Jainism in North India

Author(s): Chimanlal J Shah
Publisher: Longmans Green and Compny London
Catalog link: https://jainqq.org/explore/011067/1

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otel FI 1 H 25T 11 d II TEST A PARSIANATUIA, THC THT17) -TILIRD TIRTH IMA IR 1 OF THE JUMA From a Palm-leaf MS of the Kalpi-Sutra of the Thincinth Century Copyright rem -Aramalasa Sumihi

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JAINISM IN NORTH INDIA 800 B.C.-A.D. 526 BY CHIMANLAL J. SHAH, M.A. WITH A FOREWORD BY THE Rev. H. HERAS, S.J. DIRECTOR, INDIAN HISTORICAL RESEARCH INSTITUTE ST XAVIERS COLLEGE, BONIBAY Hindi 4.ma LONGMANS, GREEN AND CO. LONDON NEW YORK TORONTO CALCUTTA O BOMBAT MADRAS 1932

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TO MY FATHER

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( 10 .1.IX.III Tut mullmortalm the tunin tiki, trustery of Wrth in ji keni fit t he Pirip, which lint truedersi a lte platta

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PREFACE M R C. J. SHAH is one of the pioneer students of the Indian JV. Historical Research Institute, and his work will undoubtedly be of great credit to his Alma Mater. Being himself a Jaina, he took up the early history of Jainism as the subject of his research, and the result of his studies is embodied in the present book. Jainism is the most overlooked among all the great religions of India The present work will disclose whatever is historical and legendary in the early history of this religion, the doctrines of its founder, the divisions among his disciples, the spreading of the new faith and the continuous struggle with its sister-faith, Buddhism, which it has survived in the country that witnessed the birth of both of them. Two limits will be found in this history of Jainism by Dr Shah-one geographical, the other chronological. Jainism was soon spread all over South India, and formed there a new community with different Gurus, different practices and even a different ritual. In short, the history of Jainism in South India is totally different from the history of Jainism in North India, and forms by itself a different historical unit. That is the reason why Mr Shah has limited his work geographically to Aryavarta. The other limit of Mr Shah's work is chronological. His history stops at AD. 526, when the list of canonical works of Jainism was finally drawn up in the Vallabhi Council. This event was a landmark in the history of Jainism. Prior to it Jainismi was in a state of primitive simplicity that was totally lost after the codification of its religious books. After this date Jainism appears crystallised, and loses its genuineness and sincerity. Mr Shah has selected for his work the early pcriod, which is much more interesting and of much greater cultural valuc As regards the method followed in this work, nothing will. it is expected, be objected against it even by the most scrupulous historians Certainly there is never a human work totally flawless. This, and the fact that it is the first work of Mr Shah. will sufficiently. commend the following pages to the benevolence of renders and vil

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PREMA: crities. I ought tourner lot sin note that li hune nui tura antifuri I seeing whunt otites antimon Birbt t ot prospx al inter thint is not senrohi luut mere romm i, ili lina t h Mirryt themselves, hina critical w ires, lisas lietiltrul mitrascrutal points, fins command vores with water's l ha thus finally olucidated out of the rest oborr tre parole in tlir lintary of India, with the criticism and imprimity projeriaalifarian The nork of Sir Sula Xn, tin theories of Starters in Sudan Ilistory of the Imulinn Ilusterial Rewarel Insur," il 14 fit lp expected that its prxstance will cominus 1* *1x dil!!aturnt lo luis stecessors, the present rewarth mothers of tirr In Lituta, Many an obscure print shall exists in Imlin's fut sinh dengues the sinople work of raing listarinus at Imrin from the fx i fit cf posterity. The work of blir brudetiam in the initiatinn mintth.. And truth will alunya fiscalitself if yleil frys it will country, with sincerity and with an tinpite Juchnev et mind 'Iker truth it yrir will be the crown of our cloths II. IIrus, S.J. Besth41, 19hmiary 1991

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CONTENTS CHAPTER I. JAINISM BEFORE MAHAVIRA Indication of the term Jainism Origin of Jainisin Traditional claim to antiquity higher than modern criticism admits Parsva and Mahavira considered historical personages Grounds of Parsva's historicity Early references to Jainism in Buddhist literature Connection between the Jaina church of Parsva and Mahavira References to Jamism in Hindu literature Modern scholars on the antiquity of Jainism CHAPTER II. MAHAVIRA AND HIS TIMES I Some details about Parsva Mahavira comes two hundred and fifty years after Parsva A great flourish of religion in India Increasing influence of the Brahmans and the privileges of the caste system Virtual ending with Mahavira and Buddha of the abuses begotten of the privileges of the caste system No anti-Brahman prejudices at the root of this great Indian revolution A gradual change in the history of Indian thought and outlook on life II Jainism in general Life of Mahivira Exchange of embryo. Mahavira's parents are worshippers of Parsva and followers of the Sramanas Ascetic career of Mahavira Mahavira's nudity and the interpretation of the Jains canon. Mahavira's wanderings covered a wide area The date of Mahavira's Nirtana Origin of the world according to the Jainas Jinns, the spiritual leaders of the Jainas * III PAGE 1 3 3 3 4-5 5-6, 8 7,10 8-9 11-12 13 13 14 14-16 17 17 18 : n g n 6 : 21-23 27-33 31-6 ..

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CONTENTS Jiva, Ajiva, Punya, Papa, Asrava, Samvara, Bandha, Nirjara and Moksha The way to Moksha lies through the Ratnatraya, or "the Three Jeweis " Samyag-Darsana (Right Behef), Samyag-Jnana (Right Knowledge) and Samyah-Cartra (Right Conduct) An absolved soul said to enjoy all the attributes of God Tirthankaras and Kevalins or Samanya-Siddhas Indication of the term Tirthankara Ideal of Ahimsa Two disciplines of Samayika and Pratikramana Doctrine of Syadvada or Anchantavada IV Some of the most important schisms of the Jaina church The seven Ninhagas or Ninhavas-Jamali, Tisagutta, Asudha, Asvamitra, Ganga, Chalue, and Gosht mahila Gosala Mankhaliputta, the most prominent rival of Mahavira Relative position of Mankhaliputta in the great wave of religious enthusiasm in India Dr Barua and the Ajivika sect of Gosala Gosala's influence on the formulation of the reformed church of Mahavira The date of Gosila's death * The Ajivika sect from an historical point of view The second epoch-making division in the Jama church The Svetambara and Digambara sects of the Jainas Various traditions about the schism General unanimity about the period of the schism Root cause of the schism Is nudity a necessary condition of saintship? The Jainas and the cult of nudity The chief points on which the two divisions do not agree . Mathura sculptures and the great schism Two distinct divisions not in existence till the beginning of the Christian era Final separation about the period of the great council at Vallabhi The non-idolatrous sect and other minor divisions in the Jamna church A mania for divisions a peculiarity of the Jamas Reasons why Jainism is still a living sect CHAPTER III JAINISM IN ROYAL FAMILIES 800-200 BC I The epoch of Parsva Jaina literature the only data for the period of Parsva Royal patronage in the days of Parsva X PAGE 38-41 42 42-43 44 45 45 40-51 51-32 53-57 58 38 58-00 50, 03 01-63 03, 01 64 05-66 07 07 07-68 09 70 70-71 72 72 22222 73 73 74 75 79 80 88

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LEONTENTS PAGE 8+ 84 84, 85 85 85, 86 Absence of all data from Parsta to Mahavira A lacuna of two hundred and bity-years . The days of Mahavira His father Siddhartha The Videhans, the Licchavis, the Jnatrikas and the Vajjis of the Confederacy of the Tajjls or the Licchavis . . Their relations with the Mallaki clans and the Ganarajas of Kasi-Kosala All these clans had directly or indirectly come under the influence of Mahavira's teaching The Videhans The Licchavis The Jnatrikas The Vajjis . The Mallakins The Ganarajas of Kasi-Kosala 86, 87 86-104 104-106 106 107 108-110 110 111 The sixteen Mahajanapadas and the Jazna church Empire of Magadha and its importance in the light of Jaina history Different dynasties that rule over Magadha and the Jaina church The Saisunagas The Nandas The Mauryas 112 112-124 121-130 180-146 CHAPTER N. JAINISM IN KALINGA-DESA 149 150 Jarism in Kalinga-desa is Jainism of the days of Kharavela . The Hathigumpha inscription the only historical source for Kharavela . 147, 148 Importance of Orissa in the light of Jaing history Ruins neighbouring the Hathigumpha inscription The Khandagini and Udayagiri Hills honeycombed with caves or cells mostly dating back to the second or third century BC 151 The Satbakhra, Navamun and Ananta caves 151 The Burabhuji, Trzsula and Lalatendu-kesari's caves. 152, 158 The Rani and Ganesa crves . 154, 155 The Jaya jaya, Svargapuri, Tiger and Serpent caves . 155-157 Historical importance of this fragmentary evidence 157 Prominence given to Parsya 15+-155, 157 The Jaina temple on the Khandagir Hill 158 The Hathigumpha inscription 750 The eighth line of the inscription and the date of Kharanela 161-164 Contents of the inscription 164 T Kharatela and the Jing of Kalinga. 172, 173 Antiquity of Jamism in Kalinga 178, 179 Khargvela and the Jaina religion ISO IT.

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CONTENTS CHAPTER V. MATHURA INSCRIPTIONS After Kharavela comes Vikramaditya of Ujjam Era of Vikrama and Siddhasena Divakara Gardhabhilla, the predecessor of Vikrama, and Kalikacarya Saint Kalaka and Satayana of Pratishthanapura Siddhasena Divakara and his times Padaliptacarya and the traditions connected with him Traditional literature of the Jainas and the reality of Vikrama and his era Mathura inscriptions and their importance in connection with the Jaina church Kankali Tila the source of Jaina records of Mathura Inscriptions connected with the Satraps of Mathura Dated and undated Kushana inscriptions Mathura inscriptions and their importance in the light of the history of the Jaina church Historical background from the Kushanas down to the advent of the Guptas Extent of the Gupta Empire State of religion during the Gupta period Epigraphic evidence of the sympathy of the Guptas towards the Jamas The Kuvalayamala tradition and the Jaina chronicle of the Gupta period Rise of the Vallabhis and the end of the Guptas Dhruvasena I, the fourth in the Vallabhi list, and the end of the unrecorded period of Jaina history CHAPTER VI. STATE OF JAINISM DURING THE GUPTA PERIOD Digambar belief regarding the Svetumbara canon Grounds in favour of the Svetambaras Fourteen Purvas Twelve Angas Tucke Upangas PAGE 187 187 188 188, 189 189 Ten Painnas or Prahirnas Six Chedaslitras Four Mulasttras Two isolated texts 190, 194 191, 192 194 195 Language of the canon Commentatorial works called the Nijjuttis or Nirgul.lis Bhadrabahu the oldest commentator xii 195-197 197-190 200 ff 204 205 205 205 f. 200 f CHAPTER VII. JAINA LITERATURE OF THE NORTH Introductory remarks 218, 219 The Siddhanta of the Jainas 210-221 221-223 216 216 223, 224 223 225 Hong 231-233 233 233, 231 234-230 236 236, 237 237 238, 230

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CONTENTS PAGE 289 240, 241 Dharmadasagan, the contemporary of Mahavira Umastiti and his works Siddhasena Dirukona and Pudnliptacarya the outstanding luminaries of Jaina literary history . . . . . . 241 il. CHAPTER VIII. JAINA ART IN THE NORTH 245 245-247 247 248 248 ff. Jainism finds its best expression in architecture Some of the architectural and pictorial remains beyond our period Those of our period . . . . Certain characteristics of Indian art in general Caves of Orissa---their artistic importance, etc The instatution of relic worship in the form of Stupas and that of idolatry among the Jainas . Remains in Mathura. Ayagapalas of Mathura The Todra Slupa built by the gods. Torana sculptures of Mathur . Ornamental slab showing Nemesa's feat . .... 251-253 253, 254 254-257 257, 258 258, 259 259, 260 261 CONCLUSION GENERAL BIBLIOGRAPHY INDEX . . . 268 277

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LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS AHRS Andhra Historical Research Society AR Asiatic Researches ASI Archeological Survey of India. (Annual Reports) ASR Reports of the Archaeological Survey of India (Cunningham) ASWI Archaeological Survey of Western India BDGP Bengal District Gazetteers, Patna BDGP Bengal District Gazetteers, Puri BODGP Bihar and Orissa District Gazetteers, Patna BORIL Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute Library CHI Cambridge History of India CII Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarum EB Encyclopedia Britannica EC Epigraphia Carnatica. EI Epigraphia Indica ERE Encyclopaedia of Religion and Ethics HMI History of Medieval India HOS Harvard Oriental Series IA Indian Antiquary IHQ Indian Historical Quarterly J.AOS Journal of the American Oriental Society JASB Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal JBBRAS Journal of the Bombay Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society JBORS Journal of the Bihar and Orissa Research Society JDL Journal of the Department of Letters (Calcutta) JG Jaina Gazette JPASB Journal and Proceedings of the Asiatic Society of Bengal JRAS Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society JSS Jana Satya Sambodhaha M.AR Mysore Archeological Report. ME Marathi Encyclopedia QJMS Quarterly Journal of the Mythical Society SBB Sacred Books of the Buddhists SBE Sacred Books of the East SBJ ZDMG xiv Sacred Books of the Jainas Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenlandischen Gesellschaft

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LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS I. PARSVANATHA, THE TWENTY-THIRD TIRTHANKARA OF THE JAINAS (Coloured) II. NIRVANA OF PARSVANATHA ON MT SAMMETA (Coloured) Facing page 5 III PARSVANATHA, THE TWENTY-THIRD TIRTHANKARA OF THE JAINAS (MATHURA) IV. ORNAMENTAL SLAB REPRESENTING THE TRANSFER OF MAHAVIRA'S EMBRYO BY NAIGAMESA V. DURING THE THIRTEENTH YEAR, UNDER A SALA TREE, MAHAVIRA REACHED THE HIGHEST KNOWLEDGE AND INTUITION CALLED KEVALA (Coloured) VI THE ELEVEN GANADHARAS OF LORD MAHAVIRA (Coloured) VII. LOMASA RSI CAVE, BARABAR VIII. GURU HEMACANDRA AND HIS ROYAL DISCIPLE KUMARAPALA (Coloured) IX. JAINA GUMPHA, KHANDAGIRI PORTION OF A FRIEZE IN THE UPPER VERANDAH OF THE RANIGUMPHA, UDAYAGIRI X SWARGAPURI CAVES, UDAYAGIRI XI JAINA TEMPLE AT KHANDAGIRI XII. COIN OF "SRI MAHARAJA HARIGUPTA" XIII. JAINA CAVES AT JUNAGHAD, BAWA PYARA'S MATH XIV. A SPECIMEN OF AN ILLUSTRATED JAINA MS (Coloured) XV PART OF A FRIEZE FROM THE GANESAGUMPHA UDAYAGIRI Frontispiece PORTION OF A FRIEZE IN THE UPPER VERANDAH OF THE RANIGUMPHA, UDAYAGIRI XVI ANCIENT JAINA BRICK STUPA EXCAVATED, MATHURA XVII AYAGAPATA, OR "TABLET OF HOMAGE," MATHURA XVIII TABLET OF HOMAGE SET UP BY SIVAYASA 27 "" 27 "" " 27 "" "" " dr 33 97 "" 33 ?? 12 12 21 26 37 66 90 149 156 158 213 246 246 250 258 254 255 XV

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LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS XIX. AYAGAPATA WITH JINA, MATHURA, FIRST CENTURY AD * Facing page 255 XX VOTIVE TABLET SET UP BY AMOHINI XXI. RAILING PILLARS WITH HUMAN FIGURES (MA THURA) XXII SCULPTURE CONNECTED WITH THE VODVA STUPA, "BUILT BY THE GODS" . 257 XXIII OBVERSE AND REVERSE OF A TORANA, REPRE SENTING GODS AND MEN PAYING HOMAGE TO TIRTHANKARAS XXIV OBVERSE AND REVERSE OF A TORANA, MATHURA 258 XXV ORNAMENTAL SLAB REPRESENTING FEMALE DANCERS AND MUSICIANS REJOICING AT NEMESA'S FEAT XXVI FOUR MUTILATED STATUES REPRESENTING THE TRANSFER OF MAHAVIRA'S EMBRYO MAPS 1 INDIA IN THE AGE OF PARAVA 2 INDIA IN THE AGE OF MAHAVIRAS Facing page 88

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INTRODUCTION nr all Indological studies Jainism has been particularly un fortunate in that thic little that is done for it stands in vivid contrast with the vast undone. Even Buddhism, a veritable sister of Jainism in point of contemporaneous glory as well as rivalry, has not, as is borne out by many an evidence, lacked its due from the scholar-world. This indifference towards Jainism becomes all the more unmerited when we look at the other side of the shield; for Buddhism has practically disappeared from India, whereas the Jaina community not merely exists but wields a considerable influence over the political and economical destinies of this vast country. Although as Mrs Stevenson has observed : "It is no longer in any sense a court religion, nevertheless the influence that it wields in India to-day is enormous. Its great wealth and its position as the religion par excellence of moneylenders and bankers makes it, especially in native states, the power behind the throne; and if anyone doubts its influence, he need only count up the number of edicts prohibiting the slaying of animals on Jaina sacred days that have recently been issued by the rulers of the independent states "3 The Jamnas "form, in fact, a very large and, from their wealth and influence, a most important division of the population of India." 4 Hertel is certainly right when he says that" Amongst European scholars there are comparatively fet persons who realize the full importance of Jainism, and the mighty influence which it was, and is, exercising on Indian civilization, especially on Indian religion 1 The word Jainism is derived from far, the adjectival form from Art, a way common to the names of many other regions as well as systems of philosophy-eg. Mahommedanisin from Mahommedan, Cliristianity from Christian, Zoroastrianism from Zoroastrian, and so forth (but not Buddhism, Manusm or Benthamism), or again, Dvaitism or Advantism from nora, Fatalism from fatal, and so on Ch Jainu, Outlines of Jaimsm, p. 73 * Stevenson (Mrs), The Heart of Jainism, p 19 Works of Tilson, 1, p 347. Xvii

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INTRODUCTION and morals, arts and sciences, literatures and languages "1 Neither is there any particular enthusiasm forthcoming in this direction from Indian scholars except for a few eminent men like Jaini, Jayaswal, Ghosal and others of their ilk. But the partiality of scholars towards Buddhism is not without sound reasons, for there is no denying that Buddhism had at one time been so extensive that it was not at all exaggerating to call it the religion of the Asiatic continent. But while it is true that Jainism was certainly restricted to a smaller area, there is evidence enough, as brought out by Mr N. C. Mehta, that Jaina paintings found a place even on the walls of the cavetemples of Chinese Turkestan. But this partiality towards Buddhism has unfortunately given rise to some fantastic and even untoward conclusions by, notably, some European scholars, who it must be conceded were at the time of their research virtually deprived of all benefit from any authentic comparative study of Jainism which is so imperative in view of the fact that the past history of these two sister-faiths runs well-nigh parallel. Fortunately for us many such fanciful conclusions have of recent years been corrected by scholars both in the East and the West. We shall notice below only a few of these fads "Buddhism in proper," says W. S. Lilly, "survives in the land of its birth in the form of Jainism. What is certain is that Jainism came into notice when Buddhism had disappeared from India." 3 Says Mr Wilson: "From all credible testimony, therefore, it is impossible to avoid the inference that the Jainas are a sect of comparatively recent institution, who first came into power and patronage about the eighth and ninth century, they probably existed before that date as a division of the Bauddhas, and owed therr elevation to the suppression of that form of faith to which they contributed." 4 Writers like Colebrooke have erred on the other extreme in believing Gautama Buddha to have been the pupil of Mahavira, on the ground that one of the latter's pupils (Indrabhuti) bears the name of Gotamasvami or Gotama 5 Echoes Edward Thomas. "A schism took place after Mahavira. Indrabhuti was raised to the rank of a deified saint, under the synonymous designation of Buddha 1 Hertel, on the Interaturc of the Svetambaras of Gujarat, p 1. Mehta, Studies in Indian Painting, p 2 According to Hemacandra, and other Jaina traditions albo, Jainism was not limited to India of to-day-Hemacandra, Parsishtapatuan (ed Jacobi), pp 69,282 Cf ME, XV., p 819 * Lilly, India and its Problems, P 144 Wilson, op cit, p 384 5 Jacobi, Kalpa-Sutra, P 1 Xviu

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INTRODUCTION (for Jina and Buddha bear the same meaning according to both Buddhists and Jainas) "1 But the fact is that Jina means "the Conqueror" and Buddha "the Knower." In his paper read at a meeting of the Royal Asiatic Society Mr Colebrooke has said: "It is certainly probable, as remarked by Dr Hamilton and Major Delamaine, that the Gautama of the Jainas and of the Buddhas is the same personage; and this leads to the further surmise that both these sects are branches of 'one stock. According to the Jainas, one of Mahavira's eleven disciples left spiritual successors; that is, the entire succession of Jaina priests is derived from one individual, Sudharma Svami. Two only out of eleven survived Mahavira-viz. Indrabhuti and Sudharma : the first, identified with Gautama Svami, has no spiritual successor in the Jaina sect. The proper inference seems to be that the followers of this surviving disciple are not of the sect of Jina, rather that there have been none. Gautama's followers constitute the sect of Buddha, with tenets in many respects analogous to those of the Jainas, or followers of Sudharma, but with a mythology or fabulous history of deified saints quite different." 2 Such hurried conclusions and identifications on both sides on grounds of chance similarity of certain names or dogmas are not only not history but not logic ether. In the words of Dr Jacobi such an identification " can only be maintained on the principles of Fluellen's logic: there is a river in Macedon : and there is also, moreover, a river at Monmouth. It is called Wye at Monmouth; but it is out of my prains what is the name of the other river. But 'tis all one : 'tis alike as my fingers is to my fingers, and there is salmons in both."" 3 Even a distinguished scholar like Dr Hopkins connected Malavira exclusively with "idolatry, demonology and man-riorship." "Of all the great religious sects of India," says the same scholar in connection with Jainism, "that of Nataputta is perhaps the least interesting, and has apparently the least excuse for being." 4 Neither are the final remarks of the learned Orientalist in any sense toned down. "A religion in which the chief points insisted upon are," he concludes, " that one should deny God, worship man and nourish Termin has indeed no right to exist, nor has it bad as a system 1 Thomas (E ), Jainism or the Carly Farth of Asoka, p 6. : Colebrookc, Miscellancous Essays, in, pp 313, 376. * Jacobi, 1.4, ,p 162 * Hopkins, Rchgions of India, p 296 xix

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INTRODUCTION much influence on the history of thought." "1 These conclusions of Hopkins are so much out of the way that we hope to get very near the truth by a merciless process of negating these illfounded and ill-adduced findings of his For yet, like other things that have according to him "no right to exist," Jainism "has existed for over two millennia, and has produced excellent types of men-both monks and householders-and has offered real guidance and solace to many a seeking and believing votary." " And Dr Hopkins is not the only one of his kind, but he must be distinguished from the rest in that he was neither loth nor perverse in being corrected and purged of these ill-founded conclusions of his. For in the course of a letter to Sri Vijaya Indra Suri be remarks. "I found at once that the practical religion of the Jainas was one worthy of all commendation, and I have since regretted that I stigmatised the Jaina 1eligion as insisting on denying God, worshipping man and nourishing vermin as its chief tenets without giving regard to the wonderful effect this religion has on the character and morality of the people. But as is often the case, a close acquaintance with a religion brings out its good side and creates a much more favourable impression of it as a whole than can be obtained by an objective literary acquaintance." 3 Small wonder, therefore, that, as a result of such immature studies, Jainism was for a long time looked upon as an offshoot of Buddhism, which fact naturally failed to rouse the curiosity of research students in this branch of Oriental study. It went on like this for some time, but thanks to scholars like Jacobi and Buhler it is no longer denied that Jainism had an independent genesis. As a matter of fact, Jainism has now recovered much of the ground lost, owing to the strenuous efforts of these two eminent scholars. The former's introduction to his edition of the Kalpa-Sutra of Bhadrabahu and his learned article on Mahavira and his Predecessors, published in 1879 and in 1880 respectively, and the latter's essay, Uber die Indische Secte der Jaina (The Indian Sect of the Jamas), read in 1877, were, in fact, the first rational, scientific and comprehensive accounts of the Jaina religion. The fame of these eminent scholars, and the great ability and philosophical acumen with which they treated the subject, attracted the attention XX 1 Hopkins, Religions of India, p 297. Belvalkar, Brahma-Sutras, pp 120, 121. Cf. Shah, JG, xx, p 105 IA, Ix, pp 158 ff

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INTRODUCTION of learned Europe to this great religion, and the inquiry which Jacobi and Buhler started has continued to the present day, and has been fruitful of great results. Happily there has been a positive change in the outlook towards Jainism, and it has been restored to its due place among the religions of the world, in view of the glorious part it played in the past and its contribution to the progress of world culture and civilization, which is not inferior to the contribution of any other religion on the globe. In this very connection Smith has to say that "it may well be doubtful if Buddhism can be correctly described as having been the prevailing religion of India as a whole at any time." He therefore condemns the phrase "Buddhist period" used by many writers as "false and misleading"; for, he says, "nether a Buddhist nor a Jaina period ever existed," in the sense that "neither heresy ever superseded Brahmanical Hinduism."1 Nevertheless there is no denying that both these faiths have left a permanent impress upon the pages of Indian history, and their contribution to Indian thought, life and culture has been inestimable. Our object, therefore, in the present thesis, is to chalk out the extent of Jainism in general- and not of a particular sect of it, such as Svetambara, Digambara or Sthanakavasi-in North India, and to trace the history of its vicissitudes as they obtained in that part of India. We shall not attempt to relate here, neither shall we venture to sketch in outline, the mighty developments of the dogmas, the institutions and the destinies of this great religion. We shall hardly be able to thrash out the questions arising in connection with the sources of Jaina history, the immensely variegated traditions, the dual form in which Jaina sacred literature has been handed down in resonance either with the Svetambara or Digambara convention. Ours will therefore be an attempt to follow the fortunes of a people, stout and sturdy, great and glorious, both in making a history for themselves and for their religion, and to estimate, in howsoever tentative and fragmentary a fashion, the intrinsic worth of their contribution, particularly to the rich and fruitful cultural stream of North India. There are special reasons that bring out the long-felt need of 1 Smith, Oxford History of India, p 55.

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INTRODUCTION a book of this nature, besides that the theme has met with scant attention from scholars, considering the literary output, during the last century and a quarter, in various other departments of Oriental studies. In the first place, the history of North India can never be complete unless it is as well written in the light of Jainism, in view of the immense changes in the laity as well as royalty wrought by this religion. Secondly, any survey of Indian philosophies cannot but be imperfect without comprising the Jamna philosophy; this applies all the more aptly to the region lying to the north of the Vindhyas-the land where Jainism was born Thirdly, if a well-connected and exact account of Indian rituals, customs, traditions, institutions, art and architecture is the theme of the researcher, then the chequered career of Jainism in the Northinterspersed as it is by numerous foreign invasions when no institution however sacred, no religion however potent, was absolutely safe-must naturally secure a pre-eminent place in such a thesis Says Johannes Hertel in this connection: "Characteristic of Indian narrative art are the narratives of the Jamas. They describe the life and manners of the Indian population in all its different classes, and in full accordance with reality. Hence Jaina narrative literature is, amongst the huge mass of Indian literature, the most precious source not only of folklore in the most comprehensive sense of the word, but also in the history of Indian civilization "1 Finally, no study has so potent an influence in forming a nation's mind and civilization as a critical and careful survey of its past history, and it is through such study alone that an unreasoning and superstitious worship of the past is replaced by a legitimate and manly admiration. Regarding the literary contribution of the Jamas it would take a fairly big volume to give a history of all that the Jainas have contributed to the treasures of Indian literature. Jainas have contributed their full share to the religious, ethical, poetical and scientific literature of ancient India. Taking a comprehensive review of the contribution of the Jamas to Indian culture Mr Barth observes: "They have taken a much more active part in the literary and scientific life of India Astronomy, grammar, and romantic literature owe a great deal to their zeal " 2 In the realm of art, the elaborately carved friezes in the cavetemples and dwellings on the Udayagiri and Khandagui Hills, the axi 1 Hertel, op cl,p 8 Barth, The Religions of India, p 144

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INTRODUCTION richly decorated Ayagapatas and Toranas of the Mathura find, the beautiful free-standing pillars on the mountain masses of Girnar and Satrunjaya, the admirable architecture in the Jaina temples at Mount Abu, and elsewhere, are sufficient to evoke the interest of any student of Indian history. Likewise it is impossible, in the region of religion, to appreciate the real force that was behind the great Sankaracarya or the great Dayananda without following the reactions of centuries of Jaina and Buddhist influence. These movements in literature, art and religion could not have succeeded but under the wings of royal patronage. Hence our study must necessarily start with tracing the fortunes of Jainism at royal courts, as in its course it "becomes the state religion of certain kingdoms, in the sense that it was adopted and encouraged by certain kings, who carried with them many of their subjects." 1 But the task is certainly a thorny one. There is no single work which is a complete survey of Jainism in North India; yet it is no mere blank, neither any medley of historical and legendary names, religious parables, and epic and Agamic myths, heaped up pell-mell. For then in vain have the thousands of ancient Jaina Sadhus and scholars toiled to preserve those elaborate compositions handed down from generation to generation by a feat of memory which is considered a miracle in modern days; and in vain, too, most eminent Indian and foreign scholars and antiquarians have worked during the last hundred and fifty years, if it be still impossible to put together the results of their learned researches in the shape of a connected history such as is intelligible to the gencral reader and useful to the student. Although many portions of Jaina history are still obscure, and although many questions of details are still a bone of contention, to construct a general history of the Jama epochs is happily no longer a desperate undertaking. Desperate or not, we must frankly disclaim any pretensions to discoveries of our own, as well as to extend in any way the limits of Oriental scholarship and research. In conclusion a word must be added with regard to the denotation of the term "North India." In a limited sense the expression "South India" is applied only to the districts lying south of the Krishna and the Tungabhadra rivers, the portion north of these rivers usually being called the Deccan. But South and North India, south and north respectively of the Narbada and the Mahanadi, 1 Smith, op.al, p. 55. xiu

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INTRODUCTION form a unit by themselves, and it is in this sense that the term is here used " It is to the south of the Tapti river that the Deccan plateau proper begins. The Narbada river is the real parting of Hindustan from the Deccan (Peninsular India)." 1 And it is in this territory that nearly half the Jainas, out of the total population of about twelve lacs, reside to-day. And these Jainas, six lacs or so in number, are historically and socially, and also religiously, a definite unit by themselves, even as they are by traditions, customs and habits distinctly northern As among the Buddhists so among the Jainas, this division between North and South, though geographical in its origin, "has extended in the end to the doctrines taught, the question of the canon of scripture, and the entire body of the traditions and usages." 2 1 Srmivasachan and Aryangar, History of India, pt. 1., p 8 . Barth, op cit, p 145 itdd

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CHAPTER I Jainism before Mahavira " He history of ancient India," says a modern historian, "is La history of thirty centuries of human culture and progress. It divides itself into several distinct periods, each of which, for a length of several centuries, will compare with the entire history of many a modern people." 1 In these " thirty centuries of human culture and progress" the Jaina contribution is a solid synthesis of many-sided developments in art, architecture, religion, morals and sciences; but the most important achievement of the Jaina thought is its ideal of Ahimsa-non-violence-towards which, as the Jainas believe, the present world is slowly, though imperceptibly, moving. It was regarded as the goal of all the highest practical and theoretical activities, and it indicated the point of unity amidst all the diversities which the complex growth of culture inhabited by different peoples produced. The name Jainism indicates the predominantly ethical character of the system As the Buddhists are the followers of Buddha, the Enlightened, the Jainas are the followers of Jina, the Victor, a title applied to all the Tirthankaras of the Jainas 2 The generic names of a Jina express the ideas entertained by his votaries about his achievement. He is Jagataprabliu, Lord of the world; Sarvajna, Omniscient: Trikalavit, Knower of the three times (past, present and future); Ksliinakarma, Destroyer of corporeal action; Adhisvara, Supreme Lord; Devadhideva, God of gods, and simular epithets of obvious purport; whilst others are of a more specific character, as Tirthakara or Tirthankara, Kevali, Arhat and Jina The first implies one who has crossed over (Tiryate Anena)--that is, the ocean; Kevali is the possessor of Kepala, or spiritual nature, free from its investing sources of error ; 1 Dutt, op cit, p.1. . It is also applicable to all those men and women who hare conquered their lower nature, and who have by means of a thorough victory over all attachments and antipathies realised the highest Cf. Radhakrishnan, Indran Philosophy, , 280.

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JAINISM IN NORTH INDIA Arhat is one entitled to the homage of gods and men; and Jina is the victor of all human passions and infirmities 1 The religion propounded by such a Jina is called Jainism, and it is known by some such designations as Jaina-darsana, Jainasasana, Syaduada-drshti, Jaina-dharma, etc. His followers arc called Jainas, generally known as Srayakas. It is really difficult, nay impossible, to fix a particular date for the origin of Jainism Nevertheless, modern research has brought us at least to that stage wherein we can boldly proclaim all those worn-out theories about Jainism being a later offshoot of Buddhism or Brahmanism as gross ignorance or, to repeat, as erroneous misstatements On the other hand we liave progressed a step further, and it would be now considered an historical fallacy to say that Jainism originated with Mahavira without putting forth any new grounds for justifying this statement. Thus is because it is now a recognised fact that Parsva, the twenty-third Tirthankara of the Jainas, is an historical person, and Mahavira, like any other Jina, enjoyed no better position than that of a reformer in the galaxy of the Tirthankaras of the Jainas 3 The question whether religion is as old as the human race, or whether it is the growth of a later stage, is as little open to solution by historical research as that of its origin and essence, it can be answered only by psychology and is a purely pbilosophical inquuy. No tribe or nation has yet been met with destitute of belief in some higher beings, which indication is most essential to what is known as religion in the abstract ! Coming to religion in concrete--that is, to a particular belief or faith-We find that there also arises the same question whether it is Hemocandra, Abhidhanaantamani, chap 1, vv. 24-25 pasya ca jainadarzanasya prakAzayitA paramAtmA rAgadvepAyAntararipujetRtvAdanvaryakajinanAmadheyaH / jinArhana smAdvAdI tIrthakara iti pAnaponaram / mata kha tAmakAzitaM darzanamapi jainadarzanamahatAvacane jainazAsana syAhAdadRSTiranekAnayAda ityAbhidhAnapadivyate - Vijayadharmasuri, Bhandarkar Commemoration Polume, P 180 For a better understanding of the later part of the chapter we shall give below list of the 21 Tirtharlaras of this age 1 Rshabha, 2 Ayta, 8 Sambhava, 4 Abhinandani, 5 Sumati, 8 Padmaprabha, 7 Suparsva, 8 Candraprabha, 9 Pushpadanta or Susdh. 10 Sitala, 11 Sreyamsa, 12 Vasupuyya, 18 Vuela, 14 Ananta, 15 Dharma, 70 Sinti, Kunthu, 18 Ari, 19 Mall, 20 Munisuvrata, 21 Nimi, 22 Nemi or Azishtamemt. Parv (Parsvanatha), 24 Vardhamuna, also named Vira, Alohavira, eto Lycry one of them has a discriminative symbol or Lanchana for hunsell, and this is always found on Jana Idols representing them-eg the symbol of Parsvs is a booded snahe, and that of Vardiinting is a hon CJ TREATHROWYCHYTIT -Ilomacandra, op al, T 20, 27, 28 , oto

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JAINISM BEFORE MAHAVIRA as old as the human race, or whether it is a growth of a later stage' in human life. Here we are confronted with a more or less universal claim, which is put forth by every religion, and which, to put it fi ankly, shortly comes to this : ours is the eternal and universal | religion and others are heretics. To strengthen and justify this claim of eternity tre find almost everywhere a lot of legendary literature which indulges in religious parables and canonical myths. Whether this is human weakness, or whether there is one religion Wluich can justify its claim to eternity and universality, is no business of ours to say. That is beyond the lines that we have marked out for our purpose liere. We shall limit ourselves to what Jainism has to say on this crucial question. To the Jainas, Jainism has been revealed again and again in every one of these endless succeeding periods of the world by in-, numerable Tirthankaras. Of the present age the first Tirtharkara was Rslabha and the last two yere Parsva and Mahavira. The lives of these Tirthankaras are found fully worked out both in the Jaipa canonical literature and in individual Caritras (Life sketches) written by various Jaina Gurus. Of these Rshabha is said to be 500 poles in stature, and he is believed to have lived for 8,400,000 Purva years, while both Parsva and Mahavira lived for 100 and 172 years respectively.3 If we just compare the lives of these Tirthankaras Fre find that there is a distinct decrement from Rshabha. The one before Parsva-namely, Nemi-attained the age of 1000 years. This return to reason in the stature and years of the last two Tirtharkaras induced some scholars to draw a probable ; inference that the last two alone are to be considered as historical personages.5 Talking of Parsva, Lassen says: "The opinion that this Jina was a real person is specially supported by the circumstance that 1 Hemacandra has enumerated in his Abhidhanacintaman the 24 Junas who have appeared in the past Utsarpini period and 24 others of the future age rfUY, etc, and feat , etc ---17.50-56 He concludes. Para fingrarquity FGFT: , -- .58 Among the Sutras see Bhadrabahu s Kalpa-Sutra, or Sudharma's Atasyaha, etc, to mention a few indivdual Caritras te have Taraft H by Hemavijayagani ; zAntinAthamahAkAvyam by Sri Mmmbhadrasiri, mallinAthacaritram by Tmayacandrasiri and also by Harbhadra, FETELE by Nemicandra, and so on Kalpa-Sutra, sut 227, 163, 147. According to the Jainas one Purpa is equal to 70,560,000,000,000 years Cf Samgrahani-Sutra, x 262 .Kalpa-Satra, sut 182 * Stevenson (Rer), Kalpa-Sutra, Int, u

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JAINISM IN NORTH INDIA the duration of his life does not at all transgress the limits of probability as is the case with bus predecessors." No doubt history cannot draw inferences on such grounds. but the perod of Indian history with which we are concerned is greatly wanting in data on which we can base our authoritative conclusions "It is almost impossible," observes Dutt, " to fix any precise date in the history of India before Alexander the Great visited the land " It is really inexplicable why everything has been recorded since the advent of Lord Mahavira, the product of the great Indian synthesis, and also why authentic records are missing previous to this with all this, it is not a hopeless task to fix an historical date for Parava, the twenty-third Tirthankara of the Jainas. The contemporary literature of the time of Mahavira and Buddha throws a great deal of light on this important question of Jaina history, and, as we shall see, the evidence put forward by the Jaina Sutras is also not less worthy of note Taking Parsva, the object of our search here, we find that there is no authoritative data in the form of an inscription or a monument which is directly connected with him, but there are inscriptions and monuments from which an indirect inference can safely be drawn Rcvicting the Jaina inscriptions from Mathura we find that there is a reference to Rshabha in a dedication to him by lay votaries 3 Moreover, we find here that most of the inscriptions arc dedicated to more than one Arhat 4 "All of them, whether bcaring kings' names or not, clearly belong to the Indo-Scythic period, or if the era of Kanishka and his successors is identita with Saka-era-to the first and second century AD" 5 If Mahavia was thic founder, it can with all impunity he said that there is a tainly no great gulf of time that divdes him from the people of whose dedication to Mahavira we have spoken above, since they come only some six centuries after him, which fact would place them at once in possession of much intimate knowledge as to be loundation of the religion But. over and above this, the dedicati 18 to more than onc Arhat, and particularly to Rshabha, which iad 1 Larsen, 1.4 ,11,P 201 Dutt, op el, p 11 USATO : May the divine Rshabhs be pleased) to HITT , + ERAT (Adoration to thc Arhats) . . p 371 bd. 388. Ins No

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WY PYTTET AN ANA kater T A GAK AWW VIRI TV 1 OF PERSVINTI O VIT T I Pilm-k of 5 of the Kapuso Stirru of the thirstenth Centur I'mm pinight resenta u n

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in find that in the eve of lus 47.in Pariva came down to wenu uldud uctio 50 ur licie? Cumang 20 contemplary itcaiu se find men icliahle striements and commu'er, that leave no doubt ns to the luisiwlch, Of Parsras lufre cir purpose licie we neel noi anune thic rerruty of all throne i kerences but we stall merely coverate just a lot which aio mos4211ng and lugbly convincing According to ihc J... seriplures Jauna Sadhas par! Nups Icre known as Niginal and Viganthis -anslui Tiranhas maslimnologically incaning "171hout any lies " 6 ") is also appareily correciated by the Buddlust Crn:one Va:ulinmihua ? and Ilemacandid call lhew granthures, whilst ollicr vtitis substitute synonyms sich in Pisa," rihtambara, etc. The name Nigrantha for the same rcligious men occus also in the cdicis of Asoka under the form of ligantha il The Prtahas of the Budchas often mention the 1973bas as oppenents of Buddha 1 1 Tha arrorlin: lo Jaina terminu na pline of grinnigc. . Sir 1-Sich r, culled 19 Vngor kennel in^ Parson iut, 18 situated among the Ihne ihr ind Bengal, Its ho tot "cit u the cycs od + Jains, and it is Sidlo L icallgrims from the error: 'Tovinces of India Culebrjoke, opil, 91" ;hen I celebrated innspel ! in that place ( tuntur, itlerudhyay 1(-44 101, p1, 14 amer Our Sitra, sa visit Fa m ][cmacandia, Tromlasht-S171,4, I'aru IX : !'. Suc Ultraan,"ayana - ja rem ,in WI 16 XVI, 2 Icaranga, pl 11, 40 wana JII %, rd Inpr. vitri ir, eta See Dich Nruyr 1 7" 18m 7 7 nalons (Hur Oi Serrs), }, pr 294 29-313, 'GO, 19:,(ta. Yli Parmtibia Surfa, chap 1, 207, ctc CYRUS Druids, S C ,1,P 169 mor e te Yurikou na Brlici-Saruna, Aal,741x27 LI, 21 "In 'n lumturi lvyil cuntur) Bruni Saniri, k 19 (ed Korn), 2 1, led, is the who I designat Di Jami Yall". Sit's op af, 145 - fru c teur, 17 },idra, cibhidh. To Fo r etc-Paul 3rahunes.ara- * i } 252 (2nd cu

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Ch bA mainin bhAgAta siyAsA NIRI TA DI PARSA ANATHA ON MIT SAMMPTY From Pilm-leaf VS of the Kalpa-Sutra of the Thirteenth Century Copyright reverentiala Suit

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JAINISM BEFORE MAHAVIRA makes it clear as regards both the authenticity of a very ancient beginning of the religion, and the probable succession of numerous Tirtharkaras in the meanwlule. Furthermore, we have a monumental proof in one of the greatest Tirthas 1 of the Jainas, the hill of Samet-Sikhar - in Bengal, which is known also as Parasnath Hill. It is situated in the Hazaribag district. Both in the Kalpa-Sutra, recorded and proved to have been composed by Bhadrabahu, and hence which can be traced as far back as c. 300 B.C., and also in other Jaina literature we find that on the eve of his Nirvana Parsva came down to this hill and went to Moksha from here. Coming to contemporary Iterature we find many reliable statements and coincidences that leave no doubt as to the historicity of Parsva's life. For our purpose here we need not examine the veracity of all these references, but we shall merely enumerate just a fer which are most striking and highly convincing. According to the Jaina scriptures Jaina Sadhus and Nuns) Tere known as Niganthas and Niganthes-Sanskit Nirgranthas --etymologically meaning "without any ties." 5 This is also apparently corroborated by the Buddhist canon ; Varahamihira 7 and Hemacandra8 call them Nurgranthas, whilst other writers substitute synonyms, such as Vivasana, Muktambara, etc. The name Nirgrantha for the Jaina religious men occurs also in the edicts of Asoka under the form of Nagantha.10 The Pitakas of the Buddhas often mention the Niganthas as opponents of Buddha 1 Tirtha, according to Jaina terminology, means a place of pilgrimage. . "Samet-Sichara, called in Major Rannel's map Parsonaut, is situated among the hills between Bihar and Bengal ; its holiness is great in the eyes of the Jainas, and it is said to be visited by pilgrims from the remotest provinces of India " Colebrooke, op cit, u, 218 There is a celebrated temple of Parsva in that place. s Charpentier, Uttaradhyayana-Sitra, Int , pp. 18, 14 See Kaipa-Sutra, stit 168, faluarea #angi met my :-Hemacandra, Trishashtr-Salaha, Parva IX, v. 816, p 219 See Uttaradhyayana, Lecture or Adhyayana XII, 10, XVI, 2; Acaranga, pt u, Adhyayana III, 2, and Kalpa-Sitta, sut. 180, etc See Digha Nikaya, 1, p. 57; Buddhism in Translations (Bar Or. Series), m, pp 224, 842-843, 469, 484, etc, Maha Parinibbana Sutta, chap v, 267, etc Cf Rhys Davids, S.BE,1, p. 166 119119TUTETTURE ... etc -Varahamihira, Brhal-Samhta, Adhyayana LI, v 21: "In Varahamihira's (sixth century) Brhat Samhrta, ls 19 (ed Kern), Nagna, * Naked,' is the official designation of a Jama Yari " Barth, op cit, p 145 8 forfait fra: ..etc.--Hemacandra, Abhidhanacintamani, v. 76 faaaaay...etc --Pansiknr, Brahmasutra-Bhashya, p 252 (2nd ed) 20 Buhler, EI, 1, p 272

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JAINISM IN NORTH INDIA and his followers. Wherever they arc mentioned in the Buddhist canon it is mostly to refute their belief, and thus to assert tlie superionty of the faith of Lord Buddlia These facts piove two things that the Jaina monks were called Niganthas, and that, as far as the Buddhist writings reach, the Jainas and Buddhists were great rivals 2 Coming to Mahavira, we find that his father, Siddhurtha, was of Kasyapa Gotra, belonging to the clan of the Jnatri-Kshatriyas.3 This is the reason why Mahavira was known as Jnatriputra in his own days 4 Now, in Pali, Nata is equivalent of Jnali, and hence Jnatraputra means Nataputta, which more resembles Nayaputta, "a Buruda of Mahavira used in the Kalpa-Sutra and the Uttaradhyayana-Sutra" 5 Thus the titles Niganthanalha, NiganthaNataputta, and also merely Nataputta refer to none else but Mahavira, "The discovery of the real name of the founder of the Jainas," says Dr Buhler, "belongs to Professor Jacobi and myself. The form Jnatriputra occurs in the Jaina and northern Buddlust books; in Pal it is Nataputta, and in Jaina Prakrt Nayaputta. Jnata or Jnatt appears to have been the name of the Rajput clan from which the Norgrantha was descended " 6 Again coming back to the Buddhist canon, we find in an old book of the Singalese canon, the Samagama-Sutta, a reference to Nigantha-Nataputta's death in Pava.? Furthermore, a reference to the doctrine of the Niganthas, as given in Buddhist canonical litorature, confirms the identity of the Niganthas with the Jainas. "The Nagantha-Nataputta knows and sees all things, claims perfect knowledge and faith, teaches annihilation by austerities of the old Karmas and prevention by activity of new Karma. When Karma ceases all ceases" 8 There are indeed many such references to Mahavira * See Anguttara Nikaya, I,74, Nahuwagga, v , 81, etc 1 "Among the religious sects of non-Buddhistio persuasion are the Norgranthas or Jornas, the adversaries whom Ashvaghosha detests with ureater virulence than Brahmans"_Nariman, Sanskri Buddhism, P 199 (2nd ed), see also Mitra, The Sanskrit Buddinst Laterature in Nepal, P 11 7199709, of Kalpa-Sutra, sut 110, see also ibid, sit 20, etc, AcarangaSutra, pt 11 , Adhyayana XV, 4 Ind, pt 1, VII, 12, and VIII, 9 * Jacobi, Kalpa-Sutra, Int ,po * Buhler, IA, vu, p 148, n 5 See also "We owe to Professor Jacobi the suggestion, which is undoubtedly correct, that the teacher, who is this styled in the sacred books of the Buddhists, is identical th Mabavira, etc --CHI,1,P 160 7 Z.D.MG, TW, p 749 Cf Buhler, The Indian Sect of the Jarnas, P 84. Angullara Vrhuya, 12 , 74 CE S BE, vy,p xv.

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* JAINISM BEFORE MAHAVIRA and his theory in the old books of the Buddhas, but we shall limit ourselves to one which is very helpful in tracing this history as far back as Parsvanatha. There is a reference to Nataputta's system in the SamannaphalaSutta, which is as follows: Catuyama Samvara Samvuto, which has been interpreted by Jacobi as referring to the Jaina term Caturyama. "It is applied," says the learned scholar, "to the doctrine of Dlahavira's predecessor, Parsva, to distinguish it from the reformed creed of Mahavira, which is called Pancyama Dharma." 1 To understand this interpretation of Dr Jacobi we must know beforehand that the original religion of Parsva had laid down four great vows for the guidance of his followers, and they are as follows. Ahimsa, non-killing; Sunfta, truthful speech; Asteya, not stealing; and Aparigraha, renouncing of all illusory objects. Mahavira being a reformer also saw that in the society in which he was moving Brahmacaryam-chastity-must be made a separate vow, quite distinct from the Aparigraha vow of Parsvanatha 2 Referring to this reformation in the Jaina church by Mahavira, Jacobi observes : "The argumentation in the text presupposes a decay of the morals of the monastic order to have occurred between Parsva and Mahavira, and this is possible only on the assumption, of sufficient interval of time having elapsed between the last two Tirthankaras, and this perfectly agrees with the common tradition that Mahavira came 250 years after Parsva." 3 ore Thus from the Buddhist-Granthas themselves we get sound proofs which help us to ascertain the historical character of Parsva's Infe. Besides this there is one thing which sounds very strange when we consider all these references about Nataputta and his philosophy that are available in the Buddhist canon. With all these refutations and references about them in the canonical works of the rival faith the Jainas could ignore their adversaries. It follows from this that the Nzgranthas were considered by the Buddhas an important sect, while the Nirgranthas in their turn did not think it worth while to take any notice of the sister faith. These strange concidences of both the Buddhist and the Jaina literature go a long way to prove the existence of Jainism much before the advent of Buddha and Mahavira. 1 Jacobi, IA, , p 160 am ant. etc - See Kalpa-Sutra, SubodhrlaTila, p. 3. Jacobi, S.B.E, xlv., pp 122-128

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JAINISM IN NORTH INDIA "The Nirgranthas," observes Dr Jacobi, "are frequently mentioned by the Buddhists, even in the oldest part of the Prtakas. But I have not yet met with a distinct mention of the Buddhas in any of the old Jaina Sutras, though they contain lengthy legends about Jamali, Gosala and other heterodox teachers. As this is just the reverse position to that which both sects mutually occupy in all aftertimes, and as it is inconsistent with our assumption of a contemporaneous origin of both creeds, we are driven to the conclusion that the Nergranthas were not a newly founded sect of Buddha's time This seems to have been the opinion of the Prtahas too; for we find no indication of the contrary in them." 1 So much about references in Buddhist canons now we shall sce what the Hindu scriptures and legends have to say about Jamism Though they seem to be somewhat later than Mahavira and his times, they go a step further than the Buddhist canon. And, strangely enough, they more or less support the belief of the Jainas that Rshabha was the first Jina of this age. From Vishnu-Purana we learn that the Brahmans too have a Rshabha whose life more or less coincides with that of the Jaina one In the Bhagavata-Purana also a detailed account of the life of onc Rshabba is given, and from that it is evident that it is none other than the first Jaina Tirthankara himself A note on Bhagavala-Purana in Wilson's Vishnu-Purana has it: "That work cnters much more into detail on the subject of Rshabha's devotion, and particularises circumstances not found in any other Purana. The most interesting of these are the scenes of Rshabha's wanderings, which are said to be Konka, Vankata. Kutaka, and Southern Karnataka, or the western part of the peninsula; and the adoption of the Jaina belief by the people of those countries." of the remaining Tirthankaras, Sumati, the fifth Tirthankara, is evidently identical with Bharata's son Sumati, of whom it is said in thic Bhagavata that he will be irreligiously worshipped by some infidels as a divinity." 3 Besides this, " Arishtanemi, the twentysecond Tirthankara, is connected with Krshna's myth through Jambi, 14, 15, 161 - * Xibhi and bu hus quccn Muru the magnanimous Rshabha, and he had a hundred 15 tlic clart of whom wns Bhomtn Hlasing ruled with equity and wisdom, and celeI ratel ning erilirul rites, hic resigned the sovereignty of the earth to the heroic Bharata, te - leon shnu-Purana, 103 tin,P 10; n.

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JAINISM BEFORE MAHAVIRA Rajimati, daughter of Ugrasena."1 From all these references from the Vishnu and Bhagavata Puranas Jacobi concluded "... there may be something historical in the tradition which makes Rshabha the first Tirthankara."? However, it is not to be forgotten that according to some scholars these Puranas belong to a later date, and hence much weight cannot be put on their authority, in spite of scholars like Smith, who would not like to disparage the authority of the Puranic lists. Leaving the Tirtharkaras aside we find there is a reference to Jaina philosophy in one of the oldest Sutras of the Hindus. In the Brahma-Sutras, which are believed by Telang 5 and others to be as old as the fourth century B.C., we find a refutation of Jaina Syadvada and of the Jaina theory about the soul. There are also many more references about Jainism in the Mahabharata, the_Alanusmrti, the Sivasahasra, the Taittiriya-Aranyaka, the Yajurveda-Samhita and other Hindu scriptures, but we shall not deal with them here.? Finally, we shall refer to what some of the most ancient and most sacred of the Jaina Sutras and some of the most eminent scholars of our day have to say on the historicity of Parsva and his predecessors. Before we directly refer to any part of Jaina literature we shall see what can be gathered about this particular point from the salient features of the period itself "As a general account of the facts," says Jarl Charpentier, "the statement that the main part of the canon originated with Mahavira and his immediate successors may probably be trusted." 8 But the Jainas go a step further than this. According to them the Purvas were the oldest sacred books, dating as far back as the first Tirthankara, Rshabha. There is also another more reliable tradition upon which Professor Jacobi rightly lays stress as containing some truth, and it is this that the Purvas were taught 1 Jacobi, op at, p. 168 See also "Neminatha, an uncle to Krshna and the twentysecond Tirthanbara of the Jainas," etc - Alazumdar, op cit, p 551. * Jacobi, op and loc. ct 3 C Wilson, op at, 1, PP 828-329. 1 "Modern European writers have been inchned to disparage unduly the authorty of the Puranic lists, but closer study finds in them much genuine and valuable historical tradition " C Smith, Early History of India, p. 12 (4th ed) 'S S.B.E, v , p. 82" Nyaya-Darsana and Brahma-Sutra (Vedanta) were composed between A.D. 200 and 450"-Jacobi. Cf J.A O S., XXX1, p 29 & Cf. Panskar, op al., p 252. Hiralal, H, Ancient History of the Jarna Religron, pt 11, pp. 85-89 $ Charpentier, op at, p. 12

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JAINISM IN NORTH INDIA by Nahavira himself, and that the Angas were then composed by his Ganadharas. From this it becomes clear that Mahavira and his Ganadharas who succeeded him were the authors of the Jaina Agamic literature. When we say that Mahavira was the author we do not mean that he actually wrote them, but that whatever is recorded there was taught by him. "For authorship in India depended chiefly on the matter, the words being rather irrelevant, provided the sense be the same "2 Furthermore, from certain peculiarities of the Jaina literature itself we can also mark that along with the rehgion it can be traced as far back as Vardhamana and some time even before him. But we shall not touch any of these characteristic features here, since we are going to deal with them in our chapter on " Jaina Literature" Now when in such canonical literature of the Jainas we find more or less unanimous and reliable reference to Parsva there is no reason to doubt their authentiaty Take for instance the Kalpa-Sutra of the days of Bhadrabahu. It has referred to all the Tirthankaras of the Jainas. Its references to Parsva and MahaviraDharma bave, however, been dealt with. The most important passage is the one in the Bhagavati wherein is described a dispute between Kalasavesiyaputta, a follower of Parava, and some disciple of Mahayira. It ends with the former's begging permission to stay with him "after having changed the law of the four vows for the law of the five vows enjoining compulsory confession." 3 In Silunka's commentary on the Acaranga the same distinction is made between the Caturyama of Parsva's followers and the Pancayama of Vardhamana's Tirtha The same thing is repeated also in the Uttaradhyayana. To quote Dasgupta. "The story in the Uttaradhyayana that a disciple of Parsva mct a disciple of Mahavira and brought about the union of the old Jainism and that propounded by Mahavira seems to suggest that this Parsva was probably an historical person " 5 1 Jacobi, S.BE , ,Int , p 45 Jacobi, Kalpa-Sutra, p. 15 eme kAlAsayesipapule saNagAre pare bhagavaMto yadai namasara 2 (sA) eva vadAsI-icchAmi bhane / TH - Bhagos ari-Sutra, Satala I, sut 76 Cf also Weber, Pragment der Bhagavati, p 185 HPT NgamT V , etc --Cf Acaranga-Sutra, Srutashandha II, vv 12-18, p 320 Dasgupta, llistory of Indian Philosophy, 1, p 100 Cf also t ringan mart h at y Uttarudhyayana-Sulra, Adhyayana XXIII, V. 25 10

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JAINISM BEFORE MAHAVIRA Coming to modern scholars we find that there is a general unanimity about the historical character of Parsva's life. Just to mention a few among the older generation of Sanskrit scholars in the West, we find that Colebrooke, Stevenson and Edward Thomas 8 strongly believed that Jainism was older than both Nattaputta and Sakyaputta. "I take Parsvanatha," says Colebrooke, to have been the founder of the sect of the Jainas, which was confirmed and thoroughly established by Mahavira and his disciple Sudharma ; by whom, and by his followers, both Mahavira and his predecessor, Parsvanatha, have been venerated as deified saints (Jinas), and are so worshipped by the Jainas of this day." 4 On the other side some German scholars, like Buhler 5 and Jacobi, refuted the arguments put forward by H. H. Wilson,? Lassen 8 and others. "These particulars," says Jacobi, "about the religion of the Jainas previous to the reform of Mahavira are so matter-of-fact like, that it is impossible to deny that they may have been handed down by a trustworthy tradition. Hence we must infer that the Nirgranthas already existed previous to Mahaviraa result which we shall render more evident in the sequel by collateral proofs." 9 Coming to our own day we have three of the greatest wmters on Indian philosophy-Drs Belvalkar, 10 Dasgupta u and Radhakrishnan 12and historians and scholars like Charpentier, 13 Guerinot,14 Mazumdar, 15 Frazer, 16 Elliot,1? Poussin 18 and others, who hold the same opinion. "Jainism has suffered," observes Belvalkar, "in estimation as an ethical and metaphysical system by being deemed as more or less contemporaneous in origin with the other more evolved philosophical systems like the Samkhya, Vedanta and! Buddhism. The fact is that Mahavira inherited the ontology of his system from a remoter ancestry, and he probably did little more than transmit it unchanged to succeeding generations." 10 , In his learned preface to the Uttaradhyayana Dr Charpentier observes: "We ought also to remember both that the Jaina 1 Colebrooke, op cit, i ,p 817. * Stevenson (Rer ), op. and loc al Thomas (Edward), op at,p 6 * Colebrooke, op and loc cit. Buhler, The Indian Scct of the Jainas, p 32 Jacobi, SBL, U P W 7 TYilson, op al, 1, p 334. * Lassen, 1A,1, 107. Jacobi, I.A, 1x, p 100 10 Belvalkar, The Brahma-Sulras, p 106. 1 Dasgupta opci, p 173 1. Radhakrishnan, op cit, p 281 1 Charpentier, CH., 1 P 158 11 Guerinot, Btblragraphic Jaina, Int ,p xi. 13 Mazumdar, op al, pp 262 ff 26 Frazer, Literary 11story of India, P 128. 17 Elliot, Hinduism and Buddhism, . p 110 15 Poussin, The T'ay to Vircuna, p. GT 19 Belvalkar, op cit, P 107. 11

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JAINISM IN NORTH INDIA by Mabavira himself, and that the Angas were then composed by his Ganadharas.7 From this at becomes clear that Mahavira and his Ganadharas who succeeded hum were the authors of the Jana Agamic literature. When we say that Mahavira was the author we do not mean that he actually wrote them, but that whatever is recorded there was taught by him "For authorship in India depended chiefly on the matter, the words being rather irrelevant, provided the sense be the same"? Furthermore, from certain peculiarities of the Jaina literature itself we can also mark that along with the Tchgion It can be traced as far back as Vardhamana and some time even before him. But we shall not touch any of these characteristic features here, since we are going to deal with them in our chapter on " Jaina Literature" } Now when in such canonical literature of the Jainas we find more or less unanimous and reliable reference to Parsva there is no reason to doubt their authenticity. Take for instance the Kalpa-Sutra of the days of Bhadrabahu It has referred to all the Tirthankaras of the Jainas Its references to Parsva and MahaviraDharma have, however, been dealt with The most important passage is the one m the Bhagavati wherein is described a dispute between Kalasavesiyaputta, a follower of Parsva, and some disciple of Mahavira. It ends with the former's begging permission to stay with him "after having changed the law of the four vows foi the law of the five vows enjoining compulsory confession." 3 In Silanka's commentary on the Acaranga the same distinction is made between the Caturyama of Parsva's followers and the Pancayama of Vardhamana's Tirtha 4 The same thing is repeated also in the Uttaradhyayana. To quote Dasgupta "The story in the Uttaradhyayana that a disciple of Parsya met a disciple of Mahavira and brought about the union of the old Jainism and that propounded by Mahavira seems to suggest that this Parsva was probably an historical person." 5 1 Jacobi, S.B.E, 01, Int ,p 45 * Jacobi, Kalpa-Sulra, p'16 tara se kAlAsasiyapujhe paNagAre re bhagavato ghar narmama 2 (zA) eva padAso-imAni ma bhte| IT -Cf Bhagavali-Sutra, Sataha I, sut 76 C also Weber, Fragment der Bhagavalt, ** S terugi, etc-f Acaranga-Sulra, Snutashandha II, v 12-13, p 820 Dasguptn, Hustory of Indian Pulosophy, !, p 280 C also rent afegar TAAT UH -Ullaradiyayana-Satre, Adhyayana XXIII, 25 10 p 185

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JAINISM BEFORE MAHAVIRA Coming to modern scholars we find that there is a general unanimity about the historical character of Parsva's life. Just to mention a few among the older generation of Sanskrit scholars in' the West, we find that Colebrooke, 1 Stevenson and Edward Thomas S strongly believed that Jainism was older than both Nattaputta and Sakyaputta. "I take Parsvanatha," says Colebrooke, "to have been the founder of the sect of the Jainas, which was confirmed and thoroughly established by Mahavira and his disciple Sudharma; by whom, and by his followers, both Mahavira and his predecessor, Parsvanatha, have been venerated as deified saints (Jinas), and are So worshipped by the Jainas of this day." 4 On the other side some German scholars, like Buhler 5 and Jacobi,& refuted the arguments put forward by H. H. Wilson,? Lassen 8 and others. These particulars," says Jacobi, "about the religion of the Jainas previous to the reform of Mahavira are so matter-of-fact like, that it is impossible to deny that they may have been handed down by a trustworthy tradition. Hence we must infer that the Nirgranthas already existed previous to Mahavira-- a result which we shall render more evident in the sequel by collateral proofs." 9 Coming to our own day we have three of the greatest writers on Indian philosophy-Drs Belvalkar, 10 Dasgupta 17 and Radhakrishnan 12__and historians and scholars like Charpentier, 13 Guerinot, 14 Mazumdar, 15 Frazer, 16 Elliot, 27 Poussin 18 and others, who hold the same opinion. "Jainism has suffered," observes Belvalkar, "in estimation as an ethical and metaphysical system by being deemed as more or less contemporaneous in origin with the other more evolved philosophical systems like the Sankhya, Vedanta and Buddhism. The fact is that Mahavira inherited the ontology of his system from a remoter ancestry, and he probably did little more than transmit it unchanged to succeeding generations." 18 , In his learned preface to the Uttaradhyayana Dr Charpentier observes : "We ought also to remember both that the Jaina * Colebrooke, op. cit, u, p 317. : Sterenson (Res ), op and loc al. - Thomas (Edward), op cit, PG 4 Colebrooke, op. and loc cit. * Buhler, The Indian Sect of the Jainas, p 32 Jacobi, SBE, ,P XXI. * Wilson, op cit, i, 334 # Lassen, 1.4,11, 107 Jacobi, I.A , L , P 180. 10 Belvalkar. The Brahma-Sutras, p. 106 1 Dasgupta, op cit, p. 178 1: Radhakrishnan, op cit, p 281. I Charpentier, CH., i, p 153 Gucrot, BibliograpInc Jaina, Int .p vi 13 Mazumdar, op cit, pp 262 IT it Frazer, Literary History of India, p 128. 17 Elliot, Hinduism and Buddhism, , p 110 18 Poussin, The Way to Nirvana p. 67 19 Belvalkar, op cit, p. 107. X1

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JUINIS IN NORTH INDIA religion is certainly older than Malavira, his reputed predecessor, Piruz, losing almost certainly cxisted as the real person, and tlmt con- quently the main point of the original doctrine may have me rirwlified long beforc Mahavira "1 Lastly, Dr Guerinot **** "There can no longer be any doubt that Parsvanatha was "l asical personage. According to the Jaina tradition he must Boer lavet a liundred years, and died 250 years before Mabavira. Ilis pyriol of activity thereforc corresponds to the 8th century B.C. 'Ilir irents of Mahavira were followers of the religion of Parsva"? Troin all these overwhelming proofs about the existence of a Tirthikata or Tirthaukaras before Mahavira we can, without any Bar of buioncal fallacy, affirm that modern research goes rightly i Par birk as the days of Parsvanatha, About the other Tirthan art sp shall not endorse the opinion of Mazumdar, who, even . i the risk of catirely disregarding the Jaina tradition, lays down that Rshnblin Duia, the first Tirthankara of the Jainas, "vas a ling of the loiraja dynasty in Bithoor (29th century BC.)." 3 We hill inercly conclude in thc words of Dr Jacobi that "we must at our rosenrches here content to have obtained a few glimpses to the prelustorical developnient of Jainism The last point rivirli ve can perearse is Parsva; beyond him all is lost in the mit of fab! and fiction," 4 1 Chinryntirr, Uttaradinajana, Int , p 21 1 fiu rant, op and loc cil Mazumlar, o,) and local Jamua, op. cit. p 163

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PARSA ANATHA THIRD TRIHANKARA OF IHg JAINAS (MATHURA) Copyright reserved Archeological Sumes of India

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CHAPTER II Mahavira and his Times W E have already dealt with Parsva, the predecessor of Mahavira, W in the previous chapter. There is very little in connection with him that we can glean out from any other source but the Jaina Sutras. From the Buddhist canonical literature we inferred that there was some such thing as the Caturyama-Dharma of Parsva. All that we know about him is only through Jaina canonical literature, which has also been the basis for all those bistorians and scholars who have written about him. We need not put down here all that the Jainas have to say about Parsva, because it is impossible to deal with that part of Jaina history which forms the period between the last two Tirthankaras, mainly for two reasons-viz. that, in the first place, what we know about them is chiefly through mere tradition, and that, in the second place, there is so much that is contradictory even there. It would be enough to say that Parsva was born of a king named Asvasena, who was a ruling magnate at Benares, and that his mother's name was Vama. Furthermore, according to the Jaina belief there were 16,000 monks, 38,000 nuns, 164,000 laymen and 327,000 laywomen who formed his whole following. Parsva is said to have lived for one hundred years, for seventy years of which he was engrossed in seeking Nirvana. Coming to Mahavira we find that, according to Jaina tradition, he came about two hundred and fifty years after his predecessor. The period of Indian history when Mahavira lived is called the 1 Ralpa-Sutra, sut. 160 ; see also EMETART T eto --Hemacandra, Trishashti-Salaka, Paroa IX, v 23, p. 196; Charpentier, CH I., 1, p 154 Kalpa-Sutra, sut. 161-164 Iord , sut 168 ; see also aafada Icon I alyanccarat .. etc.--Hemacandra, op at, V. 318, p 219, Mazumdar, op cl, p 551 siuvifion EcuadgH statsfitatci --Kalpa-Sutra, Subodhiha-Tika, p. 182. "As he is said to bave died 250 years before the death of Mahavira, he may Probably have lived in the 8th century BC"-C.H.1,i,p 158 18

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JAINISM IN NORTH INDIA rationalistic age Its duration differs with different authors, but generally the limit can be put as between 1000-200 B c.1 The age of epic India had passed away The Kurus, the Pancalas, the Kosalas, and the Videhas of the Gangetic Valley no more existed. It was in this period that the Aryans issued out of the Gangetic Valley and founded Hindu kingdoms even in the southernmost parts of India, suffusing their new settlements with their glorious civilisation. And this is precisely a period which is marked by a great flourish of religion in India "Her ancient religion, which the Hindu Aryans had practised and proclaimed for fourteen centuries, had degenerated into forms "a India was now to witness the commencement of a great revolution Whether for the better or for the worse, she had to face a great upheaval in the Hindu fold "Religion in its true sense had been replaced by forms. Excellent social and moral rules were disfigured by the unhealthy distinctions of caste, by exclusive privileges for Brahmans and by cruel laws for Sudras Such exclusive caste privileges did not help to improve the Brahmans themselves. As a community they became grasping and covetous, ignorant and pretentious, until Brahmana-Sutrakaras themselves had to censure the abuse in the strongest terms." 3 The institution of priesthood among the Hindus is certainly a later growth; for although the word Brahman is used in the Rigveda (which Veda goes back to the earliest times of Aryan culture in India), it only meant "singers of sacred songs "5 And it was now that they came to designate a class of religious functionaries As time went on the office seems to have become hereditary, and by and by the Brahmans came to be regarded with higher and higher honour. With it their pretensions also rose higher and higher, but they could not yet form an exclusive caste. This was the situation before the Aryans had advanced beyond the Seven Rivers, at the mouth of the Indus, where they had origin 1 Cf Dutt, op at (Contents), Mazumdar, op cat (Contents) Dutt, op al, p 310 Ibid, p 341, see also "(Brahmans) who neither study nor teach the Veda nor Leep sacred fires become equal to Sudras "--Vasishtha, m, 1 Cf Buhler, SBE, XIV, p 10 Grillith, The Hymns of the Rigveda, 11, pp 96, 97, etc (2nd ed) Cf Tiele, Outlines of the History of Religion, p 115 "In course of time the priest's connection with the sovereign appears to have nssumed permanency, and probably become hereditary "Cf Law, N N, Ancient Indian Polity, p 44 14

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MAHAVIRA AND HIS THIES ally settled after their separation from the Iranians. But with a diffusion of the Hindu-Aryans over the region south-east of the Seven Rivers, and their settlement on the Ganges and the Jumna, the Vedic religion gave birth to Brahmanism, or the hierarchy of Brahmans. With Brahmanism came the rigidity of caste system, which "was still a pliable institution in the Epic period, but the rules of caste were made more rigid and inflexible in the Rationalistic period, and it was impossible for the members of a lower caste to enter within the pale of priesthood." This state of things resulted in Brahmans being entirely relieved of manual labour, and being fed on the resources of the industrial classes without doing anything worth wlule to compensate the other classes. They had become idlers to such an extent that they were not prepared to acquire that learning which alone could justify their exemption from labour. Vasishtha felt the abuse and the injustice keenly, and protested against idlers being supported and fed, in terms which could be indited only when Hinduism was still the religion of a living nation.5 The abuses begotten of the privileges of the caste system combined with the circumstance that writing was unknown, or at any rate was not generally employed for literary purposes, contributed to give increasing influence to the Brahmans. Subject at first to the princes and nobles, and dependent on them, they began by insinuating themselves into their favour, and representing that the protection and liberty of Brahmans were part of the duties of the princes and nobles. Gradually they set themselves up as the exclusive guardians and interpreters of "revelation" (Srutz) and " tradition" (Smrti), in virtue of their being masters of instruction.? By far the greater number of works on religion 1" It is not so easy to trace the relations between Brahmarshdefa and the earlier Aryan settlements in the land of the Seven Rivers - C.H.I,2,P 51. Cf Trele, op cit, pp 112, 117. "The language of the Rigoeda, the oldest form of Vedic Sanskrit, belongs to the country of the Seven Rivers The language of the Brahmanas and of the later Vedic Lterature in the country of the Upper Jumna and Ganges (Brahmarshdesa) is transitional "--CHI,1,P 57 Dutt, op at, P 264 Cf. Crooke, ERE, 11, p 493 4 Cf. McCrindle, Ancient Indra, p 209. & "The King shall punish that village where Brahmans, unobservant of their sacred duties and ignorant of the Vedas, subsist by begging, for it feeds robbers"-Vasish tha, 11,4 Cf Buhler, SB.E, VT, p M. * CF Tiele, op cit,p 121 7" To this class the knowledge of divination among the Indians is exclusively restricted and none but the Sophists is allowed to practise that art IcCrindle, op. and loc at 15

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JAINISM IN NORTH INDIA were composed with a view to the sacrificial service. They constitute the four Vedas, each Veda haying different Brahmanas, These Brahmanas are generally "marked by narrow formalism, childish mysticism and superstitious talks about all kinds of trifics, such as may be expected where a pedantic and powerful priesthood is invested with unlimited spiritual authority." 2 The Yasna ceremony was so organised and arranged that by and by it became more and more elaborate and involved, and this required a constant increase in the number of ministrants, all of whom were of necessity Brahmans. Sometimes they went to such an extent that the reverence for the Devas (gods) also perceptibly diminished as they placed themselves on their level.3 Behind the doctrine of the sacrificial service the popular understanding was that " a suitable combination of rites, rituals and articles of sacrifice had the magical power of producing the desued effect-a shower of rain, the birth of a son, the routing of a huge army, etc The sacrifices were enjoined generally not so much for any moral elevation as for the achievement of objects of practical welfare." 4 Thus the social ideal of Brahmans was the unlimited power that hierarchy conferred and the strict separation of castes. Various useful callings were in this rigid society branded as sinful, and men were prevented from withdrawing even from shameful occupations to which birth condemned them Highest claims were made by the Brahmans, and they were also the recipients of the most extravagant privileges This went on to such an extent that even the unlimited authority of the king was considered to be at their service The very religious bent of the ancient Indians was such that the royal priest was an important personage from the very earliest times of which we have any record. Woman was 1 The sacrificial ceremonial at the consecration of a king (Rajastlya), the very common horse-sacrifice (Asramedha), the proper human-sacrifice (Purushamedha), and the general sacrifice (Sarvamedha) were the most important At these four sacrifices human victims were really offered in ancient times, but as the manncrs grew more gentle this practice began to decline, though not with universal approval, finally it fell into disuse Tele, op at, 128 * They held "the supreme place of divinity and honour"-of McCrindle, op and loc ont Dasgupta, op al,1,P 208 Cf also Law, NN, op cit,p 89 "They were divinely appointed to be the guides of the nation and the councillors of the king, but they could not be kings themselves " --LAW, NN, op cat, 45 * Also called Puroht, etymologically meaning "placed in front, appointed" 16

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MAHAVIRA AND HIS TIMES considered a nonentity in the social organisation, and the Sudra was despised out and out. Naturally such a state of society was not destined to hold a long time. And it did end with the appearance of Mahavira on one side, and Buddha Sakyaputta on the other."It is said of the French Revolution," says Dutt," that it was mainly brought about by two causes: the oppression of the kings and the intellectual reaction set in by the philosophers of the 18th century. The Buddhist revolution in India is still more distinctly the result of similar causes. The oppression of Brahmanism made the people sigh for a revolution, and the work of the philosophers opened the path to such a revolution." 2 Di Hopkins goes a little further and lays stress on the psychology of the people with whom these developments first originated. "To a great extent," says the learned scholar, "both Jainism and Buddhism qived their success to the politics of the day. The kings of the East were impatient of the Western Church; they were pleased to throw it over. ... The West was more conservative than the East. It was the home of the rites it favoured. The East was but a foster-father." 3 But we are not out to invent any anti-Brahman prejudice for the explanation of this great Indian revolution. It was "an expression of the general ferment of thought which prevailed at the beginning of the epic period." 4 We need not understand it as a mere " result of Kshatriya protest against the caste exclusiveness of Brahmans," 5 because the ground had been well prepared for the growth of a new belief and new doctrines outside the orthodox bull-work of Brahmanism." 6 Furthermore, the hypothesis of development from which the history of a religion sets out is based on the principle that all changes and transformations in religions, whether they appear from a subjective point of view to indicate decay or progress, are the results of natural growth, and find in it their best explanation. Coming to our own period we find that this attitude is 1 C Trele, op cit, pp 129-180. Nam, in spite of his oft-quoted line. m e a cant: prohibited woman even the performance of sacramentalntes a prohibition which he places on woman and the Sudra alike- chaps v, 155; is, 18; and iv , 80 . Dutt, op at, p 225. * Hopkins, op at, p 282. Radhakrishnan, op cit, i,p 203 Srinivasachari and Iyangar, op at, p 48 & Frazer, op cit, P 117 17

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JAINISM IN NORTH INDIA corroborated by gradual changes in the history of Indian thought and Indian outlook on life. "Tendencies to question the authority of the Vedas," says Kunte, "were shown long before Buddha Gautama succeeded in organising opposition to the Vedic polity, social and religious "1 The same is the opinion of other scholars also " 'Buddhism and Jainism," says Jacobi, "must be regarded as religious developments out of Brahmanism, not by sudden reformation, but prepared by a religious movement going on for a long time "2 There is nothing unreasonable if we say that the echo of what was to come on some future date was already audible in the Upanishads, which had anticipated the new system in all its directions. "The pioneers of this new system," says Dr Dasgupta, "probably drew their suggestions from the sacrificial creed and from the Upanishads, and built their systems independently by their own rational thinking." Mr Dutt traces this change in the mind of the people as far back as the eleventh century B.C-that is, five centuries before the time of which we are now speaking According to him, "earnest and thoughtful Hindus had ventured to go beyond the wearisome rituals of the Brahmana literature, and had Inquired into the mysteries of the soul and its creator." 4 v This was the state of things in the Hindu fold, and hence, naturally, the Jaina fold also could not escape its evil effects. We have already seen that Mahavira had to make certain distinctions in the four great vows put forward by his predecessor, and this initiative on his part ultimately resulted in the five great vows propounded by him. The state of society was such that people would try to take advantage, if any loopholes were available, for a free and easy life, which brings into broad relief Mahavira's making clear in all its aspects the Dharma of Parsva G II It was amidst thus changing flux of thought that Mahavira moved, and wove out for himself the solution of the riddle of the cosmos, which placed man's fate, for weal or woe, here and hereafter, in man's own hands, and taught him to look not beyond Kunte, op af, pp 407, 408 Dasgupta, op cit,1, p 210 Jacobi, SBE, xx, Int, p 32 Dutt, op cat, p 340 in the 250 years that elapsed between his death and the coming of Mahavira 344 abus berme so rife -Stevenson (Mrs), op cat, p 40 See Kalpa Sutra, Subodhaka Tika, p 3, Jacobi, SBE, v, pp 122, 123 IS

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MAHAVIRA AND HIS TIMES himself for hope or aid. The nation was prepared when he began to preach, for his spiritualism was understood and appreciated, and gradually even the Brahmans recognised him as a great teacher. "Intellectual Brahmans also joined the ranks of Jainas as of Buddhists from time to time owing to conviction as well as for honour, and contributed to the maintenance of the reputation of the Jainas for learning." 2 Jainism spread slowly among the poor and the lowly, for it was then a strong protest against caste privileges. It was a religion of equality of man. Mahavira's righteous soul rebelled against the unrighteous distinction between man and man, and his benevolent heart hankered for a means to help the humble, the oppressed and the lowly. The beauty of a holy life, of a sinless, benevolent career, flashed before his mind's eye as the perfection of human destiny, as the heaven on earth; and, with the earnest conviction of a prophet and a reformer, he proclaimed this as the essence of religion. His world-embracing sympathy led him to proclaim this method of self-culture and holy living to suffering humanity, and he invited the poor and lowly to end their suffering by cultivating brotherly love and universal peace. The Brahman and the Sudra, the high and the low, were the same in his eyes. All could equally effect their salvation by a holy life, and he invited all to embrace bus catholic religion of love. It spread slowly as Christianity spread in Europe in early davs- until Srenika. Kunika, Candragupta, Samprati, Kharavela and others embraced Jainism during the first few glorious centuries of Hindu rule in India Like Brahmanism, Jainism also is based on the so-called dogmas of the transmigration of the soul, and seeks for deliverance from the endless succession of rebirths. But it pronounces the Brahmanic penance and abstinences inadequate to accomplish this, and aims at attaining, not union with the universal spirt,5 a : w g TH, 7 a aut: fafent: ... rifienfa fast: wafata:..Kalpa-Sutra, Subodhiha-Tika, pp 112, 118 ? Vaidya (C V), H.MI, 111, p 408 HrnH PETTERIH (Alay it be for the welfare and happiness of all creatures) -Buhler, EI, 1, pp 203, 204, Ins. No XVIII 4 " He for whom there is no bondage whatever in this world. etc, has quitted the path of birth "-Jacobi, S.BE, X1, p 218. 5 "There were two principal world theories in ancient India One, which was systematised as the Vedanta, teaches in its extreme formu that the soul and the universal spirit are identical and the external world an illusion " Elliot, op cit, 1, p 106 19

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JAINISM IN NORTH INDIA but Nervana--that is, absolute release from all bodily forms and activities. Without denying the existence of the Devas (gods), * at any rate at first, it places each Jina above them and recog nises them as subordinate to a perfect saint. It differed from Brahmanism, as primitive Christianity differed from the Jewish hierarchy, by rejecting outward works or theological knowledge as a mark of holiness, and seeking it in gentleness, in purity of heart and life, in mercy, and self-denying love for a neighbour. Above all, it is distingished by its relation to castes. Mahavira comes neither to oppose them nor to level everything. On the other hand, he adopts a doctrine that men are born in lower or higher castes, determined by their sins or good works in a former existence, but it teaches at the same time that by a life of purity and love, by becoming a spiritual man, everyone may attain at once the highest salvation. Caste makes no difference to him; he looks for the man even in the Candala; the miseries of existence beset all alike, and his law is a law of grace for all Therefore the most salutary change that Mahavira brought about was his effort to show how aircumstantial indeed caste system was, and how easy it was for a spiritual man to break the fetters of caste system. This is Jainism in general It is quite popular in its character, and its instrument is preaching rather than instruction. Coming to Mahavira we find that he too, like Buddha, was born of a Kshatriya aristocratic family In fact, all along, it has been the Jaina belief that a Jina must always come from a Kshatriya or some such noble family. Now it so happened that because of certain actions on his part in his former lives & Mahavira had first sument foruten SETCATEL T . Harbhadra, Shaddarsana Samuccaya, v 52 atau as witc afucurg -Heinacandra, Parsishtaparoan, Canto I, v 2, PS : -Haribhadra, op ct, v 45, 46 "One does not become R Sramana by the tonsure, nor & Brahman by the sacred syllable 'OM,' nor a Mfume by living in the woods, nor a Tapasa by wearing (clothes) Kusa-grus and bark"-Jacobi, S.BE, lv, p 140 #MCHIN A CH etc - Utaradhyayana, Lecture XII, 1 "MarihesaBala was born in a family of Stapahas (Kandalas), he became a monk and a sngc," ctc - Jacobi, op cit, p 50 It never has happened, nor does zt happen, nor will it happen, that Azhats, .be born of poor families, beggars' families, or Brahmanical families For indeed Arhats zre born in high families, in families belonging to the race of Ihshvaku, or in other such-Ithe families of purc descent on both sides" - Jacob, S.BE, X1, p 225 . According to the Jaina belief whatever we are in our present life is a net result of all our Karins committed during our previous births All Karmas are generally 20

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r w nqshh hy khyr ORNAMENTAL SLAB REPRISEN TING THE TRANSTER OF MAHAVIRA'S EMBRYO BY NAIGAMESA Copyright reserved, Archeological Survey of India

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MAHAVIRA AND HIS TIMES to take the form of an embryo in the womb of a Brahman lady named Devananda, the wife of the Brahman Rshabhadatta, and, as usual with the lives of all such big prophets, there is a popular legend about Mabavira also that when the god Sakra (Indra), "the chief of kings and gods," 2 came to know about this, it was arranged by him to transfer the embryo from Devananda's womb to that of Kshatriyani Trisala, the wife of the Kshatriya king Siddhartha of the Kasyapa-Gotra, belonging to the clan of the Jnatri-Kshatriyas.3 Although at the instance of a miracle, Mahavira ultimately belongs to Kshatriya origin, Curiously enough this legend has been worked out in sculptures also. Some specimens of Jaina sculptures from Mathura bear testimony to it with an exactness which is really surprising, which fact shows that this legend can be traced historically to the very beginning of the Christian era, and therefore it can safely be said that it must have had "some connection either with the life of Maharira or that it must have been connected with one or the other social characteristics of those days. We know from Kalpa-Sutra that the god Indra had sent Harinegamesi to carry out this command of his. This Harinegamesi is generally interpreted as "Negamesi of Hari"--,e. " Negamesi, the servant of Indra." 5 Dr Buhler observes : "A Jaina sculpture representing Naigamesa, a small Tirthankara and a female with a small infant, can only be taken to refer to the most famous legend, in which the deity plays a part-viz. the exchange of the embryos of Devananda and Trisala." On the very face of it this legend of Mahavira seems strange enough, but it must be admitted that tales stranger and more considered to be imperishable, indescribable, and undestroyable unless they take effect Now Mahavira had committed the Karman relating to name and Gotra in one out of trenty-seven visible lives which he had to pass before he was destined to be born on this earth as the last Jaida prophet It was because of this Karman that he had first to take his birth in the family of a Brahman 77 SIE ENT orafagfi14247 hitu -Kalpa-Satra, Subodhrha-piha, p 26 Cf also Jacobi, op at, pp 190, 191. tatazyutvA tena marIcibhavapaddhena nocaigotrakarmaNA . apabhadattasma brAyaNasya devAnandAyAH areat: quat ana.Kalpa-Sutra, Subdohrla-Itka, p 29. . CI S.B.E, W, 225 s After eighty-two days the embryo was removed HAU HATA Herald, arete.. TATHTE WEfte ..-Kalpa-Sutra, Subodhrha-Tikd, pp 85, 30 * Jacobi, op cit, pp 228 ff. 6 Buhier, op art, 316 * Ibid., p 817. Cf also Mathura Sculptures, Plate II, 4.S.R , X , Plate IV, 2-5. 21

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JAINISM IN NORTH INDIA legendary in nature also have been told by other religions about their own prophets What strikes us most is not the nature of the tradition, but the spirit behind it. Does it mean, from this attitude on the part of the Jainas, that their monastical order was originally intended only for the Kshatriyas? It seems not; because, tracing from the days of Mahavira down to our own times, we find that some of the greatest and most prominent figures of the Jama fold were Brahmans as well From Indrabhuti1 down, right to the last Ganadhara of Mahavira, all were Brahmans Then in later history we have prominent Gurus and scholars bke Siddhasena and Haribhadra who also were originally Brahmans.2 It may be that just at the beginning of the rationalistic period, when Brahmans were more or less at the height of their glory, and when other castes were getting more and more conscious of their previous subordination to Brahmans, this belief on the part of the Jainas got a certain definite form. The Buddhists also seem to have entertained a similar feeling, emphasising the prominence of the Kshatriya touch in their church. In one of his sermons at Benares, Buddha speaks of his religion as that "for the sake of which noble youths fully give up the world and go forth into the houseless state" s With all this it must be borne in mind that the Jainas did not mind the Brahmans becoming Jaina Gurus and enjoying the highest posts in the Jaina church, but they made this distinction, that a born Brahman may become a Kevali and attain Moksha, but he cannot become a Tirthankara This may be just to wipe off the common belief of the people of those days that Brahmans alone were entitled to be at the top in all spiritual matters We know from authentic sources that during the early days there was nothing like the Brahmans enjoying monopoly about religious and other ceremonial affairs "Numerous instances have also been cited to show that men of low birth actually entered the priestly caste by 2 "There is a legend about Indrabhuti which shows how much he was attached to his teacher At the time of Mahavira's death he was absent On his return, hearing of his beloved teacher's sudden decease, he was overcome with grief He became aware that the last remaining bond which tied him to the Samsara was the feeling of love he still entertained for his teacher Therefore he cut asunder that bond, and thus Chinnapiyabandhane he reached the stage of Kevalin He died a month after Mahavira's Nirvana "Jacobi, Kalpa-Sutra, Int, p 1 Haribhadra was "Siddhasena Divakara, the son of a Brahman minister originally a learned Brahman "-Stevenson (Mrs), op cut, pp 70, 80 Rhys Davids and Oldenberg, SBE, sh, p 98 22

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MAHAVIRA AND HIS TIMES their knowledge and virtues ; that priestly caste did not acquire a monopoly of religious learning; that they often came as humble pupils to Kshatriya kings to acquire religious learning." T <Page #57
JAINISM IN NORTH INDIA Kundagrama village, and his mother, Princess Trisala, was the sister of the chieftain of Vaisali, the capital of Videha, and was related also to Bimbisara, king of Magadha.? In Nandivardhana and Sudarsana he had his eldest brother and sister respectively. Mabavira was married to one Yasoda, who belonged to the Koundinya Gotra, and he had by her a daughter named Anojja, also called Priyadarsana.3 She was married to his nephew Rajaputra Jamali, "a future disciple of his father-in-law and the propagator of the first schism in the Jaina church." 4 Mabavira lived a householder's life till he was thirty years old, but just after the decease of his parents he left his home with the permission of his elder brother and entered the spiritual career, "which in India, just as the Church in the Western country, seems to have offered a field for ambitious younger sons, 6 According to the Jaina belief Mahavira's parents were worshippers of Parsva and followers of the Sramanas.? "Mahavira's doctrines are spoken of in the Sutras not as his doctrines but decreta, or old-established truths-Pannattas. All this would be next to impossible if he had been like Buddha, the original founder of his religion; but it is just what one would expect to be the record of a reformer's life and preaching." 8 He is said to have been praised and hymned by both gods and men in the following sweet words "Obtain the pre-eminent highest rank (1.e. final liberation) on that straight road which the Jinas have taught."9 1 "Just outside Vggali lay the suburb Kundagrama-probably surviving in the modern village of Basukund -and here lived a wealthy nobleman, Siddhartha, head of & certain warrior-clan called the Jnatrikas "--CHI, 1, p 157 ICS Frazer, op cit, pp 128-131 According to the Jamna Sutras Trisalu was called Vidchadatta and Prayakurini, and that is why Dahavira was called "Vidchadatta's son" Cf Jacobi, opal, Pp 103, 104, 256 rAjA samaravIrogya yazodA kanyako nijAm / pradAna vardhamAnAya . bhayazodAyAmajAyata / afem fugit 11--Hemacandra, Trishashtu-Salahd, Parva X, vv 125, 154, p 10 Charpentier, CUI 1,2, p 158 tagant ships: forcestama 1-Hemacandra, op at, 163, P 17 HAUTE PETIT me STGE DE . facefa fwaartetc --Kalpa-Stitra, Subodhila-hila, pp 80,00 * Radhakrishnan, op cit, p 287 THERE wife werf etc - Acaranga, pt 11, sul 178, p 422 c. Jacoli, on el, p 10: "His parents had, according to a tradition which scems trusttrorthy, been followers of Parsva, the previous Tirthankan; as has already been pointed out, the doctrine of Maliusim was scarcels anything else than a modibed or renovated form of Panva's creed "-Charpentier, op cit, P 160 Jacobi, 1.4,1,P 161 * Jacobi, S.B.C, , 258 "He had proclaimed the highest law of the Jinas - Iord , xl., p. 288 21

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MAHAVIRA AND HIS TIMES Having left the house, Mahavira went through the usual career of an ascetic. He wandered for more than twelve years, resting only during the rainy season. For about the first thirteen months "the venerable ascetic Mahavira wore clothes." 2 After that time he walked about naked, casting aside every kind of garment. By uninterrupted meditation, unbroken chastity and the most scrupulous observation of the rules concerning eating and drinking he fully subdued his senses. He was out to neglect his body for twelve years, and with equanimity he was prepared to bear, undergo and suffer all calamities arising from any sources. Thus it is but natural that in a state of forgetfulness as this, Mahavira was not conscious whether or not he was dressed. There was nothing like any deliberate move on his part that he should go about naked. The robe that he was putting on during his wanderings was taken away from him in halves by some Brahman friend of his father named Soma 4 What came in the prophet's life in a more or less unconscious state of his mind was not meant to be literally adopted by his followers. There is no such rigidity visible in the canonical literature of the Jainas. In the Uttaradhyayana-Sutra the following words are put in the mouth of Sudharman: "My clothes being torn, I shall (soon) go naked,' or I shall get a new surt': such thoughts should not be entertained by a monk. "At one time he will have no clothes, at another he will have some; knowing this to be a salutary rule, a wise (monk) should not complain about it." 5 In short, it comes to this, that a monk should be indifferent to all such superficialities. With all this, the general rule adopted for the discipline of the whole class was that monks should try to get on with one cloth, and if essential they may keep two. 1 "When the rainy season has come and it is raining, many living beings are onginated and many seeds just spring up Knowing this state of things) one should not wander from village to village, but remam during the ramy-season in one place"-Jacobi, S.B.E, XXII, P 180 samaNe bhagavaM mahAvIra saMvaccaraM sAhiyamAsaM cIvaradhArI hatyA neNaM para pacelae pANipaDiggahie, -Kalpa-Sutra, Subodhika-Tiha, sut 117, p 98 Cf SB.E , xxu, pp. 259, 260 Cf bid ,p 200 +: fury ATEIWA JETA-Kalpa-Sutra, Subodhrha-mtha, p 98 Cf. Hemacandra, op ct , 2, 19 Jacobi, S.B.E, xlv, p 11 Jacobi, SBE, XXII, p. 157. "The Jaing rules about dress are not so simple, for they allot & Jama monk to go baked or to wear one, two or three garments, but a young strong monk should as a rule wear but one robe. Mahavira went about naked, and so 25

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JAINISM IN NORTH INDIA .. 9 " Twelve years thus spent in self-penance and meditation were not fruitless. "During the thirteenth year Mahavira not far from an old temple. under a Sala-tree, being engaged in deep meditation, reached the highest knowledge and intuition, called Kevala, which is infinite, supreme, unobstructed, unimpeded, complete, and full," 1 During these twelve years of preparatory self-mortification Vardhamana had gone through numerous places, most of which are very difficult to identify to-day. Roaming about in countries inhabited by savage tribes, rarely having a shelter in which to rest for a night, and visiting even wild tribes of the country called Ladha, he had to endure the most painful and dangerous treatment from the barbarous inhabitants 2 Thereafter he was recognused as omniscient, as a Kevalin comprehending all subjects, and as an Arhat for whom there is no secret in this world to learn.8 By this time he was already forty-two, and the remaining thirty years of his life he passed in teaching his religious system, organising his order of ascetics, and wandering about preaching his doctrines and making converts He apparently visited all the great towns of north and south Bihar, dwelling principally in the kingdoms of Magadha and Anga Most of the rainy-seasons were spent round about his native town, Vaisali; at Rajagrha, the old capital of Magadha, at Campa," the capital of ancient Anga; at Mithila, the kingdom of Videha, and at Sravasti. 1 did the Jinakalpikas, or those who tried to imitate him as much as possible But they also were allowed to cover their nakedness "--Ind, Int, p. XXV 1 Ibid, p 263 Cf bid, p 201 C Charpentier, op cit., p 158, Radhakrishnan, op cit, p 287 "Mahavira wandered for more than twelve years in Ladha, in Vajjabhimi and Subhabhumi, the Radha of to-day in Bengal "-Dey, The Geographical Dictionary of Ancient and Medical India, p 108 According to Dr Buhler the Rarh of to-day in Bengal Cf Buhler, Indian Sect of the Jamas, p 20 "Under the name of Kunda-gama the city of Vaisali is mentioned as the birthplace *CY Jacobi, op af, pp 268, 264 of Mahavira, the Jaina Tirthankara, who was also called Vesali, or the man of Vaisali "-- Des, op el, p 107. Campa is a very sacred place to the Jamas, masmuch as it was the resort of Mahivira for three ruiny-seasons during his wanderings It is known also as the birthplace and the place of death of Visupuja, the twelfth Tirthankara of the Jainas bid, p 41 Cf. "Srivasti, also called Sahet-Mahet, is the Candrapura or Candrikapuri of the Jinas It is known as the birthplace of the third Tirthankara Sambhavanatha and the eighth Tirthankam Candraprabha of the Jains"--Ibid, p 190 that age the venerable ascetic Mahivim stayed the first ramy-season in Asthikagrama, "In that period in three rainy seasons in Campt and Prishti-Campa, tucke in Vatall and Vanijagrama, furteen in Rajagrha and the suburb of Nilandi.., one in Sravasti, one in the town of Pipi in King Hastiplla's office of the writers "Jacobi, op et, p 204 26 1

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T 171 . . .. EN 75 ram 2 STKY DURING THE THIRTEENTH YEAR, UNDER A SALA TREE, VAHANIRA REACHED THE HIGHEST A.YOWLEDGE AND INTUITION CALLED KETALA From a Palm-leaf MIS of the Kalpa-Stitra of the Thirteenth Century Copyright resered - gamodo a Samit

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MAHAVIRA AND HIS TIMES "His wanderings seem to have covered a wide area, and on occasions he visited Rajagpha, the capital of Magadha, and other towns, where the utmost honour was shown to him,"i Furthermore, looking to the schisms in the Jaina church in his own day, the number of Mahavira's followers, as believed by the Jainas, does in no way discredit him. He had an excellent community of 14,000 Sramanas, 36,000 nuns, 159,000 male lay-votaries, 318,000 female lay-rotaries, and something like 5400 others who either knew the fourteen Pirvas or were Kcvalins, and so on. Thus having become a Kevalin at the age of forty-two at Jrmbhikagrama.; situated on the River Rijupalika, near the Parasnath hills, and having wandered for about thirty years as a reformer in the Jaina church, Lord Mahavira died at the age of seventy-two 4 in the house of King Hastipala's scribe in Pavapuri, near Rajagrha, a place still visited by thousands of Jaina pilgrims. According to tlie traditional Jaina clironology this event is believed to have taken place in the year 527 B.C., differing by sixteen years from the Nirvana of Buddha according to the chronology of Ceylon, or 543 B.C. This date of Mahavira is based on three verses repeated in many commentaries and chronological works. "These verses, which are quoted in a large number of commentaries and chronological works, but the origin of which is by no means clear, give the adjustment between the eras of Vira and Vikrama, and form the basis of the earlier Jaina chronology." 8 Merutunga's 9 Charpentier, op and loc at "The extent of his sphere of influence almost corresponds with that of the kingdom of Srivasti or Kosala, Videha, Magadha, and Angathe modern Oudh, and the provinces of Tirhut and Bihar in western Bengal"--Bubler, op al, p. 27. Jacobi, op al, pp. 267-208. Also called Jrbhakapruma or Jrmbhui Stevenson (Afrs), op at , p 38 ""Alahavira lived thirty years as a householder, more than twelve years in a state Interior to perfection, somcthing less than thirty years as a Kevalin, forty-two years as & monk-scienty-two years on the whole " Jacobi, op cit, p 209. rupa-Pavapuri, about seven miles to the south-east of Bihar (town) and two miles O Ol Giryek According to Stevenson's Kalpa-Sutra, Mahavirs died here while he uding the Paryushana (Parusang) at the palace of Hastipala, king of Papa There are four beautiful Jaina temples in an e Annual autilul Jaina temples in an enclosure which marks the site of his death COL Div ali nas started to commemorate Mahavira's death of Dey, opp 190 "Cf Jacobi, Kalpa-Sletra, Int ,p 8 None of the sources in which these announcements appear is older than the cucury AD The latest is found in Bemacandra, who died in the year 1172 A D twelfth century AD The la -Buhler, op cit, p. 28. * Buhler, IA,1,P 308 * Merutunga, a fam the Prabhandhacintamani and about 14, xm, p. 119 utunga, a famous Jaina author. composed in 8 1861-1804 AD his work vandhacintamani and about two years later his Vucarasrenz ." Charpentier, 27

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JAINISM IN NORTH INDIA Vicarafreni is based on them, and they specify 470 years as the interval between Vikramaditya and the Nirvana of Mahavira. The translation of the three verses is as follows: 1 Palaka, the Lord of Avanti, was anointed during that night in which the Arhat and Tirthankara Mahavira entered Nirvana 2 Sixty are (the years) of King Palaka, but one hundred and fifty-five are (the years) of the Nandas; one hundred and eight those of the Mauryas, and thirty those of Pusamitra (Pushyamitra). 3 Sixty (years) ruled Balamitra and Bhanumitra, forty Nabhovahana; thirteen years likewise lasted the rule of Gardabhilla, and four are the years of Saka. Thus, according to Merutunga, 470 years elapsed between the Norvana and Vikramaditya's era, which corresponds to 527 BC. of the Christian era : In coming to this period of 470 years accordmg to Merutunga, we get 255 years as the interval between the beginning of the era of Vikrama and the reign of the Mauryas. This comes to 812 BC as the date of Candragupta's Abhisheka, according to the Jaina tradition 4 Now, subtracting 255 from 470 we get 215 years as the period between Candragupta and the Norvana This period of 215 years is not subscribed to by all, for Hemacandra, in his Parzsrshtaparvan, writes. "And thus 155 years after the liberation of Mahavira Candragupta became kung." Adding 155 to 812 BC. we get the Nirvana of Mahavira in 467 BC Merutunga no doubt refers to this statement of Hemacandra, but about it he says nothing more than that it is in contradiction with other works The date of Mahavira as worked out by Jacobi? and Charpentier is based on the data supplied by these two Jaina Gurus. Both the 1 "That they were not composed by Merutunga himself or any of his contemporane is certain, because at that time the Jaina authors had long ago ceased to write in Prakrt" Charpentier, op cit, 120 tyfu ITT ME 8 Vicdrasreni, p 1 MS, BOR I.L, NO 870 of 1871-1872 Fifty-seten years elapsed between the commencement of the Samoat and the Christian eras "The Jaina authorities give the year of his accession as 818 (312) BC, & date which the canon of the Jaina scriptures was fixed "- CAI,1,P 698 VIRERIR Y HRE:.-Jacobi, Pansshtaparvan, Canto VIII, V 339 . afya Eco far I WARS: E facty:.-Vecarasreni, op cit, p. Jacobi, Kalpa-Sutra, Int , PP 6-10 "Charpentier, op cit, pp 118-123, 125-188, 167-178 28

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MAHAVIRA AND HIS TIMES learned scholars have worked out their conclusions with so much minuteness and historical accuracy that we need not repeat here the grounds put fortfard by them for justifying their opinions. They rightly agree in accepting the chronological fact put forward by Hemacandra, and come to the inevitable conclusion that the date of this epoch must be somewhere about 467 B.C.1 "I have tried to show," says Charpentier," that the chronological list on which the Jainas found this assumption of a period of 470 years between the death of Mahavira and the commencement of the Vikrama era is almost entirely valueless. The line of rulers composed in order to fill up the time is wholly unhistorical and can by no means be trusted. ..." 2 Leaving aside the wholly hypothetical basis of the Jaina tradition, the other grounds put fortard by the eminent scholars are the contemporary existence of both Mahavira and Buddha, and the more trustworthy historical facts put forward by Hemacandra. That the two prophets were different persons, contemporaries and founders of rival communities of monks, is now an established fact. "But, if we beliered the Jaina tradition to be right, when it asserts the death of Mahavira to have taken place 470 years before Vikrama, or 527 B.C., we might doubt whether this is possible. For the death of Buddha, the date of which was first, and in my opinion rightly, fixed by General Cunningham and Professor Max Muller, occurred in 477 B.C.; and as all sources are unanimous in telling us that he was then 80 years old, he must have been born in 557 B.C. From this it is clear that if Mahavira died in 527 B.C, Buddha at that stage was only 30 years of age, and as he did not attain Buddhahood and gained no followers before his 36th year-ie. about 521 B.C.--it is quite impossible that he should never have met Mahavira. Moreover, both are stated to have lived during the reign of Ajatasatru, who became king eight years before the death of Buddha, and reigned 1 Xo doubt there are other scholars who hold the contrary opinion, but their discussions having been rendered obsolete by Jacobi and Charpentier we shall not dwell upon them any further Just to mention a fet amongst them. Burgess, 1.A, 1, p 140, Rice (Lewis), A, m, 157, Thomas (Edward), IA, 111,P 80, Pathak, IA, xu , p 21, Hoernle, IA, X, P 360; Guerinot, Bibliographie Jana, Int , p vil, and SO ON. Charpentier, op cit, p. 125. "Not only is the number of years (155) allotted in the Gathas to the reign of the Nandas unduly great, but also the introduction of Palaka, Lord of Aranti, in the chronology of the Magadha kings looks very suspicious"-Jacobi, op at, p 8 29

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JAINISM IN NORTH INDIA 32 years; this makes it even more impossible to believe in the dates mentioned above." 1 Coming to Hemacandra's statement in his Parisushtaparvan, Dr Charpentier says. "We may assume with Jacobi that he (IIcmacandra) took as correct the tradition of 255 years elapsing between the accession of Candragupta and the Vikrama era. This would then make the time between the death of Mahavira and the accession of Vikrama till 255+155=410 years, and involve the conclusion that Mahavira died in 467 B C., which in my opinion is the date best fitted for all circumstances connected with it, and may be deemed the right one." 2 Over and above these there are also other considerations, which in one way or the other help us to come to this date of Mahavira's death We need no more discuss them here, but just lo cnumcrate. the traditional date of Bhadrabahu's death and his connection with Candragupta 3, the date of the third schism in the Jaina church and its relation with the Maurya king, Balabhadra 4; the connection between the date put in the Kalna-Sutra of Bliadrabahu as finally settled by Devardbiganin and the date of the great council held at Vallabhi in the year of Dhruvasena's succession, and finally the date of Suhastin, the disciplc of Sthulabhadra and his connection with Samprati, grandson and successor of Asoka? With such historical data before us one thing is clear, that the conclusion wluch we have arrived at is quite in harmony with the Chnrpentier, op at, up 131-132 " To return to our discussions of the date of the Aimana, it is obtlous that the year 407 1 c, which we inferred from Hemacandra's reron, cannot be far wrong, because it agrees so well with the adjusted date of Buddha's Min dna, 4771C, a Rytichronism which by our previous research has been established as Helery cobi, on al, po (herpentier, op cit, p 173 * Tlus date of Bhadmbihu's death is 170 A , which is equal to 357 B C according to the traditionnl date, nnd 207 according to the date of Jacobi and Charpentier, and consulering Bhadrbalu's connection with Candragupta the year 357 DC is to be totally excludert i Tus schism originated in 211 , and according to Mcrutunga the Maurya rule citesinim 2131, and hence Ilcmicindra's calculations, nccording to wluch thc Maurya dynt Bregine 135 jerrs after the Mariana, Seem more reasonable ullint dnte is cither 090 or 093 ., which. Inhinc 4G7 C as tlic date of MOVIEVINA'S Vrient Arqurl to 52G AP, which clactly corresponds to the year of Dhruvasena's tin plan to the throne of Inbht 'the date 11 13 11 Accordin' to Meruttina, and this more or lese ngrecs Win tlyn het, of Ilmarinda, amording to luch Candragupla begnin his rule in 1971, caure, as A udied ninety-four years after Candragupta, the date of Samprati 'n ste ! ty (nipornlirs np ait. pp 175-176, Jacobs, op.al, PT 0-10

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MAHAVIRA AND HIS TIMES various facts connected with and depending upon the date under consideration. Still, however, 467 B.C. cannot be taken as the real year of Mahavira's death, though it cannot be far wrong, because there is no ground to assume that Hemacandra took as correct the tradition that two hundred and fifty-five years elapsed between the accession of Candragupta and the Vikrama era, and thereby came to the conclusion that according to the Jaina tradition Candragupta began his dynasty in 312 B.C. No doubt a precise date for the accession of Candragupta seems, with our present evidence, impossible"; but still, without dwelling further upon a matter of so much uncertainty, an earlier date seems more reasonable and more in keeping with the contemporary historical atmosphere and with certain events of Candragupta's own life. Scholars like Dr Thomas (F. W.), Smith and others agree in putting Candragupta's succession from 325-321 B.C, or thereabout. Taking this as our basis, we get c. 480-467 B.C. as the date of Mahavira's Nirvana, and thus fits in with the adjusted date of Buddha's Nirvana, 477 B C., "which has been proved correct within very narrow limits." 5 This is because it is obvious that the Nirvana of both these teachers can be separated by a few years only. Moreover, the acceptance of some such period for the Norvana of Vardhamana in no way contradicts any of the considerations that we have already put forth. However, before we pass on to the reformed Jaina church of Mahavira, we shall have to say a few words on the misunderstanding of the revolution that had been brought about in the chronology of this period by the so-called correct evidence as put forward by Mr Jayaswal, Mr Banerji and others.? As we shall see in our chapter entitled "Jainism in Kalinga Desa," until very recently it was believed, by these scholars, with Vincent Smith & and others, 1 "Our defective knowledge of the chronology is in striking contrast to the trustworthy information which we possess concerning the country and its administration" Thomas (F 1}, CHI, 1, p. 473 Ibid, pp 471-472 * Smith, Early Hrstory of Indra, P 200 (4th ed) 4 "The date of Candragupta's accession has been fixed by Professor Kern between 821 and 322, accordingly the date of the Narolina is somewhere between 477 and 475 BC, and this date is probably correct within a few years, as it nearly agrees with the adjusted date of Buddha's Nirvana in 477 BC" Jacobi, Parsshfaparvan, Int , p 6. * Jacobi, op and loc at * Cf Dasgupta, op art,1, p. 178. * Jayaswal, J BORS, 1, pp 425-472, and iv, pp 864 ff , Banerji ( R D ), JBORS, 111, pp 486 ff & Smith, JR A8, 1918, pp 548-547

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JAINISM IN NORTH INDIA that the inscription of Kharavela was dated in the year 165 of the Maurya era, Raja-Murya Kale, equivalent to 170 B.C. The significance of the date of the record was emphasised by a reference in another passage to some Nandaraja baving excavated a canal in Kalmga three hundred years earlier--that is to say, 470 B.C1 This Nandaraja being identified with Nandivardhana, the ninth Sarsunaga king, whose date was previously taken as about 418 BC, Smith went to the extent of revolutionising the whole Saisumaga chronology, and put c. 554 BC for the previous 491 B.C. of Ajatssatru, and c. 582 B.C. for c. 519 BC. of Bimbisara. From this change in the chronology of the contemporary dynasty of both Buddha and Mahavira, and from a reference in the body of the inscription about an image of Jina being taken away by a Nanda kmg, both Smith , and Jayaswal 4 came to the conclusion that the Kharavela record supports the old traditional dates for the death of Mahavira, 527 B.C., and the death of Buddha, 548 BC. As we shall see later on, all these inferences based on the Kharavela inscription are of no account considering the latest reading suggested by Mr Jayaswal. According to it there is nothing like any reference to the Maurya era; but this factor is of very little importance, because we come practically to the same date of the inscription, taking into consideration the reference made to the great Indo-Greek king, Demetrios. The most significant change that has been brought about is that the canal referred to was cxcavated in the year 103 of the Nanda era and not three hundred years earlier, Thus the sole basis on which Mr Smith hurricdly took the step of pushing back the whole Saisunaga chronology by something like fifty years now falls to the ground. "I have been so impressed," said the great historian," by the new 1 Smith, JRAS, 1918, 546 ! "In the third edition of my Early History of India (1014) I placed the accession of Yandisardh na doubtfully about 418 DC He must now ro back to e 470 BC, or Mesebly to an errlier date That finding in olies putting back Ajatasatru or Kuniks (No S Sabunan) to at least c 551 BC, and his father Bimbisars of Srenika (No 4) to at Imst c 5B2C -Smith, op cit, pp 510-547 In his first edition (1904) Smith has put 101 c for Nnnduvarina, p 33, sectord ,p 41, tod, p 51 (4th ed 1024) "Accurding to Pah tradition Mnhil ira predecensed Buddhn But other reasons eport the date IGT DC,0s adsorted by Charpentier, and thus fits in with the traditional date of Bludrabilan, who was the contemporory of Candragupta Maurya The yene (28-7) nC, the most commonly quoted date for the death of Mahavirti, is mcrely che al nurl dates, but it is supported by the Khirivela inscription"--Ibid, P40 {ful p 50 * JRS zawal, J BONS, kol, p 216 * ruid.jp 21 T

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MAHAVIRA AND HIS TIMES evidence, that in my forthcoming book, The Oxford History of India, now being printed, I have inserted earlier periods for the Saisunagas and Nandas," 1 but now the very person (Jayaswal) who was rightly relied upon to this extent by Mr Smith, and who deserves greater credit for keeping up to his conviction, has more or less completely altered his first reading of the inscription after working at it for a pretty long time. Coming to Jayaswal, he says: "It also proves that to have Jina images about or rather before 450 B.C. means that the date of Mahavira's Nirvana must be what we get from the various Jaina chronological data read with the Puranic and Pali material, which all harmonise in fixing it to be 545 B.C...,"2 This sounds rather strange There is no reason why this King Nanda referred to here should be identified particularly with Nandivardhana, the Saisunaga whose era has been identified by Jayaswal with the Nanda era referred to above on the basis of Alberuni and other historical grounds. 8 This King Nanda, as we shall see in our next chapter, is, according to Dr Charpentier, better identified with one of the Nine Nandas, the first of whom "seems not to be very unfavourably judged by Hemacandra." 4 If this identification is accepted, the historical period of having Jaina images would be somewhere in the very beginning of the fourth century B.C. Even granting that this King Nanda is to be identified with Nandivardhana, whose date, according to Jayaswal, comes to about 457 B.C, there is no historical fallacy committed or any Jaina tradition disregarded if we say that there must have been Jaina images about or rather before 450 B.C. There is no reason why, just because of this, the Nirvana of Malavira cannot be somewhere about 467 B.C., and should go so far back as 545 B.C., because, according to so many traditions, whether right or wrong, image-worship is no new development in the Jaina church. But the fixing of 545 B.C. as the date of Mahavira's Nirvana is nothing else but disregarding some of the real historical facts 1 Smith, J.R.A.S, 1918, p 647. + Jayaswal, op. cit, p. 246 This date of Jayaswal is based also on the chronological facts that he has worked out after consulting the Pail, Puranic and Burmese traditions Cf. J.BO.RS,1,P 114. * Jayzwal, J.BO.R.S, Wu, PP 240-241. Charpentier, op at, pp 171-772 e h a 744a..fu... TULIGHT ... RUTH # ..Jirala, stit 129, P 210

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JAINISM IN NORTH INDIA and coincidences of the Jaina annals. It is truc no doubt that this period of Indian history is chequered with numerous traditions, Jama, Buddhust or Hindu, and sometimes because of some or the other interest or object in view they are so arranged by latcr writers that it has become an impossible task to find out the rcal truth behind the whole show. Now, according to the Jaina tradition, the whole interval between Ajatasatru and Condragupta has been filled up by Udayin and the Nine Nandas, while writers like Merutunga tell us that the Nanda rule lasted for one hundred and fiftyfive years On the other hand Hemacandra has allotted only ninety-five years for the Nandas, by which he rightly means the Nine Nandas However, the chronological period of 480-467 B.C. that we have put down for Mahavira's Nirvana is--as is often inevitable in our efforts to reconstruct the mosaic of ancient Indian history from the few pieces which have as yet been found -an attempt to do little more than define the limits of possible hypothesis in this instance. For greater certainty we must be content to wait until the progress of archeological research has furnished us with more adequate materials HII Coming to the reformed Jaina church of Mahavira or Jainism as such we find that it is not possible to talk at length about that either All that can be done within a limited scope like this is to mark its salient features and its beliefs about the ordinary problems, inquiries and difficulties of a man's spiritual lifc. RcHlection is the moving spirit of philosophy. Early philosophical reflection engages itself with searching for the origin of the world, and it attempts to formulate the law of causation. In this respect Jainism is atheistic, if by atheism we understand the belief that there is no eternal supreme God, Creator and Lord of all things. "The atheism of the Jainas means denial of a divine crcative spirit". The Tainas flatly deny such supreme God, but they believe in the eternity of existence, universality of life, immut ability of the Law of Karma, and supreme intelligence as the means to self-liberation IC Rapson, CR1,1, 813 Lopkins, op cit, pp 285-286 "Their only real gods are their chiefs or teachers, whose idols are worshipped in the temples "-Ibd 84

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MAHAVIRA AND HIS TIMES To the Jainas there is no need to assume any first cause of the universe1 They deny the existence of an intelligent first cause ? and repudiate the theory of the creation of the world out of nothing or out of a series of accidents. To the Jaina thinker the systematic Working of the law of nature cannot be a product of luck or accident. He cannot conceive how a non-creative God suddenly becomes creative. "If God created the universe," asks Acarya Jinasena, "Where was he before creating it? If he was not in space, where did he localise the universe? How could a formless or immaterial substance like God create the world of matter? If the material is to be taken as existing, why not take the world itself as unbegun ? If the creator was uncreated, why not suppose the world to be itself self-existing ?" Then he continues : "Is God self-sufficient ? If he is, he need not have created the world If he is not, like an ordinary potter, he would be incapable of the task, since, by hypothesis, only a perfect being could produce it. If God created the world as a mere play of his will, it would be making God childish. If God is benevolent and if he has created the world out of his grace, he would not have brought into existence misery as well as felicity." 3 If it is argued that everything that exists must have a maker, then that maker himself would stand in need of another maker, and we would be landed in a cycle, the way from which to escape is to assume the reality of a self-subsisting maker who is the author of everything else. Here again is raised the problem that if it is possible for one being to be self-subsistent and eternal, is it not possible for more things and beings to be uncreated and substantive? Then the Jaina mind puts forth the hypothesis of a number of substances, and the world is explained on the theory of the necessity of all substances to manifest themselves. "The whole universe of being, of mental and material factors has existed from all eternity, undergoing an infinite number of revolutions produced nifer are prota: na: sa sarvagaH sa khabazaH sa nityaH / imAH kuhevAkaviDambanAH syu - stepA na yepAmanuzAsakastvam // 6 // Hemacandra, Svadoadamastart (ed Motilal Ladhazi), v 6, p 24, see toid , pp 14 ff Radhakrishnan, opet, 1, p 289 Cf also Vijayadharmasuri, Bhandarlar Commemoratze Volume, pp 150-151 * Latthe, Introduction to Jainism, pp 85-87, Jinasena, Adi Purana, chap in CS Bhandarkar, Report on Sanskrit MSS, 1883-1884, P 118 85

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JAINISM IN NORTH INDIA by the powers of nature without the intervention of any external deity. The diversities of the world are traced to the five cooperating conditions of time (Kala), nature (Svabhava), necessity (Nyata), activity (Karma), and desire to be and act (Udyama)." 1 With all this such a belief on the part of the Jainas did not make them materialistic in the sense of one of the inchoate philosophical systems called "materialism," or in the sense of Carvaka, whose motto was to make merry while life lasted, since he thought that the body turned to ashes turns not to life again. In his manual on Jainism Mr Warren has nicely put the difference between the Jaina and these philosophical systems of thought. "An alternative to the doctrine of a kind of almighty creator governing the universe," says the learned scholar, "is the theory of soulless materialist atheism which affirms that life and consciousness are the outcome of the massing and activity of material atoms, to be dissipated at death ; but for those who find neither of these theories satisfactory there is the theory roughly outlined in this book, a theory which neither denies the existence of the soul nor starts with the presumption of a creator, but makes each individual the master of his own destiny, holds out immortality for every living being, and insists upon the very highest rectitude of life, up to final perfection, as a necessary means to permanent happiness now and hereafter" ? Herc arises the question, if there is no such being drstinct from the world called God, what are the characteristics of the authority which is implicitly believed by the Jainas Y Unless the characteristics are known it may come to believing the words of an arbitrary and tyranntcal law-giver. Furthermore, however the authority may be truc, teaching presupposes true knowledge. Going to tlie very root of religion we find that the definition of religion as the relation between man and superhuman powers in which he believes is by no means philosophical, nor does it in any sense apply to Jainism. On the other hand it leaves unanswered the question of the essence of religion "Man's desire for an explanation of the existence of miscry, for its relief to extinction, and for a conscquent increase of happiness, is the ground of religion." The powers nientioncd above are designedly not described as super 1 Radha rahanan, op al, p 330 + Morten, Jainism, Inn! Thou art thing or friend, why wishest thou for a friend beyond thy self?"-Jacobi, S.B.E, OK, Warren, op cit, 39 i indim dom starts with the which nezther

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I'rom THE ELEVEN GANADHARAS OF LORD MAHAVIRA Palm-leaf MS of the Kalpa-Sutra of the Thirteenth Century Copynelt teierced - Agamadas a Sameti

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MAHAVIRA AND HIS TIMES sensual, as visible deities would thus be excluded, and moreover they are superhuman, never in reality but in the estimation of the worshippers. Nevertheless this is a weakness which is more or less universal, and hence, naturally, the Jainas are not expected to be free from it. Leaving this aside, we have already seen that Jainism is, as it were, a pure and perfect light thrown over the world by one who has subdued all his senses and passions, and who has thereby become free from all Karmas. The Sastras that form the fundamental basis of Jainism are based on the teaching of such spiritual leaders as Parsva and Mahavira, who once lived on earth in flesh and blood. Their teaching was first imparted to Ganadharas, who were the chief disciples of Jina, the omnipotent seer of the universal and infinite light, while they in their turn handed it over to a line of Gurus who come down to our own days. Thus it is with these Jinas that lies the source of all that we are going to say about Jainism in the following pages. The sources for this are no doubt of a comparatively later date, and it is not difficult to distinguish between what was original and what was transformed. For, as Charpentier bas rightly observed, "the inflexible conservatism of the small Jaina community in holding fast to its original institutions and doctrine" has been its strongest safeguard ; and it is this conservatism that, in spite of periods of severe afflictions, has enabled the Jainas to preserve their canons to a large extent untainted. There are indications in bas-reliefs of the first and the second century A.D. of their authenticity, going back to a much earlier period, and its oldest elements "may very well go back to the time of the first disciple of Malavira, or at any rate to the council of Pataliputra, which was held, according to tradition, under the Maurya king, ClTrele, op al, p 2 FORT.. aran: Y ENT HA: CH CH --Harbhadra, Saddarsana Samuccaya, vv 45, 46 "It is the opinion of Jainism that only that knowledge is true which is purged of the infatuating elements of anger, hatred, or other passions; that only he who is all knowing is able to map out the path of rectitude which shall lead to final beatitude in life everlasting; and that onscience is impossible in any in whom the infatuating elements are found to exist "-Warren, op cit, p 3 Beginning from Indrabhuti and ending with Prabhava, Mahavira had altogether eleven Ganadharas * prakAnazAstrasya paurajinavarendrApekSayAyataH mAtmAgamatva taciyaM tu pacamagaNyaraM sudharma fe s ta MMC ufafanrefag: ETC WIE JMata, Tiha, p 1. Charpentier, C.H.7,1, p 169.

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JAINISM IN NORTH INDIA Candragupta, at the end of the fourth century BC."1 Thc transformations happened principally in matters of detail, and the unconscious modifications which all rcligions and institutions tond to undergo in matters of practice rather than in the principles underlying them. Coming again to the definition of religion we find that the chief functions of religion are the work of relieving misery, cxplaining its existence, and of increasing the real happiness of life. We shall now briefly see what has been the working of the Jajna thought and how far it has succeeded in considering these difliculties and requirements of man's spirtual life. According to Jainism, then, everything that there is, was, or ever will be, has been classified as either animate (Jiva) or inanimate (Ujiva); and has been defined as that in which there is Origination, Destruction and Permanence It is with thus Tipadi that Mahavira welcomes his great converts from the Brahman fold and his Ganadharas when they joined the Jaina church, and, having received wluch, they composed the twelve Angas 2 This division of the universe, according to the Jarna metaphysics, into two everlasting, uncreated, coexisting but independent categories the Living (Jiva)-also used to connote life, vitality, soul or consciousness and the non-living (Ajiva) --s, according to the Jainas, a perfect division and as such unassailable. The Ajiva is further divided into Dharma, Adharma, Akasa, Pudgala, and to these some also add KalaThe Jiva, or the soul, except in its final stage of hberation (Nirvana), is always in combination with Ajiva, and thereby brings into existence a kind of energy which is known as Karma, and which cannot conduce to freedom, perfection or Macdonall, Indra's Past, P 71, Jacobi, op cit, Int , pp xl-ku, Ghosal, Dravyasangraha, BJ, 1, pp 8-4 Chcet feluwya Tent eto --Kalpa-Sutra, Subodhuha-ria, pp 112118 ruft: fructe tegit F e te -Ibid, p 115 Ta Hu agua sufrutat farvet WETET :-Hemacandra, Trishaskfl-Salda, Parva X, v 165, p TO * Stevenson (A[rs), op cit, p 94 * Things enjoyable by the senses, the five senses themselves, the mind, the Kormas, and all other material objects are called Pudgalas, or matters All material things are ultimately produced by the combination of atoms The smallest individual particle of matter 13 called an atom (Anu) In their atomic theory "we place the Jainas first, because they seern to have worked out their system from the most primitive notions about matter"-Jacob), ERE, 11, p 199 wetu w atatur: -Haribhadra, op at, p 50 Yogendracirya mn his Paranalma Prakafa ncludes Kala, v 142 38

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MAHAVIRA AND HIS TIMES peace. These Karmas, or deeds of the soul, in conjunction with matter (Pudgala) are either good or bad, and it is on account of them that the soul has to suffer all the experiences of this world process, including births and rebirths. So here lies the source of all our miseries, and hence to explain these two forms-Jiva and Ajiva--and their mutual connections on a broad basis, Jaina Sastrakaras have put forward nine categories (Nava Tattvas), which are as follows: Juva, Ajiva, Punya, Papa, Asrava, Samvara, Bandha, Nirjara and Moksha.? All these substances have been very minutely worked out by Jaina metaphysics, but we need not go into all these details. Those forms that have consciousness belong to the first category~-viz. Jiva--and those that have not this quality are Ajivas. As just remarked, in our worldly existence both Jiva, or the soul, and Ajiua, or the non-soul, go together, and thus the soul in combination with our body becomes the doer of all actions whether good or bad. The soul in its pure state is possessed of Infinite Perception or Faith (Ananta-Darsana), Infinite Knowledge (AnantaJnana), Infinite Bliss (Ananta-Sukha), and Infinite Power (AnantaVirya). It is all-perfect, enjoying as it does these four infinities, which the soul has a right to enjoy when it is in its true eternal character.8 Ordinarily however, with the exception of a fey released souls (Alukta-Jivas), all the other Jivas (Samsarins) have their purity 1 "Matter is without consciousness, soul is conscious Matter has no choice but to be moulded by the soul The connection of soul and matter is material, and it is affected by the soul's activity. The bondage is called Karma, since it is the Karma or deed of the soul It is material, forming a subtle bond of extremely rclined Kirmic matter which keeps the soul from flying up to its natural abode of full knowledge and everlasting peace."-Jauni, op cit, p. 26, THIET T T . - Hanbhadra, op.at, V. 48 ? FAIT og H 414424h dhandhazca nijerAmodhI nava talAni jnmte|| - Harbhadra, op cit, 47 Cf also Kundakundacarya, Pancashkayasara, . 108 * C. Stevenson (Mrs), op. cit, pp 209-811. Na ilet, USKLIKEESTI wa #. -Hanbhadra, op al, . 49 5 "The Jainas distinguish betiycen Darsana and Jflana Darsana is the knowledge of thungs without their details-eg. I sce a cloth Jnana means the knowledge of details. O I not only see the cloth but know to whom it belongs, of what quality it is, where it was prepared, ctc In all cognition we hic first Darsana and then Jrana. The pure souls possess infinite general perception of all things as well as infinite knowledge of all thloes in all their details - Dasgupta, op cul,1, 129 Jaini, op el, pl.

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JAINISM IN NORTH INDIA and power covered with a thin veil of Kaima matter which has been accumulating in them from beginningless time. The natural qualities of the soul are thus more or less obscured, and consequently various conditions of wcal (Punya) and woc (Papa) arc experienced. This is how we get the next two categorics--Viz. Punya and Papa. In Punya we include those matters that are connected with the soul and are the result of good and virtuous actions. Thosc that are contradictory to these are called Papas. Punya is the memtorious kind of Karma, while Papa is the sinful kind of it. 'When the soul is thus striving under such auspicious (Subha) and inauspicious (Asubha) Karmas it is helped by the activity of the mind, speech and body, which fact either liclps the inflow of such Karmic matter and thereby the soul gets bound to them, or acts as a bar to it It is here that we get Asrava, Samvara and Bandha. The activity of the mind, speech and body which makes the inflow of Karmic matter into the soul possible is technically called Asrava, while the same sort of activity which acts as a bar to such an inflow is called Samvara. The actual investing of the soul by this matter is called Bandha. Thus according to the Jaina Mata it is we who are responsible for our own condition. "In whatever degree we are ignorant, in pain, unhappy, unkind, cruel or weak, it is because, since birth and even previously in the infinite past, we are and have been acquiring and incorporating into oursclves (Asrava, Bandha)-by the attraction and assimilation of subtle, unseen, though real physical matter (Pudgala)-energies (Karma) which clog the natural wisdom, knowledge, blissfulness, love, compassion and strength of the soul, and which excite us to unnatural action" 3 1 yet ICT: -Hanbhadra, op cit, v 49 94 afsc . --Ind, 50 : FAIRE : yastairvandhaH sa vizeSa sAvo jinazAsane // saMvarastanirodhastu dhandho jIvasya karmaNaH / WRITICAR fa ikiord, wv 50-61 * Warren, op cit, p 5 "The natural perfections of the pure soul are sullied by the different kinds of Karma matter Those who obscure right knowledge of details (Jriana) are called Jitanavaraniya , those which obsoure nght perception (Darsana), as an sleep, are called Darsandaraniya, those which obscure the bliss-nature of the soul and thus produce pleasure and pain are Vedaniya, and those which obscure the right attitude of the soul towards faith and right conduct, Mokaniya" -Dasgupta, op cit, , pp 100-191 In addition to these four kinds of Karma there are other four kinds of Karma, which are called Ayush-Karma, Nama-Karma, Gotra Karma and Antaraya Karma 40 degreretuse, Hate bees and pudgabals fune

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MAHAVIRA AND HIS TDIES With all these handicaps in the form of Karmas none need be disappointed about his own spiritual growth. Though the Karmas of man are determining him in various ways, yet there is in him infinite capacity or power for right action (Ananta-Virya), so that Karma can never subdue this freedom and capacity though this may be suppressed from time to time by the influence of Karma. The Jaina Sastras say that by means of a strict religious life and austerities all these Karmas can be destroyed, and the soul can ultimately achieve its natural state in dioksha. That is why Dr Buhler says: "The accusation that Nataputta embraced fatalism must therefore be regarded as an invention and an outcome of sect hatred, as well as of the wish to throw discredit on their opponents." 1 Thus the purging of the Karmas, or rather their destruction, is called Nirjara, and the utter annihilation of all Karmas or the complete freedom of the soul from Karmic matter is called Moksha. Thus Nirjara is possible by a change in the soul, or by reaping the effects of Karmas, or by penances before their time of fruition. Then all the Karmas are destroyed Moksha, or liberation, is effected. From the above characteristics of these different categories one thing is clear that they are in one way or the other connected with the soul until it obtains the final release from corporeal sufferance by deification through a perfect disengagement from both good and evil. It is due to this that Jiva, deluded by the Karmic forces, experiences ignorance, misery and wretchedness in this Torld. Such a revolving of Jiva in this phenomenal world is called Sarnsara, and to get free from this Samsara, which is the result of the delusion of the soul, is to achiere Moksha, or final emancipation. It is nothing extraneous to be obtained by Jiva, but it is merely its getting off from the clutches of Karmic fetters and achieving its own natural state. They determine respectively the duration of life, the curacter of our individuality, the family or the nationality, and the mbora energy which hinders or obstructs the progress or success of the soul 1 Buhler, op cit, p. 82 Cf Jacobi, 1.4, I, pp 250-160 + TERU: QUICHE E FTSTUTATT I W ett fruta CERCHIOT 11-Haribhadra, op at, T. 52. : Fuela HT a AURODUCT CATHED: WO; : Re: - Umisratrvacaka, Zattrarthadhgama-Sutra (ed Motilal Ladhaji), p 7, I. TW: E HHEIT - Ibid. ... T am -Hemnacandra, Yogasastra, Prahasa or chap xi, v. 61, p 1, MS, B.O.R.I.L, No 1815, of 1896-1892 41

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JAINISM IN NORTH INDIA In short, Mokslia is a state in which the soul is quite free from all Karmic forces Karmas are like clouds to it, and when it gets absolved from them the perfectly pure spirit shines with all its lustre, like the open sun, and this is its Moksha In this process there is nothing like any one thing taking the place of the other, but merely the obstructive agent is done away with. So when a bird gets free from its cage, what is meant is not putting anything else in the place of the cage, but only removing the cage, which acted as an obstruction to the freedom of the bird Similarly when the soul achieves Moksha it merely experiences what potentially is its own craving and nothing new, by the utter destruction of all forces-all Punya and Papa Karmas. Thus when Moksha is achieved the pure and free Atma gets to its own natural state, liberated from the material body and its veils-that is to say, the absolved soul shines with all its refulgence, bliss, knowledge and power. Having thus understood the source of all conditions of weal and woe the question that arises now is how to attain Moksha Jainism seems to show a way out of the misery of life by proposing austerity, inward and outward, as the means. The way to Nirvana is naturally revealed by Jina. It lies through the Ratnatraya, or "the Three Jewels" of Samyag-Darsana (Right Belief), SamyagJnana (Right Knowledge) and Samyak-Caritra (Right Conduct) Under a form at first sight perceptibly different we at once recognise here the Tr-Raina of the Buddhists-viz. Buddha, the Law and the Samgha. The "Three Gems," which according to the Jainas nesult in the spirit's attainment of deliverance, form the fundamental basis of Jaina Yoga, which, says Hemacandra, is the cause of Moksha (Salvation). The first of these tells us that faith in Jina or in the Tattvas propounded by him is right belief Its negative aspect is again scepticism of a kind which hampers all serious thought 1 RT 9799fcfu Hari..--Umas atrvacaka, op at, chap 1, sit 1 Cf. Hanbhadr, op at, v 58 ? Barth, op cit,p 147 "It is mteresting to compare these Three Jewels with the Buddhist In-Ratna Buddha, the Law and the Order, and with the Mohammedan Tund Happiness (Khera), Mercy (Mera), Prayer (Bandagi), and again with the Parsi Trio Holy Blind, Holy Speech and Holy Deeds "-Stevenson (irs), op at, p 247 parvage agraNImoMcho yogastasya ca kAraNAma // jJAnabahAnacAritrarUpa rAmavaya ma. --IIcmacandra, op at, chap 1, v 15, p 1 TUBER Farm --Umas ativacaka, op cit, chap 1, afit 2 The Tativas referred to here are the Nata-Tattoas mentioned above Honbhadra, op cit, p. 53. 42

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MAHAVIRA AND HIS TIMES All that Samyag-Darsana wants to achieve is that "instead of being blighted by cold logic and cunning sophistry, or eaten away by the corrosion of scepticism, it may grow into the tree of knowledge and fructify into the world-blessing fruit of righteous conduct." 1 Thus the most important of the Three Jewels is Samyag-Darsana, because it saves us from the soul-emptying, puzzling void of scepticism. On the other hand, right knowledge enables us to examine in detail all that the mind has inculcated through convictions. In short it gives a right and clear insight into the same "Tattvas." Right knowledge is in fact knowledge of the Jaina creed or of the doctrines as laid down by Jina 2 Briefly, the intellect helped by faith finally helps to lead to right conduct, which is the goal. There may be right Jnana and Darsana, but if they are not accompanied by Caritra all is useless. Right conduct consists in the strict observance of all the precepts laid down by Jina, through which Nirvana is attained. The goal being Moksha, naturally right conduct must be such as to keep the body down and lift the soul. Succinctly, it means giving up all sinful activities of the mind, speech and body. 3 In practical life this practice of right conduct is divided into two broad divisions : Sadhu-Caritra, or the conduct of a Sadhu, and Grhastha-Caritra, or the conduct of a layman; but we shall not enter into all these details here. For our purpose, suffice it to say that naturally the rules for ascetics are stricter than those for laymen, and provide, as it were, a shorter, though harder, route to Nirvana, which is the goal of the layman as well, but one which he reaches by a longer and slower process On the whole the rigour of Jaina discipline anticipates a great amount of strength of will and character before it can be easily taken up by anybody. Beginning with the five great vows of non-killing (Ahimsa), truth (Satya), non-stealing (Asteya), chastity 1 Jaini, op at, p 54 PATI I savodhastamabAhuH samyagjJAnaM // -Hanacandra, op cut, chap 1, v 16, p 1 The James acknowledge five kinds of Irana, and mark with great precision the five degrees of knowledge that lead to Omniscience (1) Malt-Jndna (sense-knowledge), (2) Sruta-Jhana (testimony), (8) Aradhana (knowledge of the remote), (4) Mana-Paryaya-Jnana (thought-reading), (6) Kevala-Jijana (Omniscience) Sara APV -Ibnd, chap 1, v. 18, p 2

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JAINISM IN NORTH INDIA (Brahmacar ya) and non-attachment (Aparigraha), and the threefold restraint of the mind, speech and body, Jaina discipline goes to the final stage of a man's spiritual career when he desires neither life nor death, and when he may take up the vow of Anasana, which in a stricter sense means "fasting which precedes and ends with death." 2 The whole Jaina discipline has been so minutely and exhaustively worked out that it would make a study by itself 3 We shall merely state here in brief all that we have already said about the Jaina view of life and salvation, and then pass on to some other salient features of Jamism. To sum up, in the words of Kundakundacarya : "The soul which is the agent of its own Karma, and the enjoyer of the fruits thereof, as conditioned by its own Karma, gets blinded by the veil of ignorance and roams about in the world of Samsara, which is limited for the faithful and unlimited for the unfaithful. "Suppressing or annihilating the veil of ignorance which clouds the faculty of perception and wall, well equipped with the Three Jewels, the undaunted pilgrim that has conquered the suffering and pain due to environment, beckoned by the ideal of selfknowledge wades through the paths and reaches the Divine city of Perfection 4 Thus when once the soul, overpowered with the four Kasayas (passions)--anger, vanity, intrigue and greed--and the senses, and perforce kept away from its natural state by good and bad energies called Karmas, gets free from all such obstructive and foreign forces, it is said to enjoy all the attributes of God. "By the absence of Karma, Omniscient and embracing the whole world in its view, it attains undisturbable, supersensual and infinite bliss" Really speaking such a soul puts forward the ideal of God in the 1 wfger H ar Set: Hemicandra, op al, chap 1, v. 19, ing and pain The undaunted pm and wall, well cognorance which : HTUTTT W u -Ullarodhyayana-Satra, chap XXX, O 1 " The value of Jaina philosophy lies not only in the fact that it, unlike Hinduism, has co-related ethical teaching with its mctaphysical system but also in the atazing knowledge of human nature which its ethics desplay"_Stevenson (Mrs), op at, p 128 Kundakundachryn, Panicastuhayasara, S.B ,, 75-70 * "In a word, believers in the creation theory make God man, bring him down to the level of need and imperfection. whereas Jainism raises man to Godhood and inspires lum to reach as near Godhood as possible by steady fath, right perfection, nght knowledge, and above all, a spotless life"-Jaini, op cit, P 5 * Kundakundcarya, op cit, v 151 (trans Jaini, op cit, p 77) 44

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MAHAVIRA AND HIS TIMES Jaina church, and once it has reached these heights it has never to fall. Savs Umisvati : dagdhe yone yapAtyantaM prAdurbhapati nAduraH / karmayone tapA dagdhe na rohati bhyaakurH| "Just as when a seed is totally burnt, no sprout comes forth, so also when the secd in the form of Karma is burnt, there is no more worldly existence." Thus, though there is no such being distinct from the world called God, yet certain of the elements of the world when properly developed obtain deification. God is only the highest, noblest and fullest manifestation of the powers which Ire latent in the soul of man." 3 It may not be out of place to remark that among such onniscient souls some are called Tirthankaras because of the presence of the Karma called Nama-Karma,' and whose one distinctive mark is their own natural awakening without anybody preaching to them, and who in their embodied condition preached and propounded the truth. The others are mere Kevalins, or SamanyaSiddhas, who are disembodied, steady and bliss-unending,5 The Tirthankaras with their unique godliness propound divinity and with their extraordinary supernatural beauty, power, glory and lustre leave an everlasting impression over the world. Really speaking Tirthankara is a peculiar term of Jainism. It is very often used to denote one who forms the CaturvidhaSangha (the fourfold order) of monks, nuns and male and female lay-followers, but, rightly speaking, a Tirthankara is he who sheds spiritual rays which bathe the ocean of this phenomenal world in a pure light, and it is through this that one is enabled to reach the heights of spiritual well-being. These Tirthankaras, by endowing fresh vigour, and giving new light and revival to Dharma, bless the world and leave it ahead of all previous ages. It is natural 1 BUCHET F antast agafa: : H T : I ---Vyayadharmasiru, op al, 150. : Umastatrvacaka, ap at, chap , sut 8, p 201. Rama: HINT 7 99: GEE HER F 114 7 ETUISTAT: . . -Vijayadharmasuri, op and loc at. - Radhakrishnan, op cit, 1, p 331 Just as the Karma called Gotra-Karma came in the way of Mahavira's being born to a Kshatriyant so we get bere Nama-Karma HER R mifer Hemacandra, op cit, chap XI, 48, p 80. If Jaini, op at, p 2 6 "When a new Tirthankarz rises, the followers of the preceding ones follow him, as the followers of Parsva followed Mahavira " --Stevenson (Mrs), op at, 241

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JAINISM IN NORTH INDIA that none else than the one who has rightly subdued all the good or bad forces that surround the soul can attain heights, and as a mark of their great victory all Tirthankaras are called Jinas, or Victors. "The soul which has perfect perception, perfect knowledge, infinite bliss and infinite power," says Yogendracarya," is a perfect saint, and being self-manifested, is known as Jina-Deva (or the divine conqueror)." I All these omniscient souls, after their span of life on this earth is over, reach final emancipation or Moksha. Thus Nirvana or the final hberation of the Jainas is a state of being, without qualities and relation, and remote from all chances of rebirth. Like the Buddhists, it is not an escape into Nirvana or nothingness & It is an escape from the body though not from existence "It is not the fact of existence which is the evil in the eyes of the Jainas; it is life which is bad" 4 The body being separated from the soul, the animate being gains freedom from the trammels of the successive series of existences, and thus Nurvana is not the annihilation of the soul but its entry into a state of blessedness which has no end." (The liberated) is not long or small ...; not black nor blue.. ; not bitter nor pungent . .; is without body, without resurrection, without contact (of matter), is not feminine nor masculine nor neuter; he perceives, he knows, but there is no analogy (whereby to know the nature of the liberated soul); its essence is without form; there is no condition of the unconditioned." 6 Coming to some of the prominent features of Jainism, the first thing that would strike us most is the ideal of Ahimsa as propounded by it Kundakundacarya states that "Jiva is conscious, fornless, characterised by Upayoga, attached to Karma, the Lord, the agent, the enjoyer (of the fruits of Karma), the pervader of bodies (large or small); that which goes upward to the end of 1 Cf Jaini, op cip 78 : As matter of detail we may observe that the Digambara sect of the Jalnas agrees with the Buddhists in maintaining that no woman has the capacity of attaining Nurcana To the Digombras, before she can cver reach Dohaha she has to undergo rebirth BS 8 man, while to the Sictimbares the path of Molsha is open to all, whicther man or woman SFR Fitrate (Lihe man therc 19 Nirana for woman), says Sakatlyunucarya in his "Fif f t ."- J.SS, 11, Nos 3-4, Appendix 2, "Buddhists seem to use their common word Nurcana as connoting etinction not onls of desire, with such thc Joints would ngece, but also of the soul atsell, which they would indignantly deny "--Stevenson (Ers), op art. p 17 * Birth, op cit, p 147 Jacobi, SD.D, E, p 52

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rticles of the elematomic and invisiblaing plants, ani MAHAVIRA AND HIS TIMES Loka, being free from the impurity of Karma."1 Life to the Jainas is universally the same, and it is governed by the same immutable law of cause and effect Not only is man endowed with Jiva, but also all creatures, including plants, animals, birds, insects; and even atomic and invisible beings, like the smallest particles of the elements of the earth, the fire, the water and the wind are endowed with the soul (Jiva). This bylozoistic theory, as Jacobi calls it, is an important characteristic of the Jainas, and "pervades their whole philosophic system and code of morals." 2 It is quite different from the animistic belief in the existence of spirits in stoncs, trees and running brooks. The latter had to be propitiated with bloody sacrifices, destroying other forms of precious life, but according to the Jainas life in all its forms is sacred, and as it moves towards the same goal it is not to be disturbed or disintegrated by any kind of violence. This is the rationale ! or psychology underlying perhaps by far the most dominating characteristic of Jainism-viz the principle of Ahimsa. Ahimsa, as defined by Hemacandra, is as follows: na yatpramAdayogena jIvitavyaparopaNam / asAnA sthAvarANoM ca tadahisAbata matam // "Not to destroy life, either five, four-, three-, or two-sensed or immovable (i e. one-sensed), even through carelessness is considered as keeping the vow of non-killing." The implications of this doctrine are perhaps nowhere better illustrated than in a story contained in Hemacandra's Yogasastra. It is related therein that in the days of King Srenika there was a butcher named Kalasaukarika who was known for his cruelty. He had a son named Sulasa, who was a great devotee of Lord Mahavira, and hence on grounds of religion he was on good terms with Abhayakumara, the son of the King Srenika. This butcher's mentality was so wild and fierce that it had become more or less impossible to win hini over to the Ahinsa of the Jainas. Srenika being a staunch follower of Mahavira was very much worried at * Kundnkundacarya, S.BJ,11,27; d Draryasamgraha, SBI, 1., pp 6-7. * Jacobi, op cit, Int , m l * The animistic belief that ncarly everything is possessed of a soul proves that Jainism is older than Mahilvira and Buddha This must have appeared at a cry carly time when higher forms of religious bchefs and cults had not yet, more generally, taken hold of tlic Indian mind Cf. Jacobi, op cil, lv, Int, un * Cf Smith, Orford Trstory of India, p 53. * Herriandra, op el, chap 1, v 20, ? (ror trans see Stevenson Qirs), op.a. p 231)

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JAINISM IN NORTH INDIA this, and so being actuated with a high scnse of duty he told the butcher : sUnA cimukha mat / dAspehamayamarthasya lobhAttvamasi sonikaH // "If you leave your profession, I shall bestow calth on you, for it is through greed of wealth that you are a butcher." This request on the part of the king liad no effect on Kalasaukarika. With all light-mindedness he replied : mRnAyA nanu ko dopo mayA jIyanti mAnavA' / at a Parit ! "What harm is there in butchery by which human beings subsist? I am not going to leave it." Thus when the king saw that there was no way open to him he put lum into a dark well, where he was left hanging the whole night; but even there the butcher's mentality led him to draw figures of animals on the wall of the well and destroy them then and there. After this he caught some dangerous disease and went to hell Just after the death of his father Sulasa's relatives gathered around him and tried to persuade him to continue the family profession, but he told them " As life is dear to me so also is the case with other animals, and having seen such fruits who would be prepared to live by killing? " All this had little or no effect on Sulasa's relatives, and they even showed their readiness to share the fruits of his life. Then Sulasa, pretending to kill a buffalo, gave a stroke with his father's axe on his leg and fell senseless on the ground. After a short time he regained consciousness and addressed his relatives. ... great na famiga # 297171".. Relatives! You (now) share my pain," but they could do nothing more than merely console him. Then he again told them, as if reminding them of their orginal promise: ... atalaia wegalfanaar CHUA "If you cannot take this much misery how can you the miseries of hell?" Thus Sulasa won over his relatives to his way of thinking, and having taken the twelve vows of the Jainas went to heaven. ) 1 Hemocendm, Yogadastra (with Ins own commentary), chap u, v 80, pp 01-95 Very often heaven 19 taken to inean Molsha, but it is not so To the Jainas Moksha 25 that stage from which the soul has never to return According to Jaimsm there is a limit to life in heaven, but when the soul reaches Moksha it enjoys bliss for ever 48

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MAHAVIRA AND HIS TIMES The moral of thus story is obvious. It illustrates the extreme insistence of the Jainas on the principle of Alinsa, no less than the thcory of Karma. "Viler than unbelievers," says the Yogasastra, quoting tlic law of Manu to the effect that animals may be slain for sacrificc, "are those cruel ones who make the law that teaches killing.'* 1 In their practical life also the respect of thic Jainas for everything that has life is surprising, looking to the hurry and worry of this workaday world of ours. Whatever criticism we desire to offer about Jainism as it is in practice, there is no denying the fact that the great ideal of Ahinsa of the Jainas was actuated by feelings of love and friendship towards all beings, and hence for our purpose sullice it to make a mere statement of facts, and a few remarks based on them. To a Sadhu the rule of wounding nothing means that he must carry three articles with him a straining-cloth for his drinking-water, a broom, and a veil before his mouth lest he might unconsciously swallow or crush any invisible animalcule. "This duty also necessitates the ascetic to pluck in the most painful manner his hair, which, according to the original custom, he must do away with at his consecration--a peculiar custom of the Jainas, which is not found among the other penitents of India." 2 Even so, for fear of outraging the vow of Ahimsa, a layman also observes so many precautions in daily life; but something which is rather striking is not to eat and, if possible, not to drink after sunset, that he might not swallow insects through mistake; and hence says Hemacandra: "Who would take food at night when human beings because of their eyesight being obstructed by deep darkness cannot see the insects falling in the eatables ? " 3 Looking to all these practices it is clear that "no Hindu sect has carried Ahimsa farther--.e. respect for and abstinence from everything that has life." 4 In spite of all this rigidity of practical details, there is nothing to warrant the conclusion that Jainism, literally obeyed, cannot hold the world together, but would lead nations to subjection, inaction and beggary. "It is only prejudice and garbled accounts of Jainism that have led to its being misunderstood. 'Do your duty. Do it as bumanly as you can. This, in bref, is the primary * Cf Hopkins, op at, p 288 * Buhler, op cit, p 15 * Hemacandro, op al, MS, chap 211., v 49, p 8. Barth, op.cit, p 145.

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JAINISM IN NORTH INDIA precept of Jainism, Not-kalling cannot interfere with one's duties "1 The Jaina Ahimsa is not the Ahimsa of & weakling but that of a brave soul which is or wants to be above all the evil forces of this world. Hemacandra rightly based it on the maxim: "Look upon other beings as you would look upon yourself." 2 An instance from the Viaradhyayana - Sutra amply illustrates the Jaina attitude towards the poorest, the lowliest and the lost. Hankesa was a Svapaka or Candala. He became a great sage, possessed of the highest virtues, with his senses wholly subdued. Once when on his begging tours be approached the enclosure of a Brahmanical sacrifice, and observed :) "O Brahmanas, why do you tend the fire, and seek external punity by water? The clever ones say that external purity, which you seek for, is not the right thing. "You (use) Kusa-grass, sacrificial poles, straw and wood, you touch water in the evening and in the morning; thereby you injure living beings, and in your ignorance you commit sins again and again "The law is my pond, celibacy my bathing-place, which is not turbid, and throughout clear for the soul; penance is my fireplace; right exertion is my sacrificial ladle; the body the dried cowdung; Karman is my fuel; self-control, right exertion and tranquillity are the oblations, praised by the sages, which I offer." Small wonder then that the Uttaradhyayana proclaims "The value of penance has become visible, birth appears of no value ! Look at the holy Harikesa, the son of a Svapaka, whose power is so great." 3 This illustration also serves to indicate some of the moral virtues sought to be inculcated by the early Jainas. Really speaking, the characteristic feature of this religion is its claim to universality, and at its back is that great and glorious ideal of Ahimsa, which puts before its saviours not the ideal of a hermit striving to secure his own redemption, but the ideal of a monk, cnrolled in a brotherhood, and striving to save others. "It ... dcclares its object to be to lead all men to salvation and to open its arms--not only to the noble Aryan, but also to the low 1 Jnini, op at, p 72 . IT g Jacob!, SBC, H cmacandra, op cit, chap 11, 1.20, p. 3 PP 50-50 50

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MAHAVIRA AND HIS TIMES born Sudra, and even to the alien, deeply despised in India, the Mlecha." I Besides this cosmopolitan spirit of freely admitting any class of lay adherents into its fold, and thus to communion, the feeling with which a Jaina is to look towards other faiths is itself creditable. It shows to what extent Jainism was careful not to injure the feelings of others. Even Mrs Stevenson has to say: "One of the unique glories of Jainism is that it, unlike most Indian-born religions, believes in the possibility of aliens reaching its goal " 3 This catholic attitude of respect for others is a characteristic of some of the brightest luminaries of the Jaina church. Haribhadra begins his section on the Jainas in the Saddarsana Samuccaya with the words: pakSyAno na me vaure na dveSaH kapilAdiSu / yuktimadvacanaM yasya tasya kAryaH parigrahaH // "Neither have I any partiality towards Vira, nor do I hate Kapila and others. Whose word is proper his conclusion should be accepted." 4 In addition to this greatly democratic constitution of the Jainas the ideal of Ahimsa has also nourished and given due prominence to the discipline of confession within the Jaina church. Himsa or injury to a certain extent is inevitable in human life, and hence a daily confession and a day-to-day consciousness of sins or wrongs committed during the course of the day is a necessity for the ultimate goal to be achieved. This may not be called the unique feature of Jainism, but in the Jaina church the prominence given to it is no doubt unique. Samayika and Pratikramana, the two disciplines which have directly resulted from it, play a very 1 Buhler, op at,p 8 "The Jains community is only divided into Yatis and Sravakas. and if m any part of India, the Jamnas practically recognise the distinctions of caste, it is just the same with the Christians and Aittomedans of Southern India, and even math the Bauddhas of Ceylon Tus has nothing to do with the religion, it is only the adoption of social distinctions, which are rooted too deeply in the mund of the Indian nation to be abolished by the word of a religious reformer " Jacobi, Kalpa-Sara, Int ,P 4 "Hieun Tsiang's notes on the appearance of Nirgrantha or Digambara i Kiapishi (Beal, S-71-, 1, p65) point apparently to the fact that they had, m the North West at least, spread their missionary activity beyond the borders of India "--Buhler, op el, P 4 Stevenson (Mrs), op cit, 248 * Haribhadra, op cit, 89, see also bhavaSIjAMkurajananA rAgAdyAH yamupAgatA yasma / brahmA vA viSNurvA, haro jino thA namastasmai / -Hemacandra, Diahadevastotra, v 44.

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JAINISM IN NORTH INDIA important part in the lives of both the clergy and the laty. The Avasyaka-Sutra of Sudharma goes to the extent of saying: "That is real knowledge which begins with Samayika and ends with Bindusara (the fourteenth Purva) The result of this is Right Conduct and the result of Caritra is Nirvana." The vow of Samayika, by observing which one gets equanimity of the soul, lays it down that at least forty-eight minutes in a day must be given to meditation The most essential portion of which-Karema Bhante, etc,-may be translated thus : "O Lord! I do Samayika. I renounce all sinful activities. 1.11 I live, with mind, speech and body, neither will I do nor will I make others do them. For that (sin) O Lord! I revert from them; I condemn them in the presence of my spirit and preceptor, and I vow to keep my soul free from such actions." 3 1 These were the very words uttered by Lord Mahavira just after he was consecrated as a Sadhu.. One of the definitions offered of Samayika in the Avasyaka-Sutra commented upon by Harbhadra is roughly as follows: "He has rightly undergone the vow of Samayka who has attained the attitude of equality, which makes him look at all kinds of living beings as he looks towards himself. No kind of ascetrasm (Tapas) can be of any good so long as attachment and antipathy (Raga and Duesha) do not leave the soul. It is only when a man learns to look upon all living bemgs with equality (Samatva) that he can effect such a conquest over Raga and Duesha" Coming to Padrkamanum, or Sanskrit Pratakramana, we find herein a frank confession of sins and a sincere desire for their forgiveness. It is repentance for faults that already attach to the soul. "When engaging in Pratikramana-i e, confession-Jainas think of the sins that they may have committed against any being, possessing any Indriya and ask forgiveness At this time they also think of any germs which they may have created by sinning fegro - Avagyaha-Saetra, v 98, p 69 CJ Stercnson (A[rs), op cit, p 215 I a .alferufa-Avasyaha-Sulra, p 454 natfettet WEEE..." #FA AME. ." **ft.-Kalpa-Saira, SubodhakaTika, p 9 Cf Atasyola-Sacra, p 281 4: '!' H69, W u ' '. ., TRE A wafi. -Atasyala-Satra, p 329 "Cf. Dasgupla, op cit,1,P 201 52

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MAHAVIRA AND HIS TIMES against the laws of sanitation ... etc." 1 This is the natural outcome of a teaching that encourages civic and philanthropic virtues born out of the principle of Ahimsa, which in its active form means helping humanity in its struggle for emancipation. Moreover the social organisation of the Jainas is so designed as to carry out in practice the ideals briefly indicated above. We shall not pass on to a characteristic feature of Jaina philosophy which has been considered as the distinct contribution of the Jainas to Indian logic. It is common with all religions to insist upon and provide for perfect knowledge. Every religion tries to teach man to go beyond the phenomenon. Jainism does the same, but with this difference, that it does not recognise the real from a restricted point of view. For this attainment of perfect knowledge Jainism has a philosophy of its own, and this is known as the doctrine of Syaduada or Anekantavada of the Jainas. "The doctrine of Nayas or standpoints is a peculiar feature of the Jaina logic." 2 We have already seen that the Jaina metaphysics starts with a dualistic division of the universe into Jiva and Ajiva, and that in them lies the Tripadis of Utpada, Vyaya and Dhruva, respectively meaning Origination, Destruction and Permanence. Here Origination means no new creation, because to the Jaina mind the whole universe of being has existed from all eternity. This Guna of Origination (Utpada) is just to show that in a permanent universe-permanent meaning having no origin--there is always origination of its modes of manifestations. Thus everything that is Sat, or the conception of being to the Jaina mind, is neither the absolutely unchangeable, nor the momentary changing qualities or existences, but involves them both. "Being then, as is testified by experience, is that which involves a permanent unit, which is incessantly every moment losing some qualities and gaining new ones." This is, in short, the theory of Indefiniteness (Anekantavada), or "what we may Stevenson (@Ers), op at, p 101. Radhakrishnan, op.cit, 1, p. 298 sawa sirurgaret h ..-Hemacandra, Syadvadamanjari, p 168. Cf ind, vy. 21-22. yenotpAdavyayagrauvyayuktaM yAsatadipyate / anantadharmaka vastu tenoktaM mAnagocaraH // - Haribhadra, op.at, v. 57. cf. Warren, op.af, pp. 22-23 * Dasgupta, op. cit, 1, p 175 ... startu , WTEVAMI -Hemacandra, op cit., p 170. 53

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JAINISM IN NORTH INDIA call the relative pluralism of the Jainas as against the extreme absolutism of the Upanishads and pluralism of the Buddhists." 1 It is on this that the Syadvada dialectics of the Jainas are based. "On these premises it is obvious that concerning a given Padartha we can make, from a divergent point of view, different, apparently contradictory, statements" ? The innumerable qualities of a thing cannot be predicated in one statement, but they are all impled by any statement which predicates one of the qualities of a thing. Everything has to be considered in four different aspects: the matter (Dravya), space (Kshetra), time (Kala), and nature (Bhava). This is why "the doctrine of Syadpada holds that since the most contrary characteristics of infinte variety may be associated with a thing, affirmation, made from whatever standpoint (Naya), cannot be regarded as absolute." 8 Thus to observe a thing in its various aspects from different points of view is what is meant by Syaduada. "It is the method of knowing or speaking of a thing synthetically." 4 Very often Syaduada has been described as the doctrine of scepticism, but it is more correct to call it the science of the assertion of alternative possibilities." "The Syaduada doctrine," says A. B. Dhruva," is not a doctrine of doubt. It enables a man to look at things with a wide and liberal view. It teaches us how and in what manner to look at things of this universe." It neither affirms nor denies the existence of a thing, but only states that a thing is or is not, or is what is described to be from one out of several points of view with which realty might be comprehended. " The dynamic character of reality consists only with relative or conditional predication It does not deny the possibility of predication Dasgupta, op at, 1, p 175, fo Agila .. Ar f.- Viseshavadyahabhashyam, v. 2186, P 895 Belvalkur, op at, p 112 * Dasgupta, op. ci, p 179 Warren, op cit, 20 C Hultzsch, EI, V, p 118 "In contrast to the Nihilistic Buddhist, the Jauda assumes a doubtful attitude, so that he is termed the may be philosopher, Syddoadin, in opposition to the Buddhist, the philosopher of the void " Hopkins, op at,p 201 ch Fleet, 1.A, vu, P 107. "The very is called Syaddada, since it holds all Inowledge to be only probable Every position gives us only a perhaps, & maybe, or a Syal. We cannot confirm or deny anything absolutely of any object There is nothing certain on account of the endless complexity of tinngs"-Radhakrishnan, op cit,l,p 802 Kannoomal, Saplabhang -Naya, Int ,p 8 / upAdhibhadopahita viruddha nAramala sadavAcyate c| Hernacandre, op at, v 24, p. 194.

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MAHAVIRA AND HIS TIMES Every proposition is true, but only under certain conditionsi e. hypothetically. There is nothing certain on account of the endless complexity of things. It is the use in seven different ways of judgment which affirm and negate, severally and jointly, without self-contradiction, thus discriminating the several qualities." 1 Answering the seven questions from the seven points of VIEW is called Saptabhangi-Naya, or Pluralistic arguments This philosophical doctrine is very abstruse and recondite. It is highly technical, and we cannot do better than produce the following exposition of it: "The great contention of the Advaitins was that there is only one really existing entity, the Atman, the-One-only without-asecond (Ekamevadustiyam), and that this is permanent (Naya), all else being non-existent (4-sat), a mere illusion. Hence it was called the Atma-vada, Eka-vada or Natya-vada. Their stock argument was that just as there are no such entities as cup, jar, etc - these being only clay under various names and shapes-so all the phenomena of the universe are only various manifestations of the sole entity, Atman. The Buddhists on the other hand said that man had no real knowledge of any such permanent entity; it was pure speculation, man's knowledge being confined to changing phenomena-growth, decay and death. Their doctrine was therefore called Anitya-vada. Clay as a substance may be permanent, but as a jar it is impermanent-may come into existence and perish. In other words, being is not simple, as Advaitins assert, but complex; and any statement about it is only part of the truth. The various possibilities were classed under seven heads (Sapta-bhangi), each beginning with the word Syat, which is combined with one or more of these terms: Asti (is), Nasti ('is not '), and Avaktavya ("cannot be expressed '). Thus you can affirm existence of a thing from one point of view (Syat-asti), deny it from another (Syat-nasta), and affirm both existence and non-existence with reference to it at different times (Syat-ast2-nasti). If you should think of affirming both existence and non-existence at the same time from the same point of view, you must say that the thing cannot be spoken of (Syat-avaktavyah). Similarly, under certain circumstances, the affirmation of existence is not possible (Syatasti-avaktavyal); and also both (Syal-asti-nasti-ajaktadyah) What Radhakrishnan, op. at, l., P802; RISTER FE ATU A . FARETA M ATTA: 1-Vijayadharmasuri, op. cit., p 151

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JAINISM IN NORTH INDIA is meant by these seven modes is that a thing should not be considered as existing everywhere at all times, in all ways, and in the form of everything. It may exist in one place and not in another, and at one time and not at another." 1 "The solution of Jainism is thus a reconciliation of the two extremes of Vedantism and Buddhism on grounds of common-sense experience." 2 Both Jacobi and Belvalkar take it as in opposition to the agnosticism of Sanjaya Belatthiputta : "Whereas Sanjaya had said, I cannot say if it is, and I cannot say if it is not,' Mahavira declared, 'I can say that the thing in a sense is, and I can say that the thing in a sense is not.'" 3 In short, Syaduada is a unique feature of the Jaina philosophy. No better example of the clarity, subtlety and profundity of the Jaina intellect could be given than this. Mahavira might be safely credited with the invention of this part of the Jaina dialectics. The earliest mention of this in the Jaina canonical literature according to Dasgupta probably occurs in Bhadrabahu's (483-357 BC) commentary of Sutrakrtanga- Naryukti." . This statement on the part of the learned scholar is based on the authority of the late Dr Satis Chandra Vidyabhushana, who has used the following verse of the Niyukti as the basis of his inference: asiyasaya kiriyANa akiriyANa gha hoi culsotii| zzanAriNaya sanadI veNayANaM ca psiisaa|| "180 of the Kriyavada, 84 of the Akriyavada, 67 of the Agnanavada and 32 are of Vainayikavada." 7 It seems from this that the late doctor was under a wrong impression that the above verse of the Naryukta contained a reference to Saptabhangi-Naya. As a matter of fact we get here an enumeration of the three hundred and sixty-three divisions of the four heretical creeds believed by the Jainas. Really speaking, in 1 Cf. Bhandarkar, Report on Sanskrit 3788 , 1883-1884, PP 95-96, Rice (EP), Kanarese Literature, PP 23-24 . Dasgupta, op cil,1,P 173. Belvalkar, opal, p 114 Cf. Jacobi, S.B.C, xlv, P XX1, Belvalkar and Rande, op.al, pp 433 n, 434 If Cf. Belvalkar, op al, 114 Dasgupta, op. cit., 181, n I * Vidyabhuslinn, Tistory of the Mediatal School of Indian Logic, P 8, History of San Logop 167 Sutral Tlanga (Ag modaya Samiti), 110, P 200 . Cf. Jacobi, op al. Int. ; id , PP 316 Agnant seems in the aboven. As a maid sixty- Really

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MAHAVIRA AND HIS TIMES our opinion the earliest mention of the Seven-Nayas and of the Syaduada philosophy of the Jainas lies in the Sthananga, the Bhagavati and the other canonical books of the Jainas.1 Finally, to quote Lala Kannoomal. "The philosophers teaching this doctrine have written voluminous works to explain and expound its truth, to explain its subtleties. If this method of thinking is adopted in looking at the various religious tenets and philosophical creeds prevailing in India, which appear to be mutually conflicting, occasioning considerable differences of opinions, a perceptible change towards the reconciliation might occur." 2 If Ahimsa may be generalised as the fundamental ethical virtue of Jainism, Syaduada may be described as the central and unique feature of Jaina metaphysics, and the explicit denial of the possibility of a perfect being from all eternity with the message of "Man I thou art thine own friend," as the centre round which circles the Jaina ritual.' All this combined with the ideal of Ahimsa teaches : He prayeth well, who loveth well Both man and bird and beast, He prayeth best who loveth best All things both great and small; (COLERIDGE) and that is why a Jaina always says: khAmami sadhajIve, sacce jauvA khamaMtu me| metI meM sababhUrasu, gharaM magna na keNai / "I forgive all souls; let all souls forgive me. I am on friendly terms with all; I have no enmity with anybody." 4 Now to misunderstand or to misinterpret any of these features is to deliberately judge in a wrong way what is properly called Jainism. Let us be candid then, and concede that Mahavira's ideals were lofty and holy, and that his message of equality of man-. kind and of all living beings proclaimed to the caste-stricken and Yagna-ridden people of India was large-hearted and benevolent. Sthananga (Agamodoya Samiti), p 390, stil 552; Bhagavatt (Agamnodaya Samiti), stil. 469, P 502. For further references see Sukhlal and Becherdas, Sammadlarla of Siddhasena, III. p 411, n 10 : Konnoomnl, op al., Int , p 7. Dasgupta, op. cit. p 200 Alasyaha-Stitra, p 769 to deliberately judge then and concede that of man--

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JAINISM IN NORTH INDIA IV With these few words about the reformed church of Mahavira we shall now very briefly deal with some of the most important schisms in the Jaina church. And we shall in conclusion place a few considerations before the reader as to how the Jaina community could manage to survive all these insurrections in the Samgha of Lord Mahavira As usual with the life of all prophets and reformers unfortunately the church of Mahavira had also to face in its own days and afterwards a group of heterodox teachers, including those that are known to the Jainas as the seven NinhagasSanskrit Ninhavas 1 - meaning those who propound somethmg else than what the Jina has meant. The seven Ninhadas are Jamali, Tisagutta, Asadha, Asvamitra, Ganga, Chalue, and Goshtamahila Of these the most prominent and also the most dangerous rival of Mahavira was Gosala Mankhaliputta-who is evidently identical with Mankhali Gosalo mentioned in the Pali Sutras as one of the "six heretical teachers" and opponents of Lord Buddha 3 Little is known about him and about the sect of the Ajivikas of which he was the founder. We are practically in the dark "regarding the doctrines and practices of that ascetic community, which would seem to have, at one time, rivalled in numbers and importance the two still existing great communities of the Buddhists and Jamas." After Gosala we may just mention Jamali, the son-in-law of Mahavira, Tisagutta, a holy man in the community, and others Gosala first met Mahavira at Rajagrha, and there he at once became his disciple He was called Gosala because he was born in a cowshed. His father was a mendicant friar, and all these 1 EC . . . The funer .. Au -dvasyaha-Satra, v 778, p. 811, W TRUE ... fon Merutunge, Prcarasrenz, JSS,1, Nos 8-4, Appendix, PP 11-12 Bhagavati-Shifra (Agamodaya Samata), n, pp 410-480 * Jacobi, Kalpa-Stiina, Int. pl. * Hoemle, Urxasaga-Dasao, u, Int, P C Buhler, IA, XX, P 862 "In the fourteenth year of Mahavira's office as a prophet his nephew and son-in11, Jamali, headed an opposition against him, and similarly, two years afterwards, a boly man in the community, named Tisagutta, made an attack Both these merely concerned infics Jamili, however, persisted m his herctical opinions till his death Charpentier CIT,1, p. 103 Kalpa-Sutra, Subodhtha-Tiha, 702 -Gosala, son of a professional mendicant, Sinnhhal, and ins wife Bhadda He saw the light of day in the cowshed of the wealthy Bmhmana Gob hula at Savatthi" Sustri (Baneru), J BORS, VIP 55 58

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MAHAVIRA AND HIS TIMES circumstances combined to show the humble origin of the founder of the community of religious mendicants called the Ajivikas.1 "In the seventh Arga ... a man, Saddala-putta, is said to have been received by Gosala into the Ajivika community, and the Bhagavati-Sutra, the fifth Anga. gives us an account of the life of Gosala as the acknowledged head of the community. Though the Buddhist scriptures ... also frequently mention Gosala Mankhaliputta as one of the leaders of the six religious mendicant communities whom Buddha singles out for special animadversion, they never explicitly connect him with the Ajivikas, or state that he was their leader. But that on this point the Buddhist tradition did not really differ from the Jaina is shown by the fact that both attribute to him the holding of the religio-philosophical doctrine of the negation of the free-will and moral responsibility." 2 We have already seen that the period under considerationwhen the religious life of ancient India was undergoing such radical change is the rationalistic age of our history. It is the formative period which produced great individual philosophers like Gosala Mankhaliputta. Sanjaya Belattaputta, and others. Really speaking, India was then passing through a period of such religious enthusiasm that "... we must emphasise the fact that philosophy in this period not only ceased to be a purely academic or ritualistic affair divorced from life and conduct; ... it developed strong and eccentric personalities and introduced all manner of strange practices and penances. . . . It must be put to the credit of these 'heretic'freethinkers that they brought philosophy into the open and compelled it to concern itself with the daily life and conduct of the people. Thus of the sect of the Ajirikas to which Mankhali Gosala belonged Te read- They discard all clothing; they dispense with all decent habits; they lick their food out of their hands. ... They will not eat fish or flesh nor drink liquor or gruel. Some of them beg at one house and accept but one handful of food, others at two or seren. Some take food only once a day, others once in tiro days, others once in seven days, others once in every half-month.' And this was by no means an isolated or exceptional case. It would seem as if a sort of premium was set upon boldness and 1 The name "Ajinkas," it appears, was orginally meant to stigmatise Gosal and his followers as professionals," though no doubt in later times, when it became the distinctive name of a mendicant order, it has no longer that offensive meaning --Hoerple, E.R.E,,p 259 # Ibid. 59

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JAINISM IN NORTH INDIA originality of conception and independence and eccentricity of practice," 1 Thus it is clear that in Gosala Mahavira had one who was not only not an asset or a source of strength to his Samgha, but had one who acted as a great obstruction to the progress of the Jamna church in the early days of its reformation, and this comparatively strengthened the position of the Buddhists, and gave a severe blow to the rising influence of Mahavira. So the consequences of this meeting of Mahavira and Gosala were certainly disastrous for both the teacher and the disciple. "The two men were so different in character and temper that after six years, owing to the insincerity and trickery of Gosala, the compamonship was dissolved " 3 Having separated from his master, Gosala made his headquarters in the house of a potter-woman at Srivasti, and seems to have gained considerable influence there. Soon after his separation from Mahavira he proclaimed that he had attained to the highest stage of saintship, that of a Jina. "This claim was put forth two years before Mahavira himself had reached his perfect enlightenment." 5 But according to the Jaina tradition it is only in the fourteenth year of his career as a prophet that Mahavira happened to visit Sravasti, and there for the first time he seems to have seen Gosala in the last days of his life. It is also recorded that the dual and unsteady nature of Gosala asserted itself, and later on he seems to have repented his undesirable conduct against his master.? 1 Belvaller and Ranade, History of Indian Philosophy, i1, PP 460-461 The bone of contention was a theory of reanimation which Gosala formulated from his observation of periodical reanimation of plant-Iife, and generalised it to such an extent as to apply it indiscriminately to all forms of life" - Barua, J.D.L, ,p 8 C. also Sastri (Baneryt), op at, p 56 Hoernle, op at, p 258 "Goscia, having learnt from hum the possession of the Telesy, or power of ejecting flame, and having learnt from certain of the disciples of Paravanithin what is technically called the Mahammutta of the eight Angas, intending probably their scriptural doctrines, set up for himself as a Jina and quitted his master." Wilson, op al, 1, pp 205-298 . atha: altre font. Hingfr... Avasyaha-Satra, p 214 & Charpentier, C.H.,1, p 159 * "Some Jamas believe that, because he so sincerely repented before his death, he went not to hell, but to one of the Decalokas- e heavens ... Stevenson (13) op at, 60 TCE and "H1 last act was to acknowledge to his disciple the truth of MabTIVES statement respecting himself and to instruct them to bury him with every mark Otok honour and publicly ta proclain his shame "-Hoernle, op aut , P 260. 60

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MAHAVIRA AND HIS TIMES With all this there is one point which need not be overlooked. The relationship between Mahavira and Gosala, or, in other words, the relative position of Mankhaliputta in the great wave of religious enthusiasm in India, needs some definite explanation. Dr Barua seems to be under some delusion when he says: "Suffice it to say, that the evidences from either the Jaina or the Buddhist sources of information, do not bear out the Jaina pious belief that Gosala was one of the two false disciples of Mahavira, and tend rather to prove the contrary. I mean that of the historian be called upon to pronounce a definite opinion on this disputed question he cannot but say that indebtedness, if any, was more on the side of the teacher than on that one who is branded by the Jamna as a false disciple." 1 The delusion under which the learned scholar is labouring is that Mahavira first belonged to the religious order of Parsvanatha, and that after one year, when he became undressed, he joined the Ajivikas. This is a hypothesis which not only disregards the authentic Jaina sources and traditions, but it shows an utter ignorance as to why the very followers of Gosala were called Ajivikas. As seen above, the distinction between the Dharma of Parsva and the Dharma of Mahavira was a deliberate move on the part of the latter, and that the term Ajivika was a term of contempt which was used by the Jainas and others to show the real nature of the Ajirika sect 3 Thus it is impossible that Mahavira should have joined the order of the Ajivikas; neither was there a sect like this existing before Gosala openly revolted against his teacher, since Gosala himself was the originator of it. It is an open fact that what little we know about Gosala and his followers is based on either the Buddhist or the Jaina annals. "Their statement must, of course, be accepted with some caution; but their general trustworthiness is guaranteed by their agreement in all essential facts. This agreement possesses all the more value as the statements come from two independent sources of information." 4 A few isolated fragments which we can thus gather are, really speaking, not material which can entitle us to say that "indebtedness, if any, was more on the side of the teacher than 1 Borus, op cul, pp 17-18 : Cf rond. 3 " It is clear that in the mouth of the Buddhists, Ajitzka' was the term of reproach applicable to a Masharin or Eha-dandin of the baser sort "-Hoernle, op cit, p 260 Tord, p 261

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JAINISM IN NORTH INDIA on that one who is branded by the Jainas as a false-disciple." This becomes especially so when we know that the very traditions with the help of which we come to such a sweeping conclusion say something contrary to it. The first point that the reputed doctor would like the critic to consider before judging one way or the other is "that the priority of Gosala regarding Jinahood before Mahavira can be established beyond doubt by the history of Mankhaliputta in the Bhagavati, confirmed in some important respects by the history of Mahavira in the Kalpa-Sutra" 1 We wish this point had not been put for the consideration of the critic. It seems as of the writer wants to raise a deliberate misunderstanding about the whole episode. Nowhere in the Sutras, nor anywhere else in the whole of Jaina literature, is Gosala said to have attained Jinahood. What is said, as just remarked, is that Gosala became a self-styled Jina or Tirthankara. "Buddha charged him with incontinency." 8 So also did Mahavira. He is equally emphatic about it In a dialogue in the Sutrakrtanga between Ardraka, a disciple of Mahavira, and Gosala the latter is reported to have said "According to our law an ascetic ... commits no sin ... has intercourse with women,"4 He charges his followers with being "the slaves of women," and says that "they do not lead a life of chastity." 3 How could such a person who had become so notorious with his antinomian doctrines be expected and be said to have attained Jinahood. This sounds particularly strange when, furthermore, the fact of his becoming a Jina is based on the authority of the Jaina canon itself. At another place the writer refers to the six previous births of Gosala, with their particular periods as laid down in the BhagavatiSutra, and concludes. "The Bhagavati account of the past reanimations of Gosala, quaint and fanciful though it is, enables thic luistorian to carry back the history of the Ajivikas for 117 years counted backwards from Gosalo...."6 It seems that the popular tradition of the twenty-seven previous births of Mahavira has Barun, op at,p 18 :fa fauceti watafurit... FETE-Bhagavali-Sutra (Agamodata Samiti), , 139 Cf tasyaha-Sudta, p 21%, Charpentier, op al, p 159 1 CJ. Tocmnle, op af, p 261. Jacobi, S.BT,x ,P 111 ild.np 213, 970 Vijay Rajendm Sun, Abhidhanarajendra, ut , p 103 * Intia, op cit, p7

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MAHAVIRA AND HIS TIMES becn sct aside herc. One does not know what entitles the writer to come to somcthing like "the pre-Nakkhali history of the Ajivikas." 1 In this fashion Dr Barua has put forward a few more points for the consideration of the critics, but everywhere, as he has himself said, his has been "a tremendous effort of imagination." 2 To go through. step by step, all the reasonings that he has put forward for maintaining his hypothesis based on his "intellectual sympathy" 3 towards the Ajivikas would practically mean writing a small thesis on Gosala. Ve need only say this much, that the Icarned doctor has mostly tried to disprove the Jaina and the Buddhist traditions with their own help. Moreover these are the traditions "shich," observes Dr Jacobi, " in the absence of documents deserve most careful attention." 4 Thith all this it may be granted that "Gosala's philosophy was not entirely a ner growth in the country." 5 It is certain that in the close environment of several conflicting theories and mutually contradictory dogmas what little Mahivira could achieve for the Jaina church was no doubt interconnected in the organic development of Indian thought. Moreover, as observed by Dr Jacobi, it can also be said within its own limitations that "the greatest influence on the development of Mahavira's doctrine must ... be ascribed to Gosala, the son of Mankhali"? This is because both the theoretical and practical life of Gosala probably had an abiding effect on the mind of Mahavira. To repeat: Gosala Tas theoretically a fatalist. He believed that "there is no such thing as exertion or labour or power or vigour or manly strength, but all things are unalterably fixed." While in his practical hfe he was "living in incontinency" (Abrahma-cary-vasa). Thus naturally "the sin and shame of lus life emphasised the need for stringent rules for the order, and the doctrine of absolute fatalism was to result in non-moral conduct. Jainism avoids this 1 Barus, op al, 7 * Turd, p 22 * Jord Jacobi, op al, Int , kun s Bama, op cit, p 27. 6 "While Sanjaya's dialectics was mainly negative, Gosala, by bus 'Terasiya,' or thirce-membered dialectics of it may be, it may not be, it may both be and not be,' had already paved the way for Mahavira's seven-membered Syadoada"-Belvalkar and Rannde, op al, pp 456-457 Cf Hoernle, op al, p 262 ? Jacobi, op cit, Int , p XXXX 8 Hoornle, Urasaga-Dasao, 1, pp 97, 115-116. CT id, 11, pp 109-110, 182 . Dajjhima-Nilaya, 1, 574 Cl. Hoernle, E RE,1, p 261 68

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JAINISM IN NORTH INDIA determinism ... by teaching that, though Karma decides all, we ourselves can affect our past Karma by our present hfe" 1 Thus if at all Gosala had an influence on the formulation of the reformed Jaina doctrine, and on the career of Mahavira, it is only thus far and no further. In addition to this we may add once again that just because of these unhappy schisms in the Jama church "Mahavira's chances of founding an all-India religious movement were seriously jeopardised." 2 This much about Gosala himself. We have already seen that m the fourteenth year of Mahavira's life as a prophet Gosala died This event naturally coincides with the fact that he died 16 years prior to Mahavira, deducting 14 years from 30 of Mahavira as a prophet. Thus based on the date of Mahavira's Nurvana, which we have taken as approximately between 480-467 BC., Gosala's death must be placed somewhere between 496-488 B.C. As laid down in the Bhagavatt-Sutra, this date of Gosala is supported also by the fact that his death was coincident with the great war between King Kuniya (Ajatasatru) and King Cedaga of Vaisali for the possession of an extraordinary elephant This elephant was given by Kuniya's father, King Bimbisara, to bis younger son Vehalla by his wife Cellana, a daughter of King Cedaga Having usurped the throne, Ajatasatru tried to get the elephant from his younger brother, but the latter ran away with it to his grandfather in Vaisali. "Kuniya having failed peacefully to obtain the extradition of the fugitive commenced war with Cedaga." 4 Thus the war, which must have taken place somewhere about the time when Kuniya took upon himself the regal power, can be placed c. 496 B.C.5 1 Stevenson ([rs), op cit, 60 "It was probably owing to Gosalu's conduct that Mahavira added a vow of chastity to the four vous of Parsvanatha's order ."--Ibid, p 59 Cf also tond, 185, Hoernle, op al, P 264 Sastra (Baneri), op cut, 56 "From the 6th to the 3rd century BC Buddhism under & common leader spread all over India and beyond Divided counsel crippled Jainism at the start But the Jainas have the satisfaction of knowing that the once powerful Azivikas survive only as a memory " Iod, p 68 Hoernle, Uvasaga-Dasao, Appendix I, 7. I U for TYTURE. --Bhagatali (Agamodayn Samiti), 316, sut 300 C Hemacandra, Trishashti-Salaka, Parta X, Vy 205-206 Hocrnle, op and loc cut CJ also Tatracy, Kathakosa, pp 178-179. . EUGICT E lft - Avasyala-Satra, p 684 * Dr Hocrnle, taking 484 C as the date of Mahlvira's death, puts c 500 DC as the date (approximate) of Gobala and of the war between Ajatasatru and his grandfather. CJ Hoernle, E RE,1,P 261 04

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MAHAVIRA AND HIS TIMES Approaching the Ajivika sect of the Jainas from an historical point of view we find that the sect did not die with its leader. Looking to the relation of the Ajiyikas with the Buddhists we see that the latter have "no cause for special resentment against either an Ajivika or a Jaina. Buddhist rulers like Asoka and Dasartha bestow cave-dwellings on the Ajivikas at Barabar and Nagarjuni Hills in the same spirit as they build Stipas for the Buddhists or order alms to the Bralimans, elsewhere. The later resentment of the Buddhists centred round not the Jaina or the Ajivka but the Braliman." 1 The earliest mention of the Ajivikas occurs in a brief record of the thirtecnth year of Asoka-that is to say, in 257 B.C2_Incised on the walls of the rock-hewn caves on Barabar Hill, near Gaya. It runs as follows: "King Piyadasi, in the 13th year of his reign, bestowed this cave on the Ajivikas." 3 The next mention occurs in the celebrated Pillar Edicts of Asoka, where, referring to the functions of his censors of the Law of Piety, the emperor has included the Ajivikas as one of those who will be looked after by them. "Again, in the twentieth 'regnal year,' 250 B C., the sovereign presented a third costly rock-dwelling to the Ajirikas." 5 A further early mention occurs in a brief record, incised on the walls of three rock-hewn caves on Nagarjuni Hill in the first year of the reign of Asoka's successor Dasaratha--i.e. in C. 230 BC. It runs as follows: "This cave was bestowed by His Majesty Dasaratha, immediately after his accession, on the venerable Ajivikas, to be a dwelling place for them, as long as sun and moon endure." * Sastri (Banery:), op.cit, p 55 Taking Asoka's coronation as about 270-289 B.C Cf Smith, Asoha, p. 78 (8rd ed), Vookerji (Radhakunud), Asoha, p 37 3 Hoernle, op. ci, P 266 Cf 1.A, XX, pp 801 ff, Smith, Asoha, P 144 (1st ed) Asoka seems to have inherited lus partiality towards the Ajivikas from his parents, if we may believe in the legends The Maharamsaliha (p 126), as has been already noticed, refers to the family-preceptor of his mother, Queen Dharma, being an Ajivika of the name of Janasana (dcutya kulipago Janasano nama cho Ajitha), whom King Bindusira summoned to interpret the meaning of the Queen's dream before the birth of Asoka; while in the Dioyaoadana (chap XXVI), Bundusira himself summons the Ajivika ascetic Pingalavatsa for the examination of all his sons to find out who was the best to be his successor on the throne " Hookerji (Radhakumud), op cit, pp 04-05 " .. The Ajirika saut, Pingalavatsa, summoned by the King, judged Asoks as the fittest of his sons for the throne "-Ibid,p 3 Smith, op al, 155, EI, 1, pp 270, 272, 274 * Smith, op cit, p 54 (3rd ed ). * Hoernle, op.at ,p 206 C 1.4, 28, pp 861 ff ; Smith, op cit,p 145 (1st ed.). 65

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JAINISM IN NORTH INDIA Thus" of the seven caves, two in the Barabar Hill and three in the Nagarjuni Hill mention the grant of those caves to the Ajivikas' (Azivikehi). In three cases the word Arivikehi bad been deliberately chiselled off, every other letter entirely untouched "1 It is really difficult to say who could have done this, but we know for certain that after King Dasaratha the Barabar Hills passed into the hands of the Jaina king, Kharavela He was at Gorathagiri in the eighth year of his reign-i.e. just after the Asoka-Dasaratha time. On epigraphic grounds also this can be ascertained by the remarkable facade of the Lomasa Rsi Cave 2 As a pious Jaina, Kharavela might have "attempted to wipe off old scores by obliterating the hated name of the impostor Gosala's Ajivika followers." 3 Writing on this Jaina-Ajivika hostility in the domain of archeology Mr Mookerji observes. "The last two Asokan inscriptions in the Barabar caves, as shown here, and the three Nagarjuni inscriptions of Dasaratha mention in common the grant of these caves to the Ajivikas, but in three of these inscriptions there is detected an attempt to chisel away the word ' Azivilcehi,' as if the name of this sect was not tolerated by somebody who was at such pains to wipe it off. Now, who was this somebody! Hultzsch conjectures it might have been the Mankhari Anantavarman, who assigned one of the Barabar caves to Krshna, and two of the Nagarjuni caves to Siva and Parvati, and whose orthodox Hindu leaning did not favour the Ajivikas. Dr Banerji Sastri puts forward a more convincing conjecture. He fastens the mischief on Kharavela, a Jaina, with the traditional hostility of his community to the Ajivikas, a mischief that was thus committed much earlier than the times of Mankhari, when the Asokan Brahmi-Lapi was well-nigh forgotten "4 aves." The lastd the three Nase these 1 Sastr (Banerji), op cit, p 59 Zind, p 60 Cf also "A companson of the two sites leaves hardly a doubt that the Gordhagiri facade and inscription are intimately connected with the Udayagiri (Khira cla) inscriptions and facades, both done by a Jama who signed his creed in the mutilation of the letters. Ajivikehi"--Iord , p 61 Iind, p 60 " He (Khura cla) naturally turned out the Ajivikas, chiselled off their names and put i hus Kolipran troops in the Barabar Caves The unfinished LOTUS Rsi he must have found quite handv. In any case Khiravelo seems to have employed Post-Muryan craftsmen to polish up the walls"-Sastri (Banert). J BORS,XI, 310 Mookerji (Radhnkumud), on atp 206 "Hultzschi's view is tintenable (1) assumes without assivhing any reason that Anantavatman in the oth-7th century ADW familiar with Asohn-Bruhmi of the 3rd century BC "-Sastri (Banerji), op cil, p by The second reason put forward by the corned scholars that Anantavarman, lunect being 66

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. LOWACA RSI CAYE, BARABAR HILL Copyrighet reered, Archeological Survey of India

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MAHAVIRA AND HIS TIMES Thus as a sect the Ajivikas practically disappeared from India by the end of the second century B.c, though we find some such reference to it in the literature of the later period, as in Varahamihira, Silanka's commentary on Sutrakrtanga, Halayudha's Abhidhana-Ratnamala, and in the inscriptional record on the walls of the Perumal temple at Poygaie, near Virinchipuram. All these references are not directly connected with the Ajivikas, nor are they in any way pure Ajivika references. In many a place the term Ajivika is used for the Digambara sect of the Jainas. With these few words about the first important schism in the Jaina church we shall pass on to the second epoch-making division --namely, the Svetambara and the Digambara sects of the Jainas. Really speaking it is very difficult to say as to where lies the first origin of this division in the Jaina community. What both the Digambara and the Svetambara traditions have to say on this and other points referring to each other is at times childish and very often quite unhistorical. Anyhow this much is certain, that this schism has done a lot of harm to the general progress and prosperity of the Jaina community. Both Jama literature and Jaina history have suffered greatly from contradictory and retaliating traditions put forward by the two divisions They look at each other as heretics, and sometimes worse than that 4 In their zeal to keep up the prestige of belonging to the original church of Lord Mahavira none of them talks about its own origin, but both make a few sarcastic and sometimes disgraceful remarks about the origin and certain other beliefs of the rival sect Taking the Digambara traditions we find that the Digambaras themselves do not agree in their exposition of this division in a Hindu, had no special grievance against an Ajivika, who was popularly regarded as a follower of Vishnu or Krshing -Iord. This is based on the authority of Kern (1.4 , XX, DD 861 fr ), but there is nothing in Jaina canonical or other literature to support this Anyhow it may safely be said that it can hardly be a Hindu or a Buddhist who could love done this "The only alternative left is a Jaina." Historically also "the JomaAjivika enmity makes it almost a certaintr -Sastri (Baperu), op cit, P 60. For Hultzsch's statement see CII, 1, Int , P. XXVIN (new ed , 1925) * Sastri (Banerji), op. cit, p 53 . Hoernle, op cit, pp 266-267. 3 "There can be no doubt, therefore, that since the Gth century AD when Vari. hamzhina used the term, the name has signified the Digambar sect of the Janas "-Ibid, P 986 34 34 #f64, 13419 THTO I, etc - Desasenasari, Bhacasamgrala (Soni's ed ), v. 100, p. 30 Cf. Prem, Darsanasara, p 57. FREIGHT ... ctc - Acasyaha-Satra, p 324. 67

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JAINISM IN NORTH INDIA the Jaina church. Acarya Devasena says in his Darsanasara: "The Svetambara Samgha had its beginning in Vallabhipura in Sourashtra 186 years after the death of Vikrama "I This ongin of the Svetambaras according to the learned Acarya was due to the wicked and loose-charactered Jinacandra, the disciple of Acarya Santi, who was (in turn the disciple of the venerable Bhadrabahu." 2 It is not clear which of the Bhadrabahus is meant here. If this is the Bhadrabahu of the days of Candragupta the period assigned to the schism would fall to the ground. But according to the Digambara tradition of the great famine in the days of Candragupta, the emigration of Bhadrabahu and his votaries from the north, and the consequent separation of the Digambaras and the Svetambaras, no other Bhadrabahu is meant here. Devasenasur has said the same thing in Bhavasamgraha, but in addition to it he talks of the famine which has been connected with the life of Bhadrabahu Here also Jinacandra is painted in the same colours. He is said to have murdered his Guru, Acarya Santi, for rebuking him as being on the wrong path. The curious thing is that he also puts the same date for the great schism * In both these Digambara traditions there is distinctly something wrong about the Bhadrabahu mentioned here. There is something half said, or some other Bhadrabahu is meant, or the traditions are put without any regard for the chronological facts of history, To whitewash these two statements Bhattaraka Ratnanandi introduced in his life of Bhadrababu the following facts: that in Bhadrabahu's time the schism began under the name of Ardhaphalaka (half-clothed); that Sthulabhadra, who tried to oppose the propounder of such a change, was murdered by them; and that the final separation came after a long time because of Candralekha, the daughter of the king of Ujjayini and the wife of the king of Vallabhipura 6 'In contradiction to this there is another tradition which says 1 auta afwere tes F UT del H I --Premni, Dardanasara, v. 11, p 7. Ibid, v 12-15 are a LEGGUI fort e t ete-Devasenasuri, opal, v 158, p 38 CJ Premi, op cit, p 50 wa afchare , ut acest etc-Devasen sur, op cit, 137, p 35 CT Premri, op cit, p 65 Premi, op at, p 60 According to the Digambaray, "under Bhadrabahu, the cighth oge after Mahavim, the last Tirthanhara, there rose the sect of Ardhaphalahas with laser principles, from wluch developed the present sect of Svetambaras (A D 80)". -Dasgupta, op cit,i,p 170 68

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MAHAVIRA AND HIS TIMES that Sthulabliadra himself was opposed to the Digambara insistence on nakedness, and that after him his disciple Mahagiri "revived the ideal practice of nakedness. He was a real ascetic and recognised that under Sthulabhadra's stay many abuses had crept into the order."1 In this mission of his Mahagiri was opposed by Suhastin, who was one of the leaders of the Jaina community under Mahagiri. According to the Svetambaras the origin of the great schism lies under the following circumstances : In the town of Rathavira there lived a man named Sivabhuti or Sahasramalla. Once his mother got angry with him and hence he left his house and became a Jaina Sadhu. It so happened that after his consecration as a monk the ruling prince gave him a valuable blanket, and he felt enamoured of it. Seeing this has Guru drew lus attention to it, and thenceforth he became all naked and started the Digambara sect of the Jainas. His sister Uttara also tried to follow in the footsteps of her brother, but Sivabhuti, thinking it to be unadvisable for women to remain naked, told her that a woman cannot get final liberation, The date put down by the Svetambaras for this schism is 609 years after Mahavira, and this comes to 139 years after the death of Vikrama, taking the traditional duration of 470 years as the period between Vikrama and the Nirvana of Mahavira. At least in their dates both the Digambara and the Svetambara traditions fully agree. The former puts 136 years and the later 139, after Vikrama, as the period for this great division in the Jaina church. In spite of this agreement about the date they do not agree as to the circumstances under which arose this great division. Both Jinacandra and Sivabhuti look more like fictitious than like true historical persons, because the annals of both the rival faiths disclaim the fact of any such person belonging to their division. This is why Nathuram Premi, the learned Digambara scholar, says: 1 Stevenson (Mrs), op at, p 73 * Ind, P 14 "I think that the divisions became marked from the time of Arya Mahigri and Arya-Suhastin," -Jhaveri, Nitana-Kalla. Intp 7 This is given in the 1974at of Upadhyaya Dharmasigara Of. Hitlel (H), op. at, pt >>, p. 15. stufe IRE ... Traty wywy.--Atasyaha-Sutra, p. 324. 'vadyAsasamAI nabunnarAI tajhyA siddhiM gayassa vIrasma / to poDiyANa divo rahyorapure samuppaNNA / / -Iord,p 323 "The origin of the Digambaras is attabuted to Swabkuti (A D. 83), by the Svetambans as due to a schism in the old Svetambara church ... Dasgupta, op. cit, i, p 170 69

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JAINISM IN NORTH INDIA "Can we not infer from this that nobody knew the origin of either of the two divisions? Something must be said, and so afterwards they have put down anything that came into their heads" 1 Though rather harsh, this remark is supported by the fact that both the sects agree in the line of Gurus put down from the time of Mahavira only as far as Jambusvami, who, according to the traditional date of Mahavira's Nirvana, died in 403 B C. After Jambu both the parties have a list of succession of their teachers which is quite different, but they agree in their account of Bhadrabahu of the days of Candragupta 3 Really speaking, one cannot arrive at any definite conclusion from all these mutually conflicting traditions, and hence it is almost impossible to fix an exact date for this great schism in the Jaine community. Along with these difficulties there are two things which should be particularly noticed The first point is that the two divisions were based on the question whether the Jaina clergy should remain naked or should go about with some sort of garment to cover them. The second thing is the general unanimity about the period of the schism between the two divisions. The very names of the two divisions connote what is meant by them. The Digambaras, or those who are clothed in air, maintamed that absolute nudity is a necessary condition of saintship; the other division, or the Svetambaras, those who are dressed in white, admit that Mahavira went about naked, but hold that the use of clothes does not impede the highest sanctity. If this is the criterion, well, both need not quarrel as to which belongs to the original Jaina church, because, as laid down by therr own traditions, the original Jaina church has no beginning and no end Taking it historically and literally, we can say that the Svetambaras are more akin to Parsvanatha than to Mahavira, and Digambaras are nearer the latter, because Mahavira passed many years of his life as a prophet in a naked stage, while both Parsva and his followers preferred to remain dressed 5 Furthermore, if the authen 1 Premi, op cit, p 80 Cf. Stevenson (Mrs), op art, p 69 * CJ Premi, op and loc al "Nudity as a part of asceticism was practised by several sects in the time of Mahavira, but it was also reprobated by others (including all Buddhists) who felt it to be barbarous and unedifying "-Elot, op el, p 112 SCS Jacobi, SBE, lv, pp 110-120 "The probability is that there had always been two parties in the community the older and weaker section, who wore clothes and dated from Parsvanitha's time, and who were called Sthavira-Kalpa (the spiritual 70

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MAHAVIRA AND HIS TIMES ticity of the Svetambara canonical literature is granted, we can go a step further and say that though the Digambaras followed the extreme letter of the law as Mahavira had done, the Svetambaras in no way disregarded the law. This is because, as we have already remarked, that what Mahavira experienced in his state of forgetfulness he did not expect his followers to practise hterally irrespective of what spiritual height they had reached. : With all this the point at issue is not as to which one of these two belonged to the original church, because it is difficult to define what really is or can be the original church of the Jaina community. This is not for a student of history to say. What he is concerned with is to mark out approximately the period whence this schism in the Jaina church had its distinct existence. A detailed review of the facts before us is out of the question What need be said is this, that the germ underlying this division had its origin in the days of Mahavira, when came Mankhaliputta, who made a cult out of it. After his death no doubt the Ajivika force was greatly weakened, but there were some among the Niganthas themselves who sympathised with the Ajivikas "on the points of nakedness, non possession of a bowl, imperfect regard for life, distinctive mark of a staff and probably other matters." 1 This sympathy on their part might have manifested itself especially in the time of Bhadrabahu, when, according to the Digambaras, the schism had its first beginning, but there is no distinct separation as yet. We may now pass on to the Sthulabhadra and Mabagiri traditions, and then come down to the end of the first century AD. when, according to both the Digambara and the Svetambara traditions, the actual separation takes place. Though the traditional legends put forward by the two divisions are in many respects highly coloured and extremely childish, one thing is clear, that at that particular period in Jaina history some conspicuous ancestors of the Svetambara); and the Jina-Kalpa, or Puritans, who kept the extreme letter of the law as Malavira had done, and who are the forerunners of the Digambara" Stevenson (Irs), op cit, 779 * Hoernie, op. cit, pp 267 ff. 3 " It thus appears that the Jaing division into Digambara and Sietambara may be traced back to the very beginning of Jainism, it being entirely duc to the antagonism of the tro associated leaders, Mahavira and Gosala, who are the representatives of the two hostile sects"--Hoernle, op art, 268 3 Mr Jhaveri, in his Introduction to his edition of Nirvana-Kalzha, writes "From the colophon of the work it appears that even in the first century of Vikrama the divistons of the Digambaras and the Svetambaras were in existence The colophon of the Stutis of Siddhascna Divakara confirms the existence of such division in ancient times"Int, P 7

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JAINISM IN NORTH INDIA or unusual event or incident must have taken place which forms the basis of all these hiterary traditions. Nevertheless we cannot say that here lies the actual separation of the two divisions, because in the Mathura sculptures we have cvidence that points out that the two divisions had till then many things in common which afterwards formulated some of the items on which the two partics could not agree. To make matters more clear tre might say that the chucf points on which the two parties particularly do not agree are the following: the insistence of the exchange of the embryo of Mahavira, to which the Digambaras do not subscribe; the beliefs that woman is not entitled to Moksha and that Kevalins do not take food, which are not acceptable to the Svetambaras; and, finally, the Digambara belief in the complete disappearance of the ancient sacred literature of the Jainas1 Lcaving aside some differences in mtuals and other minor matters these are some of the prominent features on which the two divisions do not agrec.' Now, taking the Mathura sculptures, we find that the particular sculpture referring to the exchange of embryo of Lord Mahavira, which we have already mentioned, has represented in it Tirthanhara Mahavira in a naked state. The small ascetic at Nemesa's left knee, called in the inscription "divine ...," is no doubt meant for Mahavira, who is introduced by the artists with the attributes of a monk, in order to show the subject to which the conversation refers, and he is represented so small because in reality he is not yet born and has not yet reached the position of an Arhat. Thus this one specimen of Mathura sculpture has combined in itself the Digambara belief of nakedness and the Svetambara tradition of the exchange of embryos This shows that so far back as the first century of the Christian era an actual separation between the parties had not yet taken place. Nevertheless it must be reiterated that the Jaina iconography in its initial stage is greatly marked with the undressed state of the Jaina Tirthankaras, and this goes as far back as the second 1 teNa kriyaM mayamaya itpINa ariya tambhave mokkho| kevalaNAsIya puNo prahakkhApa tahA roSo / sabarasahilo vi jaI simada vIrassa gambhacArata / -Prerm, op cit, n 13-14, p 8 3 "At his (Nemesa's) left knee stands a small naked male, characterised by the cloth in his left hand as an ascetic and with uplifted right hand "-Buhler, E1,1, p 816 Ibid, P 817 72

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MLAHAYIRA AND HIS TIMES century B.C., if not further. Mon Mohan Chakravarti, talking of the Jaina monuments on the Udayagiri and the Khandagiri Hills, says: "Only the Tirthankaras are represented nude, and even they are occasionally shown dressed, if the scene is intended to represent some scene of their human lives. Females, Kings, Devas, Arhats, Gandharvas, Attendants are generally represented dressed. In Mathura sculptures the dancing girls, the centaurs, and some of the ascetics (Digambaras) are shown naked. Sometimes the females look naked, but a closer examination shows traces of a very thin fine cloth through which are perceptible the curves of the body." 1 In later history we find that Varahamihira, in his Brhat-Samhita, describes the Jaina Tirthankaras in the following: words: "The God of the Jainas is figured naked, young, handsomc, with a calm countenance, and arms reaching down to the knees .." Thus, though two distinct divisions had not come into existence till the beginning of the Christian era, it must be admitted that the traditions of Bhadrabahu of the days of the great famine, and of Jinacandra and Sivabhuti of c. A.D. 80, are marked stages in the history of the great schism which, in our opinion, led to a final separation of the two parties by the time of the second great council at Vallabluis under Devardhigani, in the middle of the fifth century A.D. according to the traditional date of Mahavira's Nirvana in 527 B.C. It may be that the actual division took place a few days before this event, but the final fixing up and reduction into writing of the whole canonical literature of the Jainas at last brought about two distinct divisions before the Jaina community, with differences in matters of certain dogmas and beliefs, which may safely be termed the coincidences natural to a period when everything was to be put into black and white. This period is confirmed also by James Bird for the great schism, who on the basis of his study of the caves of Western India comes to the following conclusion: "The reputed origin of the Digambara Jainas, about A.D. 436, harmonises with the date 1 Chakravarti (Don Bohan), Notes on the Remains on Dhaul and m the Caves of Udayagiri and Khandagini, p 2. Brhat-Samhata, chap lix, trans by Kern in J.RAS (New Series), vi, p 328. Cf. Chakravarti (Blon Mohan), op and loc. at *Cf Premi, op cit, p 81. " It seems certain that in AD 454 the whole canon was reduced to writing, and that a large number of copies were made, so that no monastery of any consequence should be without one "--Stevenson (Mrs), op cit, p. 16. 73

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JAINISM IN NORTH INDIA assigned for these caves The Satrunjaya Mahatmaya, or the legend of the Jaina temples of Palitana, in Kathiawar, fixes also this period of the origin of the Digambara Jainas." 1 In short, the history of this great schism may be summarised as follows in the words of Sir Charles Elliot : "It is therefore probable that both Digambaras and Svetambaras existed in the infancy of Jainism, and the latter may represent the older sect reformed or exaggerated by Mahavira. Thus we are told that the law taught by Vardbamana forbids clothes but that of the great sage Parsva allows an under and upper garment.' But it was not until considerably later that the schism was completed by the constitution of the two different canons." ? In spite of such a complicated history behind this division in the Jaina community it must be conceded that there is little of real difference between the two parties. In matters of certain traditional beliefs and dogmas there is no doubt a great distance between the two, but most of the controversial points are unnecessary and indirect. This was more or less the feeling of Raichandji, the most righteous and highly respected Jazne of our days. Intellectually too he was a great scholar, and his are the sentiments which are also shared by others "The Digambaras," says Dr Dasgupta, " having separated m early times from the Svetambaras developed peculiar religious ceremonies of their own, and have a different ecclesiastical and literary history, though there is practically no difference about the main creed "4 Thus the Jama sub-sects did not differ much among themselves in philosophical speculation. Their differences were rather of a practical kind, and, as Wilson has rightly pointed out, their "mutual animosity is, as usual, of an intensity very disproportionate to the sources from whence it springs" 5 Leaving aside the second great division in the Jama community we come to the third and the last VIZ. that of the nonidolatrous sect of the Svetambara Jaunas very often known as the Dhundhia or Sthanakavasi sect of the Jainas This division camc very late in the history of the Jaina church, and to some extent it can safely be said that it was greatly a direct result of Mohammedan influence on the religious mind of India "If one 1 Bird, 1/18/orical Researches, p 72 2 Eliot, op at, p. 112 o ficarullat e fa BEAT WALL G IFTRA 41: 1-Raichandji, BhagavalkSafra (Jinsignma Prasasabla), Int ,po Dasgupta, op cit,1, p 170 Wilson, op cit,), P 340 74

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MAHAVIRA AND HIS TIMES effect," observes Mrs Stevenson, "of the Mohammedan conquest, however, was to drive many of the Jainas into closer union with their fellow idol-worshippers in the face of iconoclasts, another effect was to drive others away from idolatry altogether. No Oriental could hear a fellow Oriental's passionate outcry against idolatry without doubts as to the righteousness of the practice entering his mind. "Naturally enough it is in Ahmedabad, the city of Gujarat that was most under Mohammedan influence, that we can first trace the stirring of these doubts. About A.D. 1452 the Lonka sect, the first of the non-idolatrous Jaina sects, arose, and was followed by the Dhurdhja or Sthanakavasi about A.D. 1658, dates which coincide strikingly with the Lutheran and Pumtan movements in Europe." 1 Little more need we say about this division in the Jaina community. Speaking further on the various other splits in the Jaina church, suffice it to say that the Digambaras are divided into four principal sects, the Svetambaras into no less than eighty-four, and "at least eleven sub-sects amongst the Sthanakavasi Jainas." 3 None of these is said to be dated earlier than the tenth century A.D., and, except the Sthanakavasi Jainas, most of them have practically. died out, though some of them really exist, but hardly with any open bitterness or class-hatred amongst themselves as it is between the Digambara and Svetambara sects of the Jainas It may be remarked here that a peculiarity of the Jaina church from the very days of Mahavira, and even earlier, is its mapia for divisions, Thether it is also the case with the other religious communities in India or not we cannot say, but this much seems certain that it is not to such an extent as it is with the Jainas All the differences that have appeared in the life of the Jaina community during these more than two thousand years have generally originated from the following sources: there are some which have originated because of certain disagreement or misunderstanding about the very teachings of Mahavira; others because of certain peculiarities or characteristics arising from the country or the class of people to which they originally belonged) of the people who were baptized to Jainism, and finally the remaining, who came 1 Sterenson (Mrs), op.at, p 19. digambarAH punarnArampaliGkAH paannipaacaash| i pui, art-ph-argrag- TTHAGIA -Premi, op cit, p 4 * C Sterenson (rs), op.at, p 13

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JAINISM IN NORTH INDIA into existence because of the Jaina clergy as a result of the peculiar fancy or idiosyncrasy of the particular Acarya or the head of a group of Jaina Sadhus.1 With all these schisms and divisions in the Jaina church it is remarkable that Jainism is still a living sect, whereas the Buddhists have disappeared from India" 2 This may sound strenge at first sight, but to quote Mr Elhot, "Its strength and persistence are centred in its power of enlisting the interest of the laity and of forming them into a corporation. But among the Buddhists the members of the order came to be regarded more and more as the true church and the laty tended to become (what they actually have become in China and Japan) pious persons who revere that order as something extraneous to themselves and very often only as one among several religious organisations Hence when in India monasteries decayed, or were destroyed, active Buddhism was very little left outside them. But the wandering ascetics of the Jainas never concentrated the strength of the religion in themselves to the same extent; the severity of their rule limited their numbers; the laity were wealthy and practically formed a caste; persecution acted as a tonic As a result we have a sect analogous in some ways to the Jews, Parsis and Quakers, among all of whom we find the same features-namely, a wealthy lasty, little or no sacerdotalism and endurance of persecution." 1 Just to illustrate all these we may take for the first the seven schisms and the Digambara-Sietambara division in thc Jams church to which we have already referred , for the second we may mention the Ostal and the Srimala sects of the Jainas, of which the latter is called so after the town of Srimala or Bhillamil, the modern Bhumil in tle extreme south of Marvad" (EI,1, 41), and finally for the third we may refer to the 84 Gacchas or divisions of the Svetambard James, of which Tapa, Kharatara and Aflcala may be particularly mentioned here or these, Kharatara Gacchas said to have originated under the following circumstances "Jinndatta was a proud mon, and even in his pert answers to others mentioned by Sumatagami pride can be clearly detached He was therefore called Kharatara by the people, but he gloried in the new appellation and willingly accepted it "-Hiralal (H), op cit, pt 11, PP 19-20. Elliot, op cit, P 122 "Dr Hoere is no doubt right in maintaining that this good organisation of the Jaud lay community must have been a factor of the greatest importance to the church during the whole of its existence, and may have been one of the main reasons why the Jaina religion continued to kcep its position in India, whilst its far more important rive Buddhism, was entirely swept away by the Brahman reaction"-Charpentier, CHI 1, pp 108-169 Ellot, on at, P 122 The Buddhists had a similar organisation of monks and Taymen, but, as Smith has pointed out, they reled more on the Samcha of ordained AS than on the Inity-C. Smith, Oxford History of India, P 52 Among the Jasnas the relations between the two sections were more balanced, and hence their social equilibrium was stable CJ Stevenson (Mr), op at, p 67 , Macdonell, India's Past, P TO 76

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inevival and Mohamore successfully to extended toch Buddhism MAHAVIRA AND HIS TIMES The same feeling is entertained by other scholars also, but besides this there are other reasons which cannot be overlooked when we are thinking of everything that contributed to the survival of Jainism to this day. If the fact of their having kept open the doors of the synod of their church to lay representatives contributed to the stability of Jainism, it may be said, side by side, that its adopting a less active missionary career than Buddhism, and preferring as its chief centres of worship more secluded sites, did more so. This enabled the Jainas to resist more successfully the stress of the Brahmanical revival and Mohammedan persecution, under which Buddhism in India collapsed. "The toleration extended to them by the Brahmans, even though they were regarded as heretics, led large numbers of Buddhists to take refuge in their community in the days of the persecution" 4 Thus they were able to hold on till the period of the Mohammedan domination," which, while it evidently contributed to the religious, political and social dismemberment of the nation, everywhere showed itself conservative of minorities, small associations, and small churches." 5 According to Drs Charpentier and Jacobi what most enabled Jainism to weather the storms that in India wrecked so many of the other faths was their more or less rigid fidelity or their everyday anxiety to stick to the doctrines that had come down to them since the days of Mahavira. "The inflexible conservatism of the small Jaina community in holding fast to its original institutions and doctrine has probably been the chief cause of its survival 1"Dr Hoernle's discussion of thus subject in his Presidential address of 1898 before the Asiatic Society of Bengal was singularly luminous, cmphasising as it did the place accorded from the very first to the lay adherent as an integral part of the Jama organisation In the Buddhist order, on the other hand, the lay element received no formal recogrution whatsoever Lacking thus any bond with the broad strata of the secular life of the people,' Buddhism, under the fierce assault on its monastic settlements made by the Moslems of the twelfth and thirteenth centuries, proved incompetent to maintain itself and simply disappeared from the land Stevenson (Mrs), op cit, Int, pw cy. also Charpentier, op. cit, pp 168-169; Hoernle, Proceedings of the Astatic Society of Bengal, 1808, p 58 ". Jarnism, less enterprising but more speculative than Buddhism, and lacking the active missionary spint that in carly times dominated the latter, has been content to spend a quiet life witlun comparatively narrow borders, and can show to-day in Western and Southern Indio not only prosperous monastic establishments but also l'us communities, small perhaps, get wealthy and influential " Stevenson (Mrs), op cit, Int , p vi "Net er rising to an or crporering height but at the same tue neser ning the fate of its rival Buddhism, that of completo extinction in its native land Charpentier, op al, PP 169-170 C Crooke, C.RE,,p 490 * Ticle, op cit, p 141 Barth, op. cit, p 152.

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JAINISM IN NORTH INDIA during periods of severe affliction; for, as Professor Jacobi has pointed out long ago, there can be little doubt that the most important doctrines of the Jaina religion have remained practically unaltered since the first great separation in the time of Bhadrabahu, about 300 BC. And although a number of less vital rules concerning the life and practices of the monks and laymen, which we find recorded in the holy scriptures, may have fallen into oblivion or disuse, there is no reason to doubt that the religious life of the Jaina community is now substantially the same as it was two thousand years ago. It must be confessed from this that an absolute refusal to admit changes has been the strongest safeguard of the Jainas." 1 It is doubtful if this conservative nature can any more help the Jama community as it stands now. To a student of presentday contemporary religions it would seem otherwise. In conservatism he would see signs of intoleration, stagnation and religious hypocrisy. From dedicatory inscriptions and other records Sir Charles Elliot may conclude: "We learn from these records that the sect comprised a great number of schools and divisions. We need not suppose that the different teachers were necessarily hostile to one another, but their existence testifies to an activity and freedom of interpretation which have left traces in the multitude of modern sub-sects" 2 But one thing is certain, that these different teachers have, in trying to grind their own axes, disregarded the general good of the whole Jaina community. Colonel Tod has rightly remarked: "Tapa - Gaccha and Kharatara-Gaccha did much more harm than the Islamites to destroy all records of the past "3 Well, the same thing may be said of the Digambara and the Svetambara divisions of the Jainas. Their attitude towards each other, both in the past and as it is now, does in no way do any justice to the followers of Lord Mahavira One need not be misunderstood if one were to express one's fears that if this aggressive attitude and mutual distrust amongst the existing divisions in the Jaina community were to go on at this rate a tme may come when the Jainas may have to share the same fate as that of their brothers, the Buddhists than the Saccha ann "3 Want 1 Charpentier, op cit, p 169 Cf Jacobi, 2.D MG, XXXVIII, pp 17 ff * Ellot, op al, p 113 * Tod, Travels in Western India, 284

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CHAPTER III Jainism in Royal Families 800-200 B.C. TN our prerious chapters we saw all that could be said about I the Jaina church That Parsva could be historically identified and that Mahavira had blood-relations with some royal families of his time are facts that count much when we are out to investigate the circumstances under which " Jainism became the state religion of certain kingdoms, in the sense that it was adopted and encouraged by certain kings, who carried with them many of their subjects." 1 This is nothing but ascribing the history of the Jainas of North India with all its legitimate historical background of that part of the country. In other words, the aim of this chapter is to draw, as far as possible, an exact picture of the Jainas of North India in their relations with the ruling dynasties of their times. Taking first the times of Parsva, we find that there is hardly any material available on which we can rely. Very "scanty is our knowledge of the life and teaching of Parsva, in spite of the large body of literature which has clustered around bus name." 2 As seen before, all that we know of any historical importance in connection with him is that he was born of King Asvasena of Benares, who belonged to the Ikshvaku race of the Kshatriyas, 3 and that he reached his final liberation, Nirvana, on the top of Mount Summeta in Bengal. In his marital relations he was connected with the royal family of King Prasenajit, whose father, Naravarman, who designated himself as the lord of the universe 1 Smith, op at, p 55. * Charpentier, op.at, P 154 ... wguit quitter Turucurga: tasyAmikSAkuvaMzobhUdazvaseno mahIpatiH / -Hemacandra, Trishashn-Salaha, Parca IX, TT 8, 14, p 190

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there is no other on for the purposes indian history of the JAINISM IN NORTH INDIA and who had in his lifetime become a Jaina Sadhut, was ruling at Kusasthala, and whose daughter Prabhavati was married to Parsva.1 It is difficult to say as to how far these facts can be taken as historically true. The trouble is, for all thus, that we have got to wholly rely on whatever data the Jainas put before us, because there is no other historical monument or record which can be taken into consideration for the purposes of this history. But the same difficulty arises with the whole of Indian history of the days prior to Alexander the Great, and sometimes even later than that. Fortunately, as already remarked, looking to the great historical worth and the literary value attributed to the Jaina canonical and other literature of the centuries before the Christian era by some of the eminent scholars and historians of our day, it will not be too much to say that with the Buddhist and Hindu annals Jaina annals too have their place, and a due consideration should be extended to them also. In the words of Dr Jacobi, " The origin and development of the Jaina sect is a subject on which some scholars still think it safe to speak with a sceptical caution, though this seems little warranted by the present state of the whole question; for a large and ancient literature has been made accessible, and furnishes ample materials for the early history of the sect to all who are willing to collect them. Nor is the nature of these materials such as to make us distrust them We know that the sacred books of the Jainas are old, avowedly older than the Sanskrit literature which we are accustomed to call classical. Regarding their antiquity, many of those books can vie with the oldest books of the northern Buddhists As the latter books have successively been used as materials for the history of Buddha and Buddhism, we can find no reason why we should distrust the sacred books of the Jainas as an authentic source of their history If they were full of contradictory statements, or the dates contained in them would lead to contradictory conclusions, we should be justified in viewing all theories based on such materials with suspicion But the character of the Jaina FATEUCO 1974 retariant, i foratura: u m a formi. upAdana parivrajyA susaadhugurustridhii| rAjye bhavaravarmaNAH / manaH prasenajivAma // tasya HTC HH, RO IVE. I Heath Hemacandra, Trishashti-Salald, Parca LX, vv 58, 59, 61, 62, 68, 69, 210, pp 198, 203 80

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JAINISM IN ROYAL FAMILIES literature differs little in this respect also from the Buddhistica), at least from that of the northern Buddhists." I Thus with the material that is at our disposal it is very difficult to historically identify the Asvasena of Benares or Kasi, and the Prasenajit or lus father Naravarman of Kusasthala, but there are other historical and geographical coincidences from which we can deduce certain inferences which may be said to have some historical significance behind them. Now, on the authority of Hemacandra's "Hemakosa," Nundo Lal Dey has identified Kusasthala with Kanauj or Kanyakubja, and this is supported by other scholars also. Furthermore, Dr Raychaudhuri tells us as to how the Pancalas were connected " with the foundation of the famous city of Kanyakubja or Kanauj." 5 Again this fact of there existing side by side the kingdoms of Kasi and Pancala is further supported by both the Buddhist and the Jaina literary traditions. From the Buddhist Anguttara Nikaya and the Jaina Bhagavati-Sutra we know that during this period (i e. during the eighth century B.C.)" there were sixteen states of considerable extent and power known as the Solasa Mahajanapada." & Of these Kasi, among others, is common to both, while Pancala is mentioned only by the former.7 Taking the history of Pancala we find that it roughly corresponds to Robilkhand and a part of the central Doab. "The Mahabharata, the Jatakas and the Divyavadana refer to the division of this state into northern and southern. The Bhagirathi (Ganges) formed the dividing line. According to the Great Epic, Northern Pancala had its capital at Ahicchatra or Chatravati (the modern 1 Jacobi, S.B.E, XXII, Int, IX. "We must leave to future researchers to work out the details, but I hope to have removed the doubts, entertained by some scholars, about the independence of the Jaina religion and the value of its sacred books as trustworthy documents for the elucidation of its early history "-Ibad, Int, P xlvu cf Charpentier, Uttaradhyayana-Sutra, Int , p 25 : "No such person as Afvasena is known from Brahman record to have existed, the only individual of that name mentioned in the epic literature was a king of the snakes (Naga), and he cannot in any way be connected with the father of the Jajna prophet" Charpentier, CHI,1, 154 It may, by the way, be mentioned here that all his life Parsvanatha was connected with snakes, and to this day the saint's symbol 18 a hooded serpent's head Cf Stevenson (Mrs), op cit, pp 48-49 * Dey, op cit, pp 88, 111 4 * Kanyakubie was also called Gadhipura, Mahodaya and Kusasthala"Cunningham, Ancient Geography of India (ed Mazumder), p 707 Raychaudhur, Political History of Ancient India, P 86 "Kanau was primarily the capital of the kingdom of Pancala " _Smith, Early History of India, p 891 * Rayabandhun, op cit, pp 59, 60 Cf Rhys Davids, C.HI,1,P 172 Raychaudhuri, op at, P 60 81

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JAINISM IN NORTH INDIA Ramnagar near Aonla in the Bareily District), while Southern Pancala had its capital at Kampulya, and stretched from the Ganges to the Chambal " 1 Along with this background of the Pancala history we have direct references to it in the Jaina annals as well The Uttaradhyayana-Sutra mentions a great Pancala king named Brahmadatta, who was born of Culani in Kampilya.He meets Citta, his brother in a former birth, and who has become a Sramana in this Brahmadatta is styled a universal monarch, and he is so fond of worldly pleasure that he does not care for the advice of his brother Citta and finally goes to hell. A further reference in this direction by the same Sutra is also to a king of Kampilya named Sanjaya, who "gave up his kingly power and adopted the faith of the Jinas in the presence of the venerable monk Gardabhali"4 Thus it seems probable that Kasi and Pancala, the two of the sixteen states of considerable extent and power," 5 were joined together on matrimonial grounds, and the probability becomes more of a certainty when we know from the dynastic lists prepared by Pargater that there was some Senajit who was one of the rulers of Southern Pancala. Doing away with some superficial variations in names, this Senajit can with no historical Raychaudhuri, op ci, p 85 Cf also Smith, op at, pp 801-892, Dey, op cul, p 145 1 "Little is known about the history of Karppilya, apparently the modern Kompil in the Farrukabad District "-Smith, op cit, p 892 s gate HERE, , A ART Fora I WANT Yagat extor fa TAT A 431 . FC Uttaradhyayana Sulra, Lecture XIII, vv 1, 2, 34 c Jacobi, S.BE , xlv, pp 57-01 The stories about Kitra (Citta) and Sambhuta (Brahmadatta) and the fate they underwent in many births are common to Brahmans, Jainas and Buddhists Cf ind, PP 56, 67, Raychaudhuri, op. cit, p 80, Charpentier, Uttaradhyayana, pt. 1, PP 828-881 trat . nAmeNa saMnaye // sajaso cai raja nikkhano niNasAsaNe / gahabhAlisa bhagavato aNagArasa panira // -Utrudhyayana-Satra, Lecture XVIII, V 1, 10 J Jacobi, op cit, pp 80, 82; Raychaudhur, op and loc cut "The Joinns also afford testimony to the greatness of Kusi, and represent Alvasna, hing of Benarcs, as the father of that Tirthankara Pursya who is said to lave died wat years before Malasira-10 in 777 DC" Iord, op cl,p 01 Taking 480-407 WC** the date of Malay Trans Verana wc Act 730-717 as the date of Pitsva's Nirtana Cf Pregitcr, Ancient Indian Tistorical Tradition, 146; Pradhan, Chronology of Incient India, P 101 tness of Kust as said to bakeca incas $2

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INDIA in the Age of PARSVA INDIA in the Age of MAHAVIRA LMER VIRA RAJPUTANA Kampilgah PANTAL Akampa PANORAJPUTANA MARWAR Aymer Ayodhy? RAS velgen Bogra ne MALWA Pataffputra ROM MASAPHA UN af Parfuapath N Bawain AKARTA Mare Sr Pracht AW Marcadorache Bodavary GROW DECCAN DECCAN A FICANA CEYLON CEYLON Linery Walker tu se See page 83 See pago 89

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JAINISM IN ROYAL FAMILIES fallacy be identified with Prasenajit, with whom we are here concerned.1 The most important and the only inference that we may draw from this is that Jainism in the days of Parsva enjoyed no less royal patronage than in the days of Mahavira. The extent of his influence was in no way less extensive than during the career of his successor. He was a member of the royal family of Kasi, son-in-law to that of Pancala, and he died on the top of Mount Parsvanatha in Bengal.3 With this royal backing behind him it is natural that he must have had great mfluence on contemporary royalties and on his own subjects also. From Sutrakrtanga and other Jaina canonical books we know that even in the days of Mahavira there were followers of Parsva round about Magadha. As seen before, the very family of Mahavira was attached to the religion of Parsva. In addition to this the reference made in the Jaina canonical books to the actual following of Parsva in his own days confirms the fact that the Jaina community had spread well even in those early days throughout a great portion of North India, though it is not possible to put down any geographical limits. As already mentioned, there were 16,000 monks, 38,000 nuns, 164,000 1 In other cases the first component is omitted ... Bhagavata calls Prasenajit of Ayodhya Senajit"-Pargiter, op cit, P 127. * Mazumdar seems to be labouring under some confusion here According to him Parsva WAS a son-in-law of King Prasenant of Oudh, and thus he connects the two dynasties of Kosala and Kisi; but we think he has wrongly identified him with the Prasengjit of the days of Mabuvira, who was the father-in-law of King Bimbisara, the great Saisuniga, and one of the greatest royal supporters of Jainism Furthermore he commits the same blunder when he says that Parsva died at the age of seventy-two We have already scen it was Mahavira who lived for set enty-two years, while Parsva lived for one hundred C. Mazumdar, op cit, PP 405, 551, 552, Ars Stevenson also seems to be under the same misconception when she says, "Parsvanatha married Prabhiveti, daughter of Prasannajita, king of Ayodhya Stevenson (Mrs), op cup 48 1".. he reached deliverance at last on Mount Sameta Szkhara in Bengal, which was thenceforth known as the Mount Parsvanatha " Ibrd, 49 1 "Outside of Rajagrhe, in a north-eastern direction, there was the suburb Nalanda, ... and there in some house the venerable Gautama was staying. The venerable (man) was in the garden, and so was Udaka, the son of Pedhala, a Norgrantha and follower of Parsva ..."-Jacobi, op cit, PP 419-420, FEC 9 , lg HRHAU . rafini yurt .. -Uttaradhyayana-Sutra, Lecture XXIII, vv 1-8 Cf. Jacobi, op at, pp 110-120 One does not knorr on what grounds Mazumdar tries to define geographically the limits of Jainism in the days of Parsva "His Jainism," observes the learned scholar, prevailed from Bengal to Gujarat The districts of Maldah and Bogra were great centres of his faith His converts were mostly from the depressed classes of the Hmdus and Non-Aryans In Rajputana his adherents grete Tery powerful . "--Mazumdar, op and loc ci 88

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JAINISM IN NORTH INDIA. lay-votaries, 327,000 female lay-votaries and a few thousands more belonging to the higher grade of religious qualification." From Parsva to Mahavira there are no data of any historical worth. A period of two hundred and fifty years in Jaina listory has to remain blank because of the absence of any historical records or monuments on which we can rely for purposes of history Anyhow this much is certain, that though it is not possible at present historically to fill up the gap between the last two prophets of the Jainas, it may safely be said that throughout thus period Jainism was a living religion? As already seen, all along the Jaina clergy of Parsva's school of thought were exerting their own influence, and Mahavira and some of his followers had regularly to face some representatives of that class just to win them over to the reformed church of the sixth century BC. Coming to the days of Mahavira one seems to feel as if a better situation has to be met with, but here also, barring the canonical literature of the Jainas and the Buddhas and certain other traditions, there is hardly anything on which we can fall back upon." Fortunately for us, the Jaina sacred books bave preserved facts and comments which, though in bits and fragments, are yet sufficient to hold up before our eyes a living picture of this period of the Jaina history Like Parsva, Mahavira also had his bloodrelations with the ruling dynasties of his age. His father, Siddhartha, was a great nobleman himself, and he belonged to the clan of the Jnatu Kshatriyas. His headquarters were at Kundapura or Kundagama (Kundagrama), and from the way in which he is 19 Jacobi, SBE, XX1, p 274 evaM viharato bhartuH sahasrAH poDazayaH / saSTAvizatsahasrANi sAdhvanAM tu mahAmanAm // zrAvakA lapamekaM ctuHssssttishmyuk|| zrAvikANAM tu vilakSI sahasrAH sAviMzatiH / -Hemacandra, op art, v 812, 314, 315, p 229 Cf Kalpa-Sutra, Subodhra-hd, sal 161-104, pp 180-181 s Of Hoernte, Uvasaga-Dazio, 1, 0, n 8 14 Early Inchan history as yet resembles those maps of our grandfathers in which Geograpbers for lack of towns Drew elephants on pathless downs though the Jainas bave kept hustoncal records of their own, it is very dificult to correlate these records with known facts in the world's history "-Stevenson (Trs), op cit, p 7 "It 18 another name for Vaibal (modern Besath) in the district of Mozaffarpur (Tirhut), in fact Kundagama (Kundagrada), now called Basukund, yas a part of the ancient town of Varsali, the latter comprising three districts or quarters Vaistali propre (Besirh), Kundapur (Basukund), and Vanaghma (Bani) "-Dey, op.at, p 107 84

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JAINISM IN ROYAL FAMILIES picluucd in the Joinn sacred books it seems he was the head of the clan to which he bclongcd, and a ruler of some state, whether great or small. As we shall sce later on, it may be that he was one of the executive of the republic of which Kundapura was a leading division, but from the status that lie enjoyed in society this much is certain, tliat Siddhartha spent his life more or less as an independent ruler than as a merc petty chieftain under a sovereign state. Again referring to the sixteen Mahajanapadas we find that the state of Vajji is also common to both the Buddhist and the Jaina lists. "The Vajjis," obscrvcs Dr Raychaudhuri, "according to Professor Rhys Davids and Cunningham, included cight confederate clans (Atthalula), of whom the Videians, the Licchavis, the Jnatrikas and the Vajjis proper were thic most important. The identity of the remaining clans icmains uncertain. It may, howcier, be noted here that in a passage of the Sitrakrtanga the Ugras, Bhogas, Aikshavakas and Kauravas arc associated with the Jnatris and Licchavis as subjects of the same rulers and the members of the same assembly." 3 On the other hand, on the autliority of the Buddhist sources Dr Pradlian adds one more member to this confederacy, and obscrves: "This confederacy consisted of mine clans, some of which were the Licchivis (or Licchavis), the Vrjis (or Vajjis), the Jnatrikas, and the Videlas. This confederacy of nine clans was known as the confederacy of the Vyjis or of the Licchivis, as the Vrjis and the Licchivis were the most important of the nine clans. These ninc Licchivi clans again federated themselves with the nine 1 In the Kalna-Satra the interpreters of the dreams of Tribalit, mother of Mahavira, are said to have come "to the front gate of Siddhartha's excellent palace, a jewel of its hind " Jacobi, op cit, p. 245 At another place in the same Sutra Siddharths is said to hinte celebrated the birthdny of Nabavira by ordering his police authorities quickly to set free all prisoners in thc town of Kundapur, to increase measures and weights, and so on Cl. tord, p. 252, Hemacandra, op al., Parva X, v 128, 132, 26 Barnett, the Antagada-Dasao and Anutarourtuarya-Dasao, Int, P v Dr Jacobu, in trying to expose the fond belief of the Jains that " Kundngrama was a large town ind Siddhartha a powerful monarch," scems to have gone to the other extreme when he obscrves: "From all this it appears that Siddhurtha wag no king, nor even the head of his clan, but in all probability only cxcrcised the degree of authority which in the East usually falls to the suure of landowners, especially of those belonging to the recognised Aristocracy of the country"-Jacobi, on al, Int , p XXL * Raychaudhuri, op af, pp 73-74 "The Ugras ond Blogas were Kshatriyas The former Tere, according to the Jains, descendants of those whom Rshabha, the first Tirtbankam, appointed to the omce of Kotisals, or prefects of towns, while the Bhogas were descendants of those whom Rshabha acknowledged as persons deserving honour" -Jacobi, S.BE , xlv., 71, n 2 Cf Hocrnle, op at , Appendix III, 58 85

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JAINISM IN NORTH INDIA Mallaki clans and the enghteen Ganarajas of Kasi-Kosala."1 Tlus statement of the learned scholar is also supported by the Jaina annals.2 "It is related," observes Dr Jacobi, " that King Cetaka, whom Kunika, king of Campa, prepared to attack with a strong army, called together the eighteen confederate kings of Kasi and Kosala, the Licchayis and Mallakas, and asked them whether they would satisfy Kunika's demands or go to war with him. Again on the death of Mahavira the eighteen confederate kings, mentioned above, instituted a festival to be held in memory of that event." 3 From all this it seems highly probable that of all these confederate clans one common characteristic was that most of them had directly or indirectly come under the influence of Mahavira or his teaching. Whether all of them were Jainas by faith or not one cannot say, but this much is certain, that there was something more solid than mere lip-sympathy on their part. Taking first the Videhans, we find that they "had their capital at Mithila, which is identified by some scholars with the small town of Janakpur, just within the Nepal border. But a section of them may have settled in Vasali. To this section probably belonged the princess Trisala, also called Videhadatta, mother of Mahavira."! As already mentioned, we find scattered here and there direct references to Mahavira's relations with the Videhans in the Jaina Sutras. Says the Acaranga-Sutra: "His (Mahavira's) mother had three names : Treala, Videhadatta and Priyakarini." 5 "In that period, in that age, the Venerable ascetic Mahavira, a Jnatri Kshatriya, Jnatriputra, a native of Videha, a prince of Videha, lived thirty years under the name of . Videha.'"6 Coming next to the Kalpa-Sutra: "The Venerable ascetic Mahavira ...; a Jnatri Kshatriya, the son of a Jnatri Kshatriya; the moon of the clan of the Jnatris; a Videha, the son of Vide Pradhan, op cit, p. 215 THER T EE Meteo grcala HUST4Wt . - Bhagavat, sut 300, p 016 Cf Hamacandre, op cit, p 165. Jacobi, SDC, w1, Int , p v CE ibid, 200, Law (BC), Some Kshalnya Inber of incient India, 11, Raychaudhuri, op cit,p 128 : Bhagavali, sid 300, p 310 TIemicondra, on and local , Kalpa-Safra, Subhodhala-Tika, sul 128, p 121 , Pradhan, op cul., pp 128-229, Hoernic, op al, 1), Appendix II, pp 50-60 Roychaudhuri, op cit, p 7), HAUR O T T HESITE AT91., fruct 9 stefar utafut .-Kalpa-Sulra, Subodhit.a-7mc, stt 100, 80 Jacobs, op af, p 103 * Ibid, p 101 86

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JAINISM IN ROYAL FAMILIES hadatta, a native of Videha, a prince of Videha-had lived thirty years in Videha when his parents went to the gods (i.e. died)." 1 Thus from the Jaina Sudras themselves the following points are confirmed: that a section of the Videhans had settled in Vaisali," the capital of Videha" 2; that Princess Trisala belonged to this section of the Videhans, and that Mahavira was closely connected with them. With all this the first point still needs some more elucidation. As Mahavira was a Videhan, even so according to Jacobi he was also a Varsalika--.e. a native of Vaisali. Thus Kundapura or Kundagrama of King Siddhartha cannot but be a prominent part of Vazsali, the capital of the reigning line of Videha 3 In addition to all these references confirming the close relationship that existed between Mahavira and the Videhans there are certain other indications in the sacred books of the Jainas which go to assert that the Videhans had a living interest in the Jaina church. Talking about Nami, the royal seer, the UttaradhyayanaSutra says: namo namei sammANa sakkhaM sakeza coiyo / pakraya gehaM ca vedehi sAmagaNe pjjvdriso|| "Nami humbled himself; enjoined by Sakra in person, the kong of Videha left the house, and took upon him Sramanahood." 4 Besides this from the Kalpa-Sutra we know that at Mithila, the metropolis of Videha, Mahavira spent six rainy-seasons. This shows how far Mahavira was connected with the Videhans. In short, from what we have seen about them one thing is clear--that if not all, there was at least a section amongst the Videhans who were real Jainas. Coming next to the Licchavis we find that they were a great and powerful people in Eastern India in the sixth century before Christ. There is no use denying the fact that with the Joatrikas they must have come directly under the influence of the teaching 1 Jacobi, op cit, 256 . Iord, Int, "Kundagrama, therefore, was probably one of the suburbs of Varsili, the capital of Videla This conjecture 19 borne out by the Dame Vesaliec Vaisalika--given to Mahavira in the Satraktlanga, 1,8 The commentator explains the passage in question in two different ways, and at another place a third explanatron is given . Vaisalika apparently menns a native of Vasall: and Maha virs could be rightly called that when Kundagrama was a suburb of Vasali, just as a native of Turnham Green may be called a Londoner"-Mid Ullaradhyayana-Shtra, Lecture IX, V. 61 Cf hd, v 02; Lecture XVIII, Y.45 (trans Jacobi, S.B.E, av, pp 41, 87) For a full description of the legendary tale of Nam ece Meyer (J J), Hindu Tales, pp 147-160 87

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JAINISM IN NORTH INDIA of Mahavira His mother Trsala was sister to Cetaka, king of Vaisali,who belonged to the Licchavi sect of the Kshatriyas, while on his father's side Mahavira was a Jnatrika himself. Here arises the difficulty that if Trisala was the Licchavi princess there is no reason why she should be called Videhadatta ? The possible explanation that can be given for this is that she was 80 called because she belonged to that part of the country which was originally known as Videha, and, as we have just remarked, Vaisali was the capital of Videha. Furthermore, in the words of Dr Raychaudhuri," the Vajjian confederation must have been organised after the fall of the royal houses of Videla Political evolution in India thus resembles closely the political evolution in the ancient cities of Greece, where also the monarchies of the Heroic age were succeeded by aristocratic republics "3 Moreover, in confirmation with other traditions this leads to a further surmise-that after the fall of the Videhans a section of them might also have been called the Licchavis. Thus there is nothing unnatural or out of the way if Trisala was called Videhadatta though she was a Licchava princess Now this Trisala was married to Siddhartha, who, according to the Jainas, was a follower of Parsva, the predecessor of Lord Mahavira. This naturally leads one to infer that either the royal family of the Licchavis was Jaina by faith or that it was socially so situated that it could take a member of the other Jaina royal family as a bridegroom for its princess. This incident alone warrants the conclusion that the Licchavis had a distinct sympathy and respect for the Jainas, but the literary and the historical traditions of the Jainas do not stop with this solitary incident alone We further know that Cellana (also called Vedehi), the youngest of the seven daughters of King Cetaka, was married to Bimbisara, the great Saisunaga of Magadha, and that both Bimbisara and Cellana were great Jainas themselves 1 Jacobi, Kalpa-Satra, p. 118 ?"In the opinion of several scholars Cetakn was a Licchavi But the secondary names of his sister (Vidchndatta) and daughter (Vedchi) probably indicate that he was a Vidchan domiciled Gt Vesiil"--Raychaudhun, op cit, p 78, n 2 Ibid, p 7G "In the time of Buddha, and for many centuries afterwards, the people of Vaisal were called Liechavis, and in the Trilandasesha the names of Liccharz, Videh, and Timbhukta have been gren as synonymous"-Cunningham op , at , p 500 qafe as T.-Apasyaha-Sutra, p 676 "Bimbus ira had a son known as Vedehi-Putto Ajatsatta in the canonical Pal texts, and as Kanika by the Jainas The later Buddhist tradition makes him & son of the 88

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JAINISM IN ROYAL FAMILIES Besides Cellana. Cetaka had six other daughters, out of whom one preferred to be a pun and the other five were married in one or the other royal family of Eastern India. How far this fact can be taken as an historical truth we cannot say, but hardly with any exception almost all those ruling dynasties with whom the Licchavis were thus connected can be fully identified in the light of modern research. The names of these Licchavi princesses are Prabhavati, Padmavati, Mrgavati, Siva, Jyeshtha, Sujyeshtha and Cellana 1 Of these, Prabhavati, the eldest, was married to King Udayana of Vitabhaya, which has been identified at various places in the Jaina literature with a town of Sindhu-Sauvira-Desa. But to what part of the country these literary evidences allude we cannot exactly say, because on the basis of various sources it has been identified with different places in the west and north-west of India. Cunningham identifies it with the province of Badari or Eder, at the head of the Gulf of Cambay."3 Dr Rhys Davids more or less agrees with Cunningham, and places Sauvira in his map to the north of Kathiawar and along the Gulf of Cutch.4 Alberuni identifies it with Multan and Jahravar, and this is also accepted by Mr Dey.5 On the other hand the Jaina traditions are as follows: Abhayadevasuri, in his commentary on the Bhagavati, puts his interpretation in the following words: fer stunt: - TU14: sindhusauvIrAsteSu .. vigatA Itayo bhayAni ca yatastadvItibhayaM vidanauta kecit / The story of Udayana translated by Meyer from the Uttaradhyayana-Sutra mentions Vitabhaya as follows: "There was in Kosala Deri; the Jaina tradition, confirmed by the standang epithet of Vedehi-Putto, son of the princess of Videha, in the older Buddhist books makes him a son of Cellani " -Rhys Davids, C.H./,i,p 188. devyA ghelaNyA sArdhaparAhanpadA nRpH| vIreM samavasaraNasthita vanditumabhyamAt // panditvA zrImadahantaM valitau tau ca dNptii| Hemnacandra, op. at , IT. 11-12, p 86 1 Alasyala-Sutra, p. 676; Hemacandra, op at, v. 187, p 77. thatat ... Site TT . SETYO WEET THI. --Bhagavati, sut 491, p 618. C also Acasyala-Sutre, p. 676; Hemacandra, op. al, v. 190, p.77; fagelekealta gt T-4 4 1-Ind., v. 327, p 147; Dreyer (J. J), op al, p. 97. * Cunningham, op cit, p 509 Rhys Davids, Buddhist India, map facing p 320 Sachau, Alberuni's Indra, 1, p. 302. C Dey, op al, p 183 * Bhagavati, sut 492, PP S20-321. 89

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JAINISM IN NORTH INDIA a aty in the countries of Sindhu and Sovira, called Viyabhaya, a king, Udayana by name. ..." 1 "The Satrunjaya Mahatmya places it in Sindhu or Sind." From all these identifications it seems that the country roughly corresponds to a portion of Sind on the cast of the River Indus and of Rajputana to the north-west of Malwa. This is also confirmed by the fact that Udayana went through the deserts of Marwar and Rajputana, where his army began to die of thirst during the war which he had declared against the king of Avanti. Besides these identifications one thing we get about SindhuSauvira-Desa from Varahamihira's division of Bharatavarsha is this, that it formed one of the nine divisions into which the country was divided. The historical and geographical importance accruing from this justifies the Jaina sources to some extent when they say that, along with Vitabhaya, Udayana was the overlord of three hundred and sixty-three other towns. Furthermore, from the life of Kumarapala of the twelfth century A.D. we know that during his career he brought to Pattana a Jaina idol? which, according to * Meyer (J J), op aat, 87 For the story in the Uttaradhyayana see LaxmVallabha's commentary (Dhanapatasimha's edition), PP 552-561. * Cf. Dey, op c., P 188 HE FUTUT BARCEL: Avasyaka-Salra, p 200 C Meyer (J. J), op at, p 109 It may be mentioned here that, according to the Buddhist traditions, Roruka was the capital of Sauvira CE CHI,1,P 178, Dey, op cit, p 170 According to Cunningham, Roruka was probably Alor, the old city of Sind "--Cunningham, op cil, Varchamihire ca lis each of the Nata-Khandas a Varta He says "By them (the Vargas) Bharatavarsha-te half of the world is divided into nine parts the central one, the eastern one, eto " Sachau, op at, 297 CF abid, pp 298-802, Cunningham, op cit, 6 " According to thus arrangement. Sindhu-Sauvira was the chief district of the west , but there is a discrepancy between this epitome of Varaha and his details, 86 Sindhu-Sauviri 18 there assigned to the south-n est along with Anarta Ibad, p Intercom fuffi -Hemacandra, opet, v 328, P 147. "This King Udayana lived exercising the sovereignty over Buxteen countries, beginning with Sindhu. Sauvira, three hundred and sixty-three cities, beginning with Vitabhaya "Meyer (JJ), op cit,p 97. "Annhila-Pattane, Virdwal-Pattana or Pattana, called also Northern Baroda in Gujarat, founded in Samvat 802 Or AD 746, after the destruction of Valabhi by Banaraja or Vamsaria The town was called Anahtlapattant, after the name of a cowherd who. pointed out the site Hemacandra, the celebrated Jaune grammaran and so cographer, flounshed in the court of Kumarapala, the king of Anahilapattana (AD 114 1173), and was his spuntual guide He died at the age of eighty-four in AD 1172 which year Kumarapulu became convert to Jainism btzt according to authorities, the conversion took place in AD 1150 After the overthrow of Vallabhi the caghth century Anahilapattana became the chief city of Gujarat, or Western India, the fifteenth century _Dey, op cit, po Jayasimhasuri, Kumarapala-Bhupala-Cartra-Mghahadya, Sarga IX, W 201, 20. 206 p 700 !

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1 * maituniskritiirtanADE ... .. ca . RA . ASHA AoNUUP . bAN-il.san . .. ... hemacaME t kumAra pAla. GURU JIEMACANDRA AND HIS ROYAL DISCIPIT KUMARAPALA Copyright reserved

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JAINISM IN ROYAL FAMILIES Hemacandra, had been lying underground at Vitabhaya since the days of Udayana." This much about Sindhu-Sauvira-Desa and its metropolis Vitabhaya. About its ruler, Udayana, there are not many data wherefrom to infer historically. In the words of Dr Raychaudhuri "It is difficult to disentangle the kernel of historical truth from the husk of popular fables", but it must be admitted that there are a few facts about Udayana which can be gleaned from the Jaina andals and which deserve some notice, howsoever little, on the part of historians. According to these annals UdEyana of SaudiraDesa in an open fight defeated his dependent Canda Pradyota of Avanti, who is an historical person, and about whom we shall see in detail in his relation as husband to Siva, the fourth daughter of Cetaka. Besides this we know that Udayana was succeeded by his nephew Kesi, in whose reign Vitabhaya went to wreck and ruin 4 One cannot say if this is all a mere fiction or this is itself the reason why we have no traces of the history of this great part of the country, though we know on good authority that at one time it formed one of the nine-Vargas" of Bharatavarsha. About Udayana's and his wife Prabhavati's attitude towards the religion of the Jinas we have ample proof, direct and otherwise, in the canonical literature of the Jainas, on which we can base our own inferences. At one place Prabhavati, the Licchavi princess, having performed the worship of a Jaina image, says: "The Arhat, who is free from love, hatred and delusion, who knows everything, who is endowed with the eight miraculous powers, who wears the form of the supreme god of gods, may he grant me a sight of himself." 5 This shows with what respect the queen of Sauvira looked 1 Tera frenn.. Inga fol. fufquf HATI : JAICYCE... YUGT . 1 ECHGIRO A fanfaat Hemacandr, op cit, w 20, 22, 83, pp 158, 160 Raychaudhuri, op at, P 128 Thus war between the two, according to the legend. had taken place because Pradyota had run away with a servant girl and an image of Jina which belonged to Udayana. "Thereupon he sent a messenger to Pajoya : 'I care nothing for the servant girl Send me the image! He did not give it Udayana hurriedly took the field together with the ten langs (his yussals) . When Pajjoya descended he was bound (captured by Udayana) - eyer (J. J.), op cit, pp 109-110 Cr Alasyaha-Sartra, p 299 STRAF TEL T mat. Ent. 46-Iord, PP 298-290 CHemacandra, op. cit, v. 578, P 156 TR TTT A ...-Bhagarali-Sutra, stit 491, P 610 "When he (Udayana) died, a derty let a shower of dust fall .. Even to this day it lies buried -Meyer (J J), op el, pp. 113-116 * Ibid, p 105 91

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JAINISM IN NORTH INDIA at the Jaina faith 1 Moreover, from the Uttaradhyayana and. other canonical literature we know that the king too was no less a believer in the religion of the Jina, though originally he was "devoted to Brahmanic ascetics." He even went to the extent of Tenouncing the world,4 and when the question of the succession of his son Abhu came before him he says to himself. "If I renounce the world after appointing Prince Abhu to royal power, then Abhi will become infatuated with royal power and royal dominion down to the country and with the enjoyment of human pleasures and 'will stray to and fro in the beginningless, endless tanglewood of the Samsara. Therefore it is evidently better that I renounce the world after appointing my sister's son, Prince Kesi, to royal power."5 Thus the entire change in the heart of Udayana is evident from this incident. This has made his renunciation proverbial with the Jainas. We find in the Antagada-Dasao a passage referring to Udayana-Viz "Then King Alakkhe ... Withdrew from the world in the same way as King Udayane, save that he anointed his eldest son to rule over his kingdom." & It may be said here that in a note to this Dr Barnett has wrongly taken this passage to refer to Udayana," king of Kosambi and son of Sayanie (Satanika) by Magavas, daughter of Cedaga, king of Vazsali "7 Furthermore, the treatment offered by Udayana to the Avanti Pradyota, whom he had taken as a captive during the war, is illustrative of the fact that he strictly adhered to the "precept that during the Paryushanaparvan even the most deadly enmity should be given up"It so happened that on the occasion of the Paryushanaparvan, although Udayana himself observed a fast be, notwithstanding, gave 1 WT4747 W: PATATA, Arena T Tal.-AvasyalaSutra, 298 C Meyer (J J), op and loc ait, Hernacandra, op ci, v 404, P 160 **Udayana, the bull of kings of Sauvita, renounced the world and turned monk, he entered the order and reached perfection"-Jacob, S.B.E, xlv, P 87 In a note to this Jacobi writes "He was contemporary with Malavira "-Ibid * Meyer (JJ), op cit, p103 # 14 --Atasyaha-Sutra, P 208, Hemacandra, opet, Y. 888, P 149 PREU 14 747 UEE Hawtara Nar:-Bhagavatt, stil, 492, p 020, Meyer (J J), op at,p 114 Ind, pp. 113-114 HAR TATTE fale WTS afar TET -Bhagmati, sut 491, p 019 * Bamett, op at, p 96 + Mod ,p 96, 2 * Bhandarkar, Report for 1883-1884, P 142. Panusana or Paryusliana, the sacred festival at the close of the Jaina year Cf Stevenson (Mrs), op cit,p 70, YATHRU . atud haug .. Kalpa-Satra, Subodhla-Tika, sut 50, PP 191-102 92

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JAINISMI IN ROYAL FAMILIES orders that Canda Pradyota be served with anything he liked. However the latter, from fear of being poisoned, did not wish to eat the food that was brought him, and said that he too had a fast to observe, being, as he was, of the same religion as Udayana. This was reported to the king, and as a real Jaina he replied: "I know that he is a rogue, but while he is a captive my Pajjusana even does not become pure and auspicious." 1 Coming next to Padmavati we find that she was married to King Dadhivahana of Campa, a once a great centre of Jainism. Haribhadra, in his commentary on the Avasyaka-Sutra, clearly states that both the king and queen were great adherents of the Jaina church. Considering the bustorical importance that Campa enjoys in the Jaina annals there is nothing strange if one assumes on the authority of the Jaina literature that the family of Dadhivahana had a living interest in the Jaina doctrines. "Jaina tradition places him in the beginning of the sixth century B.C. His daughter Candada or Candrabala was the first female who embraced Jainism shortly after Mahavira had attained the Kevaliship"5 Jaina narrative and other literature are full of Teferences to this first female disciple of Mahavira. It was she who headed all the female lay and other worshippers of Vardhamana in his own days. The political significance connected with her life is that when "Satanika, king of Kausambi, attacked Campa, the capital of Dadhivahana, Candana, fell into the hands of a robber, but all along she maintained the vows of the order."? This 1 Cf Bhandarkar, op and loc. at ; Meyer (J.J.), op cit, p 110-111; Kalpa-Sutra, Subodhiha-Tika, sut. 59, p. 192 wa 40, Tarun, HU-Hey , hafa Hrafnt atat, etc - Atasyala-Sira, p 800. want art UETEF14--Ihd, pp 676, 677 CJ. Meyer (J J.), op cit,p 122 3 Cr. Dey, op cit, p 44 ; Dey, J.AS.B (New Series), x, 1014, p 384 * Harbhadra tells us that, leaving the kingdom to their son Karakandu, both the king and the queen joined the order, prireditato ry writ T HalNT, wf IFT CATETET Hafan, FRIGARINGE : .. -Arsyaha-Satra, pp. 716,717, 718 It is further said that Karalandu also, bke his father, finally joined the onder. C bid, p 719 For further reference about Karakanda and his parents see MIcyer (J J ), op.cit, pp 122-136 Santyacarya, Ullaradhyayana-Sishyahrta, pp 800-303 , Laxmu-Talabha, Uttaradhyayana-Dipiha, pp 254-250 Raychaudhuri, op cit, p 69. Cf Dey, op cit, p 321. samAsa bhagato mahAvIrasa sajjAcadaNApAmukkhAyo cannIsa sajjiyAsAhasIlo . hatyA -Kalpa-Sitra, Subodhka-77ki, sul. 138, P 123 Cf. Dey, op and loc, ai! Raychaudhuri, op cit,p 69 Cr bid, 84 "Campa was occupied and destroyed by Satinika II, the king of Kausimbi, a few years before Bimbisara's anneutron Pradhan, op at, 214, 93

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JAINISM IN NORTH INDIA statement of Dr Raychaudhuri is based on the Jaina sources, and the whole story of Candana in short runs as follows: During the war between her father and King Satanika she was caught hold of by one of the enemy's army and was sold in Kausambi to a banker named Dhanavaha, who named her Candana in spite of her already bearing the name Vasumati as her family name After a short time the banker's wife, Mula, felt jealous of her, and having cut her hair put her into custody. In this condition she once served a part of her food to Mahavira, and finally joined his ranks as a nun? Before we pass on to Mrgavati, the third daughter of Cetaka, a few words about Campa in the light of Jaina history will not be out of place. The town of Campa seems to have been situated at a distance of a few miles in the neighbourhood of modern Bhagalpur, and is known to us under some such names as Campapuri, Campanagar, Malini and Campa-Malini, Its importance in Jaina history is self-evident when we know that Mahavira spent three of his rainy-seasons in Campa, the capital of Anga, and its suburbs (Prstha Campa), and that it is known to us as the place of both the birth and death of Vasupujya, the twelfth Tirthankara. Again, as the headquarters of Candana and her father it is remembered by the Jainas as a great centre of their religion. There are signs of old and new Jama temples of both the Digambara and Svetambara sects built for Vasupujya and other Tirthankaras as the chief Jinas 3 The Uvasaga-Dasao and the Antagada-Dasao mention that the temple called Caitya Pannabhadda existed at Campa at the time of Sudharman, one of the eleven disciples of Mabavira who succeeded as the head of the Jaina sect on his death "The town was visited by Sudharman, the head of the Jaina hierarchy, at the time of Kunika or Ajatasatru, who came barefooted to 1 Cf. Kalpa-Sutra, SubodInha-Th, But 118, pp 108-107. Cl. Apasyaha-Sutra, PP 228-226, Hemacandra, op cit, pp 59-62 For further references about CandATIA see Barnett, op at, pp. 98-100, 102, 106 Cf Dey, The Geographical Dictionary of Ancient and Medical India, P 44, Cunning. ham, op cit, pp 546-547, 722-728 Now represented by the village of Champapur on the Ganges, ncar Bhagalpur , anciently it was the capital of the country of Anga, corresponding to the modern district of Bhagalpur Dey, op cit, pp. 44-45 "Trom the inscriptions on some Jains images ex humed from the neighbourhood of an old Jauna temple at Ajmer at appears that these images, which were of Bisupyva, Mathimatha, Parsvanatha and Vardhamana, vere dedicated in the thirteenth century AD-e ranging from Samyat 1289-1247"--Ihd, p 45 CE JASB, vil, p 52 Hoernle, op at, 1, 2, notes "Verily, Jambo, in those days there was a city named Campa . sanctuary Punnnbhadde n-Barnett, op. at, PP 9730, 100 Cf Dey, op and loc cut 94

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JAINISM IN ROYAL FAMILIES see the Ganadhara outside the city where he had taken up his abode. Sudharman's successor Jambu and Jambu's successor Prabhava also visited Campa, and Prabhava's successor, Sayamblava, lived at this city, where he composed the Dasavaikalika-Sutra, containing in ten lectures all the essence of the sacred doctrines of Jainism." 1 "After the death of Bimbisara, Kunika or Ajatasatru made Campa his capital, but after his death his son Udayin transferred the seat of Government to Pataliputra. From the CampakaSreshthi-Katha, a Jaina work, it appears that the town was in a very flourishing condition. In the opening lines the castes and the trades of the town are enumerated. There were perfumers, spice-sellers, sugar-candy sellers, jewellers, leather-tanners, garlandmakers, carpenters, goldsmiths, weavers, washermen," etc.3 Coming to Mrgavati, the third daughter of Cetaka, we find that she was married to King Satanika * of Kausambi, and was known also as the princess of Videha. " Vinayavijayaganin, in his Subodhika commentary to the Kalpa-Sutra, draws from old Jaina sources, and says that when Mahavira visited the town of Kausambi the king of that place was Satanika and the queen was Mrgavati."? That both the king and the queen were devotees of Mahavira can be well established from the Jaina literature itself Looking to the family atmosphere in which she was brought up it is natural that Mrgavati could not be anything else than a Jamna 8 Furthermore, the Jaina tradition tells us in particular that the king's Amatya (minister) and his wife also were Jainas by faith." Dey, op and loc cute weet: gut FIA A O MEU afur: harga 1 gueifaa ch gefa TASACHE 11--Hemacandra, Parsishtaparan, Canto IV, V 1, 9, 88, 85 . Tond, Canto VI, vv 21 if Dey, op and loc ct. Satanikn himself was styled also Parantapa cf Rhys Davids, op cit, p 8 6 "Kaukambi, Kausambi-nugar or Kosam, an old village on the left bank of the Jamuna, about 30 miles to the west of Allahabad "-Dey, op cut, p 96 "Satanika married a princess of Videba, as his son is called Vardehiputra" Raychaudhuri, op cit, P 84 Cf Law (BC), op cit, p 186 * Pradhan, op at, P 257 7: U ngreat at a T eriti. -Kalpa-Sulra, Subodinha-Tika, sit 118, 106 Mahavira had been to Kauskmbr during the years of his wanderings before he was endowed path Kecala-Jfang It so happened that during his stay there Lord Mahavira, oming to some now that he had taken, did not uccept any food for some days, and hence mRgAvatyapi mahatA duHkhenAbhibhUtA , tena (rAjA) zAzvAsitA-tayA kariyAmi yathA kasyelabhaje -Abasyaha-Sitra, p 228 Cf Stevenson (A[rs), op cit, p 40. * sugumo'mAyo, nandA tasya bhAyo, sA ca zramaNopAsikA, sA ca zrADoti mugAvatyA kyasyA, yarulfa waffran w at: , . --Avasyaha-Sutra, pp 222, 225 Cf KalpaSitra, Subodhuha-Tiha, sul. 118, P 106 95

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JAINISM IN NORTH INDIA About Satanika's fight with Dadhivahana we have already referred. The other fact of historical importance that we can get from the Jaina Iterature is this, that "his son and successor was the famous Udayana, the contemporary of Bimbisara." 1 "Again, the grandfather of Udayana," observes Dr Pradhan, "is named Sahasranika by Bhasa, and Vasudaman by the Puranas Sahasranika was a contemporary of Bimbisara and received religious instructions from Mahavira. The Jamnas call him Sasanika, which is evidently a softening of Sahasanika,' the Prakrt equivalent of the Sanskrit from 'Sahasranika' Sasanika was probably the same as the Puranu Vasudaman and had his son Satanika II. Udayana was the son of Satanika II" 2 In this the learned doctor is fully authorised by the BhagavatiSutra, the fifth Anga of the Jainas. We know further that Satanika's sister Jayanti was a staunch follower of Mahavira About Udayana we shall speak at length a little later along with his father-in-law, Canda Pradyota, and his successors, but at present we need say this much only that by the Jainas he is claimed to have been a Jaina, and that "he was a great king who really made some conquests, and contracted matrimonial alliances with the royal houses of Avanti, Anga and Magadha" 5 Taking Siva, the fourth daughter of Cetaka, we find that she was married to Canda Pradyota of Ujjaini, the capital of Avanti or ancient Malwa? He is known to us as Canda Pradyota Mahasena--fierce Pradyota, the possessor of a great army, and as the father-in-law of Udayana of Kausambi, the capital of the country of Varosa or Vatsa "The king of Avanti in the Buddha's time," 1 Raychaudhur, op and loc cut Cf Barnett, op cit, 96, n 2 * Pradhan, op and loc cut "The Katha-Saru-Sagara says that Satanika's son Sahasranika was the father of Udayana Thus the Katha-Sant-Sagara reverses the order certainly wrongly "-Jord C Tawney (ed Penger), Katha-Sari-Sagara, 1, PP 95 96, Raychaudhuri, op and loc cut sahassANIyassa rano polne sayANIyasa rakho mune gheDagarama rano nara migAvatIe devIe pannae Tuale fyre me serad a trataru, etoBhagavalt, still 441, p 656 TE U T 407 Hallenfaq 48541 79 28 T ETOT Iord, sul 443, P 558 Pradhan, op cit,P 128 . C Apasyaha-Sutra, P 677 7C Dey, op et,p 209 o cr Pradhan, op al, 280 * Raychaudhuri, opet, P 88 "Kosimba-Nagar or Kosam was the capital of Vanasadeso or Votsyadosa, the kingdom of Udayana " Dey, op al, P 10 Cf thd, p 28 96

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JAINISM IN ROYAL FAMILIES obscrves Dr Rhys Davids, "pas Pajjota the Fierce, who reigned at the capital Ujjeni. There is a legend about him which shows that he and his neighbour, King Udena of Kosambi, were believed to have been contemporary, connected by marriage, and engaged in war."1 This" lcgend " is fully corroborated by Jaina sources We know from these sources that the Vatsa king, Udayana, was marricd to Vasavadatta, the daughter of thc Pradyota of Avanti Furthermore, to state in brief, Hemacandra tells us that Canda Pradyota had asked Queen Mrgavati from Satanika, and on the refusal of the latter he had declared a war against him It so happened that in the meantimc Satanika died, and when Malavira came down to Kausimbi Canda Pradyota was induced to give up his feeling of revenge and to allow Mrgavati to become a nun, with a promise to makc Udiyana the king of Kausambi. This Udarana, "the king of Vatsa, is the central figure in a large cycle of Sanskrit stories of love and adventure, and in these Pradyota, the king of Ujjain, the father of the peerless Vasavadatta, plays no small part." 5 As just remarked, he is said to have contracted matrimonial alliances with the royal houses of Avanti, Anga and Magadha. Fiom different sources, whether fully reliable or not, we know that Vasuladatta or Vasavadatta, the daughter of Pradyota, king of Avanti; Padmavati, the sister of Darsaka, the king of Nagadha, and the daughter of Drdhavarman, the king of Anga, rere his queens. Of these Vasavadatta was the chief queen of Udayana. Both Buddhist and Jaina literatures "give a long and romantic story of the way in which Vasuladatta, the daughter of Pajota of Avanti, became the wife, or rather one of the three wives, of King Udena of Kosambi."7 As to his attitude towards religion Udayana had before him his mother, and also relatives like 1 Rhys Davids, C.HI,1,P 185. * C Apasyala-Satra,p 074, Hemacandra, Trishashtz-Saldha, Parva X, PP 142-145 34 Avanti roughly corresponds to modern Malyvu, Nimur and the adjoinmg parts of the central provinces Prof Bhandarkar points out that this Janapada was divided into two parts the northern part had its capital at Ujjain, and the southern part, called Avanti Dakslunapatha, had its capital at Mahussati or Mabusmati, usually identified with the modern Mandhata on the Narmada"-Raychaudhur, op cup 92 Cf. Hemecandra, op cit, v 282, p. 107 * Rapson, CHI,1, p 811 C Raychaudhuri, op art, 122, Pargiter, Ancient Indian Historical Tradition, p 285 C Raychaudhur, op and loc at , Pradhan, op cit, pp 212, 246 "Tradition has preserved a long story of adventures of Udena and his three wives "-Rhys Davids, op al, p 187. * Cf Rhys Dands, Buddhist India, P 4; Joasyala-Sutra, p 674, Hema candra, op cit, pp 142-145 97

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JAINISM IN NORTH INDIA Bimbisara, Cellana and others, who were more or less the leading figures of the Jaina community of those days, and this naturally created in him respect and sympathy for the Jaina church About the Avanti-Pradyota and luis Queen Siva's sentiments for the Jaina church Hemacandra tells us that he had his distinct sympathies for the Jana faith, and that it was with his permission that his etght queens, Angaravati and others, along with Mrgavati of Kausambi, joined the order 2 In his connection with Udayana of Sauvira we have already seen that Pradyota himself had declared that he also was traditionally a Jamna himself. No doubt the fierce and unscrupulous character of the lord of Avanti is known both to the Bauddhas and the Jamas, but in this particular incident one cannot see for what earthly reason he should have falsely represented himself to be a Jaina. If he had his own suspicion he could as well have refused the food on some other ground than this. Whether a fact or a fiction, one thing is certain---that the moral of this particular incident is to show something else than the evil nature of this or that king. The leading idea is that though a grcat enemy of Pradyota as Udayana was, he did not like to see a captive before him, whether a Jaina or not, during the days of his religious festival Thus out of the seven daughters of Cetaka, Prabhavati, Padmavati, Mrgavati, Siva and Cellana were married respectively to the lords of Sauvila, Anga, Vatsa (Vamsa), Avanti and Mngadha Of these the last four are included both in the Buddhist and the Jaina lists of the Sixteen Mahajanapadas, while nothing more can bc said about the Sauvira-Desa Of the remaining two daughters of Cetaka, Jycshtha was married to Nandivardhana, brother of Lord Mahavira and ruler of Kundagrama, while Sujyeshthu joined 1 Hat Ta CU A 3040 741, The I ctc ---Bhageal, sul 4+2, p 056 * mahAgRhanmRgAyA pranatyo khAmisavidhI / maTAyagArapatyAdyAH pradyotanRpateH miyAH / --llcmendm, op al, 233, 107. IC Rhy Davids, op and local,.. #va c asyal a Sitra, p 300 Mhandithar, op and local : THE .Kalpa-Sutra, Subodhitd-rid. $ . Se cr Trasyal a Sulra, 300, Meyer (JJ), on cit. pp 110 111, Kalpa-Sufru, hai 77, sut 59, p 192 " Raychaudunt, op el. pp 50 60 "CC Tarifle Satrit p 67T, Tlemacandm, ep al, 102. p 17 999

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JAINISM IN ROYAL FAMILIES the order of Mahavira's disciples. All these facts combined go a long way to show how far Vardhamana's influence reached through his mother Trisala, the Licchavi princess. It is clear from this that at the time Mahavira Lived and preached, the Licchavis were recognised as Kshatriyas, who held their heads very high on account of their high birth and with whom the highest born princes of Eastern India considered it an honour to enter into matrimonial alliance. In short, it was through the Licchavis, and thereby through the ruling dynasty of Vaisali, that the reformed church of Mahavira got a solid support from all directions in its early days. It was through them that the religion of Mahavira had spread over Sauvira, Anga, Vatsa, Avanti, Videha and Magadha, all of which were the most powerful kingdoms of the time. This is why the Buddhist works do not mention Cetaka, the king of Vaisali, though they tell us about the constitutional government of Vesali. To quote Dr Jacobi, "Buddhists took no notice of him, as his influence . ., was used in the interest of their rivals. But the Jainas cherished the memory of the maternal uncle and patron of their prophet, to whose influence we must attribute the fact that Vazsali used to be a stronghold of Jainism, while being looked upon by the Buddhists as a seminary of heresies and dissent." 4 In addition to these there are other stray references to the Licchavis in the Jaina Sutras which more or less confirm the fact that they were nothing short of Jainas themselves. Taking first the Sutrakytanga we find that they were highly respected by the Jainas. According to it, "A Brahmana or Kshattriya by birth, a scion of the Ugra race or a Licchavi, who enters the order eating alms given by others is not stuck up on account of his renowned Gotra." 5 Citing next the Kalpa-Sutra: "In that night in which the Venerable Ascetic Mahavira died, ... freed from all pains, the eighteen confederate kings of Kasi and Kosala, the nine Mallakis and nine Licchavis, on the day of new moon, instituted an illumination on I Cf Avasyaha-Sutra, P 683; Hemacandra, op cit, 200, p 80 : C Dey, Notes on Ancient Anga,p 822, Buhler, Indran Sect of the Jarnas, p 27. Cf. Jacobi, S.BE , xxu, Int, pu See Turnour, J.AS.B, ,P 992 * Jacobs, 0p, ca , Tnt ,p sai . Jacobi, SB.E, XIV, 321. "The Jainas celebrate the Mircana of Mahavira with an illumination on the rught of new moon in the month Kurttika."-Iond , XX1, 266 99

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JAINISM IN NORTH INDIA. the ... fasting day; for they said "Since the light of intelligence is gone, let us make an illumination of material matter!"" Besides these two quotations from the Jaina Sutras there is something about a king, Jiyasattu, in the Uvasaga-Dasao which, if taken in the light of the interpretation of Dr Hoernle, is of the utmost importance when we are examining the relations that existed between Cetaka, the Licchavi king, and the Jainas In the first of the ten lectures of this seventh Anga of the Jainas we find in the reply of Sudharma ? to the question of Jambu what was the purport of it-V12 "Truly, Jambu, at that time and at that period, there was a city called Vaniyagana ... Outside of the city of Vanyagama, in a north-easterly direction, there was & Ceiya called Dupalasa. At that time Jiyasatta was king over the city of Vaniyagama... There also lived then in Vaniyagama a householder called Ananda, who was prosperous and without any equals, "At that time and at that period, the Samana, the blessed Mabavira arrived on a visit, and a company of people went out to hear hum Then King Jiyasatta also went out to hear him, just as King Kuniya had done on another occasion, and having done so ... he stood waiting on him." 4 The Jiyasattu mentioned here has rightly been identified by both Drs Hoernle and Barnett 5 with Cetaka or Cedaga, the maternal uncle of Mahavira, because Vaniyagama, the city of Jiyasattu, was, as we shall see later on, either another name of Varsali or some portion of it which was so called. To quote Dr Hoernle. "In the Suryaprajnapati Jiyasattu is mentioned as ruling over Mithila, the capital of the Videha country. ... Here he is mentioned as ruling over Vaniyagama or Vesali. On the other hand Cedaga, the maternal uncle of Mabavira, is said to have been a king of Vesali and Videha .. It would seem that Jiyasattu and Cedaga were the same persons." & Furthermore, the King 1 Jacobi, S BE, XXu , P 266 95 . one of the eleven disciples (Ganadhara) of Mahavirs, who succeeded him as head of the Jains sect, being himself succeeded by Jambu, the last of the so-called Kevli "Hoernle, op at, p 2, n 5 Ananda is known to the Jajnag as a typical example of a faithful lay-adherent of Jarnagm C Herdacondra, Yoga-Sastra, chap 11, v 151, Hoernle, op cit, pp 7 f Ibid, pp 8-7,9 Barnett, op art, Int , y v For further references to Juyusatta in the eighth and the ninth Argas of the Jatias see abrd, pp 62, 113 * Hoernle, op cit, 0, 0. 100

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JAINISM IN ROYAL FAMILIES Kuniya, with whom Jiyasattu is compared here, is none else but Ajatasatru, the son and successor of Bimbisara of Magadha. The comparison is quite appropriate when we know that Kuniya, like his father, was a great Jaina. Whether or not this was the state of things throughout his career we shall examine later on, but this much is certain, that he had his distinct sympathies for the Jaina church 1 and must have more than once come into personal touch with Lord Mahavira. We have already seen that this Kuniya or Kunika had an occasion for an open fight with his grandfather, Cedaga, for an elephant with which his younger brother had run away to Vaisali. It appears from this that by way of rivalry with Ajatasattu (Ajatasatru) Cedaga was called also Jiyasattu. Once again, to cite Dr Hoernle," the name of Jiyasattu (Skt. Jitasatru) he may have received, as has been suggested, by way of rivalry with Ajatasattu (Skr. Ajatasatru), king of Magadha, who at first was also a patron of Mahavira, though afterwards he exchanged him for Buddha. To the Jainas Ajatasattu is known under the name of Kuniya, and under that name he is compared with Jiyasattu here and elsewhere." From all these traditions connected with the Licchavi Kshatriyas it is highly probable that, like the Videhans, they were also Jainas themselves. If this is granted, the great and powerful dynasty of the Licchavis was really a valuable source of strength to the reformed church of Mahavira. Their very capital formed the headquarters of the Jaina community during the days of Alabavira. From the Jaina literature itself we know that Mahavira was very closely connected with the metropolis of the Licchavis. Vaisali claims the last prophet of the Jainas as its own atizen The Sutrakstanga says about Mahavira as follows. "Thus spoke the Arhat Jnatriputra, the reverend, famous native of Vaisali, who possessed the highest knowledge and the highest faith, who possessed (simultaneously) the highest knowledge and faith." 4 "This passage is also repeated in another Jaina work, the UttaradhyayanaSutra, with a slight variation. Mahavira is spoken of as Vesalie or 1 PR o fur Tr .. HADI TTO PERTS. Efa wafa. -AupapatlaSutra 32, 75 * Hoerole, op and loc cat. For further facts about the strength of Jainism in Vasilisce LAW (B C), op at, pp. 72-75. Jacobi, op cit,p 194. Jacobi, S.B.2, xlv, p. 201. * Cf. Uttaradhyayana-Sutra, Lecture VI, v. 17, Jacobi, op al, 27. 101

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JAINISM IN NORTH INDIA Vaisalika-i e. a native of Vasali. Moreover Abhayadeva, in his commentary on the Bhagavati, 2, I. 12, 2, explains Vaisalika by Mahavira, and speaks of Vaisali as Mahavirajanani or the mother of Mahavira."" 1 In addition to this we know from the Kalpa-Sutra that out of the forty-two rainy-seasons which he spent as a missionary during his later ascetic life Mahavira did not neglect the city of his birth, but passed no less than twelve years at Vaisali. Furthermore, the importance of this close relation between the last Tirthankara of the Jainas and the Licchavis is greatly enhanced when we know from different sources that Vaisali, the capital of the Licchavis, was under a powerful dynasty which wielded considerable influence in both the political and social circles of its time "Vaisali," observes Dr Law, "the large city' par excellence, is renowned in Indian history as the capital of the Licchavi Rajas and the headquarters of the great and powerful Vajjian confederacy. This great city is intimately associated with the early history of both Jainism and Buddhism; it carries with itself the sacred memories of the founders of these two great faiths that evolved in north-eastern India five hundred years before the birth of Christ." One thing still remains to be considered, and that is about the relations that existed between Vaasali and Kundagrama. Considering the fact that Vaisali was the most flourishing town in India about five hundred years before the beginning of our era, one thing is certam-that Kundagama, as has been already remarked, must have been a division of Vasali. Taking both the Buddhist and the Jaina traditions, scholars like Hoernle, Rockhill and others agree to the fact that Vaisali was divided into three districts-namely, those of "Vesali proper, Kundapura, and Vaniyagama-occupying respectively the south-eastern, north-eastern and western portions 1 Law ( BC), op at, pp. 81-82 Jacobi, S.BE , ,P 264 C Law (BC), op cit, pp 82-33 3 Iord, p 81 "This was the chpital of the Loohgvi clan, already closely related by marriage to the kings of Magadha It was the headquarters of the powerful Vapian confederacy . It was the only grent city in all the territories of the free alang who formed Bo important a factor in the social and political life of the sixth century DC It must have been a great flourishing place "-Rhys Davids, op cit, PP 40-41, Charpentier, CHI,1,P 157 "Under the name of Kundaga pa the city of Vausali 18 mentioned as the birthplace of Mahavire, the Jamna Tirthankare, who was also called Vesalie or the man of Vesali 10 15 the Kotiguma of the Buddhists"-Dey, The Geographical Dictionary of Ancient and Medwal India, P 107 5 Hoernle, op at, pp 8-7 * Rockhult, The Lafe of Buddha, pp 62-68. 102

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JAINISM IN ROYAL FAMILIES of the area of the total city."I Moreover the fact that all three districts were closely connected with Vaisali is clear from the tradition that Maharira was known as a native of Vaisali though he was born at Kundagrama, and that the twelve rainy-seasons spent by Dahavira at Vaisali are put down in the Kalpa-Sutra as follows. "Twelve in Vaisali and Vanijagrama" 2 Both Hoernle and Nundo Lal Dey go a step farther than this and identify them at the outset with Vaisali, holding that the ancient town of Vazsali was known also as Kundapura or Vanijagrama, but finally they nevertheless agree to the fact that both of them were separate divisions of Vaisali, the state of the Liccharis. Thus thus much is certain, that Kundagrama formed one of the three chief divisions of Vaisali, the government of which seems to have resembled that of a Greek state. The peculiar form of government. the free institutions, the manners and customs, and the religious views and practices of the time afford us glimpses of transitional India wherein the ancient Vedic culture was making a fresh development and undergoing a novel transformation under the influence of that speculative activity out of which emerged a new socio-religious order of things. "It was," says Dr Hoernle, "an oligarchic republic; its 1 Hoernle, op. cit, 4. Of Law (B.C), op at, p. 88, Dey, op cit, P 17. It may be mentioned here that in the Uvasaga-Dascio there is something in connection with Taniyagama to the following effeet: vANiyagAne nayare uccanIyamajikamAi kulAI ("At the city of Vinyagima, to the upper, lower and middle classes ") - Hoernle, op al, 1, p 86. Curiously enough this agrees with the description of Varsali given in the Duloa Rockhull, op. cit, p62. There were three districts in Vesali In the first district Tere 7000 houses with golden towers, and in the middle district were 14,000 houses with silver towers, and in the last district were 21,000 houses with copper towers; in these lived the upper, the middle, and the lower classes according to their positions - C Foernie, op cal,u , p. 6, n 8. Dey has taken the three districts or quarters, " Vaisali proper (Besarh), Kundapura (Basukunda), and Vanagami (Bana)" as "inhabited by the Brahman, Kshatriya and Bania castes respectively." --Dey, op cit, p 107. Jacobi, op. cit,p 264. ** Vaniyagami, Skr Vanijograma; another name of the well-kno1n city of Vesali (Skr. Yaishalt), the capital of the Licchat country. ... In tbe Kalpa-Sutra ... It is mentioned separately, but in close connection with Taisali The fact is, that the city commonly called Vesali occupied a very extended area, which included within its circut .. besides Vesali proper (not Besarh), several other places Among the latter were Vanivaguma and Kundogama or kundapura These still exist as villages under the names of Bannya and Basukunda .. Hence the joint city might be called, according to circumstances, by any of the names of its constituent parts."-Hoernle, op. cit, , pp 8-4 "Biniyogama-lausuli or (Besad) in the district of lozaffarpur (Thrhut); in fact, Banyagama vas a portion of the ancient town of Voisali . . ., Kundagimi-It is another name for Taisali (modern Besarh) in the district of Jozaffarpur (Tirhut); in fact, Kundagims (Kundagrima), not called Basukunda, mas a part of the suburb of the ancient town of Vaisali,"Dey, op cit, pp 23, 107 103

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JAINISM IN NORTH INDIA government was vested in a senate composed of the heads of the resident Kshatriya clans, and presided over by an officer who had the title of king, and was assisted by a viceroy and a commanderin-chief." 1 " The most important amongst the republics were the Vajians of Vasali and the Mallas of Kusinara (Kusinagara) and Pava As in Rome, so in Videha the overthrow of the monarchy was followed by the rise of a republic--the Vijjian confederacy" ? Thus the monarchies of a former age were succeeded by aristocratic republics like that of Vaisali with the heads of the Kshatriya clans of Kundagama and at other places. Looking at the great power that the Sarsunagas were wielding in the political atmosphere of the country-such republic had doubtless a very short existence. To quote Dr Law," From the account of their political institutions that can be gleaned from the Pali Buddhist canon we get an insight into the demociatic ideas of statecraft and government that prevailed among the majority of the Aryan clans that peopled northern India before the imperialistic policy of the Mauryas grew and developed, as we have it on the authority of the great Brahman statesman whose policy and activity were responsible, in no little measure, for the foundation of the Maurya Empne." 8 For our purpose suffice at to say that Siddhartha, as the head of the Nata or Naya clan, must have obtained some emmence in senate and state, which is amply borne out eventually by his marriage with Trisala, the sister of this republican king4 Taking next the Jniatrikas 5 we find that they formed the clan which gave India one of its greatest religious reformers Their importance as a Kshatriya tribe is self-evident when we already know that they formed one of the most important clans of the "Confederacy of the Vryis or of the Licchivis" They " were the clan of Siddhartha and his son Mahavira the Jina. They had their scats at Kundapura or Kundagrama and Kollaga, suburbs of 1C Steichson (Mrs), op cit, p 22, Raychaudhur, op cit, pp 73-70 Ind, pp 52, 116 cf. Thomas (F W.), CHI, 1, p 491 * LOK (BC), op mt , pp 1-2 . CJ Stet cnson (Mrs), op cit, p 22, Jacobi, op al, Int, P vil The name of the clan is also given as the Naya or Natha clan C Low (BC) op ct, P 121; Hoernic, op ml, p 4, The Vidsaga-Dasdo says about Kollage to the following effect "Outside of the city of Viintyngiimii, in a north-easterly direction, there was a suburb called Kolliga, Whic!! was large, strong plateal, ctc -Hoernle, on al, 8 cl abid, p 4, burb of Varsilt (Besar) in the distmct of Moza(Tarpur (Tichut) in which the Mayo.hu Kshatriya, resided ahistra, the Jninri Tirthaukima, belonged to the class o Kshatriya"-Dey, op cit, p 102 101

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JAINISM IN ROYAL FAMILIES Vesali Nevertheless they were known as 'Vesalie - i.e. inhabitants of Vesali." 1 Mahavira, the son of Siddhartha and Trisala, is undoubtedly the most noble scion of the Jnatrika clan A sidelight on the tremendous influence exercised by this remarkable man on his fellow-men is thrown by a passage occurring in the canonical literature of his bitter antagonists, the Buddhists. The passage may be translated thus : "He is the head of an order, of a following, the teacher of a school, well known and of repute as a sophist, revered by the people, a man of experience, who has long been a recluse, old and well stricken in years." 2 We have already seen that Mahavira and his parents were the followers of the tenets of Parsva, and hence with them it is highly probable that the whole clan of the Naya Kshatriyas were also the followers of the same tenets. The Naya clan seems to have supported a body of monks who followed the predecessor of Mahavira, and lastly, when he appeared, the members of his clan became his devoted followers. The Sutrakrtanga tells us that those who followed the law proclaimed by Mahavira vere "virtuous and righteous" and that they "confirmed each other in the law."4 Thus the Jnatrikas, being of the clan of Mahavira, naturally were greatly affected by the doctrines of Nataputta. The Jaina Sutras give an idealised picture of the Jnatrikas, and tell us that they avoided what was sinful and were afraid of sin. For instance the Sutrakrtanga observes: "In compassion to all beings, the seers, the Jnatriputras, avoid what is sinful; afraid of it, they abstain from food especially prepared for them. They abstain from wicked deeds, afraid of injuring living beings, and do no harm to any creature; therefore they do not partake of such food. This is a maxim of the monks of our creed." 6 From the Uvasaga-Dasao ve come to know that the Jnatrikas possessed a Jaina temple outside their settlement at Kollaga, which bore the name of Dupalasa.? The term Ceiya used here has been 1 Raychaudhuri, op.at, p 74. Cf Barnett, op at, Int, v, Hoernle, op. and loc al . Lat (BC), op al, pp 124-125 C Stevenson (Mrs), op af, SI, Low (BC), op cit, p 128 Cf. Jacobi, S.B.E, XIV, 256 Cf Law (BC), op cit,p 122. . Jacobi, op cil, p 410 Dr Jacobi makes a note here that the term Jnatriputras is used as the synonym for the Jainas Cf fund C. Hoernte, op at, 1, p 2 105

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JAINISM IN NORTH INDIA interpreted by Dr Hoernle to mean" properly the name of a Jaina temple or sacred shrine, but commonly apphed to the whole sacred enclosure containing a garden, grove or park (Ungaana, Vana-Sanda or Vana-Khanda), a shrine and attendants' houses 'I This interpretation of the term Ceiya is quite appropriate, since, of course, the Jnatrikas as the follorers of the religion of Parsva ought to keep up a religious establishment for the accommodation of Mahavira on his periodical visits, with his disciples, to Kundapura or Vesali. This becomes more of a certainty when we are informed that after Mahavira's assuming the vocation of a monk he used this Ceiya for his accommodation whenever he visited the place of his birth 2 This much about the Joatrikas and their attitude towards the religion propounded by one who was an ornament of their clan "We may, however, mention the fact," observes Dr Law, "that it was he who brought the Jitatrikas into intimate touch with the neighbouring communities of Eastern India and developed a religion which is still professed by millions of Indians. Another celebrity of the Jnatrka clan was Ananda, a staunch follower of Mahavira The Jaina work, Uvasaga-Dasao, mentions that he had with him a treasure of four Kror measures of gold deposited in a safe place Again he is represented as a person whom many kings, princes and their dignitaries down to merchants found it necessary to consult on many matters requiring advice. He had a devoted wife, named Sivananda." 3 Taking next the Vajjis we find it very difficult to differentiate between them and the Licchavis. They " are often associated with the city of Vesali, which was not only the capital of the Licchiavi clan, but also the metropolis of the entire confederacy."" According to Dr Lav "the Licchavis, or, to call them by their wider designation, the Vajjians, appear to have been imbued with a strong religious spint and deep devotion. After Mahavira developed his doctrines and preached his faith of unbounded charity to all living beings in the Vayi land and in Magadha, the number of his followers among the Licchavis appears to lave been large, 1 Hocmle, op cit, 11, 2, 4 ? cr bid, 1, p 6; 11, 0. In the Kalpa-Sitra we do not get the Celya nanied Dipolis, but the park of the Sandarana of the Naya clan-Kalpa Sitta, Subodhra Tiha, sut 115, P 03 CJ Jacobi, S.B.E, 20, 257, Hoernlc, op al PP Stevenson (Mrs). op oil, p 31 . LAT (BC), op cil, p 223 C Hoernle, op al, pp 7-9 Raychaudhuri, op al, pp 7+73 106

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JAINISM IN ROYAL FAMILIES and some men of the highest position in Vesali appear to have been among them, as is seen from the Buddhist books themselves." 1 Thus we have seen to what extent the Videhans, the Licchavis, the Jnatrikas and the Vajjis were connected with the Jaina church. It seems that the Vajian or the Licchavi confederacy as a whole was a great source of strength to the reformed church of Mahavira. Taking next the Mallakins we find that they too had imbibed a feeling in them of respect and sympathy for the great prophet and lus doctrines. The country of the Mallas is spoken of as one of the sixteen "great countries" (Mahajanapadas), and it is agreed to by both the Buddhists and the Jainas. At the time of Mahavira they appear to have been divided into two confederacies-one with its capital at Pava, and the other at Kusinara8 Both the capitals are situated at a short distance from each other, and are known to the Jainas and Bauddhas as sacred places where their prophets reached their final liberation. We have already seen that Mahavira died here " while he was dwelling in the house of the scribe of King Hastipala or, according to Stevenson's Kalpa-Sutra, while he was spending the Paryushana (Pajusana) at the palace of Shastipala, King of Papa. There are four beautiful Jaina temples in an enclosure which marks the site of his death." 4 The connections of the Jamas with the Mallas, though not as good as those with the Licchavis, seem to be good enough to get them their support for the progress of their church. According to Dr Law we get ample proof for this even from the Buddhist literature. "Jainism," observes the learned scholar, " found many followers among the Mallas as among many other races of Eastern India The accounts we get in the Buddhist literature of the schism that appeared in the Jaina church after the death of Mahavira amply 1 Law (BC), op af, pp 67, 78 . C Raychaudhur, op cit, pp 59-60 3 C Law (BC), op.at, 147, Raychaudhur, op al,p 79, Rhys Davids, CHI,1, p 176 "Papa 18 & corruption of Apapapuri Papa or Pava has been wrongly identified by General Cunningham with Padroana, wluch as the modern name of ancient Para, where Buddha ate food at the house of Cunda Pavapuri is the modern name of the ancient Papi or Apapapuri, seven miles to the east of Bihar town, where Mahavirs, the Jaing Tirthankar, died "-Dey, op cit, pp 148, 155 Kusinara or Kusinagama is the place where Buddha died in 477 BC It has been adentified by Professor TYilson and others with the present village of Kapla, in the east of the Gorakhpur district, and it has also anciently known as Kusivati CS Raychaudhuri, opol, P 79, Law (BC), op cul, Pp 147-148 ; Dey, op cit, p 111 Ibrd, p. 148 Cf Buhler, op cit, p 27, Sterenson (Rev), Kalpa-Sutra,p 01. 107

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JAINISM IN NORTH INDIA prove thus At Pava the followers of Nigantha Nataputta were divided after the death of their great Tirthankara,1 We find that there were both ascetics and lay-devotees among these Jainas, for we read that, on account of the disputations among the ascetics, even the lay-disciples of the white robe, who followed Nataputia, showed themselves shocked, repelled and indignant at the Niganthas. These lay-Jains appear from this passage to have been draped in white robes, just as the Svetambaras are at the present day. The Buddha as well as Sariputta, one of the principal disciples, seems to have taken advantage of the schism that appears to liave overtaken the Jaina church on the death of their founder for the propagation of the rival faith. In the Pasadika Suttants we find that it is Cunda, the novice of Pava, who brings the news of the death of the great Tirthankara, Mahavira, to Ananda at Samagama in the Malla country, and the latter at once saw the importance of the event and said: 'Friend Cunda, this is a worthy subject to bring before the Exalted one. Let us go to him and tell him about it. They hastened to the Buddha, who delivered a long discourse "2 Moreover, from the Jaina sources we know that the Malla people were devotedly attached to Mahavira, the last prophet of the Jainas As already remarked, we are informed by the KalpaSutra that, to mark the passing away of the Great Jina along with the nine Licchavis, nine Mallakis or Malla chiefs also were among those who observed fast and instituted an illumination on the fifteenth day of the new month with the words "Since the light of the intelligence is gone, let us make an illumination of material matter." 3 Besides this it may be mentioned here that m the Antagada-Dasao, the eighth Anga of the Jainas, we get a reference to the Mallakis, along with the Ugras, the Bhogas, the Kshatriyas and the Licchavis, who went to receive Aritthanemi or Arishtanemi, the twenty-second prophet of the Jainas, when he went to the city of Baravai." Taking next the eighteen Ganarajas of Kasi-Kosala we find that they too, like the Mallakis and the Licchavis, were devoted to Mahavira. They also observed fast and instituted an illumination to mark the passing away of the Great Jina 5 Furthermore, 1 Buhler, op and loc cat Law (BC), op cit, pp 168-154 C Dalogues of the Buddha, pt 11, pp 208 ff., 208,212 * Jacobi, opal, p 266 Barnett, op cit, p 36 cf Kalpa-Sutra, Subodhha-Tiha, sul 128, P 121 108

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JAINISM IN ROYAL FAMILIES as we have already seen, the Jaina sources tell us that along with the Mallaki chiefs these eighteen confederate kings of Kasi-Kosala were also called by Cetaka when he came to know that Kunka had declared war against him. Considering the Kasi-Kosala confederacy we know from different sources that the Kasis-- e. the people of Kasi--were closely connected, both as foes and allies, with the people of Kosala and Videla, "Of the sixteen Mahajanapadas Kasi was probably at first the most powerful," and it is accepted as such by both the Jaina and the Buddhist lists. Its importance in connection with the Jaina history of the days of Parsva we have already referred to. During his wanderings as a monk Mahavira also visited this place 3 It may be mentioned here that in the Antagada-Dasao there is some reference to a king named Alakkhe of the aty of Varanasi who joined the order. Finally, considering Kosala of the Kasi-Kosala confederacy ve find that, like Kasi, this also was one of the sixteen states, of considerable extent and power, and it also is found in both the Buddhist and the Jaina literature, Geographically, Kosala roughly corresponds to the modern Oudh, and it seems to have contained three great cities-Damely, Ayodhya, Saketa and Savatthi, or Sravasti the first two of which are often supposed to be one and the same 6 Of these Sravesti, "the capital of Kosala," 7 was more than once visited by Mahavira, and all along he was well received there.3 "Traditionally Sravasti, or, as it was called, Candrukapuri or Candrapuri, was the birthplace of the third Tirthankara Sambhavanatha and the eighth Tirthankara Candraprabha of the Jainas. There is still a Jaina temple here dedicated to Sobhanath, which is evidently a corruption of Sambhavanatha." 9 1 Cf. Raychaudhuri, op.al, p 44. * Ind , pp 59, 60 * Cf Avasyaha-Sutra, p 221, Kalpa-Sutra, Subodhiha-Tika, p 106 * Barnett, op. cl,p 96 5 Raychaudhur, op and loc cit. . Ibid, pp. 62-68 ? Pradhan, op. cit, p 214 "Savatthi is the great ruined city on the south bank of Rapti called Sabeth-Mabeth, which is situated on the borders of the Gonda and Bahriah districts of the United Provinces." --Raychaudhuri, op cit, p 63 C Dey, op cit, pp. 189-190 8 T ferat ,. tit. Atasyala-Satra, 221, Cf. abd , pp 204, 214, Kalpa-Sutra, Subodhala-Zd, PP 103, 105, 106, Barnett, op HP 98, Jacobi, op at, p 264 Dey, opet,p 190 "Sruvasti is the Savatthi or Sivatthipura of the Buddhists and Candrapura or Candrkapuri of the Jainas "-Ibid. p 188. 109

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JAINISM IN NORTH INDIA We know from various sources that both the Kosalas and the Saisunagas were also connected by matrimonial relations. Kosaladevi, the daughter of Mabakosala, had become one of the wives of Srenika with Cellana, the foremost female disciple of Mahavira.1 Besides this, certain Buddhist traditions tell us that Migara or Mrgadhara, the first minister of Prasenajit of Saratthi, the son of Mahakosala, was a sceptic and an adherent of the naked Tirthalas (i.e. Nirgrantha ascetics). Taking into consideration all the facts that are laid down above, one thing that becomes fully evident is that practically all tlic most important sixteen Mahajanapadas bad, in one or the other capacity, come under the influence of the Jaina church. Of the sixteen Great Powers we have as yet sard hardly anything about Magadha; this is not because Magadha could not be combined with the other Great Powers, but because this pre-Norman Wessex of ancient India is going to be our centre from whence all further discussions about Jaina history shall proceed. "The flourishing period of any of the sixteen Mnhajanapadas," obscrves Dr Raychaudhuri," ended in or about the sixth century B.C. The history of the succeeding period is the story of the absorption of tlic states into a number of powerful kingdoms, and ultimately into one empire-namely, the empire of Magadha."! We need not enter into any direct details as to how this one empire " of ancient India came to play the part of Prussia in the history of modern Germany. All that need be said is to show how far the different dynastics ruling over this empire were connected with the Jaina church. Beginning with the Saisunagas, the Nandas and the Mauryas we shall come down to the times of Kharaveln, who, 1 Cf. I'mdhan, op at, 213, Raychaudhuri, op cit,p 09. I c llocrnle, op el, Appendix III, pp 56-57. Rochlull, op cit, pp 70-71; Ralston, Schicfner's Troclan Tales, No III, p. 110, Pradhan, op.cil, p. 215 The names of the sixteen Grcat Xations, according to the Buddhist tmditions, are as follons, Kisi, Knin, Anga, Mngadlin, Yajli, Malla, Ceityn (Cedi). Vams (Valen). Kuru, Patricila, Macchia (otsva), Sumsetia, Assaka, Avanti, Gandhita, Kamion Thc Taina fist in the Bhagmatt runs to the following clicct Ann, Ban, Horih (Mardin), Malayn, Jalny, Archn, Vaccha (Vatsa). liocchin (Kacelin 7), Pidhn (P11 ), J n (Kirhn), 131 (V ), Moli. Kusi, kocala, Ayala. Sambluuttar (Sumont I) Bayrluudhurt 11 mndr the following note to these lists. "It will be tocht Ane dla, Yntsa, Vaji, Kisi and Kosal arc common to both the last Malav of the Bl. cell prolbls kunt with Avinti of Angulinta Poli probably (Tutxi's of Wall - Raschauthors, op af, pt 50-60 Mlad, 07 03 ULAR (BC), or ml,p 161. 110

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JAINISM IN ROYAL FAMILIES as we shall see later on, like Asoka, enjoys the unique honour of being responsible for a distinct landmark in the history of the Northern Jainas. Before taking up the particular dynasties that had their sway orer tlic Magadhan empire it will not be out of place to say something about the historical and geographical importance of Magadha proper, in the light of Jaina history. It roughly corresponds to the present Patna and Gaya, the districts of Bihar. Its earliest capital was Girivraja ("hill-surrounded") or old Rajagtha, near Rajgir among the hills near Gaya. The capital seems to have been an impregnable city, being protected by five hills. "It is bounded on the north by Baibhara-giri and Bipula-giri (the former on the western side and the latter on the eastern side); on the east by Bipula-giri and Ratnagiri or Ratnakuta ; on the west by a portion of the Baibhara-giri called Cakra and Ratnacala; and on the south by Udaya-giri, Sona-giri and Guzvaja-giri" 2 These bills, one and all, enjoy a very important place in Jama history even to this day. There are Jaina temples of Malavira, Parsva and other Titharkaras on the Baibhara, Bipula, Udaya and Sona-giri hills. Besides this, Mahavira's personal connections with Magadha are self-evident when tre know from the Kalpa-Sutra that the greater part of his missionary life he spent in Rajagrha and the suburb of Nalanda. No less than fourteen rainy-seasons he was there, and that too not only as an independent preacher but, as we shall see later on, as one who had the State behind him to directly patronise and sympathise with him in his great mission. Moreover, We know from the list of the Sthaviras that the eleven Ganadha, as of the Venerable ascetic Mahavira died in Rajagrha after a long ieligious fast 6 2 It is known by some other names also For instance, the Life of Hruen-Tsang observes. "The old city of Rajogrla is that which is called Kiu-she-kie-la-po-lo (Kusagarapura) Thus city is in the centre of Blagadha, and an old times many rulers and kings inved in it "Beal, Life of Huen-Tsang, p 118 Cf Cunningham, op cit,p 529 Indian Buddhist writers are still another name, Bimbasarapuri Cf Lan (BC), Buddhaghosha, P $7, n 1; Raychaudhuri, op cl,p 70. * Dey, op at, p 66 CA Cunningham, op cit, p 580 Thd, pp 530-582 Nalanda is identified with Bargaon, which lies seven miles to the north-West of Rugir in the district of Patna C Cunningham, op cit,p 596 It contains a beautiful Jaina temple of Nahavira, who appears to have dwelt at Nalanda, perhaps on the site of the present temple, while Buddha resided in the Pivarha mango-orchard-Dey, opal, 137 Cf Jacobi, op and local & Ibid, p 287. 111

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JAINISM IN NORTH INDIA Coming to the different dynasties that ruled over Magadha since the days of Mahavira we shall begin with the Sansunagas of the time of Bimbisara, but before we do that we shall see if there is anything that can form a connecting link between Magadha and the Jaina church of the age previous to that of Vardhamana "The Jama writers mention two early kings of Rajagtha named Samudravijaya and his son Jaya." 1 Of these Jaya, the eleventh Cakravartin, or universal monarch, according to the Uttaradhyayana, "together with thousands of kings, renouncing the world, practised self-restraint. He reached perfection which has been taught by the Jainas." 2 Leaving aside such uncorroborated facts of Jaina annals we shall enter into the realm of known facts, historical and others; and shall see how far the Jaina traditions are connected with them. Taking first Bimbisara, the Saisunaga, we find that the Jaida annals are so overwhelming about this " lion of kings" that, so far as they are concerned, it is no use denying the fact that he was a sincere follower of Nataputta and his doctrines. However, before trying to enumerate a few of these details it is desirable to know from varous sources what was the strength of the Magadhan empire during the Saisunagas, because, after all, the progress of a church depends much on the strength of the people and the State whose patronage it enjoys For this we need not enter into a detailed description of the wars and the political feuds and intrigues that the Saisunagas had to encounter until finally they developed into one empire-namely, the empire of Magadha" We shall merely mention a few of the Mahajanapadas that were openly defeated or that had indirectly accepted therr sovereignty The early Buddhist texts throw a flood of light on the political condition of India during the time of Bimbisara There were, as Dr Rhys Davids observes," besides a still surviving number of small aristocratic republics, four kingdoms of considerable extent and power " 4 In addition to these there were a number of smaller 1 Raychaudhuri, op cit,p 72 of Jacobi, SBE, lv, p 86 avibho rAyasahastehi suparicAI darma pare / jayanAmo jiNakkhAya patto gimnnunnr| -Ullaridhyayang, Adhyayana XVIII, v 43 Cf Jacobi, op cit. pp 85-87, Raychaudhurly op and loc at 3 THIET Ultaradhyayana, Adhyayana XX, v. 58 * Rhys Davids, Buddhat India, 1 112

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JAINISM IN ROYAL FAMILIES kmgdoms and some non-Arvan principalities. As we have already scen, the most important amongst the republics were the Vajjians of Vaisali, and the Mallas of Kusinara (Kusinagara) and Pava. Hotever the most important factors in the political history of the period were neither the republics nor the other principalities, but the four great kingdoms of Kosala, Vatsa, Avanti and Magadha, respectively ruled over by Prasenajit, Udayana, Pradyota and Bimbisura.1 Of these Bimbisara or Srenika, the real founder of the Magadhan imperial power, strengthened his position by matrimonial alliances with the more powerful of the neighbouring states, having taken one consort from the royal family of Kosala, together with a village in the district of Kusi producing a revenue of a hundred thousand for bath and perfume money, and another from the influential Licchavi clan at Vaisali. We have referred to both these marriages before, and hence suffice it to say that they were of great importance for the lustory of Magadha They paved the way for the expansion of Magadha both westwards and northwards. Thus disarming the hostility of his powerful western and northern neighbours by his shrewd policy, Bimbisara could devote his undivided attention to the struggle with Anga, the capital of which-.e. Campa -as we have seen, was occupied and destroyed by Satanika, the king of Kausambi, a few years before Bimbisara's annexation. The addition of Anga formed the first step taken by the kingdom of Magadha in its advance to greatness and the position of supremacy which it attained later on. This is also confirmed by the Jaina sources, which tell us that Arga was governed as a separate province under Kunika, the Magadhan prince, with Campa as its capital "Thus," observes Dr Raychaudhuri, "by war and policy Bimbisara added Anga and a part of Kasi to the Magadhan dominatrons, and launched Magadha in that career of conquest and aggrandisement which only ended when Asoka sheathed his sword after the conquest of Kalinga We learn from the Mahavagga that Bimbisara's dominions embraced 80,000 townships, the overseers (Gamakas) of which used to meet in a great assembly." 5 1 Cf. Raychaudhuri, op czl, pp 116, 120 . Cf. Pradhan, op cit, p 214, Raychaudhuri, op al, p 124 * Cf Smouth, Early History of India, P 89 +944147 quan T T --Bhagavati, sut 800, p 816 Cf Dey, J.ASB, 1914, p 322, Hemacandra, Parfish taparuan, Canto IV, Y I, 9, Raychaudhuri, op cit, P 125 , Aupapitiha-Sidra, suto Raychaudhuri, op and loc ct Cy Pradhan, op cit, pp 218-214 113

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JAINISM IN NORTH INDIA With Ajatasatru, also called Kunika or Kuniya, the successor of Sienika, Magadha reaches the high-water mark of the power of the Bimbisarian dynasty. He not only humbled Kosala and permanently annexed Kasi, but, as the Jainas tell us, also absorbed the state of Vaisali.1 As a result of his war with the Kosalas, like his father, Ajatasatru was also given in marriage Vajira, the princess of Kosala and the daughter of Prasenajit, with a part of the district of Kasi as her dowry, and in all probability he won for Magadha a decided preponderance over its neighbour, Kosala. It is certain that the latter kingdom is not again mentioned as an independent Poner, and that later on it formed the integral part of the Magadhan empire. However, Kunika's victory over Vaisali and its Mallaki and other allies, including the rulers of Kasi-Kosala, was more decisive and highly fruitful from the point of view of the expansion of the Magadhan Empire "It may be presumed," obscrves Smith, "that the invader carried lus victorious arms to their natural limits, the foot of the mountains, and that from this time the whole region between the Ganges and the Himalayas became subject, more or lcss, directly to the suzerainty of Magadha"4 He must have felt from the very beginning that the Licchavis formed the greatest bar to the realisation of his idea of Magadhan expansion, and we find him taking the dreadful resolve, "I will root out these Vajians, mighty and powerful though they be. I will destroy these Vajjians. I will bring these Vajjans to utter ruin." 5 Thus the Kosalan and the Lacchavi or the Vanjan wars were probably not isolated events, Sulali, masman, sut 30079 1 bajjo cinhAne nadAyA, napamavaI nAlechaI kAsIkomalamA padArasapi gaNarAyANe parAnaiApA / -Bhagatai, suf 300, 315 Cr Atasyala-Sutra, p 681, ITcmacandra, Trishashtu Sulala, L'art X, 1 200, p 108, Raychaudhuri, op cit, pp 120-197 + CJ Smith, op cit, 37, Raychaudhuri, op cut,p 07, Prodlin, op. cit. p 215 * The Bhagatafi tells us that, in the war with Varsali, Ajutasatru 18 said to have made we or Nolaislahanlala and Rathamusala The first scems to hasc been some cnnindo war of the nature of n cntapalt wbich three big stones The second was al cinno which a mace vis attached, and winch, trunning about, cffected n great execution of men Iorn [ull description of these two wonderful engines of war sce Bhagarati, ral 900, Pr 310, J10 CJ Tournle, op cit, Appendix II, pp 50-60, Raychadhuri, opril p 199. Towncy, Kothalosa, 179 Shuth, on and lor al "Koniha-Ajitavatru monde protracted war on the Selemany of the lucchesis, the Mallahis and the cigltern Ganarajas of Kiskoval te than sintet n ver, and at last we able to clfect their niin, which I WAS HIS nour to do, although lus cause ag unrighteoul"-'mdhin, op til. 275.910 Ito talk, orail, Appends I.pi SIT, lip 1, ( Law (BC), Sonic Katerina Trirsof Ancient Imp 11 un detall descripliit nlrout Magadhn and lonill contact sec thi. 1 111110

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JAINISM IN ROYAL FAMILIES but parts of a common movement directed against the establishment of the hegemony of Magadha. The absorption of Vaisali, Videha, Kasi and other territories as a result of these wars to a great extent brought the aspiring ruler of Magadha face to face with the equally ambitious sovereign of Avanti. We already know that the throne of Avanti was at this time occupied by Canda Pradyota Mahasena. That he was a king feared by his neighbours is apparent from a statement of the Majjhima Nikaya that Ajatasatru fortified Rajagrha because he was afraid of an invasion of his territories by Pradyota. This does not seem to be improbable in view of the fact that after the fall of Anga and Vaisali, and the discomfiture of Kosala, Avanti was the only important rival left for Magadha. Thus by the end of Kunika's reign Magadha had absorbed almost all the kingdoms and republics of Eastern India. During his son and successor Udayin's period, as the Jaina traditions tell us, Magadha and Avanti were brought face to face with each other.2 The Sthavitavali Carita and other Jaina sources inform us that Udayin was a very powerful king, and defeated and killed the king of a certain country in battle, and the son of that king went to Ujjayini and there related the story of his distress to him. The deposed prince got into the favour of the Avanti lord, and with his help, having disguised as a monk, finally murdered Udayin while asleep. If nothing else, this particular legend gives an insight into the spirit of rivalry that existed between Avanti and Magadha, both of whom tried to acquire the paramount power in Northern India. Furthermore, from the equally aggressive policy of the Avanti ruler it seems clear that it was a contest between the two for the mastery of Northern India. Katha-Sarit-Sagara and other Jaina traditions tell us that the kingdom of Kausambi was at this time annexed to the realm of Palaka of Avanti, the son of Pradyota. Thus the Avanti-Magadha contest which, as we have seen, began in the regime of Ajatasatru seems to have continued during the reign of Udayin." The contest was finally decided in favour of i Cy. Raychaudhuri, op. cit ,p 128; Pradhan, op cit, P 216 S H EFIT falf4Hsingefanti-Hemacandra, Paristshfaparvan, Canto VI, Y. 191 cr Atasyaha-Sutra, p 690 Cf Pradhan, op cit, p 217. C Eemacandra, op ctt, VT 189-190, 208; Arasyaha-Sutra, op and loc. at . Cf. Raychaudhurt, op cit, p 131 of metant state-ca, etc -Atasyaha-Sutra, p. 609 115

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JAINISM IN NORTH INDIA Magadha under the leadership of Saisunaga, who, according to the Puranas, destroyed the prestige and influence of the descendants of Pradyota," I though the Jaina sources tell us that Avanti now and then suffered defeat at the hands of Udayin. Here arises the difficulty as to who was the real successor of Udayin. But we need not at all enter, for the present, into any discussions about these controversial and still unsettled facts of Indian history. For our purpose suffice it to reiterate the fact that the contest between Magadha and Avanti was finally decided in favour of the former under the leadership of some Saisunaga, who is known to us either as Sisunaga or Nandivardhana, or whose full name may be, as Dr Pradhan suggests, Nandivardhana-Sisunaga* Thus having seen the growth of the Magadhan Empire under the Sansunagas we shall see in brief how far the Jaina church was connected with them. It may be stated here that whatever has been said up till now and whatever is going to be said from now about the different langs and dynasties that are claimed by the Jainas as their own or as those of their sympathusers has been claimed by the Buddhists also. There are reasons and reasons for this phenomenon of Indian history, but we need not enter at all into these details, because thereby it is not possible to fix a criterion in accordance with which we can say that such and such a king was a Buddhist or a Jaina by faith. Unless there are some inscriptional records or other sound historical documents it is not possible to put down anything as an historical fact. Nothing can be predicted as gospel truth where the source of information rests only with the canonical books and with some legendary and literary traditions of the people. Taking first Bimbisara or the Srenika of the Jainas it must be said that, whatever may be the claims of the Buddhists about him, looking to the nature of the evidence put forward by the Jainas it is certain that he was a great devotee of Mahavira. So much has been written about him and his successors by the Jainas that It is not possible to do anything but enumerate a few of the facts connected with their careers with a view to illustrate their relations with the Jaina church The Uttaradhyayana tells us that King 1 Pradhan, op al, P 217' C Raychaudhuri, op cit, p 782 fit TET : TEST: C SGT --Avasvaka-Sutra, P 090 * CT Pradhan, op at, pp 217, 220 Raychaudhur, op al , pp 188-184 . Cf Pradhan, op al, p 220, Raychaudhuri, op al, PP 182-183 116

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JAINISM IN ROYAL FAMILIES Srenika once laid the following point before Mahavira : "Though a young nobleman, you have entered the order; in an age fit for pleasure you exert yourself as a Sramana, 0 Ascetic; I want to hear you explain this." 1 Hearing this, Nataputta gave a lengthy explanation, and so convinced the king that he could not help giving vent to his feelings, as follows: "You have made the best use of human birth, you have made a true Jaina, O great sage, you are a protector (of mankind at large) and of your relations, for you have entered the path of the best Jinas. You are the protector of all unprotected beings, O Ascetic: I ask you to forgive me; I desire you to put me right. That by asking you I have disturbed your meditation, and that I invited you to enjoy pleasures, all this you must forgive me." 2 Here the Uttaradhyayana rightly concludes: "When the lion of kings had thus, with the greatest devotion, praised the lion of the houseless monks, he, together with his wives, servants and relations, became a staunch believer in law, with a pure mind." 3 We have already seen that this Bimbisara was married to Cellana, the daughter of Cetaka, the maternal uncle of Vardhamana. With a few of her sisters as nuns and with her aunt Trisala as mother of the prophet naturally Cellana had come under the influence of Nahavira more than anybody else in the family of Bimbisara. This attitude of hers is particularly to be noticed when we know that she, as the mother of Ajatasatru, the successor of Bimbisara, must have been the chief queen of the Alagadha lord. That is why the Divyavadana speaks, in one place, of Ajatasatru as Vaidehiputra, and in another states, "At Rajagtha reigns the King Bimbisara. Vaidehi is bis Mahadevi (or chief queen) and Ajatasatru, his son and prince." 1 1 Jacobi, S.B.E, xlv,p 101 * Iord , p. 107 evaM puNikSANa sa rAyasIho aNagArasIhaM paramAi bhanIra / -Uttaradhyayana, Adhyayana XX, v. 58. Cf. Jacobi, op and loc at. "ekadA ca pravavRte shishirrnubhyNkrH| tadA // devyA cekSaNayA sArtham nRpaH / vora ELITEUR AUT I Hemacandra, Trishash i-Salala, Parva X, Y. 6, 10, 11, p. 86 "Once upon a time, when a great stress of cold had fallen on the country, the lang went with Queen Cellana to worshrp Mahavira "-Tawney, op cit, p 175 For further references about this see tund, p 289 Rajagrheraja Bimbisaro .. fasya Pardehi mahadevi Ajalasatruh pulrah, Cowell and Neil, Dioyaoadana, p. 645 Cf ad,p 55; Law (B.C), op cit, P 107, 117

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JAINISM IN NORTH INDIA Moreover, Cellana is usually called " Vaidehi in the Buddhist books, and from her, Ajatasatru is frequently designated as Vedehiputto or the son of the Videha princess." 1 However "some of the commentaries--those for example on Thusa and Tacchasukara Jatakas--state that Ajatasatru's mother was a sister of the king of Kosala. Here the commentators have evidently made a confusion between the two queens of Bimbisara." 2 There is no reason to doubt the Jaina belief that Kunika was one of the sons of Cellana, and that, like Mahavira, he too was nghtly called Vedeluputto 3 That, besides Cellana and Kosaladevi, Bimbisara had many other wives is borne out both by the Buddhist and the Jamna sources. Accordingly, besides Kunika, Halla and Vehalla, the three sons of Cellana, he had many sons, all of whose names, whether they agree or not, are recorded by both the annals. About these sons and waves of Srenika the Jaina claim is that most of them joined the order of Lord Mahavira and reached their salvation? This claim of the Jainas, barting a few exaggerations here and there, is not based on absolutely false grounds. There is nothing strange or unbelievable if some of Mabavira's own kith and kin took a living interest in the great message that he put before suffering humanity. Leaving aside this question of close relationship between Mahavira and his royal followers, the literary and legendary traditions of the Jainas about Srenika are so varied and $0 well recorded that they are eloquent witnesses to the high respect * Lak (B C), op.at,p 106 Cl. Samyuita Mahaya, pt 1, p. 268, Rayoligudhuri, op. al, 124, Rhys Davids, CH1,1,P 168 ! Law (B C), op and locat o Fausboll, Jalaha, 1u, P 121, and 10, p 312; Ras: chaudhuri, op and loc cit , Rhys Davids, op at, 188, Rhys Davids (Airs), The Book of Kindred Sayngs, pt 1, P 100, 1. aluai,.. gordt :-Aasyaka-Sutra, p 078.... PUTETTE -Bhagavali, siit 300, p 815, fagene for afera:, --Ind., stil 301, p. 317 cf Rhys Davids, Buddhist Indra,p 3, Pradhan, op at, p 212 * cr Bhaganti, sul 6, p 11; Antagada-Drisao, slit 16, 17, p 25, Barnett, op cit, p. 07. Cf Alasyala Sutra, 670, Raychaudhur, op cit, p. 126 "Bimbisara is said to have contracted manage alliances with the kings of several states These, we may. sure, Kore qete common in ancient India "_Bent Prasad, The State in Ancient India, p 163 C Acnsyal-Sotra, p070; Antattarotatutya-Dasao, sil 1, 2, pp 1-?, Bamelt, op.cul, pp 110-119, Raychaudhuri, op and local , Pradhan, or cil, P 213 f o f ag) --Antagada-Dasio, sit 16-26, pp. 25-32 Cf. D'imic op. al, pp 97-107, Acasraha-Solra, P 687, IIcmncndm, opal, 406,7 m Or the sons of Stonin, Ilalla, challa, Abhasa. Yandisenn, Mechakmura and out said to linse joined thiconler of Mabatin, Cf Annitatorarulya Dasao, sul 1, p1, sul Rp 2; Barnett, op cul, pp 110-112, Atasyaha-Sulra, PP 689,085 118

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JAINISM IN ROYAL FAMILIES with which the Jainas held one of their greatest royal patrons, whose luistoricity, fortunately, is past all doubts Taking next the Kunika of the Jainas we find that they are not so eloquent about him as about lis father Srenika, though a lot of literature can be had which throws light on almost all the incidents connected with his life. However, leaving this fact aside, there is one thing about his career that clearly brings out the attitude of this great monarch towards both the Buddhists and the Jainas. This incident of Kunika's life is connected with his succession to the throne of Magadha. The Buddhists definitely tell us that "Bimbisara made over the charge of government to his son Ajatasatru when the latter was about to stab him with a dagger, but was seized upon by the officers. Ajatasatru however starved him to death, and afterwards expressed repentance to Buddha for his sin." 3 The Jainas, on the other hand, have got something else to offer about this very incident. According to them no doubt the parricide Ajatasatru of the Buddhists imprisoned his father and greatly ill-treated him, but the death of Srenika took place under circumstances which would draw our sympathy rather than our hatred for both the father and the son for the former for his untimely death, and for the latter for his good motives being misunderstood by the victim of this incident. The Jaina account of this tradition in brief runs as follows. Though Srenika had made up his mind that he would make Kunika his successor, the latter felt a bit impatient and suspicious, and on the advice of his brothers Kala and others imprisoned his father. 1 For Srenika's attachment towards Mahavira see afure TT, DEUTSatu, far faprapat, fent-Bhagacafi, sit 4,6, pp 6, 10, HET GA A T HU HOT KEITT .. for haft i agret - garyfyto facilitare 4A-JhiataSutra, sit 25, p 60 Cf Kalpa-Sutra, Subodhiha-Tiha, p. 20 (ofus:) TufVE TE T U FR 4f - Avasyaha-Sulra, p 681 In this way many more Buch references about Srenuha can be gathered from the Jaina canonical books, but for our purpose suffice it to say that the Jamos respect him as the first Tirthankare of the commg age vifumuria: 467 FA : -Hemacandra, op at, v 180, P 179 C Tewney, op at, p 178 About the whole of Aupapatha, the first Upanga of the Jamas, deals with Ajatasatru Besides this we get references about him in the Bhagavati, the Uoasaga-Dasao, the Antagada-Dasao, and many other places Kumka has been fully dealt with by the James Pradhan, op cit, p 214 C Rockhull, op at , pp 95 ff, Rhys Davids, Dralogues of the Buddha, pt 1, 0+, Raychaudhuri, op cit, pp 126-127, Rhys Davids (Irs), op cit, pp 109-110 119

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JAINISM IN NORTH INDIA During his imprisonment Bimbisara was no doubt very badly treated by his son, but his comforts were very keenly looked after by his wife Cellana, the mother of Kunika. Once it so happened that while he was taking his food with his son Udaya in his lap, the child's urine fell into his dishes, but without taking any notice of this he went on taking his food. After a short while he asked his mother, who was sitting near him "Mother, did anybody ever love his son so much ?" His mother replied: "You monstrous criminal, listen! When you were born I abandoned you in an enclosure of Asoka-trees, saying that you were & villain. When your father came to know about this lie himself went to the enclosure and brought you back, so you were named Asokacandra Then a cock tore your finger It became a whitlow. So all gave you the name of Konika. When the swelling on your finger ripened you suffered a good deal of pain from it Your father held that finger in his mouth, though streaming with matter, so you did not cry To this extent did he love you." When Kunika heard this he was full of remorse. He said. "A sorry return I have made to my father." So he immediately went off in person with an iron club to break the fetters of his father. In the meanwhile the guards said to Srenika: "Konika is coming in a very impatient mood, with an iron club in his hand; it is not known what his object is" Hearing this, Srenika felt that he would be put to death by some painful execution, so he took Talaputa poison and died then and there, before Kunuka could come over to break his father's fetters. When Kunika came to know about this sad coincidence he was very much afflicted at the loss of his father. Though admonished by his nobles he would not bathe or take food. Then, being unable to endure his sorrow for his father, he left Rajagrha, and made Campa the seat of his rulei This incident of Kunika's life as laid down by the Jainas makes at least tliis much clear that it was not he who murdered or starved Srenuka to death. This is because there is nothing in this account that is unnatural or cannot be believed. It further shows that the Jainas were in the good books of Kunika, because if otherwise they would, like the Buddhists, have given a crude version of this unfortunate happening of his life 2 1 Cf Acastjaka-Sutra, pp 682-889; Hemacandra, opal, pp 101-164, Tawncy, op al PP 176-178 : "It is probable, however, that the story is the product of odruir llcologicum, or sectonan rencour, which bas done so much to falsify the history of ancient India 120

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JAINISM IN ROYAL FAMILIES This surmise of ours is greatly strengthened when we read from the Buddhist sources themselves of Ajatasatru being incited to get his father slain by Devadatta, "the quondam disciple and bitter foe of the Buddha," and hence "the Judas Iscariot of the Buddhist story." 1 Furthermore, commenting on the Buddhist tradition of Kunika's having repented before Buddha for his sin, Dr Rhys Davids observes: "At the close of the discourse the king is stated to have openly taken Buddha as his guide in future, and to have given expression to the remorse he felt at the murder of his father. But it is also distinctly stated that he was not converted. There is no evidence that he really, after the moment when his heart was touched, continued to follow the Buddha's teaching He never, so far as we know, waited again either upon the Buddha or upon any member of the order to discuss ethical matters, and we hear of no material support given by him to the order during the Buddha's lifetime." 2 What Buddha and Ajatasatru thought of each other is clear from the following two passages from the Buddhist literature : " Then Devadatta went to Prince Ajatasatru and said: 'Give such order, O King, to our men that I may deprive the samana Gotama of life'; and Ajatasatru the prince gave orders to his men: Whatsoever the worthy Devadatta tells you, that do l'"3 The above passage clearly shows the nature of Kunika's repentance before Lord Buddha. The following one, moreover, manifests the estimate in which the latter held the former : "Almsmen, the king of Magadha, Ajatasatru, son of the accomplished princess, is a friend to, an intimate of mixed with, whatever is eril." 4 On the other hand the Aupapatika and other Jaina sources tell us that Kunika used to go with his queens, now and then, Later when, in consequence of Asoka's patronage, Buddhism became pre-emment in Northern India, leanings towards Jainism became criminal in the eyes of ecclesiastical chroniclers, who were ready to blacken the memory of persons deemed heretical with unfounded accusations of the gravest character."-Smith, op at, pp 88, 87. Rhys Davids, Buddinst India, pp. 13-14 Cy.Rhys Davids and Oldenberg, S.B.E,xx, OD 288-265. And Devadatta went to Ajatasatru the prince and said to him: "In former days, Prince, people were long-lived, but now their term of life is short It is quute possible, therefore, that you may complete your time while you are still & prince So do you, Prince, all your father and become the Raja, and I will bull the blessed one and become Buddha "-Iord , 241 * Rhys Dands, op art, p. 15 - Vinaya Texts, pt in, 248 Rhys Davids (Mrs), op cit, P 109 121

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JAINISM IN NORTH INDIA accompanied with a great retinue, to pay his respects to Nataputta. In connection with the Vaisali king, Cetaka, and Campa, the capital of Dadhivahana, we have seen that more than once he had come in touch with Mahavira, and that he looked with great respect and honour towards all those who were connected with the Jarna church. His love for Mahavira and his faith in the doctrines propounded by the Jina are clear when he openly confessed before Vardhamana and his followers to the following effect : "O Lord! you have said the right thing The path of true religion has been made clear to us by your honour Yours is a unique message of renunciation, peace," etc? Coming to Udaya or Udayin, the successor of Kunika, we find that both the Buddhists and the Jamas hold him as such m the teeth of various other traditions. Referring to this Dr Raychaudhuri observes. "Ajatasatru was succeeded according to the Puranas by Darsaka. Professor Geiger considers the insertion of Darsaka after Ajatasatru to be an error, because the Pali canon indubitably asserts that Udayibhadda was the son of Ajatasatru, and probably also his successor 4 Though the reality of the existence of Darsaka, as king of Magadha, is established by the discovery of Bhasa's Svapna-Vasavadatta, yet in the face of the Buddhist and Jaina evidence it cannot be confidently asserted that he was ..., The Jaina cuccessor of Ajatasation idently asserted to The Jaina evidence of which the learned scholar speaks about is based mostly on the Avasyaka commentary of Harbhadra, the Trishashti-Salaka and the Panorshtaparvan of Hemacandra and the Kathakosa of Tawney. Further than this the traditions recorded in these books do not seem to agree with those in the Pali canon To quote Dr Pradhan: "Ajatasatru was, according 1C Aupapahka, sut 12, 27, 80, pp 24, 25, 57, 58, 50, 68, 64, Stevenson (Mrs), op cit, P 40, Hernacandre, Parishtaparuan, Canto IV, Vy 1, 9, 8B, 85, Apafyala-sana Pp 884, 687, Hoernle, op cit, 1, 9 taraNa kUNie rAyA mahAvIra badati eya bayAsI-musabakhAe te bhaMte ! eteAupapatika, sut 86, p 83 * Pargiter, Dynasties of the Kah Age, Pp 21, 69, Pradhan, op cit, p 217 * Geiger, Malavansa, Paricchedo IV, w 1-2 * Raychaudhuri, opal, p 180 "The order of succession in the Vishnutt Wacom inserts Darsaka between Ajatabatru and Udaya va must be rejected Pracht, op and loc cu Darbaka may be one of Bimbisara's many sons who managed the State affairs during the lifetime of his father Cf ord , p 212 ic: T: TUET TE FT. -Avasyaha-Sotra, P 687 * Hemacandra, op cit, v 22 Cf Trishashtu-Salaka, Para X, Y 420, P 172 CY Tawney, op cit, p 177 122

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JAINISM IN ROYAL FAMILIES to the Mahavarsa, murdered by his son Udayibhadra, but the Sthaviravali-Carita informs us that Udavin was overpowered with Sorrow at the death of his father Ajatasatru, and transferred his capital from Campa to Pataliputra." : This part of the Jaina tradition is confirmed by the testimony of the Vayu Purana, according to which Udayi built the city of Kusumapura (Pataliputra ?) in the fourth year of his reign, and hence it seems almost certain that Udayin was in no way connected with the death of his father. It is not possible to say why the Buddhists have pictured him, like his father, as a man whose greed for power and position did override even the natural instinct of regard for his father's life. If the Buddhist tradition of the Mahavamsa had any ground at its back the Jaina writers would have at least taken a note of it, as they have done in the case of Kunika. The Jainas, on the other hand, tell us that he was a devout Jaina. By his order a fine Jaina temple was built in the centre of his new capital, Pataliputra. That the Jaina monks had free access to him is clear from the fact, as related before, that he was murdered by some prince, whose father had been dethroned by him, in the disguse of a monk. Furthermore, from this very incident we can infer that, like an orthodox Jaina, he was regularly observing the monthly religious festivals, because it was on a Paushadhaday that the Surt, accompanied by the novice who carried a concealed weapon about him, went to the palace and preached to the king & This is, in short, what the Jainas have to say about the Saisunagas, under whom the Magadhan Empire took a definite form, 1 Cf Geiger, op. cut, v. 1 . Pradhan, op cit, p. 216 Cf abid , p 219 "The Ceylonese chronicles state that all the kings from Ajatasatru were parricides." --Raychaudhuri, op. cit, p 133; Hemacandra, Parsishtapervan, Canto VI, vv 82-180 Cf Alasyaha-Stilra, pp 687, 689 3 "The choice of Patoliputra as probably due to its position m the centre of the realm, which not included North Bihar Moreover, its situation at the confluence of tro large thyers (the Ganges and the Son) was important from the commercial as well as the strategic point of view. In this connection it is interesting to note that Kautilyn recommends a site at the conflucace of rivers for the capital of a kingdom "-Raychaudhun, op cul ,p 181. C. Pargiter, op. at, p 69; Pradhan, op. al, p 216; Raj chaudhuri, op. and loc cal FUSCADA funt afin,.. - Arasyaha-Sutra, p 699. C Hemscandm, op art, 181. # Teager: m wifa Arasyaha-Satra, p 600 cf. Lemacandra, op at, v. 186, bd, 17. 186-230, Charpentier, C.H.1,1, 164 123

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JAINISM IN NORTH INDIA Let it be clear that we have not entered into any details while dealing with them in their relations with the Jaina church, and that we do not mean doing so in the case of other dynasties that are mentioned in this chapter. It need not, however, be understood that all these details are superfluous, but that it is neither possible nor desirable to enter into them while taking a general bistorical Teview of the northern Jainas. Coming to the successors of Udayin we find that, according to the Buddhist traditions, he was succeeded by Aniruddha, Munda and Naga-Dasaka. The traditions tell us further that all these were parricides, and that the people became angry, banished the dynasty and raised an Amatya named Susu-Naga (Sisunaga) to the throne" 1 However, the Jaina and Puranic traditions omit or forget the weaklings Aniruddha and others, and put down some Nanda or Nandivardhana as the successor of the Udayibhadda of the Buddhists The Jainas say that on the death of Udayin, who left no heirs, the five royal insignia-Viz the State elephant, the horse, the parasol, the pitcher and the chowries-were anointed by the ministers and led through the streets, and this procession met the marriage procession of a man named Nanda, the son of a courtesan by & barber, and the five royal insignias themselves pointed out Nanda as the king of Magadha. He was accordingly proclaimed king, and ascended the throne sixty years after the Nirvana of Mahavira. In connection with the date of Mahavira's Narvana we have seen that the Mauryas came to the imperial throne of Magadha one hundred and fifty-five years after the death of Vardhamana, and thus the Jainas allot ninety-six years to Nanda and his descendants. "This," observes Dr Pradhan, "agrees fairly well with the Puranic tradition that the Nandas ruled for about a hundred years. The Puranas probably borrowed the information from the ancient Jaina sources." 4 He says further: "Hemacandra who has, on account of the similarity of names, not only confounded Nandi-(a)-Vardhana with Raychaudhuri, op at, P 188 C Geiger, op af, YY. 2-6; Pradhan, opal, PP 218-219, Smith, op cit,p 86; Rapson, CH), 1, pp 812-818 Cf Avasyaha-Sutra, PP 690 ft Hemacandra, op at, v 242; Pargiter, op aal, Pp 22, 69 Cru (TFT :- Apatyaka-Sitra, p 690 Cf. Hemacandra, opal, VY 281-248 Pradhan, op cul, P 218 Cf Pergiter, op at, pp 26, 69 124

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JAINISM IN ROYAL FAMILIES Nanda (Mahapadma), but has practically supported the wrong tradition that Nanda (Mahapadma) ruled for about a hundred years (95 years according to the Sthaviravalicarita)." 1 But there is no such confounding of names on the part of Hemacandra at all. Both Haribhadra and Hemacandra have taken into consideration Nine Nandas, the first of whom really was of base origin. It is not correct to say that "Hemacandra has confounded Nandi-(a)-Vardhana with Nanda (=Mahapadma)," because if at all the identity of Nandivardhana or Nandavardhana is to be accepted he must go along with the Saisunaga dynasty as one of those who succeeded Udayin. This is clear from all sources -both ancient and modern. "The Puranas and the Ceylonese authorities," observes Dr Raychaudhuri, "know of the existence of only one Nanda line. Those works represent Nandivardhana as a king of the Saisunaga line, a dynasty which is sharply distinguished from the Nandas." 3 Thus it is clear that there is no confusion in what has been laid down by the Jainas when they definitely say that Udayin had no successor, and that the Magadhan empire went into the hands of the Nandas. We are not concerned with the circumstances under which the Sasunagas were supplanted by the Nandas. It may be, as we have seen, that Udayin was succeeded by some weaklings, and that Malianandin, the last of the dynasty, as Smith observes, "had by a Sudra, or low caste, woman a son named Mahapadma Nanda, who usurped the throne, and so established the Nanda family or dynasty." 4 This observation of the learned historian essentially agrees with the Jaina tradition that Nanda was born of a courtesan by a barber. This is also corroborated by the Puranas and the Greek accounts of the father of Alexander's Magadhan contemporary. The Puranas describe him as Sudra-garbha-udbhava-i e. born of a Sudra mother. The Jaina tradition is strikingly confirmed by the classical accounts, though according to them the Nandas retained possession of the throne for only two generations, and their duration 1 Pradhan, op art, p 220 Cf zoid,p 225 HT -Avasyaha-Sutra, p 698 Cf Hemacandra, op cit, Canto VII, Y 8 Raychaudhurt, op cut, P 188 Of Pargiter, op at, pp 28, 24, 60, Smith, op at, p 51 Jord, p 41 6C Pargiter, op at, pp 25, 69, Raychaudhuri, op cit, p 140, Pradhan, op cit, p 226, Smith, op cut, p 48, Rapson, op cut, p 818 125

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JAINISM IN NORTH INDIA was for only fifty-five years.1 Curtius says: "His father (i.c. Agranimes or Xandrammes' father .c. thic first Nanda-1.c. Mahan padma Nanda) was, in fact, a barber, scarcely staving off hunger by his daily carnings, but who, com his being not uncomely in person, had gained the affections of the queen, and was, by her influcncc, advanced too ncarcr a place in the confidence of the reigning monarch. Afterwards, however, he licncherously murdered his sovereign, and then, under the pretence of acting as the guardian to the royal cluldien, usurped the royal authority, and having put the young princes to death begot thic present king, who was detested and held chcap by his subjects, as he rather took after his father than conducted himself as the occupant of a throne"! Besides tlus agreement between the Jainn and other sources about the non-Kshatriya origin of thic Nandas wc sec that chronologically also Jainas are right if, according to Smith, "tlus event may be dated in or about 413 B.C."9 This is becausc, as we have seen, tlie suzcrainty of Mngadha passed from the hands of the Sarsunagas to those of the Nandas sixty years after the Nirvana of Mahavira, which we have put down bctween 480-467 BC. It may be repeated here that the duration of the Nandas as put down by the Jainas is ninety-five years, and thus anceswith the Puranc traditions. Taking into consideration the tradition based on Merutunga and others, Vincent Smith remarks that "the Jainas, doing still greater violence to reason, extend the duration of the dynasty to 155 years." 4 According to the chronology relicd upon by us tlic period of one hundred and fifty-five years thus alluded to by the great historian does not obtain to the dynasty of thc Nandas, but, as already remarked, it is thc duration between the death of Mahavira and the accession of Candragupta. As it is, our period seems to be acceptable to him, seeing that a period of ninety-one years has been assumed by him as "fitting into a dcfinite chronological scheme" Thus about the base origin, tlic date of the succession, and the duration of the Nandas the Jaina traditions are confirmed by other sources also. Before we enter into the details as to where the Jainas 1 CY McCrindie, Thc Invasion of India by Alexander the Great, p 400 * Iord, p 222 Cr tod, 282, Raychaudhuri, op and loc cil, Pradhan, op and loc cat, Smith, op cit, pp 42-43, Jayaswal, JBOR 8,1, 88 * Smith, op cit, P 48. Iord, p 42 5 Xbid, p 44 126

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JAINISM IN ROYAL FAMILIES stood in their relations with the ruling dynasty it may be seen whether Magadha remained the premier state of India during the period of the Nandas. What we can glean from various sources is that it not only remained an empire, but its boundaries were spread far and wide, so that it remained for Candragupta to extend the imperial dominion by the annexation of the north-western region--which for a few years had owned the sway of Alexander the Great and his Satraps and for Asoka to re-establish his authority over Kalinga, The Pwanas call Mahapadma, or Nanda I, the destroyer of all the Kshatriyas like a second Parafurama-and sole monarch of the earth, which was under his undisputed sway. This Puranic account of the unification of a considerable portion of India under Nanda's sceptre is corroborated by the classical writers, who speak of the most powerful peoples who dwelt beyond the seas in the time of Alexander as being under one sovereign who had his capital of Palibhatra (Pataliputra). Curtius tells us that Agrammes, king of Ganjaridae and Prassi, " kept in the field for guarding the approaches to his country 20,000 cavalry and 200,000 infantry, besides 2000 four-horsed chariots, and, what was the most formidable force of all, a troop of elephants, which he said ran up to the number of 8000," 2 Besides this, the inclusion of Kosala within Nanda's dominions seems to be implied by a passage of the Katha-SaritSagara which refers to the camp of the King Nanda in Ayodhya 9 More important is the evidence of the Hathigumpha inscription of Kharavela, which, as we have seen, mentions Nandaraja in connection with an aqueduct of Kalings, and this naturally seems to imply that Nandaraja held sway in Kalinga 4 To quote Dr Raychaudhuri:" In view of Nanda's possession of Kalinga, the conquest of regions lying farther south does not seem to be altogether impossible. The existence on the Godaveri of a city called 'Nau Nand Dehra' (Nander) 5 also suggests that the Nanda dominions embraced a considerable portion of the Deccan." 6 Besides this, as we shall see in the following chapter, the second 1 Cf Pargiter, op art, pp 25, 69 McCrindle, op cut, PP 221-222 CE id , pp 281-282, Smith, op cit, p 42; Raychaudhuri, op cit, p 141 C Tawney (ed Penzer), Katha-Sant-Sagara, 1, p 87, Raychaudhur, op and loc al CT Rapson, op at, 315 * CT Macauliffe, The Sun Rclgron, , p 286 * Raychaudhur, op cit, P 142 * 127

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JAINISM IN NORTH INDIA passage in the inscription seems to state that Nanda carried away as trophies the image of the Jina of Kalinga as well as other treasures of the Kalinga kings to Magadha. This statement of the Kharavela inscription finally brings us to the discussion of the relations of the Nandas with the Jaina church. The difficulty that arises in connection with this and the other passage referring to Nandaraja is about the identification of this Nandaraja. While considering the Nirvana date of Mahavira we have seen that there is no reason why this Nandaraja should be identified with Nandivardhana, as Jayaswal, Banerji, Smith and others have done Besides the authority of Charpentier, to which reference has been already made, as Professor Chanda points out, "there is nothing in the Puranas, our only source of information for Nandivardhana, to show that he ever had anything to do with Kalinga. On the contrary we are distinctly told in the Puranas that when the kings of the Saisunaga dynasty and their predecessors were reigning in Magadha, thirty-two Kalingas--that is to say, thirty-two kings reigned in Kalinga in succession synchronously 1 It is not Nandivardhana but Mahapadma Nanda who is said to have brought all under his sole sway' and 'uprooted all Kshatriyas,' or the old reigning families. So we should identify Nandaraja of the Hathigumpha inscription who held possession of Kalinga either with the all-conquering Mahapadma Nanda or one of his sons "* In short, the Nandaraja of the Kharavela inscription is none else but Nanda I of the Jainas or Mahapadma Nanda of the Puranas, because of the later Nandas both the Jaina and the Puranic traditions have nothing to say which can claim for any one of them the triumphant career of the first Nanda. It may be remarked here that though the Puranic and the Jaina traditions confirm each other to a great extent, the Kharavela inscription rightly supports the latter by calling this Nanda king simply Nandaraja, and not Mahapadma Nanda, as the Puranas have done As to the relations of the Jainas and the Nandas, the above reference to the Hathigumpha inscription tells us that some Jaina image was taken away by King Nanda as a trophy, and this, according to Jayaswal, as we shall see in the next chapter, proves the Nanda was a Jaina, and that Jainism was introduced in Orissa 1 C Pargiter, op cit, PP 24, 62 * Chonda, Memorts of the Archaeological Suroey of India, No I, PP 11:12 Raychaudhuri, op al, p 188 128

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JAINISM IN ROYAL FAMILIES very early. This is because, according to him, "carrying away idols of worship as a mark of trophy and also showing respect to the particular idol is known in later history."2 This is also confirmed by scholars like Smith and Charpentier. To quote the former, "The Nanda dynasty exercised dominion over Kalinga for a long time. The Jaina religion, if not predominant, as it may have been, certainly occupied a position of high honour both in the days of the Nandas and in those of Kharavela. I may mention that I had come independently to the opinion that the Nandas were Jainas"4 Looking to the anti-Brahmanical origin of the Nandas it is not strange to find that they were Jamas. Besides their origin the Jainas have nothing to say against the Nandas, as is the case with the Buddhists. According to Dr Charpentier "this fact seems to suggest that the Nanda kings were not unfavourably inclined towards the Jauna religion." 6 This is further supported by the Jaina tradition that the Nanda dynasty as such had a line of Jaina ministers beginning with Kalpaka, who was perforce made to accept the ministership. It was with the help of this minister that King Nanda uprooted all the reigning Kshatriya dynasties, and, as the Jainas tell us, all the ministers of the Nandas were his descendants.10 The minister of the ninth Nanda was Sakatala, who had two sons. The elder was Sthulabhadra and the younger son was called Sriyaka. After the death of Sakatala, Nanda offered the ministership to his elder son Sthulabhadra, but the latter refused and, perceiving the vanity of the world, took Diksha, or joined the order under Sambhutavijaya,11 the sixth pontiff of the 1 "Kalmga culture was a complex compound of annism, Brahmanism, Buddhism and Jainism Cunously enough none of them was completely superseded at any time." Subrahmanan, 4.H.RS,1, p. 60. * Jayaswal, JB0Rs, iu ,p 245. 3 Charpentier, op cit, p 164 * Smith, J.RAS, 1918, P 546 6" Some would make us understand that Kalinga was Jaune, as it was long under the anta-Brahmanical Nandas, whose Jaina remains probably are found now in Nandapur in Jeypore. Subrahmanian, op and loc cf * Charpentier, op.at, p 174 7 Atasyaha-Sutra, p. 692; Hemacandra, op cit, vv. 73-74, 80 * Cf Apasyaha-Sutra, PP 601-692, Hemacandra, op at, w 1-74 ista: laola (TFF:) TTT: FUT:-Alasyaha-Sufra, p 698, Hemacandra, op at, v 84, 105-187 Cf Pradhan, op al, p 226. 10 megahiti t ada igara, . -Adasyaha-Sulre, p 698, Hemacandra, op cf, Canto VIII, v. 2 __ zakaTAlamantripunaH zrIsthUlabhadro .. pitAra mRte nandarAjenAkArya mantrimudrAdAnAyAbhyarSitaH san for a frenartigKalpa-Sutra, Subodhrha-Tiki,p 262 Cf Atasyaka-Sutra, 129

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JAINISM IN NORTH INDIA Jaina church. The ministership was finally given to his brother Sriyaka, who was already in the king's office. This is how the relationship between the Nandas and the Jainas stands. That the Jainas were powerful in the days of the Nandas as also clear from the Sanskrit play Mudra-Rakshasa, which dramatuses the story of Candragupta's accession, and tells us that "Jainas held a prominent position at the time," and that Canakya, "who was the prime agent in the revolution, employs a Jaina as one of his chief emissaries" Unlike the Saisunagas the Jaina records do not throw any particular light upon the political power of the Nandas They inform us only in a very vague manner that, with the help of the Jaina minister Kalpaka, King Nanda subdued many kings, and that, as we shall see later on, the last Nanda had to throw himself at the mercy of Canakya, who, being insulted at his court, had taken a vow to dethrone him and to destroy his power However it must be remembered that this is not the case with the Jaina annals alone As Dr Charpentier remarks, "The reign of the Nandas 18 one of the darkest even of the many hopelessly dark cpochs in the history of ancient India." The Nandas are followed by the Mauryas Why and where fore the Nandas were supplanted by the Mauryas as not yet clearly known, but this much is certain, that it is in connection with this landmark in Indian history that we get Canakya," the first economist of India, if not of the world" 5 It is strange that no detailed account of the dynastic revolution has survived. However from the classical accounts we have seen that the last Nanda "was detested and held cheap by his subjects" Furthermore, the Vast standing army of the Nandas which has been mentioned by PP 488-488, 698-695, Hemscanda, op cit, vv 8-82 Smith bas wrongly put un down 28 "Mantom of the zunth Nanda " Smith, Early History of India, P 49,1 % 1 - Sudharman, the first ponti, had died when first pontiff, had died twenty years after lus master, leaving you the mitre to Jamba, who held his high office for forty-four years, dying at a time neisy coincident with the accession of the Nandas After him passed three generatio of pontiits, and in the time of the last Nanda the Jaina church was governed by htgh priests, Sambhutavijaya and Bhadrababu , Charpentier, op cit, P 10%) Jacobi, SBE, Xu, P 287 ? w a fa, Adafyala-Sulra, p 480, Hemacandra, op cil, 10, 88, 84 Cf Narasimhachar, EC,1, Int , p 41, Rice (Lewis), Mycore and Coorg, D s Smith, Oxford History of India, p 75 * Charpentier, op and loc at Sammadar, The Glories of Magadha, p? 180

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JAINISM IN ROYAL FAMILIES these accounts and the traditional facts of the vast treasures of the Nandas naturally imply a good deal of financial extortion! Nevertheless the Jainas have no such complaint to make against any of the Nandas. The Jaina tradition in brief runs as follows: Canakya, who was born of Canesvari, the wife of the Brahman Canin, a devout Jaina, hearing that Nanda was accustomed to liberally reward renowned Brahmans, went to Pataliputra to make money. There at the king's court he felt he was insulted, and since then became the enemy of the last Nanda. He then went to Himavatkuta and entered into an alliance with Parvataka, the king of that place, promising him half of Nanda's country if he would aid the outlying provinces, and finally, having devastated the country, the allies laid siege to Pataloputra, and at last forced the enemy to capitulate. Nanda, throwing himself on the mercy of Canakya, was permitted to leave his kingdom, carrying with him all that he could place on one car Accordingly he put his two wives and a daughter on his carriage, and loading it with treasures he drove off. Meeting Candragupta on the road, the princess instantly fell in love with him, and on her father's advice selected him for lier husband by the rite of Svayamvara. She got down at once and began to climb into Candragupta's carriage, in doing which, however, nine spokes of the wheel broke. Candragupta would have turned her out, but Canakya prevented him, saying that the new dynasty would flourish during nine generations. This is what the Jainas say about the fall of the Nandas and the rise of the Mauryas About the ally Parvata of Himavatkuta it so happened that by some unhappy coincidence he died, and thus Candragupta got possession of Nanda's and Parvata's kingdom 4 1 The Mahavamsa, when it dubs the last Nanda by the name of Dhana, orches, seems to hunt at an imputation of avariciousness against the first Nanda, and the Chinese pilgrim Hiuen-Tsiang also refers to the Nanda Raja as the reputed possessor of great Tealth Smith, Early History of India, P 48. Cy. Raychaudhuri, op cit, p. 148 T EHEER, SAT FI, FATEH HELT ATAvasyaha-Stitra, p 484, Hemacandra, op cit, 298 "Jacobi makes a note of this in his edition of the Parsishtapatuan, as follows In the list of the kings of Nepal, according to the Bauddha Parvatiya Vamsarall, the eleventh king of the third dynasty, that of the Kiratas, is Parba npparently our Parvata, for in the reign of the seventh king, Jitedasti, is placed Buddha's visit to Nepal, and in that of the fourteenth, Sthunka, Asoka visited the country. -Jacobi, Parsishtaparvan, p 58 Cf Bhagawanlal Indraji, 1.4, m ,p 412 C Apabyala-Satra, pp 498, 494, 485; Jacobi, op cit, pp 55-59 wf TIREU SIT Avastyaha-Sura, p 435. Cf Hemacandra, op cit, v. 388. 131

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JAINISM IN NORTH INDIA This, as seen before, happened one hundred and fifty years after the Nirvana of Mahavira. Here arise two difficulties, that if, as the Jaina and other sources inform us, it was Canakya alone who was at the back of the fall of the Nandas, what was the ancestry of Candragupta ? and again, how is it that Canakya did not proclaim himself the Emperor of Magadha? Of the two the problem of the ancestry of Candragupta is insoluble The Jaina tradition represents him as the son of a daughter of the chief of the village of the feeders of the king's peacocks (Mayura-poshaka). According to Smith the dynasty founded by Candragupta is said to be a derivative from Mura, his mother's or grandmother's name 3 The Hindus connect the Mauryas with the Nandas. Katha-Sarit-Sagara refers to Candragupta as a son of the Nandas. The Mahavamsa calls him a scion of the Moriya clan. In the Drvyavadana Bindusara, the son of Candragupta, clamms to be a Kshatriya Murdhabhishekta. In the same work Asoka, the son of Bindusara, calls himself a Kshatriya. In the Mahaparinibbana Sutta the Moriyas are represented as the ruling clan of Pipphalivana, and as belonging to the Kshatrya caste ? Taking mto consideration all these facts, Dr Raychaudhuri observes: "It is, therefore, practically certain that Candragupta belonged to a Kshatriya community-viz the Moriya (Maurya) clan. In the sixth century B.c. the Moriyas were the ruling clan of the little republic of Pipphaliyana. They must have been absorbed mto the Magadhan Empire along with the other states of Eastern India During the inglorious reign of Agrammes, when there was general disaffection amongst his subjects, the Moriyas evidently came into prominence, probably under the leadership of Candragupta. With the help of Kautilya, also called Canakya or Vishnugupta, son of a Brahmana of Taxila, he overthrew the infamous Nanda" 1 "We learn from the Kautilya's Arthasastra, Kamandak's Natusara, the Puranas, the Mahavamsa and the Mudrurdhshasa that the Nanda dynasty was overthrohy Kautilya, the famous minister of Candragupta Maurya"-Raychaudhuri, op and 104 el "A Brahman Kautilya will uproot them all, and after they have enjoyed the ears 100 years, it will pass to the Mauryas "--Pargiter, op cit, p 60 Cf Avasyaha-Sutra, pp 483-484, Hemacandra, op cit, v 240 a Cy Smith, op aat, P 128 * Cf Taxney (ed Penzer), op art,1, p 57 "Moryanam Khattiyanam bamse etc "-Geiger, op cit, p 80 * "Aham Teja kshatryo murdhabhishektah -Cowell and Neil, Droydondana, P 870 7 Rhys Davids, SB.E, 11, PP 184-185 According to the Jamas Cinakya was a native of Canaka, a village of the God district Cf Jacobi, op cit, p 55, Apasyaha-Satra, P 498 * Raychaudhuri, op cit, pp 105-166 182

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JAINISMI IN ROYAL FAMILIES This much about the ancestry of Candragupta. The question as to why Canakya did not usurp the Magadhan Empire for himself is more or less made clear in the above statement of Dr Raychaudhuri. It seems highly probable that Candragupta himself was, as the Greeks tell us, "prompted to aspire to royalty by an omen significant of an august destiny."1 Like the other sources of Jaina history the Greek annals also throw comparatively little light on real history. They tell us about Candragupta's having escaped from the death sentence passed upon him by the Nanda king, about a lion having licked the sweat oozing from his body while he was sleeping, about his being inspired from this prodigy with the hope of winning the throne, and about a wild elephant having submissively knelt before him. When such annals, which rank as contemporary witnesses reported at second-hand, throw such light on the period of Candragupta, it is no wonder that the Jaina interpretation, in short, runs as follows: Canakya had all his teeth complete on being born. The monks being informed of this marvellous circumstance foretold that the boy would become a king, but the father being of a religious turn of mind desired to spare his son a lot which he considered dangerous to the well-being of the inner man. Accordingly to remove the omen he broke out the boy's teeth. Upon which the monks foretold that Canakya would govern by proxy. Further on, after the defeat of the Nanda king, we are told that his treasures were divided by Candragupta and Parvata between themselves 4 Leaving aside these uncorroborated facts of Indian history we shall see in brief what was the strength of the Magadhan Empire during the Mauryas. It may safely be said that the high-water mark of its power and extension was reached during the days of Asoka. The real conquests and annexations were begun and accomplished during the days of Candragupta and not in the days of Asoka. Politically the latter was a Quaker, and was better fitted to fill the chair of an abbot than of an emperor. What he did was to reconquer or re-establish the authority of the Magadhan McCrundle, op at,p 827 Toid, PP 827-328 C Smith, op cu, 128, 1 1, About this incident of Cannkya's life Jacobi makes & note as follows. "The same circumstance is told of Richard III. 4 Teeth hadst thou in thy head when thou wast born To signify thou comest to bite the world" -Jacobi, op and loc cul Cf Alastaka-Sutra,p 435, Hemacandra, op cit, 827 188

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; JAINISM IN NORTH INDIA over the Kalingas. To quote Rev. Heras: "The greatest monarch of Hindustan during the Hindu period was Candragupta His grandson Asoka's glory is based upon intellectual grounds. He was a philosopher rather than a sovereign; he was a teacher of morals rather than an administrator." 1 Nevertheless the limits of the enormous Mauryan Empire in Magadha were extensive. Nearly the whole of Northern India, except the Punjab, Sind and Northern Rajputana, had passed under the Nandas. To this vast emptre were undoubtedly added the Punjab, Sind, Baluchistan, Afghanistan and presumably, as we have seen in a note to the Parvata of Himayatkuta, Nepal and Kashmir dumng the days of Candragupta. Events in the north itself were so crowded that there was no possibility of his having diverted his attention to the south. As Smith observes: "It is difficult to believe that he could have found time to do more than climb from obscurity to power, expel the Macedonian garrisons, repel the attack of Seleukos, effect a revolution and establish a dynasty at Pataliputra, annex a large part of Arlana, and extend his dominion from the Bay of Bengal to the Arabian Sea." 3 The conquest of the south can be affirmed from various sources to have been effected by Bindusara, the son and successor of Candragupta. He was guded also by his father's minister Canakya. The Deccan, or Peninsular India, down to approximately the latatude of Nellore, must therefore, apparently, have been subjugated by Bindusara, because it was inherited from the latter by Asoka, whose only recorded war was the conquest of Kalinga As to the later Mauryas, their contribution to the growth of the Mauryan Empire is next to nothing. Really speaking, with the close of Asoka's reign began the decline of the Maurya rule, and ended with Brhadratha, who, as we shall see in our next chapter, was murdered by his commander-in-chief, Pushyamitra, who established a new dynasty, known as that of the Sungas. Having thus seen in a connected form the growth of the Magadhan Empire during the Mauryas we shall now examine them in their relations with the Jaina church. Jaina tradition ayers that Iicras, Q.J DI. S , 276 Cf Jayaswal, J.BORS, 11, 83 : CJ 16d. r 81 * Smith, op cit, p 156 CP Jayastal, op and loc at * Atasiala-Sutra, op al, P 184 J Jayaswal, op cit, pp. 82-83, Smith, op at,p 157, Seluener, op.cil, p 80. . CJ Smith, op cul,p 205 131

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JAINISM IN ROYAL FAMILIES Candragupta, the founder of the dynasty, the conqueror of the Greeks and the first known Emperor of India, was a Jaina. To state briefly the tradition, it is as follows Then King Candragupta was ruling over North India (either from Ujjain or from Pataliputra) a great twelve years' famine was foretold by the Stutakealin Bhadrabahu, who, as we have seen, was one of the high priests during this period. As a result of this prophecy a large body of Jainas (numbering about 12,000) came to the south, where several of them (including Bhadrabahu ?) died by the holy vow of Sallekhana, or the total rejection of food unto death. This event took place at Sravana Belgola, in Mysore. Candragupta, who followed the Samgha, renouncing everything, remained (9) for twelve years at Belgola, Torshipping the footprints of his departed preceptor Bhadrabahu, and finally himself died by the same rite. The parentheses and interrogations in the above summary indicate the different versions of a single legend, agreeing in its fundamentals and differing only in details of lesser importance We have seen that this tradition also forms one of the links connected with the great Digambara-Svetambara schism in the Jaina church, and that it is not acceptable to the Svetambaras, who agree only with the fact of the great famine which lasted for twelve years, and tell us that Acarya Susthita, who lived in Candragupta's capital, was forced to send his Gana to some other country. Our interest in this tradition hes only so far as it shows that Candragupta was a Jaina. A detailed examination of it must be left to a student of Jainism in South India However, it may be mentioned here that It has been dealt with at some length by scholars like Narasimhachar of Mysore, Fleet and others. 2 The earliest literary form of the tradition is found in the BrhutKatha-Kosa by Harisena, dating from about A.D. 931.8 An inscription at Sravana Belgola, which has been roughly assigned to C. AD. 600, is supposed to be the basis of this entire account." 1C Femacandra, op cit, vv 877-878 In the list of the Sthacras Susthrta comes after Sthulabhadra, who is the eighth pontiff of the Jaina church of Jacobi, SB.E, XX, pp 287-288 : Narasimhachar, op cit, Int , pp 36-42, Fleet, 1.4, xx, pp 156-160 3. . the Brihat-Katha-Kosa, & Sanskrit work written by Harisena in 931, says that Bhadrabuhu, the last of the Srutalcalins, had the King Candragupta, as his disciple" --Narasimhachar, op cit, Int , p 87 C Rice (Lewis), op cit, p 4 CS Narasimhachar, op cit, Int, p 89, brd, Translatzon, pp 1-2, Rice (Les), op cit, pp 34 185

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JAINISM IN NORTH INDIA Some of the modern scholars of great repute and authority have come to the conclusion that Candragupta can safely be called a Jaina on the authority of this tradition. "The Jama books (fifth century AC) and later Jaina inscriptions," observes Jayaswal, claim Candragupta as a Jaina imperial ascetic My studies have compelled me to respect the historical data of the Jaina writings, and I see no reason why we should not accept the Jaina claim that Candragupta at the end of his reign accepted Jainism and abdicated, and died as a Jaina ascetic." 1 To quote Smith, who has ultimately leaned towards it. "The only direct evidence throwing light on the manner in which the eventful reign of Candragupta Maurya came to an end is that of Jaina tradition. The Janas always treat the great Emperor as having been a Jaina like Bimbisara, and no adequate reason seems to exist for discrediting their belief. The Jaina religion undoubtedly was extremely influential in Magadha during the time of the later Saisunagas, the Nandas and the Mauryas The fact that Candragupta won the throne by the contrivance of a learned Brahman 18 not inconsistent with the supposition that Jainism was the royal faith Jainas habitually employ Brahmans for their domestic ceremonies, and in the drama cited above (Mudra-Rakshasa) a Jaina ascetic is mentioned as being a special friend of the minister Ralcshasa, who served first the Nanda and then the new sovereign. "Once the fact that Candragupta was or became a Jaina is admitted, the traditions that he abdicated and committed suicide by slow starvation in the approved Jaina manner become readily credible. It being certain that Candragupta was quite young and inexperienced when he ascended the throne in or about 322 B.C, he must have been under fifty when his reign terminated twentyfour years later. His abdication is an adequate explanation of his disappearance at such an early age. Similar renunciations of royal dignity are on record, and the twelve years' famine is not incredible In short, the Jama tradition holds the field, and no alternative account exists." 2 Besides these two eminent scholars there are others also who are of the same opinion. Both Rice and Narasimhachar, who have 1 Jayaswal, J BORS,1,P 452 * Smith, Oxford History of India, pp 75-76 "I am disposed to believe that Candragupta really abdicated and became a Jama AsocTIC"-Smith, Early History India, P 154 Hemacandra informs us that Candragupta cu TFG 44 -Hemacandra, op.at, v 444 186

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JAINISMI IN ROYAL FAMILIES studied thic Jaina inscriptions of Sravana Belgola thoroughly, give a verdict in favour of it. Of the older scholars we have Edward Thomas, who has taken into consideration the Greek accounts and comes to the same opinion Besides this, as Dr Jacobi tells us, "the date of Bhadrabahu's death is placed identically by all Jaina author's--from Hemacandra down to the most modern scholiast-- in the year 170 A.T." 3 And this, according to our calculation, falls in about 297 B.C. This date of the great pontiff's Nirvana exactly coincides with that of Candragupta, who reigned from 321-297 B.C.4 Besides this tradition there are also other references in the Jaina literature which go to show that Candragupta was or had become a Jaina, but we need not now enter more into all these literary sources. However, before we pass on to the successors of Candragupta, a few words regarding the importance of the Jaina migration to the south and about the religion followed by Canakya will not be out of place. As to the first, it gives us a definite startingpoint in the history of Jainism in South India. Besides, its value in general to South Indian history is not less; for we know of no other earlier event of equal moment in the annals of South India. The age of Candragupta which Smith, rightly or wrongly, considers to lead the bustorian " from darkness to light" in North India is thus seen to open a new era in South Indian history as well It is of not less interest to note that the religion which was to give South India her earliest, if not her best, literature also gave her her first reliable historical tradition. Coming next to the faith of Canakya we find that the Jainas believe that he was also a Jaina, favoured Jaina teachers, and in his Rice (Lewis), op cit, pp 8-9 "Ve are therefore not without warrant for assuming that Candragupta was a Jaina by crecd "-Ibid, p 8 "A dispassionate consideration of the above-mentioned facts leads one to the conclusion that the Jaina tradition has some basis to stand upon "--Narasimhachar, op. cit , Int , p 42 ? " That Candragupta was a member of the Jaing community is taken by their writers as a matter of course, and treated as a known fact, which needed neither argument nor demonstration. The testimony of Megasthenes would likewise seem to imply that Candragupta submitted to the devotional teaching of the Sermanes, as opposed to the doctrines of the Brahmans Thomas (Edward), op cit, PP 23-24 For references to Jamison in the Greek annals see Rice (Lewis), op at, p8 Jacobi, Kalpa-Sara, Int, P xul. According to the Digambaras he died in 162 AF. C Narasimhachar, op cit, Int ,p 40 C. Rice (Lenis), op cit, p ; Smith, op a p 206, Narasimhachar, op at, Int , p 41. . c Jacobi, Parsishtaparvan, pp. 61-62 . Cf Smruth, Oxford History of India, P 12 137

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JAINISM IN NORTH INDIA old age tried to starve himself to death like a true Jaina saint 1 Tradition represents the " wicked minister" as having repented and retired to "Shookul Tartha," on the banks of the Narbada, where he died, and Candragupta is also supposed to have accompanied him. " Shookul Tirtha " is the exact equivalent of "Belgola," which in Kanaiese means " white pond." In the inscriptions it is also called was prck, which means " white lake". This coincidence, even if it were merely accidental, is certainly significant. Apart from minor details, this coincides with the opinion of Rhys Davids that "the linguistic and epigraphical evidence so far available confirms in many respects the general reliability of traditions current amongst the Jainas" He has also remarked : "It is certain that in the extant priestly Literature Candragupta is completely ignored for about ten centuries" 4 It seems not a little likely that this silence of Brahmanical writers was due in no small measure to the Mauryan Emperor's acceptance of the Jaina religion towards the end of his earthly career. Finally, taking the successors of Candragupta, we have before us Bindusara, Asoka, Kunala and Samprati, according to the Jama tradition. As with the Sarsunagas and the Nandas so also in the case of the Mauryas there are differences and discrepancies in the lists put forth by various traditions. However, as far as Asoka is concerned there is no trouble. It is agreed to by all that Candragupta left behind him his son and successor, Bindusara, who was in turn followed by his son Asoka As to the relations of these two Mauryas with the Jainas this much is certain, that their literary traditions are not so eloquent about them as is the case with their predecessor Candragupta and their successor Samprati. Nevertheless there are grounds before us to infer that both of them must have been favourably inclined towards the Jaina church. About Bindusara, the predecessor of Asoka, we know practically little beyond the fact that he sent an embassy to Antiochos Soter Cf Jacobi, opal, 62, Jolly, Arthasastra of Kattilya, Int , pp 10-11 For the mutual relations between the Arthasastra and Jama literature see abrd ,p 10 We ATC seen that the Jamna tradition puts Canakya's father as supposed to have been Brahman and a devout Jam This looks like the Brahman-Christians of our awy This means that Canakya's family was of Brahman ongin by birth or heritage, and Jan by faith To quote Edward Thomas "But though our king-maker was a Brahman, be was not necessarily, in the modern acceptation of the term. 'Brahmanist (Edward), op cit, pp 25-26 ? Cf Smith, op al, p 75, n 1. : CJ Narasimhachar, op cit, Int , p 1 Rhys Davids, Buddhist India, pp 184, 270 188

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JAINISM IN ROYAL FAMILIES requesting him to send him a Greek philosopher; and also the inference, from the known extent of his conquests and his father's empire, that he must have extended his dominions so as to cover at least some portions of Mysore. Both these facts are not without their significance to us, inasmuch as the first explains to some extent the philosophic eclecticism of Bindusara, and the second the distribution of Asoka's edicts in South India. It may not be unlikely that, in addition to the Kshatriya ambitions of mere conquest. Bindusara miglt have been actuated by filial motive in acquiring Mysore, a place rendered sacred by the last days of his father Candragupta. The Ceylonese traditions, however, assert that Bindusara was Brahmanical. About the father of Asoka the Mahavamsa informs us that he being of the Brahmanical faith maintained sixty thousand Brahmans", but, as Edward Thomas observes, "therr testimony would not carry much weight in the argument about other lands and other times, and it is, moreover, a critical question as to how much they knew about Brahmanism itself, and whether the use of the word Brahman' does not merely imply, in their sense, a non-Buddhistic or any religion opposed to their own We may conclude, for all present purposes, that Bindusara followed the faith of his father, and that, in the same belief-whatever it may prove to have been his childhood's lessons were first learnt by Asoka." 3 Besides this it is not possible to say anything more about the shadowy figure of Bindusara. That, like his father, he also was under the influence of Canakya we have already remarked. The Jaina tradition tells us that during his period the Brahman minister incurred the king's displeasure and was supplanted by some Subandhu. Coming to Asoka, his son and successor, it need not be said that his is not the shadowy figure of his father. There is ample material to show how far he kept his relations with the Niggantha church, though there is a great difference of opinion with regard to the one faith which Asoka might have followed throughout his career. What we are most immediately concerned with is Asoka's attitude towards Jainism, which, apart from his hereditary affinities towards eclecticism, we venture to think must 1 C Smith, Early History of Indra, pp 155-150 Pita sattleghassant brahmane brahmapahhhhe Whoest-Gesger, op at, Parchedo V, V 34 Thomas (Edward), op cit, p 29 For the circumstances under which Cinakya lost the good will of his master Bee Hernacandra, op cit, vv. 496-459, 189

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JAINISM IN NORTII INDIA have been influencce lo no small extent by its having been the faith of his grandfather Candrugupin, though the Mahar amsa tells us that, like his father, Alolen ako bostonci alms on thc Brnhmans for thrcc yenis? Ilis cdicts are wry blond based, and indicate cqual tolciance of all scots. Yct llic genesis of this psychology might have been as suggested. The fact of Aloka's lasing licen influenced in his carly years by the faith of his grandfather Candragupta gathers strength on the testimony of Edward Thomas that in his Ain-1-Akbari Abu-1 l'azl, thic accomplished minister of Akhar, has retained in his notice of the kingdom of Kashmir throc very important entrics, of which the first cstablishics "thnt Asokn himself first introduccdl 'Jainism, co nominc, into the kingdom of Knshmir.". Emphasising the samc point the learncal scholar further observes thint "the leading fact of Asoka's introduction or recognition of the Jaina crced in Kashmir docs not, houdtcr, rost upon the solc testimony of the Muhammadan author, but a freelt ncknowledged in the Brahmanical pages of the Raja Tarangini-. work which, though finally compiled and put together only in 1148 A.D., relics, in this section of its history, upon the morc archaic writings of Padma Mihira and Sri Chavillakara." With all this the lcnrncd scholar x conscious that Asoka was not a Jaina throughout his carccr, otherwise, as he obscrves, he would have reasonably been claimed by thc Jninas as n potent upholder of their faith. According to Edward Thomas by nnd by he became a pervert and ultimately lcaned towards Buddhism. However, this idca of Asoka's actual perversion to the Buddhist faith is not cusily acceptable. What wc venture to suggest is this, that as years went on Asoka came more and more under the influence of the teaching of Buddha, became less and less of a sectarian, and tried to inculcate in his subjects the Dharma which cmbraced the moral precepts and dogmatic tenets common to other religions, though, as Rev. Heras ughtly obscrves, he was "cspccially influenced by the Jaina doctrines as regards sacredness and inviolability of lite. 1. $0 pr lc cua tinz vassunr Whojaye --Geiger, op and local C Thomas (Edward), op al pp 30-31 "When the successton desolved on Ah! the son of Jandha's patemal uncle, hc abolislicd the Brulmonical religion and establish the Jains faith "-Jarrett, Arn-1-Ahbarl, , 382; Wilson, AR, W,P 10 - Thomas (Edward), op cit,p 32 Cf Walford, AR,28, pp 00-07 * Thomas (Edward), op cit, p 21 * CE and * Herng, op al, P 272 Cf Rock Edicts (I, B), (III, D), (IV, C), (XT, C), etc, Hultzsch, CII,1,DP 2, 5, 8, 19, ctc (new cd ) 140

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of a stage of Buddi monuments (Asokn's the following stater JAINISM IN ROYAL FAMILIES The statement that Asoka's Dharma was not Buddhistic is not a new one. Wilson,1 Macpharl, Fleet 3 Monahan and Rev. Heras 5 have affirmed this prior to us. Even Dr Kern says that "his inscriptions, with a few exceptions, contain noting particularly Buddhistic." 6 Senart, after having said that in the Dharma "there is nothing exclusively Buddhist," makes the following statement. "In my opinion our monuments (Asoka's inscriptions) are witnesses of a stage of Buddhism, sensibly different from that which is de veloped in later times."? This is a guess without any foundation. The same contradiction is also made by Hultzsch. He says that all lus moral proclamations "do not characterise him as a Buddhist reformer"; but he adds, "If we turn to an examination of what he tells us about the nature of his Dharma, it appears that the latter is in thorough agreement with the picture of Buddhist morality which is preserved in the beautiful anthology entitled Dhammapada-.e. words of morality.'"8 The statements of both Senart and Hultzsch seem to have been clicited in compliance with the statements of those who style Asoka the great Buddhist missionary Having thus scen, mainly on the authority of various scholars, that the Pillar Edicts and inscriptions of Asoka do not ipso facto mean that he was or had become a Buddhist, we shall now examine bis own writings as to how far he was under the influence of Nirgrantha doctrines "There is no country," says Asoka," where these two) classes, (viz.) the Brahmanas and Sramanas, do not exist, except among the Yonas." 10 But who were these "Sramanas"? 1 "In the first place, then, with respect to the supposed main purport of the inscriptions, prosclytism to the Buddhist religion, it may not unreasonably be doubted if they were made public with any such design, and whether they have connection with Buddhista at all "_Wilson, JRAS,1,P 230 CC bid, p 250 CS Macphall, Asoka,p 48 "Dharma, the colloquia] for Dharma, is the word used In the edicts it does not stand for Buddhism, but for the simple piety which Aboka wished all his subjects of whatever faith to practise "--Iurd, : Cf Flect, JR.AS, 1908, pp 401-402 " The distinct object of both the Rock and the Pillar Edicts was not to propagate Buddhism or any other particular religion, but to proclaim the determination of Aloha to gover the realin righteously and kindly in accordance with the duty of prous kings, and with considerations for all forms of religious belief " etc-Ind, 402 4 "The doctrines of Acoha's major Rock and Pillar Edicts cannot be called distinctively Buddhist," etc -Monahan, Early History of Bengal, p 214 "Buddhist chronicles of the fourth, fifth and sixth centuries have deceived many scholars. There is not the least mention of any Buddhist deep principle "-Heras, opcil, PP 255, 271 Kern, Manual of Indian Buddhism,p 112 * Senart, I.A,xx, pp 260, 264-205 Hultzsch, op art, Int ,p xlix Cf Heras, op cit, P 271 10 Hultzsch, op cit, p 47 (J) 141

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- JAINISM IN NORTH INDIA Hultzsch takes them to mean "Buddhist monks," 1 though there is no special reason why such a restriction should be made "Sramana" simply denotes an ascetic or monk, and the Jainas used the term even before the Buddhists appropriated it. It has been used so in the Greek annals, and this has been, as seen before, confirmed by other scholars also 2 Thus an ancient vow of the Jaina runs: "I take the twelfth vow, the Atithi samvibhaga vrata, by which I promise to give Sramana or Nargrantha any of the fourteen things which they can accept without blame," etc 3 Likewise the Kalpa-Sutra speaks of "the Nargrantha Sramanas of the present time." 4 Kundakundacarya es weil, the earliest Digambara writer of the south, uses the term to signify the monks of his own sect 5 But over and above all the Buddhists themselves applied the term "Sramana" to the Nirgranthas For the Anguttara Nrkaya says "O Visakha, there is a class of Sramanas who are called Norgranthas." That the Jainas used the term prior to the Buddhists is also conclusively proved by the fact that the latter styled themselves "Sakyaputtiya Samanas" as distinguished from the already existing "Niggantha Samanas." ? On the other hand, however, when Asoka wanted to speak of Buddhists alone, he has always used the word Samgha For instance, in Pillar Edict VII, he says "Some (Mahamatras) were ordered by me to busy themselves with the affairs of the Samgha; likewise others were ordered to busy themselves with the Brahmanas (and) Agiurkas; others were ordered by me to busy themselves also with the Nirgranthas; others.. with various (other) Sects." 8 The independent mention of Brahmans, Azivokas and Nergranthas shows that these were distinct entities altogether different from the Samgha In all other places the Sramanas are invasably mentioned together with the Brahmans. The omission of "Sramanas" in this passage can be explained only by the 1 Hultzsch, op al, Int.pl Cf Rice (Lewis), op cit, p 8 * Stevenson (Mrs), op cit, p 278 Jacob, SBE, XX1, p 297 * C Bhandarkar, op cit, pp 97-100 + C Jacobi, SBE. xlv. Int.D Xvi! Read also Kamta Prasad Jain's interest article on "The Jaing References in the Buddhist Literature," I HQ,11, PP 698-701 Cf Rhys Davids, op at, P 148 * Delhi-Topra Pillar Edict VII, Haltzsch, op cit, p 180 (2) See Rook Edicts (01, D), (IV, C). (IX. G), (XI, C), (XTITI, G), and Pillar Edict VII (HH), of Hultzsch, op cal, Int, pl 142

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JAINISM IN ROYAL FAMILIES substitution of Ajuvikas and Nirgranthas, both of whom, as already sccn, can be distinguislicd from the Samgha As to the attitude of Asoka towards Jainism, or in fact towards any such other faith, it is indicated in the following words. "All men are my children. As on my behalf of (my own) chuldren I desire that they may be provided with complete welfare and happiness in this and in the other world, even so is my desire on behalf of all men."1 Likewise, more specifically, he states. "In the same manner I am directing my attention to all classes. And all the sects have been honoured by me with honours of various kinds." 2 Asoka had his Dharma-Nahamatra in the north as well as in tlic south" to supervise Buddhists, Brahmanas and Ajuvikas, Nirgrantha and other sects." 3 His non-sectarian policy is perhaps nowhere better in evidence than in the following: "Whosoever," says the Emperor," praises his own sector blames other sects-all (this) out of devotion to his own sect--if he is acting thus, he rather injures his own sect very severely." 4 Speaking of the Barabar cave insa iptions Smith writes : * These records are chiefly of interest as a decisive proof that Asoka was sincere in his solemn declaration that he honoured all sects." 5 Tlus is no less true of Asoka's other inscriptions, and although we have no direct evidence as to the state of Jainism in North India under his benevolent rule, the above observations at least serve to reveal the attitude of Candragupta's greatest successor towards the religion he himself had adopted--at least in the evening of his glorious career, if not earlier. Our hypothesis of the hereditary influence of this to adition is also supported by the conversion of Asoka's grandson, Samprati, by Suhastin to the Jaina faith Before entering into any further discussion about Samprati's enthusiasm for Jainism it may be seen who were the successors of Asoka. Unfortunately, to quote Dr Raychaudhuri, "No Kautilya or Megasthenes has left any account of the later Mauryas It is impossible to reconstruct & detailed history of Asoka's successor from the scanty data furnished 1 Separate Rock Edicts Jaugada, I (FG), II (EF), of Hultzsch, op. cu, PP 114-117 Delhi-Topra Pillar Edict VI (DE), cf Hultzsch, op at ,p 129, Int , xlviu. Iord , Int, Gimar Rock Edict XII (H), of Hultzsch, op al, p 21 Smith, op cit, p 177 C Hultzsch, op cit, Int , p xyz 6 C Jacobi, Parsish laparvan, p 60, Bhandarkar, op cu, P 185 148

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JAINISM IN NORTH INDIA by one or two inscriptions and a few Brahmamcal, Jaina and Buddhist works." 1 The Puranas themselves do not agree as to who was the successor of Asoka. It is not an easy task to reconcile the divergent versions of different authorities. However, the reality of Kunala the son of Asoka is established by the combined testimony of all, but as to his succession the tradition is not unanimous. Hemacandra tells us under what unhappy circumstances he became blind, and was rendered "unfit to carry on the work of government which was presumably entrusted to his favourite son Samprati, the Jaina Asoka, who is described by the Jaina and Buddhist writers as the immediate successor of Asoka" 3 The only difficulty that lies in our way in accepting Samprata as the successor of Asoka is the reality of Dasaratha, whom we have already seen in connection with the Nagarjuni Hills bestowed by him upon the Agivikas. The only possible explanation of the difficulty seems to be this, that as the grandsons of Asoka either both of them ruled at the same time with Samprati as the successor of Asoka or that Dasaratha has been omitted by both the Buddhist and the Jaina annals. Of the two the first presumption seems to be more correct, considering the unanimous inclusion of Sampiati in the Magadhan list. Thus there is no doubt about the fact that Samprati was one of the Maurya emperors who was great enough to be mentioned by all. As to his enthusiasm for the Jaina church, it can safely be opined that he is one of the leading stars of the Jaina history in the north. In the matter of propagation of the Jama faith Jaina records speak as highly of Samprati as the Buddhist records do of Asoka. Smith observes: "He (Samprati) is reputed to have bee as zealous in promoting the cause of Jainism as Asoka had been in propagating the religion of Gautama "5 Raychaudhun, op cit, p 220 CJ Pargiter, op cit, pp 28, 70, Cowell and Neil, op cit, p 430, Kalpa Sud, Subodh -Ttka, sul 163, Reychaudhuri, op cit, p 222 C Jacobi, opel, pp 08-04; Conell and Neil, op. cit, p 133, Raychaudhur, op and loc cut , Bhandarkar, op and loc cut Both the Buddhist and the Jaina traditions about Samprata linic been reser to by us in the previous note for the Putranid see Pargiter, opal, pp 28, 703 Rny chaudhur, op al, p. 220 "Parhaps the empire was divided between his sons, Daratha And Samproti -Smith, op cit, 203 Smith, Oxford Il story of India. p 117, and n i c Bhandathor, op. ne loc. cit , Argfer FURTHECHCITU T A VI neferin ta: FF #917 --Kalpa-Satra, Subodhaka-7th, sill 0,p 263 "Almost all ancieni 144

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JAINISM IN ROYAL FAMILIES About Samprati's zeal for the Jaina church Hemacandra bricfly observes as follows: "He showed his zeal by causing Jaina temples to be erected over the whole of Jambudvipa. During Sulastin's stay at Ujjaini, and under his gudance, splendid re ligious festivals and processions in honour of the Arhat were cele* brated, and great was the devotion manifested by the king and his subjects on this occasion. The example and advice of Samprati induced his vassals to embrace and patronise his creed, so that not only in his kingdom but also in adjacent countries the monks could practise their religion "1 What is more important for us to know in connection with Samprati is this--that he sent Jama missionaries to South India, and that these were of the Svetambara persuasion. To quote Hemacandra: "In order to extend the sphere of their (Jaina monks) activities to uncivilised countries, Samprati sent there messengers disguised as Jaina monks. They described to the people the kind of food and other requisites which monks may accept as alms, enjoining them to give such things instead of the usual tax to the revenue collector who would visit them from time to time. Of course these revenue collectors were to be Jaina monks. Having thus prepared the way for them, he induced the superior to send monks to those countries, for they would find it in no way impossible to live there. Accordingly missionaries were sent to the Andhras and Dramilas, who found everything as the king had told. Thus the unciylised nations were brought under the influence of Jainism." S The importance of the Jaina missionaries sent by Samprati to uncivilised countries, as Hemacandra tells us, lies in this that it is the carliest reference, so far as we know, to contact of the Svetambaras with the south. Hence it is as important as the great migration dealt with in this and the preceding chapter. We particularly call it the Svetambara contact because, as seen before, the Svetambara-Digambara schism in the Jaina church is connected with both the migration and the Subastin-Mahagiri tradition. That Jauna temples or monuments of unknown ongin are ascribed by the popular voice to Samprata, who is in fact regarded as a Jaina Asoka " Sraith, Early History of India, P 202 1 Jacobi, op at, p 69. * Cf Bhandarkar, op and loc ct About this the Pataliputrahalpa of Jmaprabhasura observes "In Pataliputra flourished the great King Samprati, son of Kunala, Iord of Bharata with its three continents, the great Arhanta who established Viharas for Sramanas even in non-Aryan countries"--cf Raychaudhuri, op art, p 222. * Cf. Jacobi, op and loc cit 145

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JAINISM IN NORTH INDIA Suhastin was a Svetambara is also evident from the fact that the Digambara Pattavalies, or genealogies of teachers, do not mention him. We are further informed that when Aryamabagiri saw that Samprati was converted by Suhastin, he withdrew himself to Dasarnabhadra, seeing that "all his hopes of winning the monks to lives of sterner asceticism" were at an end. Thus the Svetambara rule triumphed at the court of Samprati. Here ends the importance of Magadha as seen in the light of Jaina history. With the end of the Mauryas and the consequent beginning of the Sungas Kalinga becomes the centre of our history With the fall of the sovereign power in Magadha Kalmga more or less succeeds in taking its place. Magadha learned to her cost what the powerful Kalinga meant in the time of Kharavela. Fortunately enough, though for a very short time, it also plays an equally important part in the history of the Jaina church. That after Samprata the Mauryas did not survive long is certain, and whatever survival they must have had seems to be highly shadowy and positively degrading-that the last of them, as seen before and as we shall see in the next chapter, was grievously murdered by his own commander-in-chief. However at present we need not enter into the why and where fore of the fall of the powerful Mauryas. Suffice it to say that the reconquest of Kalinga by the Maurya Asoka was a great landmark in the history of Magadha and of India. It completed the unification of non-Tamil India under the hegemony of Magadha. It marked the close of that career of conquest and aggrandisement which was ushered mn by Bimbisara's annexation of Ange. It opened a new era--an era of peace, of social progress, of religious propaganda and at the same time of political stagnation and, perhaps, of military inefficiency, durmg which the martial spirit of imperial Magadha had died out for want of exercise. The era of Digvijaya was over, the era of Dharmavijaya had begun, and this finally resulted in the disappearance of the Maurya sovereignty over the Magadhan Empire. 1 CJ Hoernle, IA, , PP 57-58, and Klatt, toid, 1, p 251 * Stevenson (rs), op cit,p 74 Cf Barodio, History and Literature of Jainism, P 16 146

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CHAPTER IY Jainism in Kalinga-desa THE expression "Jainism in Kalinga-desa," in the main, em braces the history of the religion during the times of Kharavela. This does not mean that Jainism in Kalinga cannot be traced farther than Kharavela On the other hand that would be denying what can be clearly deduced from such historical data as the Hathigumpha inscription, the architectural and sculptural similarity of the monuments standing there to those of the fourth and fifth century B.C., and the most sacred of the Jaina canonical works. With all this it must be admitted that but for the inscription of Kharavela in the Hathigumph, and of his wife in the Swargapuri cave there is no other decisive ground on which we can base our inferences 1 As already seen, after Mahavira we have kings of the Saisunaga, Nanda, Maurya and other dynasties, most of whom were, according to Jaina traditions and history, the followers or supporters of Jaina religion during their regime. No doubt these traditions and history are confirmed by many Jaina and non-Jaina writers, but from the standpoint of a purely historical proof none of these, excepting perhaps Candragupta, can be compared with that great Cedi king, Kharavela, who was, as stated in one of his own inscriptions, a Jarna. The chief historical proof as to when and how far and how long the Emperor Kharavela ruled, and as to whether he was a Jaina or not, lies in the Hathigumpha inscription of his time. That he was a great Kalinga king is a fact which cannot be denied, but it is not possible to fix accurately the limits of Kalinga country, Let it be clear from the very beginning that at 13 really not desirable and practically impossible to trace out chronologically the progress of Jainism in Kalinga All that is required is to lay our hands on whatever historical monuments, small or great, ancient or modern, that are available at present, and draw our mferences from them, keeping in view as far as possible the conteraporary historical atmosphere of the time. We know the Cedrs as the well-known Vedic and classical ruling family which seems to have migrated into Orissa from Mahakosala, where they are also found in later history, "It is certain that one of the seats of the Cedis was near about Orissa in very ancient times"-BORS, I, 223 147

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JAINISM IN NORTH INDIA It was under him that on the downfall of the Mauryan Empire Kalinga revolted and became an independent kingdom. The boundaries of Kalinga, the territory under the Eastern Ghats lying along the coast of the Bay of Bengal on the north of Telingana, seem to have been uncertain 1 The strip of land that fringes the Bay of Bengal, extending from the Godavary towards the north, was anciently known as Kalinga. Roughly speaking, it may be taken as comprising the part of the country which we now call Orissa and Ganjam Kharavela's inscription" is one of the most celebrated and also one of the most perplexing of all the historical monuments in India" 2 Among the followers of Lord Mahavira, Kharavela's is the most ancient name of a ruling potentate that can be found m an inscription Considering the chronology of post-Mauryan times and the ancient glory of Jainism his is the most important, and the only inscription yet discovered in the country. No doubt it is unparalleled from the vicwpoint of Jama history, but unquestionable is its importance from even the standpoint of the political history of India. In the words of Sir Ashutosh Mookerji: "In the region of epigraphy, that branch of historical research which has removed (the impression of) the seals written in forgotten and mysterious letters and unlocked the gates of the past, our attention is arrested by the Hathigumpha inscription of Emperor Kharavela. The inscription, which was recorded in the second century before the Christian era, embodies a biography of the king of Orissa from his infancy to the thirteenth year of his reign and the thirty-seventh year of his life. The inscription is chiselled on the face of & rock, which has been known and studied for a century since its first discovery by Sterling in 1825; and the numerous historical data furnished thereby have been recognised as of first-rate importance, as they include references to the contemporary king of Magadha, the Greek king of Mathura, the fortresses of Gorathagiri (Barabar Hills) and Rajagrha, the Gangetic places at Pataljputra and King Satakarni of the Deccan Numerous and frutful have been the consequential studies based on this reinvestigation of what. m the long array of Bralmi inscriptions, can be placed, next to the edicts of Asoka, in the same category only with the fourth-century inscription of Samudragupta." 1 C.HJ,,P 601 Iord , p. 58+ J.BORS, 3, pp 8-10 148

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ANAS PORTION OF A TRIEZC IN THE UPPFR VERA VDAIT or THC RIVIGUMPIT, UDAHAGIRI from Vura The Amates of Onta Sur Page 153 JAIM GLYPHA MANDAGIRI from Vitra The Antiguas of Orista Sarfare l'I

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JAINISM IN KALINGA-DESA In India. Benares and Puri are the two most important places of pilgrimage, famous alike from sanctity and historic associations treasured up in the nation's undying remembrance. It is here that the whole nation's fervent devotion has manifested itself in many a form; it is here that the heart and intellect of the nation have proceeded on parallel lines. We have reason to believe that Orissa, now "the garden of Hinduism, with Jagannath its Jerusalem," 1 was an important seat of Buddhist and Jaina influence from the third century B.c. to the eighth or ninth century A.D. Buddhism began to exercise its influence at the conquest of Kalinga by Asoka, the great Maurya king in 262 B.C.'; but with his death the Mauryan Empherapidly declined, and Pushyamitra, the royal chaplain (purohit) to the Mauryas and the mighty champion of the Brahmanical reaction which set in after the triumph of Buddhism during Asoka's rule, usurped the royal throne and gave a severe blow to the Buddhist faith in India. Yith all this he could not enjoy his dominions unchallenged. Side by side with the great Andhra dynasty in the south another great pover that arose in the wake of the Mauryan Empire was the illustrious Cedi dynasty under Mahameghavahana Kharavela, with its home in the lowlands of the eastern coast. This dynasty proved a good set-back to the Brahmanical reaction of the north. Thus in the second century B.C. all the three religions Brahmanism, Jainism and Buddhism -- Tere represented by Kalinga, while the middle one enjoyed the privilege of being the State religion. Hjuen-Tsang, the Chinese pilgrim who visited Kalinga some time between AD. 629 and 645, testifies to the numerical strength of Jainism, and describes the territory as a stronghold of the Jaina faith. He tells us that there were "very many unbelievers of different sorts, the most numerous being the Nirgranthas (Ni-kin followers)." 5 This is a clear advance of the Jaina faith from Magadha, the land of its birth, into south-eastern India as far as Kalnga. This progress of the Jainas can be traced out, and can be proved as a matter of fact, from two documents at Khandagiri ir Orissa of the great King Kharavela and his wife. He governed the east coast 1 J.A.S.B , xxvu, Nos I to V (1859), p 186 Ganguis, Orissa and her Renains-Ancient and Mediaetal, p 17 Mazumdar, Hindu History, P 696 (2nd ed) CHI,1, pp 518, 534 * Beal, S1-Yu-61,,P 208 149

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s Elat hin one bismaller JAINISM IN NORTH INDIA of India from c. 183 2.C. to c. 152 B.C.--that is, in the first half of the second century B.C. This is also confirmed by certain other caves and ruins of tempics lying on either Udayagiri or Klandagiri Ilills. Both these hills are situated at a distance of about five milcs to the north-west of Bhubanesvara, and arc separated by a ravine forming a continuous line with the road from Bhubanesvara. Furthermore thc hill tribes, who now occupy & degraded position among the servile castes, are mentioned in several places in the Angas and the Upungas, the oldest sacred literature of the Jainas, whicre their language is referred to as one of the tongues of the barbarians (Alleccha). or the documents just mentioned the first and the largest is the inscription of Khuravela, which opens with the usual bene dictory formula of the Jainas. It proves that Jainism entered Orissa and probably became the State religion within one hundred years from its last prophet, Mahavira. The second and the smaller one in the Swargapuri cave asserts that Kharavela's chief queen caused a temple and a cave to be prepared for the Sramanas of Kalinga. Before we take up a detailed review of the Hathigumpha inscription we shall first scc what little can be had from the neighbouring ruins. According to the District Gazettecr it seems certain that during the rule of the Emperor Asoka a number of Jainas settled in the district, for the sandstone hills of Udayagiri and Khandagiri are covered with their hermitage caves, some of which bear inscriptions in the Brahmi character of the Maurya age They all appear to have becn made for the religous use of the Jainas, and to have been used by Jaina monks for many a century. It may be noticed here that both the Buddhist and the Jains period of architectural growth in Orissa is characterised by cate temples. We say both the Buddhist and the Jaina influence because some of the Khandagiri caves, like the Ranigumpha and the Anantagumpha, are conspicuous for Buddhist symbols like the Bo-trce, a Bauddha Trisula, & votive Stupa, the characteristic Swastika mark, and so on 1 J BORS, 11, p 244 * They have been identified with Suari of Pliny and Sabara of Ptolemy Hot reference of the Jama literature see Weber, I A, VE, pp 05, 68, X , PP 25, 306, : B.DGP, 24 * Ganguly, op cit, P 31 . Ihd , PP 40, 57 150

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JAINISM IN KALINGA-DESA This influence is noticeable from the fifth century B.C. down to the fifth or sixth century A.D. This is well corroborated by the fact that both the Khandagiri and Udayagiri Hills, otherwise called Khandagiri, are honeycombed with caves or cells, of which fortyfour are in Udayagiri, ninctcen in Khandagiri and three in Nilgiri. Their number, age and carvings make these caves the most interesting in Eastern India. They were inhabited in ancient times by the Bauddha and Jaina hermits, or Sramanas, and many of them appear, from pal.cographic grounds, to have been excavated in the second or third ccntury B.C. As Mr Ganguly says: " We think we shall not be far from the truth in dating some of the caves even in the 4th or 3th century BC.--that is, before the period of the Hathigumpha inscription--for the locality where the caves were excavated must have had some sort of previous sanctity preserved in the eyes of the co-religionists." It is almost a hopeless task to fix with certainty any dates for the caves, and intermingling of Buddhist and Jaina influences has rendered it more so. On the walls of the cells are usually carved the figures of Buddhist legends and of the Jaina Tirthankaras in bassorilievo. Elaborate pillars are noticed in the Jaina Gumpha on Khandagiri Hill. The peculiarity of almost all these caves is that a bench runs round the three sides of the front verandah, the height varying from 1 foot to 1 foot 6 inches. The two walls of the verandah are so hollowed out on the top as to look like cupboards These were meant to hold the scanty necessaries of life of the Buddhist or Jaina monks. Further details on the architectural side of the caves we shall note in the chapter entitled " Jaina Art in the North." For the present we shall stop with a remark of Mr Ganguly that "the caves present a very simple, though massive face, consistent with the lives of their past inmates" 3 Among the Khandagiri caves the Satghara or Satbakhra, Navamuni and Ananta are the most important The first two bear evident traces of Jaina influences, and the last of Bauddha, because of the Swastikas and pointed Trisulas carved on its back wall Anyhow, below the first Swastika there is a small standing image, now much worn out, which, according to the Drstrict Gazetteer, 1 B.DGP, 251. ? Gonguly, op at., P 82 Ibrd, p 81 * Ch Chakravarti (Mon Mohan), Notes on the Remains in Dhaul and in the Caves of Udayagiri and Khandagm, p 8 151

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JAINISM IN NORTH INDIA probably represents Parsvanatha, the twenty-thurd Tirthankara of the Jainas. Moreover, the courtyard of the cave is formed by levelling the northern portion of the higher ledge, which contains images of Jaina saints and deities, and the mass of carvings has every arch enfolded within two big serpent-hoods, the symbols of Parsva. The space between the arches and the side walls is filled with Vidyadharas flying with offerings in their hands. The Satghara cave is noted for the figures of Jaina Tirthankaras with their characteristic symbols, or Lanchanas, sculptured on the antechamber walls of the southern portion, while the Navamuni, or the cave of the nine saints, is an ordinary cave, consisting of two rooms with a common Verandah. It contains images in moderate relief of ten Tirtharkaras about a foot high, with their Sasana-devis, or consorts, below them. Parsvanatha, who is easily recognised by his serpent-hoods, is the most honoured, for he is carved twice. Furthermore, this cave is noted for two inscriptions, one of them being of "the year 18 of the increasing and victorious reign of the illustrious Uddyotakesarideva,"4 and both referring to the Jazna Sramana Subhacandra, "the disciple of the lord of the illustrious Kulacandra, the Acarya of the Desrgana derived from Graha Kula, belonging to the illustrious Arya Samgha." 5 Both the inscriptions seem to belong to the same date about the tenth century A.D.6 Beyond this cave lies the Barabhuji, or the twelve-handed cave, so called because of the figure of a female with twelve hands carved on the left wall of the verandah. Like the Navamuni cave, here also are carved in moderate relief seated Tirthankaras or Jaina saints with their Sasana-devis, and on the back wall is a standing Parsvanatha, canopied by a seven-hooded serpent and without any Devis. The saints and their wives are shown with their different symbols, and are nearly of equal size-8 to 9} inches each but the figure of Parsva is 2 feet 7} inches high, from which he would appear to have had special honour ? Adjoinmg this on the south is the Trisula cave, so called from 1 BDGP, 263 * The sculptures are the Jaina Tirthanharas with all their Susana-deris, and do not Tesemble Bauddha symbols as behoved by the editor of The Archeological Surrey Reparu Au, 81. EDGP, 202 EI, ,p 166 * Jud Ganguly, op af, p 60 *BDGP, op and for.cat 152

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JUINISM IN KALINGA-DESA * Tidlerinin on the verandali wall, which is unique in having the insa la mliel, bose the benches is caried a virten of twenty[urit "inhonkar5, meliling l'aria, under the even hods of a hr, indeming with Vnhavia. 11 this group too, Pirin. led of lille plek belure Valinta as the twenty-thur saint. is given a position of humour in the centre of the back wall. The Joan of the fifteenth saint is hidden in a masonry structure rising from the fer, on which are place thres well-caricel stentilc imnges of Smith. "T" pintal 10% aon of the images in this group in liner than in the joinmecata, 0? this mw dutens the X man ne se linician inscription of l'ildether in Lilnteneukens alle or lion gate. According to the trick Ginetter at int (110-storesc caic called after King Lillende kort, und the tooms on the first floor contam Brinc sarungs of Join sints, of whom l'arswanatha is the most 111portant. It is i n on the back wall of the envc, ut a licight of alcuni 30 of 10 fut! from the floor of the rive, above a group nfine of the Nigambar sert? The inscription does not com to be well preserval, and hence a feu nonls are waing in the last line. Is it is, il tells us that "11 tly at five of the victorious reign of the illustrious UddyotaIesari, on the illustrious Kiira mountain,' decay cd tanks and cicrayed temples acte cucd to shunc, (and) at that plnec the images of the trenty-four Tirthinkaras were set up. At thic time of the ducation ... Jaswind ... in the place (temple ?) of the illustrious Pum-sanitha (I'invanitha)." It bx.comes apparent from what is Ind down in the inscription that l'adyolakesar sos cither n Jaina by rcligion or at least a great protector of the Jaina fnith. Tchave no certain grounds to identify ilus l'edyotakcurs of the inscription with any historical personage. It moy's fcly be said tlint the lustory of Orissa is winpped in darkness, #DSI P., op and loc at 1 red ( Clemsorti (Von Mohan). op aut. p. 10 It mus Ise that at the tinc of Khimuch that great schlam, which was followed by the division of the Jnim erit munits into the Digimbims and Sictimurm, had not full manifesti ell, but, wc huic san locforc, in Inter lustory the former were predominant in the couth This is clear from the Jainn cves at Ellora, Badomi nnd wuelinther places McImm fmm line tvo nf the inscription that the ancient name of Khandagini is Kumariparvat. The lathiumphi inscription of 10 irascla mentions Kumiiraparvata as the ancient name of Conyngert Tsc tirih lulle seem to have been known as tlic Kumirakumari parinth up to the tentli or closenth century AD "RI, VII, 167 153

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JAINISM IN NORTH INDIA more or less, from A D. 200-ie the time of the Andhras to the beginning of the seventh century A.D. However, according to the Madala Panji, or palm-leaf chronicles of the temple of Jagannatha, Orissa was under the Kesari or Lion dynasty from the seventh to the twelfth century AD.!; but it would be going beyond our period to trace in detail the Kesar dynasty. Nevertheless the number and magnificence of the remains at Bhubanesvara and elsewhere are evidence of a wealthy and highly civilised kingdom. These stately temples show the hold which Hinduism had obtained in Orissa by this time, and no further trace is found of Buddhism, which according to tradition was introduced a few centuries earlier. At the same time Jainism appears to have continued to retam its hold on the affections of the people or to have had a rival, for in the cave at Khandagri and Udayagiri we find inscriptions and rock-cut images of Jama saints or deities dating back to the same period. Coming to the caves in the Udayagiri Hills we find that they are the most important caves in Orissa from the point of view of architecture and sculpture, and of them the Ranigumpha or the Rani Nur is the best known It is the most important of all, and in at elaborately carved frezes represent various scenes of human activities The three friezes and the carvings on the lowerstorey rooms naturally attract special attention. According to the Destruct Gazetteer," the scenes, though mostly mutilated, clearly indicate the procession of a saint through a town during some religious festival, when persons would be looking out from their houses for a glimpse of him, when horses would be led, elephants be ridden and guards be in attendance, while the people, both male and female, would follow the saint with folded hands, and women standing or kneeling would present him with fruits or cakes on plates and ask his blessing"? The frieze on the upper main wing, which is nearly 60 feet long, is the most interesting. In fact no freze in Indian caves has excited more discussion among archaeologists. Various explanations have been given of these scenes, which are also briefly repeated in the Ganesa cave. The editor of the District Gazetteer believes that in this Parsvanatha appears to be the most honoured of the Tirthankaras. Taking just a brief survey of the hfe of Parsva 1 C BDGP, 25 * Tord , p 254 * Toid C Chakravarta (Mon Mohan), op cit, pp 9-10. 154

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JAINISM IN KALINGA-DESA from such sources 1 as the Parsvanatha-Carita of Bhavadeva Suri, the Kalpa-Sutra and the list of the Sthaviras, the editor concludes that the mediaeval Jaina legends connect Parsva, the twenty-third Tirthankara, with Eastern India (including Kalinga)?; and it is not unreasonable therefore to suggest that the elephant scene introduces Parsva's future wife Prabhavati, with her relatives and attendants, that in the next scene she is abducted by the Kalinga king, that in the fourth scene she is rescued by Parsva in a forest while hunting, that the following scene depicts the wedding feast, the seventh scene the consummation of marriage, and the eighth scene in the lower wing may represent Parsvanatha as a Tirthankara, his wanderings and the honour shown to him: It may therefore be conjectured that the scenes are somehow connected with Parsva or some revered disciple of his, though it seems too far-fetched to the learned author of The Remains of Omssa, Ancient and Medieval, from its being an eminently Buddhist cave because of certain considerations which have been already marked. The same confusion also arises in the case of the Ganesagumpha Because of the occurrence of kilted soldiers in the frieze sculpture of this cave hike the Rani Nur the editor of the District Gazetteer comes to the conclusion that this scene refers to a medieval legend of the abduction of Prabhavati by the Yavan king of Kalinga, and her subsequent rescue by Parsvanatha, the twenty-third Tirtharikara of the Jainas. This conclusion is specially strengthened when we see that the kilted soldiers probably look like foreigners, and thus to some extent corroborate the mediaeval legend that Parsva rescued a princess from some Yavan king. However, Mr Ganguly differs from the editor, in taking the cave for a Buddhist one According to him the sculpture unmistakably indicates a Bauddha ongin.? With all this it is quite natural that the Jaina monks may have carved in their cells episodes of the life of their venerable saint. Next in order of importance, from the architectural point of View, come the Jayavijaya, the Swargapuri, the Tiger and the 1 See also Hemacandra, Trishashtz-Salaka, Perua IX, pp 107-201 arsin affGSIGITA146: 1--Iord, v 06, p 109 * B.DGP, 256 Ganguly, op cit, p 89 499 FTH STAT:--Hemacandra, op and loc cut * B.DGP, op and loc at "Thus scenic frieze appears to be the early story of that developed in the upper storey in the Roni Gumpha "-Chakravarti (Non Mohan), op cit, P 16 7 Ganguly, op cit., p 48 155

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JAINISM IN NORTH INDIA Serpent caves. Except the Swargapuri cave none of these is of any great historical importance but for the fact that the Tiger cave has a Buddhist inscription, and that, according to Drs Fergusson and Burgess, both the Tiger and the Serpent caves are " the oldest of the sculptured caves in these hills" 1 By the by, it may be mentioned that the Sarpagumph, or the Serpent cave, which is to the west of the Hathigumpha, has its verandah so carved as to resemble the head of a serpent with three hoods, the symbol of Parsva. In the Swargapuri cave there are three inscriptions, one of which, the first one, speaks of the chief queen of the illustrious Kharavela, the overlord of Kalinga. It seems from this that in the noble task of serving the Jaina church he always associated himself with his chief queen. The memory of this noble and prous lady, who was the daughter of Lalaka, is associated, as we shall see later on, with a cave which bears a short inscription mentioning a Jaina temple and a cave built by her According to Mr Banerji in the plan printed with the Puri volume of the Bengal District Gazetteer tlus is called the Mancapuri cave, and some time ago it was known as Swargapura It was called Vaikunthagumpha by Prinsep, 4 Vaikunthapura by Mitra." Speaking on this variety of names Mr Banerji says: "I have found that the local names of these caves vary with each generation. As one name is forgotten a new one is immediately invented. This cave is in reality the upper storey of a cave with two storeys and a side wing, but the local people very often give different names to different parts," The first inscription is incised on the raised space between the second and the third doorways in front. It consists of three lines, and tells us that " a temple of Arbats and a cave for the Sramanas of Kalinga had been made by the chief queen of Kharavela, who was the daughter of King Lalaka, the grandson of Hastisahasa (or Hastisaha) "? The second and the third record merely mention two caves, 1 Fergusson and Burgess, Cauc Temples of India, p 08 : B.J GP, 260 SEI, XIN ,P 159 J.ASB,,p 1074 Mitma, Antiguities of Orissa, 11, pp 14-15 * C.I, n, op and joc cu Chacra atent per aiu. faf-archese r 156 eferat af Tond

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. . . 2 WALA SWARGAPURI CAVCS, UDAYAGIRI from Mitro, The Antiguities of Orissa

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JAINISM IN KALINGA-DESA * one of them being in the name of Kudepsiti, " the king, master of Kahnga,"1 and the other in the name of the Prince Vadukha.? The first is incised on the front wall, while the other is on the side wall of the lower storey. According to Mr Banerji the characters of all the three inscriptions "are slightly later than those of the Hathigumpha inscription of Kharavela." These fragmentary evidences tend to prove the existence of an influential Jama dynasty which ruled over Kalinga. It is not known how long this dynasty lasted or by what other dynasty it was succeeded, but according to the District Gazetteer " it is possible that in the 2nd century A.D. Kalmga, including Orissa, acknowledged the suzerainty of the Andhras, to whose active influence the introduction of Buddhism may perhaps be ascribed The Tibetan chronicles have preserved a tradition that the king of Otisha was converted to Buddhism, with 1000 of his subjects, by Nagarjuna, who is believed to have flourished about A.D. 200 at the court of the Andhras. The conversion of the people must naturally have been faciltated by this royal example" 4 With these historical monuments at our disposal it will not be too much to say that the family of the great queen on her father's side also must have been under the Jaina church. As we shall see later on, the party with whom Kharavela, the mighty emperor, joined hands on matrimonial grounds must have been one belonging to the family of a great ruler of those days. From all that we have seen up till now one thing is very characteristic of these bills, and this must be duly emphasised. In the words of the District Gazetteer, "several caves in Khandagiri contain images of Tirthankaras which, even if of a later date than the caves, are interesting as examples of medieval Jaina hagrology, while if contemporaneous, they are the oldest existing specimens of Jaina Tirthankaras and their consorts. The prominence given to Parsva, whether among the images or by the use of his symbol, the serpenthood, is curious, for in other existing remains Mahavira is the greatest of all the saints. The preference for Parsva may pomt to the early age of the remains, and if so, they are unique specimens of Jnina iconography. So little is known about this great preacher who lived, according to Jaina chronicles, 200 years earlier than Mahavira, or about 750 B.C., and whose lat recognised but four I EI, X1, 160 Iord , P 150 : Ird, p 161. * BDGP, p 23. 157

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JAINISM IN NORTH INDIA vows and allowed an under and upper garment, that the sculptured record contained in these caves, scanty as it is, cannot but be welcome to the antiquarians." 1 This is what we can glean from the sacred remains of the country which has been spoken of as the land of the "blessed adorned with all the virtues," 2 and as "the bestower of heaven and salvation." It was here that, long before the Christian era, Jainism and Buddhism gained ascendancy, and exercised a great influence on Hinduism or, properly called, Brahmanism. It is this very land of the Rshis which experienced alternate cycles of the Jains or the Buddhist predominance, and hence it seems difficult and sometimes impossible to lay down with absolute certainty that such and such cave is of Jaina or Bauddha origin on the flimsy grounds of certain symbols or some characteristic architectural designs Thrs becomes specially so when, in those days, both the faiths had many-& similar symbol-namely, "a Swastika," "a tree," and so on. After all, whatever may be the nature of such historical data, it is certain that the union of Brahmanism with Buddhism and Jainism is marked by a great upheaval in every department of thought and art, and architecture, with sculpture, could not escape its influence. With these preliminary remarks we shall pass on to the Hathigumpha inscription, but before we do that a passing reference to the Jaina temple built on the summit of the Khandagiri Hill by the Mahrattas will not be out of place. The temple is about a century old and was built towards the close of the eighteenth century. As usual with other Jaina temples, It occupies a grand site and commands a beautiful view. Referring to this small temple the learned author of The Antiquities of Orissa says: "The sanctuary contains a standing figure of Malavira in black stone, placed on a wooden chair. The temple was built by Manju Chaudhuri and his nephew, Bhavani Dadu of Cuttack, a Jaina merchant of the Digambara sect." 3 Within the sanctuary there is also a masonry platform, with a small raised wall behind, in which are embedded five images of Jaina saints. Behind the temple at a slightly lower level there is another terrace, on which lie scattered scores of votive Stupas, indicating the existence of an older temple. Finally coming to the Hathigumpha we find that it is a natural slightly lower level the Which lie scattes 4-5 1 BDG. PP 206 : Vana Parca sec 114, Ind 158 ? Brahma Purana, 26th cluapter * Mitra, op al, p.35 * B.DGP, p. 261

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,!! JAINA TEMPLE AT KHANDAGIRI from Mitra, The Antiquitret af Oritsa

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TV JAINISM IN KALINGA-DESA cavern, very little improved or enlarged by art. It is on the southern face of the Udayagiri Hills, which is the northern part of that low range of hills called Khandagiri, situated at a distance of about three miles from Bhubanesvara, in the Puri district of Orissa. Though not important from an artistic and architectural point of view, it is the most important of all the caves in the locality by reason of its containing a long inscription recording the autobiography of a king of Kalinga "on the overhanging brow of the cavern." I The record is incised partly in front and partly on the roof of the cave. It throws considerable light on the history of India in the second century B.C," when the empire of Candragupta and Asoka had crumbled into decay, when the usurper Pushyamitra was ruling over the fragments of the Mauryan empire, and the Andhras of Southern India, having acquired power, had advanced northwards and had perhaps conquered Malva." 2 The inscription begins with an invocation to the Arhats and the Siddhas in the Jaina style. As believed by Fleet, it is not a version of the acts done by Kharavela for the promotion of the Jaina faith, but it is, after all, a secular record, and records all performances of King Kharavela, who belonged to the Jaina faith up to the thirteenth year of his reign or thirty-seventh year of his life. Following the inscription as it is, we find that its language may be described as Apabhramsa Prakrt, with traces of Ardha Magadhi and Jaina Prakytisms, and that it was incised in the thirteenth year of Kharavela's reign. Thus thirteenth year of his reign coincides with the thirty-seventh year of his life, because, after completing his fifteenth year, Kharavela became a Yuvaraja and performed the Vedic coronation called the Maharajya-abhisheka as soon as he completed his twenty-fourth year. The Abhisheka of Kharavela shows that Jainism did not interfere with the national constitutional rites of the orthodox type. Over and above the exact information that this inscription gives us about Kharavela, and about some of the principal events of his political career, it gives us a clue to more or less accurately fix the date of this great emperor. But for this inscription there 1 Ganguly, op. at, 47 J.BORS,, 488 3 HT WEATH THAT HET. etc-Iond, !V, P 897, and xm, p. 222. JRAS, 1910, p 825 JBORS, 1, pp 431, 438 159.

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JAINISM IN NORTH INDIA is nothing of any historical or even non-historical value that can so well enlighten us on this chronological point of Indian history. As laid down in the footnote, until recently it was belteved by certain scholars, as against Fleet and others, that in line sixteen of the inscription there was a reference to a date of the Maurya era, and that it formed the sole basis for fixing this important period 1 This note gives, more or less in & chronological order, the names of different scholars who touched this inscription from one or other point of view Mr A Sterling first discovered it, and with the help of Colonel Mackenzie took a facsimile of this interest ing document in 7820 and published it, without translation or transcript, in 1825 with his most valuable article on An Account, Geographical, Statistical and Historical, of Orissa proper or Cuttach (AR, Y, pp 818 , and plate), then James Prinsep published it for the first time in 1887 on the bang of the correct facsimile of Lieutenant Kittoe, and According to him the date of the inscription could not be earlier than 200 BC (J.ASB, v1, pp 1075 1, and Plate LVIII) A further lithograph of the mscription we find by Cunningham in CJI, 1, (1877), Pp 27 11, 98-101, 182 ff, and Plate XVII, but it appears that Prinsep's interpretation drew the attention of Oriental scholars to its importance and histone worth Rajendralal Mitra copied his transcripts and translations, and published it in & revised forra, a bu great work on The Antiquities of Or2880, in 1880. pp 10 ff , with a facsimile, and the date of the scription, according to him, ought to be between 416-816 BC A few years after Dr Matra, the late Pandit Bhagwanlai Indraji, published for the first time a workable version of this important inscriptaon, in the Proceedings of the Stath International Congress of Onentalists, held at Leyden in 1885, and according to him the date of the inscription 18 166 Maurya era or 157 BC (Actes Six Congr Or a Leade, pt 7, sec 1, pp 152-: and plate) This was followed by Buhler in 1895 and 1898 in Indian Studies, No I P , and in On the Origin of the Indian Brahma Alphabet, pp 181respectively, but he merely proposed certain corrections This fixing of the date by the late Pandit, on the basis o! & reference to some Mauryan date in line sixteen of the inscription, had been accepic up till now by most of the modern school of antiquarians, beaded by Vincent si K P Jayaswal, R D Banerji and others, but it was Fleet and a few others after him that protested against such & reading of the Raid line, though he accepted that single voice had been raised against the interpretation of Pandit Indraji (sec Sraith, Early History of India, P 44, n (4th ed), and also in JRAS, 2018, PP 54 Jayaswal, J.BO.RS, 1, 80, 68, m. PD 425-485. 1, pp 864 ff, Banerji (RD) JBOR 8, 11, PP 486 T , Dubround, Ancient History of the Deccan, p 12, Jmevijaya, Procin Jaina Lehha Samgraha, 2, which wholly deals with Kharavela and agrees will the school of Jayaswal, and Konow, ASI, 1905-1006, p 166 According to him the inscription contained a date in the Maurya era) Reviewing this volurte za his note in the JRAS, 1910, pp 242 1, Dr Fleet says "In the course of his remaths Dr Konow has mentioned the Hithigumpba ingention of Kharavela, and has observed, A5 an obiter dictum, that. It is dated in the year 165 of the Mauryr er' We may take the opportunity of saying that it is & mistake, and has no basis except in Pandit Brasil Indraji's treatment of a passage in line 16th of the record ". Now we shall refer to Fleet and others of big class In 1910 Professor H Liders published in EI, X, Luders list, No 1345, P 100, & summary of the inscription, stated that there was no date in the record Thus was followed by thoshort notes the late Dr J F Ficet in JRAS, 1910, pp 242 fr and 824 1 As we saw obosc, Fleet had his own doubts about the ceistence of a date in the Maurys era in this recor He tried to prove that the passage in the sixteenth lme of the Hithrgutpha Inscription docs not contain any such date, but on the other hand that at refers to a certain CANON text of the Jains which went out of use during the reign of the Mouryas Sc Ramesh Chandm Mazumdar (I 4, Xyu, 1918, p 223 ff. and yill, 2010, pp 187 ! According to him line sisteen is far from being clear end positive, and he contested 160

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JAINISM IN KALINGA-DESA of Kalinga hustory. Mr Jayaswal, once the foremost advocate of this theory in the light of fresh researches then made by him, has, with all the broadmindedness worthy of a real scholar, to a great extent allowed himself to agree with Mr Fleet and others that there is no such reference in the line referred to, or even anywhere else in the body of the inscription. No doubt in the sixth line of the inscription there is a reference to the cra of Nanda, but this reference hardly helps us in fixing the date of Kharavela.. For fixing the date of the inscription and of the great Cedi king recourse to certain other facts laid down by the inscription is necessary. These facts are to be interpreted and understood in the light of whatever contemporary listorical gleanings are at our disposal to fix as accurately as possible the date of the inscription. According to the new reading and interpretation of Mr Jayaswal a certain portion of the eighth line of the inscription, which speaks of the eighth year of Kharavela's reign, reads as follows: pAtApayitA rAjagaha upapoDApayati etinA gha kammApadAna saMnAdena sabaina - sena - vAhano vipamucitu madhurate apayAto yAna-rAja-DimiTa yaccati-ni-palara, and which means," on account of the report (uproar) occasioned by the acts of valour (e. the capture of Gorathagiri fortress and the siege of Rajagrha, with which we shall deal later on) the Greek king Demetrios), drawing in his army and transport, or covering himself with his army and vehicles, retreated to abandon Mathura." This is according to the latest researches made by Mr Jayaswal, of the conclusions of Messrs Jayaswal and Banerji (Ramaprasad Chanda) (JRAS. 1019, pp 305 I). He agreed with Ficet and Luders in denying the existence of any date In the Fathugumphu inscription However now to our satisfaction we find that Mr Jayaswal and others of his school more or less agree with those of the opposite school about tins crucial point, and hence the reading of line sixteen of the record, which is the heystone of the whole structure, is now to a great extent fully agreed to by all (see Javaswa), J.BORS, X111, pp 221 ff, and wv, pp 127-128 and 150-151) Over and above these rescarches we have references to scholars like Ganguly, Fergusson and Burgess, and Professor K. H Dhruy Mr Mono Mohan Ganguly places the inscription on principles based on architectural and sculptural considerations towards the close of the third century BC--that 19, before Asoka came to the throne of Magadha (sec Ganguly, opal, pp 48-50) According to Drs Fergusson and Burgess "300 BC or thereabouts is the most probable date for this inscription" They add that with bus (of Asoka) reign the fashion of chiselling cells out of the livmg rock commenced, and was continued with continually increasing magazficence and elaboration for nearly 1000 years after hus time" (Fergusson and Burgess, op cu , pp 67-68) Professor Dhruv talks of Khiravela and the antiquity of Jainism in connection with Pushyamutra Sunga and other ruling dynasties of the time in the preface of his Gujarata druma, Sachumstapna-the Gujarati rendering of the Sanskrit drama, Svapnavasapadatta of Bhasa 1 J.BO.R.S, XI, p 236 : H TTTT-fit- T-VIETC ... etc Ibid, wv, p 809. Ind, and 12, p 227 Ind, p. 229 161

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JAINISM IN NORTH INDIA the identification being accepted by Mr Banerji and Dr Konow. This is what the most modern methods in estampage and historical research can give us, and hence, taking it as the sole clue to Kharavela's period, we evidently find that the Greek king had captured Mathura, and had advanced eastwards, probably as far as Saketa This is corroborated by the information given by the Gargi Samhita that the Yavanas, after taking Saketa, Pancala and Mathura, were marching towards Kusumadhvaja (Pataliputra) at the close of the Maurya period.? Emphasising the same point Mr Jayaswal states, "When Patanjali was writing his commentary on Sanskrit Grammar the king of Magadha (Pushyamitra) had undertaken a long sacrifice not yet finished Two Asvamedhas were performed by that Bagadha king, according to the new Ayodhya inscription. Evidently while an Asvamedha vas in progress Patanjali records that a Yavana king besieged Saketa and Madhymika. Kalidasa mentions an imperial victory on a river wbuch is near the Madhymika territory during an Asvamedha by Pushyamitra We thus have definite evidence that in the reign of Pushyamitra there was an unsuccessful Greek invasion. Now we have in Kharavela's inscription a contemporary Greek invader who had to retreat and give up Mathura. This occurred in the reign of Brhaspats - Mitra, who was a predecessor of Agn-Mitra, on the evidence of coins The conclusion is irresistible that the invasion is identical with one mentioned by the Gargi-Samhita and Patanjali" 3 For all this there arises another difficulty--whether this Greek king is Demetrios or Menander. Now, according to Gardner, Menander's time is about the beginning of the second century B.C.," and according to Vincent Smith about 155 BC. Furthermore, Menander is not said to have crossed the Isaros (Yamuna ?), while he is said to have gone beyond the Hypams (Bjas), and the classical IJ BORS, 41, p 228 In the Yuga Purana, one of the chapters of the Gargi Samhila, there is described that the Viciously valient Greeks after reducing Saketa fin Oudb), the Pancata country (in the Doab between the Jumna and the Ganges) and Mathura (Auttra), riched Pue! papura (Pataliputra), but that they dia not remain in the midland country because of a drendful war among themselves which broke out in their own country (Kern, Brhal Samlila, P87)-n evident allusion to the internecine struggle between the houses of Butns anos and Eucratades 3 J.BORS, 212, pp 241, 242. * Cf Gardner, Catalogue of Indian Coins, Greek and Sythic, int, PP , * Smuth, Early History of India, p. 239 . Gordner, op azt, Int, P 162

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JAINISM IN KALINGA-DESA passage which icfers to both Demetrios and Menander has been interpreted by the best authorities to apply to Demetrios in respect of the cxtensive conquests 1 Above all, the retreat of Demetrios from India to oppose his rival Eucratides in Bactria is a fact that largely helps the identification, because, according to our inscription, the Greek king, without any action on the part of Kharavela against him. retreated and left Alathura. Thus it seems to be certain that Kharavela's time is between Demetrios and Menander. Coming to the Greek history we find that the very success of Demetrios appears to have caused his downfall As a direct consequence of his victories the centre of his dominions was shufted beyond the borders of Bactria proper. The homeland, however, was not content to degenerate into a mere dependency. A revolt cnded in the establishment of a separate kingdom under Eucratides, a leader of great vigour and ability, about thom written history has hardly anything to say." His recognition as king took place with the accession of Mithradates I to the throne of Parthia. As Mithradates succeeded his brother Phraates I about 171 B.C. We may accept Von Gutschmid's date of 175 B.C. as approximately correct for Eucratides. The beginning of his reign was stormy Demetrios. who was now king of India-i e of the country round about the Indus-not of Bactria, and who was therefore one of his most natural foes, had to retreat from India on account of the troubles raised in Bactria by the rival Eucratides. This retreat of Demetrios is placed by the historians of Bactria about 175 B.C,4 and this, with the siege of Gorathagiri and Rajagelia, coincides with the eighth year of Kharavela . 175 B.C. The first year of Kharavela would thus be c. 183 B C., and the date of the inscription about 170 B.C. Leaving aside this reference to the Greek king, Demetrios, there is another ground on which we can approximately fix the date of Kharavela. An Andhra king, Satakarni, the Lord of the West, is actually mentioned in the inscription as Kharavela's rival, and he can safely be identified with the Satakarni of the Nanaghat inscriptions, because on epigraphical grounds both the Nanaghat inscription of 1 Sce Meyer (Eduard), E B, 61, 982 (11th ed), and Rawlinson, Partha (The Story of the Nations), P 65 : C.H.I,1,P 446. Ibid * Meser (Edunrd), op art, ix, P 880 CEJ BOR$,15,P 898, and xu, P 296. 163

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JAINISM IN NORTH INDIA Naganika, the queen of Satakarni, and the Hathigumpha inscription of Kharavela belong to the same period as the Nasik inscription of Krslna. Now the Nanaghat inscriptions of the early Satavahanas are "a little, not much, later than Asoka's and Dasaratha's edicts," and on epigraphical grounds "they are of the time of the last Mauryas or the earliest Sungas--that is, the beginning of the second century B.C." 2 Even therefore if it must be admitted that the Hathigumpha inscription is undated, there is still reason to believe that the date of Kharayela would fit in with the dates of Demetrios and Satakarni in the first half of the second century BC Moreover, as the rise of both the Andhra and Kalinga dynasties must no doubt date from the same period, when the Maurya power began to decline, the probability that these two kings were contemporary is great indeed. Having thus approximately fixed the date of the inscription we shall now examine its contents and see what information we can gather about this great patron of Jainism, and the extent of his political career, which makes him one of the most important his politie Indian history, inscription as siddhas in t The first line of this inscription as laid down above begins with an invocation of the Arhats and the Siddhas in the Jaina style, which corresponds to the beginning of the fivefold form of homage still used among the Jainas. It is here that we came to know that Kharavela belonged to the Cedi dynasty, and that the term Aira formed one of the titles of the kings of this family. According to Mr Jayaswal this is to be taken as a term denoting the descent of the Cedi kings-Aira, a descendant of Ira or Ia--and he proposes "to identify it with the Puranic Aila, one of the main dynastic divisions to which the Cedis belong according to the Puranas." The second line says that for fifteen years Kharavela enjoyed his princely hfe, and during that period, having accomplished various Vidyas (arts), he," who was having conquests as large as those of King Vena," ruled as Yuvaraga for many years? See Buhler, A SII, v,p 71, and Indische Paleographie, p 30 * Buhler, 4 S I , v, pp 71 7 Namo sarihatANa Namo siddhANa gamo pAyariyA gAmo ubakAyANa yAno loe sambasAhUNa, H U ER, -Kalpa-Sutra, sul I . CE J BORS,1,P 897, and xi, p 222 5 Pargiter, JRAS, 1910, PP 11, 26 JBORS, m, p 228 C brd, wv, p 897, and xiu, p 224 164

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JAINISM IN KALINGA-DESA This King Vena is a Vedic personality, and according to Manu? King Vena had the whole earth (country) under his rule. Speaking about him Mr Jayaswal says: "It is noteworthy that the Padma Purana also says that Vena began his rule well, but subsequently he became a Jaina. From the Hathugumpba inscription we get an indirect confirmation of the Padma Purana, in so much that Vena, who has not got throughout a good reputation in the Brahmanical tradition, had a good reputation amongst the Jainas as an ideal king. If amongst the Jainas at the period when the inscription was written Vena had been regarded as a bad king towards the end of his career, the comparison would not have been adopted in praise of Kharavela. It is significant that the only defect in Vena, the Brahmins found, was of Jaina characteristics--that is, he did not 1ecognise caste. Presumably the tradition disparaging Vena is later and post-Jainism." S Coming to the third line we find, as already stated, that after the twenty-fourth year was complete Kharavela obtained "Maharajabhisecanam" in the third generation of the Kalinga dynasty, and with many other repairs got an embankment made to the lake of Khibira Rshi in the capital of Kalinga. With the fourth line of the inscription begins the political life of Kharavela. In the beginning of the line it is said that Kharavela tried to please his teeming population of three and a half millions. There is nothing particular to wonder at this figure. We know from Asoka's Rock Edict XIII that against Asoka's forces Kalinga lost 150,000 soldiers as captives of war, 100,000 were slain and "many times as many died." This comes to about two and a half lacs as the total number of casualties. Now according to Scharnhorst's estimate every fifteenth soul of the population could take up arms against a foreign invasion, and hence the population of Asoka's time comes to about thirty-eight lacs.? A century after this, in the time of Kharavela, it is quite likely that it was three and a half millions after the loss occasioned by the Maurya conquest and rule. Accepting the same figure Mr Vincent Smith says. "Knowing as we do that the Mauryas and their predecessors 1 Rigveda, , 128 Mfanu, chap Ix, 60-67. SJBORS. Xu, pp 224, 225 * Cf_1bid, iv, pp 397-398, and xin , p 223 Cf ond , 1v, 308, and xiu, p 226 6 Buhler, E.In, p 471. 1 C JBORS,1,P 440 165

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JAINISM IN NORTH INDIA maintained a permanent census, there is no reason to distrust the figures" 1 Before we go any further a peep into the history of the times. will not be out of place here. In the words of Dr Barnett. "After the death of Asoka the Maurya empire rapidly decayed, and the neighbouring rulers were left free to indulge in their ambition and enlarge their boundaries. Among these was a certain Simuka, who in the last quarter of the third century BC. established the powerful Satavahana or Satakarni dynasty, which ruled the Telugu country for nearly five centuries. In his reign or in the reign of his immediate successor, his younger brother Krshna (vernacularly Kanha), the Andhra empire spread westward to at least 74' longitude, and possibly even to the Arabian Sea 2 Under these early Satavahana kings the boundaries of the Andhra dominions were enlarged so as to include a great part, if not the whole, of Vidarbha (Berar), the central provinces and Hyderabad." 3 "But the Sungas and the Andhras were not the only powers which at this period were contending for mastery in the region now known as Central India. The Hathigumpha inscription shows that c. 180 B.c. Kharavela, king of Kalinga, appeared in the field as a new combatant." 4 Kharavela's ambition to secure his country a dictating voice in the political affairs of his times brought him into conflict with his neighbours, who were a paramount power in the Deccan In his second year he sent a large army to the west in defiance of Satakarni, the Andhra monarch 5 This monarch was a king of the dynasty called the Satavahanas according to the inscriptional records of the family themselves, and the Andhras (Andhrabhrtyns) according to the Puranas. These were the unsubdued peoples on the southern borders of the Mauryan dominions, and their home was on the coastal region of the Madras Presidency, between the Tivers Godavary and Krishna . Ibid, p. 600 1 Smith, JRAS, 1018, p 545 This is indicated by the inscriptions at Nasik (No. 1144) and at Nanughat, anty mles north-west of Poona (No 1114) *CJI I, 1, pp 500, 600 The Andhra king alluded to can only be Sri-Satakarni, No 3 of the Puranic list who is commemorated by a defaced but happily inscribed relic image at Nuplight pass lending from the Konhan to the ancient town of Junar in the Poono district, Bombay -Buhler, ASTF 1,, 59 . Pargiter, Dynashes of the Kali Age, PP 30 ff 166

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JAINISM IN KALINGA-DESA Talking about the original liome and the caste of the Satavahana princes Mr Bakhle says: "In the inscription of Kharavela the Satavahanas arc said to be in the west of Kalinga ; in the Jaina legends Paithan, in the Naizam's dominions, is called their capital; in the version of the origin of the dynasty given in the Kathasartsagara the founder of the dynasty is said to have been born at Paitlian. ... Majority of the inscriptions of the Satavahanas are to bc found at Nasik; their carliest inscription is at Nanaghat, in Western India; their earliest coins are also found in Western India. ... It will thus appear that all the circumstances point to Western India as the original home of the Satavahanas. ... The evidence of the Jaina legends about the caste of the Satavahana princes is conflicting and of very little credence. One traditional account says that the Sitavahana was born from a virgin aged four years; another traces his descent to a Yaksha. The epigraphic evidence, however, points definitely to the Satavahana as Brahman." 1 The result of Kharavela's expedition to the west was that Satakarni was not defeated, and that he had to be content with the Musluka capital, which was taken by him to help the Kasyapa Kshatriyas." The Muslukas were very probably the subordinate ally of Sataka ni, and it appears that the Mushika country must have been between Paithan and Gondwana. As Kosal came next to Orissa (north-west), the Mushika land must have been contiguous to the west. Nothing particular has the fifth line to tell us but the fact that in the third year Kharavela was well versed in the science of music, with shows of dancing, singing, and so on. Line six is rather important. It is here that we get some reference to the Nanda era. It first tells us that after the march against Satakarni and Muslukas the next campaign of Kharavela was carried into Western India In the fourth year of his reign he humbled the Rastrikas of the Maratha country and Bhojakas of Berar, both feudatories of the Andhras. Thus on two occasions, according to the inscriptional record, did Klaravela invade the Andhra dominions in the Deccan. In his second year he sent a large army of horses, elephants, foot JBBRAS (New Series), 111, pp 49-52 * IBORS,1,P 898, and Xu, P 226 Cf and Zbid ,1,899 167

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JAINISM IN NORTH INDIA soldiers and chariots to the west in defiance of Satakarni; and in his fourth year he humbled the Rashtrikas of the Maratha country and Bhojakas of Berar, both under the domination of the Andhra king of Pratishthana. Such expeditions were undoubtedly in the nature of a challenge to the predominant power of the Deccan, but they appear not to have been pursued beyond the limit of safety In the words of Professor Rapson. "We may suppose that the armies of Kharavela passed the valley of Mahanadi, and over the watershed into the valleys of Godavari and its great tributaries, the Wainganga and the Wardha. They could thus invade territory which the Andhra monarch regarded as lying within the realm, but it is not stated, and there are no grounds for surmising, that the forces of the Kalingas and the Andhras came into actual conflict on either of these occasions, or that any important political results followed." 2 This is not to minimise the greatness of the extent of Kharavela's conquests. No doubt as a military leader he played a great part in the political affairs of his time, but nothing more. He could very well stand by the side of the great Pushyamitra or the great Salivahana, but if, as the expeditions of his second and fourth years seem to indicate, his ambition led him to entertain the project of wresting the suzerainty from the Andhra king of Prathisthana, the attempt must be held to have failed. That was not possible for him, and that is not what is meant by the inscription. In his fifth year Kharavela caused a canal that was excavated in the year 108 of King Nanda, and the roads of Tanasuliya or Tosali, to enter the aty of Kalinga 4 This and many other accurate statements and year figures in the body of the inscription made scholars like Fleet, Smith and others infer that a careful chronicle was kept at Orissa, and that all these long periods could not be reckoned without an era. That the era taken into consideration here is the Nanda era is clear from the text of the line itself It is 1 The modern Parthan, on the north bank of the Godavery in the Aurangabad district of Hyderabad, is famous in literature as the capital of King Satakornt (Sitavihana or Sales aliana) and his son Sakti-kumara Rapson, CH1,1, 586 * We would be justified an accepting that the capital of Khiraucla was Tosali, mi w kosc neighbourhood the Hathigumphi cane and River Pruchi are to be found According to Mir Haraprasad Sastr, Tosali is etymologically identical With Dhauli, the name of the place where a sect of the Kalinga edicts exists --Smith, op cit, p 540 Cf J BORS, L, P 390 * See Fleet, JRAS, 1910, p 828, Smith, op cit, p 545 168

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JAINISM IN KALINGA-DESA so natural that nobody would care to recollect such long intervals since the reign of a particular king unless an era founded by him were in continuous use This king, in the option of Jayaswal, cannot be any other than King Nanda Vardhana, whose date, according to his calculations, comes to about 457 BC. As seen before, there is no historical basis or any other clue in the body of the inscription on which we can rest such an identification, Jayaswal believes that his era exactly corresponds to the information received by Alberuni about the era of Sri Harsha, -and hence whatever Alberum has put down in the form of local traditions about Sri Harslia o has been wrongly identified by the former with that of Nandi Vardhana. To us there seems no reason for such a farfetched identification. There is nothing unnatural if the era began with Nanda I of the Jainas or Mahapadma Nanda of the Puranas. After all that we have seen from the Puranic and the classical accounts about Nanda it is certain that he was great enough for commencing an era in his name We can thus safely identify it with one started by him. Thus the date of the canal referred to in the sixth line would roughly correspond to 320-307 BC, taking the Nirvana date of Mahavira to be 480-467 B.C From what is said in the seventh line we get that Kharavela's wife was of the Vajra family, and Jayasval says: "The name of the queen is either not given or is 'Ghusita (a) ""6 This was the seventh year of his reign, and it seems he had a prince by this time.6 The eighth year of his regnal period opens with an invasion on Magadha He stormed the Gorathagiri fortress of great enclosure by a great army? Line eight is that important one about which we have already talked at length, and which because of a reference to the great IndoGreek king Demetrios greatly solves the most difficult and at the same time the most important problem of Kalinga chronology 1 JB 08 8, x1 ,p 240 : Cf Sachau, Alberuni's India, 1, 5 ICE J BORS, si , p 240 * yajira-ghara-pati zusitaparini -Ibrd, P 227 This Vajra family has been identified by Dr K Anyangar with an ancient dynasty of considerable importance and holding the important territory of Bengal on this side of the Ganges-Some Contributions of South India to Indian Culture, p 89 * J.B O.RS, un, p 227 GHR ... etc-Ibid HEAT ETT HET-AT- Gift Trofunt, etc --Ibid, 11,P 399, and xiu, p 227. 169

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JAINISM IN NORTH INDIA namely, the date of Kharavela A literal translation of the line, with a portion of the previous line, made in the light of the latest readings of Jayaswal, which we have adopted for our purpose here, is as follows: "In the eighth year he (Kharavela) having got stormed the Gorathagiri (fortress) of great enclosure (lit. 'wall, 'barrier ') by a great army causes pressure around Rajagraha (lays siege to Rajagpha). On account of this report (uproar), occasioned by the acts of valour (that is, the capture of Gorathagin fortress and the siege of Rajagrha), the great King Demet(rios) drawing m army and transport or covering himself with his army and vehicles retreated to abandon Mathura."1 Thus we see that in the eighth year of his reign Kharavela invaded Magadha. This shows that he had not only become independent but also aggressive He reaches as far as the Barabar Hulls (Gorathagiri), on the old route from Gaya to Pataliputra Hearing of this advance on the part of Kharavela, Demetrios, the king of Indians, beat a retreat, in the result giving up Mathura, and whose invasion in the interior and retreat from India are mentioned by historians of the Bactrian history.2 Most probably Pushyamitra was on the throne at that time According to the Puranas, Pushyamitra reigned for thirty-six years, and according to Mr Vincent Smith, Pushyamitra dethroned Bhadratba, the last Maurya king, in 185 B.C. According to ALT Jayaswal this event took place in 188 B C.,' and hence Pushyamitra must have ruled from 185 to 149 B.C. or 188 to 152 BC. There is hardly anything of importance in line nine of the in scription. It talks of some gifts of land to Brahmans, and thereby supports the system of collective grant of land to Brahmans prevalent during the Hindu rule 6 As we have already remarked about the Vedic coronation of Kharavela, here also the mere fact that he was a Jaina in no way interfered with the national constitution rites of the orthodox type Another inference that we might draw from this is that the original organisation of the Aryans had some of its permanent effects on the social life of the people irrespecto of the religion to which they belonged. Jainism and Buddhism 01 1 J BOR 9, 1v, pp 878, 370, and vu , pp 228, 229 Meyer (Eduard), op cit, 1,P 880 * CF Pargiter, op at, P TO + Smith, Early History of India, p 204 * J.BORS, W, P, 243 + Cl thd, 1v, 400, and m, p 220 170

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JAINISM IN KALINGA-DESA Maharira's time might have been direct revolutions against the prevalent form of Brahmanism, but that real or superstitious respect for Brahmans and their social claims over other castes hardly suffered in any way from these revolutions. No doubt in such a case as this much depended upon the broadminded outlook of the person concerned, and that, like Asoka, Kharavela was also the emperor who was always above any kind of blind religious fervour about his own or about any particular faith, and, like his predecessor's edicts, he has this inscription to prove his aloofness from any sort of petty-minded bigotry. Tolerance was his chief characteristic, and he seems to have been a magnificent ruler, of liberal tendencies, and styles himself " a worshipper of men of all sects." 1 Coming to the tenth line we find that Kharavela got built the royal residence Mahavijava (the palace of victory), at the cost of thirty-eight hundred thousand coins. After this he, "with the policy of war, peace and conciliation," causes departure for Northern India (Bharata-varsha) for further conquests, and obtains the precious things of those who have been invaded upon. It should be noted here that the third division of Hindu foreign policy-namely, "Bheda"-that is, "dissension"-is omitted here, probably as considered too low and not honourable for the policy of Kharavela. The next Ime is also not very important for our purpose here. It talks of some Manda (throne) being ploughed down by Kharavela with a plough drawn by big asses. The throne, it is said, was erected by some bad (perverse) king-bad because the king's religious heresy must be connected with Jainism. The throne referred to here must be a decorated stand or a covered throne. For the identification of the "bad king" there is nothing in the inscription to help us. Furthermore, Klaravela breaks the lead-bodied figure (or figures) or the assemblage of leaden bodies made a century and thirteen years ago, or in the year 113,6 With the reading 113 years before the eleventh year of Klaravela the date of these "lead figures" would be 285 B.C., but if we take the other reading the year would be in the Nanda era, as in line six, and would be equal to 345 BC. 408 1 - - BOR.S, 1v, : Cf tond, ty, p.400. * Cf ind, and in , p 280 Cf thid Inid Tord , 282 11

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JAINISM IN NORTH INDIA The first incident is about the Apa-Raja (" bad king"), and there seems some form of aggression on the part of the said king, but the latter incident is inexplicable. That the images were not other than Jaina images seems certain, because there is no such reference as that, and because that would contradict the generous policy of Kharavela. As we shall see in line seventeen, Kharavela was a respecter of all regions, and therefore it seems possible that these must be images representing ugly caricatures of some Jaina Tirthankaras. Over and above these two incidents the line tells us that Kharavela causes consternation amongst the kings of Uttaripathe (northern Panjab and the frontier countries), Again, the twelfth line is also very important for our purpose. It is important not only from the standpoint of this chapter on Kharavela, but it is also a great support to some such problems as "the Nandas and their faith," "Jainism and the Nanda dynasty," " the Antiquity of Jainism," "the Image worship among the Jainas," and so on to some of these problems we have already referred in our previous chapters. The remaining ones will be dealt with during the course of this and other chapters that are to follow, and hence to refrain from undue repetition we need not take up any discussions here. For the present we shall be satisfied with a literal translation of the line, with a portion of the previous line, which goes as follows "In the twelfth year (he) causes consternation amongst the kings of Uttarapatha and causing great panic amongst the peoples of Magadha (he) makes his elephants enter the Sugangeya, and he makes the king of Magadha, Babasati-mitra, bow at his feet (de brings home the image known as the Jina of Kalinga which had been carried away by King Nanda (and) the home Ratnas as recaptures as the riches of Anga and Magadha " 2 Thus the countries of the north-western frontiers are subdued and the king of Magadha is made to pay homage at his feet Furthermore it seems from this that King Nanda of Magadha had taken away some Jaina image to Pataliputra which Kharavela bad brought back to Orissa, along with other trophies from Anga and Magadhe after the defeat of Bahasati-mitra. At first sight it seems strange why this image is called "the Jina of Kalinga." It does not reler 1 - - Chat. J BORS,,p 403 sehi vitAsamatera uttarApatharAjAno magadhAnaM ca vipalaM bhaya janato agamAgadha-vam ca mayAta Iond, 1 , P 401, and tp 232 172 recaptures iedala image ha, Babasats enter the amo

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JAINISM IN KALINGA-DESA to any Tirthankara whose lufe-history was connected with Kalinga, but it seems, according to the interpretation of Muni Jinavijaya, that it is a practice still prevalent to designate the image of a particular Tirthankara after the name of the locality of the establishment. The first Tirthankara (Rshabhadeva) at Satrunjaya for instance is called Satrunaya Jina. Similarly the image at Abu is called "the Arbuda Jina," and the one at Dhulew (Mewar) is called "the Dhulew Jina."2 Thus it is not necessary that the image must be of a Jina associated with Kalinga in his life-history. The expression " the Jina of Kalinga" merely means that the Jaina image was worshipped at Kalinga or at the Kalingan capital Before we pass on to the next line we shall deal firstly with the questions as to who this Bahasati-mitra was, and with whom he can be identified, and secondly, the antiquity of Jainism in Kalinga. Looking to the contemporary history of the time it is certain that this Bahasati-mitra was the great Sunga king Pushyamitra. Fe, a Brahman like the Satavahanas of the west, having brought about the orthodox revolution which pulled the Mauryas from the throne, founded his dynasty. What we mean by orthodox revolution is that Pushyamitra was the outcome of the revival of the old Brahmanism, in the beginning of the second century BC. The evidence of Toranatha (A.D. 1608, resting on old works), as correctly translated by Schiefner, agrees with that of the Divyavadana in stating that Pushyamitra was the ally of unbelievers, and himself burned monasteries and slew monks "There took place a war of the Brahman king Pushyamitra with the rest of the Tasthyas. He burnt a number of monasteries from Madhyadesa up to Jalandar " 4 Again, coming to the orthodox revolution, the fact is that there may be some strong political reasons at its back, but nevertheless it must be said that Asoka, the great Maurya emperor, little thought how his lack of political instinct, his religious policy, his theocracy, and his partition undermined the strength of the empire OtherWise it is not possible that the military despotism so well established could disappear only forty or fifty years after the death of the greatest Indian monarch, whose memory is cherished with affection all over the Buddhist world, and who is regarded as a great and - AJBORS,1,886 # Iord : Cf Cowell and Nesl, op cit, 434 * Schiefper, Taranatha'History of Buddhisma, p 81 178

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JAINISM IN NORTH INDIA good ruler all over the world. His death was welcome news to the Brahmans of North India, to the powerful Andhras of the south, and to the enemies of India outside. The Mauryan control up to the Hindukush became weak soon after Asoka's death. The northwestern frontiers, ever exposed to foreign attacks, now became & tempting field to the Greek provinces of Bactria, Parthia and the warlike races of the borders. Notwithstanding lus toleration the Brahmans, who feared that their religion was in danger, were embittered against Asoka Besides this they should also have lost many of their former privileges. This led to a great reaction against Mauryan ascendancy, which was promoted for some time in secret by the Brahmans and culminated in open revolution in the time of the later Mauryas The descendants of Asoka retained only Magadha and the neighbouring home provinces Brhadratha, the last king of the imperial Mauryan line, was finally treacherously murdered by his commander-inchief, Pushyamitra--"the Indian Macbeth."i Now, considering this from the chronological point of view, we find that the whole duration of the Maurya dynasty, according to Puranic authority, was one hundred and thirty-seven years; and if this period be accepted, and reckoned from the accession of Candragupta in 32% BC, the dynasty must have come to an end about 185 B.C. This date, as we have seen before, is certainly approximately correct Thus the Brahman dynasty which uprooted the Buddhist Mauryas succeeded to the throne of India about 185 BC Thus at the instigation of the Brahmans Puspa or Pushyamitra faithlessly slew his master, imprisoned the ministers, usurped the throne, proclaimed himself king, founded the Sunga or Mitra dynasty, which lasted for about a decade and a century, and brought about an orthodox revolution in literature and Hindu society Banabhatta, in his life of Harshavardhana (seventh century AD.), alludes thus to this military coup d'Etat. "And reviewing the whole army, under the pretext of showing him his forces, the base-born general, Pushyamatra. crushed his master Vrhadratha, the Maurya, who was weak in keeping his coronation oath "4 Writing on this very point the learned author of The Hindu 1 Mazumdar, op cit, p 620 * See Pargster, op cit, p 27 - J.BORS,x,p 202 " The rendering combines the versions of Cowell and Thomas (Harsacarita, P 180) of Buhler (1 A, 1, 808) and of Jayaswal Cf. Smith, op cit, p 268, I 174

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JAINISM IN KALINGA-DESA History opincs that "Pusliyamitra, when old, claimed the honour of lord paramount of North India. An inperial sacrifice and a horse sacrifice were magnificently performed by Pushyamitra under the guidance and presidentship of his Guru Patanjali, the noted commentator of Panini's Grammar. Pushyamitra tried his best to Terive the Brahmanic farth. His sacrifice was rather a Brahmanic victory over the Buddhists. Buddhist writers have branded Pushyamitra as a persecutor. It is alleged that he burned monasteries and slew monks from Magadha to Jalandhar in the Punjab. There may be some truth in it. The motive of Pushyamitra was that there was widesprcad Buddhist and Jain conspracy against him." 1 Taking into consideration all these points one thing is clear -that the reaction of thc inquisitorial tyranny of Asoka's system gave a death-blour first to the Buddhist faith, and secondly, for other political reasons, to the Mauryan predominance in North India. The extreme favour which Asoka showed to the Buddlusts, and to some extent also to the Jainas, resulted in a serious fall in the privileged position of the Bralimans. They were also dissatisfied by the prolibition of bloody sacrifices and the irritating proceedings of the censors. Thus the moment the strong hand of the old emperor dropped the sceptre Braliman influence reasserted itself and produced a revolt wlich, as we have seen, resulted in the foundation of the new dynasty known as that of the Sungas 2 Coming to the territorial extent of the Sungas we find that Pataliputra, the modern Patna, the ancient Palibhotra and then the capital of North India, continued to be the capital of the Sungas, who perhaps owned authority over all the central or home provinces The kingdom extended south of Narmada. Besides it embraced Beha, Tyrhoot, and the modern united provinces of Agra and Oudh. The Punjab, it seems, was probably long lost to the later Mauryas and the Sungas. Again, this identification of Bphaspati with Pushyamitra on the basis of temporary history is further supported by the connection between Bphaspata and Pushya asterisms. Writing on this Mr Smith says, "Bahapati is identical with Bahasati Mitra of certain coins and short inscriptions, both names being Prakrt variations of the Sanskrit Brahaspati, who was believed to be the regent of the zodiacal asterism (Nakshatra) named Pushya or 1 Mazumdar, op cit, 680 CE JPA.SB, 1910, pp 259-202. 175

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JAINISM IN NORTH INDIA Tushya which forms part of the constellation Cancer or the Crab Bahapati certainly is an alternative name for Pushyamitra, the first Sunga king according to the list in the Puranas." I Emphasising the similar standpoint Mr Haraprasad Sastri says to the following effect ; "Asoka was, to all intents and purposes, a Buddhist monarch, and a bigoted one too... He put a stop to all animal sacnficts throughout his vast empire. ... This is an order which was certainly directed against the Brahmans, a privileged class wherever they settled. ... This was followed by another edict in which Asoha boasted that those who were regarded as gods on earth have been reduced by him in a short time into false gods If it means any. thing at means that the Brahmanas, who were regarded as Bhidevas or gods on earth, had been shown up by him... The appointments created by Asoka of Dharma Mahamatas---that is, of superintendents of morals--was a direct invasion of the right and privileges of the Brahmanas. They were not the persons to brook the injury done to them quietly. And to crown all, Asoka, in one of his edicts, insisted upon all his officers strictly observing the principle of Danda-samata and Vyavahara-samata -- that is, the equality of punishment and the equality in lawsuits, irrespective of caste, colour and creed. Under such circumstances the prospects of being huddled together in prison with the unspeakable non-Aryans, whipped, impaled alive and hanged, were very offensive to the highly educated, respectable and privileged community. They tolerated these indignaties heaped on them as long as the strong hand of Asoka was guiding the empire. ... They began to cast their eyes for a military man to fight for them, and they found such a man in Pushya - mitra, the commander-in-chief of the Maurya Empire . He was a Brahmanist to the core and hated the Buddhists." 2 In short, there is no difficulty about the identification of Bahapatimitra with Pushyamitra Sunga, and moreover no his. torical fallacy is committed by such an identification Everything fully agrees with the contemporary historical personages and well suits the events of the time. 1J RAS, 1918, p 645 Sastra (Hariprasad), JP.ASB, 1010, pp 250-200 It may be noted here that such alternate names are common in India fuse - Bimbisurs Sreniha, Ajutasatru -- Kunya, Asokn-Pusadas, Candraguptam Norchdro, Balamtm-Agimitra, Bhunumitra-Vasumitra, ctc. 176

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JAINISM IN KALINGA-DESA That Pushyamitra was a Brahman and Kharavela a Janna is a point which adds to the importance of the latter's reign from the viewpoint of Jaina history. If Kharavela had not been there to safeguard the Jaina faith against the Brahmanical crusades of Pushyamitra the revolution of Mahavira would have suffered the same fate as that of Buddha at the hands of one who Tas known to fame as the "annihilator of Buddha's doctrines "l According to what we have said before, Kharavela attacked Magadha twice during his rule. In his first attack be advanced within a few miles of Pataliputra, Pushyamitra made a strategic withdrawal to Mathura, and Kharavela apparently considered at Wise at the moment not to proceed farther than the Barabar Hill (Gorathagiri). In his second attack Kharavela was more successful. Entering Northern India and marching at the foot of the Himalayas he suddenly appeared before the capital of Magadba, on the north side of the Ganges, which he crossed with the help of the famous elephants of Kalinga. Pushyamitra was forced to submit, and the treasures of his capital were seized by the victor. Among them was an image of the Jina of Kalinga which at one time had been carried away by King Nanda of Magadha His temporary success affected only the eastern frontier of the Sunga kingdom. He may have conquered Bengal and Eastern Behar, where numerous instances of Jaina influence still survive 3 Mr Jayastal, in connection with this victory of Kharavela, says: "Pushyamitha seems to have avoided staking his throne on the issue of a battle by returning those objects which epitomised the Magadha-Kalinga history of the past three centuries. Most likely it was the power of the Magadha sovereign which rendered the object of the campaign little more than a diplomatic victory, for otherwise it was too tempting for any human being to let go the imperial throne of India without ascending it." 4 That Kharavela could not actually usurp the throne of Pushyamitra is clear from the text of the inscription. It is no use stretching the imagination so far as that. What really took place is that, as with Satakarni, here also Kharavela seems to have been forced to remain satisfied with what little moral supremacy he could establish over his neighbours, because after the murder of Bhadratha, Dictut adona, pp 439-434 Mazumdar, op cat p 633 * Smith, op cit, p 209. J.BORS, 1,P 447 177

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JAINISM IN NORTH INDIA the last Maurya, the political atmosphere of the time was surging with conflicts between Powers eager to share in the spoils of the Mauryan Empire. It was a struggle for supremacy among those Powers which arose on the runs of the great empire In this struggle for supremacy it may safely be said that Kharavela played a prominent part and fully acquitted himself wherever be laid his hands. Coming to the second point, about the antiquity of Jainism in Kalinga, we find that the only clue we get from this inscrption is about the image of the Jina of Kalinga. As we have said before, it is clear from the phraseology used here that this must be an image worsluppcd at Kalinga, or at the Kalingan capital. Now, as the inscription tells us, this image was carried away by King Nanda, which might have been from Kalinga to Magadha. We have seen that this King Nanda is Nanda I of the Jainas and not Nandivardhana, as Smith has taken it, in accordance with Jayaswal and others. If all these factors are taken as historically sound, there is no exaggeration in stating that, long before Buddhism managed to secure a foothold in Kaliga, Jainism had its sway, and was popular with the people of the place. In short, at the time of the conquest of Kalinga by Nanda I Jainism appears to have been the prevailing religion Substantiating this statement Mr Jayastal says: "Jamnism had already entered Orissa as early as the time of King Nanda, who, as I have shown, was Nanda Vardhana of the Sausunaga dynasty.... Before the time of Klaravela thene Tere temples of the Arbats on the Udayagiri Hills, as they are mentioned in the inscription as institutions which had been in existence before Kharavela's time It seems that Jainism had been the national religion of Orissa for some centuries This is also corroborated by a Jaina tradition which regards Orissa as a Kshatriya centre as early as the sixth century BC 1 tells us that in Orissa a Kshaturva friend of the father of Mahavira was ruling and that Malavira went there 3 1 "The Nanda Ruja reforred to appears to be Nandivardhana, the ninth Saisting king of the Puranas It seems to be necessary to treat him and his successor, nandin, No 10, as Nandas, distinct from the nine Nandas who come between and Candragupta In the third edition of my Early History of India (1914) I placu He must now go back to c * the accession of Nandivardhane about 418 BC possibly to an earlier date --South, JR.AS, 1918, p 547 I BORS, , P 418 tato bhagava mosali gayo tyasamAgaho nAma raTiso riyamitro bhagavaso so mAe, tA arrit mafes --Avasyaha-Sutra, pp 219-220 178

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JAINISM IN KALINGA-DESA The learned author of Orissa and her Remains says about it that " Jainism was so deeply rooted in that we find traces of it as late as the 16th century A.D. Pratap Rudra Deva, the king of Orissa of the Surya Vamsa dynasty, had a great leaning towards Jainismn." Before we pass on to the next line we may merely pote that there are good grounds to infer from the inscription that imageworship was prevalent among the Jainas so early as the beginning of the fifth century BC. The question of image-worship we shall deal with in detail in the latter part of this thesis. In taking note of this incident in the inscription Mr Jayaswal makes three important inferences, which are as follows. "(1) that Nanda was a Jaina, and (2) that Jainism was introduced in Orissa very early, probably just after Mahavira or in his time (the Jaina tradition mentions his visit to Orissa and line 14th of the inscription implies that Kumari Hill (Udayagiri) was the place where religion had been preached and promulgated). It also proves (3) that to have Jaina images about or rather before 450 BC means that the date of Mahavira-Nirvana must be what we get from the various Jamna chronological data read with the Puranic and Pali materials which all harmonise in fixing it to be 545 B.C. (J.B.OR.S., i, 99-105)." 3 All the three inferences have been mostly dealt with by us. We now take the following line. This has also a political event to note-namely, the year of his great victory was marked with the pouring in of riches from the extreme south In the beginning It tells us that Kharavela built excellent towers with carved interiors, and that "he the capable one" caused to be brought into Kalinga wonderful and marvellous elephant-ships with choice horses, rubies and numerous jewel pearls from the king of the Pandya country (in the extreme south opposite Ceylon) There is no mention here of an invasion over the Pandya country by the Kalinga Emperor. Perhaps looking to the greatness Pratap Rudra Deva, one of the Gajapata kings who ruled from AD 1508, Tcnounced the Jains doctrines "-Long, J.AS.B., Xxvm, Nos I to IV and V, 1850, p 289 Ganguly, op. cit, P 19. JBO.RS, 21, pp 245, 246 The Ceylonese constructed ships expressly for the export of their clephants It seems these were of the class of the elephant-ship" of the inscription tu naThara-likhila-gharAnimihirAni novemAta .. paMDarAjA cedAni sanekAni mutamaNiratanAmi BORS,1, 401, and u, 933 179

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JAINISM IN NORTH INDIA of Kharavela and his supremacy over the Andhras and the Sungas all these trophies may be in the form of a tribute from the Pandyas, As we shall see just now, besides this account of Kharavela's miltary prowess the inscription records the pious deeds of the king It affords good grounds for the belief that the king and his family had a leaning towards Jainism, and his successors also were apparently adherents of that religion, From line fourteen to the end of the inscription we find that King Kharavela was not a Jaina only in name, but one who had given at a proper place in the daily routine of his life. It is apparent from what is mentioned there that during the thirteenth year of his reign, having satisfied himself with the extension of his empire, he devotes his energies to rehgious acts. He spends large sums of money on the pious sites of the Kumari Hull, and incises the inscription full of glory. The State maintenances to be given on completion of the Vow were ordered by him to be given to the Yapa professors who had ended their course of births by austerities at the depository of the remains of the body on the sacred Kumari Hill, where "the wheel of the Conqueror "4 was fully established. It says further that Kharavela having finished the layman's vows realised or experienced the beauty of (ie the distinction between) "soul (Jiva) and "matter" (Deha). What better proof than this is required of Kharavela's firm and rigid devotion to his faith? His gifts to Yapa professors and others who observed certain vots, and his love for the study of the technical importance of Jiva and Deha in the Jaina philosophy, show very clearly that he was not a blind Jaina. He first tried to understand in detail the chief characteristics of his faith, and thus having realised the greatness of the religion of his birth he was always ready to help and encourage those who had become Sadhus, or Who were out to live or die for the divine message of Lord Mahavira. There are some references in the line wluch throw great light on certain practices of the Jainas of bygone days, and IBDGP, 24 * It was sacred as the place where Jainism as preached (line 11) * The perfect ideal Jagna ascetics, who are believed to have freed themselves by means of nusterities This is much idealised in Jana philosophy * Thss suggests that amongst the Jainas Iso Cakra symbolised the prend of congue of religion This is confirmed by the representation of the weet found at the Jam Stupa of Mathum ramame ca pase mupapata-bimaya-caka kumArIpate parahite yaya-rayoga samiti kApa, hAraCE-fafica of forme BO.RS,!), pp 401, 102, and m, p 233 180

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JAINISM IN KALINGA-DESA about a class which no more exists. The class of the Yapa professors mentioned seems to be one of the Jaina priesthood of those days. As laid down by Indrabhuti in his Nitisara it formed one of those heterodox Samghas into which the Digambaras of the south were divided : gopuchakaH zvetavAsara drAviDo yApanIyakaH / faffecift ftat: afia: 12 It is strange to find the Yapaniyas included in this list, because in the inscription of the Calukya king, Ammaraja II, they are described as part of the "pure and worthy Nanda-gaccha," and their Samgha is addressed as "the holy Yapaniya-samgha." 2 Furthermore, according to one of the inscriptions at Sravana Belgola this Nandi-samgha was considered as orthodox by Arhadbali. In his opinion it was an "eye to the world." He did not mind any difference being made in the case of all heterodox Samghas such as the Sitambara and others, which are of a form contrary to rule"; but anyone who thought such a thing in the case of the Sena, Nandi, Deva and Simha Samghas" was branded by him as "a heretic."4 Speaking on this Mr Jayaswal states. "The Bhadrabahucarita in giving the history of Jainism immediately after the teacher Bhadrababu, a contemporary of Candragupta, says that amongst the disciples of Bhadrabahu who worshipped the bones of their master a school called Yapana-samgha arose, and that they finally decided to remain without clothes. The Yapana-sangha flourished in the south, as they prominently appear in Carnatic inscriptions. They are extinct now. Muni Jinavijaya is of opinion that some tenets of theirs bore affinity to the Digambara school and some to the Svetambara. In view of this opinion the Yapana school marked the stage before the great schism. Our inscription shows that Yapa, which gave the name to the school, consisted of certain pious practices. If we take it in the sense in which it is used in Caraka - mitigating pain' or as in the Mahabharata-supporting lifethe Yapa teachers emphasised the duty of alleviating the physical misery of others." 5 Moreover, the inscription tells us that these Yapa professors 1 Premi, Vidvadratnamila, 1, p 182 * Hultzsch, EI,1, 55, v 18, L 50 SEC,1,S.B, 254 Ibid 5 J.BORS, iv, 389. 181

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ICOS JAINISM IN NORTH INDIA were at the Kayya Nishidi or the Kumari Hill. That this Nishidi was a Nishidi of the Arhat is proved by the next line. Nishidi or Nishidhi seems to have been employed in Jaina literature as figuratively denoting ornamental tombs of their saints, but meaning thereby resting-places. Writing on this Dr Fleet says: "As regards the word Nisidhi -which also occurs as Nisdhi, Nishidhi and Nishidige-Mr K. B Pathak tells me that it is still used by the older members of the Jamna community, and that it means 'a tomb erected over the remains of a Jaina ascetic.' And he has given me the following passage from the Upasargakevaligala Kathe in which it occurs "Rsh-Samudayam=cllam dakshinapathadim bamdu bhattarara nishidiyan=eydid-agal, etc. : "The whole assemblage of the saints having come by the region of the south, and having arrived at the Nishadh of the venerable one, etc." 2 The Nashidhi at the Kumari Hill, where the inscription is engraved, seems to be not an ornamental tomb but a real Stupa, for it is qualified by Kayya,"corporeal" (i.e."having remains of the body'). Taking the inscription into consideration Mr Jayaswal observes. "Thus it seems that the Jainas called therr Stupas or Cartyas, Nishidis. The Jaina Stupa discovered at Mathura and the datum of Bhadrabahw-carita saying that the disciples of Bhadrabahu worshipped the bones of their master establish the fact that the Jamas (at any rate the Digambaras) observed the practices of erecting monuments on the remains of their teachers."3 By the by, 15 may be mentioned here that this was a custom confined not only to the Jainas or the Bauddhas, but to erect monuments--Cartyas -in memory of teachers had been a national custom. As laid down before, line fifteen also places before us Kharavela in the robes of a devout Jamna. It talks of some act being done by Kharavela for ascetics and recluse philosophers, but as some words are missing in the beginning of the line it is not possible to know actually what that act must have been Anyhow it is clearly put down that the act was meant for "accomplished Sramanas, tor those of good deeds, for the wise ones from a hundred directions, and for the leaders of Samghas." 4 1 EI,, 274 1.4, xu , p. 99 * J.BORS, v,p 889 gafar AW-ULETI -EGR of Ind, wv, p 402, end soll, P 20 182

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JAINISM IN KALINGA-DESA It further tells us that near the Depository of the Relics of the Arhat, on the slope of the mountain, King Kharavela establishes the "sem-hapura (=prastha)" 1 palace for his Queen Sindhuda, with stones from excellent mines brought over from many miles, and with pillars with bells attached, like the beautiful mediaeval pillars of this description standing in Nepal, and inlaid with beryls at the cost of seventy-five hundred thousand Panas (the then rupees). Mr Jayaswal identified this place with the grand rock-cut buildings known as the "Ranz-Naur" or " queen's palace." 3 It is close to the Hatlugumpha, on the slope of the hill, and it may be noted that it has got "Lions" (Semha) in the round, prominently placed. Thus the reliquary-monument-the Arhat's Neshidi---must have been, according to the inscription, near the queen's shelters. As seen before, the latter part of the sixteenth line is the most important portion of the inscription from the point of view of the controversy that has been going on for the last few decades. From the point of information about Kharavela and his relation with the Jaina history it has hardly anything particular to say. With the previous line it fully confirms the fact that Kharavela was a great Jaina. It clearly states the profound interest he had in Jaina scriptures and their well-being, for we find in the line that: "The fourfold Anga-Saptika of 64 sections, lost in the time of the Maurya king, he restores." 4 As we have seen before, the interpretation of Dr Fleet is now more or less the same, and it is as follows: "The whole passage does not present any date, but tells us that Kharavela restored some text and the 64th chapter or other division of the collection of the seven Angas which had been neglected since (*) the time of the Maurya kings or king." 5 Here we are reminded of the great famine in Magadha, which lasted for twelve years, and which has been referred to in the previous chapter. As we have seen, this resulted in the abduction and flight of Candragupta with his Guru Bhadrabahu and other emigrants to the south, and finally was followed by the council of Pataliputra & under the great pontiff Sthulabhadra, who was one 1 Cf Anyangar (K ), op aut, pp 75, 70 . Cf J.BORS,1,P 402, and XI, pp 284, 285. * Ibid, W p 295. Ibid, p 296 J.RAS, 1910, pp 820-827 6 The modern Patna, a place historic in the annals of their order, and at that time the capital of the Mauryan Empire 188

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tons, especially thing else betonisfied with & JAINISM IN NORTH INDIA of those who had preferred to cling at any risk to the hallowed scenes at home. Our text thus serves as a good confirmation of the tradition about the controversy or the loss of certain Jaina texts in the time of Candragupta; and Kalmga, being more or less under the influence of Bhadrabahu and his colleagues in the south, evidently did not accept the restoration of the council which met in Magadha.? The last line of the inscription-namely, the seventeenth-1s also to be read with a portion of the previous line, and it characterises in short the chief attributes of Kharavela, and puts down in a fer words the extent of his power. There may be certain exaggerations, especially in this part of the inscription, and it is natural, but since there is nothing else before us to make a comparative study of Kharavela we shall remain satisfied with a literal translation of the line, which runs as follows. "He is the King of Prosperity (Kshema), the King of Extension (of the Empire) (or, a King to the old people'), a King to the Bhikshus (or, though king yet a Bhrkshu), the King of Dharma who has been seeing to, listening to and experiencing welfare (Kalyanas). ... "King Kharavela-Sri, the great conqueror, descended from a family of the dynasty of royal sages, one whose empire has been extended, with an empire which is kept protected by the leader of the empire (or army), one whose chariots and army bave not been obstructed, one who is the restorer of every temple, one who respects every sect, one who is an expert by virtue of special qualities Here ends the autobiography of Bhakshuraja Klaravela, the great Emperor of Kalinga and one of the greatest royal patrons 01 the Jaina faith. The invocation of the Arhats and Siddhas in the first line, the building of temples and caves for the Jaina Stamanas, the gifts of lands and other accessories to the Yapa professors, and last but not least the restoration of the image of the Jina l. Kalinga carried away by King Nanda prove beyond doubt that Kharavela was a Jaina. He came to the throne about 183 B C., AC the age of twenty-four. At the time of his first invasion of Magadha he was only thirty-two, and at the time of the second he was 1 This council fixed the canon of the Jaing sacred literature, consisting of eleven Angas and fourteen Priruas khamarAjA savaTarAjA anabhavato kalANAni sava- pAsaDa-pUnako . khAravalAsA. JBORS,11 ,p 403, and xiit, 286 184

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JAINISM IN KALINGA-DESA thirty-six. According to Mr Jayaswal he was probably dead before 152 B.C.1 He is that imperial king about whose dynasty we know hardly anything, and about whose career there is absolutely no historical source but this long inscription, which also, as usual, could not escape the ravages of time. With all this it may be justly stated that it will not be surprising if on some happy day a scholar were to come across a better and more comprehensive document about this Dharmaraja," the illustrious descendant of the dynasty of royal sages. It is really strange, nay unbelievable, that the Jainas have got nothing to say about one whose contribution to Jaina history is second to none. About the extent of Kharavela's rule and of the fresh conquests then made by him after his succession we have not a single contemporary record, historical or otherwise, on which we can lay our bands It is just like a voice from the other world telling us that in days gone by there was some great Kalinga Emperor Kharavela, and that you'must take him as such and place him as one of the contemporary historical luminaries on the sole basis of these seventeen lines commemorating his memory on the Hathigumpha inscription. The inscription tells us that our hero subdued the great Sunga kang, Pushyamitra, in the north; that the great Indo-Greek king, Demetrios, retreated and left Mathura just on hearing of his victories against the Sudgas; that he subdued the great Satakarni and his feudatories in the south, and that with all these military triumphs his fame spread so far that even the Pandya king in the remote south sent him complimentary gifts With no other document at our disposal the questions as to how much to believe and with what limitations to interpret the facts laid down by the inscription present a great difficulty. This becomes extremely intricate when such military expeditions, as is abundantly proved by inscriptions, form part of the ordinary routine in a state of society in which war had become a profession and the soldier was an hereditary member of a professional caste, and in which desire to extend one's rule was, according to the law books, one of the chief qualifications of kingship. This characteristic feature of the life of ancient and medieval India is well marked 1 J.BORS, xin , 243 : Manu, ix, 251, 2, 119, eto 185

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JAINISM IN NORTH INDIA in the eulogies of kings, which fill so large a proportion of the inscriptions that have come down to our time, and with whatsoever broadmindedness we may look at them we have to confess that these works are only the output of grateful beneficiaries or court poets, whose object was rather to glorify their royal patron than to hand down to posterity an accurate account of his reign. It clear that successes are evidently exaggerated, while reverses are passed over in complete silence. The statements of the inscriptions are very frequently those of prejudiced witnesses, and they must be weighed as such if we are to estimate rightly the value of these few scattered fragments of historical evidence thich time has preserved. The achievements of Kharavela loom large in the Hathigumpha inscription, and in the words of Sir Ashutosh Mookerji "Stone has again yielded a complete record, full of faithful details, of the Emperor Kharavela of Orissa, whose name had disappeared from the annals of our country and passed into complete oblivion, though there was hardly a great town in India in the 2nd century before the Christian era which did not tremble at the sight, if not at the very name, of his mighty legions." 1 Anyhow there is no doubt that Kharavela was a prominent figure in his day, and that morally he had reached a height where he was secure, and where he was standing on no slippery ground. In short, he was a great man in his time, who gave ample prools of his greatness when he was called upon by Providence to ginde the destinies of a great people at a critical and unsettled period in Indian history, 1 J.BORS,,p 8 186

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CHAPTER V Mathura Inscriptions THE Jaina inscriptions in Mathura form the beginning of I the next landmark in the history of Jainism in North India, the Hathigumpha inscription of Kharavela terminating the former period. The recorded period between the two-.e c. 150 BC. to c. 16 B.C.---need not be taken as blank, because after the great Jaina king of Kalinga we have Vikramaditya of Ujjam, & greater ruler perhaps than the Kalingadhrpati, who is claimed by the Jainas as a royal patron of their own church. We shall, after a brief survey of the epigraphic evidence found there, see that, simultaneously with Kalinga and Malwa, Mathura had become the home of the Jaina community in the north. We have referred to this Vikrama and his era--which begins in or about 57 or 56 B.C.-In connection with the Nirvana date of Mabavira. The Jainistic recension of the Vikramacarita tells us that "Vikrama in his pious exaltation, after listening to the instruction of the Jaina teacher Siddhasena Divakara, freed the whole earth from debt, and (in so doing) effected a change (Lterally, a turning point) in the era of Vardhamana."1 It is he who handed down to later India its first persistent era, which is still the common era of North India. To quote Edgerton : "Such has been the belief of the Hindus, not only Jainas but others, for many centuries" 2 This great Avanti lord, whose glorious days and superhuman virtues are so extensively praised in both Jainistic and Brahmanistic literature, used to call himself Vikramaditya, etymologically meaning "like the sun in bis prowess." This title seems to have appealed powerfully to the fancy of many a king who succeeded, since many indeed are the kings who have assumed it of their own accord, with no connection of lineage whatever. This shows that the first Vikramaditya must have been a very great king, because otherwise the title would not have been so very enviable. It is this Vikramaditya who is considered to be a Jaina by the Edgerton, Vikrama's Adcentures, pt 1, Int, plum cf Tawney, Prabandhaointaman, pp 11 ff, Salrunijaya Mahatmya, Sarga XIV, v 103, P 808 * Edgerton, op cit, Int. p lix 187

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JAINISM IN NORTH INDIA traditional literature of the Jainas Referring to his predecessor, Gardabhilla, they tell us that their great Jaina saint. Kalikacarya, being insulted by him by the abduction of his sister, who had joined the order with him, approached one of the Scythian kings and with his help successfully wreaked his vengeance.1 To quote Dr Charpentier. "This legend is perhaps not totally devoid of all historical interest. For it records how the Jaina Kalaka, having been insulted by King Gardabhilla of Ujjain, who, according to various traditions, was the father of the famous Vikramaditya, went in his desire for revenge to the land of the Sakas, whose king was styled 'King of Kings' (Sahanusaha). This title, in its Greek and Indian forms, was certainly borne by the Saka kings of the Punjab, Maues and his successors, who belong to this period; and as it actually appears in the form Shaonano Shao on the coins of their successors, the Kushana monarchs, we are perhaps justified in concluding that the Legend is to some extent historical in character. However this may be, the story goes on to tell us that Kalaka persuaded a number of Saka Satraps to invade Unain and overthrow the dynasty of Gardabhilla; but that some years afterwards his son, the glorious Vikramaditya, repelled the invaders and re-established the throne of his ancestors. What the historical foundation of this legend may be is wholly uncertain; perhaps it contains faint recollections of the Scythian dominion in Western India during the first century B.C In any case, it seems undoubtedly to give further proof or the connection of the Jains with Ujjai-a fact indicated also by their use of the Vikrama era, which was established in the country of Malwa, of which Ujjain was the capital." 4 In connection with Saint Kalaka of the Jainas it may be men. tioned here that he went to King Satayana of Pratishthanapura i the Deccan. During the Paruushana--the sacred festival at the close of the Jaina year--the king, being engaged in the obs 1 Kalhacarya-katha, vy 9-40, pp 1-4 C4 KODOM, EI, XIV, P 293 "KAR the uprooter of Gardablula, lived 453 "Katt, IA, X1, P251 Cr hd, P * Charpentier, C.H.V,1,P 168, Stevenson (D-Irs), op cit, p 75, M.A.R, 1023, p a: fet: # wife:-Kulalicinija-hallid, 20, p 2, FLETCHITE: 8 -Toad, v 27, P 3 Cy" the Jaina work, Kolakacarya-hathanala, states that kings were called Sahr"-Raychaudhurt, op at, p 274, Jacobi, Z.DMG, COUP C Konov, op cit,p 208 9 "He (Vikraraditya) saved the nation and Hinduism by signally decat Scythinns, whose political importance and outlandish manners hnd appalled the -Mazumdar, op cit, D63 CT bd, D638 "Vikramiditya ouste HC selam became king, whercafter he established his own cr Konove, on and for cil Charpentier, op and loc chi 188 Llie Indur

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MATHURA INSCRIPTIONS of the festival of Indra, found it difficult to come on the fifth of Bhadrapada, and accordingly the great Guru is said to have changed his appointment to a day earlier--viz. the fourth of Bhadrapada. Since then the whole Jaina community have begun the fast on the fourth, though very late in history with the rise of certain Gacchas the fourth was replaced by the fifth of the same month.Tus cvent, if it is true, is significant from two points of view--the first, that it refers to the Svetambara contact with the south, and secondly, because it alludes to a Jaina prince in the Deccan who was important enough to be so much respected by a great saint like Kalakacarya, and who had a share in fixing the date of an important festival of the Jainas like Pajqusana. Coming to Vikramaditya, the successor of Gardablulla, Jaina sources tell us that Siddhasena Divakara, one of the most prominent stars of the history of Jaina literature, lzved about this time at the king's court, and they also credit him with the conversion of the great Vikrama, and according to Mrs Stevenson of Devapala, "kang of Kumarapura" as well 4 Two other events are likewise supposed to have happened about this time--the defeat of the Buddhists in a great argument by a famous Jaina controversialist, an ascetic called Arya Khaputa, who lived in Broach $; and the foundation of Palitana, where Satrunjaya, the holiest of the Jaina Tirthas, is situated. The Kharataragaccha Paitavalt tells us that Vajrasyami, (496-584 v.), the sixteenth on the list, extended the Jaina religion southward in the kingdom of the Bauddhas. The second event, 1 BH In faunt num, gia Uni-Kalaxzcxra-kaha, Y 5P 5 C Stevenson (Mrs), op cit, p 76 This, as Klatt tells us, 19 supported by the Pattacah of the. Tapagaccha (I.A, X, P 251), on the other hand, the Kharataragaccha Pattavalt informs us that the Kalaka, who transferred the Paryushanaparvan, lived in 998 V, and that there were two more of the same name prior to him, one of whom lived in 458 V and was connected with Gardabhills -IA,1,P 247 That the King Satayane was a devout Jame is clear from the Kalahdcarya-hatha (v 50-54, pp 4-5), but it is not know who he was Pratishthanapura is known to us as the western capital of the Satavahapas Jama tradition claims Hala of this dynasty as belonging to its own rehgion of Glasenapp, Der Janismus, P 68, Jhaveri, NirvanaKaliha, Int, P 3. "He (Siddhasens Divakara) converted Vikramaditya 470 years after Mahavira's Nirvana"--Klatt, op cit, p 247 Cf bid, p 251, Edgerton, op cit, pp 251 ff , Stevenson (Alrs), op cit,p 17; Tayney, op.cit, pp 116 f, MAR, 1928, p 10 Cf Stevenson Airs), op and loc at vidyAsiddhA sAyakhapuTA AcAryAH, bhUgukacche buddho nirgataH, pAdayoH patitaH -Auasyaha-Sutra, PP 411-412 f Jhaven, op and loc at * Cf thd, Int , xix, Stevenson (Ars), op cit, pp 77-78 TC Klatt, op et, 247, Hemacandra, Pansishtaparan, Canto XII, vv. 311,388, pasyaha-Sutra, p 295 189

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JAINISM IN NORTH INDIA about the founding of Palitana, seems to refer to Padaliptacarya, who is reported to have been a contemporary of the great Vikrama! According to the Jaldas he was gifted with a power of flying through the air. In a note to this Mrs Stevenson observes : "Satrunjaya, the Jaipas say, was built by a monk who had the power of rising through the air, and by a disciple of his who had the power of creating gold, This fortunate conjunction of talents has resulted in one of the loveliest temple cities in the world." 3 In connection with this Tirtha the Kharatara Pattavali tells us that it was demolished in 570 T, and restored by Javada, whose father, Bhavada, was a contemporary of Vikrama. According to the Jaina tradition both the king and Javada are said to have gone on pilgrimage to Palitana, and both of them spent a lot for the upkeep of the Tortha during their stay there In connection with Padalipta also it may be mentioned Lere that he too, like Kalaka, is connected with the Svetambara contact with the south. It appears from the Samyaktua-Saptate of Haribhadrasuri that the great Acarya went to Manyakheta, and that in all these places there existed Jaina Samghas "noted for their good qualities." ? Thus from the traditions connected with Kalaka and Padalipta it seems certain that about the first century B.C Svetambara Jainas must have predominated in the Deccan King Salivahana of Pratishthanapura, in the Samyaktua-Saptate, describes From this it becomes clear that Salivahana too must have been of the same religion as Padalipta-i.e Svetambara. 1 Klatt, op cit., pp 247, 251 "Paltta-Suri (Padalipta) 19 definitely connected with the foundation of the Paltana City "Jhaveri, op. and loc cut * "Padolupta had acquired the flying-lore by applying medical mgredients to leel? and daily performed pilgrimage of the five sacred places includmg Satrunjay Fantasy and Girnar Or Revantagiri " Iord, Int, p x cf. Tawney, op cit, 195 * Stevenson ( Mrs), op cit, 78, ni "Nagarjuna .. the pupil of Pada pasa was trying to acquire Stroarna Siddht' (power to make gold) , etc bave op at, Int , p X1 "Javada, & merchant of Saurashtra (Kathiovar), sent a fleet to China and the Eastern Archipelago, which returned after twelve years with a burthen of gold The father of Javada lived in the time of Vikrama Mazumdar, op af, POS Satrupejaya Mahatmya, Sarga XIV, v 104, 192 fr, pp 808, 826 ff , Jharcr, op al Int ,p xxx 5 Cr Safrufjaya Mahatmya, Sarga XIV, 280, p 824 Manyahhela Or Manyakshetra is to be identified with Milkhed, in the Nizam's ter tory -Dey, Geographcal Dictronary, p 126 This Milkhed or Mantah hela, which upta visited, became famous in the succeeding centuries as the capital of the Rashtruku tho counted among them not a fer patrons and followers of the Jaina religion Samyaktua-Saptati, v 96, 97 See H.A.R. 1998, pp 10-11 "For the greater part of his life Padalupta resided at Alapakhetapura -Jhaven, op af Int, P * Samyaltva-Sortali, y 158 CP MAR 1928, p 11, Jhaven, op af, Int , 190

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MATHURA INSCRIPTIONS Taking stock of all these facts connected with Vikrama and his period it must be said that they are based mostly on the long list of teachers, "often more or less apocryphal, which have been preserved by the modern subdivisions of the Jaina community," 1 and on the literature of the period in no way connected with the one under our consideration. What is to be discovered is whether these circumstances can warrant the conclusion that Jaina traditions are without any foundation, and that Vikrama, the most noted of the quasi-historical heroes of mediaeval India, is a purely legendary monarch. A thorough examination, as far as possible, of the various theories propounded in regard to this by different scholars has been made by Edgerton in his Introduction to his Vikrama's Adventures. Without repeating the arguments put forth by the learned scholar in their refutations suffice it to say that, leaving aside Vikramaditya, nothing can be stated with absolute certainty about many other personages in ancient India whose historicity is unquestioned esther on epigraphic or numismatic evidence. There is no reason why the reality of this "Hindu King Arthur"-a model for real kings to follow--should be doubted when it is based on "both Jainistic and Brahmanistic literature." To quote Edgerton : " It seems that the Pattavals, or lists of Jaina pontiffs, have the look of being in the main as reliable, certainly, as any other native literary source of Indian history (which, to be sure, may not be saying very much). ... I am not aware that there is any definite and positive reason for rejecting the Jainistic chronicles completely, and for saying categorically that there was no such king as Vikrama living in 57 B.C. Do we know enough about the history of that century to be able to deny that a local king of Malava, bearing one of the names by which Vikrama goes, may have won for himself a somewhat extensive dominion in Central India (for we do not of course need to swallow whole the characteristic Hindu exaggerations which could make him a universal Emperor) ?" 3 Besides Edgerton there are other scholars, like Buhler and Tatyney, who also defend the historicity of the Jainistic chronicles. "In particular," observes Di Buhler," must it be admitted that the persons introduced in the older, as well in the more recent. narratives are ieally historical characters Although it is frequently 1 Charpentier, op. cit, P 107. * Edgerton, op cit, Int , DP kuff - Ibid., plus. 197

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JAINISM IN NORTH INDIA the case that an individual is introduced at a period carlier or later than that to which he really belonged or that the most absurd stories are told with regard to him, yet there is no case forthcoming in which we could affirm with certainty that a man named by these chroniclers is a pure figment of the magination, On the contrary, every freshly discovered inscription, every coller tion of old manuscripts, and every really historic work that is brought to light, furnishes confirmation of the actual existence of one or other of the characters described by them in the same way all exact dates given by them deserve the most careful attention. When they are found to agree in two works of this class that are independent of one another they may, without hesitation, be accepted as historically correct "1 Dr Sten Konow goes a little further, and clearly indicates that scholars are becoming less disdainful of the Indian traditions about Vikrama. He rightly welcomes the story of the great saint Kalakacarya-kathanaka, and how he was insulted and so on To quote the eminent scholar "I know that most European scholars, though many of them speak with respect about Indian tradition, do not usually take any notice of it, but I am unable to sec why. And with regard to the narrative Kalakacarya-kathanaka I see no reason whatever why we should disbelieve it. I have shown else where that there are good reasons for assuming the existence of the Malava King Vikramaditya at an early date," ctc ? Thus on the authority of scholars like Charpentier, Edgerton, Buhler, Tawney and Sten Konow we come to this conclusion that the traditional literature of the Jainas can rightly claim to be considered historical, and that the reality of Vikrama and his er need not be denied. Such seems to have been the latest opinion of Vincent Smith also, for he observes. "It is possible that such a Raja may have existed." 3 Moreover, as seen before, the kingdom of Avanti or Malava was a centre of Jainism even in the days of Mahavira. During the times of the Mauryas it came more such more to the forefront, and finally at the end of their rule the Jamn, gradually losing their position in the kingdom of Magadja, a begun their migration towards the western part of India, which they settled, and where they have retained their settlement en Buhler, Ucher das Lelin der Jana Jonchers Icmacando, O TAI op t. Int. 1P -ul, tbid.ppt konow, or ot, p 201 * Smith, Oxford Trastory of India, P 151 192

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MATHURA INSCRIPTIONS to the present day! No doubt Kalinga has its own contribution to make to the history of North Indian Jamism, but the general tendency was towards the west. Another locality in which the Jainas appear to have been firmly established, from the middle of the second century B.C. onwards, was Mathura. Since the days of Candragupta, and after him Samprati and Kharavela, the Jaina spread seems to have been uncommonly vigorous. Leaving aside the sentiments and the religious outlook of these great kings, an uncommonly vigorous spread of the Jainas is evident from the great number of Kulas and Sakchas which we find in the Jaina Samgha from the lathura inscriptions dating more or less from the second century B.C. in Northern India We have seen that Candragupta placed himself at the head of the Indians, who chafed under the Macedonian yoke, and after Alexander's departure defeated his generals and "shook the yoke of servitude from the neck" of India. What happened in India immediately after the departure of Alexander is not clear. "The mists of obscurity cling heavily round the course that events took in India during the years that immediately followed the death of Alexander the Great " 2 However, this much is certain, that for about a century after his death the strong arms of the Mauryan emperors held India for the Indians against all comers, and treated their Hellenistic neighbours on equal terms. After the Mauryas we have seen how the Magadhan monarchy under the Bralimanical Sungas and the Greek power in the northWest were falling before the onslaughts of the Cedis under Kharavela. We have already referred to the feuds of Demetrios and Eucratides, which greatly weakened the power of the Greeks. As regards other Indian enemies of the Bactrian Greeks and onslaughts of the Satavahanas on the Sudgas we do not propose to say anything. For the purposes of a connected history we need say only this much : "that in the second and first centuries B.C. Greek rule in parts of Kafiristan and Gandhara was supplanted by that of the Sakas." ! To quote Rapson: "The political isolation of India was completed by the Scythian conquest of Bactria c. 135 B.C.; and 1 Cf. Charpentier, op and local Macdonald, C.H.),1, 427. * Cf. Smth, Early History of India, p. 233 Raychaudhuri, op cit, p 278 193

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follow the so quickheadache JAINISM IN NORTH INDIA by the long struggle between Rome and Parthia which began in 53 B.C."1 It was also with one of these Saka rulers, known to us by the name Muranda, that the great Padalipta was closely connected. Muranda is known to us from the traditional literature of the Jainas as the ruler of Pataliputra, and Padalipta seems to have gained complete influence at his court 2 The great Acarya is said to have cured the king of the terrible headache he was suffering from. This incident is related by the Prabhavaka-Carita in the following words. "So quickly as Padalipta turns his first finger round the kneeJoint does the headache of King Muranda come to an end."3 However the Scythian (Saka) invaders of Bactria were succeeded by the Yuch-chi; and when, in the first century AD., the predominant tribe of the Yuch-chi, the Kushanas, extended their dominion in Turkestan and Bactria to North-West India, the Kushana Empire formed a connecting link between China and India, and provided the means of an intercourse which was fruitful in results. As the explorations of recent years have shown, an Indian culture, Indian languages and the Indian alphabets were established in Chinese Turkestan. Particularly, to repeat it once more, according to Mr N C. Mehta even Jaina subjects came to be painted in the cave-temples of Chinese Tu kestan, With this shadowy background of Indian history in general we shall now refer to the Mathura inscriptions, and examine the importance in connection with the Jaina church. The historical importance of these inscriptions cannot be better summed up than in the following words of Cunningham: "The information derived from these inscriptions is of the greatest value for the ancient history of India. The general purport of all of them is the same to record the gifts of certain individuals, for the bonour of their religion, and for the benefit of themselves and their parents. When the inscriptions are confined to this simple announcement they are of little importance, but as the donors in most of these Mathura records have added the name of the reigning kings, and the samur date at the time of the gift, they form in fact so many skeleton 1 Rapson, CHI,1,P 60 pATalIpura rAjAsti murarADo nAma sa hatAta:karaNo napaH sUreSolasma pAdAno praNAmaLUravAsa --Prabhavaka-Carita, Padalipla-Prabandha, v 44, 61C Samyahla-Saptali, V*: MAR, 1928, p 11, Jhaveri, op at, Int ,px Prabhavala-Canta, v 50 Cf Samyaktua-Saptali, F 62; DLAR, 1928, op and loc cut 194

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MATHURA INSCRIPTIONS pages of the lost history.1 The direct amount of information which they give belongs to an early and very interesting period--just before and after the Christian era-when, as we learn from the Chinese authorities, the Indo-Scythians had conquered the whole of Northern India, although the actual extent of their conquest was quite unknown, Hence the great value of the present inscriptions, from which we learn that the permanent occupation of Mathura had been effected some time before the Samvat year 9, when the IndoScythian prince Kanishka filled the throne of North-West India and the Punjab." 2 Most of the Jaina inscriptions from Mathura are from the mound known as Kankali Tila, about half-a-mile due south from the Katra, which is situated just one mile to the westward of the old fort of Mathura. The Kankali mound seems to have been a very extensive one; the number of statues of all sizes, from the colossal downwards, which it has yielded has scarcely been surpassed by the prolific returns of Buddhist sculpture from the Jail mound. There seems to have been two magnificent temples where the mound rises at present. Most of the inscriptions are incised on pedestals or bases of naked Jinas either seated or standing, and some of which form a quadruple or a four-faced image called Caturmukha. Chronologically the earliest inscription, according to Dr Buhler, is the following one: samanasa mAharakhitAsa sAMtavAsisa pachIputrasa sAvakAsa (sAvakAsa) utaradAsaka[1]sa pAsAdotoranaM // "An ornamental arch for the temple (the gift) of the layhearer Utaradasaka (Uttaradasaka), son of the Vachi (Vatsi mother and) disciple of the ascetic Maharkhita (Magharakshita)." 4 Because of exceedingly archaic characters and other linguistic peculiarities the learned scholar feels that it may be assigned to the middle of the second century BC. Next in age come the two inscriptions that are connected with the Satraps of Mathura. Of 1 The Buddhistical inscriptions at Mathurt also are similar to the Jama inscriptions in therr style and contents of Dawson, J.RAS (New Series), , P 182 . Cunningham, ASI, 1, pp 88-89 : Cf hd, 46 "The Kankali Tila has been prolific both in sculptures and Inscriptions, all of wluch a re pure Jaina monuments On the upper level stands a large Joina temple dedicated to Jambt Svam an annual fair is held at this place. "--Ind.p 19 This temple is near the Chaurasi mounds, which is the seat of another Jaina establishment Cf abad , xv, P 112 * Bihler, EI, 6, Ins No I, pp 198-109 Ind, p 195. 195

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JAINISM IN NORTH INDIA these the first one is complete, while the other merely mentions some Kshatrapa Maharaja whose name begins with "Ma" 1 The former is dated in the year 42 of the Lord, the Mahakshatrapa Sodasa, in the second month of winter, and refers to a votive tablet that was set up by some female Amohini.? It is not clear what era is made use of in this inscription. However, the existence of this Mahakshatrapa Sodasa was first made known by Cunningham, who found another inscription in that king's name in the Kankali Tila. On the evidence of his coins, which resemble those of Azes, the learned archaeologist placed Sodasa about 80-57 B.C., and conjectured that he was a son of Rajubula or Ranjubula, another Satrap of Mathura * This conjecture is also confirmed by the Mathura Lion capital, which mentions Sodasa as a Chatrava (Satrap) and as the son of Mahachatrava Rajula (Ranjubula) 5 To quote Professor Rapson. "The Great Satrap Rajula, whose name appears as Rajuvula in other inscriptions, is unquestionably the Raojubula who, both as Satrap and as great Satrap, struck coins in imitation of those of Strato I and Strato II, the last of the Yavana kings to reign in the E. Punjab..; and he was the father of Sodasa, in whose reign as Satrap the monument was erected. Subsequently Sodasa himself appears as great Satrap in the Amohini votive tablet at Mathura, which is dated in the second month of winter of the year 42" As to the era of the inscription, opinion is divided', but, looking to the way in which the date is recorded, it seems highly probable that an Indian era must have been used 8 If this is granted, as seems likely, it is the era of Vikrama (57 BC), and the inscription is dated in 16-15 BC Dr Konow also adduces good grounds for believing that Sodasa dated his inscription in the Vikrama era. "So far as I can see," observes the learned scholar, 1 Cf Buhler, EI, n, Ins No. TII, P 199 2 Ci rod, Ins II, 199 * Cf Cunningham, op at ,p 80, Ins No I Cf tod, PP 40-41 "Raojubula, Rojuvula or Rajuta is known from inscription as well as coins An mscription of Brahini characters at Mora near Mathum caus him Mabakshatrapa But the Greek legend on some of his coins describes own "King of Kings, the Saviour,' showing that he probably declared his independence" Raychaudhury, op cit, p 283 Ind * Rapson, CHI,1, p 575 "Cf Raychaudhuri, op art, pp 298 11, Smith, op cit, 241, n 1 * Cf Rapson, op cit, pp 575-576 .ci Konow, Ery, pp 189-141 196

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MATHURA INSCRIPTIONS * Te hare a distinct indication that the dating according to three seasons, each comprising four months, was later on considered as a characteristic feature of the Vikrama era. It is well known that in the oldest inscriptions which give name to this era it is designated as a Malava reckoning. In two of the most ancient instances of its usc-in the Mandasor inscription of the time of Naravarman and in the Mandasor inscription of the time of Kumaragupta I-the season is expressly mentioned. I thunk we are forced to the conclusion that Sodasa dated his inscription in the Vikrama era, and that the method of dating used in that reckoning was adopted by Kanishka and his successors in such records as were destined for India proper, because it was the national North-Indian way of dating." 1deg After these two Satrapa inscriptions follow a few more which have been grouped under the name "Archaic," and which in the opinion of Buhler belong to the period before Kanishka 3 Of these the following one needs particular mention "Adoration to the Arhat Vardhamana! A tablet of homage was set up by Sivamitra (of) the Kausika (family), (wife) of Gotiputra (Guptiputra), a black serpent for the Pothayas and Sakas." 3 According to Dr Buhler both Gotiputra and Kosika Sivamitra were of noble or royal descent, and the expression "Gotiputra, a black serpent for the Pothayas and Sakas," points also to his belonging to the varrior tribe. "The wars to which it alludes," observes the learned scholar, "may have occurred either before the Scythians conquered Mathura- e. before the time of Kanishka or when their domination had passed away. The letters of the inscriptions, which are particularly old-fashioned and may belong to the first century BC., speak in favour of the first alternative. If the inscription was incised before the Scythian conquest, it also furnishes Yaluable testimony for the antiquity of the Jaina temple in which it was found." 4 " The next in age to these follows a group consisting of dated inscriptions which explicitly mention Kanishka, Huvishka and Vasudeva. There are other dated ones that are taken to belong to their period, although they do not name any of these Kushana monarchs. "The next group, Nos XI-XXIV," observes Dr Buhler, 1 C Konox, E I, XIV, PP 189, 141 * Buhler, E I, 11, Ins Nos IV-X, 196 . Ind ,, Ins No XXIII, 806 4 Iund, p 894 197

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JAINISM IN NORTH INDIA "consists of the dated inscriptions which in my opinion belong to the time of Kanishka, Huvishka and Vasudeva. Not one shons the name of a king. Nevertheless, I believe that nobody, sho carefully compares them with the dated documents, mentioning the three kings, will come to a different conclusion." These dated Kushana inscriptions range within the well-known limits from Samvat 4 to Samvat 98. It is not possible to exactly lay down whether the mode of reckoning made use of in these inscriptions is the Samvat era of the Great Vikrama or some other era. "The chronology of this period has been one of the most perplexing problems in the whole of Indian history; and the problem can scarcely be said to be solved positively even nowthat is to say, it has not yet been placed beyond all possibility of doubt." 3 There is a lot of difference of opinon about the crucial point of the Kushana chronology. All the same, along with several scholars of eminence and repute, we feel that the era made use of in these inscriptions is the one known as the Saka era, commencing A.D. 78.5 One of the inscriptions on a Jaina pedestal at Kankali mound runs as follows: "Siddham Maharajasya Kanishkasya Samvatsara navame... Mase prath .. Drvase 5," etc.6 No doubt as in the Sodasa and other Kushana inscriptions, and "as characteristic of the old Vikrama-Malava era," 7 we find here also the ancient Indian way of dating, with mention of the season, the number of the month within the season, and the day of the month; but this does not mean that the mode of reckoning adopted by the Kushanas under no circumstances can be connected with the Saka era. On the other hand there is nothing impossible what is characteristic of the old Vikrama-Malava era were adoptu 2 Bihler, EI,1, p 108 : Cf ord, Cunningham, op clip 14 * Rapson, op cit, p 683 For the various theories of Kanishka's date sec Raychaudhurs, op al, pp 200. * "According to Fergusson, Oldenberg, Thomas, Banerji, Ropson, and many out scholnrs, Kamshe was the founder of the rechonmg con menemg AD 78, WAS to be known as the Saha era " Iord, p 207 C Hormilc. Utdsaga Dasco, There is great difference of opimion as to who was the real founder of the son though the much is certain that it must have been some forcigh ruler who Sun As Pandit Ojha remarks, it is not possible to lay down anything for certat per the person behind this cm CJ Ojlin, Palcography of India, pp 179-173 (And ed} * Cunningham, op af, Ins No IV, Pinte XIII, 31. Konou, op cit, P 111 198

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MATHURA INSCRIPTIONS by Kanishka and his successors in their Brahmi records, and this conjecture gains ground when we know that one of the Kushanas is named Vasudeva, which is a purely Indian name. Moreover, the adoption of the Vikrama era in connection with the Kushanas also makes it difficult to adjust their position as the successors of the Mathura Satraps. This becomes more so when we knot that under Kanishka's dynasty Mathura formed part of one and the same empire. Finally, "the evidence obtained by Sir John Marshall from his excavations of the ancient sites of Takshasila proves conclusively that the period of Kanishka's reign must have been somewhere about the end of the first century A.D.; and a comparison of this evidence with the statements of Chinese historians and with the dates supplied by inscriptions makes it seem almost certain that Kanishka was the founder of the wellknown cra which began in 78 A.D." 3 Thus the period concerning the Kushana inscriptions, which range within the limit from Samvat 4 to Samvat 98, may be approximately laid down as A.D. 82-176. Of the Kushana inscriptions two are to be particularly noticed, and of the two the following one is of great importance with respect to the history of the Jaina sect. "The year 79, the fourth (month of the) rainy season, the twentieth day--on that (date, specified as) above--the image, the gift of the female lay-disciple Dina (Datta), wife of ..., was set up at the Vodva Stupa, built by the Gods" From this inscription we learn that an ancient Jaina Stupa existed in Mathura which, as Buhler mightly remarks, in A.D 157 (Saka 79) was considered to have been built by the gods-i.e. was so ancient that its real origin bad been completely forgotten. The importance of the other lies inasmuch as the history of the Kushana kings is concerned. It gives us the name of the "Maharaja Devaputra Huksha (Hushka or Huvishka)," 6 whence we have the "certainty that the name Hushka, which the Rapatarangini has preserved and which still survives in the name of the Kashmirian village Ushkar-Hushkapura-Tras actually used in ancient times for Huvishaka."? 1 Cf Cunningham, op cit, p 41 : Cf Raychaudhuri, op cit., p 284 3 Rapson, op cit, p 583 Buhler, op cit, Ins No. XX, p 204 6 Ibid ,p 108 Cf Charpentier, op cit, P 167 Buhler, op cit, Ins No XXVI, p 206 * Ibid ,p 198 199

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JAINISM IN NORTH INDIA Next in age to the Kushana inscriptions come some three others which, in the opinion of Dr Buhler, belong to the Gupta period, and another inscription which clearly belongs to the eleventh century A.D." Mathura would thus seem to have been popularly frequented as a religious site for a period extending continuously over more than a thousand years 3 Opinions about the Gupta inscriptions we reserve meanwhile till the next chapter. For the present, having dwelt mainly on the political bearing of all these Jaina inscriptions, we shall see if they are equally great for the history of the Jaina church. Their importance in this respect lies in two ways. first, from the standpoint of particular aspects of Jainism or the history of the Jaina church, and secondly, from their general importance in connection with the history of the northern Jainas. Taking the first we find that some such points as the dedication of certain inscriptions to Tirthankaras other than the last one and the reference to more than one Arhat in the body of the inscriptions, have been already referred to by us in connection with the problem of the historicity of Parsva and his predecessors. Furthermore, as seen before, some of the records end as follows: "May it be for the welfare and happiness of all creatures," and we have referred to this while considering the Jaina ideal of Ahimsa or non-violence Besides these few points that are already dealt with by us a point of very great importance in connection with the Mathura inscriptions is their mentioning several female ascetics, and their showing that these persons developed a very considerable activity. There can be no doubt that Aryya-Sangamika and Aryy-Vasula in the following inscription are nuns: ... og forfat warga FERIA .., etc. ("At the request of the venerable Vasula, the female pupil of the venerable Sangamika..."), etc. This follows from their title Aryya ("The venerable"), their being called Sisini or Sisin? ("female disciples"), and from the statement that the gifts were made at, or by, their Nirvartana, their request or advice. W so much certainty gained, it is not difficult to recognise that the Mathura documents point to the existence of female ascetics among the Jainas of Mathura. Thus the Sietambara Caluriann 1 Buhler, op at, Ins Nos XXXVIII-XL, p 198 Iord , Ins No XLI, P 199 : G. Growse, 1.A., 77, P 219 . Cf. Buhler, EI,1,Ins Nos II, V, VII, XII. XIV, etc, pp 382, 38-1-986, 355-38 5 Ihrd, Ins No II, p 382 200

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, MATHURA INSCRIPTIONS Sangha, the community consisting of monks, nuns, lay-brothers and lay-sisters, can be traced as far back as the beginning of the Christian era, and this is further confirmed by a Jaina inscription found by Cunningham on a broken slab at Mathura which reads Caturvarna Sangha. In connection with this fact of the existence of nuns it is worthy of note that only in one case we find a nun who appears as adviser of a layman. Here the venerable Kumaramitra induces Kumarabhati, her son during her worldly life, to dedicate an image of Vardhamana. In all the other inscriptions we find that the nuns exhorted female lay-members of the Samgha to make their donations. Whether Kumaramitra joined the order after the death of her husband or along with him he cannot positively say, because both the alternatives are equally possible. It may even be thisthat she might have done so alone with the consent of her husband during his lifetime.4 Buhler takes her to be a widow, and remarks: "It agrees with this that in modern times, too, the order of Jaina nuns mostly consists of widows, ... who, according to the custom of most castes, cannot be married, and are got rid of in a convenient manner by being made to take the tonsure." 6 As to the number of Kulas and Sakhas appearing in the Mathura inscriptions, suffice it to say that they furnish some well-preserved Dames which can be rightly identified with those appearing in the traditional Iterature of the Jainas. Of these divisions of the Jaina community it seems that the adherents of the Kottiya-Kotka Gana must have been more numerous in Mathura than those of the other school In the words of Dr Buhler "It deserves to be noted that it is the only Gana whose name survived in the fourteenth century A.D. Its great age, as well as the great age It is a characteristic Jaina doctrme that the Sravahas and STalas forma part of the Sangha On this point the Jainas differ very markedly from the Buddhists Our transliteration of the said inscription is as follows FAT WRENE T falt & 73 FM FTAT UIRU . qera fu The inscription is not clear Some vowel-marks and letters cannot be accurately deciphered However the date portion and the portion referring to the donation are more or less legible It is dated in the year 02, and seems to talk of a well, possibly for the red congregation The donor looks like some female pupu (fr). For the mscription see Cunningham, A.S 1.,xx, Ins No VI, Plate XIII C Buhler, op cit, 380 Cf ord , Ins No VII, op 385-988, ibid, p 830 of Burgess, 2.A, u , 278 5 Buhler, op cit, 880 6 Cf rbid, pp 378-379 201

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JAINISM IN NORTH INDIA of its ramifications, the Brahmadasika family, the Uccenagari1 branch and the Srigrha district community, is attested by our No. IV. The latest possible date of this inscription is Samoat 59, or AD. 128-129. The preacher then living, the venerable Siha, enumerates four spiritual ancestors, the first among whom sust have flourished about the beginning of our era. The Gang was, as me learn, much divided at that early period, and this fact speaks m favour of the statement of the tradition which places its ongm about the year 250 B.C." 2 The language of the inscriptions is a mixed dialect, consisting partly of Prakrt and partly of Sansknt words and forms. However, some of the inscriptions are said to be recorded in pure Prakrt of the Pali type. As seen before, they show exceedingly archaic characters, and merely on this ground they are taken to be as old as the second and first century B.C. Certain inscriptions of Sir A. Cunningham's collection show the Jaina Prakrt and Maharashtri forms Purovaye or Purvvaye : It is not possible to say for certain what influenced the language of these documents unless we know exactly the character of the vernacular of Central India used in the first and second centuries A.D. However it seems, as Dr Buhler observes, "to have been in some points more similar to the Jaina Prakrt and the Maharashtri than to the Pali and to the language of Asoka's edicts and of the older Andhra inscriptions." As regards the origin of this mixed dialect, with Dr Bhandarkar and others the learned scholar remarks that it is the result of halfeducated people trying to express themselves in Sanskrit, of which they possessed an insufficient knowledge and which they were not in the habit of using largely. All the Jaina inscriptions from Mathura were no doubt composed by the monks, who acted as the spiritual directors of the laymen, or by their pupils. Though no inscription has been found in which the author is named, the above interence IS warranted by the fact that numerous later documents of the same character contain the names of Yates who are said to have This geographical name seems to be identical with the fort of Unchana gora which belongs to the modern town of Bulandshaur, in the north-Western Provinces Cunningbam, ASI, NY, p 147 Buhler, op el, pp 879-880 C tatt, op cit. A.N.p 240 The schools com nected with the Kothya Gana offer no difficulty, as they agree with the corresponds names of the Kalpa-Satra C JACOBI, Kalpa-Sitra, p 82 Cunningham, ASI,1, Ins Nos II, III, VII and XI, pp 30-33 Buhler, op at, p. 376 CJ Bhandarkar, 14 , 11, p 141 202

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MATHURA INSCRIPTIONS composed them or to have written them. The Yatis in the first and second centuries no doubt, just as now, for their sermons and the exposition of their scriptures, used the vernacular of the day, and their scriptures were certainly written in Prakrt. It was a matter of course that their attempts to write in Sanskrit were not very successful. This theory receives the strongest support from the fact that the character and the number of the corruptions vary almost in every document, and from various single sentences, such as vacakasya aryya--Baladinasya sshyo aryya--Matridinah tasya nervoarttana, which latter reads like a piece from a stupid schoolboy's exercise." I As to the general importance of the Mathura inscriptions in connection with the history of Jainism in North India there can be no denying the fact that they afford most unequivocal evidence of the flourishing state of the Jaina religion during the period of Indo-Scythian rule, both before and after the Christian era. They tell us about a widespread and firmly established Jaina community, strongly supported by pious lay-devotees, and very zealous in the consecration and worship of images and shrines dedicated to Mahavira and his predecessors After the Hathigumpha inscription of Kharavela the Kankali mound at Mathura has now given us the most complete and satisfactory testimony that the Jaina religion, even before the beginning of the Christian era, must have been in a condition almost as rich and flourishing as that of Buddha. 1 Buhler, op cit, p 377

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CHAPTER VI State of Jainism during the Gupta Period THE Mathura inscriptions bring us more or less to the end I of the Kushanas Tradition, monuments and inscriptions of this time prove that their sway extended all over North-Western India, probably as far south as the Vindhyas, as well as all over the remote regions beyond the Pamir passes. There are grounds also for the belief that from the time of Kanishka to the reign of Vasudeva the Kushana rule extended over Bihar.1 This paramount power in North India seems to have come to an end after the death of Vasudeva, the last Kushana king who continued to hold extensive territories in India. "It is evident," observes Smith, "that the Kushan power must have been decadent during the latter part of the long reign of Vasudeva, and apparently before its close, or immediately after that event, the vast empire of Kanishka obeyed the usual law governing Oriental monarchies and broke up into fragments, having enjoyed a brief period of splendid unity. Probably numerous Rajas asserted their independence and formed a number of shortlived states; but historical material for the third century is so completely lacking that it is impossible to say what or how many those states were." Nothing definite is recorded concerning the dynasties of Northern India, excluding the Punjab, during the third century and the early part of the fourth. The period between the extinction of the Kushanas and the rise of the Imperial Gupta dynasty, nearly a century later, is one of the darkest in the whole of Indian history. However, with the rise of the Guptas the verlor oblivion is lifted and the history of India regains unity and interest With the advent of the Guptas Magadha again came to the 1C Smith, op aat, pp 274, 276, Jayaswal, J BO.R 8, v1, p 22 Smith, op cit, pp 288, 290 "The period evidently was one of extreme confusion, associated with foreigo invasions from the north-west, which is reflected in the muddled statements of the rura concerning the Abhiras, Gardabbalas, Sakas. Yavanag, Bahrikas and other outstanding dynasties named as the successors of the Andhras - Ihd, p 200 204

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STATE OF JAINISM DURING THE GUPTA PERIOD forefront. "Trice in history did it establish a great empire the Maurya Empire in the fourth and third centuries B.C., and the Gupta Empire in the fourth and fifth centuries A.D." I The extent of the Gupta Empire was by far the greatest that had been seen in India since the days of Asoka, six centuries before. It comprised al the most populous and fertile countries of North India. It extended from the Brahmaputra on the east to the Jamuna and Chambal on the West; and from the foot of the Himalayas on the north to the Narmada on the south. Beyond these wide limits the frontier kingdoms of Assam and the Gangetic delta, as well as those on the southern slopes of the Himalayas, and the free tribes of Rajputana and Malwa, were attached to the empire by bond of subordinate alliance; whilst almost all the kingdoms of the south had been overrun by the emperor's armies and compelled to acknowledge his irresistible might. As to the state of religion during the Gupta period this much is certain, that officially the kings of this dynasty were Brahmanical Hmdus, with special devotion to Vishnu, but followed the usual practice of ancient India in looking with a favourable eye on all varieties of Indian religion. Buddhism and Jainism, though by no means favoured religions, were allowed to continue. The inference seems to be one of non-interference, a universal toleration, with special preference for Vaishnavism. For instance Candragupta Vikramaditya or Candragupta II, the fifth in the Gupta list," although tolerant of Buddhism and Jainism, was himself an orthodox Hindu, specially devoted to the cult of Vishnu." Besides this eclectic spirit of the Guptas, as seen before, we have from the Mathura inscriptions the epigraphic evidence of their sympathy towards the Jainas. Of these Jaina records three in the opinion of Dr Buhler belong to the Gupta period. This is of course indisputable with the following one, which is incised on the base of a large sitting Jina, and which is dated in the reign of Kumaragupta: "Success! In the year 113, in the victorious reign of the 1 Rapson, op af, 310. 2 Cf. Smith, op cul,p 808 * "The NIanasara seems, therefore, to point to the Gupta period ; the existence of an empire comprising the whole of India; ... the populanty of the Brahmanical religion with predilection for the Vishnu cult and non-interference and toleration of Buddhism and Jainism --Acharya, Indian Archatechure according to Manasata Silapatastra, 194 Smith, op cit, p 809 5 Cf Buhler, EJ, n, Ins Nos XXXVIII-XL, P 198 205

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JAINISM IN NORTH INDIA supreme lord and supreme king of great kings, the illustrious Kumaragupta, on the twentieth day (of the winter-month Karttika) -on that (date, specified as) above an image was set up by Samadhya (Syamadhya), daughter of Bhattabhava (and) housewife of the ferry-man (?) Grahamittrapalita, who had received the command (to make the dedication) from Datilacayya (Dattilacarya) out of the Kottiya Gana (and) the Vidyadhari-Sakha." 1 With regard to the other two inscriptrons, one of them is not in good condition, and so no continuous translation is possiblc. It apparently records the building or restoration of a temple. The other one, however, on palaeographical grounds has been considered by Buhler to belong to the Gupta period. The said Inscription, which is incised on the base of a small statue, runs as follows: "In the fifty-seventh, 57, year, in the third month of winter, on the thirteenth day, on the (date specified) as above ..." To quote the learned scholar: "The shape of the letters, and especially the peculiar method of marking the long and short-ie. by turning the former to the right of the consonant and the latter to the left-makes it, I think, impossible to assign No. XXXVIII to an earlier period." 4 As to the exact period of the above two inscriptions, dated m the years 113 and 57 of the Gupta period, we shall have to refer to the era founded by the Guptas. From the words "Guplakala," "Guptavarsha," etc, which were found in the Gupta cpigraphical and other records, it appears that this era must bave been started by some king of the Gupta dynasty. No recorded evidence has been available up till now for this, but from Samudragupta's inscription at Allahabad we find that Candragupta I, who was his predecessor, is the first Gupta king who calls himself "Maharajadhiraja" His predecessors, both Gupta and Ghatotkaca, are entitled simply as "Maharaja" 6 This, combined with the inscriptional records of the period of Candragupta II, the successor of Samudragupta, ol 1 Buhler, E 1, 11, Ins No XXXIX, pp. 210-211 Ibad, Ins No XL, p 211 . Ibid, Ins No XXXVIII, p 210 Ind, 108 This 19 Mr Growse's No V (14,9, 210) Speaking About the learned scholar obseries "If the date is realls the ser 67 of the same crans traat employed in the inscriptions of Kanishka and ITuvashkn, it is the earliest unmistakao Jarna figure yet found in this neighbourhood I cannot, however, believe stil that it compimtis cly modem Growse, op cal, p 278 "Who (Samudragupta) 104 a mortal only a celebrating the riles of the obstone of mankind, (but was otherwise) a god, discling on the carth-wlowns son of the 200

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STATE OF JAINISM DURING THE GUPTA PERIOD the Gupta era 82 to 93,1 made it possible for the scholar-world to put down the starting point of the Gupta era from Candragupta I "His political importance," observes Smith, "was sufficient to warrant him in establishing, after the Oriental manner, & new era dating from his formal consecration or coronation, when he was proclaimed as heir to the Imperial power associated by venerable tradition with the possession of Pataliputra. The first year of the Gupta era, which continued in use for several centuries, and in countries widely separated, ran from February 26, A.D. 820, to March 18, 321 ; of which dates the former may be taken as that of the coronation of Candragupta I" This year, A.D 319-320, as the date of the beginning of the Gupta period has been based on Alberuni's statement that the Gupta era was posterior to the Saka era by 241 years, or, in other words, the Gupta era begins with A D. 819-320 % This statement of the Arabic traveller has been found correct, and, according to Fleet, the Mandasor inscription confirms this conclusion Thus, taking A.D. 319 as the beginning of the Gupta era, we find that the two Mathura inscriptions of the year 57 and 118 of the Gupta period will fall in A.D. 886 and 432 respectively. Accord ing to the accepted chronology of the Gupta dynasty the first would fall in the reign of Candragupta II, and the other, in confirmation of what is laid down in the inscription itself, in the reign of Kumaragupta I. As seen before, the earliest inscriptional son of the Maharaja, the illustrous Gupta, who was the son's son of the Maharaja, the illustrious Ghatotkaca , who was the son of the Maharajadinraja, the glonous Candragupta I," etc-Fleet, CII, IU , Ins No I, pp 16-16 C Ojha, op.at , p 174. IC Smith, I.A, XXX, 205, Ojba, op and loc cut #Smith, Early History of India, P 296 Ojha, op cit, p 175, Barnett, Antiquities of India, p 46 3 "As regards the Guptakala, people say that the Guptas were wicked, powerful people, and that when they ceased to exist thuis date was used as the epoch of an ers. It seems that Valabha was the last of them, because the epoch of the era of the Guptas falls, like that of the Valabha era, 241 years later than the Sahahala "-Sachau, Alberuni's India, 11,P 7 4 "I have shown, so far, that the early Gupta dates and, with them, any others that can be proved to the same uniform series, are to be preferred to the epoch of A D 819-820, or thereabouts, brought to notice by Alberuni and substantiated by the Verawal mscription of Vallabhi-samvat 945"-Fleet, op.cit, Int ,p 69 Cf Dutt, Ancient Indra, 50, Bhandarkar, A Peep into the Early History of Indra, P 48 For a detailed discussion about the Gupta era sce Fleet, op art, Int , PP 16 ff 6 Cf bid Int ,p 28 & C Smith, I.A , xxx, pp 205-206 Candragupta's rule extended from C AD 380 toCAD 412, and that of Kumaragupta from CAD 418 to CAD 455 Cf abd , Smath. Early History of India, Pp 845-816, Bhandarkar, op cut , PP 48-49, Barnett, op af, PP 47-48. 207

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JAINISM IN NORTH INDIA records of the Guptas begin from the year 82; and hence Dr Buhler has mghtly remarked, about the one which we have put down in the reign of Candragupta II, that if his conjecture about it were accepted, "its date, the year 57, is the earliest Gupta date yet found." 1 Besides these two Mathura inscriptions there are two more Jaina records connected with the Guptas. The first in chronological order is the Udayagiri cave inscription, which refers to the period of the early Gupta kings, and not to the reign of any particular sovereign. The recorded date, however, shows that it also belongs to the time of Kumaragupta I. It is dated, in words, in the year one hundred and six (A.D 425-426), on the fifth solar day of the dark fortnight of the month of Kartika. That it is a Jaina inscription is clear from the following translation of a part of the inscription "He (i.e. Samkara, whose name occurs in the 6th line) who has conquered the enemies (of religion), (and) 18 possessed of tranquillity and self-command, caused (and set up) in the mouth of (this) cave, this image of a Jina, richly endowed with (the embellishments of) the expanded hoods of a snake and an attendant female divinity, (and) having the name of Parava, the best of Jinas. He is, indeed, the disaple of the Saint, the Acarya Gosarman.. " etc. Thus the object of the Udayagiri cave inscription is to record the installation of an image of the Tirthankara Parsva or Parsvanatha at the mouth of the cave The other inscription, mentioned above, is the Kahaum Stone Pillar Inscription of Skandagupta 1, the successor of Kumaragupta 15 The grey-sandstone column on which the inscription is, stands at a short distance to the north of Kahaum village. The inscription itself refers to the reign of the early Gupta king, Skandagupta. It is dated, in words, in the year one hundred and forty-one (A D. 460-461), and in the month of Jyeshtha.. The object of the inscription is clear from the following passage of the record itself : 1 Buhler, op and loc cut * Cf. Fiect, op cit, Ins No LXI, P 268 3 Tord, 259 Cf Hultzsch, I A, , p 810 4 "Kahaum or Kahavam, the ancient Kakubhe or Kekubhagrams of this inscrip tion, 16 & village about five miles to the west by south of Salampur-Maybault, the chien town of the Salampur Mabuuli Parvana in Deorya or Dervariya Tahsil or subdivision of the Gorakhpur district in the north-Trest provinces"-Fleet, op cit, P Bhagwania] Indraji, 1.,,p 125 "Cf Smith, op cat, 846 He is said to have succeeded Kumaragupta I in CAD 455 C rond, Barnett, op cit, p 48 C Fleet, op cit, Ins No XV, p 66 , Bhagwanlal Indraji, op and loc czl 208

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STATE OF JAINISM DURING THE GUPTA PERIOD "He (1.c. Madra, whose name occurs in the 8th line of the inscription), being alarmed when he observed the whole of this world (to be cver) passing through a succession of changes, acquired for himself a large mass of religious merit (and by lum),-having set up for the sake of final beatitude (and) for the welfare of (al) existing beings, five cxcellent (images ), made of stone, (of) those who led the way in the path of the Arhats who practise religious observances, there was then planted in the ground this most beautiful pillar of stone, tluch resembles the tip of the summit of the best of mountains, (and) which confers fame (upon him)." 2 Thus the Kahaum inscription records that a certain Madra set up five stone images of Adikariris or Tirthankaras, and this is testified by the sculptures of the column itself. Of these the most important are the five naked standing figures, which, according to Dr Bhagwanlal Indraji, represent the five favourite Tirthankaras of the Jainas -- Adinatha, Santinatha, Neminatha, Parsva, and Mahavira. Besides these epigraphucal evidences of the relations between the Guptas and the Jainas, thanks are due to Muni Jinavijaya 4 that his learned exposition of the Kuvalayamala 6 throws a lot of light on the history of the Jainas during the Gupta period Udyotanasuri, the learned author of this piece of the Katha Sahrtya of the Jainas, introduces himself in the body of the book in a manner which is rcally characteristic of the times in which the great Surt lived and had his being. We are told that this interesting Prakt Katha was finished in the year 700 of the Saka era--i.e.in A.D.779. This is the age in which we find innumerable immortal works, where very often Fleet, op cit,p 68, Bhagwanlal Indraji, op cit, p 120 * The exact wording of this part of the inscription 18 as follows for an ATM f it Infri .. ctc Dr Indraji has translated it as follows "Having established five chief Adikarttis (Tirthaukams) in the path of the Ascetio Arhets" I , X, 126 To this the learned scholar makes B note as follows. "Adtharina 'Onginators,' the first who lead in the path, but usually applied to the Tirthankarag See Kalpa-Sutra, Sakrastava namotyuNa samaNasta bhagavo mahAvIrasa paramatityayarassa Sanskrit trang. ATT VAUT MA Eritre a nu"-Id ,p 120,1 16 lind, p 126 Cr Fiect, op cit,p 60 Jinavjaya, JSS,11 , pp 169 1 This is a piece of the narrative literature of the Jains of the eighth century AD It was completed in Jabalipura, situated at present in Marwar, though at one time it was considered to be a part of Gujarat * sagakAle bologe varisANa sarahi sahi gaehi / gadiNeNUohi yA avarapahavelAe / Ihd, v. 26, P 180 209

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JAINISM IN NORTH INDIA the writers have not even cared to give their names. However, the Kuvalayamala, with the historical sense rightly ingrated in it, gives us more or less an exact picture of the period and the swroundings in which this work was composed, and the lineage of the great Siri who brought it into existence. The following are the first few of the important introductory verses that have come down to us 1. (9) fra yefufHET GREU VET AU w a fai tatyatyi paha zAmeNa uttarApahaM bujaNAyaNa // (2) muidisacAhamohA viSasimakamalANaNA vimaladehA / tatpatya jalahidazA saritA yaha caMdabhAya shi| (3) taurammi tIya papaDA padhaiyA NAma rayaNasohinA / atyatyi Thie bhutA puhaI siritorarAraNa / (8) tassa guru harivano pAyariyo pAsa gunvsaayo| tIya eyaroya dieNo Na ziveso nahiM kAle // (5) nassa vi sisso pagaDo mahAkaI devavannAmo ni|' The substance of these verses is as follows " In the world there are two paths and only two countries (Dakshinapatha and Uttarapatha), which are widely known. Of these Uttarapatha is considered to be a country full of scholars In that country flows the River Candrabhaga, appearing as if she were the sweetheart of the ocean. On the bank of that river is situated the well-known prosperous town of Pavvaiya. It is when he was here that Sritoraraya enjoyed his authority over the earth. Acarya Harigupta, who was born of the Gupta dynasty, was the Guru of this king, and at that time he was practically residing there. Devagupta, who was a great poet, became the pupil of this Acarya." These introductory verses of Udyotanasuri are of equal im 1 Juavjaya znforms us that only two manuscript copies of Kuvalayamala are available at present-one in the Government collection at Poona and the other in the Jana Bhandara at Jesalmer Both copies differ from each other in minor points as well as in points of great historical importance The learned scholar ascribes these differences to the author himself, and believes that in both the texts they come down from the original sources themselves Cf rbid, p 175 Cf koud ,P 177 In the Poona manuscript the first two verses are not to be found It begins with the third verse, and the opening portion completely differs from that of the Jesalmer manuscript, it is as follows wfra que TUI For Acer in the Poone manuscript we find a For the first half of the fifth verse we find the following whole verse in the Poona copy jisma bahukalAkusalo siddhAnApiyANaco kaI dkkho| prAyariya devaguto na sijavi vijarara kitI // -Ibid 210

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STATE OF JAINISM DURING THE GUPTA PERIOD portance both from the standpoint of the Jaina community in the north and of Indian history in general. The King Toramana, or Toraraya, referred to in the third strophe, is none else but the powerful leader of the Hunas,' who is known to have led the Huna hordes which had burst through the north-western passes and spread in a destructive flood all over Northern India. There is no historical fallacy committed in taking this Toraraya for the Huna chieftain Toramana, because there is only one yeluia Toramana wie Toramana enjoying the sovereignty of this earth-in all Indian history. He seems to be one of the very important figures of his time, because, as just remarked, it was he who was at the back of the Huna invasion and the consequent break-up of the Gupta Empire Leaving Central Asia he and his followers poured into India, and having conquered the Punjab and Delhi came down as far inland as the country of Malwa in Central India. To quote Vincent Smith: "The leader in this invasion of India, which, no doubt, continued for years, was a chieftain named Toramana, who is known to have been established as ruler of Malwa in Central India prior to A D. 500 He assumed the style and titles of an Indian sovereign of Maharajas'; and Bhanugupta, as well as the king of Vallabhi and many other local princes, must have been his tributaries" 2 Naturally this Hunadhipatr, the leader of the Aryans of Central Asia, must have brought about a great revolution in the political, religious and social conditions of India. No doubt the period of his domination was rather short, but when he died-in the first decade of the sixth century AD.--the Indian kingdom which he had acquired was consolidated sufficiently to pass to his son and successor, Mahavira Mahirakula. Anyhow it is not yet known for certain to antiquarians what was bus capital. From various sources we know this much-that Sakala, the modern Sialkot in the Punjab, was the metropolis of his successor, Mihirakula. However, according to the Kuvalayamala tradition, Toramana's headquarters was 1 The Hunas Tere a tribe of Aryans in Central Asin They shattered the Gupta Empire, and dominated a large part of it for a short period The dominion of the Hunas did not long sure the defent ond death of Mihirakula, the son and successor of Tommina, and this can be put down approximately in the middle of the sixth century AD For further information about the Hunas sce Ojhs, History of Rajputana, 1, pp 33 II, 126 IT : Smith, op cit, p 333 Cf Bernett, op al. 49 * Smith, op and loc al , Ojla, op cit, P 128 * Smith, op and loc cit Ojla, op at, 120, Baractt, op al, p 50 211

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JAINISM IN NORTH INDIA Pavvaiya, situated on the bank of the River Candrabhaga, nov known to us as the Chenab It is really difficult to identify this Pavvaiya--having in Sansknt some such form as Parvatika or Paryati_with any definite place in the map of Northern India. Nevertheless, from Yuan Chwang's Travels in India we get to know that from Mou-lo-San-pu-lu--16 Multan-- the pilgrim went north-east about 700 li to Po-fa-to country. "The Po-fa-to of this passage," observes Watters, "is supposed to be for Po-la-fa-to-that is, Parvata."? Can we infer from this that Parvata of the Chinese traveller may be Pavvaiya, the capital of Toramana ? However, there is no one opinion about this in the scholar-world. Suffice it to say for our purpose that, according to the Jainas, the capital of Toramana was Pavvalya, and that it remains to be seen as to where exactly this place can be located in the map of Northern India What we are chiefly concerned with is the fact of some Acurya Hargupta being the Guru of the great Toramana. The significance of this note of the Kuvalayamala is really great. Up till now, barring a few inscriptions, to which we have already referred above, there is practically nothing which could enlighten us about the state of the Jainas during the Gupta period A foreign and triumphant ruler like Toramana having a Jaina Acarya as his Guru & matter of no little importance for Jaina history. Howsoever msignificant it may seem, it is the basis on which we can infer that, as with the Saisunaga, Nanda and the Maurya periods, so also in the golden age of Indian history Jaina Sadhus enjoyed the privilege of becoming Ragagurus. Coming next to Harigupta, the great Acarya, it seems he must have been a man of great importance in his time. He is intro duced to us as one belonging to the Gupta dynasty. It is very difficult to say whether he belonged to the royal dynasty of the Guptas or to any other ordinary dynasty of that name There 18 hardly any evidence before us on which we can make such an 1 Cf Watters, Yuan Chang's Travels in India, 1, p 255, Beal, St-Yu-K1, 11 p 275 Watters, op and loc cu CJ Beal, op and loc cat * According to Vincent Sunith Po-fa-to (Parvata) indicates the reign olan (Jammoo), in the south of Kashmir state as at present constituted Cf Watters, op ! 342 Cunningham identifles Po-la-fa-to with Shorkot. though he believes that position directed by the traveller agrees with the site of Jhang on the Chenab ng ham, Ancient Geography of Indra, pp 288-284 In the opinion of Dr Fleet, Po-fa-to cannot be anything else but the ancient place of Harppa-Fleet, JRAS, 1907, p 650 212

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you . 7 . A W ALE con or SRT WAHRUL HARICLPT" Enlarged four diameters By ked pristran of Department of Coins and Vidals British VASCHI

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STATE OF JAINISM DURING THE GUPTA PERIOD assertion. However, according to Jinavijaya," it is a common convention with the Jaina clergy that when a member of some particularly good family or dynasty joins the order, a note is carefully made to that effect for the glory of their religion. Generally the Jaina Sadhus during their preachings before the laymen of the Samgha mention such facts of their ecclesiastical history, and thus try to impress upon the mind of the audience the greatness of the religion and the following of Lord Mahavira. Thus if we were to infer from this that the Vamsa of Harigupta, particularly noted by Udyotanasuri, who came about three centuries after the great Toramana and his Jaina Guru, must be some respectable and highly esteemed dynasty, such inference need not be considered as far-fetched or unworthy of historical notice. On the other hand the very fact that Harigupta was so closely connected with the Huna Samrat greatly confirms the above hypothesis. No doubt the tradition of a member of the royal dynasty of the Guptas becoming a Jaina Sadhu may seem a little strange and unbelievable, but there is no reason for any such attitude. Furthermore, the same introductory verses of Udyotanasuri tell us that Harigupta had a pupil named Devagupta, who was a great poet. This Devagupta is addressed later on in his preface by the Suri as Rajarshi (Royal Saint) of the Gupta dynasty.? It is clear from this that Devagupta must be somebody from the royal family of the Guptas. No doubt, before all these facts can be taken as historical truths, we stand in need of some more definite contemporary evidence which can lead us to this conclusion. However, there can be no denying the usefulness of these facts as the basis for any historical structure such as this With all this, when we have come so far we shall go a step further, and see if it is possible to identify either Harigupta or Devagupta with any member of the royal dynasty of the Guptas. Whatever historical records of the Guptas have been collected as yet, we nowhere find the name of Harigupta. However, in 1894, Cunningham found a copper coin in Alicchiatra on one side of which there is a flower vase (Kalasa) on a pedestal, and on the other side are the following words: "Sri Maharaja Hargupta." 3 1 Jinavijasa, op. cit, P 188 2 4 Tarv trefcat-Chatura vajaya, Kirtalayamala-Katha (Jama Almananda Sabha), Int , C Alian, Cataloguc of Indian Coins, Gupta Dynasties, p 132 ond Plate XXIV, 16; Cunningham, Coins of Icdrceral India, P 19, Plate II, 6 It may be mentioned here that, as Jmavjaya has rightly remarked, Kalasa is one of the popular symbols of the Jamas. Cf Jinavijaya, op. cit, P 184 213

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JAINISM IN NORTH INDIA From the form and shape of the letters, and from the comparison of the name given on it, it is believed by those interested m numismatics that the coin must have been struck by some king of the Gupta dynasty. However, it is not possible to trace the relations of this Harigupta with any of the Gupta kings. On epigraphic grounds it seems that he must have existed in the middle of the sixth century of the Vikrama era. Thus from the standpoints of the date and the place where it was found the description of the coin meets with that of the Jaina Harigupta. The latter comes from the district of Punjab, and being the contemporary of Toramana he also belongs to the middle of the sixth century of the Vikrama era. Thus, considering the similarity of the date, the placename and the dynasty, there is nothing wrong of the Harigupta of the coin and that of the Jaina tradition are one and the same person. Coming to Devagupta we are faced with a similar difficulty. Nevertheless from Bana's Harshacarita, which is considered to be "a very early attempt at an historical romance," 3 we know that on the throne of Malwa sat a king, a contemporary of the great king of Kanauy and Thanesar, who was defeated by Harshavardhana's elder brother, Rajyavardhana, because the Malwa kang was declared the enemy of Grahavarman, the king of Kanyakubja, who was married to the sister of Harshavardhana. This king of Malta has been identified by Dr Buhler with the Devagupta of the Madhuban inscription. Here arises the question whether it is possible to identify Devagupta of the Jaina tradition with the king of Malwa spoken of in the Harshacarita The difficulty that comes 1 Cf Cunningham, op cit, pp 18-10 " The form of the letter 'H' us peculiar to the Guptas "-Ibid, p 19 "Coin of Harigupta seems to belong to the ofth century, from its epigraphy Alian, op al, PCV * Cowell and Thomas, Harsacania, Int , p vir Cf Ind, Int , pp X1-2.11 the illustrious Rajyavardhana, by whom, playing his wlup in the battle, the Kings Devegupta and others who resembled waoked horses were all subdued with averted faces"-Bubler, EI,1,p 74 C Barnett, op cit, p 5, Mooker (Radhakumud), Harska, pp 16-19, 59 Assuming the correctness of Bana's account it may be suggested that we gupta was the name of the Malava king The latter certainly was the chief foe, and the conquest of his kingdom is attested by the further statement of Bana that Blondin, wale had accompanied Riyya vardhana, brought the booty from Mala va to Harsha WC latter had reached the territory of Kumara-Bhaskaravarman on his expedition of revenge Against the King Gauda I may add that the word Malava necd not teler here of other passages of the Sriharshacarita to the Malava in Central India There was another MAlave in the Punjab, much nearer to Thanesar, which may be meant "-Buller, op ? p 70 Cf Mookerji (Radhakumud), op cit, pp 25, 50 ff 214

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STATE OF JAINISM DURING THE GUPTA PERIOD in the way of such an identification is that of the chronological adjustment of both the Devaguptas Among the various dates of Toramana the latest possible is that of about A.D. 516. Even if this is accepted there remains a difference of more than seventy-five years, which can be adjusted only on the following suppositions : that Toramana may have died a few years later than c. A.D. 516; that Harigupta may have lived a long time after the death of his royal patron, and that Devagupta may have joined the order in the last days of his Guru. Whatever it may be, we need not stress this point any further, because that would be going beyond the period which we have marked out for our examination, and moreover, about the tradition left to us by Udyotanasuri there is no choice for us but to await the further revelations of archaeology for a final answer. Thus the fact that also in the Gupta period Jainism was a living religion is evident from all that we have seen up till now. This is clear from "a multitude of inscriptions, which are almost all either Buddhist or Jaina," and from the Gupta princes being perfectly tolerant of both Buddhism and Jainism." 1 One thing still remains to be seen, and that is the rise of the dynasty of Vallabhi towards the close of the fifth century A.D This rise of the Vallabhis more or less coincides with the end of the golden age of the Guptas, which at the most comprised a period of a century and a half. The death of Kumaragupta I, which can be definitely fixed as having occurred early in 455, marks the beginning of the decline and fall of the empire, while in the reign of Kumaragupta II began the actual break-up of the Gupta Empire, This new dynasty, which lasted until about A.D. 770, was established at Vallabhi in the east of the peninsula of Saurashtra (Kathiawar), by a chef named Bhatarka," who belonged to a clan called Maitraka, probably of foreign rule." 3 This Bhatarka of the Vallabhi dynasty had four sons, all of whom are included by Captain Tilbe foi ce-Bell and others in their list of Vallabhi kings. Of 1 Smuth, op cit, pp 818, 820. Iord, 340 the power of the Guptas continued to wane, and deprned of possessions and powers, at the end of the systi century 1D, they died out"-15berforceBell The Hrstory of Kathiracad, p 37. Smith, op cit, P 332 "Meanwhile, about the cor ID 470, the history of Saurashtra Agam underwent a cbange In this year Shanda Gupta died, and the bards relate that at the time, one Bhattarka, of the Maitmake clan, was Commander-in-Chief of the army Thus man came to Saurashtra and, baving declared his independence, estallished a dynasty which lasted for nearly 300 years -111berforce-Bell, op and loc al Barnett, op cul, P 49 213

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JAINISM IN NORTH INDIA these Dhruvasena I, the fourth in the list, was naturally the third son of the founder of this dynasty. We particularly refer to him because, along with Devardhigani, the high-priest of the Jaina church of his time, he marks the end of the unrecorded period of Jainism in North India. Beyond this we are assured by Smith that "the earlier kings of Vallabhi do not appear to have been independent, and were doubtless obliged to pay tribute to the Huns." 2 Thus Dhruvasena must also be a dependent potentate under the Hunas, because the period of his rule has been put down by Charpentier and others as terminating about A D. 5268 This date becomes more of a certainty on the authority of Smith and Wilberforce-Bell that Bhatarka founded the dynasty in c 490 A D' The two brothers that intervened between Bhatarka and Dhruvasena might have ruled for a short time, and thus Dhruvasena I might have succeeded to the throne in about A.D. 526. This is further strengthened when we know that Dharasena II, the seventh in the Vallabhi list, rules from A.D. 569.5 of the great Jaina council under the protection of the Vallabhipati Dhruvasena we shall speak in the next chapter. What need be said at present is that the canonical and other literature of the Jainas was put down in writing during this period, and thus the unrecorded period of Jaina history was brought to an end It is significant to note that this important event of Jaina history is connected also with the Gupta period. That by this time the Jainas had more or less spread all over India is a fact which cannot be denied. The inscriptions referring to the Jaina communities become very numerous from the sixth century A.D. onwards i cy Wilberforce-Bell, op cit, pp 88-89, Barnett, op cit, pp 49-50 South, op and loc cal "This dynasty was at first subordinate to the Guptas and then to the Hunas, and later became independent " Barnett, op cit, p 40. Dhruvasena I, Maitraka, kang of Vallabhr, was reigning AD 526-540 - Barnett, op cit, p 60 "Now, as King Dhruvaseng I of Vallabhi is supposed to have succeeded to the throne in AD 626 >>-Charpentier. Ularadhana-Sutra, Int, P 10 11 date of the learned scholar 18 based on the date of Mahavira's Nirudna in 407 BC, ang 098 A V, as the date of the redaction of the Jaina canon The other date for the redaction of the canon LS AD 980, and, counting upon this, the date of the council comes to CAD b. Cf Jacobi, Kalpa-Sutra, Int ,p 15, Farquhar, Religious Literature of India, P 103 The difference between these two dates is based on this ground, that in 980 AV the Jauda canon was put in a definite form and in 993 A V Kalpa-Sutra was read before the Samgha, idet the putromage of Dhruvasena I in Anandapura navazatAzItitamavarSe kalpasya pustaka likhana, FAGA HUGE USTADA-Kalpa-Sutra, Subodha-tha, siit 148, P 120 For the two dates of 980 AY and 998 A see also Jacobi, SBE, XXII, p 270 CJ Smith, op and loc at, Wilberforce-Bell, op cit, p 38 Ci abid , p 89 "Dharasena II Was reigning 571-589"-Bernett, op cit, p bl 216

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STATE OF JAINISM DURING THE GUPTA PERIOD Hruen-Tsiang, who travelled through India after the Gupta Empire had come to an end, found them spread through the whole of India, and even beyond its boundaries. It would be very interesting indeed to follow this scattered information about Jainism, yet such lucubrations would be beyond our purpose. The documents quoted suffice, however, to confirm the assertion that during the first five centuries after Mahavira's Narvana both the statements of Buddhist tradition and real historical sources give evidence to the existence of the Jainas as an important religious community independent of Buddhism, and that there are among the historical sources some which entirely clear away the suspicion that the tradition of the Jainas themselves is in any way falsified 1 << Hruen-Tsang's note on the appearance of the Nigrantha or Digambar in Kuapishi points to the fact that they had, in the north-west at least, spread their missionary activity beyond the borders of India"-Buhler, Indian Sect of the Jarnas, pp 3-4, 4; Beal, op. cit,1,P 55

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CHAPTER VII Jaina Literature of the North THE Jainas have developed at all times a rich literary activity, 1 "This literature is extremely extensive and full of interest Indian and even European libraries contain a huge mass of Jaina manuscripts, which hitherto have not yet been utilised."1 The Jaina authors belong mostly to the priest-class. They are monks who make use of the four months of the rainy season, during which time they are forbidden to wander about, for literary purposes To the prevalence-of-this clerical element among the writers there corresponds the one in the substance and contents of the Jaina literature. It has in the main points a religious character, in which it meets also with the Brahmanical and Buddhistical literatures Theological and philosophical treatises, legends of saints, religious tracts, and songs of praise in honour of the Tirthankaras arc the principal items in it. The religious atmosphere also predominates in the works of profane contents, as in scientific books, in poems and in works of the narrative literature, in dramas and an inscriptions. The period of Jaina history under our consideration is solely concerned with the unrecorded state of its literature Devardhigani stands like a lighthouse and marks the end of this period, in which the canonical literature of the Jainas known as the Siddhanta mostly predominates. However, by way of a few preliminary remarks regarding the whole hterature of the Jainas, it may be mentioned here that the subjects treated of in this huge literature are very multifarious "First of all, there is the Siddhanta, necompanied by a very extensive literature of commentaries Morcove, there is a very rich scientific literature The Jainas have createn special systems of dogmatics, of logics, and of philosophy : on the other hand, they very successfully cultivated all the rate manical sciences. They composed grammals and dictionaries Sanskrit as well as of Prakrt. There are even some grammars vocabularies of the Gujarati, and a vocabulary of thc l' Hertel, On the Literature of the Stetambaras of Gujaral, p 218

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JAINA LITERATURE OF THE NORTH language. Numerous are the Jaina treatises on poetics, on metrics, and on Niti in its two branches--the Rajaniti or statecraft, and the Samanyanite, which contains rules for the clever conduct of life. For the education of princes, Jaina authors wrote treatises on the sciences of elephants, of horses, of war-carriages and of bows, and on erotics; and for the use of the rest of the population they composed works on magic and on astrology, on omina and portenta, and on onerrocritics, which has played so important a role in Indian life They even composed manuals of architecture and of music, and treatises on gold and on jetrels. ... They are the creators of a very extensive popular literature." 1 With these introductory remarks we come to the Siddhanta, or the Holy Scriptures of the Jainas, which according to them come within the period under our consideration, As seen before, and as we shall see during the course of this chapter, we cannot disbelieve the traditions of the Jainas about their literary heritage. However for the present we give below the list of the scriptures of the Jaina canon which has been more or less accepted by scholars like Weber, Winternitz, Charpentier 4 and others : I. Fourteen Pwoas or Purvas (not extant). 1. Uppaya (Utpada) 2 Aggeniya or Agganiya (Agrayaniya). 3 Virtyappavaya (Varyapravada). 4. Atthinatthippavaya (Astinastipravada). 5. Nanappavaya (Jnanapravada) 6. Saccappavaya (Satyapravada) 7. Ayappavaya (Atmapravada). 8. Kammappavaya (Karmapravada). 9. Paccakkhanappavaya (Pratyokhyanapravada). 10. Vujanuppavaya (Vidyanupravada). 11. Avamgha (Avandliya). 12. Panaum (Pranayuh). 13 Kiryavisala (Kriyavisala) 14 Logavindusara (Lokabindusara). 1 Hertel, op cit, PP 5-6 . Cf. 1Veber, 14, XVI, Pp 379 ff, 339f1, 11, pp 181 11,300 11.; wx, pp. 62 11, xx, pp. 18 II, 170 1, 365 I., and xx, pp 14 ff, 10G ff ,177 If , 210 1,203 T, 327 , 309 ft * C Wintermutz, Geschichte der Indischen Literatur, it , pp. 201 ir cf Charpentier, op cit, Int , PP 9 ff., Belvalhar, Bralina-Sutras of Badardyana, pp. 107 11 . Cf. Charpentier, op. cut, Int, P 12 219

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JAINISM IN NORTH INDIA II. Twelve Angas : 1. Ayara (Acara). 2. Suyagada (Sutrakrta). 3. Thana (Sthana). 4. Samavaya. 5. Viyahapannatti (Vyakhyaprajnapati), mostly called Bhagavati. 6. Nayadhammakahao (Jnatadharmakathah). . Uvasagadasao (Upasakadasah). 8. Antagadadasao (Antakyddasah). 9. Anuttarovavaiyadasao (Anuttaraupapatikadasah). 10. Panhavagaranaim (Prasnavyakaranani). 11. Vivagasuyam (Vrpakasrutam). 12. Ditthvaya (Drshtivada), no longer extant. III. Twelve Upangas (corresponding to the twelve Angas): 1. Ovavaiya (Aupapataka). 2. Rayapasenaina (Razaprasniya). 3. Jivabhigama 4. Pannavara (Prajnapana). 5. Suriyapannatti (Suryaprajnapti). 6. Jambuddidapannatta (Jambudoipaprajnapti). 7. Candapannatti (Candraprajnapti). 8. Niryavali 9. Kappavadamsiao (Kalpavatamsikah). 10. Pupphiao (Pushpikah). 11. Pupphaculiao (Pushpaculikah). 12. Vanhedasao (Vrsnidasah). IV Ten Painnas or Prakarnani : I. Causarana (Catuhsarana). 2. Aurapaccakkhana (Aturapratyalchyana). 3. Bhattaparinna (Bhaktaparina). 4. Samthara (Samstara). 5. Tandulaveyaltya (? Tandulavaitalika). 6. Candavinhaya (Candravedhyaka). 7. Devindatthada (Devendrastava). 8. Gantvija (Ganitandya). 9. Mahapaccakkhana (Mahapratyahhyana). 10. Viratthava (Virastava). 220

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JAINA LITERATURE OF THE NORTH V. Six Chedasutras 1. Nisiha (Nisitha). 2. Nahanisiha (Mahanisitha). 3. Vavahara (Vyavahara). 4. Ayaradasao (Acaradasal), or Desasuyaskhandha (Dasasrutaskhandha). 5. Brhatkalpa. 6. Pancakalpa. VI. Four Milasutras. 1. Uttaraylayana (Uttaradhyayana). 2. Avassaya (Avasyaka). 3. Dasaveyaliya (Dasavaikalzka). 4. Pindanijutti (Pindani yukti). VII. Two Solitary Texts : 1. Nandisutta (Nandisutra). 2. Anynuogada asutta (Anuyogadvarasutra). All these scriptures form the canon of the Svetambaras alone, because they are disowned by the Digambaras. This tradition of the latter is connected with the great famine which broke out in Magadha during the glorious days of Hindu rule under Candragupta Maurya. After the emigration of Bhadrabahu and his followers to the south it so happened that the holy texts of the Jainas were threatened with the danger of falling into oblivion, and a council was called by Sthulabhadra and his followers, who had preferred to remain at home, early in the third century B.C., at Pataliputra, a place historic in the annals of their order and at the same time the capital of the Mauryan Empire. This council of the Jainas, as Dr Charpentier tells us, "may have discharged pretty much the same functions as are recorded of the first Buddhist counal." 1 A canon was fixed by the council including both the Angas and the Purvas, and thus is undoubtedly the first origin of the Siddhanta.Now the monks who had returned home from the south were by no means satisfied with these arrangements. They 1 Charpentier, op art, Int , p 14 "Thus, according to Sthulabhadra's tradition, a canon was established including the ten first Parvas and Angas, as well as other scriptures which are recorded to have been composed by Bhadrabahu-eg the Kalpa-Sutra"--Ind "Therefore a council was called at Pataliputra m which the 11 Angas were put together and the rest of the 14 Puroas were corporated into the 12th Anga, the Difthicaya "_ internitz, op cit, p 299 Cf Farquhar, Relgrous Literature of India, P 75, Jacobi, Kalpa-Sutra, Int, pp 11, 15 For Hemacandra's version about the synod at Pataliputra see Pamsishtaparan, Canto IX, V 55-T6, 101-108 221

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JAINISM IN NORTH INDIA refused to acknowledge the canon, and declared that the Purvas and the Angas were lost to them. Thus here lies the basis of the belief of the Digambaras--that what exists as the Siddhanta of the Jainas is not in its original form. We shall once again see presently that this tradition on their part carries very little weight considering the grounds in favour of the Svetam bara belief. However, before we come to this we shall refer to the next Jaina council, that met at Vallabhi in Gujarat under Devardhiganin, the Buddhagliosha of Jaina literary history, in the beginning of the sixth century AD. What happened after the first great council in Magadha is that in course of time the canon of the Svetambaras fell into disorder, and was even in danger of being lost. Therefore, as seen before, in the year 980 or 993. after the death of Mahavira, "a famous teacher, Devardhiganin, called the Ksamasramana, who saw that the sacred lore was in danger of becoming obsolete-no doubt because of the scarcity of manuscripts --convoked a second great council at Vallabhi." 2 The twelfth Anga, which contained the Purvas, was already lost by that time, and whatever could be available was put down in a definite written form. Thus Devardhiganin's activity must have consisted only in bringing about a canon of holy scriptures partly with the help of old manuscripts and partly on the ground of oral tradition As most of the modern scholars believe, we need no more doubt that the whole of the external form of the Siddhanta dates from the days of Dhruvasena, under whose patronage the great council was called. Now, coming to the Digambara tradition of the Jaina Siddhanta being completely lost or forgotten immediately after the great famine in Magadha, we find that there is no evidence available on which we can make such a sweeping statement. Before we proceed any further one thing must be noted down that even the Digambaras agree to the fact that the first disciples of Mahavila knew the 1 For the famino in Alagadha, etc, see Charpentier, op cit, Int, pp 18-15, Wintertitz, op and loc ct * Charpentier, op cit, Int, P 15 Cf. Winternitz, op al, pp 298-29-4, Jacobi, 8.B.E, XII, Int, pp 01112-XXXVU2According to another tradition the Staananta was issued at the hands of a council in Mathurn under Sri Skandilacarya "--Teber, 1.4 , XVII, 282 8 "Puroam sarvasiddhantanim pathanam ca mnhhapathena' sul! -Jacobi Kalpa. Satra, p 117 Cf Winternitz, op cit, p 294 For the work done and the exact method adopted by the redactors of this councul see Charpenter, op cit,Int , pp 16 " To provide every teacher, or at least Upasraya, with copies of the sacred books, Devardhigania must have issued a large edition of the Siddhanta Jacobi, S.BE , xu, Int, P vil 222

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J.VIXI LITERATURE OF THE NORTH l'ir as and the digas. "They hold the twelve Angas-the DuadaKangi-in as high esteem as the Svetambaras."1 Now what remains to be confirmed is that the original Siddhanta was not lost for ever. The epigraphic cudence that we can produce for this is that of the Jathura inscriptions. As we have seen, the number of Kulas and Sakhas appearing in thcsc records can very well be identified with those appearing in the writings wluch arc proclaimed by the Diganbaras to be late and worthless works, although they seem to make use of them to a certain extent."! Turthermore, the Wahavira lcgend is also reproduccd in the Mathura sculptures as it appears in our texts, and the Jaina monks are mentioned with the title Vocala e lecturer or prencher. This latter fact, according to Dr Wintcrnitz, gives cpigraphical cvidence to the fact that there must have existed the holy scriptures of the Jainas even in the beginning of the Christian cra. Moreover, as seen before, thic fact that as an alternative the Jrina monks could go about naked is also found in the Sretambara texts. This shows they did not darc to makc arbitrary changes in the text, but handed them down as truc as possible. Finally, it is a great proof for the authenticity of the Jaina tradition that in many remarkable details it exactly corresponds with the Buddhistic tradition. The total abscence in the most important parts of the canon of any ideas belonging to Greek astronomy, according to some scholars supplies a decisive proof of the suggestion that the texts must have remained almost unaltered at least since the very first century of our cra. "Morcover, the mctrical parts of tic Jamna canon suggested to such an acutc obscrver and such an expert on Hindu metrics as Jacobi a terminus a quo; for as a general i ule all the metres used by the Jainas in their canonical scriptures, whether Vaitaliya, Tristubh or Arvi. show types that are clearly more ! C Buhler, IA1,P 29 "Home er, we are told by the Sietimbans as well as the Dugimiyras, that besides the Augas there existed other and probably older works, alled Pinas, of which there icre originally fourteen"-Jacobi, op al, Int, p lus Charpentier, op cil, Int, p 11 Cf Buhler, op and local 1 e .-Buhler, CI, 1, Ins No III, p. 382 Cf. tond, Ins Yos. I, VII, ctc , pp 383-980 Cf Wintcritt, op and loc cit SC Charpentier, op cit, Int, 25 "But an argument of more weight is the fact that in the Siddhanta we find no traces of Greek astronomy In fact thc Jamna astronomy is a system of incredible absurdity, wluch would bric been impossible if its author had Had the last knowledge of the Grech Science As the latter appears to have been intrcluced in Indin nbout the third or the fourth century AD, It follows that the sacred books of the Joins were composed before that tinic"-Jacobi, op cil, Int, P xl 223

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JAINISM IN NORTH INDIA developed than those of the Pal canon, and at the same time dis. tinctly older than those of the Lalita Vistara and other northern Buddhist texts. Supported by this very powerfulevidence, Jacobi concluded that the most important and oldest portions of the Siddhanta must have been fixed during a period lying between the Tripitala and the first centuries of our era, say, roughly, between 300 BC and A.D.200; and I, for my part, consider this conclusion quite justified": Besides all this there are certainly many other passages scattered through the whole of the canon which might lead us to draw further conclusions about the period of the Siddhanta of the Jainas An enumeration of all such passages is out of the question, but we shall mention one instance that has a certain interest for the question of the date. To put it in the words of Dr Charpentier: " In the second Upanga, the Rayapasenaija, the interesting relations of which to the Payasisutta of the Digha Nikaya were detected and dealt with by Professor Leumann, it is stated in a certain passage that any Brahmans who have committed certain crimes should be stigmatised-e. the image of a dog (Sunahka) or & Kundiya should be branded upon their foreheads This coincides with Kautilya, p 220, who prescribes that four marks should be used for theft a dog (Svan), for incest (Gurutalpa) a pudendum muliebre (Bhaga), for manslaughter a headless trunk (Kabandha), and for consuming intoxicating liquor a Madyadhvaja. But this rule does not occur in Manu and the later law books, where corporal punishments on Brahmans are not permissible. This usage had consequently become obsolete after the times of Kautsiya, and the conclusion is that the Jaina text where it occurs must be nearer to the time of Kautilya than to that of the later Dharmasastras." Thus from all that has been seen one thing is certain that the present Siddhanta of the Svetambaras is no creation of later times, and that with all the additions and subtractions at vamous places it is based on the original texts The question as to how far these texts can be chronologically traced is rather dubious, though ol great interest. However there would be nothing wrong if in their definite forms they are traced back to the council of Pataliputro, and in certain individual cases to a still earlier date. We shall Charpentier, op cit, Int, pp 25-20, Jacobi, op cit, Int , pp . Charpentier, op ml, Int, 32. " .. I do not consider that the principal sacred scriptures represent esch in the present strape the actual capon fired at the council of Patalputra u JACOW op al, Int. pp , 224

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JAINA LITERATURE OF THE NORTH now consider in brief the separate works of the canon and, though rather superficially, shall mark their contents side by side with some points of importance individually attached to them. First in order comes the group of the fourteen Purvas. They form the oldest portion of the canon, and even the Svetambaras themselves tell us that they have been irrevocably lost along with Drstivada, the twelfth Anga, in which these oldest works were incorporated at the time when they ceased to exist independently of the Ariga literature As seen before, the Purvas were suggested by Mahavira himself, while lus disciples, the Ganadharas or apostles, composed the Angas "This tradition," observes Dr Charpentier, "rejects the authorshup of the mythic saint Rsabha, and is certainly right in ascribing the original tenets of the canon to Mahavira humself. As a general account of the facts, the statement that the main part of the canon originated with Mahavira and his immediate successors may probably be trusted." 1 After the Purvas come the Angas, the single members of which are marked by certain formal peculiarities, which prove a connection closer in the case of some than in that of others. Taking the first of the twelve Angas-namely, the Ayaranga or the AcarangaSutra-we find that it is the oldest extant canon in prose and in verse, and treats of the mode of life (Acara) of the Jaina clergy. It contains two books, or Srutaskandhas, very different from each other in style and in the manner in which the subject is treated. It is the first of these two Srutaskandhas that gives the impression of its being one of the oldest, if not the very oldest, of the existing scriptures. Like the Sutrakrtanga and a few other texts of the Siddhanta, in Acaranga also we find that the larger divisions close with the words ti bemi (ita bravimi) ("Thus I say "); and according to the scholia, Sudharman, Mahavira's pupil, is regarded as the one who gives utterance to this formula The prose portions begin with the formula: suyam me ausam! tenan bhagavaya evam akkhayam ("I have heard, O Long-lived one! Thus has that saint spoken." 3) In this fashion, which characterises the contents as the oral translation of the utterances of Mahavira, Jambu, a scholar of Sudharma, is addressed. 1 Charpentier, op cit, Int , pp 11-12 PC Winternita, op cit, 296, Belvalkar, op cit, 108, Weber, op cul, p 842 "I am of opinion that the first book of the Acaranga-Sutra and Sutrakrtanga-Sura may be reckoned among the most ancient parts of the Siddhanta "-Jacobi, op at , Int ,p xh CY Weber, op at, 840, Jacobi, op. cit. PP 1, 3, Vaidya (P. L), Suyagadam, pp 65, 80 225

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JAINISM IN NORTH INDIA As seen before, the Acaranga-Sutra treats mainly of one of the four heads, or Anuyogas, into which the sacred lore is dividednamely, Dharmakatha, Ganita (Kala), Dravya and Caranakarana1 The sermons therein combine the voice of an indifferent and impartial adviser and the solemn warning of a Guru, spintual or otherwise. To quote a part of the Sutra itself "The Arhats and Bhagavatas of the past, present, and future, all say thus, speak thus, declare thus, explain thus; all breathing. existing, living, sentient creatures should not be slain, nor treated with violence, nor abused, nor tormented, nor driven away. "This is the pure, unchallengeable, eternal law, which the clever ones, who understand the world, have declared Having adopted (the law), one should not hide it, nor forsake it. Correctly understanding the law, one should arrive at indifference, for the impressions of the senses, and not act on the motives of the world. . . Those who acquiesce and indulge (in worldly pleasures), are born again and again. "Day and night exerting thyself, steadfast always having ready wisdom, perceive that the careless (stand) outside (of salvation); if careful, thou wilt always conquer. Thus I say." 2 The second Anga--the Suyagadanga or the Sutrakertanga-- comprises poetic exhortations and philosophic disquisitions, follon ad by & polemic against Kriyavada, Akriyavada, Varnayika and Ajnanavada.The object of this Sutra is to protect young monks from heretic doctrines, to warn them of the perils and temptations involved in them, to confirm ther in their creed and to lead them to the highest destination. Like the first Anga this is divided into two books, and according to Jacobi and others it is the first that may be reckoned among the most ancient parts of the Siddhanta." As in the Buddhist literature, we meet here again a mixture of prosc and verse, with some interesting parables scattered here and there. For instance we read : "As (birds of prey)-eg. Dhankas---carry off a fluttering bird whose wings are not yet grown, ... so many unprincipled men will seduce a novice who has not yet masteret the Law"5 1 gam: PRITETITUTTUVATESSAYIf parcere! This WATT TTET I Acasyala-Satra, p 200. : Jacobi, op el, pp 36-37. * CJ Vaicha (PL), op at, pp 3.11 CJ Jacobi, op cit, int, p. xr; Winterrutz, op. cit, p 207. CJ Jacobi, SBE, ,p 324 226

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JAINA LITERATURE OF THE NORTH The Sitrahrtanga starts refuting the doctrines of Buddha and of other heretical teachers who are confronted with the main doctrines of Mahavira. Vith all this, as Winternitz has remarked, what we get from this Sitra about Karman and Samsara does not differ much from that of "heretic" doctrines. Philosophical ideals such as the following can be found also in the Buddhist text: "It is not myself alone who suffers, all creatures in the world suffer; this a wise man should consider, and he should patiently bear (such calamities) as befall him, without giving way to his passions" The difficulties and temptations that lie in the way of a monk are very minutely considered, and everywhere the young monk is advised to meet them all heroically He is specially urged to beware of the temptations of women. Very often we find that such warnings are accompanied by a touch of genuine humour which makes the whole atmosphere more homely and realistic. For instance Te read : "When they (women) have captured him, they send him on all sorts of errands: Look (for the bodkin to) carve the bottle-gourd, fetch some nice frut. Bring wood to cook the vegetables..., paint my feet, come and meanwhile rub my back ...! Give me the collyrium-box, my ornaments, the lute, ... Fetch me the pincers, the comb, the ribbon to bind up the hair; reach me the looking-glass, put the tooth-brush near me !" ? The next two Angas--namely, the Sthananga and the Samavayanga---we shall take together. Like the Buddhist Anguttara kaya, both these texts of the Agamica Iterature of the Jainas treat of sereral topics of religious importance in a numerical order, rising in the Thananga from 1 to 10 and in the Samavaya from 1 to 100, and even up to 1,000,000. As to the contents of the two, the former provides us with a Table of Contents of the lost Ditthivaya, the twelfth Anga of the Jainas, and with an enumeration of the names of the seven schisms, together with those of their founders and of their localities. The latter, or the Samavaya, contains some exact statements about the contents of all the twelve Angas, and also consists of many statements and references about the doctrines, and the legendary hagiology and history of the Jainas 5 Thus both 1 Cf Jacobi, S BE,xlv., 251 * Ind, pp 276, 277. Wintertutz, opat, p. 800, Belvalkar, op and loc cut Cf Winternitz, op and loc at, iTeber, 1.A , xm ,p 870 * Cf. Waternitz, op and loc cit , Weber, op art, P 377. "To the detailed consideration of the 12 Angas there is appended here, as in the Nandi, a passage on the entire 227

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JAINISM IN NORTH INDIA the Angas combined together constitute a perfect treasure-house for the coriect understanding of innumcrable groups of conceptions and of the Siddhanta. Coming to the Bhagavati, the fifth Anga of the Jainas, we find that it is onc of the most important and most sacred texts of the Jaina Siddhanta. Its importance, from the standpoint of Jaina history, is second to none In our previous chapters about the period of Parsva and Mahavira, and about their contemporaries, we liave referred to it more than once. Besides this the work contains a circumstantial and complicated exposition of the Jaina dogma, partly in the form of catechism and partly in the form of legendary dialogues (rtikasasamvada). Of the legends, especially important are those which treat of the predecessors and contemporaries of ---Jamali and Gosala Makkhaliputta--to whom is dedicated the fifteenth book of the Bhagavali i "All these legends," observes Weber, "give us the impression of containing traditions which have been handed down in good farth. They offer, therefore, in all probability (especially as they frequently agree with the Buddhist legends) most important evidence for the period of the life of Mahavira himself 2 The Nayadhammakahao, or the sixth Anga of the Srddhanta, brings us to the narrative literature of the Jainas. It is a collection of tales or parables designed to serve as moral examples, and, as with almost all the narrative literature of India, the Katha literature of the Jainas also serves didactic purposes. At the beginning of his homily a Jaina preacher usually gives, in a few prose words or verses, the topic of his sermon (Dharmadesana), and then goes on to tell an interesting tale of considerable extent, as the most effective means of spreading the doctrines of Mahavira among his followers. According to Hertel the literary form of these Jaina sermons not only resembles that of the Buddhist Jataka, but is also highly Diwalasangami Ganipidagam This deals partly with the attacks which it was subjected to in the past, wuch it now experiences in the present and will experience in the future, pertly with the devoted acquiescence wluch is its lot to meet with in these three perros and oonoltrdes with the declaration of its certain existence for ever Re hagdi na i, Saya na 'Uhi, na hayri na bhauissata -Ibad To this Weber makes the following note According to Abhayadevasun attacks at the hands of Jamab, Goshthimahula, eto 1e the representatives of the seven schismg-Iid, 06 C Winternitz, op aut. pp 800-801 " of the legends which are adduced nere) those olam & special interest wuch deal with predecessors or contemporaries of Mahavira, with the opinion of his heterodox opponents and with their conversion Yeber 1.4 , XLXP 64 * Ibid, p 85. 228

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ally more stress is pure the Anga under our distant has four JAINA LITERATURE OF THE NORTH superior to it. "Characteristic of Indian art," observes the great Orientalist, "are the narratives of the Jainas. The Jainas' way of telling their tales differs from that of the Bauddhas in some very essential points. Their main story is not that of the past but that of the present; they do not teach their doctrines directly, but indirectly; and there is no future Jina to be provided with a role in their stories." Most of these narratives of the Jainas are in the form of parables. Generally more stress is put on the parables than on the narration itself. In the first book of the Anga under our discussion there is one of this kind, which runs as follows. A merchant has four daughters-in-law. To test them he gives each one five grains of rice, with the instruction that they should keep them carefully until he would ask them back. In the meantime it so happens that one throws the grains away, thinking: "In the godown there are plenty of grains; I shall give him some others." The second one thinks the same and eats them up. The third one keeps them carefully in her jewel-box; but the fourth one sows them, and reaps a harvest again and again, until she has a great stock of rice after five years. When the merchant inquires for the five grains of rice he condemns the first tivo daughters-in-law by entrusting them to do only the lowest kind of work in the house, while the third is asked to look after the whole property, and the fourth one is made the head mistress of the house. Based on this simple story the moral to be taught is that with these four women may be compared monks, of whom some are not at all anxious to keep the five great rows; a few others who neglect them; the better ones, who keep the vows scrupulously; and the best ones, who are not only content to keep them, but also look for followers, Mostly of narrative contents are also the seventh, eighth and ninth Angas. Of these the first namely, the Dvasaga-Dasao contains legends about ten pious Sravahas, many of whom arc rich merchants, and who, by means of asceticism, in the end come so far that eren as lay-followers they are rewarded with miraculous poners. Finally they dic as renl Jaina saints, by starring them. selves voluntarily to death, and are then reborn as gods in the heaven of the pious. The most interesting is the story of the rich potter, Saddalaputtn. " the servant of the Ijivaya," who was finally 1 Tiertel, op cit Jond PR C Jhalte sit 63, pp 113-120 * Cfllocmic, cringe-Dasch, 1. 1-4, ctc.

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JAINISMI IN NORTH INDIA convinced by Mahavira of the truth of his doctrine. Likewise the eighth and ninth Angas deal with legends concerning the pious, who, having put an end to their worldly life, attained the Mohsha and the highest heavenly world respectively.2 Taking the last two of the extant Angas, known as the Prasnavyakarnant and the Vipakasutam, we find that the first is more of a dogmatic than of a legendary nature, while the other is the reverse of it. It treats of the ten moral duties-commandments and prohibitions--viz. first of the five Adharmas, which must be avoided injury to bfe, lying, robbery, unchastity, (love of) possession-and then of the five Dharmas, the opposites of each of the above sins 3 The Vipaka-Sutra, on the other hand, contains legends on the reward of good and evil deeds, which are rightly, in the opinion of Dr Winternitz, similar to the Buddhistic Karman stories in the Avadanasataka and the Karmasataka. As to the twelfth Anga of the Jainas, it is no longer extant. It is irrevocably lost, along with the fourteen Purvas--the oldest portion of the canon--which were incorporated in it when they ceased to exist independently of the Anga literature. However there is one question of capital interest connected with the loss of the Drshtivada. Eminent Jarna scholars in Europe feel that the Jamas themselves give no convincing reason for the loss of what may be regarded as the oldest and the most venerable part of their sacred lore, and hence various explanations of what according to them seems to have been a startling fact have been attempted by them. To mention a few of these scholars . Weber thinks that the Drshtivada, not being in complete agreement with the tenets of the orthodox doctrine, was wilfully rejected by the Jainas themselves. According to Jacobi, Drsh trvada became obsolete because it consisted merely of discussions (Pravada) between Mahavira and his opponents, and that these would have gradually lost their interest and at last become wholly unintelligible to the Jainas themselves Last on the list, Dr Leumann propounds a totally different view as regards the loss of the Drshtavada According to him this Anga 1 C Hoernle, Ulasaga-Dasao, 2, pp 105-140 - Barnett, The Antagada-Dasdo and Antattarokat drya-Dasao, pp 13-10, 110, etc. CJ Weber, LA, wip 28 C. Winternitz, op cit, p 300 The fourteen Pinas iero included as the third great subdivision of the twelfth Ang Cf Weber, op cl,p 174 CJ Weber, IA, WI, p. 280 Of Jacobi, S.B.E, II, Int, pp viv ff 230

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JAINA LITERATURE OF THE NORTH of the Jainas must have contained a great number of texts concerning tantric rites, sorcery, astrology, etc., and this would be the real reason for its becoming obsolete. All these explanations for the loss of the twelfth Anga of the Jainas seem to have one drawback in common-viz. that of suggesting that the Drshtivada (" or the Purvas, which is much the same thing" was simply abandoned by the Jainas. This sounds rather strange, and especially so in the face of the traditions of the Jainas themselves; for they clearly tell us that the Puruas became obsolete only gradually, so that the loss was not complete until a thousand years after the death of Mahavira-.e. just at the time of the final redaction of the canon. With whatsoever limitations we may take into consideration this tradition of the Jainas, along with Dr Charpentier, in our opinion also " the statement as a whole ought not to be totally disregarded." 3 Coming to the second part of the Siddhanta, corresponding to the number of the Angas, we get the twelve Upangas. According to Weber and others "there are no instances of real inner connection between the Angas and Upangas having the same position in the series." 4 Taking Aupapatika, the first Upanga, as mentioned before, its historical importance rests in connection with the detailed treatment of the appearance and sermon of Mahavira in Campa under King Kuniya or Ajatasatru, and of the pilgrimage of the king to Mahavira. As to the second Upanga, the Rajaprasniya, the largest portion of the text deals with the pilgrimage of the god Suriabha, with a numerous retinue, to Amalakappa, the city of King Syeta, in order to offer his reverence to Mahavira, especially by means of music, singing and dancing. However, the quintessence of the work is in the inserted dialogue between King Paesi and the monk Kesi, which starts with the question in reference to the relation of the Java (soul) to the Deha (body), and which ends with the conversion of the open-minded king. 1 des Dittluvaya eme ganz analoge tantra-artige Texpartie gestanden hat, sondern lisst damit zugleich auch errathen, warum der Dicthivays veloran gegangen ist " -Leumann, "Beziehungen der Jauna-Literatur zu Andern Literaturkreisen Indiens," Actes du Congress 2 Lede, 1888, p 550 Charpentier, op art, Int , PP 22-28 "Tradition indeed appears to zegard the Pitas as identical with the Ditthcaja " Veber, 1 A, XX, 170 Cf Charpentier, op at, Int , p 28 * Weber, op al, p 800 T Winternitz, op and loc cut 6 C najapratniya-Saira (Agamodaya Samiti), stul 1 it & CT d., sat 05-79 281

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JAINISM IN NORTH INDIA Of the remaining Upangas the third and fourth may be taken together, being more or less similar in contents and form The first of these treats in a dialogue form of the different forms and groups of animated nature, while the second treats of the different forms, conditions of life, etc., of the Jive. However, Pranapand, the fourth Upanga, differs from nearly all the other canonical texts in this, that it is attributed to an author called Ayya Sama (Arya Syama, also Syamarya), who is placed by both the Kharatara and Tapa Gaccha Pattavalis in the fourth century after Vira. The next group combines in it the fifth, sixtb and seventh Upangas of the Jainas. The Suryaprajnapti, the Jambudvipaprajnapti and the Candrap arnapti are the scientific works of the Jainas, and they treat of astronomy, legendary geography of Bharatavarsha, and of cosmography of the heavens and system of time-reckoning, respectively. Of these, Suryaprajnapti, the fifthi Upanga, needs special mention on our part. "In it," observes Dr Weber, "we find the most remarkable statements concerning the astronomy of the Jainas arranged in a systematic form of presentation. It is an open question whether Greek influence made itself felt in this rectification; at any rate we have to deal here with an indigenous style of Indian astronomy antecedent to the authoritative and prepondering influence of the Hellenes". This fact of the Suryapragnapti being a unique specimen of "an indigenous style of Indian astronomy," even prior to the days of Greek influence in the East, is believed in by other scholars also, and its importance in the light of Jaina history is self-evident. With regard to the last five Upangas they are also compiled as five sections of a single text, entitled the Niryavalisuttam. According to Weber," their enumeration as five separate texts was caused by the desire to have the number of Upangas correspond to that of the Angas." The historical importance of the eighth Upanga lies in tins, that it treats of how the ten half-brothers of Icy Weber, op at, pp 971, 879. C att, 14, 1, pp 247, 251 According to Dr Charpentier," Upanga 415 expressly stated to be the work of Aryn Syama, a patriarch who is certainly identical with that Kulaklichrya whom the tradition places in the time of Gardabhilo, tuc lower Vikramaditya "-Charpentier, op af, Int,p 27 Cf Jacobi, Z D.MG, I, pp 251 ! Yebcr, I.A, W, pp 14-16 + Cl Jacobi, SBE, Ml, Int, p . Leumaan, op al. pp 552-553 Thibau JA S.B, VR, 1880, p 108 Tor some facts of especial interest in connection 12 the Saryapranaph scend, pp 107-121, 181-206 . Wcber, op et, p23 232

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JAINA LITERATURE OF THE NORTH Kunika were killed in the campaign against Cedaga, the great Licchavi king, and how as a result they were reborn in different hells. This much about the Upangas which form the second group of the Siddhanta With regard to the third group of the texts of the Siddhanta it is formed by ten Painnas or Prakarnas. These texts, "in the pregnant sense of the word, bear a name which, denoting scattered,' hastily sketched pieces, well suits their real nature as a group of texts corresponding to the Vedic Parisishtas Like the Parisishtas they are, with a few exceptions, composed in metre; and in fact in Arya, the metre which is usual in the Karika insertions in the Angas,' etc. These Painnas treat of manifold subjects. Among them may be mentioned the prayers by means of which one is put under the fourfold protection of the Arbats, Siddhas, Sadhus and the Religion; the genuine euthanasy; the life in embryo; the qualities of teachers and pupils; the enumeration of gods, etc.3 Next we shall take the Chedasutras, the fourth part of the Siddhanta. They discuss in general what constitutes prohibited conduct for monks and nuns, prescribing punishments or expiations for the same, though there is a large admixture of subsidiary matter of a legendary character. They correspond, consequently, to the Vinaya of the Buddhists, with which, despite all differences, they are closely connected in contents and in style of treatment. As to the antiquity of the existing Chedasutras, in the opinion of both Wintermitz and Weber a large portion of them is of considerable antiquity. This is because the quintessence of this group, the Chedasutras 3-5, belong to the oldest part of the canon, These three texts--namely, the third, fourth and fifth Chedasutras--come under one group, known as Dasa-Kappa-Vavahara. Of these the composition of the two texts, the Kalpa and the Vyavahara, is frequently referred back to Bhadrabahu. who is said to have extracted them out of the ninth Parva.? The authorship of Bhadrabalu is also asserted by tradition of the third member of this group of 1 Cf Noryataliha-Sutra, pp 3-19 Weber, op cit,p 106 CJ T'interaitz, op af, 305 * Cf. Weber, op. at, pp 200-112, Vintertz, op and loc cil. . Cf Weber, op cut, P 179, Wintemutz, op cit, 309 *criind , p. 308, Weber, op cit, PP 170-180 * Cf Winternitz, op cit, 309, Weber, op at, pp 170, 210 ***FIERT, PRECT O FATTI G TS, .Askimandalas.otra, 166 233

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JAINISMI IN NORTH INDIA texts, the Avaradasao. The eighth section of this last-mentioned text is long known as the Kalpa-Sutra of Bhadrabahu. It is formed of the entire work called Kalpa-Sutrame of the entire work of this name in its three parts; however Jacobi and others rightly hold that in reality only the last the third) section, which is called "Samacari" -.e. rules for Yatis - "Comprised by the name Paryushana Kalpa," belongs to this place, and that it alone could claim, together with the remaining Ayaradasao, to be ascribed to Bhadrabahu, As to the contents of the Kalpa-Sutra of Bhadrabahu we need not enter into any more details here We have referred to it more than once in connection with the life-history of Mahavira, with that of his twenty-three predecessors, with the successors of Mahavira, the pontiffs of the Jaina church, and in connection with the rules and prescriptions to be observed by Yatis. With these few remarks about the Chedasutras we shall next deal briefly with the Mulasutras and the two solitary texts which form the last two groups of the Jains canon Taking first the Mulasutras, we find that the significance of this title of a group of the Jaina canon is rather doubtful In ordinary parlance, however, it would mean original text, but it is bkely, according to Dr Charpentier, that, like the Buddhists, the Jainas also may have used Mula in the sense of " original text," and that too merely to denote the actual words of Mahavira himself. As to the contents of these Sutras the first three also, from a literary standpoint, are of great importance of these the Uttaradhyayana, the first in the last, with its specimens of old ascetic poetry, belongs to the most precious part of the canon. It consists of direct ordinances in reference to a correct course of life, especially of the clergy, and of rectals and parables allustrating this life According to the opinion of the old authorities summarised by Jacobi the aim of the text is "to instruct a young monk in bis principal duties, to commend an ascetic life by precepts and examples, to warn him against the dangers in his spiritual career, and to give some theoretical Information " 8 Much of the contents, according to modern authorities on Jaina literature, makes upon us the impression of great antiquity, 1 Jacobi, Kalpa-Satra, pp 22-23, Winternitz, op and local , Weber, op cit, P 21. * Charpentier, op at, Int , p 82 . Jacobi, S.BE , xly, Int, P TUIS 234

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JAINA LITERATURE OF THE NORTH and recalls similar Buddhistic texts, and especially Anga 2-that is to say, the very oldest parts of the canon. As just remarked, it resembles the Sutrakstanga with regard to its object and parts of the subjects treated; however in the Uttaradhyayana "the heretical doctrines are only occasionally alluded to, not fully discussed. Apparently the dangers expected from that quarter grew less in the same measure as time advanced and the institutions of the sect were more firmly established. Of more interest to a young monk seems to have been an accurate knowledge of animate and inanimate things, as a rather long treatise on this subject has been added at the end of the book." 2 As to the contents of the second Mulasutra, the AvasyakaSutra, it deals with all the six Avasyakas, or observances which are obligatory upon the Jaina, be he a layman or one of the clergy. With these observances are connected narrations of historical or quasi-historical importance which are handed down to us in the commentaries. To quote Professor Weber: "It treats not merely of the doctrine of Mahavira on this point, but also of the history of the doctrine itself-ie. of the predecessors of Malavira, of himself, of his eleven Ganadharas and of his opponents: the different schisms (ninhagas, ninhavas) which gradually gained a foothold in his teachings. The latter are chronologically fixed. Haribhadra quotes very detailed legends (Kathanakas) in Prakrt prose (sometimes in metre) in this connection, and also in connection with Ditthanta and Udaharana, which are frequently mentioned in the text." 4 Taking next the last two Mulasutras we find that the contents of the first one-namely, the Dasaveyaliya--refer to the Vinaya, or rules of conduct of the Jaina clergy, and this according to Dr Winternitz reminds us of the Dhammapada of the Buddhists. The authorship of this complete conspectus of the leading Jaina tenets is ascribed to Sayyambhava or Sajjambhava, the fourth patriarch of Charpentier, op art, Int , p 34; Winternutz, op at , p 312, Weber, op. cit, Jacobi, op and loc art HUU Ke Tw1994 EESTI GCEISTEET -Atasyaha. Sutra, P 58, the six Atasyakas in order and as follows _-The Samaian, or avoidance of cul deeds, the Caucisattho, or prazse of twenty-four Jmas, the l'andanayam, or eneration of the teachers, the Padthamanam, or confesston, the Kusagga. or atonement of sins committed by penance and meditation, and the Paccah nanam, or abstentron from food, etc cf hd * Weber, op al, p 330. Cf. Wintertutz, op cit, p. 315 233 P. 310 or at ordo from food erutted by permanence Platin amanem, or controlour Jinas, stemnin

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JAINISM IN NORTH INDIA after Mahavira Mrs Stevenson looks upon this Sutra "as a monument of a father's love persisting even in the ascetic life," I because it was composed by the author for the benefit of his son named Manaka." As to the last Mulasutra, it is a mere supplement to the previous one Finally, what remains to be seen of the Siddhanta of the Jainas are the two solitary texts known as Nandisatra and the Anuyogadvarsutra. Both of them are somewhat related in contents, but they differ in style. They are more or less encyclopaedic, but systematic reviews of everything that appeared necessary as a means of information with reference to the sources and forms of a correct knowledge and understanding of the sacred texts. In thus way, according to Weber, their author could present his readers with a hermeneutical introduction. To quote the learned scholar, " these two works are admirably adapted to the use of one who, having completed a collection or redaction of them, then seeks for knowledge concerning the nature of sacred knowledge itself." 4 Though according to the literary traditions of the Jainas Devardhigani seems to be the author of these two solitary texts, to both Weber and Charpentier there seems, however, no external support for this conclusion, which is not borne out by any information to be derived from the contents 5 "After all," observes the latter, "I think that the authorship of Devarddhi is not very strongly established, and we may regard him as a redactor rather than the author of the canonical works." 6 This much about the canonical literature of the Svetambara Jamas.? As to the language of the canon, from the unsettled state of the Jaina literature down to Devardhigani's times it may be concluded that the language also in which it was handed down underwent a gradual alteration. However this much seems highly probable, that the religious reformers of the sixth century before Christ, who taught in opposition to the priestly wisdom of the Brahman scholars a way to salvation accessible to the bulk of the * Stesenson (Mrs), op at, p 70 Cf Jacobi, Kalpa-Sutra, P 118, Klatt, op cit, pp 246, 251 For the tradition about the composition of the Dasacarkalha see Hemacandra, Parsishfaparvan, Canto V. CJ Tebet, op all, PP 208-201, Wintertutz, op and loc at * Weber, op al, 204 C ord, Charpentier, op cit, Int., P 18 Donde About the Siddhanta of the Diambaras ser interatz, op cit, p. 310; Jacobi, op cut, Int, p 30 236

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JAINA LITERATURE OF THE NORTH people, used for their sermons the language of the ordinary people and not the learned language of Sanskrit. This language of the people seems to have been the vernacular dialect of Magadha, the home of Mahavira. With all this the Magadhi used by the Jainas "has very little of affinity with the Magadhi either of Asoka's inscriptions or of the Prakrt grammarians." This is why the actual language used by the Jainas is known as Ardha-Magadhi, a mixed language, which consists to a great extent of Magadhi, but took up also elements of foreign dialects; Mahavira is said to have spoken thus mixed language to be understood by all with whom he came in touch, therefore also by the people living on the boundaries of his mother-country." 2 According to the tradition of the Jainas "the old Sutra was exclusively composed in the language called Ardha-Magadhi," but the Jaina Prakrt of "the old Sutra" differs considerably from the language of the commentaries and poets. The Jainas call it Arsham, the language of the Rshis, while the dialect in which the canon is written is nearer to Maharashtri, and is known as the Jaina Maharashtri. We shall not enter into any further details about the peculiarties of the language used and developed by the Jainas before the final rearrangement of the Jaina books. Suffice it to say that "the Jaina Maharashtri, being once fixed as a sacred language, continued to be the literary language of the Jainas until it was replaced by Sanskrit." 4 Of the Don-canonical literature of the Jainas we have, on the one hand, any amount of commentatorial works represented by the class of scriptures called the Nijuttis or Nuryuktis, and on the other, independent works consisting partly of learned works about dogmatics, ethics, and monks' discipline, and partly poetical products, of which some are hymns to glorify the Jainas while the rest belong to the highly increased narrative literature of the Jainas. It seems certain that long before the final compilation of the canon under Devardhi the Jaina monks must have begun composing explanations to the holy texts, for the oldest commentaries, the Nujutis or Niryuktis, are in some cases very closely connected with the Sutras, or have even displaced them. Pinda and Oghanyjutii appear in 1 Jacobi, op at , Int , p 17. * Glasenapp, Der Jainismus, P 54 : PRETUREREHT E -Hemacandra, Prakrt Graminat, 11. 287 Jacobi, op. at. Int 20 For further details about the langunge of the sicred writings of the Jainas see toid , pp 17 ff Glasetapp, op cit, pp 81 ff. 237

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JAINISMI IN NORTH INDIA the canon itself, and Oghanjjutti is said to have been taken from some of the Puruas.? According to Dr Charpentier, old as the Niryuklis are they certainly do not represent the very first sct of Jaina commentatorial Literature They are not the oldest but the oldest existing set of commentaries on the canonical scriptures of the Jainas This is because " the Naryukta is in its main parts only a sort of index, a collection of versus memoriales meant to give an abbreviation of an extensive commentary, where all these tales and legends were really told at length". The oldest commentator seems to be Bhadrabahu, who, as seen before, died one hundred and scventy years after the Nirvana of Vardhamana He is said to have composed ten Narynktus on different works belonging to the canon-viz. the Acaranga, the Sitakrtanga, the Suryaprajnapati, the Dasasrutaskandha, Kalpa and Vyavahar a, the Avasyaka, the Dasavarkalika, the Uttaradhyayana and the Rshubhashita, According to Banarsi Das Jain, Bhadrabahu's Niryukti on the Avasyaka is the earliest authority on the purvabhavas-e former births of Rsbabha. This is because "the Angas do not make any special mention of the Purvabhavas of the Tirthankaras, though they contain numerous references to the past and future lives of several of Mahavira's contemporaries" 4 What makes all these commentaries so precious is the circumstance that they have preserved for us, on the one hand, very many old historic or quasi-historic traditions, and on the other, a vast amount of material for popular narrations. Like the Buddhist monks the Jaina monks also have at all times preferred to animate their sermons by narrating stories and legends of saints with a view to gaining and preserving as many followers as possible, by taking advantage of the Indian lust of hearing religious stories. Thus" there gradually accumulated a considerable stock of legends and tales, partly borrowed from collections among the people since time immemorial, partly belonging to the legend aurea' of the Jainas themselves, and partly perhaps invented quite recently, which then formed a sort of permanent commentary on the holy texts." S To this famous Bhadrababu is also attributed the Samhita unt of material for pot have at all tundes presents vith a View 1 ct Wintermite, op cit, p 817 * Charpentier, op at, Int , pp 50-51 * C Alasyaha-Sutra, vy 84-86, 61, Jacobi, op art, Int ,p 12 Jain, Jama Jatahas, Int , in Charpentier, op cit, Int , p 51 288

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JAINA LITERATURE OF THE NORTH known as the Bhadiabahavi-Samhita-an astronomical work-and the Uvasaggaharastotra, an ode to Parsva. However it is doubtful whether the Bhadrabahu of the Samhita and of the Niryuklis mentioned above are one and the same person. Besides its being of the same character as the other Samhitas, this BhadrabahaviSamhita is not cited by Varahamihira, who names amongst his numerous authorities another Jaina astronomer, Siddhasena, and consequently it is more modern than Varahamihira. To quote Jacobi, "At any rate, its author cannot be the same Bhadrabahu who composed the Kalpa-Sutra, because its last redaction, the date of which (980 A..-A.D. 454 or A.D. 514) is mentioned in it, was already earlier than, at least contemporaneous with, Varahamihira -not to speak of its composition" 3 As for the Uvasaggaharastotra, the tradition about its composition by Bhadrabahu is based on the following verse: utsaggaharaM putraM kAja jeNa saMyakamANaM / karuNApareNa vihiraM sa bhavAhU gurU jaya // " Victory to Guru Bhadrabahu, who by composing the Uvasaggaharastotra bestowed, out of pity, happiness on the Sangha." With regard to the contents of the Stotra it is a hymn in veneration of Lord Parsva. This is clear from the last verse of the Stotra, which runs as follows: "Thus praised Glorious one! with a heart full of mighty devotion, Parsva! mayest thou, O God! therefore, give perfect wisdom in every birth, Moon of the Jinas.". As to its composition by Bhadrabahu, Jacobi believes that if that is granted, it is the oldest specimen of the now extensive literature of Jaina hymns.5 Besides Bhadrabahu's there are many other independent works, but we shall limit ourselves to a few of the most important of them Of these the first to draw our attention is the Upadesamala of Dharmadasagani, who is claimed by the Jainas to be a contemporary of Mahavira. The text contains moral instructions for laymen as well as for monks, and its popularity is witnessed by 1 Kern, Brhat Samhita, Pre, p 29. * Jocobi, op cit, Int, 14" "For the tradition of the Digambaras about Bhadrabahu II and the legendary story of the Svetlimbaras about Bhadrabhu and Varahamihira 800 zond, pp 18, 80 Vidyabhusana, Medical School of Indian Logic, pp 5-6 Kalpa-Sufra, Subodhiha-Tiha, P 162 + Cy. Jacob, op cit, Int , p 13 * CJ Dharmadasagant, Upadesaunala (Jaina Dharma Prasuraka Sabha), p 2 ci bid ,p 12 239

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is further to which Syamarythor of the Prajnapand, the solution JAINISM IN NORTH INDIA many commentaries, two of which go as far back as the ninth century AD. After Dharmadasa ve may mention Umasvati, who is claimed by both the Svetambaras and the Digambaras According to Winternitz, because he represents views which do not correspond with those of the Digambaras, they are scarcely entitled to claim him as one of them with what limitations this fact about Umasvata can be or should be understood we cannot say. However, the learned scholar is night in inferring, with others of his opinion, that probably the great Acarya belongs to an earlier period, when both the sects were not so sharply divided. This is further supported by the Tapagaccha Pattavali of the Jainas, according to which Syamarya, of the fourth century after Vira and, as mentioned before, the author of the Prajnapana, was the pupil of Umasvati. Nevertheless, according to Hiralal," the solution may, however, lie in the fact that Umasvati does not touch the principles under controversy between the two sections." 4 This Umasvati is better known as Vacaka-Sramana According to the Svetambara recension of his Tattvarthadhagama-Sutra 1t seems he was known also as Nagaravacaka We are told by him that he was born in Nyagrodhika, but he resided in Kusumapura or Pataliputra 5 The Hindu philosopher, Madhavacarya, calls him Umasvativacakacarya. As to the writings of this great Acarya, we find that no less than five hundred works are said to have been composed by him, of which, however, only five have survived. The colophon to all of these-Viz (1) Tattvarthadhigama-Sutra; (u) Bhashya on the above; (u) Pugaprakarana; (iv) Jambidvipasamasa; and (v) Prasamarti, as published by the Asiatic Society of Bengal-reads. "ofa: femre IET HET WATER et "? Cf Winternitz, op cit, p 343; Macdonell, India's Past, P 74, Stevenson (Mrs), op al, p 82 : CJ Wintermtz, op cit, p 351, Hiralal (Rai Bahadur), Catalogue of MSS in CP and Berar, Int, pp -, Vidyabhusana, op cit, po Cf Witt, op cil, p 251 This account of the Svetimbar Paftavalt assigns km to centuries before Christ Arya Muhagin, the tenth pontife after Mahavira, dies to Jundred and forty-nine years after the latter He had two pupils, Bahula and Balissaha, The pupil of the Intter 19 Umissati Cf ord, pp 246, 251 In the Digambar account Umistiti s mentioned as the sixth in succession from Bhadrabahu, and as succeeding kunda undiciityn His date of death is gen 142 Of A D 85 Cf Hoemic, IA, , p 391 l'or further information nbout Umastatisce llimlal (Rar Bahadur), op af, Int ,PP JM Peteori, Report on San MISS,1,Int , 51, Jaim, S BJ,1,Int , PP VN + Timbal (Rai Bahindur), op cit, Int ,P I s Talfarthudrama-Sutra (ed Motilal Ladhnji), Adieuyana X, P 203 . cy Corell And Gougli, Serra-Darsana-Samgrala, p65 Hml, op at, Int ,p n 10

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JAINA LITERATURE OF THE NORTH Among the works mentioned above, Taltvarthadhigama-Sutra is the one on which mostly rests his fame. Of the few priceless jewels that have been rescued from loss and oblivion this is about the most valuable. Umasvata is the first to put in the popular style of the plulosophical Sanskrit Sut as all the Jainistic principles that constitute the backbone of the Agamic literature of the Jainas. This is why it is virtually known as the Jaina Bible and is revered by all sections of the Jaina community. How great and authoritative it is recognised to be will be further evident from the fact that it has perhaps received the greatest attention from most Jaina commentators. No less than thirty-one commentaries are known to be extant now. There is no Jaina doctrine or dogma which is not expressed or implied in these aphorisms. Verily TattvarthaSutra is a sacred epitome of Jainism.1 With these few introductory notes on the great UmasvatiVacaka we shall pass on to the period of Vikramaditya, with Siddhasena Divakara and Padaliptacarya as the outstanding luminaries of the Jaina literazy history. With regard to the authenticity of the ancient and persistent Jaina tradition about the period of Siddhasena and his conversion of Vikrama we have already dealt, and hence we need not here enter into any further details about this moot question of the period of Divakara. However two facts may be adduced here in favour of this traditional date of Siddhasena. In the first place, like Vacaka-Sramana, he also is claimed by both the Digambaras and the Svetambaras, and secondly, references to him in the literature of both the sects are ancient. As to the literature left to us by the great Siddhasena, he is said to have written thirty-two independent works dealing with Jaina logic and philosophy. Leaving aside the minor question of the number of works composed by him he is precisely the first Svetambara author of Prakaranas in the technical meaning of the word. "A Prakarana is a systematic treatise in which the subject is exposed in a scientific form, unlike the unsystematic, ether diffuse or episodical, treatment of subjects in canonical books ; it may be in Prakrt, but as a rule it is in Sanskrit." 4. Such endeavours on the part of great teachers like Siddhasena and others 1 Jaini, op at, Int , p vur 9 Rice (EP), Kanarese Literature, p 41 Hiralal (Rar Bahadur), op cit, Int, p in Jacobi, Samaraneca Kaha, Int , p x 241

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JAINISM IN NORTH INDIA during the first few centuries before and after the Christian era to raise the Svetambaras to the high level of Indian mental culture were brought to their conclusion by Hemacandra, who provided them with admirable text-books of the principal Indian sciences, besides such standard works as more directly concerned their own creed Siddhasena is known to us particularly as the famous author of Nydyavatara and Sammatitarka. The first is a metrical work on logic, giving an exposition of the doctrine of Pramana (sources of valid knowledge) and Naya (the method of comprehending thungs from particular standpoints), while the second is the only work in Prakrt on general philosophy containing an elaborate discussion on the principles of logie Before the inauguration of these two leamed works it seems there had not perhaps existed any distinct treatise on Jaina logic, its principles having been included in the works on metaphysics and religion To quote Dr Vidyabhusana; "Logic was mixed up with metaphysics and religion in the ancient writing of the Jainas as in those of other sects in India The first Jama writer on pure logic appears to have been Siddhasena Divakara It was he who, for the first time among the Jainas, distinguished logic from the cognate branches of learning by composing a metrical work called Nyayavatara on Logic in thirty-two stanzas." 1 As with Bhadrabehu so also with Divakara is connected one of the hymns of the Jainas which is also an ode to Parsva. This is the Kalyanamandirastotra, the tradition about whose composition runs as follows: "Once he (Siddhasena) presumptuously declared in the presence of his Guru that he would turn the whole sacred lore from Praket into Sanskrt. For the expiation of the sin committed by this sacrilegious utterance he was administered by his Guru the ParaThrka Prayascitta, which requred bum to remain dumb for twelve years and visit sacred places In the observance of this vow he once went to Ujjain and lodged in the temple of Mahakala Here he incurred the displeasure of the priests for not making obeisance to the god Siva. They called the King Vikramaditya, who compelled Siddhasena to bow before the god. Siddhasena did this, reciting the Kalyanamandira ode, which had the effect of splitting the image of Siva in twain and manifesting out of it an image of 1 Vidyabhusana, Nyayavatara, Int , p. 1 242

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JAINA LITERATURE OF THE NORTH a Jaina Tirthankara Being impressed with his power King Vikramaditya and many others became converted to Jainism." 1 With regard to Padalapta we have already referred to him as one who had converted his majesty King Marunda, "the emperor of the thirty-six hundred thousand people of Kanyakubja." 2 He 18 known to us as the author of the Tarangavati, the most ancient and famous of Jaina romances. The original text has been lost, but a later recasting of it, Tarangalola, has been preserved. Nemicandra, the author of the summary, abridged Tarangavati by the omission of complex verses and " Lokapadas" (popular sayings). The reason given by Nemicandra for abridging the original is that it was very extensive, complex, and full of pairs, sixes, and Kulakas (collections) of verses, and that consequently it had become a work only for the learned, the ordinary people having lost interest in it.3 However, in spite of its being an abridged edition of Tarangavati, Tarangalola is also of great literary interest as a specimen, and reflex, as it were, of the more popular Literature of fiction current in those days, which must have been a very extensive one, both in Sanskrit and Prakrt, though very few works belonging to it have come down to us. As usual with other specimens of such literature, in our romance also the picture of the heroine ends in her renouncement of the world and entering the order. Karma remembrance of a previous birth, and its consequences, etc, serve to motivate the story, and the narrative is interspersed with a great deal of religious instruction, which, however, rarely degenerates into sermons. Besides Tarangavati, among other works of Padalupta we mention the Prashna-Prakasha, a work on astrology, and the Nirvana-Kalaka, the oldest extant work dealing with ceremonials relating to the "Installation of Idols," and is known also as the "PratishthaPaddhatz" - e. "Treatise on Installation." 4 The last-mentioned. work is of great interest to the antiquarian, as it supplies "a link between the period of the composition of the Jaina holy scriptures and the date when they were systematically committed to writing, The work is written in Sanskrit, in departure from the usual practice to write in the Ardha-Magadhi language of Jaina religious works and the date thod of the compositiomaman, as it supp i Hiralal (Rai Bahadur), op art, Int, P au Cf. this story with the one given in the Jarmstic recension of Viktomacanta-Edgerton, op cit, p 253 ? Ibid, p 251 C Jhancr, Nurcana-Kalha, Int, pp 12-13 Toid, Int, P 1 243

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JAINISM IN NORTH INDIA of the time.... The pomp attached to Acaryship is great. Royal insignias, such as elephant, horse, palanquin, chowries, umbrella, as well as Yogapattaka (diagram for worship) and Khatika (pen), books, Crystal-bead-rosary, and sandals are presented to Acarya on conferment of the dignity. ... The reference in the Nitya-Karma-Vidhi to Ashta Murta (eightfold form, Siva) is important, and shows that Jaina worshup was influenced by Tantrika Agamas, where the chief deity is Siva." 1 Thus from all that we have seen above this much is certain that even the unrecorded period of Jaina history can safely claim to have had a copious and in part ancient literature. Though ours is in no sense an exhaustive survey of the traditional literature of the Jainas belonging to this period, there would be no exaggeration if we conclude that the Jaina literature of the period under discussion does not yield to any other Indian literature either in quality or in variety. All the species are represented in it, not only those which have an immediate bearing on the canonical writings-that is to say, the dogmatic, the moral, the polemic and the apologetic ---but also history and legend, epic and romance, and lastly the sciences, such as astronomy and, above all, sciences like astrology and divination. 1 Thayeri, op.at , Int., p. 5. 244

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CHAPTER VIII Jaina Art in the North TVE propose to deal in this chapter with the sculptural, archi W tectural and pictorial contributions of the Jainas to the history of North Indian art in general. In the words of Dr Guerinot, "the Hindu art oves to them a great number of its most remarkable monuments. In the domain of architecture in particular they have reached a degree of perfection which leaves them almost without a rival." 1 It is doubtless true that Jainism finds its best expression in architecture. It is consequent on the Jaina belief, which is greater than that of the other Indian sects, in the efficacy of temple-building as a means of salvation that their architectural performances bear so much larger a proportion to their members than is the case with other sects. In the first place they possess picturesqueness in a great degree. They love to construct their sanctuaries on the slopes of woody or naked hills, in wild places with boundless scope for decoration. The mountain masses of Girnar and Satrunjaya, which rise abruptly to a height of three or four thousand feet above the plains, have veritable cities of temples on their tops. The grouping together of their temples into what may be called "cities of temples" is a peculiarity which the Jainas have practised to a greater extent than the followers of any other religion in India. "Specially on the summit of Satrunjaya on every side sculptured chapels gorgeous in gold and colour stand silent and open ; within are saints sitting grave and passionless behind the lights that burn on their altars The multitude of calm stone faces, the strange silence and emptiness, unaccompanied by any sign of neglect or decay, the bewildering repetition of shrines and deities in this aeral castle, suggest nothing built with human purpose but some petrified spirit world." 3 1 Guerinot, La Religion Djarna, p 270. * Fergusson, History of Indram and Lastern Architecture, 11, P 24 Cf. Smith, A History of Fine Art in India and Ceylon, p l. * Elliot, Hinduism and Buddh187, 1, 121 245

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JAINISM IN NORTH INDIA In spite of this variety of form and structure both the Satrunjaya and the Gimnar groups, basting a few Jaina caves beside the modern monastery or Math known as Bawa Pyara's Math in the east of Junagadh, do not possess any historical record or monument which can be traced back with any success. Even if there had been any such record left,"Full four centuries of Muslim rule have obliterated most of the traces of antiquity." 2 As single edifices illustrating the beauty of the Jaina art both in grace of design and patient elaboration of workmanship may be mentioned the towers of Fame and Victory at Chitor, and the temples of Mount Abu The latter Tirtha, or sacred place of rendezvous, for minute delicacy of carving and beauty of detail stands almost unrivalled even in this land of patient and lavish labour. Likewise we may mention the Tirtha of Samet Sikhar or Parasnath m Bengal, of Ranpur, near Sadari, in Rajputana, of Pavapuri, wath its holy temples of Jalmandar and Thalmandar in Patna, and so on; but most of these architectural remains of the Jainas, showing the love of the picturesque on their part," belong either to the fust or great age of Jaina architecture, which extended down to about the year 1800, or perhaps a little after that," 4 or "to the middle style of Jaina architecture " 5 revived in the fifteenth century, especially under the reign of Kumbba, one of the most powerful of the kings of the Mewar dynasty, whose favourite capital was Chitor. But enhghtening as it would be to follow the architectural, antiquarian and mythological interest attached to all these magnificent monuments of the Jainas, it would be departing from our purpose. Just as with most of the architectural so also with the pictorial remains of the Jainas there is hardly anything which can be included in our survey here. No doubt specimens of Indian art, which have evolved under the austere influence of Jainism, are found in the shape of illustrated manuscripts, in works of Jaina theology or legends, and also in the shape of old "letters of apology" or Kshamapana or Vynapti-paira, which the Jaina laity and clergy prepared with so much care and embellishment for sending them to 1 C Burgess, A SIT.1, 1874-1875, pp 140-141, Plate XIX, etc. "There is no trace of distinctavely Buddhist symbolism here, and, like the others, they were probably of Jama Origin"-Fergusson, op cit, p 81 Tond * Thalmandar , according to priests, 29 bult on the spot where Mahavira died, the Jalmondar being the place of his cremation"-BOD GP, P 224 Fergusson, op at, p 59 Cf. tbid, p. 72 Iord ,p 60 246

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P . JAINI CAVISAI JUNICILAO, Twin TRTS MATI Copy nghe rs ran, Ireleroing cal Surry of Tartu

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velavaramA rAhiyANAta kAlagAtaeM mAsaznahAra HASHALA jagArakezvAsA - U8 - - -.- - . AAR I r ISPICIU VOLANTISTRAT 1) JANVI ATS Pilm-lef MS of the Kalpet-Str of the i birtinth Century Epinkrrereal-.irannotam summ

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JAINA ART IN THE NORTH their ecclesiastical Lead of the neighbouring place on Samvatsarika -the last and the holiest of their eight-day festival of fasts; but all these distinctive traditions of Jaina aesthetics belong to the period of Jaina or Medieval Gujarat painting which begins from the twelfth century AD.1 Coming to the arclitectural and sculptural remains of the Jainas belonging to our period we find that our main sources lie in the Jaina caves on the Udayagiri and Khandagiri Hulls in Orissa, on Mount Girnar in Junagadh, and in the sculptural remains at the Kankali-Tula and other mounds in Mathura. However, before we proceed any further we shall make a few preliminary remarks bearing on certain characteristics of Indian art in general. The first thing that should be borne in mind is that a sectarian classification of Indian art in general, as Fergusson has assumed, is rather defective. Really speaking, there are no Buddhist, Jaina or Brahmanical styles of architecture or sculpture, but only Buddhist, Jaina and Brahmanical remains in the Indian style of their period.2 It is the provincial variations in its formal development, existing side by side with the secular Variations in pure style, that tempt us to a sectarian classification of Indian art, but it is not correct. No doubt, as we shall see later on, the varying practical requirements of the cult of each religion, of course, have an effect on the nature of the structure required for particular purposes, but otherwise works of art, including architecture, should be classified with regard to their age and geographical position, not according to the creed for the service of which they were designed." 4 Thus there is no such thing, for example, as a Jaina style of architecture or sculpture. This becomes quite evident from the fact that the principal sculptures of both the Bauddhas and the Jainas are so nearly identical that it is not always easy for the 1 Cf. Mehta, Studies in Indian Painting, pp 1-2, Percy Brown, Indian Painting, pp 88, 51. " Buhler has emphasised the lesson taught by the Mathura discoveries that Indmn art was not sectaran All religions-Buddhist, Jains and Brahmanical-used the art of their age and country, and all alike drew on a common storehouse of symbolic and conventional devices Stupas, sacred trees, railings, wheels and so forth were available equally to the Jaina, Buddhist, or orthodos Hindu as religious or decorative elements " Smith. The Janna Stupa and other Antiquities of Mathura, Int ,p C Bahler, E.I, 11. p 320 3 C Coomamaswamy, History of Indian and Indonesian Art, p 106 "But, although nearly all Indian art is religious, 1t 18 G mistake to suppose that style was dependent on creed. Fergusson's classical History of Indian Architecture is grietously marred by the erroneous assumption that distinct Buddhist, JAIRA and Hindu styles eusted " Smuth A History of Fine Art in India and Ceylon, po * Ibid 247

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JAINISM IN NORTH INDIA casual observer to distinguish what belongs to the one and what to the other, and it requires some experience to do this readily,1 The other point of importance for a student of Indian art is that although almost all Hindu art is religious, to the Hindus religious, aesthetic and scientific standpoints are not necessarily conflicting, and in all their finest work, whether musical, literary or plastic, these points of view, nowadays so sharply distinguished, are inseparably united. No doubt it remains to be seen whether this hmitation or discipline serves as a source of power or makes it the slave of a didactic purpose, but nevertheless, though religious story, symbolism or history may serve to move the artist to action, they cannot alone suffice to guide his hand. The moment he has commenced to work art will step in and take the reins of genius from all three. This is why the "fiery religious zeal of Renaissant Italy with all her pictorial symbols does not seem to have deterred her artists from becoming better painters than prcachers, true to their kind as decorators rather than as missionaries; so that Signorelli could not help himself from utilising his sacred themes as vehicles chiefly for his discoveries in the art of drawing from the life, and the admirers of Fra Bartolommeo sadly removed from the church wall his masterly but too alluring St Sebastian!" 3 With these few introductory remarks about Indian art m general we now come to the particular remains of the Jainas. Of these the first to strike our notice are the caves of Orissa, which are amongst the most interesting, though at the same time the most anomalous, of the caves in India That most of them are Jaina caves goes without saying. In our chapter entitled "Jainism in Kalinga Desa" we have referred to the images of Tirthankaras found in these caves and to the prominence given to Parsva, whether among these images or by the use of his symbol, the serpent-hood. On examining the caves, however, no remains are found which could be clearly attributable to Buddhism : no dagoba, no Buddha or 1 "The Stupas of the Jainas were indistinguishable in form from those of the Buddhists, and a Jaina curvilinear steeple is identical in outline with that of a Brahmanical temple "-Ibid even highly educated people are not able to distinguish the one class of mages from the other"--Rao, Elements of Hindu Iconography, ?, pt 1, p 220 Cf Coordanaswamy, The Arts and Crafts of India and Ceylon, p 76 "(an Image made) according to rule (Sastra) 18 beautiful, no other forsooth is beautiful; some (deem) that beautiful which follows after their own fancy, but that not according to rule (appears) unlovely to the discerning"-Iord "The Hindus always present an testhetio principle in the guise of & religrous precept "-Smith, op cit, 8 * Solomon, The Charm of Indian Art, PP 86-87 248

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JAINA ART IN THE NORTH Bodhisattva, no scene distinctly traceable to Buddhist legends. Trisulas open or pointed, Stupas, Swastikas, barred railings, railed trees, wheels, the goddess Sri are found, but they are as common to Jainism as to other religions 1 Furthermore this is a fact generally accepted by competent scholars, antiquarians and archaeologists like O'Malley, Mon Mohan Chakravarti, Bloch, Fergusson, Smith, Coomaraswamy' and others. Thus the oldest extant Jaina sculptures show that, like the other sects, Jainas also excavated cave-dwellings or Bhakshugrhas for their recluses, but the practical requirements of their cult had an effect on the nature of the structure adopted by them. As a general convention Jaina monks did not live in large communities, and this combined with the nature of therr religion did not necessitate them to have large assembly halls like the Cartyas of the Buddhists. As seen before, the oldest and the most numerous of these earliest caves of the Jaina sects are in the hill on the east called Udayagiri; the modern in the western portion designated Khandagiri. "The picturesqueness of their forms, the character of their sculptures and architectural details, combined with their great antiquity, render them one of the most descrving of a careful survey." 8 If not from the architectural at least from the archaological point of view the first to arrest our notice among the Udayagiri caves is the Hathigumpha cave, a great natural cavern, the brow of which must have been smoothed to admit of the inscription. As to the inscription, it has been already dealt with at length by us Though as it stands now there is very little of architectural importance left in it, this much is certain that in spite of its being a natural cavern, looking to the importance of the record the Hathigumpha must have been an excavation of no mean consideration. This is because the predilection for cutting temples or caves in the rock is of Chakravarti (Mon Mohan), op at ,p 5, Fergusson, op cit, p. 11 * O'Afalley, B.DGP, 266 "After having examined the caves carefully during my visits I has come to the soudusion that all the caves, so far as the present data are available, should be ascribed to the Jains and not to the Buddhists "_Chakravarti (Mon Mohan), op and loc cil "That the caves contain nothing Buddhistic, but apparently all belong to the AS, S a Lact which is DOT. I think, generally accepted by all competent scholars" --Cf tord ,p 20 "Till comparatively recently, however, they were mistaken for Buddhist, but this they clently never were"-Fergusson, op af, i, p 17 . Cf Smith, op cit, 84 * cf. Coomaraswamy, History of Indian and Indonesian Arl, p 37. . Fergusson, op cit, ut , p 9. 249

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JAINISM IN NORTH INDIA to be found in the great desue for lasting merit, which the solid rock offers over a structural edifice; the merit gained by the work would last as long as the work Moreover, the fact that the Hathigumpha cave was enlarged and improved by art gains further strength from the fact that as a general rule cave-cutters selected cliffs where the rock was solid and free from cracks and fissues, and not natural caverns, to facilitate their work This is because a natural cavern means rotten rock, where fragments may drop at any time, and so make living within them dangerous. As mentioned before, from the artistic point of view the greatest interest lies in the Rani and the Ganesa caves on the Udayagiri H.Il. Both of them are two-storeyed caves with friezes, interrupted by the cell doorways, in both the upper and lower galleries. Of the two the Rani is the largest and best decorated of all the caves, and in it claborately carved frezes represent various scenes of human activities As to the scenes portrayed in these sculptures and those, more or less, repeated in the Ganesa cave, the District Gazetteer and reputed scholars like Chakravarti and others are of opinion that they relate to various incidents, legendary or otherwise, of Parsva's life. We have referred to this fact before, and have also touched a little in detail upon the subject matter of these friezes. As to the sculpture of these early Jaina remains we find that, like the Mathura specimens which are to follow, there is here also a strange mixture of Greek and Indian elements in the dress of male and female figues, as well as in the draperies. This becomes confirmed in itself since the Yavanas were very much advanced during the centuries before the Christian era, and that Kharavela of the Hathigumphi inscription had his share in forcing the great IndoGreek king, Demetrios, to retreat from India. Moreover the figures in these scenes are cut in bold relief, as at Mathura, and the women here too wear very thick ring anklets. This characteristic of the Orissa and other Jaina remains rightly emphasises the truth of the statement that "the interchange of ornamental motifs between the peoples of the earth must have been in progress since man first Consciously produced decorative forms, and it is a psychological truth that such borrowed motifs invariably became modified in the process of application by the borrower. The extension of such HOTTowing and modification is endless, and motifs frequently return ic Coomaraswamy, op cit, p 38 230

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10 IARI OLA TRI 1 TREM IIIE CANI SAGUMIA UDAYAGIRI from Mitra Ihr Antiquities of Orma IS 15th 14 1+ - - TORTION OR A TRIL/L IN 1111 UPPER VLILANDARL Or 111 RINIGUNPITI, UDAYAGIRI from Mitra, The Intiquitter of Ona

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JAINA ART IN THE NORTH to their earlier traces extraordinarily transformed sometimes almost beyond recognition." 1 Besides this fact of the introduction of foreign elements in the realm of Jaina or Indian art of the pre-Gandhara period we are of opinion that in this early Jaina sculpture there is a singular charm. Over and above its wealth of ornaments and skill in technique it is instinct with a remarkable freshness of feeling and wholesome joy of life, which ultimately breaks out into scenes of broad humour. These bas-reliefs, among other scenes of human activities, represent those of hunting, fighting, dancing, drinking and love-making, and, according to Fergusson, "anything, in fact, but religion or praying in any shape or form," 2 This warmth of healthy humanity is characteristic of all the best Buddhist and Jama art, and was only partly repressed by the classic reserve of the Gandhara school, which next appears on the scene. Space forbids any further discussion about the Jaina remains at Orissa. However two particular aspects of the Jaina contribution to art may be mentioned here before we pass on to the Mathura - remains. The first is the institution of relic worship in the form of Stupas, and the second that of idolatry among the Jainas. As mentioned before, from the fourteenth line of the Hathigumpha inscription we learn that even prior to the age of the Mathura sculptures--as with the Buddhists so also with the Jainas--Was prevalent the practice of erecting monuments or Stupas on the remains of their teachers. "Doubtless the oldest Stupas were not symbols of a religious cult, but memorials of the dead associated with the practice of burial instead of cremation." 3 It may be that this line of worship was not so common with the Jamas as with the Buddhas, and it is certain that it was out of date after a short span of its popularity; but from the Vodva Stupa from Mathura, which, as seen before, was built by the gods, we can affirm this much-that Stupa-worship with the Jainas also had reached a definite stage. The chief ground for such an assertion is that "Stipas werc, originally, great mounds of earth raised over the ashes of a chicf or religious leader, and surrounded by wooden rails to protect them. Later they were built in buck or stone with an carthen core, a stone railing taking the place of a wooden onc.!! That the Vodyn and 1 Andreus, Influences of Indian Art, Int, p 11 - Fergusson, or.cit, p 15. - Ilavell, Ancient and Asediaal Architecture of India, p. 40, * Couseng, Architeenral Antiquities of 11 estern India, p. 8 251

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JAINISM IN NORTH INDIA other Stupas at Mathura do not resemble Stupa architecture in its primitive form is clear on the very face of it. We find in them a stone railing taking the place of a wooden one, and besides this a lavish decoration applied to the exterior. The second point that we are to consider now is the iconography of the Jainas From the Hathigumpha inscription we have seen that the Jainas used to have images of their Jinas as far back as the days of the Nandas This is partially confirmed by the Mathura remains that the Jainas of the Indo-Scythic period used for their sculptures materials from an old temple. In accordance with Smith this state of facts shows indeed at least this much, that there was a Jaina temple in Mathura before 150 B.C. Moreover from the traditional literature of the Jamas we have seen that, even in the days of Mahavira, Parsva was the Tirthankara worshipped by his father and the Jaina Samgha of those days. However, we need not concern ourselves with the question as to when exactly idol-worship was taken up by the Jainas, though this much seems certain, that in one form or the other it has been prevalent from the days of Mahavira, What we are immediately concerned with is the iconography of the Jainas The proper objects of worship are the twenty-four Jinas or Tirthankaras, but, like the Mahayana Buddhists, they also allow the existence of Hindu gods, and have admitted into their sculptures at least such of them as are connected with the tales of their saints-among which are Indra or Sakra, Garuda, Sarasvati, Lakshmi, Gandharvas, Apsaras, etc, forming a pantheon of their own, divided into four classes-Bhavanadhipatis, Vyantaras, Jyotishkas and Varmanikas. The Tirthankaras, as already mentioned, are recognisable by a cognizance, or Cinha, usually placed below the image. We have seen that more than one cave in Orissa is noted for the figures of Jaina Tirthankaras, with their characteristic symbols or Lanchanas, and for those of seated Jinas carved in moderate relief. Similar statues of the Jaina Tirthankaras are found among the Mathura remains also, and as a class they represent the Digambara mode of representation of the Jaina Tirthankaras Thus even historically the series of twenty-four pontiffs (Tirthankaras), each with his distinctive emblem, was evidently 1 Smith, The Jaina Stapa and other Antiquities of Mathura, Int, P 3 : Cf Buhler, Indian Sect of the Jainas, PP 06 I CJ Vogel, Catalogue of the Archaeological Discum al Mathura, p 41 details about the Tirthanhon images at Mathura Muscum sec bud , pp 41-43, 60-82 For further 232

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JAINA ART IN THE NORTH firmly believed in at the beginning of the Christian cra, and even earlier. The Tirthankaras are generally represented seated in the same cross-legged attitude as Buddha, with the same stolid, contemplative expression of countenance. If the dancing figures in both the Orissa and Mathura sculptures stand for evolution, the everlasting becoming, the Yogi type of seated Jina is an equally dramatic image of withdrawal, of complete independence of evolution. It is well to remember that this does not represent any sort of mortification of the flesh; it is simply the position which has been adopted by Indian thinkers from time immemorial as most convenient for meditation. It need not also be considered as cxprcssionless because it does not reflect the individual peculiaritics which makc up expression as we commonly conceive it. On the other hand, in the opinion of Rothenstein the plastic interpictation of Samalhi. or religious absorption, forms one of the supreme conceptions in the history of art which the world owes to the genius of India. "This concrete crystallisation of a spiritual mood," observes the Icarncd scholar, " was developed into a form so perfect and uncvit. able that it remains, after more than 2000 years, one of the most inspiring and satisfying symbols crected by man." Coming to the Jainn remains in Vathura, a city of memorial antiquity, it may be said that they were excavall front or near the Kankali or Jaini mound (Tili), about half-1-mile south of the Katra The importance of this school in the history of Indian art lics as a link between old Indian and maival Sculpture and its close affinity with the Gandhira Schuyl, 20 called luxud ita centrs was in the region of Gandlari, the north-Western frontier, and of its finest crcations linic been found there. "G ruplar alls.' obscrves Smith. "Mathura exccupies a central patron inte mcdiatc bclucen Gandhira to the borts-Host. Imiris ili tti, south-cast, and Sirnatli to the east. It is than fort : Surprot* that the local school of art Should deployment teru, linking it on the one hand with the tell 12!**" G . and on the other with the purely I l ustlinn. This Gandhara-Mathur. school is to k n .) !. first century 1.c. and founded in full m. . - 1 Roti tein, m i s , 11 .1.

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JAINISAI IN NORTH INDIA and 200.1 It arose from the adoption of the Hellenistic models to the older art of India, which gradually assimilated to its own spirit. "The phrase "Gandhara school," " observes Dr Barnett," is a collective term denoting the labours of many artists working in various materials through several generations with a considerable variety of technique. Sometimes they blindly copied Hellenistic models, with the dubious success due to clever mutation Usually, however, they did more: together with the figures, draperies, and motives which they borrowed from Hellenism they imported a spirit of Greek refinement and dignity, of beauty and harmony, which raised the forms of the older art to a nobler level, without weakening its sincerity and humanity" This introduction of foreign elements into the art of India and the extension of Indian taste abroad are a natural outcome of the political and commercial intercourse which India had with the world outside This is why the geographical India of to-day includes the homes of numerous races whose ideals of art, as of religion, are far from being identical, and who, being in many cases immigrant even down to late historical times, have introduced foreign elements of decorative art, which, like the immigrants themselves, have become naturalised and have also acquired a local patina However, according to Andrews, on climatic and other grounds hardly any interesting facts concerning art matters can be gleaned from the lands most affected by contact with India, and hence "most of our knowledge of the Arts has to be compiled from the internal evidence of such objects as have survived the destructive forces of climate and fanaticism." 3 With these few preliminary remarks about the Mathura school in general we shall now study some specimens of Jaina sculpture found at the Kankali mound, and shall see how far Jaina artists were governed by the immutable lay of the undisputed obedience which Art exacts from her votaries, and how far they succeeded in bringing about a healthy assimilation of Hellenistic elements of the few specimens of Mathura sculptures which we ale to describe here we shall take first the very interesting and beautiful works technically known as Ayagapatas. "An Ayagapata," observes Dr Buhler," is an ornamental slab, bearing the representation 1 "This culmination of the art of the school may be dated from about AD 50 to AD 150 or 200"-Smith, op cit, p 99. . Bamctt, Antiquifics of India, P 253. Andrews, op at , Int , p 12 23+

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. " * . * AYAGAPATA, OR "TABLET OF HOMAGE,' MATHURA Copyrkt rerenced, Ardiological Survey of Indra

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. LITTETIT 21 FEELFIE SITKAMAAN DAYS TANLCT OP HOMAGC sur Ur TY SLVAYASA Capynglit reserved, Archeological Survey of India

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*SJERT Large Sony 955 FAUTI CE ! U utisch. W . -. . AYAGAPATA WITH JINA, MATHURA, 1ST CENTURY AD Copyright remed, Archeological Suite of India

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JAINA ART IN THE NORTH of a Jina or some other object of worship, and the term may be appropriately rendered by 'tablet of homage or of worship,' since such slabs were put up in temples, as the numerous inscriptions on them say, for the worship of the Arhats.' ... Among the Jainas they probably went out of fashion at an early period, as the inscriptions on them invariably show archaic characters, and are in no case known to be dated" 1 The Ayagapatas seem to be not the exclusive but a prominent feature of the ancient Jaina art. As usual, the aim that the Jaina sculpture had in view in these highly decorated tablets "was not the independent creation of beauty. Their art was the dependent art of the decorator of architectural monuments." 2 Nevertheless there is nothing strange if the central disc of the Yogi type of seated Jina, the highly ornamental Tribulas, accompanied by a great variety of sacred symbols, the exquisite curvilinear ornaments, and the massive pillars in the Persian Achaemenian style were to prejudice the art-loving visitor so as not to easily believe that symbolism was a prime motive of Mathura's sculptures in their handling of their chisels upon these "tablets of worship." On the other hand, at least with regard to these Ayagapatas, one may go even a step further and assert that they showed their supremacy in the vitality and independence of their creations, and thus being enthusiastic artists themselves they must have often utilised religious themes as an excuse for rather than as the end and aim of their productions. Of these, two Ayagapatas may be mentioned here-the one set up by Sivayasa, the wife of the dancer Phaguyasa, and the other by Amohini, as mentioned before, of the year 42 of the Lord, the Mahakshatrapa Sodasa. The first composition, in the words of Smith, "gives an interesting view of a Jaina Stupa, which was surrounded by a perambulation path guarded by a railing. The path is approached through a highly decorated Torana gateway, to Which four steps ascend. A heavy wreath hangs from the lowest beam of the gateway. A dancing girl completely nude except for & sash of the usual jewellery round the hips stands in an immodest atatude on the railing on each side of the gate. Two massive pillars with peculiar bases are shown, and a small portion of the ung surrounding an upper perambulation path is visible" 4 1 Buhler, E.I,, p 814 . Chanda, A SI, 1922-1923, p 166 * Cf. Buhler, op at, No V, p 200. mith, The Jaina Slipa and other Antiquities of Mathura, p. 19, Plate XII 253

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JAINISM IN NORTII INDIA On this beautifully carved Torana there is a brief dedication, and according to Smith the characters of this inscription are " little more archaic than those of Dhanabhuti's inscriptions on the gateway of the Bharhut Stupa, dated in the reign of the Sungas, or about 150 B.C." 1 Dr Buhler also has grouped it under the name of "archaic," but he limits himself to thic remark that it belongs to the period before Kanishka As to the artistic merits of thus Ayagapata one need not be guided by more sentiment There are tests more universal than those of particular canons or personal likes and dislikes. To Vincent Smith the attitude of the two female figures represented here seems immodcst. Likewise the female statues appearing on some railings clscwhere are also considered by him indecently naked. It seems, in cascs such as thesc, it is the immediate or apparent subject matter the representative element-which gives vent to personal likes and dislikes, and the meaning of art no more remains for us for deeper than that of its immediate subject - As it is, the female figures both in the Ayagapata of Sivayasa and on some railing pillars, eather standing on crouching grotesque dwarfs or in some other pose, are not to incite good or bad actions, since nearly all art which has any conscious purpose is sentimental. The true ethical value of art appears in its quality of detachment and vision. The light in which the ancient Indian artists envisaged woman was serene, frank and generous. The thick ring anklets, the hght wisp of drapery, the heavy ear ornaments, armlets, necklace and girdle enrich but do not conceal the all-conquering and triumphant nudity. There exists not a trace either of immodesty or the diffidence of false shame in this arborcan beauty. Within no mean or narrow compass but in the palace of their souls did the artists at Mathura, as at Sanchi and elsewhere, enshrine woman, and so they enskied her image--the immortal symbol of all beauty stamped, as was fitting, in everlasting stone, and outlined against the blue-black ground of heaven. Coming to the tablet of homage set up by Amohini, Smith observes. This fine votive tablet, which is essentially an Ayagapata, 1 Smith, The Jaina Stupa and other Antiquities of Mathura, Int, p 3 Buhler, op cit, p 106 * According to Coomaraswamy these female figures are not dancing girls, as Smith has observed In bus opimon " they are Yahsis, Depatas or Vrhsakas, nymphs and dryads, and to be regarded as auspicious emblems of vegetative fertility, derived from popular beliefs "-Coomaraswamy, op art, B4 Cf Vogel, 4ST, 1909-1910, p. 77. 256

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. br LOTIVE TABLET SET LP BY TVOHNI Coprng/treseed Archaelogical Son of Ind a

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4449 i ; SCUITUR, CONNTCIND WUE 111 SODYA SIuPA. "BUL 7 BY THE GODS Cnp night resonund, Icheological Sumry of India

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JAINA ART IN THE NORTH though not so called, represents a royal lady attended by three women and a child. The attendant women, in accordance with the ancient Hindu fashion, which survived to modern times in Southern India, are naked to the waist. One holds an umbrella over her mistress, whom another fans The third holds a wreath (har) ready for presentation. The execution is bold, and not altogether wanting in artistic mert" Next to these Ayogapatas we may mention the sculpture connected with the Vodva Stupa built by the gods. The sacred symbol in the centre of the composition consists of a Dharmacakra supported by a Thisula, which itself rests on a lotus. The Dharmacakra, or the Wheel of the Law, as the emblem of their respective creeds, is common to all three sects--the Jainas, the Brahmans and the Bauddhas 2 The particular Cakra that appears here " differs from those on the Buddhist and other Jaina sculptures by the two earlike projections at the top, as well as by the addition of two Sarkhas, which lean against the basis." 3 The group of worshippers on the right of the picture is formed of four female figures holding garlands in their hands, wherewith they evidently intend to worship the Arhat mentioned in the inscription. Each of the first three figures holds up in her right hand a long-stalked lotus flower, while the fourth one, which looks smaller and apparently much younger, clasps her hands in an attitude of adoration, and is partly hidden behind the stiff Assyrian-looking lion which crouches at the end of the slab According to Dr Buhler the faces of these females look like portraits, and their dress, which is a bit peculiar, consists of a single long robe covering the whole body to the feet and confined at the waist. There is some difficulty about the mutilated portion of the slab. The male figure on the right of the Dharmacakra is considered by Dr Buhler to be that of a "naked ascetic, who, as usual, has a piece of cloth hanging over his right arm. This is probably the Arhat mentioned in the inscription." 5 It is difficult to say if this is a 1 Smith, op at, p 21, Plate XIV. . at would be surprising of the worship of Stupas, of sacred trees, of the Whcel of the Law, and so forth, more or less distinct traces of which are found with all sects, as well as their representations in sculptures, were due to one sect alone instead of being herrlooms handed down from remote times before the beginning of the historcal period of India"-Buhler, op cl, P 823 Tord, p 321 For a specimen of Buddhist sculpture see Fergusson, Trec and Serpent Torship, Plate XXIX, Fig. 2. * Buhler, op and loc. aul 257 * Tid.

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bllows : " hond Fas erectetubera, at the JAINISM IN NORTH INDIA naked figure of an ascetic. According to Smith it is one of the four male worshippers who have formed the other side of the slab. In our opinion, too, Smith's view seems to be more acceptable, because then the whole sculpture would be representing a group of male and female lay-worshippers preparing for the homage of the Arhat mentioned in the record. The importance of this specimen of Mathura sculpture lies in this, that it is connected with the Vodva Stupa built by the gods We have already referred to the significance of the words "bult by the gods." It must have been built several centuries before the beginning of the Christian era, for the name of its builder would assuredly have been known if it had been crected during the period when the Jainas of Mathura carefully kept record of their donations. The Jaina tradition about it, as reproduced by Smith, runs as follows: "The Stupa was originally of gold, adorned with precious stones, and was erected in honour of the seventh Jia, Suparsvanatha, by the goddess Kubera, at the desire of two ascetics named Dharmaruc and Dharmaghosha. In the time of the twenty-third Jina, Parsvanatha, the golden Stupa was encased in bricks, and a stone temple was built outside." Besides these few specimens of Mathura sculpture we may mention the Torana, showing the veneration of holy objects and places by human and mythological beings. The artist in these Toranas does not want to illustrate any particular text or legend, but merely wishes to show how eager gods and men are to pay homage to the Tirthankaras, to their Stupas and temples. This 18 why the scenes refer to the worship of one or several Jaina sanctuaries and to processions of pilgrimages undertaken for this purpose Amongst these sculptures is one which apparently possesses very considerable archaeological interest. It is a Torana bearing a relief which represents the worship of a Stupa by two Suparnas -half birds and half men--and by five centaurs or Kinnaras. All the five figures wear turbans, such as many males of rank represented on Buddhist sculptures wear "A somewhat similar scene," observes Buhler," where Suparnas worship a Stupa occurs on a mlievo at Sanchi, But it must be noted that the Sanchi figures are much more like Greek harpies, while those on our slab are done 1 Smith, op al,p 12 Tord , p 15 "C Fergusson, op at, Plate XXVII, Fig 1 258

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Mooi WWWUS ORNAMENTAL SI AI REPArTN TING TIMAL DANCERS AND MUSICLANS REJOICING ALTASA'S Tral Comnght reprend, Archeraingreal Suney of India

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JAINA ART IN THE NORTH in a more conventional manner, like the winged figures on the Assyrian and Persian sculptures Among Brahmanical representations those of Garuda, the king of Suparnas, on the Gupta seals 1 are worthy of comparison, Centaurs have been discovered on the Buddhist monuments in Gaya and elsewhere, and in all probability they go back to Greek models. What is particularly remarkable in those on our slab is the branch which hides the place where the human body is united with the rump of the horse 2 As far as I have been able to ascertain from my colleagues versed in classical archaeology there are no Greek sculptures showing this particular." 3 As to the figures on its reverse, the Torana beam retains a fragment of a procession, apparently about to visit some sacred place. The cart closely resembles a modern Shighram, and the driver, who lifts bis goad, is seated, as is still the custom, on the pole. The trappings of the several animals are exactly like those represented on the Sanchi sculptures. But similar carts are not traceable on the latter, where very Greek-looking chariots 4 drawn by horses appear instead.5 Taking last the ornamental slab, the obverse of which represents Nemesa's feat of transferring the embryo of Mahavira, and the reverse showing female dancers and musicians rejoicing at the great feat, once again we realise that the religious stories and moral lessons which the Indian artist was employed to advertise did not interfere with his freedom to perfection. The Mathura carver seems to have succeeded in creating the most satisfying aesthetic forms precisely at the periods when their services were in the greatest request for purposes of propaganda among the priestly and royal patrons. Especially when he was employed to illustrate some wellknown story or legend he could, to an unusual degree, use traditional canons of proportion and gesture, and reconcile these with a demonic energy. Besides this slab representing the popular tradition of the transfer of Mahavira's embryo there are four mutilated statues lithographed by Cunningham Two of these figures represent seated females Each of them has a small child lying in a dish 1 Cr Feet, C.I.I,m , Plate XXXVII , Smrth, JASB , lvi , pp 85 ff, Plate VI No other example is known of a leaf being used to mask the junction between the human ond equme bodies in the centaurs"-Smith, History of Fine Art in India and Ceylon, P 82 Buhler, op at, 319 * Fergusson, op cat, Plate XXXIII, rond, Plate XXXIV, Fig 1. Buhler, op and loc al 259

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JAINISM IN NORTH INDIA on her lap. The left hand supports the dish, but the right is raised up to the shoulder. Both females appear to be naked. The other two figures are those of Nagamesha, and rightly are they "goat-headed," according to Dr Buhler, as also the figure in the other sculpture Comparing this slab 1 with that of the four figures of Cunningham ? the eminent Onentalist observes. "The very close resemblance of the position of the infant, and the attitude of the female holding it, is at once apparent. And this point, taken together with the unmistakable figure of Naigamesha-Nemeso, Irresistibly leads to the conclusion that the legend referred to must be the same in both cases " 3 In fact the cave temples and dwellings excavated in Orissa and at Junagadh or Girnar in Gujarat, with their elaborately carved friezes and finished to the minutest detail and ornament, and the richly decorated Ayagapatas and Toranas of the Mathura find, stand before us not as remains but as living oracles of art. They combine in them the Triune Entity of Indian art-a sublime union of the purely Decorative, the Realistic and the purely Spiritual. This is felt rather than seen; for the differences between the one and the other are to be found, not in the fields of artistic knowledge, however wide, but in the terra incognita of Taste. 1 Buhler, op cit, Plate II, & Cunningham, ASI, xx, Plate IV. * Buhler, op cit, p 818 260

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E K ! . . - . . . . FATIR MUTILATED STATUES REPRESENTING THE TRANSFER Or HTVIRAS TWO Copyright here , Archeological Sur of India

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CONCLUSION TF nothing succeeds like success, the great triumph of Jainism in Iholding its own against its numerous rivals in the north discredits the view that Jainism, like Buddhism, did not strike deep roots in North India, and that there was nothing like a Jaina period in the history of India. With all deference to the scholars who maintain such views, we venture to believe that the study of Jainism in North India attempted in the foregoing pages, inadequate as it is in many ways, is suficient evidence to the contrary. Whatever may be the antiquity of Jainism in North India, no one can deny that there is enough conclusive evidence to the effect that, at least from the days of Parsva or from 800 B C. down to the conversion of the great Vikrama by Siddhasena Divakara in the beginning of the Christian era, and to some extent even throughout the Kushana and the Gupta periods, Jainism was the most powerful religion in the north. During this glorious period of more than a thousand years there was not a single dynasty in the north, whether great or small, that did not come under its influence at one time or another. Leaving aside a few points of historical importance here and there, almost every chapter in the present work deals with matters about which long researches have been made, and various opinions have been recorded. Thus, more or less, ours has been a humble attempt to string together, in methodical order, the results of the labours of able scholars, in order to produce a readable work on the unrecorded period of Jaina history--and not to compose an elaborate work of discussions on Jaina antiquities. In fulfilment of this any betrayal into conjectures and suppositions should be accepted as such, and not as historical discoveries. As far as possible details have been suppressed; nevertheless repetition has not been avoided where such repetition seemed necessary to bring out cardinal facts and salient features of this period of North Indian Jainism, which happily coinades with the hey-day of its powers. However, until the numerous Jaina inscriptions and manuScripts which exist everywhere in the north are collected and 1 Cf Smith, Oxford History of Indra, p. 55 261

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JAINISM IN NORTH INDIA translated, and until plans are made of the architectural remains and statistics gathered, it is idle to speculate erther about the extent and strength of Jainism in the north or about its vicissitudes during its existence there. It is a task worthy of being attempted, for, if successfully carried out, it would add to our scanty stores of knowledge one of the most interesting chapters still available for the religious and artistic history of the people of India. 262

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GENERAL BIBLIOGRAPHY JOAN. Catalogue of chuda. London, 1914a tment for the SOURCES I. Archaeological and Epigraphical ALLAN, JOHN. Catalogue of the Coins of the Gupta Dynasties and of Sasanka, King of Gauda. London, 1914. Annual Report of the Mysore Archeological Department for the Year 1923, pp. 10 ff. Bangalore, 1924. BANERJI, R D. Inscriptions in the Udayagiri and Khandagiri Caves. E.I., XI , 1915-1916, pp. 159 ff. BANERJI, R. D. Note on the Hathigumpha Inscription of Kharavela. JB.O.R.S., n., 1917, pp. 486 ff. BEGLAR, J. D. Tours in the South-Eastern Provinces. A S.I., X111., 1882. BHAGWANLAL INDRAJI, PANDIT. The Hathigumpha and three other Inscriptions in the Udayagiri Caves near Cuttack. Actes du Sixieme Congres International des Orientalistes, Troisieme Partie, Section 2, Aryenne, Liede, 1885, pp. 183 ff. BHAGWANLAL INDRAJI, PANDIT. The Kahaun Inscription of Skandagupta. I.A., X., 1881, pp. 125 ff. BHANDARKAR, R. G. On Dr Hoernle's Version of a Nasik Inscription and the Gatha Dialect. 1.A., xn., 1883, pp. 139 ff BLOCH, T. Conservation in Bengal. 4.., 1902-1903, 1904, pp 37 ff. BUHLER, G. New Jaina Inscriptions from Mathura. E.I, L., 1892, pp. 371 ff. BUHLER, G. Further Jaina Inscriptions from Mathura El, i, 1892, pp. 393 ff. BUHLER, G. Further Jaina Inscriptions from Mathura. E.I., 11., 1894, pp. 195 ft. BUHLER, G. The Nanaghat Inscriptions. A S.V.I., V.. 1883, pp. 59 ff BUHLER, G Asoka's Rock Edicts according to the Girnar. Shahbazgarhi, Kalsi and Blansehra Versions. E.1., 11, 1894, pp. 447 ff. BUHLER, G. The Pillar Edicts of Asoka EI. ii. 1891, pp 245 ff. BUHLER, G. The Three New Edicts of Asoka. 1.4., 12., 1878, pp 141 ff. 263

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GENERAL BIBLIOGRAPHY Dey, NANDO LAL. Notes on Ancient Anga or the District of Bhagalpur. J.ASB. (New Series), X., 1914, 1918, pp 317 ff. FLEET. J. F. Nisidhi and Gudda 1.A., xii., 1883, pp. 99 ff. TLLET. J. F. Bhadrabahu, Candragupta, and Sravana-Belgola 1.A., xxi., 1992, pp. 156 ff. FL.CET. J. F. Dimensions of Indian Cities and Countmes. JR AS., 1907, pp. 641 ff. FLEET, J. F. Notices of Books : Archeological Survey of India--- Annual Report for 1905-1906. J.R.A.S., 1910, pp. 240 ff. HERAS, Rev. H Asoka's Dharma and Religion. Q.J.M S., xvil, 1926-1927, pp. 255 ff. HERMANN OLDENBERG. Jacobi's Kalpa-Sutra of Bhadrababu. 2.D.M.G., XXXIV, 1880, pp. 748 if HOENNLE, RUDOLF A. F. Ajivikas. ERE., 1., 1908, pp. 259 if JACOBI, HERMANN. On Mahavira and his Predecessors. 1.A., ix., 1880, pp. 158 #. JACOBI, HERMANN. The Dates of the Philosophical Sutras of the Brahmans JA.O.S., XXX1., 1909-1910, pp. 1 ff. JACOBI, HERMANN Atomic Theory (Indian). E.R.E., ii., 1909, pp. 199 ff. JACOBI, HERMANN. Ueber die Entstehung der Svetambara und Digambara Sekten. 2.D.M.G, XXXVIII., 1884, pp. 1 ff. JAYASWAL, K P. The Saisunaka and Maury Chronology and the Date of the Buddha's Nirvana J.BOR,S., 1, 1915, pp 67 ff. JAYASWAL, K. P. The Empire of Bindusara J BO.R.S., 11., 1916, PP 79 ff JAYASWAL, K. P Demetrios, Kharavela and the Garga-Samhita J.B.O.R S., XIV., 1928, pp 127 ff JIXAVIJAYA, DIUNI Kuvalayamala. J.S.S., ii, pp. 169 if. KATA PRASAD JAIN. The Jaina References in the Buddhist Literature IHQ, 11, 1926, pp 698 il. KETKAR, S. V. Jainism M E., xiv, Poona, 1925, pp. 819 ff. KLITT, JOILANNES. Extracts from the Historical Records of the Jainas 14., xi. 1882, pp. 245 I LASSLX. Papers on Satrunjaya and the Jainas. 1.4., 11, 1874, pp. 193 11, 238 ff. LEUMAXX, E Bezichungen der Jaina-Literatur Zu Andern Liter aturhreisen Indiens Actes du Sixieme Congres, Troisieme Partic, Section 2, Aryenne, Lerde, 1883, pp 467 ff. LONG, Rev. J. Notes and Queries suggested by a Visit to Orissa in January 1859 J.S.B, XX1711, 7839, pp. 185 II. MCDOXALD, GEORGE. The Ilellenic Kingdoms of Syria, Bactria, and Partha, ch VII. CHI., 1., 1922, pp. 427 ff. P411.171. J II The Monuments of Ancient India, ch. XXyi. C.III i., 1922, pp. 612 ff.

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GENERAL BIBLIOGRAPHY MEYER, EDUARD. Demetrius. E.B, vil. (11th ed.), 1910, pp. 982 ff. ALEYER, EDUARD. Eucratides. E.B., ix. (11th ed.), 1910, pp. 880 ff MOOKERJI, ASHUTOSH. Historical Research in Bihar and Orissa. J.B.O R.S., X., 1924, pp. 1 ff. PAROITER, F. E Ancient Indian Genealogics and Clironology J.R A.S., 1910, pp 1 ff. PATHAK, K. B. The Date of Malavira's Nirvana as determined in Saka 1175. L.A., xi., 1883, pp. 21 ft. RAPSON, E J. The Scythian and Parthian Invaders, ch. xxi. C.H.I., 1, 1922, pp. 563 ff. RAPSON, E. J. Indian Native States after the Period of the Maurya Empire, ch. xxi, C.H I., 1., 1922, pp. 514 ff. RAPSON, E. J. The Puranas, ch. x111. C.H.I., I., 1922, pp. 296 ff. RAPSON, E. J. A. Peoples and Languages; B. Sources of History, ch 11. C.H.I., i., 1922, pp 37 ff. Rhys DAVIDS, T. W. The Early History of the Buddhists, ch vii. C.H.I., i., 1922, pp. 171 if. RICE, LEWIS. Bhadrababu and Sravana Belgola. L.A., in., 1874, pp. 153 ff. ROTHENSTEIN, WILLIAM. Introduction. Examples of Indian Sculpture in the British Museum, pp. ff. The India Society, London, 1923. SASTRI, BANERJI A. The Ajivikas. J.B.O.R.S., xii., 1926, pp 53 ff SASTRI, HARAPRASAD. Causes of the Dismemberment of the Maurya Empire. J A.S.B., vi, 1910, pp. 259 ff. SHAH, C. J. The A B C of Jainism. J.G, xxiii., 1927, pp. 103 ff., 183 ff., 185 ff, 212 ff. SMITH, VINCENT A. New Light on Ancient India. J.R.A.S., 1918. pp. 543 if. SMITH, VINCENT A. Revised Chronology of the Early or Imperial Gupta Dynasty. 1.A., XX , 1902, pp. 257 ff. STERLING, A. An Account, Geographical, Statistical and Historical, of Orissa proper, or Cuttack. 4.R , xvii., 1823, pp. 163 ff. SURRAHMANIAN, K. R. The Early Religious History of Kalinga A.H.R.S., 1., 1926, pp 49 ff. THIBAUT, G. On the Suryaprajnapti. J.A.S.B, xlix., pt. 1. 1880. pp. 107 ff. THOMAS, EDWARD. Jainism. 1.A., viri., 1879, pp. 30 ff. THOLIS, F. 1. Political and Social Organisation of the Maurya Empire, ch. xix. C.7.1..1. 1922. pp. 474 IT. THOMAS, 1. TV. Candragupta, the Founder of the aurya mpirc. ch Xth1i. C.H.I.. 1.. 1922, pp. 467 ff. TURXOUR. GEORGC An Examination of the Pali Buddhistical Annals, No 5 1.4.9 B, vi., 1838, pp 991 ff. 273

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GENERAL BIBLIOGRAPHY VIJAYADHARXLASURI. Jainatattoarnana Bhandarkar Conmemora tion Volume, Poona, 1917, pp. 139 ff. TEBER The Sacred Literature of the Jainas. 1.4., xvii., 1888, pp. 279 ff, 339 ff.; xmui, 1889, pp. 181 ff., 369 ff.; xix., 1890, pp. 62 ff.; X., 1891, pp 18 ff., 170 ff., 365 ff.; xxi., 1892, pp. 14 ff., 106 ff, 177 ff, 210 ff., 298 ., 827 ft., 809 ff. WILFORD, CAPTAIN. Of the Kings of Magadha : their Chronology. A.R., ix., 1819, pp. 82 ff. WILSON, H. . An Essay on the Hindu History of Cashmir. AR, XV., 1825, pp. I ff.

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INDEX Abhayadevosuri 89, 102, 2277 Abhayakumara, 47. 118n Abhidhanacintanani, Sn Abhichana-Rafnamala, 67 Abbm, 92 Abhinandana, 2n Abhiras, 2045 Abhisheka, 28 Abrahma-coryja-vasa, 63 Abu, 247 Abu-l-Fazl, 140 Acuranga-Sfatra, 10, 86, 220, 225, 226, 286 Acarya, 244 Accha, 110n Adharma, 38, 230 Adhiecara, 1 Adtharins See Tirthankaras Adinatha, 159, 200 Adraitis, 55 Agamic, literature, 10, 297, 241 Aggeniya or Agganiya ("Agrayaniya), 219 Agni-Nitra, 162 Agrommes, 126, 127, 192 Ahicchatm or Chatratati, 81, 213 Ahrnisa, 1, 7, 43, 46, 47, 49-57, 58, 57, 200 Aikshrikas, 85 Arla, 164 Ain--Albari, 140 Arra, 164 Aiyangar, K, 189n Ajatasatru, 19, 29, 82, 81, 64, 86, 881, 94, 95, 100, 101, 109, 118-115, 117-128, 170n, 281, 288 Ajatasattu See Ajatasatru Ajita, 2n Ajica, 86, 89, 53 Ajivikas, 58, 59, 61-67, 71, 142-144 Afiacin, 66 Ajiviya, 229 Agnanatada, 50, 226 Ahasa, 38 Akbar, 140 Akritracada, 56, 226 Alakihe, 02, 109 Albertini, 38, 8D, 169, 207 Alexander, 4, 80, 125, 127, 193 Amalakappa, 281 Amaravati, 257 Ammorija II, 181 Amohini, 196, 255, 256 Anahilapattans See Pattana Ananda, 100, 106, 108 Anandapura, 216n Ananta, 2n Ananta-Darsana, 39 Anantagumpha, 150, 151 Ananta Jnana, 39 Ananta-Suchha, 89 Ananta-Virya, 89, 41 Anarta, 90n Anasana, 44 Ancala, 767 Andhra, 166, 168, dynasty, 149, 164, inscriptions, 202, king, 163 Andhras, 145, 154, 157, 159, 166-168, 174, 180, 20413 Andrews, 254 Anekantatada, 53 Anga, 26, 27n, 94, 95-99, 110, 113, 115, 146, 172 Anga (Literature), 59, 90, 100, 108, 226 Angarayati, 98 Angas, 10, 38, 607, 200n, 150, 183, 184, 220-223, 225, 227-238, 285, 288 Anga-Sapiha, 188 Angultara Nuhaya, 81, 110, 142, 227 Aniruddha, 124 Anilya-rada, 55 Anoja, 24 Antagada-Dasao, 92, 94, 108, 109, 1101, 220 Antaraya Karma, 40n Antrochos soter, 188 A7, 38n Anularoratatyadasao (Anuttaraupapa nhadasah), 220 Antyodarasutta (Anuyogadcurasulra), 221, 286 Antryogas, 226 Apabhramda Prakrt, 159 Apapapuri See Pipa or Pars Apa-Raja, 172 Aparigraha, 7,44 Apsans, 252 Ara, 2n Arbuda Jia, 173 Ardha Magadhi, 159, 237, 243 Ardhaphalala, 68 Ardraka, 62 Arbadbali, 181 277

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INDEX Arhat Jhatriputra See Mlabavira Ayodhya, 88, 209, 127, inscriptions, 162 Arhats, 1, 2, 4, 20n, 26, 72, 78, 91, 145, Ayush-Karnia, 40n 156, 159, 164, 178, 182-184, 200, 209, Ayya Sarne See Syamaryd 226, 233, 255, 267 Azes, 196 Ariana, 184 Amshtanem See Nemi Bactria, 163, 198, 194 Arsham, 287 Badami, 158n Atilastistra, 232n, 188n Bahapata or Bahasati-nutre See PushyaArya, 228, 233 mitra Arya Khaputa, 180 Bohilkas, 2047 Arya Mahagiri, con, 146, 240n Behula, 240n Aryan, clans, 104, culture, 14, settle Baibhara-giri, 111 ments, 16n Bakhle, 167 Aryans, 14, 50, 170, 211 Balabhadra, 80 Arija Samgha, 152 Balamutra, 28, 1767 Arya suliastin, con Balisaba, 240n Aryya-sangamika, 200 Banabhatta, 174, 214 Aryya-vasuli, 200 Banaraja, 90n Asidla, 68 Banarsi Das Jan, 288 A-sat, 38 Bandka, 8D, 40 Ashla Marti, 244 Banery, R D , 87, 128, 156, 157, 100n, Ashvaghosha, on 162, 198n Asola, 5, 30, 65, 111, 118, 127, 191n-184, Banerj Sastra, 66 138-144, 140, 148-160, 150, 1600, 105, Banga, 110n 100, 171, 178-176, 205, 287, Brahmi, Bania, 10811 Con, Dasaratha tune, 68, edicts, 184, Barabar, 65, 06, 143, 148, 170, 177 202, inscriptrons, C8, trees, 120 Barabbuj, 162 Abokncandra, 720 Biravai, 108 Abrapa, 30, 40 Bernett, 92, 100, 166,254 Assaka, 310n Barua, 61, 08 Asleya, 7, 48 Bauddha, hermits, 151, symbols, 1527 Asththagrama, 201 Bauddhas, 61, 08, 182, 220, 257, sculpAsli, 55 tures of, 247 Ayvamedha, 10n, 182 Bavu Pyara's Math, 247 Ahamtr3, 58 Beal, 51r Aliascha, 13, 79, 81, 821 Belgola See Sravana Belgola Altin sahiurbhaga prata, 142 Belvalkar, 11, 56 Alna, 42 Renares, 18, 22,79 Atman, 55 Bhadda, 68n Aima pada, 05 Bhadrabahaci-Samlla, 289 Aukakuta, 85 Bhadrabahu, 5, 10, 80, 320, 50, 68, 70, 71, Aulungthippaniya (Astinastpratada), 220 78, 78, 180, 186, 187, 181-184, 221, 283, Anpuputala, 110n, 121, 220, 231 284, 238-240, 242 Artapaccakkhana (Aturapratyahlyana), Bhadrabahu-canta, 181, 182 420 Bladrapada, 189 duadanasalal.a, 230 Bhagavala-Putana, 8, 831 Atadh-Jnana, 137 Bhagavatas, 226 Aunha, 110n Bhagavali-Satta, 10, 57, 59, 02, 64, 81, di allurryo, 55 89, 00, 102, 110n, 1141, 110n, 220, 228 rangka (Asandhya), 219 Avanli, 28, 00, 01, 00 DD, 110, 113, 115, Bhagirathi, 81 119, 102, Dalslunapatha, 97n. Prade Bhagwanlal Indray, 1G0n, 202 Blandara, 2107 3ots See Canda Pradyota I asyala-Shtra, 52, 03, 122, 221, 235, 238 Bhandarkar, 577, 202 Atabas, 235 Bhandin, 21411 Arigapatns, 231-257, 260 Bhanugupta, 211 Bhanumatr, 28, 176n Tyeppir uya (Almapratada), 210 leptirada do (Actiradasuk) or Desk syns Bharata, 8 I hande (Dasafrutaellrandha), 221, 234, Bharata (Khanda), 145n 239 Bharatavaralia, 90, 91, 171, 232 Bharhut Sripa, 256 278

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INDEX Bhasa, 96, 122, 160 Bthal-Sanlata, 5n, 78 Bhoshya, 240 Buddha, 1, 4, 6-8, 11, 17, 18, 20, 22, 24, Bhatarka, 215, 226 29, 82, 42, 47, 58, 59, 62, 80, 88, 96, Bhallaparana (Bhaklaparuna), 220 101, 107, 108, 1117, 119, 121, 1917, Bhattiraka Ratnanand, 08 140, 144, 177, 208, 227, 248, 258, MarBhattibhava, 206 dana of, 27, 80, 81 Bhava, 54 Buddhaghosha, 292 Bharada, 190 Buddhahood, 29 Bhavadeva Suri, 155 Buddhism, 2, 11, 17, 18, 56, 641, 76, 77, Bhavanadhrpats, 252 80, 102, 120n, 140, 141, 149, 154, 157, Bhavuni Dadu, 158 158, 170, 178, 205, 215, 217, 248, 261 Bkadasamgraha, 68 Buddhist, annals, 80, 144, art, 251, Bheda, 171 books, 707, 118, canon, 5-8, 13, 104, Bhilshugrhas, 240 cave, 156, council, 221, evidence, Blurhshurija See Kharavels 122, Granthas, 7, influences, 151, Bhilamjla, 70n inscription, 157; legends, 151, 228, Bhogas, 85, 108 249 ; lists, 98, 109, Iterature, 81, 97, Bhojakas, 107, 168 226, monks, 142, 288, monuments, Bhubanesyara, 150, 154, 159 250, order, 77, revolution, 17, Bhideous, 176 rulers, 65, scriptures, 59, sculptures, Bimbisama or Srenika, 10, 24, 32, 47, 64, 196, 257, 258, sources, 61, 85, 121, 887, 88, 087, 95, 96, 08, 101, 110, 112- texts, 112, 227, tradition, 84, 81, 88n, 114, 116-120, 122, 186, 146, 176n 901, 102, 110, 123, 124, works, 99, Bimbisarspuri, 111n Torld, 178, writers, 111n Bindusara, 52 Buddhists or Buddhas, 5-8, 10, 22, 42, Bindusira (King), 6an, 182, 184, 198, 139 46, 54, 58, 60, 65, 66, 70, 76-78, 80-82 Bipulagiri, 111 84, 99, 102, 105, 107, 109n, 116, 119, Biruda, 6 120, 122-124, 139, 141-148, 175, 176, Bithoor, 12 189, 201n, 288-285, 248, 249, 251, 252 Bloch, 249 Buhler, 6, 11, 21, 267, 41, 160, 174n, Bodhisattve, 249 191, 192, 195, 197, 200-202, 206, 206, Bogru, $8n 208, 214, 247, 254, 250-258, 260 Bo-tree, 150 Burgess, 166, 160n Brakmacarya, 7, 44 Burmese traditions, 38n Brahmadastha, 202 Brahmadatta, 82 Catyas, 182, 240 Brahiman, 207, 90, 1887, 167, 178, caste, Calta, 171, 180n, 257 203n, fold, 38, friend, 25, lady, 22, Campa, 20, 86, 98-05, 119, 120, 122, 123, record, 817 , rcachon, 70n , statesman, 281 10+ Campaha-Sreshtha-Katha, 95 Brahmana, literature, 28 Cenaka, 182n Brahmana-Sutrakaras, 14 Canakya, 180-184, 187, 189 Brahmanas, 159, 16 Candala (Scapaha), 20, 50 Brahmani, 28 Candani or Candrabala, 98, 94 Brahmanic, ascetics, 92, penonce, 19 Candapannatta (Candraprasaph), 220 Brahmanial, families, 207, revival, 77; Canda Pradyota, 01-98, 06-98, 113, 115, sacrifice, 60, works, 144 116 Brahmanism, 2, 16, 17-20, 129n, 189, 149, Canda, Ramaprasad, 128, 260n 158, 171, 178 Candajazhaya (Candravedhyaka), 220 Brahmans, on, 8, 14-17, 19, 22, 23, 50, 65, Candrabbiga, 210, 212 77, 82n, 131, 182, 186, 1871, 189-148, Candragupta, 19, 28, 30-32, 34, 38, 68, 70, 165, 170, 171, 174-176, 294, 257 126, 127, 130-140, 143, 147, 159, 171, Brahmarshrdesa, 15n 170, 178n, 181, 188, 184, 193, 221 Brahma-Satra, 9 Candragupta I, 206, 207 Brahmi, inscription, 148, lipt, 66, te Candragupta II (Candragupta Vikramacords, 199 ditya), 203-208 Candralekha, os Brhadratha, 184, 170, 174, 177 Candraprabha, 2n, 2011, 109 Brhaspata-litra See Pushyamitra Brhathalpa, 221 Candraprariapr, 282 Candrapura or Candrih puri, 20, 100 Brhal-Katha-Kosa, 185 279

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INDEX Canesvart, 187 Canm, 181 Caraka, 181 Caranaharana, 226 Caritra, 43, 52 Cartras, 3 Carvaka, 36 Caturmukha, 195 Caluruoma Sangha, 201 Calurindha-Sangha, 45 Caturyoma-Dharma, 7, 10, 13 Causatana (Cathsarana), 220 Caunsattho, 2357 Cedis, 164, 198 Ceitya (Ceda), 110n, kang, 147, 161, dynasty, 149, 284 Ceiya, 100, 105, 106 Cellana, 04, 88, 89, 98, 110, 117, 128, 120 Cetaka (Cedaga), 64, 88, 88, 80, 91, 92, 94-96, 98-101, 109, 117, 122, 283 Chaknivarta, Mon Mohan, 78, 249, 250 Chakraparlin, 112 Chalue, 58 Chalukya, 181 Charpentier, Jarl, 9, 11, 28-80, 88, 87, 77, 128-180, 168, 192, 218, 219, 221, 224, 225, 281, 282, 284, 236 Chaurasi mounds, 1959 Challakora, 140 Chedasutras, 221, 283, 284 Chmia, 76 Chinese Turkestan, 194 Chitor, 247 Christians, 517 Citta, 82 Colebrooke, 11 Coleridge, 57 Coomarastramy, 249, 250n Cowell and Thomas, 174n Culani, 82 Cunda, 107, 108 Cunningham, 29, 85, 89, 107, 160m, 104, 190, 201, 202, 212n, 218, 250, 260 Curtis, 126, 127 Deha, 180, 281 Demetrios, 32, 101-164, 169, 170, 185, 193, 250 Desasuyashlandha (Dasasrulashhandra) Sec Ayaradasao (Acaradasah) Desigana, 152 Devas, 10, 20, 73 Devadatta, 12i Derndatta, 23 Decadhzdca, 1 Devagupta, 210, 218-215 Dealohas, 600 Devinonda, 21 Devapala, 189 Devaputra Huksha (Hushka or Hus shka), 100 Devardhiganin, 30, 73, 210, 278, 229, 230, 287 Deud-Samgha, 181 Devasenasuri, 68 Deatas, 256 Deurndalthma (Damdraslava), 220 Devis, 152 Dey, Nundo Lal, 81, 89, 103, 10an Dliammapada, 141, 285 Dhana, 1819 Dhonabliuti, 256 Dhanayaba, 94 Dhankas, 226 Dhamsena II, 216 Dharma, 2n Dlarma, 88, 45, 140, 141, of Mahavira, 61, of Parava, 18, 61 Dharmi, 651 Dharmacahya, 257 Dhammadasagans, 239, 240 Dhamnadesana, 228 Dharmaphoshe, 258 Dharinakatha, 226 Dharma Dalamalas See Dharma-Malia matra Dharma-Mahamalra, 142, 143, 176 Dharmaraja See Khanavela Dharmaruci, 258 Dharmas, 280 Dharmasa garn, 69 Dharmasastras, 224 Dhamadyaya, 146 Dhruv, KH 160n Dhruva, 591 Dhruva, A B , 54 Dhruvasena, 80, 210, 222 Dhruyasena I See Dhruvasena Dhulew Jmna, 178 Dhundia. See Sthinakacast Digambara, 51n, 69, belief, 72, division, 78, mode, 252, Pattatalics, 146, school, 181, sect, 461, 67, 75, 04, 158, 158, Svetimbata schism, 135, trades tron, 68, 69, 71, water, 149 Dadhrubana, 93, 08, 222 Dagoba, 248 Dakshinapatha, 210 Danda-Smota, 176 Darsaka, 97, 122 Darsana, 80n, 40, 43 Darsanasira, 68 Darlanavarniya, 401 Dasa-Kappa-Vaahara, 288 Dasaratha, 05, 06, 144, edicts, 164 Dofurnabladra, 146 Dasareyaltya (Dastuakalka), 05, 221, 285, 286, 288 Dasgupta, 10, 11, 18, 50, 74 Datilaciyya (Dattducars a), 20G 280

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INDEX Digambaras, 70-75, 1877, 158, 181, 182, Gautama, 88n 221-223, 289n-241 Gautama (Buddha) See Buddha Digha Nikaya, 224 Geiger, 122 Digoyaya, 146 Ghatotkaca, 206 Disha, 129 Ghusitala), 760 Dina (Datta), 199 Giriraja-giri, 111 Diffhamta, 235 Gimnat or Revantagiti, 100n, 245, 247, 248, Ditthvaya (Drshtcada), 220, 2219, 225, 260 227, 280, 231 Gobahula, 58n Divali (Dipadali), 27n Golla district, 192n Dryacadana, 65n, 81, 117, 132, 173 Gorathagiri (Gordhagin), 66, Oon, 143, Dramas, 145 161, 163, 160, 170 Drapya, 54.226 Gosulo or Gosala Blanklaliputta, 8, 58Drdhayaman, 97 64, 66, 77, 717, 228 Dubreul, 160n Gosarman, 208 Durpalasa, 200, 105 Goshtamibla or Goshthimihin, 38, 227n Dulca, 108n Gotama Sec Buddha Dutt, 4, 17, 18 Gotipura (Guptiputra), 197 Dtadasangi, 223 Gotra, 207, 99 Desha, 52 Gotra-Karma, 40n, 45n Graha Kula, 152 Early History of India, 32n Grahamittrapalita, 200 Edgerton, 187, 101, 192 Grahayatman, 214 Ela-dandin, 6In Grechs, 133, 185, 103 Elamecadurtiyan, 55 Grhastha-Cantra, 43 Ela-tada, 55 Growse, 2009 Elliot, Charles, 11, 74, 76, 78 Guerinot, 21, 22, 245 Ellor, 168n Gumpla, 151 Eucratides, 162n, 169, 198 Guna, 53 Euthydemus, 1621 Gupta, 2001, date, 208; dynasty, 201, 207, 213, 214 cmpire, 211, 217, cra, Fergusson, 156, 1601, 198n, 217, 219, 251 207, inscriptions, 200, lust, 203 ; Floet, 135, 141, 159-161, 168, 182, 183, period, 200, 205-207, 209, 212, 213, 210, 207, 272n 261, seals, 239 Fra Bartolommeo, 248 Guptas, 203-209, 212, 215 Frazer, 11 Guptabala, 206, 2071 Guptatarsha, 200 Gacchas, 761, 180 Gurus, 8, 92, 37, 68, 70, 212, 213 Gudhpura, 8171 Gajapats, kings, 170n Hala, 1801 Gana 185, 202 Haliyudha, 07 Ganadlaras, 10, 22, 37, 38, 95, 111, 225, 235 Halla, 118 Ganarajas, S6, 108, 134n Haraprasad Sastri, 176 Gandhira, 110, 193; period 251; Hari. See Indre school, 251, 258, 254 Farbhadra, 22, 51, 52, 93, 122, 123, 100Gandharcas, 73, 252 235 Ganesagumpha, 154, 155, 250 Harigupta, 210, 212-213 Hankesi-Bala, 200 50 Ganguly, MADO Mohan, 131, 155, 1610 Hatinegamesi, 21 Ganzta See Kala Hanisena, 135 Ganidiyu (Gantidya), 220 Harppa, 212n Ganjaridae, 127 Harska, IG! Gardabbilas, 2011 Harshacarita, 211 Harshvardhan. 174.214 , Gardabhalt, 82 Gardabhulla, 25, 188, 189, 292n Hastipilz, 26, 27, 207 Gardner, 162 Hastis.ibasa (Histisiba). 156 Gargi Samhita, 162 Fathiyumphi, 136, 155, 1GS, 18, 219, 250; inscription 127, 128, 147. 114 Garuda, 252, 250 130, 151, 1536, 137, 136, 160, 161-167, Gathis, 291 Ganda, 21-47 183-187, 200, 251, 252 281 Ganga, 58

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INDEX Hellenes, 282 Hellenism, 254 Hemacandra, 81, , 277-81, 88, 84, 42, 47, 49, 50, 81, eon, 91, 97, 98, 129, 124, 125, 186, 187, 144, 145, 221, 242 Hemahosa, 81 Heras, Rev, 194, 140, 141 Hertel, 228 Humavatkuta, 181, 184 Himsa, 51 Hinda, 60n, annals, 80; art, 245, Argans, 14, 15, fold, 14, 18, gods, 252, kingdom, 18, period, 184; Tule, 19, sect, 49, scriptures, 8, 9 Hinduism, 15, 44n, 154 Hindus, 14, 18, 881, 182, 187, 205, 248, 248n, Sutras of the, 9 Hiralal, Ray Babadur, 240 Hnen-Tsang, 5111, 181n, 149, 217 Hoernle, 641,,979, 100-106 Hopkins, 17 Huitzsch, 80, 141, 142 Huna, Samral, 218 Hins. 211. 216 Hunadhapatr, 211 Hushka See Huvishka Huvishka, 197-199, 2007 Hypanis (Buas), 162 Ikshvaku, 207,79 Indo-Scythio period, 4 Indra, 21, 87, 252 Indrabhuti, 22, 371, 181 Indrya, 52 Isamos (Yamuna), 162 Islamites, 78 Itthasasamoada, 228 Janaka, 140n Janapada, 07n Jabasana, 650 Japan, 76 Jasemondi, 153 Jatakas, 81, 228 Javada, 300 Jaya, 112 Jayanti, 06 Jayaswal, 81-88, 128, 136, 100-102, 104, 165, 169, 170, 1741, 177-170, 181-188, 185 Jayavijaya, 155 Jews, 76 Jhayeri, 7in Jina, 1, 2, 20, 32, 42, 58, 60, 62, 92, 122, 128, 172, 178, 177, 184, 205, 208, 258, 255, Deva, 46 Jinacandra, 68, 69, 73 Jinadatta, 70n Jinahood, 02 Jina-Kalpa, on Jinahalpihas, 256 Jinaprabhastiri, 1457 Jinas, 81, 11, 24, 37, 40, 82, 91, 94, 195, 289, 252 Jinasena, 85 Jmavijaja, 1807, 173, 181, 209, 210, 218 Jitedista, 131 Jite, 88, 39, 40, 46, 47, 48, 180, 250, 231, 282 Jrtabigama, 220 Jious (Samsanns), 30, 117 Jiyasattu (Jrtasntru) See Chetaks or Chedaga Jhana, 89n, 40n, 48 Jhanavaranita, 40n Jnala or Jnat, Jfiatr-Kshatriyas See Jaatrikas or Jnatris Jijatnika, 88; clan, 105, 106 Jaatrikas or Jratris, 6, 21, 241, 84-87, 104-107 Joatraputra See Mahavira Jnatriputras See Jpatrikas or Jnatns Jrbhskagrama or Jembula, 27, 27n Judas Iscariot, 121 Junagadh, 247 Jyeshtha, 89, 98 Jyotishias, 252 Jabalipura, 2001 Jacobi, 8-9, 11, 12, 18, 28, 28, 30, 58, 68, 77,78, 80, 85n, 87, 92, 99, 1051, 132, 18316, 187, 224, 226, 280, 284, 289 Jagannatha, temple of, 164 Jagataprabhu, 1 Jarna-darsana, 2; -dharma, 2, Gurks, 22, 28, "Mahirashtri, 287; Mata, 40, Sadhus, 78, -Sasane, 2, Sastras, 41, Sutras, 8, 9, 240, 86, 87, 98, 100, 105, Yoga, 42 Jalandar, 173, 175 Jalandhar See Jalandar Jalmandar, 246 Jamah, 8, 94, 68, 297, 228 Jambu or Jambussam, 70, 941, 95, 200, 1300, 105n, 225 JambuddTuapamattu (Jambulcipopray napf), 220, 232 Jambudcipa, 145 Jambudvipa Samasa, 210 James Bond, 73 282 Kafnistan, 198 Kahaum, inscription, 208, 200 Kekubhagrams, 208n Kala, 86, 88, 54, 226 Kals, 120 Kalakacarya or Kalikicary a, 189, 190, 232n Kalahacarya-Katharaka, 188, 189, 102 Kalasa, 218

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INDEX Kalasaukarka, 47, 48 Kalasayesiyaputta, 10 Kaldasa, 182 Kalmga, 81, 82, 118, 127-129, 184, 146 150, 155, 157, 159, 161, 165-108, 172, * 178, 177-179, 184, 187, 198, dynasty, 164; edicts, 168n Kalingadhepati, 187 Kalingas, 184, 168 Kalpa, 289, 238 Kalpaka, 129, 180 Kalpa-Suitra, 6, 8, 10, 21, 27n, 80, 02, 851-87, 95, 99, 102, 103, 1067-108, 111, 142, 155, 202n, 216n, 221n, 284, 289 Kalyanamandirastotra, 242 Kamandaks, 182n Kamboja, 110n Kammappapaya (Karmapradada), 219 Kimpulya, 82 Kamta Prasad Jain, 142n Kanauj or Kanyakubja, 81, 274, 248 Kanhe See Krshna Kanishka, 195, 197-199, 204, 206n, 256 Kankali Ttla, 195, 196, 198, 208, 247, 263, 264 Kannooma), Lala, 57 Kapila, 51 Kappavadamsiao (Kalpavatamskih), 220 Karalandu, 98n Karemt Bhante, 52 Karka, 288 Karman, 20, 50, 227 Karmas, 6, 201, 86-42, 44-47, 49, 64 , re membrance, 243 Karmasataha, 280 Karttika, 99n Kasiyas, 44 Kashmir, 140 Kasi, 81-88, 86, 99, 109, 110, 118-115 Kusi-Kosala, 86, 108, 109 Kasyapa Gotra, 6, 21 Kasyapa Kshatriyas, 167 Kathalosa, 122 Kathanahas, 285 Katha Sakntya, 209 Katha-Sari-Sagara, 96n, 115, 127, 182, 167 Katra, 195, 258 Kauravas, 85 Kdusogga, 23on Kausimbi, 93-98, 113, 115 Kausika, family, 297 Kautilya, 123n, 182, 143, 224 Kayya Nislidi, 182 Kern, Sin, 6G, 141 Kesari dynasty, 154 Kesi, 91, 02, 231 Koala-Jidna, 1, 25, 43n, 957 Ketati, 1, 22 Keralins, 22n, 26, 27, 45, 72 Khandagtri, 73, 149-151, 153, 154, 157 150, 249 Kharatara-Gaccha, 76, 78, Petter all, 789, 100 Kharavela, 10, 32, 66, 110, 127-120, 110 150, 158n, 156, 157, 159-172, 177-180, 182-187, 198, 203, 250 Khatika, 244 Korbira Rshi, 166 Kinpishi, 51n, 2171 Kinnaras, 258 Kiratas, 131n Kiryavisala (Kriyaorsala), 219 Kitra (Citta), 82n Kittoe, 1600 Kiu-she-kle-In-po-lo (Kusagarapura) See Rajagrha Klatt, 1891 Koccha (Kaccha 1), 1107 Kollaga, 104, 105 Koniks See Ajatasatru Konka, 8 Konow, 160, 162, 192, 190 Kosala, 27n, 83n, 86, 99, 100, 110, 113 115, 118, 127, 167 Kosaladevi, 88n, 110, 118 Kosalan war, 114 Kosalas, 14, 110, 114 Kotigadia, 102n Kothya-Kotha Gana, 201, 2021, 206 Koundinya Gotra, 21 Kryavada, 56, 226 Krshna, 8, 9, 66, 264, 266 Ksami ramana See Devardhigarin Kshamapana, 240 Kshatrapa Maharaja, 100 Kshatriya, 17, 22, 182; nostocmic family, 20; caste, 1031, 132, dann, 204, dynasties, 129; friend, 178, kings, 23; Murdhabhishla, 132, touch, 22 Kshatriyanz, 21, 23, 45n Kshatriyas, 22, 23, 70, 85, 88, 99, 108, 127, 128 Kshetra, 5+ Kshinalarma, 1 Kubera, 238 Kudepsiri, 157 Kulacandra, 152 Krahas, 243 Kulas, 193, 201, 223 Kumura-Bhaskamamman, 21 in Kumarabhats, 201 kum.imgupta 203 200 Kumangupta I, 197 207, 208, 215 Kumaragupta II, 213 Kumin-kumiri-pariati, 153, 113, 179, 180, 182 Kumiramitr, 201 Kumirapila, 90 283

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INDEX Kumarapura, 189 Kumbha, 246 Kunala, 188, 144, 145 Kundagams (Kundagrama or Kunda pura), 24, 261, 84, 85, 87, 98, 102-104, 106 Kundakundacarya, 44, 46, 142, 240n Kundrya, 224 Kimka or Kuniya See Ajatasatru Kunte, 18 Kunthu, 2n Kuru, 110n Kurus, 14 Kusa-grass, 20n, 50 Kusasthala, 80, 81, 817 Kusivati See Kusipara or Kusinagara Kushana, chronicles, 198; inscriptions, 198-200, monarchs, 188, 187, period, 281 Kushanas, 194, 198, 204 Kusinari or Kusinagara, 104, 107, 1071, 118 Kusumnadhvaja See Pataliputra Kustmapur See Pataliputra Kutaka, 8 Kuvalayamala, 209-212 Ladha, 26, 110n Lakshmi, 252 Lalaks, 156 Lalatendu Kesari, 158, cave, 158 Lahta Vistara, 224 Lanchanas, 2n, 162, 252 Lassen, 9, 11 LAW, Bumala Charan, 102, 104, 106, 107 LAT of KarTDA, 84 Laxmz-Vallabha, Hon Leumann, 224, 280 Licchavi, clan, 1021, 106, 118, confederacy, 107, country, 108n, king, 100, 238, kshatryas, 101, princesses, 88, 89, 91, 99, Rajas, 102, Bect, 88, war, 114 Licohavis (Licchitis), 85-88, 90, 101-103, 106-108, 114, confederacy of, 104, 1147 Life of Fuen-Tsiang, 111n Logatindusara (Lolabindusara), 219 Lola, 47 Lokapadas, 248 Lomika Rau Cave, 86 Lonka, sect, 75 Luders, H., 1GOR Dlaccha (Matsya), 110n Mackenze, 100n Macphau, 141 Madali Pinjt, chronicles, 154 Aladkevacarya, 240 Madhuban Inscription, 214 284 Madhyadesa, 173 Bladhymika, 102 Madra, 209 Magadha, 2, 20, 27, 28, 88, 88, 00-90, 101, 102n, 106, 110-117, 110, 121, 122, 124, 126-128, 132, 334, 136, 146, 148, 149, 160, 102, 160, 170, 172, 174, 177, 178, 188, 184, 102, 204, 222, 287 Alatadhi, 237 Mahabharata, 9, 81, 181 Alahajanapadas, 85, 08, 107, 109, 110, 112 Mahakala, 242 Nabakosule, 110, 147n Alahakshatrapa Sodasi See Sodisa Mahamalras See Dharma-Mahamatra Mahameghavahana See Khiravela Pfahanandin, 125, 178n Mahanmulla, 60n Mahamsilia (Mahanusitha), 221 Mahapaccalhhana (Mahapratyjak hyana), 220 Afahipadma Navda Sec Nanda I Mahaparimbbana Sutta, 182 Makarajabhisccanam, 165 Maharajya-ablishcha, 150 Alaharkhita (Angharakshita), 105 Makasilahantaha, 114n Mahassati or Mlabasmati, 97n Mahavagga, 113 Mahavamsa, 123, 181n, 132, 130, 140 Mahavamaatika, 66n Mahogya, 171 Mahavira, 2-4, 6-13, 17-27, 20-82, 87-88, 41, 45n, 47, 51, 52, 56-58, 60-64, 67, 6072, 74, 75, 77-779, 82n-88, 92n-108, 110112, 116-110n, 122, 194, 147, 148, 150, 153, 157, 158, 171, 177-180, 187, 102, 187, 201, 208, 209, 218, 222, 225, 227, 228, 230-282, 284-287, 239, 240, 240n, 252; contemporaries of, 288, Dharma, 10, doctnnes of, 105, embryo of, 249; era of, 27, A8 & monk, 100, Nurdina of, 22n, 28, 30n, 31, 38, 34, 64, 69, 70, 73, 82, 90R, 124, 126, 128, 189, 160, 179, 187, 189n, 216, 217, 298, predecessor of, 7, retoma creed of, 7, systcm, ; firtha of, 10 Mahadirajamont, 102 Mahavira Athirakuin, 211 Mahodaya, 81n Martraka clen, 215 Mayhema Nthaya, 115 Malava, 210, 191, 192, 214, reckoning, 197 Malaya, 1107 Maldah, 8an Malini See Camp Malta, 108, 110n Mallaka, ates, 174, chiefs, 200; clans, 80 Mallakes or Mallakans, 86, 00, 107, 108 -

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INDEX Mollas, 104, 107, 108, 118 Mookerji, Radhakumud, GG Mollinaths 2n, 94n Mona, 1967 Malva, 96, 187, 188 Mortyas, 182 Manaka, 236 Mou-lo-san-pu-lu, 212 Mana-Paryaya-Jnana, 43n Moslems, 779 Mancapuri, 150 Alrguvati, 89, 94, 95, 07, 08 Manda, 171 Mudra-Rahshasa, 130, 192n, 186 Mandasor inscription, 197, 207 Mukta Jivas, 80 Manju Chaudhur, 158 Muchtambara, 5 Mankhali See Gosala Alula, 94 Mankhaliputta See Gosala Malasitras, 221, 284, 286 Mankhan Ananta varman, 66 Munda, 124 Mansara, 2050 Muni, 2012 Manu, 179, 165, law of, 49 Munisuvrata, 2n Manusmrti, 9 Mura, 132 Alanyakheta, 190 Nuranda, 194 Marshall, John, 199 Mushika, capital, 107 Maru, 8n Nushikas, 167 Marunda, 243 Masharin, 611 Nabzi, 8n Mathura, 4, 21, 148, 161-168, 170, 177, Nabbovahana, 28 1807, 185, 187, 198, 196-197, 200-203, Naga-Dasaka, 124 222n, 247, 250-252, 256 carver, 259, Naganika, 263 find, 200; mscriptions, 187, 193, 194, Nagarayacakt Scc Umistati 200, 201, 203-205, 207, 208, 223, re Nagirgunn, 157, 190n mains, 251, school, 254, sculptures, Nagarjuni Hills, 65, 60, 144 72, 223, 258, 255, 258 Nagna, 5n Matt-Jhana, 43n Nagamesa or Narganicsha, 21, 200; Maues, 188 Nemcso, 260 Maurya, dynasty, 30n, 147, Empire, 104; Nakshatra, 175 era, 82, 160, king, 80, 87; period, 212; Nalanda, 267, 88, 111 rule, 80n Nama-Karma, 400, 45 Mauryas, 28, 104, 110, 124, 130-184, 186, Nam, 87 188, 148, 146, 149, 160n, 164, 165, 178 Nanaghut, 107; inscriptions, 103, 104, 175, 192, 198 166n Max Muller, 20 Nanapparaya (Jnanapratada), 210 Mayura-poshaka, 182 Nanda, 33, 124, 125, 127-133, 130, 168, Slazimdar, Akshoy Kumar, 11, 12, 837 169, 172, 177-179, 184, dynasty, 129, Mazumdar, Ramesh Chandra, 160n 147, 172, era, 32, 33, ICI, 167, 168, Megasthenes, 1877, 143 171, king, 32, linc, 123; period, 212; rule, 34 Meghakumara, 1187 Mehta, N C. 19% Nanda I, 125-128, 169, 178 Nandarij2, 32, 127, 128 Menander, 162, 163 Nandos, 28, 299, 33, 110, 124-132, 134, Merutunga, 27, 28, 80, 81, 126 136, 138, 172, 1787, 252 Meyer, John Jacob, 89 Nandivardhana or Kandavardhann, 24. Mithila, 26, 86, 87, 100 82, 33, 98, 116, 121, 125, 128, 169, 178 Blithradates I, 263 Nandi-gaccha, 181 Mitra dynasty, 174 Nandisena, 118n Mitra, Rajendra lala, 150, 180n Nandisuilta (Xandisutra), 221, 227, 930 Mgara or argadhars, 120 Narisunlachar, 135, 13G Migavni, 92 Narayaman, 79, 81, 197 Micccha, 57 Xasik, 167 ; lrscription, 161, IGOR Mohammedan, conquest, 75, domina Nasit, 55 tion, 77, influence, 74, 75; persccu Vala, 6 tion, 77, Trad, 42n Xata or Nayn, clan, 201-106n; KistaMohanita, 40n tryns, 1017, 103 Mohsha, 3, 22, 39, 41-43, 40, 481, 72, 230 Nalapulla or Yayaptitia. Sceglicira Moli, 110n Nithumm Premi, G9 Monnhan, 341 Yau Xand Delta (ander), 127 Hookeri, Ashutosit, 148, 186 285

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INDEX Navemuni cave, 251-163 Nada Tattoos, 30, 421 Nayas, 58, 54, 242 Nayadhammakahao (Jnatudharnalathah), 220, 228 Neganesi Sce Naigamesa Nemcsa, 72, 250 Nemi or Arishtanemi, 2n, 8, 8, on, 208, 200 Nemiandra, 243 Nogantha or Nergrantha, 0, 83n, asectics, 170, church, 130, or Digambam, 614, 217, doctrine, 141, Samanat or Srananas, 142, Nalapatta Scc Malii VIT Niganthanatha Scc Mabuvim Niganthas or Nirgronthas, 6-8, 17, 70, 108, 143, 140 Nigantis, 5 Nihilistic Buddhist, 5 in Nizjutis or Nerelts56, 237-239 Nilytri, 151 Nimi, 2n Nine Nandas, 33, 34, 125 Nunhagas or Ninhacas, 58, 235 Nirara, 39, 41 Nirvan, 5, 18, 20, 307, 38, 42, 43, 40, 52, 79, 187 Noang-Rack, 71, 513 Nityjauali, 220, 282 Nishidt or Nishidhi, 181-183 Nraiha (Nafila), 221 Nitrsara, 182, 181 Nitya, 55 Nitya-Karma-Vodka, 214 Nitya-pada, 55 Ntyali, 36 Nyugrodhika, 240 Ntraya-Darsana, 911 Nyayapatara, 242 Podiamannm Sce ProfilTamana Padhamani Sce Pratik ramana Padma Mihira, 140 Padmaprabha, 2n Parma Portana, 105 Padmasati 89, 13, 97, 98 Padroana, 1071 Pacsi, 231 Painnas or Pralimant, 220, 239 Paythin, 167 Pajjota or Puoja Sec Canda Pradyota Pajusann or Paryushana, 271, 02, 121, 03, 107, 188, 180, 28071 Pilaha, 28, 20n, 113 Puli. O, mnon, 101, 122, materials. 33, 170, Sulras, 58, tests, 88n tradi. tron, 32n Palibhotm Sce Pataliputra Paltan.1, 14,100 Panas, 183 Panaum (Prananih), 210 Pancakalpa, 221 Pancil, 81-83, 110n, 102 Pancilns, 14, 81 Paicayama Dharma, T, TO Pandya, country, 170, Ling, 185 Pindyas, 280 Panhanagaranam (Prafnmyak atanani), 200 Pinni's Grammar, 175 Pannollas, 91 Pannavana (Prajiapana), 220, 232, 240 Papa, 30, 40, 42 Papa Sce Pava Paranhika Pruyasatta, 912 Pamntana, 05n Parasnath Hill of Mt Parsvanatha, 3, 5n, 27, 79, 83, 246 Pamsunmi, 127 Parbh Sec Parvata Pargiter, 82 Parsishtaparsan, 28, 30, 122, 131n Parsishtas, 233 Pursis, 76 Parsi Trio, 42n Pursohnut Sec Pams 5th Hull Pirvanatba, 2-5, 7, 9-13, 21, 37, 459, 61, 0471, 70, 74, 70-84, 88, 0in, 105, 106, 100, 111, 152-157, 200, 208, 209, 228, 289, 242, 248, 250, 252, 258, days of, 301 ; Dharnia of, 10, 18, disciples of, GON; Narcina of, 8277 Parsvanatha-Carta, 155 Parthia, 203, 194 Parvata, 187, 1877, 138, 13+ Parvata Sce Pavvaiyi Parrotaki Sec Partata Parvati, 60 Parvarija Vamsapali, 1817 Parytiks or Parvati Sce Pavvaiya Oghanyutti, 287, 238 Oiha, Pandit, 1987 Oldenberg, 108n Om,20n O'Malley, 240 Otrasa, 128, 1479-150, 159, 164, 157, 159, 207, 168, 172, 178, 170, 248, 250-253, 260 Osodl, 767 Otisha, 157 Oudh, 83n Obaurya (Aupapatila) See Aupapatika Orford History of India, 38 Paccallingm, 235R Paccakkhanapparaya (Pralydlhyana pra vade), 210 Pudaliptacarya, 190, 1907, 194, 241, 2431 Padartha, 54 Podha (Pandya), 1102 286

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INDEX Paryushana Kalpa, 234 Pasddha Suttants, 10$ Pataliputra, 87, 95, 123, 127, 131, 134, 135, 145, 148, 162, ITO, 172, 175, 177, 188, 194, 207, 224, 240 Pataliputrakalpa, 145n Patanjou, 102, 175 Pathak, KB, 182 Pattana, 90, 90n Patracals, 1897, 191 Paushadhaday 128 Pava or Pavapuri, 6, 26, 27, 277, 104, 107, 107, 108, 218, 247 Pavanba, 111n Parrarya, 210, 212 Payassutta 224 Puzapraharana, 240 Punnabhadda, 01, 911 Punya, 30, 40; Kammas 42 Pupphaciliao (Puskpaculhah), 220 Pupphrao (Pushpikah), 220 Puranas, 8, 9, 96, 116, 122, 124, 125, 127, 128, 182, 144, 264, 266, 169, 170, 170, 1787, 2017 Puramc, lists, 9; material, ; traditions, 124, 126 Purohits, 167, 23 Parusiamedha, 10 Parvabhadas, 298 Pardas (years), 3, 3n Pireas or Punoas (sacred books), 9, 27 52, 184n, 219, 221-298, 225, 230, 231 288, 238 Pusamitra or Pusly amutra, 28, 134, 149, 159, 160, 162, 168, 170, 172-177, 185 Pushpadanta or Suvidh, 2n Pushpapura Sce Patalaputra Pushga, 175, 176 Pedhals, 887 Perumal, temple, 67 Phaguyasa, 235 Phraates I, 163 Pillar Edicts, 65, 141, 142 Pindanijutti (Pindaniryukti), 221, 287 Pingalavatsa, 650 Pipphalnana, 182 Pitahas, 5, 8 Piyadasi See Asoka i Play, 15071 Po-fa-to, 212 Pothyas, 197 Poussin, 11 Poygaze, 67 Prabandhacintanani, 279 Prabhava, 87, 95 Prabhacara-Carta, 194 Prabhavati, 80, 881, 89, 91, 99 155 Pradhan, 85, 96 116 122, 124 Pradyots. See Canda Pradyota Prakaranas, 241 Prakrt, 6, 96 Praktisms, 189 Pramana, 242 Prasamartz, 240 Prasenagt, 79, 81, 88, 88n, 110, 113, 114 Prashna-Prakasha, 213 Pragnatyaharane, 280 Prassi, 127 Pratapa Rudra Dera, 179 Praliktanana, 51, 52, 236 Pratishthana or Pratishthanapttra 168, 188-190 Pratishtha-Paddhalt, 243 Prmannapariksha, G9n Pravida, 230 Prinsep, James, 156, 160n Prishti-Campa 261 Priyadarsani 21 Priyakunni. See Trial Prstha Campu, 94 Ptolemy, 1500 Purdgala, 38, 40 Quakers, 70 Radhakrishnan, 11 Raga, 52 Raichandi, 74 Rijagha, 26, 27, 58, 837, 111, 112, 115, 117, 120, 148, 161, 170 Rajagarus, 212 naja-Muriya-Kala, 32 Rajanik, 210 Rajarsha, 213 Rajastya, 16n Rajalarangin, 140, 109 Ranimali, Rajput, 6 Rajubuls or Raijubula, 196 Rajavardhane, 214 Hakshasa, 136 Ranigumpha or Rani Nur, 150, 154, 155, 155n, 250 Rani-Naur, 183 Ranpur, 247 Rapson, 168, 193, 100, 1987 Rashtrakutas, 190n Rashtrkas 167, 108 Rathauntsala, 114n Rathavira 60 Ratnacala, 121 Ratnagiri or Ratpakuta, u11 Tinirattaya 42 Rayapascnaijja (Rojaprasniya), 220, 221, 231 Raschaudhur. 81.85 88, 91, 04, 110, 113, 122 123, 127, 132, 133, 143 Rhis D117ds, 85, 89, 97, 112, 121, 138 Rice, Lewis, 136 Richard III 133n 287

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INDEX Rigueda, 14, 15n Rijupalika, 27 Rock Edicts, 141n, 165 Rockhill, 102 Rome, 104, 194 Roruko, 907 Rothenstein, 253 Rshabba, 2n-4, 8, 9, 12, 857, 178, 225, 288 Rshabhadatta, 21 Rstubhashta, 288 Rshte, 158 Sabarai, 1501 Saccappadiya (Salyapratada), 219 SachumscapNG, 160n Saddalaputta, 59, 229 Saddarsana Samuccaya, 52 Sadku-Caritra, 48 Sadhrs, 5, 48, 49, 52, 180, 212, 218 Sahanusakt, 188 Sabasanika or Sahasranika, 06 Sahasremalls See Sivabhuti Sohet-Mahet See Srivasti Sah, 1881 Sausunaga, 88, 881, 88, chronology, 82, dynasty, 125, 128, 147, 178, leadership of, 220, period, 212 Sassunagas, 104, 110, 112, 116, 128, 125, 120, 180, 180, 188 Saka, 28, cha, 4, 188, 207, 200, rulers, 194, Satraps, 188 Sahahala, 2011 Sakala, 211 Sakas, 188, 193, 197, 2047 Sakatan, 120 Sahatayanacarya, 467 Saketa, 207, 102 Sakhds, 193, 201, 223 Sakre See India Sakyaputla See Buddha Sakyaputriya Samanas, 142 Soln-tree, 26 Salrvihona, 168, 190 Sallehkana, 135 Samacati, 234 Samadki, 253 Sutpudhya (Syaimudhya), 208 Samagama, 108 Samagama-Sutla, 6 Sandiam, 2351 Samana See sramang Samantiaphala-Sutta, 7 Samunyanin, 219 Samanya-Siddhas See Keralina Satalva, 52 Samataya, 220, 227 Samanka, 51, 52 Sumblinya, 21, 202, 109 Sambliuta (Bralimadatta), 827 Sambhalavijaya, 129, 130n 288 Samet-Sikhar See Parasnath Hill Samgha, 42, 58, 60, 68, 767, 185, 142, 143, 198, 201, 213, 216n, 280, 252 Samghas, 181, 182, 190 Samhita, 238, 239 Samkare, 208 Sambhya, 11 Sanimalitarha, 242 Samprati, 19, 80, 188, 148-146, 198 Samsara, 22, 41, 44, 92, 227 Santhara (Samstara), 220 Samudragupta, 148, 206 Samudravijaya, 112 Samdara, 39, 40 Samvotsarika, 247 Samyag-Darsana, 42, 48 Samyag-Jilana, 42 Samyah-Canira, 42 Samsjahtoa-Saptadt, 190 Sanchi, 256, 258, sculptures, 259 Sandavana, 100n Sanjaya Belettaputta or Belatthiputta, 50, 59, 681, 82 Sankhas, 257 Santi, Acarya, 68 Santinatha, 2n, 209 Saptabhang, 55, Naya, 55, 56 Sarasvati, 252 Sariputta, 108 Simath, 258 Sarpagumpha or Serpent Cave, 156 Sarvajna, 1 Sarvanredha, 16n Sasana-devis, 152 Sasanike See Sahasinika Sastrahuras, 89 Sastras, 87 Sat, 58 Satakarn, 148, 168, 164, 167, 168, 177, 185, dynasty, 106 Satanika, 92-97, 118 Satanika II See Satanika Sa tavahana dynasty See Satakarm dynasty Satavahana, kings, 160, princes, 187 Satavahanas, 164, 167, 178, 1800, 193 Sitayana, 188, 189 Satghara or Satbakhre, cave, 151, 152 Satrapa inscriptions, 197 Satrunjaya, 189, 200, 100n, 245, 246, Jina, 178 Satruzjaya Mahalnya, 74, 90 Salya, 48 Saurashtra, 215 Sauvira, 89-92n, 08, 09 Savtthi or Savatthipura Sce Srivasti Sayambhave, 95, 285 Sayan Sec Satinikn Sayyambhava or Sajrambhavi Sce Sa yambhava

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INDEX Scharnhorst, 165 Srentka See Bimbesara Schiefner, 178 Sreyamsa, 2n Sebastian, 248 $t, 249 Seleukos, 184 Srigrha, 202 Senajit, 82, 831 Srimala, 76n Sensrt, 141 Sriyaka, 120, 180 Sermanes, 137n Srula-Jflana, 487 Seocn-Nayas, 57 Srilahcoalin, 183 Shaorano Shao, 188 Srutashandhas, 225 Shastipala, 107 Stutt, 15 Shigram, 250 Sterling, A, 2600 Shookul-Tirtha, 138 Stevenson, Rey J, 11, 107 Siddhanta, 218, 219, 221-226, 228, 231, Stevenson, Mrs Sinclair, 51, 75, 88, 289, 783, 236 286 Siddhartha, 6, 21, 23, 24n, 84, 85, 87, 88, Sthanahadasi, 74, 75 104, 105 Stananga, 57, 220, 227 Siddhas, 159, 164, 184, 289 Sthapura-Kalpa, 70n Siddhasenn Divakara, 22, 22n, 71n, 187, Sthaviras, list of the, 111, 185, 155 189, 289, 241, 242, 261 Sthaoirapali-Canta, 115, 128, 125 Signorelli, 248 Sthalabhadra, 80, 68, 69, 71, 129, 185, 183, Stha, 202 221 Slunka, 10, 67 Sthunka, 1311 Simha-Samgha, 181 Strato I, 196 Simuka, 196 Strato II, 196 Sindha, 90 Stupa, 160, 1807, 182, 253, worship, Sindhuda, 183 251 Sindhu-Saudira-Desa. See Sauvira Stipas, 65, 182, 2471-240, 252, 257, 258 Singalese canon, Stulis, 7in Sitala, 21 Suari, 160n Sitimbara, 181 Subandhu, 189 Srva, GG, 242, 244 Subhabhumi, 207 Suva, 89, 91, 98, 98 Subhacandra, 152 Surabhuti or Sahasramalla, 69, 78 Subodhaka commentary, 95 Swamitra, 197 Sudarsani, 24 Sivananda, 106 Sudharma, 11, 25, 52, 94, 95, 100, 180n, Sitasahasta, 9 225 Snayasi, 255, 256 Sudra-garbha-udbhava, 125 Si-yu-1 I, 511 Sudras, 14, 17, 17, 19, 51, 123 Skondagupta, 208, 2151 Su-gangeys, 172 Skandilacarya, 222n Suhastin, 30, 69, 143, 145, 146; MahaSmith, Vincent, 9, 81-83, 767, 114, 125, guri tradition, 145 120, 128, 129, 132, 184, 186, 187, 143, Susyeshtha, 89, 08 144, 160, 162, 165, 168, 170, 175, 178, Sulasa, 47, 48 192, 204, 207, 211, 212, 216, 249, 252, Sumati, 2n, 8 258, 255, 256, 258 Sumatigani, 761 Smrt, 15 Summeta, DIt Sec Parasnath Hill Sobhanath, 109 Sunga dynasty, 174 Sodasa, 196, 197, 255, inscriptions, 198 Sungas, 184, 146, 164, 160, 175, 180, 183, Solasa Asahajanapoda, 81 199, 250 Sona, 25 Sunta, 7 Sozagirr, 111 Suparnas, 258, 259 Southern Kamnataka, 8 Suparsva, 2n, 258 Sorin. See Sauvina Surasena, 110n Sramanahood, 87 Sun, 128 Sromanas, 200, 24, 27, 82, 110, 117, 141, Surabha, 281 142, 1-457, 150, 151, 156, 182, 185 Siryapannath (Suryapranaptt), 100, 220, Sravakas, 2, 511, 2017, 229 292, 238 Sravana Belgola, 185, 187, 188, 181 Surya Vamsa, 170 Srivasti, 26, 26, 27, 589, 60, 109, 110 Susthita, 135 Srcrozhas, 2017 Susu-Naga (Sisunaga), 12% 289

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INDEX Sutrakttanga (Siyagadanga), 62, 67, 88, Tirthas, 5, 10, 189, 190, 247 85, 87, 99, 101, 105, 220, 225-227, 285, Tarthyas, 178 288, Niryukta, 56 Tisagutta, 58 Sutras, 4, 9, 18, 24, 02, 850, 287, 241 Tishye See Pushya Suvarna Siddhz, 1907 Tod, 78 Svabhtoa, 86 Toramana or Toraraya, 210-215 Soapna-Vasapadatta, 122, 1600 Torana, 255, 256, 258-280 Svayamvara, 181 Trukalant, 1 Svete, 281 Trihandadesha, 88n Svetambeta, 68, 146, behef, 222, can- Tripadt, 88, 58 ontcal literature, 71, Chaturudha Trpitaka, 224 Samgha, 200; contact, 189, 190, Dig- 77-Raina, 42 ambata schism, 145; division, 178, Trsala, 21, 23, 24, 85n-88, 99, 104, 105, Jaunas, 190, 286, Pattaoalt, 240n , rule, 117 140, school, 181, sects, 67, 75, 94, Trishashli-Sataka, 122 texts, 228, traditions, 69, 71, 72 Tristubh, 228 Syetambaras, 46n, 60-72, 74, 75, 108, 185, Trsula cave, 152 145, 158n, 221, 228-225, 239n-242 Tugilas, 150, 151, 249, 255, 257 Swargapura or Swargapura cave, 147, 155 Sipastikas, 150, 151, 158, 240 Uccenagart branch, 202 Syudvada, 8, 58, 54, 56, 57, 68n, drsht, 2 Udaharana, 285 Syadoadin, 54n Udaka, 831 Svamatys, 282, 240 Udaya See Udayin Syat, 54, 55, -1817, 55, -asli-cahlauyah, Udayagiri, 661, 111, 1637, 154, 249, 55, -asli-nasts, 55, -asli-rasta-avahtav- buils, 78, 150, 151, 169, 178, cave inyah, 65, ucaklavyah, 55, -nasti, 55 scription, 208 Udayana or UdEyane, 89-93, 96-98, 218 Tacchastihara Jalala, 118 Udayasva See Udayin Tarttirtya-Arangala, 9 Udayi See Udayun Talapula, 120 Udayibhadda See Udayin Tanasuliya or Tosali, 168 Udayibhadra See Udayin Tandulaveyaliya (? Tandulaatakha), 220 Udiya, 84, B5, 115, 116, 120, 12-15 Taninha Agamas, 244 Uadyotakesarideva, 152, 153 Tapa Gaccha, 70n, 78, 189n Udena See Udayana Tapa Gaccha Pattapalis, 282, 240 Udyama, 36 Tapas, 52 Udyotanastiri, 209, 210, 218, 216 Tapasa, 200 Ugras, 85, 99, 108 Turanatha, 173 Ugrasena, 9 Tarangazata also Tarangalota, 243 Ujjam, 68, 96, 97, 115, 185, 145, 187, 188, Tattarthadhigama-Sutra, 240, 241 242 Tattoas, 42, 43 Ujjain See Ujjain Tawney, 122, 191, 192 Ujjaymi See Ujjain Taxila or Takahasila, 182, 199 Ujjeru See Ujjain Toalceya, oon Umasvati or Umasvetivacakicarya, 45, Telang, a 240, 241 Teranya, 6812 Upade amala, 289 Thalmandar, 246 Upangas, 110n, 150, 220, 281-283 Thana (Sthana) Sce Sthananga Upanishada, 18, 54 Thanssar, 214' Upasargahwalgala Kathe, 182 Thomas, Edward, 11, 137-140 Upastaya, 222n Thomas, F W, 81 Upayoga, 46 Thusa Jalala, 118 Uppaya (Utpada), 219 Tielc, 23 Ushkar (Hushkapura), 199 Tiger cavc, 155, 150 Utaradasaka (Uttamdusahn), 195 Timbhukti, 88n Utpada, 58 Tirthalas, 110 Ulearpint, on Tirthankoms, 1-5, 7-9, 12, 13, 21-23, 45, Uttari, 09 16, 62, 72, 73, 01, 111, 119, 151-155, Uttarajghayana (Uttaradhyayana), 6, 10, 157, 172, 200, 200, 218, 288, 218, 252, 11, 25, 50, 82, 87, 89, 007, 02, 101, 112, 233, 25B 110, 117, 221, 234, 235, 288 290

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INDEX Uttarapatha, 172, 210 Vedic, polity, 18, culturc, 103; ruling Urasaga-Dasao (Upasahadatth), 94, 100, family, 1477 1087-106, 179, 220, 229 Vehalla, 64, 118 Uvasaggaharastolra, 239 Vena, 164, 165 Veriwal inscription, 207n Vesul, 887, 90, 100, 102, 103, 103-107 Vacaka, 228 Vesalie or Veseli, 267, 87, 101, 1027, 105 Vacuka-Sramona See Umasvati Vicarasteni, 277, 28 Vachi (Vatsi), 195 Videha, 24, 26, 27, 86-88, 05, 09, 100, Vadukha, 157 104, 109, 115, 118 Vaidehi, 117, 118 Videhadatta, 241, 86-88 Vardehiputra, 95R, 117 Videhans or Videhas, 14, 85-86, 701, 107 Vaikunthagumpba See Swargtpuri Videhi, 8877 Vaikunthapura See Swargapuri Vidynbhusana, Satis Chandra, 66, 242 Varmamkas, 252 Vrdyadharas, 152 Vatnaynhavada, 56, 226 Vidyadhari-Sahla, 206 Vairaja, 12 Vzkaras, 145R Varsali, 28, 24, 26, 61, 841, 86-88, 92, 99 Vyjanuppavaya (Vrdyunuprarada), 210 104, 113-115, 122 Vinapli-palra, 240 Varsalika See Mahivira Vikroma or Vikramadttyn, 28, 60, 777, Valshneviem, 205 187, 188, 200-102, 241-243 , accession Vaitaliya, 228 of, 80, conversion of, 180, 261, death Vajiri, 114 of, 68, 69, era of, 27-20, 31, 188, 196Vajabhtmi, 28n 100, 214; father of, 232n Vejl, 85, 106, 110n Valtamacana, 187, 243 Vajjian or Vijan, confederation, 88, 102, Vimala, 2n 104, 107; as, 114 Vinarja, 233 Pajjians or Vrys (Vaqi), 85, 104, 116, Vinayavijayaganin, 05 107, 118, 114 Vincent Smith Scc Sraith Vajra, 169 Virs See Nahivite Vajrasvimi, 185 Viralthapa (Tirasta a), 220 Valabla, 207n Viriwal-Pattana See Pattana Vallabhi or Vallabhipura, 80, 68, 73, 9071, Yurinclupuram, 67 211, 215, 210, 222 Vinyappucaya (Viryapratada), 219 Vallabhis, 215 Visilja, 142 Vami, 13 Vishnu, con, 205 Vandanayam, 2857 Vishnugupta Sec Cinakya Vamsa or Vatsa (Vaccha), 96-99, 1107, Vishnu-Perrana, 8, 122 113 Vitabhaya or Viyabhaya, 80-01 Vanhadasao (Tamidasah), 220 Vicagastiyam (Tupak astutom or Vipal - Vaarjagrims or Vaniyaganz, 201, 84n, Sutra), 220, 230 100, 102-104 Vilasana, 5 Tankata, 8 Viyahapannal (Tral hyaprapiapti) Sec Varahamihira, 5, 67, 73, 90 Bhagavati Vuranasi, 109 Vodya Stapa, 199, 251, 257, 238 Vordhamana. See Mahatira Von Gutscid, 103 Vasaradatta or Vasuladatta, 97 Vrhadmths, 174 Vasishths, 15 Viisakas Sec Decatas Vasudaman, 9G 'yanlarar, 232 Vasudera, 197-199, 204 Vyacahura-Somata, YG Vasumati, 94 Pyalja, 53 Vasupujyz, 277, 26, 94, 94412 Warren, 36 Vaalira (Vyacahara), 221, 283, 288 Welyer, 210, 2279, 230-233, 235, 230 Vayu Purana, 193 Wilberforce-Bell 215, 216 Todaniya, 40.12 Wilson, 8 11,71 1076, 141 Vedanta, 11, 19n Wintemutz, 219, 223, DAT, 230, 233, 215, Vedantism, 56 2:40 Vedos, 16, 18 Vedchi, 85 Vedehiputto, 88n, 178 Xandrmmes Scc 143mmes 201

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INDEX Yania, 16 Yajurveda-Samhla, I Yaksha, 167 Yahsis, 26871 Yapa professors or Yapaniyas, 180, 181, Vapana or Yaponiya Sangha, 181 Yaboda, 24 Yati, 5n, 517, 202, 203, 234 Yavan king, 165 Yavanos, 102, 2041, 250 Yogapattika, 244 Yogasastra, 47, 40 Yogendricirya, 46 Yonas, 141 Yucli-chi, 104 184 292

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