Indian Antiquary Vol 47

Author(s): Richard Carnac Temple, Devadatta Ramkrishna Bhandarkar
Publisher: Swati Publications

Page 154

144
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY
(June, 1918
Bidar, Bijâpar, and Golconda, even in a cause in which their common interest was indis solubly bound up.
It is true that neither in Firishta nor in any history written in Northern India is Raja ‘Ali Khân ever referred to by the title of Shah, but it is extremely doubtful whether the kings of the South often used this title in their correspondence with the imperial court, and it is quite clear that Raja Ali Khan never so used it. The title of Raja, which he always used and by which he is known even in imperial chronicles, was probably adopted by him, in imitation of the founder of his dynasty, as a word which etymologically bore the same meaning as Shâh and at the same time could not be objected to by an emperor who numbered among his vassals many territorial rulers bearing the same title. But it also seems certain that the more exalted title of 'Adil Shâh was employed, not only within the limits of Khandesh but also in Raja 'Ali's correspondence with the kings of the South. It will, however, be more convenient to refer to him as Raja 'Ali, both because that is the title under which he is more generally known, and because his title of 'Adil Shah is apt to be confounded with the titles of the 'Adil Shahi Kings of Bijapur.
For some reason which is not quite clear Raja 'Ali Khân made Låd Muhammad, who had been the first to advocate the acknowledgement of Hasan Khan as king, his minister, and gave him the title of Asaf Khân.
The first recorded act of Raja Ali Khân's name does not display him in the light of a royal tributary of Akbar. Both Mubarak II and Muhammad II had paid tribute to Akbar and in 1579 23 Shah Budagh Khân, governor of Malwa, sent his son 'Abd-alMatlab Khân to demand payment of the tribute according to custom. Raja 'Ali Khân replied to *Abd-al-Matlab's demand that he collected his revenue for his army and was accountable to his army for it. 'Abd al-Matlab was returning to Mâlwa with this answer when Râja 'Ali Khân's army, which was following him, came up with him on the bank of the Narbada. His mission was not strong enough to cope with an army, but 'Abd-al-Matlab Khân, who was a notorious coward, fled across the Narbada without waiting to ascertain what the intentions of the leaders of the army were. He himself was nearly drowned, and his elephant, his banners, and his kettle-drums were carried back as trophies to Asirgash. This episode is not mentioned in any of the histories of Akbar's reign, but the author of the Zafar-alwalih tells us that Shah Budagh Khân was highly displeased with his son for his conduct on this occasion, which certainly did not tend to advance the imperial prestige.
In 1584 an event occurred which tended to turn Akbar's eyes towards the Dakan. The insolence and absolute predominance in Ahmadnagar of the minister, Şalábat Khan, who had a monopoly of access to his feeble-minded master, Murtaza Nizâm Shah I which enabled him to issue such orders as he pleased, had long disgusted many amars in the state, and none more than Sayyid Murtaza Sabza vârî, governor of Berar, and his principal lieutenant, Khudåvand Khân. Their resentment against Salábat Khân reached such a pitch that they assembled the army of Berar and marched on Ahmadnagar with the avowed object of overthrowing the minister and releasing the king from his bondage to him. On December 9, 1584, they were attacked at the pass of Jeûr, two leagues from Ahmadnagar, by the royal army, and utterly defeated. They fled through Berar, and thu small force which was detailed to pursue them allowed them no opportunity of repairing their defeat. They therefore crossed into Khåndesh with the object of invoking the aid of Akbar in their quarrel with the constituted authority in Ahmadnagar and in the belief that Raja 'Ali Khân would
13 Zafar al Warihi bi Muzaffar wa Alih, i, 67.