day when all hasten to pay their offerings at
Acharya, by virtue of certain mantras, obtained her shrine, takes precedence of the twice-born
possession of the image and wished to carry it Brahman.
off. He asked the Brâhmans to assist him, but Every village has its Holigiri-as the quarter they refused; on which the Holiars voluninhabited by the Holiars is called-outside
teered, provided the right of entering the temple the village boundary hedge. This, I thought,
were granted to them. Ramanuja Acharya was because they are considered an impure race,
accepted their proposal, and the Holiars having whose touch carries defilement with it. Such
posted themselves between Dehli and Mailkota, is the reason generally given by the Brahman, the image of the god was carried down in twentywho refuses to receive anything directly from four hours." When Râmanuja Acharya first the bands of a Holiar. And yet the Brâhnians appeared in this part of the country, we know consider great luck will wait upon them if they that the religion of the Bellala court was Jaina, can manage to pass through the Holigiri with- while, from the number of temples still extant, it out being molested. To this the Holiars have is clear that the religion of the great mass of
strong objection, and should a Brahman the people was the Saiva. Ramanuja Achary attempt to enter their quarters, they turn out introduced a new religion-the Vaishnava. It is in a body and slipper him, in former times it more than probable this story was invented by is said to death; members of the other castes the Brâhmans to conceal the fact that the may come as far as the door, but they must | Holiars, by receiving a privilege denied to other not-for that would bring the Holiar bad luck religions, had been bribed into becoming followenter the house. If, by chance, a person hsppens ers of Vishņu. If this is correct, then we may to get in, the owner takes care to tear the assume that the Holiars, as a class 400 years

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ago, were of some importance. But to return to the Kulwadi, all the thousand-and-one castes, whose members find a home in the village, unhesitatingly admit that the Kulwadi is de jure the rightful owner of the village. He who was, is still, in a limited sense, " lord of the village manor."
If there is a dispute as to the village boundaries, the Kulwadi is the only one competent to take the oath as to how the boundary ought to run. The old custom for settling such disputes was as follows :-The Kulwadi, carrying on his head a ball made of the village earth, in the centre of which is placed some water, passes along the boundary. If he has kept the proper line, everything goes well; but should he, by accident, even go beyond his own proper boundary, then the ball of earth, of its own accord, goes to pieces, the Kulwadi dies within fifteen days, and his house becomes a ruin. Such is the popu
ich is the popu- lar belief.
Again, the skins of all animals dying within the village boundaries are the property of the Kulwadi--and a good income he makes from this source. To this day a village boundary dispute is often decided by this one fact. If the Kulwadis agree, the other inhabitants of the villages can say no more.
In the Malnad - the hilly portion of this district, where the ryots are more or less given to the chase-there is a peculiar game-law. Should a wounded stag, started in the village, happen to die within the boundary of another, the Patel of the latter village is entitled to his share of the game, although he has taken no part in the chase.
When—in our forefathers' days, as the natives say-a village was first established, a stone called “Karu Kallu" is set up. To this stone the Patel onva a year makes an offering. The Kulwadi, after the ceremony is over, is entitled to carry off the rice, &c., offered. In cases where there is no Patel, the Kulwadi goes through the yearly ceremony. This “Kau Kallu," a plain Menhir, is not to be found in all villages; but on enquiry it will be found that such are but offshoots from some neighbouring parent village.
But what I think proves strongly that the Holiar was the first to take possession of the soil, is that the Kulwadi receives, and is entitled to receive, from the friends of any person who dies in the village, a certain fee, or, as my informant forcibly put it, "they buy from him the ground for the dead." This fee is still called in
Canarese nela haga-from nela, the earth, and hága, a coin worth 1 anna 2 pie.
In Munzerabad, tire ancient Bullum, the Kulwadi does not receive this fee from those ryots who are related to the head-man. Here the Kulwadi occupies a higher position; he has, in fact, been adopted into the Patel's family, for, on a death occurring in such family, the Kulwadi goes into mourning by shaving his head. He always receives from the friends the clothes the deceased wore, and a brass basin.
The Kulwadi, however, owns a superior in the matter of burial fees. He pays yearly a fowl, one hana (4 annas 8 pie), and a handful of rice to the agent of the Sudgadu Siddha (" lord of the burning-grounds"). These agents, who originally belonged to the Gangâdikara Vokkaliga caste--the caste whence the great body of ryots is drawn-have become a separate class, and are called, after their head, "Sudgadu Siddharu." They are appointed by the lord of the burning-grounds," whose head-quarters are somewhere in the Bababodin hills. They intermarry among themselves, and the son succeeds the father in the agency, but has to be confirmed in his appointment by the head of the caste. The agents have each particular tracts of country assigned to them. They receive a monthly salary of from Rs. 2 to Rs. 3, and are allowed to pay, out of the collections, their own expenses proper. The balance once a year is paid into the treasury of the Phala Swami["he who eats fruit only"), as their master is called. These agents engage in agricultural pursuits, but, when so employed, must put aside the sacred dress in which they are to be seen when on a tour. The distinguishing badge by which these persons can be known is the wooden bell, in addition to the usual metal one, they always carry about; without this no one would acknowledge the agent's right to collect the fees.
The following account of how and why the Kalwadi has to pay these fees was given to me by a very old man I met one day, when on his beat:- In the days of Harshachandra Mahârâjâ, Vishvamitra and Vasishtha, two holy men who had taken up their quarters in a burial-ground, were busy one day discussing the king's merits, It was generally said that the king never, under any circumstances, broke his word ; and Vishvamitra was determined to try if the king was really as good a man as people made him out. Disguised as a beggar, he called at the palace, and refused to go away until he had seen the king in person.

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Harshachandra came out, and, in reply to the and took up his quarters under a tree which beggar, promised to give him whatever he wanted. grew in the burial-ground. The leaves of this The beggar said—“ Give me as much money tree are used by the Brahmans for plates. The as will cover a tall man standing on an Saukar, who had bought the queen and her son, elephant." The king emptied his treasury, but disgusted at getting little or no work out of the to no purpose; the sum was insufficient. He boy, ordered him one day to go and collect leaves sold everything he had, and yet he found himself for the dinner. The lad went into the burialshort of the measure. For Vishvamitra had, by ground, and began picking leaves from the tree; means of rats, undermined the ground, so that as while so doing the snake came out, the lad was fast as the money was piled up, that below went to bitten, and died. The mother, hearing of this, fill up the rat-holes. He now sold his wife rushed to the burial-ground, and, after the first and only son, but this was of no use, for the burst of grief, began busying herself in making money thus realized did not cover the measure. preparations for burning the body. Too poor In despair, the king had it published abroad that to buy wood, she set about collecting what he would hold himself the slave of any person, she could find on the ground. The king, who who, by fulfilling the promise he had made to had from the first recognized his wife and son, the beggar, would extricate him from his dif- would not allow his affections to interfere with ficulties. No one came forward. The king his duty to his master, and sternly demanded was obliged to follow Vishvamitra all over the proper fees. The unhappy mother, who the country. In the course of their wanderings had not recognized her husband, told him she they came across Vir Baraka, the Kulwadi was a slave, and had no funds. Nothing would of the capital, who had amassed a large appease the strict agent, who cut the wife down fortune from the burial-fees. Seeing the king's with his sword. The gods, pleased with the pitiable state, the Kulwadi offered to pay the manner in which Harshachandra had conducted money. After some words, the beggar accepted himself, thought it was time to interfere. They to hold the Kulwadi responsible, and made appeared on the scene, restored to life both over the ex-king to him as a slave. Vîr mother and son, and offered to reinstate the king Baraka (Baraka was the name by which in all his former wealth and power. The king the Kulwadi was called at the capital Kaliyan- declined, and begged he might, with his wife and purapattna), asked what were the terms of the child, be allowed to accompany the gods to their promise; being informed, he filled a bamboo of paradise. To this they agreed, and were just the required height with money, and made this setting out, when every ghost, goblin, demon, sum over to Vishvamitra, who had to be satisfied devil, &c., started up, and, since there was no with getting what the strict letter of the longer a person to look after the f'ecs, threatened promise only entitled him to receive. The
to keep the gods company. The gods would Kulwadi now appointed the ex-king his agent not hear of this; they therefore appointed two for the collection of the fees.
persons to collect the focs. Calling the Kulwadi The following were the fees payable in the into their presence, they ordered him to pay good days of old :
these Siddharu a yearly fee of a fowl, a "hana," 1. Nela haja, the ground-fee.
and one day's rice. 2. Hari haja, a fee for tearing the winding- Vir Baraka, purse-proud and arrogant, sheet.
laughed when he heard the small amount of the 3. One hûn (=Rs. 1-12) placed in the remuneration, and said " What is that for me? mouth of the corpse.
I could give them gold untold, and none the 4. One hana (=1 anna 2 pie) placed on worse would I be." The gods were liighly disthe navel.
pleased, and cursed him in the following lines :5. The winding-sheet.
“ Hale kambale ; lake gudige; 6. A handful of coarse sugar.
Utturmara mane umbo gadige ; 7. 12 cocoa-nuts.
Prapti agale." 8. 12 betel leaves.
Which may be translated :9. A half ser of rice.
" An old kambale for clothing; a stick in your 10. A third of an anna of incense.
hand; Vishvamitra, however, had not yet done with The leavings of betters you'll eat in this land." the king; he was determined to test him further. That the curse has been fulfilled, few who He accordingly transformed himself into a snake, I have seen the Kulwadi will dispute.

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The present chief of the caste is said to be a descendant of the persons appointed by the
gods.
There is a belief among the people that if a death occurs in a house on a Tuesday or & Friday, another death will quickly follow, anless a fowl is tied to one corner of the bier which carries the deceased to his long home. This fowl is buried with the deceased. Those castes who do not eat fowl replace it with the bolt of the door. This may account for why a fowl forms a portion of the burial-fee.
The only caste, so far as I can learn, in which the custom of placing a coin in the mouth of the deceased is still practised, is the Vokkaliga; the coin must be a gold one. The body is always buried with the feet to the north.
The word Kulwadi ("he who knows the ryots") is derived from kula- the technical term by which a ryot cultivating government land is known. In the word kula we find crystallized a story of other days. One of the Bellala kings, whose devotion to religion had gained him the
favour of the gods, had been presented with a | phial containing “Sidda rasa,"-a liquid which
converted iron into gold. On this the king determined to abolish the payment of the land-tax in coin, and ordered that each ryot should pay into the government treasury the "gula," or plough-share, used during the year. All the iron thus collected the king turned into gold. In the course of time the initial g has become k, and from the custom of paying the “ Gula," the ryot came to be called a “ Kula."
ON THE SUB-DIVISIONS OF THE BRAHMAN CASTE IN NORTHERN ORISSA.
BY JOHN BEAMES, B.C. S, M.R.A.S. As a slight contribution to our knowledge of and the divisions of the two classes are fairly the divisions of caste in India, a subject still represented in most parts of the district, though involved in much obscurity, the following remarks the southern class is less numerous than the on the gotras, or families, of the great Brahman northern. The former are held in greater caste in this part of Orissa may be found useful." esteem for learning and purity of race than the
Tradition relates that the original Brâhmans latter. of Orissa were all extinct at the time of the rise The S'renis are divided, first, according to the of the Ganga Vansa line of kings, but that Veda, whose ritual they profess to observe, and 10,000 Brâhmans were induced to come from Kanauj and settle in Jâjpûr, the sacred city on
1.-SOUTHERN LINE. the Baitaranî river. The date of this immigration is not stated, but the fact is probably his
1. Rig-Veda. torical, and may have been synchronous with the
GOTRA.
UPADRI. well-known introduction of Kananjis Brahmans Bâsishtha.
Sârangi. into the neighbouring province of Bengal by
Mahâpâtra. King Adisura in the tenth century.
2. Sama-Veda. When the worship of the idol Jagannath began
Käsyapa ..................Nanda. to be revived at Puri, the kings of Orissa induced
Dharagautama ......... Tripathi. many of the Jâjpur Brahmans to settle round
Gautama .................. Udgåtâ, vulgo Utá. the new temple and conduct the ceremonies.
Parasara ................. Dibedi, vulgo Dube. Thus there sprang up a division among the
Kauņdinya ............... Tripathĩ, vulgo Tihari. Brâhmans; those who settled in Puri being called the Dakhintya Sreni, or southern class,
3. Yajur-Veda. and those who remained at Jâjpûr, the Uttara BharadwajaSreni, or northern class. This latter spread a. Bharadwaja ...... Sarangi. all over northern Orissa. Many of the southern 6. Sambhukar ......... Misra. Brâhmans, however, are also found in Balasor ; c. Lândi .............Nanda.
• This brief article was put together from notes made at different times, and something similar was supplied by me to Dr. W. W. Hunter and has been printed by him in the appendix to his work on Orissa. The above article, trowever, exhibits the classification more fully and clearly han Dr. Hunter's note, and contains some additional facts which I have learnt since the appearance of that work.
+ The date is not certain. Babu Rajendralal Mitra fixes
it at about A.D. 964.-Journal Asiatic Society of Bengal, vel. XXXIV., p. 189.
This ought to come before the Same-Veda, but my native informants stick to it that the Sâma-Vedis rank above the Yajur Vedis. I record the fact without understanding the reason.
$ The great Bharadwaj gotra is divided into the three septs here given.

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PATANJALI'S MAHABHASHYA.
69
Atreya
a. Dattatreya .........Ratha.
. Krishnâtreya ...... » Haritasa ..................Mahâpâtra.
>> ..................Dasa. Kauchhasa ............... » Ghțitakauchhasa ...... » Mudgaļa ................... Satpaths, vulgo Pathi,
also vulgo Satpasti. Batsasa ................... Dâsa, Acharya, Misra. Kâtyâyaņa ............... Sârangi. Kapinjala ...............Dåsa.
II.-NORTHERN LINE.
1. Rig Veda. Not represented.
2. Yajur Veda. Kâtyâyana ...............Panda. Sandálya.................. Krishņâtreya ............ and Dåsa, Bharadwaja.............* Barshagana ............... Miéra, Kaphala .................. ” Gautama..................Kara.
3. Atharva-Vedi. Angirasa ................... Upadhyâya, vulgo Upa
dhya. Of lower branches, and considered inferior to the above, are Sânkhyâyaņa ............ Mahanti. Nagasa ................... Dåsa, and Mahanti.
In explanation of the upádhís, I would state that they are, so to speak, the surnames of each gotra; for instance, a Brahmar of the Kasyapa gotra, whose personal name was Radha Krishna, would be known and spoken of, and speak of himself, as Radha Krishna Nand; Patit Pâban, of the Katyâyana gotra, is Patitpâban Sárangi; and
so on. The commonest surnames are Panda and Mahâpâtra in Balasor ; probably because the families of the gotras to which they belong have multiplied more extensively there. Some of the upádhís given above are very rare in Balasor, as Tripathi, Ratha, Dube; the others are common enough. Some of them are also borne by other castes. Thus all the Karans, a class corresponding to the Kâyasthas of Bengal, have the surname Mahanti, in the north contracted to Maiti. This fashion of caste surnames has been extended to the lower castes also : thus we have among the artizan castes the titles Patar, Rana, Ojhâ, Jena (a very low name, chiefly used by Pâns, and other impure castes), Râut, Kar, De, and the Bangali names Ghosh and Bose (Basu). These names, where they are the same as those borne in other provinces, are used by lower castes. Thus Ghosh and Basu in Bangali are highly respectable kåyastha names, in Orissa they are borne by Rajus, Gokhas, and other low castes. The cowherd class, the Gwâld of Upper India, are here called Gaur or Gaul, and take the surnames Behera, Palai, Send, &c. Behera seems to have been adopted from the English, as it is this class that furnishes the well-known Oriya bearers' of Calcutta.
But to return to the Brâhmans,the gotra names, it will be seen, are for the most part patronymics from well-known Rishis, and are identical with many of those still in use in the North-Western Provinces. This circumstance seems to add confirmation to the legend of the origin of this caste from Kanauj. A Rishi's name occurs also among upádhís in one instance; Sarangi being from Sanskr, Sârngi, patronymic from Sringa Rishi. Panda is hardly a gotra upádhí, being applied to all Brâhmans who officiate as priests.
PATANJALI'S MAHÁBHÁSHYA BY PROFESSOR RAMKRISHNA GOPAL BHANDARKAR, M.A. PUSHPAMITRA.
the roots yaj and others. This Patanjali explains SINCE I wrote last on the subject, I have thus :-"Pushpamitra sacrifices (yajate), and discovered a third passage in the Mahâbhâshye the sacrificing priests cause him to sacrifice (i.e., in which Pushpamitra is spoken of. Pâņini in to be the sacrificer by performing the ceremonies III. 1, 26, teaches that the termination aya, for him). This is the usual or uninverted order technically called ni, should be applied to a root of using the forms. But by Panini's rule the when the action of causing something to be done order ought to be Push pamitra causes (the is implied. Upon this, the author of the Vârtikas priests) to sacrifice, and the priests sacrifice.'” observes that a rule should be made to provide This objection is removed by the author of the for the use of the causal and primitive forms in Vârtikas himself, by saying that the root yaj, the uninverted or the usual order in the case of signifying several actions, the usual or unin

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verted order is provided for, and no new rule is necessary. How it is so, Patanjali tells us as follows:-"Yaj denotes several actions. It does not necessarily signify the throwing of the oblations into the fire, but also giving money, or providing the means of the sacrifice. For instance, they say 'O how well he sacrifices,' in the case of one who provides the means properly. That providing of the means, or giving money, is done by Pushpamitra, and the sacrificing priests cause him so to provide or so to become the sacrificer. In this sense, then, Pushpamitra sacrifices (yajate), and the priests cause him to perform it (yájayanti)." This is the uninverted or the usual order. In the sense of throwing the oblations into the fire, the other is the correct order."
In this instance we see Patanjali speaks of the sacrifices of Pushpamitra as if he were familiar with them; and by itself this passage shows that he could not have lived long after him, certainly not so long as 175 years after, as Prof. Weber makes out. But the other instance pointed out in page 300 vol. I. of the Antiquary, in which his sacrifices are spoken of as if going on, shows that he lived in Pushpamitra's time. The three passages, then, in which his name occurs, are perfectly consistent with, and confirm, each other.
PATANJALI'S NATIVE PLACE.
Indian tradition makes the author of the Mahâbhâshya a native of a country called Gonarda, which is spoken of by the grammarians as an eastern country. The Mâtsya Purana also enumerates it amongst the countries in that direction. The position of Patanjali's native place, whether it was Gonarda or some other, can, I think, be pretty definitely fixed by means of certain passages in his work. In his comments on III. 3, 136, the two following passages occur: -Yoyam adhvá gata á Pátaliputrát tasya yadavaram Súketát- Of the distance or path from Pâtaliputra which has been traversed [such a thing was done in] that part of it which is on this side of Sâketa;' and yoyam adhrá á Pátaliputrád gantavyas tasya yat param Sáketát Of the distance or path up to Pâțaliputra which is to
Pan. III. 1, 26. Kâtya, agafa: Patan. ययादिषु चाविर्यासो वक्तव्य: । पुष्पमित्रो यजते याजका याजयउन्तीति । तत्र भवितव्यं पुष्यमित्री याजयते याजका यजन्तीति । Katy waity wife arautuvą | Patan. यत्यादिषु चात्रिपर्यास :सिद्ध: । कुत: । नानाक्रिया
[MARCH, 1873.
be traversed [something will be done in] that portion which lies on that side of Sâketa.† In these two instances we see that the limit of the distance is Pâțaliputra, and that it is divided into two parts, one of which is on this side of Sâketa, and the other on that. Sâketa, then, must be in the middle, i.e., on the way from the place represented by this' in the expression this side,' to Pâtaliputra. This place must be that where Patanjali speaks or writes; and it must, we see, be in the line connecting Sâketa and Pâțaliputra on the side of it remote from Pataliputra. The bearing of Oudh from Pâtna is north-west by west; Patanjali's native place, therefore, must have been somewhere to the north-west by west of Oudh. Prof. Weber thinks he lived to the east of Pâtaliputra; but of this I have spoken elsewhere.
Let us now see whether the information thus gathered can be brought into harmony with the tradition mentioned above. The exact position of Gonarda is not known; but if it really was Patanjali's country, it must have been situated somewhere to the north or north-west of Oudh. Now, there is a district thereabouts which is known by the name of Gonda, and there is also a town of that name about 20 miles to the north-west of Oudh. According to the usual rules of corruption, Sansk. rda () is in the Prâkrits corrupted to dda (), but sometimes also it is changed to dḍa (3). Gonarda, therefore, must in the Prakrit assume the form Gonadda. Hasty pronunciation elides the a, and, in the later stages of the development of the Prakrits, one of the two similar consonants is rejected. The form is thus reduced to Gonda, which is the way in which it is now pronounced. General Cunningham derives Gonda from Gau la.§ But, so far as I am aware, there are no instances of the insertion of a nasal in a Prakrit word, when it does not exist in the corresponding Sanskrit one. It appears, therefore, very probable that the district of Gonda in Oudh was the ancient Gonarda, and had the honour of giving birth to the great author of the Mahâbhâshya.
THE NATIVE COUNTRY OF KATYA'YANA. Prof. Weber is of opinion that Katyayana was one of the eastern grammarians, and Dr.
ययर्थतात् । नानाक्रिया पजेरर्था: । नावश्यं यजिवि : प्रक्षेपण एव वर्तते । किं तर्हि त्यागेपि वर्तते, &c.
I omit the grammatical details of this as not necessary. See Var. Pråkr. Praka. III. 26.
§ Anc. Geog. p. 408, and Arch. Surv. vol. I., p. 327.

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DATE OF SRI HARSHA.
Goldstücker agrees with him. But it is a ques. tion whether the distinction between northern or castern grammarians, which Pâņini mentions, really existed in the time of Katyayana. But to whatever school of grammarians he may have belonged, supposing such schools existed in his time, it appears, from a passage in the Mahabhashya, that the author of the Vârtikas was a Dakshiņâtya, i.e., a native of the South or Dakkhan. In the introduction to the Mahâbhâshya* occurs a passage, the sense of which is this :"If a man, who wishes to express his thoughts, does so by using some words or other simply from his acquaintance with the usage of the world, what is the use of grammar? The object of grammar is to restrict the liberty of speech in such a manner that religious good may arise from it; just as is done in the affairs of the world and in zoatters concerning the Vedas. In the world we find people saying 'a domesticated cock should not be enten, a domesticated pig should not be eaten.' Things are eaten for the satisfaction of hunger. Hunger, however, can be satisfied even by eating dog's flesh, and such other things.
But then though it is so, a restraint is put on us, and we are told such a thing is eatable and such a thing is uneatable. * . . In the same manner, while one is able to express his thoughts equally by correct or incorrect words, what grammar does is to restrict him to the use of correct words, in order that religious good may arise from it."
Now, this is Patanjali's explanation of two vârtikas, the latter of which is yathá laukikavaidikeshu, i.e., 'as in the world and in the Veda.' On this Patanjali's remark is Priya-taddhitá Dákshinátyáh yathá loke vede cheti prayoktavye yatha laukika-vaidikeshviti prayunjate, i.e., the Dakshinatyas, i.e., people of the South or Dakkhan, are fond of using (words wit affixes, that is, instead of saying yathá loke vede cha, they say yathá laukika-vaidikeshu" (i.e., instead of using the words loka and veda, they use derivatives from them, formed by affixing the termination ika). This clearly means that Kâtyâyana, the author of the vârtika in which the words laukika and Vaidika occur, was & Dákshiņátya,
THE DATE OF SRÍ EARSHA. BY KASHINATH TRIMBAK TELANG, M.A., LLB., ADVOCATE, HIGH COURT, BOMBAY. In my article and letter on the date of the points out two circumstances tending to show Nyâyakusumânjali in the Indian Antiquary that the main facts" related by Rajasekhara, (voi. I. pp. 297 and 358), the question of the the Jaina writer who gives us this account of Sri date of Sri Harsha, the author of the Naishadha Harsha, are strictly historical." I will take Charita and other works, came incidentally his second circumstance first. It is that " Rajaunder consideration; and in my letter I made sekhara's narration agrees in some important a reference to the conclusion which had been details with the statements which Sri Harsha arrived at on that point by Dr. J. G. Bühler, as makes regarding himself in his own works." I knew it from a summary of his paper on the Now, I cannot attach much weight to this cirsubject. I have since seen the whole of his cumstance; for, surely, even a Hindu biographer, paper on the age of the Naishadha Charita void of the "historical sense," could not afford of Sri Harsha, and although I cannot say that either to ignore or to contradict such well-known my view on the subject continues quite unshaken, autobiographical statements as those to which I still think that the question cannot yet be re- Dr. Bühler alludes. Running counter to such garded as finally settled.
statements, a biography may, in the majority In the first place, then, the authority upon of cases at any rate, be safely put down as a work which Dr. Bühler relies for the date of Sri of romance. But it does not therefore follow, Harsha gives an account of him, which, as the I think, that the repetition of them in a work is Doctor himself very truly remarks, " is in many | proof of the remaining statements being trustdetails obviously fanciful.”+ And though I am worthy. Had the case been somewhat different willing to concede that this circumstance may -had the statements coincided with what some easily be too much insisted on, it must be elaborate historical investigation had brought acknowledged that this account should be re- out, or with facts which could be reached only ceived with considerable caution. Dr. Bühler by a course of bona fide historical research-the • Ballantyne's Edn. pp. 54, 56.
published in a separate pamphlet. Page 5.-My references are to the essay as recently Page 6

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coincidences would, of course, have been of con- siderable moment. As it is, those coincidences appear to me scarcely to warrant the conclusion which it is sought to base on them.
The second circumstance pointed out by Dr. Bühler is, that "it might be expected that Rajasekhara, who lived in the middle of the fourteenth century, could obtain trustworthy information regarding & person who lived only about 150 years before him." This I fully admit. But be it noted that Madhavâcharya also lived in the middle, or rather somewhat before the middle, of the fourteenth century. And barring all other considerations, which, I think, will lead us to assign the palm of superiority to Madhava, it cannot be denied that Madhava must have had access to at least as trustworthy information on this matter a3 any author of the Jaina persuasion; and, as I have pointed out in my paper, Madhava makes Sri Harsha-the Khaņdanakâra— contemporary of Sankaracharya. Whom, then, shall we believe? Regarding the biography of a Hindu poet, is it more likely that the Jaina Sûri or the Hindu Acharya erred? True, Mâdhava may have wished to exaggerate the greatness of Sankara's powers by making him engage in a controversy with Sri Harsha, and representing him as coming off victorions in the conflict; but it is still difficult to regard this as a suffi- cient explanation of this very gross anachronism, if anachronism it be. Add to this, further, that such credit as there may have been in a controversial victory over Sri Harsha, had been already reflected in great measure on Sankara's name by Sri Harsha's own respectful mention of that great philosopher.
It must also be remembered, as pointed out by Dr. Bühler himself, that Rajasekhara's historical knowledge is found to be at fault in two places in this very piece of biography-firstly, with respect to the relationship existing between Jayantachandra and Govindachandra; and se- condly, with respect to the king who was ruler of Kasmir in Sri Harsha's time. This last erroneous statement, I think, takes a very great deal from Rajasekhara's credibility in the matter. Furthermore, according to this account, Śri Harsha wrote his Khandanakhandakhadya some time before he so much as contemplated the
• Boo Prof. Cowell's Introduction to the K ymdnjali, page 10, and authorities there referred to. + Soo Indian Antiquary, vol. I. p. 229.
Pages 6 and 8.
Naishadhiya. Now it is, I think, rather hardalthough not quite impossible-to reconcile this circumstance with the words used by our author in one part of the Khandana. He says in that place :-"And in the Naishadha Charita, in the canto on the praise of the Supreme Being, I have said that the mind," &c., &c. This assertion in the original is put in the past tense. And when Dr. Bühler mentions another circumstance which is related by Rajasekhara in his Prabandhakosha, and after characterising it as "at all events consistent with that of the Sri Harsha Prabandha," goes on to contend that it corroborates this latter, I can scarcely persuade myself that others will concur in this. The consistency of all parts of a romance with each other cannot by any means be regarded as an argument for its truth.
Adverting to the passage which is said to be quoted in the Sarasvati Kanthabharana from the Naishadha Charita, Dr. Bühler says that the passage may have been interpolated subsequently to the time of its author ; and I learn from him that the passage in question does not occur in the Oxford copy of the Sarasvati Kanthabharaṇa. If this be so, it will, to some extent, weaken the argument based upon it. Dr. Bühler's authority for the statement about the Oxford MS. is probably, however, the elaborate catalogue of Professor Aufrecht. If so, I would point out one or two circumstances which seem to me to be worthy of consideration here. Dr. Hall says distinctly that the Naishadhiya is cited in the Sarasvati Kanthabharana. On the other hand, Dr. Aufrecht's Catalogue which, it may be observed, was published long after Dr. Hall's edition of the Vasavadatta
-is simply silent as to any quotation under the name either of Sri Harsha or the Naishadhiya. But Dr. Aufrecht does not go so far as to say categorically that the quotation does not exist in the copy inspected and catalogued by him. On the contrary, what he does say seems to me to take from this negative testimony of silence a considerable portion of its value. “Major vero," says he in his article on this Kanthabharana itself, " distichorum pars unde desumta sit hucusque me latet."** This being 60, it may very well be that even in the Oxford copy of the Sarasvati Kanthabharana, the quota, Page 28, referred to in the Indian Antiquary, vol L. P. 29948 yawafaa chavegaaf rage F.
Page 7. Vasavadatta, Prof. p. 18. Page 208

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tion from the Naishadhiya may exist; and yet, from the name of the author of the stanza quoted not being there mentioned, Dr. Aufrecht may have been unable to recognise its origin. And to this circumstance I am inclined to attach particular weight, because Dr. Aufrecht, unless I misunderstand him, has in one part of his catalogue cited the words
THE DATE OF SRI' HARSHA.
सप्तर्षिहस्त चितावशेषाव्यधोविवस्वान्परिवर्तमानः • apparently without recollecting that they form part of the sixteenth stanza of the first canto of Kâlidâsa's Kumarasambhava. Having said this much, I have only to add that if it should turn out that the quotation does occur in the Oxford MS. of the Sarasvati Kanthabharana; Dr. Bühler's conjecture will lose much of its value. And if the question, as it will then be, is reduced to one of the comparative probability of the quotation from Sri Harsha being interpolated, and of Rajasekhara's account being erroneous, many will, I think, be inclined to hold that it is, at all events, safer to trust to the fact of the quotation, than to any opinion about the accuracy of a Jaina biographer.
It is only proper that I should add a remark here about Dr. Bühler's identification of the Jayantachandra mentioned by Rajasekhara as the king in whose reign Śri Harsha flourished, with the king Jayachandra who is known to history. When I first read the abstract of Dr. Bühler's paper given in the Indian Antiquary, I remarked that the learned Doctor's argument proceeded upon the assumption' that that identification was correct. Now that I have read in extenso the grounds on 'which Dr. Bühler arrives at that conclusion, I must say that the reasoning appears to me-I will not say conclusive, but certainly very cogent, and the assumption' of the identity has surely very good warrant.
I now proceed to another point. In the preface to his edition of the Das'arûpaka, which, as usual, bristles with the most varied items of information, Dr. Fitz Edward Hall says:"At the foot of page 71 begins a stanza which an intelligent pandit assures me [he] has + Page 36.
Page 110 b.
Indian Antiquary, vol. I. p. 257.
The stanza (p. 9, Calcutta edition, and p. 129 of Pandit newspaper for 1867) is set out in full in Dr. Aufrecht's Catalogue in the section on the Prtuanna
73
read in the Prasanna Raghava. If this be so, we may have some clue to the age of the Gita Govinda." This observation of Dr. Hall's, it will be remarked, is not very positive. Professor Weber, however, who repeats it, is somewhat less cautious. Speaking of the Prasanna Raghava, he says:-" According to Hall (Preface to the Dasarupa, p. 36), a verse from this drama is quoted in Dhanika, and it must therefore be placed before the middle of the tenth century."+ If these remarks had been correct, we should probably have been able to add something valuable to our materials for inquiry in the present matter. For in the introduction to this excellent drama-a printed copy of which I have recently obtained from Calcutta-a certain poetical muse; and this Harsha, as I am Harsha is mentioned as the delight of the
inclined to believe on various grounds, is more
probably the Harsha of the Naishadhiya than the
Harsha whose name is connected with the two dramas of Nâgânanda and Ratnavali.§ However that may be, I think there must have been some mistake in the information received by Dr. Hall. For first, I think, the stanza itself alludes to an event which cannot possibly be alluded to by any character in a play on any part of Râma's history, except by a gross anachronism. The stanza runs as follows:
rat पप पुरःस्थली मिह किल क्रीडाकिरातो हरः ॥ कोदण्डेन किरीटिना सरभसं चूडान्तरे ताडितः ॥ conaf zugyi tentaret querna || मन्दं मन्दमकार येन निजयो दोर्दण्डयो मेण्डलम् ॥ The sense is not quite complete here, but it may be thus freely rendered :
"He who gradually folded up his own big arms into a circle, on hearing this wonderful story of the lord of Subhadrâ (i.e., Arjuna) in the Himalaya Mountain, namely
"Look at this spot in front of you; Here, of old, Mahadeva, who had become a Kirâta in sport, was hit hard on the crest by Kirițin (ie., Arjuna) with his bow."
Now this clearly refers to the story of the rencontre between Siva and Arjuna, an event which was yet in the womb of futurity, while
Raghava Nataka, p. 142. It is remarkable that the ame of Bhavabhuti, the poet of whom the Prasanna Raghava most often reminds one, has no place in this list. But I do not think any conclusion can be safely based on this fact.

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the age of Râma's incarnation lasted. And | Das'arûpaka ;§ and this commentary in its secondly and this is of greater importance I have not been able to discover the stanza after looking through the whole of the drama for it, and after having once before read it. At present, therefore, we cannot in this investigation press to our aid the mention of Harsha by Jayadeva.
earlier pages abounds with quotations from the Venisan hâra, which must, therefore, at that time have been old enough to be regarded as fit for quotation. Hence it would seem to result that the date of the migration of Bhatta Nârâyana must be put back a century or so; but this still, only on the hypothesis that this Bhatta Nârâyana is identical with the author of the Venisan hâra. If so, and again taking Bâbu Rajendralâla's identification of the poet Śrî Harsha to be correct, it will follow that the Bâbu's conclusion as thus adjusted will be supported by the two different lines of argument suggested in my letter.
The date of Sri Harsha is casually alluded to in Professor Cowell's Preface to Mr. Palmer Boyd's Translation of the Nâgânanda Nâṭaka. But the Professor, after first remarking that his age is uncertain, simply refers to the conjecture of Babu Rajendralâla Mitra upon it, and then adds" But I find, from a notice in the first number of the Indian Antiquary, that Dr. Bühler of Bombay has recently fixed his date. in the twelfth century." Having regard to what has been said above on this point, this remark of Professor Cowell's cannot, of course, be considered satisfactory. Bâbu Rajendralâla identifies this Śri Harsha with the Śrî Harsha who went over to the court of Ádisûra, in company with others, one of whom was Bhatta Nârâyana, the author of the Venîsanhâra Nataka. But the Bâbu adds that "this assumption, probable as it may appear, is, it must be admitted, founded entirely upon presumptive evidence, and must await future more satisfactory research for confirmation." The period of this migration of Harsha and Nârâyana is fixed by Babu Rajendralâla in the middle of the tenth century-by a calculation, however, which admittedly can give a result but roughly correct. But it seems clear that, if the Bhatta Nârâyana, who was received at his palace by king Ádisûra, was the author of the Venîsanhâra, the date fixed by Babu Rajendralâla for his migration must undergo some modification. For about the middle of the tenth century, if not earlier, lived Dhanika, the author of the commentary on the
The net result of this investigation may be thus stated:-The Jaina biographer's account, albeit it has some points in its favour, cannot be much trusted. On the other hand, the fact of the Naishadhiya being quoted in a work which, at the latest, dates from the beginning of the eleventh century; the fact of the work of a poet, probably contemporaneous with Śrî Harsha, being quoted in a work dating from a still earlier period; the fact of an exceedingly well-known and well-informed writer of the fourteenth century making Śrî Harsha the contemporary of a philosopher who flourished some six centuries or more before his time:these facts indicate a period which is about two centuries earlier than the period to which the Harsha Prabandha, assigns the subject of its narrative. And although the considerations here adduced against Rajasekhara's statement do not fix with any precision the date towards which they seem to point, still they are of value, at least to this extent that they show pretty clearly that the question of the date at which Sri Harsha flourished is not one which can be regarded as finally settled even by the circumstantial narrative of the Harsha Prabandha.
*See page 12.
Journal of the A. S. of Bengal, No. III., 1864, p. 326,alluded to by Prof. Cowell.
Ibid., p 327.
See Hall's Das'arúpa, Pref. pp. 2, 3,-with which should
be coupled Hall's Vasavadatta, Pref. p. 50 addendum to p. 9, notes 1. 12.
See pp. 16, 18, 19, &c., and see Wilson's remarks in his Hindu Theatre.
See Babu Rajendralala's paper above referred to, p. 326.

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EMBASSY TO CHINA.
AN EMBASSY TO KHATA OR CHINA A.D. 1419.
From the Appendix to the Rouzat-al-Ssafa of Muhammad Khâvend Shah or Mirkhond.
TRANSLATED FROM THE PERSIAN BY EDWARD REHATSEK, M.C.E.
In the year 820 (A. D. 1419), the pious defunct well-known king Mirzá Sháh Rokh sent an embassy to Khatá under the leadership and direction of Shády Khájah, who was accompanied by the royal prince Mirz á Báysanqar, Sultan Ahmad, and Khájah Ghayath-uldin, the painter, who was a clever artist; he ordered the first-mentioned Khájah that notes in writing should be taken, from the day of their starting from the capital of Herát till the day of their return, concerning everything they might experience; such as the adventures they should meet, the state of the roads, the laws of the countries, positions of towns, the state of buildings, the manners of kings, and other things of this kind, without adding or omitting anything..
Khájah Ghayáth-ul-din obeyed the above orders, and, having consigned everything he saw to his itinerary, presented it on his return: the following account of the strange and wonderful events the envoys met with, and all they saw, has been extracted from his diary; but the responsibility rests with the travellers.
(May 31st), they arrived in a place called Saluyú subject to the jurisdiction of Muhammad Beg, where they remained for some time, so that some who were servants of the Sháh of Badakhshan, and had lagged behind, were enabled to rejoin them. They started from that place on the 22nd (June 4th), and crossing the river Langar, met the next day the governor of A'lós, Muhammad Beg Sultan Gurkan, who was the son-in-law of Sháh Jehán, and whose daughter had been married by Mirza Muhammad Jogy; and on the 28th of the same month (10th June) they entered the Jalgáh of Yaldúz and the A'yl of Shir Behrám, and in that desert they found solid ice of the thickness of two fingers, although the sun was in the sign of Cancer.
On the 8th of Jonády the second (20th June), they heard that the sons of Muhammad Beg Wáhy, who were the ambassadors of A'wys Khán, had been plundered; this circumstance put the [other] ambassadors on their guard, so that they continued their journey, crossing rivers and climbing over mountains, in spite of the rain, which continually poured from the clouds, and the abundant dews; and they arrived at the end of the month (11th July) in the city of Tturfán. They found that in that country most of the inhabitants were polytheists, and had large idol-houses, in the halls whereof they kept a tall idol. On the 2nd of the month Rajab (13th July), they departed from that place, and arrived on the 5th (16th July) in Qará-Khájah; on the 10th of the month (21st July). Khatay writers came, who wrote down the names of the ambassadors and the number of their men. On the 19th (30th July) they made a halt in the district of Atá-Ssofy, where one of the high princes of Tarmad had constructed [for himself] a corner [of refuge], and had cast the anchor of permanency; they, however, beat the drum of departure from it, and arrived on the 21st (1st August) in the town of Qáyl, where Amir Fakhar-ul-din had built a high, véry costly, and ornamented mosque, but near it the polytheists had constructed a large and a small temple with wonderful pictures, and on the gate of the idol-house they had drawn two Dyws in the act of fighting with each other; the governor of Qáy was an extremely handsome and affable young man, whose name was Haykal Taymúr Bábery.
After leaving Qáy 1, they travelled 25 stages, and obtained water every alternate day; and on the 12th (August 22nd) they met in that boundless desert Son of the celebrated conqueror Tamerlane.
75
They started from the capital Herát on the 16th of Dhulqadah (Dec. 3rd) on their journey to Khatá, and arrived on the 9th Dhulhejjah (Dec. 27th) in Balkh, where they remained, on account of the great falling [of snow?] and the severe cold, till the beginning of Muharram of 823, and arrived on the 22nd of that month (Feb. 7th) in Samarqand. Mirzá Olugh Beg had already before this despatched his own ambassadors, Sultán Sháh and Muhammad Bakhshi, with a company of Khatá people. The envoys from Khorasan remained in the town of Samarqand till the ambassador of Mirza Syurghatmesh arrived from Erá q, the ambassador of the Amir Shah Malak came from Ardván, and the ambassador from the Sháh of Badakhshan, Tájul-din, joined them. Then they left the town of Samarqand in company of the Khatá envoys on the 10th Ssafar (25th Feb.), and having passed through Táshkant and Byrám, they entered among the A'yl of the Mughuls, and when they arrived, the news came that A'wys Khán had attacked Shir Muhammad Oghllan, and that on that account disturbances had arisen among the A'l 68, but that afterwards peace had been restored.. Amir Khodádád, who enjoys great authority in that country, met the ambassadors and treated them well; and on the 18th of Jomády the first

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a lion (which statement is however contrary to the assertion that none exist on the frontiers of Khata) which had a horn on its head :
Hemistich-This is a new story, if it were true! In short, on the 14th Shabán (Aug. 24th), they arrived in a place where they saw a number of Khatays who had come out to meet them, and who had in one day erected, in a meadow more beautiful than the garden of Erem, seats and arbours which they had furnished with couches and sofas, and with victuals, such as roasted ducks, fowls, cooked meat, and various kinds of fresh and dried fruits arranged on dishes of China. In that place they had prepared a banquet, which even in great cities could be got up only with much trouble. After the repast had been consumed, they brought forth different species of intoxicating liquors, and gave to every one what he wanted of sheep, flour, and barley. They made a list of all the servants each, ambassador had; and insisted that their number should be given correctly and not exaggerated, because every one who tells falsehoods will lose his honour. The merchants had been enrolled as menials and performed services; accordingly the list was compiled as follows:
Amir Shády Khájah and Kukchah, 200 men. Sultan Ahmad and Ghayáth-ul-din
150
60
50
50
the painter A'rghdáq Ardún
Táj-ul-din
13
The ambassadors of Mirzá Olugh Beg had proceeded in advance, and the couriers of Mirza Ebrahim Sultán had not yet arrived.
On the 16th of Shabán (Aug. 26), Wámek Wájy, who was the governor of that region, prepared a great banquet to which he invited the ambassadors; they went to his Yurt, where they found the Khatáy people assembled in great numbers as is their wont, in line after line, so that no created being could pass through them, except at four doors which had been left on the four sides of the quadrangle which enclosed a large space. Within this space there was a high pavilion of the extent of one jarib [space that will, if sown, produce 385 mudds or 768 pounds of corn]; a great tent was pitched there with two Khatáy lances standing in front of it, and with its borders tucked up like a royal seat. There was also a wooden kiösk [standing on four pillars] and sheds, so that within that space of one jarib the sun could not shine. Beneath these two lantes, the seat of Wájy had been placed, with sofas on both sides of it. The ambassadors took their seats on the left and the amirs of Khatá on the right, because the latter consider the left side to be more honourable than the right, since the position of the heart, the sovereign of the human frame, is on the left.
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27
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[MARCH, 1873.
dried fruits, cakes, fine bread, and nice confectionery wra pped in paper and silk. Opposite, there was a royal buffet erected in an elevated place, filled with. China bowls and goblets of crystal or silver; on the right and left of the buffet were places for vocal and instrumental performers with orghanan, fiddle, fifes, and drums of various kinds. There were also handsome youths adorned like women with their faces painted red and white; they wore earrings of pearls, and represented a theatrical performance. In the open space, as far as the four doors, stood soldiers dressed in coats, who were so dignified and stately that they never moved a single step forward or backward.
The people were seated according to their dignity; the governor of the feast handed the cups round to amirs and envoys, whilst the actors, who wore pasteboard-masks, representing various animals, that concealed their features so well that not even their ears or necks could be seen, went on with their performances; and cup-bearers served out the beverages according to the distich :
Throw away the lasso intended for Behrám's game; take the cup of Jem;
For, I examined this plain; it contains neither Behrám nor his onager.
Some moon-faced and tulip-cheeked boys attended, who bore pitchers of delicious wine, whilst others held, on the palms of their hands, platters full of sugarcandy, grapes, nuts, peeled chesnuts, lemons, with onions and garlic preserved in vinegar, and likewise sliced cucumbers and water-melons; whenever the amir gave a cup to any, one of them brought dishes for him to select whatever confectionery he liked.
They had also constructed the figure of a stork, in which a boy was enclosed who moved his feet according to musical time, and also leapt about in all directions to the astonishment of every one present. After spending that day from morn till even in joy and amusement, the travellers again resumed their journey on the 17th Shabán (Aug. 27th), and arrived after a few days in Qar á w ul.
Qará wul is a very strong fort among the mountains, and can be entered only on one side by a road which also leads out of it on the other. The garrison took the name of every one of the travellers, who after leaving Qaráwul arrived in the town of By kjú, where they were lodged in the large guard-house which was over the gate of the city; there the whole baggage was taken away, registered, and again returned to them. They obtained whatever food or drink they needed, as well as nice furniture with carpets; and a sleeping dress of silk, with a servant to wait on him, was given to every man; and the travellers were treated in this manner in all the guard-houses. As far as the city of Khatá they met with the same hospitality. Bykjú is a great town, surrounded by a high wall; its form is a square, and it contains spacious
Before every one of the ambassadors and amirs, a table was placed with ducks, fowls, cooked meat,

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bázáre, each of which is 50 statute cubits broad, regularly swept, and sprinkled with water. In most of the houses tame pigs are kept, but in the butchers' shops sheep and hogs hang side by side. There are many bázárs and thoroughfares, the latter being covered by extremely handsome pavilions with Khatay-Muqranus. Along the ramparts of the town there is a covered tower at every twenty steps. The four gates in the four walls of the town face each other, and although the road from one to the other through the town is long, it appeared to be short én account of the extreme straightness of the street; over each gate a story is built with a pavilion.
EMBASSY TO CHINA.
In this town there were numerous idol-houses, each of them occupying an area of nearly ten jarib. They were all built of burnt bricks, and provided with very fine and clean carpets on the floors. At the doors of the idol-houses beautiful boys were standing proffering invitations of amusement and
entrance.
From this place to Khán Bálygh [Peking] which is the capital of the Emperor of Khatá, there were ninety-nine Yám, each of which was in good condition. Every Yám contained a town and a Qusbah [district]. Between every two Yám there were several Qara w, and Qaraw means a building sixty cubits high, always guarded by two men and so placed that the next Qaraw is visible from it, so that in cases of emergency, e. g., the appearance of an enemy's army, they may immediately light a bonfire; and thus information from a distance, which requires a three months' journey, is conveyed to Khán-Bálygh in 24 hours.
In connection with the arrangement just described, the Kydy-Qú may be mentioned, who carry letters and relieve each other. The Kydy-Qú are horse-couriers established at various distances; their orders are that, whenever they receive any written despatches, they must immediately carry them to the next Kydy-Qú, so as to bring them to the notice of the Emperor without delay. The distance from one Kydy-Qú to the other is ten Qarah, sixteen of which make one statute farsang [a league of about 18,000 feet]. The Qaraw is so garrisoned that ten men take the watch by turns [of two]; whilst the Kydy-Qú men are compelled to dwell constantly at their station, where they possess houses and cultivate fields.
The distance from Bykjú to Qamjú, which is another district, and larger than By kjú, amounted to nine Yám, and there Ankjy, who is the highest Wájy of those regions, was the governor. Each Yám contains four hundred and fifty horses and carts, with boys to take care of the horses; these boys are so numerous that they take the waggon ropes upon their shoulders and pull them. To each cart twelve persons are appointed, and no matter how great the rain or the cold may be, they do not slack
77
en their pace in drawing these vehicles; all these boys are of pleasant conversation and of very fair complexion; the horses kept in readiness for envoys are saddled and bridled; they have also whips. In every Yám, sheep, ducks, fowls, rice, honey, flour, and all kinds of vegetables were kept ready. In the towns banquets were prepared for the ambassadors in the Dúsúns, by which name they call their reception-balls. In every Dúsún in which a banquet was prepared, a daïs was placed in front of the royal buffet, and curtains suspended; then a man used to stand by the side of the daïs and spread out a very clean and nice felt cloth beneath it, on the upper portion whereof the ambassadors took their station, all the other people standing behind them in lines, as is customary with Musalmáns when they hold prayers. Then the individual posted at the left uttered an invitation thrice in the Khatáy language, when all the people sat down at the table and began to eat. On the day Ankjy made the banquet for the ambassadors it was the 12th of Ramazan (Sept. 20th).
At Qamjú there was an idol-house 500 cubits long and as many broad, containing an idol 50 cubits high; the length of its foot alone was 5, and its circumference 21 cubits; on the head and back of this idol others were placed, and the temple was adorned with pictures and figures that moved, so that the beholder imagined they were alive. Around that idol-house there were buildings like the apartments of a caravansera; all of them, however, contained gold-embroidered curtains, gilded chairs, sofas, chandeliers, and pitchers, to be used in banquets.
In this city was also another building which Moslems call " a sky-wheel." It is an octagonal kiosk which consists of 15 stories, each of which contains verandas with a Khatay-Mugranus, and small as well as large chambers; around the verandas there are all kinds of pictures; among these there is one representing a prince sitting on his throne, surrounded on the left and right by attendants, slaves, and girls. Beneath this kiösk there were some statues which supported on their back this structure, which is 20 cubits in circumference and 12 high, the whole being made of wood, but so gilded as to appear a mass of solid gold. From a subterranean apartment, an iron axis, standing in a socket of iron, rises and passes through the kiösk, in the top of which its upper extremity is fixed, in such a manner that at the least touch the whole of that large kiösk turns around this axis.
In this city all the presents brought by the ambassadors for the emperor were taken away from them, except a lion, which Pehlván Seulláh, the lion-keeper, was allowed himself to take to the court of the emperor.
The nearer the ambassadors approached Khán - Bálygh the more careful did the governors and Daroghahs of the various Yám become in their attentions and hospitalities; they arrived every day in
Domes.

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a Yám and every week in a town, and reached on the 4th Shawál (Oct. 12th) the river Qarámún, which is of the same size as the Jayhan (Oxus). This river is spanned by a bridge of 23 boats chained together. Every chain is as thick as a man's thigh, and ten cubits of it are on the land on both sides, and are attached to iron-posts of the thickness of a man's body, fixed in the ground on the bank. The boats are moreover made steady by hooks and other chains, and are covered with planks; the whole being level and immoveable, so that the ambassadors crossed the river without the least difficulty or in convenience. On the other bank of the river there was a large town full of inhabitants and buildings : there the ambassadors were feasted more splendidly than anywhere else. The town also contains a temple, the like of which does not exist in any place they had hitherto visited; it contains likewise three taverns (kherábát), adorned with beautiful girls; and although most of the Khatáy women are handsome, this town is on account of their surpassing pulchritude surnamed the abode of beauty.'
Resuming their journey, they arrived on the 11th Dhulqadah (Nov. 18th), after passing through several towns, near a water which is twice as broad as the Jayhún; this they safely crossed in a ship, as well as several others, partly in boats and partly by means of bridges, reaching Ssadyn - Qúr on the 27th of the same month (Dec. 3rd). This is a large city inhabited by a countless population. It contains a large temple with a corpulent brass-idol, which is gilded and 50 cubits high. This idol has so many hands that it is surnamed the "thousandhanded," and is very celebrated in the Khatáy country. The foundation is very wonderfully made of cut-stone, on which this idol and the whole building rests; around the idol rise galleries and verandas in several stories, the first of which reaches a little beyond the ankle, he second does not go as high as its knee, another passes above the knee, the next goes up almost to the waist, the next reaches the breast, and so on up to the head. The top of that building is surrounded by mugranus, and is so.covered that it is looked at with astonishment, and the whole number of stories which may be reckoned from within and from without, amounts to eight. The idol is in a standing position ; its two feet, the length of each of which is 10 cubits, stand on the two sides of the foundation, and it is stated that about one hundred thousand donkey-loads of brass were consumed in that work. There are other small idols of mortar and colours, at the side of each of which there are chapels with figures of monks and Jogis sitting in their cells, employed in religious observAnoes. There are also pictures of lions, tigers, dragons, and trobe produced by the pencil of magic. The paintings on the walls of these idol-houses are executed with extreme skill, and the chief temple is higher than any other building ; this town podcased also a turning kiosk, larger and more elegant than that of the town of Qamjú.
The ambassadors travelled daily four farsangs, and arrived on the 8th of Dhulhejjah (Dec. 14) at the gate of Khán-Bélygh. They obtained sight of a very large and magnificent city entirely built of stone, but as the outer walls were still being built, a hundred thousand scaffoldings concealed them. When the ambassadors were taken from the tower, which was being constructed, to the city, they alighted near the entrance to the Emperor's palace, which was extremely large; up to this entrance they proceeded on foot by a pavement f ormed of cut-stone, about 700 paces in length. . On coming close they saw five elephants standing on each side of the road with their trunks towards it; after passing between the trunks the ambassadors entered the palace, through a gate near which a crowd of about a hundred thousand men had assembled. Within the precincts they found them. selves in a spacious, pleasant, airy court-yard, where they saw, in front of a kiosk, a basement about three cubits high, supporting a colonnade with three doors, the central one being the highest and serving for the Emperor to pass through, whilst the people went through the lateral doors ; above the kiosk there was a stage for the big drums; two sentries stood on it waiting for the Emperor to step upon the throne. On that occasion about 300,000 men had assembled, and 2,000 musicians were performing & vocal concert in the Khatay language and singing the praises of the Emperor, whilst 2,000 stood with staves, javeling of steel, lances, swords, war. clubs, and others held Khatáy fans in their hands. All round were elegant houses with high columns, and the pavement was of cut-stone.
When the sun had gone up, the band which was waiting for the Emperor on the top of the kiosk commenced to strike the great and the small drums, and to play on the musical instruments. Then the chief door was opened and the people rushed in quickly. According to the custom of the Khatáys, to see the Emperor means 'to run.' After passing through the first court-yard, they arrived in the second, which was also extremely spacious, but of more pleasing aspect; it contained also a larger kiosk than the first, and a throne of a triangular shape measuring about four cubits Con each side) was placed in it, and covered with a gold-embroidered yellow atlas Khatáy carpet, with figures of the Symurgh and other birds on it. On this throne a golden chair was placed, near which the Khatays were arranged in lines, so that Tomán A mirs (commanders of 10,000 men) stood nearest, then the Hezarah (of thousands), and then the Ssadah (of hundreds) in great numbers, every one holding in his hand a board one statute gas in length and one-fourth of it in breadth, and not looking on any other object except on these boards. To the rear of these stood soldiers in countless numbers, dressed in coats, holding lances and bare swords in their hande, in lines so silent that it seemed they were not even breathing.

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After an hour the Emperor came out from the Harein, and a silver-ladder with five steps being placed against the throne, he mounted it and sat down on the golden chair. His stature was of the middle size ; his beard was neither long nor short ; nevertheless about two or three hundred hairs of it were so long that they formed three or four ringlets. On the two sides of the Emperor, to the right and left of the throne, two girls, beautiful like the moon and splendid like the surr, with ambercoloured hair, whose countenances and necks were not veiled, and who had great ear-rings, sat with paper and pen in hand, and watched to write down whatever the Emperor would say, to be presented to him on his return to the Harem, subject to his revision, and afterwards expedited into the chancery to be properly arranged.
In fine, after the Emperor had taken his seat on the throne, the ambassadors were brought forward back to back with the prisoners. First of all the Emperor examined the prisoners and criminals, who 'were seven in number; some had two branches on their neck [to pinch it], others were tied to a long plank through which their heads protruded, every one had a guard who kept hold of the prisoner's hair with his hand, waiting for the order of the Emperor. Some of them the Emperor sent to prison, and others he ordered to be killed, as there is no governor or Darogah in the Khatay dominions who has a right to coudemir a culprit to death. The crime a man commits is written, together with the sentence, on a piece of board and tied round his neck, and he is, according to the religion of the in. fidels, chained and despatched to Khán-Bály gh, not being allowed to stop in any place till he reaches the foot of the throne.
When the business with the culprits was completed, the ambassadors were brought to the throne, and when they were at a distance of fifteen cubits from it, an amir fell on his knees and read & statement about the ambassadors, which had been drawn up in Khatáy characters on & sheet of paper, the contents whereof were :-That they had made a long and distant journey from Shah Rokh and his sons, and had brought various presents for the Emperor, and were desirous to pay homage and to obtain a look of condescension.
After that, Mullána Yusuf Qádzy, who was one of the amirs and courtiers, and presided over one of the twelve Imperial Ministries, came forward with Beveral Moslems, who were linguiste, to the arnbansadors, and told them first to bend down low, and then to touch the ground thrice with their heads. The ambassadors obeyed, and took into both hands the letters from His Majesty Shah Rokh, from the Jenáb Báysanqar, and from the other princes, which they had, according to the advice of the courtiers, wrapped in yellow atlas, as it is the custom of the Khatáys that everything which belongs to the Emperor must be enveloped in yellow silk. Then
the above-mentioned Mullána Yusuf took the letters from them and handed them to the chamberlain, who, in his turn, gave them to the Emperor. Then the following seven of the ambassadors were brought near to the throne, viz., Shády Khájah Kukchah, Sultan Ahmad, Ghayáth-ul-din, A'rghdáq, Ardwán, and Táj-ul-din, all of whom fell on their knees. The Emperor first inquired about the health of the reigning Sultán Shah Rokh, and asked whether Qara Yusuf had sent an ambassador with presents. The reply was :-"Yes, and your Wájys have seen that his letters, as well as his gifts and offerings, have likewise been brought." He further asked : -" Is the price of corn high in your country or low, and the produce abundant ?" The answer was "Corn is extremely plentiful, and provisions are cheap beyond all expectation." He continued :-" Indeed, if the heart of the king be with God the Most High, the Creator will confer great benefits upon him" He added :-"I have a mind to send an ambassador to Qará Yusuf, and to ask from him some fine rece-horses, for I have heard that there are good ones in his country." He also asked whether the road was safe ; and the ambassadors replied "As long as the government of Sultan Shah Rokh exists, people will be able freely to travel." He continned "I am aware that you have come from a long distance ; rise and eat some food." Accordingly they were taken back to the first court-yard, where a table was placed before every man. After they had finished their din their dinner, they returned, according to command, to the Bamkhanah, where they found every apart. inent furnished with a fine bed and cushions of atlas, as well as slippers and an extremely fine morning-gown of silk, a sofas a fire-pan, and beautiful mats spread on the ground; they saw many more apartinents of this kind, and every man obtained one for his use, as well as a pot, a cup, a spoon, sherbet, and raisins. Every person received a daily allowance of ten sirs of mutton, one duck, two fowls, two inann of flour according to the statute measure, one great bowl full of rice, two ladles full of sweetmeats, one vessel with honey, and onions and garlic, as well as of salt and various kinds of vegetables, and lastly, one platterful of confectionery. They had also several beautiful servants.
The next day, which was the 9th Dhulhejjah (Dec. 15th), an equerry inade his appearance in the morning with a number of saddled Lorses, and said to the ambassadors :-"Get up and mount; this day the Emperor gives a banquet." Accordingly they were led away and made to alight on their arrival at the gate of the first palace, and on that occasion thure were about 300,000 persons near it. When the sun had gone up, the three doors were opened, and the ambassadors were taken to the foot of the throne, where they were ordered to make five salutations in the direction of the throne of the] Emperor. After that, they were told to go out, and

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to answer any calls of nature, because afterwards it would be impossible to do so during the banquet. Accordingly the ambassadors dispersed for a while, and on coming together again they were led through the first and the second court-yard which contains the throne of the sovereign, and entered the third. This was a fine enclosure paved with cutstone; it contained a tent in which a large throne could be seen, with three silver-ladders placed against it; one in front, one on the right, and the third on the left; with two chamberlains standing, whose mouths were bandaged up to the lappets of the ears with strong paper; and on the throne there was a small table with many legs, all of which were of gold. The columns, wood-work, and bridges of that building were all painted and varnished in such a manner as to excite the amazement of skilled artists. Tables with food, confectionery, and bouquets of flowers had been placed before the Emperor, on whose right and left respectable Wájys were standing with quivers and girded swords, and their shields suspended from their shoulders. In their rear stood soldiers, some with halberts and others with drawn swords.
On the left side a place had been prepared for the ambassadors, whilst in front of the Emperor, near the tent, the buffet for the big kettle-drum had been arranged, and near it a man had taken his position on a high bench, having by his side the musicians standing in lines. In front of the throne stood also seven umbrellas of seven different colours. Beyond the tent-ropes on the right and on the left 200,000 armed men had taken up their position. At the dis. tance of an arrow-shot, a place ten cubits long and ten broad, enclosed by walls of yellow atlas, had been set apart for arranging the food of the Emperor; and the beverages were also there. Whenever food or drink is brought for the Emperor, all the musicians begin to play on their instruments; the above mentioned seven umbrellas are quickly brought, the food is placed in a box, covered, and carried to the Harem, before which a large curtain is suspended, having a silken rope on each side, which being drawn by the two chamberlains standing at the sides, the curtain is folded and the door opened. After everything had been prepared for the assembly, the door opened in the manner just described, the Emperor came out, and the music began, but as soon as he was seated it became silent. At the height of ten cubits above the head of the Emperor there was a large bouquet made of yellow atlas by way of a canopy, as well as four dragons fighting with each other.
When the Emperor had taken his seat, the ambassadors were brought forward, and saluted him five times as they had been instructed; after that they returned and sat down near their own tables. Besides what was already on the tables, every hour new dishes were brought containing meat, lamb, ducks, and chickens, and beverages were also served out.
[MARCH, 1873.
Meanwhile various performances were going on First, a company of beardless youths, beautiful as the shining sun, their faces painted red and white like females, with pearls in their ears and dressed in gold-embroidered clothes, holding in their bands bouquets of roses and tulips of various colours, manufactured of paper and silk, performed various dances in very artistic manner. After that two boys, ten years old, were tied on two planks, and a man, stretching himself on his back on the ground, lifted up both his feet, on the soles of which several large bamboos were placed; then another man took his position on these bamboos, holding in his hands several [short ones], which he arranged above each other, and placed on the topmost one a boy of 10 or 12 years of age, who performed various tricks, throwing away gradually all the bamboos till he arrived at the last, on which he continued his play, until he suddenly left the bamboo, so that everybody thought he was falling, but the man who was stretched on the ground, jumping up, caught him in his arms in the air; and in this manner other games were also carried on. The assembly was protracted from the morning till the first prayers. In this court-yard there were also ravens, crowe, and others, which picked up the fruits thousands of birds, such as pigeons, ring-doves, and refuse from the dinner without being afraid of the people, nor did any person injure them in the least.
On the termination of the banquet, the Emperor gave presents to the speakers [actors], and then the people dispersed with his permission.
The ambassadors had sojourned five months in this city, and had daily received the same provisions as on their arrival without any diminution or increase. On several occasions banquets had been arranged for them, in each of which the performers displayed other tricks.
On the day of sacrifices [which falls on the 10th festival with due solemnity in the company of Dhulhejjah] the ambassadors spent that blessed Musalmans at the mosque erected by the Emperor for
them.
On the 18th Dhulhejjah (Dec. 23rd) some criminals were, by order of the Emperor, taken to the place of execution. The Khatáy infidels register their judicial court, which is very useful; they are the crime and the punishment of every culprit in moreover so scrupulous according to their laws and customs with reference to delinquents and culprits, that if in one of the courts of justice, of which the Emperor has twelve, the accused individual has not been condemned, and has been found guilty in eleven, he may still escape punishment; but a man is often imprisoned from six to eleven months, and not punished until his accuser arrives and the crime can be brought home to the perpetrator.
On the 27th Muharram (1st Feb. 1421), Yusuf Qádzy sent some one to the ambassadors with messages that, as on the morrow the new year would begin, the Emperor was to enter the new

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camp, and that no one was to put on white clothes, ever, the Khatáy astrologers had ascertained that which are among them the sign of mourning. the house of the Emperor would be in danger of During the night of the 28th the Emperor despatch. conflagration, and on that account no orders for ed a man to convey the ambassadors to the new illumination had been issued, nevertheless the amire camp, which was an empty building. That night met according to ancient custom, and the Emperor the inhabitants had lit in their shops and houses 80 gave them a banquet and made them presents. many candles, lamps, and torches, that one would On the 13th Ssafar (Feb. 17th) an imperial mes
ave said the sun was shining. In that camp senger arrived and took the ambassadors to the gate nearly one hundred thousand men from the coun- of the first palace, where more than 100,000 people tries of Cnin, Khatá, Má-Chin, Qalmáq, Tibbet, were assembled. At the door of the first kiosk & and others had congregated; the Emperor gave a gilded throne had been placed, and, the door being banquet to his amirs, and the ambassadors were opened, the Emperor took his seat on the throne, Beated without the throne-hall. There were about and the assembled multitude prostrated their heads 200,000 men present who bore arms, and boys per to the ground. After that another throne was formed all sorts of extraordinary games and dances. placed opposite to that of the Emperor, and his The distance from the ball of audience to the end of proclamation was placed thereon ; this document the buildings was 1,925 paces. All these edifices was taken up by two men, one of w had been constructed of stones and burnt bricks, a loud voice to the people ; but as it was in the the latter being made of China-earth; there was Khatáy language, the ambassadors could not undercarpeting which extended to a distance of nearly stand it: the contents were however as follows: • 300 cubits. In stone-cutting, carpentry, and paint- “This month three years have elapsed sinoe the
ing the artizans of that country have no equals. Emperor's feast of lanterns, and another feast of In fine, the banquet was terminated about mid-day, lanterns has arrived. All culprits receive amnesty, and the people went to their houses,
except homicides. No ambassador is to go anyOn the 9th of the month Seafar (Feb. 13th), horses where." After this document had been read, somewere brought in the inorning and the ambassadors thing nicely enclosed in a golden capsule was affixed were mounted on them. Every year there are some to it by means of a cord of yellow silk; which days on which the Emperor eats no animal food, I was also wrapped round it and served to lower it and does not come out from his retirement, neither down, whereon an umbrella was held over it, and, is any man or woman admitted to his presence. He whilst the people marched out with it from the spends his time in an apartinent which contains nokiösk, the musicians played until they arrived at idol, and says that he is worshipping the God of the Yám, whence the proclamations are sent to heaven. On the day when the ambassadors were taken out, the Emperor had come forth from his When the first quarter of the moon commenced retirement, and his procession to the Harem was as to appear in Rábyr the first, the Emperor kept falfollows The elephants were fully caparisoned and cons in readiness and again sent for the ambassamarched in pairs before the golden Sedan-chair in dors. On that occasion he said "I shall give which he eat, the standards of seven colours, and falcons to him who has brought fine horses for me." troops to the amount of 50,000, accompanied the Then be gave three falcons to Sultán Shah, the cortege as a van and rear-guard. Another Sedan- ambassador of Mirza Olugh Beg; three to Sultan chair was carried on the backs of men, and such a Ahmad, the ambasador of Mirzá Báysanqar; and music was made as cannot be described in words, 80 three to Shády Khájah, the ambassador of the progthat, in spite of the extraordinary crowd, no other perous sovereign [Shah Rokh] ; all of which he then sounds except those of musical instruments could be surrendered again to his own falconers to take care heard ; and after the Emperor with that pomp and of till the time of departure. The next day he again solemnity had made his entrance into the Harem, the Bent for the ambassadors and said: "An army people returned to their own homes.
is marching to the frontier and you may also acAt that season the feast of lanterns takes place, company it, and thus reach your country." Turnwhen for seven nights and days in the interior of ing to A'rghdág, the ambassador of Syurghatmesh, the Eunperor's palace a wooden ball is suspended he said: "I have no more falcons, and even if from which numberless chandeliers branch out, I had some, I would give none to thee, because thou Bo that it appears to be a mountain of emeralds; hast allowed thyself to be robbed of the gifts the thousands of lamps are suspended from cords, and king bad sent me; and it is likely thou would'st be mice are prepared of naphtha, so that when a lamp robbed this time also." A'rghdá replied: "If your is kindled the mouse runs along those ropes and Majesty will graciously bestow & falcoupon me, lights every lamp it touches, so that in & single no one shall be able to take it away from your moment all the lamps from the top to the bottom of servant." The Emperor said :-" Then remain here the ball are kindled. At that time the people light till two other falcons arrive, and I shall give them many lampe in their shops and houses, and do not to thee." condemn any one during those seven days (the On the 8th of the month Ráby the first (13th March courts of justice closed ?). The Emperor makes 1421). Sultan Sháh and Bakhshy Malak were called, presents and liberates prisoners. That year, how and each of them received eight ingots of silver,

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thirty royal robes, two horses, one of which was Baddled, one hundred javelins, and five Khatáy girls, except that Bakhshy Malak obtained one ingot less; also the Empresses made presents to the ambassadors. On that day the ambassador of A'wys Khan with 250 men obtained an audience from the Emperor and paid him the customary homage; the courtiers provided them with royal garments, and rations were assigned to them.
On the 13th (March 18th) the Emperor sent for the ambassadors and said to them :-"I shall depart on a hunting expedition, and shall perbaps stay away for sone time. Take charge of your falcons, lest you lose them." According to this command the birds were surrendered to them, and the Emperor went to the case. During his absence a royal prince arrived from the country of Tamná; the ambassadors paid him a visit on the 18th (March 23rd), and found him sitting on the eastern side of the Emperor's house, which was, according to custoin, adorned with tables laid out; they ate some food and came out again.
In the beginning of Ráby the second (March 25th). the ambassadors received information that the Emperor had returned from the hunt, and that they inust go out to meet him. Accordingly they mounted their horses, but when they reached the Yámkhánah, they found Mulláná Yusuf Qádzy sitting on his horse in a state of great melancholy and dejection, and, asking for the reason of his sadness, he whispered to them "The horse sent by His Majesty Shah Rokh has thrown the Emperor whilst hunting, which event made him so angry that he ordered the ambassadors to be taken back in fetters to the city of Khatá [Peking)." At these words the arnbassadors became much distressed and confused. In the camp of the Emperor, where they bad alighted in the night, they perceived a wall built around it, which was 400 cubits long and as inany broad, the wall itself was four paces broad and two cubits high ; it had been built up that night. They built the wall of green trees and left two gates in it; in the rear of the wall, which was plastered with mud, a deep fosse could be seen. At the gates armed soldiers were standing, and within the [en- closure of the wall were two square tents, each 25 cubits long and supported by four poles ; around them stood snaller tents and sheds of yellow and gold-embroidered atlas. As the ambassadors were yet 500 paces distant, Mullánú Yusuf said to them :"Get down froin your horses and reinain on this spot till the Emperor comes." Then he went alone forward, and when he arrived near the escort of the Emperor, he alighted and found hiin sitting with Lyllájy and Jan Wájy, and blaming the ambassadors; both of these men, however, as well as Mulláná Yusuf Qádzy, touched the ground with their heads, aud interceded, representing to him that the ambassadors were not guilty, since their king, to whose government no damage would be done in case these men should be killed, was obliged to send a good horse, but that on the contrary His Imperial Majesty,
who was far and near celebrated for his mercy, would be accused of an act of tyranny for punishing in this manner ambassadors who were not guilty according to any code of laws. The Emperor approved of this argument of the well-wishers, and gave up his intention of punishing the ambassadors. Accord ingly Mulláná Yusuf went joyfully to them and said "God the Most High and Glorious has taken mercy on you, poor fellows, and the Emperor has graciously pardoned the transgression you have not committed." Afterwards the Emperor came near, mounted on a tall black horse, with white legs, which Mirza Olugh Beg had sent him. He wore & red gold-embroidered dress, and rode slowly, having an Okhtaji on each side ; his beard was encased in a wrapper of black atlas and he was accompanied by seven small Sedan-chairs, which were covered and contained girls sitting in them : there was also one large Sedan-chair borne on the shoulders of seventy men, and escorted by numerous mounted troops on the right and on the left, no other person daring to move a single step forward or backward, and the interval from the people was always 20 steps.
When the Emperor had arrived nearer, the ambassadors made demonstrations of respect at the instigation of Jan Wájy and Lyllájy and of Mulláná Yusuf, and the Emperor said to them "Mount your horses !" Accordingly the ambassadors departed in the cortege of the Einperor, who had by way of complaint said to Shady Khájah that the presents of horses and other animals sent with the other offerings ought to be good ones, and added : “On account of my affection for thee I rode the horse thou hadst brought when I was on the hunting ground, but it was so vicious that it threw me and injured my hand." Shady Khájah apologized and represented that the horse was a souvenir from His Majesty, the Lord of the two conjunctions, the Arair Tayınúr Kurkán, and that the king Shah Rokh had sent. it as a present to the Emperor to show him respect." This excuse the Emperor accepted, and marched to the capital, in the vicinity of which great crowds of men were assembled uttering good wishes and praises of the Emperor in the Khatay language, and amidst this display of power and glory the Emperor alighted at his own palace, whilst the people returned to their homes.
On the 4th of Ráby the second (April 8th), an imperial messenger came again, and said to the ambassadors whilst he took them away :-"This day the Emperor will give you presents !" When they arrived at the foot of the throne, they observed that the Emperor had heaps of gifts collected around him, which he distributed to the ambassadors as follows :-To Shády Khájah ten ingots of silver, thirty robes of atlas, with seventy pieces of cloth, and various other presents; to Sultan Ahmad, to Kukjal, and to A'rghdáq, severally, eight ingots of silver, sixteen robes of atlas, and other things. To Khájah Ghayath-ul-din, to Ardván, and to Táj-ul-din, severally, seven ingots of silver, sixteen robes of atlas, and other articles. When the ambassadors

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had received these gifts, they returned to their lodgings, and the ambassadors of Mirza Olugh Beg had also received presents, as was already mentioned.
At this time one of the ladies of the Emperor who was beloved by him happened to die, but the fact was not published before all the preparations for mourning had been completed, so that her death was not known before the 8th Jomády the first (May 11th) : it happened also by the decree of God that, during the night which preceded the morning of her interinent, the new palace of the Emperor was struck by lightning, so that the prediction of the astrologers (mentioned above) was fulfilled. An edifice eighty cubits long and thirty broad, supported by coloured pillars so thick that a man could not embrace one of them with his arms, W88 completely burnt; the fire spread also to a kioek which was sixty cubits distant, and consumed likewise the Harem-Serai of the Emperor. In the neighbourhood 250 houses were burnt to ashes, with & number of men and women. In spite of all the efforts of the people, the conflagration could not be subdued till the time of] second prayers ; the Emperor, however, and the amirs did not concern themselves about it, because, according to their religion, that was considered one of their fortunate days in which they did no business. The Emperor went to the idol-house, where he engaged in supplications and wailings, saying " The God of heaven has become angry towards me and has burnt the locality where my throne is, although I have done nothing, and committed no act of tyranny." This grief made him sick, and on that account it has not become known how the lady of the Emperor was buried.
It is related that in Khaté there is a mountain appointed for the burial of grand ladies, and when one of them dies, she is taken to that mountain and put into a dukhmah (sepulchre] ; her private horses are also let loose on that mountain, to graze at their own pleasure, and to be molested by nobody. In that dukhmah [cemetery], wbich is extremely spacious, inany female attendants and chamberlains, who draw salaries, spend their lives and die there ; but in spite of all these arrangements for the interment of the [imperial] ladies, it bas, on account of the catastrophe of this fire, never become known in what manner the above mentioned lady was buried.
Meanwhile the malady of the Emperor increased day by day, and his son took his place in the administration of the government, the ambassadors also obtained leave to depart, and started from Khád-Bálygh in the middle of Jomády the first (18th May 1421); several Wájye accompanied them,
and the Khatáys did them the same service on the return-journey, with reference to the provisions and other matters, as on their coming.
In the beginning of Rajab (July 2nd), they arrived in the town of Bangán, wlfen high and low came out to meet them ; on account of the imperial mandate, however, they abstained from examining the baggage of the ambassadors, although according to law they ought to have done so to see whether some things were not exported contrary to the rules. The next day they gave a banquet to the ambassadors with many demonstrations of civility. From this place they again started and arrived on the 5th Shăbán (5th Aug.) in Qaramún, which they again left, and arrived every day in another desert, and every week in another town, where they obtained a public repast and again departed.
On the 24th Shåbán (24th Aug.) they arrived in the town of Qamjú, where everything taken from the ambassadors on their first arrival. by the Khatáys, was again restored to thein without addition or diminution. In this town they remained during seventy-five days, and leaving it on the first day of Dhulhejjah (Nov. 27th), they arrived on the 17th (Dec. 3rd) in the town of Bokjú, in which place the ambassador of Mirza Ebrábim Sultán, who had arrived from Shyráz, and the envoy of Mirza Rustum, who was coming from Esfahán, met the ambassadors of His Majesty Shah Rokh, and asked then for inforination conceruing the manners and customs of the Khatays, which was given to them.
On the month Muharram of the year 825 (the 1st Muharram fell on the 26th Dec. 1421), they left Bokjú and went to Qúyl, where the authorities inforined them it was the custom of the Khatáy people to register the names of travellers on their return from, just as on their arrival in, the country. After they had been searched and examined, they left Qáyl, and selected the road through Chál on account of the insecurity of the highways, and arrived after much trouble on the 9th of Jomády the first (May 1st) in the town of Khotán, after leaving which they passed on the 6th Rajab (June 26th) through Káshgh ar, and on the 21st (July 11th) they passed over the heights of Andag &n, where some of the ambassadors selected the road through Khoreshn and others through Samarqand; in the beginning of Ramazan (Aug. 19th) they arrived in Balkh, and on the 10th of the same month (Aug. 28th) they reached the capital city Herit, whore they wero admitted to the honour of kissing, the carpet of His prosperous Majesty the Kha'g hán Shah Rokh (may God increase his fame); and were made happy thereby.

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PROGRESS OF ORIENTAL RESEARCH IN 1870-71.
[From the Annual Report of the Royal Asiatic Society, June 1872.] In their-Report to the Society read on the 30th of time to be exbibited in the International Exhibition May 1870, the Council expressed some disap- of that year. As, however, no description and no pointment at the result of the expeditions sent lists accompanied them, there existed no means of at the expense of the Government of India to ascertaining from what temples they were taken, procure representations of objects of antiquarian nor what parts of any temples they represented. interest in Orises and at Bordbay. They are All that could therefore be done was to build them now, however, happy to report that a second up into what was called a trophy, mixed up with expedition, under the sole control of Mr. H. H. Mr. Terry's casts from Bombay, and some from Locke, the Principal of the Government School Dr. Hunter at Madras. When any descriptive lists of Art in Calcutta, was sent to Orissa in the spring or any further information reaches us with regard of the present year, and has been attended with to these casts, we may be able to form an estimate complete success. Mr. Locke has inade and safely of their value ; at present the materials do not exist brought back to Calcutta casts of all the principal in this country for any such appreciation. In like sculptures in the Udayagiri and Khandagiri Caves, manner a set of drawings of details of architectural and photographs from these casts, made in January ornaments made by the pupils of the Schcol of Art last, have already reached this country, and exhibit were sent home and exhibited in 1871 ; but as only A series of sculptures as full of interest as any that the name of the pupil who made it was inscribed have yet been brought to this country or are known on each drawing, we are still in ignorance of what to exist in India.
these drawings are intended to represent. In general character, some of these sculptures One set of the photographs made by the party very much resemble those from the gateways of the who were sent down in 1868-9 reached this country Sanchi Tope, and may be as old, if not older. The about six weeks ago, and are in private hands. principal subject, lithographed by Prinsep in 1838 So far as can be ascertained, they are the only from a drawing by Kittoe,o is now found to be copies which have yet reached this country; but, as repeated twice over. The bas-relief of it in the Rajonly the names of the temples are attached to them, Rani Cave is ruder than the Sanchi sculptures, and though they are very admirable as photographs, the the first impression consequently is that it may be information they convey is limited to those who more ancient. That in Ganesa Cave-the one were previously acquainted with the objects they drawn by Kittoe-bears much more resemblance to represent. Greek art. A curious question thus arises, whether
Mr. Terry's casts from Bombay, as mentioned we are to consider the latter as the direct production above, arrived simultaneously with those from Benof Yavana or Baktrian artists, which afterwards gal, just in time for exhibition in June 1871. As degenerated into the ruder art of the Raj Rani they were accompanied by plans and sections of the sculptures, or whether the ruder were afterwards
building from which they were taken, as well as the improved into the more perfect forms under foreign photographs, there was no difficulty in understanding influence. At present the materials do not seen to their position or appreciating their value. The exist for answering these questions, though they result of this expedition does not, however, we are are of extreme interest to the history of ancient sorry to observe, seem to have encouraged the GoIndian art, and as bearing on the influence, more or
vernment of Bombay to make any further attempts less direct, which foreigners exerted on its first in that direction, and no further expenditure seems formation.
to have been made by them for archæological It is also understood that Mr. Locke's party has
purposes. brought away fresh impressions of the celebrated
Meanwhile, however, we are happy to be able to " Aira" inscription in the so-called Hasti cave, first
report that Mr. James Burgess continues succesefulnoticed by Stirling, and afterwards so successfully
ly his archæological labours. In addition to the deciphered by Prinsep. As it seems to be the oldest
splendid work on Pálitânå, noticed in our report of of the inscriptions in the Låt character, if any ad
1870, he has since published a similar work on the ditional information can be obtained regarding its
Temples of Somnath, Girnår, and Junagarh, illustratcontents, it will be a most interesting addition to ed by 41 photographs by Sykes, and accompanied our scanty stores of authentic documents for the by descriptive letter-press; and another work, of elucidation of early Indian History.
almost equal interest, on the Cave Temples of In the spring of the year 1871, a set of the casts Elephanta, with elaborate descriptive texts and obtained by the party sent down to Orissa in 1868-9 photographs of all the principal sculptures. He reached this country, and, owing to the delay of & has also visited and prooured photographs of the month in opening the Indian Annexe, they were in Caves of N&sik, Karla, Bhâjâ, and Beds&; the last • J. 4. 8. B., vol. VII, part 2, pt. xliv.
+ J.A. 8.B., vol. VI. 1080 e segg.

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being the oldest yet known to exist on the western side of India, dating probably from early in the second century B.C. These and other researches were undertaken with reference to a large and comprehensive work he has undertaken on the Cave Temples of Western India, which will be published, when complete, by the India Office-the Home Government of India having, with their accustomed liberality, undertaken to defray the cost of the work.
ORIENTAL RESEARCH.
In Madras, Dr. Hunter continues his career of usefulness. During the past year he, with his pupils, has made a complete and much more perfect set of photographs of all the Rock-cut Temples and Rock Sculptures of Mahavellipore, or the Seven Pagodas, and, having turned up some fragments broken off from the great rock-cut bas-relief, has proved incontestably that it was dedicated to Serpent-worship, and that only; though probably of a comparatively later date to other examples known. He has, besides, procured numerous photographs and casts of other interesting temples and sculptures throughout Southern India.
From private sources it is understood that General, Cunningham is pursuing assiduously, and with considerable success, the researches he was appointed to undertake; as, however, no report has yet been issued, the Council are unable to communicate to the Society any information regarding the results hitherto attained by him..
The operations of the Trigonometrical, Geological and other Surveys of India, are carried on more vigorously than ever, and their results are made public from time to time through reports and maps. To those unable to follow the details of official accounts, Mr. C. R. Markham's Memoir on the Indian Surveys affords a highly interesting and instructive historical sketch of the progress of operations of the various survey establishments.
While so much is done by the Government towards a scientific exploration of India, it is a matter of regret that the archæological operations in Ceylon, the promising aspect of which we were able to point out in our last report, have since come to a stop.
Two works recently published by Indian officers of more than ordinary experience have added greatly to our knowledge of the history, manners, and institutions of the people in some parts of India, viz., Dr. W. W. Hunter's "Orissa," being the continuation of the same author's "Annals of Rural Bengal ;" and Mr. E. Bowring's " Eastern Experiences." Of the latter work, which treats chiefly of Mysore and Coorg, a second edition has already appeared. In Mr. J. Fergusson's "Rude Stone Monuments" some light is also incidentally thrown on the ancient architectural remains of eastern countries.
Of the Durga Paja, or chief national festival of the Hindus of Bengal, Mr. Pratapachandra Ghosha has given a full and interesting account; and Mr. J. Garrett has published a Classical Dictionary,
85
which is intended to embody the information we possess regarding the mythology, literature, and manners of ancient India. This manual, though necessarily imperfect as a first attempt, will no doubt prove a useful book of reference to the general reader.
The Council have observed with satisfaction the appearance of Mr. Burgess's Indian Antiquary, a monthly magazine, which may prove a useful medium of communication on matters of Indian research, and is calculated to awaken in English civilians, no less than in intelligent natives, a sense of moral obligation which will urge them to take each his share in the elucidation of the manifold problems of Indian history. It is a matter for congratulation to our Society that the number of native gentlemen desirous of joining us has been steadily increasing for some years past, and the Council rejoice to see them appear among the contributors to Mr. Burgess's periodical, side by side with the names of some of our best scholars in India.
The Pandit, a monthly periodical, issued by the Benares scholars, is continuing its course of usefulness in furnishing hitherto unpublished Sanskrit texts and English translations of Sanskrit works, a2 well as notices of Benares MSS.....
The search for Sanskrit MSS. and examination of libraries in India has been carried on with signal success during the past twelvemonth. Of Rajendralâla Mitra's Notices of Sanskrit MSS. three fasciculi have hitherto been received, describing for the most part sectarial and Tantrical works. Dr. G. Bühler has just issued, for the Bombay Government, the first part of a Catalogue, or rather classified list, containing 1433 entries of some very important works, chiefly Vaidic. This list, when complete, is to include upwards of 12,000 MSS., and will be very useful to Sanskrit scholars, giving, as it will do, a pretty complete survey of the MSS. contained in the Brahmanical libraries of the Northern Division of the Bombay Presidency. This, however, is merely intended to serve as a kind of index to a fuller notice of the various MSS., which is now being prepared on the model of the Calcutta Catalogue. Meanwhile the survey is carried on as briskly as ever; and Dr. Bühler already mentions that, since the compilation of the catalogue now printing, he has received further lists containing about 5,000 entries. The Brahmanical MSS. in the larger libraries of his division are estimated by him at upwards of 30,000. This, however, does not include the Jaina books, which are much more numerous, and may probably amount to four or five times that number. As this branch of Hindu literature is as yet very imperfectly known, Dr. Bühler proposes to give, in the first place, a list of the oldest works, the Sutras, with a brief alysis of each and a general survey of the

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whole literature according to Jaina writers, and afterwards the contents of the principal libraries.
The Sanskrit collection at Tanjor has now been thoroughly examined by Mr. A. Burnell, who is about to communicate the result of his labours in a Catalogue raisonné, to be printed in England.
The process of cataloguing Oriental MSS. has been carried on not less vigorously in this country. The catalogue of Arabic MSS. at the India
CROMLECHS IN MAISUR.
(From a Memorandum by Capt. R. Cole.)
WHEN on duty as Officiating Inam Commissioner of Maisur at Perisandra, which is situated in the Kolár district, about 48 miles on the road from Bangalor to Haidarabad, I happened to be riding across country, and found a monolith of which a rough outline is given (figure 1) in the accompanying sketches of the various specimens of ancient pottery found by me on the occasion. This monolith stood 11 feet 4 inches above the surface, and was 3 feet broad, with a thickness varying from 8 inches to 1 foot 3 inches. In the centre was marked (a and b) the forms of "Surya" (sun) and "Chandra" (moon), and below, as shewn in the sketch, were faint outlines of four lines with a few bars at right angles, which looked as if they had formed some inscription. Knowing that such monoliths were coeval and co-existent with those strange stone-cists, the origin and use of which have been matters of mere conjecture, I looked around for those magic circles of stone which generally surround the cromlechs. I soon found them in the vicinity, and, on making further enquiries, I found 54 cromlechs near the adjoining village of Máshalli.
[MARCH, 1873.
Office Library-including the hitherto entirely unknown Bijapur collection-which is in course of compilation by Dr. O. Loth, is all but complete. The catalogue of the magnificent collection of Sanskrit MSS., from both Northern and Southern India, is also progressing rapidly, though, on account of the large number of works to be examined and described, several years must elapse before it will become accessible to students.
I found them all exactly similar to those I had discovered in Kurg. They consisted of stone-cists, formed by single slabs of granite on the sides, and flagged at the bottom by similar slabs, with a large superincumbent block of granite, which was rough and unhewn. On digging away the earth in front of the east face, I found the same circular, or semicircular orifice, which formed the opening to the cist. These stone chambers were completely filled with earth, well rammed in by the action of time and floods, as of the deluge; and the curious specimens of antique pottery were found, as usual, piled up in the corners to the west, or opposite the entrance. The same small round vessels, vases on tripods, curiously but elegantly shaped vases of an egg-like form, impossible to stand by themselves, and larger round chatties, with smaller basins and plates, were also found in these cromlechs, as delineated in the sketch. Some of these vessels, which were of the usual red or black clay, well burnt and highly polished, were ornamented with circular lines round the neck and top. One (figure 10) had
round it an elegant beading, consisting of successive arrow-headed lines between two rings. In one of these cromlechs I found the only specimen of a handle (figure 7) I have yet come across. There.. was also a curiously shaped article (figure 5) in the shape of an elephant's tusk, which was made of a more whitish clay and not polished. It was partly hollow, and had an orifice at the centre (a). Figure 12 represents the exact size and form of three teeth, which were found close to the vessels; and figures 13 and 14 are evidently remnants of stone implements. Figure 15 represents a strange article, which I have never found before. It is half of a round hollow ball of burnt and polished clay, with a short handle, and a small round opening into the ball at the junction of the handle and ball. The finest vessel, however, I have yet discovered is delineated in figure 2. It is perfect with the exception of a small portion of the rim of the month, and has not a crack or flaw in it. It stands 2 feet 9 inches high, and is 5 feet 11 inches in circumference at the centre. It is elegantly shaped, and has a beading of oval rings between two lines, which do not join, but terminate in two knobs 4 inches apart, from which five oval rings are carried in a curve as noted in the sketch. The mouth is 3 feet 6 inches in circumference, and the neck of the vase is 2 feet 10 inches round. I am not aware that a finer specimen of such antique pottery has been found hitherto. Figure 3 is a fine vessel of the same size, but not of such an elegant form, and was made of unburnt clay. I have never before come across any that were not well baked. I regret to say that it has already fallen to pieces.
The following were the dimensions of the interior of the cromlechs excavated by me :
No. Length.
Breadth. Depth. Feet. inches. Feet. inches. Feet. inches. 1... 11 5 2... 8 4 3... 6
0 8 2
The dimensions of some of the superincumbent slabs were noted as follows:
No. Length.
Feet. inches.
8
1... 12
2... 8 3... 11
8
4
Breadth.
Feet.
8
6
10
9 0
0
8 2
Thickness.
inches. Feet. inches.
0
#1...
10
4 to 8 inches..

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CROMLECAS O MAISUR
Int.Ani.p.86
Gore. The Press. Banday 1873

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(ROMLECHS IN NAISUR
& sa
17
Gout Litho. Press. Bmbay 1873.

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CROMLECAS IN MAISUR.
22
Thinkins
Thakurss
22
Cont. Liho: Press, Dambay 1873.

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Govt Litho Prass, Bombay 7873.
28
CROMLECHS IN MAISUR.
26
27
25
29
30

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The diameter of the orifice, which forms the entrance, is generally about 1 foot 8 inches, and the superincumbent slab projects from 1 to 2 feet over the entrance.
On breaking up my camp at Perisandra, and moving across the low range of rocky hills which separate that portion of the Chikka Ballapura taluk from the adjoining tâluk of Gudibanda, I came across two cromlechs standing in bold relief on the top of a rocky eminence, looking as if they had formed the altars on which human sacrifices had been offered up to that “Unknown Being" who has been recognized from the earliest time by the instinctive nature of man as the great Creator and Founder of all things. These were perfectly empty, and of the same size and dimensions as those which I had elsewhere found buried below the surface of the earth. I found a few similar structures, located in the same manner on a rocky summit, in the depths of the Kurg forests, and only in one place. I then threw out the suggestion that they may have formed sacrificial altars.
Further on, by the side of the new road to Gudibanda, I found a few more cromlechs which I had also excavated, and was rewarded by finding a perfectly new form of vessel (figure 16), which was circular at the top and terminated with a sharp point at the bottom. Vessels of the usual shape were also found in them, as also a round Vase, which stood 1 foot 8 inches high, and was 4 feet 6 inches in circumference at the centre. The rim forining the mouth was ornamented with three deeply-cut parallel lines.
Whilst at Guaibanda, I discovered the contents of another cromlech, which had evidently been disinantled by the Waddars, or stone-masons, who had worked in that locality for years past. A few feet off the main road, and on a short cut to the village of Wobasandra, the surface was of hard gravel, and I observed that it was curiously marked with fine black veins. On examining these finelydrawn lines, it struck me that the shape was like those of the top rims of the vases usually found in cromlechs. I had the earth loosened all round, and found that my conjectures were right. The top and side slabs of the cist had apparently been removed, and the roadway worn down to a level with the mouths of the vessels below. I may add that fragments of bones were also found in these cromlechs.
On approaching the town of Kolár, near the third mile-stone from the place, I observed the circles of stones which indicate the presence of cromlechas, and, on near approach, I found them to be, as usual, in the centre of the circles, with the top flag just visible above the surface. I caused them to be excavated, but found no vessel intact. On the fragments of the upper portion of the vessels, however, I observed more ornamentation than I had ever met with before. I have attempted to delineate them, and it will be observed that they consist of rectan-
gular or rhomboidal shaped figures caused by lines Bunk in the surface of the rims. These rims, I may observe, stand out in relief, and project about or of an inch above the surface, whilst the lozengeshaped figures above or below are sunk in the surface of the vessel. Figure 18 pourtrays an exact fragment, and the lozenge-shaped figures are found above the raised rim, whilst in the others, figures 19 and 20, they are below. Figure 21 had only four lines parellel to each other, with the centre lines closer to each other.
I also found in this locality eight small round pieces of the same inatorial as the vessels, much in the shape of medals. The exact size and thickness of each are given in figure 22. Their use can scarcely be imagined, unless it be assumed that they were used for purposes of counting, and that they had formed the coins of a period when the precious metals were not in use. The only other fragment worth noticing was a short piece of a tube, figure 23, like the neck of a goglet.
En route from Kolár and about two miles from the rising town of Bowringpété, I came across somo more of these circles of stone, which usually denote the presence of these strange stone-cists below the surface. I found here, however, for the first time in Maisur, that the circles were not single, but consisted of two concentric circles. There were no stone-cists to be found withiu the circles, and in ono alone I found the east slab with the circular orifice, which indicates that the stone Waddars had been at work and carried off the slabs.
About two miles further to the east, and near the village of Margal, there were some more cromlechs, in which there were only small fraginents of earthen vessels; but a number of bones and pieces of iron were found. One piece of iron (figure 24) measured 11 inches by 54 inches at the bottom, and evidently formed the end portion of some implement. It was about of an inch thick in the centre, but had evidently formed a sharp edge at the end. Other fragments of iron were portions of a rod, and looked as if they formed a spear or javelin.
The diameter of the smallest circle of stones observed by me was 13 feet, and the largest 24 feet.
In these stone chambers was also found a sort of pestle made of soft "balapam," or soap-stone. Its shape is pourtrayed, half size, in figure 27. The shape would lead us to suppose that it had been used as a pestle ; but it is so exceedingly soft and friable, that portions of itself would be ground up too if used as a pestle. The surface is also sinooth to a degree, and shews that it has not been so used. Held at the thin edge, it might be used as a formidable weapon of offence for hurling at a foe. There were several fragments of iron weapons (figuree 25, 26, 28, and 29) also found, which are giveu half size. Figure 28 would look like the handle of a dagger. The natives have an idea that the fragmonts (figures 25 and 29) formed the iron chuppal or sandal, which, some of them assert, the Pandus used to wear, though on what authority I cannot find

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[MARCH, 1873.
out. Figure 30 is much harder, and looks more like steel than anything I have yet found.
Professor J. Oldham, LL.D., when President of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, delivered, in September 1869, a most interesting lecture on the results of my excavation on the Muribetta hill in North Kurg, and compared the cromlecbs of Kurg with the Pandu kolis in Malabar. From the description given in his suggestive notes on the subject, it would appear that the Pandu kolis of Malabar are chambers purposely excavated in the rock below the surface, generally in the laterite, which abounds in that district, and are merely covered with a mushroom-shaped rock. The cromlechs of Kurg and Maisur, however, are not excavations, but actual structures, consisting of a large flagstone of granite at the bottom, with four similar slabs (all hewn and made to fit) forming a stonecist, the superincumbent stone being a large unhewn block of granite. This block is generally found in the centre of the circle of atones, with the top just visible above the surface, or about a foot below it. The stones forming the circles are buried from 1 to 3 feet below the surface, and project above from 1 to 2 feet. In a few of the circles I have come across, no stone-cists or chambers have been found, though I have dug down to & depth of 8 feet; but remnants of vessels have been found, apparently buried without the usual stone receptacle for them. The circles on the Muribetta hill were of this description, and the miniature vessels were found buried, as far as I remember, at the foot of a large stone opposite the entrance, and the two upright slabs arched above, alluded to by Dr. Oldham, were apparently the entrance to the enclosure formed by the circles of stones, and not to any chainber. On that occasion was discovered the only metallic object yet found, consisting of a peculiar shaped disc of copper, covered with a thin plate of gold. I may here remark that the same traditions existed amongst the people here as in Kurg. Some declared that these structures had formed the residence of the pigmy race known as Pundarus ; whilst others asserted that they had been the tombs of the Pandavas, whose exile and wars with the Kauravas are so graphically described in the great Hindu epic poem of the Mahabharata.
The Kurge lay claim to their country having
been the original “Matsyadés'a," or " ráj of Virát," and point out a site near the tombs of the rájás of Kurg at Merkara as that of the palace of Viráta Rájá, in whose capital the Pandavas took refuge in the thirteenth year of their exile, as narrated in the Mahabharata. I have heard the expression in Maisur of the Kurgs being imbued with “the essence (or spirit) of the Pándus." I am aware that the districts of Dinajpura in Bengal and Gujarat in Bombay both claim the same distinction, the modern town of Dholka in the latter being declared to be on the site of Matsya Nagara or Virátapura ; but it is a strange coincidence that the rájás of Kurg have borne, even up to the time of our conquest of the province, the name of Vira Rájá. It is impossible, however, to fix the exact geographical positions of many of the localities depicted in those ancient poems, which have doubtless received embellishments at the hands of their Brahmanical compilers. In each country and in each dynasty it became of importance to trace some connection with the incidents narrated in their great poem ; and I may mention that the village of Kaivára in the Sidalaghatta taluk of the Kolár district, is here said to have been the site of the town of Yékachekra, in the vicinity of which Bhíma is said in the poem to have had his mortal combat with the Asura Baká; and local tradition asserts that the adjoining hill of Kaivára, or Rhaimangarh, as it is styled by the Muhamınadans, was thrown on the top of the giant, and that his blood oozes out to this day. It is a remarkable fact that a reddish, bituininous matter oozes ont from a fissure near the top of the hill, and flows down the side of the rock for a few days in each year,- I believe in February. Local tradition ascribes the name of Hidimba, the man-eating A'sura, to the giant buried below the hill; but this episode in the life of Bhíma occurred before the five brothers went to the city of Yékachekra, which Mr. Wheeler has shewn, in his great work on the Mahabharata, to have been the modern city of Arrah in Bengal. I trust that these remarks may not be considered out of place, but they are offered in the same spirit as led the poet Warton to remark on our own great Druidical remains of Stonehenge
Studious to trace thy wondrous origin,
We muse on many an ancient tale renowned Bowringpete, 18th July 1871. Rob. COLE.
THE ASIATIC SOCIETIES.
Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, No. 180—1872. The first paper in this part is on the Buddhist and may also be regarded as a companion paper Remains of Bibär' by A. M. Broadley, and may be to those by the same author which appeared in the regarded as an amplification and continuation of his Indian Antiquary last year. Of Vrindavana he papers in vol. I. of this journal, with lengthy ex- writes, tracts from Julien's Hiwen Thsang, Beal's Fah- " At the present time there are within the limits Hian, Bigandet's Gaudama, &c.
of the municipality about a thousand temples, inThe second paper is on the Tirthas of Vrin- cluding of course inany which, strictly speaking, are davana and Gokuls' by F. S. Growbe, M. A. merely private chapels, and fifty ghata constructed

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by as many Rajas. The peacocks and monkeys, with which the place abounds, enjoy the benefit of special endowmente, bequeathed by deceased princes of Kota and Bharatpur. There are some fifty chhattras, or dole houses, for the distribution of alms, and extraordinary donations are not unfrequently made by royal and distinguished visitors. Thus the Raja of Datia, a few years ago, made an offering to every single shrine and every single Brahman that was found in the city."
"But the foundation of all this material prosperity and religious exclusiveness was laid by the Gosains, who established themselves there in the reign of Akbar. The leaders of the community were by name Rúpa and Sanâtana from Gaur in Bengal. They were accompanied by six others; of whom three, Jíva, Madhu, and Gopal Bhat, came from the same neighbourhood; Swâmi Hari Dâs from Rájpár in the Mathurâ district, Haribans from Deva-ban in Saharanpur, and Byâs Hari Râm from Orchâ in Bundelkhand. It is said that, in 1570, the emperor was induced to pay them a visit, and was taken blindfold into the sacred enclosure of the Nidhban, where such marvellous vision was revealed to him, that he was fain to acknowledge the place as indeed holy ground. Hence the cordial support which he gave to the attendant rajâs, when they declared their intention of erecting a series of buildings more worthy of the local divinity.
"The four temples, commenced in honour of this event, still remain, though in a ruinous and sadly neglected condition. They bear the titles of Gobind Dava, Gopinath, Jugal-kishor, and Madan Mohan. The first named is not only the finest of this particular series, but is the most impressive religious edifice that Hindu art has ever produced, at least in Upper India. The body of the building is in the form of a Greek cross, the nave being a hundred feet in length, and the breadth across the transepts the same. The central compartment is surmounted by a dome of singularly graceful proportions; and the four arms of the cross are roofed by a waggon vault of pointed form, not-as is usual in Hindu architecture-composed of overlapping brackets, but constructed of true radiating arches as in our Gothic cathedrals. The walls have an average thickness of ten feet, and are pierced in two stages, the upper stage being a regular triforium, to which access is obtained by an internal staircase. At the east entrance of the nave, a small narthex projects fifteen feet; and at the west end, between two niches and incased in a rich canopy of sculpture, a squareheaded doorway leads into the choir, a chamber some twenty feet deep. Beyond this was the sacrarium, flanked on either side by a lateral chapel; each of these three cells being of the same dimensions as the choir, and, like it, vaulted by a lofty dome. The ge
The derivation of this word is a little questionable. It is the local name of the actual Brinds grove, to which the town owes its origin. The spot so designated is now of very
89
neral effect of the interior is not unlike that produc= ed by St. Paul's cathedral in London. The latter building has greatly the advantage in size, but in the other, the central dome is more elegant, while the richer decoration of the wall surface, and the natural glow of the red sandstone, supply that relief and warmth of colouring which are an lamentably deficient in its Western rival.
"There must originally have been seven towersone over the central dome, one at the end of each transept, and the other four covering, respectively, the choir, sacrarium, and two chapels. The sacrarium has been utterly razed to the ground, and the other six towers levelled with the roof of the nave. Their loss has terribly marred the effect of the exterior, which must have been extremely majestic when the west front with its lofty triplet was supported on either side by the pyramidal mass of the transepts, and backed by the still more towering height that crowned the central dome. The choir tower was of slighter elevation, occupying the same relative position as the spirelet over the sanctus bell in Western ecclesiology. The ponderous walls, albeit none too massive to resist the enormous thrust once broughtto bear upon them, now, however much relieved by exuberant decoration, appear out of all proportion to the comparatively. low superstructure. As a further disfigurement, a plain masonry wall has been run along the top of the centre dome. It is generally believed that this was built by Aurangzeb for the purpose of desecrating the temple; though it is also said to have been put up by the Hindus themselves to assist in some grand illumination. In either case it is an ugly modern excrescenee, and steps should be at once taken for its removal.
"Under one of the niches at the west end of the nave is a tablet with a long Sanskrit inscription. This has unfortunately been much mutilated, but enough remains as record of the fact that the temple was built in Sambat 1647, i. e., A. D. 1590, under the direction of the two Gurus Rúpa and Sanâtana. The founder, Raja Man Sinha, was a Kachhwáhá Thakur, son of Rája Bhagawân Dâs of Amber, founder of the temple at Gobardhan, and an ancestor of the present Raja of Jaypar. He was appointed by Akbar successively governor of the districts along the Indus, of Kabul, and of Bihar. By his exertions, the whole of Orissa and Eastern Bengal were re-annexed; and so highly were his merits appreciated at court, that, though a Hindu, he was raised to a higher rank than any other officer in the realm. He married a sister of Lakshmi Narayan, Raja of Koch Bihar, and at the time of his decease, which was in the ninth year of the reign of Jahangir, he had living one son, Bhão Sinha, who succeeded him upon the throne of Amber, and died in 1621 A. D.† There is a tradition to the effect that Akbar at the last, jea
limited area, hemmed in on all sides by streets, but protected from further encroachment by a high masonry wall. † Vide Professor Blochmann's Afn-i-Akbarf, p. 341.

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lous of his powerful vassal, and desirous to rid himself of him, had a confection prepared, part of which contained poison; but caught in his own snare, he presented the innoxious portion to the râjâ, and ate that drugged with death himself. The unworthy deed is explained by Man Siñha's design, which apparently had reached the emperor's ears, to alter the succession in favour of Khusrau, his nephew, instead of Salím.
"In anticipation of a visit from Aurangzeb, the image of the god was transferred to Jaypúr, and the Gosain of the temple there has ever since been regarded as the head of the endowment. The name of the present incumbent is Syam Sundar, who has two agents resident at Brindaban. There is said to be still in existence at Jaypúr the original plan of the temple, shewing its seven towers; but there is a difficulty in obtaining any definitive information on the subject. However, local tradition is fully agreed as to their number and position; while their architectural character can be determined beyond a doubt by comparison with the smaller temples of the same age and style, the ruins of which still remain. It is therefore not a little strange that of all the architects who have described this famous building, not one has noticed this, its most characteristic feature: the harmonious combination of dome and spire is still quoted as the great crux of modern art, though nearly 300 years ago the difficulty was solved by the Hindus with characteristic grace and ingenuity.
"It is much to be regretted that this most interesting monument has not been declared national property, and taken under the immediate protection of Government. At present no care whatever is shewn for its preservation: large trees are allowed to root themselves in the fissures of the walls, and in the course of a few more years the damage done will be irreparable. As a modern temple under the old dedication has been erected in the precincts, no religious prejudices would be offended by the State's appropriation of the ancient building. If any scruples were raised, the objectors might have the option of themselves undertaking the necessary repairs. But it is not probable that they would accept the latter alternative; for though the original endowment was very large, it has been considerably reduced by mismanagement, and the ordinary annual income is now estimated at no more than Rs. 17,500,† the whole of which is absorbed in the maintenance of the modern establishment."
From his account of Gokula we make the following extract:
"Great part of the town is occupied by a high hill, partly natural and partly artificial, extending over more than 100 bighas of land, where stood the old fort. Upon its most elevated point is shewn a small cell, called Syám Lála, believed to mark the spot where Jasodá gave birth to Maya, or Joga
The above tradition is quoted from Tod's Rajasthan. Of this sum only Rs. 4,500 are derived from land and
[MARCH, 1873.
nidra, substituted by Vasudeva for the infant Krishna. But by far the most interesting building is a covered court called Nanda's Palace, or more commonly the Assi Khamba, i. e., the Eighty Pillars. It is divided by five rows of sixteen pillars each into four aisles, or rather into a centre and two narrower side-aisles, with one broad outer cloister. The external pillars of this outer cloister are each of one massive shaft, cut into many narrow facets, with two horizontal bands of carving: the capitals are decorated either with grotesque heads or the usual four squat figures. The pillars of the inner aisles vary much in design, some being exceedingly plain, and others as richly ornamented, with profuse, and often graceful, arabesques. Three of the more elaborate are called, respectively, the Satya, Dwápar, and Tretayug; while the name of the Kaliyug is given to another somewhat plainer. All these interior pillars, however, agree in consisting, as it were, of two short columns set one upon the other. The style is precisely similar to that of the Hindu colonnades by the Qutb Minar at Delhi; and both works may reasonably be referred to about the same age. As it is probable that the latter were not built in the years immediately preceding the fall of Delhi in 1194, so also it would seem that the court at Mahában must have been completed before the assault of Mahmád in 1017; for after that date the place was too insignificant to be selected as the site of so elaborate an edifice. Thus Fergusson's conjecture is confirmed that the Delhi pillars are to be ascribed to the ninth or tenth century. Another long-mooted point may also be considered.as almost definitivély set at rest, for it can scarcely be doubted that the pillars, as they now stand at Mahában, occupy their original position. Fergusson, who was unaware of their existence, in his notice of the Delhi cloister, doubts whether it now stands as originally arranged by the Hindus, or whether it had been taken down and re-arranged by the conquerors; but concludes as most probable that the former was the case, and that it was an open colonnade surrounding the palace of Prithiraj. "If so," he adds, "it is the only instance known of Hindu pillars being left undisturbed." General Cunningham comments upon these remarks, finding it utterly incredible that any architect, designing an original building and wishing to obtain height, should have recourse to such a rude expedient as constructing two distinct pillars, and then without any disguise piling up one on the top of the other. But, however extraordinary the procedure, it is clear that this is what was done at Mahâban, as is proved by the outer row of columns, which are each of one unbroken shaft, yet precisely the same in height as the double pillars of the inner aisles. The roof is flat and perfectly plain, except in two compartments, where it is cut into a pretty quasi-dome of concentric multifoil
house property; the balance of Rs. 18,000 is made up by votive offerings.

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ASIATIC SOCIETIES.
91
circles. Mothers come here for their purification on the sixth day after child-birth-chhathi-puja-and it is visited by enormous crowds of people for several days about the anniversary of Krishna's birth in the month of Bhadon. A representation of the infant god's cradle is displayed to view, with his fostermother's churn and other domestic articles. The place being regarded not exactly as a temple, but as Nanda and Jasoda's actual dwelling-house, Europeans are allowed to walk about in it with perfect freedom. Considering the size, the antiquity, the artistic excellence, the exceptional archæological interest, the celebrity amongst natives, and the close proximity to Mathurá of this building, it is perfectly marvellous that it found no mention whatever in the archæological abstract prepared in every district by orders of Government a few years ago, nor even in the costly work compiled by Lieutenant Cole, the Superintendent of the Archæological Survey, which professes to illustrate the architectural antiquities of Mathura and its neighbourhood.
"Let into the outer wall of the Nand Bhavan is a small figure of Buddha, and it is said that whenever foundations are sunk within the precincts of the fort, many fragments of sculpture-of Buddhist character, it may be presumed-have been brought to light: but hitherto they have always been buried again, or broken up as building materials. Doubtless, Mahâban was the site of some of those Buddhist monasteries which the Chinese pilgrim FaHian distinctly states existed in his time on both sides of the river. And further, whatever may be the exact Indian word concealed under the form Klisoboras, or Clisobora, given by Arrian and Pliny as the name of the town between which and Mathura the Jamunk flowed-Amnis Jomanes in Gangem per Palibothros decurrit inter oppida Methora et Clisobora-Pliny. Hist. Nat. vi, 22-it may be concluded with certainty that Mahâban is the site intended. Its other literary names are Brihad-vana, Brihadaranya, Gokula, and Nanda-gráma; and not of these, it is true, in the slightest resembles the word Clisobora, which would seem rather to be a corruption of some compound in which 'Krishna' was the first element : possibly some epithet or descriptive title taken by the foreign traveller for the ordinary proper name. General Cunningham in his 'Ancient Geography' identifies Clisobora (read in one MS. as Cyrisoborka) with Brindában, assuming that Kálikavartta, or Kalika's Whirlpool,' was an earlier name of the town, in allusion to Krishna's combat with the serpent Kalika. But in the first place, the Jamuná does not flow between Mathura and Brindaban, seeing that both are on the same bank; secondly, the ordinary name of the great serpent is not Kalika, but Kaliya ; and thirdly, it does not appear upon what authority it is so boldly stated that " the earlier name of the place was Kalikavartta. Upon this latter point a reference has been made to the great Brindaban Pandit, Swami Rangáchâri, who, if any one, might be expected to speak with positive
knowledge ; and his reply was that, in the course of all his reading, he had never net with Brindában under any other name than that which it now bears. In order to establish the identification of Clisobora with Mahaban, it was necessary to notice General Cunningham's counter-theory and to condemn it as unsound; ordinarily the accuracy of his research and the soundness of his judgment are entitled to the highest respect.
"The glories of Mahában are told in a special (interpolated) section of the Brahinanda Purana, called the Brihad-vana Mahâtmya. In this, its tirthas, or holy places, are reckoned to be twenty-one in number as follows:
Eka-vinsati-tírthena yuktam bhúrigunánvitam. Yamal-arjuna punyatamam, Nanda-kúpam ta
thaiva cha, Chintá-harana Bráhmcndam, kundam Sárasvatam
tatha, Sarasvati sild tatra, Vishnu-kunda-sananvitam, Kurna-kúpam, Krishna-kundam, Gopa-kúpam
tathaiva cha, Ramanam-ramana-sthanam, Ndrada-sthanam era
cha, Pútand-patana sthanam, Trindvarttikhyapatanam, Nanda-harmyam, Nanda-geham, Ghatam Ra
mana-saminakam, Mathurandthodbhavam-kshetram punyam pdpa
prandisanam, Janma-sthanam tu Sheshasya, jananam Yoga
mảya/a.”
In connection with this paper it may be mentioned that Mr. Growse has addressed the Government of the North-West Provinces, representing that the destruction of the temple of Govind Deva would be a national and irreparable loss, which immediate steps for its preservation can alone avert. "The Táj at Agra has been declared national property as the finest specimen of Muhammadan architecture, and it is in every way highly desirable that the saine course should be followed with reference to this building as the recognized master-piece of Hinclue architecture." He accordingly suggests "that the Government address the Maharaja of Jaypur, representing the exigency of the case, and enquiring whether he is prepared himself to undertake the repair of the building, or whether he will cede it to the State as national property. The latter plan would be far preferable : and it is probable that if the Maharajá himself undertook the repairs, he would not only repair but also renovate, and further again devote it to religious service, by which means it would become closed to Europeans. As regards the temple of Harideva at Gobardhan the remedy is simpler. One compartment of the roof still remains as a guide for restoring the remainder, nor are funds wanting. The village of Bhagosa is a permanent endowment, and it has been decided in the Civil Court that the revenue must be expended strictly on religious uses, and cannot be appropriated by the shareholders as private income.

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Accordingly there is already a deposit of more than Rs. 3,000 in the local treasury, and nothing more is required but a definitive order that this sum, and what shall hereafter accrue, shall be devoted, under
|
Government'supervision, to the restoration, until such time as it is thoroughly completed."
The Lieutenant-Governor has promised to act upon this suggestion.
REVIEW ESSAYS ON EASTERN QUESTIONS, by WM. GIFFORD one devoted to the Mahometan Revival (Fraser,
PALGRAVE, Author of "Central and Eastern Arabia." February 1872), which was written on the perusal of (London, Macmillan & Co. 1872.)
Hunter's Our Indian Mussalmans, to which it forms THIS handsome volume of Essays is very appro
a sort of supplement. "Its object is to show calmpriately dedicated to the Earl of Derby, "whose ly, and without sensational exaggeration, how wideguidance of England's foreign policy has been spread and deep-rooted is the present revival of always marked by & statesmanlike insight into Islam, particularly in that part of the world which character and race." There are ten Essays here may be looked upon as its stronghold, the Asian reprinted :-Three on "Mahometanism in the Turkish Empire. Hence it is natural to infer Levant" from Fraser; from the same periodical
with what caution and steadiness of statesmanship there are other three, entitled “The Mahometan
we should deport ourselves towards such maniRevival," "The Monastery of Sumelas," and "The
festations of it as arise within the circle of our Poet 'Omar;" two from the Cornhill, called "The
own dominion; though I have purposely abstained Turkomans and other Tribes of the North-East froin specialized conclusions." To quote briefly – So Turkish Frontier," and "The Abkhasian Insurrec- strong, indeed, is the bond of union supplied by the tion ;" one from the Quarterly on "Eastern Chris- very name of Islam, even where that name covers the tians ;" and one from Macmillan on "The Brigand most divergent principles and beliefs,that,in presence Ta'abbet Shurran."
of the 'infidel,' the deep clefts which divide Soonnee "To expect," says the author, " that the collec- and Sheeah are for a time and purpose obliterated; tion of a few Essays and their republication
and the most heretical sects become awhile amalgacan have any material effect towards removing
mated with the most uncompromisingly orthodox, erroneous ideas, or substituting exacter ones, about
who in another cause would naturally reject and the Mahometan East of our own times, would be
disavow them. Very curious in this respect is the presumptuous indeed. Yet even these writings
evidence afforded by Mr. Hunter, nowhere more so may in a measure contribute to so desirable a result;
than in the light he throws, almost unconsciously
it would seein, on the true character of the sofor correct appreciations are, like incorrect ones,
called Wahhabee movement, spreading from the formed not at once, but little by little. . . . These
rebel camp of Sittana to Lower Bengal, and reconEssays, taken together, form a sketch mostly out
centrating itself in the centres of Maldah, and at line, part filled in, of the living East, as included
Patna in particular. Here we have the most within the Asiatic limits of the Ottoman Empire.
simple and rigid form that Islam has ever assumed, Now, as for centuries past, the central figure of
namely, the puritanical Unitarianism of the that picture is Islam, based on the energies of Arabia
Nejdean Wahhabee, combined with all that the and the institutions of Mahomet, propped up by the
Nejdean Wahhabee, as such, would most condemnmemories of Chaliphs and the power of Sultans,
I mean, the superstitious belief in a coming Mahdee,' and though somewhat disguised by the later in
the idea of personal and, so to speak, corporeal virtue crustations of Turarian superstition, still retaining and holy efficacy in the 'Imam' of the day, and lastly, the chief lineaments, and not little of the stability
with the organised practice of private assassination, and strength, of its former days. Round it cluster
a practice long held for distinctive of the free-thinkthe motley phantoms of Eastern Christianity, in
ing Isma'eleeyeh and their kindred sects among the digenous or adventitious ; and by its side rises the Rafidee heretics. ... Islam is even now an enormous threatening Russian colossus, with its triple aspect power, full of self-sustaining vitality, with a eurplus of Byzantine bigotry, western centralization, and
for aggression, and a struggle with its combined eastern despotism. This group, in its whole and
energies would be deadly indeed. Yet we, at any in some of its details, I have at different times rate, have no need for nervous alarm, nor will its endeavoured to delineate; and if the pencil be an quarrel, even partially, be with us and our Empire, unskilful one, its tracings, so far as they go, have so long as we are constantly faithful to the practical the recommendation, not perhaps of artistic grace- wisdom of our predecessors, that best of legacies fulness, but at least of realistic truth."
bequeathed to us by the old East India Company." Mr. Palgrave has an uncommon knowledge of Speaking of Indian legal difficulties--"Where the religious and social manifestations of Muhamma- plaintiff and defendant, testator and legatee, are danism in India, Arabia, Egypt, and Turkey. Per- alike Muslims, let matters be between them in haps the most instructive of all these Essays is the la court cognizant of Muslim civil law, and re

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93
gulated as near as may be after Muslim fashion; and let the legal officers of such courts, from the highest to the lowest, be invested with all the sanc- tion that our own Indian Government, the only one on Muslim, no less than on non-Muslim, principles competent to do so within Indian limits, can give A Kazi-el-Kuzât in each Presidency, with a Sheykh- Ielam at Calcutta, nominated by the Government, salaried by Government, removable by Government | -all conditions, be it observed, of the Sheykh-Islam and of every Kadi in the Ottoman Empire itselfendowed with the appropriate patronage for subordinate appointments, but requiring for the validity of each and every nomination our own confirmatory sign and seal ; good Muhammadan law colleges and schools, conducted under our supervision, and maintained on our responsibility : these are what would give us a hold over the most important, because the most dangerous, element in our Indian Empire, such as nothing else could give : a hold that the disaffection, did it ever occur, of others from within, or the assaults of rival powers, not least of infidel ones, from north or elsewhere without, would only strengthen.
"Let us be wise and understand this, and not incur the reproach of those, rulers too in their day, who could not discern the signs of the times. We can no more check or retard the Muhammadan revival' in India than we can hinder the tide from swelling in the English Channel when it has risen in the Atlantic. The Revival' is a world-movement, an epochal phenomenon; it derives from the larger order of causes, before which the lesger laws of race and locality are swept away or absorbed into unity. But we can turn it to our own advantage; we can make the jaws of this young-old lion bring forth for us honey and the honey-comb. And this we can do without in the least compromising our own Christian character as & Government or as a nation. The measures required at our hands in our Indian heritage pre simply mercy, justice, and judgment; and these belong to no special race or creed; they are the property of all, Christian and Muslim alike-of West as of East, of England as of Mecca."
No finer contribution has recently been made on a question of vital importance to the government and destinies of India.-A. H. B.
CORRESPONDENCE AND MISCELLANEA. ON INDIAN DATES.
to its kings what I believe to be their true date To the Editor of the Indian Antiquary.
though, in dcing this, he differs to the extent of Sir-So much of our knowledge of the medieval
300 and 400 years from Wathen, Dowson, and history of India depends on the correct decypher
almost every other recent writer on these subjects. ment of inscriptions on rocks and stones or copper
All this is bad enough, and renders inscriptions plates, that it is of the utmost importance, not only
per se nearly useless for the purpose of fixing the that their meaning, but more especially their dates,
dates of buildings or events; but it would be a fearshould be tested by every available means. The
ful aggravation of the case, if, besides the difficulinscriptions, it must be confessed, have hitherto ties attaching to the initial date, it should turn out proved of very little use in settling our chronology, that, either frora negligence or design, the dates in or affording dates for buildings, and this state of the inscriptions were so falsified that they could things must continue until orientalists can agree
not be depended upon. I have recently been led to among themselves as to the eras from which they suspect that this is the case in more instances than are dated. So long, for instance, as Mr. Thomas is one ; and it seems so important that it should be of opinion that the Sah kings date their coins ascertained whether this is so or not, that I request and inscriptions from the era of the Seleucida you will allow me an opportunity of laying the (311 B. C.); Mr. Justice Newton from that of case before your readers. The first case I wish to Nahapana, practically Vikramaditya, which is a refer to, is the well-known copper-plate grant of favourite with others (56 B. C.); and Dr. Bhau Daji Pulakes'i I. of the Chalukya dynasty, dated in 411 from the Saka era (78 A.D.)-we have some 400 years S'aka, or 489 A.D. This was first brought to the among which to choose for the date of the famous notice of the learned by Sir Walter Elliot, in the repairs of the Palesini bridge. In like manner, till 4th volume of the Journal of the Royal Asiatic it is agreed whether the Guptas began to reign Society, p. 7, et seqq. ; but even at that early date he 318 A. D. or were then exterminated-and those saw the difficulty of reconciling this date with the who have treated this subject are about equally circumstances narrated in the inscription, and theredivided on this point-we have at least a couple fore proposed (page 12) to substitute Saka 610 for of centuries to veer and haul upon for all the dates Saka 411. of this period; and, except Lassen, I know of no When I wrote on the subject in 1869 (J. R. A. S., distinguished orientalist who has fairly lovked on new series, volume IV. p. 92), this appeared to me both sides of the Ballabhi difficulty, and assigned too violent a correction, and I suggested substituting
• Conf. Ind. Art. vol. I. p. 61.-ED.

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511 for 411 ; and if the facts are as stated in the inscription, and Pulakes'i I. was the grandfather of Pulakes'i II., which I see no reason for doubting, some such correction as this seems indispensable, but not to a greater extent than 100 years.
If this were the only inscription in which an error had been detected, it would be of little consequence; but on reading. Dr. Bhau Daji's very unsatisfactory analysis of the inscriptions published by the Committee of Architectural Antiquities in Western India, a second occurs, in which the falsification is even more evident. At page 315, J.B.B. R. A.S., vol. IX., an inscription of Pulakes'i II. is quoted, dated S'aka 506, or A. D. 584. This inscription, of which a second abstract is quoted (page 199) in the same volume, tells us how he fought with Harsha Vardhana, the Siladitya of Hiwen Thsang, and speaks of their wars in the past tense. Now we happen to know, not only by inference from Hiwen Thsang, but from the more precise testimony of Ma-twan-lin (J.A. S. B., vol. VI. p. 68), that these events took place between the years 618 and 627; and consequently, as this inscription could not have been written till after the last-named year, its date is certainly 43 years too early, or more probably 50 years at least. Besides this, another inscription was quoted by Mr. Eggeling at the last meeting of the Asiatic Society,o dated in the third year of the second Pulakes'i's reign, Saka 534 or A. D. 612, which I have no doubt is the correct date (J. R. A. S. N. S., vol. IV. p. 94). Here then we have two important inscriptions, one of which requires a correction of about 100 years, the other of about 50, to bring
ring them into accordance with known historical events : and what I want to ask your learned readers is, whether they can offer any solution of this difficulty, or whether, on the contrary, we must be prepared to meet with such falsifications again in other places ?
Unfortunately the long dates in this inscription do not help us in this matter. At page 315, Bhâu DÂji states them as follows:-Kaliyuga 3855, and from the war of the Mahabharata 3730, and consequently shewing an interval of 125 years between these events. Now, applying our usual Kaliyuga equation, 3101 B. C., to these, we have 754 A. D. for the first, which is much too late, and 629 for the second, which certainly is so near the correct date that it might be adopted as final, if we felt sure it is in the inscription. But at page 199,
Dr. Bhâu Daji, with a glaring want of correctness, gives a very different version of matters, and, that there may be no mistake this time, gives his dates in words, not in figures. According to this last version, the beginning of the Kaliyuga is placed 3506 before the date of this inscription, and the Bharata 3855 years before the same time. In other words, the Mahabharata was fought out in the Treta Yuga, and the interval between these two events was 349 years instead of 125, as we were told in a previous paragraph. Fortunately we know too well the cause of these modern discrepancies, and can apply the correction. With the more ancient ones, it is not so easy.t
In conclusion, allow me to express an earnest hope that, before long, some competent antiquary will visit Iwalli and Badami. The inscription above discussed shews the building on which it is found to be the oldest structural temple known to exist in Western India, and, if Stirling is to be depended upon, cotemporary with the great temple at Bhuvanes'war in Katak, which is the oldest known temple in Eastern India. If, too, the inscription No. 12 in the Badami cave should turn out to belong to the sixth century, as Dr. Bhâu Daji conjectures from the form of the characters, it will throw a new light on the history of cave-temple architecture in the West. From such imperfect data as I have at my command, I would guess these caves to be considerably more modern ; but we sadly want plans and architectural details of this most interesting group of monuments; while, except from the sequence of architectural details, I know of no mode by which dates can in India be ascertained with even proximate certainty.
JAS. FERGUSSON. Langham Place, 30th Jan. 1873.
ON THE INTERPRETATION OF PATANJALI.
SIR.-In' the extract from Prof. Weber's critique on Dr. Goldstücker, given in the Indian Antiquary, vol. II. p. 61, there are several points, besides the main one I took up (at page 59), which require notice. From the passage about the Mauryas quoted by Dr. Goldstücker, Prof. Weber infers that
Pånini, in making his rule V. 3, 99, had in his eye .such images as those that had come down from the Mauryas. How the passage supports such an inference, I am at a loss to see. Pauini in that
- A siatic Society. Jan. 20.--Mr. J. Eggeling, the Secretary, submitted translations of, and notes on, & number of Sou h Indian inscriptions, with a view to Bhew what materials are available in England for improving our knuwlenge of the history of the Dekhan. These material: were stated to consist partly of original copper-plates in the possession of the Society, the India Office, British Museum, and private individuale, especially Sir W. Elliot.
Tbe dynasty which receives most light from these documents is that of the Châluk yas. Of the Eastern or Rajamahendri branch especially, there are in Sir.W. Elliot's volume of impressions] several highly important franta, containing complete chronological records of that line from
the first king, Vishnuvardhana, the Hunchback (about A. D. 604 to 622), to Amma Rajá, who reigned in A. D. 945, being hen ten years old. Regarding the Kalyani line also, these materials contribute some valuable information (one grant of Satyasraya being dated in the third year of his reign, S'aka 534, A. D. 612), as they do regarding nearly every dynasty of the Dekban. One inscription, containing in the introductory a'lokas a list of the solar race, supplies thirteen name of princes of a branch of the Chola dynasty. Athenam, Jan. 25, 1873, p. 118.
t To prevent its misleading. I may as well point out that in inscription 8, p. 316, the date is misprinted as 789 A. D. : it ought to be 889.

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satra tells us that the termination ka appliod to the naines of objects, in the sense of images of those objects, is dropped in cases when the images enable one to earn his livelihood, but are tot salcable. Upon this Patanjali observes that, because the word
unsaleable' is used, such forms as Sicah, Skun lah, and Visállat (in which the terminntion ku is dropped) are not valid. Why not? Because the Manryns, desirous of obtaining gold, itsed, or applied to their purpose, i.e., sold, objects of worship. Sinee, then, these triz., images of Siva, &c.) were solel by then, they were parya, orsaleable, aud hence the termination ka should not be dropped. It may not be dropped in those cases (i.e., the proper forms must be Sivaka, &c.), says Patanjali, but it is dropped in the case of those images which are now used for worship. This interpretation of the passage is consistent and proper. Prof. Weber understands it to mean, that the only cases in which the rule about the dropping of the termination does not apply, are those of images will which the Mauryas were concerned. But that it is inapplicable to all images that are saleable, is clear from the passage itself, and the two coininentaries on it. Kaiyata distinctly says that the role does not apply to those that are sold, and gives S'irakán Vilirinile as an instance. What Patanjali means to say is that the termination ka should be applied to the names of the images sold by the Mauryas, according to Panini's rule; but the rule is set aside in this case, and the wrong forms Siva, Skanda, and Visakha are used. Nagojibhatta expressly states-tatra pratyaya-sravanam ishtameveti vadan sútrasyoddharanam darg'ayati (i. e., saying that the use of the termination there is necessary, be points out an instance of the rule). Now, in all this there is not only nothing to slow that Papini had the images sold by the Mauryas in view, but that the names of those images violate his rule. Dr. Goldstücker's interpretation of this passage is also not correct.
In the next place Prof. Weber thinks that the word Acharya in such expressions as pas'yati tvacharyah, occurring in the Mahâbhâshya, applies to Patanjali. It appears to me that Prof. Weber has overlooked the context of these passages. In all these cases the &sharya meant is clearly Panini, and not Patanjali. I will here briefly exainine two or three of the passages referred to by the Professor, for I have no space for more. In the first of these, the question Patanjali discusses is this :- Which is it that is used in the term an occurring in the sutra ur an raparah, i. e., does an here mean only a, i, and u, or all the vowels, semi-vowels, and h! He answers by saying that then in this case is clearly the first, and not the sccond, that is, that which is at the end of the sutra a, i, un, and
lience an signifies only the vowels a, i, and . And why is it to be so understood ? The shtra ur an ruparuh means, when an is substituted for ri, it is always followed by F, that is, if, for instance, you are told in a shtra to substitute a for ri, you should substitnte not a alone, but ar. Now, the reason why, in this shtra, an siguifies the first three vowels only, is that there is no other significate of the more comprehensive term an, that is, no other vowel or any semi-vowel or h which is ever substituted for ri. "Why not? there is," says the objector. One instance brouglat forward by him is explained away, and another that he adduces is Mátrinam. In this case, by the sutra nami, a long vowel, i.e., ri, is substituted for the short ri. Ri is a significate of the more comprehensive an, and not of the less comprehensive. Hence, then, the objector would say the an, in the shtra ur an,&c., is the more comprehensive one. But, says the siddhanti, this is not a case in which the substitute has an added on to it. Does it follow from Pånini's work itself that no ris to be adiled ? For aught we know, Panini may have meant that should be added in this case also. Now, the evidence from Panini for this is in the shtra rita iddhatoh. This is the reason, says the siddhanti, 'why the word dhatu is put in the sutra,- that in such cases 88 Mátrinam and Pitrinam, which are not dhatus, ir may not be substituted for the long rí. If the long vowel subatitute in Mátrinam had an r foHowing it, it would not be necessary to put the word dhátu in this sutra, for Matrir would not then be an anga 'or basef ending in rí, and such bases only are intended in the sutra rita iddhá toh. The use of the word dhátu then shows that "the Acharya sees that in Mátrinam, &c., the long substitute has not an following it, and hence ho uses the word dhátu in the stra." | Now, it is evident from this that the Acharya is Pånini, for the acharya is spoken of as having put the word dhatu in the shtra for a certain purpose. The author of the statras being Panini, the acharya meant must be he himself. In the same manner, in the passage at page 196 (Ballant. edition), Pinini is intended, for the Acharya is there spoken of as having put i after ri in the stra urrit. Similarly, in Page 197, the acharya is represented as having used twice in the pratyahara stras. The author of these stras, then, is meant there. And I may say that, so far as I have seen the Bhashya, the word acharya used in this way applies either to Pânini or Katyayans, and Patanjali never speaks of himself as acharya.
Thirdly.-Prof. Weber's interpretation of the vârtika parokshecha loka,&c., is differene from Dr. Goldstücker's and nine. But he will see that our interpretation is confirmed by Kaiyata and Nagojilbatta. He seems to take paroksham in the sense of the past.' wrong or not good. It ought to be anantyuttad, as in the new Banaras edition.
Pas'yatitvůcharyo nâtre raparatvam bhavati tato dbtu agrahanm karuti.
• The reading in the Banaras edition is archyah, and not archál.
† Antyatvdd, the reading in Ballantyne's Mahabhäsbya, is

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(See Elliot's Historians, by Dowson, Vol. I. p. 3, and note-also the map at page 32; and at page 30 the same itinerary in al-Istakehrt; also in Idrisi at page 85). The last-mentioned geographer says: “They fish for pearls here. It is in the vicinity of Bara, a small island on which some cocoanut trees and the costus grow." Can any explanation be given of this? The passage looks as if it might contain some light on the Perimula of Pliny, which was according to his indications-(1) the chief mart of India, (2) the seat of a pearl-fishery, (3) somewhere on the west coast, and (4) certainly anything rather than Manar, as Lassen makes it.
But Patanjali's own explanation is param akshnoh paroksham (that which is turned away from the eyes, i. e., not seen), and one of his quotations from other writers about the sense of the word is kudya-katantaritam parokshamo (that which is hidden from one even by a fence), both of which show that the only essential sense of the word is 'a thing not seen by the speaker.' Dars'ana-vishaya, the Professor interprets by 'a thing once seen, or that once fell within the range of the speaker's vision ;' but if it has been once seen, it can never be called puroksha in the sense which is always attributed to the word.
Fourthly.-Prof. Weber quotes from Patanjali the passage mathurayah Pátaliputram pûrvam, and infers that the author of the Mabâbh­a lived to the east of Pataliputra. His interpretation of the passage seems to be Påtaliputra is first and Mathura afterwards. But the natural sense is
Pataliputra is to the east of Mathura,' as it is, or rather was, as a matter of fact. That Patanjali lived, not to the east of Påtaliputra, but to the northwest of Saketa, I have shown in a separate article. Lastly, Dr. Goldstücker and Prof. Weber understand the word úcháryades'iya used by Kaiyata in some places in the sense of countryman of the acharya.' It is not annatural that an antiquarian, looking for historical facts in what he reads, should interpret his author the ; but it is not natural that a Hindu commentator, caring only for his subject, and not at all for history, should use such an expression to contrast one of the authors he comments on with another. Ho will look to the scale of estimation in which he holds them. To the Hindu grammarian the greatest acharya is Pånini, next to him is Katyayana, and next to this latter is Patanjali. If it is necessary in one place to contrast one of them with another, he would naturally use some such expression as acharya and achárya the younger. And this appears to me to be the sense of the word, and a Hindu would naturally understand it thus. It is derived, according to Pán. V. 3, 67 ; but the sense ought not to be taken as an unaccomplished teacher, as Dr. Goldstäcker does, but a teacher who is lower in the scale, or the younger teacher. And that Patanjali was ro is plain. That there is very great reason te believe that Patanjali and Kâty&yans did not belong to the same country, I have shown elsewhere.
RAMKRISHNA G. BHANDARKAR.
NOTES 1. I HEARTILY accept the Editor's correction about the true identity of Supara (see Vol. I. p. 321). I was not aware of the survival of the name near Waski, and I followed Ibn Haukal's data, which present the itinerary as follows: Carbay to Sabarah, 4 marches (1 parasang from
the sea.) Sabarah to Sindan, 5 , (do. do Sindan to Saimûr, 5 • Seo the Mahabhashya under Parokshe lit. III. 2, 115.
2. The following, short extracts from Valentyne's History of the Dutch East Indies may be of interest to many of your readers, as an item in the history of the "Discovery of Sanskrit." That very industrions and intelligent author, after referring to what had been written by the chaplains, Abraham Rogerius and Philip Baldaeus, concerning the Hindu religion, proceeds:-"We do indeed find many things in those two books concerning the religion (of the heathen); but yet by no means all that it would be well to know. And the sole cause of this is that neither of those gentlemen understood the Sanskrit language (which Rogerius calls Samscortams, and which others call Girandam or Kerendum), in which language the Vedam, or Holy Law book of these heathens, is written. And thus they had no power to read or translate the Vedam, and thereby to lay open before the eyes of the world this religion in its real essence and on its true foundation, .... Above all, it would be a matter of general utility to the coast that some more chaplains should be maintained there for the sole purpose of studying the Sanskrit tongue,t the head-and-mother tongue of most Eastern languages, and once for all to make an exact translation of the Vedam, or Lawbook of the Heathen (which is followed not only by the heathen on this coast, but also, in whole or in part, in Ceylon, Malabar, Bengal, Surat, and other neighbouring kingdoms), and thereby to give such preachers further facilities for the more powerful conviction of the heathen here and elsewhere, on their own ground, and for the disclosure of many mysteries and other matters with which we are now unacquainted. . . . . This Lawbook of the Heathen, called the Vedam, had in the very old times 4 parts, though one of these is now lost.... These four parts were named Roggo Vedam, Sadura or Issoure Vedam, Sama Vedam, and Tarawan or Adderawana Vedam."-Keurlyke Beschryving van Choromandel, pp. 72, 73 in Vol. V. Palermo, Dec. 26, 1872. H. YULE, Colonel.
+ "De Sanskritse taal."

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Query.
THIRTEEN miles north of the city of Dacca is a village called Uttarkhân, with an old tomb said to be that of Shah Kabir. His descendants possess a sanad dated A. H. 1047 (1637), conferring a piece of land rent-free on "Khandesh 'urf Burhanpur Kabir Wali Agha." In addition; he was allowed a sum of money, which, with the rent of the lâkhiraj land, amounted to eight rupees a day.
Can any of your readers give further particulars regarding this Shah Kabîr? The last king of Khandesh was Bahadur Shah, or, as he is styled by Prinsep, Bahadur Khân Turkî, who, after the conquest of his country by Akbar in A. D. 1600, was imprisoned in Gwalior. Was Shah Kabir his son?
JAMES WISE.
Dacca, 20th Feb. 1873.
REMARK ON THE NOTE CONCERNING ANCIENT DRAVIDIAN NUMERALS.*
THE Dravidian tribes along the crests of the Eastern Ghats, and those who inhabit the interior of the country between the Godavari and the Mahanadi, are notably deficient in the art of counting.
Towards the north, where their speech has been influenced by Uriya immigrants, the higher numbers are adopted from that language; and about the Godavari, where the Telugus have come among them, the aborigines have made use of Telugu for this purpose. I give a few examples :Köi-Orrote, Irruvar, Muvvar, Nalar, Aivvar, A'ruvar, Veduvar, Ennunidi (Tel.+), Tommidi (Tel.), Padi (Tel.), &c. Gadaba-Moi, Umbâr, Iyen, Mun, Mulloi, Tiyir, Sât (Uriya), A't (Ur.), No (Ur), &c., &c. Kerang Kapu-Moi, Umbar, Ingi, O, Malloi, Turu, Ga, Tammar, Santing, Go'a, Gommoi, Gombâru, Gongi, Gôuk, Gominali, Gotturu, Gogu, Gottamar, Gosanting, Salgam, &c.
Pengu Porja-Ruân, Ria, Tia (Ur.), Chår (Ur.), Pânch (Ur.), &c., &c.
Durwa Gonds-Undi, Rand, Mund, Nâlu, Hânig, Harung, Sât (Ur.), A't (Ur.), No (Ur.), &c., &c. Selliya Porja-Undre, Rundi, Mundri, Nalge, Aidu (Tel.), A'ru (Tel.), &c., &c. Tagara Porja-Vakat, Irudu, Mundu, Nâlu, Chendu, Soitan, Sât (Ur.), A't (Ur.), &c.
These tribes are classed as Dravidian and Kolairean, the Kerang Kapu and the Gadaba being of the latter strain, and the rest of the former. Of the Dravidians, none can count in their own language beyond 'seven.' The Penga Porja, indeed, has had to borrow a word for three.' No attempt has yet been made to study the derivation of these words; but if the Köi has a word signifying 'to be nice' or 'to be beautiful-which I am inclined to
See Ind. Ant. Vol. II. p. 24. Tel. Telugu. Ur.= Uriya.
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doubt akin to his expression for 'four,' I shall, on its discovery, derive it from Nâlûr, and not Nålår from it.
The numeration of the Kerang Kâpus seems to be better developed than that of the Gadabas. The two belong, evidently, to the same family; and it is curious that the Gadaba, when casting about for an expression for 'seven,' should have taken an Uriya word, and not one of the dialect akin to his own. It will be seen that the Kerang Kapu has a decimal notation. I am inclined to think that this idea must have been borrowed from the Aryan type, as I have a list of Gadaba numerals which betray a leaning towards a quaternary notation. In the table alluded to, eight' is called Vumbârupunja, i.e., 2-4, and 9 Vumbâru-punja-moi, i.e., 2-4-1. H. G. T.
Vizagapatam, 10th Feb. 1873.
THE SAURASHTRA SOCIETY.
A SOCIETY has been formed in Kathiawar for the purpose of investigating the geography, natural history, ethnology, antiquities, and folklore of the peninsula. The officers and chiefs of the province, and many of the Pandits and men of learning and influence among the natives, are joining, and hopes are entertained that the Society will facilitate the efforts of antiquaries in Bombay and elsewhere, at least so far as pointing out to them the places that ought to be examined.
PARJANYA, THE RAIN GOD.
[As represented in the hymns of the Rig-Veda, v. 88, and vii. 100, 101.] I. Parjanya laud with praises meet; The fertilizing god extol
And ble-s, of living things the soul, Whose advent men, exulting, greet. II. In steeds a charioteer has spurred, His watery scouts before him fly. Far off, within the darkening sky, The thundering lion's roar is heard. III.
Fierce blow the blasts, the lightnings flash, Men, cattle, flee in wild affright. Avenging bolts the wicked smite; The guiltless quake to hear the crash. IV. Malignant demons stricken lie; The forest's leafy monarchs.tall Convulsed, uprooted, prostrate fall, Whene'er Parjanya passes by. V..
Urge on thy car, Parjanya, haste,
And, as thou sweepest o'er the sky, Thine ample waterskinst untie To slake with showers the thirsty waste.
This image is, of course, found in the original. It is well known that in Eastern countries, skins are used for preserving wine and carrying water.

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VI.
Now forth let swollen streamlets burst, And o'er the withered meadows flow: Let plants their quickening influence know, And pining cattle quench their thirst.
VII.
Thy wondrous might, O god, declare;
With verdure bright the earth adorn, Clothe far and wide the fields with corn, And food for all the world prepare.
VIII.
But 0, we pray, Parjanya kind, Since now our harvests, drenched with rain, Invoke the Solar powers in vain, Thy waterskins no more unbind. Edinburgh, Sept. 13, 1872.
J. MUIR.
[MARCH, 1873.
in order to get information about it. The place, however, still remains, but as a small village with a scanty population of schismatic Nestorians; it is inland from Cranganore, and a few miles to the north of Angamali. The Jesuits appear to have built here a seminary and church dedicated to St. Thomas soon after 1550, and in consequence of the results of the Synod of Udayompura, presided over by Alexius Menezes, Archbishop of Goa, in 1599, it became a place of great importance to the mission. Sanskrit, Tamil, Malayalam, and Syriac were studied by the Portuguese Jesuits residing there with great success,† and several important works were printed, of which, however, we have only the names left us as recorded by F. de Souza and others, and still later by Fr. Paulinus. The last tells us that:" Anno 1679 in oppido Ambalacátta in lignum incisi alii characteres Tamulici per Ignatium Aichamoni indigenam Malabarensem, iisque in lucem prodiit opus inscriptum : Vocabulario Tamulico com a significaçao Portugueza composto pello P. Antem de Proença da Comp. de Jesu, Miss. de Maduré." The first Malabar-Tamil (? Malayalam) types had been cut by a lay brother of the Jesuits, Joannes Gonsalves, at Cochin, in 1577. Ambalacatta was destroyed by order of Tipu, when his army invaded Cochin and Travancore; a true barbarian and savage, he spared neither Christians nor Hindus, and to him attaches the infamy of destroying most of the ancient Sanskrit MSS. which time had spared in 8. India. Brahmans have yet stories current, how in those times their ancestors had to flee to the forests with a few of their most precious books and possessions, leaving the remainder to the flames. A. B.-in Trübner's Record, Oct. 31.
DEFINITION OF FO OR BUDDHA.
EARLY PRINTING IN INDIA. THE art of printing was introduced into India by the Gos Jesuits about the middle of the sixteenth century, but they printed only in the Roman character at first. Father Estevao (ie., Stephens, an Englishman), about 1600, speaks of the Roman character as exclusively used for writing Konkani, and the system of transcription which he used in his Konkant Grammar (Arte de lingoa Canarin) and Purann is really worthy of admiration. It is based on the Portuguese pronunciation of the alphabet, but is accurate and complete, and has been used by the numerous Konkant Roman Catholics of the west coast of India up to the present time. In the seventeenth century the Jesuits appear to have had two presses at Gos; in their College of St. Paul at Goa, and in their house at Rachol. Few specimens of their work have been preserved, but there is ample evidence that they printed a considerable number of books, and some of large size. About the end of the seventeenth century, it became the practice at Gos to advance natives to high office in the Church, and from that time ruin and degradation began, and the labours of the early Jesuits disap-intelligent nature."-" Where is this nature to be found ?" rejoined the king. "In the knowledge of Fo," answered the disciple; "that is, in the understanding which comprehends intelligent nature." The king reiterated the question-"Where does it reside then ?" The disciple replied-"In use and knowledge."-" What is this use?" said the king, "for I do not comprehend it." Poloti replied" In that you speak, you use this nature; but," added he, "you do not perceive it on account of your blindness."-" What," said the king, "does this nature reside in me ?" The disciple replied"If you knew how to make use of it, you would find it throughout you; since you do not use it, you cannot discern it."" But in how many places
"WHAT is Fo?" asked an Indian king of a disciple of a saint of Hindustan named Tamo. This disciple, whose name was Poloti, replied-" Fo is nothing else than the perfect knowledge of nature
peared. Literature was entirely neglected, and the productions of the early presses were probably used as waste-paper by the monks, or left to certain destruction by remaining unused and uncared for on their bookshelves. There is, however, in the Cochin territory a place quite as famous as Goa in the history of printing in India. Often mentioned by travellers in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, Ambalacatta (i.e., Ambalakkádu, or "Churchwood") is not to be found on the maps, and recent inquirers have supposed that the site is forgotten, and that inquiry was useless. The late Major Carr appears to have arrived at this conclusion after visiting Goa
This verse, which has been mainly suggested by the (in Scotland) disastrous rains of the present season, is justifed by a brief reference in a verse of one of the hymns (v. 88, 10).
The German Jesuit Hanxleden, who died at Pasar (in S. Malabar) in 1732, possessed a comprehensive knowledge of Sanskrit literature.

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does it reveal itself to those who use it ?" inquired the king. "In eight," replied the disciple, adding as follows:-" Seeing, hearing, smelling, tasting, touching, speaking, and walking are our corporeal faculties; but there is yet another faculty in us and throughout us, which includes in itself the three worlds, and comprehends all things in the small space of our bodies. This faculty is called nature by wise men, and soul by fools." The king then became converted; and having sent for Tamo, by the advice of Poloti, embraced the religion of Fo, whose mysteries were fully explained to him by the saint.-Asiatic Journal, vol. xxi, 1826.
MISCELLANEA.
EXTRACTS FROM SHERRING'S 'CASTES."* KAYASTHS.
THE Writer caste comes somewhere at the head of the Sudras, or between them and the Vais'yas. Nothing is known decisively respecting its origin; and although disputation on the subject seems to have been unbounded, no satisfactory result has been arrived at. The Kayasths themselves affirm that their common ancestor, on the father's side, was a Brahman; and therefore lay claim to a high position among Indian castes. But the Brâhmans repudiate the connection, and deny their right to the claim, giving them the rank of S'udras merely. Wilson, in his Glossary, states that they sprang from a Kshatriya father and a Vais'y a mother, but gives no authority for the assertion. According to the Padam Purana, they derive their origin, like the superior castes, from Brahma, the first deity of the Hindu Triad. The Brahmans assent to this; but add that it was from the feet of Brahma, the least honourable part, from which they imagine all the Sudra castes have proceeded. The Kayastha as a body trace their descent from one Chitrgupt, though none can show who he was, or in what epoch he existed. They regard him as a species of divinity, who after this life will summon them before him, and dispense justice upon them according to their actions, sending the good to heaven and the wicked to hell. The Jatimala says that the Kayasths are true Sudras. Manu, however (X. 6), states that they are the offspring of a Brahman father and a Sudra mother. With so many different authorities it is impossible to affirm which is correct.
99
accountants to all classes of the community, official and non-official. Thus it comes to pass that the influence and importance of the Kayasths are felt in every direction, and are hardly equalled in proportion to their numbers by any other caste, not excepting even the Brahmanical. As revenue officers, expounders of law, keepers of registers of property, and so forth, they are extensively employed; indeed they regard such duties as theirs by special birthright, while other persons who may discharge them are, in their estimation, interlopers. These views are rudely dealt with by the liberal Government of India, which shows no respect to persons or castes, and selects for its servants the best qualified individuals. Nevertheless the Kayasths adhere to the notion in spite of the difficulty of defending it.
In point of education, intelligence, and enterprise, this caste occupies deservedly a high position. A large number of Government officials in Indian courts of law, and of waqils, or barristers, belong to it; and in fact it supplies writers and
The proportion of men able to read and write in this caste is, I believe, greater than in any other, excepting the Brahmans. They are eager in the pursuit of knowledge, and send their sons in large numbers both to the Government and missionary colleges and schools in all parts of the country. I understand that a considerable number of the women of this tribe can read; and that it is esteemed a shame for any man of the caste not to be able to do so. In regard to their position in Bengal, Mr. Campbell, in his "Ethnology of India," makes the following observations :-" In Bengal," he says, "the Kaits seem to rank next, or nearly next, to the Brahmans, and form an aristocratic class. They have extensive proprietary rights in the land, and also, I believe, cultivate a good deal. Of the ministerial places in the public offices they have the larger share. In the educational institutions and higher professions of Calcutta, they are, I believe, quite equal to the Brahmans, all qualities taken together; though some detailed information of different classes, as shown by the educational tests, would be very interesting. Among the native pleaders of the High Court, most of the ablest men are either Brahmans or Kaits; perhaps the ablest of all, at this moment (1866), is a Kait." Speaking of the Kayasths in Hindustan Proper, in contradistinction to Bengal and other parts of India, his remarks are of value. "Somehow there has sprung up this special Writer class, which among Hindus has not only rivalled the Brahmans, but in Hindustan may be said to have almost wholly ousted them from secular literate work, and under our Government is rapidly ousting the Mahomedans also. Very sharp and clever these Kaits certainly are."
* Continued from page 82,

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The Kayasths are notorious for their drinking and gambling propensities. On special occasions many of them devote day and night to these vices, by reason of which the caste loses inuch of that respectability which its talent and education would otherwise secure. These terrible evils well illustrate, however, the bondage of caste. Whatever any caste sanctions, whether it be right or wrong, its members are in honour bound to carry out. This accounts for the prevalence of these two pernicious habits among the Kayasths. The caste upholds and sanctions them, so that I believe he would be regarded as a renegade who should not, on great occasions, indulge in them. Yet a few persons are to be found here and there-in the caste, who altogether spurn such habits; and to keep themselves quite pure, as they imagine, from pollution, neither drink spirits, nor gamble, nor eat flesh. They are termed bhagats, or religious persons, and wear the sacred thread, and the kanthi or small necklace of beads. Should they, at any time, fall into tempta- tion, these sacred objects are taken from them.
There is one other evil to which this tribe is addicted, which indeed is not peculiar to the Kayasth caste, but is cherished, more or less, by all casts of overy degree. This is the inordinate expense incurred at marriage festivals. Some meinbers of the Kayasth caste, the 8rf. Bastabs in particular, indulge in such expenses to a most extravagant and ruinous extent. Men with an income of ten rupees a month, will spend three hundred, and even five hundred, at the marriage of their daughters, which they borrow at the enormous interest of twenty-four per cento per annum, or more, and under the burden of which they lie for many years, and at their death band down, perhape, to their children. Great and most laudable efforts have been made of late in Banaras, Allahabad, and other cities in the North-Western Provinces, to bring not only the Kayasths, but all the principal castes, to agree to a great diminution of marriage expenses. This, it is hoped, will faci- litate marriage; and lessen, if not wipe out, the crime of infanticide so prevalent among certain castes; and give to Hindu girls, not only a better chance to live, but also a more honourable, because less expensive, position in native society.
The Kayasths are called Devi-putra, or sons of Devi, a term used to express a female divinity in general. In other words, they pay more homage to female deities than to male; though why, I am
unable to say. They hold Brahmans in great respect, more so, perhaps, than other castes; although every caste, from the highest to the lowest, reverences the Brahmans even to worshipping them.
This tribo is divided into twelve sub-castes, which are really independent of one another, as, with the exception of the Mathurs, the first on the list, they do not intermarry, nor eat cooked food together. They may smoke together, however, from the same cocoa-nut hukah--& condition of considerable liberty. They may all likewise drink spirits with one another indiscriminately. For some unexplained reason, it is the privilege of all the subcastes below the first to intermarry with it, although they are not permitted to intermarry with one another. The sub-castes are descended, tradition affirms, from one father, Chitrgupt, and two mothers-one the daughter of Suraj Rishi, the other the daughter of Surma Rishi. From the first inarriage four sub-castes have, it is said, proceeded, and the remainder from the second. There is also half a caste called Unai, commonly appended to these twelve, sprung, it is asserted, from a concubine of Chitrgupt. But the Kayasths proper do not associate with its members. Yet they are always spoken of as Kayasths. So that, in public Hindu estimation, there are twelve and a half castes of Kayasths. It should be stated, however, that the impure Unai sub-caste of Kayasths is devoted to trade, and does not pursue the special occupation of the Writer caste.
Tas KAYASTHS OF BENGAL. From the manuscript on Hindu Castes by Babu Kishori Lal, a native of the North-Western Provinoen, I learn that there are four separate clans of Kayasths in Bengal, the names of which are as follows 1. Kewas.
3. Sirdatt. 2. Newas.
4. Abni. For the correctness of this list I am unable to vouch. It certainly does not agree with one which I have received from a respectable Bengali Kayasth of Bendras. He states that the Bengali Kayasths are divided into eleven clans, three of which are Kulin, and are of higher rank than the rest.
17. Palit. 2. Bhose,
8. Sen. 3. Mittr,
9. Singh. 4. De.
10. Das. 5. Datta
11. Guhs. 6. Kor.
1. Gbose,
kulins.

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DIALECT OF THE PALIS.
ON THE DIALECT OF THE PALIS. By G. H. DAMANT, B.C.S., DINAJPU'R.
S be from the peculiar cus
Atoms and isolated position of the Palis, they Paunâ, châri, earthen pots.
Dâmâl, a raised path across rice-fields.
Kâintâ, the portion of land which adjoins a house.
use many words and forms of expression which would not be understood by an ordinary Bengali. Their pronunciation in itself is very indistinct and difficult to follow; the letter r they seem quite unable to pronounce, and ignore it altogether when it is an initial; again in many words they insert an initial h-thus ámi, the personal pronoun I, is invariably pronounced hami, with a strong accent on the first syllable; and the common expressions ei sthâne, se sthâne are corrupted into hiti, huti. The use of the common forms of the personal pronouns is very rare, except in speaking to superiors. Among themselves they always say mui and tui. Some of the forms they use as terminations of tenses and verbs are curious. In place of ami jaibo, 'I shall go,' a Pali will sa say mui jam, or, if he is speaking to a superior, hami jamo. For chhilâm, I was,' they say áchhilam. The plural form gula is used instead of the common Bengali forms dig or gan. I have appended a list of Pali words, which appear to have been hitherto unnoticed, in the hope that some one may be willing and able to give satisfactory explanations of them. In some instances I have ventured to hazard derivations, but they are mere conjectures. These words have been selected from a list of several hundreds, from which I have eliminated all that I could derive with certainty from either Sanskrit, Bengali, or Hindi.
Pâ ilâ, pâtil, names for a large kind of earthen pot.
Noka, painch, the young shoots of a plantain tree.
Nûkî, the young uncurled leaf of a plantain tree. No kâ and nû ki may possibly be both derived from lukâna, 'to be hid,' n and being constantly interchanged.
Laga te-first, 'near;' second, 'quickly;' in the first sense undoubtedly de.ived from la gâna.
Pâtipelâ, the inner apartments of a house.
Sandar, the land which adjoins the front door of a house. Can this be a corrupted form of Sk. siñ had wara, the principal gate of a house? Batkhûrâ, the sitting-house. Dâhunkî, a small trowel. Lelân, to cut grass with a dâhunki. f Hir, a field of sugar-cane.
Jhakparâ, to fall senseless. af Nâdâri, a newly-married woman. It may be a mere corruption of Sansk. naboḍhâ.
Kâroy, the person who arranges a marriage; answers to the ordinary Bengali word ghatak.
Labarang, a cloth made of two pieces af sewn together.
Harang, a kind of purdah formed of split bamboo, used in place of a door.
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Kahin, widow-marriage; answers to the Musalmân nika.
ft Khuti, an earthen jug.
G&bur, an old woman.
Galan, to search. Phâik, many.
Bhûnti, a torch made of straw.
Hoko: this word is used by the Palis as the name of some kind of evil spirit. I have not been able as yet to ascertain precisely what they mean by hoko, but it appears to be a spirit of the air.
Pakshipayal, plural of bird. I cannot explain payál, unless indeed it is a mere repetition of pakshi, like jal tal. Jukâle, if; probably. Sk. yat kale. Kheri, thin.
Dhareya, a mouse. Saley, a rat.
ar Saleh â, idle.
Nengar, the rope attached to a
plough.
Kuris, a club, mace, cudgel. Tui, the roof-tree, top of a house.

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faur Sikhai, the thread tied round the IT Nanga, a small cloth four cubits in length.
loins to which the neng ti is attached. 34 Dûd û yâ, cloudy, overcast. 441 Sam da, father of a son's wife or daugh- atara sant å o, storm with rain ; also wet,
ter's husband. Possibly a corruption of damp. Can this be connected with Bambandhi.
santaran, swimming ? TUE, a Phokdai, pelka, different TE Kânjiyal, the inner part of a plannames for a kind of curry.
tain tree, cf. Sk. k anjika. TE Pajhal, the Pali word for nengti.
37317 Dodana, to enrage. & Kach k at a, to cut through an ail or division between rice-fields.
T6, 16 Bang bang. open (of a door). TUIT TE Gadhaing, båhunka, a bam
sfer Anța, near. boo which is put over the shoulder to f319 Dikâna, to be assembled. carry burdens. Gad haing, I am told,
s Phoksali, wife's eldest sister. is an Assamese word; and b â hunk a
#itara Soratâna, to scratch. may be a corruption of the common Bengali word bank.
HET Mokcba, skin. ATT Katara, a plank attached to an oil-mill Sinj a, the dried stalk of the jute plant. on which the driver sits.
I Gedâna, to abuse. Test Guld, the block of wood inside the mill acar Perta, the handle of a plough.
which squeezes the oil from the seeds. * Ghoka na, to threaten. Saya, a piece of wood attached to the
Hit Så så na, to converse. gula. Bat Chheunt-used in two senses—first, a
# Jhâñtka, a kind of comb. piece of sugar-cane; secondly, a woman's
grarka H&tâis, an axe. cloth. In the first sense it is probably TT Chasipa, a candle-stick. connected with the root chhid, to split; Kachulu, red powder used at the Holi in the second, with chhad, to cover;
festival. but the corruption is remarkable.
# Bhom, a smell. HET Bhûsi, the hollow beneath a rice-pounding
ATIK Mâroi, a catcherry or sitting-house. machine.
Hadh karâ, to mock. Karar Daimîrê, to thresh corn with oxen. Marê is the common Bengali mârâ;
To Bhelguli, many. but d â i I cannot explain.
FRA Kimkim, difficult. ET Mûsh, ashes. This word may be connected gly Jhâmp, a kind of cloth. with the Sk. root mush, to steal, but the
26 Tengana, & mouse. connection is not obvious, cf. dh yulmushi, the act of cleansing a house
! REICH Hisim, difficult. after child-birth.
are Ahor, an outcry. Wat Bankar, broken rice.
ATE Sagai, a relative; also a nika marringe. ah Jama, a muzzle put on cattle.
E Hesa, flesh.
ABHINANDA. THE GAUDA.
BY G. BÜHLER, Ph. D. AMONGST the poets, whose works are quoted works, I found that they contain several by Sarngadhara in his large collection of statements regarding the family of the author,
elegant extracts,' is & Gauda called Abhinandu which are not without importance for the history, or Abhinandana. Two works of this author, the and especially the literary history, of India. I Ramacharitramahâkavya and the Kadambari- think, therefore, that it will not be useless to kathására, are marked in my Catalogue of MSS. publish a separate notice of this little-known poet. from Gujarât, fascicle II. p. 102, no. 187, and The Ramacharitra is by far the most extensive p. 128, no. 6. When I lately examined these of his two productions. The MS. inspected

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ABHINANDA THE GAUDA.
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which appears to be at least four hundred years Abhinanda's boasting about his work is not old, contains portions of thirty-six Sargas, viz. quite groundless. His style is easy and flowing, Sargas I.-VI. 82; Sargas XV. 20-XIX.1; the and simpler and more intelligible than that of latter portion of Sarga XXII. ; Sargas XXIII. most of the later. Sanskrit poets. Should a XXIX.; a large portion of Sarga XXX., and complete MS, of the Ramacharitra turn up, I it Sargas XXXI.-XXXVI. 19. The leaves are would be well worth printing. in great confusion, and Sargas XVI. 40—XVIII. Abhinanda's second poem, the Kadambarihave been placed last. The first verses of the kathására, has less literary value, but greater poem run thus :
historical importance. The MS. which is menAtha mályavatah prasthe kamukasya viyoginah | tioned in my Catalogue, and the perusal of which Durnivarà śrusamvego jagama jaladá gamah #11 I owe to the courtesy of Mr. Nilkanth Ranchod, Saśâma vpishtir meghínâm utsange tasya bhů- is very old and in excellent preservation. It bhritaḥ 1.
contains an epitome of the Kadambart of Virarama na râmasya dhârásamtatir aśrunaḥ 121 B Åņa and of its continuation by Båna's
The work, as appears from this specimen, is unnamed son. With the exception of the last written in Anushtubh slokas. It treats, as its stanzas, the metre is throughout Anushtubh, and title indicates, of the history of Râma, but only the style is, as simple and easy as that of of that portion of the hero's adventures which the Ramacharitra. Its most important part is follow the rape of Sitâ, i. e. of his war against the introduction, vs. 1-12, in which the poet and conquest of Lanka. At the beginning and at gives some account of his family. It runs as the end of several cantos, Abhinanda praises follows: his patron, the Yuvarâja or prince-royal Håra.
Sarasvatyai namah varsha, whom he calls the son of Vikra
Sriyam dadhatu vaḥ saurerdvaye tulyasramah mabila (Vikramasilanandana), III. 99),
kramâhi and the moon of the lotus-forest-like family of
Ye chi dau goshpadam paśchât trailokyam kraSridharmapala. He tells us also that
mataścha ye 11 this prince made after Håla, the author
Sarasah sadalamkârâh prasadamadhurê girah of the Saptašati or Gáthákosha, a collection of
Kantástâtajayantasya jayanti jagatam guroh 1 2 stanzas from various poets. The exact words of the text are
Gunoddyotanadîpanam satår na param ujjvaNamah srihåravarsha ya yena hAladanantaram
lam . Svakoshah kavikoshåņam &virbhêviya sam
YAvanmalinam apyeshâm karmadpishțeh prasabhřitah
dhanam 31. Praise to the illustrious Haravarsha, who,
Gunopi kriśaḥ prathate prithurupyapachiyate I. after Hala, collected his own Kosha in order to
Pripya sidhukhalau chandraḥ pakshåviva sitmake known the treasures of poets.'
sitnu 14||. In several passages he also praises himself
Saktirnî mâbhavadgando bhâradvajakule sthiand his work. Thus we read at the end of
tahi. Sarga XVIII. the following verse, which probably
Darvabhisa ramasadyn kritada raparigrnhaḥ 58 was intended to conclude the whole poem:
Tasya mitra bhidhânobhûdâ tmajastejasâm nidAchandrasûryam nidadhe jagatsu vyåsasya yad.
hihi vajjanamejayena
Janena doshoparamaprabuddhenarchitodayah Eshobhinandasya mahaprabandhah kshonibhuja
Sa saktisvâminam putram avapa śrutisalinan bhîmaparakramena |
Rajñaḥ karkolavansasya mukta pidasya mantri*This great romance of Abhinanda has ņam 17. been established in the world, to last as long as Kalyanastâminamisya Få ñavalkya ivabharat sun and moon endure, by the princ. of awe. Tannyal Suddhayogarddhinirdhutnbhavnknima. inspiring bravery, just as V yasa's (Mahi- shahi bharata was established) by Jana meja ya.' Agadhabridnyattasmít parmesvaramanganami * II. 1.106; III. 99; XXII. end XXIII. 90; XXVIII.mnd. Since writing the above I lar: heard that oue of my
+ XXVIII. end-after the colophon: Sridharmapalakas anteprima copy of the kairavakananenduh...... Vijayate yuvarijadevah.

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Ajayata sutaḥ kântaśchandro dugdhodadhe- just as the moon was produced from the milk
riva 19.
ocean.
10. He begat a son, who gladdened men's hearts, named Jayanta, to whom Sarasvatî, the giver of poetry and eloquence, belonged manifestly as his own.
11. To him, who openly bore as a second name the title 'the scholiast,' was born a son, known as Abhinanda.
Putram kritajananandam sa jayantam ajîjanat Vyakta kavitvavaktritvaphala yasya sarasvati # 10.
Vrittikâra iti vyaktam dvitîyam nâma bibhrataḥ Sanuḥ samudabhût tasmâdabhinanda iti śrutah 11.
Kavyavistarasamdhanakhedâlasadhiyam prati Tena kâdambarîsindhoḥ kathâmâtram samuddhritam | 12. "Praise to Sarasvati!
1. May the steps of Sauri, accomplished with equal labour, both those which first he made when stepping over the (path of the cow), and those which he made when striding through the three worlds, give you prosperity.
2. Glory to the lovely, pleasingly sweet song of my father Jayanta, the teacher of the worlds, (to that song) which is full of sentiment and possessed of true ornaments.'
3. There is nothing more resplendent than good men, who shine through their virtues (guna) just as lamps shine through their wicks (guna), since their faults even serve to adorn the aspect of their works (just as lamp-soot serves to adorn the eye).
4. Small qualities even increase, and great ones even decrease, according as they reside in good or bad men, just as the moon increases or decreases according as she reaches the white or the black half of the month.
5. There was a Gauda of the family of Bharadvaja, called Sakti, who went to Darvabhisara and married there.
6. To him was born a son, named Mitra, whose appearance was worshipped by those who had obtained the true knowledge after destroying their sinful desires (just as the rising sun [Mitra] is worshipped by men after they have been awakened at the end of the night).
7. He obtained a son, learned in the revealed texts, Sakti svå min by name, who was the minister of Muktâpiḍa, a king of the Karkota line.
8. His son was Kalyanasvamin, who, like Yajnavalky a, destroyed the stains of (this) existence by the acquisition of pure Yoga.
9. From that deep-hearted man was born a son, called Kanta, an ornament of the creator,
Ind. Alt. III. 1017.
12. He has extracted from the ocean of the Kadambari the story only, for the sake of those who are too lazy to undergo the trouble of reading that extensive poem."
In considering the several items of information contained in the extracts given above, it will be most convenient to begin with those furnished by the Kádambarikathására. From this work it appears that Abhinanda-for this, and not A b hinanadana, is the form of the poet's name which occurs in my MSS.belonged to a family of Gauda or Bengal Brahmans, who claimed descent from the sage Bharadvaja. The sixth ancestor of the poet, Sakti, emigrated to and settled in Dârvabhisara. Abhisâra, the country of King Abissares, is, according to Lassen,* a province to the south of Kashinir, whilst Dârva lies to the north-west of the same kingdom. General Cunningham† places Abhisára also to the north-west of Kashmir, and the fact that Abhinanda as well as Kalhana (e. g. Ráj. IV. 711) form a compound of the two names, indicates that both regions lay close together and probably formed a political unit. Without entering further into the question of their exact geographical position, it will suffice for our purpose to state that Dârvâbhisara lay on the frontiers of Kashmir, and formed part of that kingdom down to the reign of Utpalapida, the last of the Karkota kings.
S'akti's family must soon have risen to influence in its new country, as his grandson is stated to have been minister to king Muktapiḍa of the Karkota dynasty. The Naga or Karkota family occupied the throne of Kashmir from the beginning of the seventh to the end of the ninth century. The first Karkota king was Durlabhavardhana, who reigned thirtysix years. His son and successor was Durlab h a ka or Pratâ på ditya, who ruled for
† Anc. Geog., Maps V. and VI.

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ABHINANDA THE GAUDA.
105
fifty years. Three sons of this king, Chandra- | Secondly, a passage of the fourth Taranga, pida, Târâpida, and Lalit aditya, in which the sons of Durlabhaka-Pratâpâditya successively occupied the throne. Chandra- are enumerated, shows likewise, if rightly interpida, the eldest of them, is stated to have preted, that the two names designate the same reigned eight years and eight months. He was person. We read Ráj. IV. 39–43: murdered by his brother Târâ pida, who Kramena cha prajâpunyais chandrapîqabhidham enjoyed the fruits of his crime during four years, sutam one month, and six days. The latter was suc- Prasoshta pârthivavadhur nidhanamiva mediceeded by Lalit aditya, one of the most nî | 391 powerful kings of Kashmir, whose reign extend- TasyAbhijanamalinyam svachchhair achchedi ed over more than thirty-six years. It was tadguņaih under this latter prince that Saktisvamin held Sana makakamaih kârshṇyam Akarottham maoffice. For Muktàpida is only another name
ņeriva | 40 of Lalitâditya.
Dhimad gâdhamalîmasachchhuchi payaḥ süte Since the truth of this latter fact has not, as
ghaṇasyodgamo far as I know, been recognized, and Lassen, on
Lohasyatisitasya jâtir achalât kuņthâśmamathe contrary, declares Mukta pida and
lâm arất Lalit aditya to be two different persons,
Kimchâtyantajadájjalâd dyatimato jvâlâdhvajaI may briefly state the grounds on which my
syodbhavo statement is based. Firstly, Kalhana, who in the
Janmavadhyanukariņo na mahatâm satyam svabeginning of the fourth book of the Rajata
bhâvâh kvachit | 41 || rangini gives the series of kings as exhibited
Târâpidopi tanayah kramat tasyam ajậyata above, viz. Durlabna vardhana, Durla
Avimuktápidanamâ muktapidopi bhupateh || 42 || bhaka-Pratâ pâditya, Chand rapida,
Vajradityodayaditya lalitâdityasamjñakah Târâ pida, Lalita ditya, in his resumé Pratápadityajâh khyatâéchandrápidadayopi te of the history of Kashmir, VIII. 2525b seqq.,
|| 43 | uses the following words:
"And, in course of time, the wife of the Baladityasya jamâtâ
kingt bore, i consequence of the subjects' tato durlabhavardhanah | 2525
merit, a son called Chandrapida, just as Sunurdurlabhakas tasya chandrápidobhavat
the earth (brings forth) a treasure. tatah
40. The uncleanness of his descent was deTârâ pidonujanmâsya muktậpidosya chânujah stroyed by his pure qualities, just as the black2526
ness attaching to the diamond when it comes Bhûpâvâstâm kuvalayapido dvaimâturosya cha out of the mine (is destroyed) by the particles Vajradityaḥ sutaut rajño muktápidasya tatsutau of the polishing-stone. 1 25271
41. The rainy season produces clear water "The son-in-law of Bå laditya, Dur. from deup-black smoke-like mist; very bright labhavardhana, followed next. His son metals come as dull ore from the mountain. (?) was Durlabhaka; then followed Chandra- Besides, the resplendent fire is produced from pida, (then) his younger brother Tår&pida,
the exceedingly dull water. Forsooth, the naand (next) his (the latter's) junior, Mukta- ture of great (persons or things) does not depida. Kings were next Kuvalay Apida pend on their origin. and his half-brother Vajraditya, the sons 42. From that (queen) were born, saccesof King Muktậpida. The sons of him (i.e. sively, a (second) son of the king, called T & råVajraditya) were," &c.
pida, and a third) Mukt & pidas, whose In this passage the name Lalit Aditya name (ought to have been) Avimukt & pidoes not occur at all, but in its stead Mukta- da, i.e., he whose diadem is never taken off. pida.
43. These sons of Pratâ paditya are • Lassen, Ind. Alt. III. 992 seqq. + Suto-Calc. edition. Mukt&pida might be interpreted to mean, 'he
1 This wife' was Narendraprabha, who, originally mar whose diadem is taken off. Hence Kalhana, bearing in ried to a Vanid called Nona, had been ceded by her husband mind the greatness of this ruler, says his name ought to to King Pratápaditya. Her position seems to have been have been Avimuktàpids. The proper translation of Mukrather that of a favourite concubine than that of a legiti- tàpida is, however, he whose diadem contains pearls.' mato wife : see verse 40.

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also known by the appellations 'Vajrâditya, Udayâditya, and Lalitâditya.'
Iassen understands the last two verses, quoted and translated above, to indicate that Pratâpâditya had seven sons, whose names were Chandrapida, Târâpida, Avimuktâpida, Muktâpida, Vajrâditya, Udayâditya, and Lalitâditya. But that interpretation is inadmissible on philological grounds, and is refuted by the summary of the Kashmirian history in the eighth Taranga, as well as by an independent Chinese account of some of the Karkota kings. For a Chinese writer, first brought to light by Klaproth,† states that Chentolopili of Kashmir sent several embassies to the Chinese Court in order to ask for help against the Thibetans, and received the title king' from the emperor. The same authority asserts that Chentolopili's successor Mutopi likewise sent an embassy. Lassen has pointed out the identity of the names Chentolopili-Chandrâpida, and Mutopi-Muktapida. He has also shown that the embassy said to have been sent by Mutopi did fall in the times of Lalitâditya. Though, after what has been said above, it is impossible to agree with him in assuming that Muktâpîḍa might have been the foreign-secretary of Lalitâditya, and for this reason might have been considered by the Chinese the sender of the embassy,|| his arguments that the embassy of Mutopi was sent in Lalitâditya's times, go towards confirming my view, viz. hat the two names belong to the same person.
If, then, Saktisvamin lived under Lalitâditya, his tenure of office must have fallen in the second quarter of the 8th century A.D. According to Troyer's, Lassen's, and Cunningham's calculations, the beginning of Lalitâditya's reign is placed in the last decade of the seventh century, in 695 or 693, while H. H. Wilson fixed it in 713.§ None of these dates is, however, tenable, as the Chinese historian states that Chandrapida's first embassy arrived at Pekin in 713, and that the same king received the grant of his title in 720. It must be considered a settled principle for Indian historians that dates given by Chinese writers are to be
Ind. Alt. III. 992. + Lassen, Ind. Alt. III. 993, note 1. Lassen, Ind. Alt. III. 996. il Ind. Alt. III. 996.
[APRIL, 1873.
relied on in preference to any calculations based on the statements of Hindu chroniclers. Hence General Cunningham has lately corrected his. former adjustment of the chronology of the Karkotas. He now admits that if a title was granted to Chandrapida in 720, that prince-even if due allowance is made for the time wl: ch the transmission of the intelligence of his death from Kashmir to Pekin would require-must have been alive in 719. Consequently Târâpida's death and Lalitâditya's accession cannot have taken place before 724.
But to return to Abhinanda's family, his father Jayanta also seems to have been a person of some note. He was a poet and a commentator, probably, of the Sûtras of the Asvalâyanaśâkhâ of the Rigveda. For a Jayanta is quoted in an Advalâyanagrihy a karikâ, and some years ago, in a list of MSS. from Nasik, I came across a Jay antavṛitti on the Âśvalâyanasutras. Unfortunately I did not secure the book. But it would be worth while to look out for it, as Ja yant a is certainly older than any other known commentator of Aévalâyana.
As regards A b h in and a himself, he cannot be placed later than 830-850 A.D. The duration of a generation in India is little more than 26 years. If, therefore, Abhinanda's fourth ancestor, Śaktisvâ min, lived under Muktapida about 725, we shall have to add, say, 110 years to that date in order to obtain our poet's age. Abhinanda seems to have lived not in Kashmir, but in Gauda, the country of his forefathers. This is indicated by his surname, 'the Gauda,' and by the fact that the name of the ancestor of his patron, Dharmapala, is not to be found among the Kashmirian kings, but belongs to a powerful monarch of the Pala dynasty of Gauda. Lassen places this Dharma pâla about 815. I am unable to trace the Yuvaraja Hâravarsha the compiler of a Kosa of poetical extracts, as well as his father, Vikramasila.
Lastly, I may mention that Abhinanda was apparently a Vaishnava, as he invokes Sauri in the Mangalacharana of the Kádam
barikathására.
§ See Prinsep's Useful Tables, p. 245. Anc. Geog. p. 91.
Aufrecht, Oaf, Cat. 405a.

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THE SEVEN PAGODAS.
107
"THE SEVEN PAGODAS.
BY THE REV. MAURICE PHILLIPS, L.M.S. The celebrated rock-cut temples at Mavalive- by half-civilized Kurumbars, who had embraced ram, commonly known to Europeans as the the Jaina religion, brought to them from the "seven pagodas," have from time to time at- north. It is further stated that both Kulattracted many visitors, and called forth many tungachola and his son, after much fighting, notices in the journals of scientific societies as conquered the Kurumbars, and, by way of fixing to their origin and antiquity.
a stigma on the conquered country, changed its Mavaliveram is the name of a now small vil- name from Kurumbabhúmi to Tondamandalam, lage situated close to the sea between Covelong | "the land of slaves ;” and having cleared the and Sadras, in the vicinity of which are great forest founded the celebrated Kanchipuram masses of hill-like rocks abounding in excavations (Kanjevarem) as the capital of his new kingdom. of curious temples of varions shapes and sizes, Kulattungachola was a great warrior who with figures in high relief representing Hindu besides conquered the Telingana country. And mythology. The most celebrated of these are fortunately there are two local records in the Rathas, a cluster of fine monolithic temples Telugu among the Mackenzie MSS. which of a pyramidal shape, differing in size, and enable us to fix the date of his reign. One states covered with ornamental sculptures.
that he conquered the country in San. Sake All the sculptures are representations of Brah- 1093 (A. D. 1171), and the other records the manical mythology, chiefly taken from the Ma- gift of some charities in S. Ś'. 1065 (A.D. 1143). hâbhârata, such as the Vâmana and Varâhâ It is evident then that Kulattangachola lived incarnations of Vishnu; Krishna supporting the in the twelfth century of the Christian era, monntain of Govardhana in order to shelter his and as he must have conquered the Kurambafollowers from the wrath of Indra; the penance bhumi, in which Mavaliveram is situated, either of Arjuna ; Dronachari and the five Pandavas; before or after the Telingana country, we cannot Dharmaraja's lion-throne, and the bath of Drau- be far wrong in placing his conquest of the padi ; Vishņu recumbent on the thousand-headed former in the second half of the twelfth century Šesha; and Durga's eonfliet with Mahishasura. A.D. At that time the inhabitants of MavaliveThere are also figures of Brahma, Śiva, and ram were Jainas, and as the sculptures show no Ganesa.
traces of Jainaism, it may be concluded that If the inscriptions, both in Tamil and Sanskrit, they were not then commenced. found on some of the rocks, and which have Again, it is stated that Adondai (A. D. been translated, contained dates or gave any 1160-80) brought Brâhmans from the north to account of the commencement of the sculptures, be accountanta in his new kingdom, the Tonit would be easy to ascertain their age. But da mandalam, from which it would appear unfortunately those inseriptions only mention that there were no Brahmans there before. the names of the Rajas or Governors in whose Now the present temples at Mavaliverim are reign grants of land were made to the temples; Brahmanical Allowing then a period of 100 and as those names cannot be identified with years for the Brâhmans to suppress Jainais any line of Rajas, or with any contemporary and establish their own anthority, as a monuevent to which a date can be attached, they af- ment of which we may suppose they caused the ford no clue to the probable-age of the sculp- temples to be out, the date of their commencetures. There are a few scattered facts, however, ment cannot be placed earlier than the 18th in the Mackenzie MSS. which, when collected century A.D. and compared, enable us, with some degree of In the reign of Sundara Pandya, which apcertainty, to ascertain their age.
pears to synchronize with Marco Polo's visit to It is stated that before the time of Kulattunga- India, the Jainas were finally expelled from the chola and his illegitimate son Adondai, the Påndya country, i. 6. about A. D. 1800. Now, whole district bounded on the north by the Pe- considering the proximity of the Tondamandanår, on the south by the Palar, on the east by the lam to the Pandya kingdom, and the influence sea, and on the west by the Ghâte, was occupied which the one necessarily exerted on the other,

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it is reasonable to conclude that the reaction against the Jainas in the Pandya kingdom would be either preceded or followed by a reaction against it in the Tondamandalam, and vice versa; and that the expulsion of the Jainas from the one would pretty nearly synchronize with their expulsion from the other.
I find also that Mr. Fergusson, judging from different data altogether, has arrived at the same conclusion; for he says (History of Architecture, Vol. II. p. 502) that the Rathas were * carved by the Hindus, probably about 1300
A.D."
That Mavaliveram in ancient times was a large city, the capital of a kingdom, and the seat of the ruling sovereign, is, I think, very probable. The name in the Sthalapurâna is simply Mallapuri ; hat in the inscription near the Varâsvåmi temple, given by Sir Walter Elliot, it is enlarged into Mamallapuram by prefixing the Sanskrit adjective Maha. Mallapuri means the city of Malla,' and Mamallapuram
the city of the great Malla.' According to the Mackenzie MSS. Malla is the patronymic title of a northern tribe of mountain chiefs, who sprang from the aboriginal inhabitants, and who were non-Aryan. Probably their descendants are the low-caste Mallas of the present day, who dwell largely in the Kadapa, Belâri, and Karnul Districts. That in ancient time they were a conquering and a ruling race is very evident from the many villages which bear their name, as well as the many Rajas whose hononrable distinction was " Malla Rayer.” Probably then the Mallas were the founders of Mamallapuram, and called it after their own name. That they ruled there before the Kurumbars is evident from the fact that the town was called Mamallaparam about the time of its conquest by Kulattungachola, as appears from an inscription dated $. 1157 at the neighbouring village of Pavarakkârana's Choultry, where the name occurs, and also from the no less obvious fact that the adjective Mahá prefixed to it indicates the predominant influence of Brahmans. The Mallas were either subdued by the Kurumbars, and a malgamated with their conquerors, or they were one and the same people bearing different names in different periods. That both were aboriginal non-Aryan inhabitants there can be little doubt. Now contrasting the present abject state of the Mallas, Kurumbars, Khonds,
and other aboriginal tribes, with their former power and enterprise, we cannot fail to conclude that the time when they ruled and conquered must be very remote.
The appearance of such extraordinary and costly rock-cut temples in a sequestered spot like Mamallapuram is itself strong presumptive evidence of the former existence of a large city. It is prima facie incredible that any man, or body of men, would select an isolated uninhabited spot for the execntion of some of the best works of art in India. The present village would scarcely accommodate the workmen and their families who were engaged on the works. The idea of Dr. Babington, that the place was first procured by the Brâhmans as an Agrahara, and that they employed stone-masons at their own cost from time to time to ornament the rocks with the excavations and sculptures which we now find, is an idle conjecture. Who ever heard of Brahmaņs doing any great public works at their own cost ? The most rational supposition is that when the King embraced Hinduism, the Brahmaņs prevailed upon him to adorn the old capital by excavating these tem. ples.
The application by Brahmans of the legend of Mahabali to Malla the king of Mallapuram, and their endeavour to identify the one with the other, is to my mind no mean proof of the former existence of a large city, the capital of a kingdom. Mahabali was a Raja, living in the Tretayuga, who, by penance and austerity, had obtained possession of the whole universe, including heaven, earth, and hell, so that he was a universal monarch. He became so elated by his greatness that he omitted to perform the eustomary religious ceremonies to the gods. Vishņu, in order to check the influence of so bad an example, became incarnate in the person of a wretched Brâhmaņ dwarf, and in this form. appearing before Mahabali asked as a boon as much of his wide possessions as he could compass in three steps. This the king readily granted, upon which the dwarf grew larger, and continued to expand till he filled the whole universe, thus depriving the insolent monarch of all his possessions except hell, which he was allowed to keep. Where this legend originnted I do not know. It probably represents the victory of Hindus of the Vaishnava sect over some powerful non-Aryan king. But the ap

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plication of it to the king of Mamallapuram naturally leads us to conclude that there must have been some similarity between him and the Asura Mahabali. Now had Mamallapuram not been a noted city, and its sovereign a powerful raja, the shrewd Brahmans would not have ventured to pass off a fraud so palpable that it could not fail to be detected.
KANARESE POETRY.
The shore temple, so close to the sea that the surf in the calmest weather dashes against the doorway, with the usual stone pillar in front of such temples lying in the sea, as well as fragments of images, large quantities of stone, and broken bricks lying about, some partially buried in the sea, plainly show that at one time buildings existed to the eastward which have been destroyed and overwhelmed by the sea. Had the sea held the same relative position to the shore temple at first as it does now, it is impossible to believe that the temple would have been formed so near to it. The situation of this temple, therefore, and the remains of ruins towards the sea, plainly indicate an encroachment of the sea, and the overthrow of a city. Such traces of a large city destroyed by the sea are confirmed by tradition. Besides the Brahmanical tradition mentioned by Mr. Chambers, it is stated in the catalogue of the Mackenzie MSS. that the whole coast from Mailapur or St. Thomè, down to Mamallapuram, was overflowed by the sea, and that many towns were destroyed. This tradition is confirmed by the appearance of a ruined city about two miles north of Mâmallapuram, as mentioned by Sir W. Elliot.
There is nothing impossible in the supposition and tradition that the sea has encroached on the land. That there has been a great convulsion of nature is proved by the unfinished state of the temples, and the great rent in one of the largest rathas. Not one of the temples is finished. How is this to be accounted for better than on the supposition that a great earthquake lowered the coast and extended the bed of the
Kanarese poetry is divided into two great divisions, "Akshara Vritta" and "Mátra
ON THE RULES WHICH GOVERN KANARESE POETRY. BY CAPTAIN J. S. F. MACKENZIE, MAISUR COMMISSION.
Gibbon, Decline and Fall, (Dr. W. Smith's ed.), vol. I. p. 192; and conf. Carr, The Seven Pagodas, pp. 163, 163.-ED.
sea? What else could have rent the massive ratha, probably very far below the surface of the ground, and lowered all the rest? To imagine that the rock was cracked wha the workmen were engaged in cutting it is not admissible. Neither is it reasonable to think that such work would have been commenced upon a rock that was already rent in two, for the "marks of the mason's tools are perfectly visible in the excavated parts on both sides of the rent in such a manner as to show plainly that they have been divided by it." It is no objection to this theory to say that the rock-cut temples at Elca are also unfinished, though there are no indications that their completion was prevented by an inundation of the sea. It is considered, I believe, that the date of these rock-cut temples synchronizes with those of Mamallapuram. Is it not reasonable therefore to suppose (knowing the superstitious feelings of the Hindus) that those who were engaged on the temples at Elora, having heard of the submersion of Mamallapuram, took fright and left the work for ever?
109
Mr. Gubbins, has pointed out (Jour. As. Soc. Ben., vol. xxii.) that in classical days the extremity of the peninsula was the entrepôt of commerce between the East and the West. Gibbon says, "Every year about the time of the summer solstice, a fleet of an hundred and twenty vessels sailed from Myos-Hormos, a port of Egypt on the Red Sea. By the periodical assistance of the monsoons, they traversed the ocean in about forty days. The coast of Malabar, or the island of Ceylon, was the usual term of their navigation, and it was in those markets that the merchants from the more remote parts of Asia expected their arrival." There is nothing in the Malabar coast to exclude the idea that these fleets carried on merchandise with Mamallapuram, for Malabar is a vague term, applied till lately to the Tamil-speaking inhabitants of the peninsula. The theory that it might have been the Maliarphât of Ptolemy is not improbable.
Vritta," which in their turn have many subdivisions.
+ Manarpha emporium, v. 1.-ED.

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"Akshara (from the word for a letter) Vritta" is determined by the number of letters in each line (pada) of the verse, and may consist of any number of letters from 1 to 26.
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
Each different number of letters in the line is known by its own particular name or "chhandassu." Thus we have in all 26 chhandassus.
Each chhandassu again may be subdivided into any number of vrittas, increasing in number as the letters do. The number of vrittas of which any given chhandassu can consist is found by beginning with one and doubling successively for as many times as there happen to be letters in the line. Twice this result gives the number.
For example, if the first line consists of three letters, then we can have in that chhandassu 8 vrittas, i.e. 1 doubled is 2; twice 2 are 4; twice the result 8. That line which is called Mahasragdhara has twenty-two letters. By the foregoing rule, this chhandassu can be subdivided into 40,94,304 vṛittas; only two however are in common use. This will give some idea of the enormous number of vrittas which could be formed. The total number is said to be some millions.
125
2nd ಬರುತಿ ರ್ವಾನ ಮಾನಂನ there
4
5
Before examining any chandassu, however the "gana" must be explained.
Every three letters form a gana, so that in a line of 9 letters we have 3 ganas; in a line of 10 letters we have 3 ganas and one letter; in a line of 12 letters we have four ganas, and so on. The surplus letters are always at the end of the line, and if it happens to be II.
III.
IV. V Vuu
1st ಬರತಾ| ಲ್ಯಾಂಖಂಡ ದೊಳ್ಳೋಬಿ | ಪಜಿನ
4
5
5
8
3rd ಚರಾ ಜಂಚೋದ ಜಂಚೋದ್ಯ ಮೊಗಲ್ಯ
4
ע
[APRIL, 1873. long it is technically called "Śiva," if short "Vishnu."
Those letters are long which have the long vowels, such as á, ê, û, which are followed by (:) aha or () sonné, and letters though short themselves which precede a double letter; for instance is short in itself, but from its preceding the double t it becomes lengthened. It will thus be seen that the three letters which form the gana may be all three long, all three short, or a combination of long and short.
there the
Each of these combinations-8 in all-has its own particular name and is sacred to its own particular god.
1. (Ma) gana, sacred to the earth, is three long,
2.
(Ya) gana-(water) is one short, two long, u
3.
(Ra) gana (fire) is
4. Lagana-(wind) is u
5. Tagana-(sky) is
6.
Jagana-(sun) is
7.
Bagana-(moon) is
8.
Nagana (heaven) u uu
The order in which these ganas find a place in the line determines the vritta to which that piece of poetry belongs. In each vritta the ganas follow one another in their own proper order. Each verse consists of four lines. As is the first line, so must all the remaining three lines be. No difference can be allowed. Take an example from the Mahasragdara Vritta":
4th
Here we have 22 consonants in all, divided into 7 ganas and one letter which being long is "Siva." The figures above the lines refer to the position in the line of each gana; those below the line to the kinds of gana. In each line it will be seen that I. and V. consist of two short and one long letter. This is the Lagana
V.
VI.
VII.
ವರರಂ ಸೂಜಿಯ ಮಾಡಿವೆ | ಸಂ
4
3
3
ಡಯರಿ| ರವಿದೇ ನೆಂದುಕಾಂನೊಂಡಿಯಾ ವೇ
de
3
ಸಮತ | ರಣನಂ ಕಂಡು ಅಲ್ಲಿಂದಾಬಂ
8
4
3
ದರದಿಂ| ದಂಬಕ್ಕಿ ಯಿಂದೊಂದಿ ಸುತಪ | ರಕೆಯಿಂ
4
5
5
8
4
3
WD
ಕೊಂಡುಕು ಇದರ್ದಮ ಇಂ
ಇದರ್ದವ
3
or (4). The II. and III. are two long and one short letter. This is the Tagana or (5). The IV. is three short letters. This is the Nagana (8). The VI. and VII. are a long, a short, and a long letter. This is the Ragana (3). The last letter being long is Śiva.
In order to belong to any particular vritta

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APRIL, 1873.)
KANARESE POETRY.
111
Kanda Padya, 12, 20, 12, 20.
it is not sufficient that the line have the same number of gaņas; it is absolutely necessary that
he kinds of ganas should follow one another in the order special to that vritta. For in- stance, in the Mahâsragdara Vritta the order must be, 4, 5, 5, 8, 4, 3, 3, Siva.
In the "Manene Vșitta" we have the same number of consonants and gaņas, but since the kinds of ganas come in the following order :
I. II. III. IV. V. VI. VII.
7. 7. 7. 7. 7. 7. 7. Śiva, the vritta goes by another name.
And so on through all the thousand and ono vrittas. Each has its own name and special rule.
One point requires special notice. It is common to both the great divisions "Akshara Vritta" and "Matra Vritta," and is the one essential in all Kanarese poetry. Without this, lines, however well written and correct in every other respect, would not be considered poetry by the Kanarese critic. If the four lines of the Kanarese verse given be examined, it will be seen that the second consonant in each is the game. It is in this verse r. This is technically known as "Ade Prasu."
Whatever the second consonant of the first line is, the second consonant of the succeeding lines constituting a verse must be the same. This is a sine quá non in Kanarese poetry.
The difficulty of always finding a suitable word with the second consonant the same has given rise to a poetical licence by which certain consonants are allowed to stand for one another. This is called "Mitra Prasu," and the following consonants are held to be interchangeable :
ka kha ga gha with one another. cha chha ja jha with one another. ta tha da dha with one another. ta tha da dha with one another. pa pha ba bha with one another. sa sha sa with one another. ra la la with one another.
Again in some verses we find the last consonant is the same in every line of the verse. This is in Kanarese poetry called "Antya Prasa." It is not essential, but those verses which have the Antya Praga are, caeteris paribus, considered finer and more finished.
The Mâtra Vritta is the second great divi- sion. In it the number of accente, not consonants, in each line are looked to, the different
subdivisions being determined by the number of accents in the line.
The same rules which determine the length of the accent in the gaña of the Akshara Vritta apply to the consonants in the Matra Vritta, viz., consonants with long vowels, as a ê, ; those preceding a double letter; and those followed by sonné or aka, are long. All others are short.
The Matra Vritta is subdivided into three“Kanda," " Satpade," and " Areya."
The Kanda consists of verses of four lines. The first and third lines have 12 accents, the second and fourth 20 accents. As long as the total number of accents in a line is correct, it is immaterial what the number of consonants are.
For example, iake a verse of the Kanda: Uv-uv-vw ತನಸುಳ್ಳ ವರುಣ ಮಂಗುಣಾ. Uv -u-v u - v- - uವೆನು ತಿರ್ಪರ ನರಗುಣಂಗಳಂ ದುರ್ಗುಣಂ || ವೆನು ತಿರ್ಪ ಬಾಸ ರಚಿತ. v-- vu-u-u-- ವನಾವು ತಿಳಿಸಲಾರ್ಸನಾತನೆಜಿವಂ
In the first lir, we have eight short accents and two long (four short): total 12. In the third line we have six short and three long : total 12. In the second line we have eight short and six long : total 20. In the fourth line six short, seven long: total 20.
A long accent, called "guru," is equal to two short accents, called "lugu." The proper number of accents in the lines is always expressed by the number of short accents such line may contain. It will be observed that the second consonant in each line of the above verse is the same, and happens to be n. But the vowels attached to this letter are not the same in all four lines.
In the first line it is na, short; in the fourth nd, long; in the second and third nu. The vowel only determines the length of the consonant, and has nothing to do with the great rule that the second consonant in each line must be the same.
The second subdivision of the Mátra Vritta is the Satpade or verse of six lines. The Satpade consists of six classes. The number of accents in each class varies.
1. The Sara Satpade must contain the following number of accents in each line :
1st-8, 2nd 8, 3rd-14, 4th—8, 5th-8, 6th -14.

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112
THE INDIAN ANTIQUABY.
[APRIL, 1873.
- Vv v
v
v
=
v
-
"
2. Kusuma has 10-10-17-10-10-17. 3. Boga-12-12-20-12-12-20. 4. Bamene-14-14-23-14-14-23. 5. Parevardeene-16-16-26-16-16-26. 6. Vardika-20-20-32-20-20-32.
The third line, it will be seen, is in every case one and a half the first plus two.
Take an example :ಕನ್ನಡದ ನುಡಿ ಯೆಂದುಪೇಕ್ಷಿಸ. 14
-Uvuvvwvvvv 03800030x3 8 30 d. 14
-Uv -uv-uv-u-vuಕನ್ನಡಿ ಯದರ್ಪಣವದಲ್ಲದೆ ಭೇದಃ ನಿದಕೆ 23 --vuvu -uvsumos P3 o 14 - vvvv-uvಪನ್ನ ಮತಿಗಳು ಏಳುರ ದನಾ, 14 ನಿರ್ನಯಿಸಿದೆನು ಕೊರತೆ ಇದ್ದರೆ ಮನ್ನಿಸುವದೊ ಅದೂ 23, |
The number of lines in which the second consonant is the same is six. This tells us the verse belongs to the Satpade. Now by counting the number of accents in each line we find that the 1st, 2nd, 4th, and 5th lines have 14 accents; the 3rd and 6th lines have each 23.
The verse then is of the Bamene subdivision of the Satpade. The last subdivision of the Matra Vritta is the Areya. Like the Kanda the Areya is a verse of four lines. The 1st and 3rd lines of the Areya verse must have 12 accents each. The number of accents in the 2nd and 4th lines determines the minor subdivision of the Areya to which the verse belongs.
The subdivisions are
(i.) Géta, where the 1st and 3rd lines have 12 accents, 2nd and 4th have 18.
(ii.) Uppa Géta: lst and 3rd lines-12 &c. centa, 2nd and 4th lines—15.
(ii.) Sun Géta : 1st and 3rd lines have 12 accents. The 2nd and 4th do not agree in the number of accents.
When the line is long enough to require it there is a rest or cæsura in the middle. This is called Yete. In the more perfect verse where a rest does occur, the initial consonant of the word following such rest is the same as the initial consonant of the line. This is not an essential, but, like the use of the Antya Pragn, the verse in which it is found is considered more finished and perfect.
THE CALENDAR OF TIPŲ SULTAN.
By P. N. PÔRNAIYA, B.A., YELUNDURU. It may be a matter of surprise to many that which the number of days in the month is deTipu Sultan of Maisur, generally known as an termined is peculiar. A partial explanation is illiterate person, invented a Calendar, differing afforded in the following extract from the preface from the ordinary Muhammadan one, and which to Richardson's Dictionary English, Persian, he always used in officially addressing the various and Arabic :functionaries that served under him. It is not "The Muhammadan year is lunar. The known at what time precisely he introduced his months consist alternately of twenty-nine and calendar, but it is believed by Colonel William thirty days. To the last an intercalary day is Kirkpatrick that he did so, some time between added eleven times in & period of thirty years, January and June 1784 A.D.
and these are abounding years. Thirty-two Tipú allowed the week to have the usual years of the Christian are nearly equal to thirtynumber of seven days, but the month was three Muhammadan years." changed, for though the number of them in the The difference will be obvious from the folyear was twelve, yet it differs from both the Euro- lowing table, which shows the Hindú names pean and Hindú month in the number of days corresponding to the months of Tipú's Calendar, that each contains. The principle according to and also the signs of the Zodiac.
• Vide Select Letters of Tippu Sultan, by Colonel William Kirkpatrick. London, 1811.

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APRIL, 1873.]
Months.
1.
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
NAMES.
Ahmedy احمدي
Behary بهاري
Ja'fury جعفري .... Daray داراي
Hashemy ها شمي
Wasay واسعي
Taluy طنوني
Tedy او سای
CALENDAR OF
Izedy ايزدي ..Byaszy بياضي
Days in each
TABLE A.
Corresponding Signs of the Zodiac.
Hindú months.
TIPU
29 Chaitra. Mesha.......al Ahmedy.
30 Vaisakh
30 Jaishthu
29 Ashâḍha
Kataka
29 Sravana
Simha...
30 Bhadrapada... Kanyâ
Dzuburjudy 29 Aswuynja Tâlâ Hydery... 30 Kartika Vrishika... 29 Mârgasîrsha.. Dhanûssû.
30 Pushya
29 Magha.. 30 Phâlgûn
Colonel Kirkpatrick says:-"! -"Though the foregoing names are not absolutely unmeaning, yet they would not appear to have had any appropriate signification attached to them, with the exception of the first, called by one of the names of Muhammad, and of the eighth or Hydery, which might possibly have been so denominated in honour of the Sultan's father, as Tuluy might likewise have been in allusion to its being the month in which the Sultan himself was born."
SULTAN.
With respect to the last column in the table, Colonel Kirkpatrick says that the first arrangement was after some time superseded by another; the Sultan having, as there is reason to believe, made a second reform of the calendar in A.D. 1787-88. The latter alteration would not appear to have extended further than to the substitution of new names for the months and years in the place of those first assigned to them.
I have said that the principle according to which the number of days is determined is peculiar. If the table be examined, it will be seen that while the last seven months consist of twenty-nine and thirty days alternately, according to the Muhammadan system, in the first five months that rule is not observed. It differs also from the Hindû year, because the months of that always consist of thirty days, or rather tithis (fafer) as they call them.
The point of interest in the names of the months is that the initial letter of each denotes its place in the calendar, according to the well
Names of the months according to "the subsequent revision."
Vrishabha
Mithuna...
Kumbha... Mina
Makara, Rehmany.
.Behary بهاري .Taqy تقي .Sumry ثمري .Ja'fury جعفري
.Hydery حيدري
.Khusrowy خسروي
Deen ديلي .Dzakiry ذاكري
20 10
known notation called
Ubjud, which assigns a certain numerical power to every letter in the alphabet. There being no single letter to express either eleven or twelve, the first two
ی
Rady رادي .Mahany رباني
Baszy added بياضي Izedy and ايزدي letters of
together denote the place of each respectively. in the order of months. Thus
113
(Alif)+(yé)=1+ 10 = 11, and (BE)+(yé) = 2 + 10 = 12.
The verse after the first word of which the notation is named, as well as the numerical power assigned severally to the letters composing it, is thus given in Richardson's Dictionary under the word Ubjud. 0+15 3 J 50
s
597
ba
4
10 00
ا بجد
1234
vai e
រី ខខខ
Richardson's explanation of the word Ubjud is as follows:-"The name of an arithmetical verse the letters of which have different powers from one to a thousand. This was probably the ancient order of the alphabet."
The verse itself is formed by just writing together the letters, in order of the Arabic alphabet, in groups of three or four or more, as in the first instance pleased the whim of the contriver. Each letter has a numerical signification attached to it, as is the case in the Roman system of notation. This Ubjud notation applies only to the series of names first given by Tipu Sultan to the months. The

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114
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[APRIL, 1873.
م م ض ظ
ذ ر ز س
خ د
ج
اب ت ث
ن و هي
ل م
ق
رو غ ف
of thel
the first
year of Hindu
new names given in the subsequent revision and lunar years accord, seven returns of the inpossessed the same property as the old, namely, tercalary or supplementary month are required that of severally indicating the number of in the course of nineteen years. Now from the the year and the order of the month by 36th to the 53rd of the cycle (both inclusive) is virtue of their numerical power. The nota- a period of nineteen years, in the course of tion, however, subsequently used was, as I learn which seven leap years occar, viz. five which from Colonel Kirkpatrick, different from the are clearly ascertained, and two which have been Ubjud. It has been called i Ubtas, an assumed. But, notwithstanding this apparent unmeaning word formed by a combination of the conformity, the two reckonings do not coincide first four letters of the Persian alphabet. By when, according to this rule, they might be the Sultan himself, however, it was called us expected to do so. The reason of this discre(Zar) The notation is this
pancy no doubt is that though the months established by Tipû were ordinarily called lunar, they were not strictly so; six of the twelve months of the year consisted of thirty and the other of twenty-nine days each. And therefore the common year of 354 was neither iunar
nor solar." The difference between the two schemes con
I am sorry I am aot able to give the entire sists in this; in the Ubjud the numerical powers
list of the years composing the cycle. The
following list however contains the names of the of the letters depend on their orderin the arbitrary
seventeen years over which Tipu's adminisverse referred to; whereas in the Ubtus or Zur
tration extended; and these are all that I am they depend on the order of the letters in the
able to collect from the work referred to. alphabet. The eleventh and twelfth months are indicated here again, as in the former scheme, Yearl Name in Name in Corresponding Correspon
ding with by the first two letters of their respective names, Cycle. scheme.
cycle.
A. D. ra being ré + alif = 10 + 1 = 11, and rub Té + bé = 10 + 2 = 12.
36 Jebal .. Rubtaz. Sübhakrita... 1782-83 37 Zûky ...
Sukh . There were also intercalary or supplementary
sôbhakrita... 1783-84 Uzl
1784-85 months, called by the Sultan (S1) zayad, ad
Julo Duraz... Visvavası ... 1785-86 hika in Sanskrit. As I have not met with
Dullo Busd ... Parabhava ... 1786-87 any clue to the principle on which this was
Má Shů Plavanga ... 1787-88
42 Kubk .. Sara ... arranged, I satisfy myself with the bare proof of
Kilaka
1788-89
43 Jum Surab ... Saumya ..... 1789-90 its existence. A letter to Kümrüddin Khản is
Jam Sheta ... Sâdhấraņa ... 1790-91 dated 28th Extra-Ahmedy, corresponding with 45 A dam. .Zuburjud Virôdbakkrita 1791-92 the 14th of April 1785 A. D., and another 46 Wuly ... Sehr ... Paridhvi ... 1792-93 letter addressed to Barhanuddin on the 23rd
47 Waly .. Sahir ... Pramâdîcha. 1793-94
48 Kankub. Råsikh. . Ananda ..... 1794-95 April of the same year is dated 8th Regular
49 Kuwakib Shâd ... Rakshasa ... 1795-96 Ahmedy. This instance serves as a proof of
50 Yum ... Hirase! Nala
1796-97 the existence of the intercalary month, and war. 51 Dawâm. Saz.... Pingala 1797-98 rants the inference that this month always pre- 52 Humd... Shadab . Kalayûkti ... 1798-99 ceded the regular month--for what reason does
Hamid.. Bảrish.. Siddharti ... 1799. not appear.
I come next to the year. The mode of cal | The remarks regarding the meaning of the culating years is by cycles of 60, as it is with names of the months apply also to those of the Hindus and with all the peoples of Southern years. They have, as before, the property of inIndia except the Muhammadans. The number of dicating the order by their initial letters. For, days is 354. Colonel Kirkpatrick says
taking any name at random, say pf (Adam) “It is a known rule that to make the solar the order of it would be according to the Ubjud • The Persian letter being excluded from this scheme as well as from the Ubjud, the Persian letters and are in like manner omitted in both.
the second scheme.
thi | Krodhi .....
53

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APRIL, 1873.]
SERVICE TENURES IN CEYLON.
115
notation, 45th. Thus ! + + = 1 + 4 + 40 = 45. The corresponding name of the second scheme saj (Dzuburjud) will number the same, according to the Ubtus or Zur notation thus-; + + + + 3 = 20 + 2 + 10 + 5 + 8 = 45.
Now taking the two different notations we have merely to substitute letters of those notations to the number we want to indicate. For example, take numbers 57 and 28, which are not in the table given above, or in Col. Kirkpatrick's work. I suppose their names would be according to the first schemeji (nuz) and is (kaza) respectively; and according to the second scheme or the Ubţus notations (sukh) and láj (zukha) respectively. For
= u + j = 50 + 7 = 57, and 21st
= 3 +; + 1 = 20 + 7 +1 = 28 scheme. Foute=50 + 7 = 577 2nd &j= i + <= 20 + 7 + 1 = 28 scheme.
These are not the only names that may be given them, for there may be as many others as
there are component parts to 57 and 28-a pleasant algebraical problem! Therefore any names I give may not be those given to them by the Sultan.
There is a resemblance between this calendar and thnt in use in Southern India, commonly named "the Malabar" cycle. To the years composing this cycle the Sultan appears to have given new names, as he did to the months of the year. Among several of the Brahmanical secta of Southern India it is still in vogue to have an adhika masa, or extra month, once in the course of thirty months.
The numerical order of the years was the same as in the era of the Hejira; and the Sultan was satisfied with the mere change of the appellation. He gave to it the name of “the era of Muhammad," and he sometimes called the same the "Mauludi era." The latter does not seem very applicable, for Mauludi means birth, and the difference between the Prophet's birth and his flight to Medina from Mecca is nearly thirteen years.
SERVICE TENURES IN CEYLON.
(From the Reports of the Commissioner for 1870 and 1871.) The Service Tenure Ordinance, No. 4 of 1970, Besides the land thus held by the ordinary peahaving for its object the abolition of predial serf. sant proprietors, there were the estates of the dom in the Kandyan Provinces, and the payment, crown, of the church, and of the chiefs. These in lieu of services, of an annual money-rent, was are known as Gabadagam, royal villages,-Vihabrought into operation on the 1st of February ragam and Dewálagam, villages belonging to Bud. 1870, by Proclamation dated 21st January 1870. dhist monasteries and temples (dewala), and
The Ordinance requires the Commissioners to Nindagam, villages of large proprietors. These determine the following points :
last either were the ancestral property of the (1) The tenure of every service panguwa, whe- chiefs (pravênigam), or were originally royal ther it be Pravêni or Måruwena. (2.) The names, villages bestowed from time to time on favourites so far as can be ascertained, of the proprietors and of the court. In these estates, certain portions, holders of each pravêni panguwa. (3.) The nature known as Muttetta or Bandára lands, were reand the extent of services due for each pravêni tained for the use of the palace, monastery, or panguwa. (4.) The annual amount of money-pay. manor house, while the rest was given out in ment for which such services may be fairly com- parcels to cultivators, followers, and dependents, muted.
on condition of cultivating the reserved land, or Here, as generally in oriental countries, the performing various services from the mogu menial king was the lord paramount of the soil, which to mere homage, or paying certain dues, &c. These was possessed by hereditary holders, on the con- followers or dependents had at first no hereditary dition of doing service according to their caste.' title to the parcels of land thus allotted to them. The liability to perform service was not a personal These allotments, however, generally, passed from obligation, but attached to the land, and the father to son, and in course of time hereditary maximum service due for a holding large enough title was in fact acquired... to support an entire family was generally the There were thus two distinct sources whence labour of one male for six months in a year. the claim to service was derived. The right
* A panguwa is a farm, allotment, or holding; a pravêni panguwa is an hereditary holding; marawena panguwa is defined by the ordinance to be an allotment "held by one or more tenanta-at-will."

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[APRIL, 1873.
of the king as lord paramount of the soil, whence originated a strictly feudal system; and the right of the crown, the church, and the chiefs, as landlords, to services in lieu of rentin other words, to a service-rent instead of a money-rent- system closely resembling emphyteusis... The public burdens fell on those who held on the feudal tenure. They guarded the barriers and passes into the hills; they served as soldiers, cut timber for public purposes, and executed public works. To ensure the dae performance of these services, a careful register was kept of every separate holding, and the holdings were placed under the several public departments, the heads of which were responsible to the king for the proper distribution of the labour available for carrying on the public service of the country.
The non-feudal tenant, or emphyteuta, if he may be so called, cultivated the land whence the palace, monastery, or menor-house was supplied with corn; he provided domestic officers and servants of every grade, from the seneschal of the palace to the cook-boy of the kitchen at the manor house, and rendered personal service of every kind, for which he was paid wages in land...
It is with these two classes of tenants--the tenants of the temples, and the tenants of private proprietors--that the present Ordinance has to denl; and the claim of the temples and proprietors to receive a fair equivalent in the shape of a money-ront in lieu of the services is fully recog. nized.
These services are of every imaginable kind-- some simply honorary, some of the most menial and laborious description, the lightest being usu- ally paid most highly, while the heaviest are generally rewarded by enough land to afford only a baro subsistence, and precisely the same services are often paid in the same village at different rates : for instance, for sixty days' service in the kitchen one man will hold an acre of land, an- other two acres, and a third only a few perches.
n fact the services have become attached to the land in the course of many generations, according to the pleasure of many landlords, and to the varying necessities of many tenants. Large farms have been bestowed on younger branches of a house, on tho condition of a mere nominal recogai. tion of allegiance. A family of faithful servants has been liberally provided for by a grant of part of an cstnte, in full belief in the continued faithful performance of the customary service. In times of famine or scarcity, starving supplicants have with difficulty obtained from a landlord a small plot of land barely sufficient to maintain life, and,
in return for it, have agreed to perform heavy and laborious services. Again, the tenant having originally no right in the soil, some landlords have in times past arbitrarily divided the original al. lotments into two or, sometimes, four portions, requiring for each sub-division the whole service originally required for the entire allotment, thus raising the rents sometimes twofold, sometimes fourfold. The result is that there is no system whatever. The extent of the services has no necessary relation to the extent and value of the holding : in some cases the landowners have been careless and negligent of their interests, and receive less than 5 fair equivalent for the dominium uile of their land; in others the services rendered exceed a fair rent for the land. It fol. lows that to assess the money-value of the existing services would be to continue an arrangement which is unsystematic and opposed to the true interests of the people, being in some cases, as regards the interests of the landowner, wasteful and unprofitable, in others unduly heavy on the tenants; and it is to be remembered that if a money-rent were fixed, based absolutely on the present money-value of the services (if that could be ascertained), it would bring out with such dis. tinctness and prominence the inequalities, irregu. larities, and unprofitableness of the system which has grown up in the course of many generations, that in a short time it would be impossible to resist the inevitable demand for a revision of th3 money-ront assessed in this unequal and unsystematic method...
On the estates of the chiefs and large landowners (Nindagam) the services, as already indicated, are of the greatest possible variety. Chiefs and Madiyanselk perform various honorary services. WelAlls tenants cultivate the home farm, accompany their lord on journeys, take their turn on daty at the manor house. Duray tenants carry baggage and the lord's palanquin, while the Wahumpuray carry the palanquins of the ladies of the family, and also provide for the service of the kitchen; and though there is a complete absence of equality and system in the remuneration given for domestic services, all such services are provided for with the utmost care. A chief with Several villages will draw his cook or his bath-boy for two or three months a year from one village from another for four months, from a third for one month, &o., carefully arranging to have one on duty throughout the year. There are the potter to make tiles and supply earthenware; the smith to clean the brass vessels, and repair and make agricultural implements; the chunam-burner to
+ See Brackenbury's Report on the Land Tenure in Portugal, Pt. I, pp. 176-179.

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117
supply lime; the dobi or washerman; the mat- weaver (Kinnaraya); and the outcast Rodiya who buries the carcases of animals that die on the estate, and supplies ropes, &c, made of hide and fibres. Others supply pack-bullocks for the transport of the produce of the fields, and for bringing supplies of salt and oured fish from the towns on the coast.
The relations between the proprietor and tenants are generally of friendly character, and when the connection has remained unbroken for many generations a strong feeling of attachment exists, and it is to this that may be attributed the readiness with which the proprietors have assented to the adoption of the view propounded by the District Judge of Kandy (Mr. Berwick), that the mere fact of the present holder being a son or heir of the tenant who preceded him, and died in posBession, raises a presumption of praveni, i. e., hereditary title, which presumption is directly opposed to Kandyan tradition. Nevertheless the chiefs and priests have been generally willing to waive all dispute as to the hereditary title, on being asBired of the continuance of the customary services, or the payment, in lien, of a fair rent...
The tenants on estates belonging to the Baddhist monasteries keep the buildings in repair, cultivate the reserved fields, prepare the daily offerings of rice, attend the priests on journeys, &c. A remarkable case of religious toleration which has become known in the course of the Service Tenures inquiry is perhaps deserving of mention. The tenants in the village Rambukandana, belonging to the ancient monastery of Ridi Wihåre, are all Muhammadans. The service which they render to that establishment is confined to the payment of dues and the transport of produce, &c., and has no connection with the services of the Buddhist Wihare, and their own lebbe or priest is supported by a farm set apart by the Buddhist landlords for that purpose. There are thus Muhammadan tenants performing without reluctance service to a Buddhist monastery, and that monastery freely supporting a priest for its Muhammadan tenants. The head of this monastery has from its foundation been a member of the Tibboţuwwe family. This is the most important of the numerous private livings in Ceylon. When one of these becomes vacant, before one of the family to which it belongs has been ordained,
here, as in England, a temporary incumbent is put in, who generally serves as tutor to the young heir.
On the Dewalo lands the service is most complicated and peculiar, the part which cach tenant has to take in the annual processions being minutely defined, and it is to this that the popularity of the Dewale service is owing. These processions afford the ordinary villagers the only opportunities for a general gathering, and for taking part in a pageant and a show, and above all it is on these occasions that the social distinctions, to which the Kandyans attach great importance, are publicly recognized.....
There is one question connected with the Wihåre and Dewâle estates which must before long force itself on the consideration of Government. There is no means of ensuring the due application of the rents from these estates to their legitimate purposes. The labour which should be employed on the repair of the ecclesiastical buildings is frequently taken for the erection of private buildings of the priests and lay incumbents, and the dues are often not accounted for. The complaints of misappropriation of the temple property are frequent. Even the land is sometimes sold to ignorant purchasers, and when the services are commuted, this misappropriation, if not checked. will increase, to the serious demoralization of the priests and Basnayakas. If the revenues are not devoted to their original purpose, they should be employed in education or otherwise, for the benefit of the people, and not be appropriated to the personal use of Buddhist priests and Basnayakas. In a village near Badulla, nearly the whole of the land is in the hands of one family, which holds the office of Basnayaka of the Dewale to which the village is said to belong. But the Dewale is in ruins, the processions are not conducted, and the Government gives up its tithe only to enrich a
It is necessary to again call attention to this question, as the evil is daily growing greater, and, with its growth, demoralizing the people, and di. minishing the value of the public lands set apart for ecclesiastical purposes. lu the course of the past year a very serious case a.me to the knowledge of the Commissioners. The Dambulu wihara is, as is well known, a shrine held in great reverence
• The most celebrated of these processions is the Pershers, which takes place at Kandy in Raald (July-August), commencing with the new moon in that month, and continning till the full moon. It is a Hindu festival in honour of the four deities, Natha, Vishnu, Kataragama (Kandasv&mi), and Pattini, who are held in reverence by the Baddhists of Ceylon u dewiyo who worshipped Gautams, and are seeking to attain NirvAna. In the reign King Kirtisari (A. D. 1747-1780), a body of priests who came over from
Siam, for the purpose of restoring the Upsampada ordination, objected to the observance of this Hindu ceremony in Buddhist country. To remove their scruples. the king ordered the Dalada relic of Buddha to be carried thenceforth in procession with the insignia of the four deities nevertheless, the Peraher is not regarded as a Buddhist ceremony.
Report for 1870.

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by the Buddhists, and it is a place of great interest, own pockets. This is only one example out of worthy of being maintained as a historical monu- many; and nothing can be more injurioue, ment, being the only rock-temple of any impor- nothing more demoralizing, than for the people to tance in Ceylon, and possessing painted roof 500 frauds of this kind committed by trustees of which is the best example of Buddhist art in the temple property go unpunished. It is not easy island. To this wibårs belong large and valuable | to suggest a remedy for fear of the outcry, "The forests, which should be preserved for supplying Government is supporting Buddhism, &c. &c.".. the necessary timber for the maintenance of the It would be well if this question could be dealt buildings belonging to the wihêra, and also for the with merely as 1 matter of good government, benefit of the wihåra tenants--to whom the wild untrammelled by the odium theologicum. It is honey, jungle ropes, and pasture for cattle, to be simply the question of preserving for the public found in these forests, are of considerable those public lands at present set apart for religious value. The incumbent of the wihara, without purposes, which, unless closely looked after, will regard to the interests of which he was the gradually become lost to the public altogether. In guardian, sold to a low-country carpenter all the the course of the past year there have been two imvaluable timber in one of the large forests and portant judgments delivered by the Supreme Court, omitted to pay the money into the wihara chest. which it may be useful here to notice. The first is Complaint was made to the Commissioners, but known as the Adam's Peak Case. In 1853 the they had no power to act. They however called Crown relinquished the right to appoint to Buddhist the attention of the ecclesiastical authorities to the offices, but the power of removal was retained... matter, and the incumbent has been called upon If these judgments were publicly known and to pay in to the credit of tho wihara upwards of understood, and if the powers which they declare £170, probably less than a third of the amount he to exist were systematically exercised, much has received. It is doubtful whether he will pay might be done to check peculation and embezzleeven this. Certainly he will go unpunished. The ment; but it is doubtful whether any real good can people know that their priest has committed the be effected unless some such supervision is greatest crime a Buddhist can commit, for, in exercised over the temple property here as is their language, "he has robbed Buddha." They found necessary in the case of Friendly Societies know also that he has committed a great offence in England. There can be no security against against our laws, having appropriated to himself fraud until the temple lands are placed in charge the property of which he was the trustee. The of a Government officer, at any rate to the extent Buddhist authorities will not seek to remove him, of no lease or agreement being valid unless it be because they cannot act without the aid of our entered in his office, and until all trustees of temCourts. The tenants will not act, because they are plo property are required to send in annually, to afraid to take steps against a man of influence a Government officer, accounts showing the with money at command. Others will not act, revenues, whether in kind or in money, and details because the expenses would come out of their of the expenditure.f
ARCHÆOLOGY OF MAISUR.
From the Report of the Administration of Mysore for 1871-72. The Province abounds with inscriptions onscriptions, of which the Begůru stone, in the stone or copper, recording royal benefactions and
Government Museum at Bengalur, may serve as other public gifts; the historical data derivable a specimen. In others of Jain origin, as in the from which are perhaps the most authentic extant, rock inscriptions of Śrâvana Belagola, they are while at the same time they throw much light | more like the Lât and old Pali forms. Towards on the earlier forms of the language, and furnish the cast the Grantha character, with some admixother collateral information of considerable in ture, is frequently met with, as in the Kolar terest. But in the case of inscriptions of prior Amma temple. date to the year 1000 of the era of Salivahana, A number of these basanas have been deor 800 years ago, a difficulty presents itself in the ciphered and translated from photographs. A strange and obsolete characters of the writing. catalogue is further being prepared of all inscripThese are found in many cases to resemble the tions to be found in the country, with the view of letters of the Western Cave and old Gujarat in selecting for translation such as appear to be of • See Ind. Antiq., vol. I. p. 189 ffg.
+ From the Report for 1871.

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most importance, or in greatest danger of deface- the Editor of the Indian Antiquary. The followment by the hand of time. A similar registering stones, with inscriptions of a similar character, is stated to have been made in the reign of have recently been discovered in the Nandidurg Chikka Deva Raja (1672–1704); but the collec- Division,--two stones at Betmangala, which have tion was unfortunately either lost or destroyed been converted into village deities; two large when the Province came under Muhammadan slabs on the site of the ancient city of Aralkotu. rule.
near Srinivaspura, probably intermediate between At Sravana Bellagola, famous for its colossal the Śråvana Bellagola and Begūru inscriptions ; statue of the Jain god Gômatesvara, there are and a large slab of a more recent date on the site several inscriptions cut in the rock, on the top of old Bidaláru, near Gôribidantru. of the smaller of the two hills. The character is Some burrows of considerable dimensions have a very ancient form of Kanarese, fac-similes of also been discovered in the Hassan District, but which have been submitted to Pandits through 1 none have yet been opened.
REVIEW
THE PROSODY OF THE PERSIANS according to Saif, agree, as Professor Blochmann has hirself had Jámi, and other writers. By H. Bloohmann, M.A.- Occasion to observe and point out: although, after Calcutta, 1872.
all, Persian poetry, like English, is scanned accord. Professor Blochmann has given a new proof of ing to sound rather than orthography; hence his acurate scholarship, not merely by editing the ear is in reality the best guide. Sir W. Jones Saifi's Prosody and Jámi's Qáfiyah, but by correct- expressly states (Works, Vol. VI. p. 437, ed. 1799) ly translating and enriching them with his own that the measure of the Leila wa Majnun of notes. "The Prosody of the Persians" is no Hatefy, which enabled him to correct a number of doubt intended for a school book, to be explained lines in it, was embodied in the words in mi. by competent teachers. The Hints and Exercises bus imperare debét. (pp. 94-101) are most excellent, but it is to be feared It is not merely interesting, but proper and insufficient for any, except very bright students, if very necessary, that students should know accuread without a master. The solutions are merely rately to what metre & piece of poetry belongs references to the various metres according to 1 and it may be presumed that the minute way of which the examples given are to be scanned, but marking out the feet with their constituent parts if each example of these metres had itself been hinted at above would materially aid correct fully explained, the scansion of the exercises from scansion, without which the whole science of prothe Gulistan would have been easy to the dullest. sody is nothing. It would not give much
A metre, if it is to serve as a model, ought to be trouble to present some idea to Orientals of the mantreated nearly in this way --The feet of which it ner of scanning by means of long and short marks, consists are to be written as usual, and also the and to show them that numerous as their feet are, line or lines to be scanned. Beneath this the feet they have all their equivalents in Latin and Greek are to be written with their constituent parts 8a. prosody. Perhaps it would be sufficient to give bab, watad, fácilah, properly marked as moved or those only which correspond to the eight original quiescent, and the line to be written under them feet of the Arabs, thus:--Bacchius, iambo-sponexpressly for the purpose of scansion; dislocating deus, iambo-anapæstus, trochæo-spondeus, amthe words to suit the feet, omitting the letters phimacrus, spondeo-iambus, anapæsto-iambus, and elided, and writing those which must be pro- Bpondeo-trochæus. nounced and scanned. Something of this kind is As far as Europeans are concerned, Professor done only in one instance (on p. 6). This manner Blochmann has supplied a real want, since the will perhaps not be considered too pedantis if it few works which have been written on this subbe remembered how intricate scanning appears to ject are now mostly out of print, and he has done beginners, and that writers on scansion are on a very great service to all the lovers of the sweet some points themselves like doctors who dis- tongue of Eran.-E.R.

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ASIATIC SOCIETIES.
Proceedings of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, November and Decembeer 1872.
Near Humayun's tomb a short way from Dehli is that of Jehânârâ Banû Begum, which, says Mr. F. Cooper, "is deserving of respect on account of the virtues of her whose ashes it covers. She was celebrated throughout the East for her wit and beauty, and her name will ever adorn the page of history as a bright example of filial attachment and heroic self-devotion to the dictates of duty, more especially when viewed in contrast with the behaviour of her sister Roxânarâ, who, by aiding the ambitious designs of Aurangzib, enabled him to dethrone Shah Jehân. The amiable and accomplished Jehânarâ not only supported her aged father in his adversity, but voluutarily resigned her liberty and resided with him during his ten She years' imprisonment in the fort of Agrå. did not long survive her father, and there are strong suspicions that she died by poison. Her tomb is of white marble, open at the top, and at the head is a tablet of the same, with a Persian inscription inlaid in black marble letters." The following is from the Proceedings of the Asiatic Society of Bengal:
Princess Jahânârâ was the second daughter of Shahjahan by Mumtaz Mahall (the Taj-bibi'), and was born on Wednesday, 21st Cafar, 1023 [23rd March, 1614]. She is called in Muhammadan his. tories Mustaṭâb Begum, or Begum Çahib,t and died at Dihli on the 3rd Ramazân, 1092 [6th September, 1681, A. D.], in her sixty-eighth year. Like many of the imperial princesses, she was not married. She disliked her younger brother Aurangzib. Her numerous charities gained for her a good name.
Regarding her death, the Maisir i Alamgiri says "On the 7th Ramazân, His Majesty received a report that the angelic queen of the angels of the world of good and pious deeds, Jahânârâ Band Begum, had died at Dihli on the 3rd. She was buried in the courtyard of the mausoleum of Shaikh Nizamuddin Aulia, where she had before built a tomb for herself. His Majesty [Aurangzib] was much afflicted by the death of his elder sister, and ordered that the naubat (music at sunrise, &c.) should not be played at Court for three days." The inscription is
هو الحي القيوم
بغیر سبزه نپوشد کسے مزار مرا که قبر پوش غریبان همین گیاه بس است الفقيرة الفانية جهان
p.
108.
Guide to Dehli, So also Bernier in the beginning of his work. He gives a long chapter of on-dits and court-scandal about her.
[APRIL, 1873.
آرا مرید خواجگان چشت بنت شاه جهان پادشاه غازي اثار لله برهانه
سنه ۱۰۹۲
He is the Living, the Lasting!
Let no one cover my lonely grave With gold or with silver brocade: Sufficient for me is the cover of turf Which God for the poor has made.
The poor, the perishable, Jahandra, the disciple of the Chisht Saints, I daughter of Shahjahan Pádishih i Ghazi-May God enlighten his evidence! A.H. 1092.
The verse contains an allusion to the practice of the Muhammadans to cover the tombs of saints with costly cloths, or at least with a white sheet, as may still be seen in many dargahs.
J. W. B. Martin, Esq., communicated the following:
At the village of Barantpur, in Zila' Bhagalpur, there is being built at present a shrine, at which immense numbers of Hindus assemble during the Durga puja, to offer up kids, &c., to Chândi, the supposed goddess of the place. At this place, a long time ago, were found a few black stones, a carving of a woman rather larger than life, a figure of a warrior on what appears to be a tiger and is called by the natives Budhai (this figure is rather damaged), and a few stones such as were let in as threshold stones in grand native buildings of ancient date. On one of the latter is an inscription. Mr. John Christian has kindly translated it for me.
The characters are what they here call Debâchâr and Mithilâchâr. On my inquiring from the villagers if they knew anything of the antecedents of the place, I managed to get a little information, which I add. In the old days, when the former shrine was in its glory, a Musalmân encampment was formed to the north of Barantpur, and the troops therein were under the command of a powerful general. This general one day, being excited by drink, determined to humble the pride of the goddess and disgrace the religion of the Hindus, and ordered his darwân to go and ask the hand of the goddess Maheswari in marriage. She, guessing that their intention was merely to disgrace her by so mean a union, and knowing that her people were unable to cope in war with the Mughuls pretended to consent to the union, but proposed certain condi tions, which were that the Mughuls should in one night, before cockcrow, make a fort of certain
To which also the renowned Mu'inuddin i Chishti of Ajmir belongs. He was looked upon as the patron of the Imperial family.

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dimensions and a hundred tanks in its vicinity, and should offer a black kid at her shrine. The fort was made, ninety-nine tanks were dug, and the hundredth tank was nearly completed; the kid was being led towards that shrine, in order to be ready to be offered on the completion of the hundredth tank, when the goddess, transforming herself into a cock, crew. The conditions not having been completed, the marriage was not performed. The Mughuls, however, frightened at her power, fled from this portion of the country. The fort allud. ed to I have seen, as also the tanks; the fort is situated near the village of Uti. The tanks, although I have not counted ninety-nine, exist in great numbers, but appear to have been dug merely to obtain earth for making the earthwork of the fort, which extends over about one square mile of ground. About the centre of the oblong-shaped site is a spot very much higher than any other portion of the fort. There are no legends which explain when or why this shrine was neglected as a place of worship, but it is quite clear that for a long time such was the case; for comparatively lately the stones I have described were dug up, and a Goala built a shed over them, and from this
time all castes of natives have continued to worship Maheśvari there, under the name of Chândi. From the first Goala family which looked after this shrine, sixteen hundred families now exist in the villages adjacent to Barantpur. These Goalas are called Debahar, the exact meaning of which is not known, but it is only a man of this class who can attend to the duties of this shrine. This class of Goala did not exist till the stones were discovered, nor do they exist, as far as I know, in any other part of India. I should here tell you that the goddess or figure of the woman is only half visible, the natives being afraid to unearth it. To the south-west of the place where the goddess stands is an immensely deep, perfectly round tank, from which, rumour says, all the water used for the shrine was taken. The whole of the land round is high, but the natives decline to allow it to be dug.
Inscription on a granite door-frame found in Baraptpur, March 1872 :
The conquering Sarba Singha Deba, who is adorned with all good qualities, the blessed of Maheśvari, the joy-bestowing moon of the lotus lineage of Budheśa.'
CORRESPONDENCE AND MISCELLANEA. ON PROF HOERNLE'S THEORY OF THE
| page of any drama which does not clearly prove GENITIVE POST-POSITIONS.
this. In my opinion it is not possible to weld Sir, The Journal of the Asiatic Society of Ben- into one all post-positions of the modern languages, gal (Part I. No. 2.--1872) contains four essays of as Prof. Hoernle does. As for the genitive postProf. Hoernle's "in aid of a Comparative Grammar | positions in the Bangali and Oriya languages, it is of the Gaurian languages." The greatest interest easy to prove that Prof. Hoernle is in error. He attachos to the second essay (pp. 124-144), in derives them from a Prakrit word kerakd or kerika, which Prof. Hoernle endeavours to prove that the which he asserts to be only found in the MrichchhaSanskşit participle krita is, in one form or katikd, and even there only about fourteen other, the original of the genitive post-positions in times. This sweeping assertion, twice repeated, the modern Aryan languages of India. Prof. is at variance with fact. I have noticed thirtyHoernle no doubt shows a considerable amount of
eight passages where this word occurs in the acumen, but it is unfortunate that his acumen is. Mrichchhakatikd, viz. (ed. Stenzler) p. 4, 3, mama not supported by a more thorough knowledge of kerakena; p. 21, 21, attanakelik&e; 37, 13; palakethe Prákpit language. Thus (at p. 154) he in- laam; 88, 3, attakerakam; 53, 20, vessâjanakerako; stances several times a Prakpit word 'bhramarako',
63, 16,ajjuåkerao; 64, 19, ajjassa kerako; 65, 10, tassa and apparently is unaware that some of his inter- kerao; 65, 11, attakeraar; 68, 11, amhakerakam; 74, pretations, which he believes to be new, are very 8, attanakeraketti; 88, 27, attanakeraketti ; 90, 14, old and have been refuted long ago. Every Pri. mama keriâ; 95, 6,-keriâe ; 96, 21, kassa kelake; 96, krit scholar will be struck by the assertion (at p. 22,-kelake; 97, 3,-kelake; 100, 18, kassa kerakam 141) that the Prekfit of the plays is founded upon 100, 20, aijachâludattåha kelake; 104, 9, appano the Satras of Vararuchi. On the contrary, it is a kerikar; 112, 10, kelake; 118, 17, attarakelake; well known and often discussed fact that the 119, 5, beppakelake; 122, 14, mama kelak&do; 122, Prakrit of the plays is far from being the same as 15, mama kelikdim ; 130, 10, attamakelakehin ; 132, that taught by Vararuchi, and there is scarcely a 4, mama kelake ; 132, 16, mama kelakae ; 133,2,
The name of this general is said to have been 'All Khân, and his speedy retreat has given rise to a proverb used in this part of the country. If person is unsuccessful in an undertaking, people say, "Wah, Al Khan ki karnt hai."

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mama kelakam: 139, 16, attaṇakelakâ; 146, 16, mama kelakam; 152, 6, tavaśśiņie kelakâ; 153, 9, ajjachârudattassa kerakâim, 164, 3, attaṇakelikâe; 164, 8, mama kelikâe; 167, 3, attaṇakelikâe; 167, 21, mama kelikâ; 173, 9, ajjassa kelake. Among all these thirty-eight passages I cannot find in Prof. Stenzler's edition the one alluded to by Professor Hoernle where a form ppakelaka is said to occur. Prof. Hoernie doubtless alludes to p.119,5,but all the MSS. have there bappakelake,as given in Stenzler's edition. Professor Stenzler remarks in a note that the Calcutta edition has pyakelake (sic!), which is translated by 'pråkrita. Now it must be remembered that from this very form ppakelaka, which does not really exist, Professor Hoernle derives the whole meaning of keraka itself, and that all his arguments as to the meaning of keraka are taken from this imaginary word. This alone would be sufficient to invalidate the deductions of Professor Hoernle. But besides this, keraka, it is true, does not occur so often in any other play as in the Mrichchhakatikd; but there are nevertheless several examples of it. It is found twice in the Sakuntalam (ed. Chézy) p. 114, 1; bhaṭṭake tava kelake sampadam mama jivide; and p. 152, 12, mama kerake uḍae; also Málavíká. p. 23, 9 (ed. Tullberg), parakeram tti karia; Málatímddhava (ed Calc. 1866), p. 104, 12, taśśa jjevva keraaśśa attano sarirassa; Mudrdrakshasa, p. 9, 12 (ed. Calc. 1831), attano jjevva keraassa Dhammabhâduaśśa gharam hodi; and in Hala (ed, Weber) A 17,-maha mandabháinte keram. There is not the slightest reason for the supposition of Professor Hoernle that the use of this word was "slang:" it is employed even by the Sutradhara, Mrichchh. 4, 3, who in all probability was a Brahman, and on the other hand, the police officers in Sak. p. 110, 5, who certainly belong to the "slang-people," do not use kelaka, but its Sanskrit equivalent kiya. Nor is there an adjective noun kerika: keraka forms a regular feminine kerikd, and wherever kerikd occurs it is of course in connection with a feminine: conf. Mrichchh. 21, 21; 90, 4; 95, 6; 104, 9;167, 21; and in Mrichchh. 132, 16; 139, 16, kelaka must be corrected into kelikd. Professor Hoernle thinks keraka has its origin in the Sanskrit participle krita. This opinion was expressed long ago by Professor Hoefer in his paper De Prakrita Dialecto (Berlin, 1836, p. 35), and Professor Lassen in his Institutiones Linguae Prákriticae, p. 118 (conf. p. 247 and Appendix, p, 58) has proved beyond all doubt that this interpretation cannot be adopted. There are but very few, and even those few most doubtful examples, in which a Sanskrit ri has changed into a Prâkrite; and even if we admit the fact, krita would never become kera, but only keta.
[APRIL, 1873.
Now Prof. Lassen has given the right interpretation in deriving it from the Sanskrit karyam, which accounts for all the facts, and has been adopted by Prof. Weber (Hála, p. 38) as in accordance with the laws of the Prakrit language.
In the principal Prakrit dialect of the plays the substantive káryam, which originally was a part. fat. pass., generally changes into kajjam, and is then used here and there in the same sense as keram. Thus for instance, Ratnávali (ed. Calc. 1871, p. 20, 12): jaï pathiadi na bhuṁjîadi tâ mama edina na kajjam i.e. "therefore I had nothing to do with it," "it does not concern me;" Mudráráksh. (ed. Calc. 1831, p. 9, 2):-paṇamaha jamassa chalane kim kajjam devehim annehimh i.e. "what have you to do with other gods P" "what do other gods concern you ?" In the Pâli language 'kichcham' is employed quite in the same way as the Prakrit 'kajjam. 'Several examples are given by Mr. Childers in his excellent Pali Dictionary (s. v. kichcho). The same signification is found in keram, Malav. 23, 9, where the learned and accurate Shankar P. Pandit (p. 28,2) ought to have writtten with the best MSS.: .: parakeram tti karia. The word 'parakeram' is here equivocal; the sentence means as well "because it belongs to another" as "because another ought to do so." Like artham and nimittam, so we see keram used in Hála, A 17: maha mandabháinie keram, "for the sake of me an unfortunate girl," and also kajjar 'in Mudrára. 39, 11: annanam kunai kajjam, i.e. "it (the bee) does it for the sake of others." Thus 'kajjam" and 'keram' are in every respect identical. Later, kera' was changed into a mere simple adjective noun meaning "belonging to," and then assumes the Prakrit affix 'ka, so that parakereka and attaṇake. raka or attakeraka answer to the Sanskrit parakiya and dimakiya, Professor Hoernle believes that in some of his examples keraka has become a sort of affix. If this be true it ought not to be inflected as it really is. One instance like Mrichchh. 38, 3: ajjassa attakerakam edam geham, might have warned him. The use of keraka nowhere differs, even in the slightest, from that of all other adjective nouns: all the cases of keraka are found except the dative and vocative, the want of which need not be explained; even the genitive occurs: Mudrár, 9, 12; Málatím: 104, 12; and the plural is found in Mrichchh. 122, 15; 180, 10; 152, 6; 153,9. Like all the other adjective nouns, keraka has masculine, feminine, and neuter; indeed it is often perfectly pleonastic; but there is noth ing extraordinary in that, it being quite in accordance with the Prakrit of the plays. People of lower condition like a fuller and more individual sort of speech and to emphasise their own dear selves.

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CORRESPONDENCE, &c.
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Thus we see very often "nija" used, where it might as well be omitted; for instance Urvast (ed. Bollensen) 68, 111, 126, and Urv. 31: niasarire, and Mudrár. 94, 8: aham piam gehar gamissam the word "nija" is used quite in the place of the pronoun "mama." The participle "gada" is frequently employed instead of a case, e.g. Urv. 21, 13:-uvvasigadam ukkantham vinodedu bhavam; or Sdk. 78, 15: taggadena ahilasena. Not a whit different from the use of keraka is that of sandha, e. g. Urv. 21, 8:-kasanamanisilavaṭṭasanâho adimuttaladamandavo; conf. 84k. 123, 5; Málav. 5, 9; and so of many other adjective nouns. Prof. Hoernle gives an example of how he thinks the genitive in the Bangali language has originated. He maintains that the genitive of santana was originally santána kerako. We must stop here. I have shown above that all the cases of keraka occur, and that it is always inflected. It is utterly impossible therefore to adopt a form santána kerako, Prof. Hoernle might as well say santána kerake or kerakam or kerakassa, &c. This only depends on the preceding or following substantive and the sense of the whole passage. We have no right whatever to insist upon any special case or a noninflected form. For the same reason, all the other derivations as santánakera, santánaera, &c. are mere phantoms. The word keraka is far too modern to undergo so vast and rapid a change as to be curtailed to simple "er". The singular participle kulu, in Mrichchh. 31, 16, mentioned by Prof. Hoernle, is not a participle but the regular imperative. The termination ra is certainly peculiar to the Prakrit language. Prof. Weber (Hála, p. 68) quotes a good many real Prâkrit adjective nouns in ira, to which we may add "uvvellira" (Urv. 75). This might have contributed to such a curtailing as this, but Prof. Hoernle ought not to have overlooked the fact that in the more modern dialects keraka is always changed into kelaka.
As for the other languages I do not intend to go into details here. But to show that Prof. Hoernle's deductions are not more probable, I point out the Gujarati postpositions. He derives them from a form kunno or kinno, which he supposes to have been a later or more vulgar form of the participle krita. Now we know from Vararuchi, XII. 15, that kunai is a poetical form, and not applicable in prose passages: it occurs often in the poems of the Saptasatî, but never in the dramas, except in verse: conf. Ratnávali, p. 19, 1; Nagánanda, 29, 5; Mudrdr. 39, 11; conf.Prataparudriya(Madras, 1868), p. 120, 11; Piñgala, v. 3. Nowhere is a participle kunno or kinno found, and if it were it would not be modern and vulgar, but ancient and highly Indian Antiquary, Vol. I. p. 247.
123
poetical. I cannot therefore indulge with Prof. Hoernle in the hope that he has succeeded in proving beyond doubt that the participle krita is, in one form or other, the original of the genitive postpositions; on the contrary, I believe that his theory cannot be sustained.
London, February 1873.
Dr. R. PISCHEL.
BHAVABHUTI'S QUOTATION FROM THE RAMAYANA.
To the Editor of the Indian Antiquary. SIR,-In his essay on the Ramayana, Prof. Weber gives the verses quoted by Bhavabhâti in his Uttara Rama-Charita from the last chapter of the Balakanda of the Ramayana, and points out the corresponding verses in Schlegel's and the Bombay and Serampore editions, which resemble Bhavabhati's only in substance. In Gorresio he says, there is nothing corresponding to them. But about the end of the chapter immediately previous to the one to which Prof. Weber refers us, there are these same verses in Gorresio, identical in all respects with those quoted by Bhavabhuti except apparently in two small words which are eva (in the last line of the first verse) and tu (in the last line of the second verse) in Bhavabhûti, and abhi and hi in Gorresio. But the difference in the case of the first word at least is rather a difference between Gorresio and the Calc. edn. of the. Uttara-Râma-Charita, and not between Gorresio and Bhavabhuti, for in an old MS. of the play existing in the Elphinstone College Library I find abhi instead of eva.
But while Gorresio's edition agrees almost thoroughout with Bhavabhuti in this point, there is a material difference in another. Bhavabhuti quotes the verses as from the last chapter of the Bâla-Charita, but in Gorresio they occur in the last but two, while in Schlegel and the Bombay edition the corresponding verses, though considerably differing in language, occur in the last. On comparing the several editions, one finds that Bharata's departure to the country of his maternal uncle, which is despatched in five verses in the other editions, in Gorresio is expanded into almost a chapter, of which it forms the first 44 verses. The remaining four verses of this chapter occur in the other editions after the five verses about Bharata. The last chapter, again, in Gorresio, which describes Bharata's doings in the country of his uncle, and his sending a messenger to his father, is wanting in Schlegel and the Bombay edition. And since these additional chapters contain no new incident except the sending of the
+ Gorresio's Ramayana, Vol. I. p. 298.

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messenger (which has very little to do with the Dravidian numerals, at least up to 10, are original story), they are probably interpolations.
and not taken from the Sanskrit, a riew which, RAMKRISHNA G. BHANDARKAR. regarding 5 and 10, had been called in question by
a well-known scholar. How clearly the Dravidians SERPENT-WORSHIP.
are marked out by their numerals! That the SIR.-In his Essay on " Vasta-yaga and its
Penge Porjas, Tagara Porjas, and Durwa Gonds bearing upon Serpent and Tree Worship in India,"
use Uriya words for some of the lower numbers published in the Journal of the Bengal Asiatic is curious indeed, and the cause of their doing so Society (Part I. No. 3—1870), Babu Pratáp Chan
deserves thorough inquiry. Is there any unsurdra Ghosha, B.A., asserted that no templo has
mountable objection to the supposition that the ever been raised by Aryans for the sole worship
Dravidian numbers known to be used by them are of the Serpent in India, though the Hindus enter
the remnant of a complete set P or that by a more tain a kind of respect for the allegorical characters
intimate intercourse with the tribes the original Ananta and Vasuki. Now in Prayag (Allahabad) an series may still be found to exist among them ? It ancient temple still stands dedicated solely to the
may have been necessary for the tribes to adopt worship of the Ndga Vasuki. Perhaps it is the only
some numbers from their neighbours, who by way one of its kind in the N. W. Provinces, for I have
of intercourse learned to know and use a few of have seen none elsewhere, not even in Benares.
theirs, but did not care to acquire and use all. It is called by natives Rája Vasuk or Dusadowmddh. Concerning the Köis and Selliya Porjas, I sbould The spot is associated with several legendary
like to know whether their having borrowed some traditions, one of which is that Brahma, in ages
Telugu words is a fully established fact P The sogone by, performed there the sacrifice of a thousand
called Telugu words may be as original with them horses, -hence its sacredness. The temple is
as with the Telugus, and prove that the two tribes beautifully situated amidst a grove of trees,
once lived in a more favourable position in union overlooking the Ganges, which flows just under
with their kinsmen, the Telugus, and also with it. The scenery is charming. It is a massive
the other large Dravidian tribes. It is interestbuilding on an elevated terrace, and looks quite
ing to observe that the expression for "one" in new, for we learn that a hundred years ago it
Köi is orrote, in Togara Porja--vakat, in Teluguwas all repaired, and the pakka stone ghat under it
okati, the Köi being next to the root. The tom constructed by the millionaire of Daraganj, a
(another form of om, the first part of "nine" in detached village of Allahabad lying on the bank
Kõi aud Teluga) does not appear in other dialects of the river. The image of the Naga Vasuki is
before 19. carved out of a black stone set in the front wall of
With reference to Dravidian derivations, I take the temple, and is about a foot and a half high. It is
the liberty to state the Dravidian rule that a noun neatly sculptured as a hooded snake standing erect
may be formed by simply lengthening the verbal when enraged. There are other idols of less note. root; the inverse process would be against the A large fair is held here on Nagapanchami, to
spirit of the language. On this rule restu the which many of the Hindus from Allahabad and
derivation of ndlu, ndiku (Koi nalúr, Darwa Gond neighbouring villages come, to secure the double
ndir, Togara Porja--ndlu, Telugu-ndlugu, ndgu). merit of bathing in the sacred stream and wor.
The root nal, to be lovely, is very common with the shipping the serpent-god on the auspicious
Southern Dravidians; a root akin to it is nat, to occasion. The temple is resorted to by every
be fragrant. Both roots have been adopted by the pilgrim to Praydg, with whom it is a belief that
Aryas, as a study of the words beginning with the merit of bathing in the sacred confluence
their letters in a Sanskrit Dictionary will show. of Ganga and Jamuna is not complete until he
(Some of those words are to be referred to the visits the temple of the king of Serpents. Pilgrims
Dravidian root nad, to be erect, to be planted; de to other sacred places in India take Ganges water
L=1.) from this place only, as it is considered purer
F. KITTEL
Merkara, 25th March 1873. than elsewhere in Praydg.
KAGINATH.
THE GUJARAT LION. Sirsa, Allahabad, 2nd December 1872.
It is erroneous to suppose that the Kathi wad
(Gujarat) Lion is maneless, although in the speci. NOTE ON DRAVIDIAN NUMERALS. mens I have seen the mane has been consider. I have read with much interest the remark onably shorter and of lighter colour than that of the the note concerning ancient Dravidian numerals African species. One that I shot, supposed to (Ind. Ant. II. 97). It corroborates the view that the have been eight years old from its containing that

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MISCELLANEA.
125
is à
dos à
number of lobes in its liver, had the hair covering the back of the head and neck not more than a few inches long. The dimensions of this animal taken as it lay dead on the ground were as fol. lows:Length from nose to tip of tail...... 8' 10"
of head and body alone...... 511" ,, of tail ......................... Height at shoulder ...................... Girth of neck ............................. - chest ..........................4' 1"
fore-arm .................... Length of hair on mane ............... 5"
In appearance its colour is very much like that of a camel or a female nilgåe, and I have on one occasion, when at a distance, actually mistaken a lion for the latter animal. From its colour it derives the name by which it is known in most parts of Gujarat, "Untia-Båg" or "Camel-coloured tiger." In the Gir however it is always called “Sawaj," a name that I do not think is known out of Kathiawad. The male is rather darker than the female and is a little heavier about the head and shoulders, the female being very much the same shape as the common tiger. Their habits are somewhat similar to those of the tiger. They always travel at night, leaving their daily restingplace about sunset. Their first visit is generally to the water, after which they wander about in search of food, often going many miles over hill and dale in their nightly peregrinations. In pasing from one favourite resting place to another they generally make use of the best roads the country affords, and I have often met their footmarks going for miles along the road I have been myself traversing; and if one did happen to travel in that country on a fine moonlight night, I can imagine nothing more likely to occur than a chance rencontre with one of these forest-kings. They feed chiefly on nilgåe, sâmbar, and wild hog, a single blow of their paw generally sufficing to break the back of the largest animal. They sometimes commit considerable depredations on the herds of buffaloes that are taken into the Gir for grazing. Owing to the great heat, the cattle are generally allowed to wallow in the mud and lie under trees during the hottest part of the day; and at night they are driven out to graze. As a rule they keep together, in which case they are never disturbed by the lion; but if by chance & sick one should lag behind, or should any wander away to a distance from the rest of the herd, the lion, if there be one near, is sure to bag it, how ever big and powerful it may be. As long as the herd keeps together, however, there is no fear, as the lion dare not attack. If the kill be made early in the evening and the lion be hungry, he
will at once commence eating it, but will always leave it about daylight and go and rest for the day at some secluded spot in the neighbourhood, either down near the water in the shade of karanda and other trees, or, what is perhaps more common, he will go on the top of some neighbouring hill where he may get a cool breeze, and where he lies out in the open under the shade of a big stone or, when procurable, of a large banyan tree. When disturbed he does not slink away like a tiger or panther, but walks or runs upright without any attempt at concealment. Being very nearly the same colour as the ground and of the scorched leafless trees with which these hills are covered in the hot weather, it is very difficult to see him before being seen oneself; and this generally happens, owing to the frequent absence of undergrowth in these jungles before the sportsman gets within range.
I have never heard an authentic instance of an unwounded lion attacking a man, but when wound. ed I should say that their ferocity would fully equal that of the tiger. It is a curious fact that not a tiger or a bear exists in a wild state in the whole of Kathiawad. Panthers however are very numerous in the Gir as well as in other parts of the country.
As far as I know from my own experience and from inquiries I have made, I am of opinion that there are not more than fifty lions in the whole country. The female generally has two cubs, but probably, as is the case with other animals of the kind, there are three born-it being supposed that the firstborn is always devoured by the mother. Capt. H. Trotter, R.E., in the Report of the G.T. Survey, 1871-72.
A HUMAN SACRIFICE. It is the belief of all Orientals that hidden treasures are under the special guardianship of supernatural beings. The Singhalese however divide the charge between demons and cobra capellas. Various charms are resorted by those who wish to gain the treasureg. A pujd is to sufficient with the cobras, but the demons require & sacrifice. Blood of a human being is the most important, but, . As far as it is known, the Kappowas have hitherto confined themselves to a sacrifice of a white cock, combining its blood with their own, drawn by a slight puncture in the hand or foot. A Tamil has however improved on this, as our readers will see by the following case, now in the hands of the Justice of the Peace.
Some kulis of Agravatte were led to believe that a vast treasure of gems was secreted somewhere in the neighbourhood, and consulted their Kodangt on the subject; he heartily joined in the

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project of searching for the gems, and undertook a few hundred yards of the town, is the sacred to invoke the demon in charge, and point out the tank, full of sacred fish," where the founder of exact locality where the gems were lying. For the Sikh religion, Baba Nának, is said to have this purpose he made an 'Anganam' composed of rested during one of his long pilgrimages 300 ingredients supposed to produce a magic varnish, years ago, and struck with the palm of his hand a which when rubbed on a betel-leaf would show rock whence immediately burst forth a capital the locality of the treasure, and allow of the stream which has never ceased to flow. Visitors Kodangi having a personal interview with his are shown the impress on the north wall of the Satanic Highness. In these invocations it is tank of his five fingers, and this gives rise to the always customary for the priests to go into fits, name by which it is commonly known, Punja which, from being feigned, often become (unin- Sahib. tentionally) real. In this case the Kodangi ap- Sportmen must beware of fishing within a cor. pears to have beer uuusually favoured by the tain distance of this tank, or they will find them. Devil, who revealed to him all secrets, including selves in difficulties, the fish in and around it the fact that the sacrifice of the firstborn male of being religiously dedicated to the memory of the a human being was the only means of attain pious Guru ! ing the coveted treasure. This revelation was They will not however be disappointed by the Bo explained by the Kodangi to his three part- prohibition, for within half a mile of the town runs ners, one of whom having a firstborn son,' at a stream where excellent fishing can be obtained. once objected (blood was here stronger than By the side of this and other brooks water-cresses avarice), and withdrew from the co-partnership. grow in great abundance. A few ferns are also to The other three were determined on making their be found near the numerous flour-mills which are fortunes (!) and again consulted the oracle, when turned by the smaller channel or "kuttas" falling the Kodangi insisted on a human sacrifice as the into the larger stream at the bottom of the valley. only mode of obtaining the riches. The same Following its course for three or four miles till it evening the firstborn of the objecting party was joins the river Haru, the sportsman will not fail missing. He at once informed the Superintendent to bring home a capital dish of young Mârsir, of the estate, and search was made for the boy. The ruins of some old Muhammadan buildings The police were informed, and Inspector Davids as well as the tonb of one of the Queens of the and two constables proceeded to the spot and Emperor Jehôngir, are to be seen at the north side apprehended the Kodangi and another on suspi- close beneath the hill on which the shrine stands; cion. Next day the poor boy was found in a bush for this little valley with its neighbouring garden with his throat cut, and every appearance of the of Wah was always a favourite resting-place of the blood having been taken to ensure Old Nick's' Mughul Emperors during their annual migrations grace. One of the partners has disappeared, and
to Kashmir. So recently as A. D. 1809, the hills he is supposed to have been the cut-throat. The
to the south formed the boundary of the Kabul case is adjourned till the apprehension of the
dominions in this quarter of Hindustan. Wah absconding party. This shows & depravity
derives its name from an exclamation said to have amongst the Tamils not hitherto known to the
been attered by the Emperor Akbar on first seeing planters.--Ceylon Times,
its beauty, "Wah! Wah!”
From the Trunk Line a good broad road turns
off near the town to Haripur and Abbottabad, disHASSAN ABDAL.
tant 24 and 41 miles respectively. Travellers from Hassan Abdal is a small town of less than 5,000 the south would however find it preferable and inhabitants, exactly halfway between Rawal Pindi shorter to turn off for Hazarah at Kala Serai, 8 miles and Atak (28 miles from each).
south, near to which is the site of the ancient Prettily situated near the base of a range of hills, Taxila occupied by Alexander's army upwards of on the crest of which stands the white shrine of 2000 years ago. the Kandahari Saint, Hassan Abdula-or "Baba Coins, pieces of sculpture, heads, and other Wali," as he was generally called, it looks down relics have been occasionally disinterred from many upon a small fertile valley, through which meander feet beneath the surface, and the Lahor Museum several small rivulets shaded by the weeping now contains several figures in plaster of decided willow, oleander, mulberry, and shisham trees. Greek origin, which were obtained from this site Near the source of these streams, which is within by the Civil authorities.-Indian Public Opinion.

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AUTHORSHIP OF THE RATNÁVALI
ON THE AUTHORSHIP OF THE RATNAVALI. BY G. BÜHLER, PH. D.
R.
FITZ EDWARD HALL, in his introduction to the Vásavadattá, has brought forward various arguments to show that the king named in the Ratnavali as its author is not, as Professor H. H. Wilson supposed, King Sriharshadeva of Kashmir, but Sriharsha of Kanoj, otherwise called Harshavardhana, and that, consequently, the play dates, not from the 12th, but from the 7th century A. D. The substance of his argumentation is this.
While several commentators on the Kavyaprakása, viz. Vaidyanatha, Nâ gesa, and Jayarama, state, with reference to Mammata's words, "Dhâvaka and others re-. ceived wealth from Sriharsha and others," that Sriharsha or King Sriharsha paid Dhavaka highly for composing and selling to him the Ratnávali, another scholiast, Sitikantha, substitutes Bân a's name for D hâvaka's. There are strong reasons for supposing that B ân a rather than Dhavaka is the correct reading in the passage from Ma mmata, and the real name of the poet who wrote the Ratnávali for Sriharsha. For, firstly, no poet called Dhavaka is mentioned in any of the collections of elegant extracts' accessible (to Dr. Hall), while Bâņa is well known. Secondly, a stanza from the Ratnávali is found, word for word, in Bana's Harshacharita. It is certain that the verse is not an interpolation in either of the two works, and "downright plagiarism of one respectable author from another is unknown." Thirdly, we know for certain that Bâna was patronised by, and even an intimate friend of, a king called Sriharsha, whose history he wrote in the Harshacharita. This Sriharsha is the same as Harshavardhana, the cotemporary of Hiwen Thsang, who lived in the beginning of the 7th century.'
Though the force of Dr. Hall's arguments is undeniable, and I, for one, have always been inclined to accept his conclusion, still many 'conservatives' will object to it, because tradi
P. 15 seq.
To these may be added Nrisimha T hakkura, who says: Dhava kandma kavih svakṛitim ratnâvalim nama natikim vikriya sriharshan&mno rajnah sakáld bahutaram dhanamavipeti purana vida udaharanti.
Nrisimha quotes N&g esa and can hardly be called an independent witness.
127
tion seems at least to be strong on the side of Dhavaka, and weak on that of Bana. I say advisedly that it seems to be strong on Dhâvaka's side, as I think it highly probable that the three Pandits adduced by Dr. Hall are not independent witnesses. They belong apparently to one and the same, viz. the Benares-Marâtha, school. Besides, Dr. Hall has very justly pointed out how reckless modern Pandits are in repeating, without verification, statements or passages which they have read. It might further be urged that dh () for (a) v, and (vaka) for n (T) are not uncommon clerical mistakes.
But I am now enabled to bring forward further direct traditional evidence tending to weaken the story about Dhâvaka. I have lately obtained a copy of a commentary on the Mayurasataka, which states in plain terms that the Ratnávali belongs to that Sriharsha who was the patron and friend of Bâņa. This work is the Bhavabodhini of Madhus û. dana of the Panchanada family, son of Mâdhava bhatta and pupil of Balakrishna, who wrote in Vikrama samvat 1711, or 1654 A.D. at Surat.§
The beginning of his account of the origin of the Suryasataka runs thus:---
Atha vidvadvṛindavinodiya ilmsivriddhavadanid viditaḥ śrîsaryaśatakaprâdurbhivaprasangastavat prochyate sa yatha | milavarajasyojjayinîrajadhânîkasya kavijanamûrdha
nyasya ratnavalyâkhyanatikâkarturmahârâjaSriharshasya sabhyau mahikavî paurastyau bâna mayûrâv âstâm! tayormadhye mayûrabhattah évaśuro binabhaṭṭaḥ kâdambarigranthakarti tasya jâmità | tayoḥ kavitva prasange parasparam spardhâsît bânastu pûrvam eva kadichid rajasamîpe samâgato râjúâ mahatya sambhivanayà svanikate sthâpitaḥ kuṭumbena sahojjayinyâm sthitaḥ | kiyatsvapi divaseshvatiteshu kavitvaprasange tatpadyâni śrutva mayûrabhatto rajnâ svadeśad â kâritaḥ | ityâdi.
This has actually been done by Mahesachandra, the Calcutta editor of the Kavyaprakasa; see Weber, Ind. Streifen, I. 357.
§ The MS. in my hands is a copy of that mentioned in my catalogue of MSS. from Gujarat No. II. p. 94, no. 146.

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“Now, for the amusement of the learned, the stanzas addressed to that deity. No menaccount of the composition of the illustrious tion, however, is made of the Jaina Sûri
Century addressed to the Sun,' is narrated, as | Manatunga, who plays so great a part it has been learnt from the mouth of the illus- | in the account of the commentary on the trious ancients. It is as follows. Two eastern | Bhaktámara. poeta, called Bâņa and May û ra, lived at the Madhusudana's account, learnt from the court of Maharaja Sriharsha, the chief of mouth of the illustrious ancients,' and written poeta, the composer of the NatikA called Rat- down a thousand years after Harshavardhana's návali, who was lord of Mala va and whose and Båna's times, of course cannot claim any capital was Ujjain. Amongst them Ma- higher authority than any other of the thousand yhrab hatta was the father-in-law, and and one literary anecdotes which delight the PanBáņabhatta, the author of the Kadambari, dits of our days. It contains undoubtedly some was his son-in-law. They were rivals in poetry. grains of truth, as it associates Srîbarsha with But B &ņa bhatta had before, at some time or Båņa and Mayůra. It is probably inaccurate in other, approached the king, had been honour- making Ujjain Sriharsha's capital. For ably settled near him, and dwelt with his family though, according to the Harshacharita, Rajyain Ujjain. After the lapse of some time the vardhana, Sriharsha's elder brother, conquered king heard, on the occasion of a poetical recital, Mâlava, neither that work nor Hiwen Thsang's some verses of Mayûra bhatta and called account of his stay with Harsha shows that that him from his country," etc.
monarch actually resided there. The importance The remainder of the story agrees with the of Madhusudana's story lies in this, that it posextract from an anonymous commentary on the sesses an authority equal to that of the statement Bhaktámarastotra, adduced by Dr. Hall, Vasa- of Mammaţa's three commentators about Dhavadatta p. 8, and narrates how, in punishment vaka, and consequently tends to discredit the of a licentious description of his daughter's latter. The various reading given by Siticharms, Mayura became a leper and was kantha gains in importance, and Dr. Hall's indecored by the Sun after composing a century of pendent arguments are strengthened.
NOTE ON A BUDDHIST CAVE AT BHAMER, KHANDESH.
BY W. F. SINCLAIB, Bo. C. S., KH ANDESH, The fort of Bhamer, in the Nizâmpur deva, who has here a temple of considerable size Petå of Khandesh, lies about 30 miles W. by N. and unknown antiquity. This tank and another of Dhulia as the crow flies, and consists of two are dry; the only one retaining any water is a steep rocks lying nearly at right angles to each little lake called the Raj Talao, which local traother, and rising from the centre of a plateau dition holds to be bottomless, and to have an unwhich separates the valleys of the Kan and derground communication with a spring called Burai rivers.
the Go kûr Påni, about three miles away The hollow between them, facing south, is on the further or northern side of the fort. enclosed by two semicircular and concentric | There are several caves visible in the eastern ramparts, within the lesser or innermost of which and larger hill, and one in the western. This lies the macht or cantonment, while the outer latter is a small plain vihara, resembling some protects the town or kasba. Each of these has of those at Junnar; the first two in the eastern but ono gate, and there is no other approach or castle hill are apparently mere cellars and but by a steep and narrow footpath between the reservoirs of the same class as those at Lalling two hills, called the K&f&i Bari. The space near Dhulia, and probably of no great antithus enclosed is of about 100 acres, and seems to quity; but on entering the third, above the havo formerly contained about a thousand houses doors of which I noticed some carving, I was besides several fine wells and cisterns; but surprised and delighted to find myself in a there are now about a dozen resident families, vihåra much resembling, but for its small size, half of them Bhills and Mhárs. There are three some of those at Ajanta. I had, unfortunately, large tanks, one of which is sacred to Maha- no means of measurement with me; and the

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STATUE OF COMATESVARA AT SRAVANA BELGOLA.

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ŚRÅVANA BELLIGOLA.
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caves are too fall of water and debris to admit of pacing, but I estimate the length of the ve. randa at about fifty feet, and it is five deep. This veranda terminates at each end in a cell, and communicates by three doors ornamented with scrollwork, with as many square caves. These have no inner communication. The roofs are supported by pillars about eight feet high, hewn in the living rock, of a pattern very like what I have seen at Ajanta. About one-third of the pillar is square (the corners terminating in a sort of leaf), surmounted by an octagonal band, as this in its turn is by a circular one; and then the same arrangement is repeated : from the base of the last circle a triangle rises into the capital. The ceiling is crossed by broad joists intersecting at right angles at, and be-
tween, the pillars. I failed to detect any image or inscription, or any sign of plaster or painting, but I had no light and my inspection was necessarily brief. The westernmost cave opens by a hole inches square into a large pit or cistern, which the villagers say was a dungeon; and this hole was used to feed the prisoners through. The pit is about fifty feet long by thirty wide, deep, and open at the top along the whole of one side, but there are no steps down into it. I should think it was originally made to hold water, which is bad and scarce on the rock ; but it may afterwards have been used as related. There is another cave on this southern side of the hill, and three or four on the northern ; but they are all of the same class as those first entered. I know of no other Buddhist cave within sixty miles.
ŚRÅVANA BELLIGOLA.
3Y CAPT. J. S. F. MACKENZIE, MAISUR COMMISSION. Five miles from Chenraipatam, in the Total height to the bottom of the ear ...500 Hassan District, Maisur, is the small town of From the bottom of the ear to the crown Śrá vana Belligola, famous for its co- of the head (not measured), about ... 6 6 lossal statue of the Jaina god Gomatesvara. Length of the foot ........... The town lies between two rock-y hills,' and Breadth across the front of the foot ...... is but a mean collection of houses whose inha- Length of the great toe ............... bitants gain a precarious living by working in Half girth at the instep ..................... brass and copper. The larger of the two hills is
of the thigh ..... crowned by the statue, 561 feet high, and From the hip to the ear .................. cut out of one solid block of gneiss. It is a
coccyx to the ear ............... striking object and can be seen for miles. The Breadth across the pelvis nude figure of the god differs in no way, except
, at the waist ........................ in size, from the other statues of the same god From the waist and elbow to the ear ... which are to be found, now no longer re red,
armpit to the ear ................ here and there throughout the district. High Breadth across the shoulders ............... square shoulders, curly hair, flat nose, thick lips, From the base of the neck to the ear ... and small waist, are here faithfully, but on a Length of the forefinger..................... large scale, represented.
middle finger ............... 5 Onoe in twenty years the great ceremony of
3rd finger....................* washing the god is performed. The last occa- 1 4th finger .................. 2 8 sion was in the early part of June 1871. To The statue is surrounded with buildings, perform the ceremony a platform is erected which prevent the full figure being seen until Mr. Scandon, who happened to be on the spot, one is close up to it. This of course destroys took advantage of this to measure the different the general effect, but the head and shoulders parts. Unfortunately before he could complete as viewed from the opposite hill impresses one the work some of the priests interfered. This with a trange feeling of awe. Calmly gazing is, I believe, the first and only time buch me away into space, the statue fully realises the surements were taken. Those now given may idea of perfect repose which the sculptor aimed be relied on as correct.
at. One of the local legends has it that M&.
SANTOS

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ya, the carpenter of the giants, at Ravana's request, was the sculptor.
In the name Śrâvana Belligola is crystallized a story of bygone days. "Châmundaraya, after having established the worship of this image, became proud and elated at placing this god, by his own authority, at so vast an expense of money and labour. Soon after this, when he performed, in honoar of the god, the ceremony of Pan châmrita Snâ na (or washing the image with five liquids-milk, curds, butter, honey, and sugar), vast quantities of these things were expended in many hundred pots, but, through the wonderful power of the god, the liquor descended no lower than the navel, to check the pride and vanity of the worshipper. Châmundaraya, not knowing the cause, was filled with grief that his intention was frustrated of washing the image completely with this ablution. While he was in this situation, the celestial nymph Padmavati, by order of the god, having transformed herself into the likeness of an aged poor woman, appeared, holding in her hand the five amritas in a Belliyagola (or small silver pot) for washing the statue, and signified her intention to Chamundaraya, who laughed at the absurdity of this proposal for accomplishing what it had not been in his power to effect. Out of curiosity, however, he permitted her to attempt it: when, to the great surprise of the beholders, she washed the image with the liquor brought in the little silver vase. Châmundarâ ya, repenting of his sinful arrogance, performed a second time, with profound respect, his ablution, on which they had formerly wasted so much valuable liquids, and washed completely the body of the image.
"From that time this place is named after the silver vase (or Belliyagola) which was held in Padmavati's hand. Sravana (érâmana) is the title of a Jain Sannyasi, and as this place is the principal residence of these Sannyasis the people call it Śrávana Belligola."*
[MAY, 1873.
historical records are fully supported by the tes timony of monuments and inscriptions, the latter of which are exceedingly numerous in the South and West of India. Most of these are very modern -none are earlier than the ninth century. An exception is said to exist in an inscription on a rock at Belligola, recording a grant of land by Chamunda Raya to the shrine of Gomatiévara, in
the year 600 of the Kali age, meaning the Kali of the Jains, which began three years after the death of Varddhamana. This inscription, therefore, if it exists, was written about fifty or sixty years before the Christian era. But it is not clear that any such record is in existence, the fact resting on the oral testimony of the head Pontiff at Belligola: even if it be legible on the face of the rock it is of questionable authenticity, as it is perfectly solitary, and no other document of like antiquity has been met with."
The following account of the history of this place is taken trom the local "Sthala Purana" :
"Chamunda Râja, king of Dakshina Madurâ, and the descendant of Jaina Kshettri Pându, set out with his family, escorted by an army of infantry, cavalry, elephants, and chariots, with a view of visiting the god Gomatesvara (500 bilu high) at Pâdanâ-purâ, and the 1254 other gods in the smaller temples scattered throughout the surrounding country. En route he came to Śrâvana Belligola Kshettra, having heard a good deal about the god Gomatesvara (18 bilu high). He repaired the ruined temples, and among other ceremonies had that of sprinkling the god performed. He appointed Siddhântâchârya as Guru of the math, to conduct the daily, monthly, annual, and other processions. He established in the math a chattram whe food, medicine, and education were provided for pilgrims. He appointed men of his caste to receive with due respect the devotees and pilgrims of all three castes who should resort to the place from Dehli, Kanakadri Svitapura Sudhapura, Pâpâpuri, Champâpuri Sammidagiri Ujjayantagiri, Jayanagara, &c. For this purpose certain villages, giving an annual revenue of 196,000 pagodas, were made over to the temple. He fixed silà sâsanas in the four directions in the Chaitra month of the year Vibhava-605 of Kaliyuga, or the 1215th year after the death of Vardhamânasvami. This endowment was maintained by his descendants for 109 years.
It is difficult to fix the date of the statue. If the inscription exists which is referred to in the following extract from H. H. Wilson's Works (Vol. I. p. 332), then would the date be B.C. 50 at least, for that is the year when the king granted the land:---
"The conclusions founded on traditionary or As. Res., vol. IX. p. 266; and conf, Buchanan, Mysore, &c. vol. III. P. 410.-ED.

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ŚRÅVANA BELLIGOLA.
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"Afterwards from the Saka year 444, Prajot- patti Pandu Raya and his descendants appointed Kundacharya to manage the affairs of the temple, and continued the charitable endowments for 90 years.
"Again from Saka year 564, one Vîrapandya Raya and his son appointed Siddhântâcharya to the temple for 80 years. They also gave inám lands to the temple.
Then followed Kuna Pându Raya, who appointed Amalakirti Acharya to the temple. This king however changed his religion and destroyed the charities established by his predecessors. He and his family were ruined.
"At this time certain princes belonging to the family of Châmunda Rêya who governed the provinces of Halebidu, Bilikere, Kâdanahalli, Aukanahalli, &c., built small temples at Gômatapura Bilukere, Biliulli, Halebidu, and set up an image Gômateśvara, the height of two men, on the hill of Gômatapura, and gave for the maintenance of worship the villages called Śrávanahalli, Jinnahalli, Gômatapura, and Padenahalli. They also, in order that the discontinued worship at Sravana Belligola might be renewed and continued, gave eight other villages, and appointed Amalakirti Acharya to manage the affairs. This they continued for 67 years.
"From the Saka year 777, Bhêva, this country fell into the hands of the Hayasâ la Belâlâ kings who were Jaina Kshatriyas ruling over the country of Hayaskla. Aditya, a descendant of this house, having heard of the excellence of the place and the beauty of the idol, paid a visit to it, and had the ceremony of sprinkling the god performed. He gave villages (out of those that had been given by Chåmunda Raya) yielding & revenue of 96,000 pagodas, and appointed Sómanandyacharya to carry out the worship properly.
"Afterwards, Amalakîrti Belâla made over to the temple lands yielding 5,000 pagodas, and appointed Tridamavibudhanandyacharya as head of the math. This continued for 49 years,
"Another of the Belala kinge, named Ango Raja, continued the same for 56 years, and appointed Prabhâchandrasiddhântâ charya to manage the affairs. After this Pratâpa Bella nominated Gunâchandracharys to manage the affairs. This continued for 64 years.
"Udyaditya Belala, Vira Belala, and Gan. gåraya Belåla each continued the worship by
granting lands yielding 5,000 pagodas. Bettavardhana Belala gave an inám of land yielding 50,000, and continued the worship for 31 years under the management of Shubhachandracharya.
"In the Saka year 1039, Durmukhi, Bettavardhana, under the taunts of his favourite concubine and the arguments of Ramanujacharya, received Taptamudra' (mark of the religion) and thus became a convert to the Vaishnava religion. He then changed his name to Vish. nuvardhana, and, with a bitter hatred against this (Jaina) religion, discontinued or abolished all the indms, destroyed 790 Basti temples and set up Pancha Narayaņas, viz.--Chenniga Narkyaņa at Belira, Kirti Narayana at Talakadu, Vijaya Narayana at Vijayapura, Viranarayana at Gadugu, and Lakshmi Narayana at Haradanahalli, transferring to these all the 'svåstyâs' or indms that had been formerly given to the Basti temples. He built the tank at Tondamirů from the stones of the destroyed Basti temples, and called it Tirumala Sågara. Having abolished different kinds of Jaina inâms, viz:* Agraharas,' 'Punarvarga svåstyâs, Man. nias,' &c., he established below this tank Tirumulasagara Chatter for the feeding of RÅmångja küta assembly of RÂmânuja seota). He gave the name of Melukota and Tirunarayanapura to the village of Dodds Garuganahalli, constructed several temples and places, and caused steps to be erected to the hill of Melukðta. After he had continued in this course for some timo, when unable to bear the devadróha,' or sin against the gods, the earth opened, and all the villages and lands near Adugaru in the Bekara Taluka were swallowed up. When the news thereof reached the king Vishnuvardhana, he called together his wise men and inquired of them why this thing had come to pass. The learned men told him it was because of the number of Jaina temples he had destroyed. He then called together all castes of people and offered Santi (sacrifice) and worship to the gods, but all in vain. The people of the other sects said that a remedy should be sought for from the Jainas alone. But the king, having changed his religion, would not ask the Jainas for the reme. dy. Ho tried again to remove the evil by going to great expense, but it was of no use. He failed again. Thinking that further delay would cause the ruin of their country, all the people went to the king, who, with

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his guru, Ramanujyachâryâ, proceeded to Belli. Deva Raya, his son Mallikayima Raya, and others go!a and earnestly requested the Jaina priest who ruled the country as tributary to Dehli, Shubhachandracharya to try and find a remedy. also continued, as their ancestor Harihara Raya, The priest replied, "Why are you come anto giving an inam of 3,000 pagodas. After these, me? Are there not men of other religions ? Krishna Raya, a natural son of one of the above Go unto them.' Then the people of other reli- kings, and his son Śrîranga Raya and others, gions and the king said, 'We have tried but are eleven descendants, who ruled at Srirangapatam unable to effect a remedy.' They promised if he np to the year Saumya, 1531 of the Saka era, would do this thing for them, then would they contributed an inam of 1,000 pagodas. give all their Birudu (insignia) to him, restore “In the year Sådhårana or 1532, Raja Vadiyar, the province of 12,000 (pagodas), and continue. sovereign of Maisur, took possession of Srirangathe Dharma (worship) undisturbedly. They patam. He ruled for eight years, during which also said they would cause Šila Sâsanas' to he contributed an inam of 1,000 pagodas as Sribe erected to this effect. Upon this the priest ranga Raya. His son and successor was Narasaconsented and caused certain kinds of worship râja. His son Chararaja Vadiyar ascended the and penances to be performed. He then sent throne in the year of the Kaliyug 1540 and ruled for 108 white pompkins, filled them with man- for twelve years. In Sukla, or 1550, Chamaraja trams or sacred words, and threw one every Vadiyar succeeded and ruled the country for day into the gap, which gradually filled up until eight years. Then Imâdiraja Vadiyar came to only half a pumpkin remained. Then the people the throne, and governed the country for only of other religions gave over their insignia to two years. In Pramidi or 1562, Kanthirava the priest and got Sila Sasanas made, giving the Narasarija Vadiyar succeeded and ruled for priest the title of Charukirtipanditâcharya.' twelve years. All these five sovereigns continued The particulars of these circumstances are to be for 51 years to allow the temple an inâm found in the Adagurd temple. The land still land of 1,000 pagodas. In the year Sårvari, bears the mark. Traditions of the place handed 1582, Drda Devaraja Vadiyar succeeded to down from father to son corroborate the above. the Maigur throne, and during his adminisSasanas were then erected, one at Belligola and tration of fourteen years, having heard of the one at Melukota, to the effect that both the Ra- excellence of Gômateśvara, he paid a visit to mánujya and Jaina sects should henceforward Belligoļa on the 10th of the moon's increase in act friendly with each other, that in case of the Pushya month of the year Paridhåvi, worship, &c. at Belligola being interrupted, the 1595, gave away large sums of money, granted Vaishnavas should maintain it by a subscription the village of Madane to the math of Charukirtiof one fanam per house, and vice versa. Inâms of panditâchârya, besides continuing the inâm land 12,000 pagodas in land were given, and Chåru- of 1,000 pagodas granted by his predecessors. kirtipanditáchârya was entrusted with the ma- In the year Ananda 1597, Chikkadevarâja Vanagement of the affairs of the temple.
diyar succeeded. He subdued the countries of “After some time when the people of Dehli in Kôrala, &c. and ruled with vigour for thirtyvaded Sonthern India and took possession of it, one years. He also visited Belligola, had the Maisar also fell into their hands, and the Dhar- ceremony Mastakabhishika' performed, conma or Inâms were discontinued in the year siructed a pond called Kalyani, with a pyramidDhâta, 1259 of the era. This province then be al tower and a prakâra or wall round it, and came subject to the kingdom of Anegandi. Its repaired several Chaityalayas' or Jaina temking, Bukkurâ ya, set out to inspect his newly ac- ples, besides continuing the inâms of 1,000 paquired province, and on arriving at Belligola godas and the village of Madane to the math. In saw the statue and granted an inam of 3,000 Parthiva, 1627, Kanthirava Raja, son of Chikka pagodas for the worship, &c. His son Sanga- Deva Raja, ruled the country for eight years, ma Růya and grandson Harihara Râya followed during which time both the village of Madane his example and appointed Chårukirtipandita- and the 1,000 pagodas inÂm land were still concharya to the management of the affairs. tinued to the math, whose affairs were presided Twelve of the descendants of Harihara Raya, over by the priest Chârukirtipanditacharya. Dodviz: Pratápa Ramad ya Raya, his son Pratapa. dakrishna Raja Vadiyar ascended the throne in

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Vijaya or 1636 and reigned for thirteen years. He also visited Belligola, and after causing 'Mastakabhishika' and worship to be performed to the deity, and effecting repairs, granted the village of Kabbal in addition to Madane, and that of 1,000 pagodas, and appointed Chârukirtipanditâcharya to the management of the temple affairs. On the accession of Chamaraja of Chikkanahalli in the year Virôdhikṛit or 1654, he ruled only for three years. After him Imâdikrishna Raja Vadiyar succeeded in the year Ananda or 1658, and during the 30 years of his reign he continued the charity granted by his predecessors, viz. land of 1,000 pagodas and the two villages Madane and Kabbal; he died in the year Vijaya or 1688. His successor was Bettada
MENHIRS OF MAISUR.
LEGEND OF THE MENHIRS OF MAISUR.
BY V. N. NARASIMMIYENGAR, BANGALUR.
Under this head Captain J. S. F. Mackenzie mentions the Vyâsana Tolu stones (Vyasa's arm) at page 49 of the Indian Antiquary Vol. II. I have met with several of these stones standing isolated near the town of Anantapûr in the Nagar Division. Indeed the locality bristles with interesting archeological remains. In the daily round of Vaishnavâ religious rites, a sloka is repeated commemorating the incident to the truth of which these imperishable stone monuments bear testimony. It runs as follows:Satyam Satyam Punas Satyam, Udhdhitya bhujamnchyat
Vêdâ chchâstram param nâsti, Nadaivam kêéavât param.
"It is declared (by Vyâsa) with arm aloft that there is no other sastra but the Veda, and no god but Kesava (Vishnu). This is the truth over and over again."
133
Chamaraja Vadiyar, during whose reign Haidar acquired influence, and the charity was continued as before, viz. 1,000 pagodas land and the two villages to the math. In the year Visvåvasu, 1708, Tipu attached all Devâdâyâs' and 'Brahmadâyâs,' i. e. inâms granted to temples and Brahmans, which included the lands and villages granted to this temple: then the English under General Wellesley and Kulis captured Srirangapatam on the 30th or new-moon day of Chaitra Bahulâ of the year Siddharti 1721, and restored Maisur to His Highness the Mahâraja Krishna Vadiyar on Sunday the 13th of Jeshta Bahulâ of the year Siddhârti, and appointed Purnia as Divân, and they remained in Srirangapatam."
The legend concerning Vyâsa losing his arm for his stedfast belief, and his alleged recantation, seems to have been engrafted upon the original story, by the Lingayats, who are known
as uncompromising foes of the Vaishnavas. It is exactly like the legend in which one of the Chola or Pandya kings, noted for his bigotry, is said to have coerced a Vaishnava sage into signing a declaration admitting Siva's supremacy in the world of the gods. The declaration was in this form :
Śivat parataram nâsti: There is none above Śiva.
The equally stubborn Vaishnavâ, notwithstanding the horrible penalty which hung over him like the sword of Damocles, viz. deprivation of sight, ventured to add to the declaration the line
Drôna masti tatah param,
The measure Drôna is larger than that called Śiva,
The allusion being a play upon the word Śivam, which means a small measure.
These legends may be accepted for what they are worth as indicating the bitter hostility between the rival sects of Saivâs and Vaish
navâs.
With the chronology here given, compare the list in Prinsep, Useful Tables (Thomas's ed.) pp. 281-3; see also Buchanan, Mysore, vol. III. p. 408, et passim.-ED.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
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PAPERS ON SATRUNJAYA AND THE JAINS.
BY THE EDITOR. II.-The Tirthankaras or Jinas.
Continued from page 17. The Jaina Tirthankaras or Arhantas only twelve yojanas from the site of Moksh a or -images of one or more of whom figure in final liberation. His next birth was as Vrisha. every temple--are twenty-four in number, each
| bha the Tirthaikara, the son of N Abhi having his separate chinha or cognizance, usu
by Maru Devi, king and queen of Saketa.
nagar. His incarnation was announced by the ally placed under the image, and many of them
fall, morning and evening for six months, of three distinguished by the colour of their complexion,
04, hundred and fifty millions of precious stones. -sixteen being yellow, two red, two white, two
The goddesses Sri, Kri, Dhriti, Kirtti, blue, and two black. In the temples, however, Budhi. and Lakshmi.were sent by Deven. the images are generally of white marble, with 1 dra to wait on Maru devi, during her pregeyes made of silver and overlaid with pieces of nancy, and feed her with the food of the Kalpa, glass. The following is a list of these saints, or all-bestowing tree of heaven, and at his birth, with the principal particulars related of
Devendra and all the inhabitants of every di. each :
vision of the universe came to render homage.
Devendra bathed the child with the contents 1. RISHABHANATHA or ÂDINÂTHA, called also
of the tree of milk, and gave him the name of Na bheya, Yuga disa, Yuga dijina,
Vrişhabba." + Rishabha Deva, Kausalika, Adis.
He is represented as of yellow or golden comvara, and Vrishabha Sena, of the race
plexion; has the bull (Vrisha) for his chinha or of Ikshwa ku, was the son of Nábhi by
cognizance, Chakreśvari for his sásanaMaru-devi. In the Adi Purana, a Jaina
devi. According to the commentator of the compilation ascribed to Jinasena Acharya,
Kalpa Satra, he was born at Kosala or Ayowho is said to have lived in the reign of Vi.
dhyâ, towards the end of the third age. He kramaditya, but who was probably much was the first king (Prathama Rája), first an. later,-Gautama the disciple of Mahavira
choret (Prathama Bhikshákara), and first saint relates to Srenika the king, the birth and
(Prathama Jina and Prathama Tirthankara). actions of Vșiş ha bha.
His stature, it is pretended, was 500 poles According to this authority,“Vrishabha was
(dhanush); and when he was inaugurated king first born as Mah & bala Chakravartti; be
his age was 2,000,000 great years (purva varsha). ing instructed in the Jaina doctrines, he was next
He reigned 6,300,000 years; and then resigning born in the second heaven as Lalita nga Deva. He was next born as Vajrajang ha, son of V&
the empire to his sons he withdrew to a state of jrab & hu, king of Utpala Kata, a city on
abstract purity: and having spent 100,000 years the Sitoda, one of the rivers of Mahameru, more in passing through the various stages of Having in this existence given food to & Jaina austerity and sanctity, he attained nirvana on a mendicant, he was born as a teacher of that faith mountain named Ashta pada, according to named Arya. From thence he returned to the Hemachandra the same as Kailasa, others second heaven as Swayamprabha deva, say on Satruñjaya, 3 years 8} months before the and was again born a prince, the son of the Raja end of the third age. Besides his children by of Sasinimahanagara, by the name of Su.
other wives, Rishabha had twins by each of his vedi. He again became a divinity as Achyu.
wives Sumangala and Sananda, -by the tendra, presiding over the 16th Swarga or
former & son Bharata the first Chakravarttit heaven. He was then born as Vajran&bhi, son of Vajrasena, king of Pundarikini.
-and a daughter Brâhmi; by the latter a nagara; having obtained great purity, he was
second son Bahubali, and Sundaria born as Sarvårthasiddhi Deva, in a part
daughter. The saint had altogether a hundred of the upper world above the 16th heaven, and children, for whose instruction he invented all • Wilson, Mackenzie Coll. Vol. I. pp. 144, 145.
--the 16th, 17th, and 18th Jinas; Sagera, the son of
Sumitra; Subhms called KArtavtrys; Padma, son of Pad+ Satrunjaya Mahatmya, I. 60. The twelve Chakra. mottars; Harishens of Hari; Jays of Vijaya; and Brahvarttis are: Bharata Arshabhi; Maghavan, son of Vijaya; madatta of Brahme; all of the race of Ikahwdku.-ColeSanatkumara, son of Asvasena; Santi, Kuntha, and An, brooke, Essays, Vol. II. 217; Asiat. Ros., Vol. IX. p. 315.

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THE TIRTHANKARAS.
135
the arts and sciences. Thus he taught drama- Siddharthå, is also of yellow complexion : tic poetry to Bharata, grammar to Brahmi, he has an ape (plavaga ) for his characteristic and arithmetic to Sundari. It may be noticed symbol; and Kalika is the goddess who that Rishabha and his father and son occur in serves him. His stature was 300 poles, and the Parânic lists, where N Abhi is the son of his age 5,000,000 years; he was born at AyoAgnidra king of Jambudvipa son of Priyadhyâ, and his nirvana took place on Samet vrata, king of Antarveda. The kings of Sikhar, ten lakhs of krôrs of sågaras of years various other nations also derived their descent after the preceding. from him. The Mâhâtmya says Vimala vâ 5 . SUMATI, song of Megha and Mañhana was the first of the ancestral fathers. I gali , also of yellow complexion, has a curlew His son was Chakshushmân a father of (kerauncha) for his cognizance and Mahakali Abhichandra, whose son Prasenajita was for his Devi. He was born at Ayodhyâ, lived the father of Maradeva, also called Nabhi ; 4,000,000 years, and his moksha occurred also and at the end of the third spoke of the Avasarat Samet Sikhar, nine lakhs of krörs of ságaras pirí age, the Lord of the World, through his om
after the fourth Jina. nipotence, took birth in the womb of Nábhi's wife 6. PADMAPRABHẢ was son of Sridhara by Marudevî, under the name of Rishabh a, or Susimâ ; born at Kausambhî, of the same Vrish a bhasena. It is Rişhabha's image race as the preceding, but of red complexion. erected by Bahubali that imparts its peculiar His mark is the lotos (abja), and his Devi is sanctity to Satruñjaya.t
Syam. His height was 200 poles, and his 2. AJITANATHA was son of Jitas Atru by
| age 3,000,000 years. His death took place also Vijay & ; of the same race and coinplexion as
on Samet Sikhar 90,000 krors of sugaras after the first; he was also a native of Ayodhyâ, and the fifth Jina. has an elephant (gaja) for his cognizance, and 1 7. SUPARÁVA was the son of Pratishtha Ajitabalâ as his Så sana devi. His stature by Prithvi, born at Benares, of the same was 450 poles, and he lived 7,200,000 great line as the preceding and of golden colour; bis years. His nirvana took place on on Samet cognizance is the figure called śikhar or Mount Pârsvanatha in West- Swastika in Sanskrit, and ern Bengal, in the fourth age, when fifty lakhs of Sátya in Gujarati. His Devi lorôrs of oceans of years I had elapsed out of was Śântâ, and he lived the tenth kror of krörs.
2,000,000 years, his nirvana on 3. SAMBHAVA Was son of Jitari by Se. Samet Sikhar being dated na: of the same race and complexion as Rişha- 9,000 krors of sugaras after the preceding. bha; his cognizance a horse (asva); his Sasa- 8. CHANDRAPRABHA was son of Mahasena na-Duritari; his height 400 poles: he lived by Lakshman & , and was born at Chandri. 6,000,000 years ; he was born at sê wanta, pur; of the race of Ikshwaku, but of fair or white and attained moksha on Pârávanátha hill, thirty complexion : his sign is the moon (bas), and lakhs of krors of ságaras after Ajita.
his devi, Bhrikuti: his height was 150 poles; 4. ABHINANDANA, the son of Sambara by and he lived 1,000,000 years : and his entrance • Prinsep, Usef. Tab., p. 382 n., p. 233 ; also Wilson, Conf. Stevenson, Kalpa Satra, p. i.; Moor, Hindu PanVishnu Purana, pp. 162, 163, and note on p. 164.
theon, pp. 337. 338; Hodgson's Illustrations, p. 48, No. 82. + Weber, über das Catrunjaya Mahatmyam, pp. 36, 27,
The sectaries of the mystic cross or Swastika, or 'doe
tors of reason,' were the followers of the Pon religion, which 1 "In the second chapter, [of Hemachandra's Vocabu- prevailed in Tibet till the general introduction of Badlaryl which relates to the heavens and the gods, &c., the dhism in the ninth century. Their doctrine, named Bon sathor, speaking of time, observes that it is distinguished ghú tsiös, has still professors in Kham yul or Lower Tibet. into Avasarpint and Utsarpinl, adding that the whole Their founder was Chen ræbs. Some believe the doctrine to period is completed by twenty kotis of kotis of sdgaras, have been introduced from China, and consider it identical or 2,000,000,000,000,000 oceans of years. I do not find with the discipline of Lao-tse. Ita followers are called that he anywhere explains the space of time denominated Taosse in Chinese, and in the time of F Hinn appear to sagara or ocean. But I understand it to be an extravagant have existed also in India. - The Tao s named Ai is in estimate of time, which would elapse before a vast cavity
Banskrit Tapasvi, and is stated to have visited the infant filled with chopped hairs could be emptied, at the rate of one Baddhs and drawn his horoscope. Conf. Remusat Fod piece of hair in a century: the time requisite to empty such Kuod K, pp. 208, 230, 231; Laidlay, Pilgrimage of Fa
cavity, measured by yojana every way, iss palya, and Hian, pp. 300, 218, Asiat. Res. vol. i. p. 883; Csoma de that repeated ten kotis of kotis (or 1,000,000,000,000,000] Korod, Dictionary of the Tibetan Language, pp. 36, 94: of times is sagara."-Colebrooke, Essays (1837), Vol. Sykes, Jour. Roy. Asiat. Soc. pp. 310, 884, or Notes on the II. p. 216; Asiat. Researches, Vol. LX. pp. 818, 814
State of Ancient India, pp. 66 and 88.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
into moksha or beatitude, took place 900 krôrs of sagaras later than the seventh Tirthankara.
9. PUSHPADANTA, also named Suvida, was the son of Supriya" by Râmâ: he was born at Kakendrapuri, of the same race and complexion with the last; his mark is a makara or crocodile, and his Devi is Sutâ raka. His stature was 100 poles, and his life lasted 200,000 years. He was deified on Samet Sikhar ninety krors of sagaras after Chandraprabhâ.
10. SITALA, the son of Dridharatha by Nandâ, was born at Bhadalpur; of the same race, and with a golden complexion: his sign is the mark called Srivatsa, and his Śâsanadevi-A é o kâ. His stature was ninety poles, and his life 100,000 great years; his deification on Samet Sikhar dates nine krors of sugaras later than the preceding.
11. SEEYANSA, or ŚRI ANSANATHA, was the son of Vishnu by Vishnâ; of the same race and complexion, born in Sindh, with a rhinoceros (khadge) for his cognizance. His devi was Mânavi. He was eighty poles in stature, and lived 8,400,000 common years, dying at Samet Sikhar more than a hundred sagaras of years before the end of the fourth age.
12. VASUPUJYA or VASUPADYA, or VASUPUJYA SVAMI was son of Vasupujya by Jayâ; born at Champapuri, of the same race, with a red complexion, having a buffalo (mahisha) for his mark, and Chandâ for his devi. He was seventy poles high, lived 7,200,000 years, and attained nirvana at Champapuri fifty-four ságaras after the eleventh Jina.
[MAY, 1873.
after the preceding. The following translation from the Chamunda Raya Purana respecting him may be given as a specimen of the legendary lives of these hierarchs :
"Padmaratha the Arusu of Arishtapura, of Airavata Kshetra, in the Mu. dana Mandira (or Eastern Meru) in the Dhata Kishanda Dvipa, receiving religious instructions from Sva y amprabha Jina, he became disgusted with the world, and transferring the kingdom to his son Ghanaratha, he adopted a penitential life, read through the eleven Angas, and contemplated the sixteen Bhdvanas or meditations, he acquired the quality fitting him for becoming a Tirthankar: pursuing his religious penance, he quitted his body, and was born in the Achyuta Kalpa in the Pushpottara Vimana as Achyutendra, with a life of twenty-two sagaras, of the stature of thirty cubits, of subdued appetites, perfectly contented with his fate, with a knowledge penetrating as far as to the seventh lower world, he was enjoying the happiness of that world.
Afterwards Jay asy&ma Devi, the consort of Simhasena Maharaja, of the Kayapa Gotra, of the lineage of Ikshv&ku, the ruler of Ayodhyapura, in the Bharat Kshetra of Jambudvipa, on the 1st day of the month Kartika, under the star Revati, about break of day, saw the sixteen dreams, and also that of the elephant, entering in at her mouth, which she mentioned to her consort, who was in Avadijnyâni, and getting the interpretations of them from him, she was happy, and Saudhermendra performing the happy ceremony of descending from heaven on earth, Achyutendra became impregnated in the womb of the Queen. At that time on the last palla of ten ságaras of the term of Vimala Kirttakar, when virtue had faded one-third, he was born on the 12th of the dark half of the month Jyeshta, under the star Revati, in the Pushpa Yuga, and saw Dhermendra performing the happy worship of being born in the world, and as the new-born infant was born with Ananta Dnyana, or illimitable wisdom, he called him Ananta Tirthankar, and returned to his residence: his life was to continue for three millions of years, his stature 100 cubits, and his colour golden: his childhood comprised a period of seven hundred and fifty thousand years: his reign continued for fifteen hundred thousand, after which on a certain day seeing a meteor fall, and considering that this life would be dissolved in the same manner, he be
14. ANANTA, or ANANTAJITA, was son of Sinha sena by Suyasâ or Jayasyâmâ, and born at Ayodhya. His sign is a falcon (syena); his Sasana Devi was Aǹ kus â ; his height was fifty poles, the length of his life 3,000,000 years, and his death nine sagaras
So Colebrooke,-Hemachandra has Sugriva,-Abhidhana Chintamani, 37 (ed. Boehtlingk and Rieu), p. 7.
13. VIMALA was son of Kritavarman by Śy âm â, was born at Kumpalapuri; of the same race and of yellow complexion. He has a boar (sákara) for his characteristic, and Viditâ was his devi; he was sixty poles high, lived 6,000,000 years, and was deified on Samet Sikhar thirty sdgaras later than the twelfth Jina.
1

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THE TIRTHANKARAS.
came disgusted with the world, and Lokântika | Priyananda Devi, with whom he enjoyed Deva gave him religious instruction, on which he transferred his kingdom to his son Arinjaya, getting into the conveyance called Sagaradatta, he went to the Sayetthuka Vana, perform. ing six fastings, in company with 1000 Princes, he adopted a penitential life on the 12th of the dark half of the month Jyeshta, in the evening under the star Revati, on which he acquired the fourth degree of knowledge, and on the next day went to Ayodhyapuri to beg, and Visshoka Nripa, of the colour of gold, granted alms, on which the five wonders were exhibited, and after 12 years had expired, in dumb contemplation, he obtained to the Kevaladnyána under an Aswattha tree in the abovementioned garden, on the last day of the dark half of the month Chaitra, in the evening under the star Revati; Saudherma Indra performed the happy ceremony of becoming a Kevaladnyâni, and giving him the 1008 virtuous names, he returned.
He had 52 Ganadharas from Jayadhama downwards.
1,000 Purvadkaras.
39,000 Sikshakaras.
4,032 Avadijny anis.
5,000 Kevalis.
8,000 Vicriurdis.
5,000 Manapariyagnyâni.
2,00,000 Vadis.
1,08,000 Aryakaras from Survasi down
wards. 2,00,000 Sravanas.
4,00,000 Śråvakas,
Devas and Devis, without number. Quadrupeds and birds without number.
With all these, inculcating religious morals in the world for 12 years less than seven hundred and fifty thousand years, in Ary a Kshetra, after which coming to Sumeru Parvai, and leaving his Samopasaranam, and in company with 500 Munis remaining in the Prathama Yuga for one month, on the first quarter of the night, of the last day of the dark half of month Chaitra, under the star Revati, Ananta Bhatta ka obtained beatitude and Saud herma Indra performed the Pari Nirodna Kalyana Pujá, and dancing with happiness, he returned to his dwelling.
The Story of Suprabha the Baladeva and Purushottama the Vasudeva, the descendants of Srimad Ananta Tirthankar:
137
Sushena, the king of Padmapura, in the Bharata Kshetra, in Jambudvipa, had 500 consorts: the state queen was called
every felicity. One day Chandrabhashana, the Adhipati of Malaya de sa, coming to this city from motives of friendship, saw the queen and fell deeply in love with her, and made use of every stratagem and carried her away with him. The king (Sushena) became very much grieved at this misfortune, and said, I am really unfortunate, and have not performed any virtuous action: he then forsook the world, and after remaining some time thus, he went one day to Srey&msa Ganadhar, and obtained from him the state of an ascetic, and performed the penance of Simhavikririta, and wishing as the accomplishment of his penance, that he might be reborn in his next birth, with so much beauty that he might be admired by all who saw him, and that there should be none to oppose his authority: remaining for one month in this state and with this wish, he quitted his body, and was born in the Sahasrara Kalpa as a god (Deva) and enjoyed every felicity there for 18 sdgaras of years.
Afterwards Maha Bala, the Arasu of Anandapura in the eastern hemisphere of Ja mbudvipa, becoming disgusted with the world went to Prajapalana Jaina, and obtained the rules of asceticism from him, and performed the penance of Simhavikririta, and in the perfect state of a Sanyasi quitting his earthly frame: he was born in the Sahaerdra Kalpa, the pleasures and happiness of which world he enjoyed for 18 sdgaras of years.
Soma Prabha Raja, having descended from the Mahendra Kalpa, ruled over Dvaravtipatana, situated in the Bharata Kshetra in Jambudvipa, with a life of 42,000 years: his size was 90 yards in length, his State Queen was called Jayavati, who on a certain night dreamt an auspicious dream: on the Bhadrapada Nakshatra, Maha Bala Cherra was born to her by the name of Suprabha, and to another of his consorts named Sit&, Susena Cherra was born by the name of Parushottam a, they were both surnamed Baladeva and Vasudeva, the former was of a white colour, and the latter of a blue colour; they were each of the height of 50 yards, their lives were to last for five hundred thousand years, and they were ruling over the kingdom of their father.
In course of time Madhu Kaita bha, the king of Varanasi Patana in the Kasi Desa, sent word to them to become tributary to him, but they being unwilling to pay tribute, drove away the ambassadors, whose sovereign on hear. ing of the indignity they had suffered, assembled his army and came to give them battle: on meeting he flung his chakra at Purushottama,

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which so far from hitting him, came and stood near him: Purushottam a then picking up the chakra in his turn, flung it at Madhu Kaitabha who was slain by it; after which he became Adhipati of three Khandas, and ruling over the kingdom for some time, Purushottama on his dissolution, leaving his body, his soul went to hell, but Suprabha after the death of his brother being much grieved, went to Somaprabha Kevali, and received initiation from him, and acquiring the state of a Kevali, he obtained beatitude. Madhu Kaita bha also after his death went to hell.*
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
15. DHARMA was son of Bhân u by Suvratâ, and was born at Ratnapuri: characterized by the vajra or thunderbolt: his devî was Kandarpâ; he was forty-five poles in stature, and lived 1,000,000 years: he was deified four sagaras after the fourteenth Jina.
16. SANTI was the son of Viśvasena by Achirâ, born at Hastinapur; he has the antelope (mriga) for his cognizance. His Sasana was Nirvani; he was forty poles in stature, lived 100,000 years, and died two ságaras later than the preceding.†
17. KUNTHU was the son of Sara by Sri, of the same race and complexion as the last, was also born at Hastinapur. His Śâsana was Bala; his cognizance is a goat (chhaga); his height was thirty-five poles, and his life 95,000 years. His nirvana is dated in the last palya of the fourth age. 18. ABA was the son of Sudarsana by Devi; his mark is figure Nandyavarta;
the called
FF
he
was
of the same race and complexion, and born at
the same place as the preceding; his Sasana was Dharini: his stature was thirty poles, his life lasted 84,000 years, and his nirvána was 1,000 krors of years before the next Jina.
19. MALLI was son of Kumbha by Prabhavati; of the same race with the preceding, but of blue complexion; his mark
Wilson, Mackensie Coll., vol. I., pp. 148-152. The life of this Jina is the object of a separate work
[MAY, 1873.
being a water-jar (ghata); he was born at Mithila, and his Sâsana Devi was Dharaṇapriya; he was twenty-five poles high, lived 55,000 years, and was deified 6,584,000 years before the close of the fourth age.
20. MUNISUVRATA, SUVRATA, or MUNI, was son of Sumitra by Padmâ, of the Harivansa race, and of black complexion; he was born at Rajagriha; has a tortoise (kúrma) for his cogni. zance, and Naradattå for his devî; his height was twenty poles, and his age 30,000 years. He died 1,184,000 years before the end of the fourth age:
21. NIMI was son of Vijaya by Viprâ; born at Mithilâ, of the race of Ikshvâku; figured with a golden complexion; having for his mark a blue water-lily (nilôtpala), and for his Sâsana, Gândhâri Devi. His stature was fifteen poles; his life 10,000 years; and his apotheosis took place, like the preceding eight Jinas, on Samet Šikhar or Mount Pârévanâtha, 584,000 years before the expiration of the fourth age.
22. NEMI, or ARISHTANEMI, was the son of King Samudra vijaya by his queen Śivâ; of the Harivansa race, of black complexion, with the conch (sankha) for his symbol, and Ambika for his Sasana Devi. The Kalpa Sutra says he was born in Śråvan, the first month of the rainy season, under the constellation Chaitra, at Sôriyapuri, which Stevenson supposes to be Agra, but which is generally believed to have been a town in Kathiawâd. It is said that he excelled in all kinds of athletic exercises and was of invincible strength. His cousin Krishna was also of superhuman strength, and was able to blow a large conah from which it was believed no other person could produce a blast. One day Neminatha saw it lying on the ground, and asking why that toy was lying there, he took it up and blew such a blast upon it as qure alarmed Krishna who began to enquire who it was that could blow upon his sankha? On finding it was his cousin, he became jealous of him as a rival, and accordingly directed his hundred gopis to excite amorous thoughts in Neminatha and shame him into marriage, thinking intercourse with women the only way to put down his strength. The gopis began to tease him and tell him as he was grown up to manhood
entitled Santi Purana.-Colebrooke, Essays, ut sup. p. 211 n., Asiat. Res. IX. p. 308.

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he ought to marry. At first he refused, but after a deal of reviling and reproaching he consented, and Krishna selected for him Râjîmati the daughter of Ugrasena of Girnår, whose palace is still shewn, being a ruin near the Junagadh fort beside the Bhumriyo kuo. When the wedding day came and Neminatha approached Junagadh, he saw a flock of sheep and herds of cattle collected to be sacrificed for the people that had assembled to celebrate the wedding; the sheep were bleating piteously, and, struck with pity for them and the vanity of human happiness, and to save the lives of so many animals, he resolved to become an ascetic, gave up the world, and retired into the Girnar hills, followed by his intended bride, and there they both led a platonic life. The place on the Ujjinta peak where he is said to have died is considered sacred, and has a chattri erected over it where his paglá or footprints are shown. Rajîmatî resided in a gupha or cave to the south-west of the Neminatha Chattri.*
THE TIRTHANKARAS.
"He became an ascetic at the age of three hundred, at Dvârakâ (Magadhî Baravavâe). He lived seven hundred years as an ascetic,-in all a thousand years. He was only fifty-five days an imperfect ascetic." The date of his death was 84,000 years before the close of the fourth age. To him the mango-tree is sacred.
23. PARSVA or PARÁVANATHA was son of King Asvasena by Vâmâ or Bâm â Devi; of the race of Ikshwâku; figured with a blue complexion, having a hooded snake (seshaphani) for his cognizance, and is often represented as sitting under the expanded hoods of a snake with many heads, much like the socalled Någa figures at Ajanta and elsewhere.
The Parsvanátha Charitra states that whilst Parávanâtha was engaged in his devotions his enemy Kamatha caused a great rain to fall upon him; but the serpent Dharanidhara eame, and, as Seva någari, oversha owed his head as with a chhatra. In the Satrunjaya, Mahatmya Dharana the Naga king is re
This account, by a Jaina priest, agrees with that given in the Satrunjaya Mahat. Sarg. XIII.
tStevenson, Kalpa Sutra, p. 98: In the Uttara Purana of the Southern Jainas, Krishna is styled Trikhandadhipati, or lord of three portions of the world, and he is the disciple of the Tirthankara Neminatha.-Wilson, Mack. Coll. vol. I. p. 146.
"The life of this celebrated Jina, who was perhaps the real founder of the sect, is the subject of a poem entitled Parivanatha Charitra."-Colebrooke, Essays, ut sup. II. 212; Asiat. Res., vol. IX. p. 309. It was written by
139
presented as approaching to worship Pâréva while engaged in his second kayotsarga or profound meditation, at Sivapurî in the Kausâmbaka forest, and holding his outspread hood (phana) over him as an umbrella. From this the town obtained the name of Ahichhatra.§ His Śâsanadevi was Padmavati. He was born at Bhelûpurâ in the suburbs of Varanasi (Benares); married Prabhavatî the daughter of King Prasenajita; and, according to the Kalpa Sûtra, "adopted an ascetic life, with three hundred others, when he was thirty years of age, and for eighty days he practised austerities before arriving at perfect wisdom. He lived after this seventy years less eighty days. his whole term of life being one hundred years, after which he obtained liberation from passion and freedom from pain. He wore one garment, and had under his direction a large number of male and female ascetics." His death took place two hundred and fifty years before that of the last Tirthankara (i. e., B. c. 777). He died while, with thirty others, performing a fast on the top of Mount Sammeya or Samet Sikhar.
24. VARDHAMANA, also called V IRA, MAHAVIRA, VARDHAMANA PRABHU, &c., and surnamed Charama tirthakṛit, or last of the Jinas, and emphatically Sramana or the saint. He was the son of Siddhartha by Trisala, T of the race of Ikshvâka and family of Kasyapa; born at Chitrakot cr Kundagrâma, and described as of a golden complexion, having the lion (sinha) as his cognizance. His Sasana was Siddhayika devi. His life is the subject of the Kalpa Sútra, which professes to have been composed by Bhadrabâ hu Svâ mi of Anandapura, now Badnagar, in the reign of Druvasena, 980 years after the death of Mahavira, -i. e. A. D. 454.
Mahavira's paternal uncle was Supâráva, his elder brother Nandivardhan a, his sister (mother of Jamali)-Sudará an â. His wife was Yasôdà, by whom he had a daughter named Anôjja and Priyadarsan â, who became
Briddha Tapa Gachha in Samvat 1654, and occasionally calls this Jina by the name of Jagannatha.-Delamaine, Asiat. Trans. vol. I. pp. 428-436.
§ Mah. XIV. 31-35 Compare Bigandet, Legend of Gaudama, 2nd ed. p. 99 (1st ed. p. 69); Hardy's Buddhism, p. 182.
Stevenson's Kalpa Sutra, Chap. VII. pp. 97, 98.
See the story of his birth in Max Müller's Hist. Sansk. Liter. p. 261, quoted from the Kalpa Satra, pp. 35, 36, also an account of his life in H. H. Wilson's Works, vol. I. pp. 291-804.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[MAY, 1873.
the wife of Jamali. His father and mother frequently mentioned than the others, and their died when he was 28 years of age, and he con- statues are more numerous. tinued for two years afterwards with Nandi. Besides the Tîrthankaras of the present (Ava. vardhana: he then departed to practise sarpint) cycle of the world's duration, they Austerities, which he continued twelve and a reckon also twenty-four each of the past and half years as a sage only in outward disguise : future (Utsarpint) renovations or cycles. Heas a Digambara "he went robeless, and had no machandra gives the names of the whole fortyvessel but his hand." Finally he became an eight in the following lines :Arhat, or Jina, being worthy of universal ado- Utsarpinyámatitayam chaturvinsatirachatâm ration, omniscient, and all-seeing; and at the Kevaladnyâni Nirvani Sagaro-tha Mahîyasah || nge of seventy-two years he became exempt from Vimalah Sarvanubhậtiḥ75ridharoDatta tîrthaall pain for ever. This is said to have occurred
krit | at Pâ wapuri or På på puri near Raja- Damodara! Sutejâsch" Svâmyatho Munisuvragriha at the court of Hastipala, three tah | and a half months before the close of the fourth 138umatih Sivagati schaiy15 Astágo thal6Nimisage or Dukhamú Sulchamd in the great period varaḥ 1 named avasarpini. “On the night on which 17 AnilosVasodharà khyaḥ1®Kritârgho tha'Jinethe adorable ascetic here was delivered from svarah | pain, Gotama Indra bhuti, the chief of 219uddhamatihasivakarahSyandana échâtha his perfectly initiated disciples, had the bonds of Sampratih affection by which he was tied to his preceptor Bhâvinyan tu Padmanabhaḥ"SûradevahSupárscut asunder, and attained infinite, certain, and vakah | supreme intelligence, and perception." This "Svayamprabha scha'Sarvanabhâtir Deva"Śruevent the Gujarat Jainas date 470 before the todayau Samvat of Vikrama, i.e. B. c. 526"; others ap. Pedhilah'Pottilasch&pi10Satakirti écha?!Suvra. parently 512 years before Vikrama, or B. c. tahl 569+; the Jainas of Bengal 580, and those of 1- Amamo nigh"Kashayascha nish”Pulako tha Maisur 607 before Vikrama, but probably by nir! Mamah mistake for the Saka era, which would bring these 16 Chitraguptah 17 Samadhi scha!!Sanvara schal latter dates to B. c. 502 and 539 respectively. & Yasodharah |
Adiswara, śânti, Nemi, Parswa, and Vira, the 20 Vijayoal Malla Devauch.Ânantavirya écha first, sixteenth, and last three Tirthankaras are Bhadrakriti regarded as the principal jinas: they are more Evam sarvavasarpinyatsarpiņishu jinottamah ||
THE LEGEND OF RISHYA ŚRINGA.
BY V. N. NARASIMMIYENGAR, BENGALOR. In one of the deepest and most romantic glenstions are among the most valuable, consisting of of the Maisûr Malnad, formed by the buttresses supari, cardamoms, rice, &c. Territorially, the of the Western Ghats, is nestled the shrine of village of Kigga is in the Koppa Taluka of Sriñgesvara of Kigga. The locality is extreme-| the Nagar Division. There is a tradition atly picturesque, and the habits and enstoms of taching to this shrine to the effect that no the inhabitants are very primitive. The soil is drought will ever approach within 12 gåvadas rich, and, though thinly scattered, the peasants of the god. In seeking the origin of this tradi. are by no means over-industrious. The produc- tion, the following legend has been gathered.
• Cont. Stevenson, Kalpa Satra, pp. 86, 90, 91, 99, 96. Értevkmi, and Sriastagn, and the affir ji is usually added to + Prinsep's Useful Tables (1858), p. 166.
each. To most of the names of the Future Jin the affix
is náthayanama, and the 6th, 7th, 15th, 21st and 22nd are 1 Kalpa Satra, prof. p. iii.
respectively onlled Srljivaders, Srutodanatha, Mamanmu. $ Weber would bring down this date to 848 or 849 B. C.
nátha, Srl Mallinkths, and Sjina deva. See Brigga, Cities iTber Catr. Mahat. p. 12.
of Gujarashtra, p. 340. • Abhidhana Chintamani, 58-70. In other liste, the
TA gåvada is popularly known to be about 12 English 8th, 11th, and 15th of the Past Age are styled Sridetta, mile.

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RISHYA ŠĶIŃGA.
141
It is scarcely necessary to remark that the was his own flesh and blood, and conveyed it to people of the country accept its truth. But his Asrama, where he brought the child up, simpler explanation may easily be arrived at. feeding him with his own fare of roots, leaves, The temple is built close to the eastern base of &c., and performing over him the prescribed rites, the Western Ghâts, and as their gigantic peaks such as Nánakarana, Játakarma, Upanayana, intercept and appropriate the precious burden &c. When the boy was about twelve years of the clouds during the S. W. monsoon, the old, Paramêśvara and Parvatî were one day locality happens by a simple natural law to be taking an airing in the celestial regions, athighly favoured with rain. The local priest- tended by their retinue of evil spirits, ghosts, hood, with a view to enhance their own import- and devils, and were much surprised to find ance and gains, have turned the natural pheno- a child in such company. They alighted on menon to their own advantage, clothing it with the spot, and blessed the boy, investing him a religious and supernatural garb.
with the varam, or power of destroying faVibhandaka Muni, son of Kasvapa, son of mine and drought within twelve yojanas of Kaśyapa, who was the son of Marichi Brahma,
his abode. consulted his father as to the choice of the "Once upon a time, when Rômapida* Maharaja best place for tapas, and was directed to the was ruling the kingdom of Anga, it was overspot in which the river Tuñgabhadrâ runs in taken by an unusual drought of twelve years' three different directions. Vibhándaka there- duration, and the people were in great suffering, upon went in search of such a place, commenc- no food or drink being procurable for men or ing from the source of the river, and after pass- cattle. At this juncture the divine Rishi Sanating various tîrthas and holy spots, arrived at kumara, who has the privilege of visiting the Sriñgapura (modern Sriñgêri), and identified it earth whenever the fancy seizes him, went to see with the locality ordained by his holy father, from the afflicted country and its unfortunate ruler. the Tuñgabhadrâ there making three different He was duly received by the Raja, and informed sweeps in its course. The Rishi here perform- him that if the young Rishya Spiñga, son of ed the rite of tapas rigorously for three thousand Vibhåndaka Muni,t could be induced to visit the years, and its severity (lit. jvála, flame) pene- country of Anga, it would get rain in abundance, trated Indra's heaven and seriously disturbed and regain its usual prosperity. Rômapada its denizens. They in a body complained of it (hare-footed) could make nothing of this inforto their ruler, Indra, who directed one Chitra- mation, and consulted all the wise men in his sôna to interrupt the fiery tapas of Vibhin. dominions on the subject. They referred to their daka. Chitrasena thereupon conveyed Indra's sacred books, and told him that the Asrama of behests to Urvasi (the head of celestial frail Vibhandaka was situated on the banks of the beauties), who then went to the Rishi's Asrama Tuñgabhadrâ river, which was in the southern or hermitage. The ascetic was then absorbed in direction. The advisers moreover expressed dhyána or contemplation. Towards evening their own inability to bring Rishya Sriñga to (pradôsha) Vibhåndaka went to bathe in the river, Anga, but suggested that the Raja should emand was deeply smitten with the celestial nymph ploy dancing-girls of surpassing beauty to allure whom he encountered on the road. He after the young Rishi to the desired place. Acting wards proceeded to the river, and performed upon this practical suggestion, Rômapâda sent his ablutions. About the same time a doe came several lovely women of equivocal character, to drink in the river and unconsciously imbibed with large supplies of scents, cloths, jewels and the washings of the ascetic. The animal imme. wealth, and directed them to conduct Rishya diately became great with young, and in time was Spiñga to his capital, by every means in their delivered of a human male child, with the un- power, whether fair or foul. They at first estaugnal addition of two horns like those of the deer. blished a depôt at a place called Nårvê, and, The mother ran away directly after, and Vibhân. taking advantage of Vibhåndaka's absence from daka, who arrived at the river-side about that the hermitage, gradually initiated the unsophistime, heard the wailing of the infant. By second ticated young Rishi in the pleasures of the sight (divya jnanam) he perceived that the child world, escaping from the certain malediction of • The Ramayana has Lomapada.-ED.
+ Conf. Max Müller, Hist. Sansk. Lit. p. 144.- ED.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
the father to their own retreat at Nârvê. The enchanted young man one day asked his enchanters the object which prompted their unusual attentions. They gave him highly beguiling pictures of the wealth and beauty of their own country, and invited him to go with them to enjoy the same. The young Rishi was completely overcome by the artifices of these deluders, and consented. Taking advantage of the father's absence at the river-side, the dancinggirls took Rishya Sringa with them and started for Angadêéa. In the mean time the longwithheld rains descended upon that country, and there was soon joy, plenty, and prosperity in it. Rômapâda took a large retinue about halfway and met Rishya Śriñga, and conducted him to his capital, where every honour and worship was paid to him. Some time after, the Maharaja praising the Rishi very much, offered to give him his daughter, Sântâdêvî, in marriage, and the offer was accepted. The wedding came off with due pomp and éclat, and the happy bridegroom dwelt for some time in the country of his adoption.
About this period, Dasaratha, king of Ayodhya, was in deep distress from the absence of an heir to his throne. Nârada paid him a visit, and, divining the cause of his host's dejection, advised him to invite to his court the Muni Rishya Sringa, who would bring about the realization of his wishes. Dasaratha did accordingly, and Rishya Sringa conducted a yajna (sacrifice) called Putra Kameshti in which the god Agni came out of the sacrificial fire, and handing a cup of Paramánna (Páyasa), told the Râja to distri bute its contents among his wives, whereby he would get four sons, named Râma, Lakshmana, Bharata, and Satrughna.† The god thereupon vanished out of sight. Dasaratha followed the directions of Agni, whose prophecy was duly fulfilled. Rishya Śringa soon after returned to his father's old Âérama, but did not find him there. His father's disappearance afflicted him very much, whereupon Vibhânḍaka emerged from the Linga of Malahânîsvara. The son was overjoyed, paid him due reverence, and asked him where he could best conduct tapas. Vibhânḍaka referred him, however, to Maha Vishnu, who was living in the Sahyadri hills. Rishya Śringa was accordingly proceeding in that direction, when
[MAY, 1873.
he was benighted on the bank of a stream near Nirmalâpura (modern Nemmår.) He stopped there to perform his evening religious rites, when a Rakshasa named Vyâghra (tiger) rushed upon him with the object of swallowing him up. The holy man thereupon threw a drop of water upon the Rakshasa from the nail of his little finger, and instantly the demon quitted the body of the tiger, and begged the Rishi to tell him what he should do. Rishya Sringa directed him to go to Sarvesvara (a Lingam so called), and by doing so the quondam tiger attained moksha (salvation).
'Next day Rishya Śriñga proceeded to the Sahyâdri, and performed tapas there for seven years in honour of Maha Vishnu. That god told him to go to an incarnation of Śiva, called Chandra Śêkhara, at the foot of the Sahyadri mountain, The Rishi went to the spot indicated, and peered at it through the darkness with half-closed eyes. Hence the place is called Kigga, from Kigganņu, the half-open eye. The Rishi again per. formed tapus, and Chandra Sekhara appeared before him and asked what he wanted. Rishya Śringa begged that Paramêévara would absorb himself within his (Rishya Sringa's) soul. Accordingly Parameśvara became one with Rishya Śringa, whose name also became celebrated in the world.'
The Ramayana says-beneath wide-spreading creepers and climbing plants, and in their boats. See Wheeler,
Although this spot is not exactly on the bank of the Tungabhadrâ, still the Parâņas say so, as the rivers Nandini and Nalini flow respectively from the left and right of it, and join the Tuñgabhadra at Nemmår.
It will be perceived from the foregoing that the interested Brâhmans have woven a marvellous story, however preposterous, round a plain natural fact. This legend has been extracted from the Skánda Purána. A portion of the same is related, in somewhat different language, in the Mahabharata Aranyaparva, (Adhyâyâs 110 to 113.) Also in the Rámáyana Bálakánda (chapters 9 to 17).
On the back part of many temples of note there are at present well cut representations in relief of the manner in which the privileged Rishya Sringa was conveyed from the quiet of his father's hermitage by the creatures who were sent on the mission by Romapâda. The accompanying cat is a copy of the one in the temple
Hist. of India, Vol. II. pp. 12, 18.-ED.
+ Conf. Wheeler, Hist. Ind. Vol. II. pp. 21, 22.-ED,

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HINDU PRONUNCIATION OF GREEK.
143
of Gopâ lasvami in Devandahalli, and fairly represents all similar sculptured figures. The Rishi is represented with a deer's head !
Nårvê is still a village, and goes by that name. It is about 12 miles from the shrine at Kigga, which is itself about 6 miles from Sringeri, the seat of the great Sankaracharya.
It only remains to say that the Linga in the temple is a long cylinder, over three feet above ground, and some part of it must besides be buried under the Pitham. Its surface is rough, and the credulous are asked to believe, with the aid of the light reflected from a large
mirror, that the inequalities on the Linga are nothing less than the actual avatars of Siva, his consort, and his bull!
There are some fine carvings and inscriptions in the vicinity. The shrine is largely endowed with lands, partially free from government revenue. It would be difficult to find lovelier and more enchanting scenery than that which the traveller suddenly comes upon in these re
The Tuñgabhadrâ above referred to is only the Tuñga-far above its confluence with the Bhadrå.
HINDU PRONUNCIATION OF GREEK, AND GREEK PRONUNCIATION OF
HINDU WORDS.
BY DR. A. WEBER, BERLIN,
Translated from the German by E. Rehatsek, M.C.E. It is well known that in consequence of Alexan- India, and conversely many Indian ones came to der's campaigns the Greeks, for a considerable the West. Now, the form in which they appear time, maintained close relations with India. Greek in both localities bears the stamp of the pronunsovereigns reigned during more than two centa. ciation of the time, and may therefore throw a ries in the north-western provinces of India, and certain light thereon; that light cannot of course even far down in Western India; Greek ambas. be very decisive, inasmuch as in general but very Badors were sent to the courts of Hindu kings; scanty auxiliary means, c. g. legends on coins in Greek merchants, Greek art and science, influenced the imperfect and difficult Aryan characters, are at Hindu life directly, partly from the Panjab and our disposal; and further, because in the receppartly through Alexandria. This influence wastion and subsequent transmission of foreign undoubtedly more considerable than is usually
vocables their phonetic values were retained merely supposed; it extended itself not merely to practical
in a general way, while at the same time they sufbranches, e.g. to the coining of money,* to archi- fered considerably both from popular etymological tecture, to dramatic representations, to astrono- assimilation to words current in the vernacular, mico-astrological notions, &c., but also to purely
and from unintentional deterioration in the mouths mental divisions of knowledge, such as the trans- of the unlearned. mission of various western narratives, fables, tra- I desire the following data concerning this subditions, and other legendary or religious matters. ject to be considered merely as a first attempt In return for this, various Indian materials as well waiting for, and in need of, being supplemented in as intellectual products found their way through many ways. It is hoped that the systematic excommerce from the East to the West; but although cavations begun lately in India in the ancibnt the influence of the West upon India may have Greek dominions will produce a rich harvest of dominated in pre-Christian times, it seems, on the coin-legends, and will be lucrative also in other other hand, that in post-Christian ones (exceptions analogous respects. May a propitious star guide of course also existing) Hindu influence upon the the archeological expedition lately started to those West had conversely a stronger current. Many localities under Cunningham's skilful direction, and possessions which had originally come to the may thereby the conception of a Corpus inHindus from the West now again migrated back, scriptionum Indicarum, executable only but in the new shape which they had meanwhile in India, appear so feasible to the leading powers assumed in India.
of the Indian Government that this pium desideThus it could not fail to happen that nnmbers of rium, so long and painfully felt in scientific circles, Greek words and names should find their way to at last be brought to a completion !
• Even the silver coins of the Guptas show Greek oor ers, the shipwrecked Tambalos was bronght, "was & traita.
'friend of the Hellenes and esteemed their science." (Lassen, + The king of Palibothra, to whom, in the first century of Ind. Ait. K. III. 264.)

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[MAY, 1873.
I. GREEK NAMES AND WORDS AMONG HINDUS.
First of all I mention the names of the GræcoBactrian kings contained in the above-mentioned coin-legends deciphered by Prinsep, Las. sen, Raoul Rochette, Wilson, Tho. mas, Cunningham, Dowson, Rajen. dra là la Mitra and others, in connection with whatever else may here be available bearing on historical personages, &c., from contemporaneous documents, i.e. the inscriptions of Piyadasi and those from the period of the Indo-Skythian kings. Here it is to be kept in mind that the language of the documents in question is a kind of Páli, or rather Prakrit, and that therefore its words are influenced by the peculiar phonetic laws of this stage of the language, which, among other things, does not admit of ai, ar, and, as a rule, of no group of consonants which does not consist of homogeneous consonants. Also the terminations of the names, mostly standing in the genitive form, were obliged to conform to the Indian declension, whereby they underwent many changes and degradations.
Initial a usually remains unchanged, thus : Alikasunari (PAXcEavpos), Antikona and Antiyoka in the inscriptions of Piyadasi, AkhabiyasaApx Brov, Agathuklayasa-Ayabox covs, Ayasa-- Acout Ayilishasa-AÇicout, Atimakhasa-Ayripaxou, Atinvidarasa-Apriudopou, AntialikidasaAvrial kidov, Apaladatasa-Apoloduro, AmitasaApuvrov, artamisiyasa (of the month prepris), apiraesa (P of melatos).
In the same manner a medial a remains so, as, besides in the above, also in Maga in the inscriptions of Piyadasi, in Epadrasa-Emavepov, Eukratidasa -Eukpatidou, Hipastratasa-IoapaTou, Kaliyapaya-Kallos, Menadrasa, Minan. dasa-Mevav&pou, Patalavatasa-Ilavracoros, Spalirieasa-malipoovt, Stratasarpatos, stratega -otparnyos, panemara (of the month mavepos) tsattikasa (P of Eav ukos).
e appears as e in Hermayasa-'Epuatou, Heliyakloyasa-HALOK cou, Menadrasa, panenasa; -as i in Artimidarasa, apirassa, Minandasa. Pilashinasa-
D evou, Teliphasa, -Telepov;-as a in Agathuklayasa, Akhabiyasa, artamisiyasa.
is always represented by i, thus Ajilishasa, • To these especially pertain the Macedonian names of months, for the discovery whereof upon them we are indebted to Cunningham and Dowson. In the inscription of Takhti Bahi lately discovered by Dr. Leitner, the reckoning is, according to Dowson's decipherment, in Indian months. See Trübner's Amer. and Oriental Record, June 1871, p. 188.
+ As Skythian name this strictly belongs further on, to p. 148.
Accordingly, in this portion of India at least, the In. dian a itself had an obscured pronunciation nearly allied to 0. With this circumstance it agrees that Panini, who was precisely of this district, actually mentions a double pronunciation of a, one open and the other close, in ognse-
Antikona, Antiyoka, Dianisiyasa - Alovuorov, Diyamedasa-Aloundov, Johilasa - Zwilov, Heliya kleyasa, Hipastratasa, Kaliyapaya, Nikiasa-NIKLOV, daisisasa ( of the month datorios.)
o appears as o in Antiyoka, Antikona;-as u in Turamaya - IITOAeuauos in the inscriptions of Piyadasi; Agathuklayasa;-in the rule above as af, thus Apaladatasa, Dianisiyasa, Diyamedasa, Hipastratasa, Hiliyakleyasa, Kaliyapaya, Pilashinasa.
v is rendered by i, as Lisiasa-Avolov, Amitasa, Dianisiyasa.
n appears throughout as e, as in Heliylealeyasas, Diyamedasa, Teliphasa, stratega.
w is transcribed by o in Johilasa, -by & in Atimidarast.
at appears as ai (®) in daisisasa (facsimile wanted); alo as aya in Turamaya, Hermayasa, as ae in apiraesa (P facsimile wanted).
ao appears as o in Yonal of Piyadasi,- co as ava in Patalavatasa.
av is represented by a or rather o in Maasa or Moasa (and even as Mogasa)-Mavov, v by e-u in E-ukratidasa.
With reference to the consonants, there is to be noted the representation of (by j in Johilasa, by y in Ayasa, Ayilisasa, by sh in Pilashinasa, by ta (P) in taattika, by th in Agathuklayasa,
by p in Pilishinasa, by ph in Teliphasa, x by k in Antiyoka, by kh in Akhabiyasa, Atimakhasa,--the groupe k , kp, OTP, OT, OT, are preserved in Heliyakleyasa, Agathuklayasa, Eukratidasa, Stratasa, stratega, artamisiya, Spalirisasa ;-Ak is represented by lik in Antia. likidasa ;-vis now and then omitted (probably only graphically, by omission of the hook over it) before , 8, as Atimakhasa, Menadrasa ;-of the initial mt only the T remains in Turamaya ;-- was pronounced as di, thus Dianisiyasa, Diyamedasa, Hardening is perceptible in Antikona, Maka (nearly Maga),-substitution of r for 1 in Turamaya, apiraesa.
Let us now turn to the words which may be pointed out in Hindu Literature. Of the names adduced above, the only one that can certainly be shown in it is that of Menander, but in the form Milinda,-namely in the PAli-texts of
quence whereof he sets up 14, and not a, the standard for the quantitative relations of the) othet vowels. See Ind. Stud. IV. 119, V. 92. In other parts of India the matter probably stood differently see below, pp.148, 149.
Although the Greek legend itself appears once on e coin as 1.0-: (see Thomas, Catalogue of Bactrian Coins, London, 1866, p. 14;) the same has no Indian legend.
The name Yons, or rather Yavana, for laoves, was however known to the Hindus at any rate before the time of Alexander, f.e. during the earlier Persian were, in which also Indians took part as auxiliaries against the Greeks; on the name itself see my remark in Kund's Zeit. achri, v. 221.

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the southern Buddhists; at the same time with him also the name of his birth-place and capital Alasan då (or - sadda), i. e. Aλegavopeia is mentioned. Possibly also, as Lassen assumes, the name of the Mlechha-or rather Pârasika-king Megha which occurs in the drama Mudrarakshasa, contains a reminiscence of the old royal title peyas Barikeus, because, although this drama itself is comparatively modern, the author of it may probably have drawn the materials for it from ancient sources, and the name Basili (i.e. doubtless Bartheus) actually occurs, according to Schiefner, among the northern Buddhists. As I have also already ventured further to surmiset that the royal name Jaloka, Jalaukas in the Kashmir chronicle is referable to Zeλeukos, it is further possible also that their Amita, Amitâba, is connected with Auvvras. The buildings of Asura Maya immortalized in the Mahabharata reminds us of the edifices of IIroλepatos, and the former moreover has perhaps inherited only from Πτολεμαιος the astronomer a portion of his later reputation as a teacher of astronomy, just as also finally the powerful Yavana king Kaserumant, in the Mahabharata, doubtless represents only a faded reminiscence of the kaurap of post-Christian centuries, transformed by a fanciful popular etymology.
Two of the above names are preserved to us, perhaps in a direct translation, Apollodotos namely as Bhagadatta,§ and Demetrios, as Datt&mitra,|| the first appearing in the Mahdbharata, as a Yavana king, and the second as a Sindhu-Sauvira king. Of the Roman age there is, strangely enough, besides the name Romaka, T nothing but the word dindra-denarius. Whether thateri in Ebn Haukal is referable to σrarnpos or Terpа-, or, according to Dowson's recently ex
See my Ind. Skizzen, pp. 83, 84.
+ See my dissertation on the Ramayana, p. 33. [Ind. Antiq. Vol. I. p. 240.]
I Ind. Skizzen, p. 88; jalaukas, "leech," and ka serumant, "endued with a spine," are but little suitable really to have been original names of kings. Indeed, Lassen derives Jaloka from jayaleka (II. 273). The transformation of Turamaya into Asura Maya may per haps be recognized as due to the political tendencies of
those times.
According to Von Gutschmid's supposition. Comp. Ind. Stud. V. 152.
Thus according to Lassen. On his town Demetrias Dattamitrt, see Ind. Skizz., pp. 82, 83; my translation of the Malavikagnimitram, Pref. p. 47; and my Dissert. on the Ramayana, p. 77 [Ind. Antiquary, vol. I. p. 179]; from it a Yonaka, son of Dhammadeva, makes his appearance as a donor of pious gifts in the inscriptions of a Buddhist temple [Jour. Bomb. B. R. As. Soc. vol. V. p. 54].
In the inscriptions mentioned in the preceding note, mention is made also of the gifts of a Romaka, son of Velidata. In the great Jataka collection (see Westergaard, Catal. der Orient. MSS. der Kopenhag. Bibl., p. 39) also a Romakajatakam is mentioned (III. 8, 7, no.
145
pressed opinion, has nothing to do with Greek, remains undecided. In dramma the word 8paxun was preserved down to late times.
The words khalina, bridle-xaλivos, and surungá (in the Mahávanso and Mahabharata) a mine-shaftauptys, refer probably to bellico-political relations with the Greeks. Here I recall to mind also my surmise (Ind. Stud. IX. 380) concerning the remarkable statement of the Pániniya Sikshd, v. 6, on the salutation of the Suráshtra women (Sauráshṭriká nári): ara according to one and ta kra according to the other recension,-that the reading ought to be kherâ, or rather that it is to be borrowed from the second hemistich, and that therein a reference to the Greek salutation xape is to be sought.*
Not so much to political as to commercial relations the words kastira-kaarσirepos,† kasturiκαστωρείον,kargu---κεγχρος, weld ink-μελας, gamita samida-repidarist, Hind. mulva-poλußos §, are indebted for their acceptance. Esop's fables are probably responsible for the two words lopdkaἀλωπηξ and kramelaka--καμηλος, both of them connected with Hindu words or rather roots. The most numerous appropriations belong to the astronomico-astrological domain. In the first placeas already observed, by Asura Maya-who, according to later traditions, lived in Romakapura -is possibly meant ПIroλepatos the author of the Almagest; further by Manitt ha perhaps Mave@wv the author of the Apotelesmata is to be understood;|| at all events by Paulisa a Пavλos is meant,-probably Paulus Alexandrinus, in whose Elraywyn almost all the technical astrological terms which have passed into Sanskrit may be identified, whence probably we ought to recognize it as the basis of the Paulisa-siddhanta which unfortunately exists only in scanty and insufficient
272). Perhaps this text may again afford desiderated information on Roman relations. (Comp. below the data from the Bâverujâṭaka.)
Surashtra-Eupaorpa was long subject to Greek dominion. The oldest coins of those parts show Greek types and letters; the princes were satraps of the Greek kings, and reckoned, Thomas states, according to the era of the Seleucides.-Yavana girls still appear in the dramas of Kalidasa as attending to the personal wants of kings, and probably they saluted them also with the salutation of their Yavana language; comp. also Introd. to my Transl. of the Malavika. pp. 35, 46, 47. (It may be remarked that already T's. V. 3, 7, 2 mentions a female body. guard.).
+ From Karaσionpos ? see. Ind. Skizzen, pp. 75, 89.
Because the assumption that these (comp. simila, similago) are old Indo-Germanic words is suspicious even from the meaning. Wheat-flour was scarcely known to our Indo-Germanic ancestors.
§ Comp. Pott in the Zeitschrift für d. K. des Morg. IV. 261;-kupya, a base metal, can hardly be said to have anything to do etymologically with cuprum.
Kern (Introd. to Vardha Mihira's Brihat Samhita, p. 52) once thought also of Manilius.

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quotations. The following words, namely:anapht-avaon. (kokera-- yokepws, Apoklimadroxy, ara-'Apns, asphujit--'Appodern, ittham (itthasi Dr. Bhau Daji, ithusi Muir)-ixus, kendra -Kevtpov, kemadruma-xpnuario uos, t kona-Kpovos Frikona- payvos, kaurpya-okoprios, kriya-kpios, jánitra-Superpov, jituma-818uuos, jika-Svyov, jyau-Zeus, taivuri-Taupos, taukskika--Toorns, drikana drekana---dektyos, durudhari-Sopuopua, duschikyat-rutkov, dy Anam dyutam---8vrov, panaphari
'etapopa, pithena---apdevos, mesranta-uerovpimur, liptii-entn, rilpha rishphii-putn, leyaleur, vesi-Duos, Sunophii-cunun harija
opucav, hibuka-'Uroyeloy, kimna perhaps himra?) 'Epuns, heli-'Htos, kridroga-vôpoxoos, hori-'apa. Lastly, it must at any rate be observed that, induced by homophony, the Hindus transferred to their Krishna many legends &c. about Xplotos which reached them, or which they had themselves become acquainted with in the West.
From what has preceded, with reference to the second group of Greek words which can be pointed out in Hindu literature, the following conclusions as to phonetic relations may be drawn :-a appears as a or å in Alasandil, Basili (?), Amita ), anaphu, â poklina, ara, asphujit, hemadruma,t jâmitra.drikina, panaphard, pathena, mesirana, sunaphul, hora, kasira, kastari, khalina, thateri), dinara, dramma, Manittha (P),-as e in vesi, -as i in Milinda ;
as a in Alasandd,--as e in dhokera, kendra, drekana, pdthena, mesúrana, leya. Megha (?), meli, -as i in jimitra, tiptd, Himna, Milinda, -as ri in dộikana,-and is dropped in panaphara;
Iasi in dpoklima, úsphujit, ittham, trikona, kriya, jituma, rispha, vesi, harija, Besili (?), khali. na, kastira, -as u in kemadruna, surungi.
o as o in &kokera, dpoklima, kona, hridroga, -as u in dsphujit, durudhara, hibuka, Hind. mulea,as au in kaurpya, taukslika, -as a in durudhard, panaphara, harija ;
v as i in hibuka, Amita ),-as ri in kridroga, -as u in jituma, durudhard, duschikya, sunapha, suruñgá, -as ú in jaka, -as yu in dyuna, dyuta ;
nas e in kramelaka, kemadruna, heli, -as i in dindra ;
w as o in trikona, hord, Romaka, lopala, -as u in kastüri ;
ai as d in Akokera, -as e in kherdn (?), kasoru
mant (P for kesar-), -ano as aya in Asura Maya (and Turaniaya); av na dou in tavuri,--as au in Paulisa, ev as an in jyau, Jalaukas(); ou as u in mesurana.
With reference to the consonants, it is to be observed first, as to the dentals, that 8 before or rather with i appears as j, thus dsphujit, jimitra, jituma, whilst in dyúna, dyuta, a y is inserted between 8 and v;- is represented by j in harija,júka, by jy in jyau ;-o appears as 8 in Basili (?), Kaserulmant (?), surungá, mesirani, sunaphui, as & in vesi, Pauliša, as j in Jalaukas (?).-Of the aspirates
appears as thin pathena,-x as tth in ittha - as pk in anapha, panaplard, synaphd, as hph or shph | in rihpha, rishpha, as sph in dsphujit, as dh in duradhard, as v in vesi, -x as ke in lemadruma (?), as kh in kherin (?) khalina, as éch in duschikya, as g in hridroga.
of the liquids, I stands for in Milindo, for 1 in Asura Maya (?).-Hardening occurs in ulkokera, trikona, jituma, júka; on the other hand softening occurs in kendra, kemadruma (), du
chikya, hibuka, hridroga. The assimilation to like or homophonous Sanskrit words has evidently been much in operation hero, as in trikona, duschikya, kemadruma, hidroga, Kaserumant, Jalaukas, Asura Maya.
A comparison of the results obtained from both groups of words--that is, of those authenticated by contemporaneous documents and those which can be pointed out in Hindu literature,-showg as a deviation in the second that the o is not so often rendered by a as in coin-legends; and also the occasional representation of by U, the regular representation of v by (more rarely by i), the rendering of av by úv, of av bye (?), of dů by au ; lastly, the Zetacization of 8c into jin appears in . both groups as e. II. INDIAN NAMES AND WORDS AMONG
GREEKS. Here we have to deal partly with politico-geographical and other names, and partly with articles of commerce and objects of daily life. The names of wares came first to the West, in part very early -long before Alexander-and either, like the name India itself, through Persian, with the form transmuted according to Persian phonetic laws +
• Dr. Bhau Daji seeks under the name of the Yavaneένιοι Λογλυφίαλυαγα, Or rather Sphujidλυαγα και Σπευσιππος --See Journ. Royal As. So. I. 409 (1865), but Kern Introd. to Var. Mih., p. 48).an 'Appodius.
Mr. Hermann Jacobi, who is now engaged on an edition of the Laghujataka, informe me that Kevo popía would rather answer to kemadruma, which with its denominative Kevod popro occurs in Proclus, Porphyrius and Manetho.
1 This word, protected by the Laghujdtaka I. 17 (Ind. Stud. II. 281), appears by Muir in J. 48. S. of Beng. XIV.
811, as du chikatha, and has further been corrapted in Las Ben, IV. 843, to fichakatha.
Kern, Introd. to Var. Min., p. 29. Comp. Ind. Stud. II. 281 n. T Comp. the otherwise inverted representation of by I.
Comp. herewith, before everything else, Lassen's Ind. Alt. K. I. 1-352, II. 580.899., III. 1-386.
+ Namely h (as spiritus lenis) for s, thus in Syr. hendu 'Ivoos sindu, for h, for 1 (Comp. e. 9. aleo La sen, II. 559, a to Hypobarus and Martichoras).

Page #161

HINDU WORDS IN GREEK.
MAY, 1873.]
as δρυζον, βριζα for vythi, πεπερι piper for pigpali, vapdos for nalada, or through PhoenicioBabylonian commercial intercourse, as agaru ni dyalλoxov, kapi-pio knros,† karpásaxapraσos, kunkuma-cp curcuma κpokos, maddra (P)-μadeλkov Boeλλov. Marakataσpapaybos we may assume was probably borrowed earlier from the Semitic: § in the case of kalama -kaλapos (borrowed in Arabic 5) halm,' and in bana-kavaßos, ' hemp,' on account of the transposition of sound, perhaps a cognate origin dating from Indo-Germanic times, may be assumed.||
In this place, however; only those words will suit our purpose the Indian origin whereof and we shall have to take up many Prâkrit forms of them -is either quite, or at least approximately, ascertained, whilst numerous other names and words, with which such is not the case, must be excluded.
Firstly, articles of commerce, or rather mineral, vegetable, and animal substances, and of daily tife in general, belong to the following class of words:
upala--όπαλλιος ; kapphâra (? karpára)-καμφορα, kushtha-KOOTOS Costus, *kajuaphala (katukaphala) —καρυοφυλλον, *atubkari-καττυβουρίνη, *khinnaväri-cinnabari; gráha-ypaas; chandana-ravdava σανταλον ; tamalapattra-μαλαβαθρον, tála-ταλα, deva-δενος (δευνος, βασιλευς), ndrikela-ἀργελλια (P Μαργελλία), * nlla---νιλον ; *pattrapápikd-πατροmamyn, bhútári-Bourupov (asafoetida), mushkaμοσχος; veluriya-βηλυρρος, βηρυλλος, sakkhara ( ? karkard)—σακχαρι σακχαρον, saguna-sacon sacondion sagenon, saphena-sapenas, singavera
Of these Minayeff alone has discovered lately the first direct trace, namely, in the Baverujaṭakam (Jat. IV., 34, 9 no. 334) according to the Comm. of Buddhaghosa. (5th cent. A. D.) It contains a legendary report of repeated voyages of Indian merchants to Bavera (Babiru of the Old Persian cuneiform writing 3) where they brought, on the second occasion, the first peacock for sale. See Mé langes Asiatiques of the Imp. Russ. Academy, Vol. VI. 1871, p. 557 seqq. It is mentioned also in the Bible that among other things the Phoenicians in Solomon's time brought also peacocks from Ophir (Abhtra). (Here I may incidentally observe that I do not think n is connected with sikhin, because the latter word can scarcely have meant a peacock at the time here intended. Also the word togei, supposed to be Malabarian, which has been enlisted for this connection, can scarcely have originated from sikhin, rather perhaps some Dakhani word, which in that case might very well be the root of the Hebrew word). The form Baveru, with r instead of l, here of course militates against a Phoenician, but rather for a later Persian mediation in the legend; otherwise the final u here, as well as in the Babiru of the cuneiform writing, is probably a remnant of the Semitic nominative sign.
This word, curiously enough, occurs in the form kafu certainly, as early as the hieroglyphs of the 17th cent Conf. Joh. Dümichen, The fleet of an Egyptian queen of the 17th century, Leipzig, 1868, Plates II, and XIV.
The l of the words for agaru and madára (?) bears witness to their transmission through Semites, not across Persia-Hereto belongs also the name Ophir (Abhira) itself, which of course does not occur in Greek.
147
(sriigavera)—ζιγγίβηρι, surd-(ρογχο)-σουρα, εulvari (sulvári)-sulphur.
Among geographical names the following occurtt-adhisattra (Ahichhattra ?)-Adecora@pos, Anuradhagráma-Avovрoyрapμov, andhomatt-AvSaparis, Andhra-Andarae, Andhrasta nta-Avδρασιμουνδου, Abhisara- Αβισαρης, -σσαρεις (Βησσαpear?), Abhira-ABnpia, Ambaṭṭha AmbashthaAußarai Außaorai, Aémaka-Asmagi, AsvakaΑσσακηνοί, Δείknt---Ακεσίνης.., * asta (West) Αστακαμπρον.
Ikshumatt Onparis,§§ Irávati-Yaparis 'Povaδις Ὑδραωτης, «Indapattha. Indraprastha--Ινδαβαρα Ivdarpalai, irina-Elpuor. Ujjent-on, Uttarakur--Οττοροκοῤῥας, Uratd-Ούρσα. Rikshavant -Ou Evros, Audumbara-Odomboerae.
Katha-Kabasa, Kannakujja (Kanydkabjd)-Kavoyn, Kapishṭhala-KapStorboλoi, Kam mandid (Karmandéel)-Koppevaons, Kalinga-Kadiyyat Calingae, Kalyan-Kadλieva, Kasmira-Kaoneipaio, *Katyapapura-Kaσmanuрos (Kaßoupa), Kikutthi (Kákutsth)-Kakoveis, Kdvert-Xaßnpis, Kási- Kao. oida, Kirdta-Kippadai, Kubhá-Kopny, KumariΚομαρια, Kalinda--Κυλινδρινη, Κέrkhi-Κολχοι, Kekaya-Knken, kokandga-Kukkovayai, kokanagara -KOKкovaуapa, Kaumira-Kaupapa, Kosambi (Kausámbi)-Kwoaußa, Kolibha (Kauluba P)-Coluba, kshattra-apa, Kshudraka-odpakas (ud-) *Οξυδρακαι. khatriya (halakriya)-Χατριαιοι.
Gañgd-Tayyns, Gan Jakavati-Kovdoxarns, Gandldra-Γανδαροι, Goula-Γονδαλοι, gauit (P) Γαροι· as, grana—γραμμα γραμμον, *Glauca-Glausæ, Glauchukdyanaka-ravkavikai.
Chandala-Kavdaλo, Chandrabhiga Zavdpa
Ind. Skizzen, p. 88.
Differently in V. Hahn, Cultivated plants and domes tic animals, p. 121. (Berlin, 1870.) The use of hemp in the preparation of intoxicating liquors (ibid., p. 431) ascends probably to the Aryan period, partly because bhanga is used in the Rik. IX. 61, 13, as an epithet of the intoxicating soma, and partly because Indian lexicographers use bhanga to denote hemp and beverages of that king prepared from it. Comp. also l'end. IX. 138, Yesht XXIV. 26.
Although their Indian descent and signification have been handed down to us, e. g. of margarita, trappaga, kotym ba (perhaps kutupa, boat or little bag for keeping fluids ?) κολανδιοφοντα, σαγγαρα, brechma (abortion; comp. bhranahan?), dramasa (dhruva ?) Kapriov, deKaupos, and many others.
I mark with a star the words the signification, or ra ther use, of which cannot be exactly pointed out, although they are possibly current. I do not put any marks to the Prakrit forms drawn from Sanskrit words actually occur. ring in the respective meanings, but I enclose the latter words in parentheses. I add, moreover, a few words which occur only in a Latin form, e. g. sulphur, &c.
+ The readings in Arrian, &c. vary much in the MSS.; I mostly adhere to those adopted by Lassen, since also the production itself of the corresponding Indian names is usually based on the precedent of Lassen.
See Roth, Lit. u. Gesch. des Weda, p. 139. $$ Also (like 'Akeσuns) purposely an echo of Greek words: vid. inf. the words marked §§.
?? See Lassen I. 820; according to ibid. III. 175. Tovdaλot is to be real for it.

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148
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[MAY, 1873.
βαγα Σανδαροφαγος$s, Chandravatf-Σανδραβατις, I (Surpdraka ?)-Σουππαρα, Φθdra (44)-Συδροι, SaraChola Chora-Σωρα.
Sena (έα-)-Σουραση του, Sona (Sona)-Σωνος. Takahαειλά-Ταξιλα, ξαφανα (ethakara)-Ταγαρα, *Sαparna-Σέπαρνος, Saray-Σαραβος, SaketaΤλφαλα-Ταγγανοι, ταβα88α (tαραθμα)-Ταβασσοι, Σαγηνδα, Sdrang α-Σαραγγης, Sindhu-Sindus Σινtabasa (tậpasa)-Tabarw, Tambapannt (Tamrapar- θος Σινδιμανα, Σινδοαλια, είπαnta-σιμουνδου, Sikaκά)-Ταπροβανη, * taran γυάλα-Τυραννοβοας,88 Τά- ladίδα (Sύλλαladoίρα)--Σιελεδιβα Σιαλα, Berendivi, Imagd-Ταμασις, Τάκαlitti (Tamaliptt)-Ταμαλιτης, Surdshtra-Συραστρηνη, Suυdstu-Σοαστος, η «κυαηα Tosali-Tωσαλει.
-Σοανος, -8thdra-Στουρα. Dokkin αθαλλα (Παλαλίνδράλα)-Δαχιναβαδης, I Himarant-Ιμαος, Ηαίνιαυata -- 'Ήμωδος Hemodus, Dαναλα-Δερδαι Δαραδραι, Ddruα-Δυρβαιοι, dtbα Hiranyατάλα-Εραννοβοας. (αυίρα)-Divi (Ιαβα)διον (Ναγα)διβα, * αδα εκkha- Lastly, also, to these belong a few historical θανατ-Διοσκορίδης, devαραlli-Δεοπαλλι, Dυdrakd natmea, &c. A8 Πορος Πωρος-Paurant, Δανδαμις -Βαρακη.
(Μανδ-) Δαμις Δαμαδαμις-*dandami, *damin, damάπαραπαναγαρα, Μάσα - (Κοκκο)ναγαι, παgnaloka damin, Kητευς-kets, Καλανος-*kalydna, Σωπειθης--Nayyalayai, ndgac ba or naggadíba (nagna.)-Na- Αέσαpati, Σαγγαιος-samjayα, και επινης-*sphina, Σπιγαδιβα, Ναmmadd-Nαμαδης, ndmagiri-Nαναγειροι, τακης-*sphitaka||, Φηγευς-Βhdr ανα (?), Μωριεύς μάπάρμπα-Ναναγουνα, πάειkά-Νασικα, nilakantha (P). Moeris- Mauryα (Ρ), Σανδροκυπτος ΣανδρακοστοςΝελκυνδα,
Chandragupta, Σισικυπτος-βαθigupta, 'Αμιτροχατης Panchala-Παζαλαι Πασσαλπι, Patistina Paΐttha- - Anitraghdta, Ewqaydonyos-Subhagusena, Bacoμα (Pratiahthana) - Πιατιστανα, Παιθιανα(Bat-), 8no -Vasudeva, Zapravoxuyas-ramandcharya (R), μανια-Παρνος, *Parvara (P Primdra) - Πορουαροι, Rachias_trakkhasa (? rakshasa, rdjan according to Pdaliputra (Patali.) A.BoOpa, Pandava (P)--Pan- LaBBen), Tιαστανης- Chashtanat, Kηρεβοθρης-Cheledae Πανδαια, Pandyα-Πανδιων,"pdlipattαπα-Παλαι- othras Kera(la)patra, Σιρο Πολεμιος-Siri (τί), Puπατνας, * palismanta-Παλαισιμουνδου, Ράλλαια lumdi** Sapayayos --(*sdragana according to Lassen, Pukkhαλάναtt (Pushk-)-Πευκελα Ποκλαΐς Πενκελαϊτις,
but perhaps better) Sdtagani (Satakarni the ex-φωνα,-βορα (Κλεισο-), polala-Πατταλι, γνάολγα change of t for 4 in the place of P), Σαδινης Σαν
8.1vns-Chandana (? sadhana according to Lassen), -Πρασιοι. brahmagdra-Bραμαγαρα, ordlomαλα-Βραχμανες,
Barapova-odsaranága (Paccording to Lassen, ValBhilla-Mudraig, Bhaulingi-Bolingae.
saraja of Bhau DAji), Βιλεoκουρος-*balarathurs (? Μαη θαλα-Μανδιλαι, Mathurd-Moδoυρα Μεθορα, accordi.g to Lassen, malayakúta P), AvdoußaposMarun dα-Μαρουνδαι, Μαλαγα-Μαλαια Μαλεα Μα
Aryabata, Βουδδις-Buddha, Σαμαναιοι Σεμνοι Σαρλεον, Μαέαα-Μασσαχα Mazagare, Mahdgrάπια
μαναι-Sam αηα εram ανία, Πραμναι- primάπα (2) Μααγραμμον, Mahdmada-Μαναδος, Μαλί-Μαϊς ΟΑΔΟΒΟΔ CAMA ΟΔΥΟΒΟΥ CAKAMA -όλαg ατα Μοφις Μωφις, Madlyandina-Mανδιανδινοι, Maldυα
samana,tt PAONANA PAO-rdañam(P)rda (rdjndm (or Malla)-Μιλλοι, Μλεία (Μλελία)-Μουσικανος, rdjd). So further the mythic names arrugasMeru-Μηρος, mausala-ΜαυσωλοςSS.
svdyambhuva (P according to Lassen), BovovasΥαηιηά-Διαμουνα, Jomanes-Ιοβτρης, Υαυαdi- Budha, Kad suas for II papevas-Purdravas according βα-Ίαβαδιου.
to Lassen (P perhaps devα Ρ), Μαυσωλος-*mausala Lampaka-Λαμβαγι, Ιδέα-Λαρικη, οπαυdri (or (for musalin baladeva), Tnyarios---Yaydti (accord -vάδα, αναπαυάri, or -υδέα)-Λωνιβαρε.
ing to Lassen). Vardnaei-Έρευνεσις, Vaedti-'Οσσαδιοι (Βησα
To non-Sanskrit but nevertheless Indian names, δαι ?), *vdrikachλα-Βαρυγαζα, - -υάλα-βοα:,85 Vija
belong also the Greek legends on the coins of the yanta (or Vaj-) - Βυζαντιον,68 Vitaeta-Βιδάσπης
Indo-Scythians (see above, p. 144) are to be consi. “Υδασπης, Vindλγα – Ουινδιον, Vipdo – Bιβασις dered, e.g. Γονδοφαρου, Υνδοφ--Guduphara, ΚανΥφασις.
ηρκου-Καπίελλα, Πακορης-Ραλωνα, 18 well as those Sαλα (Saka)-Σακαι, Satadru (βα-)-Ζαδαδρης strange names of gods on them, partly with the Hesadrus, Sahara (βαb-)-Σαβαραι, δάσαια (βάλ-)
initials APA, OPA, the meanings and derivations Σαγαλα, Σαγγαλα, βάιδα (Balea ?)-Σαμβος Σαβος, whereof are yet obscure, e. g. OKPO-ugra or ahuSiδi (Sibi)-Σιβοι, είripala (art)-Σιριπαλα, εupdra
τα ? ΑΡΔΟΧΡΟ-ardλα+ugra or arta+ahura ?, + Or perhaps better inverted, afba sukhatara, from
† Bhâu Daji in Journ. Bombay Br. R. As. Soc. VIII. Διοσκοριδης ? Bee Ind. 8kίευση, 88 .
235, IX. 3. Lassen, II. 782, reads in the inscription in
question against Prinsep: Chandana. 1 The words of Ptolemy ήτις εκαλείτο πάλαι Σι
" The varianta are :-Pulomdvi, Pudumdvi, Pulomavit, μούνδου, νυν σε Σαλική, ισording to Lessen Are to be
Pulimant; a non-Sanskrit name (like Chashtana). considered a misunderstanding on the part of the author.
H ? Or bhaganat sakamuni? See my Dissert. on the Perhaps Zend Sanha?
Bhagavati of the Jainas, II. 168. Ind. Streifen, II. 121. || Perhaps Zend Spitama?
An Indian royal name which is otherwise also often Bee Cunningham in Journal R. As. S. V. 195 (1870). mentioned.

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MAY, 1873.]
HINDU WORDS IN GREEK.
149
ΟΡΔΑΘΡΟ-arta or ardha (P) + athira, OPΔAΓΝΟ-| sulphur, Στουρα ;-by ευ in Πενκελα ; by @ in Κωφην, ardha +agni or verethraghna * P see Benfey in Supayaonvos.] Ζ. d. D. M. G. VIII., 450 8eqq., 460 8egg.
η, and latin e, stands for ein Βαζοδηο, βηλυρρος, Hence the following results are to be drawn. Κητευς, Κηκεοι, Κηρεβοθρης, Μηρος, 'Οζηνη, Σαγηδα, Firstly, as to the vowels :
Bapenas, Σουρασηνοι, Σωφαγασηνος, Χαβηρις;-fer αι || a stands so regularly for a, d, that there is no need in Hμωδος;-for i in 'Αβηρια (with 'Αβιρια), Βησσαof adducing examples ;--for o in Ilarrala-potala, ρεων (?);-for w in sagenon (2) --for ava in Kovdoyarns, Pandae, --for aya in Bucar- [Indian e is also further represented by 6, as τιον.
above.] [Indian å is further represented by o, as in 'Avov. ω stands for o in 'Ανδωματις, .ωσαμβα, Λωνιβαρε, ρογραμμoν, 'Αμιτροχατης, 'Εραννοβοας, 'Οττορο-, Καμ: Σωνος, Σωρα, Τωσαλει;-for αυ | in Πωρος, Μωριεύς ; βισθολοι, Κανογιζη, Κοκκο-, Κονδοχατης, Κομμενασης, -for αοα in 'Ήμωδος;-for τα in Σωπειθης. Μοδουρα, Μοφις, Σανδροκυπτος, Jomanes,-by in al, a stand for i (ut sup.);-ai, aw for dva, in Ερεννεσις, Δερδοι, Κομμενασης, Κηρεβοθρης, Μεθορια, Πευλελαϊτις, Υδραωτης ;-1o for αυα in 'Ιμαος ;-εο Σεμνοι ;-by-in ζιγγιβερι, Λωνιβαρε, Σισικυπτος ;-by for evα in Δεοπαλλι ;-αυ for a in Γλαυκανικαι, ν in βουτυρον 1 (bhtdri), Δυρβαιοι, (καρυοφυλλον, Glausae, Καυμαρα, Μαυσωλος;-ου for α, α, (ut sup.), Νελκυνδα (nflakantha P); by oυ in σιμουνδου, Ανδου
for n in Ουξεντος ;-ευo for evα in δευος. βαριος, sulphur (Bulgari) ;-by ω in Μωφις, Μαυ- [Indian o is moreover represented by a, 0, 0, - σωλος, Tho representation by a is however by far
an also by o, w (as above); in l'apouas for Gaurt, the more prevalent).
there is probably a transposition from l'aoplas ?] • stands for a (as above), for aya in Kykeot, for
Next with reference to consonants, the freανα in Ουξεντος, for tin Εραννοβοας; Νελκυνδα, for
quent use of B is to be noted. This letter occurs μ in Πολεμιος (Pulumdi), for e in αργελλιον (Ρ),
for pin Bιβασις, «βορα, Δαχιναβαδης, Ινδαβαρα, διβα, ζιγγιβερι.
Καβουρα (2) Καμβισθολου, Κηρεβοθρας, μαλαβαθρον, i stands for i, , of which examples are not re
Παλιβοθρα, Ταβασο, Ταβασσοι, Ταπροβανη, (but 4 quired; also for a (as above), for a in Κανογιζη.
great proportion of these words is probably based [Indian 1 is moreover represented by < (as on Prakrit forms which already had 0);-for o in Above); by a in Αδεισιθρος, Ειρινον, Κασπειραιοι, Βουδνας, Βουδδα, Κωσαμβα, Σαβαρα, Σαμβοι, Σιβος ;Τωσαλει: by αι in Παλαι.* ; by υin Υαρωτις, Υδασ
for bh in βουτυρον, Bolingae, Αβηρια, Αβισαρης, (Βησ. πης, Υφασις, Βαρυγαζα (Ρ), Βυζαντιον, Φυλλιται; by
σαρεων Ρ), 'Ανδουβαριος, Colabae, καττυβουρινη (Ρ); ο in οξυματις.]
--for and especially as an initial, as in-Bacoono, o stands for a, i as above), for u in Odombo
Βαλεoκουρος (Ρ), Βαρυγαζα (1), Βασαρωναξ (Ρ), Βηρυλ. rae, 'όζηνη, 'Οττοροκοβραι, όπαλλιος, Βεζοδηο, βοθρα,
λος, Βησαδαι, Βιβασις, Βιδιασπης, Βυζαντιον, 88 also -βοθρης, -βορα, καμφορα, Κολχοι, Κομαρια, κοστος,
in mediala, thus-cinnabari, Δυρβαιοι, Εραννοβοας,, Μεθορι, μοσχος, Ποκλαίς, Σοδρακαι, (with Συ-), 84
ζιγγιβερι, Ιαβαδιου, Λωνιβαρε, Σανδραβατις, Τυραννοcon (Ρ), Σινθος, Σοανος, Σοαστος, Σοδραι ;-for o in
βοας, Χαβηρις ;-for do in Bαρακη;-for y (perhaps Κοκκό», Γονδαλοι; for an $ in Odormboerae, Bolinge,
by exchange with υ) in Σαραβος. Colube, Πορος ;-for ανα in Πωρος, Μαλλοι.
(The Indian v is further represented by ph in sulv stands for đ, i (as above), for u in Brauppos,
phur ;-by the rough aspirate in Υδάσπης, Υφασις;καρυο-, καττυ-, Κασπαπυρος, Κυλινδρινη, οξυδρακαι,
by the Bmooth aspirate in 'Ερεννεσις, 'Οσσαδιος, οξυματιε, Σανδροκυπτος, Σισικυπτος, Σνδροι, Συρασ
Σοανος, Σοαστος ;-by oύ in Ουινδιον, Πορουαροι. τρηνη.
Besides va appears as w,-ava as a, €, 0, ao, w, [Indian w is represented also by ,, (as above),
αυα a8 αϊ, αω; A8 ουα in “Ροναδος (Irivatf),-eva 88 by oυ (Latin s) in Oυαρσα, Ανουρο-, Βουδνας, Βουδδα,
εο, ευo (as above)]. βοντνρον, «βουρα, (καττυ)βουρινη, Διαομονα, Κακονθις,
Further, the use of o for the smooth palatal ch Ναναγουνα, Μοδουρα, Μουσικανος, «σουρα, Σουρασηνοι, iginteresting, in Glausae, Πασσαλοι, Πρασιοι, Σαν
* Comp. βασιλευς, βασιλεων μεγας Ορθαγνης on I the circumstance that we would then have to assume's coin of Guduphara in Thomas' Catala we of Bactrian Coins, hybrid formation, and would consequently fall into the No. 38 (Lond. 1857). The other words of this kir, such as same difficulty which precludes the explanation of OP ΑΘΡΟ, ΜΠΡΟ, ΜΑΟ, ΜΑΝΑΟ ΒΑΓΟ Are by Laanon also
AHOPOY from ardha + athra. referred to the Zend, more particularly to Persia; whence
+ The constant representation of a by a or 0, , &c., it would indeed be difficult to separate the above words
or more particularly of by . oro, v, ov in different texts from it! With OPAHEPOY moreover, after the prefix
is a testimony for the homogeneity of the respective pas OPA = ardha an entirely hybrid formation would have to
ages; more particularly with reference to their derivation be assumed. But of course the explanation of OPA through
from a common source. arta is also hazardous, because (1) arta sounds in Zand 1 With an echo purposely sought of Greek words. asha (the form arta seems to belong only to the Western
$ If not already in the Indian word, o is to be prefixed Persiana), and (2) because the same falls entirely sway for
Bccording to Priktit rales. ΟΡΔΑΓΝΟ Ορθαγνης :if it be conceived verethraqλα; Rather perhaps already in the Indian word itself: 6. but to seek in it perhaps arta + agni (!) is precluded by
Do. do. do. do. : 0.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[MAY, 1873.
Spaßaya, dvdp.ITIS, Exp1, V&POKUITOS, Gavranov, as well as of also for ch in II (ai,--and for 8 as in Zuðaðpns, teyye Sepe, Bacoono, and for j, as in Bu. (avriov, Kavoycn, Chun.
[ch is also represented by Ti in Taoravns-by in τξανδανυν; its representation by κ in Κανδαλοι is perhaps to be rejected, and we ought to read rovdA01 ;---chh appears as in Bipuyu (R).]
of the semivowels p.is not only used for , but also for the lingual (t or rathor * as 'Avdoua. plos, 'Ivd18.1p1, kapvopulloy, Lapin, Av.Supe (?) Zapayayos (P) Balcokovpos (R) In Kol you is put for , in castrov for n.
(By adopting Lassen's explanation the lingual tenuis in kartuSoupion would be represented by TT; in Katara, Tabava, the stands for ), tth; in Nekuvda the nth is represented by v8, shth in Kaußuofola by . In Acapouva y is rendered by dt, in the same way dhy by 8. in Madravdivos, Ovudtov;--for see above.]
Of the aspirates, & appears for t in Sameons, for th, th, tth, th, in Ivdanpatan, Kalala, Kakoulus, KauBuo Bolot, Medopa, llaudava, once for dh in Stvdos, Op for thr, tr in Adecora@pos, Knpeso@pns, palapa pov, Da.BoOpa, Hapa:- stands for p in 'Yqaris,for bh in Kuony, Savoapopayos, pulirat,--for his Mogus Maois,--for v in sulphur;---x stands for k in xaßnpis, Kovdoxarns, pod xos, --for kh, kkh, in Aayev aßaons, Koh you, Xarpiacot, cakxapı,--for gh in Apet. poxares,--for h in Bpaxuavat.
And as to the Indian aspirates-kh, khh (from shk) are represented by KX, X, as well as by k alone, as in--cinnabari. IIevket ;-gh appears as x,--ch as (as above); nth is transliterated as vd in Nel kuva, sth, shth as or in roupa, 'Außaorai, KOSTO,
IlarioTava ; --dh as 8 only in Suvos, as 8 in 'Adercapos, Andarae, 'Av&pa, 'Avdwars, l'adapos, X8o. Sindus, Madlavdivou, Obudov, as (probably it had first become h in the Indian and then) it had dropped out in 'Avoupo; - ph is rendered by p in sapenas-bh appears as B, 0;-h fell out entirely as in Mavados, Bpquayapa, or appears as the smooth aspirato as in 'Huwdos 'EpavvoBias, 'Iuaos, -Boas, ypaal, Maaypaupov, Mais, Stayal, as the rough aspirate) h in Hemodus, or as . x (as above).]
Aspirating occurs in Kov8oxarns, kaupopa, Ewmelons, 'Yaois, Xaßnpis, as well as in the use of 8p for tr, ttr (as above), whilst this has conversely been omitted in leukela, cinnabari, Bapyaa, 62penas, through the representation of bh by b, as well as frequently by th, nth, sth, dh, ndk (as above).
Hardening takes place in Kovdoxarns, sacon (P), Farruhov, SaxdPOKUNTOS, SLOKUITOS ; but more frequently softening, which howover are mostly reducible to Praksit forms; compare the remarks on B, as further also 'apyetka (P) Bapuyaca, Zada8pns, Kapoy 59, Kuppadon, AapBayai, Mazagae, 'Oogadoy matporateyn, Zapayavos (P), 'Ydaoms.
From to the nature of the case, the result of this juxtaposition of Indian vocables occurring in a Greek dress is of greater importance to the prononciation of Indian (see the remarks on a, u, on the palatals, linguals, and aspirates) than of Greek words. For the latter nevertheless, inter alia, also the soft pronunciation of b (for ), of (for 8); on the other hand the hard pronunciation of
(for th, tth); further the almost constant use of n for e: and lastly the preferential toe of v for u, as well as of aŭ for au, appear interesting.t
REVIEW.
traditions and incidents in Indian history, be LOTUS LEAVES; or Poems chiefly on Ancient Indian
ginning with scenes from the story of Rama and Subjects; by H. C. Dutt. --Calcutta, 1871.
Sita, and coming down to the capture of Torna by A volume of poems in the English language by Sivaji. Those into whose hands this little book may a native of India is still somewhat of a novelty; fall must not expect to find anything very striking but this is not the first time that the author of or original in the treatment of these subjects, but the collection before us has appeared before the | they will find everywhere smooth and pleasing public in verse. His name will be familiar to versification, and considerable skill shown in the some of our readers as one of the contributors to adapting of the measure to the varying character the well-known Dutt Family Album," which was of the themes. Special mention may be made of so favourably received in England a few years ago. the little poem entitled The Bridal of Draupadi, in In the "Lotus Leaves" he has attempted to embody which that famons story is reproduced with sufin a poetical form some of the more remarkable ficient fidelity and much liveliness.
** In Aapaðpa., Kuuvdp.vn, yet anr is added to the dental sound (comp. drekána for dekavos).
+ Monatsbericht der Königl. Akademie der Wissenschaf ten zu Berlin (Dec. 1871), pp. 613-632.

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151
NOTES AND MISCELLANEA.
NOTES AND MISCELLANEA.
ON ATTRACTION AND REPULSION, From the Methnawy of Jeltdi-al-dyn Ramy: 1st
Duftur No. I.
Because they are aggrieved at your life. They possess the electrum and reveal it, Then they entice your straw, your nature vile; But when their grand electrum they conceal Your resignation quickly turns revolt!
E, REHATEEK.
چون حکیمک اعتقادي کرده است
زمین چون زردی است کاسه آن بيض کفت سا پل چون بماند این خاکدان
محیط آسمان
این در میان
هرا
در
معلق تند پلي پر
برعلا ميرود ني بر اسفل في
گفت کز جذب مها حکیمش آن
ہوا اندر بماند
شش از جهات
قير ريختر ز مقنا طیس چون
أريختر أخي
ماند درمیان
با صفا
آسمان دکر کفت ان کی کشد در خود زمین تیره را
جهات ميكند از شش بلکہ دفعش
عاصفات در میان بماند تا
کمال اہل خاطر زدفع پس جان فرعونان بماند اندر ضلال پس زدفع این جهان و آن جهان مانده اند این بیر ہان بي این و آن سر کشی از بندگان ذوالجلال زانكر دارند از وجود ترملال
چون پیدا کنند کهربا دارند و
شیدا کننده ترا ستي کاء
چون پنهان کنند کو باي خويش
کنند طغیان ترا تسلیم زود
THE MAHA MÅGAM AT KUMBHAKONAM. The town of Kumbhakonam is the scene of one of the greatest of Hindu festivals, the Maha Md. gam,' which is celebrated once in twelve years, and to which people from all parts of India repair, to obtain remission of their sins by washing in the waters of the Ganges, which (according to Hindu legend) are brought, in some miraculous manner to the sacred tank on the south-east side of the great temple. This tank, which is known as the Mahd Magam tank, is supposed to possess miraculous virtues at this particular season, for the goddess Gangd is said to visit the tank once in twelve years to cleanse herself from the pollution contracted by her, in consequence of so many thousands of human beings bathing in her waters and leaving their sins behind them. The purifier comes here to be purified, and at the same timo to purify the multitudes of pilgrims and devotees who flock to Kumbhakonam on this auspicious occasion, that they may wash in the sacred stream and be clean. The legend given of the origin of this festival is briefly as follows:
The grandsons of a certain king of the solar race who reigned in the ancient town of Ayodhya were commanded by their grandsire to carry to the eight corners of the earth a horse which had been offered in sacrifice, according to the peculiar rites of the Hindus appointed for the Aswamedha Yajna. The object in sending round this horse was, it would seem, that all the kings of the earth might do homage to it, such homage being reckoned a token of submission to the great sovereign of the solar race who had offered it in sacrifice. During their journey the horse was ono night stolen from the princes by the god Indra, who concealed the animal in the lower world close by the spot where a Rishi was performing pen ance. After a long search the princes discovered the horse where it had been concealed, and, ima. gining that the ascetic was the person who had made away with it, they immediately attacked him, while he was still deep in his devotions. The ire of the otherwise meek Rishi was roused by this sudden and sacrilegious violence to his person, and darting fire from his eyes he consumed his enemios, reducing them to a heap of ashes. Through the intercession of the aged grandsiro, and, subne
When a small sage professed the belief That heaven is an egg and earth its yolk, An asker asked: "How does the earth abide In this great ocean of the firmament, A lamp suspended in the welkin vast? Does it ide neither down nor up at all P" The sage replied: "The attraction of the sky From all directions keeps it in the air ; As dome of loadstone molten standing fair Holds iron with itself suspended high." The man rejoining said: "Can heaven pure Attract this sinful melancholy earth P It so repels it from all sides alike To fix it amidst awful hurricanes!" Thus the aversion of the blessed saints In aberration fetters impious men In the repulsion of this world and next For either hopeful pledges they have none. You spite the servants of the Lord Most High

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quently, of one of his descendants named Bhagi. in India seldom see. The whole of the tributary ratha, the ascetic withdrew his surse, adding that princes, chiefs and noblemen, within a certain the souls of the princes whom he had destroyed radius of Haidarabad, assembie at the head of their could only reach the abode of the blessed after dependants for the inspection of the Prime Ministhey were cleansed in the waters of the Ganges ter, Sir Salar Jang, pay homage to the Nizam, and which flowed upon the crest of Siva. This deity undergo a species of "muster" previous to the was next invoked on behalf of the unfortunate vic- disbursement of the annual government stipend tims of the Rishi's wrath, and at his command the for the maintenance of the troops they keep up. waters of the Ganges flowed upon the earth, and The "Lungus" of 1873 took place on the 5th the ashes of the dead princes mingled in the sacred March. A writer in the Madras Mail says that all stream. When Siva commanded Gangd to flow
present were conspicuous for their magnificent upon the earth, the gód also decreed that whoever
and costly dresses, whilst their dependants, horse washed in her waters should be cleansed from the and foot, contributed to an amusing spectacle. pollution of sin, and, in order to remove from the Uniforms of all ages, Oriental as well as European, goddess Ganga the stain of pollution she would were exhibited: coats, wristpieces, and morions thus contract, he commanded her to visit the sa- of chain-mail; Saracenic head-pieces with their cred tank at Kumbhakonam once in twelve years, spikes of steel and chain-mail curtains; buff coats when she could cleanse herself from such pollution. of tough ball's-hide; coats with tarnished epaulettes
The festival of the Mahd Mdgam occurs in the and wings of five and twenty years ago; shakos vear Magha during the month named Mágha, and huge-topped and befeathered; the bearskin of during the occurrence of the full moon in or some long-forgotten commander of a "grenadier about the asterism Mágha." During this festival
company;" long swallow-tailed coats of the Christy the pilgrims to Kumbhakonam bathe first in the Minstrel type, worn without continuations of any waters of the Mahd Magam, thon in the tank of kind. Motley and numerous as the dresses were, the Golden Lotus (Pon thamarei thadagam) and, in weapons the diversity was greater still. You lastly, in the river Kaveri. There are twelve saw bell-mouthed petronels of the time of the first temples at Kumbhakonam, each having its presid.
James, an arquebuss or two, crossbows with daning deity, the chief of the twelve being Kumbha- gerous-looking bolts, matchlocks, flint and stoel Swaram. These twelve deities are placed in their muskots of various degrees of efficiency: swords respective cars and dragged each round his own of every age, shape, and nation. Yonder a curved temple. They are all then carried on the shoul
scimitar; here the long straight blade of a knight ders of men in grand procession, with banners, of Malta. Knives more or less richly ornamented incense, and fireworks, to the great tank, on the appeared in the kamarbands of high and low, banks of which are erected twelve shrines, one for
but the arm most fancied seems to be a double the reception of each idol. In the shrine which is muzzle-londing gun or rifle, many of which were built in the centre of the tank certain ceremonies
carried in the hands of the noblemen seated on are then performed, the trident being planted elephants. Long, light, bamboo lances were adoptwithin it and besprinkled with holy water and in- ed by the majority of the mounted retainers, with, censed by the officiating guru. After the comple- in some cases, a carbine slung behind the back. tion of these ceremonies, the people, who stand Throughout the day there was music for the Euroaround the tank in anxious expectation, make a peans present.-Friend of India. sudden plunge into it, as if the healing virtue would affect only the first who entered. A correspondent writing to us regarding this festival
AJANTA CAVES. Bay8,-"I am told that about 33,000 people are About five and twenty years ago the Court of expected to visit Kumbhakonam during this Ma- Directors of the late E. I. Company, with the ha Mdgam, and judging from the number of spe- liberality that so distinguished it, resolved to cial trains that the G.S. I. Railway run, both by Becure faithful transcripts of the wonderful fresday and by night, I believe there is no exaggeration coes in the Ajanta Cave Temples. Accordingly, in the statement."--Madras Times, Feb. 12. Major R. Gill was employed, with the necessary
establishment of assistants, and in the course of
a number of years he sent home nearly thirty A FESTIVAL AT HAIDARABAD.
large and faithful copies of almost all the best Once a year, on "Langar Day," the city of portions. Of these, twenty-two or more were Haidarabad presents a scene characteristic of that | placed in the Sydenham Crystal Palace, where Oriental grandeur, wealth, and fondness of display they were destroyed by fire about six years ago. which historians and travellers chronicle but we No copies, tracings, or photographs were taken

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:
of them before sending them to be exhibited-and finally burnt and all we possess of this magnificent series of facsimiles are woodcuts, on a very small scale indeed, in Mrs. Manning's Ancient India-of two of the pictures and of eight detached fragments of others. Fortunately five or six of Major Gill's large paintings had not been sent to the Crystal Palace, but were afterwards found among the stores and are now hung in the corridors of the India Office.
NOTES AND MISCELLANEA.
Most of the frescoes have suffered much since they were copied by Major Gill,-some have almost, if not entirely, disappeared. Still representations were made to Government to attempt rescuing some portion of what still remains, and Mr. Griffiths of the Bombay School of Art was accordingly deputed to visit them and report on the feasibility of copying them. His report has not been published in extenso, but the following extracts from it are of interest :
"They are not frescoes in the true acceptation of the term, nor do they appear to correspond to the Italian Fresco secco,' where the entire surface of the wall was first prepared for painting on, and then thoughly saturated with lime-water before the painting was commenced, as the groundwork upon which the paintings at Ajanţâ were executed would, I think, hardly admit of this treatment. The groundwork, which appears to be composed of cowdung with an inimixture of pulverized trap, was laid on the roughish surface of the rock to a thickness varying from a quarter to half an inch. To increase the binding properties of this ground, rice-husks were introduced in some instances, especially in the ceilings. Over this ground was laid the intonaco of thin, smooth plaster, about the thickness of an egg-shell, upon which the painting was executed. This thin coating of plaster overlaid everything, the mouldings, the columns, the ornamental carving, and the sculptures,--and enough remains to show that the whole has been closed.
"Many of the paintings, as far as the hand could reach, have been wantonly defaced, hacked, and scratched in every direction, leaving not a square inch perfect. Bats by the thousand have done their work of destruction by clinging to the upper portions of the walls, and, to complete the havoc, water was percolating through the rock, converting some of the paintings on the walls and ceilings into a black unintelligible mass. It is surprising how these paintings have existed for so long under such treatment, when others which were not half their age have perished despite the care that was taken of them.
"The paintings in Cave No. I. are in a better state of preservation, and are more intelligible
153
than those in any of the other caves. There are fragments of figures, some of them larger than life-size, of which the faces and hands are painted with vigour and expression; and although they are only shadows of what they were originally, still, I think, they are worthy of being copied. Portions of the ceiling to this cave are in a very good state of preservation, and were there nothing else remaining of the paintings this ceiling alone would be well worth copying, as being a marvellous piece of work and a school of art in itself. It is divided into panels, which are filled with painted fruit, such as mangoes, pineapples; in others are elephants, buffaloes; parrots,-all most delicately drawn. The panels are divided by bands filled in with the fret-guilloche and the patera, of infinite variety in design.
"I need hardly remark that the work of copying will be attended by many difficulties. But I am of opinion that no effort should be spared to obtain records, however slight, of what remains of the paintings of these famous caves. A few years hence the originals will be entirely obliterated; and I consider it will be a loss to art if some record be not made, even of the fragments that remain, of the works of these old Buddhistic artists, who evidently were keenly alive to the pleasures derived from, and who thoroughly understood the principles of, Decorative Art in its highest and noblest sense."
The Government of India having sanctioned an expenditure of Rs. 5,000 for this purpose, Mr. Griffiths and a party of students went to Ajanțâ early in the cold season, and it is satisfactory to learn that all of the ceiling worth copying, and four pieces of the wall-painting of Cave I. have been successfully copied. It is to this cave also that most of the paintings at the India House belong.
To the paintings at Ajanta, however, belongs only a part of the interest attaching to the remarkable remains there: in the architecture of the various caves is to be read a remarkably extended record of the history of the development of that art during a period of from five to eight centuries, and which could be fully supplemented from other groups of Buddhist remains in the Bombay Presidency and contiguous provinces. Materials for the illustration of Buddhist art at Ajanta and elsewhere exist at the India House and with private individuals, and in April 1871 J. Fergusson, D.C.L., F.R.S., laid before the Secretary of State a proposal for completing and utilizing these, and offering to edit the work for publication. This offer was at once accepted and referred to the Bombay Government to arrange for completing the materials and carrying into effect, but nothing has since been done in the matter.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[MAY, 1873.
CASTES OF THE BOMBAY PRESIDENCY. Dr. H. V. Carter to his "Report on the Prevalence and Characters of Leprosy in the Bombay Presidency" has added an appendix giving short notices of all the castes mentioned in the returns. "The details it supplies," he remarks, "are of the simplest, and without pretence : such of the information as is not commonly available has been obligingly furhished by the Magistrates of Kanara, Khandesh, Thana, Dharwar, &c. and many probable discrepancies are referrible to the varying customs of the same castes in different provinces."
"The subject of caste," he adds, "is full of instruction to the antiquary and the ethnologist : it is & mine as yet little worked, but which holds information sufficient, by analysis of details, to explain many curious anomalies in the opinions And condition of the existing native races, if not to throw light on their origin and descent."
The list is arranged alphabetically, but we extract the accounts of some of the castes without reference to such arrangement:
"Koli.- A caste of low rank, embracing numerous tribes who are still most numerous in the mountain ranges running parallel to the sea-coast, and par excellence a hill-people; dwellers in the jungle or forest; most numerous of all such in the Bombay Presidency; they exist in large numbers in Gujarat and the Konkan and in the adjoining central districts of the Dekhan, but not beyond these limite: their proper locale would seem to be the Western Ghats and prolongation northwards (18 to 24 N. Lat.); they also occupy the sea. board; it would appear us if their continuity had been disturbed by intrusions of the Bhills,' coming from inland forest hills along the banks of the Tapti and other rivers opening into the Gulf of Cambay; hence in Khandesh Bhills' occupy the ghêts and hilly ranges, the Kolis' being found in the plains, as a reflux from the south. The Kolis of Gujarat are thus almost separated from those of the Vindhya Ghâts; their history and present condition differ somewhat also; for a few formed alliances with marauding Rajputs, and their descendants claim the title of ThAkure; and in this fertile province some of the Kolis have become admirable and prosperous farmers. Coast- wise the race has maintained its place as fishermen, boatmen, and sailors: they make salt. In Lat. 20° Kolis again predominate on both sides of the ghêts: they are chiefs in the Dhangs; Patels, &o. in the Mäwals; the name Thakur is retained, but is not now associated with any preference apart from means: here, too, in the Dekhan a large section of 'Kolis' have become incorporated with the population on the plains ; they occupy a humbler position than the Talabdi • Kolis' in Gujarat, but have a recognised place in the village establishment, being watchmen, water-carriers, boatmen, fishermen, messengers, do; those have made the first long stride towards
complete civilization. On the hills their brethren are still a rude people, living by selling jungle produce, cultivating a little land, and keeping & few cattle. All are very ignorant, but not unintelligent. Kolis are subdivided into numerous families (or kuls) all of which are perfectly distinct; the families form orders or classes, which under climatic and historic influences have acquired their present distinctive characters; eventually, doubtless, the whole race will become assimilated, without being decimated in process, for the people are apt.
"Ambigdr.-A Koli caste of boatmen, watermen. and fishermen, in S. India; they belong to the recognised and more civilised division of Kolis.
"Patanwaria.-A Koli' tribe of Gujarat, originally nated from Patan-Anhilwada, the Hindu capital of Gujarat; their rank in the Koli caste is not the highest, as they eat the flesh of buffaloes ; they are cultivators and labourers and sometimes village watchmen.
" Bhul Kahdr.--A widely-spread caste of rather inferior rank, whose occupation is to carry palkis, dolis, water-skinis, &c.; to act as porters : they also catch and eat fish: they bear some resemblance to Kolis,' and have latterly been suspected to be also aborigines; they eat flesh and drink spirits: they are an ignorant but industrious class. Buchanan describes them as of Telinga descent: and adds that distillation of rum is one of their proper occupations.
"Kharwi.--A caste in Sonthern Konkan and Kanara, who are fishermen and palki-bearers, also crews and mates of native craft : they speak Marathi and Kanarese, and in that respeot are noted to differ from Bhtis' or 'KAh&rae;' numerous : of rather inferior rank, and partakers of all kinds of food, &c. The name is indicative of their connexion with the sea.
" Dharald.-In Gujatat; an inclusive term for people who habitually wear arms and pay for the privilege : in most villages they are Kolis and Pagis: in a few only Rajputs and SipAhis also : some are in independent circumstances : and all are probably the descendants of former successful soldiers.
"Machi.-In Surat, of the Koli caste: fisher. men, chiefly; & rude, ignorant, and intemperate race, said to be short-lived.
"Wagri.--An offset, probably, of the Koli tribe, who retain primitive habits, and are mostly hunters and snarers of game and wild animals, whose voice and calls they can closely imitate : some make, earthen toys, &c. They are widely distributed; some are lepers in Gujarat, where they are probably more numerous than in the Dekhan and Southern India. In appearance they are, often at least, of a true aboriginal type: their language appears to be the vernacular of the province they inhabit."

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NÅGAMANGALA COPPER PLATE INSCRIPTION.
155
NAGAMANGALA COPPER PLATE INSCRIPTION.
BY LEWIS RICE, BANGALORE. THE inscription of which a translation is to them, in his literal translation of the Konge
1 given below was found in a temple at Desa Rájdkal, expressly says, "Throughout the Nagamangala, the chief town of a taluq document the word used is Congu.desa.ll" of the same name, and 30 miles north of To return to the grant. It confirms the Seringapatam. It is well engraved on six plates statement in the Merkara plates of an alliance of copper, about 10 inches by 5, held together between the second Madhava and the Kaby a thick metal ring bearing on the seal the damba king Krishna Varmma, the former figure of an elephant.
having married the latter's sister. There is not The grant which it records was made by A word about the adoption of a son by Vishnu Prithivi Kongaại Maharaja of Vi.Gopa, nor of the reign of a king named Dinjaya Skandâ vârâ in the 50th year of his dikaru Raya, both of which are mentioned reign, the year of SAlivahana 699 (A.D. 777), in the chronicle. From this period of the Meron the application of Prithivi Nirg. kara plates to the date of the present grant the ganda RAJA, for the support of a Jain list of kings agrees with that generally received, temple erected in the north of Śrîpura by his as far as Bhd Vikrama, whose reign began wife Kundavvi, a grand-daughter of the in A. D. 539. His successor appears from the Palla vådhiraja.
grant to have been Vilanda, having the title The inscription begins with an account of the of Raja Sri Vallabh & kh ya, which in Kongu or Chera kings, almost identical the chronicle is given as the title of the brother with that given in the Merkara plates* as far as under whose advice he acted in the government these date, namely, to A. D. 466. The varia- of the country, (younger brother and named Valtion is principally in the name of the first king, la vagi Raya according to Prof. Dowson, who is here called Kodgani Varmma elder brother and named Vala Vicya Raya Dharmma Mahadhirajá, while the sixth according to Mr. Taylor). In reality he was king is called Kogaại Mahadhiraja. king de jure as well as de facto. The younger The form Kongani occurs but once, in the brother, on the other hand, is here called Nava name of the king who made the grant. The Kama. If this be the next king, he must be different ways of spelling this name may be of the same as Raja Govinda Ra ya of the little importance, but are interesting in connec- chroniolo. We then have mention of a Ko. tion with yet another form which struck me at gani Maharaj & whose other name was the time I saw it as suggestive. This was on Simeshwara (?). This evidently points to a stone inscription in Coorg, containing a grant the Sivaga Ma ha rå yå of Dowson and by Satya Vå kys Kodgiņi Varmma Siva Rama Râyå of Taylor. His grandson, Dharmma Maharajadhirajá, whom I according to the chronicle, was a Prithivi take to be the third in succession after the Kongani Mahadhirkjå ruling in A. D. donor in the present instance, and ruling about 746. This is the name of the present donor, A.D. 840. If from the similarity in the names and by taking the intervening names of Bhima Kongu and Kongaņi we may infer that Kopa and Raja Kesari as mere epithets they were liable to the same changes, and that of this king, which is permissible, the grant and the former was sometimes written Kodgu, we the chronicle are brought into agreement. have a very near approach to Kodagu, the Prithivi Kongani must have began existing name of the country which Europeans to reign in A. S. 649 (A. D. 727). It is no have corrupted into Coorg. I am aware that small matter to obtain a fixed date for the comProfessors Wilsont and Dowsont give the name mencement of a reign, and also to learn that it as Kongs, but the Rev. W. Taylor replying was prolonged to the unusual term of 50 years• Ind. Ant. vol. I. p. 864.
Mad. Jour. Lit. and Sc. vol. xiv. pt. i.p.3; & conf. p. 45. t Mack. Coul. I. 196, and Ind. Ant. ut rup. p. 860..
As Dindikara Raya does not fall in the line of descent, Jour. R. 4. Soc. vol. VIII. p. 2. or Ind. Ant. uts, D. 861. it wm scarcely to be expected that his name should be Cat. Rais. Or. MSS.

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156
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(JUNE, 1873.
how much longer we do not know. Being the Vardhana. On attaining to man's estate he grandson of his predecessor, this king mast have renewed the contest with the Palla vas, in come to the throne at an early age, and hence which he was finally successful, cementing his there is nothing improbable in the duration as power by a marriage with a princess of that signed to his reign. The thing to be noticed race, and transmitting the kingdom thus founded is the absence of the minute details regarding to his posterity." the date of the donation, which are usually The rivalry, however, was not thus ended. found in inscriptions. The name of the cycle For I have a Chaluky a inscription in which year is not given, nor the day of the month or the first Vikram å ditya is stated to week, nor any astronomical conjunction. But have become the possessor of Kanchipurat notwithstanding the absence of these particu. by the conquest of Pallava Pati, whose lars the date of the grant accords perfectly insults threatened destruction to the dynasty with what we know of the history of this king resembling in purity the rays of the moon," i.e.
We are next introduced to a province named the Cháluk yas, who were of the soma Nirggunda. This I conceive to be the name vansa or lunar line. that occurs in connection with one of the wit
The next king, Vinayaditya Satyásnesses to the Merkara plates, but which, from his
raya, who began to reign A.D. 680, is described being there described as a seryant, I conjectured
as having "destroyed the power of Traimight mean nirganta, the village waterman.
rajya Pallava in the same manner as the The position of Nirggunda I do not know.
heavenly general of Blendra Sekhara | smote Wherever it may have been, the tributary king
down the excessively-grown might of the of the region had married the grand-daughter
Daityas." Previously to this, however, we find of the Palla vâdhirâjâ. I am not aware
from the present inscription that Pallaventhat anything definite has been published as to
dra Narapati had suffered defeat from the chronology and succession of the Pallava Raj A sri Vallabhák hy & of the kings. The following are a few scattered
Kongu line. notices of the dynasty.
I have also met with two stone inscriptions of Sir Walter Elliot says t: “Previous to the
the Palla vas, but so worn from age as to be arrival of the first Chålukya in the Dakhan
almost illegible. On one of them the name Nothe Pallevas were the dominant race. In
lambadhi Raja has been doubtfully made the reign of Trilochana Palla va an in
out. vading army, headed by Jaya Sinha, sur
The character in which the inscription now named Vijayaditya, of the Châluk ya.
translated is engraved bears much resemblance kula, crossed the Nerbudda but failed to
to that found in the Buddhist stupa of Amaraobtain a permanent footing. Jaya Sinha
vati with the addition of the characteristic seems to have lost his life in the attempt, for
letters of the Hala Kannada or Ancient Kanahis queen, then pregnant, is described as
rese, namely, the vowels, the four forms of l and flying after his death and taking refuge with
two forms of r. These are denoted in the transBrahman called Vishnu Somayaji, in literation thus - whose house she gave birth to a son named Raja Sinha, who subsequently assumed
r=r= 0;pi =* = b; r = 0; 1= = 0; the titles of Rana RÂya and Vishnu 1!= = ;=ca; and L = .
II. TRANSLITERATION [I.] Svasti jitam bhagavatå gata ghana gaganabhena Padmanabhena. Srimaj Jahnaveya kula malá vyomåvabhâsana bhaskaraḥ sva khadgayka prahâra khandita mahafila stambha labdha bala parákra
moddraņa
. Ind. Ant. vol. I. p. 365, note T.
+ Numismatic Gleanings,' Madras Jour. of Lit. and Sc., N. 8., vol. IV. pp. 78, 79, quoted Jowr. R. As.. Soc., New Series, vol. I. p. 251. 1 Conjeveram, 8. of Madras.
Kumaraswami.
Siva.

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NAGAMANGALA
COPPER-PLATES

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NAGAMANGAI A
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JUNE, 1873.]
NÅGAMANGALA COPPER PLATES.
157
rigana vidaramopalabdha vrana vibhushana vibhúshitah Kanvayanasa gotrah brimat Kodgani Varmma Dharmma
mahadhirajah. Tasya putra pituranvågata guņa yukto vidyå vinaya vihita vrittah samya k-prajâ pålana måtrådhigata rajya prayojano vidvat kavi kanchana nikashopala bhůto nîti sâstrasya vaktri prayoktri kušalo dattaka sůtra vritteh praseta sriman Madhava mahîdhirijah. Tat putraḥ pitsi paitâmahi guņa yuktoneka châturddanta yuddhå vâpta chatar udadhi
salila svadita yaśaḥ śrimadd-Hari Varmma mahadhirajah. Tasya putro dvija guru devata půjana paro
[II.] Narayana charaņânudhyâtah érîmân Vishņu Gopa mahadhirajah. Tat putrah Tryambaka cha
raņâmbhoruha rajah pavitri kritottamângaḥ sva bhuja bala paråkrama kraya krita rajyah kali yaga bala pankayasanna dharmma vrishodharana nitya sannaddhah sriman Madhava mahadhirajah. Tat putrah
Srimat Kadamba kula gagana gabhakti (sti) målinah Krishņa Varmma mahadhriâjasya priya bhàgineyo vidya
vinayati saya
paripuritântarátmi niravagraha pradhana kauryyo vidvatsu prathama ganya Áriman Kogani mahadhirajah. Avinita nâmå tat patro vijfimbhamana sakti trays Andarih Alattåp-Paurulare Pelnaga råjyaneka samara mukhamakhahůta sura purasha pašūpahâra vighasa vihastiksita kritântågnimukhaḥ kirântâjuniya panchadasas sargga
[III.] dikonkaro Davvipita na madheyah. Tasya putro durddanta vimardda mimpiditam visvambha
rådhi panchali malê makaranda puñja pinjari kriyamana charaṇa yugala naļino Mushkara náma námadheyah. Tasya patraschaturddasa vidyâstânâdhigata vimalamatiḥ višeshato nava koshasya niti sâstrasya vaktri prayor k tri kusato ripa timira nikara nirákaraạodaya bhaskarah Sri Vikrama prathita ni. madheya h. Tasya putrah aneka samara sampadita vijrimbhitadvira Daradana kulibåghatah Vrana samrûda svâsthyad vijaya lakshaņa lakshikrita višála vaksha stalah samadhigata sakala sastradhi tatvassamaradhita tri varggo niravadya charita pr(?)áti dinam abhivarddhamana prabhâvo Bhû
Vikrama nâmadheyah. A pichaḥ nânå heti prahâra prathighatita bhattaran kavattithitâ srigbhåråsvåda ma
[IV.) mmatâdsh (?) ipišiti viråņi??de sammarddha sime sa?met Pa(?) llavendrai narapatim aja
yad yo ViJandábhidhane Raja Sri Vallabhákhyas samara sata jaya vâpta lakshmi vilásah. Tasyânujo nata narendra kirita koti ratnarka dîdhiti virajita pada patmah lakshmyå svayam vritapatir Nava
KAma nimi sishta priyorigana daraņa gita kirttiḥ. Tasya Kogani maharajasya Sim(?)esh(?)varâpara n ímadheyasya pautrah samavanata samasta simanta makuta tati ghatita bahula
ratna vilasa damara dhanushkhanda mandita charana nadha mandato Narayane nihita bhaktih sûra purusha turaga nara varana ghati sanghalta diruņa samara sirasi nihitâtma kopo Bhima Kopah. Prakata rati samaya samanuvarttana chatura yavati jana Loka dhûrtto Loka dhůrttah sudardharaneka yuddha mürdhna labelha vijaya sampadahita gaja gha
[V.] ti kesari Raja Kesari. Apicha. Yo Ganganvaya nirmmalambaratala vyábhasana prollasanmärtandori bhayankarah subhakaras sanmärgga rakshâkaraḥ saurajya samupetyarajya savitarajanyattarottamo rája śrî purushaśvira vijayate rijanya chûdimanih Kamo Ramom sa chepe Dasaratha ta

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158
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[JUNE, 1873.
nayo
vikrame Jámadagnyah prajye virye Balarirbbahu maha sira visva prabhutve Dhane
sah bhůyo vikhyata śaktisphutataramakhilam prâņa bhajam vidhata dhatra srishtal prajanim patir iti kavayoyam praśamsanti nityam tena prati dina pravritta mahå dina janita punyâha ghoshamukharitamandirodareņa śrî purusha prathama nimadheyena Prithuvi Kongani mahirijena. Ashti navatyattare shatchhateshu saka varshesh vartitesh-vatminah pravarddhamâna vijaya virya samvatsaro pancha sattame pravarddhamine Mänyapuram adhiva
[VI.] sati Vijaya Skandivare sri můla mûlasarņibhinandita Nandi Sanghanvaya Eregitturnnimni gano Malikalgachchho svachchhatara guna kira pratati prahlâdita sakala Lokah chandra iv.iparah Cha n dra Nandi nima gurur îsît. Tasya sishyas samasta vibudha Loka pariraksha na ksha ) mitma sakti Parameśvara lalaniya mahimi kumaravadvitiyah Kumira Nandi nima munipatirabhavat. Tasyantevisi samadhigata sakala tatvirttha samarpita budha sirdha sampat sampidita kîrttih Kirtti Nandyachiryo nima mahimunis samajani. Tasya priya sishyah sishya jana kamalakara pra () bodhanakah mith yajñana santata sanuta sasanminittaka saddharınma vyomivabhâsana bhaskarah Vimala Chandracharyas samudapidi Tasya
ma
(VII.] harsherddharmmopadeśanayi śrîmad båņa kalakalah sarvva tapa mahinadi praváhah bihadanda mandala akhanditari mandala dramashanddo Danila prathama nîmadheyo Nirgunda Yuva R.ijo jajie. Tasya priyatmnjah atma janita naya višesha nisseshỉ krita ripp Lokaḥ Loka hitah madhura O m anohara charita' charitirtta trikarana pravrittih Parama Gůla prathamadheya Sri Pri thuvi Nirganda Rijo jayatar Pallavidhi Raja priyatmajayam Sagara ka[la] tilakåt Mara Varmmano játi Kundavvi nimadheya bhartri bhavana a[vi]rbhabůva bharya taya sa
tata pravrittita dharmma kirsay.i nirmmittảya Sriparottara disam alankorvvate Loka tilaka dhamne Jina bhavaniya khanda splutita nava samskira deva puji dina dharmma pravarttanarttha tasye
va Pri
[VIII.) thivi Nirggunda Rijasya vijiipaniyi Maharajadhiraja Parameśvara Srija sahita Deve
na Nirganda vishayantarpati Ponnalli nima grimas sarvva parihîropeto dattah. Tasya simantarâņi pûryvasyam disi Nolibelada belgal moradi pûrvva dakshinasyam disi Panyangere dakshi
násyam disi Bc Igalli gereya Dila geroyi palladi kadal dakshinápaschimayîndisi Jaidarakeyyå be Igal mordu paśchimiyandisi Henkevi taltavayara kere paschimottarasgândi[si] Punusoya Gottagâli kalkuppe uttarsyândisi Sama goreya pallada permurikke uttara pûrvvasyandiśi Kalambetti gatta. Ishinyangani kshetrintariņi dattivi(ni), Dandu samudrada
rayalu| kirudará mege padirkkandugam Mannampaleya cre Nallu Rijarppiludirkkandagam Srivuradi Da
[IX.] nda gâmandarà tâņdadà paduva yondu tìņda Śrīvuradà vayala! Kammarggattinalli irkandu gam Kalani perggereyi kelage aru gandagam Erepüli gereya koyilgodeda irppatta gandugambbede aduvu Srivurada badagaņa paduvaņi konulan Devangeri madaman aididam mûvattadindu maneya manetâņam. Asya dina såkshiņih ashtadaśa prakritayah

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అంగి ఉగా
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క్యానికి
విణమిస్తూ చెమ్మట మార్చకి గిడ్ అనాఱు టెర్రీస్,
గాలి SAP
Room Soo
copper STO
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Goo శస్త్రచిక ఆగయూఐరత్రించు చిత్రరాడు.
విద్యా పీవాత జని
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JUNE, 1873.]
NÅGAMANGALA COPPER PLATES.
159
[X.] Asya danasya sakshiņah shaạnavati sahasra vishaya prakritayah. Yogyâpahartta Lo(bhâ) t mohật pramadena và sapanchabhirmmahadbhih påtakais samyuktovabhava(ti) yo rakshati sapu nyabhagbhava(ti). Apichatra Mana gita sloká svadattam paradattâm và yohareta vasundharam
shasht irvarsha saha srâņi vishtâyâm (jâyâ] jáyate krimiḥ. Svandatumsumabachchhakhyai duhkhamanyasya
pålanam. Danam và pålanamveti dánáchchhreyonu påla(na)m. Bahubbirbbasudha bhukta
rajabhi8 Sagara dhibhi yasya yasya yada bhūmis tasya tasya tadê phalam. Devasvant uvisham ghoramnavisham visham uchyate visham ekakinam hanti devasvam putra pautrakam. Sarvva kaladharabhůta
chitraka låbhijnena Visva Karmmícháryenedam sasa nam likhitam. Chatush kanduka vrihi bija(?)matram
dvi kandu ka kangu kshetram tadapi brahmadeyam iva rakslaniyam.
III. TRANSLATION May it be well. Success through the adorable Tryambak all having by personal strength 'Padmanabha, resembling (in colour) the and valour purchased his kingdom, daily eager cloudless sky. A sun illumining the clear firma- to extricate the ox of merit from the thick mire ment of the Jahnavi race, + distinguished of the Kali Yuga in which it had sunk, was for the strength and valour attested by the great Srîmân Mâdhava Mahadhiraja. His pillar of stone divided with a single stroke of son, the beloved sister's son of Krishna Lis sword, adorned with the ornament of the Varmma Mahadhirajá, who was the sun wound received in cutting down the hosts of to the firmament of the auspicious Kadamba his cruel enemies, was Srimat Kodgaṇi race, having a mind illuminated with the increase Varmma Dharmma Mahadhiraja of of learning and modesty, of indomitable bravery the Kan va yanasa gotra. His son, in- in war, reckoned the first of the learned, was heriting all the qualities of his father, possessing Śrîmîn Kogan i Mahadhiraja. His a character for learning and modesty, having son, named Avinita, possessed of the three obtained the honours of the kingdom only for powers of increase, who had brought anxiety the sake of the good government of his sub. to the face of Yama® on account of the smallness jects, a touchstone for testing) gold the learned of the residue left after the countless animals and poets, skilled among those who expound and offered to him as a tribute, (viz.) the brave men practise the science of politics, the author of a consumed in the sacrifice of the face of the many treatise on the law of adoption, was Sriman wars wagod for the kingdoms of A ndari, AlatMadhava Mesh Adhiraja. His son, pos
tûr, Paurulare, Pelnaga, equal to Kirktar. sessed of all the qualities inherited from his jana, the mighty master of the fifteen creationst father and grandfather, having entered into war and of tle syllable om, was called Duvvinita. with many elephants (80 that) his fame had His son, the lotuses of whose feet were tasted the waters of the four oceans, was Srimad dyel with the balls of honey shaken from the Hari Varmma Mahadhiraja.
lines of bending bees, the clustering savages, His son, devoted to the worship of Brah- rubbing against one another, had the illustrious mans, gurus and gods, praising the feet of Nára. name of Mushkara. His son, of a pure yana, was Srîmân Vishnu Gopawisdom acquired from his being the abode of Mahadhirkjå. His son, with a head puri- fourteen branches of Icarning, an embodiment fied by the pollen from the lotuses t' feet of of the nine treasures, I skilled among those who • Vishnu. Jahnavt kula-Ganga kula or vanda.
* Gorl of death, judge of the dead, the Indian Pluto. Might also be rendered the donor of lands to the
+ The reference is not understood. Dattaka line.
Vishna. Siva.
1 Nara-kola-nava niddhi, the nine treasures of Kusakti traye-these are prabhu fakts, mantra fakti, bera, god of riches, vis. padma, mahapadma, fankha. and usaha fakli, or the powers of sovereignty, of counsel, makara, kachchhapa, mukunda, nanda, rila, kharva. It and of energy or perseverance.
is uncertain what these are.

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by name.
teach and practise the science of politics, a
doms, . rising sun in dispersing the clouds of darkness lord over kings who were wed to fortune, A his enemies, bore the celebrated name of Srishining head-jewel to the brow of kings, in the Vikrama. His son, whose breast being healed bow on his shoulder like Kama or Rå ma of the wounds inflicted by the discus weapon of the son of Dasaratha, in bravery a Pa. Darada na-exulting in his growing bravery raśn ráma, in great heroism Baldri, & in displayed in many wars---bore on itself the em- great splendour Ravi, fl in government Dhablems of victory, possessed of the quintessence of nesa, of a mighty and splendid energy, all the sciences, having gained the three objects the most glorious all-in-all, to all things of worldly pursuit, the glory of whose virtuous living Brahma himself, the king whom all the life each day augmented, was Bhù Vikrama poets in the world daily praise as the crea
tor Brahma, that Prithu vi Kongani Moreover, he who was eager to drink the Maha råja, the middle of whose palace stream of blood issuing from the door of the continually echoed the sounds of the holy breast of the Bhattára (or warriors) forced open ceremonies which accompanied his daily rich by his numerous weapons . . . . gifts, among the favourites of fortune named he who had subdued the Pallavendra N a- the first, the Saka year 698 having passed, and rapati,t and was named Vilanda, was the 50th year of his glorious and powerful reign Raja Sri Vallabh â kh ya, in the enjoy- being then current, t residing in M & nyapura ment of fortune obtained by ictory in a hundred in Vijaya Skand å våra;- . fights. His younger brother, whose lotus-feet In the village named Eregittûr in the were i radiated with the brilliance of the jewels gronp of Malik algachchha, rejoicing all the in the crowns of numerous prostrate kings, who world with his combination of the rays of auwas to fortune as a husband chosen by herself, psicious good qualities, resembling another chanbeloved of the good, whoso fame in destroying dra (or moon), was there a guru named Chanhostile kings was the theme of song, was named dra Nardi, of the Nandi Sangha race Nava Kama. The grandson of that (?) praised of all the highest protectors of the Sri Kogaņi Maharaja, whose other name was Mala (Jains). His disciple was a munipati Simeshvara (?), the groups of the toes named Kumara Nandl, whose ability was of whose feet were illuminated with a rainbow worthy of protecting the assembly of the light from the rays of the jewels set in the learned, a second Kumara worthy to rejoice bands of the crowns of prostrate kings, who the heart of Parames vara (otherwise, the had fixed his faith on Nâr å yaņa, || raging greatest sages). His disciple was the great with fury in the front of war s horrid with the muni Kirti Nandy acharya, who underassault of heroes, horses, men, and elephants, stood the essence of all sciences, who had acquirwas a Bhima Kopa. No less a captivator of ed the fame of possessing wealth but for the asthe glances of young women the most skilled insembly of the learned. His dear disciple was the joyful art of love than a subduer of theworld, Vimala Chandracharya, the beloved of laden with spoils of victory gained in many the lotus-lake of the disciples, a sun in illuminmost arduous wars, a lion to the herd of elephants ing the sky of the virtuous actions of good men the hostile kings, he was a Raja Kesar.. daily praised for their grert learning.
Moreover, a sun greatly illumining the Through the instructiuns in law of this clear firmament of the Gange race, a terror to great rishi, having become like the embodiment hostile kings, a protector of the fortunate ways of the sound of a twanging bow, like the of good men, who having obtained the name embodiment of the flood of the river of all of a good king shone like a sun over all king- penance, the sceptre of whose powerful arm
. Trivarga-these are artha, kama, dharina, or wealth, $ i.e. the jewels were large ones. pleasure, and virtue or religious merit.
Vishnu.
Samara sirassu. + This name is uncertain, as the greater part of the line has evidently been altered and the original letters written
• Indra.
+ The sun. over, so that what appears is almost illegible.
I Kubers.
Akhilam. 1 This name has apparently been altered in the plate. |Ashta navaty-uttare shatch hatesh faka warshesh. The above rendering is doubtful, as the middle letters are vartitesh atmanah pravarddhamana vijaya virya samout of focus in the photograph.
vatsare panchasattame pravarddhamdne.

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had broken down the groups of trees the hos- north-east, (viz.) in the plain of the Dandu tile kings, was Dundu, first of the name, the Samudra a small garden of 12 kanduga? ; in Nirganda Yuva Râja. His beloved son, the share of Nallu Raja, the chief of Man. who through his knowledge of politios had nampale, 2 kanduga; on the west of the destroyed without exception the groups of histánda t of the Dundu chief, one tánda; in enemies, a friend to all the world, of a life plea- Kammargatti, in the plain of Srivura, sant to be heard of, making good use of thought, 2 kandugas; under the Kalani large tank 6 word, and deed, was Parama Güla, first of kanduga; in the pasture-land of the Erepůli the name, the Sri Prithuvi Nirgunda tank 20 kanduga, this is dry-cultivation land; Raja. His wife, born of the beloved daughter and as a site for a house 80..... in of Palla våd hirâja by Maru Varmma, the north-west corner of rivora in the midan ornament of the Sagara Kula, was Kundle of Derangeri. davvi by name. In her husband's house did Witnesses to this gift: The 18 existing she grow up, daily promoting works of merit; chiefs . and she erected a Jain temple, an ornament to Witnesses to this gift: The existing chiefs the north of Sripura, a glory to all the of the 96,000 country l. world.
Whoso through avarice seeks to resume this For the repairs of any cracks or defects gift incurs the guilt of the five great sins. in which, for erecting any new portions, for the Whoso maintains it acquires all merit. Moreworship of the god, and for the gifts and cha- over by Manu hath it been said : Whoso by rities-on the representation of that Pri- violence takes away land presented by himself thivi Nirggunda Raja-the Mahara or by another shall be born a worm in ordure jadhiraja Parameśvara, united with his for sixty thousand years. He who makes a gift queen) Śsija superior to Lakshmi, made a grant has an easy task; the maintenance of another's of the village of Ponnalli, belonging to Nir- gift is arduous. Bnt to maintain a gift is more gunda, with freedom from all imposts. Its meritorious than to make one. boundaries :-On the east, the white stone rock The earth has been enjoyed by SA gara and of Nolibela; on the south-east, Panyan. other kings. According to their (gifts of) land so gere; on the south, the bank of the watercourse was their reward. Poison is no poison, the proof the Belgalli-tank and the Dilla -tank; on perty of the gods that is the real poison. For the south-west, the rocky ground of white stone poison kills a single man, but a gift to the gods at Jaidar & ke; on the west, the tank of the (if usurped) destroys sons and descendants. By Henkevi weavers ; * on the north-west, the Visva Karmmâ charya, an abode of all piles of stones at Puņuse and Gottagála; learning, skilled in painting pictures, was this on the north, the great bend of the watercourse sásana written. Though it be but four kanduka of the Sama tank; on the north-east, the Ka. of rice seed ... or two kanduka of wasto la mbetti hill.
land, it should be protected in the same manner And he further gave other land on the as a gift to a Brahman
THE HILL OF SAPTA ŚRING.
BY W. RAMSAY, BO. C. 8. "Sapta Sping," or, as it is called in some maps, of the Western Ghats, and separating the disbut erroneously, "Chattar Sing," is one of the trict of Khandesh as it formerly stood, on the highest points in the line of hills commonly north, from the plains of Nåsik, to the sonth. known as the Chandor range, running due The range is a remarkable one, presenting a east and west, at right angles to the main line series of perpendicular basalt faces to the south, • Taltuvdyaru, vapposed to be the same m tantuva- Ashtadata prakritayah.
Shannapati sahasra vishaya prakritayah. The name Kan inga, w much land as takee khanduga, or of "the 96,000 country or country yielding revenge about three bushels of seed.
of 96,000 pagodas, was Gangavadi, as we learn from other I The wignification of this term is not known. Perhape inscriptions, but where situated I have not been able to it is form of tana, . place.
This last verse is obscure.
yari.
discover.

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intersected by openings at intervals, with spurs more or less gradual running down to the valley of the Girnâ to the north. The range may thus be described as a continuous series of basalt blocks, mainly of even height, presenting a uniform steep face on one side, viz. the south. The range is again capped in the case of almost each block by vast masses of bare basalt rising from the centres of the lower and large masses, and assuming all sorts of strange forms and appearances, as of castles, pinnacles, &c. Sapta Śring forms one of these blocks, presenting an almost perpendicular face to the south, but with one or two spurs trending to the northward. The average height of the plateau is about 1800 feet above the plain to the south, and more than 3000 feet above the sea.
About the centre of it rises a bare rook of no thickness, but about half a mile in length, somewhat curved, highest at the two ends and depressed in the centre, giving the appearance of a wall with towers at each extremity. But at every turn the rock assumes a new appearance, and imagination must supply what the pen would fail to depict. The highest point rises over 900 feet above the plateau, and the rock is perpendicular on all sides but one, where it has somewhat crumbled away, and grass has sprung up among crevices. The name Sapta Śring is derived from a supposed idea of there being seven horns or peaks to the rock, but the eye fails to see the appropriateness of the title.
The hill is ascended by a good but steep bridle-road from the north; from the south a steep footpath leads up part of the way, ending in a flight of stairs carved out of the rock-face. Such is the rock of Sapta Śring, the abode of the goddess Devi, in whose honour a great fair is held every year at the full-moon of the month of Chaitra. The goddess herself resides in a cave at the base of a perpendicular scarp, the summit of which is the highest point of the hill, and her dwelling is approached by a zigzag staircase of 465 steps, built in the steep "talus" of débris which has formed all round the rock, and is now overgrown with thick scrub jungle. At the foot of the steps lies the village, if it may be so called, consisting of three or four Gaolis' huts, two nagarkhanas, and three dharmasálas for the accommodation of pilgrims. The place is well supplied with water from springs, which have been built up with masonry sides
[JUNE, 1873.
and with steps leading down to the water, and are known by distinctive appellations, such as Kali Kund, Surya Kund, Datâtre Kund, &c. &c. Some are used for drinking, and others for bathing purposes, some possibly for both! Last, but not least, comes the "Sivalè Tirtha," or bathing-place sacred to Siva. It is a small stone-built tank, not above 40 yards square, and nowhere more than four feet deep; yet thousands of pilgrims manage to bathe and wash their clothes in it at the fairtime, and appear to think themselves cleaner and better for the process, though to the eye of the profane observer the water rather resembles pea-soup in colour and consistency.
Not far from the Sivalè Tirtha is a frightful precipice, known as the "Sit Kude." The rock overhangs at a height of more than 1200 feet clean above the valley below. Over this Tarpeian rock human victims are said to have been hurled in ancient days. Nowadays the mild but pious Hindu contents himself with sacrificing a living but generally very thin kid, commonly in fulfilment of some vow.
Looking down the dizzy height the eye discerns the mangled fragments of the poor victims being devoured by the vultures and other birds, who no doubt duly appreciate the piety of the offerers. The Sivale Tirtha is said to have been constructed by the "Senapati " of the Satara Rája during the beginning of last century. On one side of it stands a temple called Siddheś var, now mostly in ruins, but with a dome still standing, and boasting some rather elaborate stone carving. Under the dome stands a linga, and in front of it (now in the outer air) is the usual carved Nandi or bull. The temple is one of those built of large cut blocks, without mortar, and ascribed to superhuman agency. "Bibisan, " brother of Râvana, being sick, was cured by the celebrated physician Himaḍ Pant. The latter being asked to name his reward mentioned his modest wishes, viz. that 350 temples should be erected in one night, and this was duly effected by the Rakshasas: of these the temple in question is one.
Not far from the dharmasala above noticed stands a samadhi or tomb of one of the Rajas of Dharampur, his name apparently unknown. It is in the form of one of the ordinary domecapped temples of Mahadeva, and contains the usual emblem of the god inside; it is built

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in good style and has some neat carving, but is Devî cut off his head, and out of the trunk prosadly in need of repair. A sádhu by name ceeded the Demon himself, and a long struggle Gaud Svami is said to have lived here a ensued, during which the Rakshasa once flew century ago as a devotee of the goddess. The right through the rock, and an opening is said Dharampur Râjâ was his chela or disciple, and on to exist at the present day, marking the spot. one of his visits to his guru died, and the samadhi Eventually he too was slain, and hence the above described was raised to his memory goddess received the title of "Mahismardani,"
There is a fine old "Baoli" adjoining, said or the buffalo-slayer. After this the earth was at to have been built by Gaud Svami. The above peace, and Devi henceforth took up her abode in are the chief points of interest on the hill, but her cave, and became a general object of worship. there are numerous minor objects of adoration A sort of portico was added to the cavern in various places, chiefly figures of Maruti or at the beginning of last century by the Ganpati, the favourite deities of the Marathas in Senapati of Satara, and the present plain these parts.
structure was recently built by the present The origin of the hill of Sapta Śring was on Chief of Vinchur. The solid flight of steps this wise :-Lakshmana, after being wounded by leading up to it is said to have been built an arrow from the bow of Megnâth or Indrajit, by & savkár of Nâsik, about a century ago. son of Ravana, despatched Hanuman to procure At certain intervals one meets with images
certain healing herbs from the hill of Girjá Ma- of Ramchandra and Hanumân, Krishna and • hâtma, situated in Paradise. Hanuman duly Radha, and in one or two places the tortoise is
reached the hill, but, being devoid of all medical carved out of a flagstone: these were, no doubt. knowledge, was quite ignorant of what parti- designed as halting-places to serve as a pious cular herbs he should select, and accordingly excuse for the weary pilgrim to stop and take solved the difficulty by taking up the hill bodily breath in the course of his ascent. The sight is on his shoulders and transporting it to earth; on curious during fair-time, for besides able-bodied the way, however, portions of the mountain kept pilgrims the siek and halt are dragged up in falling away, and one of these alighting in these hopes of a miraculous cure, and barren women regions became the hill of Sapta Sring. “Now in numbers go to pour their vows before the there were giants," or at least Rakshasas," in the shrine of the goddess. All bring offerings of earth in those days," and the earth may well be some sort-grain, flowers, cocoanuts,' or money, said to have been filled with violence." The according as they are disposed. The daily serHindu Triad resolved upon a remedy, and out vice of the goddess consists in bringing her of their own combined essence produced the bathing-water from the Surya Kund previously goddess" Devi" or "Mahalakshmi." Devi having mentioned, and laying before her offerings of been called into existence was located in a cave khir (cakes of rice, milk, and sugar), turi of the rock, and it lay with her to rid the earth (cakes of flour and ghee), preserves, and so of the Rakshasas. Devi was supposed to have forth. After having been presented they bebeen created in 31 portions-one called "Mahâ- come the perquisites of the "Bhopa," a heredilakshmi" and seated at Kolhapur, another called tary guardian of the shrine. “Mahâsarsati" or "Tokai" at Tuljapur, a third | Doubtless much of the merit of the pilgrimcalled "Mahakali" seated at Matapur, and lastly ages lies in the bodily labour endured in asthe remaining half at Sapta Sring, known as cending the hill and steps : in addition to the Sapta Sring Nivágni.
above, there are three different paths round the At the three first-mentioned places different mountain, which are footed by the more devoutceremonies are observed in the worship of the one a sort of goatpath round the base of the goddess, bat at Sapta Sring the forms are all scarp, a second of greater circumference on the combined.
lower plateau, and a third round the base of But to return to Devi and her work. Two the mountain below, which latter is said to be of the Rakshasas, Shumbh and Nishumbh his nearly 20 miles in circuit, passing through the brother, she killed without much difficulty. A narrow valleys which isolate Sapta Sping from third, named Mahisagur, so called from having the rest of the range on the east and west. the form of a buffalo, gave her greater trouble. The summit of Sapta Sring is said to be

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inaccessible to ordinary mortals, but on the her head & vessel of water to the goddess. night of the full-moon of Chaitra the Påțil of An allowance of Rupees 150 a month is also Burigår (a neighbouring village) ascends, paid by the same benefactor for the goddess's and at sunrise next morning is seen to plant a service. The other nagarkhana, called Chandorflag. How he ascends, or how he descends, iskar, was built by a former Divan of Sindhia & & mystery, the attempt to unravel which would savákr of Chandor, who also added a nem nuk be immediately punished by loss of sight. A pair of Rupees 95 a month ; & nemnuk of Rupees of binoculars, however, enabled the writer to 35 a month was added by one Daji Saheb track the footsteps of the flag-bearers, who Kibe, a savkár of Indor. were two in number, during their descent, which Further, the revenues of a village called in places is certainly most perilous, and practi- Chand kapur were alienated for the seryice of cable only to feet devoid of shoes, and capable the Devi by the Peshwå in the time of Gaud of grasping monkey-fashion. This perilous Svami above mentioned. These funds are office has been filled by the same family from administered by different agents, and there is father to son for generations, and though a son is also a Panchâyat who exercise some sort of is never wanting, other children if born die superintendence over the "personal property" young : such is the story told.
of the goddess, her ornaments and so forth. The Opposite Sapta Sring to the east, but divided
money offerings of pilgrims become the pro(as before described) by a deep ravine, lies the perty of certain families, in certain fixed shares, hill called Mark und Dê va, with a rocky while one of their number, the Bhopa, receives top not unlike the Matterhorn in shape, as seen as his perquisite all eatable offerings. The from the west. This is said to have been the story is told that a former turbulent jâghirdâr abode of a Kishi in ancient days, whose spirit of the neighbouring town of Abhona, facetiously after his demise, took up its dwelling in the rock: called “Tokerâo " or "the Hammerer" (prehis present occupation is to recite the Paråņas cisely as King Edward I. was termed Malleus for the edification of Devi, who is said to be Scotorum)," used always to be harassing and an attentive listener; this idea may have origin. plundering the pilgrims, until he was bought off ated in the echoes, which are very remarkable. by a fixed payment of half the offerings made to
The image of Devi resides in a natural the goddess on 72 fixed days of the year. cavern or hollow in the rock. The figure is This arrangement is still in force, the allowance about eight feet in height, carved in relievo out being enjoyed by the two widows of " Tokerâo." of the naturel rock, and is that of an ordinary This is not the only occasion on which the woman, save that she has 18 arms, 9 on each goddess has had to yield to vulgar mortals ; side, ench hand grasping a different weapon. could a pen blush, it would do so in relating She wears a high crown not unlike the Pope's how the sanctity of Devi has recently been tiara, and is clothed with a "choli" and a "sári" invaded by the myrmidons of so very human round her waist and limbs. She has a different an institution as the Civil Court. Sad though enit for each day of the week; she is bathed it be, it is still a fact that at this very moment every day, using warm water two days in the a mere ordinary mortal, "juptee Karkun," is week. In front of her is planted her ensign, in possession of all the property of the goddess, vis. a Tribula or trident painted red: there are owing to a demand made by "a claimant" also the usual accompaniments of bells, lamps, against the present Bhopa. At this very moand so forth. A silver noge-ring and necklace ment a handsome set of ornaments, the gift of are the only ornaments in daily use. The the Gaikwar, and valued at not less than whole figure is painted bright red, save the eyes, Rupees 30,000, are lying in the hands of the which are of white porcelain. Near the base "Panchảyat" at " Wani," who are afraid to of the steps leading to the temple are two trust the goddess with her own, lest it should nagarkhanas; one, called Barodekar, was be swept into the devouring meshes of the law. built by Gopalrão Mairal of Baroda to comme- After this great fall from the sublime to the morate the alleged miraculous cure of his wife, mundane we make our best bow to "Devi," who having been a helpless cripple was sud- and wish her safe delivery from the hands of denly enabled to walk up the steps carrying on her friends and their legal squabbles.

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REMAINS IN MEKRAN.
BY CAPT. S. B. MILES, POLITICAL AGENT, MUSCAT. The province of Mekran is remarkably poor in very scanty and bad, for the best part of a year. archæological remains of every kind, there not be- The construction of this dam is generally as: ing, so far as I know,any extensive ruins or archi- cribed by Europeans to the Portuguese, but it tectural monuments anywhere to be found in it. appears to me of much more ancient date, and is
From this circumstance we may be justified perhaps due to one of the Persian monarchs. in concluding that Mekran has never been in No information can be gathered from the in
state of civilization, and that the inhabitants habitants on the subject, as the Baluches are have ever remained in the same state of poverty singularly wanting in national traditions of any and semi-barbarism in which they now are. kind likely to throw light on their past history.
The canses of this are probably not far to About a hundred miles to the W. of Guadar, seek; the general sterility and unattractiveness near the village of Tiz, are some curious and of the country, its hilly nature and want of interesting caves, which I had last year an opwater, are sufficient to account for its disregard portunity of visiting. The village of Tiz is by more advanced and energetic races, and for situated in a small valley, and is closely enviits not being permanently occupied and settled roned on all sides but one by ranges of hills. in by them, while it has also laboured under the In the range to the N. E. of the town, and about additional disadvantage of lying out of the two hundred feet above the plain, is a circular general highways of commerce. But these chamber with a large entrance, evidently causes, though they have successfully preserved artificially excavated, opening on to a small it from development and progress, have not been platform. The diameter of this chamber is about able to protect it from being frequently invaded twelve feet, and in the centre of it is a rectangaand plundered by various conquerors.
lar block of stone or masonry seven or eight feet The names of several cities and walled towns long with a small dome on it; in front of the are enumerated by Arrian as having existed on block is an opening leading to a cavity underthis coast and in the interior at the time of neath. There is no inscription, but it appears Alexander's march through it, and subsequently to have been intended for a tomb. The face of by Ptolemy and Marcian, but no traces of these the rock to the left has been smoothed and towns now remain to indicate their sites, and it covered with plaster: this is covered with scribis probable they were merely of the same rude blings and symbols (the swastika and tribula) and temporary character as the forts and ham- in Gujarati, done by the Hindu traders of the lets of the present day.
neighbouring port of Charbar, who believe the Among the few memorials of ancient vigour caves to be of Hindu origin, and are in the still to be seen is a hewn-stone bănd or dam of habit of resorting to them. Below this, to the considerable extent on the top of the "Batel" | left again, is another smaller chamber neatly or high headland forming the peninsula at excavated and chunamed, but quite empty. Guadar. This band has been admirably built The platform is made of kiln-burnt bricks and across a declivity or ravine, draining a large mortar, and has apparently formed part of some portion of the surface of the hill, which is very building or structure which has been destroyed, flat. The huge sandstone blocks of which it is or has disappeared by the disintegration and composed have been very regularly and com- falling away of the sandstone rock. Some pactly placed, and are so morticed or dovetailed distance away to the right, the ta of the cliff together, without any cement being used, as to is perfectly smooth and perpendicular, and at form a barrier of great strength and solidity, the foot of it is a spacious natural cavern, the which though now partly in ruins is still service- month of which is now almost entirely blocked able, and after the winter rains usually retains up by huge fragments of rock and debris. In a large body of fresh water. It has been supple- shape this cavern is semicircular, and it is, I mented by a modern band of sand thrown up at should think, about a hundred yards in circum8n angle to it. The reservoir thus formed ference, but the roof is rather low. It appears usually lasts the inhabitants of the town of to have been used as a temple. The roof and Guadar, where the water obtained from wells is sides, which bear signs of being greatly eroded

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by water, have been covered with a coating of stroyed by man. Close by is another low cavern, mortar or chunam, which is still adhering in hollowed out by water apparently, but said to some places. In the centre is a low wall, four be an artificial subterranean passage cut through or five feet high, of thick chunam, forming a se- the range of hills to a hamlet on the other side; micircular enclosure, and inside this is a small I satisfied myself, however, that it was natural angle or step of chunam; this is all that re- and led only a few yards. The inhabitants mains of the building or structure, whatever it have a legend attached to these caves, attributwas. The ground is covered with pieces ing them to a former Baluch queen, who is said of mortar so very thick and solid that it is to have resided in them and dug the passage evident the temple has been purposely de- through the hills.
ON A PRAKRIT GLOSSARY ENTITLED PÅÏYALACHHÍ.
BY G, BÜHLER, PH.D. In the January number of this journal (vol. the words denoting collection, heap,' 17 and II. p. 17) I announced the recovery of Hema- 18%, and in the second half of the eighteenth chandra's Desisabdasamgraha, the first work of verse the author says: "Now we will declare the its kind which ever had fallen into the hands words occurring in the Gåthås' (itta he gåhatthe of a European Sanskritist. By another stroke hi vannimo vathupajjåe). After this fresh of good luck I am now enabled to give a notice exordium, he begins his enumeration with the of a second Prakrit Kosha which precedes terms for salvation (19), & person saved Hemachandra's work by two centuries. This (195), Vishnu (20%), siva (20b), Kartikeya is the Paiyalachhỉ nâ mamâlâ, i.e. Prakritalak- (21), gods (211), Indra (224), Balarama (226) shmih, the wealth of the beauty of the Prakrit Yama (23), Kuvera (236), Vaya (24a), Garuda. language. In the MS. bought, the title is spelt (24), snake (25), Daityas (256), cloud (26), Payalachhî and Payayalachhi. But the fact that air (26), water (27%), river (27), earth, in the first verse (see below) påyalachhi must (28), Rahu (286), etc. contain eight matrås, and the circumstance that The words given in the Paiyalachhi are not Hem. Deßt. 1. 4 has the form pâiya for prakrita, exclusively Desis, but include many Tadbhavas prove the correctness of myemendation.
and Tatsamas. Many of the Desis given occur The MS. contains about 240 granthas and is also in Hemachandra's Sagraha. But somewritten of 67 folios à 34 lines à 46-48 Ak.
times their forms slightly differ in the two sharas. It is perhaps a hundred years old, and
works. I have not found any quotation from its characters are Jaina-Devanagari,
the Paigalachhî in the Desisamgraha. The Paiyalachhî namamalà is written in the The author of the Pâïyalachhî has not given Argå motre and constructed on a principle simi. his name. But he states in the concluding, lar to that of the Amarakosha. It gives strings unfortunately corrupt, verses of his work, of synonyms for substantives, adjectives, and that he wrote in Vikrama 1029, or 972-3 adverbs, each string filling usually a verse or a A.D., at Dharanagara, under the protection of half-verse. The principle on which the synonyms the king of Màlava. In the ninth and tenth have been arranged is not very intelligible. centuries under Munja and Bhoja, Dhârâ was The book is not divided into chapters or sec- a great centre of literary activity, and it is tions, and no attempt at order is apparent, remarkable that Dharmasagara in his Theravali, First have been placed the synonyms for Brah- as well as other Jaina authors, state that in that mî (v.1), Parvati (v. 2), sun (v. 3), moon very same year Dhanapala wrote in the same place (v.4), 'fire (v. 5), love (v. 6), ocean (v.7), a Desînâ mamála. I should have been inclined to elephant (v. 8), lotus (v. 9), bees (v. 10), identify the latter work with the Paiyalachhî, woman (vs. 11 and 12). Then follow some ad- were it not that Hemachandra quotes Dhanajectives and adverbs, vs. 13-16. Next come påla several times and that his quotations are
• Vilkamakalassa gae aunattisuttare sahassa mmi ImAlava nam antimå vann& ndammi jassa kamaso tenes& viram narindadh Adie ludie mannakhedammi 11 db áránayarlo pa. des! || kavvesu ye ye saddA bahusukaihim vajjhanti te itthad. riddiena magge thiyde anavaijo kajakanatthavihine sun. mao mai ramantu hine sahiyay&nam iti pyayalachhndi cart nama dhij de llaiņo andhajanan kirvåkulasattipay. mamåla samåpta II.

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A PRAKRIT GLOSSARY.
167
not traceable in my MS. In conclusion I give cha grahapatitvam aditya eva radhath na sasiniti the text of the fourteen first verses of the Paiya- nåyar grahapatisabdasamudbhavaḥ. lachhi with the equivalents of the Prakrit words Dhûmaddhao huyavaho vibhâvasů pâyao sihi in Sanskrit, as far as I have been able to make vahnil them out.
analo jalaņo dahaņo huyåsaņo havvavaho ya Il Namiūņa paramapurisaṁ purisuttamanabhi
6|| sambhavam devam
MS. huyâsaho.- Metre : Arya.--Subject : Fire. vuchham på ialachhitti namamâlâm nisamehi
Sanskrit equivalents: dhamadhvaja, hutavaha, 11111
vibhavasu, pavaka. Sikhin, vahni, anala jvalana,
dahana, hutâsana, havyavâh. Påyalachhi tti...... namamalar, MS. against
Mayaraddhao anango rainkho mammaho the metre, which is Arya. Translation.
kusumabâñol Bowing to the Supreme being, that lord who
Kandappo panchasaro mayano sarhkappasprang from the navel of Purushottama, I propound "the wealth of the Prakrit language."
MS. rainkho ...... kandappa sakappajoni, against Listen.
met. - Metre : Arya.-Subject : Cupid. Sanskrit Kamalâ saņo sayambhû piyâmaho ya paramit.
equivalents: makaradhvaja, ananga, ratinátha, thi......|
manmatha, kusumabâna, kandarpa, panchasara, thero vihi virancho payâvahî kamalajoņi ya
madana, sankalpayoni. II 211
Mayaraharo sindhuvai sindhů rayaņayaro s&The first half-verse is mutilated, metre Åryd or
lilarâsî | Upagiti.
påråvaro jalahi taramgamali samudda ya || 811 Subject : Brahma.-Sanskrit equivalents: ka- MS. taralamalt ag. met. Metre : Arya. Subject : malâsana, sayambhú, pitâmaha, parameshthin,
Ocean. Sanskrit equivalents: makaradhara, sin sthavira, vidhi, virinchi, prajapati, kamalayoni.
dhupati, sindhu, ratnákara, salilarasi, parkvara, ja. Dakhkayani bhavani selasuâ pavval uma gori |
ladhi, taramgamálin, samudra. Ajja dugga kali siva ya kachchhayaņi
Pilo gao mayagalo mâyangó sindhuro kachandi il 3 11
reņû ya MS. varakhkayani ...... mori-the first against
doghatto danti vårano karî kunjari hatthi || 811 the metro.-Metre: Arya.-Subject: Parvati.
M8. pflagaa ...... mâyago ...... kunjari hari. ag. Sanskrit equivalents : dAkshAyani, bhavant, baila- met. Metre Arya. Subject : Elephant. Sanskrit suta, pårvatt uma, gaurt, Arya, durga kalt, biva, equivalents : pilu (an Arabic loan word), gaja, katyayant, chandi.-Hem. Desf. I. 8. com. : ajj&
| madakala, matanga, sindhura, kareņu, dvighata (P) gauriti kechit samgsihṇanti.
dantin, vårana, kunjarin, hastin. Hem. Desi. Akko taraņi mitto mattando dinamaņi pa.
quotes in the Com. on VI. 29 (422) and gives, yango ya
V. 43 (273), dugghutto as a synonym of hasti. Abhimayaro pachchûho diyasayaro ahsumali
Amburuhan sayavattam saroruham pundaya | 4 |
riyam aravindam M$. asumAlf ag. met.--- Metre : Åryd. Subject : raivan tâmarasam mahuppalam pankaya Sun. Sanskrit equivalents : arka, tarani, mitra, Daliņam || märtanda, dinamani, patanga, pratydaha, divasa- The la of madhuppalam has been destroyed by kara, amsumalin; abhimayaro is doubtful to me. an insect, and the reading is conjectural though Hem. Dest. VI. 5 (307) pachch dho ravimmi.
not doubtful. Metro: Arya. Subject: Lotus. Indû nisa yuro sasaharo vihů gahavai rayani. Sanskrit equivalents: amburuha, satapattra, saronaho 1
ruha, aravinda, rajiva, tâmrarasa, madhatpala, mayalanchhaņo himayaro rohiņframaņo sisi
pankaja, nalina. chandro|| 5 |
Kullamdhaya rasão bhinga. bhasali ya maMS. idd ...... ganahavai...... ramani against met.
huyarâ aliņo and sense. Subject: Moon. Sanskrit equivalents: indindira darena dhuyagâyâ chhappaya bhaindu, niskkara, basadhara, vidhu, grahapati, raya. mari || 10 11 ninAtha, mrigalânchhana, himakara, rohiņframana, MS. indidirà ag. met. Metre : Åryd. Subject : gasin, chandrs. The Prakrit forms of the last two Bees. Sanskrit equivalents and etymologies : kdwords are doubtful.-Hem. Debi. II. 94 (274) : ga- lamdhaya, ras&pa drinking with the tongue or from haval g&myasasisu...... gabavai gråmiņaḥ sastras, to sound P (bhringh, madhukara, ali dvi.

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repha, dhautakâya P shat pada, bhramari.-Hem. Sanskrit equivalents: Svach shhand, udd&ma, Dest VII. 2. (447) gives rasâu bhramrah, rasâu nirargala, muktaka, vispinkhalita, niravagraha, sabdoyam ityanye, yadyopalah. Alirapi raslo Bvair&,* nirankuća, alpavasa. - syật.--Hem. Deśl. VI. 99 (398) has bhasaro; Ruiram munoraham ramma abhiramam Hem. Dest. I. 80 indindirammi iddando, and Com. bandhura manujja cha iddando bhramarah kaischidindi(n) dirasabdopi lattham kântam suhayam maņoramam châru desya uktah asmabhistu samskritepi darśanad
ramaniijam || 13 || anaya bhangya nibaddhah. Hem. Debi. V. 56
MS. latthakântam ...... ramanijjam cha ag. met. (296) bhamare dhungadhuyagåyå dhamang&; the Metre : Årya. Subject : lovely. Sanskrit equivafirst and last apparently =dhamrånga. . lents :-ruchira, manohara, ramya, abhirama, Râmå ramaņi sîmantiņi bahủ vâmaloyana
bandhura, manojfia, --, kanta, sukhada, manoraviņaya !
ma, châru, ramaniya. Mahilâ juvai abala anganê narî---||11|| Hem. Desi. VII. 26 (472) says : latto anya
The second half-verse appears to be mutilated. sakto manoharah priyamvadascheti tryarthah. Metre : Arya. Subject: Woman. Sanskrit equiva- Sasiņam saņiyam mittham mandarin alasankulents : ráma, ramaņi, simantini, vadhd, v&malo
dan maralan cha chana, yuvati, abalA, angana, nari.
khelam bhikuyam sâïram visattham mentharam Sachchhandå uddâmâ niraggalâ mukkalâ vi- thamiyam || 14 || sankhaliâ
MS. visatthamentharam ag. met. Subject : slow Niravaggahî ya sayara nirankusâ hunti ap- -Sanskrit equivalents : mpishta = marshita, pavasâ 11 12 11
manda, alasa, - - markla, svaira, visrasta (P) Metre : Arya. Subject : A self-willed woman. I manthara.
COORG SUPERSTITIONS. BY REV. F. KITTEL, MERKARA.
The Demons in Coorg.* I. MALES.-1. Ayyappa (Ayya-Appa),
t arrak in a leaf. The hill-Ayyappa stands nowi. e. Lord-father, a name at present explained as adays on the boundary between the Kalis if Ayyappa were the lord of the universe. I (Demons) and Devas (Deities), as is indicated think it originally means Demon-master, Appa by the fact that no swine-the gifts thought being a very common honorific. If a person particularly fit for Kâraņas (Ghosts) and falls under his influence (drishti), he will Demons-are offered to him. To some of the become ill. Ayyappa is also called Malējungle-Ayyappas Brahmans are sent once a Deva, i e. Fill-god, and Beto Ayyappa, year; others are served only by the Coorge-with i. e. Lord-father of hunting, and his favour is such the Brahmans have nothing to do. Some sought for hunting expeditions. His stone, Coorgs say that in a few places a buffalo is tied on a small platform (dimba kafla), is met with in up, in Ayyappa's name, in the jungle (i. e. jungles and gardens. Here and there a whole killed ?). jungle is dedicated to one of his stones, and out with the Tamilas, Ayyappa is called Ayyanar, of such jungles superhuman sounds are said by and receives also swine as offerings; the Tulus some occasionally to proceed. On his plat- call him Ayyappa form models in wood and clay of bows, arrows, 2. Another name of Ayyappa in Coorg dogs, horses, elephants, &c. are laid as gifts. is Sastav u or Sârtà vu. It is also found When a hunt has been successful, an Ayyappa among the Tamilasll and Tuļus (Sdstavu), both stone is presented with a cocoanut and some rice, of whom consider its bearer to be the master of and, according to others,also with a fowland some Demons. In Coorg he is a stone within or
• No bigoted Coorg would dare, and no Brálaman would, put the Ayyappa and Kalis under the same heading with the Demons. + Ay, Ayya, in honorific title among the Dravidians
dians frequently affixed to proper names, like "Appa." May it be connected with arya?
I Bali is the specific name for "bloody sacrifice" with the Dravidians; the root bal means to be strong, able,
firm or tight, and is very common. Bala and Bali of Sanskrit literature may be Dravidian.
& Ziegonbalg's Genealogie der Malabarischen Gütter, p. 151.
| Sitta, 8&st. See Zieg. pages 150, 153, 154, 186. The names of this Demon remind one of Siva's appellations-Santa, Serv.

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outside a temple, with a Brahman Pûjâri, and only at some distance from his Paja-seat receives fowl-sacrifices from the hands of the Coorgs. Among the Talus he holds about the same position; among the Tamilas he seems to bear more of the Demon character.
3. Kutti Châtta, a pure Demon that is found also among the Tamilas and Tulus. It means "the small Châtta (or Sâtta)."
4. Karu Vâla, i. e. he of the black sword. This is a Maleyala and Tulu Demon.
5. Guliga (the Kulika of Sanskrit dictionaries), a stone under a jack or other tree with abundant sap. The Coorgs have this Demon in common with the Tamilas and Tulus. By the Tamilas he is stated to be one of the eight Serpents supporting the eight angles of the world; but this idea is not familiar among the Coorgs. One thing, however, connects him with serpents also in Coorg, viz. the notion, though not at all general, that where a Guliga is, also a Nata or Någa stone ought to be.t Guliga means either "he of the pit," or perhaps "he who is united" (so as to be ringled ?).
One or more Coorgs of the house to which a Guliga belongs go to it once a year with one of the three above-mentioned Maleyâlas, who breaks a cocoanut, kills a fowl, and offers some arrak (his reward being a quantity of rice). This is done with the object of averting contagious cattle-disease. If it happens that the Brahmans declare, and are believed, that some Guligas have become impure, they are sent to cleanse them with water-for which performance they are presented with some rice. To the Nâta stone, once a year, pûjâ is per formed by a Brahman, and people from the neighbouring Coorg house go and light lamps to it.
6. Kõraga. This and the next are expressly stated to have been introduced by the Tulus. It may mean "he who cuts into pieces," or "he who dries up"-perhaps the sap of the body, or also "the snorer."
7. Kallugutti (Kallu-Kutti), i. e. he who strikes with stones. Throwing stones at houses
They are: Vienki, Ananta, Takka (Taksha), Sankhapala, Guliga, Padma, Maha Padma, Karkotaka.
Probably on very few of the Coorg Naga stones is the form of a serpent. Should, after all, in spite of Professor Benfey's ingenious guess (någa snaga, snake), NAga be Dravidian? NAta means smell, stench.
There is a jungle tribe in Tulu called the Kõragas, who make baskets and mats of split bamboos.
169
and people is thought to be a trick of certain Demons.
8. Panjuruli (Panji-Uruli), i. e. pigrider. Among the Tulus, from whom he no doubt came, he is represented by an idol on the back of a pig. Brass images of Demons are most frequent with the Tulus.
9. Kuranda, i. e. perhaps "the blind one," or "the shaky (unsteady) one." He is a specific Demon of the Coorg Holeyas or out
castes.
10. Tammacha. A jungle and hunting Demon that receives bloody sacrifices, but no pigs. He is especially the Demon of the Malĕ Kudiyas, i. e. hill-inhabitants, and is said to sow the cardamom seeds: these spring up whereever a big tree is felled in certain parts of the Western Ghats.
II. FEMALES. 1. Châmundi or Chaundi (Châvu-Undi),§ i. e. either "death-mistress," or "she who preys upon death." Her name translated into Sanskrit is Mârî, the killer. She is also named Masani (Smasân î), the woman of the burial-place. This Chamundi is always a mere stone, which is sometimes enclosed in a small temple but for which there never is a Brahman Pajari. She has three other appellations: Bête Châmundi, i. e. Hunting-Châmundi, Kari Chamundi, i. e. dark Châ munḍi, and Puli Chamundi, i. e. Tiger-Châmundi. Another name is Bête Masani, and a stone of this appellation is kept by some people in their houses to invoke for hunting purposes.
2. Karingali (Kari-Káli),|| i. e. the dark black one. She has only one place in Coorg, viz. at the village Kutta, where she is represented by some stones in an enclosure. She is so terrible that no Coorg of the old school likes to utter her real name; she is therefore generally called "the deity of Kutta." An Okkaliga, i. e. a Kanarese peasant, is her Pajari.T At her yearly masquerade (Kola, the Canarese tere) Botta Kurubas (hill-shepherds) and Maley as use to dance, but no Coorgs. Regarding the animals to be decapitated on that
This Demon is throughout Dravidian.
KAli's root is Kar, Kal, to be black; Krishna probably belongs to this same root.
With the Tamilas the Pajaris at the pagodas of Durga are Pandaras, a class of agricultural labourers or Sadras. The Coorgs are peasants or Sadras themselves.

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occasion in Kutta I had unfortunately been misinformed when I wrote my first article.* Karingali has been raised so high as to be offered no pigs, but only fowls !-possibly from the fear arising from publicly declaring her to be a demon.
3. Badra Kali, as Kâ duBadra Kâli 4. e. the Badra Kali of the jungle. She has a Brahman as Pujâri; but near her place is another stone at which either the Coorgs themselves, or by their order, Maleyas offer fowls and goats. She has this character also among the Tulus, who once a year send a Brahman to serve her; sometimes the Brahman (against his caste-rules) orders a bloody sacrifice. By putting the epithet Bhadra (propitious, happy) to Kâli the Brahmans may have tried to change the demon's character: Bhadra means also "gold"-conf. No. 10.
4. Kundamme (Kunda-Amme), i. e. hillmother: not general.
5. Karingora ti (Kari-Kõrati), i. e. the dark Kōrati. Kõrati is also among the Tulus. She appears to be a female form of Kõraga: see Males, No. 6.t
6. Kalluruti (Kallu-Uruți), i. e. stoneroller. She and the next are pointed out as having been imported by Tulus.
7. Nuchchutte (Nuchchu-Utte), i. e. probably "she who feeds on broken grains."
8. Nanjavva (Nanju-Avva), i. e. poisonmother. She and the next two are demons of the Coorg Holeyas.
9. Nili Avva, i. e. black mother. Nili is the name of a crafty demon among the Tamilas.
10. Ponnañ gâlamme (Ponnu-an-káluAmme), i. e. mother with the bright (or golden) foot-sole. But is she not likely to be the same as the Tamila A ñ gâļi,Añgâlamme?§ Then the translation might be: Mother Kâli, who is the bright incubus (conf. No. 3). Other Coorgs pronounce the name Pannañ gâlamme; in this case the composition might be Pannan-káluAmme, i. e. mother of strong feet, or, according
There are many Coorgs that have never acquired the knowledge of such particulars. Vide ante, p. 48.
+ In Tamila a female basket-maker who at the same time divines by cheiromancy is called Kuratti.
[JUNE, 1873.
to the Tamila reading, Mother Kâli who is the impetuous incubus.
III. BIRAS. Another class of beings whom the Coorgs believe to exist is still to be mentioned, viz. the Biras. They are said to be human souls transformed to demons. Such people as die a violent death are likely to become Bîras. Biras have their stones at which
bloody sacrifices are offered (fowls and also pigs).
Zieg. p. 186.
Regarding this Afig&lamme, see Zieg. p. 164 seqq. Viras? or Bhairavas?
Pey (i. . wicked), the Tamila word to denote a
Deities, sometimes called Rain-gods. The so-called Deities (deva, devi) of the Coorgs are known by their being connected with regular temples (tirike, lit. sanctuary), Brahman Pajâris, and partly with idols. They are partly demons in a Brahmanical garb, partly entire importations.
Such of them as are represented either by stones or by images, or by both, are the males Ayyappa and Mahadeva (Omkaresvara, Linga), both being nearly identical; and the female Badra Kali. Occasionally a face is painted on Mahadeva's stone.
As a temple-deity also Ayyappa is the patron of huntsmen; he receives the same hunting implements as the jungle-Ayyappa*; his bloody sacrifices (or rather those connected with his host of Demons) are performed by the Coorgs at some distance from the temple, the Brahman Pâjâri remaining in the temple. Mahadeva is quite modern Brahmanical, as no animals are killed for him.
The temple Badra Kali (also called Pŏgodi, Pavodi, a tadbhava of Bagavati) is considered by some Coorgs to be one with Châmundi. Her bloody sacrifices, consisting of fowls, goats, and buffaloes, are made in the vicinity of her temple. About every second year a buffalosacrifice takes place. The decapitator is a Paruva (Mêda), an outcaste who makes bamboo mats and baskets and beats the big drum (hembare) at certain festivities. Also the Tamilas hire a Pariya (i. e. drummer) to perform the decapitation at their Badra Kâli sacrifices.† In the Tulu country the peasants (Banta, Gauda), though employing the Paruvas at masquerades,
male devil, Peychchi, being a female of them, is not found among the Coorgs and Tulus. The feminine form strongly reminds one of Pisachi, a word that is known and used everywhere in the South.
It may be remarked here that, as a rule, at all places connected with Coorg superstition, Trisalas (tridente) are
found.
+ Zieg. p. 172.

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NOTES ON NATURAL HISTORY.
JUNE, 1873.]
decapitate the buffalo themselves. With the Coorgs the Paruva is superintended by the Mukkâtis, i. e. arrangers, who are either Coorgs or other Sûdras.
Near the source of the Kâ vêri river is the temple, and within it the idol of K â vêri Amma, i. e. Mother Kâveri. The service of this deity is quite Brahmanical, and my opinion is that the deity is an importation from the plains. The Amma's Tantris, or owners, are Tulu Brahmans. I do not find that the Coorgs are water-worshippers, though they have adopted also something in this respect from the Brahmans; and besides they have no tangible profit from this river in their own country.
Another deity with purely (Tulu) Brahmanical pûjâ, whom some people declare to be
NOTES ON NATURAL HISTORY.
I.-SNAKES.
BY W. F. SINCLAIR, Bo. C. S., KHANDESH.
It is the common belief of Khândesh, the Dekhan, and Central Provinces that the amphisboena or slow-worm, (mandup) changes its head to its tail, and back, every year. Also that its bite causes leprosy. At Christmas 1870, I shot a short, thick, clouded snake known as Jogi (I suppose because it is lazy and venomous). My police orderly, a Maratha from Anjanvel in Ratnagiri, said: "There are lots of these in my country. If they bite a man or a buffalo, he swells up to the shape of this snake, and spots like those on the snake come all over his body." The beaters, Thâkurs of the Ghats, knew nothing of this belief, though they held the snake in so much dread that one man threw away the stick with which he had crushed its head. I have often met with this snake in the Dekhan and Khandesh, und never found this belief current anywhere above the Ghât; but it is certainly poisonous. Compare the snake in Dante by whose bite a man was turned into a snake and vice versat. In the year 1865, or thereabouts, a snake with fur or hair upon its body is said to have appeared near Bhima Shankar, the source of the Bhim a river in the Sahyadri hills. It is described as having been about four feet long, and covered with a soft curly wool; and the people worshipped it for a season until it disappeared, My informant was very * Ziegenbalg, p. 8,
171
identical with Subrahmanya, is Iguttappa (Igutta-Appa), i.e. Father Igutta. He is prayed to for rain, and invoked at the harvest-festival. Might this deity not be the same with the Tamila Veguttuva-avatara, i.e. the Buddha-avatara of Vishnu ? Besides V ĕguttava the form Vĕgutta is also correct.
It seems to be quite certain that many centuries ago the Coorgs, and with them most probably others of the Dravidian tribes, were mere ghost and demon worshippers without any ray of light to alleviate their fear. Have Brahmanical innovations in any way ameliorated their spiritual condition, or has even the contrary taken place? The discussion of questions of such a character is of much interest. Merkara, 22nd April 1873.
hazy about dates and details. Perhaps the creature was suffering from some furry fungous disease, such as fish are liable to.
The little river Yel, on the high plateau, known as the Pet Pathår, in Taluka Kher of the Punâ District, is inhabited by great numbers of D h å man s, the large water-snake with
yellow netlike markings on his back. The belief of those parts is that the Dhâman is powerless to injure man or beast except the buffalo; but if a buffalo so much as sees a Dhaman he dies of it-the idea of the basilisk! Further east it is sometimes believed that the Dhaman drowns bathers by coiling round their limbe. It is really quite harmless to any creature above the size of a water-rat.
The natives of the Ghats hold a small snake called the Phursa in much dread; and the Bombay Government have honoured it by bracketing it with the cobra, and putting a price on its head. The Kolis, who ordinarily bury their dead, have so great an abhorrence for four sorts of death that they will not bury the victims of any of the proscribed means of exit from this world. Three of the four are cholera, small-pox, and the bite of the Phursa. The fourth I have forgotten; but in these cases they make forks of saplings, pick up the deceased, and pitchfork him over the nearest cliff.
+ Inferno, c. XXV.

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With all this, I have never been able to find out satisfactorily what the Phursa is*. I have been shown at least a dozen different snakes by that name, the most of them tree or water snakes and as harmless as frogs.
A long thin yellow snake called Korad is. much dreaded in the open stony parts of the Puna district. The people say: "He does not give a man time to drink water." This is certainly the most active ground-snake I have seen.
LEGEND OF VELLUR. BY DINSHAH ARDESHIR TALEYARKAN, SECRETARY, KATHIAWÅR EKSAMPI RAJASTHANI BABHÅ.
If a traveller in Southern India is induced to dered unwholesome by the growth of woeds and visit Vellar, it is specially because of its forts and the rubbish which continually falls into it, would its temple. We ascended one of its hills called be drinkable in time of need. There are lasting "Sajra," on which there still exists an ancient springs in it. fort. There is a sort of rough track which leads | Besides Sajra there are other hills close to it. to the summit in about an hour. Surveying the On two of these are also ruined forts. The hightown from this height, you find it lying close upon est of all is Gojra, whose peak is narrow and the base of the Sajra, irregular, scattered, and pointed. To ascend Gojra is much more difficult. closely surrounded by high hills except towards A tunnel is built in it, which, it is said, leads to all the north. There you find the broad bed of the the other mountains, but no one ventures to go in. river Palár stretching as far as the eye can reach. These hills, forts, &c. were one of the principal Over it runs a lengthy viaduct of about a means by which the former rulers used to defend hundred low archos. The river is dry, but here themselves. The height, the positions, and the and there are canals dug for cultivators, dhobis, and number of the hills were sufficient to harass the others. The expansive bed and the beautiful most patient. bridge lying amidst numerous glittering nalas
Besides these forts, at the extremity of Sajra testify to the dimensions to which the river at hill below, is another fort built of large black tains during the rains. Before the bridge was slabs, which is oblong, occupying about four built intercourse with the surrounding places was miles; a very wide ditch surrounds it, full of pure very difficult: it took & whole day to cross the water. river, and four pairs of bullocks were required to Inside the fort are found the offices of the drag a laden cart through it. We have scarcely Small Cause Court, Sub-Magistrate's and Teh. seen another town so picturesquely situated. sildar's Kacheris, Pension, Post, and other It is pleasantly buried amid clumps of trees of | Offices. In the middle is an open space where'a various sorts. Interspersed here and there about building was erected by Government many years the outskirts of the town are paddy and sugar. ago, in which to confine princes who fell pri. cane fields. Above all is a fort, but nothing soners into their hands. As you enter the fort, of it remains except the surrounding walls. Bro- opposite you stands a large Hindu temple which ken cannon lie here and there half-buried. Large in extent and workmanship excels both the balls are also found scattered and rusting. You grand temples of Konjivaram. It has several sometimes alight on artificial caves. In the very gigantic "Mandap3" of superior carving. In centre of the peak there still exists a deep tank. them are many dark cells for gods. The gods of The water in it, though unused for years and ren. this temple were those who lived in water, hence
Natives are generally very ignorant of natural history, tapers suddenly, sharp-pointed ; length 2 inches. The and often give the Erst name that occurs to them for any colour, the head very dark, obscure, green, without of the less common plants or animals. The Phursa is spot. The trunk (including the tail), almost black, with a species of Lycodon, the 'Gajoo Tutta' (Kaju Pata) a dark-greenish cast. The ridge of the back variegated of Russell, who describes it as a Coluber, "the head broader with about twenty narrow spots, composed of longitudinal, than the neck, ovate, depressed, obtuse. The first pair short, dusky-yellow, white and black lines. Along the of lamina between the nostrils, small, sub-orbicnlar; the sides, and half down the tail, are interrupted rows of short, next, pentagonal; the middlemost laming of the three be- white lines; and from the head to the anus, on each side tween the eyes, broad-lanceolate; the last pair, semi-cordate. close to the scuta, there is & regular row of black dota. The mouth small; the lower jaw shorter than the upper. The scuta and squama are of a bluish white colour." In an The teeth below, numerons, close, reflex; two palatal rows observation, he remarks that the "colour resembles the above, close also and numerous, but the anterior in the Gedi Paragud" of the Coromandel Coast, which is the marginal row, longer than usual. The eyes lateral, small, Maner or Manyar (Bungarum candidum) of the Konkan, orbicular. Nostrils close to the rostrum, gaping. The "but the variegating spots are very different," and "from the trunk round. The scales, broad-ovate, imbricate. Length Want of poisoning organs it may be inferred that it is not 14. inches. Circumference near the head, 14 inch the 80 formidable as, by the natives, represented." (Account thicket part of the trunk about 8 inches, and diminishes of Indian Serpents, p. 22).-ED. inconsiderably till near the tail. The tail very small,

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here are wells all about. Streams of water for cleansing the teeth. He daily went to Kai. run continuously underneath the temple. There Is Hill to worship the Dharmalinga, from whom is one portion of the temple in which you cannot he wished to know all about his lot. He intended go without a guide and torch ; it consists of seven to stay where he was, if he was thereby to become rooms built one beyond another.
happy, otherwise he purposed to go and live in This temple went out of the hands of the Hin- Senohi near Tanjor. On the tenth day the two dos about the commencement of the Muhammadan brothers were attacked by PAlagar marauders, but rule in Vellar. No idol is left in'it; half a dozen Bimardi and Timardi fought so boldly against public offices are located in it; the richly carved them that they retreated. On hearing this the black massive "Mandaps" have been white- Raja was much pleased, and the two brothers were washed; the whole building has been disfigured. entrusted with numerous Silladars. The villagers The following story will tell how this curious also rendered them any aid they needed. At this temple and fort were erected.
stage of affairs one of the cows of Bimardi was It is said that when this place was a desert it delivered of a call. It was as white as milk; but was resided in by a god named Jallgandi Ishwa- its horns, nose, tail and hoofs were black. Its teats rar; Ganga Gauriaman was the goddess. The were five. When it grew it never went in comsmall bill or Durgam was their frequent resort. pany with the other cattle. It went to graze The Palar river was then called Chir and was on alone, and returned alone. It was delivered of a the north. To the south was the village of Wela- calf, but did not allow it to drink milk. Bimarpadi. To the east was Palakonda RÂnmaldi di was surprised to find that daily when the cow mountain. To the south-east was Dharmalinga returned in the evening it came with empty udler. Malási mountain. To the west was the tank of Nor was the herdsman able to explain this, but SAdipari. Everything within these boundaries one morning he followed the cow wherever it was "Welankud," or forest. Chola Raja was went. The cow went on till it came near a small then reigning, who haul acquired much fame. island, to which it went crossing the water. Im.
A person named Eatumardi used to live in the mediately after this a serpent came out of a hole. sacred city of Palavansa, on the banks of the It had five months, by which it drank milk from Krishna river. He had two sons, Bimardi and the five teats of the cow. After the serpent had Timardi, whose statues are yat at the sides of the dono drinking, the cow returned to its master's temple gate. They are also found inside the tern. place. Bimardi was much affected by this sight. ple in various attitudes. Their mother died soonH e considered both the occurrence and the after giving thom birth. Eatumardi bal four locality as sacred. On the morning of the followBons by his second wife. His wealth consisted in | ing day he crossed the water and went near the cattle, and they were by thousands. Soon after hole of the five-mouthed serpent. There he pray. celebrating the marriages of his sons Le malo ed to know what were the wishes of the serpent. two divisions of his wealth ; ono was given to Bi. After this he fell fast asleep. A figure then ap. mardi and Timardi, and the other was divided pearod to him in his dream and said to Bimardiamong the four sons by his socond wife, wlio "My name is Sambaśivam. That cow which commenced quarrelling with and even concerting you possess is created by me. I drink its milk the death of their two half-brothers after the death and am pleased. I therefore wish you all sucof their father. Hereupon the two brothers cess and happiness!" Bimardi answered-"I do abandonod their homes with their families and not care for life or happiness, but am anxious their cattle. In course of their journey they always to remain in your service, and I am also halted at a place called Tirum, whence water was anxious to porpetuate your namo; with that desire conveyed for the god Sriranganaigar, who was I wish to construct a temple and a fort." The god living in Palikonda. Hearing of the fame of roplied: "Why need you do this? I am not any Chola Raja and the sacredness of the hills in luis way known, and wish to remain so:" Bimardi possession, they went to Kailaspatnam; and repeated, however, his prayers with mncla suppli. Bimardi besought the Råja to give him some land cation. The Deva then asked; "Well, if your for cultivation. The R&ja, seeing he had come wishes be so strong, whence can you bring all tho with immense cattle, gave him as much land as he wealth to build the temple and fort? What wished in Welapadi to till and to rear his cattle. money have you got for this purpose ?" "All my This place was called Welapadi, because it was wealth consists in the 8,700 head of cattle I posfull of trees 'named welam which furnished sticks sess; I shall sell them and carry out my object."
A different legend is given by Lieut. H. P. Hawkes in the Madras Journal of Literature and Science, vol. XX.p. 274, bearing some slight resemblance however to this.-ED.

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The god was much pleased to hear this, and orties with her. The Raja was consequently so much dered Bimardi to erect a temple and fort, and enraged against him that he instantly ordered said to him-"When I was living with Wenkata his hands and feet to be cut off, and his maimed Saprumal on the hill of Dharmalingamalai, that body to be cast on the aforesaid hill from which god placed one foot on the Dharmalinga Hill Bimardi had his stones. Sarangadram did not and the other on the Tripati Hill, and went to take this undeserved cruelty to heart, but spent Tripati. In the place on which he placed his first all his solitary hours in devotion to his god. foot there lies immense wealth, of which you may Consequently his hands and feet were replaced, take as much as you can in the course of seven days and the hill was also benefited by his meritorious and seven nights." So saying the serpent return- sufferings, in that any extent of stones extracted ed to his hole. Bimardi awoke from his dream, from it was in no time replaced. and implicitly believing everything that he had | Now to return to the story of the fort and the heard and seen in his vision, the first thing he did temple. They were all completed within the was to place a line of labourers from the hole to fixed time. The sacred cars were also ready. the hill mentioned by Sambaśivam. Bimardi The first worship was held on the appointed day afterwards repaired to the summit of the hill, and the appointed hour. The god was named where he repeated what the god Sambaśivam had 'l Jalâganthå Isvarar, and fairs in the temple were uttered. All of a sudden, golden coins now flowed held every year, and the number of pilgrims and out, which Bimardi's men began to carry one worshippers constantly increased. after another. On this rews reaching the Meanwhile, Bimardi besought an interview Raja he summoned Bimardi into his presence. from his god, which was granted: he comBimardi informed him of all that had occurred. menced thus-"I am simply a shepherd and The Raja was so gratified to hear all this that he tiller; I have no capacity for administration. I rendered his best assistance in getting the aforesaid beseech thee therefore to appoint one who is fit jungle cleared for Bimardi. As the jungle was to conduct a raj and to keep all affairs in conbeing cleared, it so happened that a hare appearednection with the temple in a prosperous state, so and made a certain sort of round several times that I may have more time to spend in your and then disappeared. Bimardi was lost in as- devotion." To this the god answered—"There is tonishment. He implored his patron god to one Wenkatdevamahariar, the son of Pargonacquaint him with the meaning of what he saw. dama Pirawadardevamahariar, who maintains & He was informed in his dream that he should lay thousand Brahmans daily. He is a fit person the foundation of the fort as the hare had pointed for the râj; go and tell him to undertake the out. Bimardi lost no time in complying with management." A dispute was now raging bethis behest. The foundation was laid in the tween Wenkat and his brother as to the distribuSukla year 1190 of Salivahana's Sagartha-varsha. tion of certain villages between them. Vellur The month was Panguni, and the date 19th. The was also added to these villages. The two god further ruled that the whole structure should brothers agreed to proceed to the Melkatachalabe finished within nine years, and he be installed in pularaisna temple in the Maisur Zilla, and the year Isvara and on the 19th date of the month there to cast lots and abide by the result. of Panguni. Bimardi on laying the foundation Wenkat got Vellur. On leaving his father's earnestly expressed his desire to carry out all palace to repair to Vellor, he met with what was these commands. The stones required for the considered a very good omen, which was in the structures were sent by Bimardi from a bill form of a maid-servant who was preparing torch named Palikonda, which was 12 miles distant, and es in the palace. The result of his connection where Sriranganaigar used to sleep-pali meaning with her at this moment, which was justified and bed, and konda to take. The more stones were unavoidable in consequence of the coincidence, was extracted from this quarry the more inexhaustible that she gave birth to a son, who was, according to it proved. This mystery is explained by another the law of the times, proclaimed heir-apparent to story which may be told here. There was a Rája the raj. He was named Krishna Devamahariar. named Dharma Rája. He had a son who was noted Wenkat reigned three years and gained a name for unrivalled beauty. He had a step-mother who for uprightness: He granted Wanandurgam became hopelessly fond of him. She once called and Chitaldurgam, lying to the east of Velhim to her and tried by every means to make him lur, to his washerman and shoemaker, and made make love to her. Sarangadram hereupon left his other similar grants to his deserving subjects. stepmother in great disdain. With a view now to After this he abandoned all his possessions and ruin him, she told her husband Dharma Raja that business, and retired into a jungle where he led the this his son had attempted to take improper liber. life of a hermit. The Rayars or the descend.

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ants of Wenkat ruled 234 years in twelve dy. The mother of Abdul Ali Khan seeing the palace nasties. It is still believed of Wenkat that he filled with serpents, insisted on his surrendering wanders in the jungle, and will some day again rule the fort to the Marathas. He did 80 accordingly, over the place. A Pathån succeeded these Ra- and removing three miles from Vellur there yars. The Pathån was succeeded by his son founded a place termed Abdulwaram. The rule Abdul Ali Khan, who ruled 25 years. The fort of these Marathas lasted 35 years, and their sons of Vellur was now besieged by the Marathas ruled 20 years more. A Musalman named Zulfikr headed by Tukojirao and Silojirao, who espied Khan took the fort by force and ruled 22 years. blood flowing ont of stones a mile away from the Zulfikr Khan was succeeded by a Maratha named fort. They began to worship it, and a god named Sivajirao, who had besieged the fort for three years, Puliyar issued saying –"I have been residing here
and who remained on the gadi for 30 years. The for long." The Marathas hereupon built a pago.
rule of his son lasted 22 years. After this Pada, Sambagavinagar, over this stone, and began thân Daud Khan, coming from Dehli, made inroads performing daily ceremonies. A village was also on Vellar and Arkat, the administration of which established here of the same name. This god he entrusted to his Vazir, and then returned to told them in a dream that if they wished to con- Dehli. The Vazir and his descendants enjoyed the quer Vellur they should worship Sarpayagam. sovereignty for 45 years. Now commenced the Thereupon proceeding to the river they built a rule of Wallajah for 3+ years, and Arkat and place called Barindavanam for the purpose. As Vellur remained in the hands of his descendants prayers began to be offered here, serpents com- until the British power appeared. Such is the .menced moving about in the fort of Vellur. | local legend.
THREE COPPER PLATES FROM THE KRISHNA DISTRICT. The Acting Collector of the Krishna District few notes added from Sir W. Elliot's Gleanhas forwarded three copper Sâsanams to the ings respecting this dynasty :Madras Government, presented by the Zamindar
I:-SRI RAMULU. of Nazid. The largest of the three was found
Aking called Kabja Vishņu Vardhanudu, older about a year and a half ago in the Mokasa vil
| brother of Satya Sri Vallabhudu, of the Manalage of Edern, near Agiripalli, where the Zamin
vyasa gotra or tribe, who was a descendant of a dar lives, by a man ploughing; and the others Rishi called Hariti, who got the kingdom by virtue were found in the time of the present Zamin- of the boon of Kausika, who was nourished by dar's father. The writing on all is a mixture
seven mothers named Bhamhi Maheswaryadi, and of Telugu and Sanskrit. The plates are in the
who was a votary of Shanmukhudu, who Government Central Museum. The following
possessed an emblem of the boar which he obtained translations were made in the Collector's
by the grace of the godt and which could subjugate
all enemies, who had his body purified by an office. The first and most important, gives some
ablution at the end of an Asvamedha and who was a particulars of the Eastern dynasty of Chalukyas
ornament of Châlukya race, reigned over the earth descended from Kubja Vishņu Vardhana, or for eighteen years. Vishnu Vardhanudul, son of Vishnu Vardhana 'the Little' or Hunchback,' Indraråja, his elder brother, reigned for nine years. the younger son of Kirtti Varma, and brother His son, Manga Yuvarija, for twenty-five years. of Satyåśråga of the Kalyani dynasty,-who His son Jayasinharaja, for thirteen years. His established for himself a new kingdom by the
half-brother, king Kakatis, for six months; Vishconquest of Vengi. His successors extended
ņu Vardhanudu, elder brother of Kakati, for their territories northwards from the Krishna
thirty-seven years, after defeating his brother;
his son, Vijayaditya Bhattårkud, for eighteen to the borders of Orissa, and ultimately fixed
years; his son, Vishnu Vardhanudu, for thirty-six their capital at Rajamahendri, now Rajamandri.
years; his son, Vijayaditya Bhupati, T after fight. Their emblem was the Variha linchhana or
ing 108 times within the space of 124 years with Boar-signet. Some orthographical mistakes in
the force of Gangarattu, and after constructing the following versions have been rectified, and a
108 Siva temples, left this world for heaven after • He conquered Vengi. A. D. 605. See Sir W. Elliot in .. | Vishnu Vardhana III.-the fourth king of the Eastern Mad. Jour. Lit. Sc. vol. xx. p. 81.-ED.
line of Chalukyas.-ED. Svimi Mahigena,' according to Sir W. Elliot.
Kokkili, in Sir W. Elliot's list.-ED. 1 Bhagavan Nárayana.-Elliot.
Narendra Mriga RAja, in Elliot's list.

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a reign of forty-four years. His son, Vishnu "This should not be annoyed by anybody. He Vardhanudu, knowing the rules of castes, conquer- who does so is considered as one that has commit. ing his foes, and becoming the chief of his tribe, ted the five great sins-Veyasula. Up to this reigned for one and a half years. His gon, Vijay- time many granted gifts of lands and many had ditya, who became king of all kings, who conquered them granted. Whenever the gifts are accepted many heroic kings, and who shone with great splen. by the donees, to them they really belong. He dour, who had the power of Siva, who, by the induce- who usurps the land given either by himself or by ment of Ratta Bhupati, beheaded Venga Bhupati, others will be born as a worm in the human excreburnt his kingdom, reigned for forty-four years and ment for 60,000 years." left this world for heaven. Afterwards the king. dom of Vengu Bhupati was usurped by the kinsmen
II:-SRI SHOBHANADRI. of Ratta Bhupatit His younger brother, Chalukya One by name Vijayadityadu, a sovereign of Bhimadhipudu (who had another name of Drohar. the Chalukya family, grandson of Vikrama Rama junudu), and son of Vikramadityudu, protecting Bhupati, and son of Vishnuvardhana Mahrija, all people in general, reigned for thirty years and gave at the time of a solar eclipse one khandrika left this world for heaven. His son, Vijayadityudu, of rent-free land, sufficient to be down with twelve inheriting the kingdom, which is replete with khandis of korra seed (Panicum Italicum), to a comfort and every blessing, in his nonage conquer. Brahman named Padma Bhattarakudu, of the viled many foes during his father's lifetime by the lage of Minamina, who is of Kasyapa gotra (Apastrength of his arm. After his father's death, too, stambha sect), grandson of Tukasarma Trivedi and he conquered many of his foes and left this world son of Danaserma Trivedi; the land being boundfor heaven. His son, Udyadityudu, I bearing also ed on the east by Korraparu polemera (or boundthe name of Rama Raja Mahendrudu, and possess- ary), on the south by Pataka, on the west by ing all the powers of a king, the abilities of a prime Rumati, on the north by Ren ukavadi. minister, &c., and excelling the glory of his ancestors, one day in his reign seated himself on his
III:-SRT SOBHANADRISA. throne, sent for the Gșihastas (householders) of Svayambhuva Månsva, who was kept and saved Kauteruvadi and addressed them thus :-"In the on the ark of the Earth at the general deluge by the family of that warrior who was the best person of the Sapreme Being who assumed the form of a fish Pattavardhani family, who was a follower of Kub- and preserved the world, is born first of the kings javishnu Vardhanudu, who was well known by the of solar race. Bh&giradhudu, who, after many name of Kadhakampa, and who in battle conquered years' tapas or self-mortification, conquered Siva Dudardudu, and brought all his banners, titles, and brought to earth the Ganges, the gem worn &c., Somadityudu was born. He begat Prithivi- on his head, is the king of solar race. Ikshváku jaya Raja. His son, this KuntAdityuda, who is the and other kings, by whose valour Devendrudu servant of my father, Vijayadityudu, who obtained enjoyed the kingdom of heaven, was born in the the title of Uggivelagaudu,' who is feared by solar race which deserves adoration. Kakucha enemies, conquered my foes at the very moment Bhupati who rode apon Devendrudu who assumed he heard the sound of their battle-drums, and, the form of a bull, Raghamah&rája who rendered pleasing me, proved himself loyal subject. the weapon of Indra useless, and Sri RamachanTherefore, the village called Guntur, with its drudu who built a bridge over the sea and killed twelve villages, is given by us to this man. May Dasakanttuda, having been born in that race, the this be known to you.
glory of that race cannot be too much extolled. "Its boundaries are-On the east by Gonguva, In that race King Arikaludu is born lineally, who on the south by Gonayuru, on the west - by Kalu begat Kalikalada, whose history excels that of Cheruvula or tanks, on the north by Matupalli. former kings tha:-He used to bathe every
“The boundaries lying in the middle of these day in Ganges water brought by the hands villages are-On the east Potarayi, on the south- of kings in succession. He conquered all the east Pedda Kalumulu, on the south Kurvapudi, kings between the Kåveri and Setu (the bridge at on the south-west Peruvati Kurva, on the west Råmeswaram), and subjugated them. He refused the western bank of Polugunta, on the north-westa platter (to be employed in worshipping the god) Polakangonda Mona Durga Bhagavati, on the north which is suitable to be accepted, and which was Matapalliparu, on the north-east Chamaraingunta. sent by Bhojar ja. He dorided with his toe the
VijayAditya II. or Guna-gunanks Vijayaditya, con- I No such name occurs in Elliot's list: the enconsor of quered Kalinga.-Elliot, ut sup.
Vijay Aditya III. Was Amma Raja, who probably reigned In A. D. 978, Taila Bhupa II. or Vikramaditya III. of about A.D. 900.-ED. Kalyani restored that monarchy which had been for some $ This appears to be Vijayaditya IC. of the preceding time usurped by the Ratta Kula.-Elliot, ut sup. p. 79. grant.-ED.

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eye in the forehead of Pallavabhupati, and he has certain other qualifications. In the reign of Nata Bhimudu and other potent kings born in the family of the said Kalikaludu, the earth had been prosperous for a long time. Somabhupati, son of Duhutta Narayana Råmablupati of the same family, who is the emblem of Supreme Being himself, subdued many neighbouring kings and begata son named Prince Gangadharabhupati by his wife Surâmbika. Gangadharabhupati, devoting him. self to the god and Brahmans, begat a son, Bhakit- bhupati, who resembles Parijata (the name given to all the flowers resembling in scent the jessamine), which exhales a sweet scent over all the earth, and who is a votary of Siva, by his wife Irugamba, who is the daughter of Kåmabhupati of the lunar brace, and sister of Vahupati. Bhakitbhupati, deserving as he is to be adored by many kings, wore the badges or the honourable distinctive marks of " Gandabherunda," which is fit to repel all lions of foes (i.e. kings' foes), and of "Rayavesiya bhujanga," which is fit to compel all kings to leave off their haughtiness and be submissive, and so he continued to reign. One day, while he was proceeding on his royal tour, he happened to meet on a hill a Brahman hermit named Visvanadhudu, who is well versed in Vedas, and finding him to be zealously engaged in divine con templation, and, as such, an emblem of Śiva,
saluted him. He remained there for some time with devoutness.
On Monday, the 15th of the waxing moon of Kartika, Salivahana Saka 1277, he gave with pleasure to the said Visvanadhudu, who is steadfast in devotion and a great hermit of the Kausika gotra, the village of Kadavakolanu, which is replete with complete comfort and every blessing and with the eight sources of pleasure.
The village is bounded on the east by a large ant-hill, on the south-east by Chintajodupallam, on the south by a Vagu or watercourse, on the south-west by Madetopuna Nandikambbam, on the most by Doni Marn, on the north by a Kunta or pond, on the north-east by the boundaries of Bommada and Makkala.
The said king having given to the aforesaid worthy Brahman the village of Kadavakolanu, within the above-mentioned notable limits, thought the descendants of his family would be meritori. ous. May this śåsana, inscribed to notify the gift of the village called Kadavakolanu, endure until the end of time!
As bestowing the gift is common to all kings, this deserves to be preserved by you for ever. Ramachandrulavaru will frequently pray all kings that commit anything to affect this gift. - Proceedings of the Madras Government, Public Department, 7th April 1873.
ARCHÆOLOGY OF BELÅRI DISTRICT.
(From the Belári District Manual, by J. Kelsall, M.0.8.) Toe finest specimens of native architecture are presenting hunting-scenes and incidents in the to be seen at Hampi, the site of the ancient city of Ramayana. The four centre pillars are of a kind Vijyanagar. These ruins are on the south bank of black marble handsomely carved. The flooring of the Tangabadra river, about 36 miles from Be- of the temple, originally large slabs of stone, has låri, and cover a space of nearly nine square miles. been torn up and utterly ruined by persons in At Kamlapur, two miles from Hampi, an old tem- search of treasure which is supposed to be buried ple has been converted into a bangal, and this both here and in other parts of the ruins. The is probably the best place to stop at when visiting use of another covered building close by, with the ruins. Many of the buildings are now Bo numerous underground passages, has not been destroyed that it is difficult to say what they were ascertained. It also is covered with basso-rilievos, originally meant for, but the massive style of in one of which a lion is represented. At a little architecture, and the huge stones that have been distance is the building generally known as the employed in their construction, at once attract " Elephant stables," and there seems no reason to attention. Close to Kamlapar there is a fine doubt that it was used for this purpose. Two stone aqueduct, and a building which has at some other buildings, which with the elephant stables time or other been a bath. The use of the arch form roughly three sides of a square, are said to in the doorways, and the embellishments used in have been the concert-hall and the council-room. decorating the inner rooms, show that the design Both, but especially the latter, have been very fine of this building was considerably modified by the buildings. Musalmans, even if it was not constructed by | Not far off are the remains of the Zenana, surthem altogether. A little to the south of this is a rounded by a high wall now in a very dangerous very fine temple, of which the outer and inner condition, and beyond this again the arena where walls are covered with spirited basso-riliovos re- tigers, elephants, and others animals were pitted

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(JUNE, 1873.
against each other for the amusement of the court. | all are about half a mile lower down the river. This is the account given by tradition, and, judg. One dedicated to Vithal, a form of Vişhậu, is said ing from the character of the sculptures surround- to be equal in its architectural detail to anything ing the place, it is probably the true one. The at Elors. The roof is formed of immense slabs animals fought on the ground, and the king and of granite gupported by monolithic columns of the his suite watched them from elevated platforms of same material richly carved, and twenty feet high. stone. The buildings in which these beasts were Close by are similar buildings dedicated to Viraconfined cannot now be distinguished, but the bhadra and Ganesa. In the centre of the Vithala stone trough at which they were watered still temple is the stone-car of the god, supported by remains. The trough is a monolith, which has stone elephants, and about 30 feet high.* unfortunately been slightly cracked in turning Talpatri (population 7,869) is built on the right it over to look for treasure. Its dimensions are bank of the Penner river, which flows close under414 x 3 x 2 fæet.
neath its walls. According to tradition, it was Leaving these, the road passes through a few founded by Ramalingam Nayudu, a subordinate paddy-fields towards the river. There are fine of the Vijayanagar kings, about 400 years ago. stone buildings all round and the debris of count- The village was first called "Tålepalli," having less houses of stone and brick. On the left is a been built in a grove of palmyra trees, and this mutilated monolith representing Siva with a cobra was afterwards corrupted into Tadpatri, He also with outstretched hood over his head. Siva is built the fine temple dedicated to Rama Iswara. represented se led, and the statue is about 35 feet The other temple, on the river-bank, called that of high.. It has been much damaged by Tipt's Chintardya, was built by his grandson Timma troops, who have broken off the nose and one of the Nayudu, who also founded several other villages arms. Close by are two fine temples between in the neighbourhood. These two temples are which the road passes, but which are remarkable "elaborately decorated with sculptures representfor nothing but the enormous size of the stones ing the adventures of Krişhna, Råma, and other which have been used in their construction. Mass- mythological events. Among the bas-reliefs is a es of cut granito, many of them 30 feet in length figure holding & Grecian bow, rarely seen among by 4 in depth, are seen high up in the wall, and no Hindu sculpture." The temple on the river-bank explanation can be given of the mode in which is by far the finest, but was never finished. The they were placed in their present position.
Gopuram of the other temple was struck by lightAbout 100 yards beyond this place, the crest of ing about 30 years ago and split in half. After the the hill is reached, and from it a magnificent pano- battle of Talikota, the country round Tadpatri Wus ramic view is obtained. Immediately below, the subdued by the forces of the Katb Shahi dynasty, river Tangabadra flows through a gorge between and & Muhammadan Governor was appointed. the rocks, and on the opposite bank are high rugged Afterwards the town was captured by Morari granite hills. Parallel with the river is the main Rao, and still later by Haidar Ali. The situation of street, lined with temples and palaces and some Tadpatri is low, and in the rains and when the modern houses. Small patches of paddy and river is in fresh the worst parts of the town are sugar-cane cultivation serve to give colour to the under water. The main street, though narrow, is Boene. At one end of this street, which is about straight, and the houses on each side of it well half a mile long and fifty yards in broadth, is a and substantially built. Another good street large pagoda in good repair, which is the only might be made along the bank of the river, and one in which service is still kept up. A channel
ca service 18 still kept up. A channel the embankment necessary would have the effect from the river runs through the centre of it, and of preventing the river from undermining the is led through the room used for cooking, so Rama Iswara temple, as it now does. The streets that at all times there is a supply of fresh running in the rest of the town are small and crooked, water. At the other end of the street is a large and lined with squalid mud houses, built without figure of Hanuman, the monkey-god, while the
any attempt at regularity. The road from Kadwhole is commanded by a high hill composed of dapah to Beldri passes at the rear of the town, irregular granite boulders, on the summit of which as does also the railway, though the station is at a large temple has been erected. The view from Nandelpad, about 2 miles off. Tadpatri has althe top well repays the trouble of the ascent. ways been a great trading centre, and on this Parallel with this main street, but a little further account, and also on account of its peculiar sancfrom the river, is another, equal in size, but with tity (one authority reckoning it next to Benares), fewer fine buildings in it. The finest temples of it has always been a thriving and populous town.t
pp. 290-292.
Ibid. pp. 48, 49.

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ARCHEOLOGY OF BELARI DISTRICT.
JUNE, 1873.]
At Lepakshi, in the Hindipur tâluqa, is another large temple, said to have been built by Krishna Rayal. The roof of the large hall here is supported by about forty pillars, two of which do not touch the ground but are suspended from the roof. So at least the attendant Brahmans tell you, and prove it by passing a cloth between the pillar and the ground. The space between the pillar and the ground is about half an inch, and the trick is managed so adroitly that, unless the action is closely watched, the cloth really appears to be passed completely underneath the pillar. As a matter of fact each of these two pillars has one corner resting on the ground. The natives will not admit that it has always been so, but attribute this sinking to the act of an engineer some thirty years ago, who endeavoured to find out how such solid pillars were suspended, and injured them in the course of his experiments. About a hundred yards away is a colossal monolith, a Basava or stone bull. The story is that the coolies employed on the great temple being dissatisfied with their wages struck work and retired to consult. They chanced to sit down on a rock, and while debating the question began to hack it with their tools. The masters gave in in an hour and the coolies came down from their rock, when it was found to have assumed the form it now has.
Of more recent buildings, the pagoda at Pennahoblam, on the left bank of the Pennêr, and the Jamma Masjid at Adoni, are perhaps the best specimens of Hindu and Muhammadan architecture. The temple of Anantasaingudi, near Hospet, is worthy of mention, and is of interest to engineers and architects from the peculiarities of its construction.
At most of these places there is an annual festival. Nearly every village has its car-feast in honour of its patron deity, but the great festivals are held in the vicinity of the splendid pagodas and shrines, of which a brief account has been given.*
The general opinion seems to be that the attendance at the Hampi. festival is decreasing year by year. About fifteen years ago it was estimated that 100,000 people were present, five years ago it was 60,000, last year it was doubted if 40,000 people attended. The reason of this has never been satisfactorily explained, and it is the more remarkable, because in former years cholera invariably broke out among the assembled pilgrims, while during the last five years, in which sanitary precautions have been adopted, the festival has not been accompanied by this scourge. One reason possibly is, that the people do not like these sani
The chief festivals are:-at Hampi in Hospet taluqa, in honour of Virupakshapa Svimi about 15th April; at Kotur, in Kudlighi, in honour of Bas&pesvara Svami, 27th Feb.; at Mailar, in Hadagalli, in honour of LingApa Svami,
179
tary measures; they object to leave their bullocks at some distance outside the walls, to be obliged to bathe in certain places, and to get their drinking-water from others; they dislike being interfered with, and though the better informed readily admit the benefits that result from these measures, and value their immunity from epidemic disease, yet they, as well as the great mass of the people, would prefer to have none of them, and keep away rather than submit to them. During the last three festivals it has been found very difficult to get enough people to drag the car from one end of the street to the other, according to custom.
One of the superior magistrates always attends this festival; medical assistance is sent out from Belâri, and Rupees 600 is annually allotted for clearing out wells, &c., and for other necessary
purposes.
After Hampi the festival held at Mailar is the best attended. It is held after the harvest, and the people encamp in the fields, being spread over a space about a mile square. The Tangabadrâ is close by, so that there is an abundant supply of pure fresh water, and, as there is no necessity for the pilgrims to crowd together as at Hampi, disease does not often break out. There is one custom which is peculiar to this festival. On the great day, in the evening, when the worship is completed and the offerings made, the deity deigns, in the person of a child, to lift the veil of the future, and in the presence of the assembled thousands to utter one sentence prophetic of future events. A little child is held up on the shoulders of the priests, and, closing in his arms the iron bow of the god upheld by the priests, he utters the words put into his mouth by the god.
The words uttered in 1869 were, "there are many thunderbolts in the sky," and the words were greeted with a murmur of joy, as implying probably a good supply of rain in the coming year. Great faith appears to be placed by the people in these words heard at these times, and, as there seems to be the same vagueness about them as characterized the utterances of the Delphic oracle, it is probable that their faith is never put to any severe test. The sentence uttered the year before the Mutiny,-"the white ants are risen against," is now recalled by many in proof of the far-seeing power of their god "There were present at the festival about 5,000 bandies, 23,000 head of cattle, and not fewer than 40,000 people." (Report of Mr. Clogstoun, Assistant Collector, in G. O., 3rd March 1869.)†
14th to 16th Feb.; at Kuruvalli, Harpanhalli, in honour of Goni Barappa Svami, 12-14th March; and at Manchala, Adwani, in honour of Ragavendra Sv&mi, 14th August.
Ibid. pp. 292-295,

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
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Inscriptions and Sásanams.
of considerable elevation. The summit of this The numerous inscriptions at Hampi have all, at hill or mount is rounded, and the surface partially one time or another, been deciphered. A list of covered with scanty patches of dry grass, from them, with translations, will be found in Vol. XX.
which crop out masses of tufaceous scoriæ. The of the Asiatic Researches, appended to an essay by hills around are composed of a ferruginous sand. Mr. Ravenshaw, B.C.S. ... There are several stone in which minute scales of mica are found long inscriptions in the Hali-Kanarese character disseminated, but this mound is evidently com. at Kurgôdu, in the Belári Táluqa, but they are so posed of very different materials, and when struck worn with age as to be in many places illegible. it emits a hollow cavernous sound. Some have An inscription on the wall at Kenchengodu, in thought it of volcanic origin, but Captain Newthe same tAluqa, is not of much interest, for it bold thought it more likely to be the remains of only gives the names of the village officers at the an ancient furnace. The local tradition is that time the pagoda in that village was built. There this mound is composed of the ashes of an enoris another long inscription on a stone lying on mous Rakshaga or giant, whose funeral pile this the tank-band at Ohikka Tumbul, which has never was. The giant's name was Edimbassurali, and been deciphered. In such places as Belári, Guti, he was living here, when the five sons of king Raidlarg, Harpanhalli, and Pennakonda, where Pandu visited the country. The giant's sister inscriptions might have been expected, none are fell in love with one of them, named Bhimnow to be found. There has indeed once been an sena, and instigated him to kill her brother, inscription on one of the rocks at Guti, but it is who was opposed to the alliance. Another almost obliterated, and hardly two consecutive account is that a great battle acccompanied by letters can be made out. Diligent search would fearful loss of life was fought here. After the doubtless result in the discovery of other inscrip- conflict the wounded and the dead were gathered tions or dedications, the existence of which is together and placed so as to form an enormous unsuspected or unknown beyond the limits of the funeral pile, which was then fired. These ashes, or village where they are.
whatever they are, effervesce when treated with In connection with the subject of this chapter, dilute sulphuric acid, and thus show traces of mention must be made of a peculiar hill about eigh- carbonate of lime. Colonel Lawford thought the teen miles from Belári. Captain Newbold was ashes were such as were found at funeral piles, the first to call public attention to it, and his and very dissimilar to those formed in lime-kilns. account will be found at page 134 of No. 18 of the Dr. Benza thought it was limestone slab, but Journal of the Madras Literary Society.
certainly not pamice-stone, or in any way of volcanic About three miles beyond Kodutanni, and close origin. "The stone is white and osseous-looking, to the Antapar pass, on the right of the road, there and internally porous and reticulated." There are is a small hill about fifteen feet high and four two smaller mounds at the foot of the Copper hundred in circumference, and surrounded by hills | Mountain
MISCELLANEA.
NOTES ON EARLY-PRINTED TAMIL BOOKS. Some little time ago when reading Fra Paolino year 1679, at Ambalacate, on the coast of Malabar, Bartolomeo's Voyage to the East Indies the fol. From that period tie Danish missionaries at lowing passage attracted my notice, as indicating Tranquebar have printed many works, a catalogue a circumstance in the history of printing in this of which may be found in Alberti Fabricii Salutacountry which, as far as I was aware, was un ris Lu Evangeli, p. 395." known :
That the books mentioned as having been print. "The art of printing, in all probability, never ed at Ambalacatta, in the Cochin territory, in the existed in India. # # # The first book printed Tamil character, had a circulation in their time in in this country was the Doctrina Christiana of the Tamil country, seems evident from the follow. Giovanni Gonsalvez, a lay brother of the order of ing extract from Sartoriu' Diary for 1732, with the Jesuits, who, as far as I know, first cast Tamu. which I fell in also in the course of reading. On lic characters, in the year 1577. After this ap- & visit that this Danish missionary paid, in compeared in 1578 a book entitled Flos Sanctorum, pany with others from Tranquebar, to Paleiacatta which was followed by the Tamulic Dictionary [Pulicat, 23 miles N. of Madras), in February of of Father Antonio de Proenza, printed in the that year, he states: "The Malabar Catechist * pp. 295, 296.
Conf. Ind. Antiq. vol. II. p. 98.

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JUNE, 1873.]
EARLY TAMIL BOOKS.
181
.
showed us a transcript of a Malabar [Tamil] book was printed at Tranquebar in 1714. The other entitled Christiano Wanakkam, ' Christian Worship, part, completing the New Testament, came out printed in 1579 at Cochin, in the College of the in 1715. Mother of God,' for the use of the Christians on Tamil type continued to be cast in Halle for the the Pearl-fishery Coast. And so, no doubt, was purpose of aiding the Indian mission work. As another Malabar book, which we have seen in the we have already seen, Ziegeubalg's Grammatica possession of a Romish Christian at Tranquebar, Damulica, a small quarto of 128 pages, was printed of which the title is: "Doctrina Christam, a ma- there in 1716, which, though superseded by other neira de Dialogo feita em Portugal pello P. Marcos modern grammars, is interesting as the first attempt Jorge, da Companhia da Jesu : Tresladada em lin. to reduce the principles of the language to the gua Malavar ou Tamul, pello P. Anrique Anriquez rules of European science, and is valuable for the da mesma companhia. Em Cochin, no Collegio matter it contains. But the work was written in da Madre de Dios, a os quartoze de Novembro, de Latin, and never having been reprintod has beAnno de MDLXXIX.".
come very scarce. Two other works were also As transcripts began to be made so long ago as printed at Halle in Tamil for the use of Native the early part of the last century, it is hardly pos. Christians in this country: one in 1749, the Horsible to expect that any copy of these early-printed tulus Paradisaicus translated from the German of books may now be found, especially as the paper John Arndt, one of the most spiritual and search then used was not likely to be of a very durable ing writers of the Pietists as they were called, and kind.
printed in four parts in small 8vo, comprising 532 Ziegenbalg, in the preface to his Tamil Gram- pages; and the other a translation of another pomar (Grammatica Damulica] which he printed at pular German book by the same author, de Vero Halle in 1716, mentions that Tamil types had been Christianismo, which appeared in 1751, and concut at Amsterdam in 1678 for representing the sists of 399 pages of the same size as the former. names of some plants in the large work Horti Both these books obtained wide popularity in this Indici Malabariciy which appeared in six large country, and copies of them were to be found some volumes, but, whether from inexperience or care- ten or twenty years ago in old Native Christian lessness, the characters were so dissimilar to those families, where they were treasured as heirlooms. of the language, that he says the Tamils them- Founts of Tamil type were all this time also cut selves did not know them to be Tamil. The at- in India, and a long series of publications in the tempt, however, made at Halle in 1710 to produce language was issued from the Tranquebar Press. Tamil types seems to have been more successful As it is not intended to furnish a Bibliographical for Ziegenbalg's Tamil Grammar was printed there Index in this paper, I omit the mention of these. in 1716, and the Tamil characters are represented In 1761 the Madras Government presented the pretty fairly in it, though there was great room Vepery missionaries with a Press taken at Pondifor improvement. Fenger, in his "History of cherry from the French, and in 1793 the Christhe Tranquebar Mission," thus records this at- tian Knowledge Society in London sent out a tempt :-"The people there, though unacquainted Press to the Vepory Mission, and stores were conwith the Tamil language, succeeded in making tinued to be furnished from England by the So. some Tamil lettors, which they hastily tried, and ciety. The Vepery Mission Pre88-or as it is now sent out to Tranquebar; where the first part of better known as the Christian Knowledge Society's the New Testament, as well as other things, was Press, Vepery, Madras-has from that period, with printed with them. This sample, the very first two intervals of cessation from 1810 to 1819 and thing ever printed in Tamil characters, was the again from 1861 to 1866, been in operation with Apostles' Creed: and the friends in Halle, when varying degrees of activity, and is now the forethey despatched it with the printing-press, re- most agency in South India for the accurate and quested soon to be requited by a copy of the New elegant printing of Christian books and tracts in Testament in Tamil" (p. 87). The translation the vernaculars. of the New Testament into Tamil had been com
C. E. K. menced by Ziegenbalg on Oct. 17, 1708, two years Madras, April 21, 1878. after his arrival in the country, and brought to completion on March 21, 1711. Meanwhile the
NAKED PROCESSION. supply of Tamil type from Hallo enabled him to At the Sifihastha jAtra, lately held at Nasik, bring out the first part of the New Testament, one of the religious or quasi religious ceremonies containing the Gospels and the Acts, which is a procession of naked devotees, men and women.
Notices of Madras and Cuddalore in the last Century from the Journals of the Earlier Missionaries, p. 106. London: Longmans, 1868.

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[JUNE, 1873.
I believe a few fig-leaves are used to satisfy very sensitive feelings, but practically the people are naked or nearly 80.-Report by L. Ashburner, CS.I.
THE COORGS. Regarding the custom of polyandry said by Mr. Burnell * to be followed by the Coorgs, I feel constrained to state that its existence at any time is far from being proved. Whether polyandry may have occurred occasionally in former times, or may do so in these days, is of course a different ques. tion altogether. The Coorg custom of several nearly related families living together in the same house is certainly connected with its peculiar temptations. In bygone times, however, there was the custom of so-called "cloth-marriages." In these & man gave a cloth to a girl, and she accepting it became his wife without any further ceremonies; he might dismiss her at any time with. out being under the least obligation of providing either for her or the children born during the connection. This custom was abolished by one of the Lingavant Rajas, who, being unable to obtain as many girls for his harem as he wished, from wanton selfishness put a stop to it. The Rev. G. Richter in his Manual of Coorg (p. 41) says' tiger-weddings' take place among the Coorge. As this idea seems to spread, I take the liberty to mention that it has been wrongly inferred from the name given to a festivity, the name being nari mangala. In translating mangala in. to English its possible meaning marriage was hastily adopted, whereas in this case it means nothing but joyful occurrence; nari.mangala-tigerfeast. This last meaning of mangala has also as part of the Coorg compounds ett amangala, bullock-feast, and mane.mangala, house-feast.
Merkara, 13th March 1873. F. KITTEL.
شوند
طالب را هم صافیان صاف در درا هم تیره كان جاذب بودند
یار باشند زنکیان را هم زنی
كار
افتاد با رومیان
را روم چشم چون بستي ترا تاسر کرنت نور چشم از نور روزن مي شکفت تاسئہ تو جذب نور چشم بود
زود پیوندد بنور روز تا بر چشم باز ار تا سر کیرد مر ترا
بو کشا دانكر چشم دل ببستي ان تقاضاي دو چشم دل شناس
بيقیاس ضياي
جويد کو اي چون فراق آن در نور بي ثبات تا سر اور دت کشادي چشمهات
فراق آن دو نور پایدار بس
دار تا سر مي آرد مرا نرا پاس او چو میتواند مرا من بنگرم
پیکرم بد یا
و جذیم لايق
ON ATTRACTION AND REPULSION. No. II.
Translated by E. Rehatsek, M.O.E. Meenawy of Jellal-al-dyn Ramy, 2nd Duiftur.
All things attract each other in the world, The heat allares the heat, and cold the cold, A foolish portion fascinates the fools, The well-directed the remainder lure; The igneous attract the hell destined, The luminous draw on the sons of light; Also the pure attract the immaculate, Whilst the melancholy are courting pain; The Zangi from the Zangi friendship seeks; A Roman with a Roman gently deals. With closed eyes you are dismayed indeed Because the light of day rejoiced the eye; The eye's assimilation caused your grief, It longed quick to join the light of day. If eye again be thus dismayed to you, The heart's eye you have closed ! Why not indulge That heart-proclaiming bent of your two eyes Which longs for infinite brilliancy P When absence of those mundane fickle lights Distressed you, your eyes you opened! Thus separation from eternal lights Dismay will bring to you ; then cherish them! When He calls me I must investigate, Am I to be attracted or repelled P
در جهان ہر چیز چيزي جذب کرد کرم کرمي را کشید و سرد سرد
کشد
می باطلانرا باطل قسم
رشد
اہل کشند
مي باقیانرا
جان بند ناریا نرا
مر ناران
طالبند نوریانرا
مر نوریان
Specimens of 8. Indian Dialects, No. 8, Kodaga, pret. p. ii.

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JULY, 1873.]
ON COPYING INSCRIPTIONS.
ON COPYING INSCRIPTIONS.
HE two great desiderata in Indian ArcheTHE ology at the present time are-a connected history of Indian art, and a collection of the Inscriptions. So far as Architecture at least is concerned, the want, we believe, would soon be supplied by the only writer able to do full justice to the subject to interpret correctly its history and development, and to read therein the record of the past-were the materials only available. But they are not: nor is there much promise at present of their soon being forthcoming.
To the inscriptions, on the other hand, the attention of many labourers has been directed. Our knowledge of the early history of India is so extremely meagre, that those interested in it long since naturally gave their attention to the numerous existing records of this kind. Thus Lassen rote fully twenty years ago,-"the only hop perhaps of replacing the want of documents and annals... and of filling up the many lacunae in the history centres in the Inscriptions. Their high importance as a supplement to the history imperfectly transmitted to us, and as a means of fixing the eras of dynasties, was recognized and called attention to by him who laid the foundation of the knowledge of most branches of Indian Antiquities,-namely, Colebrooke, who himself also edited and translated several inscriptions with his usual accuracy. The learned Society, one of whose greatest ornaments he was, possesses in its Transactions most of the communications of this sortt; and several of its members have by these acquired imperishable merit in the investigation of Indian Antiquities. It is no slight to others if here I only specialize James Prinsep, who not only himself deciphered the oldest forms of writing, and edited more inscriptions than any one else, but who knew also how to incite his fellows to search for and communicate them." After enumerating some of the more remarkable, he justly adds, "as to the inscriptions collected, we are indebted for the knowledge and preservation of these ancient monuments of the country not so much to the care of Go
p. 238.
See Asiat. Res. vol. IX. p. 398, or Misc. Essays, vol. II. In the Asiat. Res. vol. I. printed at Calcutta in 1788, five inscriptions are given, three of them translated by C. Wil kins; and the first mention is made of the Asoka inscriptions, at p. 879.
Lassen, Indische Alterthumskunde, vol. II. pp. 42 to 45.
183
vernment as to the zeal and care of isolated individuals; who have hence acquired the merit of securing them from the destruction to which so many others have fallen a prey, and have thus contributed as far as they were able to their preservation. In order to utilize those collected for the purposes of science, it would be necessary that a scholar qualified by requisite knowledge should arrange and edit them, which however could only be accomplished were the Indian Government to allow a subsidy for the labour. That, however, will probably remain a pium desiderium, though such an obligation is much more incumbent on it than editing the cuneiform inscriptions was on the French Government, or the collecting and elaborating the Greek and Latin inscriptions on the Prussian Academy of Sciences."+
The list of workers in this department is thus briefly summarized by Mr. A. C. Burnell§:
"The Portuguese at Goa took some inscriptions on stone to their native country, but Sir Chas. Wilkins was the first to explain one (at Cintra), about the end of the last century. The earlier volumes of the Asiatic Researches contain several interpreted by Wilkins, Jones, and Colebrooke, and in the later volumes H. H. Wilson contributed many valuable articles on this subject. The Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal about forty years ago made (by the articles by J. Prinsep, Dr. Mill, and others) immense progress, and of later years the same Journal, the Journals of the Royal Asiatic Society and of the Bombay Society, have often done much to advance the study of the Sanskrit inscriptions of India, and the names of Mr. Norris, Professor Dowson, Mr. Thomas, Mr. Bayley, Dr. Bhâu Dâjî, and Babu Rajendralâl Mittra need scarcely be mentioned as most diligent and successful decipherers. In the South of India an immense number of inscriptions xist in the socalled Dravidian languages, many of which are not inferior in antiquity or interest to most of the Sanskrit and Prakrit inscriptions of the
SA few suggestions as to the best way of making and utilising copies of Indian Inscriptions. By A. C. Burnell, M.C.S., M.R.A.S., Madras, 1870. The contents of this well-considered little pamphlet are so deserving of attention, and of being made more widely known than they as yet seem to be, that the greater portion of it is now reproduced in these columns.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
(JULY, 1873.
North ; 'nor have they been neglected, though, with the efception of a few articles in the Madras Journal) published by Sir W. Elliot, and containinig the results of his own researches and those of the late F. W. Ellis, nothing has been, as yet, made public. Colonel Mac. kenzie, however, at the beginning of this century, made an immense collection of copies of inscriptions, and to the disinterested labour of Mr. C. P. Brown we uwe the existence of copies of this collection, which, though purchased by Government for an enormous sum, had been neglected and suffered to rot from want of a little care. What remains of the originals, and all Mr. Brown's copies, are st Madras. Copies of inscriptions collected by Sir W. Elliot in the Canarese country were presented by him to the R. A. Society of London. Of late years General Cunningham has made large collections of copies of inscriptions in the North of India." Apart from these partial and local collections, an attempt was made about thirty years ago, by the late Mons. Jacquet, to commence s "Corpus' of Indian Inscriptions, and, had not an untimely death interrupted his scheme, much might have been done."
To this he farther adds, -"A large volume of photographs of inscriptions from Mysore and Dharwar has been published by Dr. Pigon and Colonel Barr, but unfortunately few of these are clearly legible, and many seem to be of small value. The book is also very costly. The same remarks hold good of Captain Tripe's photographs of the inscriptions at Tanjore."
To these latter may be added the quarto volume of Photographs of Inscriptions in the ancient Canarese Language taken from Stone and Copper Sašanas, and photographed for the Government of Mysore by Major H. Dixon,"containing 151 photographs of inscriptions or parts of inscriptions, on 57 large quarto pages, but many of them are taken on so small a scale and so badly as to be almost without exception nearly useless.
The fact is-photographing inscriptions is a special branch of the art, and requires the use of a proper lens and a special mode of treatinent, of which amateur photographers are generally ignorant: thus the art comes to be blamed through its professors.
"It is beyond doubt," remarks Mr. Burnell, "that the real work of collection and decipherment of Indian Inscriptions is as yet scarcely begun. Most also of what has already been done will certainly bave to be done again." And, we may add, what has been done under the patronage or at the expense of Government during the last ten or twelve years should demand attention first, for it is the most unsatisfaotory. So long as such work is entrusted to amateur photographers and official routine, it is only to be expected that the bulk of it will be unsatisfactory and disappointing.
Elsewhere in his pamphlet Mr. Burnell remarks "that even the best-known inscriptions in India have only been copied in the very rougbest possible way may not be a generally known faot, but such is the case. The great inscription of Kapur-di-giri (near Peshawar), which is of surpassing interest, is only known by a badly executed impression on cloth wrongly pieced together. Mr. Edwin Norris's wonderful skill and acuteness have restored and deciphered it, but an estampage (made as below directed) would be still of the greatest value. The Asoka inscriptions (except that at Girnar, which was properly copied nearly 30 years ago by General Le Grand Jacob and Professor Westergaard) have been equally neglected; one of these exists (I believe) near Ganjam. These inscriptions are the great fact in early Indian History, and yet our knowledge of them is most imperfect.
"A single instance may show how much curious information even trivial inscriptions will give. The temple of Tirukkazhukkunramp, some 36 miles S. of Madras, is well known, as few residents in the neighbourhood have not been there to see the kites come and be fed at noon. This curious usage (the temple is now devoted to the worship of Siva) has never been explained. An inspection of the inscriptions there shows that the temple was once Jains, and thus the practice becomes intelligible. However, on reading Taranatha's History of Indian Buddhions (in Tibetan), I found this temple mentioned there as a famous Buddhist shrine by the name of Pakshitîrtha, or in the Tibetan corresponding name) Bird-convent. This succes
.: Even this inscription ought to be copied again: there is more than ruspicion of some error in the copy here referred to.-ED.
+ See Ind. Ant. vol. I. pp. 219, 818.-I.

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ON COPYING INSCRIPTIONS.
185
sion of cults is of the greatest interest, and shows a perfect mould of the inscription. Paper large that modern Hinduism has been chiefly developed enough to cover most inscriptions is easily to be in South India."
had; in the case of very large ones, it is necesMr. Burnell's suggestions as to methods he sary to lap over the edges of the sheets and thus states :-"What yet remains to be done, apply a little gam and water or weak paste to is to make available to the scientific public copies whem, and also to prevent those sheets first of all existing inscriptions; and this involves a applied from falling, and thus spoiling the rest, uniform system of preparing such copies. a few poles or sticks leaning against the Scattered as inscriptions are over the whole of corners in large, or the gum used for joining, in India, it is at present chimerical to attempt to small inscriptions, will be found enough. When study them; to say nothing of the want of time
properly dried, copies made in this way in for such work experienced by all students re- French, "estampages'), may be rolled up or sident there. To make and collect copies is pat in blank books without the slightest injury, however a mechanical task, which may be easily and even will stand damp." done ; and now that a little interest is awakened "The second process is applicable to inscripregarding the ancient civilization of the many tions on plates of metal; I devised it several races of India, á few suggestions as to the best years ago and never found it fail. The plate or way of doing so may not be thought inoppor- plates should be carefully cleaned with a dry tune, especially by those who see that a work of brush, and the letters occasionally must be cleared this kind if not soon done, can perhaps never out with a blunt graver. The native process of be done at all. Inscriptions are daily being rubbing the plates with acid, and then putting destroyed during repairs of temples, and by the them in the fire to loosen the incrustations, country people taking stones from ruins. Cop- should never be resorted to, as it invariably inper sâsanas find their way to the melting-pot. jares them fatally. From the cleaned plate an The first question is - How to make the copies ? impression (reverse) is to be next taken by Many ways have been tried ; rubbings by heel passing & roller charged with ink over the plate, ball on paper, impressions on linen made by a and then printing from it as from an ordinary pad daubed with printing-ink; sketcb-drawings, copper-plate. From this impression another photographs, &c. &c. Considerable experience may be taken by means of an ordinary copperand a number of experiments have convinced plato press; and with a little practice a perfect me that all these methods are defective, and facsimile may be thus obtained, the letters being that only two ways are really trustworthy; one white, and the rest of the plate appearing a dark applicable to inseriptions on stone, and the | grey. Photozincography and many other me other to those on metal.
'thods exist by which 'estampages' and facsi"Firstly for inscriptions on stone, I recom- miles made by the last process may be multiplied mend impressions on stout unsized paper, such to any extent." as is now manufactured at Paris for the use of | The processes here suggested are most useful, Egyptologists. The inscription must first of and in experienced hands they. yield very all be quite cleared of dust or mud or other Batisfactory results. Copying by the eye, where obstructions, and this may be best done by the character and language are not familiar, and
hard clothes-brush. The paper is then to any of the letters indistinct, is most tedious and be rapidly but uniformly wetted in a tub of unsatisfactory : and as it is desirable to be able water, and applied to the inscription and forced to copy inscriptions when no printing-press and into the irregularities by repeated and forcible few appliances are available, --some other strokes with a hard brush-an ordinary clothes- methods may be noticed :brush is as good as any for the purpose. If the 1. When the surface of the stone or plate, stone be clear of dust the paper adheres, and between the letters, is perfectly smooth, as in when dry falls off, forming (if at all well done) the case of marble or polished granite, & rub.
Cf. also the remarks of Prinsep and Mill, and recently paper used, and the difficulty (or impossibility) of managing of Dr. Bhdu Dáji, as to the great alterations required by the light. improved transcripts of inscriptions long known and pub. Bat compare the lithographs of the Vallapakam SA. lished. The great objection to photography M & means of fanas, from copies made by the second process above, with reproducing inscriptions consists in the imperfections of the the facsimiles that appear elsewhere in this journal.

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methods must be adopted, which need not bel detailed, as only professional experts could put them in practice.
4. Small inscriptions may be copied (in inverse) by covering them with tin-foil and laying over it a coat of wax pressed well down, and backed with a piece of pasteboard or thin board. From this a cast in plaster of Paris for a stereotype might be obtained.
5. For inscriptions whether in stone or metal, there is another easy process :-Rub the inscription over with coarse chalk, or lime (pipeclay will not answer) and water, letting it settle as much as possible in the letters. When it is just dry, with a hard pad that will not search into the letters, rub off the white colouring from the surface; then copy on tracing cloth or paper fixed over it:-the white in the letters will render them perfectly legible through the tracing cloth. Inscriptions thus prepared may also be photographed with a copying lens, and the negative should be intensified in a bath of bichloride of mercury and washed with hydrosulphate of ammonia or a thin solution of hyposulphate of soda. For this process it would however be better to whiten only the surface and have the letters dark. Negatives so prepared are suited for zincographic printing.
The knowledge of these processes may be useful to private individuals desirous to obtai copies of inscriptions they may come across, but it is not to be expected that many should learn to use them with perfect success, still less that an amateur here and a dilettante there, in so vast. a country as India, should contribute much to the formation of a Corpus inscriptionum Indicarum, such as any other government but an English one would long ago have set about. There seems to be only one feasible way of preparing such a body of inscriptions: the work must be entrusted to one skilled hand having the use of at least a portion of the resources of a lithographic or photozincographic office, one or two of the lads of which he could speedily train in all the processes required. Portable inscriptions, such as copper plates, could be copied and printed rapidly and at comparatively small expense. For the stone inscriptions, estampages should in the first This process is also applicable for taking, moulds from sculptures in basso-rilievo. But see Dr. Forbes Watson's Report on the Illustration of the Archaic Architecture of India, pp. 39 and 45, and Mr. Lottin de Laval's Manual Complet de Lottino-plastique, Paris, 1857.
bing with shoemaker's heel-ball will be found a most satisfactory and expeditious method. The paper should be wove or printing paper, not thick; and care should be taken to rub the paper well down upon the inscription before applying the heel-ball, which should be rubbed gently over it, first in a direction making a small angle with the lines, and then at right angles to the first. Of course the slightest movement of the paper during the process spoils the copy. The smaller the letters and the less deeply cut they are, the finer and softer must be the paper.
2. Another process, better adapted for rougher surfaces, is to press or gently beat down the paper,-which ought to be soft and very pliable, and may be slightly damped before applying it to the surface; then with a pad made of patti (cotton tape such as is used for bedsteads) wound tightly round a handle and covered with a piece of fine cotton, dab it over with thin Indian ink. A little practice will enable any one to make excellent copies in this way.
3. If an inscription is clearly cut in stone, a very good "estampage" may readily be obtained, in the manner described by Mr. Burnell, by means of the common whitey-brown coarse paper to be obtained in any native town. If the letters are large or deeply cut, and the wetted paper tears in beating it home, another wet sheet has only to be beat down over it, or even a third if thought desirable. When the inscription is in cameo, as most of the Muhammadan ones are, four or more thicknesses of paper may be required. When dry it can be peeled off, and forms a pretty stiff mould of the inscription. Copper-plates may similarly be copied with a finer, thin, but tough paper, wetted, beat well in with a small hard brush, and the beating continued until the paper is quite dry. And when the plates have been much oxidized, as most of the Valabhi ones are, leaving a rough surface with but shallow traces of the letters, and Mr. Burnell's process would not give a good reverse impression,-paper-squeezes made in this way may often be found useful, especially if the letters are traced on the upper side of the squeeze with a fine black pencil. But to obtain perfect copies, in such cases, and they are of frequent occurrence, other and more laborious

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VAISHNAVA POETS OF BENGAL.
:
187
ploce be got of all of which the value is not known; where these were good, if the inscrip- tion were worth publication, they would only require to be transferred and printed; where they were unsatisfactory, but the inscription of apparent interest, a trained hand could be sent to obtain a faithful facsimile by the process best suited to the circumstances of the case. It may
be safely asserted that, had the money spent on inscriptions during the last ten years been judiciously employed in this way, we should now have had a body of inscriptions equal in execution to any ever published, and considerably more numerous than the total of those on which so much has been almost uselessly spent.
THE EARLY VAISHNAVA POETS OF BENGAL.
II-CHANDI DÂS.
BY JOHN BEAMES, B.C.S., M.B.A.S., &c. Next in rank to Bidya pati comes Chan- be still standing in the village of Nadür, where di Das, who though older in age did not our poet was born and lived. The date of his begin to write so early as his brother-poet. He conversion to Vaishņavism is not known, but he was a Barendro Brahman, and was born in A.D. died in 1478, in the sixty-second year of his age. 1417 at Nadûr, a village near the Thana of His conversion and subsequent conduct appears Sakalipûr, in the present British District of to have made his native place too hot to hold Birbhum in Western Bengal, which lies about him, for he passed the latter years of his life at forty miles to the north west of the celebrated Châtera, a village far to the south in the present town of Nadiya (Nuddea). He was at first district of Bankura. After he became a a Śâuta or worshipper of the Sakti or female Vaishnava, he thought it necessary to provide procreative energy typired by the goddess Durga, himself with a Vaishnavi, and selucted for this wife of Siva, one of whose names, Chandi, purpose a woman named Rand, of the dhobi or the "enraged," he bears. The particular or washerman caste, a proceeding which must idol affected by this sect is termed Bå suli, have given grave offence to his orthodox kinand was probably a non-Aryan divinity adopt- dred, and is remarkable as showing that the obed by the Aryan colonies in Bengal. Her literation of the distinctions of caste, so characrade woodland temples are found still in the teristic of early Vaishņavism, had come into mountains and submontane jungles of Western existence before the times of Chaitanya, and Bengal, and all down the hill-ranges of Orissa, that he, like so many other popular reformers, and I have even met with them on the Suban- did not so much originate, as concentrate and rekha, and along the coast of the Bay of Bengal. elevate into doctrine, an idea which had long A fine Sanskřit name has been fitted to this been vaguely floating and gaining force in the wild forest divinity, and she is called by the minds of his countrymen, Brahmans Visâlâ kshi, or the "large-eyed." Chandi Dá s and his contemporary Bid. her statues represent her holding in her up- yâpati were acquainted with each other, and lifted arms two elephants, from whose trunks the Pada-kalpataru coritains some poems (2409water pours on to her head. In the rustic vil- 2415) descriptive of their meeting on the banks of lage shrines in her honour one sees masses of the Ganges and singing songs in praise of Radha small figures of elephants made of earth, baked and Krishna together. The style of the two poets by the village potters and offered by women;
| is very much alike, but there is perhaps more heaps of these little figures, all more or less sweetness and lilt in Bidyâ pati. Favourable spe. smashed and mutilated, surround the shrine, cimens of Chandi Dâs are the following :where stands a figure once perhaps distinguish. able as that of a human being, but so smeared
Krishna's Grief.* with oil and encrusted with repeated coatings Se je nagara gumadhâma of vermilion as to have lost all shape or recog. Japaye tohari nama, nizable details. One of these temples is said to Sunite tohâri bậta
* In the transliteration the guttural nasal is written 1, the palatal , the cerebral n, and the anuswäran. In old Bengali the two former are of frequent occurrence, representing respectively ng and ny. The ordinary dental n is not marked.
I.

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Palake bharaye gâta, Abanata karibira Lochane jharaye nira, Jadi bâ puchhiye bâņi, Ulați karaye påņi, Kahiye tohari rite Ana na bujhabi chite, Dhairaja nahika tây,
Baru Chandi Dase gây. I. iv. 94. The confidante loquitur.
That gay one who is the abode of virtue Incessantly murmurs thy name, On hearing a word of thee His limbs are pervaded by a thrill, Bending down lowly his head Tears pour from his eyes, If one should ask him & word He waves (him) away with his hand, If one should speak concerning thee Thou wilt see there is nothing else in his
mind; There is no firmness (left) in him ; A serious matter Chandi Dås sings.
(The same.) E dhani, e dhani, bachana sun Nidån dekhiye åinu pun; Dekhite dekhite bâphala byâdhi, Jata tata kari nahiye budhi, Na bândhe chikur nå pare chir, Nó khay Chân na piye nfr. Sonaka baran hoīla syâm, Sonari sohari tohári nam; Nå chihne mânukh nimikh nâi, Kather putali rahiyâchhe châi. Tuli khâni dila nâsikâ majhe, Tabe se bujhinu śwÅsa achhe. Achhaye bwasa na rahe jib, Bilamba na kara âmår dib! Chandi Dâsa kahe biraha bâdha, Kebal marame okhadha Radha. Ah lady! ah lady! hear a word, At length having seen (him) I have como
again; Looking, looking, (my) pain increased, Whatever was done profited not. He binds not his hair, he girds not his waist, He ents not food, he drinks not water. The colour of gold Syam has become, Constantly remembering thy name. He does not recognize any one, his eye
does not wink,
He remains with fixed look like a doll of
wood. I placed a piece of wool to his nose, Then only I perceived that he breathed. There is breath, but there remains no life, Delay not, my happiness depends on it! Chandi Das saith it is) the anguish of
separation In his heart, the only medicine is Radha.
I. iv. 98. In this second example a ruthless modernization has taken place. The modern editor, ignorant of the older language, has substituted the forms in present use for those which he did not understand. Thus in the seventh line he had written sonar, which spoils the tone; it is necessary to read sonaka, which is almost certainly what Chandi Das really wrote, as a play upon the name syåm, "black," and meaning that Krishņa, though naturally black, had turned yellow from grief. So also in the line " Kather putali rahiyâchhe chai" the singer can only bring the tune out rightly by singing the modern word rahiyachhe as rehese or rahisi, which is a very recent vulgarism of the Bengali of to-day. There can be no doubt that we ought to restore the line thus : "Kathaka patali rahila cháyi." In the next line the sense demands that dila, which, if anything, is a third person singular preterite, should be rejected for dinu, the old first person, as shown by bujhinu in the next line. The letters 1 and n are not distinguished in ordinary Bengali manscripts, and the error thus arose. There are several very singular and strictly old Bengali forms in this song, the presence of which is quite incompatible with the modernized forms which the editor has given to some of the verbs. Thus soñari would not easily be known, without some explanation, as from the Sanskrit 'smarana, remembrance. The Bengalis are unable to pronounce compound consonants like sm; they utter the . with a good deal of stress, leaving the m to make itself heard only as a slightly labial breath; the nasal portion of them has here fixed itself, oddly enough, as a guttural, probably owing to the guttural n following. The Sanskrit verb sms has been made to furnish a participle, omari, which by the operation of the above process has become sofari. Precisely parallel is the transition of bhramara, bee,' into bhanar. Another old word is okhud, Sanskrit bhanar. Another aushadha, medicine,' in which the Hindi cus

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VAISHNAVA POETS OF BENGAL.
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tom of representing by kh is seen; while, on the other hand, in the rejection of the aspirate and the putting d for dh, as also in the substitution of the labial vowel u for the a of the original Sanskrit, we see a distinct peculiarity of the modern Bengali (see my Comp. Gram.vol. I. p. 132).
After making every allowance, however, for the propensity to modernize, observable in the printed edition, it must be admitted that Chandi Das's language approaches nearer to the present Bengali than Bidyå patis. This may be accounted for by the greater learning of the former. His poetry is inferior to Bidy&pati's in sweetness and vigour, but superior to it in learning and accuracy. He probably used intentionally all the new forms of the language which were then coming into fashion, and it must be remembered that, though a Brahman, he was no courtly poet like his contemporary, but a man of humble rank, and, after his conversion to the new creed, one who identified himself with the people, and lived in a rural village in a part of the country far removed from the abodes of great men. He appears to have mixed up with the common rustic speech of the day as many big Sanskrit words as he could, being thus one in that line of Sanskritizers whose influence has been so powerful on modern Bengali. As an additional complication to the obscure problem of the origin of this language, must also be adduced the consideration that the Vaishnava creed came to Bengal from the upper provinces, into which it had been introduced from the South by the followers of Râ mânuja, especially R â mânand of Oudh, in 1850 A.D., and his disciple the celebrated Kabir. The tenets of the sect had been popularized by the poems of this latter, and the equally celebrated Oudh poet Sar Dâs, whose immense collection of poems, called the Sûr Sågar, might almost be mistaken for the writings of Bidyâpati, so identical are they both in the language employed and in the sentiments expressed. It is therefore not improbable that the Vaishnava poets of Bengal intentionally employed Hindi and semi-Hindi words and phrases; and this suspicion, which is unfor- tunately too well-founded to be overlooked,
throws a haze of doubt round Bidyâ pati's style. This is the difficulty which confronts the student of the Indian languages at every step in reading an old author : he is never sure how far the style employed is really a faithful representation of the language spoken by the poet's countrymen and contemporaries. This doubt prevents us from using these old materials with confidence, and detracts immensely from the value of any deductions we may make from them. In the Pada-kalpataru are contained numerous poems in pure Sanskrit by the celebrated poet Jayadeva; and two of Chaitanya's principal disciples, R & p and Sanatan, also only wrote in Sanskrit. It would not however be correct to infer that Sanskrit was spoken in their time. These two men were to Brindaban what Layard was to Nineveh, its discoverers. They went to Mathura, and, apparently guided by their own preconceived ideas only, fixed upon the sites of all places necessary to establish the Krishna-saga. They found out Braj and Govardhan and all the other places, and established temples and groves, and set on foot worship therein. They must certainly have been acquainted with the Hindi of these days to be able to do all that they did, and their habit of writing in Sanskrit is a mere learned caprice. But if they chose to write Sanskrit, Bidyâ pati may equally well have chosen to write in Hindi, or what he took for Hindi; and the only reason therefore for assuming some of his words and forms to be the origin of modern Bengali forms is that we can trace the regular development of each type from his forms down to the modern ones.
It seems for the above reason unnecessary to delay longer over this poet, whose style is inferior to that of Bidyâpati, while hie diction is less instructive. It was necessary to make some mention of him, on account of his reputation, but it is extremely difficult to find among his poems any that are fit for reproduction. One does not, it is true, write" virginibus puerisque," but even from a scientific point of view it is not advisable to plunge into obscenity unless there be some pearls in the dunghill worth extracting, and this I cannot say is the case with Chandi Dâs.

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WALKING THROUGH FIRE.
BY H. J. STOKES, M.C.S., NEGAPATAM. The following are notes of evidence given at the trench like the rest. He had not made one an inquest on a boy, aged fourteen, who lost his pace, when his legs crossed, and he fell on his life on the 30th of April last from burns re- right side, and then rolled over on his left. Where ceived in attempting to perform the ceremony
he fell was near the edge of the trench, so one of of walking through fire. The practice of this
us pulled him out by the hand. They got a ceremony is prohibited in this Presidency; yet
pumpkin, and applied the juice of it to the it appears to have been maintained for many
wounds. Then his mother and sister carried him
in a swinging-cot home. The moment he was years past in the village Periyangudi,
pulled out he said he felt giddy, and fell down. without having been discovered by the autho
He did not speak again. He looked quite well rities. When the magistrate went to the spot,
before he got into the trench. Like the rest who the place where the fire was kindled had been walked through the fire, he wore a cloth wrapped ploughed over, so as to conceal it. A close in- tight round his waist, and his breast and arms spection, however, revealed the fire-pit, which were daubed with sandal." was found to measure 27 feet long by 7} broad. Ndgappa Malavardyan states :-"I live in the It was about a span deep. The situation was on
next street to the temple of Draupati. When I was an extensive open plain before the village deity
away in Mauritius I was for eight years ill with Draupati Amman's temple. The pit lay
dyspepsia, and made a vow to the goddess of this
temple to walk through fire if I got well. Four east and west ; the image of the goddess was
years ago I recovered, and last April I returned placed at the west end, and it was towards it
to my village from Mauritius. The landholders that the worshipper walked along the length
of Periyângudi, Válke, and Shengandr supply the of the pit from east to west.
materials required for the ceremony. That day the Virappa Vandyan states :-"I was one of the fire was lit at noon; at two o'clock the fuel bad burnt eight persons who carried the goddess Draupati to embers. I had fasted all the day, and had Amman to the place where the fire-treading took bathed in the tank of the Valke Agraharam. I got place. The fire-pit was a trench about two poles down into the fire at the east end, meditating on long, by two strides broad. Six babal trees were | Draupati, walked through to the west, and up the cut into faggots and kindled. Those who trod bank, then I went to the temple and got ashes, on the fire were Nachchu, Pajari of Periyangudi; which I rubbed on me, and then went home. We Chidambaram, Pajari of Angalamman temple at went down to the fire to the sound of tom-toms, Achchutamangalam; Ramasami Pillei, Stanika tabors, drums and bells at 5-80 P.M. There were of Draupati Amman of Periyangudi, and resident two or three hundred people there." of Shengandr; Sáminada Padey&chi of the same Nachchu Padeydchi states :-"I am Pâjâri of place; his brother Subraya; Subbanyakkan of this temple of Draupati. I have walked through VAlkei; MuttyAlu his brother: Aryappan, dealer the fire every year for the last seven or eight years, in oil; Nagalinga Pillei; Mattusámi Pillei of I made no vow. It is my duty as Pajári to walk Manvēli; my brother Någappa Våndyn; Kol. through the fire. I took the Karakam (an earthlumalei, Pajari of Valkei; and the deceased, Pak en pot) from the temple to the Agraharam, kiri-in all thirteen persons. Of these Nachcha, where I bathed. Then we all came here with the Pajari, wont first into the pit at the east end, music. The tabor-player first, then the Stanikan and walked through it to the west end, where he (superintendent of temple), and then I went down got out. So did the next Pajari, Chidambaram, into the fire, and walked across it. Then the holding a small tabor in his hand. The Stanfka others followed one by one." (or superintendent of temple) came next, ringing Abhirdmi states :-" Pakkiri is my younger a bell. Thus each of the persons above mentioned, brother. My daughter, six years old, was ill with except Pakkiri, walked through the fire, one fever, and I vowed & Mâvilakku to the god beginning after the other had done. As each got dess. We went to Pakkiri's house, and he acup out of the trench, he went and walked through companied us to the fire-pit the day before yester. a second pit dug at the west end of the fire-pit, day in the evening. There was a great crowd. and filled with water. This is called the Pál-Kuļi I stood at some distance and looked on. I did not or milk-pit. Last of all, Pakkiri got down into see Pakkiri go into the pit, but I saw him when
• An offering of Inended rice flour in the midst of which a depression is made for oil or ghee to barn in, w in a lamp. The word means "flour-lamp."

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he was brought from it. He was burnt all over. They applied the juice of a pumpkin to the burns. Meanwhile the news reached my mother, and she came to the spot. She and I put him in a cot and carried him home. We put cocoanut oil on his wounds. He died at 8 o'clock. He did not speak once. He had had an attack of jaundice, and we made a vow to Drôpati, saying 'Mother, if he recovers we shall tread on your fire.""
Periya Kutti states:-"Pakkiri, who is lying here a corpse, is my son. He was attacked with jaundice; and I made a vow of treading fire for it. He got well. So he trod the fire last year and the year before. But this year his fate came upon him. I am blind of both eyes. I did not go with Pakkiri to the fire-treading. I went when I heard news that he had fallen in the fire and been burnt. I and my daughter carried him home. He died last night. I have no one else in the house but him."
The old blind woman carrying home her only son dying is a sad picture; and a case occurred a few years ago in this district of a young woman, with her infant, being fatally burned at one of these ceremonies. But such accidents seldom happen, and the custom is rapidly becoming obsolete.
It will be observed in this case that the fire was kindled at noon, but the ceremony of treading it did not commence till some five hours after, when the wood was all consumed, and there remained nothing but hot wood embers. These would hardly injure the tough skin of the sole of a labourer's foot, even had he not been preceded by at least three persons connected with the temple, in whose footsteps he doubtless trod devoutly. The incredulous say that these experienced persons use e preparation which protects their feet from the fire; and the oil extracted from the large green frog, which inhabits some tanks, is said to be used for this purpose.
There are various ways of celebrating this ceremony. I have myself seen the boys and girls at a fair in the Southern Marâthâ Country take a running leap through flames which rose out
Some time ago I found amongst the books of a zamindar a manuscript book, written by himself, containing a collection of mantras, astrological problems, and native prescriptions. The
191
of a narrow pit. In some places the devotee merely jumps upon a flame produced by a handful or two of firewood; in others he rolls on heated embers. At Karnûl the ceremony is described as having taken place as follows in 1854:"A pit is dug, of no great breadth or depth, and a fire lighted within it. The persons who engage in the ceremony are those who have vowed to perform it if successful in particular undertakings, or if they or any of their relatives should recover from any dangerous sickness. They form a circle round the pit, and commence walking slowly round it; as they get excited they move faster, and under the influence of the excitement one or other of the party jumps by turn into the pit, and out again on the other side, with great alacrity, some taking the precaution to have their clothes well saturated before doing so." In some places they run, and in others (as in the case which is the subject of this communication) they walk slowly over the embers.
The "Karakam" which is borne on the head of the Pajari is supposed to be supported there miraculously. It is filled with water, and crowned with margosa leaves. The word is Sanskrit.
ON SOME BENGALI MANTRAS.
BY G. H. DAMANT, B.C.S., BANGPUR.
The practice of fire-treading is connected in some places with a legend of Draupadi, the wife of the Pandavas. She is supposed to have had to enter the fire on account of the impurity she underwent from the touch of Kichaka. The orthodox account tells only of an unsuccessful attempt to burn her with Kichaka's body. There is probably some confusion in the popular mind between Draupadi and Sitâ, who had to prove her purity by fire.
I have heard of a case in this district where, since Government set its face against the ancient practice, the people use flowers instead of fire, and tread on them devoutly in honour of the goddess. Could any reform have had a happier ending? Negapatam.
mantras are those used by the ojhas or wise men of the district; they are on a variety of subjects, such as for driving away evil spirits, for preventing anything evil from entering the

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(JULY, 1873.
house, for detecting a thief, for summoning | Come, Brahmachari ! three times in my media the gods, for enchanting a person, for closing the tation I have called thee, praying with revemouths of snakes and dogs, and for curing snake- rence. With my dread invocation I have shaken bite. The meaning is always obscure, and in and moved the circle of the heavens. Come! I many cases quite unintelligible, but some of have called many times. Make no answer but them seem to have more connection than others break thy doors, goddess, and come. and admit of translation. They are written in I cannot doubt that the "Meri" invoked in the worst possible Bengali, with numerous pro- this mantra is our “Mary"—the allusion to vincial words, so that the task of translating
riding on an ass seems to prove it satisfactorily. them has been by no means an easy one. I I presume the name must have been picked have given rough translations of two as spe- up from some Roman Catholic Missionary. cimens.
It is curious to note how the mountain tribes The first seems to have been used to drive the Mech, Kochh, and Bhatiyas are regarded as away evil spirits, and is as follows.
a species of evil spirit and pat in the same cateListen, Meri, my mother! attend on my gory with a Dakini. The word I have transmeditation whilst I play my play.
lated "pure " is wiranjan : it appears to mean I salate black Kali with her tawny locks; here without colouring matter,'' puro essence;'
From time to time my mother assumes divers but I know of no parallel. dresses.
The next mantra is one used by snake-charmListen, Meri! &c.
ers. It is supposed that when a person is sufferI salute the Dakini of the Dak quarter ; the ing from snake bite it is necessary to discover Mechini of the Mech quarter; I salute the what kind of snake has bitten him before he Bhutani of the Bhutia quarter; the Kochini of can be properly treated. The snake-charmers the Koch quarter.
use a peculiar kind of cowrie for this purpose, Listen, Meri! &c.
called gátiya: it is distinguished from the comThy father rode on an ass, thy mother on a mon kind by its wrinkled shell. This cowrie is she-ass. You cannot bear the sound of the name supposed to move under the influence of the manof Brahma.
tra quoted below, and to go to the place where Listen, Meri! &c.
the snake is. The mantra is as follows :The Dakini repeats the name of Brahma, The bird speaks, listening to the voice of his. calling Brahma ! Brahma !
mate. The old Rakshasas say, Gosain, forbear to He has flown away to the city of Kama repeat the name of Brahma.
ksha (Kamrup). Listen, Meri ! &c.
The bird, &c. You cannot bear the influence of the name of
He has flown away to the southern city. Brahma. By repeating the name of Brahma,
The bird, &c. the great name, I moved the heavens. The seats
He has flown away to the eastern city. of the gods moved in heaven.
The bird, &c. Listen, Meri ! &c.
He has flown away to the western city. From the race of Brahma you are sprung: Leaving all sadness, he mounts up to heaven. with Brabma you live. Leave heaven and come
When he reached heaven he drank poison; down, goddess : appear in the sky.
When he had drunk six chittaks of poison, Listen, Meri! &c.
Tumbling, falling, he falls on the ground; Where do you linger, goddess ? In what are
Falling on the ground he flutters; you entangled ? Cut the fastening, cut the
He returns to the city whence he came. knot, and come quickly.
Like a golden doll he rolls in the dust; Listen, Meri! &c.
He walks on foot but cannot go forward; The name of Brahma is pure, his body is a He walks with his hands but cannot move; cypher. Brahmachâri, club-bearing ! come run- He makes lamentation and beats his forening swiftly.
head;
.
• But conf. Ind. Ant. anto, p. 160, and the Maru-devi of the Jains.-ED.

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Being without resource, what does he then ? He sent a letter to Bishari.
THE JAINS.
Bishari! Bishari! he calls many times. Whilst he was calling, Padmavati thought on him.
Hearing his cry, what does Padmâ then? She took a sword and silver stick in her hand, and golden sandals on her feet,
And goes slowly to the river of Netanâ. Netanâ! Netanâ! she calls many times. Netanâ was astonished when she heard, And began to put on her eight ornaments, On her leg anklets, on her feet a ring, Bracelets on her arms, on her neck a hansuli In her nose a nose-ring, on her forehead vermilion,
And slowly she went to the presence of Takshak.
Listen, listen, Takshak, snake! why do you sit still ?
Come quickly and save the boy, he has been bitten by a snake.
Hearing this, what does Takshak, snake? Slowly, slowly he goes to the village of
Nåkindar.
Thy body, Nâkindar, trembles at the bed
side.
THE views hitherto entertained on the origin and development of the Jaina sect differ considerably from each other. Wilson assumes that this religious doctrine either originated so late as the decline of Buddhism, in the begin
Listen, listen, Nâkindar! you must die. Go to the right hand, Nakindar, go to the
left:
The words translated "you must die" do not accurately give the meaning of the original, which is kár práne jáo, meaning: What form of life will you assume after death?
Padma or Padmavati is used in this district as a synonym for Bishari.
Nakindar is said to have been the youngest son of a banker who quarrelled with Manasâ, the goddess of snakes. The goddess in anger said that all his sons should die of snake-bite, and accordingly each of them was killed by a snake on the night of his marriage. For a long time the father of Nâkindar refused to allow him to marry, but at last he consented and built a room made entirely of iron, so that no snake could enter. On the marriage night Nâkindar and his bride Boulla were sleeping in this iron room on a bed made of gold and silver, when a
Nakindar! Nâkindar! he calls many times. Whilst he was calling, Nâkindar thought on him,
And was astonished when he saw him.
If you bite me I will call for help to Ganesa and Kârtik
He pierces stone, he pierces brick, he pierces everything.
Listen, listen, Tahshak, Nág snake! to you I small snake came through a crack in the wall speak. and killed him. After he was dead, his wife Boulla put his body in a boat and started off down-stream. After she had travelled a long time, she met a washerman who washed the clothes of the gods; under his guidance she went to heaven, where she obtained some amrita, with which she brought her husband to life, but while he was in the boat his knee had been gnawed
He came into the presence of Nâkindar and his wife.
Listen, Nâkindar! to thee I speak:
Sleep on a golden bed, Nákindar, thy feet on by a fish, so that, though he recovered his life, a silver bed.
he was always lame.
193
On all sides, Nâkindar, you must say farewell. Bite his head under the tongue.
Go then, go, gatiya cowrie, I grant you the boon;
Seize the black snake and bring him before
me.
PAPERS ON SATRUNJAYA AND THE JAINS.
III-Translation from Lassen's Alterthumskunde, IV. 755 seqq. By E. Rehatsek, M.C.E.
ning of the 8th century, or that it manifested itself during the 2nd century in the Dakhan; and with the latter view that scholar's earliest opinion coincidedt. Benfey thought, at least formerly, that the Jaina doctrine arose only
Mackensie Collection, I. p. 188.
+ Ibid. Introduction I. p. lvii. and his Preface to the 1st edition of his Sanscrit Dictionary, p. xxxiv.

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out of the struggles of the Buddhists with the Brahmans, so late as the 10th century. According to James Todd,† in the time of the glory of the Vallabhi dynasty, or during the 6th century, three hundred bells of the Jaina temples in their capital of Vallabhipura invited the pious to assemble.
Entirely contradictory to these views are those of Colebrooke and of J. Stevenson. The first assumes that the last Jina, Vira, was the teacher of the founder of Buddhism.‡ The second agrees essentially with this view, and asserts that Gautama or Buddha had, by the superior force of his intellect, entirely supereded the system of the Jainas, until the fading light of the Jainas again recovered a weak glimmer wherewith it reappeared in the firmament of Western India.§ Accordingly he makes the Jaina doctrine older than Buddhism, and lets it step forth again, after the extrusion of Buddhism.
Among the testimonies to the existence of Jaina doctrine which do not originate among its adherents, the inscriptions of the Chalukya dynasty of Kalyâni have the widest bearing, because they show that during the reign of Pulakesi, whose dominion was extensive, from about 485 till 510, the Jainas were very influential. Now, as some time must have elapsed before they could spread themselves from their homes in Northern India to the Dakhan and acquire influence there, it may be assumed that they arose somewhat earlier. Later testimonies of this kind are naturally of less value, but may here be adduced, because it appears from them that this religion enjoyed considerable prominence afterwards also. Varaha Mihira opposes the Jinas to Śákya, and
Altes Indien, p. 160 of the special issue. + Travels in Western India, p. 269.
On the Philosophy of the Hindus, pt. v.-On Indian Sectaries in his Misc. Essays, I. p. 880 segg. In a preceding Dissertation: Observations on the Sect of Jains, ibid. II. p. 191 seqq. he gives no opinion concerning the time of the origin of this sect.
See the Preface to his edition of The Kalpa-Satra and Nava Tatwa, two works illustrative of the Jain Religion and Philosophy, translated from the Magadht, p. xiii.
I See Ind. Alt. IV. p. 97 seqq.
A. Weber's Verzeichniss der Sanskrit-Handschrif ten der Königl. Bibliothek u Berlin, p. 247, and Reinaud's Mémoire &c. sur l'Inde, p. 121 and p. 122.
The passage in question occurs in the ed. of Kosegarten p. 884 seqq. in the 5th book of that work. The soene of this tale is placed in Pataliputra, erroneously stated to be situated in Dakshinapatha.
[JULY, 1873.
Buddha to Arhatám deva, and specially points to the nudity of the Jainas. According to this testimony the Jainas before the end of the 5th century differed from the Baud thas. In the Panchatantra-which collection of fables is well known to have been translated into the Huzvaresh language during the reign of the Sasanian Khosru Anushirvân, and the composition whereof must at all events be assumed before A. D. 500-by the name Jina and Jinds, the Jainas only, and not the Buddhists, must be meant.** So far as the testimonies of classic authors are concerned, such mentioned cannot at all be taken into account passages as those in which the Γυμνοσοφισταί are here, because this name designates Brahmanic ascetics and philosophers so called, not because of their total nudity, but only because of the scantiness of their attire. After this elimination, only the gloss of Hesychios, who lived Térvos, ol Tuprocopioral. before the end of the 5th century, remains, i. e.
It is a mistake to assert that the Buddhist school of the Sammatiyas was not different from the Jainas. It suffices, in order to demonstrate the inadmissibility of this assertion, to mention that the Sammatiyas founded their doctrines upon the Hinayana-Sútra, which kind of literature is altogether foreign to the Jainas.
The only information of the Chinese pilgrim which certainly relates to the Jaings is the statement that the Jaina sect, which he calls Svetavass, and elsewhere Svetâmbara, was in Takshasilâ.
most important point to be investigated concerns After the origin of the Jaina religion, the the time of the last year of the twenty-fourth Tirthankara, Mahavira or Vira; in order
+ This assertion has been made by A. Weber in his dissertation über das Satrunjaya Mahatmyam, ein Beitrag zur Geschichte der Jaina, p. 9 seqq. The opinion that Siladitya the Vallabhi king was an adherent of the Jaina doctrine is just se untenable: it entirely contra dicts the date of Hiwen Theang, and the seven Buddhas worshipped by that monarch according to III. p. 514, note 8, and IV. p. 543, and cannot pass as an argument in favour of that supposition. When Weber asserts that this Biladitya was the king of the same name of Kanyakubja he overlooks the express testimony of the Chinese pilgrim, 208, that this Siladitya lived 60 years before his visit to Maharashtra; that immediately afterwards Brahmapura and Kita the countries subjugated by him, are mentioned, and that the word aujourdhui occurs in quite another passage, p. 670.
L
p.
I See Ind. Alt. IV. p. 670.

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THE JAINS.
JULY, 1873.]
to appreciate the data in the Satrunjaya Máhátmya, on this point, first of all, the time of the composition of the book, and its credibility, have to be subjected to examination.
Its author, Dhanesvara, is represented as a contemporary and teacher of the Vallabhi king Silâditya; he is called "the moon of the lunar race :" he instructed this ruler of the town of Vallabhi in the purifying Jina doctrine, and induced him to expel the Bauddhas from the country, and to establish a number of Chaityas near the Tirthas. Siladitya lived in the 477th year of Vikramarka, parified the law and reigned till 286. In this passage it is incorrect to say that he expelled the Bauddhas, since it is certain that he was a very zealous adherent of the religion of Sakyasiñha; he cannot in any case have persecuted the Buddhists, although there is nothing to oppose the supposition that many Jainas lived also in his kingdom, and that they were protected by him. If further, as is proper, the epoch of Vikramâ- the three names Kalkin, Chaturvaktra, ditya be taken as a basis, he would have reigned as early as 420, which is contradictory of the age of the reign of this monarch obtained from inscriptions. Calculated according to the era of Saliva hana his reign falls about 555, which is nearer the mark.
The time of the composition of the book in question is rendered still more uncertain by the last and prophetical portion of it. King Kumarapala can scarcely have been other than the Chalukya who was the protector of the well-known Hemachandra and of the Jainas in general, and who began his reign in the year 1144. The Vâstupâla mentioned at the same time with this monarch belongs to a race zealously addicted to the Jaina doctrine-the Chalukyas at Chandravati, who administered that province in the 12th century as vassals and prime ministers.
Further, the later composition of the book of Dhanesvara is confirmed by the idea he
Batrunjayamahatmya XIV., v. 281 seqq. p. 109. The number 286 here is either a misprint or a useless statement. According to Ind. Alt. III. p. 1119 this Siladitya reigned from the year 545 till 595.
195
+ See Ind. Alt. III. p. 567, and Satruñjayamáhatmya, XIV. v. 287 seqq. p. 109.
See Ind. Alt. III. p. 574. The name is spelt Vastu.
pala.
propounds about Kalkin, the 10th future incarnation of Vishnu, which indeed is already mentioned in the Mahabharata, but the development thereof pertains to the much later period of the Puránas§. Of this avatára the following circumstances are reported :-On account of the preponderance of the Duhshama, i.e. the evil age, after the death of the entirely unknown Bhavada, the power of the Mudgalas will forcibly, like a current of the ocean, inundate the earth and seize it; cows, corn, riches, children, women, men of low, middle, and high place in Saurashtra, Lâța, and other countries, will be taken away by the Mudgalas. They will assemble the castes pursuing their usual occupations, and will arrive in the country distributing great riches.
As a foreign nation is evidently meant here,|| I do not hesitate to put Dhanesvara's statements about Kalkin also into this category. He will be born 1914 years after the death of Vira as the son of a Mlechha, and will bear
and Rudra, this latter must be the proper read. ing for Rudva. He will destroy the temples of Musalin or Balarama and Krishna in Mathura, and many disasters will happen in the country. After the lapse of 36 years Kalkin will become king and dig up the golden stúpas of King Nanda; in order to obtain treasures he will cause the whole to be dug through. On this occasion there will, according to the tale, appear a cow of stone, named Lagnadevi, whereon many inhabitants will leave the town. Then the angry Kal. kin will persecute the Jainas, but will be prevented by the tutelary goddess from doing mischief. An inundation of 17 days will compel him, with many believers and unbelievers, to abandon Pâțaliputra, which town he will rebuild by the aid of Nanda's treasures, and in which prosperity will prevail for 50 years. Towards the end of his dominion he will become wicked and cause the Jainas to be persecuted by heretics. Then Sakra or
§ Satrunjayamahatmya XIV. v. 165 167, p. 98, and v. 291 seqq. p. 110. See Ind. Alt. IV. p. 561 seqq.
Mudgala as a proper name in Sanskrit is the son of the old Indian king Haryaáva and the ancestor of a race; a Muni, whose spouse was called Indrasena according to the Sabdakalpadruma, under the word. That the Mongols can scarcely be meant by this name has been shown by Weber, p. 41, note 3.

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Indra, assuming the form of a Brahman, will take the part of the persecuted, and Kalkin will die in his 87th year. His son and successor Datta will be instructed in the Jaina doctrine by Sakra himself, and will, under the guidance of Prâ tipada, build chaityas for many Arhats. He will erect also many sanctuaries; among others also on Mount Satruñjaya in Surashtra, and in Aryan and non-Aryan Indian countries he will everywhere canse temples to be built for the Jainas, according to the instructions of his guru or spiritual teacher.
Now so far as the inducement to the above two tales is concerned, the raid of the Mudgalas into Surashtra, Lâța, and the adjoining countries is referable only to the invasion of Mahmûd the Ghaznivide in the years 1025 and 1026, during which he plundered the rich temple of Somanâ tha, in the peninsula of Gujarât, and on his return march reached also the capital, Analavâdâ, -especially as this event is placed before the time of Kum à ra påla. The name Mudgala is most correctly explained from the Sanskrit word mudgala, hammer, and understood to mean the smashing power of the foreign invaders. It is difficult to discover the basis of the second narrative, because several miracles and incredible events are mixed up with it, e. g. the disinterment of the stúpa of King N and a, and the appearance of the stone-cow Lagnadevi. Further, the ancient capital Pâtaliputra had long ceased to exist at the time to which I think the reign of Kalkin must be referred; and the reign of Datta also over Aryan and non-Aryan India is evidently a fiction. If this tale be divested of its fabulous additions: Kalkin persecuted the Jainas but thereby lost his life, whilst his son Datta zealously
[JULY, 1873.
protected them. According to the chronology of the Satrunjayamáhatmya, Kalkin was born 1914 years after the death of Vira; this event is placed 947 years before the reign of Siladity at. As, according to the statement of Dhanesvara, this monarch began his reign A. D. 555, the appearance of Kalkin falls under the year 1522, i. e. at a time when the history of inner India contains no information whatever about the reign of a dynasty favourable to the Jaina doctrine. Accordingly I do not hesitate in the least to consider the tale about the acts of Kalkin and of his son Datta as inventions of Dhanesvara, whose intention it was, by means of them, to open out to his co-religionists the vista of a happy future. To this also point the words with which the narrative closes: "During the reign of his son Datta prosperity and plenty will reign everywhere, the rulers will be just, the ministers benevolent, and the people will observe the law."
See Ind. Alt. III. p. 558 seqq. The above explanation of the name has been proposed by A. Weber, p. 41, note 2.
+ Namely, according to XIV. v. 101 seqq. p. 92, Panchamara, the pupil of Vira, died 8 years and 8 months after the demise of his teacher, and Vikramarka or Vikramaditya lived 466 years 1 months after him, but Siladitya, socording to above, p. 195, 477 years after him. The numbers give 946 years and 18 months, or nearly 947 years. The passage about the age of Vikram Aditya is literally as follows: "8 years and 8 months after the death of Vira, the law-purifying Panchamara will appear; 466 years and 1 months afterwards Vikramarka will, according to the instruction of Siddhasená, govern the earth according to the Jina doctrine, and superseding our (i.e. the Jaina) era will propagate his own.
Time of the building of some of the larger temples at Satranjaya.-ED. § See Ind. Alt. III. 517.
After the preceding examination of the prophetic portion of the Satrunjayamáhatmya, I consider myself justified in placing the composition of this book in the age after the invasions of Mahmûd of Ghazni; in favour of this view I also point to the destruction of the temple of Balarama and Krishna at Mathura, attributed to Kalkin, because Mahmûd in 1017 actually demolished the celebrated temple of Krishna which was situated there. § If this view is incontrovertible, as I believe it to be, the work in question must either have two authors, or, if it has only one, he can at the earliest, have written only in the first half of the 11th century; but, after all, the uniformity of the clear and simple style of both portions of this book, composed in slokas, militates against the assumption of two authors. I leave it unde
For this reason A. Weber compares (passim, p. 14) the style with that of Bhattikavya, the author whereof was, according to Ind. Alt. III. p. 512, a contemporary of Sridharasena the first; here, however, he overlooks that Somadeva, who lived much later under Harsha, a king of Kasmir, uses just as simple and clear language. The same observes (passim, p. 15) that the author of the work in question makes use of several words which elsewhere at least are rare. The connection smarámyasmi which occurs X. 158, sins directly against classic usage, because asmi is a superfluous addition. The comparison with the formation of the auxiliary future of the conditional and of the four first forms of the aorist does not suit, because here the auxiliary verb is fused with the thema into a single. form, the formation whereof philology alone has discovered. Similarly the examples cited in Boehtlingk-Roth's Sanskrit Wörterbuche, I. p. 586, do not belong to this, because they are forms of the participial future in ta, which forms are followed by many tenses of the auxiliary verb.

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THE JAINS.
197
cided indeed whether Dhanesvara was the au- After this, of course, merely approximative thor of the Satrunjayamáhátmya, or whether & deturmination of the beginning of the Jaina later writer has made use of his name in writing doctrine, I proceed to set forth the most importhe history of his sect; I prefer, however, the tant arguments for their Buddhist origin. second supposition, because in the passages For this origin, first of all, two names vouched where Dhanes vara appears as the teacher for by them testify, i. e. Jaina and Arhata, of Silê dit ya he is mentioned in the third the former being a derivation from an oft-used person. After this estimate of the value of the name of Buddha, i.e. Jina, and the latter desigSatrunjayamahatmya, I am unable also to place nates not merely one of the highest degrees of much faith in the time of the death of Vira nar. the Buddhist hierarchy, but also Buddha him. rated in it. According to it he died 947 years self. Further, the Jainas assume 24 Jinas, before the first year of Siladitya's reign, in which particnlar they agree with the Bud. which event took place according to that book dhists, who also specially point out just as A.D. 555.1 Accordingly Vira would have died many Buddhas. That the names are different 392 B. C. This decision would place the Jaina among the Jainas does not invalidate the comsect back in too early an age, as any disin- parison. Of the other names of Jina only two terested person can easily see. According to ! more need be pointed out here, i. e. Sarvajna, other data, this man, who is so prominent in omniscient, and Sugata, which are applied also the traditions of the Jainas, departed this life to Buddha. On the other hand, the Jainas 980 years before A.D. 411 ; in which year Bha- have attempted an approach to the Brahrnang dra båhu published his Kalpasútra, that is, by attributing to their Supreme Being the name during the reign of Dhruvasena. Accord- Tirthaikara; it designated merely the preparer ing to this determination the death of Viral of a tirtha, or holy place of pilgrimage, whilst must have taken place 569 B. C. But accord the Buddhists applied to their antagonists the ing to the inscriptions Dhruvasen a reigned name Tirthya and Tirthika. from about 632 till 650, so that that celebrated A second coincidence between the Jainas and Tirthankara must have died in 358 B.c. This the Bauddhas manifests itself in the circumstance conclusion also would make the beginning of that the former pay divine homage also to the separation of the Jainas from the Band. mortal men, namely, to their teachers, and erect dhas too early, and it must be reserved to later statues to them in their temples; this is specialdiscoveries to ascertain accurately this period. ly the caset with the 23rd Jina or Tirthankara Approximately, I propose to place the first be- Parávanátha, as will afterwards appear. This ginnings of the Jaina doctrine about the 1st or coincidence is no doubt an appropriation on the 2nd centary after Christ. In this it must not be part of the Jainas. The same holds good also overlooked that to Mahâ vira a large share and this is a third agreement between the two in the propagation of the religious doctrine religions-of the great value which the Jainas represented by him must also be assigned; he attribute to the ahinsa, i. e. non-lesion of all had most probably a real precursor, the 23rd living beings. Some of their Yatis or pious Jina, i.e. Påráva nátha, and is also called men go so far in this respect that they sweep Vardha mânal
the streets in which they walk with a broom • See above, p. 195.
TOn this degre: see Ind. Alt. II. p. 541, and Boehtlagk
and Roth's Sanskrit Wörterbuche under the word arhal. + See above, p. 195. From the reasons adduced above,
• See Colebrooke (passim ) in his Misc. Essays, II. p. it follows that I cannot agree with the calculation proposed
297, Wilson (passim) in As. Res. XVII. p. 250, and J. Foley's by A. Weber (passim, p. 12), according to which Vra died
Notes on the Buddha from Cingalese authorities, and in 927 years before 598 A.D., 1. e. 349. I shall again below
J. of the As. S. of Beng. V. p. 321. The 24 Bauddhas are return to a second determination of this event.
considered the predecessors of the historical Buddha. A I J. Stevenson's preface to his edition of this book, list of the 34 Jinas or Tirthankaras, with notices of their p. in. Hitherto this book is the oldest in the literature of
acta and duration of their lives, occurg in Colebrooke's the Jainas, the age of which can be accurately ascer Misc. Ess. II. p. 207 seqq. and Wilson 4s. Res. XVII. tained.
p. 220. [And a more extended sooount in the second of $ On the time of the reign of this sovereign, see Ind.
these papers, supra, p. 184.] A. III. pp. 520, 521.
It is scarcely necessary to correct this mistake, founded
on the somewhat loose statements of early writers. At sa|| A short account of his life occurs in Wilson's Sketch truñjaya, Adin Stha or Bishabhadova is probably of the Religious Sects of the Hindus, ir As. Res. XVIL. most frequently represented, and he, together with Nemip. 951 seqq. As is s al in similar narrativee, here also n&ths, and Mahavirs appear to be general favourites in fictions are commingled with the trath.
Gajarat and Rajputans-ED.

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lest they should kill an insect,* In Surat of cosmography, with which their system of a richly endowed hospital exists in which sick gods is most closely connected. But before and disabled animals are nursed with the same considering these differences between the Jainas care as if they were men.
and the Bauddhas, I consider it proper to insert Fourthly, the Jainas, following the example a brief report on the literature of the former, of the Bauddhas, have invented monstrous pe- because from this it will appear that in this riods, and have in this respect even excelled respect the Jainas have attached themselves to their predecessors. Their larger periods are the Brahmans. called Avasarpini and Utsarpini; each contains The Jainas possess a number of Puranas, 2,000,000,000,000 years. I Another period which chiefly contain legends of the Tirthan. has obtained the name sugara or sea, and karas, and present only exceptionally such as consists of 1,000,000,000,000,000 years. Each ooour in Brahmanic writings of the same name, of the two periods is divided into six small- The most important work is attributed to the er periods ; in the first the happiness, dura- Jina Sûri Acharya, whose age cannot tion of life, stature, &c. of men continually be determined quite accurately; the statement decreases until they descend to the lowest de- that he was a contemporary of King Vikramagree of misery, and during the period called ditya is worthless, because the origin of the autsarpini gradually again reach the highest de- Jaina doctrine cannot be pushed so far back, gree of perfection. These periods the Jainas The tradition said to be current in Southern have partly filled out with the stories of the India makes the author with greater propriuty to ancient epio dynasties of the Pandavas, of have been the spiritual preoeptor of Prince Krishņa, and of Prasenajit, a king of Sravasti | Amoghavarsha, who resided at Kanchi famed in the oldest Baddhist history, where in during the sixth century. As this kind of works they have sometimes indulged in unimportant does not exist among Buddhista, the Jainas alterations of the usual accounts, $
have borrowed the title and one of the subjeots In a similar manner the Buddhists have re- of these writings from the Brahmans. * modelled the history of the ancient Surya. The books called Siddhdnta and Agama vam sa or solar race; they place King Maha - partly take the place of the Vedas of the Brahsam mata at the head of the first large period mans, which the Jainas as well as the Baud, of the world, and allow after him 28 dynasties dhas despise. The first title, as is well known, to reign in various parts of Upper India designates a book of instruction, wherein a down to Iksh våku; these periods are called scientific system, especially an astronomical one, Asankyeya, i. e. numberless, and from those is demonstrated by arguinents. The 'title dynasties the later ones are deriyed; from Ma- Agama means also, among Brahmans, doctrines h â sammata to Iksh va ku 252,539 or or instructions which have come down by tradi. perhaps 140,300 successors are counted.l. tion; among Buddhists four collections of writ.
These agreements between the Jainas and ings, which, according to the correct conception, the Bauddhas will suffice to establish the point relate to the Satras, and treat of discipline and that the former have branched off from the lat- cognate subjects, are also called by this name, ter. Their deviations from their predecessors The three significations attributed to this title are chiefly in the domains of philosophy and coincide in the general traditional doctrine or
• Accordingly an English physician did a very unwel. seqq. From the mention by Hemachandra, III. v. 625 come service to a rati by convincing him by means of mi- segg. p. 127 seqq., of Dasarath, of his son R&ma and croscope that he was, in spite of this precaution, killing his foe, of the giant-king Ravana, of the other enemies invisible animalcule.
of Vishnu, as well as of several kings of the old Burys+ There are similar institutions in Bombay, Bharoch, and
varnia or solar race, the conclusion may be drawn that elsewhere.BD.
in other writings also of the Jainas, the history of this
dynasty is narrated. 1 Colebrooke, Misc. Essays, II. p. 276 seqq. These data are taken from the Abhidhdnachintamani of Hemachan.
See the references to this, Ind. Alt. I. p. 478, note 1. dra, and occur in the edition of O. Boehtlingk and Rieu, Of the literature of the Jainas, Wilson has treated II. v. 162 seqq. p. 15. Avasarpint," down-stepping," and most in detail, As. Res. XVII. p. 240 seqq. Utsarpint, up-stepping;" these expressions refer pro
• A similar kind of writings are the Charitaras, in bably to the decrease and increase of inappiness during these
which legends and miraculous histories of the Wrthan. periods. [See also above, p. 135.)
karas are narrated. $ This appends from extracts of the satrufijayama- 1 See on this, Ind. Alt. II. p. 1180 segg. hatmya by A. Weber, passim, p. 26, p. 81 seqq. and p. 851 I See Ind. Alt. IV. p. 643 and note 1.

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instruction, and this title does not imply a nearer relation of the Jainas to the Brahmans than to their predecessors. The case is quite different with the two next titles Anga and Upénga, which seem, according to Hemachandra, to designate the sacred scriptures strictly so called of his sect. The first word signifies member, and among the Brahmanic Hindus designates six writings pertaining to the Vedas and explaining them. Upanga, i. e. lateral or subordinate member, is the title of four works completing the books of the Brahmans. As these titles are wanting among the Bauddhas, it is evident that the Jainas have in this case imitated the Brahmans.
THE JAINS.
The preceding writings are considered as derived from the oral instruction of Mahavira and of his disciple Gautama; whether correctly, may be very questionable. The Jainas moreover possess a class of books, called Púrva, because they are said to have been composed by the Ganadhara§ before the Angas. As a more detailed treatment of the writings just mentioned would be out of place here, I content myself with having noticed their existence.
The Jainas have followed their predecessors in this respect that they call their sacred language Magadhi, though it does not entirely agree with the language so called by the authors of Prakrita graminars, but more with the Sauraseni, which, according to previous researches, is the basis of the Páli language. The reason for this choice may have been one of two,i. e. either the example of the Buddhists, or the circumstance that Southern Bihár was just that portion of Northern India from
The following twelve Angas are enumerated: Akaranga, which book treats of sacred usages; Sautrakritânga, a work on the sacred instructions; Sthánânga, treats of the organs of sense and the conditions of life; in the Samavayanga the padarthas or categories are represented; the Bhagavatyanga is a description of ceremonies and of the divine service; the Jnátadharmakatha represents the knowledge communicated by holy persons; the Upasakadasd imparts instruction on the manner of living for lay people or Srávakas, and the Antakriddata on the acts of the Tirthankaras; the Anuttaropapâtika treats of the last deliverance or salvation and of the future births of the Tirthankaras; the Praśnavyakarana is, as the title implies, a-grammar of questions which probably relate to the law-book of the Jainas; the title of the last book is Vipd. kafruta, and represents the fruits of actions. Of the Upangas-none are mentioned by name, and the title of the books supplementing both these kinds of works may here be passed over in silence, except the 12th, called Dhrishta vada, which consists of 5 parts and treats of moral and religious acts.
+ These, as is known, are Vyakarana, grammar; Siksha, doctrine of accents; Chhandas, prosedy; Nirukta, explana tion of words; Kalpa, ritual; and Jyotisha, the Vedio
199
which the Jaina doctrine was first propagated; my reasons for this opinion I shall submit further on. Besides Mágadhi, the writers of this sect also use the sacred language of the Brahmans, and there are but few Indian vernaculars in which no Jaina writings exist.T
After the above explanation, no doubt can remain that the Jainas are descendants from the Bauddhas, but that in some points they considered it advantageous to approach the Brahmans, probably in order thereby to escape being persecuted by them. So far as the philosophical doctrines of the Jainas are concerned, their chief points are the following. And here I shall pay special attention to that part of their doctrines which may serve to determine more closely the relation of the Jainas to the Buddhists.
**
Jaina philosophers comprise all things in two supreme categories, named jiva and ajiva. The first is intelligent and feeling; it consists of parts but is eternal. In a stricter sense, in this system of instruction jiva designates the soul, which is subject to three states; it is firstly nityasiddha, i. e. always perfect, or yogasiddha, i. e. perfected by immersion in self-contemplation, like the Arhats or Jinas; it is secondly mukta or muktátma, i. e. liberated by a strict observance of the ordinances of the sect; it is thirdly baddha or baddhátma, i. e. fettered by acts, and as yet abiding in a state which precedes the last deliverance. The second, ajiva, is everything without a soul, without life and sensation; it is the object of enjoyment on the part of jiva, which enjoys. a stricter sense of the word, ajiva means the four
In
calendar. On the Upangas various statements occur which have been collected in the Sanskrit Wörterbuche of O. Boehtlingk and R. Roth under that word. As such the Dhanurveda, archery, i. e. science of war, and the Ayurveda, i. e. science of medicine, is also adduced; otherwise, however, these pass for Upavedas or subordinate Vedas. Also the Upanishads are counted among the Upangas. The statement seems to be the most correct according to which the Puranas, Nyayas, Mimansås, and Dharmasastras are such, because in it the number four is expressly mentioned.
Wilson, As. Res. XVII. p. 246, where in the note the passage in question is communicated from the 3rd chapter of the Mahdotracharitra.
§ Wilson, As. Res. XVII. p. 246, and Hemachandra, II. v. 246 p. 40. According to him, I. v. 31, p. 7, Ganadhara means the president of an assembly, probably of an assembly of Arhant Viras.
See my Institutiones Lingue Pracritice, Preface, p. 42, and Ind. Alt. II. p. 486 seq. See also J. Stevenson's remarks in his edition of the Kalpasútra, p. 131 seg.
Wilson, As. Res. XVII. p. 242. Such is the case especially with the vernaculars of Southern India.
Colebrooke, in his Misc. Ess. I. p. 881 seq. 1

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elements, earth, water, fire, air, and everything immoveable, e. g. mountains. The Jainas further assume six substances, viz :-jiva, soul; dharma, right or virtue; adharma, sin which permeates the world and effects that the soul must remain with the body; pudgala, matter, which possesses colour, odour, taste, and tangibility, such as wood, fire, water, and earth; kála, time, which is past, present, and future; and ákása, infinite space. According to their view, bodies consist of aggregates and atoms. The Jaina philosophers, like all Hindu philosophers, believe that the soul is fettered by works, and that man must endeavour to free himself from them. They adduce four causes as obstacles to the liberation of the soul: viz: pápa or sin; the five déramas or hindrances of the soul from obtaining holy and divine wisdom; áérava, i. e. the impulse of the incorporated soul to occupy itself with physical objects; and samvara, i. e. the cause of this obstacle. In another passage eight kinds of interruptions to the progress of the soul towards liberation are enumerated, namely, jnánávaraniya, i. e. the false idea that cognition is ineffectual, and that liberation does not result from perfect knowledge; darsanavarantya, or the mistake that liberation is not attainable by the study of the doctrine of the Arhats or Jinas; mohantya, or doubt whether the ways of the Tirthankaras or Jinas are irresistible and free from errors; antaraya, or the obstruction of the endeavours of those who are engaged in seeking the highest liberation. The four other interruptions are:-vedaniya, or individual consciousness, the conviction that the highest liberation is attainable; námika, or consciousness of possessing a determined personality; gotrika, the consciousness
[JULY, 1873.
of being a descendant of one of Jina's disciples; lastly, dyushka, or the consciousness that one has to live during a determined time. These spiritual states are conceived in an inverted order; the four first of them designate birth and progress in the circumstances of personal life; and the four last designate progress in perception. The highest liberation or moksha is attainable only through the highest cognition or by perfect
virtue.
In a former correspondence (Ind. Ant. vol. I. p. 321) I alluded to the monuments erected by the tribes of Western Khândesh, similar to
STONE AND WOODEN MONUMENTS IN WESTERN KHANDESH. BY W. F. SINCLAIR, Bo. C. S.
Colebrooke, passim, in his Misc. Essays, I. p. 382, where dirava is explained through asravayati purusham, and Wilson, passim, As. Res. XVII. p. 266.
+ See Ind. Alt. III. p. 428, and Note 2.
I Colebrooke, passim, in his Misc. Essays, II. p. 194, that the Bauddhas as well as the Jainas have borrowed this view from the S&nkhy a philosophy, and I. p. 394. § Ibid. I. p. 271 and p. 891.
See on this Ind. Alt. III. p. 828, and also fivarakrishna's Sankhyakarika, v. 41 seqq.
In this system a syncretism meets us to which Buddhism, the Vaiseshika and Sankhya philosophy have contributed. The doctrine that by a perfect cognition and strict observance of the teaching of a religious or philosophical sect the liberation of the soul from its fetters may be attained, is Buddhistic, or, more accurately, almost universally Indian.t The opinion that matter is eternal, and that there are only four elements, is Baddhistic. The idea that all things are composed of atoms belongs to the Vaiseshika school, although this doctrine had been more developed by Kanada than by the Jainas. This philosopher, moreover, considered time as a special category.§ Kapila teaches that by four states the liberation of the spirit is impeded, and by four others promoted; he arranges them, however, in a logical manner, so that the progress from the lowest state to the highest, i.e. to that of dharma or virtue, is well established, whilst such is less the case in the arrangement of the Jainas. The sect now under discussion borrowed from that philosopher probably also the idea of an ethereal body with senses formed of ideal elements, wherewith the soul is invested. (To be continued.)
Bee on this Ind. Alt. III. p. 424. This remark belongs to Colebrooke in his Misc. Essays, II. p. 192. The
those referred in Gondwâna to the Gauli period. The following notes contain what I have since been able to observe on the subject.
Jainas assume that the soul is, during its various migrations, invested with a coarser body called audárika, which remains as long as beings are compelled to live in the world, or with a body called vaikarika, which, according to the various circumstances of the being, assumes various forms. They further distinguish a finer body called dharika, which arises, according to their view, from the head of a divine sage. These three bodies are the external ones, and within them there are two finer ones; the one called karmana is the seat of the passions and feelings; the innermost, called taijasa, is still finer, never changes, and consists of spiritual forces. This body corresponds to the sakshmsa or lingasartra of Kapila, which subsists through all transmigrations till the Anal liberation of the spirit.

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MONUMENTS IN KHANDESH.
201
They are of various shapes and sizes, the largest about 8 feet high above ground, square, finished with a round head, and ornamented with figures in relief on all sides. Others are long slabs, and some mere flat stones erected much as they were found. A great many are of wood, invariably teak, which seems to last a wonderful time. It is difficult to get at the precise age of such remains; but I have seen many teak monuments of which the name had entirely passed away, yet which were still in fair preservation. They are always in the Bhape of a post about half as thick as it is wide, with & round head. The Thiláris, or shepherds, merely dab a little red paint on the spot where a man happened actually to die. The monuments are generally cenotaphs, and erected in groups in a favourite spot near the village, perhaps near a temple. I was fortunate lately in getting a pretty full explanation of such a group from a Pâţil. No. 1 was a flat stone 7 ft. by 1 ft. 6 in. by 5 in. “This," quoth my informant, "is Bâla Patil, who died about 60 years ago. Here he is on his horse, and here he is driving in his cart. This was his stone (pointing to another of the same class but broader, and with only a mounted figure on it), but it was broken; so I made and set up the other some seven years since." As far as the execution of the carving, or appearance, of the stone went, the one looked as old as the other. “This," said the Patil, "is my ancestor Vithoba, and this is fire over his head, because he was burned in the vadd that you were looking at now. The Band-wallas did that, two hundred years ago, in the days of the Sahu Rajas. This is Mahâdev Påţil. He was going to Umbarpâte, and a tiger came out and palled him off his horse and ate him." These two stones were of the same class as the first-long rough slabs. The burnt pâțil was represented on foot, with flames over his head; the others on caparisoned horses. It is to be remarked that a man who never in his lifetime owned anything more warlike than a "bail" is often represented on his monume