Indian Antiquary Vol 13

Author(s): John Faithfull Fleet, Richard Carnac Temple
Publisher: Swati Publications
Catalog link: https://jainqq.org/explore/032505/1

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY, A JOURNAL OF ORIENTAL RESEARCH IN ARCHAEOLOGY, HISTORY, LITERATURE, LANGUAGES, PHILOSOPHY, RELIGION, FOLKLORE, &c., &c., &c. EDITED BY JAS. BURGESS, LL.D., F.R.G.S., M.R.A.S. MEMBRE DE LA SOCIETA' ASIATIQUE; ABOELHOLORICAL SURVEYOR TO GOVERNICBNT FOR VRTEX AD SOUTHERN UNDLA. VOL. XIII.-1884. Swati Publications Delhi 1904

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Published by Swati Publications, 34 Central Market, Ashok Vihar, Delhi-110052 Ph. 7113395 and Printed by S.K. Mehra at Mehra Offset Press, Delhi.

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PREFACE. THIRTEEN years ago, when I started the Indian Antiquary, it was with no very sanguine hopes that I should be able to conduct it beyond a few years, and in those first years the subscriptions did not meet the expenses. Thanks, however, to the kind assistance of the Secretary of State for India-in meeting, to a large extent, the cost of producing the facsimileg of Inscriptions for some years, -it was found possible to continne it; and of late years, the Ramber of subscribers has increased, so as to admit of the issue of nine extra parts at various dates. In closing this thirteenth Annual volume, and with it the First Series of the Indian Antiquary, it is my pleasant daty to thank the many subscribers who have enabled me to carry it on. Whatever may be its merits or value, they are due to the many contributors-Native and European, in India and in Europe, who have so heartily and for so many years supplied its contenta,- to whom I have never appealed in vain for papers, and to all of whom, in parting, I tender most grateful thanks. My own share in the work has been secondary : the few spare hours available for it were insufficient, even with better equipment than I could bring to the task, to permit of properly editing papers on so wide a range of subjects. If the Indian Antiquary has been the means of creating & wider interest in antiquarian research, of eliciting and publishing results that otherwise might not have seen the light, or of supplying materials to scholars, especially in connection with Inscriptions, it has largely served its purpose; and the frequent references to it, in English and foreign publications, may perhaps be accepted as some indication that it has been doing this. My personal connexion with it now ceases, and it is a pleasure to be able to place it in the hands of the two new editors, who are so competent to carry it on apon the old lines, and to open up new subjects for investigation in its pages. JAS. BURGESS. Edinburgh, 31 Dec. 1884.

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PROF. V. BALL, M.A., F.R.S., F.G.S., Dublin:-- A GEOLOGIST'S CONTRIBUTION TO THE HISTORY OF ANCIENT INDIA ... Names of Contributors are arranged alphabetically. REV. J. D. BATE, M.R.A.S., Allahabad :THE BURNING OF THE ALEXANDRIAN LIBRARY (see pp. 208 and 428).. ... CONTENTS. *** K. T. BEST, M.A., M.R.A.S., Ahmadabad: The Proverbs of Ali bin Talebi 60, 124, 151, 184, 212, 271 PANDIT BHAGVANLAL INDRAJI, Ph.D., Hon. M.R.A.S., Bombay : PAGE 411 A NEW GURJARA COPPERPLATE GRANT... SOME CONSIDERATIONS ON THE HISTORY OF NEPAL, edited by Dr. G. Buhler C.I.E.... PROF. G. BUHLER, Ph.D., C.I.E., Vienna:The Recovery of a Sanskrit MS. ... Prof. Peterson's Report on the Search for Sanskrit ... MSS. Two SANSKRIT INSCRIPTIONS in the British Museum... TRANSCRIPTS of the DEHLI and ALLAHABAD PILLAR EDICTS of ASOKA Dr. BHAGVANLAL INDRAJI'S CONSIDERATIONS on the History of Nepal J. BURGESS, LL.D., F.R.G.S., M.R.A.S., Editor : *** *** 1 The large Copperplate in Leiden University The Alexandrian Library Two Bronze Masks from Maisur ... ... 2:28 ... THE LATE A. C. BURNELL, Ph.D., C.I.E.:A Legend from the TALAVAKIRA (or Jaiminiya) BRAHMANA of the SAMA VEDA 108 Kanerki-Kanishka List of Chola Kings Two Tamil Copperplate Grants at Leiden... DOORWAY of a TEMPLE PAPERS on SATRUNJAYA and the JAINAS (continued):VI. The Jaina Ritual VII.-Gachohhas, Sripujyas, Yatis, Nuns, &c. 276 VIII.-Jaina Marriage 191 .... 280 311 428 428 D. FERGUSON, Ceylon BUDDHIST LEGENDS, translated from the Portuguese of Prof. G. Vasconcellos Abreu, with additional notes 70 24 28 250 306 411 58 58 59 190 16 33 J. F. FLEET, Bo.C.S., M.R.A.S., C.I.E., Epigrapher, Archeological Survey: SANSKRIT and OLD-CANARESE INSCRIPTIONS (contd.):No. CXXXVIII.-Kalinga Grant of Nandapra bhanjanavarma... CXXXIX.-Gurjara Grant of Dadda II. Sam. 380.... 48 81 PAGE 88 CXL.-Gurjara Grant of Dadda II. Sam. 385... CXLI.- Illo Grant... 'Saka 417' 115 CXLII.-Ganga Grant of Indravarma, of the year 128. 119 CXLIII.146. 122 CXLIV.-E. Chalukya Grant of Jayasimha I. 18th year ... CXLV.-Valabhi Grant of Dharasena II., Sam. 252 137 No. 33 CXLVI.-Udayagiri Inscription dated Sam. 37 ... 185 1093... CXLVII.-E. Chalukya Grant of Vishnavardhana IV. or V. 185 CXLVIII.Bhima II.... 213 CXLIX. Amma II. 248 CL.-Ganga Grant of Devendravarma 273 Facsimiles of the ASOKA PILLAR EDICTS at Dehli and Allahabad... Rev. T. FOULKES, Bangalor : GRANT of the Bina King Vikramaditya II. H. H. HOWORTH, F.S.A., Manchester :CHINGHIZ KHAN and his ANCESTORS (continued).. 108, 139, 196, 215, 291 *** ... E. HULTZSCH, PH.D., Vienna:RATHOR GRANT OF KRISHNA II. of Ankuleevara. A.D. 888 ... KARNATA GRANT No. I., of VENKATA II., A.D. 1636 *** 8. M. NATESA SASTRI, Pandit, Madras:Two EASTERN CHALUKYA Copperplates FOLKLORE in SOUTHERN INDIA : India MATRIGAYA at SIDDHAPURI 1. The Story of the Three Deaf men 2. Why Brahmans cannot eat in the dark 160 No. II, of RANGA II., A. D. 1644-5... Note on a BHAUMA-YANTRA Plate W. KNIGHT JAMES, F.R.G.S., F.R.Hist. S., Ceylon:NOTES on BUDDHIST IMAGES in Ceylon W. G. J. 804 ... 3. The Soothsayer's Son 4. Ripavirasing 5. Charity alone Conquers... The ORIGIN of the SRIVAISHNAVAS of Southern 6 Mirzapur Folklore Prof. F. KIELHORN, Ph. D., Gottingen :Three INSCRIPTIONS from KANHERI CAVES 133 INSCRIPTION from the MAHADEVA TEMPLE at KANASVA, near Kota.... ... 162 J, W. McCRINDLE, M.A., M.R.A.S., Edinburgh :PTOLEMY'S Geography of INDIA and SOUTHERN ASIA 65 125 153 138 14 57 313 183 226 ... 256 262 286 50 263 282

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CONTENTS. PAGE K. RAGHUNATHJI, Bombay : BOMBAY DANCING-GIRLS .. .. .. . 165 E. REHATSEK, M.C.E., Bombay Did the ARABS really burn the ALEXANDRIAN LIBRARY P (see also pp. 103 and 428) 208 PAGE KASHINATH T. TELANG, M.A., LL.B., Bombay : The Date of BANKARIOKARYA ... ... . 96 CAPT. B. C. TEMPLE, B.S.C., F.R.G.S., M.R.A.S., RASALU and SALIVAHANA of Sialko .. ... 178 CAPT. R. C. TEMPLE, B.S.C., F.R.G.8., do. And J.W. PARRY, A.M.I.C.E.: The Hymns of the NANGIPANTH ... ... ... 1 PROF. W. D. WHITNEY, Yale Coll., United States On the Jaiminlys or Talavakars Brahmapa ... 16 LEWIS RICE, M.R.A.S., Bangalor : The GANGA and BANA Dynasties ... ... ... 187 SELECTIONS AND MISCELLANEA. The Burmese Buddhist Dharmasastra... ... 24 The true Date of Buddha's Death, by Prof. F. Max The Recovery of Sanskrit Ms., by Dr. G. Buhler, Muller, LL.D. ... ... 0.1.E. ... ... .. .. ... ... .. The Story of Zerka, by W. F. Sinclair, Bo.C.8., Kampki-Kanishka, &o. by the Editor .. ... M.R.A.S. ... List of Chola kings, by the Editor ..... The large Copperplate in Leiden University, by the Two Tamil Copperplate Grants at Leiden, by the Editor Editor ... .... .. .. .. The Alexandrian Library... The Proverbe of Ali bin Talebi, translated by K. T. Two Bronze Masks from Maisur, by the Editor ... 428 Beet, M.A. ... ... 60, 124, 151, 184, 212, 271 INDEX... ... . .. .. 24 58 58 ... 59 ASIATIC SOCIETIES. ... ... 25 Bombay Branch Royal Asiatic Society, Extra Part... 87 Royal Asiatic Society ... ... ... BOOK NOTICES. Prof. Peterson's Report on the Search for Sanskrit M88., by Dr. G. Buhler, C.L.E. ... ... ... 88 Sinnett's Esoteric Buddhism, by W. B. ... ... 63 Tawney'. Buddhist Original of Chaucer's Pardoner's Tele, and Princis's Vedabbha Jatake, by C. Bendall, M. A. ... ... .. ... ... 158 Palmer's Concise English-Persian Dictionary, by S. . Dr. Murray Mitchell's Zandavesta and the Religion ** of the Parsis, by 8. H. ... ... ... Prof. Max Muller and Bunyia Nanjio's Ancient Palm-leaves, with Dr. Buhler's Appendix, by S. H. 811 E. Arnold's Light of Asia,-illustrated edition. ... 480 458 .. 78 ... . ILLUSTRATIONS. 1. Kalinga grant of Nandaprabhafijanavarma ... 19 12. Door of a Temple . 2, 3. A R Ashtrakata grant of Krishna III. of Bharoch 13. Copper-Plato grant of the Eastern Chalukya Sakasamvat 810 (2 plates) ... ... 65 and 68 Dynasty . ... ... ... ... 914-216 4. Gurjars grant of Jayabhata III., the year 14. Eastern ChAlukya grant of Amma II. ... 248-210 15. Garga grants of Devendravarma ... ... 274-275 3. Gurjars grant of Dadda-Prasantarga-Saka 417. 118 16. Inscriptions of Asoka.-The Dehli Siwalik Pillar.6. Grogo grant of Indravarma, the 128th your ... 120 North side.-Edicte I. II. and III. ... ... 806 the 146th year ... 122 17. West side.-Edict IV.... ... 807 8. Eastern Chalukya grant of the 18th year of 18. South side.-Ediot V. ... ... Jayaritha 1. East side.-Edicta VI. and VII. 9. Aogaraka Yantra Plate ... ... ... ... 139 20. Circular Ediot.--Edict VIII.... 10. Eastern Chalukya grant of Vishnuvardhana IV. The Allahabad Pillar.-Edieta I. to VI. or V. let plato 186 22. Ptolemy's Map of India i. ... .. 2nd plate 186.23. Two bronze masks from Maisur.. ... 19.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY, A JOURNAL OF ORIENTAL RESEARCH. THE HYMNS OF THE NANGIPANTH. BY CAPT. B. C. TEMPLE, B.S.C., F.R.G.S., M.R.A.S., &c. FROM THE PAPERS OF J. W. PARRY, A.M.I.C.E. BOUT Jhajar and the Narnaul District of A the State there exists a curious sect of Hindas called the Nangipanth, founded by one Dedraj, a Brahman, about 50 years ago. In the May, 1883, No. of the Proc. A. S. Beng., Mr. Parry had a short paper giving an outline history of this sect, and I will not therefore give more here than is necessary for my immediate purpose. Mr. Parry also kindly handed over to me the few hymns he had collected from these people, to make what I could of them, and hence this paper. Dedraj, the son of Puran, a Brahman of Dharsu in the Narnaul District, was born in Sam. 1828 or A.D. 1771. About 1784 he went to Agra, then in the possession of Madhavji Rao Sindhia, and took service in the house of Diwan Dharmadas. While there he formed an intimacy with one Naigi, a Baniyani of loose character. With her he returned to his native country about 1813 A.D., but got into trouble and was imprisoned by Najabat 'Ali Khan, the Nawab of Jhajar, in whose possession Narnaul then was. He at last settled in Churina, in the Khetri District of the Jhajar State, about 1836, which became the headquarters of the sect he had now started. Here Nangi died, but Dedraj obtained another Nangi, a Brahmant of Larain, Jhajar, who became a great proficient in the system of Dedraj, and after her the sect is called the Nangipanth. Dedraj died at Churina in Sam. 1909, A.D. 1852, aged 81. The present head of the sect is one Ramchandra, the son of Gangaram, an early follower of Dedraj. He lives at Bhiwani in the Gurgaon District. The doctrines of Dedraj have spread themselves to a limited extent, apparently over Jhajar and Narnaul and Gurgaon. The sect professes monotheism and has no caste and noconcealment of women. Mr. Parry gives an account of their worship, which appears to consist of working themselves into a state of ecstasy by singing their hymns and dancing. He notices one point probably worth further enquiry. "Many of the hymns have very pretty airs, e.g., Jhagra bhari ho, daiya' (No. II), and several of the women have clear soprano voices, which if properly trained would have a good compass." The hymns given below sufficiently show the tenets and ideas of this sect. There are certain clear and obvious moralities inculcated with a rough vigour, which no doubt deeply impressed the simple people to whom they were addressed, and the rest is a confused reference to stories of saints of the neighbourhood, whether Hindu or Musalman, and to universally known tales from the Mahabharata, Ramayana, etc. There is the same worship, or rather mention, of their universal god by the familiar Hindu names of Ran, Hari,

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY, (JANUARY, 1884. 2. Ganesa, etc., that one finds in the Adi Granth Shah Husain, the saint of God, hath searched and the writings and speeches of the Indian re- out his secrets. da capo. formers generally. Dedraj was evidently a rude 3. Why dost scrub thy body (with ashes), O teacher of the ordinary Indian type, couching Jogi? One day thou must be mixed with his doctrines in rough and ready verses, easily the clay. picked up and retained by his followers, and The clay saith unto the potter, "Why dost thou full of those mysterious and ambiguous re- knead me? One day it will so happen, that ferences so dear to the Indian peasant. I will knead thee!! The language is drawn from all sources, from The bundle (of the body) is bound with dust; the current colloquial to archaic terms from it remains on, swollen with air. old books. It contains some notable forms, The hot-blast of love is on it, and the end of especially of the pronouns. dust is dust. da capo. No. I.-Text. 4. Put on fine garments ; put on coarse clothes ; 1. Pat on a coat of velvet: Main Tera hui ! 'Mujhe na dil se bhul ! One day it will be so that in the end thou Dal dal aur pat pat meii Tihi rangila phil! dwell in the dust. Jo to ku kanta bove, Bande, tu bo wa ko phul. The shroud is our garment; the sepulchre our Tujh ko tera phul milega: wahe mile narsul. home : Bari. The grave our bed : and dust our name. da capo. Notes. Makka dhonda, Madina dhonda, kahit na pdya 1 Shah Husain, alias Lal Husain, or Siyah Rasul. Husain, is the name of a celebrated saint, of Sidhi gai, safedi ai; kar chalne ka, Bando, sul. Kasur and LAhor, who is said to have raised Shah Hussain, Fagir Sdii ka, dhond liya tal- a boy to life! He is the author of several mul. Bari. popular apothegms. 3. Rahe pawan se phil: phuina, to swell out, to Kya tan manjta, Jogi ? sk din matt men mil be inflated, puffed out. jana. Jhola laga prem ka; here we have one of those Mari kahe kumhar se, "kyui raundhat hai ambiguous expressions that Indian religious mohe? writers are so fond of. Jhold has a variety Ik din aisa hoega, main raundhangi tohe!" of meanings as quoted by Fallon, New Hind. Gathri bandhi dhil ki; rahe pawan se phul : Dict., 8. v. (1), a curve in a rope ; (2), beckonJhold laga prem kd; ant dhul ki dhul. Bari. ing ; (3) a, wallet; (4), a cold wind ; (5), palsy ; (6), s hot wind; (7), loose, 'slack. The 6th Chaunisi pahini, painsi pahini, pahina malmal meaning, is, I think, the obvious one in this khasa: context. The 7th meaning is, however, the one Ik din aisa hoega, ant dhul mer basd. which appears to be accepted by these sectarians Kafan hamari gudrs ; gor hamard ganu: who render it, "when the knot) of love is Lahid hamara letna; khak hamara nam. Bari. loosened." The grammar of this rendering is Translation. however, faulty: 1. I am thine! Forget me not in thine heart! No. II.-Text. In every branch and in every leaf thou art the Sri Ganes Saii dandvatname. glorious flower! Tek. If any one sow thee a thorn, thou servant (of Jhagra bhdri ho, Daiya; God), Bow thou him a flower, Samjhe koi sant sujan. Thou shalt obtain thy flower, he shall obtain 1. his thorn (reed). da capo. Wohi pita, wohi putr; ah re ! wohi purakh 2. Searching Makki, searching Madina, nowhere wohi ndri! is a Prophet found. Bajigar ik baji mandi; bharam phajis gal dari. The blackness (of youth) hath gone, the white Tek. ness (of age) hath come; thou must prepare Lobh moh ba-sor mudam hai; bdgi kathin to go, thou servant (of God). karari :

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JANUARY, 1884.) THE HYMNS OF THE NANGIPANTH. Kam krodh ki baje pakhawaj; nache Mansha Nari. Who hath met & true teacher and enquirer, Kala-muih, durmat dari kain ndri de mari. the arrow of knowledge (unto salvation) Bari. hath pierced his body. Chorus. Tin Lok men sare phir gai; dhapi na laj mari. The strife is very great, mother; Kam, krodh, albatta aur trishna; anh ghar Only the wise saint knoweth it. da capo. andha bhari. 4. Busied with praise all the day, he hath sacriTek. ficed his bad passions and desires. Jaghra bhari ho, Daiyd; He resteth not a moment all the day, on whom Samjhe koi sant sujan. Bari. hath come ecstasy. 3. Chorus. Maya, mamta sao ko kha gas; de de, re, pich- | Bhairon, the saint, is in ecstasy; his thoughts kari. rise and fall. da capo. Ja ko sat gur talib mil gaya, gyan bhal tan mari. Notes. Tek. Name = namashkar : salutation. Jhagrd bhari ho, Daiya; Mansha, may be for manush or manusha, a Samjhe koi sant sujan. Bari. man, in which case the passage must be rendered " men and women dance." I have taken it to Ath pahar ghaltai bhajan men kalap kalapna be Manasa Devi, now the goddess of thieves. 25f; In the next verse nari appears to be used for Ath pahar palak na bisri, utpat ja par darl. mankind, like admi, but I have never seen it so Tek. used elsewhere. Nari or nar is always the Bhairon sant hua matudla; chash gai surat female human being as opposed to nar, the male. utari. Bari. The whole passage is very obscure and difficult. TRANSLATION. The local munshis translate "man (ndri), does The Hymu of salutation to Sri Ganesa Sdiss. as his will (manshd) guides him," but the words Chorus. and context do not warrant this rendering. The strife is very great, mother; De de pichkari, having given a squeeze. It Only the wise saint knoweth it. may also be puchkari, having coaxed. 1. As the father, so, the son ; Ah me! as the Wari, the verb warnd, describes the action of man, so the woman ! whirling a thing over the head by way of The conjuror hath commenced his game, and sacrifice. placed the noose of doubt round the neck Bhairon, i.e. Bhairava, a form of Siva, is a (of man). very popular object of worship in the Panjab Chorus and always as a holy' character. Greed and love are ever in force; the game is No. III.-TEXT. hard and difficult. The drums (of success) of lust and wrath are Ram nam hirde nahli rakhta, kurd kam karanlo: sounded; the Goddess of Greed dances (to Dinas char jag jiwan tohe; kyun chhore rak them). chanda ? Disgrace and wickedness have destroyed many Kab tak man mar rah murak) ? Kydikar, men. da capo. Bhayya, ganda P 2. (The game) hath gone throngh all the Three Tek. Worlds, neither satisfied nor ashamed. Dekho, jdri hai rdh phanda! Lust and wrath and very avarice; that house Bhdi, samjhe na jag andha ! Bari. is very benighted (where these are). Chorus. Dhan joban terd yun chhip jdega, jyur badal The strife is very great, mother; chanda. Only the wise saint knoweth it. da capo. Ape ulat, dp nahin darsa, marakh hai woh jinda. 3. Wealth and love have destroyed all; have Janam maran sada nit barte, harath mal ground (all) down, alas ! phiranda.

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4 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. Tek. Dekho, jari hai rah phanda! Bhai, samjhe na jag andha! Bari. TRANSLATION. 1. Thou keepest not the name of God in thy heart, doing shameful things. Life to thee in this world is but for a few days; why dost leave the bright way ? How long, destroying thy honour, wilt remain a fool? Why, Brother, be evil? Chorus. Behold, the snare is spread in the way! Brother, the blind world understandeth it not! da capo. 2. Thus will thy wealth and youth be hidden, as the moon in the clouds. fool. Birth and death succeed each other for ever and aye, as the well-rope turns the wheel. Chorus. Behold, the snare is spread in the way! Brother, the blind world understandeth it not! da capo. NOTES. Janam maran:-allusion here to the universal Indian doctrine of the transmigration of souls. Harath mal: the simile here is drawn from the Persian wheel. The saints take the butter, the world is deceived with the sour curds. da capo. Who is perverse seeth not himself and liveth a Call the unseen the unseen; fear to see the end. Saith Machhandarnath, "Hear, holy Gorakhnath, thus is Heaven reached." No. IV.-TEXT. Jal jaisa nirmal ho chalta zamin barabar rahna. Jhuth kapat se raho nirala. Ram nam ik japna. Bari. Agla ave agan sarupi jal rup ho milna. Is duniya men din char basera; Ongkar ik japna. [JANUARY, 1884. TRANSLATION. 1. Live humbly (level with the ground) as pure water running on the earth. Live free from falsehood and guile; repeat thou the name of God. da capo. Makhan makhan to sadhu le gaya, khatti chhach jagat bharwana. Bari. Dekhe na pardekhe kahna; ant dekhe se darna. Kahe Machhandarnath, "Sun. jati Gorakh, yun Amrapur farna !" If any come before thee as flames (of fire) meet him as water. In this world thou art a dweller for but a few days; repeat then Om. Chorus. So do your deeds, O saints, that there be no fear of a future birth. da capo. 2. Churn your milk in the starry firmament, it will curdle on earth. Chorus. So do your deeds, O saints, that there be no fear of a future birth. da capo. NOTES. Jariya jariyo; simile drawn apparently again from "a game." Jari being a word for" gambling." The verb jarna, to gamble, is however new. The words appear to mean literally: "So make your game." Gagan mandal, etc. The meaning seems to be here "fix your thoughts on heaven and obtain the reward on earth; the saints get the good things of life and the worldly have to put up with the bad." Machhandarnath, the traditionary preceptor of the great Gorakhnath. Amrapur for Amarapura (Amaravati), the Tek. Aise aise jariya jariyo, re Santo, phir janam dwelling-place of Indra. nahin darna! Bari. No. V. TEXT. 2. Tek. Gagan mandal se dhai dubao, Dharti men ja Kya gao? Ghar dur, diwana! Sain ka ghar mana. sikar hai jaisi lambi khajur ! 1. Charhun to chhakun prem ras, parun to chaknachur. Atharah lakh pakharia charhta, urti gagan dhur. Tek. Chorus. Aise aise jariya jariyo, re Santo, phir janum Kya gao? Ghar dur, diwana! Sain ka ghar nahin darna! Bari. sikar hai jaisi lambi khajur. Bari.

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JANUARY, 1884.] THE HYMNS OF THE NANGIPANTH. work in Hindi, entitled Alakhand, printed in Multani to gai mulk se chhori hansa thur. Devanagari at the Dilkusha Press, Fatehgarh, Shekh Farid kudi bich latke ho rahd chaknd- 1883, a book, by the way, which is replete with chur. curious old legends. Chorus. Multani. The person meant here is seemingly Kya gdo ? Ghar dur, diwdnd ! Sai ka ghar Shekh Yesaf Qoreshi, ruler of Multan, 1443-5 sikar hai jaisi lambi khaj ur. Bari. A.D. He was deposed by his father-in-law, 3. Rai Sahra Langa, alias Kutbu'd-din Mahmud Zat kruzat sharm ko pahrnche, dharri dhare Langa, and sent under an escort to Dehli. Mansur ! He was a man of learning and high character. Das Kabird wahin pahuncho, jalwa barse reur. Shekh Farid, etc.; this alludes to the wellChorus. known story of the Shekh's performing his Kya gdo ? Ghar dur, dhoand! sdin ka ghar penances, etc., hanging over the mouth of a well. sikas hai jaisi lambi khajur. Bari. Mansur: Mansur Hallaj, alias Shekh Husain TRANSLATION. Hallaj Baizi, the celebrated saff, was put to Why dost thou sing? Thy home is far, thou death by the Khalifa Al-Muqtadir b'illah (18th fool! God's house is on high, as a lofty Abbaside of Baghdad, ante, vol. XII, p. 260), palm ! about 920 A.D., for proclaiming Anu'l-haqq,' 1. If I climb I taste the nectar of love: if I fall "I am the truth,' but which can also be translatI break in pieces. ed, 'I am God.' The feet of eighteen lakhs of horses advance : No. VI. TEXT. their dust rises in the sky 1. Chorus. Chhatri dharm paij ko bandha sukarit sanjan Why dost thon sing Thy home is far, thou sara : fool! God's house is on high, as a lofty Hamard nirp bekarit kar, dard dharm : dharm palm ! da capo. sat haru. 2. The Multani left his country, leaving his Din-diyal ! Din ka Bandhi ! Kor nahin hitsi beautiful wife. hamdrd! Shekh Farid hanging in the well was tortured Dusasen mahara char gaho hai ; maha ne sarna (with his austerities). thard ! Chorus. Tek. Why dost thou sing P Thy home is far, thon Kisi na sabhd men dharm bichara. Bari. fool! God's house is on high, as a lofty palm ! da capo. Gautam Rikh kinar Anilld kartab augan sara: 3. The high and low reach unto shame, Mansur Rdj parsast Baikunth sidhari: Nigam kahen would bear up the earth! jas sara. Kabir Das reached thither, where light and glory are shed. Kisi na sabha men dharm bichara. Bari. Chorus 3. Why dost thou sing? Thy home is far, thou Arjun, Bhim, Yudishthar Rdza, in ka kuchh fool! God's house is on high, as a lofty nahin chara. palm ! da capo. . Dharm het sab, shastar dare : bisar gid bal sara. NOTES. Bhisham pita aur Drona Charaj, sun sun maun Chakna-chur; lit. fine dust. The two senses sdrha. of this expression are well brought out in | Hoe nilaj, laj nahin, jin ke koi nahin atkanhara. this song ; (1), broken or dashed to atoms; Tek, (2), in torture or great pain, and hence figure. Kisl na sabha mer dharm bichard. Bari. tively absorbed, very busy. Athardh lakh, etc. The allusion here appears Das ghax pat ka phdr na payd, Dusasen pach to be to the well-known Rajpat legend of Alhe hard : And Udan of Kananj. The story of these Sur, Sham, Har hoe hair sahdi, maduchy ko heroes is to be found detailed in a recent m ara. Teke.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (JANUARY, 1884. Tek. Kisi na sabha mei dharm bichara. bari. TRANSLATION 1. The Chhatri performed a solemn vow of virtue, abstinence and all. My monarch doing evil, threw away righteous ness : destroyed righteousness and honour. O Protector of the poor! O Brother of the friendless! I have no friend ! Duasasana hath seized my garment: my refuge is in thee? Chorus. None in the assembly thought on righteousness. da capo. 2. Abalya, the wife of Gautama Rishi, did very great wrong: The king left his happy Heaven: the Scriptures tell the whole story. Chorus. None in the assembly thought on righteousness. da capo. 3. Arjuna, Bhima and king Yudhishthira, to them was no good fortune in the gambling match). They laid aside their arms for honour: their power was all lost. Father Bhishma and Drona Acharya heard it and kept silence. They are without honour, no honour remains to those whom there is none to check. Chorus. None in the assembly thought on righteousness. da capo. 4. The ten yards robe would not tear, Dusse sana failed. Sara, Syama, and Hari gave help and slew the most wicked one. Chorus. None in the assembly thought on righteousness. da capo. NOTES. This very obscure hymn refers in a confused kind of way to part of the story of Draupadi as related in the Mahabharata, excepting verse 2, which carries us to the Ramayana and the story of Ahalya and her husband Gautama Rishi. The first verse appears to be a sort of prayer from Draupadi to Krishna to help her against Dussa sana, who, after Yudhishthira had lost her along with himself and all his family, dragged her by the hair into the assembly, and began disrobing her, saying she was now a slave, and could not object. The second verse refers to the story of Ahalya, wife of Gautama Rishi, who was seduced by Indra, for which he was driven out of heaven, while she was cursed to be invisible for 1000 years till Rama released her. See Growse's Ramayana of Tulsi Das, pp. 16 and 284. Observe the form lartab in this verse. Nigam, properly the Vedas, here means the Ramayana. The third verse continues the story of Draupadi, but is very difficult and obscure. In the first line chdra seems to be chaud, often used for bad fortune,' but here evidently the reverse. In the third line of this verse sdrhd is for sadha : maun sadhna is to preserve silence. Laj means both shame' and its opposite 'honour,' according to context; in this verse, I think, it has the latter meaning. I think the verse means that Yudishthira (and so his brethren Arjuna and Bhima) had no luck in the gambling match so fatal to him; and that the old guardian Bhishma and the teacher, Drona, of both parties looked on, and would help neither. If this be the meaning the final line and the meaning of laj become intelligible. The fourth verse has the same reference as the first, Sara and Syama mean Krishna and his father. In the Mahabharata legend Krishna, being present at the scene when Dussa sana so ill-treated Draupadi, had pity on her and restored her garments as fast as they were torn off. Madushi is for inahadusht, the very wicked. one, i.e. Dussasana. GRANT OF THE BANA KING VIKRAMADITYA II. BY THE REV. T. FOULKES, CHAPLAIN OF S. JOHN'S, BANGALORE. In an interesting group of copper-plate dynasty. One of these grants is the subject of inscriptions which were sent to me for exami- the present paper. nation in connection with the Manual of the It consists of three copper-plates of an inDistrict of Salem, there are two land-grants scription which had originally four plates, togeof the kings of the Mah a bali or BA a ther with the third plate of another similar

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JANUARY, 1884.7 GRANT OF VIKRAMADITYA II. inscription. They are 84 to 8 inches long, off where it was on the point of being debeing slightly narrower at the ends than in the scribed. middle, 31 inches wide, and to inch thick. It begins with two benedictory verses; the Their edges are slightly raised. They are first of them in the name of Siva ; and the strung on a seal-ring of copper wire inch second in the name of Vishnu in the form of thick, and 49 inches in outside diameter. This Narayana. The genealogy of the donor of the ring has been cut in the middle for the removal grant then follows in verses 3 to 14 ; and a of the plates. laudatory description of him occupies the 15th The seal upon this ring is 13 inches inverse and the earlier part of the prose portion. diameter. It projects 14 inches above the It concludes with the effective part of the ring, upon which it is firmly soldered. It grant, in the remaining fragmentary portion. bears upon the centre of its face a recumbent The odd plate which is strung on the ring bull facing the proper right, reclining on & with the three plates of the above inscription, flat ornamented pedestal, and supported by a is of the same size and description as those lamp on each side. A small umbrella is raised three in all respects. It commences with words above the bull with a fly-whisk on its right which are also found near the end of the second and left sides, between it and the lamps. line of the third plate of the foregoing inscripThe inscription occupies the inside of the tion. It is thus shown to be the third plate of first plate, and both sides of each of the other another similar inscription; the introductory plates, including the odd plate of the second portions of which were copied from the same grant. Each side has from nine to eleven lines precedent; and, not improbably, the missing of writing. The lines are not straight; nor last plate of the above grant has been interis the engraving otherwise neatly executed. changed with this odd plate by mistake. The character is an antique form of the This inscription is of peculiar antiquarian Tamil-Grantha. The deed is composed in importance, inasmuch as it helps to place an Sanskrit metre, with the exception of the ancient dynasty of kings, bearing a very concluding unfinished portions, which are in famous and illustrious name, but hitherto very Sanskrit prose. little heard of, in their proper position, both It is a grant of land to certain learned local and chronological, amongst the old rulers Bral: ans of Uda y en dumangala by of the Southern Dakhan. It is also additionally Vikramaditya II, of the Bana dynasty : interesting as being the oldest inscription in but the description of the matter of the dona- the Tamil-Grantha character which has hitherto tion is not found here, the inscription breaking been discovered. Transliteration. Plate I. ['] Svasti Sri | Yattatva[ttva]prakatikritavatitaram vedopi ne!am yatah (') SticSthi]tyatpattilayassamastajagatam yanmanvate ['] ginah [1] Satshana kshanna]mrasurendrabsindamakutavyalinaratnava[ ] 11 SonA[ Jauvrajaraojitanghriyugalo bhutyai Si[deg] vasso stu vah [ll] Kshirodammathitam manobhiratulam [deg] dovasurairmmandaram Hitvakshipta ivanjanadririva y a[] statradhikam rajate . [l] Yo bhogi[gi]ndranivishtamurttirani[] bam bhuyomritasyaptaye Rakshevah[dvah] surabrindavanditapata[da]dva[deg) ndvah ssa[sa] Nareyanah [ll] Yah pradadasuradhipo makhavare datva[") rggha[rgghya]mma[ma]dyaya gam Sadvipam sacharacharamma[ma]dhimuda de Plate II a. [deg] vaya daityadvishe [1] Sobhud Vamanardpine Baliriti khya['] tah suropadrava Vyapaspadraikaratah sivamghrikamaladvad va[ndva]rchcha['] naikavratah [ll] Tasmadabhat gunanidhirbala varstajo[stanujo] Yatradhya[ ] vadva[rta]tamahanamalah prasadah [0] Sambhos Sasamkasaka[la][deg] dyutira jimauler bBanah kripananibatariba yo

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUABY. (JANUARY, 1884. [deg] la[h]surarih [ll] Tasyanvavaye mahati pragutah Kshi Kshi]rarnna['] ve Sitamarichivadyah [0] Banadhirajo yuti[dhi] bata['] khadga Khandikritaratirakhandatejah [ll] Bankdhirajapramukhe[] shvatiteshv Anekado Bananripeshvantyab(shvathantyah] [1 Aja[ja]yatasmi[*] Ja[ Ja]yaNandivarmma Sakshaja[ija]yaarivasatisri[seri]yaschal[echa] [1] Sa ratsha[ksha). Plate II 6. [') ti sma k shitimekavira Andhrat pathah paschimato baliyafin Vadhamivananyasaman k ulotthA[] Rajanyachu damani[') razjitanghrih (II) Tasmadajanishta suto Vijayati[di]tyontarasta[stha)ripu[*] varggah (0) Ranabhuvi yasya na tishthanty Arayapayagrate [] bhiyakrantah [ll] Tasmasa(tsa]mastariputatsha[ksha]nadatsha[ksha)[] bihar Akshi[kshi]napunyayasasam prabhavastand[') jah [1 Asid Anamga va yo vanitajananam + SriMa['] lladeva iti yo Jagadekamallah [ll] Tenaseshanirastavairini['j karo devyam Harenatula[b] Parvvatyam(tya]mudapati[di] Shanmukha iva Sri["] mansuto yassidhi[b] [i] Yatki[ki]rttirvisirvi]sadanvis dadi]gantakarina[m] karane Plate III a. [') shu saecha[chcha]mariBhata bhupativandyapadayugala Sri[sSri]Baqavidya['] dharah (H) Tasyatmajobhavadapastasamastasatrur Vidyachatushtaya[deg) nivishtamatirvvinitah [] Daruvaraviryyayasasam prabhavastarasi[sv] Yah [] papada[h]kharahita[b] Prabhu Merudevah (HJ Abhavadanupa['] masriranatarativargga[b] Prathitaprithalakirttis[s Bu]nu[deg] rasmktvi[dvi]nitab [1] Kshitipatikalamukhya[b] Parvvatisa[m][') ghripatma[dma] Dvayanihitamatiryyo Vikramati[di]tyani[] ma [ll] Tasyapi Vijayadityanamadheyobhavatentah [] Yatvi[dvi]kra['] mena vitrastah paldyanterayo yadhih[dhi] [ll] Pakalavippavapo ganda iti prathitam Ripudussahaa[ma]sya cha nama param [ Plate III 6. ['] Abhavatdya[vadya]dhi yatkaravalatalam Dvi[ladalad Dvi]pavarimachograjalam ['i vavrisha[b] [U] Anugada[ta]nayamargg Banavamsaikadipah Pranata[] ripusamajah Krishnarajapriyo yah (0 Ajani VijaibA[Vijayabd]husu[] [*] nurasyadhikasrir Apagataduritetir Vikramati[di]tyanama [ll] ['] Sa hyabeshansipatimakutakotiranna[tna]dyutiranjitapa[darenah Nanavidhabhuriparansipapatahaksha dohkhanda[') vijayalabdhavipulayasobhipar nabAhumanda[] lah Vividhavichitraranna[tna]vilsnavalayasvakaratalagrihitacharuhe[deg] makumbhanisravatdva[vadvA]ridbarapurvvakam Ali khi]lavedavedamgatarkka[^] tatvasttva samvitsvakarmmaniratebhyah svamanonihitathah[tantah]samvitpradans["] silebhyah dvijavarebhyah Udayendumamka[ga]lanivasibhyah Evambhuta Odd Plate a. [1] dyachatushtayanivishtamatirvvinitah [ Durvvaraviryyayaka[') sam prabhavastarasi[svi] Yah papada[b]kharahita[b]Prabhu Meradevah [ll [deg] Abhavadanapamasriranatarativargga Prathitaprithulakirtti[*] su(ssu ]nurasmatvi[dvi]nitah [1] Kshitipatikulamukhya[b] Parvva['] tianghripatma(dma] Dvayanihitamatiryyo Vikramati[di][deg] tyanamab[ma] [ll] Tasyapi Vijayadityanamadheyo. [') bhavatautah (0) Yatvi[dvi]kramena vitrastab Palayanterayo ['yudhi (II) Pukalappavaraganda iti prathitam Ripndnssahamasya [] cha nama param El Abhavatdyaya [vadyu]dhi yatkaravaladaladvi[ddvi]pavarie

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JANUARY, 1884.] GRANT OF VIKRAMADITYA II. Old Plate b. ['] muchograjalamvavrishuh CILJ Anugada ta]nayamarggo Banavan('] saikadipah Pranataripusamajah Krishnarajapriyo yali [1] Ajani [deg] Vijai jaya]bAhusQ[580]nurasyadhikasrir Apagataduritetir Vikrama[ ] ti[di]tyanima [ll] Sa hyaane[hyane]kasamaravijayasan[deg] labdhavijayalakya[kshmya)ahishthitavisalabhujantaro [deg) BanakulAmalamala[kulamala]vyomavabhasanabhaskara - ['] vanatanekaparansipatimakutatataghatitamanikyamani. [deg] mayakharanjita[m]ghrikamalasvakaratalagrih?tachkruchami[deg] karorukaragaladvaridharapurvvaka[m] viprebhyo vedaTranslation. was born in that line, the chief abode of 1.-HEALTH AND WEALTH ! May that Siva be victory and wealth. to you for prosperity, whose nature even the 7. That unrivalled hero, mighty in strength, Veda cannot fully reveal; from whom proceed ruled the earth to the west of the Andhra the stability, the origin and the destruction of country, cherishing it as a peerless bride of all worlds ; upon whom the pious fix their high birth: his feet were tinged by the headmeditations; whose two feet are tinged with jewels of kings. the multitudinous red rays of the rows of 8. From him was born a son named Vi. precious stones upon the diadems of the hosts jayaditya; the congregation of whose of Sura chiefs who bow down before him. enemies was subject to him; and even on the 2. May that Narayana save you whose two field of battle his foes could not stand before feet are worshipped by the Sura hosts; who him, but fled away seized with terror. shines more brightly, as Mount Anjana set 1 9. From him a son was born Sri Mallaup by the Dovas and Asuras when, forsak- de va; who was called Jagaclekamalla; whose ing Mount Mandara, they were minded to arm was expert in cutting up the whole of bis churn the milk-sea; who is that form which enemies; the source of undiminished merit always reclines upon the prince of serpents to and famo; who was as Ananga to womankind. procure anew the immortalizing nectar. 10. By him was born of his queen a son 3. He who was lord of the Asuras; who Sri Bana Vidyadhara, incomparable and offered the oblation of welcome to the first illustrions, as Shanmukha was born of Parvati existent god, the enemy of the Daityas, in the by Hara; he repelled the whole multitude of his guise of Vamana, while performing his sacri- enemies; he was very learned ; and his pure fice, and cheerfully gave him the earth with its fame was as a whisk to the ears of the islands and all things moving and immovable; elephants of the points of the compass; and his whose chief delight was to cause trouble to the feet were worthy to be worshipped by kings. Suras, and whose constant occupation was the 11. His son was Prabhu Merudeva; worship of the two lotus feet of Siva; bore the who expelled all his enemies; whose mind was name of Bali. intent on the four branches of knowledge; 4. From him sprung his son B&na, the unassuming ; & fountain of irresistible valour abode of virtue, and mighty in strength; who and glory; courageous; and free from the sorrow possessed the great pure favour of Sambhu ; on caused by sin. whose head are the rays of the lustre of the 12. From him a son was born named crescent moon; with whose sword the armies Vikramaditya; of unequalled wealth ; beof his enemies were slain; the foe of the Suras. fore whom a multitude of enemies bowed down ; 5. In his extended line Ba na-adhiraja whose great fame was spread abroad; humble ; was born, as the cool-rayed moon in the milk- a chief amongst the families of kings; whose sea; who hewed his enemies in battle with his heart was fixed on the two lotus-feet of the keen-edged sword; of undiminished glory. lord of Parvati. 6. When BAn'aa dhiraja and many 13. Of him a son was born, named Vijay - other kings of the race of B &na, had passed ditya; whose enemies fled from him in battle, away, then at length Ja yanandivarma terrified at his overpowering strength;

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10 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (JANUARY, 1884. 14. Whose second name was Pukala vi- Ppa vaganda, unbearable to his enemies; the cloud-like elephants cleft asunder by his sword in battle rained forth their blood like water. 15. Of him a son was born named Vikra maditya Vijaya bAhu; who followed the path of righteousness, and was a chief lamp of the Bana dynasty ; before whom a crowd of enemies humbly bowed down; the dear friend of Krishna Raja; he had great riches; and the distress of sin fled away from him; 16. The dust of whose feet was tinged by the lustre of the precious stones in the crest of the diadems of all kings; whose arm was covered with great glory acquired by cutting off the arms of the troops of many hostile kings of all classes. 17. When he had first of all poured water out of a beautiful golden water-pot held in the palm of his hand, on which was a bracelet set with many kinds of wonderful precious stones; to the distinguished Brahmans who dwell at U day end u-mangala, whose special duty is the study of the whole of the Vedas and Vedaigas and the sciences of logic and reli. gious philosophy; who are expert in communicating the knowledge stored up in their own minds, thus.... [The remainder of the grant is wanting.) The odd plate begins with part of verse 11 above, "whose mind was intent, &c.," and proceeds in the same words down to verse 16; the second name of Vijay aditya II, however, in the 14th verse, being Pukalappavaraganda here, instead of Pukalavip pavaganda. The 16th and 17th verses of this plate are as follows: 16. On whose broad breast VijayaLakshmi dwells, won thither by victories obtained in many battles; the sun which makes manifest the clear sky of the B &na roce; whose lotus feet are tinged by the rays of the rubies set in the margins of the coronets of many prostrate hostile kings. 17. When he had first of all made the water oblation poured out of a beautiful large golden water-pot held in the palm of his hand : to certain Brahmans, Veda ...... (The remainder of the grant is wanting.] Remarks. The mighty Bali, to whose race the line of kings commemorated in the present inscription claims to belong, has left a well-marked impression upon both the mythological and the legendary history of the whole of ancient India, Ascending up to the earliest periods of the incarnations of Vishan. The Pura nas mention two ancient kings of this name; namely, Bali, the son of Virochana,' the redoubtable king of the Daityas, and Bali, the son of Sutapas,' of the lunar race, the father of Anga, Vanga, Kalinga, Suhms, and Pundra. The sixth of the nine Ardha-chakravartis of the Jainas also bore this name;' as did also one of the three brothers of Vikramaditya, king of Ujjain, the rival of Salivahana.* The Bali of the present inscription is identified, through his son B & na, with the first of these four princes. He is therefore that Mah & bali who is the hero of innumerable legends belonging to every portion of India; the once lord of heaven and earth and hell; the leader of the hosts of the Asuras in their unsuccessful attempt to wrest the nectar of immortality from the gods; whose hundred arms were cut off by thunderbolts hurled at him by Indra while engaged in single combat with him; who, nevertheless, subsequently succeeded in driving the hosts of Indra out of the city of Amaravatt, and in seating himself on the throne of that capital city of the gods; and who was at last overcome by Vishnu, but only through stratagem, in his incarnation as the dwarf Vamana, and was then degraded to the throne of the subterranean region of Patala. Festivals in his honour are to this day celebrated in different parts of India,' a temple is dedicated to his worship at Gokarna'; he is supposed to visit this earth annually on the anniversary of his incarnation in the infernal regions ;' and he is expected to reappear on the earth before the close of the present dispensation to inaugurate a general moral renovation of the world, at which time Bharoch is ... Wilson's Vish. Pur. p. 265, note 22, or Hall's ed. vol. II, P.-911. Rottler's Tamil Dictionary, Part II, p. 887; Mad. Jour. Lit. and Sc. vol. I, p. 22; 18. Res. Vol. III, p. 265. Taylor's Catalogue of the Madras M8S., vol. III, pp. 240, 254 and 737. Mad. Jour. Lit. and Sc. vol. I, PP. 22-23. 1 Wilson's Vishnu Purana, p. 147, or Hall's ed. vol. II, pp. 69, 311, vol. III, pp. 19, 23 ; vol. IV, pp. 128, 250; vol. V pp. 6, 108: 116. rbid. p. , Or Hall's ed. vol. IV, p. 122. * Asiatic Researches, vol. IX, p. 246. * Ibid. vol. IX, p. 180. - See verse 4.

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JANUARY, 1884.) GRANT OF VIKRAMADITYA II. 11 to have the distinction of being his birthplace ;1deg on the anniversary of his defeat by Vamana the Brahmans annually renew their sacred thread;" and the first day of the month of Kartika is observed as the anniversary of his coronation as monarch of PAtala." Bana, the eldest of the hundred sons of Bali,"* occupies a place in the legends of ancient India almost as conspicuous as that of his father. The story of the loves of Aniruddha, the grandson of Vishna, in his incarnation as Krishna, and Usha, the daughter of Bana, is told in several of the Puranas; and so also is the history of the terrible war, which resulted from it, between Vishnu and Bana, in which Bana was ultimately defeated and his thousand arms cut off by the discus of Vishnu, notwithstanding the mighty assistance of Siva, whom Bana worshipped, who bronght all his now supernatural forces to his aid in this war." Intermediate between these two illustrious founders of this royal line and the series of consecutive kings who immediately preceded the donor of the present grant, the inscription interposes another prince who bore the great name of the son of Bali, B &na adhira ja, of whom nothing more is known than the generalities which are mentioned here. He was preceded and succeeded by several unnamed princes. The remainder of the pedigree of the donor is recorded in verses 6 to 15 of the inscription. It contains the following names : Bana adhiraja. Jayanandivarma. Vijayaditya I. Sri Malladeva, alias Jagadekamalla. Sri Bana Vidyadhara. Prabhn Merudeva. Vikramaditya I. Vijayaditya II, alias Pukalavippavaganda. Vikramaditya II, Vijaya-bahn. This pedigree presents us with a series of eight princes in direct succession. Their reigns may therefore be regarded as covering about two centuries and a half of time. The position of the territory of these princes is indicated in the following general terms in the seventh verse of the inscription :-"That unrivalled hero, mighty in strength, ruled the earth to the west of the Andhra country." By "the Andhra country," we are to understand the country in which the Telugu language is spoken. We are then to look for the situation of the Bana kingdom, or the territory of the Maha-bali-Bana kings, along the southwestern boundary of the Telugu-speaking districts upon the borders of the Tamil country; because the Tamil-Grantha character in which this inscription is written, necessitates the conclusion that some portion of the dominions of these kings was in the neighbourhood of the Tamil-speaking country, in which alone this character was in use. We are therefore to look for it not far from the middle basin of the Palar. The situation of the village of U dayen du mangala, as described in other inscriptions of this group," renders this conclusion still more certain and definite. The western boundary line of the Telugu language, after crossing the river Tungabhadra sonth wards, runs throngh the neighbourhood of A doni," and strikes the left water-parting of the Northern Penner near the elbow where that river changes its course from the northward to the eastward direction. It then runs up the line of that water-parting southwards, crossing the boundary of the present Maisur territory, until it reaches Nandidurg. From this important hydrographical centre this language-limit coincides in a general way with the left water-parting of the Palar, running in & south-easterly direction as far as the western boundary of the present district of North Arcot, and continuing onwards through the hills which lie along that boundary As far as the left bank of the Pala r, near that point in its course where it enters the district of Salom." 10 As. Res. Vol. IX, p. 83. Forbes's pie Maa, vol. II, p. 329 ; Calcutta Review, vol. XXIII, p. 177. 15 As. Res. vol. III, p. 265. 13 See verse 4 of the inscription. 2. Wilson's Vish. Pur. p. 147, or Hall's ed. vol. II, p. 69. 18 Wilson's Vish. Pur. p. 591ff. 16 Verses 5 and 6 of the grant. I See Ind. Ant. vol. VIII, pp. 167 and 273, and enother to be published hereafter. See also Plate IIIb, line 11. 1s Compare Wilks' Myrore, vol. I, p. 3, for the conterminous boundary of the Canarese language. 1 There are immigrant Telugu-speaking people. sonttored amongst the indigenous inhabitants of some portions of the country considerably to the south and west of the general limit here indicated. (Compare Rioe's Mysore and Coorg, vol. I, p. 893, and Cox's Manual of North Arcot, p. 257.)

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12 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (JANUARY, 1884. We are therefore to look for a portion of puram (Kolaf); and from this it is to be the dominions of these ancient Bana kinga inferred that some portion of the Bana terrisomewhere to the westward of this latter tory was in the neighbourhood of Kolar. It section of the Telugu boundary; namely, in l.is not improbable that these districts may have the eastern portion of the present district of been originally acquired by the Kongu-Karnata Kolar of the Maisur territories. How far kings by conquest from the Banas, and that these their kingdom extended into the Canarese latter kings were sometimes fortunate enough country westwards, and what was its extent to reconquer them : at any rate the title of northwards, there is nothing here to indicate. lord of Nandi' belonged sometimes to the This location of the Bana territory is con- kings of Kongu-Karnata," as it did to the Bana firmed by the indications of its situation which prince referred to above. are incidentally mentioned in an inscription of The Bana dynasty has long disappeared from another later Bana prince, which I hope shortly the annals of Southern India, and but few to publish, for whom the Bana kingdom was references to it have hitherto been discovered resuscitated by Vira-N & ray ana Chola in the researches which are at present being immediately after the Chola conquest of the made respecting its early history. Kongo-Karnata kingdom. In the first place, that (1). The early conquest of the Bana kingBana prince bore the title of Lord of Nandi'; dom by Konganivarma has already been from which it is to be inferred that the district mentioned. Konganivarma's reign has been in which Nandidurg is situated formed part placed between A.D. 189 and 240"; and this of the Bana kingdom at that time. Secondly, the conquest therefore belongs to the end of the conquest of Tumba by Vira Narayana Chola second century A.D., or to the beginning of the appears to have followed close upon his victory third century. This is the earliest reference over the lord of the Bana kings'; from which which I have met with to this kingdom. Its it is to be inferred with considerable probability conquest implies its existence at a still earlier that Tumba's kingdom was in the neighbour- date: and it necessarily follows that the Bana hood of the Bana kingdom. The situation of kings were reigning as early at the least as Tumba is shown on the 78th sheet of the Great the beginning of the second century of the Trigonometrical Survey Map of India, there spelt Christian era, and probably earlier still. * Toombah,' near the western boundary of the (2). A copperplate inscription of A.D. 777 present district of North Arcot, in latitude 130 at Nagamangalam" mentions another victory 154 N., and longitude 78deg 55' E.; and some por- over the Banas by Dundu, the heir-apparent to tion of the old kingdom of Tumba is probably the kingdom of Nirgunda," which kingdom represented at this day by the proprietary estate was then feudatory to Prithivi Kongani, king of of the present Poligar of that name. On the Kongu-Karnata. From this it is to be inferred other hand, the town of Kolar was apparently that at some date intermediate between these not in the Bana kingdom; for, as early as two conquests, that is to say, between the third the reign of Kongaoivarma, who is placed and the eighth centuries A.D., the Bana kings in the third century A.D., it was held by the recovered their lost kingdom, and had become king of Kong u-Karnata; and some of his formidable to their neighbours, -a" cause of successors are similarly said to have possessed fear," as the expression is there. it." Some portion of the country around (3). The continuous rule of the Bana kings Kolar, naturally depending on this chief town for & considerable portion of the intermediate of the district, must also have been included in centuries is attested by the present inscription that proprietorship. The conquest of the Bana of Vikramaditya II. kingdom by Kongaoivarma is mentioned" in (4). The uprooting' of the Bana king by connection with his residence at Kuvalla- Vira Narayana Chola, whose date, ac Soe Gasetteer of Southern India, p. 260ff, and Cor's * Mys. Inscr., PP, ulv, xlvi, 142 and 148. Manual of North Arcot, pp. 75ff and 129ff. 3. See Mys. Inscr. p. xlii. This date I think very See Rioe's Mysore Inscriptions, pages ulv, xlvi, doubtful.--Seo Fleet's Kanarese Dynasties, p. 11f, or 149, 148, 173, 293 and 307. Ind. Ant. vol. XII, p. 111.-ED. 1.4. In the unpublished Bana inscription above referred 35 Mys. Inacr. p. 287 and Ind. Ant. vol. II, p. 156. to. See also Mys. Inscription, pp. xlii, 289, and Ind. Ant. Nirgunda is in the present district of Chitaldurg in vol. V, p. 138. the Maigur territories.

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JANUARY, 1884.) GRANT OF VIKRAMADITYA II. 13 cording to the information at present available, is the end of the ninth century A.D. and the beginning of the tenth century,-is mentioned in the unpublished Bana inscription referred to above; as is also the resuscitation of the Bana kingdom shortly afterwards. (5). There are two inscriptions of the Bana kings at Gulganpode" in the Kolar District, about fifteen miles north of Kolar. One of these inscriptions records the grant of a village for an act of bravery in the reign of Sri Maha vali Banarasa, without any indication of that king's proper name. The other records a similar grant for raising the siege of Mavindi-uru, a to the commander of a detached force belonging to the army of Sri Mahavali" Banarasa, who is described as "the great king Vikramaditya, who, as a Mount Meru of victory, received from other kings the celebrated name of Bana Vijadhara," 1 e. Bana Vidyadhara. Here we have the name of one of the kings of the present inscription, the fourth from Jayanandivarma. The present inscription, in the next place, throws light upon a doubtful passage in Mr. Rice's inscriptions; and, instead of Mr. Rice's rendering of the phrase, tannanana Prabhu Meru desase," at the command of the great lord who ruled him" in his translation of the first inscription, and " by command of the great lord who ruled him" in his translation of the second, -seeing from our present inscription that .Prabhu Moru' is the name of one of the kings of its pedigree,'--the following rendering in military phraseology may now be substituted, "by order of Prabhu Meru who commanded him." With this fresh light thrown upon them, both of these stone monuments clearly refer to two similar acts of bravery performed by two officers commanding detachments of cavalry from the army of Prince Prabhu Meru, the heir-apparent of Sri Vikramaditya Jaya Mera, Bana Vidyadhara, and at that time commanding the Bana army sent to the relief of the town of Mavindi-Uru when it was besieged by some powerful enemy. (6). The existence of a Ba na kingdom of sufficient importance to be mentioned by the side of the principal kingdoms of Southern India as late as the end of the twelfth century, is attested by a verse of the Pratapa Rudriya of Vaidyanatha, a standard work on Sanskrit composition belonging to the fourteenth century : "Rere Ghurjara jarjharosi samare Lampaka kim kampase Vamga tvamgasi kim mudha balarajahkamo sikim Komkana Bana pranaparayano bhava Maharashtra - parashtrosy anu Yoddharo vayam ityarinabhibhavamty Amdbrakshamabh ridbhatah | ** "The troops of the king of Andhra triumph over his enemies exclaiming, Ghurjara ! thon art mocked in the fight. Lampaka! why dost thou tremble ? Vanga! why dost thou flee away ? Konkana! why art thou blinded for nothing by the dust raised by thy troops P Bana! save thy life. Maharashtra ! thou hast lost thy dominions. We are the warriors." (7). The Trivikrama-vritti, a celebrated Prakrit grammar belonging probably to the fifteenth century, states that its author, Trivikrama Deva was of Bana descent. The passage runs thus in my manuscript copy of this work: Sri Bana sukulakamala-dyumanir Adityavarmanah-pautrah || Sri Mallinathaputro Lakshmigarbhampitam. budhisudhamsah | Bhamasya Vritta vidya-namna bhrata Trivikramasukavih ||** The date of the present inscription cannot yet be definitely ascertained. The date of the Gulganpode monuments above referred to would lead dp to the date of this grant approximately if their date could be fixed with any approach to certainty ; & conjectural date alone, however, can be assigned to them at present. When Mr. Rice first published those monuments, he regarded them as belonging to two distinct periods two centuries apart; butin his more recent revision" 97 Mye. Inscr. pp. lvi, 804-305. 95 Mr. Rice's original reading of this name was Machindi-aru. The photograph of the inscription in vol. X, p. 39 of this Journal confirms his later reading. * The present inscription shows that the Valil of these grants is & vernacular equivalent of the Sanskrit name Bali.' 30 See Mr. Rice's note, Mys. Inscr. p. xlix. 31 See verse 10. 31 See verse 11. 35 Pratapa-Rudriya, Pra. I. v. 29; and repeated with & slight variation in the example-drama, Pra. III, v. 47. >> Namely, Pr&t&pa Rudra, the Kekatiya king of Orangal, about A.D. 1165 [See ante, vol. X, p. 211; vol. XI, pp. 98.-ED.) 56 Adhy, I, pl. 1, vv. 2-3. 36 In A.D. 1878; Mys. Inscr. pp. 304 305. >> In 1881 ; Ind. Antiq, vol. X, p. 88.

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14 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (JANUARY, 1884. of them published in this journal, he regards them as belonging to the same reign; and he there assigns a date to them "not later than the seventh century," upon grounds arising out of references which he finds in other inscriptions. If the reign oPS.Bana Vidyadhara could be assigned to the seventh century with any trustworthy approach to exactness, the approximate date of the present inscription would be about a century later; since its donor lived in the fourth generation after. Bana Vidyadhara; at the latest its date would be, on these grounds, about A.D. 750. The fact that this inscription is written in the Tamil-grantha character is of considerable consequence in the search for its date. The time of the introduction of this character cannot yet be traced; its earliest appearance known to me connected with a clue to any date is in the inscriptions of the Chola kings, in which the names of those kings are frequently written in letters of this character, as are also the Sansklit quotations which are found in them, while the body of the inscriptions is written in the antique Tamil character. The earliest of the Chola kings to whom a date can be assigned, namely, Vira Narayana Cho! a, reigned abont A.D. 920." NOTES ON BUDDHIST IMAGES IN CEYLON. BY W. KNIGHT JAMES, F.R.G.S., F.R.HIST.S., COLOMBO. IC Buddha.--In Ceylon Wiharas or shrines, The hands generally rest in the lap, the back Buddha is represented in three positions : (1) of the right hand lying in the palm of the left. standing ; (2). sitting ; (3). reclining. Sometimes the hands are separated, the right 1. In standing figures, the left arm hangs one resting on the thigh, close to the knee, and by the side of the body, the fingers are stretched the left one placed on the sole of the right out close together, slightly touching the foot (the Bhumisparsa mudra). thigh of the left leg. The right arm is placed This position is indicative of contemplation close to the side as far as the elbow, the fore- and deep meditation (Pali, Dhyana). I have arm is raised, and the hand held vertically, never seen or heard of any sitting figure of the displaying the palm, while the thumb and Buddha in Ceylon, with the feet hanging down, index finger are joined at their tips, leaving an such as are stated by Dr. Burgess to be found oval space between them. This position of the in the Cave Temples of India. left arm is supposed to represent the inoffen- 3. Reclining figures are always on the right siveness of Buddha, and the needlessness to the side, representing what is called in Pali SihaPerfect One of any temporal defence or protec- seyya -the lion's sleep.' Buddha while sleeption. The position of the right arm indicates ing was said to retain his consciousness. The exhortation, and the placing together of the head in this position is represented as resting thumb and finger is intended to show that he on the palm of the right hand, the elbow covets not the smallest particle of worldly touches the bed, and the fore-arm rests on a wealth. round pillow. The left arm is extended and Sometimes the right arm to the elbow is rests upon the left side. The figure is always placed by the side as above, but the under part represented as stretched at full length, and the of the fore-arm is towards the body, and the legs and feet are placed one upon the other. palm of the hand turned upwards with the This position is emblematical of perfect rest fingers slightly inclined downwards. This (Pali, nirodhasamapatti--the nirwana to be position is symbolical of benevolence, open. attained in this world). Very rarely a figure heartedness and charity. of Buddha is represented as walking, but it is 2. Sitting figures are always cross-legged, doubtless intended to represent the Buddha with the soles of the feet turned upwards. during one of the seven satiyas or weeks which This is probably a device of the sculptor to he spent fasting, and during which time he is show the Mangalalakkhanas, or auspicious marks said to have been engaged in various exerof which Buddha was said to have had 108 on cises intended to show how thoroughly he his feet. had overcome human passions and fatigne. 36 The reasons for fixing this date will be given in This is the Dhyanamudra. my remarks upon the second Bapa inscription. Burnouf, Lotus, p. 342.

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JANUARY, 1884.] NOTES ON BUDDHIST IMAGES IN CEYLON. 15 One of these satiyas was spent in walking represented in the reclining postore. Someup and down on the Ratnachankamana or walk times the disciples hold a flower (generally a composed of gems which was built for him by lotus) in the right hand, while the left hangs the gods. by the side of the body. This is intended to Small images, made of gold and silver, and represent puja, or the offering of flowers to representing Buddha in each of the seven Buddha. In some temple paintings, with these satiyas, are frequently enclosed within dagabas two, and sometimes without them, is represented in Ceylon. The images of the 24 Buddhas a large number of other disciples in various previous to Gautama, and from whom he attitudes of reverence, such as kneeling, standobtained Vivarana or approbation, are also ing with bowed head, offering flowers, &c., but frequently enshrined in these dagabas. Some- no distinctive names are given to any of these times in temple sculptures, but more fre- figures. Ananda and Kassapa appear not to be quently in paintings, we find these 24 figures represented in Ceylon sculptures as principal represented with the Bodhisattva in attendance attendants. in a reverential attitude, and occasionally he III. Dress, fc.-Buddha and his disciples is represented as making offerings of flowers, are always represented as wearing the ordinary &c., to them. There appear however to be no saffron-coloured mendicant's robe. In some distinctive marks by which each of the Buddhas figures both shoulders are covered, whilst in can be distinguished. They are usually ar- others the robe is thrown only over the left ranged in a row, which is supposed to represent shoulder, leaving the right one bare. In Badtheir order.. dhist books Buddha is spoken of as wearing his The Bodhisattva is generally broadly dis- robe over both shoulders when preaching, tinguished :-when he appeared as a Raja or a walking abroad, or in the presence of an asCakkavatti Raja, he is represented as wearing sembly, and over one only when in the retirement a kingly or imperial crowa; when a Naga Raja of the pansala, but it appears doubtful whether as wearing & crown formed by a cobra; in artists have been guided by this in any Brahmanical dress when a Brahman. He is way. represented as a lion when with the Buddha Althongh in Ceylon Buddha or his disciples intended to represent Padamo, and as an are never represented as wearing ornaments ascetic wearing the jata of matted hair, when or a head-dress of any kind, he is generally represented as Jatilo the Bodhisattva of Padu- represented as having on his head a peculiar muttaro. flame-like process which is intended to reSometimes an incident during one of the present a sort of halo (Sin. Siraspata) formed satiyas is represented. When Gautama was by the collection of the six coloured rays of preaching rain came on, and a snake god, light which were said to be reflected from his Muchalindo (Muchilinda) is said to have spread body (Pali, nila, pita, lohiti, odata and manout its hood over his head to protect him from jittha). In some paintings however this halo is the storm. An image representing this, which represented as surrounding the whole body. was at one time in the Kaelani Temple near Buddha is generally represented as haying Colombo is described by Totagamuwa in his short hair arranged in the form of little Selalihini Sandesa. curls. II. Attendants.-In Ceylon there are only IV. The figure of Buddha is invariably retwo principal attendant figures, these are Sari- presented as larger than that of any of his putta, who is always on Buddha's right, and attendants or disciples. There is among the MoggallAna, who is always represented Buddhists of Ceylon a tradition that Buddha's on the left. These are the Aggastwuka or chief beight was 18 cubits (27 feet) and under this disciples. notion where it is possible they make the The posture of the attendants is generally reclining figure of this length, but at Aukana standing with the palms of their hands together Wihara, between Dambulla and Anuradhapura, in an attitude of reverence. They are rarely however, there has been discovered a colossal represented as sitting, and never when the standing image of Buddha, hewn from the solid Buddha is standing, and we never find them gneiss, which is said to be nearly 50 feut in

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16 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (JANUARY, 1884. height. Several other colossal figures hewn mentioned in Sinhalese Buddhist literature, from the rock and more or less defaced, have his image is not found in the Viharas. The been found in the Anuradhapura and Polon- pictures generally are representations of J&taka nurawa districts. stories. The gods represented in sculpture V. Dewas.-In some places sculptures re- are very few, generally Vishnu only, who is presenting Dewas or spirits and Hindu gods as painted black, and holds a sword and a discus. well as kings are to be found. These wear Occasionally we find Nathadewa, who is ornaments, crowns, &c., and have weapons considered to be the Maitreya Bodhisattva. in their hands, and are symbolical of support Similarly a number of Simhalese kings are and protection. These figures are only occa- represented, e. g. :sionally to be found within the limits of the Vattagamini Abhaya, Kirtissri Rajasinha and shrine, and are never represented as attendant Bhatikabhaya. on Buddha. They are generally placed outside The Ceylon Pantheon appears to be rethe shrine, and often in a separate room ormarkably small when compared with that of compartment. Buddhism in India, and although nearly all The following are some of the gods which the deities of the Hindu Pantheon are reare found represented in temple paintings :- ferred to in Ceylon Buddhistical literature, Vishnu, Sumana, Sakra or Indra, Brahma, very few are represented in the temples. There Mara and his attendants, Alavaka, Kuvera, is a sameness in design and arrangement, and, Vibhishana. Although Brahma is frequently as a rule, but little artistic merit. A LEGEND FROM THE TALAVAKARA (OR JAIMINIYA) BRAHMANA OF THE SAMAVEDA. BY THE LATE A. C. BURNELL, PH.D. The Talavakara Brahmana has been hitherto | veda hitherto known. It is thus the most known only by Sankaracharya's assuring as important addition to the Brahmana literature that the Kenopanishad forms part of the ninth | made since the earliest days of Sanskrit studies chapter of it, and it seems to have been long by foreigners. regarded as a lost work; at least, Sanskrit The legend I have chosen is, in substance, scholars mention it with an indifference that already known from the Satapatha Brahmana shows they were hopeless about its recovery'. (ch. xi, 6, 1, etc.), but the form there is deciBy a lucky concurrence of circumstances, not dedly of a later time, and in the course of the only did it come to my knowledge that this whittling down to which the Brahmans subwork still existed, but a copy has come into mitted their early literature, it has lost maiiy my hands, and from it I extract the following of its most striking features. This legend, in legend : its two forms, also gives new proof of what This Brahmana is, perhaps, the largest work has, perhaps, not been sufficiently insisted on of the kind in existence; it is much like the hitherto by scholars--that the existing Brahother Brahmanas in style and contents, but manas are merely more or less perfect represenmuch of the matter is new, and it promises to tations of what was once a common property, be of considerable importance to lexicographers, and that it is imperatively necessary, not only as it contains many new words, and furnishes that we should have editions of all the Brahmeans to test the renderings hitherto given to mana texts, but also that a comparison should hard words already found in the Brahmana be made of what (apart from ritual) is common literature. It is also, happily, a contrast to to two or more works of the kind. In this the dry and sutra-like Brahmanas of the Sama- way it will be possible to trace the origin of Vide Sir Emerson Tennant's History of Ceylon, legend. Another (of another part) having been nearly vol. I, p. 604. destroyed by white ante, I was allowed to keep : the Prof. Weber's" Sanskrit Literature" (Eng. trane.) complete text I hope for in a transcript of another p. 74 of the text: in the App. he notices my discovery. Grantha MS. Prof. Monier Williams, Indian Wisdom, p. 38. Ed. Prof. Weber, p. 870 ff. 3 The old Grantha MSS. containing three chapters * This has, in effect, been done in many cases, by Dr. were lent me, and from a copy of these I give the J. Muir in his Sanskrit Texte.

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JANUARY, 1884.] A LEGEND FROM THE TALAVAKARA. 17 many obscure passages and allusions in the Smritis and Puranas. I shall now give the Talavakara version of the legend (ch. I, SS 41-43) word for word, almost, as follows in English: Now Bhrigu Varuna's son was a student. He thought himself better than his father, than the gods, than other Brahmans not students. But Varuna beheld (him): "Why is my son utterly without discernment? I must teach him!" He took his breath away, then he, freed from darkness and from limits, went to the other world. He went on in that world. One having cut up a man ate him. He said : "Can this be P How is this P" They said to him: "Ask (thy) father Varuna! He will explain this to thee." He went on again. A man devoured a man who was crying out. He said : " Can this be? How is this P" They said to him ; "Ask (thy) father Varuna! He will explain this to thee!" A third (time) he went on. A man devoured a man who was silent. He said: "Can this be P How is this P" They said: "Ask (thy) father Varuna! He will explain this to thee!" For the fourth (time) he went on. Two women watched much wealth. He said: "Can this be P How is this P" They said: "Ask (thy) father Varuna! He will explain this to thee!" For the fifth (time) he went on. (He saro) a red woman and a yellow woman both stretching out (their) arms. As for the red woman, a black, naked man with a club, watched her. As for the yellow woman, golden men with golden pots, were raising her up all her wishes. He said: "Can this be P How is this?" They said: "Ask (thy) father Varuna! He will explain this to thee!" For the sixth (time) he went on. (He sau) five rivers, abounding in blue and white lotus flowers, flowing with sweet water. In them were bands of Apearases, the sound of lutes and singing and dancing, a delightful smell, (and) a great sound. He said : "Can this be P How is this P" They said: "Ask (thy) father Varuna! He will explain this to thee!" || 41 || He then met Varuna in an open place; he said to him : "Father, I am come !" "Son ! didst thou see P" "Father! I saw." "What ? son !" "A man cut down a man and ate him." He replied: "Yes, those who do not under stand rightly and do not offer the agnihotra in this world, but) cut down plants, and use them as fuel, them the plants, in human form, dovour in return in that world." "What avoidance is there for that? When one puts on fuel to the sacred fire) for it, that is avoidance of it, by that it is evaded." "What next P" "A man ate a man who was crying out." "Yes," he said: "those who in this world do not rightly understand and do not offer the agnihotra, (but) cook animals for themselves, them the animals in human form devour in retorn in that world." "What avoidance is there for that P" "If one offers the first invocation by the voice, that is the avoidance of it; by that it is evaded." "What thirdly P" "A man was devouring a man who was silent." "Yes," he said ; "as men who do not offer the agnihotra or rightly understand, cook in this world for themselves the plants that are silent, so the plants in human form eat them in return in that world." "What avoidance is there of that P" "When one offers the final invocation by the mind, that is avoidance of it; by that it is evaded." "What fourthly P" "Two women watched much wealth." " Yes," he said : "they were Belief and Disbelief. Those who in this world offer the agnihotra (but) who do not rightly understand, (and) who sacrifice without faith, it (goes to) Disbelief, those who have faith, it (goes to Belief." " What avoidance of it is there P" "If one tastes for them (the mille) twice by means of a finger, that is avoidance of it; by that it is evaded." || 42 | "What fifthly P" " (I saw) a red woman and & fair woman stretching out their arms. As for the red woman, her a black naked man with a club watched. But as for the fair woman, golden men with golden pots raised her up all her wishes." "Yes," he said : " those who don't offer the Agnihotra in this world, and don't understand rightly, press out Brahmana' blood; that is the red woman. But the black naked man with a club who watched her is Wrath; she is his Ambrosia." "What avoidance of that is there p" "When one eats (of the offering) by the sruc (wooden spoon), that is its avoidance; it is evaded by that." "Now the water that, having washed that spoon, one pours out to the North, that is the fair woman, for whom golden men with golden pots raised up all her wishes." "What sixthly P" "Five rivers, abounding with blae and white lotus flowers, flowing with sweet water; in them dancing and singing, the sound of lutes, troops of Apsarases, a delightful smell, a great sound." He said: "Yes, those were my regions." "How must I conquer theep" "By what is learned from those) five sights,

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18 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [JANUARY, 1884. by what is inferred from these five sights." younger. The Persian (Pahlevi) book of Arda He said: "As there is no room to conquer Viraf is one of the most complete stories of (that) world except by the agnihotra, to-day the kind, and is, in many parts, much like the (shall be) my fast-day before establishing Bralmanas. In the Middle Ages the popular sacred fire." So they did. The wise man who myths, e. g. of the Venus mountain, and even knows this thus, (and) sacrifices the agnihotra, the lives of the Saints, e. g. of St. Bruno the by (reason of) it the plants in human form do founder of the Carthusian Order, furnish not devour him in that world, nor cattle, nor visions or experiences of precisely the same (grain-plants such as) rice and barley. His kind, to say nothing of Dante's Divina Comsacrifices are not destroyed, going to Belief and media. If these Indo-Germanic myths be Unbelief. He prevents the red woman, the compared, they all agree in one remarkable fair woman. || 43 || characteristic, a strong impression of illusion;' The corresponding legend in the Satapatha the journey is more or less unsatisfactory, and Brahmana has been translated in German) by the result to its hero is only this, that he must Prof. Weber(r); it is therefore unnecessary to go on steadily in the old paths. The Semitic repeat it here, and the same illustrious savant myths of this kind, e.g. Muhammad's journey, has already fully discussed the Indian view of have a more positive character. Legends of the sacrificial acts referred to. I will, there- this kind, it is hardly necessary to say, abound fore, only say that the agnyadhana (or esta- in all primitive literatures.blishing by a Brahman of the three sacred fires Again, Varuna here appears in his primitive in his house) is the necessary step to the agni. character, as a death-causing god; which is hotra or offering of milk in the fire, morning omitted in the Satapatha text. Varuna takes and evening, which at once atones for all the away Bhrigu's breath or rather (five) breaths,' wrongs the offerer may do, and is also the and he then goes to the other world. It is preliminary to the other Vedic sacrifices. But remarkable also that the sixth sight that this offering, as the above shows, must be done Bhrigu saw is omitted in the Satapatha text, with right knowledge and intention, or it is in and the first is repeated. Again, in the Talavain. vakara text there is nothing like an idea of The first remarkable point in the above heaven and hell as distinct and separate places, legend, as we now have it, is that Bhrigu' died whereas in the Satapatha the distinction is and went to the other world. In this way it clear. This differentiation points to relatively has a character quite new to it, for in the later times. meagre version already known, there is nothing | For these reasons, it may be urged that the of this, and Bhrigu meets his divine father Talavakara text is the older; as it is it is far just as he might meet any mortal in the world. more intelligible than that in the Satapatha. In this way, also, the legend belongs to a large In the last, only enough to barely convey the and striking class of myths which occur not lesson intended is left; but this abridgment is only in the so-called Indo-Germanic, but also characteristic of the later Vedic literature as it in the Assyrian and Semitic mythologies. The gradaally became transformed into sutras or story of Orpheus and the descent of Aeneas karikas. will at once occur to all. In the Norse there The style supports this view. That of the are similar legends, the Vegtamskvida in the Talavakara text is plain vigorous prose, with older Edda, and the journey of Gylfi in the a more frequent use of the conjunctive mood, Indische Streifen, vol. I, pp. 24-6. Bo far as Sanskrit literature is concerned I will only * There are very few Brahmans who do this now-a-days, refer to the Kathakopan. and the number is rapidly diminishing. The whole first . This is amusingly preserved in the dream of the chapter of the Tala vakara Brahmana treats of the agni. meddlesome cobbler. Soe Grimm's Kinder- und Hanshotra and prayatchittas connected with it, much as in the mahrchen (ed. of 1864), vol. II, p. 858. So also in the Alfth book of the Aitar ya Brahmana, but the resem tale of Rip van Winkle. The first of these is based on blance is only as far as the matter goes. I have not very old tale. See Grimm's remarka, do. : vol. III, P. found a single passage common to both Brahmaras. For 240 fig. (ed. 1856). The last book but one of the Mahathe agnyddiana no A past. Srauta altra, ch. v., and for bhdrata also brings this feature prominently forward. the agnihotra, ch.vi.. 10 Cf. Grimm's account of the old Toutonio view of On this mythical being and the Bhrigus seo Muir's death; Deutsche Mythologie (2nd ed.) p. 799 ff. For Sanskrit Tuote. the Indian views see Dr. J. Muir's paper in the Royal Asiatic Society'. Journal, N. S. vol. 1, pp. 287.

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JANUARY, 1884.1 A LEGEND FROM THE TALAVAKARA. 19 whereas that of the Satapatha shows a tenden- cy to accumulate epithete, & characteristic of the later Sanskrit, in which the general clear ness of statement is sacrificed to an attempt at precise details, such as, in the end, led to the sutra style, in which details are everything, and it is often all but impossible to get a clear general view of the matter discussed. In some respects, the style is irregular, like that of the gathas-a name which the Samaveda writers give to prose and to the Brahmanas." These differences in the condition of the text of the two Brahmanas show clearly the value of a definite form or style in preserving traditional literatures; the metres of the Vedas have saved the parts in verse from much change, whereas those in prose have suffered like the Brahmanas...... If the above legend be not of the very earliest times, yet the language and style mark it as belonging to the earliest part of the times when the Brahmanas were composed, or to a time when the earliest notions of the Brdhmans, BO far as we know, yet survived to a great extent, though a transition to polytheism had already commenced ; but there cannot be a better example of fetishism in the real sense of the word for it is strictly a technical term -than what we find here, where plants are seen by Bhrigu as human beings, and even . Sraddha' or faith and its contrary are perBonified. Such notions survive even in the later Sanskrit literature ;" but in the earlier or Vedic literature they are to be found almost in every line; the difficulty is not to find examples, but to choose the best. The names of the Vedic gods, for instance, are all names of natural objects," and Dr. Muir's Sanskrit Texts put in the clearest light the gradual growth from fetishist conceptions regarding these objects or phenomena, up to the polytheistic notions of more advanced times. It is impossible to read the different allusions to the Vedic gods collected by Dr. Muir from the earliest Indian literature without perceiving that the Vedic mythology is a confused mass of inconsistent beliefs; there is nothing like a trace of harmony or subordination. But such a state of things can only be explained by what is to be understood by fetishism; if any metaphysical abstraction had been the beginning of the Vedic mythology, some artificial harmony must have been the result, and the supererogatory gods and the attribution of the same functions to several gods would not appear; as it is, the confusion is so great, that the greatest scholars have not yet reduced this chaos to order. In the text there is a mention of a class of divine beings-Apsarases--to which references are rare in the Vedic literature. Various explanations have been assigned to account for them, and from Yaska' down to the present time various etymologies of the name have been proposed. Goldstucker supposed that they are intended to represent the vapours attracted by the sun, and Holtzmann compares them to the fairies of Europe. I would suggest - I cannot find that it has been done already --that they are the Indian counterparts of the naiads and nymphs of Europe. Thus (as in the text) we find them mentioned in connection with water," and like the water spirits of Europe they are dangerous and seductive." They are also mentioned in company with gandharvas" who seem to be the corresponding malo spirits, and who possess women like the Apsarases seduce men. It is remarkable that these beings are sometimes represented as being the equals of the * Samhitopanishadbrdhmana, p. 38, 8dmaveda Pretietkhya, setra 38. 1 I use the word without the usual inverted commas, for it is now a good English word. 'Fetiseo is to be found in Parchas (1625). Originally, it is Portuguese, but as a technical, philosophical term we owe it to A. Comte.-Cours de Phil. Posit. vol. V, p. 25. 13 Similar ideas survive elsewhere. Cf. the superstition about the mandrake. * CH. Manu, ch. ii, 114. As regards plants-Vishnu Purdna, i, 15. This has been often clearly stated : "La race indoeuropeenne Alt des forces de la nature ses premieres divinites : elle adora lo Ciel, le Soleil, l'Aurore, la Tempete ; elle leur preta une Ame, une intelligence, une volonte libro, des sentimenta d'amitie ou de haine pour les hommes. Mais, tout on lour rendant hommage comme a des etros superiours, on no perdait pas de vue leur caractere physique."-Breal, Hercule et Caou (1863) p. 7. This view is supported by the more recent researches of Hillebrandt and others. 16 V. 13 (p. 84 ed. von Roth). This passage seems to be the origin of the obscene references to Apsarases in the later literature. Grassmann supports the etymology d-pearas, bat ap-saras (moving in water) seems more probable. " Rigveda, 790, 8-samudriyd apsarasa). Invocations to the waters are mentioned in the Brahmanas. * Rigveda, 949, 5-apaard jdram upa siahmiydnd, oto. So in the Atharva veda they win at dice and cause madness. Cf. the legends of the Lorelei and Melusine, alao the Nixies and Swan Maidena (Grimm, D. Myth, p. 404.) * Rigveda, 940,4-5 : 962, 6. lit. Br. iii, 31... ** Ait. Br., v, 20-tadgrihawvdmind gandharvina (8&yana's C. A kind of domestic spirit!!!). cf. Rigv. 911, 40-1.

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20 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [JANUARY, 1884. greater gods; thus in this Talavakara Brah- coveries, and that even those will be of little mana," it is said that when the Devas and interest except to scientists. Here, in short Asurns were contending, Indra went to a there is now no room for amateurs, who cannot Gandharva with three heads to learn how to be expected to sift the mountains of dust and get the victory. In the later literature and ashes which represent Indian literatures, in Buddhist works, myriads of Apsarases" and the hope that years of toil may bring to light Gandharvas are mentioned, but they are very | a few grains of ore. subordinate beings. I will now give one specimen to show the It appears to me that fetishism only will philological interest of this Brahmara. make all this intelligible. How otherwise is it Sakrala (Chakkavala, Chakkavala). possible to explain the multitude of divine In Pali books one frequently meets with beings of the same class P or how is it possible words which are not to be found in Sanskrit to explain invocations and offerings to divine texts, and yet must obviously have had a San. beings that the Vedic writers yet knew to be skrit source. Such a word, e.g., is the Palonly natural phenomena ? chakkavala commonly called sakvala (the Sin. The recovery of this Brahmana and the ghalese form of the word) in popular treatises Sakha of the Samaveda to which it belonge, on Buddhism. This word is used to signify a now confirms, in a striking way, the conclusions mundane system (of which there is an infinite which Hang's discovery of the Maitrdyaniya number), the limit being the space to which the aalhd of the Yajurveda, and Sir W. Muir's light of a sun is supposed to extend, discovery of the Paippalada oakha of the The late Prof. Childers (in his admirable Atharvavada" already suggested a few years Pali Dictionary) has derived this word from ago, that there is little absolutely new to be chakravata (Sanskrit), but for this word hoped for, even if the recovery of the lost (assumed to mean limit') there is no good Vedio works became probable. That few authority. Chakravala (Sanskrit) is equally more books of this kind may be found," is questionable ; both words, in short, seem to be possible; but it is tolerably certain that they fabrications of pedants, and occur only in the will be very much like what we already have, Amaraksha and other relatively recent works. and that though they may furnish new details In the Jaiminiya (Talavakara) Brahmana a and thus help research, yet the progress of the new word occurs which is evidently the Sanskrit growth and development of the Brahman re- original of chakkavala; this word is chalovala ligion and literature will still remain to be (nent.). It occurs more than once, but the discovered by minute and painful research; following passage (ii, 22) settles its meaning : there is no longer any probability of a happy adityova etad atra'gra dsid : yatrai'tach discovery which will, at once and without the chdkrdlam ado 'gnih, sa idaria sarvam pratapa. tedious labour, now necessary, throw light on tasya devdpradahad abibhayris, t&'bruvan what is obscure and open out new fields to the saruani vd ayam idam prayakshati'ts" etc, Here enquirer. chakvdla can only mean sphere' or horizon.' This is a result that the earliest students of The formation from this of the Pali chakka. Sanskrit except, perhaps, the sober Cole- vala is easily explained. brooke-oertainly did not enticipate ; but it The a becomes short before the double will be much to the advantage of Indian consonant (Minayeff's Pali Gr. by Gayard, $ 9), studies, if it be now generally recognized that and this (by insertion of a) becomes kkav they are utterly foreign to all sentimentalism (do. $ 46. of. ratana), and thus we get chakka. and romance, and that only the most tedious vala, which has been assumed (as might be the and patient labour can hope to make any dis- case) to be the representative of chakravdia; # Ch. 11, 9 10. ch. Pigu. 940, 4; 965, 6. * Not, however, by indiscriminate and unsystematio Lote de la bonne Loi, ch. xxvi, p. 279. Benroh made by persons who do not know what to look for. But if sucess is to follow such search at all, it will As regards the first, see the preface to my Jaimi. only be possible at present; in a few years more, all the alya tent of the Arshtyabrdhmana (1878); M rogards the little known and obscure work and these alone are of sooond, Has Brahma und die Brahmanon (1871), pp. value will have utterly disappeared. Very little 81-4, And Weber'. Ind. Btudion, viii, pp. 117-128. As interest is taken by the natives, at pregent, in their regards the third, von Roth's Der Atharvavada in literatures, and what little erista is bestowed entirely Kaschmir (1875). on recent sectarian and polemical tracta.

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JANUARY, 1884.) TALAVAKARA-BRAHMANA. 21 the difficulty as regards the meaning of vdla being overlooked; as an independent word it means "hair,' and is not a formative. But what is the origin of chakvdla ? dla is here obviously a primary formative such as we find in patala panchala, visla, mrinala and other words. The root is then, to be sought irr chaku-. I would connect this with chaksh = gee, as appears in chakshhuh, etc. Thus chakvala would mean the visible horizon, and from this has been gradually extended in meaning to what we find in the Buddhist cosmogony." ON THE JAIMINIYA- OR TALAVAKARA-BRAHMANA. BY PROF. W. D. WHITNEY, OF NEW HAVEN The Jaiminiya is on the whole a dull and he gave them to understand. They put him down teresting work. compared with the at the editava of the Sarasvati, and went forth others of its class. A most unreasonable share with thrice renewed departure. He, deserted (P) of its immense mass is taken up with telling on in the vastu, wished : May I be young again; may I win a girl for wife; may I sacrifice with a what occasion some being "saw" a particular thousand.' He saw this saman; he praised with saman, and praised with it," thereby attain it. ing certain desired ends, which may be attained "121. When he had praised, Saryata the Manaby others that will follow his example; and the van, with his clan, settled down by (adhyavdayat) pseudo-legends thus reported or fabricated him. The young cow-herds smeared him with dirt, average of a degree of flatness and artificiality with balls of dung whited with ashes (dsapdndi). quite below the ordinary. Of course, there are He wrought discord for the Saryatans; then extensive passages of a different character; and neither did mother know son, nor son mother. also some of the stock legendary material of Saryata the Manavan said: 'Have ye seen any. the Brahmana period appears here in a new thing here about, on account of which this has setting, or a different version, or both. De become thus P' They said to him: Surely there cidedly the most interesting case of the latter lies below here this used-up (nishthava) old man; him the young cow.herds and shepherds to-day kind, so far as I have observed, is the passage have been smearing (adhikshus !) with dirt, with which, with a true insight, Burnell himself balls of dung whited with ashes; hence this has selected and published in 1878 as a specimen become thus.' of his new Brahmana." By way of further "122. He said: "That verily was (abhat has specimen and contribution to the same impor- been') Chyavana the Bhargavan; he knows the tant end, the comparison of the varying versions vdstupasya brahmana; him, now, his sons have of common material found in the Brahmanas, left in the vdatu and have gone forth.' Running I give here another extract, containing a story up to him, he said: Sage! homage to thee! have already well known from the Satapatha ;' it mercy, sir, on the Garyatans. Now there was a beautiful daughter of Saryata, Sukanya. He fills several sections of the third and last of the said : Do you give me Sukanya. "Not so,' said principal divisions of the Brahmana proper : he; 'name some other treasure. Not so,' said he : "120. To these the chydvana. Chyavana the surely I know the odstupasya brahmana; Bhargavan knew the vdatupaeya (MS. vastup- put her down here by me, and then go (yatat) odptup-, odstupasya) brahmana. He said to his with your clan this very day at evening. They Bons: 'I know the vdstupasya brahmana; put me [said]: How shall we answer thee without taking down, then, in the vdstu, and go forth with thrice counsel P They took counsel, and said: "Surely, repeated departure (P trih punah praydnam).' They one, two, three treasures we should be willing to said : We shall not be able; we shall be cried gain at cost of her; and now we shall gain just out against (akrobanavantas); men will say of us everything by her; come, let us give her to him.' "they have deserted their father." "Not so,' They gave her to him. They said to her: Girl, said he; 'you on your part will be the gainers by this is a worn-out old man, not equal to pursuing: it, and I by this means have hopes of becoming when, now, we shall yoke up, then do you run young again; just leave me and go forth. Thus (dhdvatat) after.' So she rose up to follow after * From small tract printed at Mangalore in 1878. 1878 ; pp. 40, 24mo. Also included in the Acts of the See the next paper. International Oriental Congress at Florence, vol. II, From the Proceedings of the American Oriental pp. 97-111; and given above, except the Sanskrit text, Society, May, 1883. and some other very slight omissions. ? A Legend from the Talavakara or Jaiminiya Brah- _ See Muir's Original Sanskrit Texts, vol. V, P. 250 ; mana of the Sama Veda, by A. C. Burnell. Mangalore, Weber's Indische Streifen, vol. I, p. 13.

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22 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. the clan when it had yoked up. He said: 'O0 serpent, circumvent her deserting [her] living friend.' As she goes (P) "123. A black snake rose up against her. She noting this, sat down. Now the two Aevins, spoon-sacrificers (darvihomin), were going about there performing cures, not sharers in the soma (anapisomau). They came up to her and said: This is an old man, not whole, not fit for the office of husband (patitvandya); be our wife.' Not so,' she said: 'to whom my father has given me, his wife will I be.' This he listened to. Then they went forth. He said: 'Girl, what was that noise just now?' Two men came up to me here with a form that is the most beautiful of forms.' What did they say to you ? Girl, this is an old man, not whole, not fit for the office of husband; be our wife.' 'What did you say?' 'Not so, I said; to whom my father has given me, his wife will I be.' "124. That, now, was pleasant to him; he said: Those were the two Asvins, spoon-sacrificers, that go about here performing cures, not sharers in the soma. They will come to-morrow and say the same thing to you; do you then say (brutat) to them: "You verily are not whole, who, being gods, are not soma-drinkers (asomapau); whole in sooth is my husband, who is a soma-drinker." They will say to you: "Who is competent to this, that we be sharers in the soma (apisomau) ?" And do you say (brutdt): "My husband here." By this means there is hope of my becoming. young again. They came to her on the morrow, and said the same thing. She said: You verily are not whole, who being gods, are not somadrinkers; whole in sooth is my husband, who is a soma-drinker.' They said: Who is competent to this, that we be sharers in the soma? My husband here,' said she. "125. They said to him: Sage, make us sharers in the soma, sir.' Very well,' said he; do you now make me young again.' They drew him away to the disava of the Sarasvati. He said: Girl, we shall all come out looking alike; do you then know (janitat) me by this sign. They all came out looking just alike, with that form which is the most beautiful of forms. She, recognizing him.. This is my husband.' They said to him: 'Sage, we have performed for you that desire which has been your desire; you have become young again; now instruct us in such wise that we may be sharera in the soma." "126. He said: The gods here are engaged in sacrificing in Kurukshetra with a victim-sacrifice (pafishnydyajnena); they do not obtain that desire which is the desire at the sacrifice; the head of the sacrifice was cut off; so then what [JANUARY, 1884. Dadhyafich the Atharvana saw, that do you supply; he will teach it to you; then you will become sharers in the soma.' That head of the sacrifice that was cut off is yonder sun; he in sooth is the pravargya. So they came to Dadhyanich the Athar. vana; they said to him: Sage, we would have recourse to thee.' For what desire P' We would learn about the head of the sacrifice.' 'Not so,' said he; Indra likewise saw that; he said to me: "If you were to tell this to any one else, I should cut off your head;" that is what I am afraid of." Then do you teach us with this head of a horse.' 'Very well,' said he; let me now see you talking together.' They then laid off his head, put on instead the head of a horse, and sat talking together, singing sd man, uttering rich and yajus. So he put confidence in them, and taught them with that horse's head. "127. This Indra became aware of: 'He has told it to them,' said he; and running up, he cut off his head, that horse's head. Then what was his own head, that they skilfully (manishinau) put on instead. They came to the gods, who were sacrificing with a headless sacrifice. They said to them: Ye sit sacrificing with a headless sacrifice; hence ye do not obtain that desire which is the desire at the sacrifice.' Who knows that head of the sacrifice P' We do.' Put it on in its place.' Then draw a draught for us.' They drew for them that Aevins' draught. They said to them: Ye two verily are officiating priests; ye, who understand it, shall set on in its place that head of the sacrifice.' Very well.' They were officiating priests. Thus they became sharers in the soma. "128. Then Chyavana the Bhargavan, having become young again, went to Saryata the Manavan, and conducted his sacrifice on the eastern site (prdchydm sthalydm). Then he gave him a thousand, with them he sacrificed. Thus Chyavana the Bhargavan, having praised with this saman, became young again, won a girl for wife, sacrificed with a thousand. Those were the desires at that saman; just those desires he attained. With just what desire one praises with this saman, that desire is fulfilled for him. With that same saman Chyavana the Bhargavan used to draw up out of the disava of the Sarasvati whatever food he desired. That is a food-attaining sdman. He attains food-eating, he becomes the best foodeater of his kindred, who knows this. And since Chyavana the Bhargavan saw it, therefore it is called chydvana. " Whatever may be thought respecting the extract already published by Burnell (and in regard to it opinions will doubtless differ), it will hardly be denied that this story wears a

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JANUARY, 1884.] TALAVARARA-BRAHMANA. 23 less original aspect than the corresponding one is in ai instead of as : and so on. Its unusually (or ones) in the other Brahmana. We cannot, frequent omission of the augment is probably however, be too cautious about expressing to be regarded as due to the inaccuracy of sweeping opinions as to the comparative age the manuscripts; they vary greatly in regard of the various Brahmanas and their relation to it. to one another, while they are so imperfectly 1 Of new and interesting grammatical material, worked up as at present. Their pervading the immense text is decidedly barren, more so accordance, in language, style, and contents, than any of the other Brahmanas except peris the most striking fact about them; they haps the Kaushitaki. But the mass of literature evidently come in the main out of one period, from this period already at command was so and their differences appear to be of minor considerable, that not much that is novel was consequence. Even from such grammatical reasonably to be hoped for. The text is so indications as that the Aitareya Brakmana uses faulty that some things are doubtless hidden avam as nominative, makes a periphrastic which further collation or deeper study may perfect with dsa (known elsewhere only in bring to light. A very few new aorists appear : the Gopatha, and occurring but once even in as amishat, amruchat (doubtful), alulubhat, amithe older Upanishads) and has such forms as marat (not noted before in the older language), hvayita and kamayita (common enough in the dipsit, asvaris. Precative forms are made from Sutras, but among Brahmanas paralleled only only half-a-dozen roots. As usual, the s-aorist by kalpayita in the Kaushitaki), we should is most frequent, being made from over thirty doubtless be over-hasty in concluding that the roots (the ish-aorist from about half as many : Aitare ya is a more recent compilation than the of the sa-aorist, only two or three scattering rest. forms appear (the mongrel adhikshus, in the In point of language, the Jaiminiya stands extract given above). Desiderative stems are fully upon the general plane of the Brahmanas, nearly three times as numerous as intensive; offering no signs either of special antiquity or of special interest in the two classes are tistirsha, of more modern date. Thus, to specify a few jigdsa (ga' sing'), dhipsa (besides dipsa), verishpoints: it invariably (and not very rarely) uses ya, ta trasya, which are new : and chichhitsa as nominatives avam and yuvam; it makes its vivadisha, lelih, nanadya, which I have not periphrastic perfects with keri only (a new case hitherto found of Brahmana age. is apachayasi chakrus reverenced ;' and iyak- A new root, gard, seems to make its appearshani chakre occurs three times, in the sense of ance at iii, 171, in accounting for the name ije; the text has no examples of aorists of this gurda given to a sa man. We are told that formation); it has no optatives like kumayita when the gods and Asuras contended about (still less any participles like kamaydna, which food (annadya), and the gods got possession of seem to be absolutely wanting until the epic the Asuras' food, there was left to the Asuras period); it uses the aorist strictly to express a great food named garda, which the gods time just past (and hardly offers an instance of coveted. Accordingly (as nearly everywhere what Delbruck calls the zeitlos use, or equiva- through the Brahmana), 'they saw this saman lence with a present); its infinitives are in their and praised with it; and thereby they won the variety and proportional frequency like those | gurda food of the Asuras;' and then: tasminnaof the Satapatha and Aitareya; it employs the gurdan ("rejoiced, made merry'?); yad agurdans unctive with freedom (although its variety tad gurdasya gurdatram. In another passage of forms is decidedly less rich than that of the (iii, 92), Vsadh is apparently a variant or an Satapatha); ita imperative in tat has as regu- error for Vsadh (which the grammarians give larly a future sense as in other Brahmanas as of the nu-class, although no nu-forms have (some of the best examples are those in the heretofore been found): thus, indrs vai sima extract given above); it has such. 3d sing. pres. na 'sadhnot; 88 kamayata : simd sadhnuyam middle forms as duhe ise sage (which Aufrecht, iti; sa etat samd 'pasyat; tend'stuta ; tato Ait. Brah. p. 429, incautiously pronounces "imi- | vai sa sima asadhnot; tad yad etat sama bhavati, tations of Vedic forms," though no Brahmana simanam eva saddhyai. The rare root ned is found without them); its gen.-abl. sing. fem. occurs repeatedly, both with ati, as in the

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24 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. JANUARY, 1884. examples hitherto found, and with pra (tasyahin kurvanti...prastauti...ddim ddatte...udga. yo rasah pra,' medat, etc.) yati...pratiharati, etc., (ii, 304). I will only add further that the familiar later It may be mentioned, however, in conclusion word ddi makes its earliest appearance here (it that the word chakvala put forward by Burnell had been found till now no further back than as an older form of chakkavala, is (as conin Upanishads and Sutras), and in constant con- jectured by Bohtlingk in his minor dictionary) nection with forms a + vda, showing that the only the familiar chatvala. The groups tv and derivation conjecturally given for it in the kevare hardly distinguishable, and often Petersburg Lexicon is unquestionably the true confounded in the Grantham manuscripts; but one. Examples are : tens eva punar adim adatte what they give here is pretty clearly meant (i, 120); ho ity uktva "dim adadita (i, 130); for tu. MISCELLANEA. BURMESE BUDDHIST DHARMASASTRA. Commentary, which he considered to be lost, MR. JARDINE, Judicial Commissioner of Bur. followed the text of the Kanva recension. More ma, and Dr. Forchhammer, Professor of Pali, have over, Prof. Kielhorn's Catalogue of MSS. from in the press a complete edition of the oldest law. the Central Provinces, p. 6, No. 2, contains an book known in Burma, It consists of a bundle entry asserting that a copy of Sayana's Bhashya of palm-leaves scratched with a version of the on the Kanvavada was, in 1874, in the possession laws of Manu. The author-one Buddhagosha, of BAba Sastri Bhake of Chanda. Nobody seems, a jurist of the 15th century-records that he however, to have taken the trouble of making translated it from the Talain language. He adds enquiries regarding the Chanda MS, and of having that the text was originally arranged by a Talain the entry verified. The honour of having brought King of Martaban named Wagaru, whose reign the work to light belongs, therefore, undoubtedly began in 1280 A.D. The language is Burmese, to Mr. Pandit. The copy of which, up to the date intermixed with a dialect resembling Pali, but of Mr. Pandit's writing, twenty Adhyayas, or onenot the same as Pali. The printing from the half of the whole, had come to band, was dispalm-leaves is completed; portions will be trans- covered in the family library of certain famous literated in the Roman character, and the whole Vaidiks living in the Kanarese districts of the translated into English. The editors will deal Bombay Presidency. with philology and ancient law. It divides law As regards the Commentary itself, Mr. Pandit's into 18 titles, something like those of the Hindu analysis of its introduction shows that S&yana Manu, and is believed to be a very ancient type discusses in this case much the same topics as in of Hindu Law. the beginning of his other published Bhashyas i.e., the meaning of the term Veda, the necessity THE RECOVERY OF A SANSKRIT MS. of the suddhydya, the object of the Voda study, A highly interesting paper, announcing the re- &c. He makes, however, incidentally, some statecovery of Sayar.a Madhava's commentary on the ments which possess particular interest. First, he Kanva recension of the White Yajurveda was sent narrates the "Paurinik" legend, which derives to me by Rao Bahadur Sankar P. Pandit, for the name of the Taittiriya Veda from its having communication to the International Congress of been picked up by Vaisampayana's pupils, who Orientalists at Leiden. ... A preliminary had assumed the shape of tittiris, or partridges, notice of the find will, I think, be acceptable to all and adds " that he saw this account distinctly scholars interested in Vedic studies. mentioned in the Vamsabrdhmana of the KanThe fact that Sayana had written a Commentary vaveda." The latter assertion shows that the on the Mantras of the Sukla Yajurveda was known curious myth must go back to a remote antiquity. from Mahidhara's statement in the introductory Secondly, Sayana gives some important informaverses to his Vedadipa, where he says that "he tion regarding the succession of the teachers of consulted" the Bhdshyas of Uvata and of Madhava, the Kanva school, which partly differs from that as well as from his quoting an opinion of Madhava contained in the Brahmana of the Madhyandina on vaj. Samh. xii. 45. As long ago as 1852 Prof. recension, as well as a remarkable enumeration A. Weber stated in his Hist. of Sansk. Lit., of the sakhas of the White Yajurveda. The p. 112 (first German edition) that Madhava's number of the latter agrees, according to SAyana, From the Academy, October 27, 1883, pp. 284-5.

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JANUARY, 1884.] ASIATIC SOCIETIES. with that given in the Charanavydha. But many of students of the Kanva Sdkhd, which he has of the names are new, and look more trustworthy discovered in the Dekhan, and on the age of than those known hitherto. Thirdly, Sayana Uvata. As regards the latter point, he adduces, states that he wrote his Commentary on the from a copy of the Yajurvedabhdshya lately White Yajurveda after that on the Taittirfya acquired by Prof. Bhandarkar for the Government recension, and mentions as his reason for explain of India, some verses in which Uvata states that ing to Sakhds of the same Veda their great he was the son of Vajrata, an inhabitant of difference in the readings of the text and in the Anandapura, and that he wrote at Avanti, or precepts on the ritual. He unfortunately omits Ujjain, in the reign of king Bhoja. These as. to inform us why he chose to comment on the sertions leave no doubt that he lived in the first Kanva text instead of on that of the Madhyan- half of the eleventh century A.D., and make it dinas. Mr. Pandit thinks that, though in the | probable that he belonged to the most influential present day the Kanvas do not enjoy great con- and most talented section of the Gujarat Brahsideration among the learned and rank below the mans, the Nagars of Anandapura-Vadnagar. One Madhyandinas, the case may have been different of the verses, which mentions king Bhoja, but in Sayana's time, and that Sayana may have held not his capital, I remember to have read in the the Kanva text to be superior to that of their copy which I obtained for Government in 1868. rivals. In support of this view it might be urged The other point-the fact that Kanvas exist in that other and more ancient writers, when speak. the Dekhan at Pandharpur and at Vacaghoda, ing of the White Yajurveda, mention the Kanvas close to Puna, is, to me at least, entirely new. and not the Madhyandinas by name. But the Though Kanvas are repeatedly mentioned as donees problem becomes somewhat more complicated by in grante issued by kings of the Dekhan, I hitherto the circumstance that, in explaining the Brahmara 1. believed-relying on the statements of the Puna of the White Yajuraida, S&yana follows the Pandits-that they were extinct in the Maratha Madhyandina recension. I almost suspect that country, and in Western India confined to parts he was induced to give the preference to the of the Surat collectorate. In the latter district Kanva Mantrasarhitd by the consideration that they are numerous; and one sub-division of the it had been commented on by one, or perhaps Gujarat Brahmans, the Mottalde, who derive their more, predecessors. name from the ancient Brahmavical settlement The details which Mr. Pandit gives regarding of Mottaka, the modern Motta, consists exclusively the relation of Mahidhara's Vedad pa to the works of Kanvas. While in charge of the search for of the two older commentators, Uvata or Tata Sanskrit MSS., I have repeatedly attempted to and SAyana, are even more important than his obtain the books of these Kanvas, which comprise analysis of Sayana's Introduction. He shows that not only the partly-known Mantrasamnitd and Mahidhara's statement that he "consulted" the Brahmana, but also a peculiar set of Sutrus on works of his predecessors is not exact, and that, Srauta and Grinya ceremonies (quoted also by in reality, Mahidhara transferred into his work Sayans in his Commentary), and a number of large portions of Sayana's Commentary and unknown minor works. Though one of my deputy smaller pieces of Uvata's without making any inspectors, a head-master of a high school, and alterations or acknowledging the sources from some village schoolmasters, all Mottala Brahmans, which he drew them. A comparison of the three worked for me, the Bhattas, or Suklas, as they commentators' explanations of ten Mantras, which are called, who possessed MSS., refused to let us Mr. Pandit exhibits side by side, clearly convicts have even modern copies of their sacred books. Mahidhara of gross and unscrupulous plagiarism. I trust that Mr. Pandit will be more fortunate His work contains little that is original; what is with the Kanvas of the Dekhan, and will soon good and sensible in it seems to have been taken lay the students of the Veda under fresh obligachiefly from SAyana. tions by the recovery of the Kanva Satras, In concluding his paper, Mr. Pandit makes Pratisakhya, and Parisishtas. some interesting remarks on some communities Vienna, Oct. 6, 1883. G. BUHLER. ASIATIC SOCIETIES. The Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society (N. S.), cir. 240 A.D. Madhnva Raja, mentioned in a Ganga vol. XV, pt. iii, contains four papers. The first is by inscription. Mr. Lewis Rice on "Early Kannada authors," in c. 470 Avinita, author of a commentary on Bhira. which he enumerates the following, with more or vi's Kirdtarjuniya. Same source. less information respecting the works of each, but we 634 Ravikfrtti, mentioned in a Chalukya ins. can hardly accept the dates of the first two at least: cription.

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26 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [JANUARY, 1884. P650 Samantabhadra, author of a Dovdgamas. totra, &c. ? 670 Kaviparimeshti.-No works of his are known by name. cir. 690 Pajyapada, auther of Jainandra-nyasa, Panini-babddvatdra, &c. 788 Akalanka Chandra, said to be the author of Pramdnaratnapradipa and Devdigama. stetranyasa. Vidy&nanda, author of $16kaavdrttika lai kara, and Aptamivuddngaoa. 941 Pampa wrote the Pampa-Bharata, Adi. purana, &c. - Asaga, said to have written a Varddha manasvdmi-kdvya. c. 950 Jinachandra, authorof Pujyapdda charita. c. 950 Ponna or Kurulgala Savana, wrote the Santi-purana. - Chamunda-raya, author of the Chamunda- rdya-peruna. 983 Rannaor Ratna wrote the Ajita-tfrthakara purdna, Paraburdmacharita,and Chakres vara-charita. c. 990 Nemichandra, anthor of the Lildvati. - Gajankula and Gajaga,--perhaps the same. 1060-83 Bilhana, author of the Vikramanka kdvya Panchdbikhd Ramacharita, &c. Gunabhadra, author of the Uttara-purana. c. 1070 Gunachandra, said to have written the Paradbhyudaya and Maghanand Isvara. - Gunanandi-may be the same. - Haripala, quoted by Nagavarna and Bhattakalanka. c. 1070 Gunavarme, author of a Hariamta, Push padanta-purdna, and Devachandrapra bhastotra. 1116 Nayasena, author of the Dharmmamita. - Sambavarma, and Sankhavarma-only named. c. 1070-1120 Nagavarma, author of the Kavydva. lokana, Chhando'mbudhi, Karnataka-bhd. sha-bhashana, Vastukora, and Kadambari,--the latter a Kannada version of Bana's work. c. 1120 Bapa. On this date see below. c. 1120 Mallikarjuna, said to be the author of Chhorakatha. - Kumudendu, said to have written a Kumudendn-Ramdyana. Maghanandi. There is a Padarthasdra by a writer of this name. - Balachandra, said to have written the Tatvaratnad(pikd, and Prabhritakatra. yavyakhyana. 1158 Nachiraja, author of Nachirdjt, a com mentary on the Amarakdea. c. 1170 Nagachandra wrote the Ramachandra. charita-puruna or Pampa-Rimdyana, Mallindtha-purdna and Jinamunitanaya. c. 1170 Srutakirtti, author of Raghava Pandaviya. c. 1175 Vfranandi, to whom is aseribed the Chan draprabha-ledvyamala. 1189 Aggala, author of the Chandraprabha purdna, and Aggala-Lilavati. - Chandrabhatta and Srivijaya, named by Kesi-raja. c. 1160-1200 Kesi-raja, author of the Sabdamani. darpana, Cholapdlakacharita, Subhadra. harana, Prabodhachandra, Kirdta, but only the first is known. - Bandhuvarma was the author of Hariva minedbhyudaya, and Jivasambodhane. - Janna, wrote an Anantan ithacharita. e. 1200 Kamalabhava, author of a Santisa-purana. c. 1220 Karnaparya, author of Nemindtha-purana. e. 1295 Mangarasa, author of a Harivansa or Nemi-Jinesa-sangati, and to whom is ascribed Karndta-Sabdamanjari, Man matha-charita, and Samyuktva-Kaumudi c. 1250-1300 Rudrabhatta wrote the Jagannatha vijaya, a Brahmanical work in praise of Krishna Amritanandi, author of the Dhanvantari nighantu-a medical dictionary. c. 1300 Salva wrote the Rasaratndkara. From this period the Jaina literature declines, and Lingayat authors take a prominent place. c. 1398 Abhinava Mangarija, author of the Manga raja-nighantu, on the plan of the Amarakosa. - Abhinava Vadi-vidyonanda, collected the Kdoyasdra. P 1550 Devottama, author of Nandrtharaindkara. Devacbandra, author of the Ramakathd. tatara and Rajdvali-kathe. Vrittivilasa, author of Sdetraadra and Dharmaparikshe. 1604 Bhattakalankadeva, author of the Karnd. taka Sabdanulasana and its commen taries. Mr. Rice tells us, that "Bana was the author of the Sriharsha-charita, a life of Harshavarddhana of Thapesar, who came to the throne 1088. Samano Bana, described as a poet, whose daughter was the mother of Kedi Raja, may have been the Bame person"! This statement may well shake our confidence in any other for which he does not cite his authority; the merest tyro in Sanskrit literature is supposed to know that Bana and Harshavardhana belong to the first half of the seventh century-not the twelfth. References to authorities, however, seem to be carefully avoid. ed in this paper, which is a serious defect. Mr.

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JANUARY, 1884.] ASIATIC SOCIETIES. 27 Kittel, to whose works the author of it is evidently "Two early sources of Mongol History"-viz., the so largely indebted, is not even named in it. Yuan-ch'ao-pi-shi, the contents of which are being Mr. B. H. Chamberlain's paper, is "On two ques- incorporated in the papers on Chinghiz Khan, in tions of Japanese Archaology," viz., the documen- this Journal, and the Huan-yuan-shen-vu-tsin-jentary sources of our knowledge of Ancient Japan, lu, edited by Palladius in 1872. and the so-called Sacred Characters said to have These papers are followed by Mr. Vaur's very been used by the Japanese before the introduction full and elaborate report on the progress of of the Chinese mode of writing. On these ques. Oriental studies and research for 1882. tions he is at issue with the views of M. Leon de The Journal of the Bombay Br. R. Asiatic Society Rosny, which he combats most satisfactorily, (vol. XVI, No. zl.) is devoted to Prof. Peterson's showing that, on the first, M. de Rosny has given Report on the search for Sanskrit Mss. in the credence to a recent forgery entitled J6-ki or Bombay circle, 1882-83. It is elsewhere (inf. Uye tsu Fumi; and as to the second, that there p. 28) analysed so fully that only some minor is not sufficient evidence to justify us in speaking points need be noticed here. of the use of the so-called "sacred" characters as This Report is very readable, but contains some a fact, and that these characters are identical rather ex cathedra dicta; thus (p. 2), the author with the existing Korean alphabet, which is says "I should like, however, to say that having reasonably believed to have been based on an had the good fortune to be admitted within Indian original. the shrine of Achaleswara, where the mark of The next is a paper by Rev. S. Beal on "Two the toe of the god Siva is to be seen unto this sites named by Hiuen Tsiang," in which he tries day,' and having carefully examined that mark, to identify the mountain Potalaka or Potaraka I am disposed to think that it contains the "to the east of the Malaya mountains," on which explanation of the curious knob on the left of the Avalokitesvara often resided, and from which figure of the Pramara prince, which stands facing perhape Mount POtaraka at Lhassa, the residence the temple of Vasishtha at the other end of the of the Dalai Lama, takes its name. A Chinese hill. The one is an exact copy of the other; and writer--the annotator on Wong Puh-says that the 'toenail of the devil' was probably one of "Buddha preached a sermon on the subject of the cherished insignia of the royal house of Avalokitesvara with twelve faces on Mount Po. the time. I was able to secure admittance both taraka," which "derives its name from the fact to this shrine and to that of Vasishtha." This that it produces a great number of little white admittance, which has not been rarely granted to flowers, the scent of which is perceived from far." visitors previous to Prof. Peterson, we are led to And Mr. Beal suggests that if the flower was the infer, was secured to him by putting off his white jasmine (sumand), it would support his shoes; for he proceeds to lecture other visitors theory that Sumanakuta or Adam's Peak in Ceylon in these terms, -" There may," he says, "be was the mountain in question, and in connexion circumstances in which persons officially reprewith this he traces the Buddhist worship of senting the government of the country, or an Avalokitesvara "the god who looks down,' also alien church, may hesitate to comply with the called Samantamukha "looking every way!) to condition universally attached to such a concession. the veneration of sailors and others for the hill. No such considerations need trammel the scholar god Sumana. He also notes that the Chinese name in search of knowledge. And as far as personal Kwan-ghai-yin is equivalent to that of the Sabran feelings are concerned, I do not envy those of the divinity Al-Makah--he who hears,' and that the man who can stand before the ruined shrine of knowledge of him may have been brought to Vasishtha, or enter the porch of the Karli cave, Ceylon by Sabwan or Arab merchants, who, as while fancy conjures up the innumerable company Fa-hian states, had settled there in large numbers of men and women who have worshipped where in the early centuries of our era. This is hardly he now is, without saying to himself, Pat off thy satisfactory. The second site is Po-lo-mo-lo-ki-li, shoes from off thy feet: for the place whereon thou a hill on which king Sadvaha excavated a splendid standest is holy ground.'" It is amusing to listen Sangharima for Nagarjuna. Julien restored the to this demand for reverence to the places where name to Baramulagiri, but Mr. Beal prefers men have long time worshipped what in a previous Brahmara, the black bee,' as a name of Durga. breath he has described as "the devil," or elseNow Fa-hian calls the same place Po-lo-yu, which where (p. 55), as "a hideous black stone," and at he transliterates as Parvati; and Parvati is Durga, the same time interlarding his language with and Brahmara is Durga. Even if this hold good, quotations from a Book, which many of the best however, it does not enable us to fix the place. men of all ages have regarded it as a want of The last paper is by Mr. H. H. Howorth on reverence and good taste to quote in a flippant way.

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28 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (JANUARY, 1884. Thus, in describing Udepur, in which there are a very few marble structures, he says, (p. 49), "poet or painter might be forgiven who should take it for the embodiment in marble of the apocalyptic vision of the Holy City, New Jerusalem, coming down from God out of heaven, prepared as a bride adorned for her husband." It is quite Prof. Peterson's habit to interland his sentences with such quotations (see pp. 44, 46, 52, 55, &c.) He even finds a parallel between Paul and Kshe. marija, who, he thinks, "may have changed his name to Kshemendra at the time of his conversion." But, like the blind man at Jepur, whom he mentions (p. 43) as so well versed in the Mahabharata, Prof. Peterson is perhaps-to use his own words" content with the shadow he pursues as any of us all"-Very complimen. tary to us all!' We are also struck by such sweeping statements as that it is "amusing to note that one of the chief features" of the Jepur public library, "is what must certainly be the most complete collection of Scotch sermons that exists anywhere east of the Lothians." This we know to be an exag. geration, the result perhaps of bias. Again, is he correct when he asserte (p. 46), that Pushkara is the only sacred place in India that "boasts a temple" raised in hononr of Brahma P This we know is a popular story, but we have seen and heard of temples of Brahmadova elsewhere, even in Rajputana, as well as in Eastern and Southern India. Then he speaks of "the magnificent marble statue which some strange chance has raised above ground," near Cambay, "and which has such a weird effect on the visitor, who comes upon it, as we did, unexpectedly." This "marble statue," we are told by one who has examined it, is merely a common black stone or slate image of & Jaina Tirthankara, in the usual squatting posture; its "weird effect" may be a personal concern. In describing the daily sacrifice at Amber, he Bays:-"in a corner of the room a girl was encircling with her arms the little goat that had till then boen her playmate, but was now to be torn from her, and put to death, because the upper powers require some such satisfaction for the sins of the people of Jepur. We turned and fled the scene, thinking in our hearts that a sight like this might possibly open the eyes even of certain commentators." This is quite sagely romantic; is this girl to be found often there, or only when a Professor and his wife visit the place P Prof. Peterson, however, has a liking for the oratorical ; thus he describes Hemacharya (p. 64), as "the great teacher who, writing when English history was hardly yet begun, has, from his urn, ruled the spirits of so many generations, and is potent still," and adds a quotation from Byron's Manfred. We hardly see the use of reproducing, in an Appendix of fully 24 pages to this Report, the paper on Bana, his predecessors and contempo. raries, which has so recently appeared in the author's edition of the Kadambari, nor of the extracts and long notes, such (e.g.) as that on I-tsing (p. 14) from Max Muller's latest and wellknown work; a simple reference to the book quoted and the page, would, in most of such cases, have been enough. Finally, he tells us (p. 6), that his MS. of the Suvrittatilaka" was not bought for Government; but was presented" to him by a friend. Does Prof. Peterson not know that there is a distinct rule against any Government officer receiving any such presents ? It was thus that Drs. Haug and Sprenger dealt, and finally carried off from the country, to dispose of, for their own behoof in Germany, the best of the MSS. they found. Prof. Peterson exouses himself by stating that in the comparatively few cases in which MSS. have thus been put at his disposal, he has gone on the rule of making over to the collection all MSS. that are new, or more correct than copies already there. Others he has felt at liberty to retain.' No such excuse ought to be pled for the evasion of the law. He may retain nothing of value; another led by his example may easily accumulate a splendid collection. The more important features of this Report are go fully noticed below by Dr. Buhler, that more need not be added here. BOOK NOTICE. Pror. PATERSON'S REPORT on the SEARCH for SANS- extracts from the latter, and an alphabetical list KRIT MSS. in the Bombay Cirole, 1882-83. (No. 41. of of all MSS. bought (pp. 1-132); (2) a list of the vol. XVI. of the Jour. Bo. Br. Roy. 48. Soc.] palm-lenf MSS. in Santinath's Bhandar at Cambay Professor Peterson's Report of his operations (App. I, pp. 1-108); and (3) a reprint of a portion connected with the search for Sanskrit MSS. in of his introduction to the Kadambark, Bana, his 1882-83 consists of three separate parts; (1) an accontemporaries and predecessors,' (App. II, pp. count of a journey to Rajputand and a description 104-129). Prof. Peterson's journey to Gujarat and of his more important acquisitions, together with Rajputand was his first official tour, undertaken

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BOOK NOTICE. JANUARY, 1884.] during the autumn vacation in September and October 1882. He followed the railways by Ahmadabad to Jaipur, went thence back to Ajmir, visiting the neighbouring Tirtha of Pushkara, and from Ajmir by railway to Chittur and Udaipur, returning vid Gujarat, and from the Anand station made an excursion to Cambay. At Jaipur which, as my visit in 1876 proved, is a very promising ground for the manuscript-hunter, Prof. Peterson had considerable success, and obtained a number of valuable MSS. containing works on Kavya and Alamkara, most of which, curiously enough, belong to Kaemirian authors. The works from the Kavyasdstra include-1, a very good copy of Sankara's Samketa on Bana's Sriharshacharita; 2, 3, two new treatises by Kshemendra Vyasadasa, entitled Charucharyasataka and Chaturvargasamgraha; 4, the same author's Suvrittatilaka; 5, the Sambapanchabikavivarana of Kshemaraja; 6, 7, two hitherto unknown poems by Sambhu; the Muktalatabataka and the Rajendrakarnapura; 8, Yasaskara's Devistotra; 9, Alaka's Vishamapadoddyota on Ratnakara's Haravijaya; 10, a small hitherto unknown poem, the Vakroktipanchasikd by Ratnakara, with a commentary by Vallabhadeva. Nos. 2-10 are described at some length at pp. 4-14 of the Report, while extracts from them are given at p. 72ff. No. 1 is noticed in App. II. Some of the new facts which Prof. Peterson adduces from his finds are very interesting and important for the history of Sanskrit literature. Thus he shows that the Suvrittatilaka contains the initial verse of Bhartrimentha's Hayagrivavadha, the character of which will convince the most suspicious enquirer that the poem really was, as Hemachandra asserts, a mahakavya, not a nataka. The same work contains also the name of Rajasekhara, who is said to belong to the purvakavayah. This fact is just at the present moment of some importance, as it shows that Prof. Pischel's combinations (Gottinger Gelehrte Anzeigen, 1883, pp. 1221ff.), according to which Rajasekhara wrote in 1020, A.D., require reconsideration. As Kshemendra who composed the Suvrittatilaka in the reign of king Ananta of Kasmir, 1029-1064, calls Rajasekhara one of the ancients, the latter cannot have lived later than in the beginning of the tenth century. To this conclusion points also the fact that Rajasekhara mentions, as Prof. Pischel has shown, charming Ratnakara,' the famous Kasmirian poet of the ninth century. If the form Bhaumaka, which the new copy of the Suvrittatilaka gives as the name of the author of the Ravandrjuniya (Kasmir Report, p. 62), is preferable to the reading Bhima in the Kasmir copy, I would leave an open question until 29 a good Sarada MS. of the poem has been procured. It is as easy to make an au out of an as to change an au into t, and the opinion of Prof. Peterson's friend, Pandit Durgaprasada, who decided in favour of Bhaumaka is perhaps worth less than that of the Kasmirian Damodar who held the contrary view. The list of Kshemendra's known compositions, (given in the note to p. 4) is not quite complete, as the Kavikanthabharana (Bombay Collection 1879-80, No. 205), has been left out. An examination of my apograph of this MS. by Mr. J. Schonberg, has shown that it contains besides the Ornament for the throats of poets,' another small treatise on Alamkara, called Auchityavicharacharcha. Abstracts of both works are in preparation, and will shortly be published. The Kavikanthabharana gives a most amusing recipe for making a poet, and the names of several unknown compositions of the author. In his notes on the Sambapanchasikavivarana, which is also represented in the Government Collection of 187577, Prof. Peterson proposes to identify its author, Kshemaraja with Kshemendra Vyasadasa. I am still as unwilling to agree to that step as in 1877. For though the two names are really identical, they are so common, and both Kshemaraja's and Kshemendra's compositions so numerous that they probably designate two different persons. The question can be settled only when the name of Kshemaraja's father is found. With respect to Sambhu, the author of the Rajendrakarnapura, I agree with Peterson in identifying him with the father of Ananda, who is mentioned by Mankha. But when he attempts. to explain the mutilation of Alaka's commentary on the Haravijaya by the supposition that Ratnakara did not complete his poem, and when he alleges that the colophon of the copy which I brought from Kasmir names Ganapati as author of the last part of the poem, I am unable to follow him. The fact is that in the colophon of the 50th sarga the Kasmir copy of the Haravijaya (Kasmir Report, App. cxxvi-vii), clearly ascribes the authorship to Ratnakara. The words samaptikritam Ganapatina mahakavyam idam om tatsat sivam subham astu, have, therefore, to be referred to the completion of the MS. and mean nothing else, but that one Ganapati wrote the copy from which the Government MS. was taken. The important acquisitions in the Alamkarasdstra (pp. 14-42) are-1, a new complete copy of Rudrata's Kavyalamkara with Svetambara Nami Tippana; 2, Vallabhadeva's Subhashitavali; 3-6), three commentaries on Mammata's Kavyaprakasa by Rajanaka Ananda, Narahari-Sarasvatitirtha, and Bhimasena. Though the first work is represented in the Government collection of 1880-81

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30 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. by a beautiful old palm-leaf MS. (Kielhorn, Beport, p. 34), which has disclosed the real name of the author of the commentary, Prof. Peterson has extracted from his new copy some interesting information bearing on the age of Rudrata. He shows that Nami composed his Tippana in Vikrama Sam. 1125 or 1068-69 A.D., and that he used older commentaries. It is, therefore evident that in suggesting (Kasmir Report, p. 67), the second half of the eleventh century as the period of Rudrata's literary activity, I have placed him too late. Under the circumstances now brought to light he cannot be placed later than the tenth century, and he may be even older. Vallabhadeva's Subhashitavali, of which Prof. Peterson gives a short abstract, is the same work as that ascribed in my Kaemir Report, (p. 61), to Srivara. My mistake arose from trusting to an interpolation at the end of the MS. and to the assertions of the Kasmirian Pandits. Prof. Aufrecht, who has since been using the Kasmir copy, has already assigned the work to its true author (Indische Studien, vol. XVI, pp. 209-10). Concerning Mammata's Kavyaprakasa, Prof. Peterson adduces from his new materials some interesting and important details, and he starts a new theory regarding the authorship of that famous compendium of poetics. According to him the metrical portion, the Karikas alone, belongs to Mammata, while the prose commentary is the work of Rajanaka Ananda. His chief arguments are-1, that in some cases discrepancies are observable between the opinions advanced in these two constituent parts of the work; 2, that the colophon to the 10th ullasa in his fresh copy of the Nidareana mentions Ananda as joint author of the Prakdea. This passage runs as follows: "iti ert-Mammatdcharyavirachite Kavyaprakdbe Rajanakanandakrite Kavyaprakasadarsane 'paranamni arthalamkaranidareano nama dasama ull)asah ;" and Prof. Peterson translates it by, Here ends the tenth ullasa, by name Alamkaranidareana in the Kavyaprakdea of Mammata, otherwise known as the Kavyaprakaeadareana of Rajanakananda." He finds a further confirmation of his opinion in the colophon of a MS. of the text (No. 31 of his list), written in the vatsara sabibivanayandbdhisvetavahonmita (i. e. the year 1431, either of the Vikrama or of the Saka era), which says, "iti bribhattardjanaka-Mammatayoh kritih Kavyaprakabah.. samaptah." It seems to me that these arguments do not make Prof. Peterson's case a very strong one, while other considerations invalidate them altogether. For the divergence of opinion between the Karika I, 36, and its commentary (tad adoshau sabdarthau sagundo [JANUARY, 1884. analamkriti punah kvdpi and kvdpity anenaitad dha yat sarvatra salamkarau kvachit tu sphutdlamkaravirahe 'pi na kavyatvahdnik); the only instance given, is due merely to Mr. Peterson's peculiar, and, it seems to me, inadmissible translation of the two passages. He takes them as follows: "A poem consists of words and sense, both faultless, and in addition possessing specific excellencies. They need not always have alamkaras, that is, alamkdras are usual, but not necessary concomitants," and, "By the words, 'not always,' he means that while alamkdras must always be present, a poem does not cease to be a poem if there be no apparent alamkdras." But if we follow Kamalakara's interpretation, and understand the words yat sarvatra salamkdrau in their proper sense, the meaning of the two passages agrees completely. We then obtain the following translation: That (i.e. poetry, consists of) words and sense free from faults; but (such faultless words and sense as are) endowed with specific excellence (ie. with rasa or sentiment), are in some cases (poetry, though they may be) destitute of (i.e. not possessing any apparent) alamkdras," and, "By the (words) in some cases' he means that (faultless sense and words) possessing alamkaras (are) always (poetry), and that sometimes (they do) not lose their poetical cha racter, though apparent alamkras may be wanting." The second argument, drawn from the colophon, entirely loses its force through a quotation in the Nidareana appended to the verse: ity esha margo vidusham vibhinno 'pyabhinna ekah pratibhasate yat na tad vichitram yad amutra samyag vinirmita samghatanaiva hetuh || which in the copies and editions of the Kdeyaprakdea is sometimes placed before and sometimes after the colophon. The Nidareana gives two explanations of this passage. First, the commentator explains it, as is done in most other tkde, as meaning, that the conflicting opinions of former writers on alamkara, such as the Dhvanikrit and others, have been so skilfully put together in the Kavyaprakdea that they form one harmonious whole. Afterwards he proposes a second interpretation which I have not noticed elsewhere. He says that it may also mean that, though the Kavyaprakdea consists of two different parts written by different authors, the break has been so cleverly concealed that the book looks like the production of one man. In support of this view he adduces two verses composed by two different authors, which mention a tradition, according to which Mammata left his work unfinished. The first of these runs as follows:-kritah

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JANUARY, 1884.) BOOK NOTICE. 31 fri-Mammatdcharyavaryaih parikardua-dhih prabandhah puritah kesho vidhdrydladhasdrind II The last pdda is slightly corrupt. The reading given above is that contained in Prof. Peterson's extracts (p. 75), where ydlakasurind is proposed 28 an emendation for Cydladha.deg At p. 23 we have vidhdydlathastrind. Neither vidhdrya nor vidhdya gives any good sense. I writo vichdrya, and translate the verse as follows: "The work was composed by the best of teachers, the illustrious Mamma ta, as far as the (section on the poetical figure, called) parikara, i. e., as far as the middle of ullasa x.); the remainder was filled in after careful consideration by the poet Aladha (P Alaka P)." Whatever the correct form of the Sari's name may be, it is evident that a commentator who accepts the statement that Mammata's work was completed by another author, cannot have composed the curiously-worded colophon according to which the Kdoyaprakdba and the Kdoyaprakdkadarlana are the same thing. That passage is corrupt, and the manner in which it ought to be corrected, it would seem, is indicated by the entry in the list of MSS. bought. At p. 114 of the Report the title of No. 33, which contains the Nidarsana, is given as "tasyaiva tika Sdrasamachchaydkhyd." If that entry is correct, it is clear that Ananda's commentary has two names. Hence the colophon must be read,"rdjdnakdnandakrite Kdvyaprakasa (ni]darsane (Sarasamuchchaydparandmni." Though I am thus unable to accept Prof. Peterson's main theory, I think that he has done a service to the history of Sanskrit literature by showing the existence of an old tradition, according to which the Kdoyaprakaba is the work of two authors. I do not see any reason for doubting this statement. With respect to the remarks on the other works, explaining the Kavyaprakasa, I am not able to review Prof. Peterson's remarks in detail, but would call attention to the following points :-The date of Narahari-Sarasvatitirtha's birth which the MS. gives as "the kala measured by 1298," does not necessarily refer, as Peter son thinks, to the Vikrama era. For the term kdla is ambiguous, and the Saka era may be meant. Secondly, the commonly told anecdote, retailed in Bhimasena's commentary, according to which Mammata, Kaiyata, and Uata were brothers, is probably worthless. For tata repeatedly states in his works that his father was an inhabitant of Anandapura-Vadnagar, called Vajrat a, while Kaiyata was the son of the Kasmfrian Jaiyata. Mammata's parentage, is, I think, not known. Thirdly, the poet Rachi kara, alias Sriharsha, a brother of Govinda, the author of the Kavyapradipa, cannot, as Prof. Peterson seems to think (p. 11, note 1 and p. 28), have been one of the Sriharshas, whose works still survive. For the father of Sriharsha, the author of the Naishadhiya, was Hira, while Ruchikara-Sriharsha was the son of Kesava. At Udaipur Prof. Peterson's success seems to have been no less marked than at Jaipur. More books than he could buy were offered for sale, the Maharina's library was opened to him with great liberality, and he received the important news of the existence of a large Digambara Bhandar, belonging to Bhattaraka Kanakakirti, in Idar. Among his acquisitions are two very important works, a new copy of Mahendrasuri's Kaumudt on Hemachandra's Anekdrthasangraha, and Somadeva's Yasastilaka. The former MS. will be of great service, as the copy which I got at Jaipur in 1876 leaves much to desire, and is too incorrect to allow a critical edition of the important kosha to be prepared. The second work is stated to have been written in Sam. 881 (i.e. either in 824-5 or 959 A.D.), and to describe the life of a Chalukya prince Y a sodhara, the son of Arikesari. Though Chalukyas bearing these names do not occur in the authentic pedi. grees of the main branches of the family, it is very probable that the Yasastilaka will, on a closer examination, furnish an important contribution to the history of one of the offshoots from the chief lines. Among the other acquisitions described in the Report, the commentary on the Chausarana Painnd is a valuable addition to the Bombay Collection. The library of the Maharana of Udaipur is, to judge from the extracts at pp. 95-111, in its contents very similar to that of the Maharajas of Jodhpur and Bikaner, where all the works mentioned are to be found. (See RajendralAl Mitra, Bikaner Catalogue, passim, e.g., p. 406 and 446). It ought to be noticed that the Gajdyurveda of PAlakapya is contained in the Bombay collection of 1873-4, No. 111, and that Varahamihi. ra's Yogayatrd has been edited and translated by Prof. Kern in the Indische Studien, vols. VIIIxv. A copy of the Krityaratndkara, composed by Lakshmidhara in the 12th century, ought to be secured. I possess in my private library modern copies of a few sections of the work, which were made for me at Puna and at Banaras in 1864 and 1865. As regards the catalogue of the palm-leaf MSS. in the Cambay Bhandar, they are apparently not as old as those acquired by Prof. Kielhorn for the Government Collection, as the earliest date

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32 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. given is Samvat, i.e., Vikramasamvat 1164. The lower limit seems to be Samvat 1445. The library includes very few books which possess a general interest for Sanskrit students. Besides the important Gaudavaha (No. 180), which I mentioned in my Report for 1879-80, there are only the following eight: (1.) Varahamihira's Brihajjataka, No. 146. (2.) Parevadeva's Nyaydpravesatippana, No. 123. (3.) A Nydyavataratippana No. 122. (4.) Ramachandra's Nirbhayabhima, a vyayoga, No. 121. (5.) The Kavieikshd, by Jayamangala, a poet of the time of Jayasimha of Anhilvad, No. 120. (6.) A Lokasamgrahanavyaharanamanka, a fragment of Ravigupta's Sahityasastra, No. 91. (7.) Two pieces of the Raghuvamsa, Nos. 69 and 22. (8.) Damodaragupta's Sumbhalimata, No. 34. But I think that Prof. Peterson has done well to print the whole of Ramachandra Sastri's compilation. For, in spite of its imperfections, it proves the existence of a number of curious works of the Svetambaras, which are not easily obtainable elsewhere. No. 29, Hemachandra's Jivasamdea, is interesting, as it seems to be an autograph of the famous Jaina Prabhavaka. (Report, pp. 63-64). It must, however, be noted that Prof. Peterson's translation at p. 64 of its colophon contains a mistake. Jayasimha was not "the conqueror of Kalyana." The phrase kalyanavijayardjye is exceedingly common in the inscriptions, and means "in the auspicious (or holy) and victorious reign." In connection with No. 122 (p. 69), it ought to have been mentioned that Sobhana's Stuti has been translated by Prof. Jacobi, and that, as I have shown in the Transactions of the Vienna Academy of 1883, a commentary on that dreary poetical effusion has been composed by Dhanapala, the author of the Paiyalachchht, who, indeed, was Sobhana's [JANUARY, 1884. manuals of the Kanva Sakhd, the Paippalada Sakhd, the Paisachi Vrihatkatha, &c., which have to be extracted from their hiding-places, and there are also half a dozen Bhandars belonging to Jaina communities and native princes, such as Hemacharya's library at Anhilvad, which remain to be investigated. There is work enough for another ten years, and it would be a pity if the operations were interrupted. But I trust there is no chance that the Government of India will withdraw the grant. brother. Prof. Peterson concludes his Report with a strong appeal in favour of the continuance of the official search for MSS., and with a protest against the diversion of a part of the funds to the edition of inscriptions and the preparation of a catalogue raisonne of the Bombay Collections through European agency. Every lover of Indian literature and every Sanskritist will agree with him in his assertion that much remains to be done, and entertain with him the hope that continued efforts will produce even more important results than those which have been achieved hitherto. As regards the chances in Gujarat and Rajputana they are very good. There are a large number of valuable private libraries which will come into the market during the next ten years, there are a number of very important works, such as the Prof. Peterson's remarks against Dr. Kielhorn's judicious and economical scheme for preparing a really trustworthy catalogue of the Bombay MSS., will, I think, find little, if any, favour in the eyes of Sanskrit scholars. If the catalogue were made, as he would wish, in India, its preparation would have to be entrusted chiefly to the Sastris. Though I have a great respect for the Sastris in their proper domain-the traditional explanation of the Sastras-I must confess, that an experience of eighteen years has convinced me of their utter inability to turn out any trustworthy and accurate work on a large scale. I should consider it something like a miracle if Prof. Peterson or any other Sanskritist could produce, with the assistance of the Sastris, a catalogue raisonne worthy of the name. Those who go carefully over Ramachandra's Cambay catalogue, will see how small the chance of such an event is. Moreover, though the monthly pay of a Sastri is low, it takes him a long time to finish anything. The preparation of a printed sheet of the catalogue, if entrusted to Sastris, would cost three or four times as much as the small sum (Rs. 40), which the European students will receive. Thus were Prof. Peterson's wish fulfilled, he would have less to spend on his purchases than he has now. Nor do I think that with Rs. 2,500 to 3,000, he is badly off. During many years I have never had more, and I sometimes have had to do my work with only Rs. 1,600. Yet the results have not been altogether unsatisfactory. The important point is to limit the purchases to what is really useful and necessary, to abstain from the acquisition of copies of works already represented in the collection, except in cases where the MSS. acquired before are decidedly inferior, and to steadfastly refuse all the rubbish of Stotras, Kavachas, Mahatmyas, or extracts from the Puranas and the Mahabharata, and so forth, which, however necessary they may be to Bhattjis, possess no interest for any scholar. I trust that Prof, Peterson will, in the end, find it possible to agree with me, and that his future Reports will show even more interesting results than that under notice. G. BUHLER.

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FEBRUARY, 1884.] BUDDHIST LEGENDS. 33 BUDDHIST LEGENDS. From "Pragmentos d'uma Tentativa de Estudo Scoliastico da Epopeia Portugueza," by G. de Vasconcellos Abreu. TRANSLATED WITH ADDITIONAL NOTES BY DONALD FERGUSON, CEYLON. ORIGIN OF THE KING OF THE LIONS AND OF THE of Ceylon, Selediva; and one of the names NAME OF CEYLON. best known by the navigators and merchants Vestiges of a Buddhist Legend in the was, in effect, that of Serendivus, Sin"Lusiads." galdib, or Sirindib.' THERE are legends of peoples descended These names are derived from the Pali word from the unnatural connection of a wild sihala-dipo," the Sanskrit form of which is beast with a human being, the mythological sinhala-dvipa, "isle of the Sinhalas," the value of which may serve as a guide for the island of Ceylon, as is seen from the collection historical knowledge of the origin of those of Hindu fables and apologues, the Hitopadesa. peoples. The word dvipa, isle, dipo in Pali, is transformed In this case the legend which explains the in the language of the Arabs into dyvah, alname of Ceylon given to the ancient isle of dybah, as is seen from a Portuguese document Tamra, Tamra-d vipa, or Tamra-par- of the 16th century, though Fr. Joao de Sousa na, is related by the Buddhist authors in their transcribes adiba." sacred language, the PAli, or in Sanskrit or Previous to this the word sinhala dvipa had Chinese. been brought by the Arabs to Europe, for Ptolemy In the oldest classical texts in Sanskrit, the uses the adjective salike to designate all the inMahabharata and the Ramayana, we find the habitants of Salai. Lassen identifies this word Lankih, as the name of the capital of name, given by the Greek geographer, with the island, and-by an extension--the whole an abbreviated form in PAli, Sihala, signifyisland of the savage Ra ksha sas, whose king ing "dwelling of the Simhas," not of actual was, according to the Hindu epic, the terrible lions, but of the warriors who emigrated thither Ri vana. Another name equally ancient is with Vijaya, the Hindu conqueror, to whom is that met with in the Harivarasa, Ratna-d vi- attributed the Buddhist civilization of Ceylon. pa,"isle of precious things," which the Chinese But a confirmation of the legend we have translated by the word Pao-chu. mentioned, that the island was formerly called Hiuen-Tsiang, in the 7th century, however, Tamra-parna, or in Pali Tamba-panni," employs the name of Ling-kia, from the San- is found in the fact that this designation was skrit Lanka, but to designate simply a high brought to the knowledge of Onesikritos before mountain inhabited by evil spirits in the south- that of Salai, and had thus been in the west east corner of the kingdom of Seng-kia-lo, in since AlexanderSansksit Sinhala "country of lions." "A nobre ilha tambem de Taprobana, In the 6th century, Cosmos Indicopleustes, Ja pelo nome antigo tam famoza."the Egyptian navigator of the Indian seas, Lus. x. fol. 169.19 in his Topographia Christiana, calls the island From the name of the Sinhalas the island Published in Lisbon, 1890, in commemoration of the Childers, Pali Dict. s.v. Canoens Tercentenary ; pp. 39 ff. * Documentos Arabicos para & Historia Portugueza, ? It will be seen that the " vestiges" of the Buddhist | Lisboa, 1790, p. 107 f. legend in the Lusiads are contained simply in the 10 Indische Alterthumskunde, 2nd ed., vol I, p. 241, n. mention by Camoens of the name of Taprobana for Ceylon, 11 Diparaissa, IX, 20, ed. H. Oldenberg. and his reference to the footprint on Adam's Peak.-D.F. 13 This verse is thus translated (rather paraphrased) hy . Stanislas Juliun, Voyages des Pelerins Bouddhiques, Capt. Burton in his edition of the Lusiads (1880), vol. I. tome III, p. 125. Cunningham's Ancient Geography of p. 384 India, p. 557. "And, eke, the noble Island Tabroban, * St. Julien, op. cit., tome III, p. 144. whose ancient namo ne'er failed to give her note, Amm. Marcell. lib. lxxii, cap. 7. as still she reigns superb and sovereign * Abu Rihan, apud Cunningham, op. cit., p. 558. by boon of fragrant tree-bark, biting-hot: " Chaines der Chroniques, p. 5, No. 7, and passim, in Toll of her treasure to the Lusitan Relations des Voyiges faites par les Arabes et les Persans ensign shall pay, when proud and high shall float dans l'Inde et a la Chine dans le IXe siecle, translated by your breezy banners from the lofty tower, Renaud, 18-15. and all Columbo fear your castled powor."-D.F.

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34 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [FEBRUARY, 1884. takes in Pali that of Sihalan, the popular form Larike of the Greeks, was Simhapura, of which, Silam," gives origin to the forms "the city of Lions."0 Sailan, used by the Persian Rashidu'd-din, # These historical questions having been contemporary of Marco Polo, and that used by settled, we give some Buddhist legends this same Polo, Seilan, as well as our Ceylao regarding the origin of the Aryan civilization [Ceylon) of Ceylon. The mythological elements which are It is noteworthy that Camoens has identified found in them are common to other European the two names, Ceylon and Taprobana, because legends, and a comparison of them is therefore in 1537, from an ambiguity arising from a false interesting. interpretation of the geography of Ptolemy by CONQUEST OF THE ISLAND OF LANKA, AND the school of Behaim, Tapro bana is ex FOUNDING OF THE SIMHALESE OR plained as the island of Sumatra. LION DYNASTY. In 1559, Jomard again confounds the two From Chap. IX. of the Pali Chronicle, names of Sumatra and Taprobana, which are Dipavarisa." distinguished both in the maps of this geo- 1. This island of La nk & was formerly grapher of Henry II, and in the magnificent called Sthala from the name Lion (Siha). portulane of Charles VI, from this supposed Listen, therefore, ye, to the narration of its Taprobana, the island of Ceylon, whose origin, which I shall relate to you. position is accurately marked. 2. The daughter of the king of Vanga The name of Ta probana, or in Sansktit cohabited in the forest with a wild lion, in Tamra-parna, is, as we have seen, the oldest consequence of which two children were born. known Hindu name given to the island of 3. Sihaba hu and Sivalf" were two Ceylon." The name La i k a appears to have lovely children; the mother was named Susibeen that by which it was known to the first ma," and the father was called (the Lion) Aryans who went thither from India. Siha. The name of Ceylon or island of the Sim . On the expiration of sixteen rainy seasons halas is, however, of such remote origin that the son of Siha departed from the cave, and even the Mahabharata speaks of the Simhalas as founded the most noble city of Sihapura. inhabitants of the island at the south of India. 5. The son of Siha (the Lion), a powerful Childers' says that the Simh alas, or as king in the country of L ala, ruled the great we now call them the Simhalese, are "only the | kingdom in the most noble city of Sihapura. Aryan inhabitants of Ceylon, descendants of a 6. Thirty-two brothers were the progeny of people who emigrated from Lala, in Maga- the son of Siha (Lion), and of these the eldest dha, in India, and came thither many centuries were Vijaya and Sumitta, both of extrabefore our era." The capital of Lala, the ordinary beauty. 13 Childers, op. cit. . v. * Camoens says positively :(Qae ora he Ceylko)... ..."-lib. X. stanza 107. .:: Taprobana 15 Richthofen, China, vol. I, p. 640 ff. In the possession of M. Frederic Spitzor, in Paris. -Richthofen. 11 The first to show that Taproband was the Greek form of Tamraparna was Eugene Burnouf in 1884. The monograph road by him in that year before the Acad. des Inacr. et B. Lettres of Paris was published in the Journal Asiatique of January 1861. I have not been able to utilize it, as the Journal for this year is missing from the library of the A. R. S. The separate teprint is dated 1857.-D.F.) 19 Sanskrit Worterbuch, B.v. 1o Pali Dict. .y. 90 Lassen, Ind. Alterthumsk. vol. I, p. 105; cf. infra the legend which wo translate from the Dipavarissa. IX. ed. Oldeuberg. 31 This translation differs somewhat from that of Prof. Oldenbers. I will here mention the chief points Ver. 2. For children" the Portuguese has "irmlos." corresponding to the PAli bhataro-brother and sister. Ver. 13-14. Instead of " went on shore on an uninhabited island," Oldenberg has," was helplessly driven to an island." The Pali has "dipari tuvassa kasi," and the latter translation seems the correct one. Ver. 17. Instead of "strangera" Oldenberg has "unnoticed (?)." The PAli text is uncertain. Ver. 18. Instead of " murder" Oldenberg has" slander." The PAli word is perunait, which does not occur in Childers' Dict., though perusasis and peruneyyarls are given, with the latter meaning. Why Sr. Abreu has murder," I cannot understand. Ver. 28. Instead of " could scarcely walk," Oldenberg has " were unable (?) to walk on foot." The PAli is uncertain. Ver. 29. They went on their hands and feet." The Portuguese is "Foram do gatinhas com pes e mios," literally *They acted like little she-cats with feet and hands." Oldenberg has :-"They crawled about on the ground with both hands and knees," which is more literal. Ver. 32. Instead of "landed there and took possession of territory Oldenberg has" came first to this country." The Pali is uncertain, Oldenberg reading Anuradhanakkhattena instond of nduaris anurakkhena, and thereforo adding the name of Anuradhanakkhatta to those given above.-D. F. 19 See further on, p. 37 b. 13 The beautiful wanderer.

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FEBRUARY, 1884.] 7. The young prince Vijaya was audacious and without instruction, and committed acts of the greatest wickedness and unparal leled extortions. BUDDHIST LEGENDS. 8. The merchants and all the other men of the country assembled, and went to complain to the king of the crimes of Vijaya. 9. On hearing their clamorous voices, the king, full of anger, gave order to his ministers, "Expel this young man ; 10. and all these slaves, wives, and children and relatives, and servants of both sexes, and workmen, expel all these people." 11. Then they expelled him, separating him from all his relatives, and they put them on board a ship, and the ship sailed away upon the sea. 12. "Let them go wherever they please, and they shall not be seen any more, nor shall they return to our kingdom to dwell amongst this people." 13. The ship with the children went on shore on an uninhabited island, whence it got the name of Naggadipa." 14. And the ship with the women went on. shore on an uninhabited island, and hence they called it Mahilarattha (Kingdom of Women). 15. The ship with the men, sailing over the sea without a destination, futilely and without a course, arrived at the port of Suppara." 16. And when seven hundred disembarked at Suppara, the Supparakas received them with much welcome and many honours. 17. Whilst they were being thus received, Vijaya and his company, all these strangers, practised cruel deeds, 18. giving themselves to drunkenness, theft, adultery, treachery, murder, and the most vile, immoral, and horrible modes of procedure. 19. The Supparakas were irritated at Nagnadvipa in Sanskrit ? "Island of the Naked." 35 See Ind. Ant. vol. XI, pp. 236, 247, 293, 294. It is evident from the mention of Bharukachchha (Bharuch) (v. 26) along with Suppfra, that the Dipavansa, places Lala on the west coast of India or in Gujarat, and the Simhapura stated to be the capital may be Sthor in KathiawAd, about 18 miles south of the site of Valabhi, and the traditional capital of the Simha dynasty.-ED. I. A. 28 In Skr. parinirvana. This term is used to designate the death of the sage, the Buddha, or of an Arhat, "a. Buddhist ascetic and saint." The Buddhist era connts. from the death of the sage, Gautama, the Buddha. According to some writers, among them Childers, it ocenrred in the year 543 before Christ. Now, since the latest works of Cunningham, although even before that the great Burnouf had cited the passage which served as a basis for the discovery of the English archaeologist,it is reckoned from about 482 or 472 B.C. 27 In Sanskrit Sakra, powerful, an epithet of Indra. 35 these horrors of unsurpassable cruelty and barbarous savagery, and agreed: "Let us quickly kill these wicked ones," 20. There was formerly Oja dipa, Varadipa, or Manda dipa, also called Lankadipa, and which is known as Tam ba panni. 21. At the time when Sambuddha, the best of men, attained parinibbana," this son of Sihibahu, the Khattiya (Kshatriya, warrior prince). Vijaya 22. arrived at Lankadipa, after having departed from the land of Jam budipa (one of the names of India). The excellent Buddha had prophesied: "The prince will be the king (of Lanka)." 23. At that time the Master (Gautama, the Buddha), said to Sakka," the chief of the gods, "Do not neglect thy care, Kosiya." of Lankidips." 24. Sujam pati, the king of the gods, after hearing this warning of Sambuddha, charged Uppalavanna," to protect the island. 25. Hearing the order of Sakka, the powerful Devaputta, 30 with the Parisas," protected the island of Lanka. 26. After staying at Bharukachchha and exasperating the inhabitants, Vijaya returned to his ship. 27. Having with his company gone on board, they put to sea, and soon a farious wind made them lose sight of the coast. 28. They arrived at Laika dipa, where they disembarked, and went on shore. But on terra firma they felt exhausted with hunger, thirst, and fatigue; they could scarcely walk. 29. They went on their hands and feet, and afterwards rose and stood on their feet, and saw their hands (pan) shining. 30. The very red dust of that earth covered * Kausika in Sanskrit is an epithet of Indra. "See the following note. 30 Dvaputra in Skr. To the inhabitant of the divalika (paradise) are attributed male and foma le soxes. Devaputra is a celestial being of the male sex. Such is Uppalavanna, i.e. Vishnu. a god in the Brahaneical religion, an archangel in the Buddhist. There is an archangel of the female sex (dradhito), whose name may easily be confounded with Uppalavana, and Uppala vaa, "name of an eminent nau who was of Gautama s aandvikis (Dh. 213)," says Childers, citing the Dhammapad m of Fausboll. We may also refer to the chronicle which we are translating, Dipteasa XVIII, 9, and Vinay pitaka, Challa ragga, X, 8. Aggarik, iu Skr. Agrosravila, "principal female disciple." follower of Buddha. Gautama's two were Khema and Uppalavanni, besides other lesser ones. 31 Angels under the command of an archangel.

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36 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [FEBRUARY, 1884. came hither. In the last year of Sambuddha, Vijaya came hither. 41. Sambuddha, the best of men, made the island of Laok a fit for the habitation of men; and by the anupadisesa extinguished himself in all his upadhis (upadhi)." 42. The Khattiya reigned thirty-eight years after the parinibbana of Sambuddha, the shining lord of truth, 43. and sent to Siha para a messenger to Samitta: "Come shortly to us to this magnificent Laika dipa. 44. There is no one to succeed me in the rule after my death; I yield in your favour this island which I conquered by my valour." their arms and hands; and from this cause that place was called Tambapanni. 31. The first city in the renowned Laikadipa was Tambapanni, and dwelling there Vijaya ruled his kingdom. 32. Vijaya and Vijita and with them Achchutagami and Upatissa, were the first who landed there and took possession (?)" of territory. 33. A great multitude of men and women came together, and one Khattiya (prince) built cities here, another there, in all the country. 34. Vijaya built the city of Tambapanni, with its suburbs, on the south bank of the river in the must charming place. 35. Vijita built the city to which he gave his name, and then that of Uruvela; and the minister, who got his name from the asterism Anuradha, founded the city of Anuradha. 36. He whose name was Achchutagami founded Ujjeni, and Upatissa, U patissathe city of beautiful markets, rich, vast, of great prosperity, and delightful. 37. The first king of famous Laukadipa was king Vijaya in Tambapani. 38. When seven years of his reign had passed, many people had come thither. His reign was thirty-eight years. 39. In the ninth month of Sambuddha, the Yakkas were destroyed; in the fifth year of Sambuddha the Jina conquered the Nagas; in the eighth year of Sambuddha the Samd. patti" was completed. 40. On all these three occasions Tathagata * Cf. Oldenberg, P. 56, with p. 162. See note 20, ante p. 35. >> 1.8. consolidated Buddhism. * This Buddhist term is translated by "attainments, endowments," which are eight successive states induced by ecstatic meditation (Childers, Pali Dict., 8. v.) The explanation of Burnout (Lotus de la Bonne Loi. pp. 348-9) appears to me to be exact : Samlipattf is the moral state, which is reached by samadhi; samodhi is one of the conditions for becoming a perfect sacetio and one of the perfections of the ascetic; and these porfes. tions are-jhana, profound meditation," vimokha, "freedom, destruction of passion," samadhi, "perfect tranquillity," samapatti," sweet joy, tranquil delight, the calm and holy happiness resulting from the superior perfections." And the annihilation of all suffering and of all enjoyment of every physical sensation is the ecstatic feeling of delight in the indifferent contemplation of the exterior world. The eight successive states are like bridges, degrees of progressive acquisition of each of these perfections. See Burnouf, Lotus, p. 789. 33. Gautama Buddhs in the Sultae frequently speaks of himself as the Tathagata, and the epithet is analogous to that of Son of Man applied to himself by Jesus Christ." (Childers, Pali Dict., 8. v.) But it appears to me that this name of Tathagata, composed of tatha-dgata, PRINCE SIMHALA SAVED BY THE MAGIC HORSE. A Buddhist Legend on the Origin of the Name of Ceylon.o "Sinhala, son of the merchant Sinha, having embarked to go in search of precious stones in a distartisland, is assailed, on approaching Tamradvipa (the same as Tamra parna, the Taprobane of the ancients), by a tempest raised by the Rakshasis, wicked divinities, which inhabit that island. He is shipwrecked with his companions, and by swimming reaches the shore, where the Rakshasis appear, and under the guise of beautiful women entice the merchants to yield themselves to pleasure with them. Simhala, after passing the night in the arms of one of these women, discovers by the lamp which lightens them that he has fallen into the hands of an ogress, whose pleasure he serves and who will devour "coming thus (like the other Buddhas)," signifie " redeemer." 37 Complete annihilation by the destruction of the five elements of being. Substrata corporis, i.e., entered into complete ribbdna (nirvana in Skr.) or parinibbina. 30 According to Burnouf, "Introd. a l'Hist. du Boud. dhisme," (1st ed.), p. 223 ff. With this legend compare that given by Hiuen-Tsiang apud St. Julien, Memoires, tome II, p. 131 ff. * In the Academy of Aug, 13 and 27, 1881 (reprinted in the Indian Antiquary for Oct. 1881, pp. 291-3), are two interesting communications on the subject of "The Myth of the Sirens, one from Mr. W.E.A. Axon, who drew attention to the Story of the Five Hundred Merchants," given by Beal in his Romantic Legend of sikya Buddha, p. 339 ff.. the other by Dr. R. Morris, who showed that the story is a veritable jataka tale, the PAli text of which is given in Fausboll's edition of the Jataka, vol. II, p. 127f, under the title of Vallhassajataka, "Cloudhorse Jataka." As no translation of the Vallhassajat ka has yet appeared, I give one below, p. 45 f. The explanation of several doubtful passages I owe to the kindness of Mr. L. C. Wijesinha, Mudaliyer, the coadjutor of the late Prof. Childers in his Pali Dictionary. I have added a few notes.-D.F.

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FEBRUARY, 1884.) BUDDHIST LEGENDS 37 him. He learns that other merchants, ship- wrecked like himself, have been since their arrival thrown into a prison whence the Rakshasis take them daily to feed on their flesh. Taught by the revelations of the lamp, he goes with his companions to the shore, where there appears to him a miraculous horse which is to transport him from the island. But he has to take care not to turn his head back; any one allowing himself to be moved by the tears of the Rakshasis and casting a single look towards the shore is condemned to fall into the ocean, where the ogresses wait to put him to death. The companions of Sinhala consent gladly to leave the island with him ; but faithless to their promises they give an ear to the lamentations of the women whom they are leaving, and disappear one after another, devoured by the Rikshasis. Sinhala alone escapes; and, in spite of the endeavours of the woman he has left in the island, the marvellous horse transports him to India. "The Rakshasi from whose hands Simbala had escaped seduced the king Simhakesa rin, and entered his inner apartmenta. Assisted by the other demons whom she summoned from the island of Tamradvipa, she devoured the king and his family. Simbala, who alone was able to explain this disaster, was proclaimed king; and he formed the resolution of going to destroy the Rakshasis of the island, in order to spread there the doctrine of the Three Precions Objects. The demons retired into a forest; and from that event the country formerly called Tamradvipa took the name of Sinhaladvipa." This legend is completed by the following, of what we know of the origin of the Simhalas :ORIGIN OF THE KINGDOM OF SIMEA (Lion). According to the "Mahavainsa." "There was once a king whoruled in Bang &nagara in the land of the Bangas, and whose spouse was a daughter of the king of Kalinga. They had a very beautiful danghter, who, one day, going for & walk by herself, met & caravan, going to Magadhe, and accompanied it without making herself known. On reaching the land of L ale, they were separated from each other by a lion. "The daughter of the king, remembering that it had been prophesied that she would cohabit with a king of animals, caressed the lion, and the latter carried her to his cave, and there were born to them a son with lion's feet and hands, and a daughter." The mother then gave them the names of Simha baha (lion's arms) and Simh a vali (lion's offspring). " When the son had completed sixteen years his mother discovered to him his origin; taking advantage of the lion's absence, he took his mother and sister on his back and car. ried them to a neighbouring village, where Anura, son of a maternal uncle of his, the commander-in-chief of the armies of Banga, was commissioned to direct the labours of the villagers. "The latter received them into his house, and clothed them, and gave them food on tree-leaves. The clothes then become of the richest textures, and the leaves were changed into golden vessels. Astonished at such marvels, he asked his guests about their origin, which the mother then related to him. He thereupon conveyed them to the capital of Banga, and took the daughter' for his wife. "When the lion returned to his cave, which was deserted, he searched for his children, and not finding them he entered the villages, putting to fight the inhabitants. These hastened to complain to the king, showing him the danger they were running. As the king could find no one able to capture the lion he twice offered still larger rewards to whoever would give chase. Twice the mother of Simhabahu forbade him to acoept the offer ; but the third time Simha bahu offered himself, without first asking the consent of his mother, and the king promised to give him the kingdom if he succeeded in capturing the lion. "Simhabahu then sought out the lion in his cave, pierced him with an arrow, and fled back to the capital of the kingdom like wild beast. The king had died without a suc "Lassen, Ind. Alterthumsk. (2nd ed.), vol. II, P. 103 ff. Compare this legend with that recounted by Hiven-Triang. (St. Julien, Memoires, tome II, p. 125 ff.) I have translated Sr. Abreu's Portuguese translation of Lassen's German translation, which will be found to differ slightly from Turnour's version.-D. F. * Turnour says :-" They partook of the nature of the lion in the formation of their hands and feet," but the version here given oorresponds with the PAR. D.F. 13 Rather," the daughter of his father's sister," i.e. the mother of Bibhabahu and Simh@valt.-D. F.

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38 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [FEBRUARY, 1884. cessor seven days previously. The ministers, being informed of the fact that he was the grandson of the king and his mother the daughter, and astonished at this, assembled in council, and unanimously invited him to be king. Simhabahu assumed the rule but resigned the kingdom to him who had married his mother, and returned with his sister to his native country. There he founded in the kingdom of Lala the city of Simhapura and villages in the forests, and married his sister. The latter had twin sons sixteen times, the eldest of whom was Vijaya, and the second Sumitra, the first of whom his father at a suitable age nominated Uparaja (chief beir)." In these legends we have to separate the historical portion from the mythological. The historical portion is evidently the Aryan conquest of the island of Lai k A, and its conversion to Buddhism. But before this Buddhist conquest the island had already been conquered by the Aryas, as is sung in the epic of Rama; in these legends we see only the legendary series of which the Ramdyana is the most beautiful expression." The Pali chronicle attributes to the same invaders the two names, Tambapanni, in Sansktit Tamraparna, or Tambadipa, in Sansksit Tamradvipa, and Sihaladipa, in Sanskrit Sinhala dvipa. Here, in my opinion, there is confusion. The chronicler explains the etymology of Tamba panni in a quite erroneous way, as we hear people ignorant of etymological processes explaining local names, for example, Ribeira's of Coselhas,'. Odemira,' Miragaya.' It is sufficient for us to note the two m's in panni to trace the word to the Sanskrit parni, which we refer to parna, 'leaf,' with the feminine termination in composition. The word pani, hand,' corresponds identically with the Sans. krit. The word tamba, copper-coloured, ver milion,' corresponds in Sanskrit with the word tamra, 'copper-coloured, vermilion, but is also the name of several plants, and among them the Rubia munjisla of Roxburgh, which name in Sansktit is also given to manjishtha * See Senart, Essai sur la Legende du Buddha, pp. 272-8. * French translation of Lanesson, Histoire des Drogues d'Origine Vegetale (Paris, 1878, 2 vols.), tome II, p. 372-3. Mahabharata and Ramayana apud Sanskrit Worter (Pali manjittha), the madder of the dyers, and a kind of sandal, the vermilion of which Garcia da Orta (Colloquio, xlix) speaks, but which must not be confounded with the actual Plerocarpus santalinus, better known by the nanie of Lignum santalinum rubrum [red sanders wood). According to the statement of Fluckiger and Daniel Hanbury, we are led to believe that in the time of the physician of D. Joao III, the wood known by the name of red sandal in commerce was not that of a variety of sandal, an article of trade even then very different from that which nowadays has that name in Europe. Garcia da Orta himself confesses that he did not know the tree, but was informed that the natives of India used a portion for fevers, and considered the wood good for working, and suitable from its size for pagodas and idols. The true region of the sandal in India is from Malabar to Coromandel, especially the mountains of Malaya. Hiuen Tsiang,'' describing these mountains, says : -" There rise the mountains Mo-la-ye (Malaya) with their scarped sides and their frowning summits, their gloomy valleys and their deep ravines. On these mountains grow the white sandal, and the tree called Chen-t'an-ni-p'o (Chandaneva, like sandal')." And in the region of the Malaya mountains, which in ancient India exactly formed one of the nine divisions of the country of Bharata (India), the division or khanda of Tamraparna is the river of the same name." The trade in sandal was of the greatest importance in Ceylon in the first centuries of our era. However, the larger merchants who had the opportunity procured supplies from abroad. Ceylon imported it to export it, because she was the emporium of the Asiatic world, as being the central point of all the maritime com merce. On the other hand, it is certain that previous to the Aryan expedition attributed to Vijaya, and with which Buddhism was introduced into Ceylon, the Aryan expedition attributed to Rama took place. Of the expedition of Vijaya there is a tradition on the eastern coast, of the expedition of Rama there is living tradition on buch. Apud St. Julien, Memoires, tome II, p. 122. 45 Siddhanta-siromani, III, 41. * Sanskrit Worterbuch, 8. voo. Tamraparna. * Richthofen, China, vol. I, pp. 521, 524, noto 2.

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FEBRUARY, 1884.) BUDDHIST LEGENDS. 39 the western coast, in Malabar. Among the Malabars exist even now families with the ancient names of the race of the Iksh vakus, ancestors of Rama. It is possible, therefore, that the name of Tamraparna, anterior to that of Simhaladvipa, originated from the region of Malabar." In the mythological portion we distinguish, as having historical value, the death of the lion. The speaking lamp, the magic or flying horse, and the misfortune of any one looking back from it, are mythological elements of another order. These assassinations, nearly always fratri- cides, but also parricides and filiicides, are con- nected with the building of a city raised over the hole into which has been cast the head, or the phallus, of the individual sacrificed, and whose name is sometimes given to the city." The lion killed by Simhabahu has in Greece its mythological representative in the lion of Herakles, which some mythologists explain as the cloud, dark and thundering, conquered by the solar god." In Hellenic tradition is known the monstrous and terrible lion, the devastating lion of the country of the king of Megara, whose daughter is to marry the hero who slays it; and yet the lion has not its habitat in the Peloponnesus, norin any part of the Doric region, to which the cities of Megara and Nemea belonged. The tradition is common to the mythology of the Aryan races. And to further confirm it there is the circumstance of the hero of India and the hero of Greece being a great traveller by sea." In the middle ages the lion and the virgin of the Buddhist legend are the monoceros and the maiden, who embraces him round the neck, attracting him by the enchantments of her beauty or by the delicious perfume which she exhales. Before examining the other mythological elements, it may be as well not to forget that in the classical literature of Europe mention is made of female beings similar to the cruel Rakshasis; such are, in the African island, always populated, the fanciful beings, exclusively of the female sex, whom Pomponius Mela (III, 9) notices. And Athenaeus (V, 64), tells us that Marius brought from Africa the skins of marvellous animals, which he offered to the temple of Herakles. The origin is well known of the name of gorillu, given in the Periplus of Hanno by the Carthaginian navigator to certain animals of the tropical zone encountered by him on the western coasts of Africa. The animals which, from among these, he brought and consecrated to the temple of Tanit (Juno) were three females. So, then, if there are identical traditions of an island of fierce female beings, both in India and in Europe, there is also a historical fact by the resemblance of which we can explain the Hindu tradition. In fact, tradition in Europe supplies the lack of antiquity, in anatomy and mythology, of the centuries which elapsed between the Punic navigator and the geographer of the time of Claudius.. The inhabitants of the female sex, the fierce Rakshasis of the island conquered by Vijaya, must not, however, be set down as fabulous. We have every reason rather to consider them as the savage women of Hanno, who, according to Pomponius Mela, were fanciful beings. Besides the tradition common to the whole Aryan race, there exist in Europe traditional vestiges which mythographers prove to be of Baddhist origin. They had easy access into Italy, where we find them in abundance, and from thence they spread to the west. We do not know that there is among us any popular story in which speaking lamps are mentioned. In Italy many are known, and the did land on the west coast of Ceylon.-D. F. * See Fr. Lenormant, Los Origines de l'Histoire d'apres la Bible et les Traditions des Peuples Orientau 1880, chap. IV; cf. v,, Abrou, Investigacoes sobre o Caracter da Civilizacao Aryu-Hindit, 1878, p. 38-9. 5. Cf. the explanation of the death of Abel by Cain given by Goldziher, Der Mythos bei den Hebraern, Goldziher-Martineau, pp. 113, 114, 126, et passim. * See Decharme, Mythologie de la Grece Antique, B. Brunetto Latini, Tresor de Toutes Choses, Jordanus, Mirabilia. Turnour's Epitome of Ceylon History. Conf. also ante, vol. XI, p. 257.-ED. I. A. ** On this subject of the name of Tambapanni and the landing of Vijaya, I would refer to Dr. Caldwell's Political and General History of the District of Tinnevelly, 1881, pp. 9-10, 13-14, where the connection between the river Tamraparnt and the name for Ceylon is shown to be exceedingly probable, though it is left doubtful which was borrowed from the other; also Dr. E. Muller's Ancient Inscriptions of Ceylon, 1883, pp. 21-24, where the theory is advanced that the Vijayan invaders came to Ceylon through Southern India. We have not yet suficient evidence, however, to show that the invaders IV. 2.

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40 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [FEBRUARY, 1884. reader can see them in the magnificent collec- boots of swiftness which the three brothers tion of Pitre, Fiabe, Novelle e Racconti Popo- | procure, and the shoe of Cinderella. lari Siciliani, for example, in the story of "La An example these of transformations in the soru di lu Conti,"67 east before those known to be European is the In Italy we also meet with the tradition of Aradana No. lxxiv, of the Indian stories and the magic horse. But in this case there enter apologues, translated from the Chinese by in common Aryan elements and elements of Stanislas Julien." tradition, which is the daughter of importation THE DISPUTE OF THE TWO DEMONS. through Buddhist influence. "There were formerly two Pisachas, who had Before the winged horse described by Ariosto, each a box, a stick, and a shoe. These two Greece knew Arion, the horse of Adrastus, and demons disputed with each other, each wishing Pegasus, another marvellous horse." to have these six objects at once. They passed In fact, a patrimony of Aryan legends must whole days quarrelling without being able to be assigned to the myth of the horse of the come to an agreement. A man, being witness of hero, which saves him from difficulties, like the this obstinate discussion, questioned them and horses of the two Asvins and the horse of said: "What then is there so wonderful in a Indra, which warns him or at least foretells box, & stick, and a shoe, that you dispute with to him, like the horse of Ravana, weeping, of such hotness P' future disgrace, or neighing predicts, as to "From this box,' replied the two demons, Darina, glory and triumph; the myth of the We can obtain clothes, drink, food, bed-coverhorse which identifies itself with the hero, on ings, and, in fact, everything necessary for life whose strength depends the strength of the and comfort. When we hold this stick our hero, and whose rider bears a name given to enemies submit humbly, and no one dares dishim from the horse he rides and from the pute with us. When we have put on this shoe, strength of that horse, like Asvatthaman (asva- by its power we can go flying without meeting sthaman, strength of a horse), the son of Drona, any obstacle.' in the Mahabharata. "On hearing these words, the man said to The later transformations of the myth of the them: 'Go a little way from me; I am going magic horse, the horse of the hero, indicate to to make a fair division.' us, however, an importation of Buddhist tradi- "At these words the two demons retired tions. Thus transformed, the magic horse is in apart. The man took the two boxes and the Lisbon the pair of cork boots; and in literary two sticks, put on the two shoes, and flew off. productions, who does not recognize it in the The two demons were stupified on seeing that mantle of the lame devil and the cane of M. nothing was left to them. de Balzac ? "The man then spoke to the demons, In popular stories their parallels are found and said to them: 'I have taken away what in the carpet on which the hero ascends, and on was the object of your quarrel, I have placed which he is transported through the air, the you both in the same condition, and have 67 Vol. I, p. 60 ff. This story was pointed out to me by my friend and colleague, Professor Adolpho Coelho. # The Arab legend of the horse Hizan, which goes over to Moses, protected by the archangel Gabriel, on the other side of the Nile, after his leaving the palace of Pharaoh, is modern, * F. Adolpho Coelho, Contos Populares Portugueses, Conto XVI. "To this friend and colleague of mine I owe the following communication :-"On an episode in which, in place of boots, figure by turns a mantle and a saddle which transport through the air, and which are met with in a great number of European and Oriental stories, see Gebr. Grimm, Kinder- und Haus-marchen, vol. III, p. 166 (note to No. 92); R. Kohler in the Jahrbuch f. rom. und engl. Literatur, vol. VII, p. 149 (note to the Venetian story from the collection of Widtor Wolf, No.10, published in the same periodical); J. Grimm, Deutsche Mythologie, 3rd ed., P. XXX: F. Liebrecht in Orient und Occident, vol. I, p. 132, where the author refers to an article of his in the Germania of Pfeiffer, vol. II, p. 244. To the stories mentioned by those writers we may add the following, in which the episode reappears:-J. G. von Hahn, Griechische und albanische Marchen, No. 114 (Leipzig, 1864), in which it is the striking of the earth three times with a magic stick which transports the possDBROT wherever he wishes; Kreutzwald-Lowe, Esthnische Marchen, No. 11 (cork boota which carry one far); G. Pitre, Fiabe, Novelle e Racconti Popolari Siciliane, No. 31 (boots which carry like the wind). Vol. II, p. 8. Avadans monna, according to the Sanskrit Worterbuch, primarily "frank, honest, upright dealing," later "heroic deed," and finally "legend, story;" and thus the title of a collection of stories, such as the Avadana-dataka, "the hundred avadanax" (Burnout, Intr. a l'Hist. du Buddhisme indien, 1st ed., p. 115), Avadini-Kalpalata, Dudvith lati-Avadam. On the great importance of the Avadings and of the Buddhist Jatukas, see principally vol. I of the Panchatantra of Benfey; and Liebrecht, Zur Volkskunde, 109-21, or in Orient und Occi. dent of Benfey, vol. I, p. 129 ff, and Leon Feer, Etudes bouddhiques, in J. Asiat., ser. VII, vols. XI, XIV.

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FEBRUARY, 1884.] relieved you of all subject of jealousy and dispute."" Our leading mythographer, Sr. Adolpho Coelho, knows a Portuguese popular story, of which, however, he cannot obtain a complete version, in which there are three brothers, one of whom has an eye with which he sees at great distances, another has a carpet which carries one far away, the other has an apple or a water which cures every disease. Professor Adolpho Coelho sees in this story, to which, he says, there are many European parallels, a Buddhist origin; and traces it to the story which we have given from the Avadanas. BUDDHIST LEGENDS. The parallel story in India is No. 24 of vol. II of the collection Tuti Name, edited by Georg Rosen, Leipzig, 1858, quoted by De Gubernatis, Mythologie Zoologique, vol. I, p. 135.1 In the collection of Hindu fables, in Sanskrit, the Panchatantra, the reader may find an interesting variant of the episode, in the story of "The Weaver who passed himself off as Vishnu." Benfey in his valuable study on these Hindu stories and apologues comments on some peculiarities of this story."" The horse, which we thus see substituted by the mantle, the carpet, the boots, the shoe, is in the Buddhist religion one of the necessary requisites of the Chakravartin.63 A Chakravartin is he who possesses all that exists in the limits of the world. Buddha is a Chakravartin. His horse is white as the light of day, and has hair like the golden rays of the sun; he lives by drinking in the winds, and flies, traversing the whole of space.** According to the Rgya-Tch'er-Rol-Pa, the horse belonging to the Buddha Chakravartin is grey, has a black head, its hair plaited, is covered with a net of gold, and traverses all the heavens. The Chakravartin mounts it at break of day, and traverses, from one side to another, as far as the oceanic confines, the entire world, not before the keeper, who has the courser in his charge, first ceases to ask it to neigh. From the Vedic hymns we see that the sun 65 61 Cf. Liebrecht, Volkskunde, p. 118. Pantschatantra, vol. I, p. 159-63. 3 Benfey, 1. c.; Spence Hardy, Manual of Budhism, p. 127; Foucaux, Rgya-Tch'er-Rol-Pa, chap. III. Cf. Senart, Essai sur la Legende du Buddha, passim. es See Note II below, pp. 47 f. Rigveda, I, 50, I; cf. with Rigv. IV, 45, 6, &c. 671, 58, 2; 140, 3; III, 1, 4; 2,7; VI, 2, 8; 12, 6; &c. as III, 27, 14. Os I, 14, 12. 10 Cf. VIII, 91, 12, with IV, 2, 8. 41 is designated as a god who sees and knows all, to whom nothing is hidden, and who rises, drawn by his rays, by his horses," and this conception reveals a great development of anthropomorphism, because to the sun is given in the hymn VII, 77, 3, the double qualification of "eye of the gods," and "shining white horse." On the other hand, the sun is compared to the fire of the altar, and the fire of the altar is compared to the sun, because in mythology, as in all the Vedic cult, to celestial phenomena correspond like terrestrial phenomena, what takes place on earth has equally a place in heaven. The fire, agni, in Latin ignis, is also compared to a horse." It is he who goes from earth to heaven bearing the sacrifice to the gods, neighing from the first moment, i.e. crackling on the altar of sacrifice, roaring, flashing in the midst of the cloud-like lightning which pierces space. It is he who draws the gods to the altar," it is.he who gives the victory, it is he who leaps from abysses, he is the victor who saves the hero. It is he who feeds on the winds, who is the friend of the wind;" he is the horse of which we can say with Ariosto :-"2 "Questo e il destrier. Che di fiamma e di vento era concetto; E senza fieno e biada, si nutria Dell'aria pura. Secure when attached to the hair of the magic horse, the companions of Simhabahu can save themselves from the voracious Rakshasis, but under the condition imposed on Orpheus, of not looking back. They suffer themselves, however, to be enticed by the sirens of Ceylon, and die by their hands, as Orpheus by the hands of the Bacchantes of Thracia; they are lost through the motive which robbed Orpheus, the morning star rising over the earth, of the beautiful Eurydice, the aurora, his beloved." In the Semitic mythology the same myth is met with. Goldziher" explains by the solar theory the myth of the daughters and wife of Lot. Like so many other traces of ancient " Cf. Rigv. V, 19, 5; X, 91, 7; I, 94, 10; &c. 12 Orlando Furioso, Canto XV, 41. Cf. Custodio Jesam Barata, Recreacam Proveytosa, Part I, Colloquio IV. And also Dissertacies of Padre Antonio Pereira de Figueiredo, Dis. IV, Das Egoas da Lusitania, p. 100-6 of Book IX of the Hist. e Memorias da Acad. Real das Sciencias de Lisboa. 13 See Decharme, Mythologie de la Grece antique, p. 571 ff. "Op. cit., 189-97.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [FEBRUARY, 1884. legends, so also this, Sr. Adolpho Coelho tells or falling upon the earth of darkness, in the subme, is reproduced in modern popular stories, for terranean world called Tartarus by the Greeks, example, in different European versions of Talatala by the Hindu Aryans," invisible " The Two Envious Brothers."75 as the region Amenti of the Egyptians," for In some popular versions of the story, which which the solar theory satisfactorily accounts; Sr. Adolpho Coelho possesses, and which he nor would it be possible to deny the intimate kindly showed me, two of the three brothers connection between the mythological elements of the story, when they go in search of certain of the Oriental legends which we have given, marvellous objects, are converted into statues of and the identical features of the legends of stone for looking back on hearing various voices. classical antiquity. The legends of individuals converted into With these legends, also, are connected superstones are not peculiar to the Aryan race, as we stitions which we meet with in our day in see by the example of Lot. But still further, Europe, so that in Portugal the people say that they are not peculiar to the white race. They "to go backwards is to call on the demon," are met with in North America, as is seen from that "to go backwards is to fall into hell," and the Popol Vuh, and from the studies of Muller the Norwegians say that "he who goes backon the primitive religions of the American wards drags his father and mother with him to Indians." The manner in which these legends hell," as they also say that "to beat the mother are there described is a confirmation of the is to beat the earth," and "to beat the father solar theory, which in itself is not false, but is to beat a stone, "50 superstitions which are only defective, when exclusive in mythological also met with on the other side of the ocean explanations, as some mythologists have in in America, according to Muller.81 an exaggerated manner used it :-"A giant Thus, as the Aryan conception of the white guarded the caverns where were the men whom horse of the hero furnishes a solar myth, so the mother earth had produced; one night this its explanation in like manner is the belief in giant left the caverns, and after the break of traces of the visits of a divinity to the earth, day the sun surprised him and transformed and chiefly the belief in divine footprints on him into the rock Kanta." the summit of mountains. We cannot fail to see in this legend the In the Buddhist religion the horse and the resemblance of the legend of Atlas, the giant feet of Buddha are objects of the greatest the west, transformed into a mountain. I veneration in his temples. And as such we see And from the relation in which Atlas, Perseus them represented on bas-reliefs, on sculptures; of the pes alados, and the Gorgons (to whom and may be compared the wild women of Hanno) "......em Ceylao que o monte se alevanta, stand, and also the horse Pegasus, born from Tanto, que as nuvens passa, ou a vista the blood of Medusa, it would be impossible to engana, deny that throughout these transformations into Os naturaes o tem por cousa sancta stone are legends whose explanation is found in Pela pedra onde esta a pegada humana." the passage of night to day, and the entry into Lusiada, X, fol. 183. 15 See the list of versions given by our colleague in given by P. Guieyeshe and E. Lefebure in Le Papyrus his collection, Contos Populares Portugueses, pp. xix, II. Funeraire de Sontimes, p. iv :-" It even seems that the 76 Le Livre Sacre et les Mythes de l'Antiquite Ameri. myths of Egypt, less diversified by legends and plays on caine, avec les Livres Heroiques et Historiques des Quiches: words than those of the Indo-European race, should be Original and translation by Abbe Brasseur de Bourbourg, more easily penetrated. The hieroglyphic texts show us withont possible dispute that from the first centuries to 11 J. G. Muller, Geschichte der Amerikanischen Urreli- the last most of the divinities have kept their original gionen, Basel, 1855, p. 179; cf. p. 110. significations, which their names indicate, and of which 78 Benfey, Hermes, Minos, Tartaros. the priesta did not lose sight. For them as for us, R& ** We would remark, in this place, of Amenti. that it is the sun, Nu the heaven, Hapi the Nile, Amenti the is not a chance illustration nor a common-place and unne- west, &o. cessary comparison. The motive is correct, and the com: 10 Liebrecht, Norwegischer Aberglaube in Volkskunde, parison apt. Chapter XV of the Book of the Dead p. 310ff, No. 114, b. saya :-" In the afternoon the sun turns his face to 1 Op. cit. p. 110. cf. Grimm, Deutsche Mythologie, Amenti." Pierret, in the Vocabulaire Hieroglyphique, 2nd ed., 538, apud L. p. 29, says:-"Ament, Amenti, hell, region where the sun # Capt. Burton's translation runs:hides himself, abode of souls after death." And further "See in Ceylon that Peak so stark, so gaunt, on :-"Ament, the west, the oocidental region." Cf. the shooting high o'er the clouds or mocking sight; same author's Dict. d'Archeologie Egyptienne, 8. v. The native peoples hold it sacrosancta To this definition of Amenti is also to be added that! for the famed Stone where print of foot is pight." p. 243-5.

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FEBRUARY, 1884.] BUDDHIST LEGENDS. 43 Camoens, and before him Duarte Barboza, were acquainted with this trace of Buddhist legend; but it seems that they heard it from the Arabs.es Commencing with low lands, the island of Ceylon runs down to 7deg 51' south latitude, rising, little by little, and appearing to attain to the highest ranges, which fall suddenly from the clouds to the other shore of the sea. the mountains which form the crown of this "jockey's cap," a remarkable one is the Samanella, "rock of the divine assembly in the mountain," which the Europeans, following the Arabs, call Adam's Peak, and which the Buddhists had previously named Siripada in PAli, in Sanskrit Sripada, "foot-mark of the Fortunate One," because they believe that there the footprint of Buddha is still visible. The true PAli name of this mountain is Sumanakuto, so-called because the divinity (deva) Sumana dwelt there, says Childers (Pali Dict., 8. v.), "mountain of the happy," or, as Lassen" says, "mountain of the gods." Another name of this mountain is Sumbhakuta, "the shining mount," the last from which, in the south, the sun disappears." Hardy (Manual of Budhism, p. 211-12) gives the following Ceylonese legend :-"The dewa (the divinity) of Samanakuta (another name of Samanella), Sumana, having heard of the arrival of Budha, went to the place where he was, and after he had worshipped him, he presented a request that he would leave an impression of his foot upon the mountain of which he was the guardian, that it might be worshipped during the five thousand years his religion would continue among men....... ....... Budha went to it (the mountain) through the air, attended by 500 rahats (saints). At the right hand of the sage was Sumana, in beautifal garments and rich ornaments, attended by all his inferior dewas, with their queens, who made music and carried flags and banners, and scattered around gold and gems. Sekra,7 Maha Brahma,'' and Iswara," were all there with their attendant retinues; and like the rolling of the great ocean upon Maha Meru or the Yugandhara rocks, was their arrival at the mountain. The sun remained in the midst of the sky, but his rays were cold as those of the moon; there was a slight falling of rain like the water that is sprinkled around a throne to allay the dust; and the breeze, charged with sweet perfume, came from all sides to refresh the illustrious visitant. At his approach, all the trees of the mountain were as though they danced in gladness at the anointing of a king. In the midst of the assembled dewas, Budha, looking towards the east, made the impression of his foot, in length three inches less than the cubit of the carpenter; and the impression remained as a seal to show that Lanka is the inheritance of Badha, and that his religion will here flourish." Hardy says in a note, that the print of the foot of Buddha is an "indentation upon the summit of Adam's Peak." Ibn Batutah describes the foot of Adam in the island of Serendib (Ceylon), saying :-" The mark of the noble foot, that of our father Adam, is seen in a black and high rock, and in an open place. The foot is impressed in the stone, so that its site is quite depressed ; its length is eleven spans. The inhabitants of China came there formerly; they 83 It is not the only instance of an Indian name being replaced by another of Arab origin, this of "Adam's footprint," in place of "Buddha's footprint," given to the depression on the summit of Samanella. So the Arabe give the name " Adam's Bridge" to the "Bridge of Rama," the line of rocks which renches from the Asiatic continent to the island of Ceylon, like enormous stepping-stones, thrown by Hanumat, from the end of the coast of Coromandel to the island of the terrible Rivana, for the passage of the troops of the heroic Rama, and called Setubandha (Ramayana, ed. of Gorresio, v. 95; trans. vol. 4, ch. 95. In the magnificent summary of H. Fauche, which is, so to speak, the popular Ramayan in the west of Europe, this chapter, where the work of the allied soldiers constructing the "Bridge of Rama," is described, is on p. 163-5 of vol. II). "It is 7420 feet above the level of the sea, and was considered as the highest mountain in the island; but it has been discovered, since the English came into possession of the interior, that there are at least three others that are higher, Pidurutalagala having an eleva tion of 8280 feet. It will, however, always be the most remarkable, from the many legends connected with it, and the conspicuousness of its appearance, especially from the sea; it is an insulated cone, rising boldly into the sky, and generally cloud-capped. It is supposed by the Chinese (Davis's Chinese), that at its base is a temple. in which the real body of Buddha reposes on its side, and that near it are his teeth and other relics." Spence Hardy, Manual of Budhism, 1st ed., p. 211. 86 Lassen, Ind. Alterthumsk., 2nd ed., vol. I, p. 233-4. $0 On the hypothesis, in the idea, that this was the highest. Cf. however, note 45. 07 The lord of Tavutiga (paradise). He is the same as Sakra (powerful), in Sanskrit, a name given to Indra. * Not to be confounded with the Brahma of the Puranic religion. In that of the Pitakas (Buddhist sacred books) Maha Brahma " is simply the ruler of a brahma-loka' (H., p. 41), of a superior celestial world. See Childers, Pali Dict., 8. v. Sakko. Not to be confounded with favara, "supreme lord," in Sanskrit. In the Buddhist religion some of the principal Brahmanio divinities are met with as archangels. See Childers, ut supra,

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. FEBRUARY, 1884. cut from the stone the place of the big toe and whose ankle is in the middle of his foot, and of that adjoining it, and deposited the fragment whose toes are united like those of a jdlapada, in a temple of the town of Zeitun (Tsen-thung), those of a palmipede. whither they go from the remotest provinces." | This conception, so singular, of the foot of Dr. Davy" says that the footprint of Bud- the god, is of great value, if we compare it dha is "a superficial hollow five feet three with the conception by which the Chakravartin inches and three quarters long, and between has his neck immovable, independently of his two feet seven inches and two feet five inches body, and looks always forward, always in wide." the same position, and has to turn his whole The plain fact, then, is a depression on the body when he turns his face. summit of the mountain. Of the legends which It is undoubtedly the anthropomorphic conexplain this fact the Buddhist alone has ception of the sun." scientific and historical importance. We shall The complication of myths, says my teacher therefore leave on one side what the Muhammadan in Paris, M. Bergaigne, and of rites which are Masudi and our chronicler, Osorio, tells us of their image, results from the combination of the race of Cain and of the tombs of Adam natural observations with the idea of the cult and Eve in this island; and let us see how the in its simplest form. The Vedic ritual is the origin of the legend is explained in mythology. reproduction of the Vedic mythology, and the The myth of the horse of the hero and that domain of Vedic mythology includes earth and of the divine footprints are myths that are heaven. The mythologist, consequently, cannot related. But the horse of the hero, which explain the Vedic mythology either by the defends him, counsels him, even beats down and heaven alone or by the earth alone. conquers the enemies of the hero, represents And, in fact, the ritual represents the phenoforce, rapidity, energy, light, in a word life; mena of the celestial world, and the celestial the divine footprints are the traces of mysteri- world only preserves its order by the order of ous feet which are not known, which no one sacrifice. The liturgical order and the cosmosees, and which scarcely leave impressed the gonic order are interdependent. testimony of his visit after the disappearance of Adolpho Coelho told me, some time ago :the divinity. Among the Gnostics the soles of "The mythologist must never forget that the feet engraved in stone represented death." heaven, the earth, and the sea are confounded The last rays of the sun, traversing space, when the ancultivated man explains the phenoand as if lighting with the force which draws mena of nature; what is on the earth is in the the luminous god the pyre which devours him, sea, and what is in the sea is on the earth, and the last padas, that is, the last "rays," gilding what is in the heaven is on the earth and in the summits of the mountains, and as if emerg- the sea." ing from the abyss, are the padas, that is, the Starting from this principle, of which I "feet" of this god, whose tunic is the twilight have already made use in this essay, I shall which is put off when he is about to die. attempt to give another explanation of the And in the midst of these padas, "feet and divine footprints on the summit of mountains. rays," of these padas of light, is seen even in! On the mound of earth, the altar raised in the last moments the solar disc, through the the place of Vedic sacrifice, and to the east, impression which the retina retains. His ver was called vedi. The uttara-vedi(r) is the supemilion-hued heart is like the bleeding wound of rior, culminating vedi, the redi of fire. In a cruel torment. These feet even converge one the middle was a cavity which was called nabhi, towards the other, are superimposed, and the that is, "navel," where were thrown the pieces god of the large footprints, the god of the three of flesh and the soma, the drink of the gods footprints, becomes the god of one single and of the sacrificers, fermented, combustible, footprint, and the god of one single foot, whose on the flames of the sacrificial fire. ankle is not seen, or, as the Siamese explain it, This extinguished, Agni dead, there were Apud Sp. Hardy, op. cit., p. 212. Of. with the whole of this explanation Senart, Essai c. w. King, The Gnostics and their Remains nur la Legende du Buddha. London, 1864 "Kausika-sutram, 137, apud Sanskrit Worterbuch.

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FEBRUARY, 1884.) BUDDHIST LEGENDS. 45 scarcely the traces in the place where he the Brahman presiding at the sacrifice was the reposed, there was the ndbhi, the hole opened on highest heaven of the voice only as representthe top of the highest mound, like a single ative on the earth of the god who made his footprint of this god, who there became voice heard on the earth. This voice is the extinct. vagambhrini, the "voice of the cloud," sung in Thus hymn 164 of Mandala I of the Rigveda hymn 125 of the Mandala X of the Rigveda, says in Rich 34:-"I ask thee for the farthest and in hymn 30 of the Kanda IV of the extremity of the earth; I ask thee where is the Atharvareda. It is the voice which announces navel of the world; I ask thee for the seed of the the will of the gods, it is the messenger of horse; I ask thee for the highest heaven of the heaven, the inspirer by whom is revealed the voice." And in Rich 35 it is answered :-"This sacred word, the divine messenger of whom vedi is the farthest end of the earth; this the Rishis, the Vedic poets, speak, and also sacrifice is the navel of the world;" this soma is Homer; it is the one who proclaims the law the seed of the horse; this Brahman is the of universal order, both cosmogonic and litarhighest heaven of speech." gic. It is like the voice from the burning My professor in Munich, the late Dr. Martin bush, terrible and threatening; but yet soft Haug, the Orientalist who has best explained und magic as the sound of the flute of the this hymn, so beset with thorny difficulties and Maruts and of Yama. It is that which makes mysterious problems, does not say, in the study itself heard, descending to the earth, from the devoted to the hymn and published by him height there, from the deva-sadanam, the shortly before his death under the title of "abode of the gods," to which ascended the Vedische Rathselfragen und Rathselspruche, os mortals who had become immortal, and where what is the horse. But this is no loss. It is soma runs in floods, and where echo the songs the cloud which by its rains brings fertility to and melodies of the divine flute of Yama, where the earth, and hence the horse of Agni or Agni is the tree of shining leaves." himself, the celestial messenger fire of the And if we record finally that in mythology sacrifice or conductor of the gods over the altar (Aryan, at least), tree, mountain, and altar are of sacrifice. synonyms and expressions almost identical, the It is prolific, because to the celestial fire connection will then be plainly seen of the the ray succeeds the seed, that is, the rain horse of the hero and of the footprints of the which makes the earth suitable for production, god on the top of mountains, symbols almost and which raises the fire, as is mentioned in inseparable in the Buddhist religion. different passages of the Vedas, in the bosoms NOTES BY THE TRANSLATOR. of the plants. I. The Cloud-horse Jataka." The highest heaven of the voice is the "Those who will not carry out the advice." Thus Brahman, says Rich 35. And Dr. Martin Hang spake the Teacher, while dwelling in Jetavana, explains :-"The Brahman treated of here is concerning a certain unhappy monk. This monk probably the Brahman presiding at the sacri- having been asked by the Teacher: "Is it true fice; in him are combined all the sacred sacri that you are unhappy P" replied: "It is true!" When asked, "Wherefore P" he said: " On fice, all the hymns, sentences, &c., which only account of having looked with desire upon a he with his voice can chant and cause to be beautiful woman." Then the Teacher said to him : heard." "O monk, these women who allure men by their I may, however, add to this explanation that form, voice, odour, taste, and touch, 100 and also by * Compare the Greek conception by which the temple " Rigveda, I, 151, 4, 6, with 1, 3, 3. of Delphos was the centre of the world. The Buddhists " Cf. Riguida, X, 11, with X, 135. thought, however, that the centre of the world was strictly marked by the sacred tree of the temple near Buddha " Ante p. 36b and note 40. "Cloud-horsb" :-PAli Gaya. valdhassa, & compound of valaha and assa, but waldha * It is a Separatabdruck of the Sitsungaberichten der is not recorded by Childers, though he gives valdhaka, philosophischen und historischen Klasse der Koniglich cloud. Dr. Morris says valdha means "horse," and it baierischen Akademie der Wissenschaften wu Munchen, occurs, with the meaning of mare," apparently, and has the subsequent title of " Ubersetxung und Erkla- further on in this Jataka; but in the title of the Jataka rung des Dirghatomie Liedes, Rigv. I. 161-Munchen, taldha seems to stand for valdhakr, cloud. 1876." 200 " Womon who allure men by their form, &c. See * See the magnificent translation of Whitney in the Anguttara Niklya, Ekanipdta Vagga, I, ed. by Morris Essays of Colebrooke, vol. I, p. 113. for the PAli Text Society, 1883, pp. 1-2 and 86-91.

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46 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [FEBRUARY, 1884. the charm of female fascination,101 getting them this side, and this is their custom. But one day into their power, and knowing that they have five hundred merchants crossed over to their city. attained their wish, through loss of (men's) purity The females, approaching them, enticed them, and and wealth, are, on account of their sinfulness, bringing them to the Yakkha city, binding the called Yakkhinis, forin former days also Yakkhinis men whom they first captured as with supernatural approached a company of men by means of chains, they hurried them into the abode of destrucfemale artifice, and having fascinated the merchants tion, and made them their husbands, the chief and got them into their power, seeing other men Yakkhinis, the chief merchants, the others, the also, brought about the destruction of them all and remainder, and so the five hundred Yakkhinis, devoured them, crunching them, with the blood the five hundred merchants. But that chief flowing from both sides of their jaws." He Yakkhini in the night time, when the merchants then related the story: had gone to sleep, rising, goes to the abode of In former times there was in the island of destruction, and killing men, eats their flesh, and Lanka a Yakkha city called Sirisavatthu. There- returns. The others also do likewise. When the in dwelt Yakkhinis. These, when a shipwreck chief Yakkhini had eaten the human flesh, on took place, were accustomed to go to meet the returning her body was cold. The chief merchant merchants in splendid clothing, surrounded by having embraced her knew that she was a Yakkhislaves, carrying children on their hips, and offer. ni, and thought: "These must be five hundred ing food and drink. That they might think, Yakkhinis; we must escape." On the morrow, in "We have come to an abode of men," they would the early morning, on going to wash his mouth, show here and there men ploughing and tending he told the other merchants: "These are Yakkhinis, cattle, and so forth, herds of cattle, dogs, &c., not human beings; they will devour us after and approaching the merchants they would say: making us their husbands, as they have done in "Drink this rice gruel, partake of this rice, eat times past to other shipwrecked men; let us now this food." The merchants unawares enjoy the flee." But two hundred and fifty 105 said: "We are things given by them. Thus having eaten and unable to leave them; you go, we shall not flee." enjoyed, while resting they exchange friendly The chief merchant, having persuaded the two greetings. They ask: "Of what place are you hundred and fifty by his advice, fled, terrified at the inhabitants, whence do you come, whither are you females. Now at that very time Bodhisatta was born going, on what business have you come hither P" from the womb of a mare; he was pure white, blackAnd they answer: "We have come hither having headed, 100 muzja-haired, 107 possessed of supernatubeen shipwrecked." Responding : "Well, sirs, our ral power, being able to go through the air. Rising husbands also, three years ago, went on board | through the air from the Himavanta, he went to ship and went away; they must be dead; you are the isle of Tambapanni, and having eaten paddy also merchants, we will be your wives," they produced spontaneously in the lakes and ponds of enticed those merchants with female blandish Tambapanni he went on, and thus proceeding ments, and leading them to the Yakkha city, the said compassionately three times in a well-modul. first men being captured, having bound them as it ated human voice: "Does any person wish to ere with supernatural chains, they hurry them go ? Does any person wish to go P" They hearing into the abode of destruction. If they do not the speech came near with folded hands, and said: obtain shipwrecked men near their own place of "Sir, we folk wish to go." "Then get upon my abode they wander along the seashore, as far as back," said he. Then some got on his back, Kalyant on the further side and Nagadipa on some seized his tail, but some stood with folded 201 "Female fascination." The Pali is itthikuttals, the latter part of which is not given in Childers' Dictionary. It occurs three times in this Jataka, and is also found, as L. O. Wijesinha Mudaliyar kindly points out to me, in the Takkajataka, p. 296, vol. I, of Fausboll's edition. As to this word, which Dr. Morris does not explain, Mr. Wijesinha writes that he does not recollect meeting with it in any other Pali books but the Jataka, where it is almost synonymous with thath. He points out the resemblance to the Tamil kattu, dance, and suggests that it is of Dravidian origin, which is not improbable. 103 "Crunching." The Pali is murumurapetud, from me rumurdpeti, an apparent causative of murumudynti, an imitative word, not found in Childers' Dictionary. Dr. Morris, however, considers the word not onnsative but a " denominative verb of onomatopoetic origin, like our words munch, chump, crunch, &c." The verb murumuru, to murmur, ie given in Winslow's Tamil Dictionary. The Sans, verb madamada in a similar sense occurs in the beginning of the IV th Act of Uttarardmacharita. 103 "Supernatural chains"PAli devasankhalikaya, whero, as Mr. Wijesinha points out, deva can hardly be translated divine; he suggests a corrupt reading for tadaheva, but as the word occurs twice, and Fausboll gives no alternative reading, I have let it stand. 104 "Her body was cold." I have not elsewhere met with this characteristic of Yakkhinis. 105 "Two hundred and fifty": Pali addhateyyasata, literally two-and-a-half hundred 106 "Black-headed." "Pali kakasiao, i.e., "crow-head 107 " Munja-haired": munja, according to Childers, is "a sort of grass, saccharum munja, from the fibre of which the Brahmanical string is made," also " sort of fish." No doubt the first meaning applies here. Accord. ing to the Roya-Tch'er-Rol-Pa, quoted further on, the horse's hair is plaited. ed."

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FEBRUARY, 1884.] BUDDHIST LEGENDS. 47 hands. Bodhisatta by his own supernatural power conveying all the two hundred and fifty merchants, even those standing with folded hands, placing each in his own place, returned to his own abode. But the Yakkhints, when the time of the others had come, killed the remaining two hun. dred and fifty men and ate them.108 The Teacher, addressing the monks, said: "O monks, as those merchants went to the dwelling of the Yakkhinis and met with their death, while those who obeyed the word of the cloud-horse king were placed every one in his own place, even 60 monks and nuns, laymen and laywomen, not ful. filling the advice of Buddhas, experience great sorrow, through hundreds of misfortunes, by means of the five sorts of bonds, deed, action, con. dition, and so forth; but those who fulfil the advice obtain the three noble sampattis, the six Kama heavens, the hundred Brahma worlds, and such like conditions, and experiencing the great nibbana of immortality enjoy great happiness." The Perfectly Enlightened then, having said this, spoke these verses : 1. "Those men who will not carry out the advice preached by the Buddha will obtain misfortune as the merchants by the Rakshasis. 2. "And those men who will carry out the advice preached by the Buddha will reach the shore safely as the merchants by means of the horse." The Teacher, having thus set forth this discourse, illustrating the doctrines, connected the Jataka (at the end of the teaching the unhappy monk was established in the fruit of sotapatti, and many of the rest obtained the fruits of sotdpatti, sakadagami, anagami, and arahatship) :"Those two hundred and fifty merchants who followed the advice of the cloud-horse king were the followers of the Buddha, and I was that cloud. horse king." II. The mythioal horse (ante, p. 41a and note 65). The Portuguese word is pigarco, which I cannot find in the dictionaries, but Lacerda gives pioarso, which he translates, "having the colour of salt and pepper mixed together." The word used by Foucaux (Rgya-Tch'er-Rol-Pa, p. 17) is gris, grey, and he says in a note literally bluish, of a black-blue.'" In the Foo Kone Ki, p. 133, the horse 106 On Ceylon as the island of demons, see Senart's Essai sur la Legende du Buddha, p. 231 et seq. 100 So also the Ramayana, ed. Gorresio, I, 6, 29. 110 Especially the stormy cloud. Cf. Mahabharata, I. 1289, where Indra is thus invoked: Tvam vajram atulan ghoram ghdshavarhs tvai Valahakal. Cf. also Lal. Vist. 341, 6, &0. m For the quotations of. Muir, Sanskrit Texta, V, 85. 112 Elsewhere, X, 49, 7, Indra traverses the sky, drawn by the horson of the sun, which proves the essential identity of both. 113 Grimm, Deutsche Mythol., quoted by Kuhn, Herabk. is thus described :-"The purple horse, also called the strong and rapid wind. This horse is of a tint between red and blue. The blessed king of the wheel having come early in the morning to his palace, there suddenly appears to his sight a horse of a violet colour. His hairs are threaded with pearls, which fall when he is washed and combed, and are instantaneously reproduced fresher and more brilliant than before. When he neighs, it is heard at the distance of a yojana. He has strength sufficient to fly. When the king mounts him to traverse the world he departs in the morning and returns in the evening without experiencing any fatigue. All the atoms of dust that touch the feet of this horse are converted into grains of gold." With regard to the solar myth explanation of the horse, I translate what Senart says (Essai sur la Legende du Buddha, 2nd ed., pp. 19-22): "The Mahabharata (I, 1095) calls Uchchhaihsravas mathyamdnd 'mritojdtam asvaratnam anuttaman;' thus the Brihman mythology speaks expressly of an'asvaratna,' which is no other than the solar-steed Uchchhaih sravas.100 On the other hand, the Lalita Vistara gives the horse the name of Valahaka, which means cloud 110 and is the designation of one of the steeds of Vishnu. He receives the same epithets as the Elephant; whilst Uchchhaiharavas is of a dazzling whiteness, he is of a dark-blue (nilakrishna), and the Chinese enumeration calls him the purple horse,' or the strong and rapid wind;' he thus resembles in a curious manner those horses of Indra whose hair has the bluish reflections of a peacock's plumage,'111 and still more those steeds of the wind (vdtasya asvu), red (rijra, R. V. I, 174-5; aruna, rohita, I, 134, 3), who also draw Indra.110 (R. V. X, 22, 4-6), consi. dered (X, 168, 2) as the king of all this universe.' Like the horses of the Walkyries which shake from their hair the rain and the dew, our steed has its hairs threaded with pearls (lightning), which fall when he is washed (the rain) and combed, and are instantaneously reproduced fresher and more brilliant than before'; 118 when he neighs, it is heard at the distance of a yojana,' for his neighing is nothing but the thunder; if, finally, all the stoms of dust that touch his feet are changed into grains of gold, we recognize there the old image of the thunderbolt conceived as the des Feuers, p. 132. Other traces of the same mythologi. cal idea, preserved in the Brahmanio cult, and to which we shall return, fully warrant such a cloar agreement. Cf. also R. V. V, 83, 6, where the Maruts are prayed to make abundant the waters of the fecund horse (vrishna aswiaya). 11. Cf. Agni, that is, the Agni of the atmosphere, the thunder, compared to a neighing horne, for example, R. V. I, 36, 8. Likewise, when they neigh, the steeds of Indra are streaming with ambrosia, R. V. II, 11, 7, quoted by Gubernatis, vol. I, p. 286.

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48 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [FEBRUARY, 1884. shoe of the cloud-steed. We do not see why we should be surprised to find in the horse of our legend this symbolic meaning; for it is that which he usually has in the Indian mythology. 11 He appears with this meaning on several occasions as the direct expression of the sun, and in the case of Uchchaiharavas, the white horse, which can be seen at the dawn of day, and in that verse (R. V. II, 77, 3) which describes to us the good Ushas bringing the eye of the gods, leading the beautiful white steed...' in many legends, also, from among which I will refer only to those which relate to the Digvijaya and the Asvamedha; I shall speak further on of this. This is no reason for separating widely the asvaratna Uchchaiharavas and the abvaratna Valahaka;117 the former himself, in the voice of thunder 15 from which he derives his name, and in that black tail which the Serpents, Bons of Kadra, treacherously form for him, has preserved traces of another meaning. This fusion of fferent symbolisms in a single type might easily suggest various explanations. However, if we consider that in the narrations where the solar god appears actually in the form of the horse, 180 as in the case of Purusha, as in the myth of Vivasvat and of Saranya, it is chiefly with the intentional signification of a disguise, of a meta- morphosis; if we remember that the elephant, the primitive symbolism of which should not be doubtful, has nevertheless come in certain narrations to be identified with the solar hero, we shall, I think, be inclined to consider that the office of horse as representing the cloud answers closely to its probably oldest meaning. Its luminous signification would be only the secondary, as well as ancient, development, it is natural to confound the star with the vapours which conceal it or appear to carry it. The horse may, in like manner, very well represent the lightning which bursts from the cloud. From its central signification a sort of double radiation would be produced; the fact is sufficiently well expressed by the acts which make of the sun, the eye, and of the lightning, the foot of the atmospheric steed. This will explain how the horse properly solar has left in cognate mythologies so few evident traces; how, even in Indian mythology, it only appears mixed with other elements. As to our Buddhist advaratna in particular, it is certain that if, in the picture which is drawn of it, the primary signifi. cation is evidently manifest, its office of carrying the Chakravartin, whom it takes round the earth, leaving in the morning, and returning in the evening, is a very clear expression of the second." SANSKRIT AND OLD-CANARESE INSCRIPTIONS. BY J. F. FLEET, Bo. C.S., M.R.A.S., C.I.E. (Continued from Vol. XII., p. 272.) No. CXXXVIII. me, for the purpose of editing them, through The original plates' containing the inscrip- the kindness of Mr. R. Sewell, C.S. tion now published were found, with four The present grant consists of three plates, other sets and a sixth set which has been each about 7" long by 14" broad. They are lost sight of, suspended by their rings on an quite smooth, the edges of them being neither iron bar across the mouth of a large pot which fashioned thicker nor raised into rims. The was discovered in digging the foundations of inscription, however, is in a state of very good a wall at Chicacole' in the Ganjam District preservation throughout, almost the only letter of the Madras Presidency. The grants were that is lost, through corrosion of the plates, purchased by Mr. W. F. Grahame, C.S., and being the r of pra, the penultimate syllable of were presented by him to the Madras Museum, line 2. The ring, on which the plates are where they now are. They were obtained by strung, is about f" thick and 3" in diameter; 115 Cf. especially the struggle of Krishna with the horse doubtful, this passage would furnish another argument Kein, in the Vishnu Purana, ed. Hall, vol. IV, p. 839 f. for the ideas expressed here ; and this horse's head would 136 Mahabharata I, 1906. recall very forcibly the very clear meaning of the head ut All the less that R. V. VIII, 1, 11, makes a close of Dadhyano, on which Cf. Schwartz, Sonne, Mond und agreement between Etas, the steed of the sun, and the Sterne, p. 126ff. winged and rapid horses of Vata. 11 So Tarkshy, the solar bird, gots the epithet of 1 Kuhn, Herab. des Mouere, p. 251. arishtan mi (R. V. I, 89, 6; X, 178, 1): it is then, in fact, 11. Mahabharata I, 1223 and fol. Cr. R. V. I, 82, 12, distinguished from solar wheel, exactly as Etnia, the Indrs transformed into a horne's tail to deliver the steed of the sun, always represented as bearing the wheel. imprisoned waters. (cf., for example, Kuhn, Herabk. des Feuers, p. 62 and fol.) 1fo I see nothing in the passage (R. V. I, 132, 6) quoted Mr. Kuhn (Zeitschrift, vol. I, p. 588 and fol.), formerly by M. Kuhn, Zeitschr. fir vergl. Sprachl. IV, 119) to gave expression to observations which seem to me very prove precisely that we must understand thereby a horse'. similar to these, but his idea was not explicit enough for me to shield myself with his anthority. 111 If, as M. de Gubernatis asserts (Zool. Myth. I, 302), No. 155 in Mr. Sewell's published List of Copper bada vamukha (Ram. ed. Gorrosio, IV, 40, 50), applies to plate Grants. Noticed by me, ante Vol. X. p. 243, Vishnu, which, considering the state of the text, is very No. 1. heade precisely Zertochromesango (R.

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KALINGA GRANT OF NANDAPRABHANJANAVARMA. phuu J K 1 UJ7: !) -IT- JACT (daathaan 57 : 0 53, 832 ruu * * 32 (22105 : 1 us 5 5 nii 3,2" at 17:54 74 Il . lla. %e JS98324) 3. makh) 22: 22: 48073gx4333 116. 9f2F4yong 2538 m2553 95 % 9 ( 1 - 423 (2) " rathyg2 ne: ay : 62E; cc) | %, cb 5 / 4.4V 3 1 0 % 2 413) 3 4 5 : : 2 87 218 naang (cchring yingm: chaa 1 2 3 4 5 * kh 1-35 3, 4, 5 , 6 , From the original plates.

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FEBRUARY, 1884.) SANSKRIT AND OLD-CANARESE INSCRIPTIONS. 49 it had not been cut when the grant came into And it records the grant of the village of my hands; but the first plate had been broken Deya vat, or possibly Adeyavata or Adeyain such a way, from the ring-hole to the edge, vata, to the charanas or branches of the that it could, if desired, be separated from Devarata gotra, for the benefit of a Brahman the others without cutting the ring; it is quite named Harischandrasvami. I am not able at plain, however, that there has been no confu- present to suggest any identification of either sion, and that this is the proper first plate of the city whence the charter was issued, or the this grant. The seal on the ring was originally village that was granted. rectangular, about 2' long by 1" broad; but a The grant is not dated; but, judging by the good deal of it is now broken away. It had standard of palaeography, it is decidedly originally a legend, in relief on a countersunk 1 ancient, and is probably pre-Chalukyan. surface; but the letters have been so destroyed Among the published grants, the one the by rust, that I am unable to say what the letters of which show the nearest resemblance legend is, except that it does not seem to to the letters of this grant,-making allowance contain the name of Nandaprabhanjanavarma, for the contrast between the upright and the the maker of the grant. The weight of the sloping styles of engraving,-is the Pallava three plates is 114 tolas, and of the ring and grant of Vijayabuddhavarma, No. LXXIV., seal, 261 tolas,-total, 371 tolas. The lan- ante Vol. IX., pp. 100ff. Until, however, we guage of the inscription is Sanskrit throughout. obtain some further mention of the name of The grant is one of the Maharaja' Nenda- Nandaprabhanjanavarma, it is impossible to prabhanjana varma, the lord of Kalinga, make any definite anggestion as to the date of and is issued from (the city of) Sara palli. this grant. Text." First plate. [deg] Svasti Vijaya-Skrapalli-vasakat'-parama-bhagavato matapitri-pad-&['] nuddhya(dhya) tas-sakala-Kaling-adhipati[h*) Sri-maharaja-Nandap[ro]bha[deg] njanavarmma Deyavate' kutumbinam=&joapayati [1] Viditam=[ ] stu Akshatigrahariya-brahmana-Hani(ri)schandrasvamine u da Second plate ; first side. [deg] ka-pu [r*]vvena a-karam bhara-vana-varjjam punyaya[r]-yyasasam=abhivsiddhaya [deg] A-chandra-da(ta)rak-arka-pratishthitam-agrahara kritva sarvva-kara-pariha[' raischa parihtitya Devamratra"'-gotra-charanebhyo bhyah) pradattam [lo] Evan [] joatva yushmabhih puryv-ochita-maryyadaya sarvv-pasthanam kartta vyari Second plate; second side. [deg] meyan hirany-adyan ch=opaneya[m] [l*) Bhavishyatasacha rajnd vijn&payami [1] dharmmam"-krama-vikkra(kramanam'mangatama-yogad=avapyam=anuaasatam .["] pravsittakam-idam danam sva-dharmmam=anupasyadbhi[ho] stadatitiv-a-13 [") yam-agrahura(ro)-nupalya[b] [ll] Api ch=atra Vyasa-gita-slokan=addha Third plate. [8] rishyami # Bahubhir=vvasudha datta rajanah vastdh-adhipaih" yasya [**] yasya yada bhumich) tasya tasya tada phalam [ll] Sva-datt[& pare - On the use of this and other similar technical titles, Bee note 18 below. From the original plates. * In the original, this word is in the margin of the plate, -not strictly at the commencement of the first line. The marks before this t are perhaps & visarga that was engraved and then cancelled. ... The plate is here eaten quite through by runt. But the end of this is just discernible to the upper left of the hole. Or we may read "varmm-Adeyavate. * Ksha is what we should expect here; but, from the way in which kkra is formed in cikkrama, line 10, we may also interpret this akshara as kkra. Both the aksharas, however, are rather anomalous ones. The propriety of this correction can hardly be ques. tioned. And it is easy to see how the engraver, whose work thronghout is not as socurate as it might have been, was led into engraving wi instead of ri. 10 Correct into Devarata. 11 and 1 In each case the anusvira is a mistake. 13 Correct into ma-dattir-iv-d &o. 1. Correct into rdjabhih. ing is Sagar-Adibhim.

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50 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [FEBRUARY, 1884. [*} datt[ am va yatnad=raksha Yudhishthirali" mahimata[6deg]-chhrestha(shtha) danapo ch=chhreyo-nupalanam=uttamam' [ilo] Shashtim varsha-sahasrapi svargge modati bhu["'] mi-da[ho] Akshepta chean[u]mantai cha tiny-ova na(na)raksh&ke) vaset ! Translation measured out, consisting of gold, &c., is to be Hail! From (his resilence) sitrated at the tendered victorious (city of Sarapalli, the Maha- (L. 9.)--" And I make this request to future rija" Sri-Nandaprabhanja na var ma, kings,-looking apon this grant, which is the --the most devout worshipper of the holy one; perpetual business" of (all) those who protect he who meditates on the feet of his parents; that which may be acquired by any of the the supreme lord of the whole of Kalinga, means of religion or succession (of inheritance) issues his commands to the kutumbflat (the or prowess, as their own act of religion, this villaye of) Deya vata:'- agrahara should be preserved by them, just as (L. 3.)-"Be it known! For the benefit of if it were their own gift. the Brahman Harischandrasvami of the agra- (L. 12.)-" And I will instance on this point hara of (?) 'Akshata, -having, with libations the verses sung by Vyasa :-Land has been given of water, (and) for the increase of (my) religious by many kings, lords of the earth ;" he who for merit and duration of life and fame, made an the time being possesses the earth, to him at that ayruhara-grant (of this village), free from taxes, time belongs the reward (of the grant that has been (and) with the exception of ........... made)! O Yudhishthira, best of kings, carefully .......," (and) constituted to continue preserve [land] that has been given, whether as long as the moon and the stars and the sun by thyself or by another; the preservation (of a may last, and having exempted (it) with remis- grant) is better than making a grant, (and) is the sion of all the taxes, it has been given by most excellent of all acts) !" The giver of land me) to the charanus of the Devarita gotra. enjoys happiness in beaven for sixty thousand By you, knowing this, in accordance with years; (but) the confiscator (of a grant), and he former custom all the respectful service is who assents (to such confiscation), shall dwell for to be performed, and that which is to be the same number of years in hell!" TWO EASTERN CHALUKYA COPPER-PLATES. BY S, M. NATESA SASTRI PANDIT. The following transliterations and transla- ploughing, in the Mukhasa village of Ideru, near tions show the contents of two Eastern Chalukya Agiripalle in the Nazivida zamindari of the copper-plate grants now in the Madras Central Krishn& District, Madras Presidency, and were Museum. They were discovered by a man, while presented to the Museum by the zamindar. 1 This visarga is a mistake. it is almost, if not abaclutely, always coupled with two W There is one syllable in excess of the proper number other titlos, parameivara, supreme lord,' and parama. for the inetre here. The tual reading is mahir mahi- bharaka, 'most worshipful one.'-The eonnection of matul tranhtha dinach-chhreyo-nupahinth. the three titles was so universal, that a Rewa grant of It is customary to translate this word, -by great Trailokyamalla, dated Samvat 1207, considers tunne king. But the large mass of epigraphionl records that cessary to give all three titles, and contents itself is now available for examination, shows that, in all with describing him as paramabhattarok-ety-di-rijexcept very early inscriptions, such titles as rdjan, 14]vall-trayipta-mahiruya, the Maharaya who is posking. adhinana n arier or aroma king and cha sessed of the three kingly titles (lit. Succession) comTja, 'great king,' and perhaps even rijddhirdja, mencing with paramabhotirak suprenie king of kings.' by no means convey the ides Householder; cultivator. This word usually of our English word 'king, but, unless coupled with occurs, in such passages as the present, in the plural, other titles indubitably designative of supreme sove kutumbinih; and, as we have the plural yushmabhih in reignty, indicate only subordinate, though undoubtedly line 8, perhaps the plural may have been intended here high, rank and power. They are, in fact, technical also by the drafter of this grant. If the singular be titles which, like Samanta, Mehedmanta, Mahdadmint. correct, it seems to point to the selection of one partidhipati, Mimallivara, Mahamancaldivom, Dondand. cular kutumbt to represent all the householders or yaka, Mahadandmiyak, R4shtrakata, Vishayaputi, cultivators of the village in official matters, after the Baladhikrita, Sanidhi vigythi, Mahasaudkivigrahi, dr. fashion of the Guuda or Patil of the present day. it is much better, if only for the sake of uniformity * Or possibly Adeyavita, or Adeyavata; see note 7 and consistency, to uno Tatranslatod, than to attempt above. to reuder into English by terins which always vary n The meaning of bhira ima is not apparent. according to the idiosynergies of the translators, sud * Provittam, 'that which shall roll forward, i.e. which never suffice to give a faithtul and literal idea which ought always to be an object of attention.' of what the original words mean.-The only title that * Soe noto 15 above. " See note 16 above. properly and Cully corronpond to our idea of king' is 'Very rough translations were published by the inaharajadhirajo, supreme king of Maharajas'; and Modris Government in their Order No. 367, datod 7th

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FEBRUARY, 1884.) TWO EASTERN CHALUKYA COPPER PLATES. 51 No. I. up to preserve the inscription thereon. They This grant is on five plates, joined by a ring are in excellent preservation. The seal has with a beautifully-preserved seal. The plates on it & boar, three elephant-goads, and the measure 9 by 44' and have their edges turned legend :-Sri-Tribhuvan asakusa. Transliteration. Plate 1. [] Sarvakaram=aseshasya jagatah sarvada bivam go-brahmana-pripanamscha(cha) sivam bhavata sarvada ['] Svasti Srimatam sakala-bhuvana-samstayamana-Manavya-sagotranam Hariti-putranam Kau[] siki-vara-prasada-labdha-rajya nam matsi-gana-paripalita namn Svami-Mah-sena-pad-anu dhyata[] nam bhagavan-Narayana-prasada-samasadita-vara-varkha-lamchchhan-ekshana-kshana-va['] siksit-arati-mandalanam asvamedh-avabhrita(tha)-gnAna-pavitri-krita-vapusham Chalukya[deg] nam kulam-alamkarishiuh || Satyasraya-Vallabhasya bhrata Kubja-Vishnuvarddhno='shtada ['j sa varshani | Tat-putro Jayasimhavallabhas-trayas-trimsat-varshani | Tat-bhratur | Indra raja-na[*] ndano Vishnuvarddhanah nava varshani Tat-putro Mangi-yuvarajah pamcha-vimsati samvatsaran ['] Tat-sunur=Jjayasinhas-trayodasa-samvatsaran Tad-[a]vimatur-anujah Kokkilih Plate II, first side. [] shan=masan | Tad-agrajo Vishnurajas=svanujam udvapya sapta-trimsat-samvatsaran Tau t-patro Vijayaditya-bhattarakah ashtAdab-abdan | Tan-nandand Vishnuvarddhanab shat trimsa["] d-abdin Tat-putrah Ganggaratta-balais-sarddhan-dvadas-abdan-aharnnisam bhuj-Arjita bala ["] padga-sahay8 nayavikramaih ashtottaram yuddha-satam yuddhva Sambor-maha("*] layan tat-samkhyay=&karod viro Vijayaditya-bhu patil kritvi rajyam sa Gangisa [15] chatvarimsat-saman chatur-uttara-sankhyatan yayau sakhyam Sachipa["] teh Tat-sunur=nayavan-virah Kalyadir=Vishnuvarddhan | Vamggl-nathas-samastanam &yudha["] nam karshak piti varnasrama-stiti-niyojana-raksha-siksha-parar-para-puram jaya-sa Plate IT, second side. 1987 kta-behah nityam tri-varga-parivahana-tantra-mantri samvarddhit-akhila-dharatala-la[W] bdha tejah gaja-vaji-yaddha-kusalas-sarddha-samvatsaram patih babhuva rajye jayavi[*]d-abhishiktah kulonnatdh | Tat-suto="jani samasta-bhubritam sasakas-sakala-sampadam pa ] tih dhairya-dana-dbriti-dharmma-nirmmala-sri-prata pa-dhara-murti-visrutah samara-ni. {"] rat-arati-vratan-aneka-dharesvaran Prakriti-bala-sampannah tojas-tati-krama[*] n-Onnatih vilasad-asini jitva suryam pratapa-yasdmayair=jjagati Vijayadi["] tyo nityam gunais-cha jiguya sah Gangganau gaja-vairi-saktir=asaman | Rattesa sanchodito [*] jitve Mangi bird=harat yudhi maha-bahv=ipta-viryaryama | Krishnam sainkilam-an Plate III, first side. *67 kito-khila-bala(P)-prapt-ru-sad-vikramo | bhit-arttan-atha vihiya tat-puram aram yo ["] nirddada ha prabhuh! Sa samasta-bhuvanasraya-Sri-Vijayadityas=chatus=chatvari["] msad-varghani Tad-anu savitaryy=astamgate timira-patale nava-Ratta-dayada-bale["'] n-abhivyaptam Vergi-mandalam 1 Tad-anuja-Vikramaditya-sunus=Chalukya-Bhima[*] dhipo Droharjan-Apara-nama v a-vikram-aika-sahaya-taravari-prabhay-avabha{"] sy-Adhipatireabhut-kila . Din-anatha-nagna-nata-gayaka-dharmma-dhvaja-vrittinam pitarav=jApril 1873, but they are, for all practical purposes, Archaeological Survey of Southern India, Lista, vol. II, tuseless. I pp. 25-26.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (FEBRUARY, 1884, **) va sakhaiva gurur-iv-abhilashitam vistirya kalpa-tar u-pratimas=chatamsi (P) danena samt[8] rpya trimsad-varshani | Palayitv-atma-gunaih Purandaram-anandayann-iva tat-sakhyamagamat Plate III, second side. [] Tat-pntro Vijayadityah saisaval=labdha-sampado sarva-bhog-adi-rajyanga-bala-ratno[85] gha-visratah jivaty=8va prata pat pitari bhuja-bala-dhvasta-tad-vairi-varggah pasch&j=jity ari-varggan= [%] nnijamajita-maha-sakti-sampan-narendra-prajna-chakrena bahyam ripu-samitam-api svartta[81] bhogaih kritarttho rajy-asil-labdha-tejah-samadalam-adhipe jetum-Indram praya[88] tah Tat-sunur-Udyaditya-iva-Amma Raja-Mahendr-apara-nama ripu-timi[*] ram-aran-nihatya p rakriti-sapatna-paksha-nikshipta-sa manta-kubja-kutila-manobha[+0] mga-kara karavalam-utkritya sakti-traya-sampanna-pratap-avarjita-pitri-pitamaha["] prakriti-balah prajnaya Sura-gurum tejas& Bhanum antamkshmaya Ksh mam-Ama Plate IV, first side. [") ra-girim vividha-budha-samasrayatay-anukarvansarva-lok-Asraya-Sri-Vishnuvarddhana-ma[**] harajah sya-rajy-Abhisheka-krita-kalyanah simhasan-erudhah Kandhruvati-vishaya[*] nivasinah sarvan=kutumbinas=samahuy-etham ajna payatisma | Asmat-kula-kalyana-pa(5) rampara-niyog-adhikrita-Pattavarddhini-varsagranya kota (?) kampaiti visrute{") na Kubja-Vishnuvarddhan-anucharena samgrame tad-anujnaya dur-dharsha-balam Dattara-na. ["] manam vinihatya ta=chchinhani yena jagrihire | Tat-kula-prasllta-Somadityasya sunures * noka-yuddha-labdha-pratapah Pritiviya Rajah | Tat-sunus sakalarati-mada-chchhoda-kara[*] yadhah sevako Vijayaditya-kaliyatyamka-bhubhujah abhaishur Bhandanadityam drishtva Plate IV, second side. [") pritim-uparjanam | Praptam-ujvala-gaotakam yam pare yama-sannibham | Yo hi Satrtinan [2] tumuleshu. vira-patahan samsravya jitva balam Kantaditya iti srut-emkita-maha[TM] kirti-pratap-alayah | Mat-chittam paritoshya bhritya padavim labdhva prasada-gamtah sphit-&7 noka-bal-ari-bhupa-vijayi Sri-janma bahunnatih Tasmai | Sadvadasa gramadbikel [54) Gomturu-nama-gramah sarvakara-parihariktity-asma bhir-dattamiti i viditam-a[*] stu vo="smAbhih || Asy-avadhayah | Purvatah Gomguva | Dakshinatal Gainayurul . Paschimata[5] Kalucheruvulu | Uttaratah Madapalli | Etesham madhya-vartinah kshetra-simanah Purvatah [9] Poturayu | Agneyatah | Pettakoyilamu | Dakshinatah Kuruvachoti Naisititah Pe Plate V. [*] ravatikuruva | Paschimatah Palagumtapadamatikatta | Vayayyatah Pailaka[5] mgontamainadurga-bhagavati | Uttaratah Mada pallaparru Isanatah Chamirenigum[] tta | Asy=opari na kenachit-badha kartavya yah karoti sa pamchamahapatako bhava[] ti Tatha cha Vyesen=oktam Bahubhir=Vasudha datta bahubhis=chranupalita yasya [9] yasya yada bhumih tasya tasya tada phalam || Sva-dattam para-dattam ve ye ha [0] reta vasundharam shashti-varsha-sahasrani vishthayam jayate krimih Translation. is praised over all the world, who are the sons May prosperity abound in all things in all of Hariti, who had obtained (their) kingdom the world for ever! And prosperity to cows, by the favour of the boon granted by KauBrahmaps and kings! Hail! The brother of biki, who are protected by the Matrigana, Satyasraya vallabha, who was an orna- who are ever contemplating the feet of the god ment to the family of the Chalukyan- Mahasena, who have had all kings easily who are of the kindred of Manavya that made subject to them by the excellent sight 3 The more correct form is Hariti (vol. XII, p. 93, Viradhaka, Virupaksha and Dhritarashtra. See Beal's n. 9). She is spoken of by I-tsing, the Chinese pilgrim, Buddhist Rec. of the Western World, vol. I, p. 110.as the mother of the demons' and one of the principal ED.I. A. of the retinue of the four kings' Kubera or Vaisravana,

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FEBRUARY, 1884.] TWO EASTERN CHALUKYA COPPER PLATES. 53 of the sign of the Boar which they acquired sword and by his good qualities, who was by the sight of the holy Narayana, who had known as Vijay aditya,--and who, at the their bodies purified by the closing bath of instigation of the lord of the Rattas, after conthe horse-sacrifice,-Kubja-Vishu var- quering the king of the Gaig a countries who dhana (ruled) 18 years. His son, Jaya- was famous for his unequalled array of elephants, simha valla bha, 33 years. Vishnu- cut off the head of Mangi in battle, and thus vardhana, son of his brother Indraraja, obtained honour by his great prow.ess; .... 9 years. His son, Mangi, the Yuva raja, 25 ......... after leading away the terrified years. His son, Jayasinha, 13 years. His and the afflicted, he the lord totally burned brother by his step-mother, Kokkili, 6 his enemy's city. He-the refuge of the months. His elder brother, Vishnu raja, whole world-the prosperous Vijay Aditys after driving out his younger brother, 37 years. (ruled) 44 years. Afterwards when that sun His son, Vija y aditya bhattara ka, 18 set in darkness (when he diel), the Veng i years. His son, Vishnu vardhana, 36 years. kingdom was pervaded by the army of the His son, the powerful king Vijay aditya kinsmen of the new Ratta. Then the lord by the valour of his arms and by the assistance Chalukya Bhima--the son of his (Vi. of his infantry, after fighting 108 times in jayaditya's) younger brother Vikramaditya 1216 years with the just and powerful armies -otherwise named Dro harjuna, shining of the Gangas and Ratas built the same with the splendour of his scimitar, the only number of temples to Sambhu. That lord of friend of his valour, became king. To the Ganga, after ruling the kingdom for 44 indigent and the helpless, to the naked, to years, acquired the friendship of the husband dancers and singers, to religious beggars, he beof Sachi (Indra, i.e. he died). His son, the just haved like a father and like a teacher; and and valorous Vishnuvardhana, who had, | making them reveal their desires, like a Kalpaprefixed to his own, the name of Kali (Kali- treo he pleased them by unequalled dona. Vishnuvardhana), who was lord of Vongi, tions. After protecting them for 30 years whose form was such that he could wield all as if pleasing Purandara (Indra) by his weapons, who was skilful in giving proper good qualities, he obtained that deity's friend work (to men) and in protecting and training ship (i. e. died). His son, Vijay aditya, them according to their caste, period of life, who had obtained fortune even from his childand position of life, whose hands were ever hood, who was famous for his possessing, united engaged in conquering the cities of his ene- in himself all the enjoyments of strength and mies, who had a minister that knew all the money which make the limbs (or parts) of a rules for carrying out the three pursuits of constitution, who, while even his father was life, (religion, pleasure and wealth), whose alive by the fame of the strength of his arms splendour in this world was increasing, and destroyed hosts of his enemies, and obtained by who was skilful in battling with elephants his own valour the reward of unconquerable and horses, being consecrated as king for the greatness. Even in intellectual supremacy he prosperity of the family, was lord for a year deprived the hosts of his surrounding enemies and a half. To him was born a son, who was of their enjoyments, and thus attained fame. ruler of all kings, who was lord of all wealth, Having obtained splendour by the blessings of who was pure, possessing boldness, gifted, his kingdom and becoming lord of the level resolute and charitable, who was renowned ground (this world) went to conquer Indra (died). for his (stalwart) frame, bearing fame, who His son, Amma, otherwise called Raja caused many hostile kings to be slain in battle, Mahendra, who soon destroyed the darkness who had united in himself the elements of a of his enemies like a rising moon, who cut by good constitution, who shone in excess of his sword, that was causing terror to all crooked unparalleled glory after conquering the sun by minds, the neighbouring kings who placed the fame and splendour of his glittering themselves on the side of his old enemies, who * The closing bath of the horse-sacrifice, or Avabhritha- 5 See Mr. Floot's transliteration and translation of this anana, as it is called, is the bath which the sacri- passage, ante, vol. XII, p. 918. fioer (Yajamdna) has to undergo as ablution after a * Vijayaditya is hero called the lord of Ganga, a Bacrifice. poetical name of the Godavari River.

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54 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [FEBRUARY, 1884. had joined in himself the three saktis,' who had bent by his fame the strength of the subjects of his father and grandfather, who was making himself the teacher of the gods (Vachaspati) by his memory, the sun by his splendour, the earth by his patience, the mountain of the gods by his being resorted to by the learned men, and who was the refuge of the whole world-Vishnuvardhana, the great king, who was consecrated in his kingdom, sitting on his throne, summoning all the kutumbis, living in the country of Kandern- vati, thus ordered : "By him, the foremost of the Pattavard. dhin i family-which is always placed in the position of being able to secure the constant prosperity of our family-who was known as Kola (?) Kampa, and who was the follower of Vishnuvardhana, the killing of our enemy Dattara of unapproachable army in battle, and the taking away of his emblems, was accomplished agreeably to the command of Vishnuvardhana. Pritiviya rajs, who had obtained fame in many battles, was the son of Somaditya, who was born in that family. His son, who holds his hand like a weapon to cat away the pride of his enemies, who is the servant of king Kali Vijay a ditya (?), is Bhanda na ditya. The friendship of that Bhandaniditya, equal to Yama in battle, of shining bells, and seeing whom the enemies feared, was sought by as. And he in the crowd of enemies making his victorious war-drums to be heard above all, conquered the army, and thus becoming the temple of great fame and honour, has been distinguished by the name of Kunteditya. He, after delighting my mind, and after conquering many hostile but admiring kings, has obtained the place of a servant under me. He has long arms which are the origin of prosperity. To him the village named Gom tard, which is more than 12 villages, is given by us in the sct of atoning for all our sins. Let this be known to you all. The boundaries of the village (are) :-To the east Gomguva, to the south Gaina yurs, to the west Kalucherovulu, to the north Madapalli. The boundaries in the (four) villages that border on the village 1. e. wenlth, power and influence. The wentorn bund of the tank of Palagutta. * This genealogy was traced in & version of a set of plates given in the Mackenzie M88. and also in Sir W. given :-To the east Poturayu, to the southeast Petta koyilam, to the south Karuvac hoti, to the sonth-west Peru vatikaruva, to the west Pa laguntta padumatikatta' to the north-west Pailaku mgo tamaina durg&-bhagavat, to the north Mada palla parru, and to the northenst Cha mirenig umta. No injury should be done to this charity) by any one. He who does (injury) becomes guilty of the five great sins. Thus it has been said by Vyasa :-Lands have been given by many and have been preserved (in grant) by many; he, who for the time being possesses land, enjoys the benefit of it. He who appropriates land that has been given, whether by himself or by another, is born for the duration of sixty thousand years as a worm in ordure. Mr. Sewell in his note on this grant says, "this is an extremely handsome and well preserved grant of five plates, joined with a ring having the clear. est and best seal I have yet met with. The document evidences the charitable donation of a vill. age by Ammardja I, of the Eastern Chalukya dynasty. It must have been executed, therefore, between the years A.D. 918 and 925, the period of that king's reign. The grant was found at the close of the year 1871 buried in the ground in a field in the village of Ederu, near Akiripalle in the Kistna District, 15 miles north-east of Bezvada, a village belonging to the present zemindari of Nazividu, and therefore in the heart of the Eastern Chalukya country. The plates were presented, along with other two, to the Madras Museum by the then Zemindar, since deceased. The seal has the ChAlukya boar over the legend Sri-Tribhuvandikuea, with sun, moon and three elephant goads. Below is a lotus. Above, something that looks like a triple umbrella, or it may be a crown. The grant bears no date of any kind. It commences with the usual Chalukya titles and gives the following genealogy" : Satykisrayavallabha. Kabja-Vishouvardhana (18 years). Jayasinhavallabha (33 years). Indraraja Vishnuvardhana (9 years). Mangi-Yavardja (25 years). Elliot's "Numismatic Gleanings," in Jour. Mad. Lit. Soc. vol. VII, pp. 193-211, and in Burnell's 8. Ind. Pakoog. Pp. 193-31 Glonningu, p. 21. AK Lo in sir

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FEBRUARY, 1884.) TWO EASTERN CHALUKYA COPPER-PLATES. 55 plates noted by Dr. Burnell, as well as with Nos. Jayasimha Vishnuraja Kaukili 1 and 2 of this series. Seven grants therefore (18 years). elder brother of usurped the give 33, to two which give 30 years. This grant Kaukili, whom he kingdom for six declares Mangi's son, Vishnu Raja, to be elder succeeded, after months, but brother to the usurper Kaukili, while Dr. Burnell defeating him. was deposed by makes him younger. In this respect Dr. Burnell's Reigned 37 years. his brother. Plates, C, D, and Nos. 1 and 2 of this series agree with the plate under discussion, while No. 2 adds Vijayaditya-Bhattaraka that Kaukili was Jayasimha's half-brother.' 18 years. We thus have five plates which make Kaukili the younger. Only one out of the nine plates yet Vishnuvardhana noted give 16 years to the reign of Vijayaditya 36 years. Bhattaraka, the rest agreeing in giving 18. As to the latter's successor, Vishauvardhana, Dr. Vijayaditya Burnell's C, D, F, Nos. 1 and 2 of this series, 44 years. and this plate (six plates in all) give him 36 years. One, Dr. Burnell's B, gives 30 years. Vishnuvardhana Dr. Burnell's E mentions 26, which is probably 1} years. a mistake. To his successor Vijayaditya Bhopati or Vijayaditya-Narendra-Mtigaraje, six grants Vijayaditya Vikramaditya. give 48 years, one 40, and this one 44. To Vija44 years. Aided by Ratta' yaditya's son, Vishnuvardhana, one grant (Dr. he beheaded Mangi. After Burnell's F) gives 6 months; the rest give him him the Kinsmen of Nava 15 year. Vishnuvardhana's son, Vijayaditya, is Ratta' usurped the vengi given 40 years by one grant (Dr. Burnell's F) and kingdom. 44 by all the rest including this one. The usurChalukya Bhima pation of the sovereignty by some Ratta chiefs for a period not defined is especially to be noted (30 years). here, as, if true, it may upset previous calculaVijayaditya tions on the earlier chronology. (length of reign not given). As to the village of Gomtaru,' I have tried to identify it, but at present without success. Udayaditya alias Ammaraja Mahendra The boundaries are given in considerable detail, (the grantor). and it may be that the village intended is Gunturu, "The document states that Ammaraja granted one of the most important towns in the Kistna the village of Gomturu to Kundaditya, son of District; but the surrounding places must be Prithvija Raja, who was son of Somaditya, of the identified before this point can be decided. The family of Pattavardhana, which was very loyal boundaries given are-east, Gonguva; south, during the days of Kubja Vishnuvardhana. The Gainayuru; west, the Kalu Tanks (Kalucherugrant was made in the presence of the principal vulu); north, Madapalle.'" families (loutub(s) of the district of Kantefuvati. There is no subscribed signature of Kataka Rajah No. 2 as in some grants of the period. The genealogical table corresponds with that given by Dr. Burnell This grant is on three plates, joined by a on p. 21 of his South Indian Palaeography, with the ring bearing a seal having the design of a lotus following exceptions :-To Jayasim havallabha 33 | surmounted by the sun and moon, with three years are given, corresponding with four of the daggers and the legend Sri-Tribhuvanamkusa. Transliteration. Plate I. ['] Svasti Srimatam sakala-bhuvana-samstayamana-Manavya-sagotranam Hari[") ti-putranam Kausiki-vara-prask (da)-labdha-rajyanam bhagavan-Narayana-prasada-sam-A[] sadita-vara-varaha-lanchan-ekshana-kshana-vasiktit-arati-mandalanam asva[deg] medh-avabhrita-8nana-pavitri-krita-vapusham Chala kyanam ku lam-alamka[deg] rishnor=vividha-yuddha-labdha-vijaya-siddhe (n?) . bhuvana-manobhirama-Vikramara[deg] masya-pantrah pratap-avanata-para-mandala-nripati-mandalasya Sri-Vi. ['] shnu Varddhana-maharajasya priya-tanayah nija-bhuja-nisit-asi-dha

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56 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [FEBRUARY, 1884. Plate II.- first side. [] ra-prasamita-para-chakra-vikramah sakti-tray-alamkrito kshira-sagara [] iva Lakshmi-prabhavo dina-kara i va satata-rakshita-padmah sacadha[] ra i va kumuda-vana-priye Dharmmaja iva nija-dharmma-nirmmalo [*] Dharmmajanuja iva Dussasana-kshaya-karah Moruraiva sthira-sthi. [") tir-atula-tul-dhrita kauka dhauta dhanta durbala malinah para[2] ma-brahmanyo Vishnu va jishnuh samasta-bhuvana (AP)-raya-Sri-Vija ["] yaditya-maharajadhiraja-paramtiva(ra )-bhattarakah Kanderuva Plate II.-second side. [*] ti-vishayd vana..... va gramasya ku..... ka pramukhan [") kutambinas=sarvan-itham-ajnapyati viditam=astu vo="smabhih ("] Minamini-vastavyaya Kasyapa-gotraya Apastamba-sutraya Taitri{"] ya-brahmacharine Turkavarmma-tredi-pautra (ya ?) vedango-vi[*] de shat-karmma-nirataya Drona-sarmma-dvi-Vodi.putra (ya ?) brahmana-gu[*] na-gan-alakataya Pa-(dma ?)-bhattarakaya Buryya-grahana-ni. [") mita(tts) asminn=eva grame dvadasa-vendika-kodrava-bija-samsthitam Plate 111. .......... Avasanam sarvva-kara-pari......................... [") purvatah Korraparu-simal d akshinatah Taru?kah paschimatah Ra["] mati Uttaratah ReNGvuvati-bauha-renvavati ............ chaturavadhi [] Ajnaptir-asya dharmmasya nirmmalo dharmma-sam grahah badbamanamalo ["] kasvat(kaschit P) punya-vitto narottamah || Bahubhir-vasudha datta bahubhis-ch-ana[") palitA yasya yasya yada bhumih tasya tasya tada phalam sva-datta(?) [*] para-datta (in) va ye hardta vasumdharam shashti-varsha-sahasrani vishtayam jayate krimih | Translation. like the milk ocean, who ever protected Hail : The grandson of Vikramarama, Padm (the goddess of prosperity), like who was a delight to the mind of the people, the creator of the day (the sun), who took who had won success in many battles, who delight in protecting the world and making it was an ornament to the family of Chalu- happy, as the moon protects the forest of lilies, ky&s, who are of the kindred of Mana vya, who was pure by his own charitable acts like that is, praised over all the world, who are the the son of Dharma (Yudhishthira) who did sons of Hariti, who had obtained (their) king- away with bad rulers (Duss (sana) like the dom by the favour of the boon granted by younger brother of Dharma (Blama), who Kausiki, who have had all kings made easily had one firmness of resolution (sthiti) like subject to them by the excellent sight of the Mer 2,"" who had washed away and reduced sign of the boar which they acquired by the his sins by getting himself many a time weighed favour of the holy Nardyana, who had their with gold in the scales, who was a good Brahbodies parified by the closing bath of the horse- man, and who was victorious like Vishnu. sacrifice. The affectionate son of the great king He in the country of Kanderu vata... Sri Vishnuvardhana, who had hosts of kings from other countries bowing down before orders the (kutumbis) heads of the families. him by his valour, was the great king, the "Be it known to you (that)-The grandson of supreme king, the supreme lord, Sri-Vija- Turkavarm A, who was learned in the three yaditya, who had subdued the valour of Vedas, who was an inhabitant of Minamine, hostile kings by the sharp edge of the sword who was of the family of Kasyapa, who bethat he carried in his hand, who was adorned longed to the line (sutra) of Apas tambh, by the three constituents of regal power" and who was a religious student of the Taittiriwho was the origin of prosperity (Lakshmi), yasakha portion of the Veda ; the son of Dro 10 See above, p. 58, noto No. 4. 11. e. king, minister and energy-Prabhu-mantrausaha. "&Vahas or puns are so freely used here that it is altogether impossible to retain the beauty of the original in the translation.

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FEBRUARY, 1884.) MIRZAPUR FOLKLORE. 57 nabarma, who was learned in two Vedas, who the fruit of it. He is born a worm in ordure knew also the six branches, " (Anga) of the Veda, for sixty thousand years who confiscates land and who practised the six acts or duties'* en- given, whether by himself or by another." joined to Brahmans; was Padma P)-Bhat Mr. Sewell's note on this plate is as follows: tara ka, who was adorned with all the good "A grant in three small plates, very roughly qualities of Brahmans. To him, during the executed. It professes to be a Chalukyan docuoccasion of a solar eclipse, in this very same ment and has a Chalukyan seal, with sun, moon village (are given) lands in which 12 Vendikas and lotus, and the legend Sri Tribhuvandriusa. of Kodrava seed could be sown ........ It commences with the usual Chalukyan glorifi. .............. on the east Korru- cation Manavyasa gotrdndm, &o....... ), but only para boundary, on the south (Tara P) kah, mentions three names, Vijayaditya, called Ma. on the west Rumati, on the north Renvu- drajddhirdja paramesva (ra) bhattdraka, son of va tiba u ha-renvuvati........ the Vishnuvardhana, and grandson of Vikrama four limits. The commanding (insinuation) for Rama. If the grantor be the sovereign sually this charity is the same as the gathering pure styled Vijayaditya Bhattaraka,' we here have a new name, Vijaya Rama,' for the sovereign charities; and only some of the best men in Mangi surnamed the 'Yuvardja. But the point this world), which is troubled with sins, have is doubtful. By this document a village is given the wealth of charity. Lands have been given to a Brahman during a solar eclipee. The plates by many kings from Sagara downwards. He were sent with other two) to the Museum by the who for the time being possesses land enjoys | zemindar of Nuzividu in the Kistna District." MIRZAPUR FOLKLORE. Auppicious and inauspicious signs most com- observe any of the following things or monly observed. descriptions of men :The following things are considered auspi. (1) A one-eyed or blind man, (2) a widow, cious if found, met or observed (specially if (3) oil or an oilman, (4) leather, (5) bone, (6) a bronght from the opposite direction) within a | man with his mustaches shaved, (7) a eunuch, hundred steps or nearer from the starting point (8) a mendicant with his clothes dyed in Indian by a person bound on some business or a red, (9) a person maimed or affected with any journey : disease, (10) a cat or jackal if it cross the path (1) A pot full of water, (2) any fruit, (3) a of the traveller, (11) a beggar, (12) the braying Brahman (particularly with his forehead mark. of the ass, crying of the jackal, or sneezing of ed and a book under his arm), (4) a cow, (5) an person, if heard by the traveller when starting. unmarried girl, (6) a mother with her child in her The following days are inauspicious for jour. lap (particularly with her forehead and parting ney in the directions detailed :- . of the hair coloured with vermilion or Indian Saturday sud Monday............... East. lead), (7) a horse or elephant, (8) milk or Friday and Sunday .................. West. coagulated milk, (9) a peacock, (10) a mongoose, Tuesday and Wednesday ......... North. (11) & corpse, but with no one crying after it, Thursday .............................. South. (12) fish, (13) a washerman with clothes washed, Saturday and Wednesday are thought un(14) arms, (15) an empty pot, if brought from lucky for going to a physician or sending for behind. him for the first time. The undermentioned things under similar Wednesday is the most inauspicious for circumstances are thought inauspicious, and commencing any trade or engaging in work the superstitious put off their journey to some calculated to bring gain. It is called chali future occasion, if they happen to meet or din (empty day). 13 The six accompaniments of the Veda or Vidangas are :-(1) Aksha, the science of proper articulation ; (2) chand metre;" (3) vydkarana-linguistic analysis of grammar : (4) nirukta-oxplanation of Vedic words; (6) jyotisha-stronomy: (6), kalpa-ceremonial precepta. ". The siz duties of Brahmana aro (1) teaching the Vedan; (2) holy study: (3) offering sacrifices (4) conducting sacrifices for others; (5) giving gifta; (6) accepting gifts.

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58 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [FEBRUARY, 1884. For wearing new clothes, Wednesday, Thursday, Friday and sometimes Sunday are considered auspicious, and the rest inauspicious. Shaving on Saturday is must strictly prohibited. The mewing of a cat or whining of a dog if heard for a time by a sick person confined to bed is thought a sure sign of his death. Dreams. (1) Dreaming one's self on horse-back, (2) finding one's self in a situation higher than the ground, (3) finding one's self dead or unwell are considered auspicious. (1) Riding on an ass, (2) going to the south, (3) dreaming one's self being married, are inauspicions. Dreams when forgotten are supposed to carry no effect. The white lizard if it falls on one's fore- head is a lucky sign, and if it falls to the left side is reckoned unlucky. Feeling the right palm itchy portends gain, and feeling the right sole itchy is a sign of a journey. The palpitation or convalsion of right eyelid, right eyebrow, and right muscles are auspicious to man and inauspicious to woman. The palpitation of the left eyelid, eyebrow, and muscles are auspicious to woman and inauspicious to man. Houses. A house with its front part wider and higher than the hinder part is inauspicious, and that of a contrary construction is auspicious. A house with its main gate or door to the east or north is auspicious, and the same with its main entrance towards west or south is inauspicious. Crying, quarreling, calling out the names of wild animals or that of a miser, and seeing the face of an ugly man or woman or that of a miser is prohibited, when one is just out of his bed in the morning. W. G. J. MISCELLANEA. KANHPKI-KANISHKA, &c. twice to represent y in the legend XOPANOY On the coins of the Turushka kings, we find ZAOOU KozOLA KLDAPhEE, which is equivalent to legends in corrupt Greek, such as the Baktrian-Khushanasa Yauasa Kuyula Kaph. PAONANOPAO KANHPKI KOPANO, sasa ;-where also sh is again represented by P. OOHPKI KOPANO, Why P (or P) should have been employed for the BAZODHO KOPANO, sound of sh, and why I orr was used for p in and on an allied coin we find-HIAOY SAKA Horaou and turannountou, is not quite clear. The KOPANOU (or KOPANOU), TUIANNOUNTOS and form P, employed on the coins, bears a close on another PITAAIPICOY for maliproov (Spali. resemblance to the Baktrian - -was it then risasa). On the Manikyfla inscription we intended for 8 and not at all for r? Whatever have-Mahardjasa Kanishkasa Gushanava[m] the explanation, it would appear that in these et samvardhaka. This shows that KOPANO is quasi-Greek legends, the Yuei-chi or Turushkas equivalent to Gushana, or Kushdna-as indicated did use and sometimes I (or II) for 6 or sh and by Chinese writers; and we know that KANHPKI occasionally for 8, and that I orr took the place and OOHPKI are identical with Kanishka and of p. Huvishka. Will this help us to explain such Skythian We see that in both the first two words of the terms as PAONANOPAO, APOOACITO, YPK QAOY, 4th legend I is used for the Greek p, and this has OKPA, &c. P J. B. led numismatists to read the last word as Kopavou : probably however it is only intended for KOPANO, LIST OF CHOLA KINGS. i.e. Kushima. In the last we have P used for 2 The following list of Chola kings was sent me (perhaps pronounced as T). Now the Greek by the late Dr. Burnell about four years ago. alphabet has no letter for the e or sh of the Indian It is from the Brihadisvara Mahatmya, or legend languages, and hence there would arise a difficulty of the great temple at Tanjor. Dr. Burnell said in representing their sounds. The Baktrian letter he put no confidence in it," though some of the J = 6 may have been used in KOITAOY on Hraos's names are, no doubt, real ones." coin, to supply the want, but we have z for in 1. Kulottunga. that of Basudeo or Vasudeva's, while it appears 2. Deva-Chula. 1 Von Sallet, Die Nachfolger Aleranders, p. 155.

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FEBRUARY, 1884.] MISCELLANEA. 3. Sasisokhara. 4. Sivalinga-Chola.1 5. Karikala-Chola; built the Tanjor temple! 6. Bhima-Chola. 7. Rajarajendra. 8. Viramartanda. 9. Kirttivardhana. 10. Jaya-Chola." 11. Kanaka-Chola. 12. Sundara-Chola. 13. Kalakala-Chola. 14. Kalyana-Chola. 15. Bhadra-Chola. "Apparently there should be 16, but I am not sure, for the MS. I have to refer to is corrupt, and there are clearly omissions in parts. "It seems impossible to make this list correspond with the results gathered from the inscriptions.* This Mahdimya is said to be from the Bhavishyottara-Purana; it was probably written about 1500 A.D. to stir up the piety and liberality of the Vijayanagara kings." To this it may be added that we learn from the copper-plate grants of the Eastern Chalukyas collected by Sir Walter Elliot, that Vimaladitya of that dynasty, who ascended the throne about S. 937, married Kandava, a daughter of Rajaraj, of the Suryvamsa, and younger sister of Rajendra-Chola. His successor, Rajaraja of the Chandravansa (S. 944) married Iramonanga () daughter of R&jendra-Chola, and their son, Rajendra-Chola, the first Chola ruler in Vengi, succeeded in S. 985, and defeated the Pandiyan king. His successor was Vikramadeva Kulottunga-Chola, about S. 1034. Then came Rajaraja-Chola about S. 1049 and Viradova Kulottung a-Chola, about S. 1054. This apparently gives us the following Cholas :Rajaraja Chola I, (cir. S. 910). Rajendra Chola I, (cir. S. 930). Rajaraja II, or Narendra Chola S. 944-985. Rajarajendra II, 935-1034, whose abhisheka was performed in $. 1000. Vikramadeva Kulottunga Chola, S. 1034-1049. Rajaraja Chola III, 1049, and Viradeva Kulottunga Chola, S. 1054 to perhaps 1078. Dr. Burnell, in 8. Indian Palaeography, p. 40, places Kerikala Chola about S. 870. And after a break in the genealogy (which he gives only from Rajaraja II, of the above list to Viradeva Kulottu This agrees with Prinsep's list so far, but after Sivalinga he has "Vira Chola F 918 A.D." Buchanan and Taylor respectively assign 18 and 15 years to Kulattunga, and place after him Kajendra, 11 (or 9) years and then Tiramuda Kanda, 13 (or 18) years, then Kari 59 nga), he adds "Vikramadeva reigning in A.D. 1235 (S. 1156)." For other lists see Buchanan's Journey in Mysore, &c. vol. III, p. 472; Wilson's Mackenzie, MSS. vol. I, pp. xc, and 181; Jour. As. Soc. Ben. vol. VII, pp. 371, 389, 507, 512; Taylor's Catalogue. Raisonnee, vol. III, pp. 391, 440, 518, 522; Rice's Mysore and Coorg Gazetteer, vol. I, p. 212, and Foulkes in Salem District Manual, p. 39; which have been engrossed in R. Sewell's Sketch of the Dynasties of So. India, pp. 14-20. EDITOR. TWO TAMIL COPPER-PLATE GRANTS. In the Library of the University of Leiden are two fine Tamil Sasanams. The one consists of three plates, held together by a strong ring, bearing a large seal, in the centre of which are the following emblems:-Two fishes upright; to the right of them an animal seated, dog-fashion, the head of it somewhat injured; above, in the middle, a chhatri with a chamara on each side of it, also somewhat defaced. On each side the area is an object resembling a tall lamp with a ribbon or cloth knotted round the middle of it. These are enclosed in a raised circle, on the area round which, beginning on the left side, is the following Inscription in old Chola-grantha characters : zrIkulottuGga rAjakesarivarmmaNaH (vico) purAyakSoNIzvarasabhAnUDArannAdhizAsanam that is "The supreme order of Sri Kuloltungarajakesarivarms, which is the head-jewel of the assembly of the charitable lords of the earth (of all directions?)" This Inscription runs round the margin, but the syllables-tungardja kesarivarmmanah-are written under (vicho?) punyakahonievara-over the upper and part of the right side of the seal. Outside the Inscription is another slightly raised circle, and the margin is ornamented by 29 knobs. The other grant consists of 21 plates, and has a still larger seal, with 16 knobs at slight distances from one another round the margin. The central field contains on the left two fishes, scales, fins, eyes, gills, and mouths, all distinctly expressed; and, on the right, an animal seated as before, and perhaps intended for a tiger, the Chola symbolwith its tail drawn forwards and upwards against the nearest of the fishes. Over it is a chhatri with a chamara on each side, the handles resting on the heads or capitals of two small pillars resembling kala 21 years, after which their lists differ entirely from this. Prinsep has Vijaya Chola. 3 Prinsep adds here Pattira Chola ? 1407 A.D. See 8. Ind. Paleography (23. ed.) p. 40.

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60 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [FEBRUARY, 1884. lamp-stands, each with a cloth knotted round the 1 middle of it. The tops of these resemble candle flames. A-well raised circle, double at the bottom, surrounds this. Outside it is the legend, in well-raised Chola-grantha characters, apparently of rather an older type than those on the other seal, and not quite so distinct in some places. It apparently reads : (ft . ( T?) efterfor: T55a( ?) TTT PUT (?) TIHTY That is--"The order of ($ri) Rajendra Chola ko P)parakesarivarma Rajce?)ndra. ......... row of light ........." We are not aware that these plates have ever been published. They evidently belong to the great Chola dynasty of Southern India, and they may throw light on obscure points in their little known history. EDITOR. THE PROVERBS OF ALI BIN TALEBI. Translated by K. T. Best, M.A., M.R.A.S., Principal, Gujarat College. Ali was the son-in-law of the Prophet Muham. mad and was the fourth successor of the prophet according to the traditions of the Sunnie and the first Khalif or Imam according to the belief of the Shiahs of Persia. The proverbs or rather the 'sayings' of Ali form, in their completed shape, one of the most popular books of the Shiah divines, who look upon these dicta of their adored leader much the same as the Sunni Muhammadans do upon the mirkals or traditions of the prophet himself. Ockley in his History of the Saracens gives a fully told life of Ali. He lived in the seventh century. 1. Religion gives strung protection; the world betrays. 2. Truth is a cutting sword. 3. Envy is the chief of vices. 4. Behind prosperity sits adversity. 5. Fasting is a most useful medicine, abundance multiplies diseases. 6. The ascent to excellent virtues is difficult, the descent to vices easy. 7. To be occupied with what is past is a waste of time. 8. Religion is patience in adversity and gratitude in prosperity. 9. A fellow-feeling on religious matters causes the firmest friendship. 10. Take care not to praise any one on qualities which he does not possess, for his work will show whether you have rightly described him. 11. That which is incorrect is corrected by learning 12. Rewards are obtained by work not by idle. ness. 13. Submit yourself to your master and he will exalt you; approach God with the obedience due to Him and He will come near to you. 14. Look attentively before you apply your mind to anything; and consult with another before you proceed with it; and arrange the mode of acting before you enter on the business. 15. The folly of a man is seen by two things, viz. when he speaks of a thing with which he has nothing to do, and when he replies to something of which he has not been asked. 16. The fruit of carelessness is penitence and the result of sin disgrace. 17. The liberality of a poor man makes him illustrious, but the avarice of a rich one makes him vile. 18. Seriousness is the ornament of a man. 19. Obedience is the oinanient of a servant. 20. The folly of a counsellor is the destruction of him who seeks advice. 21. The harm done by a speech is greater than that of a wound. 22. Associate with the learned and wise and frequent their assemblies, for if you are ignorant they will teach you and if you are learned you will increase in knowledge. 23. Elegance of manners is half of religion. 24. Good government makes an empire lasting. 25. The love of the world is the source of all evil. 26. The love of the world corrupts the mind and makes the heart deaf, so that it does not listen to wisdom. 27. The sweetness of another life takes away the bitterness of this. 28. The sweetness of victory obliterates the bitterness of patience. 29. Piety cannot reside in a mind which is saddened on account of earthly things. 30. The best praise is that which flows from the tongue of the good. 31. The best thing about alms is their secrecy. 32. The best man is he who is liberal and grateful in his prosperity, and has patience and a noble mind in adversity. 33. The companionship of worldly people disgraces religion and weakens faith. 34. A heart without religion is filled with vain delights of the world. 35. The prosperity of a liberal man displays his virtues, but the prosperity of a miser shows his vices. 36. Silver which profits is better than gold which destroys. 37. With God the silver of a poor man is brighter than the gold of a rich one. 38. The house of retribution (i.e. Paradise) ia not without generous men, but there is no miser there. .

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FEBRUARY, 1884.] 39. Treat men kindly, and you will be secure from evils which they might bring on you, and safe from snares which they might lay for you. ASIATIC SOCIETIES. 40. Let alone that which does not refer to you, and occupy yourself with your own more serious affairs which tend to your salvation. 41. The remembrance of God heals sick minds, and drives away diseases and miseries. 42. It is better to lose one's eyes than to look at that which disgraces religion. 43. Leave that which is little in favour of that which is much, and what is scanty for what is ample. 44. One who is fond of equity and justice is beloved when he is a master, and praised when he is a servant. 45. Give up prodigality; for the liberality of a prodigal will not be praised, nor will his poverty meet with compassion. 46. A step in rank, though it be high like a mountain which winds do not shake, does not ASIATIC The Journal of the Bengal Asiatic Society, Part II, No. 2, for 1883, opens with a series of Folktales from the Upper Panjab, by the Rev. C. Swynnerton. The stories in this series of thirty-two are generally very short, and mostly in the form of fables. They have been translated for the writer, not by him, and while doubtless preserving the original form of the stories we could have wished to have seen them produced in simpler phrase with more of pure Anglo-Saxon vocables. The next paper, by Ch. J. Rodgers, on "The Rupees of the months of the Ilahi years of Akbar," is a very interesting one. It is well known that some of the coins of the Ghazni dynasty have the name of the month as well as the number of the year on them, and in a previous paper, "On the copper coins of Akbar," Mr. Rodgers gave examples bearing the names of six of the months of the Plahi year. He mentions six coins of Jahangir struck at Lahor, and one at Qandahar, all of the same year, bearing the names of seven of the months. Of Akbar's 49th Ilahi year he has two rupees struck at Tatta, three at Lahor, one at Ahmadabad and one at Burhanpar-all seven being of different months, and from other years he has coins of the remaining five months. On some square coins of Jahangir, weighing from 210 to 217 and 219 grains, are couplets into which are woven the Persian names of the Ilahi months. The paper is illustrated by two plates, on which are figured 24 coins. 61 Mr. Rodgers enters a strong protest against the "curiosity" collecting propensities of educated Europeans, and those who make scarce coins into make a noble possessor of the honour insolent, but a step in rank easily makes an ignoble person insolent, like the dry grass which the passing wind disturbs. 47. Those who are liable to commit faults like to publish the faults of others, in order that their own may be more easily excused. 48. The remembrance of God enlightens the eyes and pacifies the mind. 49. Leave off extravagance by keeping to the happy mean, and to-day remember to-morrow. 50. No one reaches the height of perfections unless he actively wages a sacred war.. 51. The chief part of wisdom is to cling to truth and justice. 52. The chief of faults is secret hatred. 53. The height of virtue is to control anger and lust. 54. Sometimes there is destruction hidden under the thing we seek. (To be continued.) SOCIETIES. sleeve-links, bracelets, &c., and the constant working up of both gold and copper coins by native workmen. So many coins have disappeared from the cabinets of our Indian Asiatic Societies' Museums, however, that we cannot join him in the desire to get back to India what are now safe in public Museums in England. They are far more accessible there for Orientalists than they would be even in Calcutta. Mr. R. Roskell Bayne contributes "Notes on the remains of portions of Old Fort William, discovered during the erection of the East Indian Railway Company's Offices," illustrated by five plates, in which he discusses and illustrates the positions referred to by Holwell and Orme, and fixes with satisfactory exactitude the position of the Black Hole, of horrid memory. Mr. G. A. Grierson has a long paper on Behari declension and conjugation, to which Dr. Hoernle adds several pages of remarks. The last paper is on the temples of Vaidyanatha at Deoghar in the Santal Parganas, by Dr. R&jendralala Mittra. This is a long paper in which numerous well-known Hindu myths are given at length, many of them related of a score of other places as well as of Vaidyanatha;-the deception of Ravana by Vishnu, for example, in which the latter in the disguise of a Brahman undertakes to kold for a little the jyotirlinga, which Ravana had obtained, and then dropped it in the sand, is also told of the Gokarna linga. The list of the jyotirlingas as given from the Vaidyanatha Mahatmyam is-" 1, Somantha in Saurashtra ; 2, Mallikarjuna at Srisaila; 3, Maha

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62 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. kala at Ujjain; 4, Omkara at Amaresvara" (on the Narmada); "5, Kedera on the Himalaya; 6, Bhimasankara at Dakinf" (i.e. at the source of the Bhims in the Dakhan, north from Puns); "7, Visvesvara at Banaras; 8, Tryambaka on the banks of the Gautam!" (Godavari); "9, Vaidyanatha at Chitabhami; 10, Nageea at Dwaraka, (sic); 11, Ramesa at Setubandha, and 12, Ghusrineea at Sivalaya;"-surely the last is for Ghrishnesvara at Elurs. In this list, it will be observed, that the Dwaraka shrine is substituted for that of Naganatha in the Nizam's territory to the east of Ahmadnagar, but which has for a considerable time fallen off greatly in popularity, whereas Vaidyanatha has risen greatly within the last century. Throughout the paper no opportunity is lost of correcting the statements of Dr. W. W. Hunter, Mr. Beglar, or General Cunningham, but the author illustrates his paper with a plan, the "location of the different temples" on which he allows is "not absolutely correct." We are at a loss to understand the use of publishing such a plan, where the walls of a well are represented of the thickness of the diameter of the well itself, and where none of the pillars of the temple of Lakshminarayan are within 5 feet of the enclosing wall, though in the text (p. 180), it is admitted that one of the pillars is embedded in the eastern enclosure wall; and in this case this plan is the more especially useless, as Mr. Beglar had published one in the Reports of the Archaeological Survey, vol. VIII, with the account which the. Babu seems so eager to pick faults in, but which, plan, he says, he did not know of while preparing his own. The wood-cut, too (p. 173), said to be copied, and from a photograph," is so incorrectly executed that it is almost unintelligible. The lingam of Vaidyanatha-"the presiding divinity," as the author calls it "is of a cylindrical form, five inches in diameter, and rising about four inches from the centre of a large slab of basalt shaped like a yoni and pointing towards the north.... The top is broken and has an uneven surface, one side being a little higher than the other side. The fracture is attributed by the Hindu legend to the assault of Ravana." The place is frequented for the cure of diseases, and the author naively remarks that, "Of course there can be no statistics to show the percentage of cures, and it must be comparatively small, perhaps not more so than at Lourdes and other places in Europe, but it is sufficiently large to keep up a constant stream of pilgrims submitting to the fast." There seems to be little of note architecturally about the temple or its surrounding shrines. The inscriptions give their dates from Saka 1518 (A.D. [FEBRUARY, 1884. 1596) when Parana-malla, chief of Gidhaur, claims to have speedily built the central temple of Vaidyanatha, till A.D. 1810-23 when the temple of Anandabhairava was erected. Dr. Rajendralala, however, contends strongly on a priori grounds that the first temple is many hundreds of years older than Parana-malla's time, and that he only built the porch. The same sort of argument, without any inscriptional or architectural support would equally apply to any of the other eleven shrines of the class, as well as to many others of less note, of which we have the clearest evidence that the present buildings are comparatively modern. Such arguments are calculated only to mislead and retard scientific investigation. Among the lesser shrines is one to Vagaladevi or Nagalamukhi,-one of the ten forms of Durga called Mahavidya-who, according to some Tantras, has four hands, according to others two. "Her dhydna pictures her as a female of grave appearance, excited with wine, bright as gold, fourhanded, three-eyed, amorously disposed, holding a short club and a lasso in her right hands, and a tongue and a thunderbolt in her left hands, arrayed in a yellow garb, and decorated with golden earrings, her breasts hard and close, and she is seated on a golden throne." (Sabdakalpadruma, Supplt., p. 1258). The temple of Sarya, built about the same date (A.D. 1792-5), of materials apparently from an old shrine "for on the architrave of its porch there is an inscription in the old Lat character," and the image "is that of the Buddhist Padmapani, 2 feet in height, and there is on the base of it an inscription beginning with the words Deya dharmoyam in the Kutila character." With pains perhaps the rest of this inscription might be made out; it consists of two lines, and perhaps 25 or 30 syllables. We could have wished for more details about this supposed figure of Padmapani, for the Babu's ideas of Buddhist mythology are not always satisfactory. (See ante, vol. IX, p. 115): Another small temple he describes as "the sanctuary of Sandhya-devi, the goddess of Vesper. She is also called Savitri-devi, the wife of the sun. Her first name was Taradevi, a name well known among the Buddhists. Her image, as seen in the temple, is that of a fierce-looking female seated on a car drawn by horses, but the car and horses are broken and smudged." What authority have we for identifying Taradevt with Savitri ? The latter is at least quite as old a name as the other, and one is reminded here of the author's old error (Buddha Gayd, pl. xxxi, fig. 1), in mistaking the Buddhist figure of Vasudhara for this same Savitri-devi. (Ante, ut sup.). Translations are added of the inscriptions found

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FEBRUARY, 1884.) BOOK NOTICES. 63 on the different temples, but in No. 5 he omits prints we have (on p. 108), "the Saka year 1734= the style of the era, which is Saka, while those A.D. 1612," where the figures ought to be $. 1634 preceding are in Samvat, and among other mis.' and A.D. 1712. 1983). BOOK NOTICES. ESOTERIC BUDDHISM, by A. P. Sinnett, Author of the ning with man, like Hindu philosophers, analyses Occult World (London: Trubner & Co. 1883). him and tabulates the analysis. His philosophy This book is not the study of a lifetime. The does not abandon the beaten tract. We find at the author candidly confesses that the information it basis of it metempsychosis, the passing through contains, if the wild theories in it can be called heavens and hells, the evil of matter, and the information-which is very doubtful, has been methods of getting free from it. acquired within the last two years. The book There is a common creed at the basis of all may fairly be classed with those of Joseph Smith Indian philosophies. From one root there are and Swedenborg. Like all prophets, Mr. Sinnett almost endless divergent ramifications; so that is nothing if not dogmatic, his ipse dixit is as- there is unity and at the same time endless vasumed to be enough: the oracle has spoken, let riety. One of these variations we have in this the world hear and believe. It strikes us that Esoteric Buddhism, but no more bizarre, no newer, the world would not have lost much if the arcana and no better, than the others. of occult wisdom had never been unclosed. When Man, according to Mr. Sinnett, is a sevenfold men have anything worth telling, the world will compound, though the principles of his constitube grateful to those who confer the boon of tion, he affirms, are not yet fully developed. The making it known. Otherwise, the trespassers on elements are: the patience and good sense of thinking people (1) Rapa, the body; (2) Prdna or jiva, Vitality; must not be surprised if they are roughly handled. (3) Linga karira, Astral body; (4) Kama Rapa Mr. Sinnett in this work has treated men as if Animal soul; (5) Manas, Human soul; (6) Buddhi, they were knaves or fools; for only a person of Spiritual soul; and (7) Atma, Spirit. either of these classes could be supposed to accept Mr. Sinnett, having a knowledge of the correct his incredible statements. No doubt there are and severely logical method of Western thought, credulous persons who will look upon the ravings is aware that he will here be charged with the of Occult Buddhism as the highest wisdom, and fallacy of illogical division. He therefore admits there may be knaves who will adopt this creed for that these principles could not, by the most skilful their own purposes. professor of occult science, be exhibited as separate A wiser than Mr. Sinnett has, in an old Book and distinct. In this way, by a skilful manwhose statements have had a longer testing-time cuvre, he strives to place them beyond the scalpel than this latest of all crazes, said that "There is of the logician. The transcendental role suite nothing new under the sun." Mr. Sinnett says him here. there is, and here we traverse his doctrine. Mil. But here, as indeed all through his book, lions and millions of years are but short periods Esoteric Buddhism is not the great revelation in Mr. Sinnett's eyes. But ages of fabulous which Mr. Sinnett makes it out to be ; for the antiquity are no new thing to the writers of common creed of Hinduism proceeds on exactly mythology. The simplicity of Mr. Sinnett is in the same lines. The soul and body, according to one sense charming. He seems to think he has it, are composed of several principles. There are, got" a great revelation to make known, and, with for example, the (1) Parmatman and (2) Jfvatman. the proverbial generosity of an Englishman, he is This common creed believes in (1) an Exterior body unwilling to deprive others of the treat he has and (2) an Interior body. To these the Vodanta himself received. Hence the incredible myths of adds a third or causal body. The mental powers his Thibetan preceptor are paraded before an are also composite. They are :-Buddhi, or unsympathetic world. Possibility, probability or perception; Ahankdra, or self-consciousness ; proof are not needed. In the oracular form asser- Manas, or volition, to which again the Vedanta tion is great and prevails. As we have just said, adds a fourth division, viz. Chitta, or Reason. there is nothing new under the sun, so we make Thus we have man considered as a being who bold to say with regard to this "new revelation" may be analysed and looked on in seven different it is not on new lines. It is the old, old mytho. lights without the aid of occult light. It is true logy-it is a wild theory to explain the existence that the different systems of Oriental philosophy, te world and of sin, and a still wilder theory such as the Nyaya, the Sankhya, the Yoga and the of the past and of the future. Mr. Sinnett, begin. I Vedanta, have their own peculiarities. Take for

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RA THE INDIAN ANTIQUABY. [FEBRUARY, 1884. instance, the Nykya; we find its inquiries arranged explorable by the mortal adepta of Esoterio scienos. in a sevenfold analysis, e. g.-(1) substance; (2) Within those limits they know all that takes place, quality: (9) act; (4) generality; (5) partioularity;(6) and how it takes place, and they know that every 00-inherence; (7) non-existence. Sevenfold classi- thing is accounted for by the constructive will of fications are anything but rare. No doubt all the collective host of the Planetary Spirits operatthat Mr. Sinnett has related came to himself as a ing under the law of Evolution that pervades all revelation, but the merest tyro in Oriental philo- nature." sophy could have disillusioned him concerning Here the secret of Esoteric Buddhism is out. the novelty of it had he been anxious to enquiro. God is dethroned, and Oloott, Blavatsky, Sinnett, It appears to us that all the statements made in and Kathumi Singh are placed in His stead. the book may be placed under three heads, viz. They learn from the planetary spirita. They (1) the Eternity of matter, (2) Evolution of life beoome omniscient within the range of the solar from it; (3) Transmigration of souls. system. Hence the confidence of those occult According to Mr. Sinnett Buddha comes from gods. They know everything, and therefore are time to time into this world. He came as Gau. the fit instructors of an ignorant world. tams and again reappeared as Sankaracharya, and We are no longer at a loss to know why the to those who can read between the lines he is in book has assumed the oracular form. Here we the body again. The strange thing, however, is that have the gods over again, but this time speaking in each incarnation he contradicts what he did in in a new tongue and to a new class of people. his previous one. As Gautama he was an atheist, We fear they will yet have to descend to the Sankaricharya he is a believer in God, and in position of ordinary mortals and submit to be this 19th century one of the most credulous of criticised instead of worshipped. The inducement incarnations. Consistency, however, is not a doc- held out for falling down at the feet of those new trine of Esoteric Buddhism. God, according to deities is not a material world and the rule over Sankaracharya-the re-incarnation of Buddharisit,- for they cannot say that that has been given the "Supreme Soul of the universe. He is to them,--but the promise of rank among the omniscient; from him every soul is evolved: to him planetary spirits to those who fail not to cross every soul returns. He is light Gyotis). He is the fifth round. Mr. Sinnett's apples of Sodom the lite and breath of life (prdna). He to the will not tempt many thinking Englishmen. external world is what yarn is to the cloth, what It does not require much thought to peroei milk is to curds. He is both creator and creation, the greatness of the revelation vouchsafed to actor and act. He is existence, knowledge and joy, I the world by this occult prophet. The novelty, without parta, unbound by qualities, without if there is any novelty in it, is not in the main action, emotion or consciousness." The supreme principles of the book. These are as old as being, according to this same authority, existed at Oriental speculation. It is not a new thing to the beginning, one without a second. In another assert that there is no God. We read something place he says the lifeless world can proceed from about this in a Book which claims the respect Brahma, just as a lifeless hair can spring from a of million. The fool bath said in his heart living man. Now this is the opposite of Buddhism, there is no God." The doctrine of metempeychowhich denies the existence of God and evokes sis, which is its main foundation, its Devachan spirit from matter. Surely we have here good and Avichi, are no new discoveries. These belong news for Tyndall, who has, without anything to the old mythology of the East. The only more to do in the way of experiment, only to apparently new thing is the adoption by an Engapply to Mr. Sinnett, and he will show him how lishman of the wild theories of Oriental philosolife originated. Here is the discovery. "The phy, and the hardihood with which he has ventured original nebula (wherever it came from) arranges to parade them as secreta disembowelled from itself (rather clever for nebula) in planetary the haunts of the Planetary Spirits in the Himgvortices of evolution and develops worlds in layas. It is possible that some shallow minds, of which the universal spirit (wherever it came from) which there is no want in the present day, may reverberating through matter, produces form and be imposed on by the flowing sentences and bold life." (p. 181.) oracular assertions of the author : thinking men The planetary spirit is a wonderful fellow. But will not give the book a second thought. though it is not a god, yet" it is oonoerned with It need hardly be added that of Mr. Sinnett's the working of nature in an immeasurable space, Buddhism, neither ancient nor modern Buddhista from an immensurable past, and all through an knew almost anything; Gautama Buddha never immeasurable future. The enormous areas of time contemplated such a system. and space in which our solar system operates is! W. B.

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A. Rashtrakuta grant of Krishna III. of Bharuch, Sakasamvat 810. PLATE 1. PA BEAVA PLATE II. Se

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MARCH, 1884.] RATHOR GRANT. 65 RATHOR GRANT No. IV. A GRANT OF KRISHNA II OF ANKULESVAR, OF 888 A.D. BY E, HULTZSCH, PH.D., VIENNA. THE original of the subjoined grant of the especially in Sindhi and Panjabi, viz. of the 1 Rashtrakuta or Rath or dynasty change of sibilants to . The palatal T has was kindly lent to me by Professor Buhler. It suffered this change in for Toy (plate II b, was discovered at Bagumra, together with line 11), the lingual in ge for Ta' (plate No. HII. III, line 6), and the dental in IT for Like other Rashtrakuta inscriptions, this UTST (plate II b, line 4). one is engraved on three copper-plates, the first The grant belongs to the Gujarat branch and third of which bear letters on the inner. of the Rashtrakutas, the same that issued the sides only, while the middle one is inscribed on Baroda plates of Karka IL, dated Saka 734, both sides. The plates measure 11 by 8 inches, the Kivi plates of Govinda IV, dated Saka 749 and are held togetber by a ring which is passed (Rathor grant No. I.)," and the Bagamra through holes in the middle of their bases and plates of Dhruva III, dated Saka 789 (Rathor bears the seal of the Rashtrakutas, a figare of grant No. III)." It opens with the usual god Siva holding two snakes." benedictory stanza of the Rathor grants. The The letters are well cut, and on the whole first 18 stanzas of the Varasdvali, which occur in a tolerably good state of preservation; all among the first 29 stanzas of the Variavals but not a few of them have been damaged or furnished by No. III, describe the following entirely destroyed by verdigris. The characters princes :resemble those of the published Rathor grants. Govinda I. (stanza 2) The following peculiarities deserve to be noticed. Karka I. (3) The Atagraka seems to be expressed by a horizontal stroke, and ru, which is usually written thus ( ), has twice a different form Indra I. (4) Krishna I. (7,8) . with a similar stroke behind it ( ); in both Dantidurga (5, 6) cases, however, the horizontal line may be a casual and unmeaning addition to the preceding letter. The letter has a peculiar shape (0) Govinda II. (9) Dhruva I. (10 to 12) and is in some cases hardly distinguishable from T and 2. Govinda III. Indra II. (16) (13) The language of the inscription is so full of mistakes of every description, that mere foot Sarva (14, 15) [Karka II.]" notes would not have sufficed to correct them Karka III. (17,18) all. In order to save space, I have annexed to the transcript & revised version of the [Dhruva II.] important parts of the grant. The name of the last prince has to be supplied The plates afford three instances of a well- at the end of the mutilated stanza 19 from the known phonetic process which is one of the corresponding stanza (30) of No. III. Then main characteristics of the Iranian languages, follow fragments of at least three stanzas, the but is also common in the Indian Prakrits, first of which contains the name Dantivar Ind. Ant. vol. XII, p. 179. * Soo the facsimile of one of Mr. Fleet's Bathor granta, Ind. Ant. vol. XI, p. 161. In S H T, plate I, line 1. * In fet (plate I, line 6) and V (line 16). Bee Mr. Beames's Comparatice Grammar, vol. I, p. 259. * Prakrit . See Vararuchi, ed. by Cowell, II, 4; Hemachandra, ed. by Piechel, I, 262; Chanda, ed. by Hoernle, MI, 14; Batnavall, ed. by Cappeller, p. 292, L. 19. Litorary Gujarati , but among the people GIE. Compare PAli and Praksit T ; Hemachandra, II, 5; Gujarati Error . * Pali bahAtvA;Gujarati nahAvaM. Jour. As. Soc, Bengal, vol. VIII, p. 292. 10 Ind. Ant. vol. V, p. 14. 11 Ind. Ant. vol. XIL p. 179. ** Karka II, as well as his younger brother Govinda IV, are left out.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [MARCH, 1884 man." Stanza 23, which is again complete, Ujjayini. The mention of the Vallabhs states that some prince vanquished his enemies king, who is introduced as spectator of the in Ujjayiui before the eyes of the Valle- combat, shows that, like his predecessors, bha king. The prince who issued the grant Krishoa was a nere vassal" to some sovereign was Ksishnaraja II, surnamed Akala- power, probably to the Rashtrakatus of Man. varsha, and resided in Aik ules vara." yakheta or Malkhed. On the new moon of Chaitra of Saka Samvat The numerous omissions and general in810, the day of a solar eclipse," he granted to correctness of the grant might lead one to two Brahmanas the village of Kavithas &- consider it a forgery. As however Professor dhi, which belonged to the province of Kod- Jacobi of Munster has computed that a diskana, and was bounded on its western side by tinctly visible solar eclipse actually took place the port of Variavi, on the north side by on the day when the grant was issued, its the village of Vasuharika.16 genuineness is proved beyond all doubts. The The question arises what relation existed omissions are easily accounted for by the want between the earlier Rashtrakatas and this of space, and the blunders by the scribe's lack Krishna. A priori, he might have belonged of erudition. to some new branch line, as he resided in Aoku. Transcript of the grant. lesvar, while the last two Gujarat Rathor Plate I. princes of which we possess inscriptions dwelt ['jara FT-20 in Bharoch (Bharukachchha or Bhriguka SPITE THT 4chchha"). But if we take into consideration []465 goi lle t the sbortness of distance between Bharoch ['] * * [ ]es are frafaand Ankulesvar and the fact that the second AyoTAUSMIUT sf [f]aftof those two princes could dispose of a village far to the south of Ankulesyar while their [*] azoteroris: [: geri qaytaratcapital was situated to the north of it, it ferrariffimaePage #77
MARCH, 1884.] RATHOR GRANT. 67 [deg] lapADyazrIharSavatraTavibhedavidhAnadakSaH [1]karNA-[] nRpanikarantazcamatkArakArIH [16] zrIkarkarAja TakaM balamaccintyamajeyamanyaiH bhRtyaiH kiya iti rakSitarAjyabhAra sAra kusya tanayo naya[10] dvirapi yaH sahasA jigAyaH [6] tasmi diva zAlizIprayAte valabharAjekRtaprajavAdhaH [1] zrIkarka-[2] [3]: [] tasyAbhavadvibhavanaMditavadhusArthaH rAjasU. pArtha sadaiva dhanuzi prathama bhucInAM [17] ["] mahIpati kRSNarAjobhUt // [7] rAhapamAtmabhuja zvechAgrihItaviSa___ jAtavalAvalepamAjI vijitya nizitAsi [1] yo dRDhasaMghabhAja mAdRtadRptatarabhulkikarASTrakUTA[1] ["] latAmahAraiH [1] pAlidhajavalisubhAmacireNa jo hi utkhAtakhanijavAhuvalena jitvA rAjAdhirAjaparame[zva] ratAMma | [1] yomoghavarSamacirAzvapade vyadhattaH [18] putRyata[13] vApaH [8] yena zvetAtapatramahataravikaraH vAtatA statya mAhAnubhAva kRtI kRtajJa kRtadhIryavIpAstalilaMH jagme nAsIradhUlIdhava | [] [yH|] vazIkRtazezanaredracUdo va sUnu [19] [+] litasira[sa] vallabhAya sadAjIH[1]zrImadgo__ vindarAjo jitajagadatastaiNavaidhavya zrIdantivarma[ga] tasya suta pravalapratApaH . [20] yasyAnekana[1] dakSaH tasyAsItsUnureka kSaNaraNadalitArAtimatte ["] [rendra vRndavinutasyapahipadmadvayaH pokhAtAsila. kUbhaH [9] tasyAnuja zrI tahatAdalatadvidantikunbhasthalaH sU. [16] dhuvarAjanAmA [hAnubhA[vo] mahatamatApaH [1] prazAdhitAzeSanarendracakra [1] ra saja[nava]chalaH musarala [21] pItamatho [11] krameNa vAlA[va]pUrvabhUvaH [10] yasazca // [22] yena [kha]idvitIyena valabhaPlate IIa. nRpasya pasyataH [1] [1] yAte jatra ca [rASTrakUTatilake sadrUpacUDAmaNau [1] ujjayanyA ripU jilA dUramuttambhitaM yasaH / gubbI tuSTirathAkhilasya [23] tenedamAni[lavi gucaccalama[lokya [*] jagataH musvAmini [ma tyahaM [1] [jI]vi[sa]tyaM satyamiti prazAsati sati kSamA Plate 116." samudrAnti | [1] tamasAra [1] [kSi]tidAnAdaparamapuNya pravattito [3] kA AsI dharmapareH guNAmRtanidhI satyavatAdhi dharmadAyoyaH [24] sa ca samadhirAtazeSasahASTite / / [11] rakSitA yena nizva[sa] catura zabda[+] bhodhisayuta / rAjyaM dharmeNa lokAnAM kRtA hRSTi | [] mAhAmaha [-madhipatizrImadakAlavarSazrIkRSNaparA hRdi / [12] tasyetmajo jagati vizru rAja sarvAneva samanuvodhayatyastu va saMvidi- tazubhrakI [2] taM yarthA mayA zrIaMkUlesvarAvasthina mAtApitrorA[] tiM govindarAja iti gotralalAmabhUta: / ] tyAgI | manazcaihikAmuSmikapunyayasobhivRdha parAkramadhana prakaTamatApa saMtApitAhitaja [.] narmadAya bhagavathIthai nhAtyodakAtisvargaNaH zrIva[6] no janavallabhobhUt // [13] tatputrotra gate gate | riavivastavyatatraividyasAmAnyakuDInasago. naakNpitripubje| zrImahArAjasAkhyaH khyAto rAjA [1] [tra]avaryasabrahmacAribrAhmaNazrIajavAsAvakasu[1] bhavadguNaiH [14] arthibhu yathArthatA yaH samabhiSTha tAya zrItaNuavAsAvakA zrIguhesvarabhrAtare phalAvAptilabdhatozezuH [1] vRndhi ninAya | [0] [6]yo pratipAditaH zrIkoGkaNavizayavinirgatavaparamAmamogha- . riavisoDasottamadhyAkaviThasADhibhidhAna["] varSAbhidhAnasya // [15] rAjAbhU tapitRvyA ripu- [1] grama yasyAghATanAni pUrvata balachagrAmasImA / drabhavavibhavotyabhAvakaheturlakSmImAnindrarAjo kSiNata uttarapaDhavaNakagrAmasImA / pazcimata vaguNi ria* Plate IIm, line 13 ma of samadhirAta' has not been an of affale flourish has been attached which makes finished and looks like a modern T.-Line 3; the anusvara it look like an archaic A.-Line 18, in paripandhanA, tho over the ar of wate r is obliterated.-Line B; the engraver had at first written anf instead of the first of one has not been finisbed.-Line 6; to the and has corrected this mistake afterwards. rANa

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68 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [MARCH, 1884. [7] yante bhUmidArya hanti yaiH [11.] kanyAmekaM [gana]kiM bhUmyAmapyekamaMgulaM / haraM narakamAyAti yAvadAnUtapUrvaH [1] [8] yAnIha datAni purA narendrairdAnAni dharmmArthayazaskarANiH [1] nirmAlyaniSThIvasamAni tAni tAni ko nAma sAdhdhu [10] yaH sarjharAjakIyAnAmahastakSepaNIyo AcandrA - 'ttade kapakSitisArayatamamakAlInaH pUrveda [] punarAdadItaH [11] svadatA paradatAM vA yanAdrakSa narAdhipa [1] mahI mahibhujAM zreSTa dAnA - yonupAlanaMH [11] bahu [1] badAyabrahmadAyarahitobhyantarasidhyA sakanRpakAlAtItasavarataisvaSTasu dahotareSu caitre amAnA[1] syA syagrahaNavagiH syAdakAtisargeNa balicaruvaizvadevAbhihotrAnuSTAnAdikRyotcharpaNArthaM [] patipAditastadasutayA brahmadAyadhilyA bhUjjato [1] zrIyamanucintyamanuzyajIvitaM caH [1] atithibhojayata kRzato karSayata pratidizato vA na malamanobhi[rAtma ]nInena hi puruzai parakIkenApi rttayo vilopyA [11] [1] bhivvasudhA muktA rAjabhi sagarAdibhi [1] yasya yasya yadA bhUmi tasya tasya tadA phalaM : [1] iti kamadalAMvindulola [+] paripaMthanA kAryAH tathAgAminRpatibhiraSmAlera [10] dUtakotra mahattamasarvAdhikAre vAhmaNa bhayaka nyena sahasramekena pAlanIyo Imo nAnmAH likhitaM caitanmayA mahAsandhivigra [15] [ha][dhikArI zrIjajjakena zrIkalukasUnunA itiH / / svahastIyaM mama zrImada [14) kAlavarSazrIkRSNarAjasyaH // [8] vipaTanasImA / uttarata vasuhArikagrAmasImA / evaM caturApATanIpalakSita so parika [2] ra sasImApAryanta savRkSamAlAkula sadanDadazAparAdhaH sadhAnyahiranyAdeyocATabhaTapravesya vAtetarI [15] tRbhi skandhakai deyA prathamaM bhAdrapade dvitIyaM kArtike tRtIya mAghe : ebhi sthityA sarvvarAjakI - [10] yai pAlanIyaH na kenApi parivandhanA kAryAH AgAminRtibhiraSmadvaza Plate III. [1] jairanyaivrvvA sAmAnya bhUmidAnaphalAmityavadhArya vilIlAnyanetyevamaNi tRNAla maja [1] lavinducaMJcalaM ca jIvitamAkalajya svadAyanivi~so aSmadAyAnumantavya pAlayita[3] vyazcaH yazcAjJAnatimirapaTala vRtamatirAcchidyadAcchidyamAnamodevaH sa pancabhirmahApAtake rupa[pa] [4] takaizcaH sayukta syaH uktaM ca bhagavAtAA vedavyA sena vyAsena [1] SaSTivarSasahasrANi sarge tiSThati bhUmi [+] da [1] AchattAH cAnumattA ca tAnyeva narake naseH [1] amerapatya prathama suvarNa bhUleM SNavI sUryasutAzca gAvaH [1] loka [] trayaM tena bhavedhi dattaM ya kAMncanaM gAMnca mahinca dadyAt [ / / ] viddhyATavazvatoyAsu zukAkoTaravAsina [1] kRSNAhayo hi jA ss Plate III, line 5, bhUdeg badly executed. Line 6, koTaravAsina has been corrected by the engraver from koTarAvAsina.. The metre of this fragment seems to have been Vasantatilaka. "Metre of the fragment sardala. The beginning of the Corrected transcript of the parts important of the grant. [ Plate IIa, line 13 : ] zrIdantivarmaNa.... tasya.... ****** pratApaH / / 20 / / * yasyAnekanarendravRndavinutasyApU [rva ] suta...... prabala 26 [aM][dvipadmayaH / protkhAtAsilatA [prahAra ] dalitadviDdantikumbhasthalaH bhUraH sajjanavatsalaH susarala -1138 1125 pItamatho yazazca / / 22 / / yena khadditIyena valabhanRpasya pazyataH / ujjayinyAM ripajilA dUramuntambhitaM yazaH // 23 // tenedamanilAmAlokya jIvitamasAram / kSitidAnaparamapuNyaH pravartito dharmadAyoyam // 24 // " sa ca samadhigatAzeSamahAzabdamahA[sAmantA ]dhipatizrImadakAlavarSa zrIkRSNarAjaH sarvAneva samanubodhayatyastu vaH saMviditaM yathA mayA zrIaGkalezvarAvasthi[te] ]na mAtApitrorAtmana vaihikAmuSmikapuNyayImi. ......... first and third padas reminds of stanss 21 of No. III. 30 These seven syllables must have belonged to a stanza in Upajati or Vacantatilaka. 7 Metre of stanss 23 Anushtibh. The second pada in irregular. Stanss24 No. III, 48.

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A. Rashtrakuta grant of Krishna III. of Bharuch, Sakasamyat 810. PLATE IIb. is . PLATE III. Photozinko. Mor Joffe, Vienna

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MARCH, 1884.] RATHOR GRANT. 69 vRddha[ye] narmadAyAM bhagavattItheM snAtvodakAtisagaiNa 24. He, perceiving this worthless life to be zrIvariavivastavyatattravidyasAmAnyakuNDinasagotrAdhvaryu unstable like the wind or the lightning, has | made this pious gift, which is most meritorious sabrahmacAribrAhmaNazrIajavAsAvakasutAya zrItaNuavA because it consists of a grant of land. sAvakA[ya] zrIguhezvarabhrAtre dvAbhyAM pratipAditaH And this illustrious Krishna raja (surzrIkokaNaviSayAntargatavariaviSoDazottarigrAmazata] ma named) Akalavarsha, the lord of great feudal chiefs, who possesses all the great titles, dhya[varti] kaviThasADhyAbhidhAnagrAmo yasyAghATanAni pUrvato proclaims (the following command) to all calachagrAmasImA / dakSiNata uttarapaDhavaNakagrAma (officials) : sImA / pazcimato variavipaTTanasImA / uttarato vasuhA- Be it known to you that, for the increase time I i T C 14 fara: ......... of my parents' and my own spiritual merit and glory in this world and the next, I, residing in [Plate II b, line 11:] Ankulesvara, have given, confirming the zakanRpakAlAtItasaMvatsarazateSvaSTasuda zottareSu caitre- gift by a libation of water, and after having mAvAsyA yAM] sUryagrahaNaparvaNi snAtvodakAtisaMgaiNa bathed in the Narmada at the bathing place sacred to Bhagavat, on the new moon of balicaruvaizvadevAmihotrAnuSThAnAdikriyotsarpaNArtha prati Chaitra, when an eclipse of the sun took place, GG: 11 after eight hundred and ten years from the [Plate II b,line 14 :] time of the Saka king had elapsed, to the two drammAzca tribhiH skandhakaidaiyAH / prathama bhAdrapade Brahmanas Tanna Va sa vaka and his brother Guhesvara, the sons of Aja Va sa vaka, dvitIyaM kArtike tRtIyaM mAgha / who live at Variavi, are among the Trivedins [Plate III, line 12:] of that place, belong to the Gotra of the dUtakotra mahattamasarvAdhikArI brAhmaNollaiyako naamnaa| Kundinas, and study the Yajurveda, in order to defray the expenses of the performance mit HT HETENTEITA[] > T of the Bali, Oharu, Vaisvadeva, Agnihotra and schafthagafar Il FIERIT H xf- similar rites, the village called Kavithas &dakAlavarSazrIkRSNarAjasya || dhi, which ranges among the one hundred and sixteen villages connected with Varia vi Translation. and belongs to the province of Konkana. 20. The majestic ..... son ..... of Its boundaries are :-to the east the village this . . . . . illustrious Dantivarman. of Valach ha, to the south the village of 21. From him who was praised by a large Uttara padha vanaka, to the west the crowd of kings ..... (sprang) he whose port of Variavi, and to the north the lotus-feet ..... he who split the temples village of Vasu harika. ..... And of his enemies' elephants with the blows of money (drammah) is to be given to the grantees) his impetuously drawn sword, who was brave, in three portions; first, in Bhadrapada, secondly, kind to virtuous people, very upright ..... in Karttika, and thirdly, in Magha.' .... 22 (seems to have described a banquet cele- For this (grant) the royal messenger (dutaka) brated in honour of some victory, when the is the very great prime minister, a Brahmana, warriors] quaffed liquor and the glory of their Allaiyaka by name; and this (grant) has foes at the same time.'s been drawn up by me, the great minister for 23. He who established his fame in distant peace and war, the illustrious Jajja ka, the parts, when, sword in hand, he conquered his son of Kaluka. enemies in Ujjayini before the eyes of the This is my sign-mandal, of the illustrious Vallabha king. Krishnaraja (surnamed) Akala varsha. 3. The original reada wa Ka[:]. 30 Compare Raghuvamia IV, 42. u Vaadvaka is a Prakrit form of the term Vaadpaka (Rathor grant No. III, plate II b, line 3) which designatos some class of dignitaries;-Bee Professor Buhler's note on that passage. " See Childers' Pal Dictionary s. v. pafanan.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [MARCH, 1884. A NEW GURJARA COPPER-PLATE GRANT. BY PANDIT BHAGWANLAL INDRAJI, PHILOL. D. (LEIDEN): Hon. M.B.A.S. The inscription which forms the subject of been found to bear attestations in the same this paper is from a grant which, with several Nagari characters, and that inscriptions of others,' has been entrusted to use for publication dates later than the seventh century, from the by Mr. Sheriarji Dadhbhai Bharuch, Assistant same parts, are engraved in characters from Master in the Sir Kawasji Jahangir Ready- which the modern Nagari characters have money Madrassa at Nausari. They were found certainly been derived. And the reason why in excavating some foundations at Nausari. characters of the South Indian type were used The present grant consists of two plates, each in grants up to the seventh century, is, I about 12'' broad by 9" high. The edges of the think, to be sought in the facts-that the plates are for the most part fashioned slightly kings of the south from time to time invaded, thicker, with a depression running along inside and established their power in, Maharashtra and them, so as to serve as rims to protect the Kathiawad, and brought with them men who writing. A small piece, containing the first did the work of engraving their grants accordakshara and part of the second, is broken away ing to their own alphabets; and that the and lost at the commencement of the second practice thus introduced was afterwards conplate. And, lower down on the same side of tinued, and so, side by side with the currentthe same plate, a large triangular piece, its sides hand characters of the country, there remained measuring about 4", 3 and 41", bas similarly in use, for a considerable time, a totally distinct been broken away and lost; but almost all the alphabet for formal official purposes. Even the missing letters can be supplied. When the plates characters used in the Valabhi grants are first came into my hands, they were covered distinctly of South Indian origin. with a coating of rust almost as thick as the The present inscription furnishes the folplates themselves, and hardly a letter could any- lowing short genealogywhere be deciphered ; but I have succeeded in Dadda. removing this entirely, and in making the inscription quite legible throughout. The in Jayabhata. Acription runs across the breadth of the plates. There are holes for two rings; but the rings, Dadda, or Bahusahaya. and the seal that must have been on one of them, have been lost. The language is San Jayabhata. skrit throughout. The characters, with the It does not specify the dynasty to which exception of the attestation in the last line, are they belonged. But, as we have, whether for like those of the Chalukya and Rashtrakuta the same or different individuals, precisely the grants of the seventh century that have been same names of Dadda and Jayabhata in the found in Gujarat. This type of characters is | Kaira, Umeta, and Ilad grants, coupled with derived from the South Indian alphabets of specific mention of the Gurjara dynasty, the fourth century, and differs considerably and as the same names have not been met with from the old Nagari characters of the same in the case of any other dynasty,--there can period. The characters of the attestation, hardly be any doubt as to the persons named however, in line 44, differ entirely from those in the present inscription being of the same of the body of the grant, and are the Nagari dynasty. And here the dynasty is said, for characters of the seventh century, which must the first time, to be derived originally from probably have been the current-hand characters the Mahdbharata hero Karna, the elder halfused in Gujarat at that time. We are led to brother of the Pandavas. this conclusion,- for Maharashtra and Kathie- In respect of the first Dadda, this inscripwad, as well as Gajarat, -by the facts, that tion furnishes an interesting item of informaseveral other grants from the same parts have tion, the full importance of which I shall show Another of them is the Nausari grant of the year 421 of Siladitya-Sryksraya, of the Chalukyas of Gujarat; published by me in the Jour. Bo. Br. R. 48. Soc., VOL XVI. pp. lff.

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A NEW GURJARA COPPER-PLATE GRANT. MARCH, 1884.] further on, in the statement that "there hung ceaselessly over him, with the grace of a white cloud, a canopy of glory gained by protecting the lord of Valabhi, who had been defeated by the great lord, the illustrious Harshadeva." I shall show below that the great lord thus mentioned must be Harsha or Harshavardhana of Thaneswar or Kanauj; and that we are enabled by this mention of him to fix approximately the date of the grant. The inscription furnishes no information of any importance with respect to the first Jayabhata. Of the second Dadda, it gives Bahusahaya, or he whose (only) helper was his arm,' as a biruda. This biruda was acquired by the strength of arm displayed by him "in the great wars waged with the kings of the east and of the west." But, as none of these kings are mentioned by name, the expression must be purely hyperbolical; and we cannot interpret it as referring to any but some of the minor chieftains of the neighbourhood. This inscription also adds that he was a parama-maheevara, or worshipper of the god Siva; which shows that, like the rulers of Valabhi, the Gurjaras were primarily Saivites in religion. It also gives him the attribute of samadhigatapanchamahasabda, or he who attained the five great titles;' and this implies that he was not an independent king, but the feudatory of some other paramount sovereign. In respect of the second Jayabhata, all the information given, of any importance, is that, like his father, he was a worshipper of Siva, and had attained the five great titles. The inscription is of the time of the second Jayabhata. The charter is issued from the camp at Kayavatara, which I am strongly inclined to look upon as the Sanskrit name of Kavi, in the Jambasar Taluk of the Broach District. And it records a grant by Jayabhata of a field, measuring sixty-four nivartanas, in the village of Sami padraka, which was included in the Korilla pathaka or subdivision.' Korilla seems to be the modern Koral, about ten miles to the northeast of Broach. I am not prepared at present to identify Samipadraka,-nor Golika, which is one of the villages mentioned in defining the boundaries of the field. Dha haddha, which Dadda I. and Dadda II., however (see the genes. logy at p. 73 below), were worshippers of the sun, 71 is mentioned in the same connection, is perhaps the modern Dohad near Godhra in the PanchMahals. Girinagara, which is mentioned as the original home of the grantee, is the modern Girnar in Kathiawad. The agraharavillage of Sraddhika, which was his residence at the time of the grant, cannot at present be identified. The grant was made on the occasion of an eclipse of the moon, on the fifteenth day of the bright fortnight, or the full-moon day, of the month Magha, in the year 456 of some unspecified era. And in line 43 the name of Monday (or of Tuesday) is recorded for the day on which the eclipse took place, the grant was made, and the charter was written. We have now to consider the question of the era to which this date is to be referred. The first point that suggests itself is, that the second Jayabhata of this Nausari grant of the year 456 must be identical with the Jayabhata of the Kavi grant of the year 486. There is a difference of thirty years. between the two dates; but this is not at all unreasonable; and it simply goes to show that the Nausari grant was made soon after the commencement, and the Kavi grant towards the end, of the power of Jayabhata. Unfortunately, the genealogy of the Jayabhata of the Kavi grant is lost. Also the name of the father of the writer of the Nausari grant, and the names of both the writer and his father of the Kavi grant, have been broken away and lost, thus depriving us of what would probably have been a very reliable means of identification. And the names of the Dutakas differ in the two grants,-being Bavulla in the Nausari grant, and Kandakanaka in the Kavi grant; this, however, is to be explained by the difference between the localities which are referred to in the two grants, and to which the charters had to be conveyed. But the characters of the two grants are of the same type and period; the wording is, mutatis mutandis, identical throughout; and the dates are expressed in precisely the same way in both grants, even including the use of the somewhat unusual word nibaddham. I consider, therefore, that it must be taken as certain that the Jayabhatas of the two grants are identical. according to the Kaira grants. Published by Dr. Buhler, ante Vol. V. pp. 109ff.

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72 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [MARCH, 1884. In addition to these two grants, we have Tlao grant purports to be written by the same four others of the Gurjara dynasty ;-the two Reva who wrote the two Kaira grants. Kaira grants, dated, like the Nausari and Kavi My opinion is that the Umeta and Ilao grants grants, in the years 380 and 385 of some un- are forgeries; and that they were probably got specified era; the Umeta grant, dated speci- up by the same man who forged the grant of fically in the year 400 of the Saka era ;'-and Dharasena II. Possibly he got hold of genuine the Tao grant, dated specifically in the year grants of Dadda II., dated, like the Kaira, 417 of the Saka era. They give the following Nausari, and Kavi grants, in an unspecified short genealogy era ; and then, not knowing what the era was, Dadda l he made a guess and inserted the name of the Saka era. Jayabhata, or Vitaraga. I reject therefore, the Umeta and Tlad grants; and, with them, the theory, so far as Dadda II., or Prasantaraga. it rests upon them alone, that the dates of the And, being all grants of Dadda II., they prove, Kaira grants are to be referred to the Saka if the Umeta and Ilao grants are genuine, that era. the dates of the two Kaira grants,--and, conse- There remain the dates of the years 380 and quently, also of the Nausari and Kavi grants, 385 of some unspecified era for Dadda II. ---must be referred to the Saka era. The of the Kaira grants, and the dates of the years genuineness of the Umeta and the Ilao grants, 456 and 486 of an unspecified era, but however, I now question. undoubtedly the same, for the second JayaThe characters of the Kaira, Nausari, bhata of the Nausari grant and the sole and Kavi grants, are all of precisely the same extant Jayabhata of the Kavi grant. It type, and as like each other as can possibly be is at once plain that Dadda II. of the Kaira in the case of inscriptions the actual engraving grants cannot be identified with the second of which was done by different men. On the Dadda of the Nausari grant. In the first place, other hand, the characters of the Umota and the biruda of the former was Prasantaraga, Ilad grants are identical with each other, but and of the latter Bahusahaya. And, in the differ entirely from those of the other four second place, a far more important obstacle grants; and the wording of the formal parts of exists in the fact that, if these two Daddas these two grants, and the method in which the were identical, then the reigns of the father dates are expressed in them, differ on the one and his son,-of Dadda II. of the Kaira side from the Kaira grants, which are from one grants; and of the second Jayabhata of the original form of draft, and on the other side from Nausari grant, and the Jayabhata of the Kavi the Nausari and Kavi grants, which are from grant,-covered a period of at least one hundred another. The grant with which the Umeta and six years, from 380 to 486, which is an and Ilao grants are identical throughout, even absolute impossibility. On the other hand, as and especially in their mistakes, is the Valabhi we have the dates of 456 and 486 for the grant of Dharasena II., dated in the Saka year second Jayabhata of the Nausari grant, it is 400,' which both Dr. Bhau Daji and Dr. plain that his reign cannot have commenced Buhler have stamped as a spurious grant. If much before 456. Taking 455 as the complaced side by side, they will be seen at once to mencement, and calculating backwards at the have been engraved by one and the same hand, I rate of twenty-five years to a generation, we in spite of the assertion to the contrary in the arrive at 380 as the date of the first Dadda plates themselves, and at one and the same of the Nausari grant. And this is exactly time, in spite of the asserted intervening differ- the earliest of the two dates obtained for ence of seventeen years in the dates. And, Dadda II. of the Kaira grants. I identify further,-in spite this time of the difference Dadda II, of the Kaira grants, therefore, with of the characters and style of drafting, the the first Dadda of the Nausari grant, to whom I * See Mr. Fleet's Nos. CXXXIX. and CXL., pp. 81 ff. below. Published by Dr. Buhler, ante Vol. VII. pp. 61ff. * See Mr. Fleet's No. CXLI., pp. 116 ff. below. + Published by Dr. Buhler, ante Vol. X. pp. 2774.

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MARCH, 1884.) A NEW GURJARA COPPER-PLATE GRANT. 73 no biruda is allotted in this grant. And thus, from the four grants, I establish the following genealogy and dates : Dadda I. (about the year 830.) Jayabhata I., or Vitaraga. (about the year 355.) Dadda II., or Prasantaraga, 380 and 385. Jayabhata II. (about the year 405.) Dadda III., or Bahusahaya. (about the year 430.) Jayabhata III., 456 and 486. The recurrence of only two names in a genealogy of six persons may appear odd, but is not at all impossible; and it is a common practice among the Hindus for grandsons to assume the names of their grandfathers. And, in the case of the rulers of Valabhi, we have even six sons in succession called Siladitya. The use of birudas was the expedient resorted to, in order to prevent confusion arising from this practice; and we find that two of the Daddas and one of the Jayabhatas in the above genealogy, have such birudas recorded for them. The present Nausari grant was issued from the vdsaka or camp'at Kay a va tara, which, as I have said above, I am inclined to look upon as denoting Kavi, in the Jambusar Taluka of the Broach District; and, from the use of this word vasaka, Kayavatara must have been only an encampment temporarily occupied by Jayabhata III. on a tour for administrative or offensive purposes. The name of the camp or city from which the grant of 486 was issued is lost, with the first plate of that grant. And the Umeta and nad grants purport to be issued from the camp situated in front of the gate of Bharu kachchha or Broach. In the two Kaira grants of Dadda II., however, the expression used is simply Nandipuritah, or "from the city of Nandipuri;" and, on the analogy of the Valabhitah of the Valabhi grants, I agree with Dr. Buhler in considering that we have here a mention of the real capital of the Gurjara family. But I am inclined to think that it may be the modern Nandod about 34 miles to the north-east of Broach,-an old town, and still the capital of the Rajpipla State under the Rowa-Kantha Agency,--rather than according to Dr. Buhler's identification, the old fort named Nandipuri, just outside the Jhadeswar gate to the east of Broach. The villages mentioned in the Gurjara grants are all in the present Broach District. And the Gurjara power, therefore, extended over this District and probably part of the Gaikwad's territory. As regards the status of the members of this family,-Dadda I. is called only a Samanta or feudal chief. Dadda II., in the Umeta and Ilad grants, is called a Maharajadhiraja ; but I have given above my reasons for rejecting these grants us spurious. In the body of the present Nausari grant, and also of the two Kaira grants, he is simply described as having attained the panchamahusabda; and, in the seals of the Kaira grants, he is called simply a samanta. Dadda III. and Jay a bhata III., again, are described in the present grant as having attained the panchamahasabda; and the latter has also, in the Kavi grant, the title of Mahasd mantadhipati, or lord over great feudal chiefs. This title, which is of constant occurrence in southern inscriptions, shows considerably higher rank than that of Dadda I.; but it still indicates subordination to some higher authority. The Gurjaras could not have been vassals of the rulers of Valabhi; for, Dadda II. gave protection to the lord of Valabhi when he had been defeated by Harshadeva; and, in the Kavi grant, Jayabhata III. prides himself upon having quieted in battle the impetuosity of the lord of Valabhi. It was probably the Chalaky a family, whether the Gujarat branch or the Vatapi dynasty, that the Gurjaras acknowledged as their supreme lords. The most important historical item, in fact the only absolutely definite item of contemporaneous history furnished by these inscriptions, is the statement, in the Nausari grant, that Dadda II. gave protection to the lord of Valabhi, when the latter had been defeated by the great lord or Paramesvara, the illustrious Harshade va. We meet with the same ante Vol. VII: p. 62. * In the two Kaira grants, Dadda I. is mentioned as having uprooted the descendants of the Nagas; but the statement is not explicit enough to be turned to any account at present,

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74 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [MARCH, 1884. name in the inscriptions of the Western Chalu- dynasty. The Chinese pilgrim says he was of kyas, and their relatives of the Gujarat branch. Foi-she class, thus leading Gen. Cunningham Thus, in the Aihole Megati inscription, No.LV. to think he was a Vaisya by caste. He was of Mr. Fleet's series in this Journal, Pulikani connected by marriage both with the kings of II. is described as causing the joy of Harsha, MAlava and the rulers of Valabhi. And he whose feet, which were like waterlilies, were established an era of his own, known as the covered with the rays of the jewels of the Sri-Harsha Samvat. chiefs that were nourished by his immeasurable | Hiuen Tsiang describes Harshavardhana power, to melt away throngh fear;40 in the as a powerful king, who snbdued distant Nirpan grant, No. LXXVI. of the same series, peoples and made the neighbouring nations fear he is described as defeating the glorious Sri- him, and who carried his victorious arms from Harsha, the supreme lord of the region of the the east to the west, only failing to make his north ;' and in the Karnil grant, No. CXIX.," power acknowledged by the people of Mahathe Togurshode' grant, No. XXIX., and rashtra, which was the kingdom of Pulikesi II. others that follow the same form, he is And he further states that, not only did described as acquiring the second name of Harshavardhana and Pulikesi II. meet and Paramasvara or supreme lord' by defeating fight, but Harshavardhana in person marched Sri-Harshavardhana, the warlike lord of out to punish the people of Maharashtra, - all the region of the north. So, also, in an i.e. he himself headed an invasion of that unpublished grant which I have of the Yuva- kingdom. raja $11dditya-Sry aoraya of the Gujarat With so powerful and warlike a king of all branch, Pulikesi II. is described as acquiring the region of the north, invading distant kingthe banner of victory in battle with Harsha- doms, and oppressing and overpowering all the vardhana, the lord of the region of the neighbouring nations, and with no other king north. of the same name who can be referred to the In the case of Palikest II., whose date was same period, we need look no further for the from A.D. 610-11 to at least A.D. 634-35, this great lord, the illustrious Harshad dve, Harsha or Harsha vardhana is admit- after whose attack protection was given to the tedly the great monarch of that name, also lord of Valabhi by Dadda II. We are in fact called stladity, of Thandawar or of Kanauj, driven to identify him with this same Ha who, according to M. Reinaud's calculations, shavardhana of Thandgwar or of Kanxoj, reigned from A.D. 607 to about 648, and whose who reigned from A.D. 607 to about 648. court was visited by the Chinese pilgrim Hinen 1. If, now, we refer the earliest recorded and Tsiang between A.D. 629 and 645. the latest probable ,dates of 380 and 405 for This great king Harsha or Harshavar- Dadda II. to the Saka era, we obtain: A.D. dhana is well-known to students of Sanskrit 458 and 483; the latest of which is more literature; and the record of his life written by than a hundred years too early for him to the poet BAna and called the Sri-Harsha- have been the contemporary of Harshavar: Charitra, is extant. This work, however, was dhana. Therefore, in connection with what I composed in the early part of his reign, and have already said as to the authority of the does not contain all the events of his life. Umeta and Tad grants, I now finally abandon When Hiuen Tsiang visited his court, Harsha- the theory of the Saks era for their dates. If, vardhana was at Kananj, performing religious next, we refer the same dates to the Vikrama daties. But, according to Bana's work, his ers, to the Gupta-Valabhi era as commencing, original capital was Sthandsvara, or the mo- according to Gen. Cunningham in A.D. dern Thindwar in Northern India. According 166 or according to others, in 190, or if we to the poet, he was of the Pushyabhati refer these dates to the Valabhi-Samvat that 10 ante Vol. VIII. p. 244. 11 anto Vol. IX. p. 125. 13 ante Vol. XI. P. 68. 13 ante Vol. VI. p. 87. " Professor MAI Muller seems to prefer A.D. 610 to 600;. India: What can it thanh wel p. 200. But no Reinaud, Frag. Arab. Pers., P. 189; Bendall, Cam bridge Catalogue of Bud. M88. int. pp. xl.i.; Hell's Vaswadatta, int. pp. 611.; Beal's Bud. Roc. of West. World, Vol. I, p. 210.-ED. I. 4. Mr. Beal suppones he ww of olan alled Vairs or Baian.-Bud. Rac. w. World, Vol. I, p. 300.-Ed.I.A.

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MARCH, 1884.) A NEW GURJARA COPPER-PLATE GRANT. 75 commenced in A.D. 319, we obtain in each case results incompatible with Dadda II. being contemporary with Harshavardhana. It is plain, therefore, tbat we must discard all these eras, and find some other epoch for the era of the Gurjara grants. There have lately come into my hands some grants of the Gujarat branch of the Chalukya family, which require to be now fully noticed. The first of them is the published Nausari grant, of the year 421, of the Yuvaraja Siladitya-SryAsraya." And another is an unpublished Surat grant, of the year 443, of the same person." Taken together, they give the following genealogy and dates : Pulikeaivallabha, (Pulikesi II.) Vikramaditya JayasimhavarmaSatyasrays Dharasraya. Vinayaditya Siladitya-Sryasraya. Satyksraya The yours 121 and 443. In both the grants the donor is Siladitya Sry Asraya, with the rank of Yuvardja. And another of them is an unpublished Balsar grant, noticed by me in my paper on/ the Nauskri grant, which gives the following genealogy and date : Kirttivarma I. they were drafted, and the method in which their dates are expressed, there can be no doubt that they are to be referred to the same era as those of the Kaira, Nausari, and Kavi Gurjara grants. Now the Surat grant of the year 443 opens with the verseNarasimha-vikrama[ho] stata vimala-yaki jagati vijayate virah sthirabala-Vinayadityah Satyasrayavallabhal sriman An eulogistic verse of this kind, at the beginning of an inscription, is usually in praise of the grantor's paramount sovereign. It follows, therefore, from this Surat grant, that, as Sileditya-Sryasraya was still a Yuvardja in 443 as he was in 421, his father Jayasimhavarm was still alive in 443; and, further, that in 443 the head of the whole Chalukya family in Western India was Vinayadity & Satyaorays of the Western Branch, whose capital was at Vatapi or Badami. There are, it is true, two Vinayadityas mentioned in these inscriptions. But it is impossible to confound the two, and to understand the opening verse of the Surat grant as referring to the son of Jayasimhavarma, for the following reasons,-1, because of their different second names of Satyasraya and Mangalaraja ;-and 2, because, even assuming Vinayaditya-Mangalaraja to be the elder brother of stladityaSryasraya, it is altogether unaccountable that he should be praised in the opening enlogistic verse, and yet should be entirely passed over in the genealogy, which does mention his cousin Vinayaditya-Satyasraya. Unless the year 443 can be shown to be of later date than Saka 653,-and this is impossible ; since, setting aside all other reasons, I have another unpublished grant which gives the date of the year 490 for Palikesivallabha-Janasraya, the younger brother of Vinayaditya-Mangalarkja; and this shows clearly that Vinayaditya-Mangalara ja must have come between 443 and 490,the truth is that Vinayaditya-Mangalaraja was the younger brother of Siladitya-Sry Asraya ; and the explanation of the omission of the they cannot be utilised in the present discussion. 11 Jour. Bo. Br. R. As. Soc. Vol. XVI. pp. 18. The daton of these two, and of the two mentioned below, do not contain any details, such as the names of the days of the wook, that can be made we of for the purposes of caloulations. Polikkaivallabha (Palikebi II.) Vikramaditya Jayasimhavarma. Satyaaraya. Vinayaditya- Mangalaraja. Saka 658. The difference of more than two centuries between the year 443 as the latest date of one son, and Saka 653 as the date of another son, of Jayasinhavarma, shows that the dates we have for Silidity & Sry Asra ya cannot be referred to the Saks era. And, taking into consideration the characters in which his grants are engraved, the model according to which To this same peries belong the Kairs grant of Vijayardje, or Vijayavarma of the year 194, Mr. Fleet's Non. XLVI. and XLVII., ante Vol. VII, pp. 2411, and the Nirpar grant of Nagavardhana, Mr. Fleet's No. LXXVI., ants Vol. IX, pp. 1888. But the former contains no mention of any of the Western Chalulyas of V Atapi, and the latter is not dated'; and, consequently,

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76 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [MARCH, 1884. name of the latter in the Balsar grant, is to be sought in the fact that he died during his long Yuraraja-ship and did not actually become the head of the Gujarat branch of the family, and would, therefore, ordinarily be passed over in the genealogy. Mr. Fleet has fixed the reign of Vinayaditya-Satyasraya as extending from Saka 602 or 603 to Saka 618, or A.D. 680 or 681-2 to A.D. 696-7.1 Now, as the Surat grant shews that in 443 Vinayaditya-Satyasraya was the head of the Chalukya family,-50 also the Nansiri grant seems to shew that Vikramaditya Satyasraya was in the same position in 421. Consequently the year 443, but not 421, fell somewhere between Saka 602 and 618. Taking the mean of the two, we have Saka 610. And, deducting 443 from this, we have Saka 166 or A.D. 244-5 as the initial year, and Saka 167 or A.D. 245-6 as the year 1, of the era in which the dates of the Nausari, Surat, and other similar grants are recorded. Applying this epooh to Siladitya-Sryksraya's earliest date of 421, the result is A.D. 665 or Saka 587. And this is, as required, in sufficient accordance with the date of VikramadityaSatyasraya, who, as Mr. Fleet has shown, was actually reigning in at any rate Saka 592 or 593, and may perhaps have began to rule somewhat earlier. And appiying the same epoch to the year 380, the earliest recorded date for Dadda II. of the Gurjara family, it brings him to A.D. 624, or, as is required, well into the reign of Harshavardhana of Thaneswar or of Kananj. This, therefore, with a possible margin, to be determined hereafter of a few years either way,-is the epoch that I select for the commencement of the era in which the grants of the Chalukyas of Gujarat and of the Gurjaras are dated. It is impossible at present to say to what event this era owes its establishment. But I wonld hazard the conjecture that it is the era of the Trika takas, of which the two hundred and forty-fifth year is mentioned in Dr. Bird's Kanheri plate." Note by J. F. Fleet, Bo.C.S., O.I.E. This Nausari inscription records a grant which was made, according to lines 30-31, on the occasion of an eclipse of the moon that took place on the 15th day of the bright fortnight of the month Magha. And it further records in specific words, in line 41, that the charter was written on the same day, in the year 456 of some unspecified era. Further, lines 42-43 record the date on which the charter was made nibaddha or assigned.' The date here is recorded in numerical symbols. The symbols for the year give 456, in accordance with the full verbal statement in line 30. The name of the month and the fortnight of it, and the symbols for the lunar day, are unfortunately broken away and entirely lost. But on the analogy of the precisely similar passages in the Kavi inscription, we are justified in assuming that the charter was made nibaddha on the same day on which the grant was made, and therefore in supplying here, for what has been broken away, the 15th day of the bright fortnight of Magha. Finally, as in the case of the Kavi grant, the name of a week-day is here connected with the date on which the charter was made nibaddha. The first part of the word has been broken away and entirely lost. And the akshara that preceded the syllables vart, was broken at the same time. But enough of it remains to show that it was indubitably ma. And we are therefore restricted to reading either Somavare, on Monday,' or Bhaumavare, on Tuesday,' --with, prima facie, * preference for the former, since Bhaumavara, though frequent enough, is not so usual an expression for Tuesday as Mangalavara is. Accordingly, the details available for cal. culation are the occurrence of an eclipse of the moon on Monday or Tuesday, the 15th day of the bright fortnight, i.e. the full-moon day, of the month Magha, in the year 456 of an era, the epoch of which is thereby to be determined. On the grounds of contemporaneous historical allusions, Pandit Bhagwanlal Indraji has shown above that the era must commence within a few years either way of A.D. 245. General Cunningham has been kind enough to calculate the above details, with the result, - * Dynasties of the Kanarese Districta, p. 27. 10 d. the same page. No. 10 of the separate publications of the Archao. Logical Survey of Western India, Pp. 578.

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MARCH, 1884.] A NEW GURJARA COPPER-PLATE GRANT. 77 after the examination of many dates bothera or the era of the Kala churis of Tripura, before and after the approximate period of which he had already fixed" as commencing in A.D. 245,-that the only epoch that agrees for A.D. 249 = 0, with A.D. 250 = the year 1." both the eclipse and the week-day, is the In accordance with Pandit Bhagwanlal year A.D. 249-50, with A.D. 250-51 as the Indraji's suggestion that the Ilo grant may year 1 of the era. contain a genuine date in the era used in the Adding 456 to 249-50, we obtain A.D. 705-6. Nausari and Kivi grants, falsely referred to And, as Magha corresponds with January- the Saka era,-General Cunningham has calcu. February, the date of this grant must be in lated the details of this date also, vis. the occur. the early part of A.D. 706. In that year, the rence of an eclipse of the sun on the new-moon full-moon of Magha fell on Tuesday, the 2nd day of the month Jyaishtha, or usually MayFebruary, on which day there was an eclipse June, in the year 417. Adding 249-50, we of the moon. obtain A.D. 666-67; and the month of JyaishApplying the same epoch to the date of the tha belonged to A.D. 666. In that year, howKavi grant, General Cunningham obtains Sun- ever, there was no solar eclipse till the 25th day, the 24th Jane A.D. 736, as corresponding August, which is after the recorded date and with the Sunday, the tenth day of the bright will not suit in any way. But, in the preceding fortnight of the month AshAdha, or June-July, year, the new-moon of Jyaishtha fell on the 21st in the year 486, as recorded in that grant. April A.D. 665, on which day there was an With these two coincidences, we are plainly eclipse of the sun, as required; to apply it to on firm ground. And the era thus obtained is, the date of the grant, however, assumes an error as General Cunningham points out, the Chodi l of one year in the recorded date. Test." First plate. ' Svasti Sri-Kayavatara-vasakit satata-Lakshmi-nivasa-bhute igas trishna-santa pa-harini din [&* ]nAtha-vi[') starit-inubhiva 18 dvija-kul-opaji vyamana-vibhava-salini 18 mahati maharaja-Karnn. Anvaye 1$ kamal-Akara iva ra[deg1 jahamsah prabala-Kalikala-vilasit-akulita"-vimala-svabhAvo gambhir-odara-charita-visma. pita-sa kala-lokapa[') la-manasah paramesvara-Sri-Harshader-Abhibhuta-Valabhipati-pati(ri)tran-Opaja ta-bhra mad-adabhra-subhr-Abhra-vibhrama'l yaso-vita nah Sri-Daddas=Tasya sanar=asankit-agata-pranayi-jan-Opabhukta-vibhava-san chay-pachiyamana-mano. [deg] nirvsitik(r)=aneka-kantaka-vansa-sadha-durllalita-pratap-Analo nisita-nistrinsa-dhara-da rit-erati-kari] kumbha-muktaphala-chchhal-Ollasita-sita-yas8-nauk-avagunthita-digvadhu-vadana-sarasijah Sri-Jayabhatas=Tasy=ktmajo ma[ ] hamuni-Mana-pranita-pravachan-Adhigama-viveka-svadharmm-anushthana-pravani" varnn Asrama-vyavasth-Onmulita-saka['] la-Kalikal-Avalepah pranayi-jana-manoratha-vilaya-vyatita-vibhava-sampadan-apanit-abesha partthiva-dan-&["] bhimano mada-vivas-ankueativartti-kupita kari-nivarana-prathita-gara-gaj-adhirdhana-pra-. bhAvo vipat-pra pata. ["] patita-narapati-sat-abhyuddharana-nikhila-loka-vieruta-par-pakara-karana-vyasanah prach ya-pratichy-adhiraja >> Archeological Survey of India, Vol. IX. p. 111. * This epoch was first pointed out by Dr. Fits. Edward Hall, in Jour. Amer. Orient. Soc. Vol. VI. p. 501; see ante, Vol. IX. p. 256.-EDI. 4. * From the original plates. * This mark of punotuation is unnecessary, also all those that follow, down to line 22. * The sense requires us to correct this into vilasitandkulita. * Correct into prarand or praots.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [MARCH, 1884. [1] vijrimbhita-maha-samgrama-narapati-sahasra-parivati (ri)t -aneka -gaja -ghata -vighatana -pra katita-bhuja-viryya-vi [1] khyata-Bahusahay-apara-nama IS parama-mahesvaral samadhigatapanchamahasabda-SriDaddas-Tasya sunur-a 78 [] neka-samara-saighatta-ghana-ghatita-gaja-ghat-apatana-patur-asahishnu-vana-davanalo din[1] tura-suhrit svajana-bandhu-kumudakara-kaumudi-nisakarah Bhagirathi-pravaha iva vipaksha-kshobha-kshamah Santann anath-a [2] r=iva samudbhuta-kalakala-rava-mahavahini-patih adi-varaha iva sva-bhuja-bala-parakramoddhrita-dha[ranih pa]['']rama-maheevarah samadhigata panchamahasabda-Sri-Jayabhatah kusali |SS sarvvan-eva raja-samanta-bho[gika-vi]shaya may matapitrot(r)-ta [] pati-rashtragramamahattar-adhikarik-adin-samanadarsayaty-Astu vah samviditam | yatha [] nach ihik-kmashmika-papya-yaad-bhivriddhaye 15 Girinagaravinirggata-Sraddhik-igrahiravistavya-tachohibhutta)rvvidyaakknya [] Shravayana" sagotra - Vajasha (ba) neya Madhyandinasabrahmachari-brahmana Dattaputra-30 brahmana-Devasvamine SS asmat-kri ["] ta-prakasanama-Kallumbaraya ISS bali-charu-vaisvadev-agnihotr-atithi-panchamahayajn-adikriy-otsarppan-a [] rttham 19 Korilla-pathak-antarggata-Samfpadraka-grame ISS purvvottara-simni chatush shashti-bhu-nivarttana-pramanam Second plate. [*] [kshe]tra[m] IS yasy-aghatanani parvvato Golika-grama-sima-sandhih [*] dakshinato Yamalakhallar-Abhidha [] na-tadakam 18 tatha mahattara-Mahes vara-satka-kshetram IS" na pita-DevakaSS sa[t*]ka-vapaka-kshetran-cha ISS aparatah Sami [**] padraka-gramad-eva Dhahaddha-grama-yayi panthah IS attarato Baratakhallar-abhi [] dhana-tadakam 18" tatha Korilla-vasi-brahmana-Narmma-satka-brahmadeya-kshetran-cha 18 evam-idam aghatan-Opalakshita [m] kshetram 1985 sodrangam 15 sopa [] rikaram 19 sa-bhuta-pa (va ?)ta-pratyayam 15 sa-dhanya-birany-adeyam 18 sa-das-aparadham I s-otpadyamana-vishti(shti) kam ISS griha-sthavara-chalaka-16-rathy-15-pravda-15-nirggama-15-sagara-15-chatashpada-pracharn-14-vapi-15-kupa-15 [] tadaka-IS-padr-opajivya-sametam ISS sarvva-ra [] jaktyinkmahastaprakshipalyam 15 parvva-pratta-devabrahmadkya-rahitam 15 chchhidra-nyayen-a-chandr-arkk-arnna [] va-kshiti-sarit-parvvata-samakalinam 1SS putra-pautr-anvaya-kram-opabhogyam=adya Magha-suddha-panchadasyam I chandr-opa [] rage IS punya-tithav=udak-atisa rggena brahmadayatvena pratipaditam ISS Yato-sy= kaichid-vylaidhe ochitaya 1 brahmada [""] ya-athitya bhuijatah krishatab karahayatab pratidisato va chatur varttitavyam-Agami-bhadra-nri Some correction or other is needed here; since, if the first syllable is shrd (and the upper member of the compound consonant does resemble sh more than anything else), and the second is vd, then the nasal of the fourth syllable ought to be na, not na. The nearest name that suggests itself is Bradhnayana. In the original, the engraver first omitted this sa altogether. He then inserted another ja between va and ja, and attempted to alter the original ja into sa; but, in doing so, he really converted it into sha. na 30 The engraver first formed brd here, and then converted it into tra. 31 The usual form is tatakam or tadagam. 38, 33, and 3 In each case, the mark of punctuation is unnecessary. 35 This mark of punctuation is unnecessary, also all those that follow, down to the first mark in line 31. and " In each case, the mark of panctuation is unnecessary.

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Scale { of the original. From the original plates . . . .. PHOTOLINCOGRAPHED AT TEE BOART OF INDIA OTTORI, QALCOTTA, KAMIN 1964. . nh , std kh wld : ..... r dyd h bh nm py y sy (, >> ndh , b r (, b mhrh drn m dr dy ml , , ... 2 - ( dr t` : smy ) w m r m r khh bh n n . m d khy b n khr khy ndr h w . . . . . w m . l y m m . m . (tl d ty n tmm khy ng nkhly khh dr m nlm os dd w md , l , m . . . . . , ( , , , , m kh. d m b b . . w . , 1 ly ny nm y . . . : m . ::: ::: . . . b m 2 zbwr khy b nm b tw khm b mn w m. n ot . .. , , nh : wtr , h wly tmm tr tr d , w dr 7 b m fy " 'nh m 7 4, jw mTlb : ) m dh m bh , g . ln l wl " : ( 7 bwd khh bh , : 2 , 23 : { nm t ) z : 27 y . . 4 ) nm m . 2 khl bry j 2 ) , w ( 24 ) , , , , dr 2 nd w m . . . dykh 12 mh mh . 'mr bh mr bh mm (rh) . . . . Gurjara Grant of Jayabhata III.- The year 456..

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khr d tmdrn yrny h dr - - to refink/kout cratica bodo mora "1.0" br , pa MWIDER NON Chevy yet megajabjab d ;}; k. 22 21 20 REYEARS l + T . * . 2 2 20 w mGrb 760 mn w tw 2012 : wt yo 97290 72 .P : : : dr j khr sr pr n w khmr 2 - . + .2 2 1 4 2 12 12 BARE BA hyN ----- rdw VALIUTA 1 2 , jy : y l: bkh l lkn n - l n d kh d. . . 11 II 40 35 30 25

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MARCH, 1884.] A NEW GURJARA COPPER-PLATE GRANT. [*] patibhir=asmad-vamsyair=anyair@vv=iyam=asmad-dayo=numantavyah palayita vyas-cha is Yas-ch=ajoana-timira-patal-a[*] veita-matirachchhindyad=achchhidyamanam v=anumodeta 1 sa panchabhir=mmaha pa ta kaih s-opapatakaih samyuktah syad=ity-U["] ktan=cha bhagavata veda-vyasena Vyasena | Shashtim Varsha-sahasrani svargge tishthati bhumi dah 1$ achchhetta ch=anumanta [*] (cha] tany=eva narake vaset || Vindhy-atavishv=atoyasu dhu(su)shka-kotara-vasinah krishy-ihaye hi jayanto bhumi-da[*] (nam ha]ranti ye || Bahubhiruvvasudha bhuk[t"]a ra jabhih Sagar-adibhih | yasya yasya yada bhumistasya tasya tada phalamil [38] [Agner-a)patyam prathamam suvarnnam bhur=vvaishnavi suryya-sutas-cha gavah lokatrayam tena bhavet=tu dattam yah kanchanam gan ["] [cha mahim cha] dadyat || Yan=iha dattani pura narendrair-ddanani dharmm-arttha yasas-karanil nirbbhukta-malya-pratima [*] [ni tan ho] nama sachul punarsidadita || Sva-dattam para-dattam va yatnade raksha Yudhishthira | mahim matimatam sreshtha 27 danach-chhry-pu]pAlanan || Samvatsara-sata-chatushtayo shat-panich Abad-uttarake Magha-buddhal-pachadasyim likhitam-idam ["].................. bhogika-putra-mahabaladhikrita-Kesaven-eti || Baladhikrita Ba vulla-datakan || Sam 400 50 6 [""] [Magha su 10 5 So(?)]mavaro 16 nibaddham || ["] Sva-haste mama Sri-Jayabhatasya || Translation. ie veiled the lotus-like faces of the women who Hail! From the excellent camp of Kay & were the distant quarters with the white cloth va tara:-- of (huis) glory that shone out in the guise of (L. 1.)-In the great lineage of the great the pearls from the temples of the elephants of king Karna--which became the perpetual (his) enemies, rent open by the edge of (his) abode of Lakshmi; which allayed the misery sharp sword. (produced by) desires; the dignity of which (L. 7.)-His son (was) the illustrious Dad. was amplified by giving relief to the poor da, who attained the five great titles, -who and the helpless; (and) which possessed wealth was proficient in the scriptures compiled by that supported families of Brahmans, -(there the great sage Mann, and in discrimination, lived), like a swan in a group of lotuses, the and in the performance of his own religious illustrions Dadda, whose pure mind was not duties; who destroyed all the arrogance of the agitated by the freaks of the mighty Kali age; Kali age by the proper management of the who, by his wise and noble deeds, struck the varnas and asramas; who abolished the arrominds of all kings with wonder; (and) over gance about (their) charity of all other) kings whom, with the grace of a white cloud, thereby acquiring (again) the wealth that had been hung ceaselessly canopy of glory gained by spent (by him) in putting an end to the desires protecting the lord of Valabhi who had of needy people; whose valour in mounting been defeated by the great lord, the illustrious mighty elephants was rendered famous by (his) Harshad e va. holding in check infuriated elephants which (L. 5.)-His son (was) the illustrious Jaya were lost to all control through rut and which bhata, whose mental happiness increased as rebelled against the goad; whose habit of benehis stores of wealth were enjoyed by needy volence was famous among all people through men coming (to him) without fear; the fire (his) assisting hundreds of kings who were of whose valour was fierce enough to burn up afflicted by misery; whose other name of numbers of inimical dynasties;" (and) who Ba husa h a y a " was made famous by the 30 Enough of this letter remains on the brokeen edge of help of the passage in lines 30-31, and on the analogy of the plate to show indubitably that it was ma. It i, the corresponding passages in the Kivi grant. of course, a matter of conjecture whether the preceding 3deg The secondary meaning applies to a fire burning up akshara wa ad or bhau; but ad is the more probable of the two. The preceding letters are supplied with the thorns and bambus.

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80 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [MARCE, 1884. strength of (his) arm that was displayed in with the usranga and the uparikara and the tearing through innumerable hosts of ele- Bhutavatapratyaya; with its income in grain phants that surrounded thousands of kings in and gold; with (the proceeds of fines for the the great wars waged with the great kings ten faults; with the right to forced labour: of the east and of the west ; (and) who with the houses, immovables, movables, streets, was a most devout worshipper of the god) entrances, exits, oceans (P), pasture for fourMaheavara. footed animals, step-wells, wells, tanks, and (L. 13.)-His son, the illustrious Jayabha- those who live on the skirts of the village ;** ta, who has attained the five great titles, not to be meddled with by any royal officer; who is clever in tearing through the troope of exclusive of former grants made to gods and elephants thickly arrayed in the clash of nu- Brahmans; according to the familiar reasoning merous battles ; who is a very forest-fire to of the ground and the sky; to continue as quarrelsome people; who is the friend of the long as the moon and the sun and the ocean poor and the destitute and the sick; who is a and the earth and the rivers and the mountains full-moon to the groups of lotns-like relations endr e; (and) to be enjoyed in succession by and friends; who, like the stream of the Bons, son's sons, and heirs,--has to-day, on river) Bhagirathi, is able to confound (his) the holy occasion of an eclipse of the moon on enemies; who, like Santanu, is the lord of a the fifteenth day of the bright fortnight of great army full of a buzzing and humming (the month) Magha, been given by me, as a sound; who, like the pristine boar," has brahmadaya, with copious libations of water, raised up the earth (from the power of evil for the purpose of performing the bali, the kings) by the might of his own arm; (and) charu, the vaisvadeva, the agnihotra, the atithis who is a most devout worshipper of the god) the five great sacrifices, &c.,--to the BrAhman Mahesvara, -being in good health, thus com- Devasvami, familiarly called by Us Kallumbara, mands all kings, nobles, chiefs, lords of dis- who came from the city of) Girinagara; who tricts, head men of subdivisions and villages, is an inhabitant of the agrahara of Sraddhika; officers, &c. : who belongs to that community of Chaturvedis ; (L. 18.) -"Be it known to you that, for the who is of the (?) Shravayanasa gotra; who increase of the religious merit and fame, both is a religious student of the Vajasaneyain this world and in the next, of (my) parents | Madhyandina (sakha); and who is the son of and of myself, a field of the measure of sixty- the Brahman Datta. four nivartanas of land in the north-east (L. 31.)"Wherefore no one shonld behave boundary in the village of Samipadraka so as to obstract him when enjoying (it), cultiwhich is included in the Korilla pathaka, - vating (it), causing (it) to be cultivated, or the boundaries of which field) are, on the entrusting (it to any one else), in accordance east, the boundary of the village of Golika; with the proper conditions of a brahmadaya. on the west, the tank called Yamalakhallara," (And) this Our gift should be assented to and the field belonging to the headman Mah- and preserved by future good kings, whether of avara, and an irrigated" field belonging to the Our lineage or others. . And he shall incur barber Devaka; on the west, the road that goes the guilt of the five great sins, together with to the village of Dhahaddha from the village of the minor sins, who, having (his) mind obscurSamipadraka; (and) on the north, the tanked by the thick darkness of ignorance, may called Barutakhallara, and the field which is a confiscate (this grant) or assent to its confiscabrahmadaya and belongs to the Brahman tion !" Narma who lives at Korilla, - this field, thus (L. 34.)-And it has been said by the holy defined as to its four boundaries,--together Vyasa, the arranger of the Vedas -The giver He whone (only) helper was his arm.' * Vishnu, in his incarnation as such. " Khallara seems to be a dek word, then in use, and meaning 'a pond.' Vapaka seems to mean a field which, by means of irrigation, yields a rabi orop of rioo, &o., after the kharif crop has been gathered. 4. Some of these details can hardly refer to the field, but must have been inserted through oarelessly adhering to the draft for the grant of some whole village... . Bhimichchhidra-nyaya; the meaning is that the grant was to include everything below the soil, and everything above the ground up to the sky. See note 28, p. 78 above.

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MARCH, 1884.) SANSKRIT AND OLD-CANARESE INSCRIPTIONS. of land dwells for sixty thousand years in here by former kings, are like garlands that heaven; (but) the confiscator (of a grant), and have been used; what good man would take he who assents (to such confiscation), shall them back again? 0 Yudhishthira, best of the dwell for the same number of years in hell! wise !, carefully preserve land that has been Those who confiscate a grant of land, are born given, whether by thyself or by another; the as black snakes, dwelling in the dried-up preservation (of a grant) is better than (making) hollows of trees, in the forests of the Vindhya a grant ! (mountains), destitute of water! The earth has (L. 41.)-This has been written by Kesava, been enjoyed by many kings, commencing with who is in charge of the great army, the son of Sagara; he who for the time being possesses the the Bhogika ............, in the year earth, to him belongs at that time the reward four hundred, increased by fifty-six, on the (of this grant that is now made)! Gold is the fifteenth day of the bright fortnight of the first offspring of the fire; the earth belongs to month) Magha. It has for its messenger the Vishnu; and cows are the daughters of the military officer Bavulla. Prepared in the sun; he who bestows gold and a cow and year 400 (and) 50 (and) 6; [in the bright land, by him the entire) three worlds are fortnight of Magha; (on the day) 10 (and) 5]; given! Those grants, productive of religion on (?) Monday." (This is) the sign-manual of and wealth and fame, which have been made' me, the illustrious Jayabhata. SANSKRIT AND OLD-CAT ARESE INSCRIPTIONS. BY J. F. FLEET, Bo. C.S., M.B.A.S., C.I.E. (Continued from p. 48.) No. CXXXIX. month Karttika, and in the year 385 of an Three inscriptions of the Gurjara family unspecified era, on the full-moon day of the have now been published in this Journal, -by month Karttika; and by Professor R. G. Dr. Buhler, the Umeta grant of Dadda II., Bhandarkar, the Il&o grant of the same person, dated in Saka 400, on the full-moon day of the dated in the Saka yeer 417, at the time of an month Vaisakha;' and the Kavi grant of eclipse of the sun on the new-moon day of Jayabhata III., dated in the year 486 of an the month Vaisakha." unspecified era, on Sunday the tenth day of The last three grants require to be treated the bright fortnight of the month Ashadha;' more critically than they have been; and I -and by Pandit Bhagwanlal Indraji, the therefore now re-edit them in this Journal. Nausari grant of Jayabhata III., dated, in the The two Kaira grants of Dadda II. were same way, in the year 456 of an unspecified found about A.D. 1827, together with the era, at the time of an eclipse of the moon on grant of Vijayaraja or Vijayavarma of the the full-moon day of the month Magha, and, Chalukya dynasty, and one more, the details apparently, also on Tuesday corresponding of which are not specified. "The river with the same day." * Watrun' runs close to the walls" of Kheda or And three inscriptions of the same family Kaira, "on the north-west side, and was the have been published elsewhere,-by Professor cause of the discovery, by washing down the J. Dowson, the two Kaira grants of Dadda walls and earth." The original plates appear II., dated respectively in the year 380 of an to have been all presented by Dr. A. Burns to unspecified era, on the fifteenth day of the the Royal Asiatic Society, but only the grant bright fortnight, or the full-moon day, of the of Vijayaraja is now forthcoming. I therefore " See note 38, p. 79 above. James Prinsep, in the Jour. Beng. As. Soc. Vol. VII. Ind. Ant. Vol. VII. pp. 618.-General Cunningham pp. 908ff. His division of the text follows the grant of calculates the date as corresponding with Monday, the 380 down to line 24 inclusive, but the grant of 385 from 3rd April, A.D. 478. line 25 to the end, except that it gives the date of 380, * Id. Vol. V. pp. 109ff.-With reference to the remarks not of 385. After the last word Prasntaraganya ll of that I have published in Vol. XII. pp. 292-93, Pandit the two kranta, it adds Samanta-Datta(sic) k tasya putra Bhagwanlal IndrAji assures me. from his personal exami- Vitardg-para-nama &rf-Jayabhatah tasya putrah Pronation of the plate, that the second numerical symbol is sanga(sic)raga brdhmandbhyo bhilmith dadau; but there certainly 80, and not 90. is no foundation for any such passage in the lithographs sante, pp. 70ff. published with Professor Dowson's paper. Jour. R. As. Soc., N. S., Vol. I. pp. 247.- A mixture Jour. Bo. Br. R. As. Soc. Vol. X. pp. 19ff. of these two grants was published before that, by Mr. Ind. Ant. Vol. VII. pp. 2417.

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82 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [MARCH, 1884. re-edit these two Garjara grants from the device, the meaning of which is not apparent, facsimiles published with Professor Dowson's but which may perhaps be some emblem of paper. sun-worship, and, below this device, the legend The first of these facsimiles shows two Samanta Dadda, in the same characters as the plates, each about 11}' loks by 9' broad. It body of the grant. The language is Sanskrit does not suffice to show whether the edges throughout. of the plates were fashioned thicker or raised the inscription is of the time of Dadda II. into rims to protect the writing, or not. At also called Prasantaraga. It is dated, the lower right-hand corner, a largish piece is in both words and numerical symbols, in the broken off the first plate; and, at the upper year 380 of an unspecified era, on the fifteenth left-hand corner, a small piece is broken off day of the bright fortnight, i.e. the full-moon the second plate. With these exceptions, the day, of the month Karttika. The charter is plates are well preserved, and the inscription is issued from Nandipuri, which Dr. Buhler very legible. The facsimile is a good one, but has identified with an old fort of that name, shows many omissions and inaccuracies, which just outside the Jhadeswar gate to the east of may be errors in the original, or may only Broach, but which Pandit Bhagwanlal Inbe due to imperfections of the lithograph; draji prefers to identify with the modern being in doubt as to which cause they are to Nandod in the Rajpipla State ;' and it records be attributed to, I have had to treat them a grant of the village of Sirisha padraka, for the most part as errors in the original. in the vishaya or province of Akru resvara. The plates have holes for two rings; but the Dr. Buhler has identified Akruresvara with facsimile shows one ring only. It is about the modern Aukleswar or Ankulsawar, the chief thick, and of irregular shape like the rings town of a Taluka of the same name in the of the Valabhi grants. The seal on the ring southern part of the Broach District. And is roughly circular, about 1}" in diameter; and Sirishapadraka would seem to be the modern it has, in relief on a countersunk surface, some 'Sisodra' in the Ankleswar Taluka." Text." First plate. [deg] Om Svasti Nandipurito [1] Vividha-vimala-guna-ratna-sampa(pa)d-udbhas[i]ta-sakala di[n]mukhe paritrat-ab[@]sha-sapaksha-(mah]a-mahibhriti ['] satatam-avilanghit-avadhausthairyya-ga[m]bhi(bhi)ryya-lavanyavati maha-satvatay at[i]-duravagahe Gurjjara-npipati-vansa-mah-[8]dadha (dhau) Sri-sahajanma Kri[deg] shpahriday-Ahit-aspadah kaustubha-manir=iva vimala-yaso-didhiti-nikara-vinihata-Kali timira-nichayah sat-paksho Vainateya iv-Akrishta-satru[ ] Naga-kula-samtatir=utpattita eva dinakara-charana-kamala-pranim-apanit-asesha-durita nivahah gimanta-Daddah [lo] pratidinam apota-sankam yena [] sthitam-achala-guna-nikara-kesari-viraj[i]ta-vapusha vipihat-ari-gaja-kumbha-vigalita-mu ktaphalo(la)-chchhala-prani(ki)rnna-vimala-yas6-vitanena rup-anu. [] rapam satvam-udvahata kesari-kisoraken=ev=opari kshitibhritam [l"] yam ch=&timalina Kaliyuga-timira-chandramasam-and-divasam=any [6]nya-sparddhay=[8*]v=['] yayuh kale-samuh-adaye guna vikram-anita-mada-vilas-a lasa-gatayo=rati-gaja-ghath pra madasmcha [l*) yasya ch=ivirata-dana[] prava ha-prinit-artthi-madhukara-kulasya ruchira-kirtti-vas-asa hayasya satatamaskhalita padam prasaratah sad-vaus-hita-sobha-gauravasya [] bhadra-matangajasy=eva kara-ghata-vinihata-kshitibhrid-annata-tanuruhasya Reva-nir jjhara-salila-prapata-madhura-ninadasya bhag-0dbhaIn his paper on the Ilao grant, Professor Bhandarkar * Ind. Ant. Vol. VII. p. 62. Page 73 above. has doubted the correctness of the facsimiles of the 10 Ind. Ant. Vol. V. p. 113.-The name Akulesvara, seals of the two Kaira grants, because they give the evidently denoting the same place, occurs in line 14 of legend Samanta-Dadda, without the use of the honorific the 110 grant, No. CXLI. be.ow. prefix sri. But there appears to be no renson whatever 11 Postal Directory of the Bombay Circle, p. 271. for this doubt, as precisely the same reading Samanta. 12 From the lithograph which accompanies Prof. J. Dadda ooours, though in respect of Dadda I., in line 4 Dowson's paper in the Jour. R. A. 8., N. S., Vol. I of the text of the same two grants. pp. 2470.

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MARCH, 1884.] SANSKRIT AND OLD-CANARESE INSCRIPTIONS. [10] vah samunnata-payodhar-ahita-sriye dayita iva mude Vindhya-nag-opatyaka [*] yas-ch-opamiyate easini saumyatva-vaimalya-sobha-kala[] bhir=nna kalankena Sri-niketa-sobha-samuday-adhahkrita-kula-kantakataya kamal-akare na pankajanmataya satv-otsaha-vikramair-mrigadhira [j na kru(krd)r-dayataya lavanya-athairyya-g[*]mhbhiryya-athity-anupilanataya mahodadho(dhau) na vyal-asrayataya sat-kataka-samunnata-vidyadhar-ava[1] sataya Hima[*]chale na khasha (sa)-parivarataya [*] yasya cha sad-bha(bho)gah Sesh-oragasy-eva vimala-kirana-mani-sat-avishkrita-gauravah sakala-jagat-sadhara[*] [*] yasya prakasyate sat-kalam silena prabhutvam-ajnaya sastram-aratipranipatena kopo nigrahena prasadah pradanair-dharmmo deva-dvijati-gu[] ru-jana-saparyyay-eti [*] Tasya sunn(nu)h pratapta-ruchira-kanak-avadatah kalpa. tarar-iv-[*]viratam-abhika (ru) chita-phala-pradah satatam=ritu-ganasy=eva [] vasanta-samayo vasanta-samayasy-[e*]va pravik[*]sita-nibida-chutataru-van-abhogah sarasa iva kamala-nivahah kamala-nivahasy-eva [] prabodho maha-vishadharasy-eva magir-mmageriva svachchha-tara-bhavo odadher-iv-amrita-kalaso-mrita-kalasasy-ev-amarana-dayitva [] prabhavah karinah iva madal pramada-janasy-eva vilaso vibhavasy-eva sat-patraviniyogo dharmmasy-eva kratuh krator-iva sva-da [2]kshina-kalah premna iva sad-bhavah sasina iv-mala-kala-samuho niyatam=alamkarabhutah sakala-nisakar-[a*]bhiru (ra)pa 83 [10] vadanah saklo vadknya prabala-ripa-bal-Anfka-samara-samavipta vijaya-rth SriVarig-para-nimi Sri-Jayabhatah [1] Kali ["] pratipaksha-bhaya[ch]=chharan-artthina iva yam-[a*]sri (ri) tah sa-vinaya gunah [*] sphurita-vimala-kirtti-saudamani (ni) na yena sakala-jiva-lo[k-a]["]nanda-karina kala-valahaken-ev=avandhye(ndhya)-phalam garjjata pranayinam-apanitis-trishna-samtapa-dlahab [1] yameha krepi [satata]["]m-ayab-bhi(bhi)rur-apagata-trippo(shno)-pi gup-arijan-dvichchhinna-tarshah sarvva-prading-sipi para-yavati-hridaya-dina-par[*]imukhab paltar-api para]parivad-abhidhana-jada-dhih [*] yasya cha na virodhi rupam silasya yauvanam sadvrittasya vibhavah pradanasya tri(tri)-vargga-seva pa[raspar-apidana]: [25] sya prabhutvam ksh[a*]nteh Kali-kalo gunanam-iti [*] Tasya sunuh sajalaghana-patala-nirggata-rajanikara-kar-avabodhita-k[umuda-dhavala] [*] ["] [] ya-rudita-chchhal-odgiyamana-vimala-nistrina-pratapo mala-pranam-o[dghrishta-vajra] [] mani-koti-ruchira-didhiti-virajita-mukut-odbhasita-sira [2] ta-vibhava-manorath-opachiyamana-trivishtap-aika-sahaya-dharmma-sa[m] cheyah pranaya [] maninijana-pranama-purvva-madhura-vachan-opapadita-prasada-prakasikrita-vidagdha-naga aklish]-[paripari pari[kupita] yasab-pratin-isthagita-nabbo-mandalo neka-samara-samkata-pramukh-gata-nihata-intru-almanta-kulavadhu-dra(pra) [bhatasama] raka mah 13 The reading is the same, khasha, in No. CXL. 1. 13. Prof. Dowson suggested the emended reading khasa, which I adopt. Second plate. [*] [s]v[a]bhav[o] v[i]mala-guna-kirana-pamjar-akshipta-bahala-Kali-timira-nichayah samadhi gata-pancha-mahasabdah Gri(sri)-Daddah 1 Here, and in the same word in 1. 27, the a is attached, somewhat unusually, to the top stroke of the j, instead of to the middle stroke as in, for instance, ajnana, 1. 45, dera-dvijati-guru-charaga-na(ka). din-anath-atur-abhyagat-artthijan [**] kusali sarvvan-eva raja-samanta-bhogika-vishayapati-rashtragramamahattar-adhikarik-adin= samanubodha and jayante, 1. 48. In the corresponding four cases in No. CXL., it is attached uniformly to the middle stroke. 15 We have here a somewhat rare form of da. It occurs again in jada-dhth, 1. 24, mandale, 1. 26, Daundakiya, 1. 37, and Kaundinya 1. 38. It does not occur in No. CXL.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. ["] yaty=Astu vo viditam-asmabhir Akkru (kru) resvara-vishay-antarggata-Sirishapadrakam1 esha gramah 8-odrangah s-oparikarah 84 [] sarvv-adana-samgrahyah sarvva-ditya-vishti-pratibhedika-parihino nyayen-a-chata-bhata-praveeya a-chandr-ark-arnpava [*]kshiti-sthiti-samakalinah putra-pautr-anvaya-bhogyo Jambasarovininggat-Akkru(kru) reevaravishayantarggata Gi(si)rishapadrakavasi-bahvricha-Va [*]tang-Aavaliyanasabrahmachari-brahmana-Bhatty-idhipaka tatha Gopiditys | tathi Bhattigana | Visakha | Agnisarmma | Drona | Kasyapasa ["] gotra-Bhattidama tatha Vatra | adhva[r*]yyu-Vajasaneya-Daundakiyasagotra- | Kanvasabrahmachari-brahmana-Tapisa[r]mma | dvi1-Tapisarmma | [*] Dattasvami | Bhagisvami | Pitrisarmma | Bhatti | Drona. Dhumria(mra)yana-sagotraKarkk1-adhyapaka | Abuka | Kaundinyasagotra-Vatasarmma | Saila | [MARCH, 1884. [*] [3] Ghosha Mahadeva | Bava | Matharasagotra-Dhara | Visakha | Nandi | Ramila Haritasagotra-Dharmmadhara Chhandogya-Bharadvajasagotra-Kauthamasabrahmachari-brahmana-Indrasarmma | Adityaravi | Tapisura | Indrasura | isvara | Dhara | Damadhara | dvi-livara | Bharukachchhavinirggata-Bherajjika [*] nivasi-A(a) tharvvana-Chaulisagotra-Pippaladasabrahmachari-bra hmana-Bhadra | Vayuearmma | Dronasvami | Rudraditya | Purnnasvami | ebhyas-chatu[*]-charaga-bruhmanabhyai-obaturvvidya-parikalpani-parvvah bali-charu-vaisvadev-agnihotra-pamchamahayajn-adi-kriy-otsarppan-arttham matapitror-atmanas-cha pu [*] nya-ya-bhivriddhaye Karttiky[4]m-ndak-atisargggatirisht [*] Yat-mad-vansyair anyair-vv-agami-bhogapatibhih prabala-pavana-prerit-odadhi-jala-taramjiva-lokam-abhav-anugatan-asaran-vibhavan-dirggha-kala-stheyasas-cha [] ga-chamchalam guuan-akalayya samanya-bhoga-bhu-pradana-phal-epsu [**] bhih sasikara-ruchiram yasas-chiraya chichishubhir-ayam-asmad-dayo-numantavyah palayitavyas-cha [1] Yo v-ajnana-timira-patal-avrita-mati [] rachchhindyad=[ach]chhidyamanakam v-anumodeta sa pamchabhir-mmahapatakaih s-opapatakaih samyuktah sy[a*]d-Uktam cha bhagavata veda-vyasena [] Vyasena | Shashti-varsha-sahasrani svargge tishthati bhumi-dah achchhetta ch-anumanta cha tany-eva narake vaset || Vindhy-atavishv-atoyasu [] sushka-kotara-vasinah krishn-ahayo hi jayante bhumi-dayam haranti ye || Bahubhir= vvasudha bhukta rajabhih Sagar-adibhih yasya ya [*] sya yada bhumis-tasya tasya tada phalam || Yan-iha dattani pura narendrair-ddanani dharmm-[a*]rttha-yasas-karani nirbhukta-malya-pratima [] ni tani ko nama sadhuh punar-adadit-eti || Samvatsara-sata-traye-sity-adhike Karttikasuddha-panchadasyam likhitam sandhivigraha"dhika Translation. Om! Hail! From (the city of) Nandipuri:-" bhumi-chchhidra [] ranadhikrita-Revena sva-mukh-ajnay-eti || Sam 300 80 Karttika su 10 5 [||*] ["] Di"nakara-charan-archchana-ratasya Sri-Vitaraga-sunol sva-hasto-yam Prasantaragasya || wealth of (its) various and spotless virtuous qualities, (as the ocean does with its jewels); which protects all the great kings who are (its) adherents, (as the ocean protects all the great mountains, which, by taking refuge in it, are still possessed of their wings); which al (L. 1.)-In the lineage, like to the great ocean, of the Gurjara" kings,-which irradiates all the faces of the regions with the This Anusvara is a mistake. 17 This mark of punctuation is unnecessary; especially standing, as it does, in the middle of a word. no. dvitiya. 10 The second k is here represented, somewhat unasually, by an almost entire ka below the upper one, instead of by a stroke across the lower part of the upper ka. A similar instance, occurs in arkka, in 1. 18 of the Nirpan grant, No. LXXVI., Vol. IX. pp. 123ff. These two letters, graha, were engraved over two other letters that had been engraved and partially cancelled by beating in. This line is in current-hand characters. They differ somewhat from those of the attestation of the Umeta grant.-The attestation of No. CXL. also is in current-hand characters; they approach more to those of the Umeta grant, than to those of the present grant. The attestation of the Ilao grant, No. CXLI., is not in current-hand characters. The context is (1. 31) Sri-Daddah kusali sarvvaneva.. (1.32) samanubodhayati. All the genealogical portion, down to 1. 25, is of the nature of a paren thesis. 13 See Vol. XII. p. 157, note 7.

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MARCH, 1884.] SANSKRIT AND OLD-CANARESE INSCRIPTIONS. 85 ways abstains from breaking agreements, (as the swarm of bees which were petitioners with the ocean abstains from transgressing its boun- the ceaseless flow of his charity which was daries) ; which (like the ocean) is possessed of like rut, (and) who reduced (even) those who stability and profundity and beauty;" (and) were not (his) adherents to submission by (his) which, by reason of being possessed of great brilliant fame, (and) who always moved withnobility, is difficult to be invaded, (as the out any tripping of the foot, (and) whose ocean, by reason of having great creatures in it, I splendour and dignity were maintained by is difficult to be plunged into),--(there was) the (his) excellent lineage, (and) who had the Samanta Dadda, who,-like the kaustubha- hairs of (his) body erected (in pleasure caused) jewel" born along with Sri (and) resting over by the (hostile) kings being slain by the blows the heart of Krishna,--dispelled the mass of of his hand, (and) whose voice was as sweet the darkness of the Kali age with the multi- as (the sound of the falling waters of the tude of the rays of (his) spotless fame; who, cataracts of the (river) Reva. He was to be being possessed of good adherents, uprooted compared with the moon in respect of placithe descendants of the hostile family of the dity and purity and lastre and accomplishNagas, just as Vainateya, "' possessed of ments (like the digits of the woon), (but) not excellent wings, aprooted the offspring of the in respect of any stain (like a spot on the hostile family of the serpents; (and) who, even moon),- with a pool of waterlilies in respect from birth, had all sin" removed by perform- of having all family-troubles (like thorns) overing obeisance to the feet, which are like come by the plentiful glory of (being) the abode waterlilies, of the sun. Day by day he stood of Sri," (but) not in respect of being born free from apprehension,"-having body from the mud, -with a lion, in respect of adorned by a multitude of immovable virtues, vigour and energy and prowess, (but) not in as that of a lion is adorned by the mass of respect of being full of cruelty, --with the the firm threads (of its mane), (and) having ocean, in respect of being possessed of beauty o the canopy of his spotless fame spread abroad and stability and profundity and endurance in the guise of the pearls that trickled and (power of) protection, (but) not in respect down from the foreheads of the elephants of of being the asylum of wicked people (like (his) enemies that were slain (by him, as by snakes),-(and) with (the mountain) Himaa lion), (and) maintaining toward (other) chala, in respect of being the abode of kings an excellence of disposition, suitable to excellent cities (like mountain ridges) and (his) beauty, as a young lion maintains on noble men of learning (like demigods), (but) the mountains a vigour suitable to (its) form. not in respect of being surrounded by deThe virtues, consisting of (the kenowledge of the graded warriors (like the mountainous regions collection of the fine arts, (as of the digits round Himachala). Like the excellent coils of the moon), &c., (and) the troops of the of the serpent Sesha, his excellent wealth, elephants of his enemies and (their) lovely the greatness of which was manifested by women, having a lazy gait of rut and of wan. hundreds of jewels of spotless rays, (was) tonness, induced by Chis) prowess, day after common to the whole world. The excellence day, as if through mutual rivalry, betook of his family was declared by (his) characthemselves to him, the moon of the darkness ter,-his sovereignty, by (his habit of) comof the extremely sullied Kali age. The lands mand, -his (knowledge of the use of) weapons, lying round the feet of the Vindhya (moun. by the submission of (his) enemies, -his anger tains), as if they were wives productive of by (his infliction of) punishment -- his favour, married happiness (and) carrying beauty on by (his) charities,--(and) his piety, by (his) (their) lofty breasta, were) for the pleasure of worship of the gods and the twice-born and him who, like an excellent elephant, pleased spiritual preceptors. 9. " Or saltness." The relative construction is still continued in the * The kaustubha-jewel, which Vishnu (Krishna) original, 11. 4 to 15; but it is more convenient to avoid wears on his breast, was produced, at the same time it in the translation. The whole passage is full of with the goddess Srl, when the ocean was churned in double meanings which it is not always possible to inorder to obtain the nectar. troduce conveniently or completely into the translation. 56 Garuda. * Compare No. CXXXIII., 1. 34-35, Vol. XII. p. 251. *1 Or "danger, misfortune." 90 Or "saltness."

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86 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [MARCH, 1884. (L. 15.)- His son (was) Sri-Jayabha ta, whose other name was Sri-Vitaraga, -who was as pure as heated glittering gold; who, like the kalpa-tree, incessantly conferred (all) desired objects; who was always like the season of spring (in the cycle) of the seasons ; who was like a grove of dense mango-trees in full bloom of the season of spring; who was like an assemblage of waterlilies of a lake; who was like the blossoming of an assemblage of waterlilies; who was like the jewel of a great poisonous snake; who was like the pellucid clearness of a jewel; who was like the pot of nectar of the great ocean ; who was like the power of conferring immortality of a pot of nectar; who was like the rut of an elephant; who was like the sportive dalliance of lovely women ; who was like the application of wealth to worthy objects; who was like the sacrifice of religion ; who was like the time of the distribution of alms of a sacrifice; who was like the good quality of affection; who was like the collection of spotless accomplishments (which were as the digits of the moon); who was always decorated with ornaments; whose face was like the full-moon; who was affable; who was gentle of speech; (and) who had acquired the goddess of victory in battle against powerful enemies. As if longing for protection from fear of the enemy which was the Kali age, the virtues with humility betook themselves to him." The evils of thirst and heat of supplicants were removed by him, as by a dark-blue cloud, having for the lightning (his) glittering pure fame, (and) causing the happiness of all living beings, (and) pouring forth fertile fruits. Though he was a hero, he was always apprehensive of incurring) disgrace. Though he was destitute of avarice, his thirst for the acquisition of virtue never ceased. Though he was characterised by perfect liberality, he was averse to destroying the hearts of the wives of other men." Though he was eloquent, he was slow-minded in applying abusive epithets to his opponents (in argument). His beanty was not obstructive of (good) character; (nor) his youth, of good behaviour; (nor) his wealth, of liberality; (nor) his parsuit of the trivarga, See note 28 above. The play is on the two meanings of adna, -giving,' and cutting, or destroying.' * In paraspar-pfdanasya, 1. 24-5, the last part of the compound must be apdana, not ap dana.HO WA supposed to practise the trivarga, or the practice of of their failing to conflict with each other;" (nor) his sovereignty, of patience; (nor his living in the Kali age, of (his possession of) meritorious qualities. (L. 25.)-His son, Sri-Dadda, who has attained the panchamahasabda, --who has covered the expanse of the sky with the creeping plant of (his) fame, which is as white as a waterlily awakened by the rays of the moon when it has come out of a mass of water-laden clouds; the prowess of whose spotless sword is (always) being loudly proclaimed by the weeping in the morning of the wives of the hostile Samantas who have been slain when they came out against him) in the dangers of many battles; whose head is irradiated by a tiara that is decorated with the lustrous rays of a crore of diamonds (in it) which are scratched by performing obeisance to the feet, which are like waterlilies, of gods and the twiceborn and spiritual preceptors; who possesses a store of religion, the sole help to (obtaining) paradise, that is always) being inoreased by satisfying the desire for wealth of poor people and the helpless and the sick and strangers and supplicants and people in distress; whose clever and versatile nature is manifested by the favour, induced by (his) honeyed speeches preceded by respectful obeisances, of passionate women who are made angry by (their) affection (for him); (and), who has cast the dense dark. ness of the Kali age into the cage of the rays of (his) spotless virtues,-being in good health, thas informs all the rajas, samantas, bhogikas vishayapatis, rashtramahattaras, gramamahat. taras, adhikarikas, and others : (L. 33.)--"Be it known to you! This village of Sirisha padraka, in the vishaya of Akrures vara, has been allotted by Us, with copious libations of water, on the fullmoon day of the month) Karttika, in order to increase the religious merit and the fame of (Our) parents and of Ourself,---for the purpose of continuing the bali, the charu, the vaisvadeva, the agnihotra, the five great sacrifices, and other rites preceded (as a primary object P) by providing for the community of Chaturvedis," together with the udranga and the uparikara ; religion, the enjoyment of pleasure, and the acquisition of wealth, without allowing any one of them to interfere with the others. * Or perhaps by providing for the study of the four Vedas.

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MARCH, 1884.) SANSKRIT AND OLD-CANARESE INSCRIPTIONS. 87 ................;" without everyw hether of Our lineage or others, who are thing that is to be cut, and the right to) forced desirous of the general reward of giving a labour, and the pratibhedika ;** (to be held) by grant of enjoyment or of land, (and) who are the rule of bhumichchhidra; not to be entered by desirous of acquiring, (80 as to retain) for a long the irregular or the regular troops; to continue time, fame as lustrous as the moon,-bearing as long as the moon and the sun and the ocean in mind that the world of living beings is as and the earth (may endure); (and) to be unsteady as the waves of the water of the ocean enjoyed by the succession of sons and son's driven forward by a mighty wind, (and) that sons,--to these Brahmans of four charms, riches are attended by (liability to) non(viz.) the Brahman Bhatti, the Adhyapaka, existence" (and) are frail, and that meritorious who started from the town of) Jambusaras," qualities endure for a long time. He shall who dwells at Sirishapadraka in the vishaya of incur the guilt of the five great sins, together Akruresvara, who is of the Bahvricha (oakhd), with the minor sins, who, having his mind who is of the Vatsa gotra, and who is a obscured by the thick darkness of ignorance, religious student of the Abvalayana (charana), may confiscate (this grant), or assent to its and also Gopaditya, and Bhattigana, and Vi- confiscation!" sakha, and Agnisarma, and Drona,-Bhattida ma, (L. 46.)-And it has been said by the holy of the Kasyapa gotra, and also Vatra,--the Vyasa, the arranger of the Vedas :-The giver Brahman Tapisarma, the Adhuaryu, who is of of land dwells for sixty thousand years in the Vajasaneya (sakha), who is of the Daunda- heaven; (but) the confiscator (of a grant), and kiya gotra, and who is a religious student of he who assents (to such confiscation), shall the Kanva (charana), and the second Tapisar- dwell for the same number of years in hell! ma, and Dattasvami, and Bhagisvami, and Those who confiscate a grant of land, are born Pitrisarma, and Bhatti, and Drona,-Karka, as black snakes, dwelling in the dried-up the Adhyapaka, who is of the Dhumrayana hollows of trees, in the forests of the Vindhya gotra, and Abuka,-VAtasarma, who is of the (mountains), destitute of water! The earth Kaundinya gotra, and Saila, and Ghosha, and has been enjoyed by many kings, commencing Mahadeva, and Bava,-Dhara, who is of the with Sagara; he who for the time being posMathara gotra, and Visakha, and Nandi, and sesses the earth, to him belongs at that time the Ramila,-Dharmadhara, who is of the Harita reward (of this grant that is now made)! Those gutra,--the Brahman Indragarma, the Chhan- grants, productive of religion and wealth and dogya, who is of the Bharadvaja gotra, and fame, which have been made here by former who is a religious student of the Kauthuma kings, are like garlands that have been used; (charana), and Adityaravi, and Tapisura, and what good man would take them back again ? Indrasura, and Isvara, and Dhara, and Dama- (L. 50.)-Written by the Saindhivigrahadhara, and the second Tavara, "'--and the dhikaranddhikrita Reva, at the command of Brahman Bhadra, who started from the town (Our) own mouth, in the year three hundred of Bharukachchha, who dwells at Bherajjika, increased by eighty, on the fifteenth day of who is versed in the Atharva-Veda, who is of the bright fortnight of the month) Karttika. the Chanli gotra, and who is a religious student The year 300 (and) 80; the bright fortnight of the Pippalada (charana), and V&yusarma, of Karttika; (the day) 10 (and) 5. and Dronasvami, and Rudraditya, and Purna- (L. 52.) - This is the sign-manual" of BVami. Prasantar a ga, the son of Vitaraga, (L. 43.)-"Wherefore, this Our gift should be who delights in worshipping the feet of the assented to and preserved by future governors," sun. >> The meaning of sarvu-adana-samgrdhyal is not cancelled grant on the back of the same platos, No. apparent. XLVII. (id. pp. 251f.) In No. CXL. I. 35, the same Sop the right of cleaving or lopping trees.'-Or per- form occurs as is here. haps this passage may mean" without any interruption According to the present inscription, these three of (the right to everything that is to be cut and (the right to forced labour." men-Dhara, D&madhara, and the second Isvara,-seem 37 The four charanas are those of Asvaldyana (1. 36), to belong to the Bharadvaja gotra. But in No. CXLI. Kanya (1. 37), Kauthuma (1. 39), and Pippalada (1. 41). 1. 38-9, they are said to belong to the Lakshmanya gdtra. * In No. XLVI. 1. 11-12, (Vol. VII. pp. 241ff), the Bhogapati; lit., 'lords of possession. form of this name is Jambusara ; 80 also in l. 9 of the Sva-hasta, lit., 'the own hand.'

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88 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [MARCH, 1884. No. CXL. the same village of Sirishapad raka, in The second of Prof. Dowson's facsimiles the vishaya or province of Akrar davara. of the Kaira grants of Dadda II. shews two The object of this second grant, made only plates, each about 10%' long by 7" broad. five years after the preceding one, is not quite It does not suffice to show whether the edges apparent. The first grant was made to forty of the plates were fashioned thicker, or raised Brahmans; the names of thirty-two of them into rims to protect the writing, or not. The are repeated in the present grant, the persons plates are well preserved, and the inscription omitted being Vatasarma and Mahadeva of the is for the most part very legible. The accuracy Kaundinya gotra (No. CXXXIX. 1. 38-9), of the text is subject to the same remarks as Indrasarma of the Bharadvaja gotra (id. 1. 40), in the case of No. CXXXIX. The plates have and Bhadra, Vayusarma, Dronasvami, Ruholes for two rings, but the facsimile shows draditya, and Purnasvami of the Chauli gotra one ring only. It is about " thick, and of (id. 1. 41); and two new names are introduced, irregular shape, like the rings of the Valabhi vie. (1. 37) Vada of the Vatsa gotra, and (1. 40) grants. The seal on the ring is roughly circular, Indrasura of the Dhumrayana or Dhaumr yana about 13" in diameter; and it has, in relief gotra,-thus making up the number of thirtyon a countersunk surface, the same emblem four grantees, as stated in 1. 40. The names or device as the seal of No. CXXXIX., and are arranged, -not according to charanas, as in below it the same legend, Samanta-Dadda. No. CXXXIX.--but according to gotras; and The language is Sanskrit throughout; and, three persons,-Dhara, Damadhara, and the down to line 31, the text agrees almost word second Isvara, -who, according to No. CXXXIX. for word with the text of No. CXXXIX. 1. 40, seemed to belong to the Bharadvaja The inscription is of the time of Dadda gdtra, are here said (1. 38-9) to belong to the II., otherwise called Prasanta raga. It is Lakshmanya gotra. And the words chatur. dated, in both words and numerical figures, in vvidya-parikalpand-parvoam, in l. 42 of No, the year 385 of an unspecified era, on the CXXXIX., are omitted in the present grant. fifteenth day of the bright fortnight, or the In other respects the present grant was made full-moon day, of the month Karttika. Like to the same persons, for the same purposes, No. CXXXIX., the charter is issued from and under the same conditions, as the grant Nandipuri. And it records & grant of recorded in No. CXXXIX. Transcription." First plate. [?] Om Svasti Nandipurito [1] Vividha-vimala-gana-ratna-sampad-udbhasita-sakala-din-mukhe paritr[at-A]besha-sapaksha-maha-mahi(hi) bhriti satatam-av[io]langhi['] t-[&]vadhau sthairyya-gambhi(mbhi)ryya-lavanyavati mah-sa tvatay-ati-duravagahe Gur. jjara-npipati-vanba-mah-dadhau Sri-sahajanma Krishna-hriday-ahit-d. [deg] spadah [kau]stubha-manir-iva vimala-yabo-didhiti-nikara-di(vi)nihata-Kali-timira-nicha yah sat-paksho Vainateya iv-akrishta-satr[u')-Naga-kula-santatsio] [*] ruutpattita eva dinakara-charana-kamala-pranam-pani(ni)t-asesba-durita-nivabas=s&manta. Daddah [1'] pratidinam-ap[e]ta-sanka[m] ye na sthitamachala [deg] guna-nikara-kosari-virajita-vapushA vinihat-ari-gaja-kumbha-vigalita-muktaphala-chchhala prakirona-vimala-yaso-vitave(ne)na rup-anuri. [deg] par satvam=advahat[a] kesari-kisoraken=ev=opari kshitibhritam [lo] yan-chatimalina Kaliyuga-timira-chandramasam=an divasamanya(ny)ynya-sparddhay=f['] vayayuh kale-samuh-aday gunih vikkra (kra)m-anfta-mada-ti(vi)las-alasa-gatayd=rati-gaja ghatah pramadas-cha (1 ] yasya ch=&viratar a n -Adi(P)-pravaha pripit-artthi-madhukaku(ra)-kulasy ruchira-kirtti-vas-Asahayaaya satatam=askhalita-padam prasaratah sad-vans-ahita-bhFrom the lithograph which accompanies Prof. partially cancelled. J. Dowson's paper in the Jour. R. As. Soc., N. S., Vol. I. " In No. CXXXIX. 1. 7-8, the reading is dana-pravaha, Pp. 247ff. Here the syllable nd is quite distinct, and there is *** Some letter, of which y was a constituent part, rather indistinct letter between it and pra, which can appears to have been engraved between this yd and na. hardly be anything except di. Probably the ye was repeated by mistake, and then

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MARCH, 1884.] SANSKRIT AND OLD-CANARESE INSCRIPTIONS. 89 [''] ga(gau)ravasya bhadra-matangajasy=va kara-ghata-vinihata-kshitibhrid-unnata-tanura [has ]ya Reve-nirjjhara-salila-prapata-madhura-ninadasya" [O] bhag-a(6)dbhavas-samnnnata-payddhar-ahita-sriye dayita iva mudd Vindhya-nag-opatyara (ka)h (1) yas=ch=opamiyate sasini saamya(tva)-vaimalya-68bbd-ka["] labhirunna kalankena Sri-niketa-sobha-samuday-Adhak krita-kula-kantakataya kamal-akare Da paikajanmataya saty-otsaha vikkra(kra)mairemri(mmri)["'] gadhiraje na krur-asayataya | lavanya-sthairryya-gambhiryya-sthity-anupa lanataya mah odadhan na vyal-Asrayataya | sat-kataka-pa (sa). ["] munnata-vidyadhar-avasataya Himada(cha)le na khasha(sa)-ya(pa)rivarataya | yasya cha sad-bhogah Sesh-oragasy=hva vimala-kirana-mani-sat-avishkrita[^] gauravas-sakala-jagat-sara(dha)rano yasya prakasyat8 sat-kulam si(61)lena prabhu tvam=ajnaya sastram=arati-pranipatena kopa (po) nigrahena | ["'] prasadah pradanair=ddharmmo deva-dvijati-garajana-saparyyay=8ti ICID) Tasya sunuh pratapta-ruchira-kanak-avadatah kalpatarur=iv-viratam [1] bhiruchita-phala-pradah satatam=rita-ganasyova vasanta-samayu vasanta-samayasy=eva pravik[A]sita-nibida-chutatara-van-abhogah sarasa iva ["'] kamala-nivahah kamala-nivahasy-eva prabodho maha-vishadharasy=eva manir=mmaner iva svachchha-tara-bhavo mah-odadher-iv-imrita-kalabo=mtita-ka (*) lasasy=&v=amarana-dayitva-prasa(bha)vah karina iva madah pramacha (da)-janasyova vilasa vibhavasy-dva sat-pa tra-viniyoge dharmmagyva kratuh krator-iva sva-dakshini-kalah premna iva sad-bhavah sasina iv-amala-kala samkho niyatam-alankara-bhutah sakala[0] nisa kar-Abhirupa-vadanah baklo vadanyah prabala-ripu-bal-anika-samara-Bamavapta-vijaya brih Sri-Vitarag-apara-nama Sri-Jara(ya)bhs["] dha(ta)"h[lo] Kali-pratipaksha-bhayach-chharan-artthina ivs yam-asritah sa-vinaya gu nah [lo] Bphurita-di(vi)mala-kirtti-saudamani(ni)na yena sakals-ji[*] va-18k-Ananda-karina kala-valahaken=&v=avandhya-phalan garjjata pranayinim=apahi(ni). tas=trishna-santapa-doshah [l*) yas-cha ga(sd)ro-pisatata ["] m-ayaso-bhirur-apagata-trishno=pi gunarjjan-avichchhinna-tarshah sarvva-pradana-sild=pi para-yuvati-hridaya-dana-paraimukhah patur-api pe [] ra-parivad-ani(bhi)dhana-jada-dhih [*] yasya cha na virodhi rupa[n] bilasya yan vanam sad-vrittasya di(vi)bhavah pradanasya tri(tri)vargga-sdva paraspar["] pidanasya prabhutvam kshanteh Kali-kald gunanam=iti ICID Tasya sunuh sajala ghana-patala-nirggata-rajanikara-kar-Avabodhi["] ta-kumuda-dhavala-yasah-pratan-asthagita-nabho-mandalo=neka-samara-sankata-pramukh agata-nihata-latru-samanta["] kulavadhu-prabhatasamaya-radita-chchhal-odgiyamana-vimala-nistrinsa-pratapo devedvijati-gara Second plate. ["] charana-kamala-pranam-odghrishta-vajramani-[koti-ruchira]-didhiti-virajita-mukut-odbhasite b[i]ra ["] di(di)n-anath-atar-Abhyagat-artthijan-aklishta-pa[riparita]-vi[bhava)-man Orath-8pachi(chi) yamana-trivishtap-aika-8a[*] haya-dharmma-sanchayah pranaya-parikapita-manini(n) [jana-prana]ma-parvva-madhura vachan-papadita-prasada-prakasi[] krita-vidagdha-nagaraka-svabhav vimala-gawa-kirana-panjar-[&]ksh[i]pta-bahala-Kali timira-nichayas=samadhigata-panicha In No. CXXXIX. 1. 9, the reading is ninadasya. * The Jihvamallya ooours again in Sri-Daddan kual, I. 32. These are the only instances in these two plates. 1 Whether the mistake is of the facsimile, or of the original, it is impossible to say. But we have bere the sign for dha, which occurs also in praradha, No. OXLI. 1.7, and in the same word in l. 9 of the Umeta grant.

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90 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (MARCH, 1884. [") mahababda[bo] Sri-Daddal=kusali sarvvan=eva raja-sa manta-bhogika-visa (sha)yapati rashtragramamahattar-adhikarik-adin=8&[*7 manubodhayaty-Astu voaeviditam asmabhir-Akria]resvara-vishay-antarggata-/"-Sirisha padraka / @sha gramas=sodrangah ["] soparikarah sarvv-ada-sangrahya[h*) sarvva-ditya-vishti-pratibhedika-parihi (hi)no bhu. michchhidra-nyayen=-cbata-bhata-pra[*] vesya & chandr-arkk-arnpada(va)-kshiti-sthiti-samakalinah putra-pautr-Anvaya-bhogy6 Jam. besarovastavya-Bharad vajasa[%] gotra-Kanvasabrahmachari-brahmay-Adityaravi tatha Tapisa(en)ra | Indrasura | Isvara tatha Vatsa-sagotra-Bhat[t*]y-i(a)[1] dhyapaka | Gopaditya | Vada | Visakha | Agnisarmma Bhattigana Drona | Mapha (tha)rasagOtra-Visakha | Dhara Nandi [") Rama Daundagi(ki)(ya]sagotra-Tapisarmma dvi - Tapisarmra(rmma) Drona Bhatti Pitrisarmma | Bhagisvami | Dattasvami Lakshma[*] nyasagotra-Dhara | Damadhara | Isvara | Kan@dinyasagdtra-BAva | Ghosha | Saila | Kasyapasagotra-Bhattidami(ma) Va(va?) trao [l*] [""] Haritasag otra-Dharmmadhara | Dhaumr[&*]yana(na)sagotra-Karkk-adhyapaka | Avuka Indrasur-adi-brahmanebhyas-chatus-trinsadbhy8 ["] bali"-charu-vaiavadevagnihotra-panchamahayajn-adi-kkri(kri)y-tearppan-Arttha masa(ta) pitror=atmanas-cha punya-yaso-si(bhi)vsiddhaye Kartti[") kyam-udak-atisarggen=atissishto [l*] Yato=smad-vaneyair=anyair-vv=[AR]gami-bhoga-pati bhih prabala-pavana-prerit-odadhi-jala-taramga[") chanchalam ji(t)va-lokam-abhav-anugatan=asiran=vina(bha)van-dirggha-kala-sthoyasas= cha gunan-akalayya samanya-bhoga-bhu. [) pradana-phal-epsubhih sasikara-ruchiram yabas-chiraya chichishubhir-ayam-asmad-da 8 (y)=numantavyah palayitavyas-cha Yd v=jn[*] na timira-patal-Avsita-matir=achchhindyad=achchhidyamanakam v=anumodeta sa pancha bhir=mmahapatakais-samyuktas=syad=ity-Uktam cha bhaga[") vata veda-vyasena Vyasena || Shashtim varsha-sahasrani svargge tishtha[tji bhumi-dah Achchhetta chranumanta cha tany eva narake vaset [ll] ["Vindhy-atavishv=atoyasu sushka-kotara-vasinah krishn-&hayo hi jayant[@] bha[m]i-d[A]yam haranti ye | Bahubhir=vvasudha bhukta rajabhis-Sa[*] gar-adibhih yasya yasya yadA bhumis-tasya tasya tada phalan || Yan=i(t)ha dasttjani pura narendrair=ddanini dharmm-[AR]rttha-yasas-karani nirbhukta["] malya-pratimani teni ko nama sadhuh punar=adadi(di)ta || iti [ll] Samvatsara-bata-traye panch-asi(si)ty-a[dh]ike Kartt[i*]ka-paurnnamasyam [s] likhitam sandhi (ndhi)vigrahadhikaranadhikri(kri)ta-R@[v]ena sva-mukh-ajnay-eti [ ] Sam 300 80 5 Karttika bha(su) 10 5 [II] Dinakara-charan-4[*]rchchana-ratasya Sri-Vitaraga-su (no] [v]-[hasto=yam] Prasantaragasya || Translation. No. CXXXIX.),-(there was) the Samanta Om! Hail! From the city of) Nand i- Dadda, who, like the kaustubha-jewel, born along with Sri (and) resting over the heart of (L. 1.)- In the lineage, like to the great Krishna,-dispelled the mass of the darkness ocean, of the Gurjara kings, which irra- of the Kali age with the multitude of the rays diates all the faces of the regions with the wealth of (his) spotless fame; who, being possessed of of its various and spotless virtuous qualities, good adherente, uprooted the descendants of (as the ocean does with its jeroels); (&c., as in the family of the hostile Nagas, just as 1 puri:- and In each case, the mark of punctuation is unnecessary, especially in the former case, standing, as it does, in the middle of a word. se. dvithya. 5 In No. CXXXIX. 1. 37, this name is written Vatra. * The words ch&turuvidya-parikalpana-parvvanh, which precede Bali &o., in No. CXXXIX. 1. 42, are omitted here. 65 From here, to the end, is in current-hand characters. See note 21 above. " See note 22 above.

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MARCH, 1884.) AN OLD-CANARESE INSCRIPTION AT HADALI. 91 Vainateya, possessed of excellent wings, uproot- | ravi, who dwells at Jambusaras," who is of ed the offspring of the family of the hostile the Bharadvaja gotra, and who is a religious serpents; (&c., as in No. CXXXIX.) student of the Kanva (charana), and Tapisura, (L. 15.)-His son (was) Sri-Jaya bhata, and Indrakura, and Isvara, -Bhatti, the Adhya. whose other name was Sri-Vitara g&,-who paka, who is of the Vatsa gotra, and Gopaditya, was as pure as heated glittering gold; (&c., 88 and Vada, and Visak ha, and Agnisarma, and in No. CXXXIX.) Bhattigana, and Drona,- Visakha, who is of the L. 25.)---His son, Srf-Dadds, who has Mathara gotra, and Dhara, and Nandi, and attained the panchamahasa da, who has cover- Rama,- Tapisarma, who is of the Daundakiya ed the expanse of the sky with the creeping gotra, and the second TApisarma, and Drona, and plant of (his) fame, which is as wbite as a water- Bhatti, and Pitsisarma, and Bhagisvami, and lily awakened by the rays of the moon when it Dattasvami-Dhara, who is of the Lakshmahas come out of a mass of water-laden 'clouds; nya gotra, and Damadhara, and Lovart, Bava, (&c., as in No. CXXXIX.)-being in good who is of the Kaundinya gotra, and Ghosha, health, thus informs all the rajas, samantas, and Saila,-Bhatidama, who is of the Kasyapa bhogikas, vishayapatis, rashtramahattaras, grama! gdtra, and Vatra,-Dharmadhara, who is of mahatlaras, ddhikarikas, and others : the Harita gotra, and Karka, the Adhydpaka, (L. 33.)--"Be it known to you! This village who is of the Dhaumrayana gotra, and Avuka, of Sirisha padra ka, in the vishaya of and Indrabura. Akr ur svara, has been allotted by Us with (L. 42.)-"Wherefore, this Our gift should copious libations of water, on the full-moon day be assented to and preserved by future goverof the month) Karttika, in order to increase nors, whether of Our lineage or others, &c., the religious merit of (Our) parents and of as in No. CXXXIX.)" Ourself, for the purpose of continuing the bali, (L. 45.)-And it has been said by the holy the charu, the vaisvadava, the agnihotra, the five Vyasa, the arranger of the Vedas :- The giver great sacrifices, and other rites," - together of land, (&c., as in No. CXXXIX.)! with the udranga and the uparikara; ... (L. 49.)-Written by the Sandhivigrahadhi. karanadhikrita Reva, at the command of (Our) ...;" without everything that is to be cut, own mouth, in the year three hundred increased and the right to forced labour, and the pro- by eighty-five, on the full-moon day of the tibhedika; (to be held) by the rule of bhumi- month) Karttika. The year 300 (and) 80 (and) chchhidra; not to be entered by the irregular or 5; the bright fortnight of Karttika; (the day) the regular troops; to continue as long as the | 10 (and) 5. moon and the sun and the ocean and the earth (L. 50.)-This (is) the sign-manual" of may endure; (and) to be enjoyed by the Prasantaraga, the son of Vitaraga, succession of sons and sons' sons,--to thirty who delights in worshipping the feet of the four Brahmans, (viz.) the Brahman Aditya- sun. AN OLD-CANARESE INSCRIPTION AT HADALI. BY K. B. PATHAK, B. A., BELGAUM, Hadali, a village belonging to the Ramdurg | 3' 4' high by 2' 2" broad. The characters State in the Southern Maratha country, is are well formed Old-Canarese characters of eight miles to the east of Nargund in the the period. The language is Old-Canarese Nawalgund Taluka of the Dharwad District. throughout. The inscription now published is on & stone | The inscription is of the time of the Westat the temple of the god Kalamesvara. No ern Chalukya king Tribhuvanamalla II. or information is forthcoming as to the sculptures Vikramaditya VI.; and it is dated on on the stone. The writing covers a space of Monday, the first day of the bright fortnight * Soo note 52 above. # The meaning of sarvo-Adana-sargrdhya) is not apparent. 57 See note 38 above. * BhAgapati. 5. Omitting the words "together with the minor sina." . Sua-hasta, lit., 'the own hand." 1

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92 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. MARCH, 1884. of the month Chaitra of the RaktAkshi Paldal, which is evidently the old name of savatsara, which was the ninth year of Hadali itself. It then mentions a saint named the Chalukya-Vikramavarsha,-i.e. Saka 1006 Devasaktipandita, and his disciple Jna nasakti(A.D. 1084-5). pandita. And it then records some grants The inscription first praises the Four-hun- made by the latter to the god Gavareevara and dred-and-twenty Mahajanas of Pardalu or I for other purposes. Transcription." ['] Namasturga-siras-chumbi-chandra-chamara-charavo trailokya-nagar-4['] rambha-mulastambhiya ambhave || Mahadevaya namah [] Svasti Samastabhuvanasraya sriprithvivallabha maharajadhiraja paramdavaram parama [*] bhattarakam Satyasrayakulatilakam Chilakyabharanam srimat-Tribhuvanamalla devara ra[*] jyam-uttarottar - abhivsidhdhi(ddhi) - pravardhdha( rddha )manam=&-chandr-arkka - taram baram saluttam-ire | Srimach-Cha[deg] Inkya-Vikrama-varshada 9neya Raktakshi-samvatsarada Chaitra-su(su)dhdha(ddha)1 Soma varad-amdu [lo] Svasti Ya['] ma-niyama-svadhyaya-dhyana-dharana-mo(man)n-Anushthana(na)-japa-samadhi-si(61)la-887 pannar=appa [') nadi-samsidhdha(ddha)reggarud(t)ma-pratishthitar=amogha-varsha-pratipalaka-dvija - kula tilakar=seapta-sma-samsth-Aval'] bhrit(th)-ivagahana-pavitrikri(kli)ta-sarirar shat-karmma-niratar=atithi-abhyagata-visi(fi) shtajana-puj-otsa[") har=vvyavahira-Chaturmmukhar=ssa (esa) ran-agata-vajra-pamjarar-asrita-jana-kalpavrikshare dvatrimbat-sa[") hasra-samay-argghy-&rbarSri-Bhairava-rakshaniyareddushta-nigraha-visi(si)shta-pratipl lakar-appa [TM] srimat-Parddala nalnurirppadimbar || Saranyane kayar-ivar-ared-artthige vipra-kala pradipar-Livara[*] charanabja-bhrimgar=adhikarssale dharmmada Merugal=disantara-yakar-attamar-gguna-gao agraniga! Sara ["] sijajatanol-dorey=ene 18kadol=negalda Paldala sad-[d]vijar-brn krit-Artthar8 | Vara vod-agama-sastrada parina["] tiyo!-Ajange tame dore Padmabhava[n] dore tamage perarol-avano dore vipra-kalar pradiparo!=vasu["] matiyo! || | Yama-niyama-svadhyaya-dhyana-dharana-m(mau)n-Anushthana(na)-partyanara eppa [1] [] Salsa)ta-varsham tapadolu samtatam-isans padapadmamam pajisidar-kahiti-vale(la)yan pogale gun-A(6)[") nnatar-enisida Devasaktipandita-munipam || Tat(ch)-si(chhi)aya(shya)r || Bhuvanado! negalda Paldala Gavandsvarada("] li Sivane Kalamukhan=&gravatarisidan-int-emb-ante-vol-ildar=Nnya"Guk)nasakti panditadevar | Hara-chara["]na-saroruha-madhukarar-ina-sama-tojar-amala-charitrar-bhbha( bbha )sura-yati-hfit-padma Bardvara-hamsar-Nnya(jna)na ["] saktipanditaddvar || Serag=illadiva danadol-Aravinda-priya-tandjana wachitanadol Marutatmaja (*) r-emb-ivarol-dore pandita-pundarska-vana-marttandan || Vti | Smara-parita pamario toredan=aaramadim visha From Mr. Fleet's ink-impronion; revised by Mr. Fieet. * This instance is noteworthy, as showing the current pronunciation of jfl.

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MARCH, 1884.] AN OLD-CANARESE INSCRIPTION AT HADALI. ["] yagaellamath harisidan-emdu lokam=anitum nere kirttipad-int-i-ke vaktaranige soltu mukti [*] vadhag-di(dhi)pan-endode Nya(jna) nasaktidevara charitam char-acharadolam bagev-aga vichitram=elliyum || ["] Danamgal-olage vidya-danamum=ahara-danamum mel-emd-1 Nya(jna)-nasakti -bra(vra)timdram tan-eyde negartte["]vadedan-ivarim jagado! || || Srimad-agraharam Paldala nalnurirppadimbara kaiyyo! Nya(jna)nasakti ["] panditar dravya-purvvakadim sarvva-namasya (sya)m-agey-aring-isanyada sa (sa) trada keyyim paduvana pala ["] keyyam kondu Gavareevara-devargge bitta matta[r] 5 aydu || Mattam vidya-danakke Posagereya ba [] tteyim badaga maniya visakad-aydu mattar-Vvasugeya Ardhdha (rddha)narisvaradevara keyyim paduva 93 [*] sarvva-namasya(sya)m=agi kondu bitta mattar-nnalku || ||* Mattam=urim muda Kadirmmidiya [] batteya Buhana tomtadim temka sarvva-namasya (sya)m-age nadava pavina-tomtam matta[r] 1 || ["] Int-i dharmmamam nalnurirppadimbarum pratipalisuvar || Idan-alidam Varanasiyo[*]=sasira kavileyumam Kurukshetradol-sasirvva[r*] brahmanarumam Someevaradol-e["] kkoti-tapodhanaruman-alida maha-patakan-akku || || Samanyo-yam dharmma-setum(r)=nri(nri)panam kale kale ["] planiyo da(bha)vadbhih sarvvin-etin bhigi(vi)nah partthivmdra[n] bhuyo bhuyo yachate Ramabhadra[h*] || [] Sva-datt[*]m para-datt[*]m va yo hareti(ta) vasundhara[m*] shashti-rvva(va)rshasahasrani vishtayam jayate krimih || [""] Sriman-mahisandhi(mdhi)vigrahi dandanayakam Kalidasabhattar-aliyam kavita-mandharam kavi Talara-Karpp-ara [*] sam bareda || Vri ||* Janakam vipra-kul-ambara-dyamani-chamdram tay-sad-achara varttini Chamambike nirmmal-o ["] rjjita-yasam Sri-Kalidasam dhara-vinutam mavan-Umavaram sakala-lok-aradhyan= aradhyan-emdu nitam [*] tam dhare bannikum budha-samuhakk-arppa(ppa)nam vidhya (dya)dharam Kavojana barapa || ||* || Translation. Salutation to Sambhu, who is adorned with the moon resembling a chauri resting on his lofty forehead, and who is the foundation-pillar for the erection of the city of the three worlds! Salutation to Mahadeva! (L. 3.)-Hail! While the reign of the glorious Tribhuvanamalladeva,-the asylum of the whole world, the favourite of Sri and of the earth, the supreme king of great kings, the supreme lord, the most worshipful one, the glory of the family of Satyaaraya, the ornament of the Chalukyas,-was flourishing with perpetual increase, so as to endure as long as the sun and moon and stars might last: The a is lengthened by metrical license. It has to be scanned as if written Nyanaiakuti. Soma-samstha is the name of the fifth division of the Karppana[*]|| Vastu (L. 5.) In the ninth (year) of the glorious Chalukya-Vikramavarsha, being the Raktakshi samvatsara, on Monday the first day of the bright half of (the month) Chaitra : (L. 6.)-Hail! (There were) the Four-hundred-and-twenty (Mahajanas) of the glorious Parddalu, who were endowed with the qualities of yama, niyama, svadhyaya, dhyana, dharana, maun-unushthana, japa, and samadhi; who were eternal; who had established Garuda; who were ornaments of Brahman families which preserved fruitful showers of rain; whose bodies were purified by ablutions after the completion of the seven soma-samsthas"; who were intent upon the six observances; Jyotishtoma sacrifice. The seven soma-samsthus alluded to, are the Agnishtoma, Atyagnishtoma, Ukthya, Shodasin, Atiratra, Vajapeya and Aptoryama.

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94 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [MARCH, 1884. who delighted in honouring guests, strangers, and excellent people; who were like Chatur. mukha in the practical concerns of life; who were a cage of thunder-bolts to those who took refuge with them; who were like the kalpa-tree to their dependents; who deserved worship during thirty-two thousand ceremonies; who were protected by the holy Bhai. rava; who punished the wicked and protected the virtuous. How blessed are the good Brahmans of Paldalu, distinguished in the world as rivalling Sarasijajata; who protected the man who sought their aid ; who conferred favours on him who begged of them; who were the lights of Brahman families; who were bees on the lotus-like feet of Isvara ; who were excellent; who resembled mount Meru in devotion; whose fame spread to the ends of the world; who were good and great by reason of their numerous virtues. They alone were equal to Aja, on acount of their proficiency in the excellent Vedic lore and the Sdstras; and the Padmabhava was equal to them; who else in the world could rival these lights of Brahman families ? (L. 16.)-The sage Devasaktipandita, endow- ed with the qualities of yama, wiyama, suddh- yaya, dhyana, dharana, maun-anushthana, and exalted by virtues, performed austerities for a hundred years, and continually worshipped the lotus-like feet of faa to the admiration of the world. (L. 18.)-His disciple, Jnanasaktipanditadeva, has descended onto the earth, just as Siva himself appeared as KA!Amukha in the (temple of) Gayareavara of Paldalu, renowned in the world. Jnana aktipanditadeva was a bee on the lotus-like feet of Hara; he was as brilliant as the sun, of pure conduct, and a swan in the lake which was the lotus-like hearts of glorious ascetics. He was like Karna in boundless liberality, like Maruti in purity of conduct, and a very sun to scholars resembling a forest of lotuses. He easily vanquished the pangs of love, and subdued all the passions; and, thus praised by the world and captivated by the charms of consistent speech, he became the husband of the lady Emancipation. The life of Jninasaktideva in regard to things movable and immovable, was everywhere wonderful to contemplate. Of all gifts, the gift of education and the gift of food are the best; therefore Jnanasakti, the chief of ascetics, attained a high distinction in the world on account of these. Jnanasakti purchased with money, and allotted into the hands of the Fourhundred-and-twenty (Mahdjanas) of the glorious agrahara Padalu, as a sarranamasya-grant for the god Gavaresvara, five mattars of waste culturable land, to the west of the culturable land of the satra on the north-east of the village. Also, for the purpose of giving education, (he allotted) five mattars of maniyavisaka, to the north of the road to Posagere, and received and allotted as a sarvanamasyagrant, four mattars to the west of the field of the god Ardhanarisvara of Vasuge (or Hasuge). Also (he allotted) one mattar of flower-garien (land), to the south of the garden of Baha on the road leading to Kadirmidi and to the east of the village. The Four-hundred-andtwenty (Mahajanas) shall protect this act of religion ! (L. 33.)-He who destroys this, shall incur the great sin of having killed a thousand tawny-coloured cows at Varanasi or a thousand Brahmans at Kurukshetra, or a crore of ascetics at Somesvara ! "This bridge of religion is common to kings, and should be protected by you from time to time"; thus does Ramabhadra often entreat all future kings! He who approprintes land, whether given by himself or by another is born as a worm in ordure for sixty thousand years! (L. 37.)-The poet Talara-Karpparasa, -who wrote elegant verses, and who was the sonin-law of the glorious Mahasandhivigrahi, the Dandanayaka Kilidasabhatta, wrote (this). His father was Chandra, a very sun in the sky of a Brahman family; his mother was Chamambike, who acted virtuously; his father-in-law was Sri-Kalidasa, of pure and exalted fame, praised by the world, the god worshipped by him was Umivara, adored by the whole world ;-thus did the earth ever extol Karpe, the father of a group of learned men. The writing (is) of Kavoja, & very Vidyadhara in architecture. * Elksti is a corruption of ekka-koti; ekka is a Prakrit form of Ika, one."

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APRIL, 1884.) THE DATE OF SANKARACHARYA. THE DATE OF SANKARACHARYA. BY K. T. TELANG, M.A., LL.B. TN the very interesting and valuable appendix his information. But in a note to my trans1 on the chronology of ancient and medievallation of the Bhagavadgita in Prof. Max Muller's Sanskrit Literature, which Professor Max series of Sacred Books of the East, I had sugMuller has added to his recent lectures on India : gested it as probable that the source was the What it can teach as, that learned scholar has Aryavidyasudhaleara of the late lamented Yasaid that we are now in possession of the date jzesvara Sastri. The words of the stanza quoted of the birth of the great philosopher, Saukara- by that venerable scholar,'-whose recent death charya.' On looking into the authority to is an almost irreparable loss to us all-coincide which he refers for this information, we find very nearly with the words of the stanza as that it is derived from a stanza in a work, the published by Mr. Phitik. They are not, howage and author of which are not specified, and ever, quoted by Yajiosvara Sastri as from any the credibility of which, therefore, as a his- particular author, but as what is said by the torical or chronological authority, it is not easy amarrey:--those conversant with tradition. to determine.' It does appear, however, from This does not by any means enhance the weight what is said about the work by Mr. K. B. due to the stanza as a historical authority. Phatak, .who iutroduces it to public notice, that Yuji.esvara Sastri also quotes another stanza it must have been written some considerable from Bhatta Nilakantha's Sankaranandaratime after the age in which MadhvAcharya saurabha which gives the same date; but I am flourisbed-that is to say, some considerable unable to say whether that work was suffitime after the middle of the twelfth century ciently near in time to Sankaracharya to be A.D. Now the date of Saukaracharya, men worthy of acceptance as an authority of much tioned in this stanza being 788 A.D., I own weight. that I am not at all prepared to accept the Now, these stanzas may, perhaps, be provi. testimony of a work belonging, at the earliest, sionally accepted as useful evidence, in default to about the end of the twelfth century, as of all other, but even thus they must be anything like conclusive on the point. We received with caution, until we are in posseshave no means of finding out, or of forming sion of their credentials, and then their value an opinion upon, the value of the materials must be judged of from the character of such from which the date was ascertained. And credentials. The necessity of caution is illuisthree hundred and fifty years is too long an trated by the history of this very question interval to permit us to dispense with an exami- of the age of Saukaracharya. In the Indian nation of those materials. Antiquary, vol. VII, p. 282, we have an extract In a note on Mr. Phatak's essay which from the Keralitpatti' which yields 400 A.D., appeared in the Indian Antiquary, from the as the year of Sankara's birth. It also states pen of its editor, it was pointed out that the that Saukara died when he was 38 years of age, date yielded by the stanza in question had while Mr. Phatak's stanzas state his age to have already been mentioned by Prof. Tiele in his been then only 32, and on this circumstance is History of Ancient Religions, published in 1877. based a story which is recorded in Midhava's The editor, apparently, was not aware of the Sankaravijaya. Which of these two statements source from which Professor Tiele had derived are we to accept ? On what historical grounds Vide pp. 354-360. * P. 226. * See Indian Antiquary, vol. XI, p. 174. * For an estimate of the Keralatpatti see Mr. Sewell's See Yajnesvars Sestri's Ary vidyisudhakara, p. 226; Sketch of the Dynasties of Southern India, p. 57. GopAlicherya KarhAdkar's Bhagavutabhdshana, P.3, and See canto vii, stanza 53. Conf. Anandagiri, pp. 282-3. Conf. Barth's Religions of India, p. 195; Burnellia South The editor of the Indiin Anliquary, in the note above Indian Palcography, p. 42. cited (vol. XI, p. 263), suggests that 32 years may have * It is due to Mr. Phitak to state that he does not put been the duration of Sarkara's active life. And Prof. Max forward on behalf of tha stanza in question any claim so Muller suggests that he was in his 32nd year when he high as Professor Max Muller seems to have done. became a Sany's. These are very fair suggestions for See vol. XI, p. 263 a historical interpretation of the story. But the story * See p. 27. M. Barth refers to Weber's Indirche itself is plainly that Sai kara's whole natural life extended Studien, vol. XIV, p. 373, but the data there given is to only 83 seara, 16 of which he got spacially by Vyasa's Avowedly taken from the Aryuvidyasudhahari. favour. See Midhava, loc. cit.

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96 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (APRIL, 1884. is the testimony of such a work as the Kera- of the 8th century A.D." If that evidence Idtpatti to be rejected in favour of such stanzas can be accepted, it follows that the anthor as we have referred to ? I will not dwell on of the passage above set out must have flourishother traditions, or even on those, and they are led before 756 A.D., and if so, it further folnot few, which bear upon the date of Saukara- lows that he cannot have been born in 788 A.D., charya. But I shall now proceed to show as we are told in the stanzas above alluded to. some specific grounds for rejecting the evidence But the evidence available on the date of of the stanze relied on by Prof. Max Muller. Sankaracharya does not rest here. In the And, first, in the Bhashya of Sankaracharya Bhashya on the same sutra we read :-(I again on Vedanta Sutra II, 1, 17, we read as follows: drop the portions not material to this inquiry.) (I omit the portions which are not material for satohi dvayoH saMbaMdhaH saMbhavati na sadasatorasatorvA / our present purpose) af 2 7: ga feftu- TUTTET 16 Tre Traffa HATTEUTmAnastadahareva pATaliputre saMnidhIyate yugapadakatra vRttA | manupapannam / satAM hi loke kSetragRhAdInAM maryAdA banekatraprasaMgAdevadattayajJadattayoriva nunapATaliputranivA- dRSTA nAbhAvasya / nahi vaMdhyAputro rAjA babhUva mAkpUrNaferit: which may be thus freely rendered into varmagomiSekAdityevaMjAtIyakena maryAdAkaraNena nirupAEnglish: "For Dovadatta cannot be at Srughna, khyo vaMdhyAputro rAjA babhUva bhavati bhaviSyati iti vA and on the same day at Patalipatra, because for simultaneous existence in more than one place, fargas11 the things themselves must be more than one, This may be thus rendered :-"For there as Davadatta and Yajziadatta residing at Sru. can be a relation predicated between two real ghna and Pataliputra." things, not between two anreal things, or beNow it seems safe to infer from this passage, tween one real and one unreal thing and that both Sraghna and Pataliputra must have non-entity being an unreal thing, a limit such been in existence at the time when it was as is indicated in the words, 'before creation,' written. The gist of the argument is plainly cannot with propriety be stated regarding it. in the distance of the two places named being For, in practical life, we see limits of real things, sach that a man who is in one of them on one such as fields and houses, not of non-entity. day cannot on the same day be also in the Thus we cannot predicate of that unreal thing other. And such a distance could not be predi- -the son of a barren woman-that he was, is, cated of any two places like these, unless or will be king, with such a limit as this-viz, both of them were real existing places at the son of barren woman was king before the time." Now the evidence has been indicated coronation of Purnavarma." above, which shows that Patalipatra was de- It is not necessary for our purpose to further stroyed by & river inundation about the middle explain Sankara's argument. It is enough to 10 8eo inter alia Barth's Religions of India, p. 89 note, 11 See Canningham's Arch. Sury. Report, vol. VIII, and noo also the K vicharitra, pp. 6 and 7. One of the Pp. xiii, 204. ; vol. XI, P. 154ff.; J. R. A. 8., vol. VI, p. dates there given (p. 6) is statad to have been dedaood 559; J. A. 8. B. vol. XVII, p. 85. But see, too, Indian by the Inte Dr. Bhau DAJl from a stanza like those refer Antiquary, vol. XI, p. 19, where the original packago is red to but not at all go explicit. differently rendered. The discrepancy is vital on this " See also siririka Bhashya (Bibl. Ind. ed.) p. 1093, point, but though the papor in the Antiquary professor where Sraghna, PAtaliputra, and Mathuri are mentioned generally to be a reprint of that in the Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bongal, no explanation is given of this together. This lends some support to the argument in the discrepancy. It is to be hoped that this matter will be text. It may, of course, be suggestad (Conf. Ind. Ant. vol. IV, p. 945) that these may have been merely conventional cleared up before long by experts. For the view op examples, as Sraghna, Mathura, and Pitaliputra are posed to that stated in the text, reference may also be all referred to in various places in Patanjali's Mihabhi. made to Dowson and Elliot's Hist., vol. I, p. 58, andshya, for instance, and at least once in a similar context. for what it is worth-to Eggeling's Ganaratnamah dadhi Conf. Mahabhashya, as quoted by Professor Weber, Ind. Part I, pp. 7, 89. As to Srughna, see Canningham's Arch. Ant., vol. VI, p. 353. But in the first place, the example Surv. Report, vol. I, p. 162; vol. II, p. 226; his Ancient Geo graphy, pp. 345, 452, and the map appended thereto; and as given by Sarkara, is adapted to the requirements of his Barhut stapa, pp. 8, and 15. From the first of the particular argument, not merely repeated verbatim from Paesagos oited, it would appear that even in Hiuen Patanjali: secondly, the examples in Patanjali balong to Triang's time Sraghna was in ruins, though the founde period when Patalinutra was still in existence (conf. tions were still solid. As to Mathuri, mentioned in us to this Professor BhAndarkar's view in Indian Anti the passage referred to in the note, see Beal's Fa-hian, qwry, vol. I, p. 311); while after 756 A.D., according to P. 53; Cunningham's Geography, P. 373; J. B. 4. 8. vol. the evidence referred to, the illustration, even if & XVII, p. 120. (For Srughna, see also P ini, I, 8, % conventional one, would have czased to illustrato any. II, 1, 24,8 ch., IV, 3, 25 and 88: Vardha Mihira, Brth. thing in such an argument as Sarkara's, and therefore Sanh. XVI, 21; Hall's Vasavadati, int. p. 51; and Beal's would scarcely have been employed in the context wo Buddh. Records of the West. World, vol. I, p. 186.--kid. havo bere. 13 P. 53 (Bibl. Ind., ed.) II.A.)

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APRIL, 1884.) THE DATE OF BANKARACHABYA. 97 say that the parallel he draws is between two propositions, which may be thus conveniently expressed-(a), before Purnavarma's coronation, & son of a barren woman was king; and, (b), before creation non-entity was in existence. Now in this passage, it seems impossible to avoid the inference, that Parnavarma here is not an ordinary Devadatta or Caius, but a real personage, and a king. And if we go through the various lists of kings with names ending in Varma, which we have from still extant records' through the long lists of the Kadambas of Vanavasi, the Pallaves of Vengipura, the Chandels of Mahaba, the Mau. kharis of Magadha, the Utpalas of Kasmir, and other kings of such names in other dynasties, all aggregating upwards of sixty kings, we find the name Parnavarma only twice. Of these one Parnavarma is met with in two inscriptions at Java. The discoverer of the inscriptions suggests, that this Parnavarma must be either identical with the other Pornavarma or must have been so named after him." But however that may be, I think that this Javanese Parna- varmi is not in the least likely to have been alluded to by Sankaracharya. There is then, only ono PArnavarma to whom we can apply the allusion under consideration, and this is the king of that name mentioned by HinenTsiang. He was a king of Western Magadha, and as we learn from Madhavacharya's book that Sankara was at Baniras just before and immediately after he actually wrote his Bha- shya, having merely retired to the quiet of Badari to write it out,"-we thus obtain a probable explanation of this reference to Parnavarml, which supports the identification suggested. It is true that the Sankaradigvijaya which has been fathered upon Anandagiri, seems to speak of the Bhdshya as having been written by Saukara before he left the south." But the departure from the south there spoken of is the departure on his great intellectual cam. paign, while Madhava in the passage referred to, speaks of a visit to Baneras before that campaign was commenced or thought of The account given by the peendo-Anandagiri," therefore, is not necessarily inconsistent with that of Madhava. M. Barth, too, in his recent work on Indian Religions, seems to be disposed to 'hold that Sankara wrote his Bhdshya in the south, but he adduces no specifio reasons for his opinion. And on such a point as this, I am quite content to follow the guidance of Madhar va's book, more especially because of two corroborative circumstances. In the first place, Banaras has always held the position of the centre of religions and literary activity in this country, from the time of Buddha," down to our own day. And, secondly, while Sankara's works contain, so far as I have looked into them, no allusions suggestive of Associations with men or things of the south, the passages above cited refer to places to the north of the Vindhyas." These circumstances though not perhaps, of much weight in themselves, are of some use as corroborating the statement of Madhava, which is in itaelf entirely free from any taint of improbability." Thus far, therefore, we have reached the conclusion that Sankaricharya's Bhdshya was written after the coronation of Parnavarma, who was a king of the province where the Bhashya was projected and first published. Can we fairly draw any further conclusion from the materials before us? Without blinking the fact that we are now getting upon somewhat debateable Seo Ind. Ant. vol. II, p. 152; yol. X, p. 249; vol. XII, p. 163; vol. II, p. 84: Yol. XI, p. 889, Cunningham's Arch. Suru. Report, vol. V, 448Prinsep'. U.T. (Thomas, od.), vol. II, p. 245; Canningham's Arch. Surv. Reporta, vol. XV, pp. 164-8; see, too, Sewell's 8. Indian Dynasties, p. 43; Max Maner's India: What it can teach w, p. 28an; Ind. Ant., vol. XI, p. 118; Prinsop'. U. T., pp. 251,969; J. A. 8. B., vol. XXXII, pp. 164, 158; Vol. XLVII, p. 76 ; vol. XLVIII, p. 289; Burgess's Arch. Burt. Report, VOL III, P. 100 (citing Ind. Ant., vol. VI, p. 148) Barnell, South Indian Palaography (2nd ed.), pp. 86, 58n; Bewall, Lists of Antiquitis of Madras, pp. 7, 18, 15, 27; J. R. A. 8. vol. XX, p. 453; J. B. B.R. 2.8. vol. I p. 368. Bome of the reference here given contain the mamo lists of princes, but it has been thought desirable, on such point as this, to give all the references ao blo, except where only single kings are named. Ind. ant., vol. IV, pp. 8567, Dr. Burnell's South Pellagraph. 101, delires the sum of the JATA Parga varmA from the Pallars kings. I do not, however, understand him to contend that the Japanese was identical with any Pallars of that name, but only that the name ending in Varmd was an imitation of the 1 names of the kings by whose subjecta Jara wus colo nised. Sed on this subject, Dr. Verguson's view, which is somewhat different, at Indians and East. Architecture, Pp. 81. 108. *SCunningham, Arch. Suru. Report, vol. I, p. 7, vol. III, p. 185. 11 Canto VI, st. 56. P. 19. * Ind. Ant. vol. VI, p. 387. P. 18. # See Cunningham's Ancient Geography, p. 187 Jour nal Ceylon Asiatic Society (1845), P. 13; And Conf. J. 4.8. Beng., vol. XXXIV, p. ; Mar Miller's Chipe, vol. 1 Soo slao Bhdekya on Brihadirangaika Upanishad, Pp. 719, 901, among other page. Conf. Ind. ant., rol vu, p. 988 P. 215.

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98 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. ground, for myself I think, on the materials before us, we can conclude that Sankaracharya and Purnavarma were contemporaries, that at least the first chapter of the Bhashya was written before Purnavarma's death. Firstly, I should deduce that conclusion from the mere mention of Purnavarma itself; there being no reason why a king who had ceased to reign should be preferred to one who was actually reigning. Secondly, for the purposes of such an illustration as that which Sankara gives, there was a positive reason for naming a living king as the least likely to be regarded as a 464, or unreal, among a people deficient in the historic sense. And, thirdly, there was strong reason why Purnavarma should not have been specially selected for such an illustration, if he was not a contemporary reigning sovereign, because whereas Sankaracharya was a Brahmans, and intellectually an opponent of Buddhism, all we know of Purnavarma is that he signalized himself by an act of very pronounced and unmistakeable activity in support of a most important Buddhist institution, namely, the celebrated Bodhi Tree of Buddha Gaya-and this, be it remembered, after an attempt had been made by a contemporary Brahmanical king to destroy it. It seems to me that the probabilities are all against a Brahmanical writer alluding by preference, even for purposes of mere illustration, to such a Buddhistic king, unless there was some connection of some sort between them. Such a connection we find, I think, if we assume that the Buddhist king was the sovereign reigning at the time when the Brahmanical writer flourished, and in the province where he lived. If this argument be correct, it follows that Saukara. charya flourished in the reign of king Parnavarma of Magadha. 34 Now Hiuen Tsiang's visit to this country extended from 629 to 645 A.D., of which he See Siriraka Bhishya, p. 581, a passage which (as also Bthadiranya a Upanishad,, p. 404), should be added to those referred to in the note Ind. Ant., vol. V, p. 289. as Cunningham. Arch. Surv. Report, vol. III, p. 80; see, too, Dr. Rajendralil Mitra's Buddha Gaya, pp. 97, 99, 240. Dr. Rajendralal's dates agree with those originally suggested by General Cunningham. 38 The Brahmanical king is not named, but referred to meraly as the Gauda king in the Harshacharita, p. 54; Hiuen Tsiang calls him Saskoks. In his Introduction to the Kadambart (p. 73), Professor Peterson identifies him with Sahasinka, sed quare. As to Sahasanka, see inter alia, Hall's Vasavaditto, p. 18. [APRIL,, 1884. spent two years, 637-638, in Magadha" where Parnavarma reigned, and where the Bodhitree grew. He speaks of Purnavarma as having been the last of the descendants of Asoka, and does not appear to have made any effort to see either him or any one of his successors." I am disposed, from these facts, to infer, that Purnavarma had ceased to reign before Hiuen Tsiang heard of him. And as this must have occurred not later than about 637-638, it may be inferred that Purnavarma must have lived somewhere about the latter end of the sixth century A.D. General Canningham, in his Archaeological Survey Report for 1871-2, places Parnavarma about 590 A.D." Bat in his Report for 1879-80, he brings the date down to 630 A.D., and adds this observation:-"Parnavarma's date is taken from the Chinese Pilgrim, Hiuen Tsiang." I confess I cannot follow this reasoning. To my mind, it would be a most extraordinary circumstance for Hiuen Tsiang to have failed to visit Parnavarma, and to keep a record of the visit, if Purnavarmi was living when Hiuen Tsiang was in the country. And as he makes no allusion whatever to any such visit, and describes Purnavarma as the last of Asoka's descendants," I infer from this, that Parnavarma had been long dead, and that his kingdom had assumed a quite sabordinate position under some more powerful sovereign. On these grounds I am disposed to support General Cunningham's first date as likely to be nearer the truth than his last. We must, however, for a final settlement of this question, await those further materials which, in 1873, General Cunningham hoped to collect touching the history of the Varmas, the Guptas, and the Palas. Another mode of fixing the date of Purnavarma is to ascertain the date of Sasinka," the king of Karnasuvarna, who endeavoured to 27 Cunningham's Geography, p. 565. Cunningham's Arch. Surv. Ieport, vol. III, p. 135. 1 Ibid. see also vol. I, p. 5. 30 Arch. Surv. Report, vol. XV, p. 166. 31 General Cunningham, vol. 111, p. 135, rejects this statement on grounds the validity of which remains to be testad. If it is a mistake, it is a very strange one for Hinen-Tsiang to have committed. If Puraavarm was not the last of Asoka's descendants, Hiuen Tsiang would probably have visited his successor and said something of him either in praise or censure. 33 Arch. Surv. Report, vol. III, p. 136. 33 lbid. As to Karnasuvarna, see J. A. S. B. vol. XVII, p. 43; J. R. A. S. vol. XVII, p. 123; Boal's Buddh. Reo. of the West. World, vol. II, p. 201.-ED. I. A.

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THE DATE OF SANKARACHARYA. APRIL, 1884.] destroy the great Bodhi tree at Buddha Gaya, which Parnavarma successfully reinvigorated. Now this Sasanka was identical with the Sasanka," who, according to Hiuen Tsiang, treacherously murdered Rajyavardhana," the elder brother of Harshavardhana Siladitya. Dr. Fergusson places Rajyavardhana and his father, Prabhakaravardhana, between 580 and 610 A.D. But Professor Max Muller brings down both those kings to the period between 600 and 610 A.D." According to these dates Sasanka must, in all probability, have been still living about 605 A.D. If Hiuen Tsiang's account of Sasanka's treachery is true, and Bana as pointed out in the note below, corroborates that account, it is not likely that he would attempt the destruction of the Bodhi tree, after having set a neighbouring province against himself by murdering its sovereign, who, even in Sasanka's own estimation, was "a wise king." "Therefore, Parnavarma's reinvigoration of the Bodhi tree probably took place about the beginning of the seventh century A.D., if Professor Max Muller is right, and some time in the end of the sixth century, if Dr. Fergusson is right. However that may be, it is not worth while to go very deep into the question of these dates at present. My friend, Mr. P. M. Mehta, has been kind enough to help me in understanding various passages in Hiuen Tsiang, which bear upon. the question, and on the date of the accession of Harshavardhana, which, I thought, was placed some five or ten years too late by both Dr. Fergusson and Professor Max Muller." I cannot, however, discuss these questions on 3 Conf. Muller: India: What it can teach us, p. 287. 35 Ind. Ant., vol. VII, p. 197. The account in the Harshacharita agrees with this, see p. 154. But Prof. Muller speaks of Rajyavardhana as having been "defeated and killed," by Sasanka (India, &c. p. 287). [See Beal's Buddh. Rec. of West. Count. vol. I, p. 210.ED. I. 4.]. 26 J. R. A. 8. (N. 8.) vol. IV, p. 85. 37 India: What it can teach us, pp. 289-90. Professor Max Muller's view is based to a considerable extent on the date of the battle of Korur being 544 A.D. But Dr. Fergusson seems inclined to place that date about 20 years earlier, see his Saka and other eras, p. 18, an essay first separately printed; (the references in this paper are to that edition) but since published in the Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, (N. 8.), vol. XII. I find, too, from Dr. Burgess's Arch. Surv. Report, vol. III, p. 28, that M. Reinaud placed Harshavardhana's accession in 607 A.D. Conf. also Yule's Cathay, vol. I, p. Ixix. 38 See Ind. Ant., vol. VII, p. 197. In Dr. Burgess's Arch. Surv. Report, vol. III, p. 27, Saidika is represented as jealous of Rajyavardhana for the latter's military valour. 99 such materials, and five or ten years earlier or later involves too small a difference to be important for my present purpose. I am content, therefore, to accept the beginning of the seventh century A.D., as a period down to which we can trace Parnavarma as reigning in Magadha, and that is about the time, therefore, when Sankaracharya must have composed his great Sariraka Bhashya. There is another line of investigation which leads us to a date so near this, that in spite of certain circumstances which tend to discredit our guides, I think it desirable to make a brief reference to it. In the Tamil Chronicle entitled Kongudesarajaka!, in the Mackenzie Collection, there is a statement that Sankaracharya converted to Saivism a king named Tiruvikramadeva, Chakravarti I. In 1848, Professor Dowson, commenting on this statement, put forward a suggestion that it was incorrect in mentioning Tiruvikrama I, instead of Tiruvikrama II. And by calculating backwards from the last king mentioned in the Chronicle, on an average duration of the reigns, Professor Dowson came to the conclusion that Tiruvikrama I, lived in the 6th and Tiruvikrama II in the 8th century A.D. It will be perceived, that if the statement in the Chronicle and Professor Dowson's calculations can be accepted, the conclusion reached is in very fair agreement with that which we have been led to on other and independent data. But in 1874, Professor Bhandarkar took up the subject, and in the light of information derived from certain copperplates then recently discovered, came to the conclusion, that "if the king con 39 My doubt is based on this, that the activity of Harshavardhana (described at Ind. Ant., vol. VII, p. 198), implies a longer duration than 30 years. Dr. Burnell, (8. Ind. Paleography, p. 18), places the commencement of the reign of Pulakesi II at 610 A.D., but puts the defeat of Harshavardhana by him near the end of the 6th or the beginning of the 7th century. General Cunningham gives the same date as M. Reinaud in his Ancient Geography, p. 378, and J. A. S. B. vol. III, p. 231. But see, too, J. A. 8. B. vol. XVII, p. 38, for the General's former opinion. General Cunningham's date, the beginning of the seventh century, for Sasanka's discreditable part in the affair of the Bodhi tree (see Ancient Geography, p. 509; Arch. Surv. Report, III, p. 80), seems to be inferential only, and not, as I thought at first, based on an explicit statement of Hinen Teiang's. See Journ. Roy. 48. Soc., N. S., vol. VI, p. 248, where the date is indicated thus-" 605 P** This was mentioned long ago in Cavelly Venkata Bamasyami's Deccan Poets, and in the Kavicharitra, probably following this, see p. 7. 1 J. R. A. 8., vol. VIII, pp. 8, 16, 17.

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100 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [APRIL, 1884. verted to the Saiva faith was Tiruvikrama I, without an examination of the reasons on Sankaracharya must have flourished in the which it is based. And these reasons Dr. fourth century, and if it was Tiruvikrama II in Burnell has not adduced. Turning next to the sixth century." Professor Bhandarkar fur- the second part of Dr. Burnell's remark, we ther pointed out that the latter date, that is, find him saying that the statement is "nearly the date in the sixth century, viz., 526 A.D. correct," that Sankaracharys lived during "curiously enough, agrees with that given in the reign of a king who flourished, according the Chronicle, while the former does not." to him, between 652 and 680 A.D. For an Therefore, if we adopt the dates yielded by the explanation of this remark, we must look to copper-plato on which Professor Bhandarkar's Dr. Burnell's Preface to the Samavidhdna calcolation is based, then Professor Dowson's Brahmana, where he says. with reference to suggestion leads us to very nearly the same Kumarila Bhatta :-"That he lived about date for Sankaracharya, as we have ourselves 650-700, I think there can in future be arrived at. But now come the circumstances no doubt." From this, of course, Sankara's to which we have alluded above, as presenting date is easily deduced, as, according to our some difficulty in the way of accepting this con- native traditions, Sankara was an eye-witness clusion, in the present condition of our knowledge of Kumarila Bhatta's self-immolation."" Now of these matters. Dr. Burnell, in his Elements this date of Kumarila, about which "there can of South Indian Palaeography, says the king in future be no doubt" is arrived at, it must be mentioned in the Kongudosarajakal, as having remembered, on the authority of a work written been converted by Sankaracharya, is a king of as late as 1608 by & writer who was at that the Chalukya dynasty." In giving the family time about 30 years of age." And I am unable line of that dynasty, Dr. Burnell has this note to accept implicitly the very positive conclusion on the name of Vikramaditya, the son of the of Dr. Burnell, having regard to the fact that famous Satyasraya Pulakosi II, who was a it is based on a statement made in 1608, about contemporary of Hiuen Tsiang :-"According | an event which, according to the statement to the Konguedo sarajaka!, Sankaracharya lived itself, took place nearly a thousand years during this reign, a statement nearly correct." before that time. Leaving aside this initial Now, with reference to the first part of this difficulty, when we come to look into the de. remark, it strikes me as strange, that Dr. tailed reasons set forth by Dr. Burnell for his Burnell should have dealt with the subject conclusion, we find further difficulties. Acof it so summarily, when we have the state- cording to the Tibetan sources on which he ment of Professor Dowson (who was the first relies, Kumarila lived at the same time with to give a full account of the Kongudesardjaka!), Dharmakirti, who flourished in the reign of that the king referred to was-not one of the Srong-tsan-gam-po, which extended from 629 Chalukyas, but one of the so-called Chera or to 658 A.D. On this Dr. Burnell proceeds to Ganga kings. Of course, it is not contended, argue, that as Hiuen Tsiang who left India that Professor Dowson must needs be right, in 645 A.D. does not mention Kumarila, -"the but it is plain that Dr. Burnell's statement great and dangerous Brahmap enemy of th cannot be accepted against Professor Dowson's, Buddhists"-Kumkrila cannot have lived beJ. Bom. Br. R. A. 8., vol. X, p. 89. 604. Anandagiri's Sankaravijaya, p. 386. Dr. Burnell 45 For an unfavourable estimate of the Chroniolo. neo Burnell, South Indian Palaeography, p. 38. At p. 86, expressly places Sarkars about 650 to 700 A.D. South Indian Palaeography, P. 87, and about 700 A.D., p. 111. Dr. Burnell brands Cavelly Venkata Rimasymi's book M" ridionlous book." The former date is adopted by Mr. Sewell, Lists of Antiquities in Madras, p. 177. - See p. 18, (and ed). I onght to mention here, that Rince these observations were written, I have seen Mr. * See Mar Muller, India : What it can teach us, p. 303, Taylor's remarks in the Madras Jour, of Liter, and where Professor Max Moller gives his own estimate of Taranatha's work; see also toid. p. 308, where he speaks Science, vol XIV. It seems from them (see pp. 14 and of Dr. Burnell as having had great faith in Tiranatha's 88), that the supposed reference to Sankardoharya may History of Indian Buddhism ; (see his Aindra Grambe based on a mistake. In any case it becomes plain marians, pp. 5, 6) sna Conf. Jour. R.A. 8. (N. S.), vol. VI, that the inferences from the Kongud/farajdkal, both by P. 254. The portion of the work which relates to the Professor Dowson and Dr. Burnell, cannot as yet be point here discussed appears in the Ind. Ant., vol. IV, relied on ; noe too, Sewell's Dynasties of Southern India, p. 865. It seems to place Bankara before Kumbrils, and " See J.R. 4.8. vol. VIII, p. 8; and Ind. Ant., vol. I, distinguishes between Kumirila and Bhatta, whom it P. 862. Gulls dinciple of Sankara. This is not a narrative *** See MAdhara's Sarkaravijaya, canto VII, sanes which can be implicitly accepted as an authority. P. 30. See p. vi.

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APRIL, 1884.) THE DATE OF SANKARACHARYA. 101 fore 645 A.D." Now, it is easy to see, that in rated," and from which the date of Sankarareasonings based on such grounds, a mistake to charya was deduced. In view of the circumthe extent of a whole century might occur, even stances alluded to already, it is hardly desirable although the positive dates were well settled. to enter here on a consideration of the point This becomes obvious, if we substitute Nana raised by Mr. Fleet. Whether that concluPhadanavis for Kumarila, Lord Lyndhurst for sion" be right or wrong, it is plain that while Dharmakirti, and Queen Victoria for Srong. a doubt is raised, by & .competent authority tsan-gam-po, in the above argument. Such a like Mr. Fleet, as to the genuineness of these substitution can be made very fairly, yet if documents, it is impossible to accept any we follow Dr. Barnell's line of argument, we deduction based on them as satisfactory. And come to the mistaken conclusion that Nana this must be so, even though the deductions Phadanavis (who really died in 1800) livedbe in agreement with the conclusions arrived in the last quarter of the nineteenth century. at from other and independent data. And the mistake would become greater, in I have elsewhere pointed out that Madhava's proportion to the future duration of the reign Sankaravijaya mentions Bana, Mayura, and under which we now live. I say nothing here Dandi, as contemporaries of Sankaracharya." regarding the second branch of Dr. Burnell's That statement and the conclusion which has argument. But if allowance is made for the been reached in this paper harmonize with and liability to error in the calculation above set corroborate each other. Dandi is placed by Proforth, I think the circumstance noted by Dr. fessors Weber, Buhler, and Max Muller, in the Burnell may really be regarded, not as contra- sixth centary A.D." Bana and Mayura, we dictory, but as corroborative, of the conclusion know to have lived in the beginning of the we have reached, namely, that Sankaracharya seventh century A.D., and part of their careers and Kumarila lived about the latter half of the may have fallen in the latter part of the sixth sixth century of the Christian ere. While, century. These dates and our date for Sankatherefore, Dr. Burnell's remarks throw doubt racharya would thus seem to be capable of on the validity of the argument based on being harmonized pretty fairly, if we refer Sankaracharya's relations with the Chera king, all these famous men-Bana and Mayors, Tiruvikramadeva; and while too, they cannot Dandi and Sankara to the latter half of the be regarded as correct, in so far as they are sixth century A.D. Let us here do what used to support the positive conclusion which Professor Max Muller very properly asks us he has drawn; they may fairly be used in to do- as much as possible diyest ourselves support of the conclusion we have here arrived of the idea that Hindu writers always wish to at. impose upon us, and to make everything as old The second circumstance alluded to above as possible." And let us consider that, while, has the effect of strengthening our misgivings on the one hand, there can be no object in abont the soundness of the argument based on untruly representing Sankaracharya as having the Kongudesar ajdka!. Mr. Fleet denounces vanquished such writers as Bana, Mayora, as forgeries, the copper-plates by which the and Dandi in philosophic controversy ; on the Kongudesarajaka! was supposed to be corrobo- other, the contemporaneous existence of these - This is on the assumption that the story of the perneontion by Kumarila is true. I have long distrusted the story: see some further remarks on it infra. I know of no earlier mention of it than Madhava's book (where, however, the Jainas are mentioned as the victims of the persecution), and what calls itself Anandagiri's Sankara. vijaya, p. 285. 60 See Mr. Fleet's essay on Kanarese Dynasties, p. 11, from which an extract bearing upon this point is reprinted at Ind. Ant. vol. XII, p. 111ff. - Conf. Professor Eggeling's hay on the Cheras and Chalukyas, read before the Oriental Congress held in London (see Trubner's compilation) and Indian Antiquary, vol. III, p. 152. Conf. Burnell's 8. Indian Palaeography, p. 84. " Ind. Ant., vol. I, p. 299. "Bee Ind. Ant., vol. III, p. 82 ; and India : What it can teach w, p. 814, also, pp. 892, 358. Professor Wilson placed him some four or five centuries later. "As Bana, writing what he calls a Harshacharita, does not carry his history beyond the very early years of Harsha's reign, may it be inferred that he died while Harshe was still on the throne, and, in fact, when only few years of his reign had prased away P See, however, and consider the bearing on this point of the passage quoted by Peterson in his Introduction to the Kadambart, p. 55. 0 India: What it can teach 18, p. 856. Dr. Buhler, J. Bom, Br. R. 4.8., vol XI, p. 283, was disposed entirely to reject Madhava's book on all questions of chronology. I venture to think that the conclusion arrived at in the prenent paper shows how much safer in Professor Max Moller's principle. Conf. Peterson's Kadambart, p. 58.

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102 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. TAPRIL. 1884. writers with Sankara is deducible from other and independent arguments. I think if we do this, we may accept the reconciliation of the various statements here proposed. And this is not reasoning in a circle, for we have here two results from two independent sets of data. These two harmonize pretty well, and they may therefore be legitimately regarded as supporting one another. Madhava also mentions Sri Harsha, the author of the Khandana, as having been convert- ed by Saikaracharya to his own views." This statement, if we accept the date proposed for the author of the Naishadhiya by Dr. Buhler," is entirely irreconcilable with every one of the dates which has been assigned to Sankaracharya. If Dr. Buhler's view be correct, we must seek for some explanation of the state ment in question. The only explanation that occurs to me is, that the Sri Harsha, with whose name the original tradition connected the name of Sankaracharya, may have been king Harshavardhana SilAditya, the contemporary of Bapa and Mayura ; that, subsequently, that tradition was misunderstood as applying to the later Sri Harsha, the author of the Naishadhiya, and also of the philosophical treatise Khandanalhandakhadya ; and that in consequence, the original tradition regarding the two having flourished at one time received subsequent accretions, and was improved upon, since the admirers of Sankaracharya could not think of any philosopher as a contemporary of Savkara, without imagining at once a controversy between them with a resulting victory in favour of their hero. The misunderstanding I suggest was, I think, a likely event, as the later Sri Harsha was a writer on philosophical topics. And the rest of the suggestion seems to me to be in accord with our ordinary experiences of the history of oral tradition. In conclusion, I have recently heard from Professor R. G. Bhandarkar that he has arrived at pretty much the same date as is here put forward, on entirely independent grounds. His 51 sankaravijaya, canto XV, stanza 157; and see with reference to this Ind. Ant., vol. I, p. 299 ; also as bearing indirectly upon it, vol. III, p. 81. 55 J. Bom. Br. K. A. N. vol. X, P. 80; and vol. XI, D. 280 et seq. I cannot as yet wooopt Dr. Buhler's view. though I admit his arguments are entitled to much weight. See also on the age of Sri Haraha, J. A. 8. B., vol. XXXIII, p. 827, where Dr. Rajendrall suggests A date earlier than Dr. Buhler's on quite independent evidence. "J. R. A. 8. (N. S.) vol. XII, p. 355. argument will necessarily involve a modification of the remark of Dr. Burnell, with reference to the statement of the Kongude sardjaka!. But -as Professor Bhandarkar's view will be published soon, it is not desirable that I should say more than that it gives me great pleasure to think that the conclusions of this note will receive such valuable corroboration. Since writing the above, a corroboration of the conclusion here arrived at has turned up in an item of the literary history of China, for which we are indebted to the Rev. S. Beal. We learn from Mr. Beals that "during the Ch'en dynasty, which ruled from 557 to 583 A D.," in China, the Bhashya of Gaudapada on the Sankhya Karika of Isvaraksishna, was translated from Sanskrit into Chinese. Now this Gauda pada is stated by Colebrooke to be "the celebrated scholiast on the Upanishads of the Vedas, and preceptor of Govinda, who was preceptor of Sankaracharya,"60 not "preceptor of Sankaracharya" himself, as Mr. Beal pats it by an oversight. And in the Bhushya of Sankaracharya on the Mandukya Upanishad, which also embraces a Bhashya on the Karikas of Gauda pada to that Upanishad, Sankara makes his obeisance to his paramaguru, who is pUjyAbhipUjyareferring thus to Gandapada, the teacher of Govinda Yati. Now it seems to be scarcely likely that the Chinese translator would translate a work by an author then living. We must therefore allow for the time which must have elapsed between the death of Gandapada and the translation which may have been made, say, about 570 A.D. At that time, pro. bably, if Govinda Yati, too, was not already dead, he must have been giving lessons to his distinguished pupil, Sankaracharya. And on a liberal calculation, I do not think that we can bring down the date of Sankaracharya, to any period subsequent to, say, about 590 A.D. Mr. Beal, indeed, having before him only the suggestions of Professor Wilson touching the date of Sankaracharya, did not draw the inference regarding it, which naturally arises Essays, Ist ed. vol. I, p. 233; conf. J. 4. S. B. vol. XX, p. 403. 1 See p. 597 (Bibl. Ind. ed.) Sankara refers to Gaudapada, elsewhere also, quoting two of these Karika on the Mandakwa. See sarfraka Bhashya, pp. 375 and 192; the Karikas occur at pp. 384, 469 of the Mandukya (Bibl. Ind. ed.) Wilson refers to Cheramin Perumal of Malayalam. As to that see Sewell's Dynasties of Southern India pp. 55f., and Ind. Ant. there referred to.

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APRIL, 1884.) THE BURNING OF THE ALEXANDRIAN LIBRARY. 103 from the fact brought to notice by him. But in view of the various points which have been discussed, and which have already led us to the conclusion that Sankaracharya must have flourished about the latter half of the sixth century A.D., the particular piece of evidence for which we are indebted to Mr. Beal is a most valuable one, and, on the whole, I think, there can now be little reasonable doubt that we must assign Sankara to about this date. It would take us too far afield if we attempted to do more than indicate the directions in which this date of Sankaracharya must affect hitherto prevalent notions regarding the ancient and medieval history of our country. It is plain that neither Sankaracharya nor Kumarila can have taken part in any persecution of the Buddhists. And Hiuen Tsiang's omission to name either of them is explained without resort to the argument adopted by Dr. Burnell. Further, if the allegation about Kumarila's and Sankara's share in this persecution is thus discredited, the whole story about the per- secution must also be discredited, especially because it is generally related rather as an incident in the careers of those two philosophers, than as a historical event in which they took part. And independently of this, the evidence for the story is such, that Dr. Kern has already classed it with the story of "My mother, the goose." Dr. Fergusson, it is true, seems to believe in the alleged persecution, and dates it from the period commencing with the death of Harshavardhana. But the sudden change from a time of tolerance and even patronage, to one of persecution, which that theory involves, must always present historical difficulties. And, on the other haud, the evidence scattered through Dr. Fergusson's own work, and elsewhere, indicates that that marvellous toleration, of which Dr. Fergusson himself has so truly spoken, did not cease in 650 A.D., but was continued quite down to the thirteenth centary, if not even to later times. On the view that there was no persecution properly 80 called-Ma-Twan-lin's account of the condition of India is easily understood. On the traditional theory it is almost inexplicable. THE BURNING OF THE ALEXANDRIAN LIBRARY BY THE REV. J. D. BATE, M.R.A.S. The manner in which this catastrophe oc- of Muslim to Christian literati, and the form curred serves well to shew the indebtedness which Muslim appreciation and gratitude See this opinion quoted in M. Barth's Religions of India, p. 134, note. ** See, inter alia, Fergusson's Indian and Eastn. Architecture, pp. 18, 209, 219. Vide 6.6, Indian Architecture, pp. 60, 127, 132, 161, 163, 318, 440, 454; Conf. also Burnell's 8. Ind. Palaeography., PP. 46, 111, 114; and the references to Dr. Burgess's Reports given above. See also on this point Cunningham's Bhilsa Topes, pp. 165-167; and Bharhut Stapa, p. 4. On the present evidence, my impression is that the Bauddhas got absorbed into either the Hindu or the Jainis communities. The latter were kindred to them (100 previous note and Conf. Ferguson's Indian Architecture, p. 233); and the former had since, at latest the seventh century A.D., absorbed Buddha into their own system as an Avatara of Vishnu. See as to this Fergus son's Indian Architecture, p. 444 (citing Dr. Burger's Archeological Survey Report), and Dr. Buhler's account of his Kamir Tour, p. 41n, in Jour. Bom. Branch R. Asiat. Society (Extra part). For the absorptive power of Hinduism, reference may be made inter alia to Lyall's Beay on Non-missionery religions, and to the follow ing :-J. R. A. 8. vol. VI, p. 403, vol. XVII, pp. 129f.; Ceylon A. Soc. Jour. (1858-9) pp. 10, 29, 37; Cunningham's Arch. Sur. Reports, vol. XVI, pp. 24, 26, 124; Elliot's Bibliographical Index to the Historians of India, Part I, P. 218. The existence of Buddhists who in Hinen Tsiang's time could scarcely be distinguished from heretios (J.R.A. 8. vol. IX, p. 201), seems to indicate that the gradual assimilation or absorption had then.commenced. I am aware that many other scholars agree with Dr. Forgusson, Dr. R. Mitra, for instance, speaks of the "suppression" of Buddhism (J.A.S.B., vol. XXXIII, p. 192) and Mr. Sherring of its "departure or rather expulsion" (J.4. 8. B., vol. XXXV, p. 67: and vol. XXXIV p. 11). See also J. R. A. 8. vol. II, pp. 292, 302, 428 : vol. XVI, pp. 252-9. But the existing Buddhist buildings and records appear to indicate a very different conelysion. See on this point Cunningham's Geog., p. 80; J. A. S. B., vol. XL, pp. 24, 249 ; vol. XLI, pp. 253-4, 297 311; And J. Bom. Br. R. 4.8., vol. XIII, p. 10 : vol. XIV, pp. 30, 43, 48, 53. The various instances of the Musal mans appropriating the materials of Buddhist buildings (as to which see among many authorities, J. A. S. B., vol. XXXIV, pp. 3, 9; or vol. XLI, pp. 251, 296, 294), point to something like what is expressed in Cunningham's Blarhut Stipa already cited, though it is not impossible that the materials belonged to buildings fallen into disuse. It must suffice to indicate my view. Prof. Bhindarkar also draws my attention to Ind. Ant., vol. X, p. 185: J. Bom. Br. R. A. 8, vol. XIII, p. 10; Cunningham's Arch. Suru. Report, vol. VIII, p. 45, M bearing on this topic. * As to the existence of Buddhism down to late period conf. in addition to the authorities mentioned in the last note J. A.8. R. vol. XVII, pp. 59, 498, 499, Cunning. ham, Arch. Sur. Report, vol. XVI, p. 49. Thelinformation from foreign writers is of great value on this point. Conf. Ibn Batuta, by Lee, pp. 111, 152, Yule's Cathay, vol. II, pp. 410, 433; Dowson and Elliot's Hist. vol. 1, PP. 68,87 Yule's Marco Polo, vol. I, pp. 157, 159, 161. The doubts exprossed by the editor of Marco Polo at p. 159, though justified by hitherto received notions, will themselves require reconsideration in view of freab evidence, come of which has been now indicated. im to din ser algo dira. 2. A.S:1. VIII,

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104 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [APRIL, 1884. assumed. 'Amru ibna'l-'s' conqueror and governor of Egypt,' was an orator and poet, a lover of learning and of learned men. His literary gifts had been displayed in his earlier days, when he (like so many of his fellowcountrymen) wrote lampoons on Muhammad." This conduct he afterwards came to regret, and embraced The Faith. He was fond of the society of the learned ; and he sought to make up, by assoeiation with them, for the deficiencies of his early education. He found a congenial companion in a native of Alexandria, the celebrated John the Grammarian,--the last disciple of Ammonius. This man was a Christian, of the sect of the Jacobites, and was surnamed Philoponus, a lover of labour,'--John the Industrious. He had attained to eminence for his laborious treatises of various kinds,-Buch as works on Grammar and Philology, and Commentaries on Moses and Aristotle.' The Arabian conqueror and chief, being naturally of a more inguiring and liberal spirit than his Muslim coreligionists, interested himself during his leisure hours in conversation with this Christian scholar, and an intimacy was soon formed between them. Now, after the capture of Alexandria, an account was taken of all the public property; but the collection of books and manuscripts which constituted the Alexandrian library was omitted. It is alleged that, in an unlucky moment, John gave information to 'Amru of this undoticed treasure; and that, emboldened by the terms of familiar intercourse which bad sprung up between them, the loving student went so far as to ask that the collection might be given to him. In his opinion the treasure was inestimable, however contemptible,' to use Gibbon's term, it may bave been in the estimation of the barbarians.' 'Amru, it is said, was inclined to gratify the wish of his friend, but could not give effect to his inclinations without first referring the matter to the Khalifa, his master. To this came the famous answer of 'Umar,-an answer embodying a sophism that might have weight with an ignorant fanatic, but which could only excite the astonishment and regret of a philosopher, -If these writings of the Greeks agree with the Qur'an-the Book of God-they are superfluous, and need not be preserved ; but if they disagree, they are pernicious and ought to be destroyed In The sentence was carried out with blind obedience; and the volumes of parchment were distributed to the four thousand baths of the city,--not necessarily to heat them, perhaps, but probably rather to kindle them. Rollin, however, says they were used for fuel instead of wood. However this may be, such was the almost incredible quantity of literature that six months were barely sufficient for the consumption of this precious fuel." The story is given by Abu'lFaragius;" it is doubted, as every one knows, by Gibbon, but received by many scholars, captivat first annompoons and buy the kind obect of Also spelt 'Aas, Aasi,' and 'Aage ;' but not 'Dass, as Mr. Lake's printer (Islam, ita Origin, Genius, and Mission, p. 96) has it. The form 'Amru is also spelt Amr.tho a being added merely to prevent the word from being confounded with the name of 'Umar. The letters in Arabic are exactly the same in each case, s -the vowel of the initial consonant boing omitted. Conf. Burckhardt, Arabia, vol. II, p. 416. Elmacinus, Historia Saracenica, vol. I, pp. 23-4; Ockley, History of the Saracens, vol. I, p. 314 seqq. Abu'l-Faragius, Historia Dynastiarum, p. 9; Pocock, Specimen, p. 112. Ookley, History of the Saracens, vol. I, p. 312; Forster, Mahometanism Unveiled, vol. I, p. 46. * Muir, Life of Mahomet, vol. IV, p. 90, Irving, Life of Mahomet, p. 48. . This man was the son of a courtesan of Makka, who seems to havo rivalled in fascination the Phrynes and Aspasias of Greece, and to have numbered some of the nobles of the land among her lovers. Who may have been his real father is not known. When his mother gave bitth to him, she mentioned several of the tribe of the Bant Quraish who had equal claims to the paternity. The oldest of her admirers was a man named As (As ibni WAyil, of the Sahm family) and to him the infant was declared to have most resemblance; and from this frat he came to receive, in addition to his own name of "'Amra,' the patronymio Ibna'l-'Assion of As.' As if to stone for the blemish of his birth, Nature had lavished apon this child some of the choicest of her gifts; and while yet young, he came to be one of the most popular poeta of Arabin,-being distinguished no less for the pungency of his satirical allusions than for the captivating sweetness of his more serious lays. When Muhammad first announced himself a prophet, this youth assailed him with lampoons and humorous madrigala and those, being, as they were, exactly the kind of thing to fall in with the taste of the Arabs in respect of poetry, obtained a wide circulation, and proved kreator impediments to the growth of tha new religion than the bittorost persecution. Thus was 'Amra, who afterwards made such a distinguished figure in the history of The Faith, one of the most redoubtable and effective of the assailants of its founder.-Conf. Irving, Life of Maho. met, p. 49. * OLXomovos ;-not' Philopomas,' as Mr. Lake's printer (p. 96) calls him. The reader who is interested in the achievements of this man in the realm of philosophy may consult Sir Wm. Hamilton's Lecturer on Metaphysics, vol. I. PP. 114. 200, 250; and vol. II, pp. 7, 39, 155 (ed. Edinb, and Lond. 1861). * Newton, Dissertations on the Prophecies, p. 197. * Newton, Dissertations on the Prophecies, p. 197. 20 Crichton, History of Arabia, vol. I, p. 393. 1 Conf. Ockley, History of the Saracens, pp. 293-4 (edn. Lond. 1870), Prideaux, Connection of the Old and New Testamente, pt. II, bk. I, anno 284. Abu'l-Faragius, Historia Dynastiarum, p. 180 (p. 114 of ed. Oxon. 1663). her and one f i

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APRIL, 1884.) THE BURNING OF THE ALEXANDRIAN LIBRARY 105 among whom are snch high authorities as Von Hammer and Pocock. One of the arguments on which Gibbon bases his rejection of the story is given in the following words - The rigid sentence of Omar is repugnant to the sound and orthodox precept of the Mahometan casuists; they ex. pressly declare that the religious books of the Jews and Christians which are acquired by the right of war, should never be committed to the flames,'*the reason being the respect due to the name of God' which those books contain. This has a good sound; but Gibbon is compelled to add that 'a more destructive zeal may perhaps be attributed to the first suc- cessors of Mahomet;' which is the same as saying that the early Khalifas were not so scrupulous regarding the destruction of the books of Jews and Christians, though they were known to be certain to contain the Divine name. Now, 'Umar was the first but one of the Successors,-he having succeeded to the Khalifat only two years after Muhammad's death. So that Gibbon may be said, in effect, to concede the point as to at least the high probability of the destruction of the library having been effected, as Abu'l-Faragius records, by the order of this Khakifa. The only authority whom Gibbon quotes in support of the discredit he thus casts upon the story is a writer so late as Reland : he cites no Muhammadan author contemporary with the alleged piece of Vandalism; but he is of opinion that the report of a solitary witness who wrote at the end of six hundred years on the confines of Media, is overbalanced by the fact of the silence of two annalists of an earlier date, both of whom were Christians and both of them natives of Egypt, -the more ancient of whom, the patriarch Eutychius, having amply described the Conquest of Alexandria. But it may safely be urged that the positive assertion of a historian of such unquestioned credit as Abu'l-Faragius is worthily held to be, cannot be set aside by an argument that is, after all, merely negative." Gibbon's reference to Aulius Gellius," to Ammianus Marcellinus," and to Orosius," as speaking of the libraries of Alerandria in the past tense, are (as Enfield has pointed out) foreign to the purpose ; for these writers refer only to the destruction of books there in the time of Julius Caesar,--some seven centuries before. Subsequently to that period, large libraries must have been continually accumulating, during the long period in which the various schools of philosophy flourished in that city. The destruction of the various libraries there in the time of Caesar, as also the growth of the great library to which we refer, are carefully related in detail by Rollin, and many other historians,* But, in truth, the fact of the destruction of the library having taken place by the order of 'Umar, does not, as Gibbon supposes, rest on the authority of but one man. So high an authority as Charles Mills (who, it should be observed, does not by any means write in an anti-Muhammadan spirit) exhibits the rare spectacle of a scholar of profound reading, voluntarily submitting to the humiliation of withdrawing, after snfficient research, his opinions formerly published. He writes, The Saracens, as well as other good people, occasionally condemned books au feu. Absorbed with ideas of the conquest or conversion of the world, the early Successors of the Prophet held in equal contempt the religion and the learning of their new subjects and tributaries. Their most pious act in this line'-by which we understand him to mean, the act at once 13 Pocock, Specimen, p. 170; Harris, Philological En. quiries, p. 261; White, Bampton Lecture, p. 335, and the notes, P. lx. 16 Gibbon, Decline and Fall, Ch. 51 (p. 956, ed. Chatto and Windus, Lond. 1876). 11 Enfield, History of Philosophy, p. 420 (ed. Lond. 1837). 10 Aulius Gellius, Noctes Attico, lib. vi, cap. 17. 11 Ammianus Maroellinus, Historia, lib. xxii, cap. 16 (p. 814 of the ed. of Valesius, Paris, 1691). 11 Orosius, Historiarum advero Paganos Libri VII, lib. vi, cap. 17 (p. 421 of the od. of Havercamp, 1739). 19 Mills would guard his reader against a very natural misapprehension regarding the various libraries of Aler. andris which have at different times been for various rosons destroyed. "When we talk,' says he (History of Mukammadanism, pp. 381-2), of the destruction of the Alexandrian library, let us not be deceived by words. It must not be imagined that the library of the Ptolomies was the one which the Saracens pillaged. That * elegantix regum curaeque egregium opus' was destroyed in Caesar's time; and the new collection which Cleopatra formed, Was dissipated in the wars which the Cbristians made upon the Pagans.' -Conf. Newton, The Prophecies, pp. 196-7. For most interesting account of these magnificent stores of the wisdom of the ancients the reader is referred to Rollin, Ancient History, vol. V, pp. 19-32 (ed. Lond. 1841). 10 Conf. Rollin, Ancient History, vol. I, p. 21, and vol. V. p. 20 (and references there): Arnold, Islam and Christinity, pp. 182-3. Consult, also, Horne's Introduc. tion to the Study of Bibliography.

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106 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [APRIL, 1884. most prominent and noteworthy, and at the same time the most expressive of the genius and tendency of their Faith--was the destroying of a large library at Alexandria. It was done by the order of the Caliph Omar, when Amrou conquered Egypt. The fact does not, as I once thought, rest on the sole authority of Abul-Pharajius: Macrisi," and also Abdollatif (the writer of a work expressly on Egyptian antiquities") mention the circumstance. I hesitated, with Langles, from crediting the story on the authority of Abal-Pharajius alone; but the authorities cited by Macrisi and Abdollatif removed this scepticism, and I willingly rotract the error I made in my first edition." It should be added that so high an authority as the Baron de Sacy, in a long note to his translation of Abdollatif, has collected various testimonies from the works of Arabian writers, preserved in the Royal Library in Paris, which concur in establishing the credibility of the narrative of Abu'l-Faragius." It is, indeed, impossible to regard it (as Gibbon would insingate) as a fiction invented by the Armenian historian. It is only charitable to suppose that Gibbon was sincerely convinced of the repugnance of such coarse Vandalism to the genius of Muslim casuistry. But the student of Islamic tradition will be neither astonished nor deceived by what is so transparently an after-thought. It clearly is, like so much of the church-literature of Muhammadans, a makeshift designed to mitigate the odium of an act which no man not a genuine fanatic could have been guilty of. Indeed, even Gibbon, notwithstanding his well-known prejudices, does not see his way to giving a distinct denial to the story; he merely says, by way of stating his own position regarding the matter,-'I am strongly tempted to deny both the fact and its consequences.' We are the more earnest in mentioning this, * Conf. Macrini, oited by Whito, Eryptios, pp. 56, 60. # Abdollatiphus, Historin, p. 115 (4to ed.); Crichton, History of Arabia, vol. I, p. 393. 15 Mills. History of Muhammedanism, p. 381. On the whole subject the reader who would follow the matter ap, should consult the Dissertation of Mons. Bonamy on the subject of the Alexandrian library' in Les M. moires de l'Academie des Inscriptions, tom. IX, and the Fifth Year of the Magarin Encyclopedie. tom. III, p. 894. # De Sacy, Relation de l'Eyypt, p. 240. " Homboldt, Cosmos, vol. 11, p. 582. Gibbon, Decline and Faul, Ch. 38 (p. 487). * Conf. Bate, An Examination of the Claims of Ishmael as viewed by Muhammadana, p. 219. Saracene, pp. 8462. because of the tendency there appears to be to accept without further enquiry the opinions of this great writer, and because of the disposition we observe in men to conclude that because Gibbon failed to be satisfied with the grounds on which the story rests, therefore the story is a fabrication,- forgetting altogether that there may have been evidence of which Gibbon was not cognizant (which, as we have seen, would appear to have been the actual fact). That such a tendency does really exist will be seen in the case of so profound a scholar as Baron von Humboldt, who apparently on no better ground than that of Gibbon's doubt, hesitates not to brand the story as a 'myth." We easily believe what we wish to believe. Hence we find that though Gibbon found the story of the burning of the library by 'Umar too much for his historical digestion, he records the opinion that it was destroyed several centuries before viz. circa 389 A.D.-by the fanaticism of Theophilas, the Christian Archbishop of Alexandria, -and he does so without hesitation, and without the faintest apparent symptom of a doubt." Lake adds to the argument of Gibbon-to whom as we have elsewhere noted," he acts as a faithful henchman-the statement that such an act was inconsistent with the character of 'Amra." Under some circumstances, such an argument might have relieved the dreariness of the episode ; it happens, however, that the true character of 'Amru is well known," Be. sides, we submit that the point turns rather upon the character of one greater than 'Amra, and whose mandate 'Amr would not have dared to contravene. It was beyond his power to alienate any portion of the spoil; the consent of the Khalifa was necessary." The violent and irrational nature of this Vandal among the Khalifas is but too well known to the student of Saracenic history and it is an object of special glory to the Faithful to the Consylt on this point, Muir, Annals of the Early Caliphate, passim. >> Rollin, Ancient History, vol. V, p. 21. Of gigantic stature, great courage, and prodigious strength, the chief characteristio of 'Umar was fierceness. His savage aspect appalled even the boldest, and his very walking stick struck more terror into beholders than another man's sword. Such are the words of the Arabian historian Al-Wfqidi; and the events of 'Umar's life after he begame Kballta, proved that these words of the historias are not chargeable with exaggeration. Crichton, History of Anilia, vol. I, p. 892. * Muller, Universal History, vol. II, p. 46. For in. stances of his curious destructiveness of temperament, the reader should consult Taylor, History of Mohammo danism, p. 175. Lake, Ielim. B.

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APRIL, 1884.) THE BURNING OF THE ALEXANDRIAN LIBRARY. 107 present hour. He exhibited, if possible, more literature of the Persians." These invaluablo of the spirit of Muhammadanism than even records of Persian genins and learning, co Muhammad himself did, and his reckless and lected by the zeal of the Sassinido princes in wanton destruction of treasures held sacred by Modain, were hurled, by the order of 'Umar, persons of other religions has earned for him into the waters of the Tigris. & notoriety anique among the most faithful The obvions conclusion, from the facts thus copyists of the Original. The other Khalifas- bronght together is, that the burden of proof Abo Bikr, 'Uthman, and 'Ali-were mildness rests with those who deny the story. The itself in comparison with 'Umar,--the very grounds on which Gibbon bases his scepticism archetype of the Wahhabt of the earlier years regarding it, we have seen to be worthless; it of our own contury." Characterized, though wonld have been interesting to have learnt on his reign was, by all the worst fruits of what grounds so eminently careful a writer as his religion, the act of folly which history Humboldt was would justify the contemptuous thus fastens upon him has done more to term by which he characterizes it. A story familiarize posterity with his name than all 80 long credited, upon high authority, calls for the other devastations committed under his more critical treatment than, from all that anthority." appears, the worthy Baron devoted to it. Thus Whether the world is indebted to the fa- much, at any rate, seems beyond possibility of naticism of 'Umar or not, for this coarse doubt that the story is in entire harmony destruction of the untold treasures of the wis- with the known character of 'Umar and with dom of the ancients," and whether the words the practices of Muhammadans in the earlier of the sentence of destruction were or were ages of The Faith. not the product of his peculiar genins-Are Taking the account as recorded, it is impoints which it is now-a-days impossible to possible to estimate the logs which literature decide and fruitless to discuss; but, as has has sustained by the destruction of the treasures been well observed, if the words are not his, of this library. It is true that in speaking of at least they are full of historical versimilitude the libraries of times which preceded the inand significance." Lest it should be supposed vention of printing, we must not be misled that this opinion is the offspring of Christian by magnificent descriptions, or by the ample sentiment in Dr. Marcus Dods, we may add catalogues of their contents. The manuscripts that the elder Disraeli, who must be acquitted were numerous, indeed, but the matter they of any suspicion of collusion with the Chris- contained would in modern print be compressed tian teacher, gives his opinion in concurrent within a space much smaller than might at language. He remarks, in referring to this first be supposed. The fifteen Books,' for lamentable catastrophe, that though modern example, of Ovid's Metamorphoses, which in paradox attempt to deny the facts of the story, classic times composed literally as many voyet the tale would not be singular even if it lumes, are all of them together reduced now. should turn out to be true, -inasmuch as it s-days to a few dozens of pages. Still, we perfectly suits the character of 'a bigot, a bar- cannot renounce the belief that though much barian, and a blockhead!' He goes on to of the ancient literature has escaped the reshow that we owe to the same destructive vages of ignorance and the calamities of war, spirit of the Mohammadan religion the loss, & great deal that would have been of value and by this same resort to the agency of the interest perished in the sack of this famed devouring flame, much of the most ancient metropolis. >> Palgrave, in his Central and Eastern Arabia, has surpassed all writers in the exquisite delicacy of his judgment on the Wahhabt renaissance. * Crichton, History of Arabia, vol. I, p. 398. 35 We should here observe that beyond the statement that the parchments supplied the public baths of Alex. andria for half a year, there is no alue by which the measure of the loss might be approximately estimated. There were, in fat, several libraries in different parts of the city; and it is now impossible to ascertain whether the one now under consideration wm or was not one of those that had been previously destroyed. If it was not, the loss to the world is one which it clearly in impossible to exaggerate. * Dods, Mohammed, Buddha, and Christ, p. 110. As to the character of 'Umar as ruler, noto some judicious remarks in Taylor, History of Mohammedaniom, p. 174. >> D'Israeli, Curiosities of Literature, p. 18 (ed. Lond. 1866). Taylor, History of Mohammedaniom, p. 175. * Crichton, History of Arabia, vol. I, p. 894. 1

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108 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [APRIL, 1884. CHINGHIZ KHAN AND HIS ANCESTORS. BY HENRY H. HOWORTH, F.S.A. (Continued from pol. XII, p. 303.) XXIV. Khan was doubtless that of the most powerful Chinghis Khan having crushed out oppo- ruler of Eastern Asia. To understand the sition among his compatriots, and having broken cause of quarrel which Chinghiz had against the power of the Kin Tarters who dominated him, we must revert somewhat. We have seen over Northern China, now turned his attention how, when the confederated Naiman and Merkit to the empire of Kara Khitai, which lay to chiefs were defeated by the Mongols on the the west of Mongolia proper, and against whose Irtish, those of them who survived the fight ruler he had a mortal grudge. The empire of fled in various directions. Kushluk, the son Kara Khitai was founded by a fugitive Khitan of the chief of the Naimans, escaped, according prince, who, when the Kin Tartars overwhelmed to the Yuan-ch'ao-pi-shi, throngh the country his house, fled westwards, and being well of Veinkharlu, i.e. of the Uighur-Karluks, to the received by the various Turkish tribes of river Chui, where he joined the Gurkhan of Kara Sungaria and its borders, was duly acknowledge Khitai.' Rashida'd-din tells us he went towards ed by them as their chief, and in this way Bishbaligh and reached Kuja, i.e. Kucha, west integrated in one hand a very wide empire or, of Kharashar.. The Yuan-shi and the Muhamrather, to be perhaps more exact, continued the madan historians agree in dating this event in Khitan empire in the western portion of the the year 1208. At this time Chilaku was wide district which once acknowledged its Gorkhan of Kara Khitai. Kushluk did not supremacy. enter his presence, but sat himself on & mat It is not my present purpose to tell the outside the audience chamber, while one of his history of this empire in detail. This has courtiere personated him inside. Meanwhile boon already well done by Dr. Bretschneider, he was casually seen by Gerbasi, the daughter Notices of Med. Geography, p. 22 ff., while I have of Chiluku's eldest wife who detected him, and described it elsewhere in the Journal of the R. in the course of three days he married her Asiatic Society. Here it will suffice to mention daughter Khunkhu. She was not entitled to that the ruler of Kara Khitai was obeyed by wear the royal diadem, but only the head-dress, the various nomadic Turks from the Volga called Bogtak by the Chinese. This headto the Gobi steppe. His capital was called dress, as Quatremere says, was doubtless the Balasaghan, probably, as Dr. Bretschneider same as that described by Rubruquis, and which suggests, a corruption of Balghasun, Mongol he calls botta and also boccha, both being for city. Balasag hun had been the capital of doubtless corruptions of bokta." the Western Turks in the sixth century. It was, Khunkhu was only 15 years old when Kushaccording to Juveni, named Gubaligh, i.e. theluk married her, but she was his equal both in Good City, by the Mongols. The Chinese authors prudence and experience, and acquired such call it Gudso wardo.' Its site has been much influence over him that she persuaded him to debated, but the Yuan-ch'ao-pi-shi olearly points abandon Christianity, to which religion be beto its having been situated on the Chui, a longed, and adopt Buddhism, and eventually river which rises in the mountains west of lake urged him to plot against her grandfather and Issikul and flows westwards. The ruler of to seize his throne." Kara Khitai was styled Garkhan, which, accord- D'Ohsson and Raverty both say Kushluk ing to Juveni, means "universal Khan." married the Gurkhan's daughter and not his The Uighurs, the Karloks, the Kipchaks granddaughter. The Gorkhan was a frivolous and Kankalis, and perhaps also the Naimang, person, chiefly occupied in hunting, and his all Turkish tribes, -were among his tributaries, dependenta, the rulers of the Uighurs and the and his position at the accession of Chinghiz Karlaks, detached themselves from him, drove Probably the ordu or camp of the Ghus being ita mesning. Soo Bretschneider, Notices of Med. Geog., noto 57. * Op. cit. p. 110. D'Ohsson, vol. I, p. 106. Brotechneider, Notices of Mod. Geog., note 68. * Erdmann, p. 335. Quatremere, tome I, p. 192 and 103 note. Erdmann, p. 395.

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APRIL, 1884.] CHINGHIZ KHAN AND HIS ANCESTORS. 109 out his darughas or depaties, and allied them- would be made upon his hoards, Mahmud Taij," selves with Chinghiz Khan as I have described. one of his generals, counselled him to replenish Meanwhile Kushluk obtained his permission it by making the troops surrender the booty to utilize Chinghiz Khan's absence in China which they had captured in the recent fight with to collect together the debris of the Naimans, Kushluk. This so displeased his generals that his father's people, who were scattered in the they abandoned him, and Kushluk, taking districts of Imil, Kayalik and Bishbaligh, advantage of the circumstance, returned and assuring him that he only wished to employ surprised him in his capital. This, we are told, them in his service. He accordingly collected was in the year 608." them together, and was also joined by a chief | Kushluk treated his captive with consiof the Merkits. With the troops he thus deration, and left him the insignia and dignity brought together he began to plunder the of sovereignty. Chiluku survived his capeastern dominions of the Gurkhan as far as ture two years, and was succeeded in his Khoten, a policy which attracted fresh recruits honours and power by Kushluk." The Chinese to his banners. He also entered into negotia- account in the Liao-shi, tells us that Chiluku tions with the great Khuarezm Shah Muham- was surprised by Kushluk when hunting, and mad, to whom he offered the western dominions fell into an ambuscade of 8,000 Hoeihou or of the Gurkhan if he would help him. Mo- Uighurs, who had been planted to waylay him. hammad had recently won over the Turkish Kushluk then appropriated the Gurkhan's ruler of Samarkand, Osman, a former depen- titles, and had himself proclaimed emperor, dent of the Gurkhan. He was descended from at the same time adopting the costume and the old Imperial stock of the Turks, and still customs of the Liau dynasty. He gave the bore the lordly title of Sultan of Sultans. title of Tai-shang-hoang" to Chiluku, and that Osman had asked the hand of a daughter of the of Hoang-thai-hou, being the title borne by Gurkhan in marriage, and his request having the empress dowager in China, to Chiluku's been refused, and having been also pressed for wife, and so long as they lived he paid his tribute, he transferred his allegiance to the respects to them daily." Khuarezm Shah. To punish him the Gurkhan During the next four years, we are told, Kushsent an army against him, while Muhammad luk made himself too well known by his rapine went to his support; but before his arrival, the and tyrannical conduct. He despatched various Gurkhan had turned elsewhere to meet the armies to attack the neighbouring districts threatened approach of Kushluk, who had sur- which had broken away from their allegiance, prised Uzkend, where he kept his treasures, -- and notably Kashgar. We are told that he and had also tried to capture Ba lasa ghun. He released the son of the Khan of Kashgar who was, however, defeated on the river Chinbie, (?) had been imprisoned by the Gurkhan, but on and forced to retire, by the aged Gurkhan. arriving at the gates of that city the young Muhammad, the Khuarezm Shah, having prince was massacred. To reduce the country anited his forces to those of Osman, marched of Kashgar more effectually, troops were sent northwards against Kara Khitai. Near Taraz to lay it waste at harvest time, and they burnt he met the Gurkhan general Taniko or Baniko, a large portion of the grain which they could whom he defeated and captured, and afterwards not carry away. A famine was the consequence, put to death. The troops of Kara Khitai in their and the citizens were by it in spite of the retreat committed great ravages, and when they advice of the governor of the place constrained approached Balasaghun found the gates closed to submit, and it was no small sacrifice for true against them. They attacked the place, broke believers thus to subject themselves to idolators. their way in by means of elephants after a siege Thereupon Kushluk went in person to Kashgar of ten days, and committed a great blaughter, to enjoy his triumph, and advanced thence to in which 47,000 men perished. The Gurkhan's Khoten, whose inhabitants were ordered to treasury was empty, and fearing that some call abandon Islam, and to accept either Christianity . Erdmann, 335-337.. 10 D'Ohsaon says sixteen. 1 1The very great, supreme august one. 11 Called Mahmud Bai by D'Ohsson. 15 i.e. the sugust and very great queen. use. 1211-1212. * Visdelou, p. 32; Bretschneider, Notices of Med. 13 Erdmann, pp. 335-339; D'Ohsson, vol. I, pp. 166-169. Geog., p. 29.

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110 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [APRIL, 1884. or Buddhism. Professing that he intended Almaligh, and put him to death. The inhabito show them the falseness of their faith, he tants of that town refused to admit Kushlak, summoned a great meeting outside the city as the rumour was abroad that Chinghiz was walls which was attended by 30,000 people, approaching." Ozar's son, Siknak Tigin, sucand proclaimed that whoever wished to dis- ceeded him at Almaligh with Chinghiz Khan's pute with him about religion had only to approval, and he married a daughter of Jucbi." present himself. Thereupon the chief of the Raverty says Ozar was a Kankali, which is Imams, Alai-n'd-din Muhammad Al Husain doubtless #mistake. Erdmann says he was came forward, and defended his faith with a Karluk." In the Yuan-shi-lei-pen he is called warmth. Kushluk, hard pressed by his argu- Ganchor, one of the chiefs of the tribe of mente replied with insult and contumely, in Yongku, and he is said to have captured which he did not spare the prophet himself, Oli-ma-li, i.e. Almaligh." whereupon the Imam prayed that Allah would After his campaign in China, Chinghiz deterclose his month with earth. He was there- mined to crush Kushluk, the son of his old enemy apon seized, and tormenta haying in vain been Tayang Khan, who had usurped so much applied to him to make him recant, was nailed authority, and he ordered his famous general by four nails to the door of a college he had had Chepe to march against him with a tuman of built, and the perished after being exposed troops, i. e. with 10,000 men. Accordir.g to several days and nights, during which he en the biography of Te-hai, Dje-bo, as Chepe is couraged his countrymen to abide by the faith, there called, on his expedition to the West, Kushluk forbade the public prayers and other crossed lake Kizilbash." He then apparently services of Islam, which now passed under & advanced by way of Bish baligh, which was clond in that district." besieged and captured by Kopaoyu, a Chinese We are told by Juveni, that at this time officer much esteemed by Chinghiz." The #bravo and resolute man named Oza r, * Idikut of the Uighurs also accompanied Chepe having secured considerable treasure, and a in this campaign, and was doubtless reinstated large following in these troubled times, managed by him." In the biography of Ho-sze-mai-li," to conquer a considerable district, including in chapter 120 of the Yuan-shi, we are told he Almaligh and Falad, 1. e. Pulad, & was a native of Gudse-wardo and a confidant town situated near Lake Sairam mentioned by of the Gurkhan. He governed the two towns Rashidu'd-din, and in more than one Chinese of Ko-san and Ba-sze-ha. Having sur itinerary, and by the European travellers rendered with the chiefs of those cities, he Haithon and Rubruquis. To protect himself | entered the advanced guard commanded by from the attacks of Kushluk he would seem also Chepe Noyan. Kashluk was then living to have submitted to Chinghiz, and according to at Kashgar, and when he heard of Chepe's Juveni, he went to visit that conqueror in advance, he retired towards Badakhshan. Chepe person in 1211." Major Raverty, I don't know issued a proclamation offering liberty of on what authority, says he was well received worship, and the citizens proceeded to put to by Chinghiz, and given a robe of honour and death Kushluk's soldiers who had been bil* thousand sheep, while Juchi sought his leted upon them. Kushluk was now pursued. daughter in marriage. This goes to show he Abulghazi tells us that Chepe having pursued was no mere adventurer, but belonged to the Kushluk warmly, lost traces of him, when old stock of the Khans of Almaligh. Kushluk he met a man conducting a kush, who marched against him more than once, and at told him he had seen three men resembling length surprised him while hunting near those whom he described. He speedily wen 11 Erdmann, pp. 889-841 ; D'Ohrson, vol. I, p. 171. Bredbahneider, Noter te bes 1 Erdmann reads the name Kunas, and says he w notes? surnamed Merdi Shaja, or the lion-hearted. # The first of these name has been identified by * Bretaohneider, Notice of Med. Geog., &o., p. 147. Dr. Bretachneider with Kanan, small town of Fer* D'Ohason, vol. I, p. 111. ghana, mentioned by Baber (Notes on Chinese Travellers, Tabakat-i-Nasir, p. 986, note. Erdmann, p. 899. etc. pp. 114, 115, notes 24, 36. In later publication # Javeni quoted by D'Ohsson, vol. I, p. 111; Raverty he changed his opinion and identified the two towns op. cit., p. 986, note. with the Casem and Pashai of Marco Polo which were Tabakut-.-Nasiri, p. 988-6 noto; Erdmann, p. 339. situated in Badakhahan.-Brotechneider, Notices, etc, Gaubil, p. 85. p. 41, note 87

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OHINGHIZ KHAN AND HIS ANCESTORS. APRIL, 1884.] after the fugitives, and having overtaken Kushluk, cut off his head, and returned to Chinghiz. Other writers tell us Kushluk was captured by a party of hunters, that many precious stones, corn, etc., fell into the captors' hands, and that Chepe sent Kushluk's head to Chinghiz Khan as a trophy." This is confirmed by the biography of Ho-sze-mai-li already named, where we read that it was he who killed Kushlak, and Chepe ordered him to take the head of the victim and carry it through the cities of his Empire. After this the cities of Kashgar, Yarkand and Khotan surrendered to the Mongols. According to the Yuan-ch'ao-pi-shi, Kushluk was overtaken and killed at a place called Salikhkun, the Salikhuan of the Huang-yuan. The Muhammadan writers generally call it Sarigh-kul, on the borders of Badakhshan. Erdmann has it Weradni, on the borders of Badakhshan on the Sarigh-kul road." Minhaj-i-Siraj says on the boundaries of Jab and Kikrab, which is Ghuzistan, and the hill tracts of Samarkand. When Chinghiz heard of Chepe's victory, he sent him word to beware of being inflated by his success, for it was pride which had undone Wang Khan, Tayang Khan, Kushluk Khan, etc. Chepe belonged to the tribe of the Baisut, called Yissut by D'Obsson. It was reported of him that when Chinghiz Khan defeated the Baisut, Chepe and other warriors hid away to escape being put to death or being reduced to slavery. One day when Chinghiz was engaged in one of his great hunts, in which a large area of country was surrounded by a ring of hunters, Chepe found himself by chance enclosed by the Mongol warriors. Chinghis would have run him down, when Bughurjin, one of his principal officers, asked permission to be allowed to engage him in person. Chinghiz, at his request, lent him a horse with a white muzzle." Bughurjin fired an arrow, but missed his opponent. Chepe, more adroit, killed his adversary's horse and then fled; but presently finding himself without resources, he offered his services to Chinghiz. Knowing his bravery, the latter offered him the command of ten men, and gradually promoted him to command Erdmann, p. 362. 31 Op. cit. p. 102. 33 I.e. the empire of Kara Khitai. af Id. p. 41. Op. cit. p. 862. Tabakat-i-Nasiri, p. 980. In Mongol, says Rashidu'd-din, Chagan-aman-kula. The Turks and Mongols call a roan horse kula. D'Obsson, vol. I, p. 178 note. 111 a hundred, a thousand, and finally ten thousand. When Chepe had brought his campaign against Kushluk to a successful termination, he wished to repair the injury he had done his master formerly in killing one of his horses, and having procured a thousand horses with white muzzles, he sent them to him. Chepe, in Mongol, means an arrow with a wooden point." Van Hammer, I don't know on what authority, says that in memory of his victory over Kushluk, Chepe erected a monument on the river Konduya, with an inscription in Mongolian," as a talisman against the Elie or winged spirits. Kushluk had a sister named Asbesh, who had three sons, Yushmat, Uljai Abugan and Abaji. A fourth brother named Abaju Abugan had previously died, and left a son named Jautu. His mother was a Naiman. He had four brothers, Nemjanush Shar, Taru Shar, Bamian Shar, and Tugmeh Shar. This word Shar, according to Erdmann, is undoubtedly the origin of the Russian word Tsar, and means also prince.' The Naimans belonging to this stock, i. e. to the Royal house, were also called Bede Timur.*1 While Chepe was sent to overwhelm Kushluk, Subutai was despatched to crush the Merki chiefs, who, after their defeat by the Uighurs had sought refuge among the Kankalis and Kipchaks,-nomadic Turks who lived in the steppes to the south-west and west of lake Balkbash, and who had been in alliance with Kushluk. The Yuan-ch'ao-pi-shi tells us that Chinghiz ordered Subutai to pursue the children of Tokhtoa, Khuta and Chilaun. Subutai followed them to the river Chui, caught them there, slew them, and then returned." In another place, in the same work, we read that Chinghiz built an iron waggon for Subutai, and sent him in pursuit of the children of Tokhtos Khudu and others, and said to him: "Having suffered defeat at our hands, they fled like wild horses, with halters about their necks, and like wounded deer. If they find themselves wings and mount into the sky, be thou a falcon and overtake them. If they bury themselves in the ground like mice, be thou an iron pickaxe and dig them out. If like fishes they take to the sea, be thou a net and pull them out ;" and Rashidu'd-din quoted by Erdmann op. cit. pp. 227, 228; D'Ohsson vol. 1, pp. 172-174. 20. e. Uighurian writing. o Gesch. der Gold. Horde, p. 73. Erdmann, note 214. Op. cit. p. 131.

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112 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [APRIL, 1884. he added : "For crossing high mountains and the river Tsian, met the Merkit chief there, traversing broad rivers, employ the season and gave him battle; having completely annihiwhen your horses are in good condition. Be lated the Myerki he returned."" careful of your warriors. Do not, unless it be This notice, as usual, corresponds with that necessary, waste your time on the way in hunt of the Muhammadan writers. They tell us ing. Do not let your warriors bridle their how Khudua oy Khudu, the brother of the horses or use backbands. They will not, Merkit chief, Tukhta, with the latter's three therefore, be able to ride them at full speed. sons, Jilaun, Jiyak and Khultukan Mergen, had If any one disobeys your command who is collected a fresh army and were engaged in known to me, bring him to me. If unknown plundering. Thereupon Chinghiz, in the year to me, execute him on the spot. If by the 1216, despatched Subutai Bahadur, and as he favour of heaven you should overtake the had to traverse a very mountainous district, he children of Tokhtoa, kill them. When I was supplied him with carts strengthened with young three Merkit tribes tried to capture me, iron. He was also joined by the Kunkurat and thrice pursued me round the mountain Tughachar, who had been left by Chinghiz with Burkhan. This unfriendly race has now retired, a body of 2,000 men to guard his home when using contemptuons words. I have made you he set out for China. The two having united an iron waggon, and entrusted to you the task their forces, encountered Khudu and his of pursuing them to the utmost limits. You nephews on the river Jem, and inflicted a terrible will be far away, but it will be the same as if defeat upon them, in which Khuda and two you were near me. Heaven will protect you of his nephews were killed. The third, Khulon the way." This is dated in the Yuan-ch'ao. tukhan, who was a famous archer, whence his pi-shi, but no doubt wrongly, in the year 1205. surname of Mergen, was captured and taken The Yuan-shi contains two special biographies to Jachi, the eldest son of Chinghiz Khan. of Subatai, which, like the other biographies Wishing to see some proof of his skill, Kholtuin that work, are very unsatisfactory, and in kan shot two arrows, the first of which hit the fact contradictory. The notices of this expedi- mark, while the second split the former in two. tion contained in them have been abstracted by Juchi, charmed with his skill, sent an express Palladius. In one of them we read that, as the to ask his father to grant him his life, but he strong Melili" would not surrender, Chinghiz, replied, "the Merkit race is of all peoples the in the year 1216 (?) when he was in the Blackmost objectionable. The son of Tukhta is an Forest on the river Tula, sent Subutai against ant who in time will become a serpent and them. Alicho went in advance with 100 men, an enemy of the state. I have conquered so and pretended to run away. In 1219 (P) the many kings and defeated so many armies that Mongol army arrived at the river Chian" and we can well spare a man," and he ordered defeated the Melili. Their two leaders were Juchi to put him to death." taken prisoners. Their chief, Khodu, fled into When he heard of this defeat of the Merkits, Kincha, Subutai followed and defeated the according to the Muhammadan historians, Kincha in Juigu." The other biography says the Khuarezm Shah Muhammad set out for that in the year 1216 Subatai defeated the Jend, not far from which the fight took Melili at the river Chian, and followed their place. Having reinforced his troops, he adchief Juigu (?)** vanced with them, and at length came upon a The Huang-yuan says that in the year 1217 battlefield still cumbered with corpses between Chinghiz sent the great chief Subutai-badu, the rivers Kaili (?) and Kaimich," (?) among having fitted with iron the wheels of his which was a Merkit who was still living, kibitka, to the tribe Myerki. Having united who informed him the Mongols had won the himself with the previously despatched division day and retired again. Muhammad went in of 3,000 men under Tokhuchara, he reached pursuit and overtook them the following *i. e. Merkits. * Id. pp. 111 and 112. + Chui: Kipelak. * Written Yu-yu by Bretschneider, Notices, etc., p. 174, note 308. " Yuan-ch'ao-pi-shi, note 491. Perhaps Juiga is a corruption of Chui. * Op. cit. p. 190. 50 Erdmann, pp. 332 and 333 ; D'Ohsson, vol. I, pp. 156, 156. Tubakat-1-Nasiri, pp. 980-982 notes si Abalghazi says between the Kabli and Kamaj.

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APRIL, 1884.) CHINGHIZ KHAN AND HIS ANCESTORS. 113 day. He was about to attack them when the Mongol chief" son of Chingbiz, sent him word that their two kingdoms were not at war, and that he had received orders to treat the Khuarezmian troops he might meet in this district well, and offered him a portion of the prisoners and booty he had captured from the Merkits. Muhammad, whose troops were more numerous than those of his opponent, did not heed these friendly approaches. "If Chinghiz Khan has not ordered you to fight me, God has ordered me to attack you, and I shall deserve His favours in destroying the infidels." A struggle thereupon commenced, the Mongols dispersed the left wing of the Khuarezmian army, and charged the centre under Muhammad, and would have also broken it if Jelalu'd-din, Mohammad's son, had not rushed from the right wing, which had been victorious, to his father's suocour, and thus restored the fight, which continued until nightfall. At night the Mongols having lighted some fires hastily withdrew, so that by morning they had covered two days' march. This encounter gave Muhammad a good notion of the manner of men they were whom he had so heedlessly provoked." In the Yuan-shi-lei pen we have an incident of this battle reported which is not named by the Western writers. We read that Pitu, the son of Yeliu Liuku who had been appointed king of Liau-tung by Chinghiz Khan, took part in this fight, on the side of the Mongols, as did his relative Yeliu Kohay. The former was badly wounded, but seeing Juchi, Chingbiz Khan's eldest son, surrounded by the enemy, he rushed to the rescue, and both managed to force their way out.* While Chepe and Subutai were engaged in subdaing the empire of Kara Khitai and the Merkit chiefs, Chinghiz Khan himself apparently had another campaign against Hia or Tangut. Li-tsun-hien, called Li-tsun-sian by Hyacinthe, who had succeeded his father Li ngan-chuen, as king of Hia, was besieged in his capital, and eventually fled to Si-leang." Chinghiz now sent his son Juchi to subdue the tribes of Siberia. The Huang-yuan and Rashidu'd-din tell us that in view of the war with the Tumats, previously named, Chinghiz had sent to collect some troops from among the Kirghiz. They would not provide any, and even rebelled, whereupon he, in the New year, 1219, sent his eldest son Juchi against them. He crossed the Kem Kemjut and other rivers on the ice, and forced the Kirghises to submit. Talun, surnamed Bukha, who commanded the advance guard having pursued the Kirghises, returned from the river Heshim (i.e. the well-known tributary of the Irtish, called the Ishim, which was doubtless beyond the frontiers of the Kirghises, who had been pursued beyond their own borders). The Kirghises now sent three of their chiefs, 'named Urukha Alju, Alibeg Timur, and Atk herakh, with white-eyed falcons. The Huang-yuan says they pursued them to the river Imar and then returned. The eldest prince, i.e. Juchi, then crossed the river Kiano" at a ford and descending it subdued the tribes, Kergis," Khankhasi, Telyanu, Keshidimi Khoino and the Irgan (?). This interesting notice of the conquest of some of the Siberian tribes is given in greater detail in the Yuan-ch'ao-pi-shi, which has, however, apparently confused this with the earlier campaign against the Kirghiz. We there read that in 1207 Chinghiz ordered Juchi to march against the forest people, with the division of the right hand, and commanded Bukha to pioneer the way. Khudukha-beki, the ruler of the Uirads, acted as his guide. When he arrived at the place Shikhshit, i. e, no doubt the tribatary of the Kem or Upper Yenisei, called Shiskit, the Uirnds and other tribes submitted. These other tribes are thus enumerated : Bulia, Barkhun, the Ursu." The Khakhanasi," the * Muhammad of Nissa and Ibn-al-athir say this chief was Juchi. 53 Erdmann, pp. 365 and 6; D'Ohsson, vol. I, pp. 208210; Abalghazi, pp. 106 and 107. ** Graubil, p. 86. 56 The modern Leang-chau-fu in Kansuh. This campaign is dated by DeMailla in 1218. DeMailla, tome IX, p. 84: Douglas, p. 88; Hyacinthe, p. 91 ; D'Ohason, vol. I, p. 162. 56 Erdmann says Tukha; Quatremere, op. cit. pp. 411 and 19 notes: Erdmann, p. 362-3; D'Oharon, p. 1.157. 57 i.e. the Kem. Op. cit. 191. i.e. The Kirghis. 69 .e. Kemkemjut. 00 (.e. The Telenguts. oli.e, The Kishtimis. i.e. the Urianguts. 63 Or Buria ? the Buriats. 84 P The Burkhut of Rashidu'd-din, so called, he says, from their living on this side, i.e. went of the Selinga and the district of Burkhajin Tugrum. Erdmann, Temudachin, p. 189. 65 Doubtless the Urasut of Rashidu'd-din who, he says, were very like the Mongols, and were well acquainted with the medicines used by them. They were also, he says, called the forest people, as they lived in the forests on the borders of the Kirghines and Kemkemjats.id. MP A corruption of the Kishtimis or Kestimis, who are named with the Urasut by Rashidu'd-din-il. p. 191.

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114 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [APRIL, 1884. Kankhasi," and the Tuba or Tabasi. These 1407, when we are told that Toktamish was various tribes doubtless lived on the upper killed in the Siberian land by Shadibeg." Irtish. Some of their names are probably Shortly after wegeta longer notice in the pages corrupt; we have them preserved not in of the Bavarian Schiltberger, whose romantic the text of the Yuan-ch'ao-fi-shi, printed by travels cover the years between 1394-1427. Palladius, but in the epitome of that work." He tells us of a land called Ibis sibur, whither When the tonic text, of which we are promised the famous chief and king-maker among the an edition by Mr. Podsneyef, is published, Mongols of the Golden Horde, Idiku, retired. we shall be in a better position to criticize In that land, he says, is a mountain which is them. two and thirty days journey in length (P the To continue, however : on the arrival of Juchi Urals), beyond which, according to the report of and Bakha at the residence of the tribes of the inhabitants, is a great desert, where nothing "Van Kirghiz," their ruler, Yediinal, with can live, reaching to the end of the world. others, submitted and appeared before Juchi In this mountain there dwell a wild people who with a white falcon, a white net and black lived apart from other nations, only their sables. Juchi subdued all the people living in hands and faces being free from hair. They the forest, from Shibir to the south. This is hunted wild animals in the mountains, and also the first mention known to me of this famous fed on leaves and grass, and whatever they topographical name. met with. The ruler of the country sent There is a notice of this campaign also in the Idiku a wild man and woman, who had been Yuan-shi, where we are told that Tutukha moved captured there. The horses there were of the from Kholin," and reached in the spring the size of asses. There were in that land dogs river Kian," along which he travelled for which drew carts and sledges, containing several days to the Kiligisi, and subdued all clothes. They were as large as asses, and were the five tribes." Well may Palladius, who also eaten. Schiltberger reports the inhabitants quotes this passage, say that the accounts as Christians, and makes their country the vary. The first mention of Siberia in a contem- land of the Three Kings. The inhabitants of porary document must excuse & slight digres- this land were called Uguie." It was custosion on this important name. On a later mary in that country, when a young man died occasion, we are told in the Yuan-shi how the unmarried, to dress him in his best clothes, to armies of Khubilai reached Ibir Shibir." hold a feast, lay his corpse on a bier, and then Rashid speaks of the land als Abir u Sibir, raise a canopy over it. This was carried in and Abir u Sabir, and Quatremere connects procession, accompanied by the young people in the two names with the allied tribes of the their best clothes, behind went the father and Avars and Sa biri, who invaded Europe in mother and other relatives making lamenta the 6th century. The author of the Mesalektions. When they reached the grave they Alabsar speaks of the country of Sabiru held a funeral feast, the young folk sitting A bar, and tells us how & terrible cold round, playing, eating, and drinking, while prevailed there, the snow falling for six months the father, mother, and friends sat wailing consecutively, the plains and mountains being until the food was consumed, when they were covered with it, the flocks being few and the escorted home, &c." means of subsistence scarce." In a passage Schiltberger reports these matters as having of the Matla Alsaadein, we read that the come within his own observation. They may Mirza Alau'd-daulah lived in the country of be compared with the account given by Marco Abar u Sabir, situated at the extremity Polo of the dominions of king Conchi," and of the land of the Uzbegs." Siberia is first of the Land of Darkness, as described by Ibn mentioned in the Russian annals in January Batata. " The Kemkomjut. 13 Palladius, op. cit. note 500. * Doubtless the Tuwalas of Rashidu'd-din, and classed " Quatremere, op. cit. 413 nota. by him with the Burkhat, perhaps the dwellers on the 15 Id. 414 note. Tuba are meant. Lehrberg, Altere Geschichte Russlande, pp. 76, 77, * See Palladius, note 197. 10 Karakorum. * I.e. the Kem. 1 Schiltberger's Travels, ed. Neumann, pp. 88-90. " Yuan-ch'ao pi-shi, note 498. "Op. cit. Yale's ed. vol. II, p. 478, &c. 11 Ugrians.

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APRIL, 1884. SANSKKIT AND OLD-CANARESE INSCRIPTIONS. 115 Schiltberger also mentions a town of Ibissi- Irtish and lying to the north of the steppes bar. This town occurs frequently in the of the Kirghiz Kazaks and Barabinski. Let sabsequent notices of the Russian conquests of us now turn again to the Yuan-ch'ao-pi-shi. Yermak and his companions. It was situated We are told there that Juchi subdued all on the right bank of the Irtish, about 20 versts the peoples living in the forests, from the above Tobolsk, in a place called Kashlik by the race of Shibir to the south. These tribes are natives, and it was otherwise known to the thus enumerated Shibir, Kesidiin," Bachi, Siberian Tartars as Isker, but the Tartars, as Tukhessi (?), Tianli, Tolesi (P), Tass (?) and I have shown in my work on the Mongols, the Bajiji (P). On his return home, we are were not the original occupants of this area told, he took with him the Kirghiz combut conquerors, and the name Sibir was, manders and the petty chiefs of the forest probably that in use among the people whom people, and presented himself to Chinghiz Khan, they conquered, namely, the Ugrians. Its who said to him, "Of my sons, you are the exact connotation as applied to the district is eldest. Now you have made war for the first not easy to determine, but it was probably time, and have subdued all the people living applied generally to the area bounded by the 'in the forest. These people I give to you."*** SANSKRIT AND OLD-CANARESE INSCRIPTIONS. BY J. F. FLEET, BO.C.S., M.R.A.S. Continued from p. 91. No. CXLI. of these grants, moreover, the description of The Tao grant of Dadda II. was originally Dadda I., in lines 1 to 6, is taken word for word published by Professor R. G. Bhandarkar in the from the description of Dadda II. in lines 25 Jour. Bo. Br. R. As. Soc. Vol. X. pp. 19ff. I re- to 31 of the two Kaira grants. edit it now, with a lithograph, from the original The inscription is of the time of Dadda plates, which belong to the Bombay Branch of II., otherwise called Prasantaraga. It is the Royal Asiatic Society. They were found dated in Saka 417 (A.D. 495-6), at the time in the vicinity of Ilao, in the Broach District. of an eclipse of the sun on the new-moon day The plates are two in number, each about of the month Jyoshtha. General Cunningham 11" long by 61" broad. The edges were gives, as the corresponding English date, fashioned slightly thicker, so as to serve as rims Wednesday the 8th June A.D. 495, on which to protect the writing, and the inscription is in day there was an eclipse of the sun. But the & state of perfect preservation throughout. eclipse occurred in Paris at 6-30 PM. Therefore There are holes for two rings; but only the it occurred in Gujarat about eleven o'clock at left-hand ring, which had not been cat, was night, and was invisible, and was, accordingly, forthcoming when the grant came into my an eclipse of which the Hindu astrologers hands. It is about thick, and of an irregu- would take no notice. Pandit Bhagwanlal lar shape like the rings of the Valabhi grants. Indraji, -whose remarks against the genuineThe seal on it is roughly circular, about 14" ness of this grant, at pp. 72-74 above, must be or 17" in diameter; and it has, in relief on borne in mind, is disposed to consider that * countersunk surface, a device of uncertain the forger of this grant obtained a genuire nature, though it may possibly be intended record of an eclipse of the sun on the new-moon for Garuda as a bird, and below it, in charac- day of the month Jyeshtha in the year 417 of ters more legible in the original than in the the real era of the Gurjara grants, and referred lithograph, the legend Sri-Dad[doja. The the year to the Saka era through ignorance of language is Sanskrit throughout; and, down to the era that it really belonged to. The results of 1. 13, the text agrees almost word for word the calculation made by General Cunningham on with the text of the Umeta grant. In both this hypothesis, have been given at p. 77 above. 10 Op. cit. p. 106. " Lehrberg, op. cit. p. 80. # Rashidu'd-din refers to a tribe Kentemi among the forest people. There were no doubt the Kishtimin of the Ranian writers, nee Muller, Saml. Russ. Gench, bk. VIII, p. 127; Pallas, Voyages, vol. IV, 538 note. Gmelin in his Siberian Travels, French Translation, by Keralio, vol. I, p. 129, given Kentemi as a synonym for Theleit, by whom he means the Telenguts, and Rashidu'd-din puts the Kertemis and Telengats under one houding. 13 Yuan-ch'ao-pi-ahi, p. 132.

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116 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. The charter is issued from the victorious camp at the gate of the city of Bharukachchha or Broach. And it records a.grant of the village of Raidham, in the vishaya of Akulesvara. This must be another name, approaching more closely to the modern Ankuleswar or Aukleswar, of the Akruresvara of Nos. CXXXIX. and CXL. The village granted was bounded on the east by the village of Varanera, which Professor Bhandarkar identifies with the modern Walner,' about four miles to the north-east of Ilao, and eight miles Text." First plate. [] Om Svasti Vijaya-vikshepat Bharukachchha-pradvara-na(va*)sakat [1] Saka(ja")Iaghana-patala-vinirggata-rajanikara-ki (ka)r-avabodhita-kumuda [] dhavala-yasa[*]-pratap(ndeg)-[*]sthagita-nabho-mamdalo-neka - samara - samkata - pramukh[A]gata-nihata-satru-simamta-kulavadhu-prabhatasama [] ya-rudita-pha(chchha')l-odgi(dgi)yamina-vimala-nistrimsa-pratapo rana-kamala-pranam-odghrishta-vajra-mani-koti-ruchira-di deva-dvijati-guru-cha Apparently named after the god Siva, one of whose names is Akula. [APRIL, 1884. to the south-east of Ankleswar; on the south, by the river Varanda, which he identifies with the modern Wand-Khari;' on the west, by the village of Sunthavada ka or Sunthavadaka; and on the north, by the village of Aralum. Sunthavadaka or Sunthavadaka is perhaps the modern Sunthwid' in the 'Chikhli' Taluk of the Surat District; but I have no maps at hand to ascertain the position of this village." The villages of Ridham and Araluam remain to be identified. [] [] dhiti-virajita-makut-odbhasita-sirab di(di)n-AnAth-Atur-[*]bhyagat-[*]rthijan-[4]chli(kli)shta-paripurita-vibhava-manorath-opachiyamana-tri (tri) vishta. p-aika-sahaya-dharmma-samchayah pranaya-parikupita-maninijana-pranama-purvva-madha (dha)ra-vachan-opapidita-prasida-prakasi (si)krita-vidagdha-nagaraka-svabhivo vimala-guna-pamjar-[a]kshipta-bahala-Kali-timira-nichayah Dad[d Jas"-Tasya su(su)nu[b] samada-pratid vamdvi-gaja-ghata[] bholi-nistrima-vikramas-prakatita-mrigapati-kiso(so)ra-vi(vi)ry-[*]valepah payonidhi (dhi) [] srimad krita-bhaya-ta-prara(cd)dha-dha(va)nn-Mich[A]-vihrita-niramkuin-dina-prava a everywhere, except in the present passage, and the corresponding passage in the Umeta grant, and in the legend on the seal of the present grant and perhaps on the seal of the Umeta grant.-Prof. Bhandarkar has made some remarks (Jour. Bo. R. Br. As. Soc. Vol. X. p. 20, note) on the prefix srimat, stating that he had never found it used as a profix to the names of kinga. It, however, does constantly occur in such a connection, -not only in the case of subordinate kings and feuda tory chieftains, e.g. riman-mahima daliera Chivundariyaras, in No. I. 1. 10-11, (Vol. IV. p. 179); srimad-Ganga-Permnadi-Bhuvannik eiran Uday dityad', in No. II. 1. 21-2 (id. p. 209): srimd-Upendr tiap 4, in No. LXXVIII. 1. 31 (Vol. IX. p. 131); srimat Leeyaras, in No. CXXXII. 1. 7. (Vol. XII. p. 225): and v, in No. CXXXIV. 1. 10-11, (id p. 256);-but also in the case of paramount sovereigns, e.g. srimit-Trilky mll diva, in No. I. 1. 4-5, (Vol. IV. p. 179); srimad-Bhuvanaikmallad ca, in No. II. 1. 10-11 (Vol. IV. p. 208): rimatTribhuvanamallad v1, in No. CXVI. 1. 5-6 (Vol. X. p. 136: Artmid-Adityavarm4, in No. CXIX. 1. 12-13 (Vol. XI. p. 67); rimad-Vallabhanarendrade, in the Miraj plites (Vol. VIII. p. 15.; krimad-Dhirra shed'ra, in No. CXXV. 1. 33-4(Vol. XI. p. 159); rimad-Indraraja, in No. CXXVII. 1. 63 (Vol. XII. p. 161); rimid-Amghwarah N. ipatung, in No. CXXVIII. 1. 16 (id. p. 219); srimu-Nity warshidiu, irimat-Suvirrashidea, and Srimad-Voll bhimrendraden, in No. CXXXIII. 1. 39.40 (id. p. 251): irtit Kotigidir, in No. CXXXIV. 1.5 (id. p. 253); rimad-Akslavarshade, irim d-Amghav rahide, and trimed. Vall bhan rendrad', in No. CXXXVI. 1. 43-5, (id. p. 266); and rimat Kukkaladeca, in No. CXxxviii. 1. 4-5, (id. p. 271). At the beginning of his paper, Prof. Bhandarkar saya that this grant was found in a village in the Surat District. But I,-in the vicinity of which he says, at the end of his paper, that the grant was found.is, according to the Postal Directory of the Bombay Circle, in the Broach District. 3 From the original plates. Niarkat is also the reading of the Umt grant. Dr. Bihler has suggested that this mistake of ni for ei probably arose from the original document, from which the engraver copied, being in current-hand characters. 4 Sakl is also the reading of the Umeta grant. But, in addition to the sense, the reading of 1. 23 of the two Kaira grants shows that we must correct it into sajala. The whole of the description of Dadda I. in this grant, as in the Umita grant, is word for word the description of Dadda II. in the two Kaira grants. Pratipa is also the reading of the Umeta grant. But, in addition to the sense, the reading of 1. 26 of the two Kaira grants shows that we must correct it into pratin Phla is also the reading of the Umita grant. Dr. Buhler doubted the necessity for correcting it into chchhala. But the latter is distinctly the reading in 1. 27 of the two Kaira grants. In the Umeta grant also, the reading here is Doda; but, as in the present grant, the name of his grandson is written Dadds. As Dr. Buhler has pointed out (Vol. VII. p. 61. note 4), the modern form of the name is Dadaji, and therefore in the old form the a of the first syllable must be followed by a double d. As a matter of fact, in the inscriptions the name is writton Dadda

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APBIL, 1884.) SANSKRIT AND OLD-CANARESE INSCRIPTIONS. 117 [] ha-pravritta-digdanti-vibhrama-guna-samuhah sphatika-karpu (rpu)ra-pinda-pandu(ndura yasas-chandana-charchchita-samunnata-gagana-Lakshmi(kshmi)-payodhar-6[deg] [t]samgah Sri-Jayabhatos Tasy -[]tmajah prutihata-sakala-jagad-vyapi-dosh-adhi-kara vijri[m]bhita-santata (ta)-tamo-vritvi(tti)r-adhika-gura-sne. [O] ha-sampannao-vimala-dis-odbhasita-jiva-lokah parama-bodha-sama(ma)nugato vipula Gurijara-urip-anma'nva)ya-pradi(di)pata"m=upagatah [") samadhigatapamchamahasabda-maharajadhiraja-srimad-Daddah kusali sarvvan=eva rashtrapati-vishayapati-gramaku(ku)-[AR]yu("] ktaka(ka)-niyuktak-adh (dhi)[kari**]ka.mahattar-adim't(n)=samajn[&*]payati [1] Akstu vo viditam yatha maya matapitror=itmanas=ch=aiv=amushmika-punya-yaso. ("] bhivriddhaye Abhi(hi ?)chchhatravastavya-tach(cha*]turvidyasimanya-K[^*]s[y* Japa ka(sa)gotra-bahavri(sc. hvoi)cha-sabrahmachari-bhatta-Govindas-ta Second plate. [") sya su(su)nu(nave) bhatta-N[a*]r[a]yan[X(r)]ya bali-charu-vaisvadev-agnihotra-pancha (ficha)mah[{*]ja(Fa)ju-adi-kri(kri)y-otsarpan.[A*]rttha[m]" Akulesvara"-vishay [A ]ntah pati-RAZ[") dha"-gramo=syrigh[A*]ta-sth[a*]nani pu(pu)rvatah Varane (n3)ra-gramah dakshinatah Varand[AR]-nadih paschimatah Sumthava(va ?)daka-gramah ut[ taratah 7 Araluam *-grama " Sucha evam=ayan sya-chatar-agh[A]tana-visuddho gramah sodrauga(h*] [*]parikara[1] sa-dhanga-hirany (wy).[4*]deya[h*] 8-otpadya mana-vishtika[h*) ["'] samasta-rajaki(ki)y[&*]n[^*]m-apravesyam=a(sya a)-chandr-[A*]rk-[A*]rnnava-kshiti-sarit parvata-samana-kalina[h*] putra-pantr-invaya-bram-opabhogya[h*) pu(pu)rvaprat ta-deva ("] brahma-daya-varjjam=abhyantara-siddhy [*] Saka-ntipa-kal-atita-samvachchha(tsa)ra-sata chatushtaye saptadas-idhike Ye(jye)shth-[&*]m[A]vasy[a ]-su (su)rya-gra["] he udak-atisargena pratipaditam(h) [lo] Yato=sy=ochitay[A] brahmadaya-sthitya krisha tah karshayato bhunjato ble(Who)jayatal) pratidisa[*] to va na vy[^*]sedhah pravartita vya[!*] [IS] Tath=igamibhir=api nripatibhir=asmad vamsyair-anyair=v[a] samanya[m] bhumi-dana-phalam=avetya bind-u(u)llolany anity[AR]nyraisvary [AR]["]ni trin-[A]gra-lagna-jala-bindu-chancha(icha)lan(n)=cha jivitam=[*]kalayya sva-daya dirvise(68) sho=yam=asmad-[d*] ago=numantavyah palagita vyas-cha [l*] Tatha cheoktan [I] ["] Bahubhir=vasudha bhukt[i*] rajabhih Sagar-Adibhih yasya yasya yada bhumis-tasya tasya tada phalam (I) Yas-ch=[*]jiana-timir-livrita-matir-i In 1. 10 of the Umeta grant, the reading is charch- the first. chit-anga-ramunnata. *Prof. Bhinderkar reads Richhchhawul, and identi10 In 1. 12 of the Umeta grant, the reading is satipatka. fius it with the modern Racheed. Under the first two u First ts was engraved, and then it was corrected lettera there are truces of three cancelled lettera, of into t1 by partial erasure of the first otroke of the 0. which the first two aro vari. As the name stands now, 13 The reading adhiks is the sama in l. 14 of the the first syllablo is undoubtedly ri. The second syllable UmitA grant. There is no doubt, however, that it must is somewhat blurred in the lower right-hand corner ; but be corrected into adhikirika, which is the reading in it is without doubt an initial i. The third syllable is 1. 32 of each of the two Kaira grants. not exactly dha, nor exactly va; but it is more like dha 13 This Annatara is a mistake. than va. First atu was engraved, and then it was corrected into a by partial erasuro. 10 Prof. Bhind Arkar reads Arathuam, or Sarathuam, 26 From abhishi ?) down to here, the extant tout is with a preference for the latter, which he idontifies with engraved over a cancelled passage. the modern "Surtham,' about a mile and a half from * Or, by using a form of m, which may havo been * Walner. The third syllable, however, is undoubtedly current then, though it is not used elsewders in this lu, not thu. In the first and fourth syllables we have or in the UmetA grant, we may read [4] rttham Akulete precisely the same sign as the initial of A lduara in tara. The chasacter, however seems to ba exactly tho the preceding line. It is possible that the name may be Rame as the initial of Abhishi?) chchh tra in l. 19. Maralumam (Hoo noto 16 above); but I do not think so. 1 Prof. Bhindarkar reads Anluk vara; but thero is 11 This mark of punctuation is unnecessary, especially no nasal in the second syllable, nor any Anusrura overstanding, as it does, in the middle of a word. varit is more like dha a Correct into

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118 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (APRIL, 1884 [") chchhimdy[A]d=achchhidyaminam-anumodeta va sa pancha (icha)bhir=mmahapata kair=upapatakais-cha samyukta[bo] syad=iti [ilo] Uktam cha bhagavata voda vyase( se)["] na Vyase(se)na (1) Shashtim varsha-sahasrani svarge tishthati bhumi-dah a(a)chchhetta cheanumanta cha t[&]m"ny=eva narake vaset (I) Yan=iha dattani pura(") tan[do]ni" danani dharmm-[&]rtha-yasa (sa)s-karani nirbhukta-malya-pratimani tani ko nema sadhuh punar=adadita (1) Sva-dattam paradatta[m] va ya[") tnadraksha naradhipah" mahir mahi(hi)mntarh sro(5r8)shtha danach=chhreyd Dupalanan (II) Likhitam-idam samdhivigrah[ajdhikrita-Revena M[A]dhava sutona [ll] Sri-Vi(vi)tariga-su(sa)n[1,"] sva-hasto-ya mama ["] Sri-Prasantaraga (ga)sya [ll*] Translation. lion by the prowess of his sword, as by a Om! Hail! From the victorious campo merciless leap, which destroyed the troops of situated in front of the gate of the city of) the elephants, infuriated with rut, of (his) Bharakachchha :-" enemies; who displayed all the sportive quali(L. 1.)-(There was the glorious Dadday ties of the elephants of the quarters by expedi- who covered the expanse of the sky with the tions in the forests growing on both sides of creeping plant of (his) 'fame, which was as the sea, and by an unstinted stream of libewhite as a waterlily awakened by the rays of rality as by an unrestrained flow of rut; (and) the moon when it has come out of a mass of who perfumed with the sandalwood-oil of his water-laden clouds; the prowess of whose fame, which was as white as crystal or as a lump spotless sword was (always) being loudly pro- of camphor, the slopes of the high breasts, claimed by the weeping in the morning of the which were as clouds, of Lakshmi, who was as wives of the hostile Samantas who were slain the sky. when they came out against him) in the (L. 9.)-His son, the glorious Dadda, the dangers of many battles; whose head was supreme king of great kings, who has attained irradiated by a tiara that was decorated with the panchmahasabda, -who has dispelled the the lustrous rays of a crore of diamonds (in it) dense darkness which, developed by the power which were scratched by performing obeisance of evil, had pervaded the whole world ; who has to the feet, which are like waterlilies, of gods illuminated the world of living creatures by and the twice-born and spiritual preceptors; (his) pare precepts, perfected by (his) exceswho possessed a store of religion, the sole help sive affection for (his) spiritual preceptor; who to obtaining) paradise, that was always) being has attained the supreme (true) knowledge ; increased by satisfying the desire for wealth of (and) who has become the torch of the poor people and the helpless and the sick and extensive lineage of the Gurjara kings, strangers and supplicants and people in distress; being in good health, issues (his) commands whose clever and versatile nature was mani-. to all the rashtrapatis, vishayapatis, gra makutas, fested by the favour, induced by (his) honeyedayuktakas, niyuktakas, adhikarikas, mahattaras, speeches, preceded by respectful obeisances, of and others passionate women who were made angry by (L. 12.)-"Be it known to you that, in order (their) affection for him); (and) who cast the to increase the religious merit and the fame in dense darkness of the Kali age into the cage the next world of (my) parents and of myself, of the rays of (his) spotless virtues. the village of Raid h&m, in the vishaya of (L. 6.)-His son (was) Sri-J a ya bhata, Akules vara,- the boundaries of which are, -who manifested the proud valour of a young on the east, the village of Varanera; on the * This Annuvira is a mistake. Viksh pa ; see Vol. VII. p. 62, note 8, and p. 252, >> Here, and in the Umets grant, the reading differs and Vol. XI. p. 161, note 28. from the reading, puri norindraib, of the two Kaira 17 The context is (1.11) Srimad-Daddal kusali sarudin ranta. * This Visargs is a mistake. eva .. (1. i2) samojfidpayati. Al the gener Differing from the Umeta grant, the attestation herological portion, down to 1. 8, is of the nature of parenis not in current-hand characters. See note 21, p. 84 thesis. above.

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APRIL, 1884.] SANSKRIT AND OLD-CANARESE INSCRIPTIONS. 119 south, the river Varanda ; on the west, the who for the time being possesses the earth, village of Sunthavadaka; (and) on the north, enjoys the reward (of this grant that is now the village of Araloam,-this village, thus made)! And he shall incur the guilt of the specified as to (its) four boundaries,-together five great sins and of the minor sins, who, with the udranga, and the uparikara, and that having his mind obscured by the darkness of which is to be given in lind) in grain ignorance, may confiscate (this grant) or assent and gold, and the right to) forced labour as it to its confiscation !" arises ; not to be entered by any of the king's (L. 23.)--And it has been said by the holy people; to continue as long as the moon Vyasa, the arranger of the Vedas :--The giver and the sun and the ocean and the earth and of land dwells for sixty thousand years in the rivers and the mountains (may endure); heaven; (but) the confiscator (of a grant), to be enjoyed by the succession of sons and and he who assents (to such confiscation), shall son's sons ;. with the exception of grants dwell for the same number of years in hell! formerly given to gods and Brahmans; (and Those ancient grants, productive of religion to be held) by (the custom of) abhyantara- and wealth and fame, which have been made siddhi,-has been given by me, with liba- here, are like unused garlands (that remain tions of water,-in (the year) four hundred, from an offering to an idol); what good man increased by seventeen, of the centuries of would take them back again ? O king! best years that have elapsed from the time of the of kings !, carefully preserve land that has Saka king, at the time of) an eclipse of the been given, (whether) by thyself or by another; sun on the new-moon day of the month) preservation is better than giving ! Jyeshtha, -for the purpose of maintaining (L. 26.)-This (has been)- written by the the bali, the charu, the vaisvadeva, the agni- Sandhivigrahadhikrita Reva, the son of Ma. hotra, the five great sacrifices, and other dhava. rites, -to the Bhatta Narayana, the son of the (L. 27.)-This (is) the sign-manual" of me, Bhat!a Govinda, who resided at Abhichchha- Sri-Prasantaraga, the son of Sri-Vitntra, who belonged to the community of the raga. Chaturvedis of that (town), who was of the No. CXLII. Kasyapa gotra, (and) who was a religious This is another of the grants that were student of the Bahvricha bakha. found together with the grant of Nandapra(L. 19.)--" Wherefore no obstruction bhanjanavarma, No. CXXXVIII. above, at should be caused to this (man) cultivating Chicacole' in the Ganjam' District of the (this village) according to the proper con- Madras Presidency, and were presented by dition of a brahmadaya, (or) causing (it) | Mr. Grahame to the Madras Museum. It was to be cultivated, (or) enjoying (it), (or) obtained by me for the purpose of editing it, causing (it) to be enjoyed, or assigning it (to through the kindness of Mr. R. Sewell, C.S. another). The grant consists of three plates, ench (L. 20.)--"And this Our gift should be about 68" long by 24' broad. The edges of assented to and preserved by future kings the plates are here and there fashioned slightly whether of Our lineage or others, just as if it thicker; but not so uniformly or in so marked were a grant made by themselves, recognising a way as to shew whether this was done inthat the reward of a grant of land is common tentionally, to serve as a raised rim to protect (to him who makes it and to him who preserves the writing. The inscription is in perfect it), (and) understanding that riches are as preservation throughout. The ring, on which unsteady as a drop (of water, and are) tran- the plates are strung, is about it" thick and sient, (and) that life is as fleeting as a drop of | 34" in diameter; it had not been cut when water on the tip of a blade of grass. And so it the grant came into my hands. The seal on has been said :-The earth has been enjoyed the ring is slightly oval, about 1" by 1}'; and by many kings, commencing with Sagara; he it has, on a countersunk surface, the figure of >> Probably the place intended is that which is elsenere always called Ahiohohhatra, or Ahikshetra: see Vol. X. p. 250, note 5. *deg Sva-hasta. See, however, note 25, p. 118 above. 30 No. 156 in Mr. Sewell's published List of Copperplate Grants. Noticed by me, ante Vol. X. p. 243, No. 2.

Page #136
120 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. APRIL, 1884. some animal; as the grantor was a worshipper the father of Vishnuvardhana II. (Saks 579 to of Siva under the form of Gokarnasvami, and 586, or Saka 582 to 591). This is the period as the bull of Siva appears on the seals of to which the present grant, and No. CXLIII., some rather later grants which are closely con- and the Parla-Kimedi' grant mentioned below, nected with the present one, we might expect may be allotted, on palmographical grounds, this figure to be that of a bull, couchant to the and on account of the use of numerical symbols proper right; but it is much worn and very in the date and the omission to specify the faint, and might now be taken just as readily lunar fortnight of the month. And, with for a boar, standing to the proper right. The this to start with, the mention of the eclipse of weight of the three plates is 724 tolas, and of the moon, in lines 10-11, may perhaps serve, on the ring and seal, 394 tolas,-total, 112 tolas. calculation, to determine the date of the grant The language is Sanskrit throughout. exactly. The grant is one of the Maharaja Indre- No. CXLIII. below, is another grant of the varma, of the Ganga family, the lord of same Maharaja Indra varma, dated in the the whole country of Kalinga, and is issued same way, in numerical symbols, on the tenth from the city of Kalinganagara. And it day of the month Magha, in the one hundred records the grant of the village of Tamara- and forty-sixth year of the augmenting victoricheruva, in the vishaya of Varaha var. ous reign or sovereignty. tani, to some Brahmans. And another grant, closely connected with The grant was made, according to lines 10- these two, has recently been found at Parla11, on the occasion of an eclipse of the moon, Kimedi.' I have not seen the original plates on the full-moon day of the month Margasira, of it yet. But the transcription that has been In line 20 another date is given, in numerical submitted to me suffices to show that it agrees symbols, the fifteenth day of the month closely throughout with the style of the present Chaitra, and the one hundred and twenty- two grants, and is a grant of the Mahardja eighth year of the augmenting victorious reign Indravarma of the Ganga (or, probably, or sovereignty. This must be the date on in the original G Ang a family), the lord of which the charter was written. Kalinga, and is issued from the city of There is nothing at present to show the era Kalinganagara. It records the grant of to which this date is to be referred, or to indi- the village of 'Kettata' in the Devanna' cate the starting point of the era. But the panchdit. And it is dated, in numerical symbols, years are probably those of the Gang@ya era, on the thirtieth day of the month Magha, in which is mentioned in some grants of the the ninety-first year of the angmenting victoriGanga family that I shall shortly publish. Ons reign or sovereignty. The interval of fifty. And it is possible that the Maharaja Indra- five years between this "Parla-Kimedi' grant varma of this grant is identical with the and my No. CXLIII., renders it doubtfal Adhiraja Indra, who is mentioned, in the whether it is a grant of the same Indravarmi, Godavari grant of the Rajd Psithivim dla, as or of a grand-father of the same name; combining with other chiefs and overthrow- especinlly since, at the end, it seems to give ing a certain Indrabhatta raka. This Indravarma the title of Rajasimha, which is Indra bhatt & raka must be the Eastern not mentioned in my two grants. But, that Chalu kya of that name, the younger brother the three grants are closely connected with of Jayasimha I. (Saka 549 to 579 or 582), and each other is indisputable. Tezt." First plate. ['] Svasti Vijayavato(tab) Kalinga-nagara-vasak[t!) Mahendr-ichal-Amala-bikhara-prati shthit [*] sya char-Achara-gar[bo] sakala-bhuvana-nirmmkp-aika-sattra(tra)dharasya bhagavat8 Gok&It is to be noted that the vowel of the first syllable the family is Ganga in long here and in No. CXLIII. below. Wheron, in Jour. Bo. Br. R. A. Boc. Vol. XVI. pp. 114. the rather later granta, connected with those that I have mentioned just above, it is short, and the name of " From the original platos.

Page #137
GANGA GRANT OF INDRAVARMA. THE I 28TH YEAR. { a6) : njmnaa hr aa eenkhe 3gkh'l Ti ijpryd nhnuuN k haah // 1e :9 hoo laakh ( khu naa kh tm | Baahaa tee sunn krdee hoo kee 4 hjev skhee nee | |x ) aeug66a 603/13.4 j n naa hdaa / jhrnee 97 656 6] nee naa 9 8 h / * khuun cuuhaa ttn ree 6 4) Ji Ji ps'uu hai ! ! jee teerrleen 73 h nnaa kee 2 ml hai| 11 ruhaanuuN ) :)! ::: purkhu : tooN st . nveeN gnn mn naa hu hu dr) : ' tee jaam khu muH dee 'tee /

Page #138
GANGA GRANT OF INDRAVARMA. THE I 28TH YEAR. 10. p/ 5 sku-sittg bv.J'y e%22 zhg a ]]ags t)U2 smr12ts p'i zyu yy d GS shaa k khyod ]]2 238 1}Jal-nia mcho8, 7 ntth Kald) niug sM nvrgydnts37zngs, stnu'7 ju) nutsu 6]] -l 9)gujptsaakzl n peo2g a, z, ge 7 2#| 01) -g) zu jey2 =1) ts2yay)wspyd k71e '7 ]]g\12 / skun! nue. 2ay 5,jvhphnltnye yun33Jy 2]] (ae1]]* 'jdzh, bn Ja9vizee! $ J7%. 09]]zheb1 Jbs 40) y, 2 Js rgyeud ad) , \8 1 2 2 1) (she , jed la 3 den - 3 * , 3o o " 6 G66 J. Burgess. From the original plates.

Page #139
APRIL, 1884.] SANSKRIT AND OLD-CANARESE INSCRIPTIONS. [] rnpasvaminas-charana-kamala-yugala-pranamad-vigalita-Kali-ka[*] lanko Gang-amala-kula-tilaka[*] sva-[a]si-dhara-parispand-adhigata-sakala-Kali[] ng-adhi [ra*]jya[b] pravitata-chatur-uya (da) dhi-salila-taranga-mekhal-avani-tal-amala yasa ane [] ka-samara-samghatta-vijaya-janita-jayasabda-pratap-opanata-samasta-samanta Second plate; first side. [] chudamani-prabhi-majia(nja)ri-pujna(ja)-rajti(ji)ta-chara [] miapitri-pad-nuddhy (dhya) ta[b] sriman-mahark-Endravarmma Ba(va)rihavarttasi-vishay" Tamaracheruva-ggra(gr) m ba (va)taka-sahi 121 [*] to[*] sarvva-kara-pariharais-cha parihri(hri) ty=a-chandr-arkka-pratishtham-aggra(gra) harain kritva m[a*]ta[20] pitror=atmanas-cha puny(ny)-Abhivriddhay Marggaira-paurngsmasyish som-Opa["] rage salila-purvvan-kritva" | Viditam-astu v[6] nana-gotra-charan [8]bhyo brahma uebhy[8] Vaja [''] saneya-Kum[*]rasarmma-Devasarmma-pramukham"-Narasinghasarmma-Behn[u***]sa[r*] mma-Siva Second plate; second side. [13] sarmma - Matrisarmma-Kum [a*]rasarmma - Matrisarmma Devasarmma-Behnusarmma-Mahasena (na)sa [] rmma-Matrisarmma-Ravisarmma[bhyah*] samprapta (ttah) [*] Tand (d)=eva vidi(di). tri yashichita-bhoga-bhagam-upana yant(tab) sakha[th] prativasath(t)oti [] Bhavishyatai-cha raja vijapayati dharmma-kkra(kin)ma-vikkra(kra)mi [] [*]m-anyatama-yogad-avapy [*]m mahim-anusasadbhir-ayan-dana-dharmmo-nupala[] niyo(yah) [*] Vyasa-gitau chatra slokau bhavata [h] [*] Bahubhir-vvasudha datta rajabhi[h*] Sagar-adibhi[h*] [1] yasya yasya yada bhumis-tasya tasya tada phalam [*] Sva-dattam paradattam-ba (va) yatnad=raksha Third plate. [] Yudhishthira mahin-mahi (hi)matam sreshtha danach-chhreyo-nupalanam-iti [*] Ajna svayam [*] [] Pravarddhamana-vijaya-rajya-samba (mva)tsara[b] 100 20 8 Chaittra (tra) di 10 5 [*] Krita ch-[e]ya ["m-prasastir-amatya-Devachandra-sanuna Rahasika-Sankaradeve. [] na [1] atkirpp[a] Vinayachandra-sununa Aditya-manchin=eti || Translation. Hail! From (his) victorious (residence) situated at the city of Kalinganagara, the glorious Maharaja Indra varma,-who has had the stains of the Kali age washed away by obeisance to the two waterlilies which are the feet of the holy Gokarnasvami," the religious preceptor of (all) things movable and immov. "The vowel & has failed to appear in the lithograph. "Here, again, the vowel & has failed to appear in the lithograph. Correct into either Bo(va)rahavarttani-vishay, or B(ra)rahavarttini vishaye. The former is probably what was intended. 37 After this word, there is an omission of some such words as the sarvin] samav tan-kutumbinah sam. Ajinpayati of lines 10-11 of No. CXLIII. below. 31 This anusvira is a mistake. The vowel u is distinct in the following line, and able, the sole architect for the formation of the universe, who is established on the pure summit of the mountain Mahendra;**-who is the ornament of the spotless family of the Gangas; who has attained the supreme sovereignty over the whole of Kalinga by the quivering of the edge of his own sword; whose fame is stainless over the earth which this is evidently the correct form of the name. Conf. No. CXXXVIII., lines 10-12, ante p. 49. Siva, as the lord of Gokarna, a place which is still of great repnte and sanctity in the North Canara District of the Bombay Presidency. A mountain, or range of mountains, said to be one of the seven principal chains (kulasaila) in Bharatavarsha or India, and sometimes identified with the northern parts of the Ghauts of the Peninsula ;-Professor Monier Williams' Sanskrit Dictionary.

Page #140
122 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [APRIL, 1884. is girt about by the waves of the water of the The years of the augmenting victorious reign four wide-spreading oceans; whose feet are 100 (and) 20 (and) 8; (the month) Chaitra ; tinted with the mass of the clusters of blossoms | the day 10 (and) 5. which are the lustre of the crest-jewels of all (L. 20.)-This prasasti has been composed by the chieftains who have been bowed down by Rahasika-Samkaradeva, the son of the Amatya the prowess of (his) shouts of triumph produced Devachandra; (and) it has been engraved by by victory in the contests of many battles ; the Manchi Aditya, the son of Vijayaand who meditates on the feet of (his) parents, chandra. -having exempted the village of Tamara No. CXLIII. cheruva in the Varahavartant" vishaya, This, again, is another of the grants that together with its hamlets, with exemption were found together with the grant of Nandafrom all taxes, (and) having made (it) an prabhananavarma, No. CXXXVIII, above, at agrahara, established to continue as long as Chicacole' in the Ganjam' District of the the moon and the sun may last, (and) having, Madras Presidency, and were presented by Mr. for the increase of the religious merit of (his) Grahame to the Madras Museum. It was parents and of himself, accompanied (this act) obtained by me, for the purpose of editing it, with libations of water, at the time of an through the kindness of Mr. R. Sewell, C.S. eclipse of the moon on the full-moon day of The plates are three in number, each about (the month) Margasira, -[issues his commands 67' long by 24" broad. The edges of the to all the assembled cultivators*]" : plates are here and there fashioned slightly (L. 11.)--"Be it known to you ! (This thicker; but, whether this was intentional or village) has been given by me) to Brahmans of not, it is difficult to say. The inscription is in various gotras and charanas, (viz.) to Narasii- perfect preservation throughout. The ring, on ghasarma, Behnusarma, Sivasarme, Matrisar- which the plates are strong, is about thick ma, Kumarasarma, Matsisarma, Devasarma, and 29" in diameter; it had not been cut when Behnusarmi, Mahasenasarma, Matrisarma, and the grant came into my hands. The seal on Ravisarma, headed by Kumarasarma and the ring is slightly oval, about 1" by 11'; it Devasarma of the Vajasaneya (sakha.) Having had some emblem, on a slightly countersunk known this, dwell ye in happiness, tendering surface; but it is almost entirely worn away. the proper shares of enjoyment." and it is impossible to say with any certainty (L. 15.)- And he makes the request to future what it originally was. The weight of the kings, (that) this religious act of charity should three plates is 58% tolas, and of the ring and be preserved by (all) who rule over the earth, seal, 145 tolas,-total, 727 tolas. The language which may be acquired by any one or other is Sanskrit throughout. The characters are of of the methods of religion or succession (by the same class with those of No. CXLII. above; inheritance) or prowess. but, in some of their details, they differ from (L. 17.)-And, in the songs of Vyasa, there the characters of that grant, and follow the are (these two verses on this point :-Land has characters of some other, rather later, grants been given by many kings, commencing with of the Ganga family, that I shall shortly publish. Sagara; he who for the time being possesses This is another grant of the Mahuraja the earth, to him belongs, at that time, the Indravarma, of the Ga i ga family, and reward (of the grant that is now made)! is issued, like No. CXLII., from the city of O Yudhishthira, best of kings !, carefully pre- Kalinganagara. It records the grant, to serve land that has been given, whether by two Brahmans, of the village of T Alamala thyself or by another; the preservation (of a in the Korosota ka panchali. grant) is better than making a grant ! The grant was made, according to line 15, (L. 19.)- The command" is (by) himself. on the seventh day of the month Magha. In ** See note 86 above. " See noto 87 above. " The usual expression is djfaptih; but djaid ooours again in line 24 of No. CXLIII. below. It seems to me to be an expression of the same parport as that which in other grants records the name of the dataka or mes. senger who conveys the charter.-The following word, evayam, may perhaps denoto the grantees; but it seems to me more probable that it denotea Indravarma himself. * No. 157 in Mr. Sewell's published List of Copperplate Grants. Noticed by me, ante Vol. X. p. 243, No. 3.

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1. II a. // b. GANGA GRANT OF INDRAVARMA. THE 146TH. YEAR. 9EQnEA/U2mx12kh956. khFC2A3E CUO910TZ2Z... 1 O016 1091 look nng saa12000 > slykpunnbhaab 2prsaadptooypripqooydaumk maan 3 A AB,X cngkaap@ryyk8nnngyuub - 78, * phe] phzura yU 233 caaMdiip khMr6G ghcH TB | SEZ X9 FC + 2 p 122, diipyk ryypbkmkknduyyMnyiistv ooyrc ptimaaskkaanmkbipaa 04: 118296trlgnaacaaMchnaaMy 65Z T AT 5are a Co (5 ittthgdii ngaays ryy khlaaccitt | 49 5 sukhspaanmtaayengpaayy khM ryy 16 ^ 3 ALZE paaM ZT tth 5 phlyngk3 b bh 600 0 kulaI 50

Page #142
GANGA GRANT OF INDRAVARMA. THE_I46 TH. YEAR, illa. + * ny cu get ef & 24 99 22 m 2 pnd24. khlii 18 eM ddhimc6,006mquu khMm gsa . &kmm hnu. gdii49 gg12 - /// b, |M : *, 8 W. Griggs, Photo-lith.

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APRIL, 1884.] SANSKRIT AND OLD-CANARESE INSCRIPTIONS. 123 line 23, another date is given, in numerical the augmenting victorious reign or sovereignty. symbols,--the tenth day of the month Magha, This must be the date on which the charter and the one hundred and forty-sixth year of was written. Text." First plate. [] Svasti Jaladhi-jala-taranga-karapallav-alingita-sakala-Kaling-avani-tala-ti['] lakayamanad-vijaya-Kalinga-nagarat=sakala-bhuvana-nirmman-aika-stradharasya(sya) (deg) sakala-sasanka"-chudamaner=mmah-ahi-bhoga-parikarasya Mahondrachala-sikhara[] nivasino Gokarnnasvamino-navarata-pranamad-vigata-Kali-kalankah [deg] sahaja-vinay-Apast-ari-shadvargg-odayah sakti-traya-prakarsh-dvanata-samasta[deg] samanta-sird-mukuli(ta)-mani-prabha-pallavita charanambhoja-yugalah Second-plate; first-side. [') svadhigat-Aneka-vidya-kalA-kala pa-prasad-avapt-charyyakah prathita-vi [] pul-amala-Gang-anvay-ambara-sakala-sarach-chhasanko matapitri-pad-a. [deg] nuddhya(dhya)tah parama-mahesvarah Srima(ma) haraj-Endravarmma Korosotaka-pa("OJ ochalyan Talamula-grame sarvv[ano] samavetan=kutumbinah sama[") jna payaty-asti [lo] Parigatam-astu bhavadbhir-yyath=ayam gramah sarvva-kara7 bharaih parihrity=&-chandr-arkka-pratishtham-agraharam klitva . matapitro Second plate; second side. 137 r-ktmanag-cha puny-Abhivriddhy-arttham-Avarenga-Kalinganagar-8()bhaya-stha[^] na-vastavyabhya Kautsaka-gdtrabhyen chchhandoga-sabrahmacharibhyam Skanda[") sarmma-Lalitasarmmabhyam Magha-saptamyam=udaka-parvvam=asmabhih [^] samprattas-tad-hvam buddhvi y athochitan bhaga-bhogam-apanaya["'] ntah sukham prativasat-eti (l') Bhavishyad-rajani(bhi)s=ch=iyam dana-dharmmd=nupi["] laniyo [ilo] Vyasa-git&s=ch=htra sloka bhavamonti [lo] Bahubhir=vyasudha Third plate ; first side. ("'] datta bahubhis=chranupalita yasya yasya yad bhumis-ta[] sya tasya tada phalam [ll] Sva-dattam para dattam va. yatnad-raksha Yudhi["] shthira mahi[m] mahimatam sreshtha danach=chhrey8=nupalanam [ll] Shashti varisha. ["] saha (ha)srani svargge tishthati bhumi-dah Akshopta ch=Anumanta" cha tany=&va nafi rakd vaadd-iti ( Pravarddhamana-vijaya-rajya-samvatsarah 100 40 6 Magha di 10h [ll] ["] Ajnas mahamahattara-Gaurisarmm[^"] [l*) Likhitam-idam-amaty-CAdeg(P)]likaka(Pra)" desununa Third plate; second ride. [*] Bha(P)vadatton=otkirnnam=akshakalika-bhogiken=eti (116) Translation i ing obeisance to Gokarnasvami, the sole archi ng obairance to Qalarnavimo tha anle -- Hail! From the victorious city of Kalin- tect for the formation of the universe, who has ganagara, which is the ornament of all the the full-moon for (his) crest-jewel, (and) who land of Kalinga that is embraced by the fingers ie clothed with the coils of great serpents, of the waves of the water of the ocean, the (and) who dwells on the summit of the mounMaharaja Sri-Indravarme-who has had tain Mahondra ;-who, by his innate propriety the stains of the Kali age removed by unceas- of conduct, has prevented the development "From the original plates. . The lower part of this letter is cramped and badly formed, in consequence of being too close to the ring. hole. ** The lower part of the vis imperfect in the litho10 This word, asti, is superfluous and meaningless. This anuevdra is a mistake. Correct into usraha. * First and was engraved, and then it was corrected into ntd. # So. dasamah. " See No. CXLII., note 45, ante p. 122. - In the original, this akshara appeared to be ra; but, in the lithograph, it appears ka. It is very difficult to say what the preceding akuhara is intended for, and whether the two dota after it mean anything or not. Possibly the name really intended to be written Was mkdradera graph.

Page #144
124 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (APRIL, 1884. of the six enemies ;"- the water-lilies of Baka gotra, (and) religious students of the whose feet are covered with young buds Chhandoga (sakha). Having known this, dwell which are the lustre of the jewels in the ye in happiness, tendering the enjoyment of diadems of all the chieftains who have been shares in accordance with what is proper." bowed down by the excess of (his) three con- (L. 17.)- And this religious act of charity stituents of power;--who ina attained the should be preserved by future kings. proficiency of a holy teacher by the purity of (L. 18.)--And there are the verses sung by all the numerous sciences and accomplishments Vyasa on this point :-Land has been given by that have been well mastered (by him);-who many, and has been preserved (in grant) by is the full autumn moon of the sky which is many; he who, for the time being possesses the the famous and great and spotless lineage of earth, to him belongs, at that time, the reward the Gangas;-who meditates on the feet (of the grant that is now made)!' 0 Yudhishof his parents ;-(and) who is a most devout thira, best of kings!, carefully preserve land worshipper of the god) Mahesvara, -issues that has been given, whether by thyself or by his commands to all the assembled cultivators" another; the preservation (of a grant) is better in the village of Talam ala in the Koro- than making a grant! The giver of land so take panchdii : dwells in heaven for sixty thousand years; (L. 11.)--"Be it understood by you that, (but the confiscator (of a grant), and he who for the increase of the religious merit of (Our) assents (to such confiscation), shall dwell for parents and of Ourself, this village, having the same number of years in hell! been exempted from the burden of all taxes, (L. 23.)-The years of the augmenting and having been made an agrahdra, established victorious reign 100 (and) 40 (and) 6; (the to continue as long as the moon and the sun month) Magha; the tenth day. The commay last, has been given by us, on the seventh mand" is (by) the Mahamahattara Gauriday of the month) Magha, with libations of sarma. This (charter) has been written by water, to Skandasarma and Lalitasarma, inha- Bhayadatta (?), the son of the Amatya Abkabitants of the two places of Avarenga and kade (?), o (and) engraved by the Bhogika who Kalinganagara, members of the Kaut. I is the Akshasalika. MISCELLANEA. THE PROVERBS OF ALI BIN TALEBI. 64. The authority of a fool manifesta his faults, Translated by K. T. Best, M A , M.R.A.S., but that of a wise man his good deeds. Principal, Guzerat College. 65. He who willingly listens to foolish talking, Continued from p. 61. is an abettor of the speaker. 55. Sometimes silence is more efficacious than 66. The good administration of justice is seen speech. in three things; in moderating strictness with 56. The error of a wise man is like a shipwreck clemency, in giving with the utmost impartiality in which the ship itself is sunk and others sink to each what belongs to him, and in observing with it. well a method so as not to turn to the right or left. 67. The gain of this world is the loss of another. 67. Enquire about a companion before you join 58. The things of this world which have the him on a journey, and about a neighbour before appearance of being good corrupt weak minde. you hire his house, 59. Be liberal in conferring benefits and largely 68. The gratitude of a true man is shown by extend your beneficence, for there will be a most his work, but that of a hypocrite by his tongue. certain treasure in the future and a most pleasant 69. To be praised by the wicked is the worst remembrance of them. praise. 69. The love of the world is the cause of cala 70. The worst of men is he who does not care mities. if men see him doing wrong. 61. The cause of hatred is envy. 71. The worst of rulers is he whom the inno62. The cause of fighting is litigation. cent fear. 63. The armour of the pious is prayer. (To be continued.) "1.e. the six faults of desire, wrath, covetousness, Seo ante p. 50, note 18. bewilderment, pride, and envy. "Soo note 15 above. " See note 56 above.

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MAY, 1884.] A KARNATA GRANT. 125 1 Yayati KARNATA GRANTS, No. I. A GRANT OF VENKATA II OF 1636 A.D. BY E. HULTZSCH, PH.D., VIENNA. THE subjoined grant has been edited from an Nahusha 1 excellent photograph made over to me by Dr. Burgess. The grant consists of five plates measuring 9-8 by 75 inches, the first and last Paru of which are inscribed on the inner sides only. Among his descendants Bharata Samtang : The holes for the ring by which the plates were The fourth after him Vijaya (i.e., Arjuna) held together are pierced through the upper part of the plates which is rounded at the top Abhimanyu and notched on both sides. The preservation Parikshit of the plates is excellent. The originals belong The eighth after him Nanda (5) to the Government Museum at Madras. >> ninth >> >> Chalikya The grant contains 70 stanzas in various > seventh , Sripatiruchi metres. Stanzas 48 to 62 record that in Saka . tenth Bijjala 1558 or 1636 A.D., the year Dhatri of the cycle > third >> Hemmali, lord of the of Jupiter, Ashadha budi 12, and before the idol town of M&ya (P) Sri Venkatesa, king Venkata II of Kar. >> fourth , Pinnama I (6) n a ta, who resided at Penugonda', granted Somideva the village of Kodyata surnamed Gopala- conquered seven forts of the enemy in one day. aripura' to Ranganatha, the son of Sin Raghayadeva ga raja and grandson of Lakkar & j , who was an ornament of Venkata's court, belonged Pinnama II, lord of the town of Aruviti. to the Kausika-gotra, followed the Apastamba Bukka made the rule of SAluva Nsisimha sutra, and was engaged in the study of the firm, and was married to Balls or Yajuhadkha of the Veda. Ballama (7,8). As I shall prove afterwards, the immediate predecessors of Veikata II were Ranga II Rama I took the fort of Avanigiri from and Venkat a I. The former issued the Sapada and conquered the fort of Devanhalli grant dated Saka 1506 or 1584 Kandanavoli, where he was poisoned by his A.D., of which Mr. Rice has published an relations; his wife was Lakka (9 to 12). abridged translation, the other the VilApaka Ranga I was married to Tirumala (13 to 15). grant dated Saka 1523 or 1601 A.D., a facsimile of which was furnished to this Journal by the Madras Government, and published with a note Rama II (16, 17). Tirumala Venkatadri (18). (19 to 22). by the late Dr. Burnell. The Varneavali of the Kondyata grant (stanzas 3 to 33) names the following princes :- Raghunatha. Ranga II Rama III Venkata I The Moon (3) resided at (24). Penugonda (23). Budha (4) Tho Varnsaval of the Vilapaka grant is Pururavas identical with the one given here down to Tirumala.. Then it relates that Tirumala had two sons by Vengala, viz., Ranga II (who issted Penugonda is situated in the Bellri District of the vir. Gadiyata, belongs. See the article Gudiatham in Madras Presidency, lat. 14deg 5 N., long. 77deg38 E. See the the Imperial Gazetteer. article Pennakonda in the Imperial Gazetteer, and the Mysore Inscriptions, p. 252. map in Mr. Rice's Mysore Inscriptions, p. 84 of the In- * Indian Antiquary, vol. II, p. 371. Dr. Burgess has troduction. It was at Pennakonda that the Vijayanagar provided me with an excellent photograph of this grant. royal family is said to have taken up its abode after SA king 'Saluva Narainha' is mentioned among the their defeat by the Musalmans: It must not be oon- BUCOo8Hors of Bukks of Vijayanagara by Wilson, Aniatic founded with Penugonda in the Godavari district. Researches, vol. XX, p. 7. * This village must be situated in the North Arkt * Stanzas 1 to 19 of the Vilapika grant 1 to Distriot of tho Madras Presidency, to which one of the 16, 18 to 20 of the Kopdyta grant. localities mentioned in the description of its boundaries,

Page #146
126 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [MAY, 1884. the Devanhalli grant of Saka 1506') and Venkata I, who issued the Vilapaka grant of Rama (27 to 29). Saka 1523. The Kondyata.grant mentions the reigns of both Ranga II and Venkata I, and Ranga (30 to 33). continues the Variavali from Rama III, the elder brother of Venkata I, thus : Podavenkata or Venkata II, Pinaverkata. Rama (25). who resided at Penugonda and issued the Kondykta grant Tirumala. Ranga (26). of Saka 1558. Venkata II cannot have belonged to the fourth generation after Venkata I, as the difference between the dates of their grants is only 35 years. If one supposes that the genealogist has confounded Rama I with Rama III, the two branches of the Varnsdvali may be combined thus : Rama I (9 to 12; 25) Tirumala Ranga I (13 to 15; 26) Rama II (16, 17; 27 to 29) Tirumala (19 to 22) Venka Adri (18) Ranga (30 to 33) RaghunAtha Ranga II (23) Rana III Venkata I (24) [Saka 1506] [Saka 1523] Pedavenkata Pinavenkata or Verkata II [Saka 1558) Veikata II would then have been a very represent the celebrated Chalukya dynasty; distant relation of Ranga II and Venkata I, the Bijjala the Kalaharis; and Bukka last two kings of Karnata of the other branch.' the princes of Vijayanagara. The Vila The earlier half of the Vamavali has scarcely paka and Kondyata grants throw no light on any historical value, and is evidently compiled the confused accounts which we possess of the from different sources. The first or mythical later kings of Vijayanagara." Although the part serves to connect the kings of Karnata kings of Karnata may have been related to with the Somavarnea or Lunar-race; hence the kings of Vijayanagara, it is impossible to Venkata I and Venkata II profess to be say how they descended from those VijayaAtreyagotrajas or descendants from the race nagara princes whose inscriptions have been of Atri, the Moon's father. Nanda is the published." representative of the old dynasty of Pataliputra, Ranga II is the first prince who is called which was overthrown by the Maurya Chandra- king of Penugopda in the KondyAta grant. gupta. Chalik ya, after whom Venkata I He and his two successors Venkata I and and II call themselves Chalikyachakravartins, | Venkata II bear in their respective grants the or emperors of the race of Chalikya," seems to titles 'lord of the town of Araviti," and Mr. Rice has misunderstood the stanza tresting of the birth of Ranga II, which rans thus in the Vikpiks grant (20) anaMtaraM tananaya[:] pratItabhakAsti hstaapjitpushaakhii| zrIvegaLAMbAcirapuNyarAzi[0 zrIraMgarAya[ bhitbhaagdheyH|| Mr. Bioe's king Visakhi is the Kalpadrums (dyufakhn) and belongs evidently to the same race s the famous Valabht king S11Aditya Musalli' and the late Gurjars prinse&rt-Datta Kuiall. * Sinoe the above was written, Dr. Burgess has gent me a photograph of a grant of king Range dated Saka 1566 which proves my arrangement of the Karnata Vansavalt to be correct, as it calls Venkatldri the younger brother of Veikata II's grandfather (khydtas tasya pitamahdnujatayd). .Vi!Apaka grant, 92; and Kondykta grant, 12. 10 VilApAka grant, 83; and Kondykta grant, 13. 11 Ravenshaw and Wilson, Ariatic Researches, vol. XX, p. 1. 11 Mr. Fleet has given list of the Vijayanagara inscriptions published by himself, and of other unedited ones, in the Journal of the Bombay Branch R.As. Boc., vol. XII, p. 336. That passage of the Kondylta (and Vildpaka) grant which trests of the privileges granted to the donoo (58 to 82) and the comminatory stansmat the end of the grant (66 to 70) resemble literally the oorresponding passages of a Vijayanagara.grant publish ed by Colebrooke, Miscellaneous Essays, And. ed., vol. II, p. 254. " The only other prince who receives this biruda in the Vansduali is Pinnama II.

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A KARNATA GRANT. MAY, 1884.] 75 'lord of the town of Kalyana.' Both the Vilapaka (stanzas 22 to 40) and Kondyata grants (stanzas 34 to 47) contain a long passage which praises in general terms, and enumerates the Sanskrit and Kanarese birudas of the two Venkatas. Of each of the two it is said that, having been anointed by the spiritual teacher of his family, Tatayarya, he vanquished the Yavanas, i.e. the Muhammadans; and that he gained the throne of Karnata by the strength of his arms, just as the kings of Vijayanagara, the Karnata princes, ruled over smaller dignitaries, called Nayakas or lieutenants. The Vilapaka grant seems to have been issued at the request of a certain king Linga of whom the king Balla laraya1o was afraid,' who resided in Nellaturi (probably Nellatur, between Madras and Chittur), and was the son of Velaribomma (or Bomma of Velur ?) and grandson of Virappa Nayaka." A few inscriptions of the Balam Nayakas have been translated by Mr. Rice; in one of them dated Saka 1500 or 1578 A.D. Krishnappa Nayaka acknowledges king Raiga II as ruling Sovereign. Although the kings of Karnata had their tributaries, their title, Mandalika, or provincial chief, seems to imply that they were or had at least been at the time of the assumption of that title vassals to some other power, the inscriptions do not say to which. In any case it is nothing but an empty boast when Venkata I says that he was 'praised by the kings of the Kambhojas (sic), Bhojas, Kalingas, Karahatas, &c., who were his doorkeepers," and if it is asserted of both 1 Vilpaka grant, st. 23 and 40; and Kondyata grant, st. 36 and 47. 1s About the NAyakas of the kings of Vijayanagara see Burnell, South Indian Palaeography, 2nd ed., p. 55, note; Mr. Fleet, l.c., p. 343; and Ind. Ant., vol. X, pp. 63, 64, 66. ie Ballala was the name of three kings of the Hoysala dynasty, which had, however, been destroyed by the Muhammadans long before Linga's time. See Mr. Fleet's Kanarese Dynasties, p. 64. The passage referred to (stanzas 57 to 61) stands between two stanzas corresponding to stanzas 61 to 62 of the KondyAta grant. The first stanza is much obliterated; I read the whole as follows: Cargazifamaterkyat si: ||| zivAdivAdimUrdhanyazivazAstrAbhimAninaH / 57] mahAdeva mahAdevapratiSTA- (read SThA) niratasya ha / bALa rAyabhUpAla manobhItipradAina (read 'yinaH) / [ 58 ] vidvaja- (rend jja) nahadAM- (read daM) bhojakulAbhyudayabhAsvataH / zrIneSTarivIrAkhyakSetra sthAnavatassadA / [ 59 ] vIrappanAyaka kSmApapautrasyAmitrakarSinaM (read naH) / 127 Venkatas that they were honoured by the Arattas and Magadhas." 21 The stanzas of both the Vilapaka and Kondyata grants were composed by the 'poet' Rama, the son of Kamakoti and grandson of an unnamed Sabhapati. The engraver of the Kondyata grant was Achyutarya, the son of Ganaparya" and grandson of Viranacharya, while the Vilapaka grant was engraved by Kamayacharya, the son of Ganapaya and younger brother of Virana, evidently an elder brother of Achyutarya. The South-Indian origin of the author and the engraver of the Kondyata grant manifests itself in several peculiarities. The Visarga is very often omitted, especially before sibilants. For initial i, e, u we find yi, ye, vu (yiva, stanza 28 and yiti, st. 54; yetan, 15 and yeka, 69; vuttarasu, 56) and vice versa (tartiika for tartiyika, 5"); ri for ru (erita, 9, drima, 25, eritavat, 26, visrita, 30, visrrita, 28) and ri for ri (akriti, 28)." The aspirates are not seldom confounded with the unaspirated letters, a with s. In two cases y is doubled (kamaniyya, st. 32, and ranganathayya, 52) and several groups are assimilated (chalikka, 5; anna for ahna, 6, abhishichchamana, 20; anuvrajja, 31; chalikka and manikka, 43; sayyukta and sayyuta, 59). The alphabet employed in the Vilapaka and Kondyata grants is the Nandinagari. The excellent preservation of the Kondyata plates enables me to give a few additions and corrections to Dr. Burnell's table of that alphabet." The new letters are-, ai, dha, pha, la; among the groups of consonants, Anfanga, (1) greenfierunter. [10] zrImatI liMgabhUpAlavijJaptimanupAlayan | [ 65 ] state [n] pati mahArAyamahIpatiH / sahiraNyapayodhArApUrvakaM dattavAnmudA / / [62] Dr. Burnell, 1. c., appears to have misunderstood the passage, as he represents Virappa NAyaka as the grandfather of Verkata I. The name Virappa occurs several times in the list of the NAyakas of Madura found in Wilson's Historical Sketch of the Kingdom of Pandya, Journal of the Roy. As. Soc. vol. III, p. 241. See also Dr. Caldwell's Comparative Grammar of the Dravidian Languages, 2nd ed. pp. 142 and 146 of the Introduction. 18 Mysore Inscriptions, p. 220. to ViApaka grant, st. 29; or Kondy&ta grant, st. 41. 20 Vilapaka grant, st. 39. 31 Vilapfka grant, st. 32; and Kondyata grant, st. 42. 3 This is the same person as GanappayAchari the son of Viranna (sic) who engraved the Devanhalli grant. trai, daine, and pradaina!, Vilapaka grant IIIa, 8; IVa, 11; IVb, 14. 15 ru for ri in tisrushu, Vilapaka grant IIb, 1. 6. 16 South Indian Palaeography, 2nd ed., plate xxi.

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128 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [MAY, 1884. 2, or ?chchha, 7 jna, Etta, dya, and at the end the name of Sri Venkatesa 7 dra, deserve to be noticed. 3 is hu, not (Vishnu), the tutelar deity of the two Vehri and kshu, la is li, not li, as Dr. Burnell katas," in bold Kanarese characters, just as the has read it, and the group ima is thus 3 name of Sri-Virupaksha (Siva) occurs at the Both the Vilapaka and Kondyata grants bear' end of the Vijayanagara grants. Transcript." Plate I. [1] zrIveMkaTezAya namaH [1] yasya saMparkapuNyena nArIra[.] namabhUsilA / yadupAsyaM sumanasAM tadastudvaMdvamA[] zraye / [1] yasya dviradavaktrAdyAH pAriSadyAH parazzataM / vidha [+] nighaMti bhajatAM viSvakzenaM tamAzraye / [2] jayati kSIraja[] ladherjAtaM saMvekSaNaM hareH / AlaMbana cakorANAMmama[6] rAyuSkaraM mahaH / [3] pautrastasya purUravA bhUdhasutastasyAyurasyA[.] tmaja()saMjajJe nahuSo yayAtirabhavatasmAccha pUrustataH / [8] tase bharato bhabhUva nRpatistasaMtatI zaMtanuH (1) tatturyo vi[] jayobhimanyurudabhUtasmAparIkSitataH / [4] naMdastasyA[10] STamobhutsamajani navamastasya rAjJazcaLiMkakSmApa[1] tatsaptamazrIpatirucirabhavadrAjapUrvo nareMdraH / tazyA[10] zidvijjaLiMdro dazama iha nRpo vIrahemALirAyastArti[11] Iko murArI kRtanatirudabhUstasya mAyApurIzaH / [5] tattu[1] yajani tAtapinamamahIpAlo nijAlokanastastrA[15] mitragaNastatojani haran durgANi sapAhitAt / anai[16] kena sa somidevanRpatistasyaiva jajJe suto vIro rAghava["] devarADiti tataH zrIpinamobhUnRpaH / [6] AravITinaga[10] rIvibhorabhUdhasya bukkadharaNIpatisutaH / yena sALu[va][19] nRziMhyarAjya(rAjA)mapyedhamAnamahasA sthirIkRta [7] [20] zvAkAminIzvatanukAMtibhirAkSipaMtI bukAvanI Plate II 4. [1] patilako bhudhakalpazAkhI / kalyANinI kama [*] lanAbha ivAdhvikanyA ballAMbikAmudavahaddahumAnya[] sIlA / [8] suteva kalazAMbudhesurabhiLAzugaM mAdhavAtku[.] mAramiva zaMkarakulamahIbhRtaH kaMnyakA / jayaMtamamarama[] bhArapi zacIva bukAdhipAcchrataM jagati ballamAlabhata rAmarA SEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEEE a Those two kings belonged to the Karnataka Vaish-Hindistinctly v. L. 11, resd saptamaH tasyAsIdvijjaLeMdro v. Rava DAsas, about whose literature Dr. Kittel has given interesting particulars (Ind. Ant., vol. II, p. 307). The L. 12, degstArtIIko (read degstArtIyIko) v. L. 18, following names of Vishnu ooour in the Kondykta grant : TIET V. read ufuf. L. 14, TETY V. Kundallavara, Murkri, Saringadhara, Seghagirlsvara, SrirAma, Sriveikatesm, Hari. L. 15, saptAhitAt v. anakena (read ahrakena) v. L. 17, 29 The abbreviation V. in the notes refers to the Vi!- read bhUpa:. L. 18, bhUdasya V. patismataH V. read sALubapaka grant. >> Plate I. Line 2, read bhUcchilA. L. 4, viSvakse na . nRsiMharAjyam. L. 19, kRtaM V. L. 20, svaHkAminI[] L.5, savyekSaNaM V. bhAlaMbanaM cakorANAmamarA V. L.6, | svatanu V. kukkA V. budhamuta V. L.7, read bhavattasmAca. L.8, read taze; Plate II 4. Line 1, budha v. L.2, ivAbdhikanyA VI babhUva V. read zaMtanustatturyo. L.9, bhUttasmAtparIkSitataHv. | read deghumAnyazIlAm. L8, budhessurabhi V. L. 4, L. 10, bhUsamajani V. rAjJaccalika (read rAjJaJcaLikya) zaMkarAtkuladeg V. L, bukkAdhipAdhRtaM (read degpAcchuta) V.

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MAY, 1884.] A KARNATA GRANT. [4] sutaM / [9] saha samanyA sahitamapi yazidhumanu sapA[2] tasyAnIkaM samiti bhuvazoyyauNa mahatA / vibhivyAdatte[8] [zmA] davanigiridurgaM vibhutayA vidhUteMdrakAsapuDayamapi [2] vidrAvya sahasA / [10] kaMdanavolidurgamurudadadayo bA [10] hubale (ya)na yo bhahutareNa vibhinya hareH / saMnihitasya ta [2]tra caraNAMSu bhaktatayA jJAtibhirarpitaM sudhayati ma ni[18] keMvya viSaM / [11] zrIrAmarAja kSitipasya tasya ciMttAmaNera[13] thiMkadaMbakAnAM 1 lakSmIrivAMbhoruhalocanasya lakAMbi [14] kAmuSya mahiSyalAsIt / [12] tasyAdhikaisamabhavastanaya[15] stapobhizrIraMgarAjanRpatizasi vaMzadhIpaH 1 Asan [10] samulasati dhAmana yasya citraM netrANi nairisudRzAM ca [7] niraMjanAni / [13] sartI tirumalAvikAM carivalIyA[10] dvatImathAmapi titikSayA vasumatIya rudatIM / himAMzu[20] riva rohiNI hRdayahAriNIM zaramodata sa dharmiNIma[10] yamavApya vIrAgraNI / [14] racitanayavicAraM rAmarAjaM ca dhI[2] raM varatirumalarAyaM veMkaTAdrikSitIzaM / ajanayata [22] yetAnAnupUrvyAkumArAniha tirumaladevyameva rAjA ma sa Plate II B. [+] / [15] sakalabhuvanakhaMDakAnarAtIn samiti [0] nihatya sa rAmarAjavIraH / bharatamanubhagIrathAdi[] rAjamathitayathAH prazazAsa cakramuH / [1] vitaraNaparipA[+] TIM yasya vidyAdharINAM nakharamukharavINAnAdagItA nizamya / [5] anukalamayamAnAlA burvivApadezAdamaranagarazAkhI lajja [ ] yA majjatIva / [17] vyarAjata zrIvararvekaTAdrirAjakSitau lakSmaNacAru[7] mUrttiH / vyapoSadhUrIkRtameghanAdarvan sumitrAzayaharSa[8] poSaM / [18] triSu zrIraMgakSmAparivRDhakumAreSvadhiraNaM vijityA[9] rikSmApAstirumalamahArAyanRpatiH / mahInaH sAMmrAjye [10] sumatirabhiSiko nirupame prazAstUna sarvAmapi tisRSu bhU [] simita hriH| [19] yazazvinAmagrasarasya yasya paTTAbhiSeke sa [29] [vi pArthivedI / pArthivedoH / dAnAMbudhairairabhiSiJcamAnA devapadaM bhUmi[15] riyaM dadhAti / [20] sAmAdayo vidhimukhAdina satyavAcA sAmAyu[14] pAyanivahA hava sAyugInAt / rAmAdayo dazarathAdina rA[15] jamIle tasmAdameyAsastanayA buMbhUH / [21] rAjA vatIbhUdrapunA[10] mA zrIraMgarAyazritapArijAtaH / zrIrAmarAjazizirA zurU[["] vyAH vikhyAtimAn veMkaTadevarAyaH / [22] zrIraMgarAyasahatreSu te L. 6, sahasrairasaptatyA V. read ya: sindhu sapAdasyAnIkaM v. L. 7, 'dattesmAdadeg V. 1. 8, vidhUteMdra: kAsappoDayumapi v. I. 9, 'dabhyudayo V. 1. 10, bahutareNa V. 1. 2, sma v. L. 13, lakkAMnikAdeg v. L. 14, tasyAdhikaissama' v. read 'bhavattanayastapobhi:. L. 15, rend nRpatiH zazivaMzadIpa v. L. 16, bhrAmami V. 1. 10, saguNaideg V. L. 22, road etAnAnupUrvyAtku', devyAmeva v. ; Plate] II B. Line 1, kaiTakA' V. L. 8, read cakramuyo: 129 L. 4 read gItAM. L. 6, read rAja: L. 7, read jyAghoSa '; dUrIkRtameghanAdaH kurvan V. 1. 8, 'ribhRDa'... 9, kSmApAMsti'; mahaujA [ : ] V. 1. 10, read prazAstyurvI. L. 11, read yazasvideg. L. 12, degSicyamAnA devIpadaM V. L. 18, dadhAti v; read satyavAcaH I. 14, read sAMyugInAt; L. 15, read 'maulestasmAdameyayazasadeg and babhUvuH ; an unedited grant roads 'ghunAthanAmA. L. 18, the same grant reads zrIraMgarAja', zrIrAmarAjaH, and zururSyA (:). L. 17, rend zrIraGgarAjaH

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130 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [MAT, 1884. [18] Su pAraM gato nItipayaHpayodheH / aSTAsu dikSu mathitassa [19] lebhe paTTAbhiSekaM penagoMDarAjye / [23] atha zrIveMkaTapati[20] devarAyo nayojvalaH / avanImasiSatkIrtyA dizo daza vi[1] zobhayan / [24] tajjAyasasudama[lajjAvahacaritarAmarAjavi[1] bhoH / jAtatirumalarAjakhyA[ta] zrIraMgarAyopi / [25] tayozrI[s] raMgarAyasya tanayA vinayAdhikAH | ajAyata dayAvaMta Plate III A. [1] "zRtavaMto yazazvinaH / [26] zrIraMgarAyanRpateH stanayeSu [ ] teSu pAraM girAmAdhigatA kavipuMgavAnA / ratneSu ko[] stubha . ivAMbudhisaMbhaveSu zrIrAmarAyanRpatisuciraM vi[+] lAsIt / [27] pUrva vizrRtarAmarAjanRpatezrIrAmabhadrAkriteH ( / ) [6] kalyANodayazAlinastanubhavA paMca mapaMcAvane / dakSA nI[6] tipathAnugAssamabhavan .. kSIrApagAkAmino (1) gIrvANA[] layabhUruhA yiva budhazreNISTadAnotsukAH / [28] yAjJAvijita[1] sugrIvAH prAjJAvanakRtAgrahAH / sarve te vibudhagrAhyA(ka) gu[] ruciravigrahAH / [29] vikhyAtacaryeSu nRpeSu teSu zrIraMga[10] rAjazzizirAMzururvyAH / vizvatraye vizRtakItirAsIt sau["] reSu zAleSviva pArijAtaH / [30] yaderIghanAkRtizravaNato [10] bhItyA mahatyA raNe pratyarthikSiti(kSitipaH phalAyanapa[i] raiH muktA luThaMtazramAt / kAMtArAbharaNIbhavaMti kalazaccha["] tradhvajaMkAMcitA()nyunmA tyadhibhUpadAni tadanubajjA[1] bhiyA kiM hayAH / [31] zrIraMgarAjasya tapovizeSaiH. saMtoSaNa[16] zzeSagirIzvarasya / kAruNyabhUmnA kamanIyyazobhI putrA[11] vahUtAM puruhUtabhogI / [32] pedaveMkaTeMdrapinaveMkaTAdhirA[10] DitinAmakA prakRtipAlanAsuko / kharadUSaNamahati[10] dakSiNAvubhau dadataH mammedamiva rAmalakSmaNA / [33] zrIzA[20] lI pedaveMkaTeMdranRpatijaiSTo vayobhistayoH (1) zoryodA[1] yaMgabhIrathAdhRtikalA()pUrvezca sarguNaiH / yasyArAti Plate III B. [1] nRpAlabhedanakalAyAtrAsu senArajaHpUrairbhUrja[*] [la]dhirbhavediti harizcittezca dhatte sthiti / [34] zrIraMgarA[] jeMdrakumArakesmin vIrottame veMkaTadevarAye / [+] paTTAbhiSikte penugoMDarAjye tadAbhiSiktAH sudhiyopi [] haeNmnA / [35] yathA raghukuloddahasvayamaruMdhatIjAninA svago [.] traguruNA sudhItilakatAtayAyeNa yaH / yathAvidhi yazaL. 19, rend penugoNDa. L.90, rend nayojjva la: and | read sa and prajJAvijita'. L. 10, road vibhuna . L.13, rond 'maziSa. L. 21, road tajyAyasaH surakhumalajjA...2, palAyanapara mukkA ThantaH, E.14 road 'dhvajAmAbatA' and road rAjaH syAtaH and tayoH. L.98, rond dayAvanta jyAbhiyA. L. 16, rend saMtoSiNa. L. 18, road kamanIya. "Plate IIIA.Line 1, rend zrutavamto yazasvinaH. L.3, read L. 17, read mat. L. 18, road gat. L. 20, rond gavigataH. L.s, rend bhUpatiH , and vyalAsIt. L.4, rend | jyeSTho. L. 31, read gabhIratA. vibhuta', 'napateH, and bhadrAkRteH. L.B, road 'nubhavA.. L.1,I - Plate TIB. Line b,mdr.. L-6, and yazasvinA.

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MAY, 1884.] A KARNATA GRANT. 131 [1] zvinA viracitAbhiSekakSaNadibhidya yavanAzarAnvija[] te prazAsan mahI / [36] yathAvidhi mahIsurottamakRtAbhiSe[.] kosare yadIyakaravAride kanakavRSTide sarvataH / ya[10] zomayataraMgiNI dazadigaMtare z2ubhate sA prazami[1] tobhavatkRpaNatorudAvAnalaH / [35] yasminveMkaTarAyabhabhU[19] ti vahatyurvI mudAnibharAH (1) kUrmoM veMkaTanAthatA[13] mupagatastadrakSaNe dIkSitaH / zeSopyenyamaSaveSama[1] calA durgatvamapyAzritA()ssaMtoSaM dadhate bhajati [1] kariNAM rUpeNa cAzAgajAH / [38] vArAzigAMbhIryavi[16] zeSadhuryazcaurAzidurgakavibhALavaryaH parASTa["] digrAyamanaHprakAmabhayaMkaraH zAdharAMtaraM[18] DAH / [39] hataripuranimeSAnokaho yAcakAnA (1) hosabi[19] rudaragaMDo rAyarAhuttamiDaH / mahitacaritadhanyo / [0] mAniyAn zAmulAdi . prakaTitabirudazrIH pATitA- .. [1] rAtilokaH / [40] sAravIraramayA samullasan AravITi Plate ITA.. [1]"purahAranAyakaH / kuMDalIzvaramahAbhujazra[*] yan maMDalIkadharaNIvarAhatA / [41] Atreyagotra[] jAnAmagrasaro bhabhujAmudArayazAH / atibiruda[.] turagadhaTTo matigururAraTTamagadhamAnyapadaH / [42] zalyA[ ] rinItizAlI kalyANapurAdhipaH kalAcaturaH / cAkicakra[6] vatI mANikkamahAkirITamahanIyaH / [43] aibirudarAyarA[.] hutavezyakabhujaMgabirudabharitazrIH / [44] rAjAdhirAjabi[.] rudo rAjarAjasamAhitiH / mUrurAyaragaMDAMko merulaMdhi[*] yazobharaH / paradAreSu vimukhaH pararAyabhayaMkaraH / [45] ziSTasaM[10] rakSaNaparo duSTazArdUlamardanaH / arIbhagaMDabheruMDo haribhakti[1] sudhAnidhiH / [46] soyaM nItijitAdibhUpatitatisumazAkhI sudhIsA[1] thAnAM bhujatejasA svavazayan karnATaziMhAsanaM / A setora[v] pi cAhimAdri vimatAn saMhatya zAsanmudA (1) saurvI praca[-] kAsti veMkaTapatizrIdevarAyAgraNIH // [40] vasubANakaLaMbeMdu[ga][10] Nite zakavatsare / dhAtRsaMvatsare nAmni mAti cASADhanAmani [1] [16] pakSe vaLakSe puNyakSa dvAdasyAM ca mahAtithau / [18] zrIveMkaTezapAdAbja["] saMnidhI zreyasA nidhI // zrImatkauzikagotrAya varApastaMba[10] sUtriNe / [49] yazazvine yajuzzAkhAdhyAyinebhISTadAyine / yaja[10] nAdimaSaTkarmabhajanAtpAvanAtmane / [50] zrIrAmacaraNA " sUdhige / zreyasA disyAM ca mahAni mAsa vasubANakadA mAna L.7, read 'bekaH saNAdibhiya yavanAsarAn (2), vijayate . cALikya) v. L.6, read mANikya'. Lu, rend 'tatiH L.S, read degsanmahIm. L. 12, read 'nirbhara. L.13, for | subAmazAkhI V; read degsArthAnAM, v. L. 12, read karNATa' nyamaSa the metro requires ..... L. 17, 'taraMgaH v. siMhAsanaM V. L. 15, read saMvatsare bhAvanAci. L. 16, rend L.90, sAmulAdi . L.21, road degsabAravITi. dvAdazyAM. L. 18, yazasvine v. * Plato IV A. Lanol, rend 79. L. , n deg (read

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132 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. rAdhike [20] bhojabhramarAyitacetasaH 1 vIraveMkaTarAyeMdranRpacittAnu [1] vartine / [51] lakarAmasya pautrAya siMgarAjasya sUnave / rAja[38] nyAsthAnaratnAya raMganAthAyya dhImate / / [52] jagatkhyAtava [23] koMDatoMDamaMDalabhUSaNaM I paDanIDumahArAjya paraMdrA Plate IV B. Amruko vikhyAtaM [1] mizvapatyaM / [ 53] ajanADuvi[] " zobhitaM / guDiyAtasya zImAyAM viDugrAma yiti [zru] [54] [+] gUhanagaramAmasya prAcIbhAgamupAzritaM / kauMDinyanAma - [+] nadyAzva dakSiNasyAM dizi sthitaM / [ 55 ] cittAtUru mahAgrAmapazcima[4] syAM dizi sthitaM / bedvAvinettaratnasya buttarAzAmupAzritaM / [5] go [] pAla zrI puramitipratinAmasamanvitaM / grAmaM koMDyA[C] nAmA[3] zobhitaM zobhanairguNaiH / [57] sarvamAnyaM catuzzImAsahitaM ca sa [] maMtavaH / nidhinikSepapASANasiddhasAdhyabalAnvitaM / [8] akSi[] pyAgAmisamyu gagabhInyasabhUruhaM [1] vApIkUpataTAkaizva [10] cchArAmaizca samyuta [me] putrapautrAdivibhauyaM kramAdAcaMdratArakaM [1] ["] dAnAdamanavikrItiyogyaM vinimayocitaM / [ 60] parItaH prayata[["] sigdha: purohitapurogamaiH [1] vividhaviSaya[10] rathikaigiMga [1] zrIvIravaikaTapatimahArAya mahIpatiH [1] sahi[2] raNyapayodhArApUrvakaM dattavAnmudA ka [2] Plate V. 90, read cetase. I. 88, rend nAthAya. * Plate IV B. Line 2, read fat and T. L. 5, read uttarA L. 7, rend catu:sImA I. 9, renddeg saMyuktaM gaNamoyaM. 1. 10, read saMyutam 'dibhirbhojyaM v. L. 11, dAnAmana v. read prayataiH L. 18, rand uH zrauta L. 18, 11-11 [MAY, 1884. kIrtidhuryyasya // [ 63 ] zrI sudhIjanakuvalayacaMdrasya bhUmaheMdrasya // varAcyu [] zrIvaiMkaTapatirAyakSitipativaryasya [2] zAsanamidaM [5] "zrI [1] baMkaTapatirAyokyAH mAha pItrassabhApateH / kAmakoTisutI [+] rAmakavizAsanavAGgayaM [ 64 ] zrIvIraNA vAryavareNyInI [] tArapaiau gaNapAryaputraH / sUtayAlikhat baikaTarAyamIle padyAni hRdyAnyatha [] zAsanasya // [5] dAnapAlanayormadhye DAnA zreyonupAlanaM / dAnA svargamavAmoti [7] pAlanAdacyutaM padaM / [ 66 ] zvadatAdviguNaM puNyaM paradattAnupAlanaM / paradattApahAreNa svada[8] taM [niSphalaM bhave ]t / [67] svadattAM paradattA vA yo hareta vasuMddharAM / SaSTirvaSasahassA[9] Ni [ viSThA ] yaM jAyate krimiH / [ 68 ] yekana bhagini loke sarveSAmeva bhUbhujAM / na bhI[10] jyA na karapAdyA vimadattA vasuMdarA [19] sAmAMnyorya dharma nRpANAM kA [+] le kAle pAlanIyo bhavadri [1] sarvAnetAnaM bhAvinaH pArthivAn bhUyo bhU [19] yoM yAcate rAmacaMdra : 11=11 [20] [22] zrIveka-["]Teza 20 Plate V. Line 8, read veGkaTapatirAjotayA. L. 4, read kavi :) the of "vArya is badly executed. L. 5, read likhad. I. 6, road twice dAnAt. L. 7, road svadattA. L. 8, read paradatta and bha varSa. L. 8, rend viSThAyAM and ekaiva bhaginI. 1. 10, rend 'kheturnRpArNA. I. 11, rond bhavadbhiH and sarvAnetAn. Z... 18, Colophon zrIveMkaTeza v.

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MAY, 1884.] THREE INSCRIPTIONS FROM KANHERI. 133 THREE INSCRIPTIONS FROM KANHERI. BY PROFESSOR F. KIELHORN, GOTTINGEN. The three inscriptions from Kanheri of taken from No. 15: pu; shu; B me; which I submit transcripts and translations' ke; tai; ro, 'yo; gau. Each of are those mentioned in vol. IV of Archaeol. the three inscriptions shows slight peculiarities Survey of W. India, p. 64, 1. 5, and p. 70, 1. 3. as regards the shape of several letters; in My transcripts are chiefly made from excellent No. 43A the stroke used for the medial & (and o) paper impressions by Dr. Burgess, but I have is drawn lower down than in No. 15; the also consulted the eye-copies published by Dr. which is written above another consonant is West in vol. VI of the Journal of the Bombay angular in No. 43A and rounded in No. 15; Branch of the R. Asiatic Society. The first of tha following upon a consonant is in No. 15 the three inscriptions is Dr. West's No. 15; the denoted by e(=ntha), in No. 43A by a two others, which formerly were considered as (-sthe); such and other differences will only one inscription, and which by Dr. West are given as No. 43, I denote by No. 43A and be better seen from representations than 43B. Portions of No. 15 and of No. 43A. have from any verbal description which I might give here. been read by Pandit Bhagvanlal Indraji, whose Each of the three inscriptions is dated; translation is given in the Journal Bombay Br. No. 15 Abvina badi 2, Saka 775 = September R. As. Soc. vol. XIII, p. 11, and in Burgess, 12th, A.D. 854; No. 43A Saka 799 = A.D. Inscriptions from the Cave-temples of W. India, 877-8; and No. 43B, I believe, Samvat (i.e. p. 61 and 62. Sakasamvat) 765 = A.D. 843-4. No. 15 contains six lines. The first three lines are ench 11' 8" long, the two next each The inscriptions record the erection of certain 17' 7", and the last is 11' 8" long. The buildings at Kaheri and the grant of letters are about 2'' high; they are not carved certain sums of money to be expended for the very regularly, but broader and deeper than in benefit of the monks of that monastery, and the other inscriptions. The inscription is in a they are interesting chiefly as proving that fair state of preservation. Buddhism was by no means extinct in Western No. 43A contains five lines, each of which India during the second half of the 9th century is 7' long. The letters are about 1 high ; A.D. Besides, they furnish for the reign of the though faintly cut, they are regularly and Rashtrakata king Amoghavarsha ($arva, skilfully formed. Excepting the final portions Ind. Antiquary, vol. XII, p. 180), the dates of the upper three lines, the inscription is well Saka 765 (P), 775, and 799; for that of his Vassal Pullabakti, the SilAhara chief of preserved. No. 43B, separated from No. 43A by two the Konkan, the date Saka 765 (P); and for vertical lines, also contains five lines, each of that of Pallasakti's successor Kapardin (II, which is 7 6'' long. The letters are somewhat Laghu) the dates Saka 775 and 799; and they smaller than in 43A, and they are faintly and mention Jagattunga (Govinda III) - irregularly out. To what extent the inscrip the predecessor of Amoghavarsha, and Kapartion has suffered may be seen from Dr. West's din (the older), likewise a Vassal of Amoghacopy. Varsha, as the predecessor of Pallasakti. It The language of the inscriptions is Sanskrit, also deserves to be noticed that the name of the and the alphabet employed old Devanagari. last-named prince is written Teh, not The forms of the letters are essentially the TEH as in the grant of Chittardjadeva. (Ind. same as in the Samangad copper-plato grant | Antiquary, vol. V, p. 277) and in the grant from of Saka 675, published at p. 110 of vol. XI of Kh&repatan (I. c. IX, p. 33). For the rest I the Ind. Antiquary. As regards medial vowels, refer the reader to Pandit Bhagvanlal Indraji, the signs used for # and a and for the diph- Journal As. Soc. of Bombay, vol. XIII, p. 11-13; thongs may be seen from the following aksharas Fleet, Dynasties of the Kanarese Districts, p. 35; * An article in German on these insoriptions will be found in the January number of the Nachrichten der Gos. der Wissenschaften, Gottingen.

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134 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. the same scholar's inscriptions in vols. XI and XII of the Ind. Antiquary; Buhler, l. c. vol. VI, p. 59 and vol. V, p. 276; and Telang, l. c. vol. IX, p. 33. For the capital of the Konkan, [Mar, 1884. Puri, mentioned in No. 43B see Ind. Antiquary, vol. V, p. 278, Plate II.A, line 5, and vol. IX, p. 35, Plate III, line 64, and the notes of the editors of the inscriptions. No. 15. Transcript. (') (1) oM svasti zakanRpakAlAtItasamvatsarazateSu saptasu paMcasamatiSvaMkataH (api samva ) sarazaH 775 tadantargataprajApatisamvatsarAntaH pAti Azvina 'bahuladvitIyA (yAM budha) dine asyAM samba (sara)mAsapakSadivasapUrvAyAM tithau paramabhaTTArakamahArAjAdhirAjaparamezvara zrImajjagattuMga devapAdAnudhyAtaparamabhaTTArakamahArAdhirAjaparamezvara zrImadamoghavarSadevapravarddhamA(*) mavijayarAjye tamasAkRtaH azeSakoMkaNanalabhaH zrIpulazaktiH samadhigatapaJcamahAzabdamahAsAmantakharaH tatyAdAnudhyAvasamadhigatapaJcamahAzabdamahAsAntazekharaH zrI pArA (jJaH mavaI)(*) mAnavijayarAjye va gauDaviSayAdAgataH paramasaigataH gominaH avimAkareNa asmI zrIkRSNagirimahArAjamahAvihAre upazamako [lhivezmi ] kA (: 'sacI ) varikAH sametA akSainItiH drAmmazataikena kArApitAH iyaM cAkSayanItIryAvadahaM jIvAmi tAvanmamopabhogaH mamoparatI kSarA [le:']kArI virUpyAnazyaM dA() tavyA na paripanthanA kAryA yaH pralepiSyati sa avIciparI (tApakumbhI) pAkAdiSu narakeSUtyatsyate zvAnodgIrNagomAMsaM sa bhakSayiSyatyeva vyavasthA (cA)ryasaMghasya pura (to) Arocya pratiSThApya likhApitA sAkSiNazcAtra pAtiyANakayoganAmA cikhyalapa (li) kAAcAryazcAtra sAkSI / puNyaM)' ma[ntrI ] sAkSi(1) bhI divya yuddha zrI ) kadAcIdapAtraM sa (vyApA)cAriNo sAdhyAcArasya pratipAdayiSye sa pAtreNopati (hai)tasya pA (pAda) nAdevAnazyaM dAtavyaM atra yaticidUnAkSaramAdhikA (kSaraM yattatsarvaM pramANami [[ti] raka), the sovereign of great kings, the supreme ruler, the revered illustrious king Jagattunga (Jagattunga-deva); during the prosperous reign of victory of the illustrious king Kapardin (Kapardi-raja), chief among the great feudatories, who has attained the five titles commencing with Great,' and who remembers the revered illustrious Pullasakti, chief among the great fendatories, who had attained the five titles commencing with 'Great,' the lord of the whole Konkana (Konkana-vallabha) graciously granted to him by (Amoghavarsha)" ; Translation. Om! Hail ! On Wednesday, the second of the dark half of Aevina in the Prajapati year, when seven hundred seventy-five years-in figures, too, 775 years-of the era of the Saka kings had passed, on the aforesaid (second) lunar day of the said half of the said month and year; during the prosperous reign of victory of the supreme lord (Parama-bhattdraka), the sovereign of great kings, the supreme ruler, 10 the illustrious king A moghavarsha (Amoghavarsha-deva),-who remembers the supreme lord (Parama-bhatta The aksharas which I have read af might at first sight be read fre, but a more careful examination shows that the first akshara is really IT and the last T; the T also appears clearly under V. The akshara following upon the last "ff of this line is 4 with the sign above it; below it appears to me to be visible. * kolhivezmikAH sacI Only koli and kA are quite clear. Under there are traces of another letter which I take to be. Between fr and TI believe to recognize ,f, and traces of under which another letter must have stood. See No. 43A, line 3. * basale :Of le only the lower part (la) is quite clear. * sa before avIci may hare boon so. * -Ltr (dila) 'puNyaM mantrIsAkSiNAM - Only puNya mantIsAkSiNa is quite clearly visible; about the r-stroke under ft I am doubtful. * zrI may have been zrI.. * Bend 'prajApatisaMvatsarAH - tadantargata prajApatisaMvatsarAntaH pAtyAzcita appears to be equivalent to pravartamAnaprajApatisaMvatsarAntargatAzvinadeg. - The fnot that Aavina badi 3 of the current Saka year 776 (the 12th of September 854 A.D.) was a Wednesday, proves that the figure 775 is correct; the current year 776 however was by the rules and tables known to me a Srimukha, not a Bajapati year. 10 Road mahArAjAdhirAjaparamezvara . I read tatprasAdIkRtAzeSakoGkaNavala bhasamadhigatapaJcamahAzabdamahAsAmanta zekhara zrIpula zaktipAdAnudhyAtasamadhigatapazca mahAzabdamahAsAmantazekhara zrIkapardirAjamavardhamAna vijayarAjye.

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MAY, 1884.] THREE INSCRIPTIONS FROM KANHERI. 135 (I), the Gomin Avigh nakare, & devout The deed has been approved of in the preworshipper of the Sugata, come hither from sence of the worshipful community, 25 has the Gauda country, have had hall-mansions been confirmed, and has afterwards been (suitable) for meditation built at this great caused to be written. Witnesses thereof are monastery of the famous mount of Krishna, the Pattiyanaka named Yoga, and the and have given as a perpetual endowment one Acharya of Chikhyallapalli k 4.26-Rohundred Drammas (from the interest of which ligious merit to the donor (?) and] the witthe monks) shall receive clothes. And this nesses.") perpetual endowment is for my own use so O, O, heavenly Buddha! (Let) fortune long as I live. On my death competent per- (attend) ! Never are worthy recipients those Bons shall fix the interest, which shall neces- who wrong the beings. To him, whose consarily be given (for the above-mentioned pur- duct is good, will I give; he may approach pose)." None should seek to obstruct this. as a worthy recipient! To him verily He who should (wrongfully) appropriate (any shall be given, because sin is not found in part of the capital or interest) will be born him. again in the Avichi, Paritapa, Kumbhipaka Whatever in the above may be deficient in and other hells; verily he shall have for his letters, whatever may contain too many letters, food the flesh of cows vomited forth by dogs. all has authority." No. 43 A. Transcript. () (oM) svasti zakanRpakAlAtItasamvatsarazateSu saptasu navanavatyadhikeSvaMkataH 799 mahArAjAdhirAjaparame eft(') madamoghavarSadevapravarddhamAnavijayarAjye tatmasAdIkRtakoMkaNavallabhamahAsAmantazekharazrIkapardipravarddhamAnAdhi patye (zrI)matkRSNagirimahAvi " ... fat:-I omit the word Herr before HETETT, and would put the main part of the sentence thus : ea fitsferTTa tertata fu osmizrIkRSNagirimahAvihAra upazamakolhivezmikA :...kArAPOAT:. The sense of the words area: ha would in the older inscriptions probably have been ex. prossed by some such sentence as atau *19 9, and that of the words haat: : (for which one exphots sacIvarikAH alone, or cIvarikasametAH) either by or by separate sentence containing the words fafit G H (See the inscriptions, partionlarly those from Kapheri, in vols. IV and V of Burgess, Archaeol. Survey of w. India).- her I take to be the word Kodhi of the older inscriptions (l. c. vol. IV, p. 88, MahAd ; vol. V, p. 76, Kapheri 5; p. 79, Kapheri 15; p. 83, Kapheri 29). See No. 18A, line 3. I read fata stafa af HATTAT: Trage: a free stareu I. The word midt I tako to be equivalent to tal, for which nooording to the St. Pet. Dictionary the meaning interest' is given by lexicographers. ** Read 4: trafa safe and compare 6.9. l. c. vol. IV, p. 86, Kada 10, yo lopayet pashchamadpdtaka. sanhyuktobhavet. * Read TT TOTEUT, and see No. 43A, line 5. Compare also l. c. IV, p. 102, N Aaik 7, 1. 4 eta cha sarva ordvita nigamasabhaya ribadha cha phalakavdro charitrato ti. 10 Road Prem941 , a aut after 74 appears superfluous.-Chikhyallapalliks probably WM # neighbouring village at or near which there was monastery ; compare Chikhalapadra l. c. IV, p. 102, N Asik 7, and modern names like Chiklee, Chikhulthan, eto.-The Pattiyapaks or Pattiyaaka Yoga is mentioned as witness also in No. 43A, together with the Gomin AvighnAkars, the donor in this inscription, and the Acharya Dharmakaramitrs. For the meaning of Acharya see Kern, Buddhismus, II, p. 87 and 78 (German edition). Gomin probably denotes here learned lay-brother who may have held some high office on the establishment of the monastery, and may thus have been at hand as a respectable witness. The Pattiyanaks also was probably some oficial, and I suspect that the word is connected with a document. Professor Bahlor comparee pattiyan heir, administrator' (Wilson, Revenue Terme). " With the phrase puNya...sAkSiNAM compare puNyena tirema in No. 18A, line 5. I am not at all certain that are over means donor,' but cannot suggest anything else. I might stand for 1, as it does in t o in line 6. In the postscript commencing with we hare at losst to read kadAcidapAnaM satvApAcAriNa: and ana affer. Should my translation be right, the singular in kadAcidapAnaM and the Instrumental case in sa pAneNI BTT would be ungrammatical. For the conoluding sentonoo noo e.g. Ind. Antiquary vol. V, p. 279, line 14.

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186 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [MAY, 1884. (') hAre bhadrazrI[viSNurbhikSUNAM tatrasthArya(saMghasya) drammANA zatamekaM (datvo)pazamanasadRzAM cIvari ___ kAdilAbhasamanvitAM ko(lhivezmi)kAMkSi tyAM'nyavIviza seyamAryabhire(1 vAnukampAmupAdAya yAvaccandrAkodayaH pratapanvitA(stA)vamatipAlyA ya(sta) na pratipAlayiSyati sa paMcAnantaryakarmakA-ryavIcyAdiSu mahAHkhamunabhaviSyati vyavastheyaM (') cAryasaMghasya purato Arocya mAtiSThApya likhApitA / sAkSiNazcAtrAcAryadhAkaramitra(:) gomyavidhA kara(:) pattiyANaka yoga() puNyena tiremeti (zrI")a Translation. | other gifts). Out of compassion with the Om ! Hail! When seven hundred and ninety- worshipful monks" this (hall and the endownine--in figures 799-years of the era of the ment connected therewith) shall be preserved Saka kings had passed; during the prosperous 80 long as the moon and the sun and the other reign of victory of the sovereign of great kings, (luminaries) retain their brillianey." He who the supreme ruler, the illustrious king A mo- | should fail to preserve them will be guilty of ghavarsha (Amoghavarsha-deva) ; during the the five sins which carry with them immediate prosperons rule of the illustrions Kapardin, retribution," and shall suffer great pain in the chief among the great feudatories, the lord of Avichi and the other (hells). Konkana (Konkana-vallabha) graciously This deed has been approved of in the granted to him by (Amoghavarsha); presence of the worshipful community, has Vishnu-may fortune be propitious to been confirmed, and has afterwards been caused him !gave" one hundred Drammas to the to be written. Witnesses thereof are the monks of the worshipful community dwelling Acharya Dharma karamitra, the Gomin at the great monastery of the famous mount Avighnakara, (and) the Pattiyanakaof Krishna, and caused to be built in the yoga. ground a hall-mansion suitable for meditation, May we be saved through religious merit! where (tho monks) shall receive clothes and I May fortune attend! No.43 B. Transcript. " () oM (zrI)mahArAjAdhirAjaparamezvarapRthvIvallabhazrImadamoghavarSazrImahArA(ja): pravarddhamAnavijayarAjye tatma ___sA(dAvApta)mahA(sAmantako( Navallabha (zrI[kapardipAdAnudhyA]ta) zrIpulazaktima(hAdhipe) purImabhRtikoNaviSayaM (sarvava): pra zAsati tatpAdAnujIvI purANA(mA)tyo (bhadra)(') zrIviSNu (pto-dhya)kSazrIpUrNa)harisutaH zrIkRSNagirI zrImadAryasaMgha praNamyAtikRpayA ti(zrI bhagavata(mItya)tyai viMzati ([drammA]NAM) () ([ha]hAsmi[]va vihAre vyastavyA] kIrNa[pariSkAraNAtyaM drammANAM) trayaM cIvarI (bhyo) Arya) saMgha(sya drammANAM) paJca dA(pa)nIyAH (pustakA[ya'me] ko drammaH) () (akSenI[vi]mmA)zcatvAriMzaJcatvAriMzat kAMcana)drammazataM viMzatyuttaraM (race)teSAM drammANAM kala(tra. putrava)matipAlanIyA samba (765) The two akaharas which I have read ftey look at first in Ajanta Inscriptions No. 8, 1.-18; Burgo, Archaeol. right like a ora, but I believe I am right in reading Survey, rol. IV, p.125. patiyANakayoga:- hamalmost entirely disappeared) the first sign , and am certain that the second is neither what there is of the following akahara loobs somewhat nor , and that the lower portion of it contains like and may bave been t. The final Visarga is very Compare (bhadra) zrIviSNu... in No.48B, lines and 8. Betwoem | Hindistinot and the preceding it looks like the.modern . oft and person there appear troes of a Visargs. off may have been sf. Below line 8 West's oopy has five more aksharas. koldivezmikA-The letters kolidezikA Toonsider to be " Road dasyopazamanasazI. certain; besides there is under the sign which I believe * Bond "mAyabhikore. - Read pratApAnvitA. to bet, and one under n in which I recognise ma. " Seo Childers, . parichanantariyakammanh. kakSityA gyavIviza-viis certain, the following akshara * Rond purata mArocya. somewhat indistinot, in what remains of the next four Some of the akshanas enclosed in agaare brackets are very indistinct, and it may be doubtful whether I have read akaharas I believe I can recognise traces of water. them all correotly, but I believe that the number of Ak. Comparo darath nyavidad veoma yatindrasovyam). share given by me will be found to be right in every M.

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EASTERN CHALUKYA GRANT OF THE 18TH YEAR OF JAYASIMHA I. Accnn nuuN / gtaan ' rnuuNrn 31 (5 nuuN t rmugn27 tooN 1 ee, baiNk) n 3 3345 jaaN 2 3 naa 30 tee r; naaN hai +8 hoor 37 nuur , a , $r teejn n h - nuuN , #a. deg deg 8 6Gr ' , ' / ddrr naat) 1 tooN phraar lgaa 5 ttn tooN nvaaN hn / t k O 2017 : : nuuN hr hu 6 daa hoo r nuuN 32 tooN 3 veeN yaar hai : ( | tee ' roo) :+jEUR 3 3c11 . J. Brget. From the original plates. W. Griggs, Photo-lich.

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EASTERN CHALUKYA GRANT OF THE 18TH YEAR OF JAYASIMHA I. #b. p ( nee 166%druu rvnhaa6) daa 'tee552 1950 nuuN nrv ruutt nee hunn hr roobr 7 khooraa maukhnnaujh 0 0 9 // k hnnaa nuuN 3, 59) 65: trn taa joo 62 nuuN 19 ( | kaarnnittn nh) . nuuN chuuh 5 - (1 83 ) naaN hai / lh nuuN hm hai nuuN 13: nr 3 4 // 11 craan 3 nuuN jhn nuuN+ r | 50: 53 52 hn) / 3 nuuN raat dee ? tpnn m n raat hHdd 5 tooN #v haal 5 toPS 5 10 tooN 15 ) // 9 c tee . |: ( // l a. . l b. . .

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MAY, 1884.] SANSKRIT AND OLD-CANARESE INSCRIPTIONS. Translation. Om! During the prosperous reign of victory of the [illustrious] sovereign of great kings, the supreme ruler, the lord of the earth (Prithvivallabha), the illustrious Amoghavarsha, the illustrious great king; while the illustrious [great ruler] Pallasakti is governing Puri and [all] the other parts of the Konka na country,-(Pullasakti) who [remembers] the great feudatory, [the revered illustrious Kapardin], the lord of Konkana (Konkanavallabha) [obtained] by him through the grace of (Amoghavarsha)" ; the old minister and devoted servant of (Pullasakti), Vishnu [..]-may fortune [be SANSKRIT AND OLD-CANARESE INSCRIPTIONS. BY J. F. FLEET, Bo.C.S., M.R.A.S., C.I.E. (Continued from p. 124.) No. CXLIV. The original plates containing the inscription now published were found by a Brahman in digging the foundations of a wall for the compound of his house at Pedda-Maddali,' in the Narzivid' Division of the Krishna District in the Madras Presidency. They were obtained by me, for the purpose of editing the inscription, through the kindness of Mr. R. Sewell, C.S. The plates are three in number, each about 63" long by 3" broad. The edges of them are raised, so as to serve as rims to protect the writing; and, with the exception of a fold at the right corner and of a crack at the bottom of the third plate, the inscription is in a state of perfect preservation throughout. The ring, on which the plates are strung, is about" thick and 4" in diameter; it had not been cut when the grant came into my hands. The seal on the ring is oval, about [*] Svasti Srimad-vijay-Odayapurat a. I road tatprasAdAvAptako NavallabhamahAsA mantazrIkapardi 28 After some such verb as 'presents' must have stood. " Read cIvarIbhya Arya. propitious to him] -the son of the illustrious Hari, [the superintendent. . .], after having made obeisance to the illustrious worshipful community at the famous mount of Krishna, ... out of great kindness twenty [Drammas to please] the illustrious holy one; three [Drummas for the repair of what may be damaged or ruined here in this monastery]. For clothes" of the worshipful community five [Drammas] shall be expended, [for books one Dramma. The perpetual endowment" (amounts to)] forty [Drammas], forty, (and) a hundred and twenty Drammas [in gold. The disposition" (as to the expenditure)] of these Drammas should be guarded like wife [and children]. In the year [765]. "Read fifa, and compare No. 15, line 4. "For the distribution of the interest compare the Inscriptions in vol. IV and V of the Archaeol. Reports of W. 1., and the Valabhi grants in vols. I, IV, V, VI, and VII of the Ind. Antiquary. The first-mentioned sum of 20 Drammas I consider had to be given for the support and comfort of the monks and for the gandhapuSpadhu 137. Text." First plate. 1" by 14". It has, in relief on the surface of the seal itself, and not on a countersunk surface as is usually the case,-at the top, a moon; in the centre, the legend Sri-Sa[r] vvasiddhi; and, at the bottom, apparently the remains of the name Jayasinha, but the letters are almost entirely broken away and illegible. The weight of the three plates is 53 tolas, and of the ring and seal, 50 tolas;-total, 104 tolas. The language is Sanskrit through out. The grant is one of the Maharaja Jayasimhavallabha or Jay a sinha I., of the Eastern Chalukya family, and is issued from the city of Udayapura. It records a grant of the village of Penuka paru, on the east of (the village of) Mardavalli or perhaps Maddavalli, in the vishaya of Gudrahara. And it is dated in the eighteenth year of his reign, i.e. in or about Saka 582 (A.D. 660-1). bhagavapvi(t-Sva) mi-Mahasena-pad-anuqqaf specially mentioned in other inscriptions. The total sum to be yearly expended was 29 Drammas, which according to the legal rate of interest would require a capital of about 200 Drammas. The fact that this capital is in the above denoted by the expression 40 40 *120 Drammas, may be accounted for by assuming that (as e.g. in Nasik insor. No. 10, Arch. Survey IV, p. 104) it was entrusted not to one, but to several persons or guilds. 1 No. 3 in Mr. Sewell's published List of Copper-plate Grants. Noticed by me, ante Vol. X. p. 243, No. 7. * From the original plates.

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138 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (MAY, 1884. ['] dhyatana[m*) sapta-18kamatsibhio[h*) sapta-matribhih parivarddhista(r) ] narin bhagavan N[A]rayana[] prasada-samina ()dita-varkhalanchhan-ekshana kshana-vabiksit-[AR]sdsha[*] mahikshitam Manavya-sagotrani Hariti-putranam'm=aivamedh-A[') vabhritha-snana-pavitrih ita-gatrana[m*] Chalukyam narin kulam-alankarishna(sha6)6= chatu[*] r-udadhi-salila-samullarghita-kirtteh Srt-Kirttivarmmanah pautra(trah) samasrit[d(r)][']n[am ] kamadhenu-charitasya aneka-ripu-durgga-pramathan-avapta-vi Second plate; first side. [') shamasiddheh yashya(sya) cha sa (sa)stram=apanna-trankya vigrahah-par-abhi['] mana-bhamgaya siksh[i*]tam vinayaya vibhav-arjjana[m] pradana. [] ya pradanan=dharmmaya dharmma[h) sreyo-vaptaye tasya tanaya[lo] [") sasadhara iva sarvva-lokah -hriday-Anandakarah BU["] ra-gaja iv=avichchhinna-dana-salila-ki(ki)nna(ropa)-niketah Cha[""] kradhara na(i)v=apratihata-chakra[ho] Drona iva krip-Anagatah Sva-ba["] hu-pa(ba)l-Oparjjita-sarvvasiddhih samara-sata-sankat-e()tkadba (ntha)-vijaya Second plate; second side. [*] vira-dhvajah Sri-Jayasinhavallabha-mahara jah parama-brahma[...] pho ma tapitri-pad-anudhyata[ho] Ba[r]vv[i]n=evameijuipayaty=Asta vo vidi " tamasmabhih Gudrahara-vishaya Mardda(PddA) valli-parvva-parave Penukapa[*] ru-nama-gramao-grima(mo) vishuva-nimitte vijaya-rajya-samvatsare ["') ashtadas[eo] Pogulara-vastavyasya Bharadvaja-sagotrasya BhA[*] radvaja-strasy=idhita-vo(ve)da-dvayasya Sivasarmmana[*] pantraya grihi(bi)[") ta-sahasrasy=&dhigata-veda-dvayasya Devasarmmanah putraya Third plate; first side. [*] shakarmma-niratiya asiti-tarkaya Guptasarmmand sarvva-kara-pa[") riharen=agrah[A*Jariksitya pratigraho dattah [lo] na kaischid-apy=asy-pariba) ["] dha karani(qi)ya [ll*] Uktan=cha bhagavat[a] veda-vyasena Vyasena(na) [l"] Bahubhireyva[") sudhi dat[t] bahubhis-ch=anapalita yagya yasya yada bhumi["] s-tasya tasya tada phala [ll] Shashti-varsha-sahasrani svargge modati bhu. [] vi(mi)da(dah) Akshepta chranumanta cha tany=[6]va narake vasot [ll(r)] Mantri purdhita (Pta)aya(?) [") yath=Endrasya Brihaspatih" [*] A(a)joaptis=Siyasar mm=asya Vajapey-ejyaliyo?Yabhu(psu)chih Third plate; second side. "] radah ... utakatanah damuna dalita noga" NOTE ON A BHAUMA-YANTRA. BY E. HULTZSCH, PH.D., VIENNA. The subjoined Nagari-inscription is trans- or auspicious diagram, and consists of a large cribed from an ink-impression sent by Dr. triangle divided into 21 smaller ones, each of Burgess to Professor Buhler. The former which contains a name of the planet Bha uma obtained it at Mahu in Malwa. It is a Yantra or Mars in the dative case preceded by the * This bhi is written above the line, having been pro- a different type from the rest of the inscription. In the bably at first omitted. fourth akshari, re, it seems almost impossible not to * The lower part of this visarga is spoilt by the next see the numerical symbol for 100. letter, pe, running into it. 10 This bri was at first omitted and then inserted below . This animira is a unistake. the line. * This uning, again, is a mistake. + This visirga is a mistake. The lower part of this visarga is spoilt by the next . These two syllables, grama, aro superfluous. letter, a (a), running into it. . These four akeh rus, especially the sa, are of quite This last line is quite unintelligible.

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Go makalana hAyanamaH G-0mAna 1001 . . SU10/ja BArakAyalAyana /rAsanA namAna /yamApa GoyamAyaka nAyaagAyanamaH vAyana tayaH nina nama: / mAmAya bividhatA ma.paha- yanamA liptA oyanamaH 11-sAmaga lihitA niyanpAmA bhAvanA VrAyanamaH DE lalitA yanamaH ti hAyanama YANTRA PLATE

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MAY, 1884.] CHINGHIZ KHAN AND HIS ANCESTORS. 139 holy syllable on, and followed by the word namah'adoration.' A number is attached to each invocation, No. 1 standing in the centre triangle, and Nos. 2 to 21 being arranged as on a dial-plate. The names Nos. 2, 11, 12, and 15 are synonyms of Bhauma (No. 13), and mean the son of the earth. With the epithet rinahartsi 'the destroyer of debts' (No. 3), compare rinantaka, a name of Mars, in the St. Petersburg Dictionary. Yama (No. 17), is elsewhere used as a name of the planet Saturn. On vrishtihartrithe destroyer of rain' (No. 20), see Varahamihira's Brihatsashhita, chap. VI, where Mars is repeatedly said to cause drought by his appearance. Transcript. oM maMgalAya namaH 1 oM bhUmiputrAya namaH 2 oM RNahatre namaH 3 oM dhanapradAya namaH4 bhoM sthirAsanAya [na]maH 5 oM mahAkAyAya namaH 6 oM sarvakarmAvarodhakAya namaH 7 oM lohitAya namaH 8 oM lohitAkSAya namaH 9 31 [][*]tyi 44: A dharAtmajAya namaH 11 oM kujAya namaH 12 oM bhaumAya namaH 13 bhUtidAya namaH 14 oM bhUminaMdanAya namaH 15 oM aMgArakAya namaH 16 oM yamAya namaH 17 oM sarvarogApahArakAya namaH 18 oM vRSTikatre namaH 19 at Tee () 70 oM sarvakAmaphalapradAya namaH 21 NOTE ON THE SAME. BY 8. M. NATESA SISTRI. This Yantra is better known by the name of Angdraka-yantra. Angara ka or Mars, the son of the earth and hence the name Bhauma, is the 3rd of the Navagrihah, or nine planets of the Hindu system. All these grihas have good or bad influences on the horoscope of a person according to their positions. Angara ka (Mars) and Sani (Saturn), are the most dreaded for their malignant influences. Any person supposed to be thus afflicted gratifies these grihas by describing their names in Chakras or Yantras in a copperplate, and worshipping these diagrame in his house. CHINGHIZ KHAN AND HIS ANCESTORS. BY HENRY H. HOWORTH, F.S.A. (Continued from p. 115 ante.) xxy. settled empires of Eastern Asia, which borderChinghiz Khan was now the over-lord of ed upon the steppes he loved so well. He the Nomadic world of Asia. From the Yellow had given such staggering blows to the Kin Sea to Lake Balkhash he was accepted as empire and that of Tangut, that there was undisputed master; so undisputed that within little to fear from them if he determined to these limits we do not read that he had hence- turn his back on the East and try a more venforward any rebels to oppose or civil strife to turesome campaign against a power of equal appease. This vast area, the nursing ground of dignity with his own. He was now in fact to 80 many invaders of the West, had not fallen march his beardless, slant-eyed, yellow-skinned into his hands bit by bit, but it had previously, warriors across the fair plains of Iran, where as we have seen, been largely integrated into men had patiently for centuries collected the two or three important kingdoms, and when treasures of Eastern culture in art and literathese fell, there fell at once into the conqueror's ture and were little aware that a master of power large bodies of disciplined men and shepherds was at hand, who was to sweep it all large districts already organized. Further, away; to trample down the cynosure of Islam Chinghiz had given crushing blows to the two and all its proudest monuments, and to leave I am unable to explain this word. The first of the two aksharas enclosed in brackets is read doubtfully, the second obliterated.

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140 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [MAY, 1884. his footprint in indelible characters there. The quest of Balkh and Herat completed the subempire of Khuarezm, against which Chinghizjection of Khorasan to the Khuarezmian Khan was now to array his men, had been empire. bastily conquered, and had had but a short Shortly after Mazanderan and Kerman were term of greatness. It had succeeded to that reduced to obedience. He then broke off his of the Seljuk Turks. allegiance to the ruler of Kara Khitai, whose This empire, like several others in South dependent in Transoziana, named Osman, beWestern Asia, was founded by a Turk, who had came his man. He also conquered a portion been originally a slave. of Turkistan as far as Uzkend, where he The sovereigns of Persia were in the habit placed & garrison. Some time after, having of purchasing young Turks, who were captur- quarrelled with Osman, who had meanwhile ed by the various frontier tribes in their become his son-in-law, he attacked and took mutual struggles, and employing them in their him prisoner and afterwards put him to death. service. They generally had a bodyguard He then appropriated his dominions and formed of them, and many of them were en- made Samarkand his capital. franchised and rose to posts of high influence, In 1212-13 be annexed the principality of and in many cases supplanted their masters. The Ghur, and three years later attacked and subfounder of the Khuarezmian empire was such a dued the country of Ghazni. When he capslave, named Nushtikin, in the service of the tured its chief town he discovered proofs that Seljak Sultan Malik Shah. He rose to the the Khalif had been intriguing against him. position of a chamberlain, which carried with He accordingly determined to depose him and it the government of the province of Khue- marched large army westwards. On his rezm, that is, of the fertile valley of the way he received the submission of the rulers Omns and the wide steppes on either side of it, of Azerbaijan and Fars, and at length entered bounded on the west by the Caspian, and on the dominions of the Khalif, which at this the east by Bukhara. He was succeeded by his time were limited to the provinces of Irakson, kutbu'd-din Muhammad, whose service to Arab, and Khuzistan. Muhammad occupied the Seljuk rulers, Barkiarok and Sanjar, the former province, and proceeded to divide it obtained for him the title of Khuarezm Shah, into various military fiefs, but this was the extent a title which was borne by the rulers of that of his aggression in this direction. A terrible province before the Arab invasion. He was storm overtook his troops on the mountains of succeeded by his son, Atsiz, who several times Asadabad, and after losing many of them, the took up arms against his sovereign Sanjar, and rest were attacked by the Turkish and Kurdish became virtually independent of him. He was tribes and suffered terribly; a fate which ruler of Khuarezm when Yeliu Taishi, the popular superstition naturally assigned as the founder of the empire of Kara Khitai, entered result of so unholy a war. Muhammad deemed his dominions, and having been defeated by him, it wise to retire, and his retreat was probably he was obliged to become his tributary. He bastened by his quarrel with the Mongols. was succeeded in 1156 by his son Il Arslan He gave Irak Ajem as an appanage to his who, on Sanjar's death in 1157, conquered the son Roknu'd-din, the provinces of Kerman, western part of Khorasan. He left two sons, Kesh and Makran, were assigned to Ghiathnamed Takish and Sultan Shah, between whom a'd-din; Ghazni, Bamian, Ghur, Bost, &c., which a long struggle ensued. Takish was eventually formed the old Ghur empire were assigned to victorious. He also conquered the Seljuk Jelalu'd-din, while to his youngest son, whom ruler Toghrol, and sent his head to the Khalif he had fixed upon as his heir, was assigned at Baghdad. By this conquest Irak Ajem Khuarezm, Khorasan, and Mazanderan. From was added to his dominions. With the deaths this enumeration it may be gathered that Muof Toghrul and Sanjar, the Seljuk dynasty in hammad was a very powerful sovereign. He Persis came to an end, and Takish obtained controlled an army of 400,000 men and his the investiture of their States from the Khalif. dominions at the invasion of the Mongols Takish was succeeded in 1200 by his son, stretched from the Jaxartes to the Persian Alaiu'd-din Muhammad who, by the con- I Gulf, and from the Indus to Irak Arab and

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CHINGHIZ KHAN AND HIS ANCESTORS. MAY, 1884.] Azerbaijan. Besides the empire which he inherited and carved for himself within the borders of Iran, the Khuarezm Shah dominated also over a considerable stretch of the western part of the steppe lauds of Turan, namely those occupied by the Kankali Turks. His father, Sultan Takish, had married Turkan Khatun, the daughter of Jinkishi, chief of the tribe Bayaut, which was a section of the Yemeks, who again were comprised under the generic name Kankali." With her there passed into Khuarezm several of her relatives with their tribes, who joined Muhammad's service. Through her influence they exercised great authority in the empire and were even a menace to himself. She was a strong-willed woman, headed their faction, and exercised a power equal to his own. She acquired a large appanage, employed seven secretaries to do her work, and took the title of Khudavand Jihan (i.e. sovereign of the world.) Minhaj-i-Siraj calls the father of Turkan Khatun Ikran Khan of Kipchak. In another place he calls her the daughter of Kadr Khan, Khan of Kipchak. Muhammad's wife, as well as his mother, belonged to the Bayant tribe. Through these connections, there can be small doubt that he exercised great authority in the steppes of the Kankalis. Two such rulers as Muhammad and Chinghiz Khan, both ambitious, both powerful, and both carvers very largely of their own fortunes, were hardly likely to live in close proximity without a cause of quarrel, and Chinghiz Khan, it must be said, had plenty of reasons to urge for his aggression besides the somewhat unprovoked attack on his men who were pursuing the Merkit princes, to which reference has already been made. The Musalmans of Persia, both Tajiks and Arabs, were famous traders. From early times they had made enterprising voyages into various remote countries, and the trade with Siberia for furs and fossil ivory was largely in their hands. They permeated the East, no doubt, in all direc D'Ohsson, vol. I, pp. 175 and 195. Muhammad of Nissa, quoted by D'Ohsson, vol. I, pp. 196 and 197. Id. Id., p. 254. D'Ohsson, vol. I, p. 195. Tabakat-i-Nasiri, p. 240. He is called Jabar or Chapar Khoja by the Chinese, and has a special biography in the Yuan-shi, where we read he was a native of Saiyi, perhaps Seistan. He was tall, had a splendid beard, large eyes and a broad forehead, was brave, a skilful rider and archer. He was with Chinghiz Khan when he fought against Wang Khan, in 141 tions. We have seen that when Chinghiz Khan meditated his attack on China he had by him one of these western travellers, named Jafar, or Jafar Khoja, whom he employed as a spy." He was no doubt but a type of many others. Abulghazi expressly says that there were no towns among the Mongols, and that the merchants who traded with them for kumash (cloths) furs, &c., found it very profitable. Minhaj-i-Siraj, the author of the Tabakat-iNasiri, tells us that Muhammad, wishing to know the extent of Chinghiz Khan's power, and ambitions also of making conquests in the farthest East, sent the Sayid Bahau'd-din Razi on a mission to the Mongol ruler, whom he found occupied in his Chinese campaign, as we have previ ously mentioned. On entering the presence of Chinghiz, the latter said :-"Behold, my affairs and my sovereignty have attained to such a pitch of grandeur, that the monarch of the empire of the setting sun has sent envoys unto me." He seems to have treated his visitor well, and requested when he dismissed him that envoys on both sides, and merchants and caravans should constantly come and go, and bring and take away with them choice descriptions of arms, cloths and stuffs, and other articles of value and elegance of both empires, and that between the two monarchs a permanent treaty should be maintained. In his message he styled himself sovereign of the sun-rise, and refers to Muhammad as sovereign of the sun-set. He also sent the Khuarezm Shah a rich present, consisting of 500 camels, laden with gold, silver, silks, khaz-i-khitai (i.e., Chinese silk brocade), kunduz (i.e., furs of some kind), samur (ie., sable), targhu, raw silk, and other elegant and ingenious things of Chin and Tamghaj.10 This is the account as given by a contemporary, who tells us he had it expressly from the lips of the Bahan'd-din himself, yet it is strange that no other writer refers to the latter as Muhammad's envoy at this time, and he was doubtless in a subordinate position. Juveni tells us the 1203. Bretschneider, Notices of Medieval Geography, etc. 49 and 50. Tabakat-i-Nasiri, p. 272. Major Raverty explains this is a silken fabric, red in colour, but Novairi distinctly says these tarkuls, as he calls them, were made of white camel's hair, and cost at least 50 dinars each. D'Ohsson identifies them with the Zambiloti robes made of white wool and camel's hair of great value, which were made, according to Marco Polo, at Calacia in Tangut. D'Ohsson, vol. I, pp. 201 and 202. 10 Tabakat-i-Nasiri, p. 966.

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142 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [MAY, 1884 Khuarezm Shah sent three envoys, of whom he envoys specially sent by Chinghiz, who were names two, namely Ahmad of Khojend, son of named Mahmud Yelvaj, of Khuarezm; Ali the Amir Husain San, and Ahmad Taijikh (? Khoja, of Bukhara ; and Yusuf Gemrga, of the Tajik)," and they took with them gold Otrar. The caravan took with them silver bars, embroidered cloths, thick cloths, fine cotton musk, jade, and tarkal," as presents for the stuffs, &c. Abulfaraj says they were met at Khuarezm Shah, and they also bore letters the Mongol frontier by the Guards, called which, we are told, were phrased as follows:Karakjia, and taken to their master. "I send you my greeting. I know your power We are told that Ahmad exhibited his wares and the vast extent of your empire. I know before the great Khan, and asked him an that you reign over the greater part of the exorbitant price for them; two or three gold world. I have the greatest wish to live at balishes for things only worth ten to twenty peace with you. I shall regard you as my dinars. Chinghiz was enraged, and said, " This dearest son. On your part don't forget that man fancies that we have never seen such I have conquered China, and subjected to my things before ;" and he ordered the riches of his authority all the Turkish tribes north of that wardrobe to be displayed before him," and then empire. You know that my empire is an anthad the merchant's goods confiscated, and had hill of warriors, a mine of wealth, and that him put under arrest. When his two com- I have no occasion to covet other realms. I panions were introduced they diplomatically fancy we have a mutual reason for encouraging pat no price on their goods, and merely said, commerce between our peoples."10 "We have brought these for the emperor." This letter, it will be seen, breathed the arroThis pleased him so much that he ordered a gant spirit which pervaded all Mongol docugolden baligh to be given them for each piecements, and, although politely worded, Muhamof golden tissue, a silver balish for every two mad was given to understand that his corresponpiecus of fine cotton, and another for every dent was really his patron, and that in addresstwo pieces of coarse cloth. He then summoned ing him as his son he really meant that he the merchant whose goods had been config- should consider himself his vassal. Muhamcated, and paid him after the same rate. The mad treated the envoys well, and in the eventhree traders were well treated, were supplied ing he summoned Mahmud Yelvaj to him, and with food and also with white felt tents. On addressed him thus :-"You are a Musalman, their departure Chinghiz ordered his relatives and a native of Khuarezm. Tell me the and the noyans and other grandees to choose truth. Has your master conquered Tamghaj, two or three agents each, and to supply them or no ?" At the same time he gave him a generously with money, and then ordered the costly stone from his casket. "As true it is as whole body to return with the merchants to that the Almighty lives, and he will shortly be the empire of Khuarezm to purchase some of the master of the whole world," was the answer. its products, and no doubt also to report on the "Oh, Mahmud," the Sultan said, "You know the condition of the country. This caravan, accord extent of my empire and my widespreading ing to Juveni and Rashidu'd-din, consisted of power. Who is this Khan of yours, who 450 Musalmans. Abulfaraj says 150 Musal- presumes to call me his son, and speaks mans, Christians and Turks. Muhammad of to me in such an arrogant tone? How Nissa, who was a high official at the court of great is his army-how extended his power P" Muhammad's son, and is therefore very reliable, To which he replied ; " The army of Temujin says their number was only four, all subjects of is to that of the Sultan as the light of a the Sultan, whom he names, Omar Khoja, of lamp beside the sun; like the face of a Otrar; Al Jemal, of Meragha; Fakhru'd-din, of monster, compared to that of a Rumelian Bukhara, and Aminu'd-din, of Herat. They Turk." The result of this interview was the were probably the four leaders of the caravan. arranging of a treaty of peace between the The caravan was apparently preceded by three two sovereigns. After which the envoys 11 Erdmann, p. 356. Abulfaraj says the rich vestures which had been presented to him by the kings of Cathay. 13 Abulfaraj, Chron. Arab., pp. 284 and 285. Erdmann, pp. 366 and 367. 1. D'Ohsson, vol. I, p. 206 note. 10 Vide ante. 10 D'Ohason, vol. I, p. 202.

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CHINGHIZ KHAN AND HIS ANCESTORS. MAY, 1884.] returned home to their master. Meanwhile the caravan proceeded, and arrived at Otrar." Otrar was governed at this time by an uncle of Muhammad, the Khuarezm Shah, called Inaljuk, who bore the title Ghair Khan.15 He was an avaricious person, and stirred by the sight of so much wealth determined to secure it, and craftily sent word to his master that these were not traders but spies, and further that they greatly disturbed the people by covert threats of some great catastrophe that was to happen." He received orders to watch them, but this would not satisfy him. He invited them to a feast at his palace where he had them murdered. Only one person escaped, a camel-driver, who had gone to one of the public baths, and managed to escape by the fireplace. This fortunate person fled to Chinghiz, and reported to him what had happened. The Yuan-ch'ao-pi-shi, p. 143, has the briefest reference to the embassy, and its results, and merely reports that the Khoikhoi,"1 had killed Chinghiz Khan's envoy, Ukhun, and put to death a hundred men in all. In the account of the journey of Yeliu Chutsai who accompanied Chinghiz Khan in his western journey, we read, speaking of O-ta-la or Otrar: "One time the chief of this place ordered several envoys and several hundreds of merchants who were with them to be put to death, and seized upon their goods. That was the cause of the army being directed against the western people.' 30 1132 The Yuan-shi merely says that in the summer of 1219, some envoys who had been sent by Chinghiz to the west were murdered. DeMailla says that Chinghiz having sent some of his officers into the Si-yu to summon its princes to submit, they cut off the heads of his ambassadors at Odala." The Yuan-shi-lei-pen says that the people of Si-yu massacred some people sent by Chinghiz Khan." When he heard of what had happened that irascible chief was naturally enraged, and sent off envoys to complain to Muhammad about his subordinate's treachery, to acquaint the 1 Abulghazi, Ed. Desmaisons, 105; Erdmann, pp. 356 -59. 18 Abulghazi says he was offended because one of the envoys who had known him many years called him Inalchik instead of giving him his title of Inaljuk, op. cit. 105. 19 Nissavi in D'Ohsson, vol. I, p. 206, note. 30 Abulfaraj says he escaped from prison. 143 Sultan that the greater number of the murdered envoys were Musalmans, and to remind him of the very different treatment his He subjects had met with in Mongolia. demanded that Ghair Khan should be surrendered, and offered him war as the alternative of refusal. The bearer of the message was a Turk, named Bagra, whose father had been in the service of Sultan Takish. But Ghair Khan was too powerfully connected to allow the Sultan to surrender him, nor does he seem to have been pleased with the tone of the letter, for he put Bagra to death, and sent back the two Mongols with their beards cut." Chinghiz was so moved by this atrocity that he wept, and could not rest. He climbed a mountain, where, uncovering his head and throwing his girdle over his shoulder, he invoked the vengeance of God, and passed three days and nights fasting. Abulfaraj, to whom we owe the account, adds that on the third night a monk dressed in black and bearing a staff in his hand appeared to him in a dream and bade him fear nothing, that he would be successful in the campaign he meditated. On awaking, he repeated the dream to his wife, the daughter of Wang Khan, of the Keraits. She assured him that the monk was a bishop, who was in the habit occasionally of visiting her father and of giving him his blessing. Chinghiz Khan appealed to the Uighur Christians if they had any anch bishop among them. They accordingly summoned Mar-Denha, who wore his black tiara. upon which Chinghiz said that although the bishop was similarly dressed to the apparition which he had seen that his face was different. The bishop then said it must have been one of the Christian saints who had gone to him. After this adventure, we are told, Chinghiz treated the Christians with especial consideration." It will be confessed that Chinghiz Khan had enough provocation for the invasion he made of the West, but he had other reasons than those I have enumerated. The Khalif, who had i.e. the Muhammadans. "Bretschneider, Notes on Chinese Mediaval Travellers to the West, p. 115. sa Douglas, p. 88. i.e., Otrar, op. cit. tome IX, p. 90. Gaubil, p. 35. -- 30 D'Ohsson, vol. I, pp. 207 and 208; De la Croix, History of Genghis Khan, p. 148 and 149. 7 Abulfaraj, Chron. Arab., pp. 285 and 286.

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144 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. grown jealous of the power of the Khuarezm Shahs, also made overtures to the Mongol chief. We are told that he summoned his advisers about him, and represented to them the danger the Khalifate stood in from the ambition of Muhammad, and that he was determined to enter into communication with Chinghiz Khan, whose vazir, Mahmud Yelvaj, was a Muhammadan. The council, we are told, was much divided. The minority approved his suggestion, but the majority urged that it was impious and wrong to make allies of infidels in struggling with good Musalmans. The Khalif, in reply, said that a Muhammadan tyrant was worse than one who was an infidel, and that Chinghiz had numbers of Musalmans about him, one of his chief ministers being one. His view prevailed, and a suitable envoy was chosen. In order that he might not be discovered in traversing the very crooked gauntlet he would have to pass, it was determined to write his passport on his bald head. Having given him the message he was to deliver they then tattooed his credentials in a few words on his head, in the violet colour called by them nil (i.e., Indian blue), in the manner De la Croix says they do to pilgrims at Jerusalem, and then sped him on his way. The envoy reached the chancellary of Mahmud Yelvaj in safety. He was received in secret audience by Chinghiz Khan, and when asked for his credentials bade them shave his head. They did so, and found that the Khalif proposed that he and Chinghiz should attack the empire of Khuarezm on either side. At that time, it would seem that Chinghiz was not disposed to fight, and gave the envoy a diplomatic answer, but the Khalif's invitation no donbt formed a considerable ingredient in the motives which afterwards moved him. This invitation, which eventually brought so much disaster upon the Musalmans, has drawn much blame down on the Khalif's head. Mirkhond compares him to the three devout pilgrims in the fable, who one day met in the fields with a heap of rotting bones. They began to dispute about them, but could not agree as to what the animal was. They then determined to pray consecutively to God to revivify the animal. The first had hardly finished his prayer when a great wind 2De la Croix. p. 138. 29 Bretschneider. Notes on Chinese Travellers to the West, pp. 111 and 112. [MAY, 1884. arose and brought the bones together. When the second was praying the bones were covered with flesh, while in answer to the prayer of the third the object began to move with life. They then found it was a lion, who sprang upon them and devoured them." We can see from these facts that Chinghiz Khan had numerous motives impelling him to march against the ruler of Khuarezm. He was accompanied by Yeliu Chutsai, whom we have mentioned as having been taken prisoner at Peking, and who had joined his service. He wrote an account of the great conqueror's march, which is only extant apparently in an epitome or abstract entitled, "Si-ya-la, or an abstract of a journey to the West," which is found in the first chapter of the Shu-chailao-hio-ts'ung-t'an, a work written by Yu-tze, during the Yuan dynasty. It has been translated and edited with elaborate notes by Dr. Bretschneider. He begins by saying that in the spring of 1218, in the third month, he left for Yun-chung (Ta-tung-fu west of Peking), crossed the Tien-shan mountain, the Ta-tsi or stony desert, and the Shamo or sandy desert, and reached Chinghiz Khan's ordu. He says that the next year a vast army was raised, and set in motion westwards. The way led through the Kin-shan range, i.e., the Ek-tagh or Chinese Altai. Here, he tells us, that even in the middle of summer masses of ice and snow accumulated on the mountains, and the army was obliged to cut its way through the ice. The pines and kui trees (? larches) were so high that they seemed to reach heaven. The valleys abounded in grass and flowers." Ch'ang-Ch'un, who also crossed this range on his journey, says the mountains were very high and vast, with deep defiles and long slopes. He adds, there was no road for carts. The road over the mountains was planned and constructed by the third prince" at the time the army went to the west. So difficult was the pass when Ch'ang-Ch'un crossed, that he tells us the hundred riders who formed his escort were ordered at difficult ascents to pull their carts by ropes, and to place drags upon the wheels when descending. Daring three days he passed three successive ridges, and then reached the southern or rather the southwestern side of the mountains. Dr. Bretschneider learnt from Captain Mutussofsky that 30.e., by Chinghiz Khan's third son, Chagatai. 31 Id. pp. 27 and 28.

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CHINGHIZ KHAN AND HIS ANCESTORS. MAY, 1884.] the Ek-tagh range is high, especially the northern part of it, which in some places is covered with eternal snow. It is traversed by four passes, only one of which, namely, that of Urmogaiti, is practicable for riders. Dr. Bretschneider adds:"I have little doubt that Chinghiz with his armies passed by this defile. In his march to the west with a numerous cavalry he was always obliged to choose such roads as presented the most abundant pastures." This pass leads to the sources of the Kiran river, an affluent of the Black Irtish, and the road leads down along the Kiran, on which river some years ago a new town, Tulta, was founded by Chinese from Kulja expelled by the Tungans. It is situated in a fertile valley, with rich pastures. The valleys of the Irtish and its tributaries all present luxuriant pastures." It was in these pastures of the Irtish that Chinghiz Khan passed the summer of 1219. Rashid tells us expressly that he did so, and left for the west in the autumn of 1219. The Huang-Yuan says that in the year Si-mao (i.e., 1219), Chinghiz, at the head of his army, went to the western countries."" 1133 In the narrative of Ch'ang Ch'an he tells us that in 1219 the emperor was in the wu-li-do (i.e., ordu), of the Naimans, and Rashidu'd-din expressly puts the Naimans on the Irtish and the Ek-tagh Altai. The Mongols were essentially an army of horsemen. Their horses were continually their first care, and it was always necessary they should find summer and winter quarters where forage was abundant. They found such quarters notably in these rich pastures of the Irtish, where they passed the summer of 1219. It was while he was there that Chinghiz sent to invite the famous sage, Ch'ang Ch'un, to go and visit him. We are told that he ordered his adjutant, Liu Chung-lu, to go and fetch him. Lui Chung-lu was a deserter from the Kin who entered the service of the Mongols when they invaded China, and he was valued by Chinghiz Khan for his skill in making 3 Id., p. 112, note. D'Obsson, vol. I, pp. 212-216. 33 Id. 35 Op. cit., p. 191. 38 Ch'ang Ch'un," says Dr. Bretschneider, "in speaking of himself, always uses this modest expression of shan-ye, Savage of the mountains." Bretschneider, Notes on Med. Travellers to the West, pp. 17 and 18. In the biography of Jabar Khoja in the Yuan-shi he 145 arrows. He reported that he had received orders to go on this errand in the fifth month. of 1219, when Chinghiz Khan was encamped at the ordu of the Naimans. Ch'ang Ch'un agreed to return with him, and chose nineteen of his disciples to accompany him. They set out in the early spring of 1220, and arrived at Yen or Peking in April. There he was received with great deference, and there he learnt that Chinghiz had already set out on his western campaign. Feeling afraid that at his great age he should not be able to bear such a long voyage, he wanted to stay till the great conqueror's retarn. He was also much troubled because Chung-lu had been ordered to escort in addition to himself, a number of young girls for Chinghiz Khan's harem, and he remarked, "Owing to actresses having been sent from the kingdom of Tsi to the kingdom of Lu, Confucius left Lu (which was his native country). Although I am only a savage of the mountains," how can I travel in the company of girls." Chung-lu therefore despatched a courier with a report, and Ch'ang Ch'un also sent an address to Chinghiz." He did not wait for an answer, but set off, and we shall revert to him presently. 83 It was apparently while wintering on the Irtish that Chinghiz Khan allotted sections of the peoples he had conquered to his mother, brothers, and children. He is reported in the Yuan-ch'ao-pi-shi to have said:"My mother with me created the empire. Of my children the eldest is Juchi, the youngest is Ochigin. He gave 10,000 houses or families to his mother and youngest brother. She was not content with this number, but said not a word. He gave 9,000 houses to his eldest son Juchi; to Chagatai 8,000; to Ogotai 5,000; to Tului 5,000; to his brother Khasar, 4,000; to Alchidai, 2,000; to Belgutei 1,500. Chinghiz had an uncle, Daritai, whom he wished to destroy, since he had supported Wang Khan, but Boorchi and the other two said to him to destroy one's relatives is the same as to extinguish one's fires. This uncle is said to have been sent by Chinghiz to summon the sage, who asked him which he would prefer, honour and riches or a numerous posterity. He replied, After a hundred years honours and riches will be of no use to me, but I should wish my sons and grandsons to be prosperous, and continue iny lineage. Cha'ng Ch'un replied, Your wish shall be realised, and it was, as Jabar died at the age of 118, and left many descendants. Bretschneider, Notices, etc. 50.

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146 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [MAY, 1884. alone remains to you in memory of your father. the hearth-child, and to whom the Mongols It is true he is not wise, but for the sake of were left as a special appanage. The Uirads your father do not destroy him. Chingliz were left to his son-in-law, Khutuktu Noyan, was deeply touched, and his anger cooled the chief of that stock. down. He also assigned these relatives camp- L ogotai, the third son, apparently succeeded ing grounds, for it must be remembered that to the Naimans and the Kirghises, with his * nomadic chieftain has to treat his clans like a headquarters at Imil, near the modern Chusettled one does his acres, and these clans have guchak. often no fixed abode, but only definite pasturing Chagatai was left the tribes which nomagrounds. dized between Almaligh and Kashgar, while We learn from the narrative of Chiang Juchi, the eldest son, apparently dominated over Ch'un's journey that the camping ground of the western dominions of the Gurkhan of Kara Ochigin, called Timuge, lay along the Keralon, Khitai, with the tribes on the Chu, the Talas, and on lakes Kulun and Bayur. Elsewhere and the Sari-su. Palladius suggests that his camp was on the The Yuan-ch'ao-pi-shi goes on to say that river Khalkha, which falls into lake Buyur." Chinghiz, having given 10,000 houses to his Rashidu'd-din says that the portion of Temugu, mother Khuilun, and his brother Ochigin, sent Ochigin, and his brother, Kachiun, was in to her as rulers of the cities four nobles, Guchu Eastern Mongolia, near the Churchis (i.e. and others; to Juchi, three nobles, Khunan and Manchuria), Kalalchin Alt, the river Olkui, and others; to Chagatai, three nobles, Kharachar the ancient country of the Inkirasses." Kachiun and others; and as Chagatai was of a stern disis the Alchidai of the Yuan-ch'ao-pi-shi. We position, he ordered Kokososi to speak to him have no express statement in the Chinese authors often. To Ogotai he assigned Ilu and others; about the locality of Khasar's ordu, but we to Talui, Chedaya and another; to Khasar, read in the Yuan-shi that Chinghiz made the Chebke; to Alchidai, s.e. Kachian, ChaurKalierundurgin, i.e., the hills of the Kerulon, the khaya. This is as the account stands in the boundary between the portions of Anchin and epitomized text published by Palladius. In Khasar. Anchin was the brother of Chinghiz the full text the names are probably set out. Khan's wife, Burteh, and with his tribe, the On turning to Rashidu'd-din and Elbenegati, Kunkurahs, according to Palladius, lived in the we find these facts set out in a'general table of modern province of Jo-khe.* The portion of all the Mongol forces, which incorporates their Khasar, according to Rashidu'd-din, was on the version of the organization of the army of north-east of Mongolia, in the neighbourhood of which we have given the version of the Yuanthe Arghun, of the lake Keule, i.e., the Kulan and ch'ao-pi-shi in an earlier chapter. I will now the river Kailar." The chiefs of the modernset out Rashidu'd-din's story at length as Mongol tribes of Khorchin, Durbed, Khorlas, transcribed by Erdmann :Durben, Keuked, Maominggan, and Urad, all I I. - The Life guard Hazareh, under the claim descent from Juchi Khasar. A portion emperor himself, with four adjutants. It was of these were doubtless subject to Ochigin, and called the Great ordu, and was 1,000 men were taken away when his family sided against strong, and to it belonged the immediate bodyMangu Khan. The portion of Belgatei was guards of Chinghiz, and the guardians of the between the Onon and the Kerulon to the ordu. Its commander was the Tangkut sonth-west of that of Alchidai, 1.6., of Ka- Ujeghan, who had been adopted by Chinghiz chian." The Kalmuk tribe of the Khoshots, as his fifth son when he was only eleven according to Pallas. years old. All the couriers, runners, quarter. In regard to his sons, Chinghiz assigned in masters, &c., were also under his orders. On the customary fashion the homeland of the Ohinghiz Khan's death he accompanied Ogotai Mongols to his youngest son Tului, who was to China, and left his command in charge of Yuan-ch'ao-pi-shi, PP. 189 and 186. - A Yuan-ch'ao-pi-shi, note 507. 40 Yuan-kao-pi-shi, note 504. ** D'Ohsson, vol. II, p. 7. " Bretaohneidex, Notes on Chinese Mod. Travellers to See Howorth, History of the Mongols, vol. I, p. 484. the West, note 25 * Yuan-ch'ao-pi-shi, note 509. D'Ohsson, VOL II, p. 7 note. * Op. cit.

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May, 1884.] CHINGHIZ KHAN AND HIS ANCESTORS. 147 his deputy Bureh, who was also a Tangkut. These life guards were divided into eight companies - (1) The first, or great company of the emperor, immediately commanded by Ujeghan Noyan, and afterwards by Bureh Noyan; (2) commanded by the Sanid Iltimur, chief mar. shal and high steward of the empress's ordu; (3) commanded by the Durban Burgi and chief marshal of the grandfather of Bulad Akhu, an important general in the empress's ordu; (4) commanded by Ulidai Kurji, who was Jelair, and administrator of four ordus; (5) commanded by Albigar, a Kerait, a chief marsbal in the ordu of the empress ; (6) commanded by the Merkit Jemal Khoja, brother of Khulan Khatun; (7) commanded by Khenegkhiadai, & grandee in the ordu of Bisalun Khatun; (8) commanded by Biguntua, a Tartar, belonging to the empress's ordu. II.-The centre, corsisting of 101,000 men, of which details are apparently not preserved. III.-The right wing, commanded by Barji Noyan, with his associate Buraghul Noyan. It consisted of 23 haxarehe. (1) The life guards of Barji Noyan, the first of Chinghiz Khan's generals-he belonged to the tribe Urlat; (2) under Buraghul Noyan, of the Hashin Ordu; (3) under Jedi Noyan, of the Manckut tribe ; (4) under Lengkhiadai, an Olkhound; (5) under Tului Jurbi, by birth a Khunegkhiat, the son of Mengelig Ijegeh, who married Chinghiz Khan's mother; (6) under Sugatu Jurbi, brother of the preceding ; (7) under Bela Noyan, a Jelair ; (8) under Argai Khesar Noyan, a Jelair, and relative of the preceding; (9) under Thagril, a Suldus; (10) under Sudun Noyan, a Suldus, and relative of the preceding; he lived till the time of Khubilai, and grew so old and foolish that he did not know his own wife; (11) under Sigi Khutukha, a Tartar, saved as a boy when the Tartars were conquered; he called Chinghiz and his wife father and mother. Ogotai styled him Aka, and pat him over Mangu Khakan; (12) under Du Yesukhah, of the Darban tribe ; (13) under Mungkbel Turgan, a Barin ; (14) this hazareh comprised four Virad hasaroho, which were all subject to Khutukhu Bigi, who nominated the chiefs of the subordinate hasarehe ; (15) this haxareh was very large, consisting of 10,000 men, mostly Barins, and was led by Bari Khurji Noyan; (16) commanded by Balaghan Khalja, of the Beralas tribe; (17) commanded by the Olkhound Taiju Kurkan, a brother of Chinghiz Khan's mother, and father to the husband of Chinghiz's youngest daughter, Altalun; (18) under the Hederkin Mukhir. khuran; (19) under Yesun Tewatherkhi, an Uriangkut, and brother of Yesubukha Taishi, who was appointed commander of a hazareh of Khurjis; (20) under the Sunid Khedan Katbaul; (21) under Mengelig ljegeh, who married the mother of Chinghiz; (22) this harareh comprised four hararehs of Ungute or Onguts, and was commanded successively by Aibukha, Alakush Tigin and Shengai; (23) this hazareh also was very strong, and as it comprised 10,000 men, it was deemed a tuman. It was led by Gugi Noyan and Mugtu Khian, sons of Khian, of the Khiat tribe. IV.-The left wing was under the command of Mukhuli Kiwang, and his subordinate Nayashka Noyan, who was a Barin. It comprised twenty-five haxarehs (1) This was immediately subject to Muk. huli, who was a Jelair. As he was much esteemed by Chinghiz, the latter gave him command of all the Jelairs, from whom he made op three hazarehs; (2) commanded by Yesubuka-taishi, who was a Uriangkut, son of Jelmeh Uheh. He was much troubled with the gout, and was moved about on a cart. His surname of Taishi, which was given to him by Ogotai, was derived from the Chinese, and means a great teacher; (3) led by the brothers Kehti Noyan, and Khujer Noyan, who belonged to the Urut tribe. This tribe was confided to them, and constituted four (minor) hazarehe ; (4) commanded by Tutu Kurkan, of the tribe Angiras, who lived next the Kunkurads. He was one of Chinghiz Khan's fathers-in-law, and was by him placed over the whole tribe of Angirases, whom he divided into three haxarehs ; (5) commanded by the Tartar Khutakhat Noyan, who was uncle to Chinghiz Khan's two Tartar wives; (6) headed by the five Kunkarad chiefs, AljiNoyan, Khutakhu Noyan, Nikhadar, Sengkhar, and Khia Butar. Chinghiz Khan's chief wife, Burteh, was sister to the first two, the others were his cousins, sons of Daritai, and brothers of Dai Noyan, the Padishah of the Kankurads. This hazareh consisted of 5,000 men, and comprised the whole of the Kunkurad

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148 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [MAY, 1884. tribe; (7) commanded by Khubuldan Sajan, was appointed commander of this hazareh, of the Mengkuts, which tribe constituted his consisting of 10,000 Jurchis. hazareh ; (8) under the orders of Nayash kha The army, thus constituted, consisting of a Noyan, who was by birth a Barin. It comprised centre and two wings, Chinghiz entrusted to all the Barin tribe, and was formed into three his youngest son, Tului. minor haxarehs ; (9) led by Sulu Noyan, a 1. To his eldest son, Juchi, he gave 4,000 son of Mengelig Ijegeh of the Kunegkhiats; men, forming four hazarehs : (10) commanded by Jelairtai Bisur, of the (1) Under Munggur, a Saljiut, who, in Batu Jelair tribe ; (11) under Ungur Noyan, of the Khan's time commanded the left wing, and was Bayauts; (12) the two brothers, Ukhin and succeeded by Jerkes ; (2) Kingetai Khuman Kerju of the Jelair tribe, commanded this Noyan, of the Kinkats; (3) Husbitai, of the hazareh; they had formerly tended the sheep Hushins, & follower of Burji Noyan; (4) of Yissugei Baghatur; (13) the leader of this Baiku, who was in the right wing. was Subutai Baghatur, of the Uriangkuts; (14) II. Chagatai also had 4,000 men in 4 Dakhulkhu Jurbi, of the Arulats, and brother hazarehs : of Barghurjin Noyan, was the commander of (1) Under Burlatai Kharajar, of the Beralas; this section; (15) Udaji, of the Wood Uriang. (2) under Muger Noyan ; (3) and (4), the kuta, led this hazareh ; with his people he kept commanders of these are unknown. watch over Chinghiz Khan's grave, and did not III. Ogotai, also had 4,000 men, who were take part in fighting: (16) led by Belgutei, the divided into four hazarehs, of whom we only brother of Chinghiz; (17) this was led by know two of the leaders, Ilugai, the Jelair, and Shenggu Kurkan, a Kunkurad, and the eldest Ilegtua, the Suldus. son of Alji Noyan, who married Chinghiz IV. Chinghiz Khan's fifth son, Kulkan, also Khan's daughter, Tumalun. This hasareh con- had 4,000 men in four hazarehs, of which we know sisted of 4,000 Kunkurads; (18) this section the names of the leaders of two only, Khubilai was led by the brothers Uger Kiljeh and Kudu Noyan, a Berula, and Tughril, of the Jaurjins. Kilja, of the Barin tribe ; (19) commanded V. His youngest brother, Ochigin Noyan, by Ugeteh Jurbi, who was a Sunid; (20) led had 5,000 men in all, of whom 2,000 belonged by Temndar Noyan, also a Sunid, and Kurji, to the Urnauts, 1,000 to the Baisuts, and the father of Mubareg Khurji; (21) comprised two rest to the Jajirads, &c. smaller hazarehs, and was controlled by the VI. Juchi Khasar's sons and grandsons led Jelair Taishun and another; (22) led by the a hazareh, which belonged to him. Jajirat Khushakun Sukh, and his twin brother VII. Ijidai Noyan, the son of his brother of the same name. It comprised three minor Khajiun, was given a command of 3,000 men, hazarehe ; (23) led by Munga Khalja, of the comprising Naimans and others. Its most Mengkuts, a son of Kubulder Sajan; (24) the distinguished commanders were Akh Sudai, and leader of this was Uyar Wachi, of the Kara Ujighash Kiwang. Khitais. He willingly submitted to Chinghiz, VIII. Ulun Egeh, Chinghiz Khan's mother, who nominated him commander of this hazareh, also had a command of 3,000 Kurulas and which consisted of 2,000 Kara Khitaians ; | Olkhounds. (25) led by Tughan Waishi, of the Jurcbis, These various sections with the main army who also submitted willingly to Chinghiz, and under Tului formed altogether 230,000 men. MISCELLANEA. THE TRUE DATE OF BUDDHA'S new and important evidence in support of my DEATH. opinion that the date 486 (A.D. 430) in the Kivi Oxford, Feb. 16, 1884. grant ought not to be reckoned from the Vikrama I was much pleased to see in Prof. Peterson's era (see India, what can it teach us? p. 285). I letter, published in to-day's Academy, that Pandit had read Mr. Fleet's objections to my theory, or, Bhagvanlal, to whose careful researches we owo to speak more correctly, to Mr. J. Fergusson's already so many useful discoveries, has brought theory, in the pages of the Indian Antiquary * From the Academy, March 1, 1884.

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MAY, 1884.] (November 1883, p. 293), but I thought it better not to answer his criticisms for the present. I have always felt a very high regard for Mr. Fleet's extremely important contributions to Indian archaeology and chronology; and, though his remarks seemed to me not quite fair, I did not think that they called for an immediate reply. Mr. Fleet says that the only substantial objection which I brought forward against the date which he had assigned to the K&vt inscription was that it would be destructive of my own theory that the Vikrama era was only invented by Harsha-Vikrama of Ujjayini in A.D. 544. But surely this is hardly a fair statement. It might be fair, if coming from a lawyer, who cares for victory only, but not as coming from a scholar, who cares for truth. Mr. Fleet holds that the era of Vikramaditya began 56 B.C. I hold that it was invented in A.D. 544. We are both looking out for inscriptions either to confirm or to refute our respective theories. Mr. Fleet thinks he has at last discovered one inscription bearing a Vikrama date, though without the name of Vikrama, before A.D. 544, thus completely upsetting my theory. I should have been delighted if it were so; but I pointed out that it would seem strange that, between 56 B.C. and A.D. 544, this Kavi inscription should be the only one dated according to an era which we are asked to believe was introduced nearly 500 years before, without ever occurring on any inscription whatsoever. I therefore recommended caution. I never ventured to refer the date of the Kavi inscription to the Saka era; but I looked forward to some such terminus a quo as Pandit Bhagvanlal has now discovered-namely, about A.D. 245'-that is, 300 years before the !date when the Vikrama era was calculated, and 300 years after the date from which it was calculated. The fact remains, therefore, that, so far as we know at present, the Vikrama era has never been found on any inscription before A.D. 544. MISCELLANEA. It is always well, in researches which depend on discoveries that may spring upon us from day to day, not to be too positive, and not to be in too great a hurry. It is now more than twentyfive years ago that, in my History of Ancient Sanskrit Literature, I laboured very hard to establish the date 477 B.C. as the real date of Buddha's death. Owing to the uncertainty of Chandragupta's reign, I allowed a latitude of about ten years, but adopted A D. 477 as the best More correctly, A.D. 250, see ante, p. 77.-Ed. I.A. The Japanese sound of the Chinese characters is added after each Chinese name, whether it is a transliteration or an original. Pavarand... the festival held at the termination of the Buddhist vassa or Lent.'-Childers' Pali 149 working hypothesis. Some scholars have accepted that date, others have doubted it, others, again have advanced some arguments against it. I still hold to it, though not with such unreasoning pertinacity as to consider any modification of it impossible. Nay, I feel so conscious of the purely tentative character of all dates before Alexander's invasion of India that when my friend Mr. Bunyiu Nanjio brought me the following extract, which, in the most startling manner, seems to confirm the date which I assigned to Buddha's death, I said to myself, what I now say publicly, that it is almost too good to be true. However, Mr. Bunyiu Nanjio's translation ought to be published, and everyone may then form his own opinion. Mr. Bunyiu Nanjio writes: "In A.D. 664, or a few years later, under the great Than dynasty (A.D. 618-907), Tao-suen (Dosen), a Chinese priest and a contemporary of the famous Hiuen-thsang, compiled the Tathan-noitien-lu (Dai-to-nai-ten-roku), or Catalogue of the Buddhist Books, in sixteen fasciculi [see No. 1483 in my Oxford Catalogue]. In fasc. 4a, fol. 20 seq., under the notice of a work on the Vinaya, he writes: Shan-chien-phi-pho-shd-luh (Zen-kenbi-ba-shd-ritsu, or Sudarsana-vibhdshd-vinaya, No. 1125), a work in eighteen fasciculi, was translated by the foreign Sramana Sanghabhadra, whose name is translated Chun-haien (Shu-ken, lit. "company-wise"), in the reign of the Emperor Wu (Bu), A.D. 483-493, of the former Tshi (Sei) dynasty, A.D. 479-502.' "He then continues: There is a tradition, handed down from teachers to pupils, that after Buddha's Nirvana, Yiu-po-li (U-ha-ri, i.e., Upali) collected the Vinaya-pitaka. Then on the 15th day of the 7th month of that year, when he had received the Tex'-tes' (Zi-shi, lit. "self-throwing off restraint," i.e., Pravdrana or Pavdrand, or Invitation), he worshipped the (MS. of the Vinaya-pitaka with flowers and incense, and added one dot at the beginning of the Finaya-pitaka. Thus he did every year in the same way. When Upali was going to enter Nirvana he handed it (i.e., the Vinaya-pitaka) over to his disciple Thosie-ku (Da-sha-ku,i.e.,D&saka). When Dasaka was going to enter Nirvana he handed it over to his disciple Su-chu (Shu-ku,i.e., Saunaka or Sonaka). When Saunaka was going to enter Nirvana' he handed it over to his disciple Sichie-pho (Shitsuga-ba, i.e., Siggava). When Siggava was going Dictionary, trans.), P. 37. 374; cf. Oldenberg's Buddha (Eng. 447 B.C.-Sacred Books of the East, vol. X, part 1, p. xliv. * 397 B. C. 1 353 B.C.

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150 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (MAY, 1884. to enter Nirvana he handed it over to his disciple Hun-tu (Gu-do), saying: "Why do we see no Mu-chien-lien-tez' Ti-su-mu (Moku-ken-ren-shimore dote added after the 7th (read 8th) year of Tai-shu-moku, i.e., Maudgalyayanfputra Tishya, Yuri-mins (Yei-mei) period P" Hub-tu (Gu-do) anor Moggaliputta Tissa (see Depavansa). When swered: "Before that (year) there were holy men Maudgalyayaniputra Tishya was going to enter who entered on the path, and who added these Nirudnao he handed it over to his disciple Chan. dots with their own hands; but I, who am detho-pho-sho (Sen-JA-batsu-sia, i.e., Chandavaggi) prived of the path, being an ignorant person, (see Depavarsa). might only take hold of and worship.it (the MS. "Thus these teachers handed it over succes- of the Vinaya-pitaka), and should never dare to sively till the present teacher of the Law of the add a dot." Tripitaka. This teacher of the Law of the Tri. "Poh-heiu (Haku-kiu) (afterwards) counted pitaka brought (the MS. of) the Vinaya-pitaka to the number following these old dots down to Kwan-cheu, or the province Kwang (i.6., Canton). the 9th year of the Ta-thun (Dai-d) period, A.D. When he was embarking homewards from there, 643, the cycle of which was Kroei-hdi (Ki-gai), he handed (the MS. of) the Vinaya-pitaka over to nnder the Lian (Rio) dynasty, AD. 502-556, and is disciple. San. kid-pho.tho.lo (San-ga-batau.de.| obtained the total number of 1028 years, 13 ra, i.e., Sanghabhadra). ". Following this number counted by Poh-hsiu "'In the 6th (read 7th] year of the Yuri-min (Haku-kiu), Chhan-fan counted it from the 9th (Yei-moi) period, A.D. 489, Sanghabhadra, together year of the (Ta-thun (Ddi-dd) period, A.D. 543, with the Sramana San-i (So-i, a Chinese priest), down to the present year, the 17th year of the translated this Sudarbana-vibhdshd(-vinaya), in Khdi-hodi (Kdi-low) period, A.D. 597, the cycle the chu-lin-sz' (chika-rin-zi, lit. "Bamboo-grove of which was Tin-es' (Tei-shi), and obtained the monastery." i.e., Venuvana-vihara), in the province total number of 1082 years.16 Kwang (i.e., Canton). He stayed there, keeping "It so (only a little more than a thousand the An-chu (An-go, lit. "easy-living")." In the years have just elapsed since the Tathagata's middle (i..., the 15th day) of the 7th month of the Nirvana. We are therefore) not yet very remote 7th (read 8th]" year of the Yun-min (Yoi-mei) from the time of the Sage (lit. still near to the period, A.D. 490, the cycle of which was Kan-wu Sage), 80 that we should heartily be glad and (Ko-go), when he had received the Ter'tsu' (Zi-shi, rejoiced. May we altogether diligently and sinor Pravdrana), he worshipped (the MS. of) the cerely promulgate the Law left (by the Sage)!" Vinaya-pitaka with flowers and incense, according It would follow from these statements, as transto the law or rules of his preceding teachers, and lated by my friend, Mr. Bunyiu Nanjio, that there added one dot (to the MS.). In that year, A.D. 490, was a MS. of the Vinaya-pitaka in existence at there were 975 dots in all, one dot representing the time of Sanghabhadra, say A.D. 490, which one year. contained 975 dots, and that each of these dots "In the first year of the Ta-thus (Dai-do) was believed to mark one year. This would give period, A.D. 535, under the Lian (Rio) dynasty the year 485 as the year in which the MS. was A.D. 502-556, Chao Poh hsiu (Chio Haku-kiu, a written by UpAli, immediately after the death of Chinese) met Hun-tu (Gu-do), & teacher of the Buddha. The dots were counted by Chao Poh Vinaya who was practising painfully at the Lu. heiu in A.D. 185, by Chhan-fan in A.D. 597, not very shan (Ro-san, or the Lu-mountain, in China). long, therefore, before A.D. 664, when the story From him he obtained this record of the dots was written down. having been added by holy men successively after The objections to this statement, as written down Buddha's Nirvana. The date in it (as marked by in A.D. 664, are palpable. First of all, we do not the dota) ended in the 7th [read 8th] year of the know that Upali actually wrote a MS., and we Yuri- min (Yei-mei) period, A.D. 490, under the Tshiread in the Mahavamsa that the Pitakattaya and (Sei) dynasty. Then Poh-hsiu (Haku-kiu) asked the Atthakathd were not written down before the 3001 B.C. 283 B.C. 10 The name of this teacher is not given, but he was evidently the teacher of Sanghabhadra, as soon below. 11 Thin name is still used by the priests of the Shin. shiu, and also some other sects, in Japan, for the Hummer term in the theological colleges. This term corresponds to the rainy season in India, when Buddha and his disciples are said to have lived or stayed together in one place, and discussed the law. 13 The 6th and 7th year (i. e., A.D. 488 and 489) must be changed into the 7th and 8th year (i.6. A.D. 189 and 400), not only because the cycle of the latter your, given in the text, corresponds to the 8th year dr A. D. 490, instead of the 7th year or A. D. 489, As the text reads, but also because the distance between two later datos, given in the text below, is exactly in scoordance with this emendation. 1 1. e., 975 (A.D. 490) +58 (A.D. 548) = 1028. ** Ze pan-ran was the compiler of. Catalogue of the Buddhist books in A.D. 597 (see No. 14 in appendix u. of my Catalogue). 15 This word present' seems to have been takon from ChhA-fan's writing, because Dlo-shen was only about four years old in A.D. 197, and his catalogue w completed not earlier than A.D. 664. 10 1. e., 1028 (A.D. 549) + 54 (A.D. 507) = 1082."

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MAY, 1884.) MISCELLANEA. 151 reign of King Vattagamani, 88-76 B. c. (see my Introduction to the Dhammapada, Sacred Books of the East, vol. X, p. xiii). Secondly, even if Upali wrote a copy of the Vinaya-pitaka it is not likely that that identical copy should have been carried to China. Thirdly, the process of adding one dot at the end of every year during 975 years is extremely precarious. Still, on the other hand, there was nothing to induce a Chinese Buddhist to invent so modern a date as 485 B.c. for the council held immediately after Buddha's death. It runs counter to all their own chronological theories, and even the writer himself seems to express surprise that he should find himself so much nearer to the age of Buddha than he imagined. Let scholars accept the tradition for what it is worth. Whatever their conclusions may be they will all be grateful to Mr. Bunyiu Nanjio for having brought this curious tradition to their knowledge. For the present, and till we get new materials, I feel in. clined to agree with my friend Prof. Buhler, when in his Three New Edicts of Asoka (Ind. Ant. vol. VI, p. 154), he says: "For all practical purposes, the date for the Nirudna 477-78 B.C., fixed by Prof. Max Muller, by Gen. Cunningham, and others, is perfectly sufficient. The new inscriptions show that it cannot be very far wrong. The two outside termini for the beginning of Chandragupta's reign are 321 B.C. on the one side, and 310 B.C. on the other. For this reason, and because the Ceylonese date for the beginning of the Mauryas, 163 A.B., must now be considered to be genuine, the Nirvana must fall between 483-82 B.C. and 472-71 B.C. If, therefore, the date 477-78 for the Nirvana should eventually be proved to be wrong, the fault cannot be more than five or six years one way or the other." F. MAX MULLER. 79. Lay aside your glory and put down your pride, and remember your grave; for thither you will go, and as you have sowed so will you reap, and as you have judged so will you be judged, and as you have given now so will you receive hereafter. 80. To seek too much gain is injurious to the mind. 81. Weakness of the eyes does not injure when the eyes of the mind are bright. 82. Life is wasted by the pleasures of hope. 83. The suspicion of a wise man is truer than the knowledge of a fool. 84. The victory of generous men is forgiveness, benevolence, and humanity, but that of the ignoble pride, insolence, and revenge. 85 Satan carries away the victory from him whom his own anger conquers. 86. To injure the weak is the height of injustice. 87. To injure those who submit to the command of another is the greatest sin. 88. To injure a benefactor is the greatest reproach. 89. The injustice of a man in this world is a proof of his misery in the next. 90. He errs in his benevolence who confers it". on the unworthy. 91. He is acting against himself who rests content with this vanishing house (i.e. life), by substituting it for that which endures. 92. The goodness of man consists in this, that he keep himself from forbidden things and hasten THE PROVERBS OF ALI BIN TALEBL. Translated by K. T. Best, M.A., M.R.4.8., Principal, Guzerat College. Continued from p. 124. 72. To be always wishing and never contented is the worst poverty. 73. The worst gift is that which is preceded by procrastination and followed by rebukes. 74. Take counsel before you apply your mind to anything and look carefully before you proceed. 75. Good advice keeps us from falling. 26. The friend of a fool is exposed to calamity. 77. Guard your fidelity from doubt, for doubt corrupta faith, as salt spoils honey. 78. To be silent until you are compelled to speak is better than to speak until you are told to be silent. 93. He becomes a sharer of exhilarating joy who turns away from the blandishments of the w 94. You ought to pay attention to another life, then this world will be of little value. 95. You ought to use the advice of others, for this is the part of circumspection. 96. You should pay attention to sincere friends, for they are an ornament in prosperity and a help in adversity. 97. When poverty comes to an extremity there will be relief. 98: When poverty comes the virtues of men are shown. 99. In a time of public tumult the prudence of men is manifested. 100. When death threatens, the frustration of hopes appears. 101. I wonder at him who doubts about God when he sees His creatures. 102. I wonder at him who searches for a lost animal, and meanwhile lets his soul wander away without seeking for it. 103. Knowledge without action is like a bow without a string.

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152 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [Mar, 1884. 104. The slave of pleasure is viler than a man 106. The eye of love is blind towards the faults reduced to slavery. of the one loved, and its ears are deaf when they 105. To a sordid man it is easier to forgive hear anything disgraceful about him. many faults than to confer a few benefits. (To be continued.) BOOK NOTICE. 1. THE BUDDHIST ORIGINAL OY CHAUCER'S PARDONER'S Chaucer writes : TALE, by C. H. TAWNEY, M.A. (Journal of Philology, vol. XII.) "My theme is alway oon and ever was 2. THE VEDABBEA JATAKA, translated with notes, by Radix malorum est Cupiditas." H. T. FRANCIS, M.A., Under-Librarian of the Uni Almost the same words occur in the Latin versity Library, Cambridge. [Privately printed), Cambridge, 1884. version, and it would seem as if the devil could Pending the somewhat slow progress of the full quote Scripture in Pali as well as in other lantranslation of the Jataka-book, several interesting guages, for in the Buddhist story the robber who additions to the English literature of folk-lore remains behind to guard the treasure says to himhave recently appeared as the result of the publi. self, "Verily covetousness is the root of destruccation of Professor Fausboll's admirable text. tion," and immediately after the utterance of this Thus, Mr. Tawney had already given us a speci. moral sentiment, he conceives the project of mur. men of his skill in translating Pali, as well as dering his fellow! Truly a veritable Oriental Sansksit, stories in his version of the Gamani. Pecksniff!" chanda-jataka, which appeared in the Journal of In a note on the translation of the passage, Philology, vol. XI. It is also a matter of no small Mr. Francis notices the possibility of taking the congratulation to find the too small band of words as the sentiments of the author, and thus writers who give us real information about origi- rendering, "It is said that covetousness." But I nal texts, and not mere generalities on Buddhist believe the translator's relish of the humour of thought, now joined by a scholar like Mr. Francis, his original has led him right here; for not only whose position gives him facilities for research in (as he observes) would kira' have been expected collections of Indian Buddhist literature hardly in that case, but the particles cha ndma gain to be paralleled elsewhere. greater point and emphasis. The occurrence of Both publications are primarily designed to call esa likewise favours the construction, so that we attention to the resemblance between this Jataka might paraphrase the sentence: "So this covet. and Chaucer's Pardoner's Tale, a resemblance ousness that these miserable fellows feel turns which, it seems, had also been noticed by Dr. out nothing but (eva) the source of their rain." Morris; both, also, cite at some length the Italian With regard to other remarks on the text in parallel to Chaucer noticed by Prof. Skeat. Mr. Francis'e notes, passing over note 6, which is of With regard to the style of the translations, course not to be taken au serieus as an emenda. both are in eminently readable English, though tion; the correction of sannahitva or sannayhitud, perhaps one may be excused for saying that, here (Fausboll, p. 255, 1. 5), seems unnecessary. For and there, some of the peculiarities of Pali idiom the robber could perfectly well have girt on his peep out. As in translating Greek, one of the sword and then have sat down, especially in the great difficulties is to represent and duly co- characteristic Oriental way expressed by the Pali ordinate all the varied shades of meaning expressed phrase ukkutikan nisidati; moreover, loose belts by participles, especially aorist participles, so in Pali seem to be no more uncommon in early sculptures the excessive and sometimes rather monotonous than now. use of the gerund in tod and yd is at once In the last sentence, it seems neater and more characteristio, and often apt to carry the translator symmetrical to take, with Mr. Tawney, the gerund away from the usual form of English speech, and unnddetud as referring to the nominative Bodhi. perhaps occasionally from the author's meaning. satto like the remainder of the string of gerunds. Mr. Francis has added notes and illustrations In most other points, save a curious little differ. which show a very careful consideration of the ence of opinion as to where the moon rose on difficulties of language in the tale. Several sugges. this memorable occasion, the translators agree, tions are as ingenious as they are appropriate, by and, it may be added, agree in presenting a high reason of their freshness and humour, to these standard of English translation from the Indian freshest productions of the literature of India. languages, which have so often suffered from Thus we read in Mr. Francis's Introduction- bald representations, to all who would seek to "The moral is prominently brought forward in reproduce something of the freshness and vivacity all the versions." of Eastern story-telling. CECIL BENDALL. 1 The Pali runs: "Lobho cha nam'era vindsamllam evd"ti... nisino chinteri " Tammir agate ... yam nandhar tat... ghatessan" ti..

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JUNE, 1884.] KARNATA GRANTS No. II. KARNATA GRANTS No. II. A GRANT OF RANGA II, DATED IN 1644-5 A.D. BY E. HULTZSCH, PH.D., VIENNA. THE THE subjoined grant has been transcribed from an ink-impression made over to me by Dr. Burgess, who received it from Sir Walter Elliot, K.C.S.I. As the Kondyat a grant of Venkata II, this one consists of five plates, the first and last of which are inscribed on the inner sides only. The grant was issued by one of the Rajas of Karnata, the unhappy successors of the famous kings of Vijayanagara. It records that in Saka 1566 (or 1644-5 A.D.), the year Taruna (sic) of the cycle, Phalguna (sic) sudi 12, king Ranga II of Karnata granted the large village Kallakursi surnamed Chinnamassettisamudra, which was situated in the kingdom of Tiruvadi to the Brahmana Kondappa, the son of Yallamaraja and grandson of Magantimaraja, who belonged to the Kaundinya-gotra, followed the Apastambasutra, and studied the Yajuh-sakha. As in the Vilapaka and Kondyata grants, the composition of the stanzas is ascribed to R am a, the son of Kama koti and grandson of some Sabhapati. The engraver was Somanatharya, the son of KAmaya (who engraved the Vilapaka grant of Venkata I) and grandson of Ganapayarya (who engraved the Devanhalli grant of Ranga I'). Like other inscriptions of the Karnata dynasty, the Kallakursi grant is written in the Nandinagari alphabet. A few ligatures of pha (plate III B, line 7) deserve to be noticed, viz. pha (plate IV A, line9), shpha (plateV, line 9), andspha (plate III A, line 20). The latter tha has a peculiar shape, which is found alternately with the usual one, Besides the common form of kha, there occurs twice another one in which the characteristic stroke occupies a different position, (plate 1 Ante, p. 125. This village is at present the head-quarters of the Kallakurchi Taluka in the South Arkat District of the Madras Presidency. See Mr. Sewell's Antiquarian Remains of the Madras Presidency, vol. I, p. 210. Tiruvadi is situated in the Cuddalore (Kudaluru) Taluks of the South Arkat District, lat. 11deg46' N., long. 79deg36' 35 E. See Mr. Sewell's, l. c., p. 212 (Tiruv&di), and the Imperial Gazetteer (Tiruvadi).. [Mr. S. M. Natosa Sastri states that there is a town named Tiruvadi 8 miles north-west of Tanjore. In the South Arkat district is a town called Tiruvadi. But Tiruvadirajya' may not have any connection with the town. Tiruvadi 153 II B, lines 8 and 12). The group shta is also written in two different ways, and . The Vasavali of the present grant is identical with that of the Kondyata grant down to Venkata II. In my former paper I tried to remove the difficulty, that according to the Vamsavali, Venkata II would belong to the fourth generation after Venkata I, while the difference between the dates of their grants amounts only to 23 years, by an artificial combination of the second part of the Vamsavali with the first one.' But the word purvam in stanza 28 of the Kondyata grant points to a much simpler explanation, viz., that this stanza does not relate to the same Rama as stanza 27, but that the genealogist returns to Tirumala's elder brother Rama in stanza 28 after he has treated of Tirumala's great-grandson Rama in stanza 27. That Venkata II was the grandson of Tirumala's elder brother Rama, is proved by the Kallakursi grant in which Venkatadri is called the younger brother of Venkata II's grandfather. The Kallakursi grant shows further that just as the two brothers Ranga I and Venkata I had been succeeded by a distant relation, viz., Venkata II-Ranga II was again very remotely related to Venkata II, his predecessor on the throne of Karnata. Of Ranga himself the grant relates nothing but that he was a devotee of Srivenkatekalo (Vishnu), like his two predecessors, was honoured with presents by the kings of the Bhojas and Magadhas, bore some of the traditional Birudas, reigned over Karnata, and 'ruled the whole earth.' While the Karnata grants themselves contain little more than the kings' names, one important period of the history of the Karnata dynasty receives light from a grant of king < in Tamil means the sacred feet and in several Southern Vijayanagar Grants the country is called 'Tiruvadirajya, meaning the kingdom of the sacred feet (i.e. of the king of Vijayanagar.)-ED. I. A.] Ind. Ant., vol. II, p. 371. Mr. Rice's Mysore Inscriptions, p. 252. Stanzas 1 to 30 of the Kallakurai grant stanzas 1 to 9, 12 to 16, 18 to 28, 30, 82 to 35 of the Kondyta grant. Ante, p. 136. Stanza 31. Stanza 25 of the Kallakursi grant. 10 Venkatasailantha or Srirangevara himself is said to have accorded Ranga II's birth to his parents, pleased by their austerities. See stanzas 34 to 36.

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154 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [JUNE, 1884. Sadasiva of Vijayanagara dated Saka | following is an abstract of its Vamsavali which 1478 or 1556-7 A.D., the year Nala of the serves also to complete the genealogy derived cycle." This grant was made over to me by Mr. Fleet from his Vijayanagara grant by Dr. Burgess, and is marked 5 No. 7. The | No. III." 1. Timma, married to Devakt. 2. Havara, married to Bukkams. - 3. Narasa or Nrisimha. a. by Tippaji: b. by Nagala: c. by obs : 4. Nrisimha or 5. Krishna Narasimha.. (grants Saka 1431 to 1449 Ranga, m. to 6. Achyuta or 1509-10 to 1527-8 A.D.) Timm. (grants Saka 1452 to 1461 or 1530-1 to 1539-40 A.D.) 8. Sadisiva (grants Saka 1466 to 1478 7. Venkata. ' or 1544-5 to 1556-7A.D.) Of Sadasiva the grant says that after the death by the Musalmans after the sanguinary death of his consin Venkata he was anointed | battle of Talikota, Jan. 23, 1565 A.D." as king of Vijayanagara by his sister's husband, The grant of Sadasiva and the account of the king Rama of Karnata. This Rima is European traveller Caesar Frederick show that identical with the second Rama of the Karnata Sadasiva of Vijayanagara was a mere pageant Vamsavali, the uncle of Raiga I (grants Saka in the bands of Rama of Karnata. This is 1497 to 1506 or 1575-6 to 1584-5 A.D.) and of the reason why Rama himself appears as the Venkata I (grants Saka 1508 to 1535 or 1586-7 soveroign of Vijayanagara in the writings of to 1613-4 A.D.), and with the warlike Ramraj both Muhammadans and Hinds. After the of whom Ferishta reports that he was put to battle of Talikota the Musalmans pillaged Vi 11 Earlier inscriptions of Sadasiys were published by Mr. Fleet. Ind. Ant., vol. X, PP. 64 and 66. Jour. Bombay Branch R. As. Soc., vol. XII, p. 343. I subjoin the most important verses of Sad Akiva's new grant:nippAjInAgalAdevyoH kausalyAzrIsumitrayoH / dezyoriva nRsidrAtasmAn [ read degt ] pariyAdiva / [12] borau vinayinau rAmalakSmaNAviva naMdanau / jAtau vIranRsiMhadakRSNarAyamahIpatI / [13] raMgazitaHcyutadevarAyau rakSAdharoNAviva raamkRssnnau| obAMdhikAyAM narasakSitIMdrATubhAvabhUtAnmarageMdrasArau [rend degtAM nara kendra sArau?] | [14] vIrazrInArasiMhaH ete. prazAsya rAjya praza-[read prasAMvAmarUpe vinidhI veMkaTarAyabhUpe / abhAgadheyAdacirAtpajAnAmAkhaMDalAvAsamathAdhirUDhe / [28] timAMbAvaragarbhamauktikamaNI raMgakSitIMdvAtmajaH (1) atrAlaMkaraNena pAlitamahAkarNATarAjyapriyA / zauryaudAryadayAvatA svabhaginIbharnA [rendi] jagatrA-[red cApinA rAmakSmApatinApyamAnyatilakaiH kuptAbhiSekakramaH / [29] zrIvidyAnagarIlalAmani mahAsAMmAjyasiMhAsane (1) saMtAnaburiva sphuransuragirau saMhatya vidvessinnH| A setorapi cAhimAdri racayatrAjJo nijAjJAkarAnsI pAlayate sadAzivamahArAyabhirAya kSamA / [30] 13 Feriahta, translated by Briggs, vol. III, pp. 198 and 414. "Cmsar Frederick relates that the kingdom of Vijayanagara wa governed thirty years by three brother tyranta, vis., Ramaragio, Temiragio, and Bengatre s.., Ramarija, Tirumalarkja, and Venkatdri of Karnata). They had been officers in the service of the king of Vijayanagar, after whose death they kept his infant son a & prisoner. Ramaragio became king. Tomiragio governor, and Bongatre general. From the battle with the Moore, 1565 A.D., the second brother only saved his life. See Purchas, His Pugrimes, vol. II, p. 1704. WWilaon, Ariatic Researches, rol.xx, p. 12. kRtavati suralokaM kRSNarAye nijAMza tadanu tadanujanmA punnykrmaacyuteNdrH| akhilamavanilokaM svAMzamelyArijetA vilasati haricetA vidvadiSTapadAtA / [24] sitipratiSTA-[read degA"]pitakInidehe prApte padaM vaiSNavamacyutaMdre / aDyAsya bhadrAsanamasya sUnubarI babhau veMkaTadevarAyaH [20]

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JUNE, 1884.) KARNATA GRANTS No. II. 155 jayanagara, and the kings of Karnata retired historical persons or as mere fictions of the to Penugonda and Chandragiri. It genealogists, it is worthy of note, that the was evidently because the Karnata kings consi- king Sa lava Nrisimha whose rale was dered themselves as successors of the old made firm by,' i.e., who was the protege of, dynasty of Vijayanagara, that they were in- Rama's great-grandfather Bukka according to duced to adopt, as they have done, the Soma. the Karnata grauts, may have been Sadasiva's varsa, a number of Birudas, and whole stanzas grandfather Nrisimba or Narasa of Vijayaof the Vijayanagara grants." Although there nagara. 18 is no evidence from other sources whether the | Leaving out the mythical beginning, the kings of the Karnata Varna avali from the Vamsavali of the Rajas of Kargata stands great Ruma upwards are to be considered as at present as follows: Pinnama I. Somideva. Raghavadeva. Pinnama II. Bukka, protector of Salava Nsisimha (of Vijayanagara P); married to Balla or Ballam.. Rama, married to Lakk&. Ranga, married to Tirumala. Rema, Tirumala, Venkat & dri married to a sister of Sadasiva of married to Vengal. (stanza 31). Vijayanagara; killed 1565 A.D. Ranga Ranga, Raghunatha. Ranga I, Rama. Venkata I, (stanza 32). one of five brothers. (grants S. 1497 (grants $. 1508 to 1506). to 1535). Gopala (stanza 338.) Pedavenkata Pinavenkata. Tirumala. Ranga. or Venka ta II. Ranga II. (grant 8. 1558), Rama. (stanzas 35 to 40; grant $. 1566). The following Karsata grants were made over to me by Dr. Burgess, " (No. 2 excepted) : No. Number Name of king. Saka Year of the cycle. A.D. REMARKS of plates. year. 5 1. Ranga I. 1497 Yuva. 1575-6 Do. 1506 Tarana. 1584-5 Abridged translation by Mr. Rice, Mysore Inscr., p. 252. 5 2. Venkata I. 1508 V yaya. 1586-7 Do. 1519 Hevilambi. 1597-8 From Madura. 1523 1601-2 Ind. Ant., vol. II, p. 371. 1526 Krodhi. 1604-5 Do. 1535 Pramedhicha. 1619-4 3. Venkata II. 1558 Dh&tri. 1636-7 In the Madras Museum; Ind. Ant., vol. XIII, p. 5 4. Ranga II. 1566 Tirana. 1644-5 The subjoined grant. Wilson, 1.c., p. 15. Lassen, Indische Alterthums | L.c., p. 7, where this king is called Saluva Narsinha. kunda, vol. IV. p. 299. Mr. Chisholm, the Old Palace of 10 Besides I have to hand (10), the three first plates of Chandragiri, Ind. Ant., vol. XII, p. 295. an incomplete grant of Venkata I, and (11), an evidently 11 The names Bukka, Raiga, and Veokata are also forged grant on six plates of Achyuta dated Saka 1936 found in both the Vijayanagara and the Karnata Varhfd (for 1636 P), the your Vijaya; the writer of this inscription valis. has copied with terrible blunders the genealogy down to 2 This identification is supported by the first of the Venkata I, and simply substituted the name Achyuta in three lists of Vijayanegara kinge oompiled by Wilson, the last stansa. CTOR Plava. Do. Do.

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156 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [JUNE, I884. nareM Transcript. Plute I. [1] zrIveMkaTezAya namaH / yasya saMparkapuNyena nArIra[*] namabhUcchilA / yadupAsyaM sumanasAM tadvastudvaMdvamA["] zraye / [1] yasya dviradavaktrAdyAH pAriSadyAH paraznataM [0] vitraM [*] nighrati bhajatAM viSvaksenaM tamAzraye / [2] jayati kSIraja["] ladherjAtaM savyekSaNaM . hareH / AlaMbanaM cakorANAma[deg] marAyubkaraM mahahaH / [3] pautrastasya purUravA budhasutasta 20 ['] syayurasyAtmajassaMjaje nahuSo yayAtirabhavattasmAcca [ ] pUrustataH / tadvaMze bharato babhUva nRpatistatsaMtatau nuH / [9] tanuryo vijayobhimanyurudabhUttasmAtparIkSitataH / [4] naMda[1] stasyASTamobhUtsamajani nacamastasya rAjJaccalika["] mApastatsaptamazrIpatirucirabhavadrAjapUNe [1"] draH / tasyAsIdvijjaleMdro dazama yiha napo vIrahemA[13] lirAyastArtIyIko murArI kRtanatirudabhustasya [*] mAyApurIzaH / [4] tattuyyojani tAtapinamamahIpAlo ni[] jAlokana- (I) prastAmitragaNastatojani haran dUrgANi sa. [1] tAhitAt / anhaikena sa somidevanRpatistasyaiva jajJe ["] suto (1) vIro rAghavadevarADiti tatazrIpinamobhunRpaH / [6] [1"] AravITinagarIvibhorabhutasya bukkadharaNIpatissu[1] taH / yena sAluvanRsiMharAjyamapyedhamAnamahasA Plate II A. [1] sthirIkRtaM / [7] svakAminIsvatanukAMtibhirAkSipaMtI (1) bu.| [1] kAvanIpatilako budhakalpazAkhI / kalyANinI kamalanA. [3] bha yivabdhikanyAM (1) balAMbikAmudavahadbahumAnyazIlAM / [8] sute[] va kalazAMbudhessurabhilAzugaM mAdhavAtkumAramiva zaMka[6] rAtkulamahIbhRtaH kanyakA / jayaMtamamaraprabhorapi zacIva [7] bakAdhipAzrutaM (1) jagati ballamAlabhata rAmarAjaM sutaM / [9] zrIrA[1] marAjakSitipasya tasya ciMtAmaNIrarthikadaMbakAnAM / lakSmI[9] rivAMbhoruhalocanasya lakAMbikAmuSya mahiSyalAsIt / [10] [1] tasyAdhikaissamabhavastanayastapobhizrIraMgarAjanRpatizza[10] zivaMzadIpaH / Asansamulasati dhAmani yasya citraM (1) [1] netrANi vairisudRzAM ca niraMjanAni / [11] satIM tirumalAMbi[1] ko caritalIlayAruMdhatI prathAmapi titikSayA vasamatI [15] yaso ruMdhatIM / himAMzuriva rohiNI hRdayahAriNIM sad40 Plate I. L.B, rand "rAyuSkara mahaH. L.7, read taspAyu | bhUpaH . L. 18, read bhUnasya, L.8, read tau zaMtanastatturyo. L.10, read navamastasya rAjJa- " Plate II A.L. 1, read sva:kAminI:. L.3, read ivAmalikya. L. 11, read "mApastatsaptamaH. L. 12, read iha. pastatsaptamaH, L. 12, read iha. bdhikanyAM. L.6, rend pAchUtaM. L.7, rend cintAmaNera'. L. 18, read bhattasya. L. 14, read tatturyojAna. L.15, read | L.8, read parivAmbhoruha, lAsIt. L.D, read bhavananayastadurgANi. L 16, read ahakana. L. 17, rend tataH zrIpinamo | pAbhiH. L. 12, read degyArundhatIprathAmApi. L. 18, read yazo.

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JUNE, 1884.] KARNATA GRANTS No. II. 157 ["] gairamodata sa dharmiNImayamavApya vIrAgraNI / [12] racitana[7] yavicAraM rAmarAjaM ca dhIraM (1) varatirumalarAyaM veMkaTA-11 ['"] dikSitIzaM / ajanayata sa yetAnAnupuvyAkumArAniha ["] tirumaladevyAmeva rAjA mahojA / [13] sakalabhuvanakaMTa[18] kAnarAMtIn samiti nihatya sa rAmarAdhIraH / bharatama[1deg] nubhagIrathAdrirAjaH prathitayazAH prazasA cakramUvyAH / [14] Plate II B. ['] vyarAjata zrIvara-kaTAdrirAjakSita lakSmaNacArumUrtiH [i]as [*] jyAghoSadUrIkRtameghanAdaH kurvan sumitrAzayaharSapo["] SaM / [15] triSu zrIraMgakSmAparibRDhakumAreSvAdhiraNaM mAravAdhiraNaM viji[+] tyArikSmApAna tirumalamahAyanRpatiH / mahojAssAmrA[3] jye sumatirabhiSikto nirupame prazAssyurvI sarvAmapi [0] tisaSa mUrtiSviva hariH / [16] yazasvinAmagrasarasya yasya pa[2] TrAbhiSeke sati pArthivedoH [1] dAnAMbUpUrairabhiSiccamAnA [1] devIpadaM bhUmiriyaM dadhAti / [17] sAmAdayo vidhimukhAdiva [1] satyavAcaH(1) sAmAgrupAyanivahA yiva sAMyugInAt / rA[10] mAdayo' dazarathAdiva rAjamaule (1) tasmAdameyazazastana[1] yA babhUvuH / [18] rAjA tatobhUdraghunAthanAmA zrIraMgarAjazri[1] tapArijAtaH / zrIrAmarAjazizirAMzuruA (1) vikhyA'[] timAnveMkaTadevarAyaH / [19] zrIraMgarAyazzahajeSu taSu pAraM [+] gato nItipayaHppayodhe / aSTasu dikSuH prathitassa lebhe paTavA[11] bhiSeka penugoMDarAjye / [20] - atha zrIveMkaTapatidevarAyo na[7] yojvalaH / avanImaziSatkIryA dizo daza vizobhayan / [21] ["] vajjAyasamuradUmalajjAvahacaritarAmarAjavibhoH [0] [18] jAtaH stirumalarAjakhyAtazrIraMgarAyasya tanayA ['"] nayAdhikAH / ajAyaMta dayAvaMtazrutavaMto yazazvinaH / [23] [20] zrIraMgarAyanRpatestanayeSu teSu pAraM girAmadhigata[:] Plate III A. ['] kavipuMgavAnAM / ratneSu kaustubha yivAMbudhisaMbhaveSu [*] zrIrAmarAyanRpAtaH zuciraM vyalAsIt / [24] pUrva vizruta[1] rAmarAjanRpateH zrIrAmabhadrAkRteH zrIrAmabhadrAkRtaH kalyANodayazAli[*] nastanubhavA paMca prapaMcAvane / dakSA nItipathAnugAssa[2] mabhavan kSIrApagAkAmino gIrvANAlabhUruhA yiva bu "L. 15, rend degmalarAja. L. 16, read etAnAnupUrvyAku. I Tohd 'rAja: sahajeSu teSu. L.14, rend piyodhaH / bhaSTAsa dikSa. L. 17, read mahojA:- L. 18, read rAmarAjavIra:. L. 19, read | L. 16, rend yojjva la:. L. 17, read tajjyAyasaH surachama'. thAdirAjapa, prazazAsa. muA. L. 18, read jAtastirumalarAjaH khyAtaH zrIraGgarAjopi / / 22 / / a Plate II B.L. 1, read 'rAjaH kSitI. L.4, read degpAMstiru', tayoH zrIraGgarAjasya. L. 19, read dayAvantaH, yazasvina:. mahArAjanRpatiH, mahaujA:. L.7, read degSicyamAnA. L., | " Plate III A. L. 1, read ivAmbudhi'. L.2, rend muciraM. read iva. L. 10, read degmaulestasmAdameyayazasasta'. L. 18, | L.b, rend deglayabhUruhA iva.

Page #182
158 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [JUNE, 1884. [1] dhazreNISTadAnotsukAH / [25] vikhyAtacaryeSu nRpeSu teSu zrIraM["] garAja()zizazirAMzuruvyAH / vizvatraye vizrutakIrtirA-25 [1] zIt saureSu zAleSviva pArijAtaH / [26] zrIraMgarAjasya ta[1] povizeSaH saMtoSaNazzeSagirIzvarasya .] kAruNyabhUmA . ka[10] manIyyazobhau putrAvahatAM puruhUtabhogI / [20] pedaveMkaTa["] drapinavekaTAdhirADitinAmako prakRtipAlanotsuko [1] kharadUSaNaprahatidakSiNAbubhau dadataH pramodamiva rAma[11] lakSmaNau / [28] zrIzAlI pedaveMkaTedranRpatirjeSTo vayobhista["] yozauryaudAryagabhIratAdhatikalApUrvaizca sarvairguNaH [1] yasyArAtinapAlabhedanakalAyAtrAsu / senArajaH parai["] bhUrjaladhirbhavediti harizcittezca dhatte sthiti / 29] zrIraMgarA["] jeMdrakumArAkasmin (1) vIrottame veMkaTadevarAye ] paTA[10] bhiSeke penugoDarAjye (1) tadAbhiSiktAzzudhiyopi henA [[30] [19] khyAtastasya pitAmahAnujatayA zrIveMkaTAdrikSamApA[11] lazrIlalanAsvayaMvRtapateH (1) jAtAnukaMpAsphadaM / Plate III B. ['] AsIduddhatazatrugaMdhakaraTipradhvaMsabI vrato (1) harya-26 [e] kSa: kavilokarakSaNakalApratyagrabhojAkRtiH / [32] tasya ] zrIraMgapatikSoNIpatirAtmabhUrguNAbdhirabhUt / yazyaudArya[*] mahimA kalpataruH kApi naMdane vasati / [32] rAjJastasya guNA[1] dutasya sukRteH prAcInajanmarjitaiH (1) putrobhUtpuruhUtaka[7] lpamahimA (1) gopAlarAjAgraNIH / sarveSAM viduSAM samI[1] hitaphalaM datvA jagatyAM svayaM (1) yo vismarayati sma dAna[9] caturAn bhojAdimAn pAthivAn / [33] soyaM priyAsahattara[1] sakatI tapobhirArAdhyadvekaTazailanAyaM 0 prItastadAnI[10] magadIdabhISTadAyI sa devaH kRpayAtamenaM / [34] putrassan dharaNI[1] mavApa madhunA zrIraMgarAyAbhidho vikhyAtazvinavekaTeMdra. [19] napaterupraistapovaibhavaH / pUrva zrIvasudevabhUrvalaripoH kRSNA[1] bhidhohaM yathA naMdaH prAgiva taM sutaM kalayatAM zrIraMga[14] rAyAbhidhaM / [35] zrIraMgezvaradattarAjyamahimA zrIraMgarA[1] yAyaNI pAdAMbhojavinaMbabhojamagadhakSmApApita[16] prAbhataH / sarveSAM . pRyuvIbhujAmadhiziro vinyastapAdAM[v] bajaH pRthvIM pAlayate nayena mahatA saptArnavI meghalA [| 36] ["] vArAsigAMbhIryavizeSadhuryacaurAzidugakavibhALa["] varyaH parASTadiyAyamanaH prakAmabhayaMkarazArDadharAMta" L. 7, read 4: L. 8, read rett, L. 9, read * Plate III B. L 1,read Tanat. L. 8, road . saMtoSiNaH. L.10, rend kamanIya', vabhUtA. L.P, read | L.s, rend sukRteH, janmArjitaH L.7, rend vismArayati degNAvubhau. L. 18, read jyeSTho. L. 14 road degstayoH- L.8, rend pArthivAn, caraH. L. 10, rend "yArtamenam. L. 12, L.17, read kumArake, pahA. L. 18, read Sike, read 'vaibhavaiH; ther over the a of 'bala' obliterated. L. 16, goNDa', kAHsu. L. 20, rend degpAla paterjAtAnuka- read 2014. L. 16, read great. L. 17, read aerofa mpAspadama. | khalAm. L. 18, road vArAzi. L. 19, rend karaH zA . sahatara zrIraMgarupayAtamena paterupraistapovanA

Page #183
JUNE, 1884.] KARNATA GRANTS No. II. 159 Plate IV A. '] raMgaH / / [30] sAravIraramayA samulasaM AravITipura-27 [1] hAranAyakaH / kuMDalIzvaramahAbhujazrayan maMDalIka[] dharaNIvarAhatA / [38] AtreyagotrajAnAmagrasaro bhUbhu[*] jAmudArayazAH / [39] soyaM nItijitAdibhUpatitatisu["] bAmazAkhI sudhIsArthAnAM bhujatejasA svavazayan karnA[7] TasiMhAsanaM / A setorapi cAhimAdri vimatAn zaMha[1] tya zAsanmudA sarvovI pracakAsti siMdhuparighAM zrIraM[deg] garAyApaNIH / / [40] rasartubANacaMdrAkhyagaNite zakavatsare [0] [deg] tAruNAsye mahAvarSe mAsi phAlguNanAmeke / pakSe vaLakSe [1deg] puNyaH dvAdasyAM ca mahAtiyo / [11] zrIveMkaTezapAdAbjasaMni["] dho zreyasA nidhI // kauMDinyagotrajAtAya varApastaMbasa[1] triNe / [12] yajuzzAkhAvatAmagrayAyinebhISTadAyine / mRSTAMna[] dAnasaMtuSTaziSTAcAradvijanmane / [43] mAgaMTimarAjapautra["] syAtiyazasvinaH / yalamarAja(su)putrAya koDappAkhyAya [] dhImate / [44] kAMtaM tiruvadirAjye baLudaLaMbacAvaDI / ya[1] yalvAnasUrizImAyAM pAdUrippanuvizrutaM / [15] zrIryA["] nettagrAmasya prAcI dizamupAzritaM / kUTaDiyAmara[1] vasya dakSiNA dizi saMsthitaM / [46] prakhyAtamaddeyAma[1] sya pazcimAzAmapAzritaM / bAlattAlemahAyAma[9] syottarasyAM dizi sthitaM / [45] prakhyAtacinnamazzeTTi Plate IV B. ['] samudrapratinAmakaM / kaLLakuzimahAmAmaM sarva["] sazyopazobhitaM / [48] sarvamAnyaM catuzzImAsahitaM ca [1] smttH| nidhinikSepapASANasiddhasAdhyajalA[1] nvitaM / [49] akSiNyAgAmisayyuktaM gaNabhojyaM sabhUruhaM [0] .[] vApIkUpataTAkaizca kacchArAmaizca saMyutaM [150] putrapautrAdi[ bhirbhojyaM kramAdAcaMdratArakaM / dAnAdamanavikrIti[1] yogyaM vinimayocitaM / 51] parItaH prayataisnigdhaiH pu[1] rohitpurogmH| vividhairvibudhaiauthapathikarmi[1] raa| [12] zrIraMgarAyabhUpAlo mAnanIyyo manasvinAM / [19] sahiraNyapayodhArApUrvagaM dattavAnmudA // [53] shrii| Plate V [1] vIrazrIraMgarAyakSitipativaryasya kIrtidhuryasya Plate IV A. L. 1, read 'sabAra. L.2, read bhujaH / viza sthitam, L.4, rend tAta:. L.b, rend karNATa. L.G, road saMhatya. "Plate IV B. L. 3, road sasyo', pataHdhImA . L.9, read nAmake.. L. 10, rend dvAdazyAM L. 18, rend | L.4, rend saMyukta. L.6, road dAnAdhamana . L.7, read mAgaNTimamahArAjapoSAyAtiyazasvine. L. 16. The third ak | prayata.. L.8, rend RH zrItapadhiradhigirA.. L.9, tend shara in the second Pedaot Slokas 45 in indistinct; it may | mAnanIyo. L.0, renddeg pUrvaka. hare been r. L.16, read sImAyAM. L. 18, read dakSiNasyAM /

Page #184
160 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [JUNE, 1884.. -[2] zAsanamidaM sudhIjanakuvalayacaMdrasya bhUmaheMdrasya / [54] [1] vIrazrIraMgarAyoktyA(:) prAha pautrassabhApatiH [0] kAmakoTi su-29 [1] to rAmakavizAsanavADayaM / [55] vIrazrIraMgarAyakSmApatide[3] zena somanAthAryaH [1] zAsanamalikhatkAmayatanayaH zrIgaNapa[7] yAryapautramaNiH / [16] dAnapAlanayormadhye dAnAzreyonupAlanaM / [1] dAnAsvargamavAproti pAlanAdaccutaM padaM / [57] svadattAdvigu["] NaM puNyaM paradattAnupAlanaM / paradattApahAreNa svadattaM [1] niSphalaM bhavet / 58] svadattAM paradattAM vA yo hareta vasuMdha[1] rA / SaSTivarSasahasrANi viSTAyAM jAyate krimiH / [59] aikai["] va bhaginI loke sarveSAmeva bhabhujA / na bhojyA na karaNA[1] hyA vipradattA vasuMdharA / [60] sAmAnyoyaM dharmasetuM napANAM [] kAle kAle pAlanIyyo bhavadbhiH // sarvAnetAn bhAvinaH pA[*] thivedAn bhUyo bhUyo yAcate rAmacaMdraH / [61] zrI // [15] Jood SANSKRIT AND OLD-CANARESE INSCRIPTIONS. ___BY J. F. FLEET, BO.C.S., M.R.A.S., C.LE., Continued from p. 138. ___No. CXLV. | Valabhi bull, couchant to the proper right; The original plates containing the inscrip- and, below it, the legend Sri-Bhalsar*]kkah. tion now published were found at Maliya in the The weight of the two plates is 3 lbs. 1 oz., Junagadh State. They are two in number, and of the two rings and the seal, 121 oz.3 each about 114" long by 74" high. The edges total, 3 lbs. 13} oz. The language is Sanskrit of them are raised into rims, and the inscrip- throughout. tion, though a little corroded by rust here This is a Valabhi inscription, of the and there, is in a state of almost perfect pre- | time of Dhara se na II. It is dated, in servation throughout. There are two rings, numerical symbols, in the year 252, on the both of which had been cut when the grant fifteenth day of the dark fortnight of the month came into my hands. One of them is a Vaisikha. And it records grants made, in the plain ring, about d" thick, and is roughly padraka of Sivaka, which seems to have circular, about 1}" in diameter. The other been in some division of the country called ring is of the same thickness; but the Antaratra, the village of Dombhi. shape of it is not circular, in consequence of grama, the village of Vajragra ma, and the ends of it being turned up into the socket the padraka of B hu m bhusa, to a Brihof the seal. The seal on this ring is roughly man named Rudrabhati, of the Vatsa gotra, oval, about 14" by 21!" It has, in relief on a an inhabitant of the village or town of countersunk surface,-at the top, the usual Unnata. Text. First plate. Om Svasti Valabhitah prasabha-pranat-amitranam Maitrakanam -atula-bala-sampanna ___mandal-Abhoga-samsakta-samprahara-sata-labdha-pratipah [*] pratap-opanata-dina- man - Arjjav-bparjjit - Anurag-Anurakta-maula-bhrita-mitra-Breni-bal avapta-rajya-srih parama-mabesvarah Sri-sena patiPlate V. L. 3, read a. L. 4, read #fa:. L. 6, L. 13,read matat. L. 15, read soods. rond dAnAcchre . L.7, read dAnAtsva', 'dacyataM, svadanA'. | From the original plates. L. 10, rend SaSTi, viSThAyAM, ekaiva. L. 12, read 'seturnu /

Page #185
JUNE, 1884. SANSKRIT AND OLD.CANARESE INSCRIPTIONS. 161 ['] Bhatarkkah [ll*] Tasya sutas-tat-pada-rajo-run-evanata-pavitriktita-sirah siro-vanata satru-chudamani-prabha-vichchhurita-pada-nakha-pankti-didhitirddi[] n-anatha-kripana-jan-Opajivyamana-vibhavah parama-mahesvarah sri-senapati-Dharasenas= Tasyminujas=tat-pada-pranama-prasastatara-vimala[] manir-Mmany-adi-pranita-vidhi-vidhana-dharmma Dharmmaraja iva vihita-vinava vyavastha-paddhatir-akhila-bhuvana-mandal-abhog-aika-svamina parama-svamina [] svayam=upahita-rajy-abhishekah maha-visranan-avaputa-rajya-srih parama-mahesvaro mahiraja-Dronasimhah [ll*] Simha iva tasywanujah sva-bhuja['] bala-parakramena para-gaja-ghat-anikanam=eka-vijayi saran-aishinam saranam=avavobdha sastr-artha-tatvanan kalpatarur=iva suhrit-pranayin yathAbhilashita-kama-phal-opabhoga-dali parama-bhagavatah Sri-maharaja Dhruvasenas-Tasy=anujas=tach-charan-aravinda-pranati-pra1 vidhaut-Asesha-kalmashah s uvisuddha-bhya(sva)-charit-daka-prakshalita-sakala-Kali. kalankah prasabha-nirjjit-arati-paksha-prathita-mahima po param-adityabhaktah Sri-maharaja-Dharapattas=Tasy=atmajas-tat-pada-saparyy-avapta puny-8daya[b*] saisavat=prabhriti khadga-dvitiya-bahur=e. ["] va samada-para-gaja-ghat-asphotana-prakasita-satva-nikashah tat-prabhava-pranat-arati chudaratna-prabha-samsakta-sakhya(vya)-pa["] da-nakha-rasmi-samhati[h*] sakala-smtiti-pranita-margga-samyak-paripalana-praja hridaya-ranjankd=anvartha-raja-sabde rupa-kanti-sthairyya[18] gambhiryya-buddhi-sampadbhih Smara-Sasank-ardri(dri)raj-6dadhi-Tridasaguru-Dhane [SA]n-atisayana no)bhaya-pradana-paratay& trina-va17 vad-apast-falsesha-sva-karyya-pbalah padachar=iva' sakala-bhuvana-mandal-Abhoga. pramodah parama-mahesvarah Sri-mahara[""] ja-Guhasenah [ll] Tasya sutas-tat-pada-nakha-mayakha-samtana-nirvsitta-Jahnavi-jal 0(au)gha-vikshalit-Asesha-kalmashah pranayi-sata1) sahasr-Opajivya-bhoga-sampat rupa-lobhad=iv=asri(sri)tas-sarasam-Abhigamikairagunai[h*] sahaja-sakti-siksha-visesha-visma["] pit-Akhila-dhanurdharah prathama-narapati-samatissishtanam=anupalayita dharmmya (rmma)-dayanam=apakartta ["S] praj-paghata-karinam=upaplavanam darsayita Sri-Sarasvatyor=8k-adhivasasya samhat arati ria Second plate. po paksha-lakshmi-parikshobha-daksha-vikramah kram-opasamprapta-vimala-partthiva-brih parama-mahesvarah maharaja[20] Sri(ari)-Dharasonah kusali sarvvan=ev=ayuktaka-viniyuktaka-drangika-mahattara-chata bhata-dhruvadhikaranika-dandapasika17 rajasthaniya-kumara maty.Adin-anyams-chayatha-sambadhyamanakan samajnapayaty= Astu vah samviditam yatha maya mata[*] pitro[h*] pany-apyayaniy=&tmanas=ch-aihik-amushmika-yathabhilashita-phal-avaptaye Antaratrayam Sivaka-padrake Virasenapas] dantika-pratyaya-pa davartta-satam etasmad-aparatah padavarttah=panchadasa tatha apara-simni Skambhasena-pratyaya-padavartta-satam vits-Adhikar 11 parvva-simni padavartta dasa Dombhi-grame purvva-sirani Varddhaki-pratyaya padavartta navati Vajra-grame=para-simni grama-sikhara-padavartta-satan 9 The reading here is quite distinct. But in No. LX. In No. LX. line 15-16, the reading is phalah prarthinline 5, (ante Vol. VIII. p. 302), the reading is mauliff*], adhik-artthr-pradan-anandita-viduat-shrit-prayi-hri. instead of manir. dayah podachar-i)va. 3 Correct into atabaddha. In No. LX. line 16, the reading is bhuvana-mah* In No. LX. line 14-15, the reading is atisayanahabh@ga. barandgat-abhaya-pradana &c.

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162 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [JUNE, 1884 [*] Viki'dinna-mabattara-pratyaya ashtavirsati-padavartta-parisara vapl 18 Bhumbhus& padrake kutamvi(mbi)-Botaka-pratyaya(ya)-padavartta-satam [*] vapi cha I$ Otat sodrangam Boparikaram sa-vata-bhata-dhanya-hirany-adeyar 8-otpad yamana-vishti(shti)kam samasta-rajakiyanam=["'] hasta-prakshepaniyam bhumichchhidra-nyayena Unnatanivast (si)-Vajasandyf(yi)-Kanva Vatsasagotra-brahmana-Rudrabhutaye bali-chart-vaiva["] dev-agnihotr-&tithi-patiachamahayajnikanam kriyanam samutsarppanarttham=&-chandr Arkk-arnnava-sarit-kshiti-sthiti-samakalinam putra-pau["] tr-anvaya-bhogyam udaka-sarggena nissishtam [1] Yato=sy=8chitaya brahmadeya sthitya bhunjatah krishatah karshayatah pradisato va [0] na kaischit-pratishedhe varttitavyam [lo] [A]gami-bhadra-ntipatibhis-ch=asmad vamsa-jair=anityAnyaisvaryyany=asthiram manushyam samanyan cha bhumi[""] dana-phalam=avagachchhadbhir-ayam=asmad-dayo=numantavyah paripalayitavyas=cha. (1) Yas-ch=ainam=chchhimdyad=achchhidyamanam vranu[*] modeta sa panchabhir=mmahapa takai[h*] ||s-Opapatakai[h*) Il sa[m*]yaktas= syad=ity=Uktam cha bhagavata veda-vyasena Vyasena (!) [8] Shashtim varsha-sahasrani svargge tishthati bhumi dah achchhetta cheanumantu cha o tanyreva narake vaset || Purvva-dattam ["] dvijatibhyo yatnad=raksha Yadhishthira ||(1) mahi[m] mahimatam sreshtha || danach=chhreye=nup&lanam || Bahubhir=yvasudh bhukta [*] rajabhis-Sagar-adibhih ( yasya yasya yada bhumih tasya tasya tada phalam=itih" ID Likhitam sandhivigrahika-Skandabhatena | Sam 200 50 2 Vaisakha ba 10 5 [llo] [] Sva-hasto mama maharaja-Sri-Dharasenasya || DA" Chirbira[b] || INSCRIPTION FROM THE MAHADEVA TEMPLE AT KANASWA NEAR KOTA. BY PROFESSOR F. KIELHORN. On page 795 of vol. I of his Annals and line which appear to have entirely gone, well Antiquities of Rajasthan, Colonel Tod publish- preserved. "In a few places the rubbings are ed in English the Memorial of a Gete or Jit not as distinct as one might wish them to be, prince of the fifth century, discovered 1820, but with a little trouble and by the help of the in a temple at Kungwa, near the Chumbul metre nearly every akshara may be made out river, south of Kotah.' Through the kindness with almost absolute certainty. of Dr. Burgess and Professor Buhler I have the language of the inscription is Sanskrit, received paper rubbings of the original in. and it is entirely in verse. The alphabet used scription, from which I have prepared the is essentially the same as that employed in the following transcript and short abstract of the Jhalra pathan inscriptions, published by Dr. contents. Buhler in vol V, p. 180, and in the Kimavana From a remark on one of the two rubbings inscription, published by Pandit Bhagvanlal furnished to me it appears that the inscription Indraji in vol. X, p. 34, of this. Journal. In occurs on the face of a stone built in the right- fact, the only important difference, as regards hand side wall of the Mahadeva temple at the shape of the letters, between the Kama Kunnuswa,' 2 kos E. of Kota. It measures vana and the Kanaswa inscriptions consists 4' 6'' by 1' 2'', and contains 17 lines. It has in this, that in the latter medial (long) a is been carefully and beautifully carved, and is, denoted by a wedge-shaped sign after the conwith the exception of four aksharas in the 9th sonant, not by the sign placed above it. In - The vowels of these two syllables are quite distinct, but the consonants are very doubtful. There seems to be some fault in the copper here which prevented the engraver from forming these two syllables properly, and induced him then to leave a blank space before tupi in the next line. And In each case, the engraver seems to have formed the mark of punctuation by mistake for a visarga. 10 This mark of punctuation is unnecessary. 1. This mark of punctuation, again, is unnecessary. 13 This visarga is a mistake. 13 Sc.datakah.

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JUNE, 1884.] INSCRIPTION FROM THE MAHADEVA TEMPLE. 168 line 1 there occurs the sign of the Jihvamdliya ___Verses 17-19. in the Kanva-hermitage noticed by Dr. Buhler in the Jhalrapathan (Kan vasrama, 'Kunnuswa,''Kunswa'). inscriptions (vol. V, p. 181). ___Verse 20. For perfumes and lights and for The inscription records the erection of a repairs he gave as a perpetual endowment two Siva temple, accompanied by the grant of villages, the names of which are contained in two villages, by a prince Sivagana, son of the compound Sarv van k a mchonipadraSamkuka and Drengin(?), grandson of kau. I do not venture to dissolve this comChirantana, and great-grandson of Dha- pound, as I am unable to identify either of the vala (?), of the Maurya family, at Kanvas- villages on the maps in my possession. rama (Kunnuswa'). It is dated 795 of | Verses 21-23. Future princes shall take the Lords of Malava.' What era may here care of this temple and endowment; lasting be referred to, I am not certain. It is to be fame and the blessings of the next world are hoped that other inscriptions from Rajputana secured by doing so. will soon become accessible, which may throw ___Verse 24. The temple was built when 795 light on the expression, and which may tell years of the Lords of Malava' had elapsed. us something more definite about the chiefs ___Verses 25and 26. Name of the Kayastha: mentioned in this inscription. R&ushuka (?), son of Gomika; V. 27 of Abstract of Contents. the sculptor : Sivanaga, son of DvaraVerses 1-5 express adoration to Siva andsiva; V. 28. of the poet: Devata, son invoke his blessings. of Bhatta Surabhi; V. 29. of the architect : Verses 6 and 7 praise in general terms the | Napnaka, son of Krishna. illustrions Maurya family, and the liberal, fear- Verses. 30 and 31. Conclusion. less, famons and mighty princes of that race. Transcript. ___Verse 8. One of those princes, who ruled [1] auM namaH zivAya / / auM [1] over the whole earth, was a lord of men 'white. namaH ssakalasaMsArasAgaronArahetave | of character and white with fame.' The name tamogAbhisaMpAtahastAlambAya zambhave / / [1] of the prince is not distinctly given, but from dhetahIpAnukArAH kacidaparimitairindupAdaiH pataddhithe epithets applied to him I conclude that it nityasyaissAndhakArAH kacidapi nibhRtaiH phANipaimbhogabhAgaiH[] was Dhavala. soSmANo necabhAbhiH kacidatizizirA ja(huka-) Verses 9 and 10. He conquered his enemies nyAjalaughaion the battle-fields; from the defeats inflicted ritthaM bhAvabiruddhairapi janitamudaH pAntu zambhojaTA va:||[2] by him they have not recovered even now. bhogIndrasya phaNAmaNIyutimilanmaulIndulolAMzavo ____Verse 11. His son was Chiran tana, "the necAgnezchuribhasmadhUmakapizaivalAzikhApraiH kacit / best of the twice-born,'a great warrior and known mukkAkAramarutradIjalakaNairAkIrNazobhAH kaSifor other excellencies; even now the battle-fields are moist with the blood of enemies slain by him, catvaM zAzvatabhUSaNavyatikarAH zambhojaVerse 12. His son was the lord of men, TAH-pAntu vH||[3] the illustrious Samkuka, pious, righteous, sthANovaH pAtu mUDA sara iva satatavyomagaMgAmbulolajust, and kind to those that approached him. . sphUjogIndrapaMkalayavikaTAjaTAjUTakaTThArahArI / Verse 13. Samkuka's wife was Drengi. mandaM yaca sphurantyo dhavalanarAzarovArijanmAntarAle ni (P), the daughter of a twice-born, who bore | spaSTa pIcanmRNAlAkunikarAvAbhAnti maulIndubhAsaH [v] to him a son, necakoDapasakojvaladahanazikhA (pi.) ___Verses 14 and 15. The illustrious lord of [] ya)bhAsAM jaTAnA men Sivagana, noted for his beauty and bhAra saMyamya kRtvA samamamRtakarojhAsi maulIndubimba / liberality, who in more battles than one defeated hastAbhyAmUrjamupadvizazikhivadanamandhimAtatya nAgaM his enemies. sthANuH prArabdhanRtto jagadavatu lyotkmpipaadaaNguliikH|[4||]. Verse: 16. He ordered this temple of Para- | cUDAcArumaNIndumaNDitabhuvaH soginAmAzrayaH mesvara to be built, pakSacchedabhayAnasaMkaTavatAM rakSAkSa1 Verse 1. Read sakala'. v.4. Srnagdhard.-Read mUrddhA; vikaTajaTA. V.2. Sragdhara.-Read degpainbhoga'. ____v. 5. Sragdhari-Read degprasanojjva la'. In the third v.. Sardalavikridita.-Rond degmaNi'. line I read hastAbhyAmUImugrahiSazikhi

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164 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [JUNE, 1884. vyyn y [] [] mo bhUbhRtAM / ["] DrAghAtadalattanucavicaTahisphuliMgojvaladurAbhyAgatavAhinIparikaro ratnaprakArojvalaH jvAlAdagdhakavandhakaNThakuharaponmuktanAdolbaNe / zrImAnitthamudArasAgarasamo mauryAnvayo dRzyate / / [6] nArA(jairma)thitAnanAkulakhagapodvAntarakAsavaM vikAgA iva jAtyasaMbhRtamudo dAnojvalairAnanai prItapretajano raNe ratadhiyA yenaaskRnycbitH||[15||] visammeNa ramantyabhItamanaso maanoddhraassrctH| jJAtvA janma jarAviyogamaraNale zerazeSaibhitaM sadaMzatvavazapasiddhayazaso yasminprasiddhA guNaiH svArthasyApyayameva yoga ucitaH bhAdhyA bhadra (tayA) loke prasiddhaH satAM / [] ca satvabahulAH pakSaissasaM bhabhutaH / [I] | tenedaM paramezvarasya bhavana dharmAtmanA kAritaM itthaM bhavatsu bhUpeSu muMjatsu sakalAM mhiiN| yaM dRSvaiva samastalokavapuSAM naSTaM kaleH kalmaSaM / / [16||] dhavalAtmA napastaca yazasA dhavalobhavat / / [41] kAyAdiprakaTAjjitairaharahaH svaireva doSaiH sadA / puSpAzokasamIraNena surabhAvutphullacUtAMkure nirvastrA satatakSudhi pratidinaM spssttibhvyyaatnaaH| kAlye manavilolaSadakulaiAruddhadiGkaNDale / rAcIsaMcaraNA bhRzaM paragRheSvitthaM vijityaaryoH| AtepAGganirIkSaNakakathake nArIjanasya smare yenAdyApi (vikIrNa) klaptaM sadbhatAM suvipado nItAH pizAcA iva ||[9] [1] vanaM bhavasya sudhiyA teneha kaNvAzrame // 1||] kopAlanamahebhakumbhavigalanmukkAphalAlaMkRta kAlpendolAkulAnAM tanuvala nabharAtpasphuTatkaMcukAnAM sphItAstrasutimANDitA api muhuryanojitena svayaM / ___ kAntAnAM dRzyamAnaH (kucakalazabhujA) bhojisaMbhogaciraiH unnAlairiva paMkajeH punarapi cchinnaiH zirobhaviSAM yasmi(mpiyA)bhimukhyasthitiaditinamacchasmitAdvekSaNAnAM vikrAntena vibhUSitA raNabhuvaH tyatA naraiH kaatraiH||[10] | bhUbhagaireva ramyairhadayavinihitassUcyate prembndhH|| [28||] itthaM tasya cirantano dvijavarassa(vIryyava) tAyudha ["] ntirephmngkaarishkaaraaviraajitaaH| prItipretanarendrasatkRti(mudaH pAca) prasiddho guNaiH / saMvIkSya kakubho bASpaM muMcanti pthikaaNgnaaH|| 19||] yasyAdyApi raNAMgaNe vilasitaM saMsUcayanti dviSa dhUpAdigandhadIpAthai khaNDasphuTitahetunA [] (su)SyacchoNitamarmarA raNabhuvaH pretpuuyaaHpraayshH||[11||] grAmau danau kSayo nimiH sarvAGkAMcoNipadrako / / [20]] zabdasyAya' iva prhaadnpttomaaggestryiisNjnyito| pAlayantu nRpAH sarve yeSAM bhUmiriyaM bhavet | dharmassevyavizuddhabhAvasaralo nyAyasya mUlaM stH| evaM kRte te dhArtha nUnaM yAnti prAmA (Nya) [1] pragata [sya-"] yassAdhyasya saMsiddhaye ["] _ zivAlayaM / / [21 // ] tasya [[bhUdabhisaMyataHprayasakha: zrIsaMkukAkhyo nRpH||[12||] saMsArasAgaraM ghoraM anena dharmasetunA / rizI nAma tasyAsIddharmapatnI dvijodbhavA / tArayiSyatyasau nUnaM janyau (cA)tmAnameva ca / / [22 // ] tasyAM tasyAbhavatIraH [sUnaH] kRtaguNA[kara]H // [13 // ] yAvatsasAgarAM pRthvI sanagAM ca skaannaa| yazasvI rUpavAM dAtA zrImAM zivagaNo nRpH| yAvadindustapebhAnustAvatkItirbhaviSyati // 23 // ] zivasya nUnaM sagaNo yena tadbhakatAM gataH / / [14 // ] saMvatsarazateoteH sapaMcanavatyarargale: [1] saptabhimAlavezAnAM mAndara dhujjeMTeH +v. 6. Sardalavikridita.-Read degprakArojjva laH . V. 13. The of in ftoft is clear, Anusvara andr v.7. Sardalavikridita.-Read dAnojjva lai'; vizrambheNaH | are uncertain; compare the name Drangini, Vol. X, p. 35. ____V. 14. Read rUpavAndAtA zrImAziva. sattva'; passama. v. 15. Sard tilavikridita.-Read gojjva la; nArAcai; ___v.9. Sardalavikridita.-Read nirvastrA spaSTIbhavadyA. tanAH ; tyArayo.-The Visarga before svaireva, and the f of cavitA.-The AnusvAra in 'raktAsarva is very indistinet. V. 16. Sardulavikridita.-Read ucito; yadRSdaiva. kSadhi are very indistinct. V. 17 Sardula vikridita. V. 10. Sardalavikridita.-Read zirobhirdviSAM; bhUva V. 18. Sragdhara.-Read 'namatsasmi '.-About theff styaktA. of 9 in the third line I am not quite certain, and we expect v. 11. SArdalavikridita.-Read degcchuSya pretapriyAH. along vowel instend; the following yA also is indistinct. The lower portion of the aksharas mudaH pAcaM has dis- | The khya of bhimukhya might possibly be read khye. appeared. V. 19. Ther of degaGgArais very faintly visible. V.12. Sardalavikridita; Hin praDAdana is used ma short v. 20. kSayo nimiH evidently stands for akSayanIviH . syllable. Read priyasakhaH-The ya in savyedeg is very indis- 'V.21. The t of bhavet I have added. tinet. The sya of pragatasya is doubtful, and the following V. 22. Read OTTHO. four aksharas are entirely gone. Of the letters put in v. 28. Read degstapedbhAnu pani vi. brackets in the last line only the upper part of Hy and V. 24. The expression sa-argala for adhika I have not the of bhU are visible. met with anywhere else. .

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JUNE, 1884.] BOMBAY DANCING GIRLS. 165 * 1 [p8 ll] | [1] shrtojvlaaH| agar: 976 Tha: agri E T ara (ar) *** TANT: 1/[2(]|| ATTYT TUT: Tiara: 11[R4 11] w a MTT* UIT OT: Il LRS]ll etatkaNvAzramaM jJAtvA sampApaharaM shrm| #: a rafteh 7049494: [0 Hot *: 4117 II [Roll] (qatlarig] F# #777 ir UHRITA:H[12] yatihIna zabdahInaM mAcAhIne tu yadbhavet ] / utkIrNa zivanAgena dvArazivasya sUnunA / / [2011] tatsarva sAdhucimannA bhaTTasarabheddevaTena I ["] of HET [*2] II BOMBAY DANCING GIRLS. BY K. RAGHUNATHJI. The Dancing or Nach Girls of Bombay are the whole caste is invited to the feast, and either Hindus or Muhammadans, and are she coming before the dining table, with known by the name of Kala vatis, or women her hands joined, makes a low bow and possessed of the arts or lcala of dancing begs forgiveness. This is granted, and then and singing. Some call them Kulavantinis she dines with them, observing the caste of or women of genteel birth,' and N aikins, -a her master for the time being. A Naikin term applied to women who are born Naikins, in the keeping of a Musalm in will not dine and who have undergone the ceremony of in the same line with one in the keeping keja. While mere children the females are of a Parsi or a Banya, and so on. And in called Ched vas and the males Ched a s. this way there may be seen a number of rows The ceremony of seja is compulsory before a of these women at their feasts. Their castes woman can style herself a Naikin. She places are not fixed, but change with their masters. herself generally under the protection of some One may be a Musalman to-day, and to-morrow individual, as an ordinary married woman, and a Prabhu or a Brahman, and again on a later passes the greater portion of her time in date a Parsi or a Musalman again. dancing and singing. The money she earns is Steele says these girls are sometimes purher own property, and her protector has no chased on a deed of sale, kharidpatra; given from claim to it. But the money she earns by singing friendship; or taken on receiving a present. and dancing on Mondays, in the month of Sravan They are taught the usual accomplishments (July-August) and on bolidays is considered as of the profession, and sometimes eventually charity money, to be applied towards charitable rise to the head of the establishment. They purposes, such as giving dinners to her caste cannot leave their purchasers without consent fellows, or feeding Brahmans, and in case of the latter, and the parties generally live this latter is not attended to, excommunica- harmoniously together. They exchange the tion follows. This is not made known to the appellation of mother and daughter and party excommunicated till the heads of the support each other; sometimes the girl's caste, when invited for any ceremony, refuse to liberty is purchased by an admirer. At others, go to her house, and when asked the reason from rivalry, ill-treatment, or attachment to a tell her what her offence was, and fine her from favourite lover, they abscond, and the master Rs. 150 to Rs. 200. On the fine being paid, becoming a loser in consequence complains to * V. 25. Read aret; T; Tao. -The word V.30. Read THER. kArApaka is unknown to me, and zabdaguNa appears to be V. 31. The of a Thave added.---Originally the used in a sense which it does not convey elsewhere; the sculptor had carved 2.- After this verse there former seems to mean 'active, energetic,' the latter are six more akshams which may be suppo-ed to contain a * learned,' or 'eloquent.' Mangala, but which I do not understand; they are: (or a r (or T: IIOII V. 26. Read (9495; 17.-I am particularly * These Kaldvatis are one of the fourteen precious doubtful about the consonant of the fourth akshara (a) of things or gems obtained from the churning of the ocean. the second line, and about the vowel of the following y. The names of these fourteen gems are :--Lakshme; Kaustubha : Parijataka; Suri: Dhanvantari; ChandraV. 29. Read ; Vistal:; *.-The m; Kamadhenu ; _Airavata; Rambhadidevangand: Saptimukhiava; Halahala; Haridhinu, otherwise mA of kRtA I have added.-bhaTTadeg might be read bhA . called Surig; Panchajunya ; and Amrita.

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166 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARI. (JUNE, 1884. the Sarkar. Under the Native Government girl living separately provides for ber own the girl was restored with remuneration for subsistence, but if in distress, her family will the injury sustained, unless & compromise was assist her. A temporary separation sometimes entered into by the sedacer. A purchased girl takes place. A mother dying and leaving is under the orders of the daughters and mana- a son and adopted girl, they may separate, ger of the house. Naikins may parchase girls, sharing debts and property, but it is nsual for a their age and number not being limited. All family to live together. Debts of all daughters property acquired by them is taken by their contracted on account of sansar, during commistress, though a purchased girl sometimes is munity, are defrayed by the rest. heiress to her companion. The son or daughter Hindus extol music as the language of heaven performs the funeral obsequies, and in default, and greatly enjoy it, but it is considered sinful the caste-which also may purchase a girl to teach it to either men or women who are and establish her as successor to an heiress to lead a married life. They invite these Naikin, with the ceremony of lighting a lamp women on extraordinary occasions, such as the in the house. The property is not taken either thread or marriage ceremony, birth-day, and by the caste or Government. house-warming, for it is said that without Among dancing girls, a boy is married, and a the jingling of their feet bells, a house does girl may either be married or introduced to her not become pare. A Kasbin, though she profession at her parents' pleasure. Marriage has learnt to sing and dance well, will be is concluded according to caste custom, and allowed to sing only in a few houses, but the wife may remain creditably in private, not to dance in a respectable Hinda house, under her husband's protection. A girl born of neither will she be allowed to dance in the such marriage is under the orders of her parents, temples before the gods, as she is considered and need not follow the profession unless from impure, and not a fit object for the performance choice. Children of Dancing Girls are of their of nritta. A Naikin will on no account dance mother's caste, and are entitled to inherit her or sing at a Bhavin's house though offered property. During her life the mother has a la large gratuity. right to the daughter's gains. They have no The several performances of the dancing girls claims on their fathers, though occasionally a are :-nach, or dancing with singing ; baithak, girl's husband or paramour will provide for or singing while seated; kerba, dancing in a her. But a son is heir in preference to an male head-dress; jalsa, singing and sitting adopted girl. The latter is heiress, if neither in turns; pachambu, singing while sitting at son nor daughter is alive. Daughters inherit the houses of leading members of their own the mother's property in preference to sons. community; and phugadi, dancing in a sitting They cannot inherit other property, but may posture and jumping in circles, before the idol acquire it. If one in a family die, leaving a Ganapati. young child, the rest provide for its main- The Hindu dancing girls are of four sects, tenance until of age and understanding suffi- viz:-Naikins, Bha vins, Marlis and cient to conduct its own affairs. Partition is Kasbins. Of these the first two belong to Goa not customary among them, a daughter of and villages round it, being natives of that ability conducts the affairs of the family, and district; Murlis belong to Jejuri in the Poona sometimes a son is the manager. Should one of zilla; and Kasbins are recruited from all the family separate, the rest provide main- places. tenance. In gifts, in sales and pledges of pro- The Naikins, otherwise called Goeperty, it is customary for the manager to con- karins, or women from Goa, are regarded as sult the Naikins before concluding the engage- born for the purpose of singing and dancing, ment. A family consisting of a mother, son, and this is supposed to be in keeping with the and daughter, on separation take farlat-the practice in heaven, where the Rambha soare . In the Hariven we read however of a pleasure party selves joined the pleasure party and indulged in the in which Baladeva, Krisha and Arjuna with their fami- presence of parents and seniors. lies apont the day in feasting, singing, and dancing. The The names of some of these Rambhs are Mnuk Y davas too are said to have not only allowed their Urvasi, Tilotama, Mahendri, Patchachuda, Kivel, wives and daughters freely to sing and dance, but them. Ghitachi, Gandakl, Mahinandi and Kalavatt.

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JUNE, 1884.) BOMBAY DANCING GIRLS. 167 for the entertainment of Indra and the other a religious turn of mind. They have Brahman gods. priests in their service, who read to them the In Goa and the places round it, none but these sacred books, and in return for such services women have a licence to dance. In lieu of receive handsome gifts. They visit temples marriage they perform the ceremony of seja, and mosques, observe fasts and feasts, and or marriage with a dagger; and until they have feed Brahmans and faqirs. done this, they are debarred from performing Excepting the head, dancing girls shave before the gods in temples. As everywhere themselves clean, not allowing even a hair else, the Portuguese laid their hands on some of to grow on the temples near the ears. these women when they took possession of Goa, Like other Hindu women, they divide the and forcibly converted them to Christianity, and hair in front along the centre, comb it from not content with such conversion they kept both sides backwards, and tie it in a knot resting them as their mistresses. Their descendants loosely on the neck. They dress like others have ever since been free from caste prejudices | in a long robe and tight fitting bodice, generally in respect to carnal intercourse with people of English cloth, and sometimes of silk or of other tban their own caste. They do not other rich stuff with borders and trimmings of observe Christian rites, but Hinduism in all its different patterns. When going out they muffle details. Their sisters, who either escaped from themselves with Kasmir shawls, and put on Goa or screened themselves from the Portu- China velvet slippers. Except that it is costguese, will not dine with them. These and | lior, the ceremonial dress of a dancing girl the other Naikins come to Bombay with the does not differ from that worn on ordinary express object of carrying on their profession, occasions. The bodice is richly ornamented and when they have succeeded in making a for- with gold, silver, and velvet; lace or pearls. tune, they either return to their native country The shawl is worked with flowers, birds and or establish themselves as permanent residents. beasts in gold and pearls. As a role they are "Dancing girls as a rule are handsome, with wealthy and load themselves with jewellery. open smiling countenances, large sparkling eyes, Daily they decorate the head with garlands of regular features and an intelligent pleasing sweet-smelling flowers and perfume themselves. appearance. They are fair, with a softness of The following are among their ornaments : face and features, a gentleness of manner, with For the head Chandani, Mor, and Naga ; for a peculiar grace and ease, which one would the cars Bulyd, Ering', Kap, and Kudi; for little expect to find among them. A lady-like the neck Aidora, Chinchapati, Gathle, Gop, Pot, manner, modesty and gentleness, beautiful Kaligathi, Sakli, and Vajratik; for the hands small hands and taper fingers and their ankles Bungdyd, Tode, Jode, Paflya, Vela, Ruiphu, neatly turned so as to meet the admiration of Gajre, and Nilachyapalya; for the fingers, the connaisseur,--they draw all eyes on them to rings of sorts; for the feet, Sukla, and somethe oblivion of all else; whilst they themselves times a Bedi, and for the toes Sale. Except the are under the impression that they have taken feet ornaments, which are always of silver, no to a most honourable profession, by following Hindu, excepting Rajas, who are considered which they are honouring the gods and are incarnations of a god, ever think of putting appreciated both by gods and men." gold on the feet, -the others are frequently of They are brought up in schools, and read and gold. write Marathi fluently. They not only sing but The food of the dancing girls consists genecompose songs as well. They all speak Musal- rally of rice, pulse, vegetables, fruit, and mani, and a few of them English also. Formerly butter; and of animal food-fish, mutton and when their lovers forsook them they had fowls. Their drink is water, milk, coffee and to go to Pantojis and pay them for writing sometimes liquor. They take two meals a day, letters. But now some of the dancing girls one before twelve and the other before six P.M. do the writing themselves, sometimes filling In the night they are fed at the cost of their their letters with the most obscene expressions, masters on spiced milk, fruit, and sweetmeats, ending with abuse of their mothers, sisters and betelnut leaves, and tobacco--for they are always danghters. Some of the older Naikins are of chewing. They rub lime on the rough side of

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168 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [JUNE, 1884. betel-leaves and make them into small packets dancing girls or their masters. Like their filled with betelnut, catechu, cardamum, cloves, mothers and sisters, they are good-looking and nutmeg, mace, saffron, cinnamon, musk and quiet, but timid. They seldom offer prayers almonds, and either spiced or simple tohecco. to their gods, and are so expert in singing and They smoke once or twice a day, and sometimes playing music that should a dancing girl err, drink. while performing before her guests, they put They speak Goanese, which differs from the her right by their playing, ask her to go on, language of Bombay, and on first arriving and with a nod of the head and smiling faces, they are somewhat shy to sing in public, encourage her to sing. their pronunciation being strange; but they In so great esteem is a Naikin held by the Hoon learn to sing both Marathi and Hindustani Hinds that it was a compulsory practice songs with taste, and it is difficult sometimes amongst them to have the marriage string, to distinguish a Hindu from a Muhamma- mangalasutra, strung by one of these women, dan dancing girl, from her voice. They are for the reason that she is considered a married taught to sing and dance at the early age woman all her life, and the ceremony symboof five, the older girls learning after they lizes the wish that the girl about to be maradopt the profession. The lessons are givenried may live and die a married life. daily two hours before day-light, one of which The beja alluded to above is the marriage is devoted to singing, and the other to dancing. of a Naikin with a dagger, from the age of In the evening after five the same time is given, eight to eleven, or before she arrives at paberty. so that each has to practice four hours a day, But before the performance of the seja cereand in about three years she is supposed to mony the girl is taken to the temple of one have mastered both singing and dancing of the following gods and goddesses, viz. :By beginning their studies at the age of eight, ShAntA-Durga, commonly known by the name these girls are able to appear at about twelve or of Santa-Crus, Mahalakshmi, Votal Vira, Ra fifteen, very rarely earlier. They practise the valanith or Mangesa, and there, taking a flower, art till they are forty or fifty, if not previously she sticks it slightly on the breast of the idol rendered unfit by disease or premature old age. and prays to be informed what she should Their dancing-masters are called Vastadjis, become,-a married woman or a Naikin. If the and are paid for teaching the girl from Rs. 50 latter, the flower falls to the right, but if to Rs. 500, with other presents according to his the former to the left, and accordingly as it ability. A contract is made which is depen- falls to the right or the left or does not fall, dent on the wealth and position of the party. the omen is interpreted. The dancing-masters belong to the same caste When a Naikin wishes to perform the keja as the girls, and are the sons and brothers of of her daughter, she consults a Brahman other dancing girls, both Hindu and Musal. priest as to the time and hour when the min. They live by themselves, and are gene- ceremony should be performed. The Brahman rally in poor circumstances. Their earnings consults his almanac, names the lucky day they spend as fast as the money comes to and hour, and a procession of Naikins dressed hand, being addicted to drinking, smoking in rich clothes starts, accompanied by music, intoxicating drugs, and debauchery. Thoy to the houses of their caste-fellows and friends, dress in tight-fitting, fine clothes, bright co- inviting them to the ceremony. On the beja loured turbans, carry Rashes of fantastic colours, day, another girl, older than the one about to either on their shoulders or in their hands, and be married, is feasted and dressed in male allow their hair to fall in ringlets on the attire, coat, turban and waist-cloth, and decked back of the neck. They wear caps of silk and with jewellery to represent a bridegroom, embroidery when they have not turbans on, and made to stand on a heap of rice with a English or native shoes, whalebone or other dagger in her hand, the girl dressed in the rich walking sticks, and gold or silver watches garb of the bride is now brought and made to with Albert chains, -all the property of the stand on another heap of rice in front of the It is left to the girl to demand whichever side she and demand that either the right or the left one may Likes. Some stick two flowers on both sides of the image

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JUNE, 1883.] BOMBAY DANCING GIRLS. 169 first with a garland of sweet-smelling flowers in her hands, and a cloth is held between them. The priest repeats verses from the Puranas, and the guests throw on the heads of the pair few grains of rice at the end of each verse. At the proper time the curtain is dropped, the bride throws the garland of flowers round the dagger in the quasi bridegroom's hand and they are wedded. After exchange of gifts and distribution of betelnut and leaves, cocoanuts, and money to the Brahmans, the guests leave. In the night & procession starts, accompanied with music, and a number of Naikin guests, generally in this order :-A bullock cart with a band of pipers and drummers, a row of carriages full of well-dressed children, buglers walking, a band of Muhammadan drummers, & band of Gujarati drummers, two richly harnessed horses abreast ridden by little children in gay fancy dresses--the favourite sorts being English uniforms, and English, Parsi, and Vania ladies' costumes, a brass band of Goanese, behind the band dancing girls walking in a line, and immediately behind them the bride and the bridegroom, each on a richly capa. risoned horse with gold and silver trappings, or in an English carriage and two, or even four, horses, on either side a couple of men wave silver fly-flaps, another couple fan them with silver or gold fans, and another holds over him a long-handled large red or green silk umbrella. After the couple walk the dancing girls and guests. On either side and behind the bride and bridegroom are the women guests, and wooden frames are carried with pots of artificial trees laden with fruit and flowers. Should two such processions meet on the way the barbers lower the umbrellas, and hold them in front of the bride and bridegroom's faces, that they may not see each other. At each turn in the street cocoannts are dashed on the ground to appease evil spirits, and then thrown away, and as they go, fireworks are let off. In olden times, Naikins say, celestial choris- ters, from Svarga, who form the orchestra of the gods, came down to marry them, but since the Kali yug, they do not expect these Gandharvas, and hence their marriage with the dagger. The marriage expenses generally amount to from Rs. 200 to Rs. 500, and are shared by her mother, sister, or lover if she has already got a promise. Some of the well-to-do Naikins, besides their masters, have a gallant whom they feed, clothe and give monthly pay to, besides defraying their household expenses. When a virgin is of age and first begins her profession, if Muhammadan, the ceremony of misi is observed, when cardamoms are distributed to the guests, turmeric is put on the girl's person, and a religious ceremony performed in honour of the Pirs. The misi (a powder made of vitriol), is applied by several Naikins, one of whom holds hereditary office in the caste, who takes the girl on her lap and presents her with a robe. The misi of adopted girls is performed after that of born daughters (palakkanya), but in other respects they have equal rights with the born daughters in a manner analogous to adopted sons. The women of the community are invited to a feast, and they in turn dance and sing; but if Hinda, the garbhadhan ceremony is observed. The girl is made to sit by herself during three days, and in the evening her house is lighted, and she is dressed in rich clothes and her head encircled with garlands, and takes her stand in a window fronting the street. Musicians play, and offers are made for the hand of the maiden, the highest bidder being the winner. Offers sometimes are made beforehand, that is, when the girl is five or seven years old, and a soore or two rupees paid in advance as earnest-money. On the evening of the fifth day, dancing girls collect at the maiden's house, and the winner of the girl's hand sits side by side with the virgin on low wooden stools, and the Brahman priest officiating, performs a short ceremony. Then they rub one another with sweet-scented powders, and drink from one another's hands silver goblets fullof spiced milk, and he presents her with a rich suit of clothes, consisting of a robe and bodice, and if well-to-do or fast-going, with jewellery; and the girl, dressing in that suit, he lifts her up, taking her in his left hand, leads her into a room, and seats her on a bed spread with sweet-scented flowers. Besides garbhadhan, the Naikins perform the fifth and the twelfth day ooremonies of newly-born child. The 6dja ceremony and the birth of a female child are hailed by them with delight and the ceremonies are performed with gront eclat, and at much oost.-Educa tional disabilities of the children of dancing girls in India (Bombay. 1879). A member of the same community says, that the dancing girls are not married, because that would be offensive to their family deities.

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170 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [JUNE, 1884. Here he gives her the promised money, and she makes it over to her mother or sister; he then takes her to bed. Before closing the door, the mother addressing the lover says, "Sir, son-in-law (javayajibawa), the girl is made over to you, and you take care of her." He has her in his keeping for a month or two, and if after that he wishes to retain the girl, he has to pay her from twenty to a hundred and fifty rupees a month. A Naikin is sometimes as faithful as she is fascinating, and will help her protector in his difficulties. The following story is told in illustration of the faithfulness of Naikins : The true one is the false one, The false one true; The Patel the dog of the town; The Raja the ass of the crown. There once lived a man who had a Naikin of great beauty. The man, doubting his wife's integrity, one day took home a goat's head covered under his waistcloth. On entering the house, he ordered his wife to lock the door after him. He then handed her a parcel containing gold and pearl ornaments and told her that he had robbed them from a child's person, and cut its head off, and brought it home to be buried in an inner room to avoid detection. The husband begged her, and the wife promised him, to keep the crime secret. But, like a woman, she spoke of it to a neighbour, who was her friend, and the neighbour spoke of it to her husband, and thus the story spread until the man was apprehended by the Patel and taken before the Raja who ordered him to be hanged the next day. A bataki was beaten, and the inhabitants invited to see the tamasha. The wife felt sorry, but she thought she had enough to eat for the remainder of her life, and therefore did not move in her husband's behalf. But his Naikin, hearing of what had happened, repaired to the Raja's palace, and prevailed with him to suspend the sentence until inquiries were instituted. The result was the honourable acquittal of the supposed mur. derer. The money usually paid to a Naikin for dancing during ceremonies and on other festive ocensions varies from 30 to 60 rupees a night, and she pays her two fiddlers at the rate of two annas to each, and three annas to the drummer out of every rapee, the balance remaining to herself. Generally, Naikins in well-to-do circumstances decline accepting a Vida, unless a condition is made not to demand their presence in processions. This objection is more from pride than-as alleged-that the evil eyes of the passers-by might not fall on them and cause them loss of beauty. Dancing girls or Naikins live either in chals or in banglas furnished after the European fashion, according to the means at their command. These women sing all night when disengaged, and persons who visit them to hear their singing pay from one to twenty or more rupees per night. On Saturday nights their houses are full of visitors. This night is called by pleasure-loving people the golden night, and Sunday the silver day, but Monday is called by them the black or the iron day, 18 on Monday they have to attend to business. When a dancing girl is wanted for an entertainment, & person who is in the habit of frequenting their houses is employed to make an engagement, and he goes with a rupee from one house to another for a few nights, although he has already determined which he will favour. This he does for the purpose of hearing the singing in different houses gratis. At last he goes to the one he has fixed upon, and from whom he expects a commission, and gives her the rupee wrapped up in betel leaves which she accepts as earnest-money. This is called the giving of the Vida. There are several kinds of Vidas, but the Vida given to a Naikin means that her singing is beyond any money. value. If the engagement be for a thread or mar. riage ceremony, the girl so engaged attends the house for a few hours on the night previous to the ceremony, and this is called Mujura, or singing by way of paying a compliment; for this purpose she sits down upon a carpet. On the day of ceremony she dances according to the appointment, and sings before the host and his friends. No females are present, the andience is entirely composed of males and children; but the females look through windows in the walls, which do not open but have holes or jalis. If the woman becomes ceremonially unclean after the receipt of the earnest-money, she does not attend, nor does she return the earnest money, but the party engaging her is left to make a new engagement with someone else.

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June, 1884.) BOMBAY DANCING GIRLS. 171 Muhammadan Dancing Girls. The Muhammadan dancing-girls are known by the name of Kasbis and Randis, and come from Panjab, Gwalior, Sindh, and Haidarabad, the remainder being girls of Gujarat, Musalman prostitutes, or else stray waifs from honest households. In northern Gujarat, living chiefly in the Gaikavad's villages, are a tribe of prostitutes kpown as Patars; in their own villages they are cultivators, possessing lands, and during the hot and cold Beasons making tours in the neighbouring towns and Native States for prostitution. They do not pretend to be either good singers or dancers. Neither do they belong to the regular guild (jamat) of other Musalman dancing girls, but form & community of their own. They speak Gujarati and dress like Hindu women. Another community that swells the ranks of prostitutes is that of Mirasis. The foreign Musalman prostitute is generally a dancer and singer. She is by courtesy termed deredar and tawaif, and has from two to four naurichis or girls. It is not considered disreputable to be seen in her dwelling. Some of them are considered respectable, as they confine their favours to a single person, to whom they allow a pension. The girls in her house may either be her own daughters, or others obtained by doubtful means. They are taught to sing and dance, and their prostitution is not regarded as casting discredit on the head of the house. If the girls are her daughters, the tawaif exercises more control over them, their love connections and their caprices, so as to preserve the prestige of her house. The first connection of a girl of the above description is celebrated as sarfaraz-hona (to be exalted), or misi lagana (to apply the black dye). There are, however, no very pompous ceremonies attending this event. A girl is considered to have attained her maturity on the first signs of puberty. She then waits for an offer from some well-to-do person, but if she has waited any length of time without an offer, her patron goes a round of the neighbouring Native States with herthe surest mart for barters of this kind. The price of the loss of virginity varies from Rs. 100 to Rs. 2000, according to the beauty and accomplishments of the girl. The master has a right to the company of the girl for two months, during which time he is expected to present her with clothes, jewellery and money. The celebration of the event begins eight days before it actually takes place. Dinners are given by the girl's relations and friends to people of her tribe, at nights they dance and sing at her house. The cost of the feast is defrayed by the master. That night the girl, richly dressed, is sent to the house of the master in a carriage attended by either a man or woman-servant, when she passes the night with him and returns home the next morning, when a sumptuous breakfast awaits her. On this occasion, near friends of the house are feasted. This concludes the ceremony. Pregnancy, childbirth, and other occasions of rejoicing are observed as among other Muhammadans in the usual way. There is a story among the Musalmans to the effect that if faithful, a dancing girl is more faithful than a wife, and if false, she is so thoroughly ; but she does not possess either quality beyond mediocrity. She is generally ready of wit, is more cultivated than a married woman, and owes much of her fascination to the fact that in a country where wives are not considered fit for society, she is a most charming and pleasant companion. Sometimes it has happened that a dashing, wicked dancing girl, has married and tamed down to the routine of Muhammadan daily life, and taken the marriage veil with constancy. There are others of them who though admired, courted, or flattered for their beauty, music and dancing, have led a comparatively virtuous life. The Muhammadan naikins are the best singers of Muhammadan and Marathi songs, and are adepts in paying all respect and compliments to visitors. They sing Hindustani songs with taste and delicacy, and their general demeanour at entertainments is most agreeable and cheerful.' With regard to the class of dancing girls who come from the Mufasal and Goa, a brief account may be given of the manner in which women of this sect come under the designation of Bhavins. These Bhavins, before they take the veil, are called by the name of * Gujardt Musalmano, p. 48. Munshi P. Latfulla.

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172 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (JUNE, 1884. ril, and the men are wilgas. The term Bh- ming of a lamp with the fingers by any other vin is applied to women in the service of the than a Bhevin is supposed to bring poverty, idols in temples in Goa and places round about, and this is particularly observed in all Hindu and women from Goa who have forsaken their houses. These Bhavins, tired of servitude, lawful husbands call themselves by that title, leave the temple, and try to enjoy their liberty asserting as their reason that in olden times as independent mistresses, and this course is married women were in the habit of forsaking eventually preferred. Such a one gets away their lawful husbands and joining the service from the temple by becoming the kept mistress of the temples. Some of these women have of a person or persons who have the means to been presented to the gods in infancy by protect her; but others in the temples also their parents, as the Marlis are in Jajuri. are at liberty to hold illicit intercourse with As a Naikin has to obtain the permission persons of their own caste, these women being of her gods before she performs keja, so also has commonly known as Ched vas, and the men # Bhavin to ask her gods whether she may Zilgas. Such of the female descendants of take the veil. She has recourse to a flower these women as lead & moral life, adhere to the omen, and prior to dedication her parents invite profession of their mothers, viz., attending to the head-men of the caste to a temple, and the indoor duties of the temple. In their there tell them of their intention to offer their native place they are fed from the temple child to the god. A flower is stuck to the funds, and those who have young sisters, image in their presence, and the girl goes to daughters, or other relatives with whom they the burning lamp, takes a handful of oil, and can live, establish themselves as Kasbins. A pours it on her head, and declares herself a register of these Bhavins is kept, but as a rule, Bhavin. The guests are presented with betel- formal permission is obtained before any of nut and leaves, and they depart. The parents them quits the temple and establishes herthen take the girl with them to their house, self in any pursuit, and this permission she and a feast to the castemen ends the affair. The obtains whether the pursuit be honourable or girl from that time should place her full faith not, provided she annually sends present, (bhav) in, and give herself to, the service of the however trifling, to the temple. god, and not practise prostitution, but live | No Bhavin would consent to contract maas an ascetio, and should the temple not be trimony with a person of her own caste, or able to maintain her, she is fed at the expense remain in his keeping, as prostitution, in their of the caste. view, is more honourable; it enriches and makes The ceremony undergone by a married them sole mistresses of their liberty and prowoman who forsakes her husband to be styled a perty, and their protectors are ever ready to be Bhavin, is to go to a temple and take a hand- at their command. ful of oil or dip her fingers in one of the 1 Some of these Bhaving, like the Naikins, lamps continually burning near the idols, then learn to sing and dance, but they are not to place the same on her head, and declare allowed to do so in Goa, as they are all conherself by that act to have become a Bhavin sidered low and the most debauched of their in the presence of worshippers in the temple. sex. The utmost a Bhavin can earn in Bombay As a servant in attendanoe upon an idol per annum is about Rs. 600, for they get no her business is to attend to the temple lamps opportunity of forming connections with men and to keep them trimmed, to sweep and cow of the higher classes, who generally visit the dung the floor, to turn the chauri over the idol, houses of Naikins. A person visiting the house to serve the huka to the congregation, to keep of a Bhavin is regarded as disreputable, for the furniture in order, and to serve the visitors the only object of his visit apparently must to the temple. A Bhavin's name always ends be debauchery. with the name of the place of which she is a It is the general understanding amongst native, for instance, Emni-Pednekarin, i.e., natives that whoever has a Bhavin in his keepEmni, inhabitant of Pedne. A Bbavin always ing reduces himself to poverty, for he is said trims a lamp with her fingers and not with to expose himself to the rage of the gods, by small sticks as other Hindus do. The trim- having carnal intercourse with their servant.

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JUNE, 1884.] BOMBAY DANCING GIRLS. 178 Bhavins are descendants of pure Marathas; but knowledge, while he is by her side. In fact, as they have degraded themselves to the post of 1 they are a class of pick-pockets and cut-throats. * temple cats,' they have seats allotted to them A certain Bhavin possessed of an engaging behind the temples, whilst & Naikin dances form and face, it is said, attracted the notice of a before the gods, and amidst the gatherings of householder, and attached herself to him. After the great, and has a seat allotted to her before some time he became aware of her infidelities, the gods. and giving her a large sum of money he ordered. The BhAvins, properly speaking, have only one her out. The money was soon squandered dance, called the ghumat, which is accompanied and she applied for more, but was refused. She by a kind of drum called the ghumat. This then told him that if he did not grant her dance generally takes place in the month of a settlement for life she would burn down his Shimga. house. He persisted in his refusal, and ordered To celebrate this dance Zilgo raise a sum of her out. That night his house was burnt to the money by subscription and hire a place in the ground. He then quitted the place, and went neighbourhood of their dwellings where a some hundreds of miles away, and hoped he had canopy is erected, and on the floor is spread & done with her, but the woman followed him, and carpet on which the members sit encircled by wearied out with her importunities for a settlethe spectators. At one end, one or more Bhavins ment, he at length granted her an annuity for stand dressed in bodices and sadis, which are life. But she continued her supplications to 80 tightly worn as to display their forms; be restored to his house, He, however, fell in their hair is lightly twisted into a knot behind, love with a beautiful young countrywoman, and sweet-smelling flowers encircle it. Behind who came to the place where he then resided, stands & drummer with the drum called He proposed to her, and the wedding day was ghumat, made of cloth, baving one end small fixed. The Bhavin heard of this, and forcing and the other large, covered with leather, a herself into his presence she asked him if the pakhraj and one zanj. On both sides stand Zilgas report were true. He replied in the affirmabeating cymbals, and clapping their hands, and tive, when, venting her rage in carges, she imprethe women dance. The dancers are led by the cated tremendous disaster on his head and drummer, for they move their legs up and down, heaped on him every insult that language could according to the rhythm of the beats on the command. At length he reminded her of his drum. The dancers jomp frantically about, settlement on her of a sum sufficient to place her singing licentious songs. None but the Zilgas in affluence for the remainder of her life, and attend this entertainment, but if prevailed that her annoyance would provoke him to retaliupon, a respectable person might enter the ation. She replied by declaring in fury he would gathering, bat only for a few minutes. For these die within six weeks of his marriage. She then dances subscriptions are raised by the Zilgas quitted his presence. The singularity of the among themselves. The dancing girls are paid menace somewhat startled him, but it was about five rupees per night, and the balance is soon forgotten. The day after his marriage he spent on a feast. This dance is cultivated by sickened, and before six weeks had passed he the Zilgas for their own amusement. was dead. He fell & victim to slow poison A Bhavin is as cunning as a fox, and will administered by his personal servant, who, rob 'her protector of his last farthing, and be atrange to say, was the Bhavin's brother, and done with him as soon as she can, or when she the day before the man died they both decamped finds him not so liberal as before, or his purse and were never again heard of. empty, -with a rod in her hand, she will show There is another class of Kasbins, the Murlis, him out. She will be on terms of intimacy with or girls wedded to Khandoba, the lord of some of her many visitors without her protector's Jejuri. If a low caste Hindu is childless, he * The Zilgs are good-looking fellows, and generally hold employment in public offices as patevide and in cotton mills. They have a peculiar way of wearing the hair and dressing in caps or turbans cocked on one side, and tight-fitting polkas so as to show themselves to advantage. But the sons and brothers of Naikins dress in plain but tight-fitting clothes, and in a way to reveal at once who they are. The real Murlts are those barren women who become lean at the feet of the god Khandoba, with the object of getting children. Only low class women become Murlia,

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174 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [JUNE, 1884. Vows that if Khandoba blesses him with offspring, male or female, the same shall be set apart for life to worship and attend upon the deity, and he accordingly dedicates it. Others again, forsake their little ones under the plea of a vow made by them; while grown-up women leave the protection of their husbands and become Murlis on the pretext that Khan. doba had appeared to them in a dream and told them they ought to become Murlis. Mange and Mhars have also Murlts among them. These Murlis hang about the temples of Khandobe, and loiter in the streets with a bag of turmeric powder, which they apply to the foreheads of paesers-by and ask for charity. They dance with bells in their hands, and sing songs in praise of their lord, and obscene lavamis, for the entertainment of visitors. They do not live in Jejuri alone, but scatter themselves in distant towns and villages, and under the cloak of religion carry on the profession of prostitution. An ordinary Hindu may keep one of these women under his protection, bat generally they are the Kasbins of Marathas and low caste Hindus. Without shame they take free quarters for a few Annas or so with any one, not excepting the Musalmans. The standard of their morality even in Jejari is very low, so much so, that gentlemen visiting Jejari with their servants have either to stay out of the place for the night with their servants, or to accommodate them in their own house to keep them from mischief at the hands of these women. "Tbat a Marlt should be a woman of abandoned character is understood to be a matter of course, even more than & Kasbin should be so." The term Murli is applied by Hindus to a loose and flirting woman. The life of these Murlis is "openly a life of prostitu- tion, prostitution under the supposed sanction of religion." And & , majority of diseased and ugly Kasbins in Bombay are the Murlis of Jejuri and other like places. The other Naikins from villages in the Mufasal are chiefly women who have forsaken their husbands to lead an immoral life. Ma. hammadan and other prostitutes, as a rule, when they express a desire to live under the protection of one individual and lead a married life, are obliged to undergo the ceremony of Nika. This ceremony is performed by a Qazi, and is equivalent to marriage, and the man and woman are considered as having become husband and wife. Hinde prostitutes who undergo the ceremony of Misi are supposed to have accepted Islami and are not re-admitted into their caste or society. But a Musalman woman performs the ceremony of Nika 48 often as she likes, or becomes a prostitute according to her capricions faney. A Hindi woman, if once expelled, is renonneed for ever, and no offer of bribes or gifts can restore her to caste. It is to be understood that Mohammadan dancing girls have to undergo the ceremony of Misi, like the Govakarins, who undergo the ceremony of seja, to be styled regalar Naikins. Besides these, there is another class of women in Bombay who come under the title of Kasbins. These are either the wives of husbands or were purchased in infancy by chiefs or persons in well-to-do circumstances in Goa. By caste they are Karbis, and after their purchase they are considered as the permanent servants of the family. Their business is to attend to all household work, and to serve their masters as wives. The children they get are either provided for by their fathers or are left to earn their livelihood as they can. Some get their freedom, says a writer in the Literary Society's Transactions, from their masters, in consequence of good conduct, and occupy a separate house and cultivate on their own account. Others are inmates with their masters and their treatment is very good, they are clad and fed in the same way as the members of the family, scarcely. any difference being observable, except in their taking their meals apart. They get pocket money on holidays, if they behave well, and their masters are at the expense of their marriages, which may cost a hundred rupees. The men labour in the fields, the women serve their mistresses and do all household work, cleaning rice, cutting vegetables &c., except cooking, and worshipping the family gods, and when unmarried are sometimes the concubines of their masters, or they are married to Marathas. The present race are no doubt all home-born. Freedom is given them from religious motives for good conduct, and sometimes from their becoming burdensome; such persons take the name of Sinds, and are looked on as inferior, and others rather avoid intermarrying with them. Boys are rarely brought

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JUNE, 1884.) BOMBAY DANCING GIRLS. 175 to market, but girls are frequently so, and if beautiful, are bought by the rich as mis- tresses, or by courtezans to be taught to dance and sing; they are sold for from Rs. 100 to Rs. 500. The less-favoured ones are bought as servants in Brahman families. Among Muhammadans too, a woman who takes to prostitution is called a Kasbin. They are raised from all classes of Musalmans and converted Hindus, either from their own children or by girls adopted or kidnapped. There are six kinds of dances, three of which are performed by Naikins at houses on payment, and the others at their own quarters. When a dancing girl is not performing, she wears a sari, but when she prepares for an entertain- ment, she wears a short gown, or peswdj, with short tight sleeves. As soon as the drummer and the two fiddlers commence to play, the former standing behind, and the fiddlers one on each side of her, she puts on a thin embroidered muslin dupata, in graceful folds and an embroidered bodice, or choli, and her neck is encircled with a gold and pearl neck- lace; on her wrists and fingers she wears rich jewels, and has a silk handkerchief in her hand; she has also two silver rings on each great toe. When called into respectable Hindu houses to perform before guests, they do not by speech or conduct offend in the slightest degree against propriety. Many of these women are of remarkable beauty, but they are as abandoned as they are beautiful, and" although generally accompanied by the most debauched of their sex, they are nevertheless continually engaged at large entertainments." But there can be "nothing more modest than their dress and demeanour," and in their movements they are considered unrivalled. "The great charm of their dances consists almost wholly in the elegant and graceful attitudes which they assume." "You see no violent swings of the arms, no unnatural curving of the limbs, no bringing of the legs at right angles with the trunk, no violent hops and jerks and dizzy gyrations. The nach girl advances gracefully before her audience, her delicate arms moving in unison with her tiny naked feet, and her footsteps making a soft music. She occasionally turns quickly round with a burst 40 48. Jour. XVIII. p. 194. 11 This is because she is acting Krishna Kanya. Tradi- tion ascribes 80 ancient a date as the time of Krishna to the Kerba. It is said this was a mode of dance of song by which the loose folds of her thin short gown are expanded, and the heavy gold border with which it is trimmed opens into a circle round her neat little figure, showing for an instant the beautiful outline of her form, draped with the most becoming and judicious taste." When dancing the Kerbd head (which is performed in male head-dress) she lets her long black hair fall on her shoulders and back and around her breast. She puts on a Maratha turban (as worn by sipahis in public offices), or a gold embroidered skull-cap, inclined a little to her left ear, and with her thin small hands imitates the flying of the kite, and her eyes are turned upwards.". When performing this part of her dance her tightly knitted drapery shows the form of her round limbs. At times she rolls a part of her dupatu, holding one end between her teeth and the other in both hands, the fingers indicating playing on a flute. She does not exactly dance, but revolves in the midst of the audience, and sings with a charming simplicity, which is the supreme effort of these Muhammadan and Hindu women': She leaps forth with a burst of song From the glittering crowd, . Like a sunny glimpse of autumn light From behind a darkening cloud. Her oft-suspended foot doth throw Its shadow on the earth; And her burning eyes are turn'd to heaven, As to the region of her birth. That bound that bound-when Venus sprung Out of the waters, into light, And round her breast her tresses clang A garland of delight; With lip and cheek, and eye, like thine, And motion breathing music sweet, She made the purple sea her shrine The white foam lilies for her feet. Once more! once more! the silver fawn Of moon-light through the sapphire sky, After the fading stimmer eve, With lighter feet doth never fly, Thy wreath of dewy blossoms shakes Its perfumes rich around, And thy bird-like footstep makes Soft music on the ground. much in favour with him. All the modes of Indian dance, it may be noted, are essentially rags and Tagnis set to action and potion. "As. Jour. XI, p. 191.

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176 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [JUNE, 1884. Much excitement prevails among the au- the hostess, as on Jalsa nights, but is applied dience when she dances the Kerba. The to sacred purposes, such as feeding Brahmans, promised money is then handed her by the &c. &c. This Pachamba, like the rest of the head of the family, folded in betel-leaves. She dances, commences between 9 and 10, and is respectfully makes salam and then retires over by 6 o'clock or so next morning. These dances, which commence between 9 | Phugadi is a kind of dance held at the houses and 10 in the evening, last till 3 or 4 o'clock of Naikins or their friends during the Ganapati next morning, and sometimes till daylight. holidays and sometimes during marriage and The dance called the Jalsa (singing and seja ceremony. A few friends only of the sitting in tarns) is performed at the houses of hostess are invited to this dance, as it is solely the Naikins themselves daring holidays, such for their own amusement. Their nearest as the Ganapati festival and like occasions. relatives assemble and form themselves into Nach girls assemble in numbers on such a circle before Gandia, each carrying in both occasions, and each in turn sings a song or two. hands a brass drinking vessel and tambia, and Invitations are always issued for these dances another holds a metal plate full of bells, which to friends and acquaintances, but strangers she strikes with a small stick so as to enable have free access to them. The dance com- the pebbles (ghagrya) to sound, and they dance mences generally at 9 p. m., the hostess opening up and down with violent swinging of the arms, the ceremony of the evening by singing herself and singing loudly most charming songs. The a song which is a prayer to Ganapati to assist drummer alone beats his dram, as no fiddler in carrying out the programme with success. is required for this dance. A relation of the hostess prepares betel leaves, In Madras, Tamil girls of certain castes and distributes them with nosegays and rose- are dedicated to some of the temples and water to the audience. A silver plate is placed brought up to the profession of dancing. They in front of the Naikin, who sits to sing, in do not marry, but are permitted to live in which the moneys given by the visitors professional concubinage ; such practices in no are placed. The money thus collected often way degrade them from the right to caste amounts to Rs. 200 & night, and to this the privileges, provided they do not form intimacies hostess alone has a claim. The fiddlers and or cohabit with out-castes. Dasi dancing girls drummer, if engaged by the night, have no are either the daughters of such, among claim to any of it, but if otherwise, the Naikin whom, like other Hindu castes, the profession is bound to share with them at the rate above descends by hereditary succession; or, should named. (See page 170a.) Visitors about to these women have no children, which is more leave are treated to a cup of milk prepared with frequently the case, they adopt girls of tender sugar and spices, supplied in an inner apart- age. All girls intended for the profession of ment, specially furnished for their reception. dancing are connected with some Hindu temple, Pachamba is a kind of Baithak, held in the to which they dedicate their persons; and in month of Sravar, on Mondays, in the houses of confirmation of the same a nominal marriage Naiking, the chief in the community. On ceremony is carried out for the marriage of the this occasion they gather together in the girl to the presiding deity of the temple. afternoon. The hostess places on a raised stool Sometimes a Hindu vows in sickness or other a water pot and covers it with a cocoanut, and affliction to give one of his daughters to some dresses it in a rich waistcloth and Brahman's particular temple, to be brought up as a dancturban, and worshipe it in honour of Honaji ing girl, and the vow is sorupulously kept at the founder of the tribe, with the help of the the proper time. Brahman priest. In the evening the men and In the selection of girls for adoption in this women friends of the hostess meet at her house profession, good-looking, well-made girls are and sit singing by turns one or more songs chosen. The art of dancing is said to be each. Invitations are issued to the friends and exhibited in six different ways : by the moveacquaintances of the hostess, and the money paidments of the eyes; the action of the features ; by visitors and others is not appropriated by attitude of the breast and chest; position of the 13 Encyclopaedia of India, Vol. I, p. 36,

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BOMBAY DANCING GIRLS. JUNE, 1884.] hands; action of the feet; and by tumbling, somersaults, &c., When attached to temples, dancing girls receive wages, the amount of which is dependent on the income, sanctity and popularity of the particular temple which they have joined. The salary they receive is nominal, seldom exceeding a few annas, and sometimes a rupee or two a month. The chief object in being paid the sum as salary is to indicate that they are servants of the temple. In addition to this, one or more of them receive a meal a day, consisting of a mess of boiled rice rolled into a ball. They are required to dance six times a day at the temple, before the god, while the priests are officiating, but this duty is performed by turns. Their dancing dress consists usually of the short jacket or choli, a pair of ravake or string drawers tied at the waist termed paijama-or pavadai, both these are generally of silkand a white or coloured muslin wrapper or sadi. One end of the sadi is wound round the waist, and two, three, or more feet, according to the length, is gathered and inserted into the portion encircling the waist, and permitting of a folding fringe or gathering of the cloth in front, while the other end, taken after the usual native fashion over the left shoulder, descends towards the waist, where the end or mundant is opened out and allowed to drop in front, one end of it being inserted in the waist on the side, and the other left free. This portion of the sadi is usually ornamented with gold thread, tinsel, &c.-the free end descends to the middle or lower half of the thigh, the other free end of the sadi is then passed between the legs and fastened to the tie round the waist at the back, and the whole bound by a gold or silver waist-belt. By this arrangement a fold of the muslin sadi forms a loop round each leg, and descends nearly to the ankles, whilst the gathering hangs in front. At home they wear the choli and sudi with a petticoat or pavadai-this is their usual dress, except when about to perform they exchange the pavadai for the paijamu or sherai. The pavadai is made of chintz or silk, according to the means of the individual. A string of small brass bells is tied round each ankle. The dancing girl caste have peculiar laws for adoption and inheritance. A dancing girl 177 can adopt a daughter with the permission of the authorities of the pagoda to which she belongs, but she cannot adopt a son for the transmission of property, it being immaterial whether she have a son or not. The adopted girl cannot share her mother's property during her lifetime, and although she may be the heiress, she is not bound by the laws of caste to support her brother's widow. Among dancing girls, property descends in the female line first, and then in the male as in other castes. On the failure of issue, the property of a dancing girl goes to the temple to which she belongs. A simple recognition on the part of a dancing girl of a child as her daughter in the presence of one or more individuals is sufficient to constitute her claim to adoption. Dancing girls are respected by the Hindu castes, and are allowed to sit in the assembly of the most respectable men, such honour not being accorded to their own wives and daughters. As a rule, it is seldom that these women have children of their own, unless when they live in concubinage with some single individual, consequently they are always anxious to adopt girls, not only to become their successors in the temple, but that they may likewise inherit their property. Formerly, a large trade was carried on by kidnapping good-looking girls from large towns and remote villages, who were sold to these women. The practice of selling minor girls obtains largely under suppression. The recent famine in Ganjam, Orissa and Bengal, was taken advantage of, not only by abandoned characters, but also by immoral native princes, for the basest purposes. At a criminal session in Calcutta, two women were sentenced to seven years' imprisonment each, for having purchased a girl under sixteen years of age, for the paltry sum of one rupee ten annas. In some stations there are said to exist two kinds of dancing girls. The dancing women differ from the pagoda dancers, and the latter are said, as a rule, to live in concubinage. These women are recognised as Dasi and Devadasi. The Da si or dancing women belong for the most part to itinerant bands, and are frequently made up of women of low caste, who practise their professional accomplishments and prefer living in concubinage. The Saiva temple of the Suvarnamukhi

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178 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [Junz; 1884. (Kalastrai) a zamindar in North Arkad district, maintains a large establishment of what is termed devadasi or temple dancers, forming a distinct community there, who live exclusively in concubinage. Their sons, who know no father, pass by the appellation of Nagari Kannada, or sons of the country, and are slaves to the zamindar. Of the daughters, after supplying the vacancies in the temple staff, the remainder are brought as drudges into the palace. The dancing girls when about to perform are accompanied by two men singers, termed Nattuvun and Padowen, who while singing also play on cymbals. These instruments are of two kinds and sizes.. While the cymbal is played with the right hand, the left hand open is generally applied to the left ear as they sing, bowing their bodies and swaying from side to side contorting their faces and making grimaces. In singing they scream as loud as they can; one or more old woman--superannuated dancing girls-join in and frequently clap their hands during the performance. Some of these girls are good-looking, handsome, with open countenances, large sparkling eyes, regular features and intelligent appearance. They are perfectly self-possessed and assured in manner, staring at on-lookers with their large eyes. They possess much courtesy and polish, tempered with languid grace and unembarrassed bearing, thaving all the teaching which experience of the worst side of human nature gives, they know but one form of pleasure,-vice, in which their lives are spent; and their countenances often assume a sodden, pale, and unwholesome aspect. They seldom possess any conversational powers beyond the usual laugh and giggle and monosyllabic replies to common-place questions. When their services are required outside the temple, larger sums of money bave to be paid for them, the charge being increased according to the position of the girl, as some will not go to any one less than a Raja or great man. Some visit other districts when they are required by petty rajas or zamindars, and they are engaged for ng many days as they have to perform, and are well paid. Should they please the master of ceremonies, they frequently receive valuable presents in money, shawls, gold ornaments, which are bestowed during the performance. Every village of importance has a temple with some of these women attached to it, and in larger towns, having temples noted for sanctity, they are numerous. ON RASALU AND SALIVAHANA OF SIALKOT. BY CAPTAIN E. C. TEMPLE, B.S.C., F.R.G.S., M.R.A.S., &o. In a previous volume I have given a short Griffin gives accounts of the following :-Khantale regarding Lonan, wife of Salivahans, and di, Talwandi, Chamyari, Dodia, Kathanaigal have since chanced on a valuable variant of it in and 'Isapuria. We have, however, only to Griffin's Panjab Chiefs,' in his account of the concern ourselves now with the house of descent claimed by Sirdar Gorditt Singh Cham Chamyari. yari. This family belongs to the Randhawa tribe The Randhawa tribe seems to have emigrated of the Panjab, which claims, as usual, RAjput to the Panjab about A.D. 1540, and to have descent. Bettled in or conquered Battala, near Amritsar, Randhawa is said to have been a Yadu Rajput still an important town, and full of legends to of Bikaner and to have flourished about A.D. the present day! 1150. From him have descended seven great About A.D. 1750 Sawal Singh Randhawa Panjabi families, viz., Dharamkot, Ghanianki, became a Sikh, and fought for the great Hira Chamyari, Dodia, Doranghior Talwandi, Singh Bhangi to some purpose, for soon afterKathunangal and Khunda. Now-a-days Khunda wards " he became possessor of a large tract of ranks tirst, while Dharamkot, Ghanianki and country on the left bank of the Ravi, including Kathunangal have gone down in the world. Ajnala and Chamyari, or Chambyart (both in Ante, vol. XI, p. 290.. : Panjab Chiefs, p. 200. Lahore, 1865, pp. 208-210. * Ibid. pp. 200-218. , * Tod's Rajasthan, orig. ed., vol. I, PP. 65-66: Ylds= ... See footnotes to Panjab Chiefs at pp. 201 and 904. Bhattis. I have in vernacular some queer stories of the place.

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JUNE, 1884.] BASALU AND SALIVAHANA OF SIALKOT. 179 the Amritsar District), from which last place Salvahan's favourite wife, whose name was the family took its name." Sawal Singh was Luna, the daughter of Raja Pipa of Pappakha, succeeded by Nar Singh, who died in 1806, a Champal Rajpat. She was the mother of when that arch-robber, Maharaja Ranjit Singh Risala from whom Sialkot was formerly called took all he could lay hands on from the Risalkot. Lune was remarkable for her beauty, family, who were still further despoiled by his though not for her virtue, as the following successor, Maharaja Sher Singh, till very little story will show : but the name remains to them of their former Ichhran, another of Raja Salvahan's many grandeur. wives, became the mother of a beautiful boy, Chamyari is a very old town, and is con- who was named Puran." The astrologers, nected by legend with the (in the Panjab, who had assembled at the palace to draw the ubiquitous Salivahan of Sialkot. I give the horoscope of the new-born infant, declared that stories about it in Sir Lepel Griffin's own the greatest calamities would befall him should words. The contrast to the former tale of he be seen by his father before his twelfth Lonan given by myself is self-evident. birthday. In those days astrologers were "Raja Salvahan of Sialkot, who reigned believed, and a high tower was accordingly about A.D. 90,1deg passing with his retinde near built, in which the boy was carefully guarded the spot where Chamyari now stands, sawa till twelve years had come, as the attendants young girl drawing water at a well. Struck by thought, to an end, when they brought him to her marvellous beauty he enquired her name and his delighted father. But one day had been found that it was Chamba, and that she was the omitted from the calculation. The twelve years daughter of the Rajpat Chief of the District, had not expired. Salvaban asked the girl in marriage, but the When Lune saw the lovely boy she fell in father declined as the Raja's name was a terror love with him at once. This was less her fault, throughout the Panjab to both parents and than that of the stars, and at last, unable to daughters, as he was accustomed to take a new 1. control herself she caught Paran in her arms, wife every day, and maidens were becoming and told him all her love. Ho had not been scarce in the land. But the Raja was not tanght the art of love in his solitary tower and to be denied. He swore that, if Chamba was only laughed at Luna's distress, and ran away only given to him, he would not marry for while she, enraged at the repulse, and, her love eight days, and to these reasonable terms the turning to hatred, tore her hair and clothes, and father consented. But by the eighth day Raja when the Raja came in, told him, with weeping Salva han had grown so deeply enamoured of eyes, that Puran had attempted her virtue. the beautiful Chamba, that he was content to The Raja made no enquiries, but straightway divorce all his other wives, and to keep her ordered that the boy should be taken into the only for life. To glorify his love and render it jungle, and there put to death. As the poor immortal he built around the well, where he had little fellow was being carried off by the ecofirst seen her drawing water, the town of cutioners he begged hard for his life, but for Chamyari, which he called after her name." long begged in vain. At length the men pro "Another story asserts that Chambyari or mised not to kill him, but they cut off both Chamyari was named after the caste of Raja his hands, and threw him down a well where Toid. p. 207. See Griffin, pp. 502 11. and 520. Tarikh-i-Makhaan--- I may help in the catching of this veritable Will-o'- Panjab, Persian character, p. 226 1., 2.V., Jhangaill. the-wisp of ancient Indian history by drawing attention * Ibid. Pp. 209-210. here to Mr. Thomas's paper on Indo-Scythian Coins, ante 20 Allusion to the Saks era A.D. 78. All legends agree pp. 6-11. The name of the king SAlivAhama, of his about this. legendary son, Raalla, Risald, or Sald and the legendary foundation of Sialkot by them both, point to the exist _11 Soe ante, vol. XI, p. 290 and footnote 4, but no ence of an old SAKA tribe of SAlor Shal. In the legends Tod, Rajasthan, orig. ed., vol. IP: 72, which would make him & Sampai Kachhwh Rdjput. There was BiAlkot is variously called Salkot, ShAlkot and Riskikos. tribe of ChampAl Rojpats among the hill tribes of Kingth Now Mr. Thomas, quoting the Vishnu Purans, p. 8 ante, Beo Sirdar Atar Singh's sakhs Book, Benares, 1873, gives the tribe of glas in the same list as his Seythian p. 78. Bhandas. Have we not here the tribe, that is wanted? There is an important tribe of Sils in the Panjab to the Paran Bhagat, see ante vol. XI, PP. 289-290, and present day in the Jhang District, claiming connection footnote 6. with the Panjabi Ghebes and TiwAn As of the Rawal 13 The same story is told of Ragald in more than one Pindi District and, of course, a doubtful Bajpat descent. legend.

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180 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [JUNE, 1884. they left him to die.'* But the life of Paran was tunately only mentions 6 of them by name, vis., miraculously preserved, and about two years Baland, Puran, Risalu, Dharamgadh, Rupa and afterwards the great magician, Gorakhnath, Sundar. The Sindha dwalias say that them came to the place with his 12,000 disciples. selves and the Bhattis (!) are descended from One of these, drawing water from the well, saw Paran, who, of course, is the great hero, Puran the boy, and having taken him out, carried him Bhagat. Going down through Baland five to the magician, who by enchantments replaced generations we come to one Jaudhar, from his hands. Gorakhnath then brought Puran to whom the great (some of them roling) families the palace and restored to sight Ichhran, who of Pattiala, Nabha, Jhind, Malaudh, Bhadaur, had become blind with weeping for the an. Faridkot, Kaithal and Attari claim a common timely fate of her son. Raja Salvahan, con- descent." They are all, however, beyond ques. founded by these prodigies, wished to resigntion Siddhu Jatt Sikhs, who were successful in the crown to his son, but Puran would not the struggle for power about 100 years ago. accept the offer, and renouncing the world In a footnote to p. 12 Griffin gives a local became a disciple of Gorakhnath, with whom account of Sialkot. Its founder was Raja Shal, he remained until his death."15 maternal uncle to the Pandavas, and his deThe poem of Paran Bhagat tells with much scendants reigned there many years, but evengreater detail the above tale, and in a variant I tually abandoned it. It was rebuilt by Salihave in vernacular MS. Peran heaps coals of vahana "according to Panjab chroniclers, about fire on Lonan's head by using his newly acquired A.D. 90 (P 78 or 80), and according to the magical powers to grant her a son, who should Bhatti chroniclers of Rajputana, A.D. 16, sapbe learned and brave and holy, but who would posing that Sialkot is the original Salba hanpur, not remain at home with her, so that she should the capital of Saliva hana." Sialkot, he says, weep as she had made Ichhran (or Achhran) has been known also as Shalkot, Shalkunt, to weep. This son was the great wanderer and (? Shalkund), Sakalpur and Risalkot from conqueror Rasalu. Risala, the son of Salivahana. He further says The great Panjabi Sikh family of Sindhan- that the Sials of Jhang claim to have founded walia, of Raja Sansi, near Amritsar, claims de Sialkot, and that they once settled there and scent from Salivahan of Sialkot. They are built a fort seems certain, but the town was Sansi Jatts, but with the wearisome regularity founded many years before their arrival in the of all Panjabis of note claim a Rajpot descent, Panjab."15 and say they are Bhattis from Ujjayin who In the statement that Sialkot, -Sakalpar, was migrated under one Shal, the founder of Sialkot. founded by Shal, maternal uncle to the PandaGriffin summarily rejects this tale, and what he vas, we get a clue to the origin of all these says on the subject (pp. 12-13), is well worth fables. Pandu had two wives, Kunti and Madri. recording here, if only as an indication as to Kunti was the daughter of the Yadava king the proper places to go to for a search into Sura, and her brother was Vasudeva, father of existing stories and traditions. Following local Ktishna and Balarama, and this does not help legends, he says in effect that Raja Shal (Saliva. except that Kunti was also the name of a hana) was the son of Raja Gaj of Jaysalmir, North Indian race. Madri was the sister and that after the latter's battle with the king of the king of the Madras or Bahikas, whose of Khurasan he came to the Panjab, destroyed capital was Sakala, which has been identified LAhor and built Sialkot. Here he settled and as the Sagala of Ptolemy on the banks of the here were born to him 16 song, "all of whom Biyas, S.W. of Lahor, and as the Sanga la of became independent, and from whom many of Alexander. Madra extended from the Biyas to the hill princes have descended." Griffin anfor. the Chinab or Jhelam." The Mahabharata ** Still shown at Sialkot on the road to Kallow&l. 16 Gorakhnth, however, was at least 8 centuries later than Puran Bhagat. The above is the received legend of Puran Bhagat 16 Tod, vol. II, p. 192, gives & more; VAchA, Lekh, Jaskara, NemA, Mat, Nipak, Gangad and Jagad >> Griffin's Rajas of the Punjab, 1873, pp. 1-11, 282-3, $80, 546-7. ** Cf. note 7, npri. >> Trumpp in his Adf Granth p. lxxix, footnote, quotes some verses from the Vichitra Natak by the 10th Sikh Gurd Govind Siogh (A.D. 1875-1708) : V. 281. Pana sahar bikhai bhawa layo; Madrados ham ko le de. "I took birth in the City of Pand, He (Gura Teghbahadur 1664-75) took me (then) to Madrade.." Govind

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JUNE, 1884.] RASALU AND SALIVAHANA OF SIALKOT. 181 mentions the Babikas as an impure race out of called Salichandra, and the second was put up the law. So does Paniui." Our Raja Shal then by KumArpal Solankhi, to commemorate his becomes the brother of Madri and king of victory over Salpuri as late as A.D. 1160." Sa kala, and an aboriginal king ruling between Griffin, in his Rajas of the Panjab (pp. 2 the Biyas and the Jhelam with his capital at and 9), shows that one tradition places the the modern Sialkot. Salbaban invader of the Panjab and ancestor Let us now turn to the Salivahana, father of of the modern Siddha Jatt families, as late as Rasalu. As the son of the Yada Rajput prince, 1180-1200 A.D. Raja Gaj of Jaysalmir, we in a sense get at his All my legends about Rasala, and, I believe, date. From Tod's account of Raja Gaj, it most of those current about him in the Panjab, seems pretty evident that he and his father, make him a contemporary of the great Raja Raja Rijh (= ? Richpal) fought the Muham- Hodi. This hero's date the latest researches madans sent towards India by the celebrated seem to fix as about 200 A.D." Hajjaj-bin-Yusaf As-Sakafi, who was a great Scythian kings, then, called SAI or Salivaman from 693 to 714 A.D." After his wars hana, seem to have ruled at SiAlkot from the with the Musalmans, and after his father's death epic times to the 8th century A.D. Salivahana founded Salbahanpur = Sialkot, To recapitulate. We have thus a Scythian where he reigned 33 years." This makes him tribe extending from the epic times to the out as living circ. 700-740 A.D., and gives his present date called successively Salwa, Sala or son, Rasalu, a later date. Shala, Sarya or Sarwya and Sial, occupying a Fifth from Saliva hana, according to the site called in successive eras Sakala, Sayaha Bhatti chronicles, came Rao Kehar, whom Tod Sayyada; Salkot, Shalkot, Shalkund or Sakallooks on as unquestionably a contemporary of pur or kisalkot; Salbahanpur, Salpuri, Salthe Ommiad Khalifa Walid, who flourished pura, Sialkot, and ruled by a series of kings 705-714 A.D. He also takes it as certain that known as Sala or Shal; Salivahana or SalbaKehar's foundation of Tannot in A.D. 731 is han, Salindra, Salichandra, Rasala, Risald, correct. Previously, in annotating the annals Salu. And the succession of these kings seems which relate to the wars of Rijh and Saliya- to have been this :hana with Hajjaj's people, he seems to think that Sala or Shal; B.C.; Epic period. the chroniclers had mixed up the Musalman Salivahana ; Vikramaditya's enemy; 1st cen. with the Greek irruptions, and that these tury, B.C. heroes were contemporary with Antiokhos the Salivahana ; SAka era; 1st century, A.D. Great. However, if the chronicle is to be Rasald; contemporary of Hodi; 3rd centrusted at all, and Kehar, fifth from Salivahana, tury, A.D. flourished 700-740 A.D., Salivahana himself Salindra; 400, A.D. could not have been earlier than 600 A.D. SAlichandra; 550, A.D. Tod also gives some inscriptions: one dated Saliva hana, son of Gaj; 7th century, A.D. St. 597, shows that "the mighty warrior Jit Rasklo, his son ; 7th century, A.D. (P Jatt) Salindra," was reigning at Salpura or King of Salpuri; 1150, A.D. SAlpuri about 409 A.D. and that he was of the SAlbaban, ancestor of the Siddhu Jatts ; Sarya or SArwya race. This Salpuri, another | 1180-1200 A.D." inscription dated 1160 A.D., shows as being That there were a series of Salivahanas, whose situated in the Siwaliks. The descendant of lives and doings have been all mixed up in Salindra who put up the first inscription was legend and fable, I have no doubt, and some Singh was born at Patna and passed all his youth at Anandpur, Hoshiarpur District, on the BiyAs. At that time the plnoos connected with the Sikhs especially, were Amritsar, Kiratpur and Anandpur, Chamkaur, MAchiwar and Karterpur, which are respectively in the Amritsar, Honhidrpur, Amb$14, Ludian A and Jalandhar Districts. These then were the Madra country in the 17th century A.D. 90 Dowson, Dict. of Hindu Mythology, 8. v. v., Sakala, Madra, MAdri, Bahika. Cf. also legend of Sagara and his asvamedha sacrifice. 11 Rajasthan, orig. ed., vol. II, pp 189-90. cf. account of N Asiru'd-din Qab&cha in Beale's Dict. Oriental Biog. 8.1. # Ibid. pp. 192, 180-198. * Rajasthan, vol. II, pp. 189, 196, 200. ** Ibid. vol. I, pp. 88, 629, 630, 636. SS J. R. A. 8. vol. XIII, p. 200, vol. XIV, pp. 328-331. J. A. 8. B. Proc., 1879, pp. 135-6, 212. * Rajasthan, vol. II, pp. 211-212; ruled in Jaysalmir A.D. 1168-1200.

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182 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [JUNE, 1884. thing will have been done towards clearing up the mystery if I have herein shown how they may be separated, After the above had been sent to press, I was put in possession of Prinsep's admirable Settlenient Report of the Sialkol District. It contains (pp. 38-50), as might be supposed, a longer account of the history of Sialkot town than is to be found elsewhere, and which curiously confirms much that I have above written. Prinsep, giving the local tradition, says that Shan, Hun and Dal were the three sons of Raja Rachor (P) of Rajputana, whose armies from Ujjayin and Indaur overran the Panjab from Lahor to Multan and from Kasur to Sialkot, and that their name is preserved in the Sandal Bar (or Forest). Afterwards, in the days of Vikramaditya, the Shundals were the most powerful non-aboriginal tribe in the Panjab." Sialkot, he says, formerly called Salkot, was founded by Raja Sal of Panda renown, after whose dynasty it passed into the hands of the Kasmiri Raja Sumdatt (?). Afterwards, when Vikramaditya reigned at Ujjayin, Raja Sal. Wen" built the fort and established the principality of Sialkot. This Raja Salwan belonged to the Sta (P for Sial) tribe, who are to be found to the present day. Then follows a carious legend to account for SAlivahana's birth. A Khattrani, when bathing * in the Aik which runs past Sialkot, was wooed by & serpent called Bisak Nag. She conceived and bore a son, called Salwan, who rose to be a great man of power and wealth, and through the assistance of the snake was made a king. It is said that Vikramaditya visited Sialkot, and Salwan refusing to go and meet him, a severe battle was fought in which the former lost his life; and Raja Salwan exulting over his triumph caused the era to be changed to that of Saka. This miraculous birth of Salivahana is merely the legendary way of saying that his father was of non-Aryan and his mother of Aryan descent, and the story of his establishment of his era in consequence of his victory over Vikramaditya is quite contrary to the usual legend, and very well worthy of remark." According to the same account. Salivabama had two sons, Puran and Risalhu, as Prinsep calls him. Puran became a faqir, which so incensed his father that he had his hands and feet cut off and thrown down a well in Karaul (Kallowal), near Sialkot, called Puran's well to this day, whither female pilgrims resort on Sundays and new moons for the removal of boils and the hope of offspring. The water of the well is very cold, and possesses healing qualities. About 360 A.D. Raja Hodi, the Gakkhar (according to Prinsep), had established himself along the Indus between Kalibagh (in Hazara near Marhi or Murree), and the fort of Atak. He took possession of the country west of the Jhelam and contracted an alliance with Rasalu, who promised him his daughter. Rasald, however, did not fulfil the promise, and Hodi attacked SiAlkot. On this Rasalu shut himself up in his fort, which Hodi besieged in vain for six months, and at last in revenge he plundered the country of the Shandals and the Jatts. This made them join forces and meet him at Sangsagh, about 14 miles S.E. of Lahor, and the site of Sayyala. The war was concluded by the young lady on whose behalf it had begun, for she eloped to Lam, near Lahor, where Hodi was encamped, and managed to reconcile him to her father: Her name was Sarang, and she was so called from the place of reconciliation, viz., Sarang or Sarangiri, the ruins of which are near Saurian, 12 miles N.E. of Lahor. Raja Hodi after this gave his newly acquired territory to Raja Karm, Rasald's son, with the title of Malik-i-mulk, and Sarangirt became an 17 It is a great pity that these Reports are so difficult of socess. Many are altogether ont of print, and none are easy to obtain. No systematic collection of them in the publio libraries seems to have been made, which is all the more to be regretted, as they all contain local historical information that is simply invaluable to the antiquarian. * For a notice of the Saks and quasi-bjput tribe of Hun or Han, Tod, Rajasthan, vol. 1, pp. 82-84, 99 and of the old Rajput tribe of Chandel, vol. I, p. 891; V. Smith, J. A. S. B., vol. XLVIII, (1881), pp. 285-296, pp. 7-26. ** The Rev. A. 0. Swynnerton, who has been taking down these legends as told in the Peshwar District, in a late communication to the Folklore Society, also calls him Salwan. I have never seen this form of the name myself. He also gives the name of Puran Bhagat as Raja Paran, 30 Cf. Story of Lonan, ante, vol. XI, p. 290. The same story in told at Paithan on the God&viri: Arch. Sur. W. Ind. Report, vol. III, p. 55.- ED. I. A. 1 Beale, Drict. Orient. Biog., 80., SAlbfhan gives & curious note that he was the son of a potter, and lived at Paithan on the Godavarl. His era is still used in the Dakhan, and its date is 78 A.D."-See Arch. Sur. West. Ind. vol. III, p. 55. Observe the very modern form of this title !

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JUNE, 1884.) FOLKLORE IN SOUTHERN INDIA. 183 appanage of the SiA family. Rasklu died in A.D. 400, after which Peran cursed the country, and under the spell of the curse it lay 300 years, till in the year 790 A.D. Raja Nirawat supported by the Ghandaurs" of the Yusafzai country came and demolished Sarangiri. Putting together the legends collected by Tod, Griffin, Prinsep and myself, I have a suggestion to make, which, as it appears to me, it would be well worth the while of experts to follow up. It is well known that for many centuries one of the chief signs of independence or monarchy in India was the establishment of a mint, and it seems to me to be almost impossible that kings evidently so remarkable, and of probably so recent a date as Raga lu and Hodio should have passed away without leaving a coinage behind them. I would therefore seek for Raja Rasulu and Salivahana of Sialkot, kings of the Sials or Sals, in the Syalapati or Syala of the coins." This would make them out at any rate as subsequent to the Muhammadan irruptions into Sindh and Kabul or say about 800 to 900 A. D., confirming Tod's and Griffin's legends. With more doubt I would also suggest seeking for Hodi or Hodi in the Huvishka or Hushka of the coins." If the above connections can be established we shall have all that we can expect to get regarding these monarchs-viz., their coins and their story. FOLKLORE IN SOUTHERN INDIA. BY 8. M. NATESA SASTRI PANDIT. I. THE STORY OF THE THREE DEAP MEN. ful, and prepared tamarind cabbage for her When any awkward blander occurs from a husband. person acting under & mistaken notion, there is a The husband went out, and sat down in a common proverb in Tamil to the effect that the place where three roads crossed, to calm down matter ended like the story of the three deaf his anger. At that time a neatherd happened men-(Muchchevidan kadaiyay mudindadu. to pass that way. He had lately lost a good The following is the story told to explain the cow and calf of his, and had been seeking them allusion : for some days. When he saw the deaf man In a remote village there lived a husband sitting by the way, he took him for a soothand wife. Both of them were quite deaf. sayer, and asked him to find out by his knowThey had made this household arrangement, toledge of Joshyam where the cow would likely be cook cabbage with tamarind and soup without found. The herdsman, too, was very deaf; and amarind one day, and cabbage without tsma- the man without hearing what he was saying, rind and soup with tamarind on the other. abused him, and wished to be left undisturbed. Thus on every alternate day the same dishes In abusing him the husband stretched out his were being repeated. One day, when taking his hand, pointing to the neatherd's face. This meal, the husband found the tamarind cabbage 1 pointing the neatherd understood to indicate BO very tasteful that he wanted to have it also the direction where the lost cow and calf would next day, and gave instructions to that effect. be found. So thinking, the poor neatherd went The deaf wife did not understand the order. on in that direction, promising to present the According to the established rule she cooked soothsayer with the calf if he found it there cabbage without tamarind next day. The with the cow. To his joy, and by mere chance husband when he sat down to his meal found he found them. His delight knew no bounds. his order disregarded and, being enraged there- "That is a capital soothsayer. Surely I must at, throw the cabbage against the wall, and present him with the calf." So thought he went out in a rage. The wife ate her belly- with himself, and returned with them to the 33 P Gandapars, Ct. Tod, vol. II, p. 194 and footnote to p. 196. See also Hastings Regular Settlement of the Pashdoor District, 1878, pars. 12, dating this irraptim as being in the 9th century, A.D. "A native gentleman has lately promised to procure for me a MS. Socount of Hodt from Jodhpur in Rajputina, where he says the legend is a universal favourite ! 5 See Elliot, Hist. of India, Vol. II, pp. 421, 422 and, 125, 126, and all the authorities there quoted. Coins now worn to illegibility, like those of Wilson's Srl Sykla pati Deva, Pl. XIX and p. 430, No. 13, Ariana Antiqua, are to be found everywhere in the Panjab. I sent a bag full to the Jour 46. Soc. Beng. in 1881 from Panipat and Sunpat. See Numimatic Chron. 3rd Ser. Vol. 11, PP. 129 1. 36 Wilson, Ariana Antiqua, pp. 373-376: Proc. 4.8.B. (1879). 135-136 and 212: Weber on the Ramayana, Boyd's Translation, p. 62. Conld coin No. 14, Pl. xix: and p. 430, Ariana Antina be read as Sri Hodi, or some thing like it? Wilson reads it "Sri Hari (P)" and a synonym | for Hodt in Hida.

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184 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. LJUNE, 1884. deaf man, and pointing to the calf requested him to accept it. Now it unfortanately happened that the calf's tail was broken, and crooked. The man thought the herdsman was blaming him unreasonably for having broken the calf's tail, while he knew nothing about it, and so by & wave of his hand denied the charge. This the neatherd mistook for a refusal of the calf, and a demand for the cow. The neatherd said, "How very greedy you are! I promised you only the calf, and not the cow." The husband said, "Never; I know nothing of either your cow or calf. I never broke the calf's tail. Some other must have done it." Thus they were quarrelling without understanding each other for a long time, when a third party happened to pass by. Understanding the subject well, and desiring to profit by their stupidity, he interfered and said in a loud voice, and yet so as not to be heard by the deaf husband, "Well, neatherd, you had better go away with the cow. The Soothsayers are always greedy. Leave the calf with me, and I shall make him accept it." The neatherd, much pleased to have secured the cow, walked home, leaving the calf with the third person. When the neatherd had gone the passenger said to the deaf man, "You see how very unlawful it is for the neatherd to charge you with an offence which you never committed. It is always the case with neatherds. They are the biggest fools in the world! But never mind, so long as you have a friend in me. I shall somehow explain to him your innocence, and restore him the calf." The husband, much pleased, ran home to escape from the supposed guilt. At the expense of the stupidity and deafness of both, the third passenger walked home with the calf. The husband on his return sat down for his dinner, and his wife served him the tamarind cabbage. He happened to put his finger to the place where the cabbage without tamarind had previously been served on the leaf. On applying it to his mouth he found it so very sweet that he demanded that dish again. The wife replied to him that she had already emptied the pan. "Then at least bring me the cabbage that is sticking against the wall," said the husband; and the wife did accordingly. Here ends the story. The latter portion is also said to be the explanation of a proverb that is prevalent in Tamil - Sevuru kiraiyai valichchu podudi sunaiketta muli," meaning, "O thou feeling less deaf woman, give me at least the cabbage that is sticking on the wall." This proverb is applied to stubborn wives who would have their own way, and not obey their husbands easily among unrefined society. MISCELLANEA. THE PROVERBS OF ALI BIN TALEBI. 117. Every bird betakes itself to one like itself Translated by K. T. Best, M.A., M.R.A.S., 118. Every chest becomes tighter by that which Principal, Guserat College. is put in it except knowledge, which extends itself Continued from p. 152. more and more. 107. The unfriendliness of neighbours is more 119. How many are sad whose sadness tends to injurious than the stings of soorpions. eternal life. 108. The height of religion is faith, the height 120. How many are joyful whoge joy tends to of faith is persuasion. eternal misery. 109. The height of knowledge is to know one. 121. How will any one have leisure for another self. life whose heart is engaged in worldly things. 110. The riches of the pious are in God. 122. How will any one escape God who flies 111. The aim of a wise man is to prepare for from himself P and how will any one who seeks the day of judgment.i destruction avoid it 112. The riches of a wise man lie in his wisdom, 123. How will any one who errs lead another but those of a fool in his possessions. 113. The wrath of kings is a messenger of 124. A man has sufficient knowledge if he know his own faults. 114. The love of a friend is shown in affliction, 125. Be contented and you will be rich, be conand the excellence of his consolation in poverty. Adent and you will be powerful. 115. A grateful mind continues benefits, an 126. Be a defender of the oppressed, but an ungrateful one causes them to cease. enemy of the oppressor. 116. Every king except God is a slave. 127. Every day hastens to the morrow. life! death.

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JULY, 1884.] SANSKRIT AND OLD-CANARESE INSCRIPTIONS. 185 SANSKRIT AND OLD-CANARESE INSCRIPTIONS. BY J. F. FLEET, Bo.C.S., M.R.A.S., C.I.E. (Continued from p. 162.) No. CXLVI. Tezt. ABOUT two miles to the north-west from [ ] Namo Sri-jirnn-odhariA Bhelsa, the chief town of the Tahsil of [] Kamnha pranamati the same name in the Isagadh District in the [deg] Vishon-padan nityam dominions of Scindia, there is the well-known [] Samvat 1093 hill of Udayagiri, with a small village of the ['] Chamdraguptena ki. same name on the eastern side of it. Among [*]rtanam kirtitamh the numerous cave-temples on this hill, there ['] paechat Vikrais one which General Cunningham has named i] maditya-rajyamh "No. 9; the Amrita Cave." There are four Translation. pillars inside this cave. And, on the north Reverence! Sri-Kanba, the restorer of that face of the pillar that is immediately on which has become decayed, perpetually does he left as one enters the cave, there is a short obeisance to the two foet of the god) Vishnu. inscription which may be of some interest in The year 1093. (This) temple was caused to connection with the controversy regarding the be made a temple by Chandragupta. establishment of the Vikramaditya era. The Afterwards there was) the reign of Vikram - characters are Devanagari, of the period to ditya. which the inscription belongs, viz., the eleventh No. CXLVII. centary A.D., as recorded in the upper part of The original plates, from which the present it. The language is Sanskrit, and it is very inscription is published, belonged to Sir Walter corrupt; I give the text just as it stands in Elliot, K.C.S.I., and were obtained from the original. Ahadanakaram' in the Madras Presidency. The first three lines are evidently intended They have been presented by him to the to record the visit of a pilgrim nained Kanha British Museum. They are five in number, to this save. The fourth line contains the each about 84" long by 2 broad; one of them, date of Samvat 1093, or A.D. 1036-7, which however, is quite blank, having no writing on is evidently the year in which he visited the either side of it; it must have been intended as cave. And the remaining four lines contain a guard-plato, though it was not needed, as the really interesting part, vis. a statement that neither the first nor the last plate has any the cave was made by Chandragupta, writing on the outer side. The edges of the and that the reign of Vikram Aditya came plates were raised, so as to serve as rims to after that event. protect the writing; and the inscription is in a There can hardly be any doubt that the state of perfect preservation throughout. The Vikramaditya here referred to is the great ring is a plain copper ring, about " thick and Vikramadity, after whom the era which 39" in diameter: it had been cut when the grant bears that name was named. And the other came into my hands; it probably had originally inscriptions at Udayagiri shew that the Chan- a seal attached to it; but none is forthcoming dragupta here spoken of is Chandragupta now. The language is Sansktit down to line II., the son of Samudragupta, of the Gupta 17. From there to the end, it is Old-Telugu. family. We seem, therefore, to have here & The orthography is rather inaccurate; and I record of tradition of the eleventh century, A.D., do not feel quite sure that this a genuine to be taken for what it may be worth, to the grant. It also seems to have been left effect that the reign of the Vikramaditya unfinished. after whom the era was named, was at least The inscription is, or purports to be one of subsequent to the time of Chandragupta the Eastern Chalukya king Vis houII. of the Gupta family. vardhana IV. or V.; but there is nothing Archmol. Surv. of India, Vol. X. p. 52. . From the original stone.

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186 THE INDIAN ANTIQUABY. [JULY, 1884. in it to enable us to say which of the two translation of it. But the inscription seems reigns it is to be allotted to. It is not dated to record either a grant by Vishnuvardhana of I am not able to translate the Telugu portion, the village of Prithivipalla vapattana, and have not succeeded in obtaining any or a grant by the inhabitants of that village. Text: ['j Svasti Srimatam sakala-bhuvana-san[8]tayamans-(Mana*]vya-sag otran[4] Hari['] ti-patranan K6(kan)sf(si)ki-vara-prasada-labdha-rajyank[] matri-gana-parip[&]li['] tanam [Sva]mi-Mahasa(sd)na-pad-ana(nu)dua(dhyd)ntha (tk)ni[io] bhagavan-Nariyana prar [*] sada-sada-samasadita-vara(ra)-vara halanchhan.4(e)kshana-kshana-vabiki['] t-[&]rati(ti)-mandalankm alvamadh-avabhsitha-snAna-pavitrikrita-vapush[4] Cha Second plate; first side. [*] lakyanam k[a(r)]lam=slamkarishno[ho] sv-[lo]si-dhara-prabhav-kvarijit-korb(66) shamahi. mandala['] sya Sri-Vishouvarddhang-maharajasya (peatrah*] bhrufbhru)-bha(bha) iga-matra-vidhuta sama(ma)st-Arati-mandalasya [') karina aneka-tala-dhritartakumbha-visranan-[A]vaddta-sari(rf)rasya Sri-Vija[') yaditya-maharajasya priya-tanayah chakravatthi(rtti)-lakshan-Opotah Chakra [07 dhara iva Lakshmi(kshmi)-vallabhah bhasvan=ity(V)-paja'yaman-8dayah chandra iva ja Second plate; second side. [") gad-Ahladana-karah sura-gaja iva dana-va[r]sht jalanidhir=iva gambhi(mbht)ra-satvah Yadhishthirs ivs ["] Bhu(bht)masen-invitah Katthi(rtti)koya iv=&pratihata-saktih bukti-tray-Opetah chata spisha nri["'] pa-vidyasu . vichakshanah yaddheshu vishama-siddhih a[r(r)]tthi-jane kemadhenah stri(strt) shu Ma ["] karadhvajah ripu-timira-vidhvamsane pralay-Adityah jvalat-pratap-anala-jva 1-avali(l1)["] da (dha)-ripu-ntipa(pe)b [6i]ghra-pavanah vijigi(gi)pu(aha)reddharmma-vijayi(yi) para ma-brahmanyab para[ma(r))-mAh Third plate ; first ride. ["] svarah sarvvalokkbraya-Sri-Vishnuvarddhana-mahkrajab rishtraka(ka)ta-pramukhi'n ku i(ta)mbinah se["] rvran=ittham-ajn[4]payati [1] Viditam=asta vo=smabhib Svasti Pri(pri)thf(thi)vi pal[lo Javapatana[n]buna url(ri)- ? ["] vara Karigallavadava(v&p)riki(Pim) ari-svamn! ichchina sti(sthi)tiRenda(Pota)vidala pathanavaraku ["] ariyadagu tereya siddhayabu(Pbum) dandu(Pptu) das(6)-[&]paradhabunu sarva bada(dha)-pa[") riyaruvu Aru daye-sesi ishchi dinikivakrabun ledu vachchina-viru galareni Ari sti(athi)ti["] dappinavaru dinikivakrabun vachchina-gachchuru Renda (Pata) va(vAP) dala elemava rulemulave[*] si-nadiya channa(?)viripayinadu(du)varngalgina elemulachesina seyadasant Third plats; second ride. (") mahanabiyal narklbka-mahasatthaval virkpavamahanabiya!(P) gajnaba(Pbum) se["] La (Pthu)-nadupul salsa)masta-bhuvana-riye-kanadiraja-badrapereya ari paninavrasivara From the original plates. * These two lotter, wada, are an unmeaning repeti to the top stroke of the ja. mati. L . Here the & is turned upwards; but it is again attached tion from the preceding adda. to the top stroke of the js. * The & is formed here in an entirely exceptional way, This akshara is a very Anomalous one; but it canot -boiuy turned downwards, in addition to being attached and for Maything except EM.

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/la. EASTERN CHALUKYA GRANT OF VISHNUVARDHANA IV OR V df dau mhaa5n of also kaatu (9snaam nmsmt maasbhaabgnaajaa1973taek. | * saan. smpaan8 3 \- 2 4 chnaaM195 2 9. gn @mo 8 thndhiid9 pngtaaM caseEUR20 d: laanlicin mning muttm vngsii19vis8 *p3 s . [ DJkung gyykhnyuMpaa+ 1pr: paantc/crc c7/3 - [39 @ | yk drung1 thmii+sMbauthvaaynaayh38 jnyvn

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JULY, 1884.] THE GANGA AND BANA DYNASTIES. [] vayyeti-mahanabhi! vayyeti-mahabhil panikoluchenerakapanchinavrasi(?se) [] vayyeti-mahanabbiyul sa(?)kala-konthokal sa[r]vvalok[a Jaraya-mahasatthaval ["] perdda(?tta)! ne(ni?)ravadya-mahasartthava! pasindi(Pati) mudhluvetandalacharuvayya Vishnuvarddhana-ma ["] ha-satthava! pasukshevula-konthukal achchakarravaniya-kontbuka! gajabum(?)sedhra(?)la[*] nadupu! prithimi (vi)-mahasartthava! vetanda! po(Pau)nikanthi(?)ramakola-nadupu Vishnuvarddhana Fourth plate. [30] mahasatthavala-konthukalu niravadya-prithivi-kanadiraju! gunavana-mahanabhiya! [] mudda(?tta) kanchiko! Ramisvara-prithivi-malasartthavala apayajanuva-kala-kondu (Pata)kal korindhiko! eri-maha 187 ["] karigala-prithivi-mahasatthavala-konthukal [3] satthavala saka[la*]lok[*]srayya(ya)-prithivi-mahasartthavala-Div[*]karayya-pancha(?)[kol sri-jashtipendattarragandhanthu nandi-maha-navila-nadupu THE GANGA AND BANA DYNASTIES. BY LEWIS RICE, M.R.A.S. Fresh light which adds to our knowledge of former times in India is always welcome, and for such we are indebted to the Rev. T. Foulkes. In an appendix to Mr. Le Fanu's Manual of the Salem District, he has given accounts of several inscriptions found in that part, among which are four containing grants by Bana kings. From these we not only obtain a long and circumstantial history of the Bana dynasty, but also particulars regarding the Ganga kings which go to confirm their genealogy as compiled by me,' and supply new information regarding them. in two a great stone pillar at a single stroke with the supple sword which he held in his hand; and when the assembly of his enemies saw his principal great white-winged banner raised in the van of battle, they were filled with fear. In his line, illustrious for the birth of Sri-Vishnugopa, Hari, Madhava, Darvinita, Bhuvikrama, and other kings, Prithuy as a was born, the wealthy, the great hero Prithivipati, the son of Sivamara. He saved both Dindikojeriga and Nagadanda when they were affrighted, by giving them the assurance of his protection; the one from king A mog havarsha, the other from the jaws of an unprecedented death. He, by whom his enemies' troops were slain with the sword in the battle of Vaimbalguli, cut a piece of bone out of his own body with a sharp knife, and cast it into the waters of the Ganges. He, who with his own arm conquered the brave Pandya king Varaguna in the great battle of Sripura, went to heaven by sacrificing his own life, when he had justified his friend's title of Aparajita. Sri-Marasimha was born as his son, lord of men, a bright light of the Ganga race, the sole abode of honour, and mighty as the sun in dispelling the darkness of the race of his enemies. He had a son, Ke sari, of a placid countenance, honoured from his birth, a sure wishing-tree to his friends, and a destroying fire to his Mysore Inscriptions, Intro., p. xl. A grant by the Bana king Hastimalla, undated, but followed by one in the 15th year of the reign of the Chola king Kopparakesarivarma who took Madura, made on the application of Mavali Vana Raya, contains verses thus translated by Mr. Foulkes :-"May the Ganga dynasty, chief of conquerors, flourish; of which the great muni Kanva was the founder, born in the illustrious line of Kasyapa, and distinguished for his great austerities; and which derived increased importance from king SimhaNandi. There was a king named Kongani, the most distinguished prince of all the Ganga race, of the line of Kanva, who dwelt in the great city of Kuvallapura, the abode of the goddess of fortune; he was consecrated to conquer the kingdom of Bana. While he was yet a little boy playing at big boys' games, he cut

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188 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (JULY, 1884. enemies, named Prithivipati, the leader line, who, according to a stone inscription at of kings, who bore in battle the blows struck Lakshmeswar published by him, made a grant by the enemies of the king of the Abhiras. in Saka 890, is there described as the younger From him, who was the royal lion (RAjasimha) brother of Harivarma, who, according of the overflowing Ganga race, and seized to a copper-plate inscription also published by his royal enemies with his claws in battle, a him', made a grant in Saka 169. From which certain king received consecration," &o. Mr. Fleet draws the conclusion :-" There can We hence learn that the following was the be no doubt whatever that the dates of the succession of the Ganga kings from $iva- copper-plate grants are spurious, and that the mara, who has been assigned to A.D. 668, date of the Lakshmeswar stone tablet inscripeach being the son of his predocessor : tion is the true one for the third generation Siva mara. from the founder of the dynasty." We now Psithu yasa, Psithivipati, protec- know that there was a Marasimha among teda refugee from A mog havarsha, the Ganga kings long before the one who conquered the Pandy a king Varagu- made the Lakshmeswar grant; and as for the na. (Marasimha.) genealogy there given it is clearly not comKesar , Prithivipati, (P Simha plete, while the expression tasyanujal, if meant Nandi), restored the Bana dynasty. literally, is, in the face of the superior evidence According to the Hosur and Nagamangala we have, simply wrong. plates, Siva mara also had the names The Ganga history is not indeed clear of Nava-kama and Kongani, and was the all donbts-of what ancient line can this be younger brother of Sr 1-Vallabha. His son said P-but the main facts as deduced by me is not named, but his grandson was Bhima- seem to be fairly attested and entitled to kopa, who would thus be the same as Mara acceptance. There are, I may add, Ganga Biha. Ho was followed by Raja-K 8. stone inscriptions in Mysore yet unpublished. Bar 1, the same doubtless as Kesari above. At Sivarpatna, which seems to have been called Then comes the donor, Sri-Purusha or Mendimangala, there are two grants by SriPrithu vi Kongai, whose relationship is Purusha, one dated in the 28th year of his not stated, but who began to reign in 727 and reign, the other undated. There is another made the grants respectively in 763 and 777. at Chikmagalur, dated in the 6th year after These accounts, therefore, seem consistent with Madhava Maharajadhiraja had enone another, and with probability. Were the feoffed Racha-Malla. 12 dates of Amogha-varsha, who must have The B&na dynasty is one of which nothing been & Ratta king, and of Varaguna has hitherto been known beyond what was the Pandy a king, known, they would have published by me" in connection with the only helped to fix the chronology. two inscriptions discovered of theirs, at GulganIn taking exception to the history of the pode. But those now brought to light introGanga dynasty published by me, as gathered duce us to a long and interesting account, from inscriptions which had come into my which, while it bears out the details I had hands and other sources, and which is borne gathered from one or two mengre references, out by the present fresh evidence, the main adds considerably to our knowledge of the ground upon which Mr. Fleet rests his objec- early history of Maisur. tions is that Marasimha of the Gang & The grant by Vikramaditya contains * Mys. Ins., pp. 284, 287. For fac-similes see Madras Journal for 1878, p. 142, and Ind. Ant. vol. II, p. 158. Perhaps Kakka I, if we may rely on the hypothesis suggested by me that the peouliar Ratta titles ending in urshe were in constant relation with certain names. Mr. Fleet at first opposed this idea (nee vol. XII, p. 112), but has since allowed that "there is of course a good deal of force in it," (see vol. XII, p. 223). Mye. Ins., Intro., p. xl. The Dynasties of the Kanares Districts of the Bombay Providency, p. 11; reprinted in Ind. Ant., vol. XII, p. iii. * Ind. Ant. vol. VII, p. 101. * Id. vol. VIII, p. 214. * This may be indionted by the word apicha, which is similarly used to show a break in the narrative in l. 18 and again in l. 92 ; also by the indefinite way in which the account of Marasimha begins with delt. Brf Gongun Maharija Srl-Purisha prithwf rajya vijaya nahuatara ippadi entaneyou. 10 #rf-Purusha Mahardjaru prithwvl rdjya goyo. u Racha-Mallange vaftan gathid Aganoya varaha. 1 Mys. In., Intro., p. xlix ; Ind. Ant. vol. X, p. 38.

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JULY, 1884.] THE GANGA AND BANA DYNASTIES. 189 the following genealogy as translated by Mr. of Parvati. Of him a son was born, named Foulkes :-"From him (Bali) sprung his | Vijay Aditya, whose enemies fled from him son Bna, the abode of virtue, and mighty in in battle, terrified at his overpowering strength; strength; who possessed the great pure favour of whose second name was Puka! a-vip pavaSambhu ; on whose head are the rays of the Ganda," unbearable to his enemies; the cloudlustre of the crescent moon; with whose sword like elephants cleft asunder by his sword in the armies of his enemies were slain; the foe of battle, rained forth their blood like water. Of the Suras. In his extended line B ana-adhi- him a son was born named Vikramaditya raja was born, as the cool-rayed moon in Vijay a bahu; who followed the path of the milk ses; who hewed his enemies in battle righteousness, and was & chief lamp of the with his keen-edged sword; of undiminished B &na dynasty ; before whom & crowd of glory. When Bana-adhiraja and many enemies humbly bowed down; the dear friend other kings of the race of Bana had passed of Krishna RAja," &c. away, then at length Jaya Nandivarma The grant by Hastimalla, after the was born in that line, the chief abode of pedigree of the Ganga kings already quoted, victory and wealth. That anrivalled hero, in which it is said of Kongapi I that "he mighty in strength, ruled the earth to the was consecrated to conquer the kingdom of west of the Andhra country, cherishing it as a BAD," continues as follows :-"From him peerless bride of high birth; his feet were (Kesari or Prithivipati) a certain king received tinged by the head-jewels of kings. From consecration, as & boon of favour, to enable him was born a son named Vijay Aditya: him to assume the position of lord parathe congregation of whose enemies was subject mount of the Banas. It was that king who to him; and even on the field of battle his foes was suddenly taken possession of by a host conld not stand before him, but fled away of virtues when they were seized by Kali, seized with terror. From him a son was born, in order to be free from the experiences of Sri Malla D & ve, who was called Jagade. sorrow and joy, saying, 'This man is born of the kamalla; whose arm was expert in catting race of Bali,' namely, heroism, charity, gratiup the whole of his enemies; the source of tude, amiability, sympathy, memory, patience, undiminished merit and fame; who was as cleverness, purity, tranquillity, dignity, beneAnanga to womankind. By him a son volence, and justice dominated by mercy. He was born of his queen, Sri Bana Vidy &- cleft asunder the kings of the hill-country as if dhara, incomparable and illustriots, as Shan. they had been tender young leaflets (pallava); mukha was born of Parvati by Hara; he he was the friend of righteousness, whose repelled the whole multitude of his enemies; hand always held a gift, the upholder of the he was very learned ; and his pure fame was earth, the brother of the goddess of prosperity, as a whisk to the ears of the elephants of the who was appropriately called by the second points of the compass; and his feet were name of Hastimalla. This Hastimalla, worthy to be worshipped by kings. His son the black-bannered, the king of Padivipuri, whose was Prabhu Meru deva; who expelled crest was the ball, and who used the monster all his enemies; whose mind was intent on drums in battle, the lord of Nandi, baving upon the four branches of knowledge; unassuming : his own humble petition received permission from a fountain of irresistible valour and glory; king Parak@sari," &c., makes the grant. courageous; and free from the sorrow caused We thus learn that the Bana kings ruled by sin. From him a son was born, named Vi. & territory to the west of the Andhra country; kramaditya; of unequalled wealth; before that they were subdued by the Gang&s in whom a multitude of enemies bowed down; the reign of Konganil; but that a succeswhose great fame was spread abroad; humble; sion of Bana kings continued to rule, of a chief amongst the families of kings; whose whom we have the names of eight, and from heart was fixed on the two lotus-feet of the lord the Gilganpode inscriptions it may be inferred 15 Or Pokalappa-Vara-ganda. Cf. the epithet Ganda padi-wapa applied to Viyala VijyAdhara in the first Galginpode inscription "Bana-mandala jay dya-krit-abhishekah.

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190 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [JULY, 1884. they were independent"; that the last of these of their two inscriptions at Gulganpode, show was the friend of Krishna Raja, very likely a that their kingdom was situated in the Kolar Ratta king; that the Chola king Vira District in the east of Maisur. The title of Narayana "suddenly uprooted the BA- Nandinatha seems to refer to the town nas;" and that the line vias at length re- of Nandi, which is at the foot of Nandidurga ; established by the Ganga king Kesari, or this hill-fort itself, however, must have been Prithiripati, in the person of Hasti- retained in the possession of the Gauyas, if, malla. The titles of the new king, which were as is most likely, it is represented in the title no doubt as far as possible a revival of the old some of them bore of Nandagirinatha. ones of the Bano kings, were Krishnadhvajah, But possibly Nandagiri may refer to NandaPadiripuryy-adhipa, vrishankah, paisachadun- gudi in the same neighbourhood." Nandi dubhir ayyudki, Nandinathah. eastwards, and Tumba" westwards, point out Mr. Foulkes adds extracts from the Pratapa- the general lie of the later B &na kingdom Rudriya, indicating the power of the Bana as in the upper basin of the Palar. The city kings as late as the end of the 13th century, of Padivipuri, or Padavipuri, apparently their and from Trivikramavritti, a Prakrit grammar capital, has not been identified; but an old of the 15th century, to show that Trivi. city to the south of Vellore, called Padavedu, krama, its author, claims descent from the has been suggested. royal race of the Banas. I would also refer, With all this information we are yet unable for the beginning of the 16th century, to the to fix absolutely the Ganga and Bana Tekal inscription, which speaks of Gopa chronclogy; when more is known of that of Raja as "the conqueror of BANa su ra." I the Cholas, at present involved in so much The existence of a line of Bina kings is thus uncertainty, it may be possible. But it has fully established ; and they seem, from their more than once occurred to me that perhaps family name, to have been descendants of the the title of Ganga-konda assumed by one of the Mahivali or Maha malla kings, sup- Chla princes, and which reappears in the posed to have been the rulers of Mahabali- name of the city, Ganga-kondan-Chola-puram" pura, who, according to Sir Walter Elliot's may furnish a clue to the date of the overinscription," were subdued by the Chalukya throw of the Ganga kingdom by the Cholas :" king Vikramaditya I, in the 7th century. for the Hoysala king Vishnuvarddhana, with The statement that their territory lay to the reference to a victory at Kafichi, is similarly west of the Andhra country, and the discovery styled Karchi-gonda," the capturer of Kagchi. DOORWAY OF A TEMPLE. BY THE EDITOR. The accompanying plate represents one of temples to which they originally belonged, those very elaborately carved doorways that and where alone they were in keeping with form 80 marked a feature of the Chalukyan the style, and built into modern clumsy erectemples in the eastern portions of the Dharwad tions. distriet. Some remarkably fine specimens of The example here represented, from a native this class are to be found at Gadag and Lak. drawing in possession of Sir Walter Elliot, is kundi, but some have been reft from the now in the Madras Government Museum. As Prabhu Moru now proves to be proper name, my translation of the phrase tannan alpa pribhu mer besore must be altered accordingly, to "by command of Prabhu Meru who was his governor," instead of "by command of the great lord who ruled him." 16 Mye. Ine., p. 208. I remember seeing a note in the Mackenzie MSS. that there were grants, dated in the 13th century, by Mahevali Bana Maharaja at Srivilliputtar. Mr. Sewell in his Madras Antiquities, p. 805, says there are two inscriptions there of grants in A.D. 1453 and 1476 by Vira Valivanathi Riya. Could this be Srt Mavali Vlna adhiraya ? "Seven Pagodas, p. 127; Ind. Ant., vol. VI, p. 76. See the legends regarding it given in my Mysore and Coor, vol. II, p. 16. 1. To the west of Chittur. * Doubtless the same as the Gonga-kunda of Bilhana's Vikramankadera Charita, nee Dr. Buhler's Introd. p. 85. 1. Dr. Burnell says, " According to an inscription at Chidambram, Vikrama Pandya Wo succeeded in the 11th century by his son Vira Pandya, who was conquered by Koppekesari the Chols. He established his younger brother on the throne there. This prince's name wa Gangai-kkonda Chola, but he took the name Sundra Pandya Chola (Inscr. at Karuvar)." 8. Ind. Pal. p. 45. ye. Ine. p. 331.

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Di Yi Zhang *SL W. Grigas photo-lith. Qi Ri De Shou Bu WRETTERE-TFT-LCEChERENTRA8.4% NEWS DOOR OF A TEMPLE. LE T | MOOC S A MSS0005 1505 05050509090905050505050506050) HTTY Nei Xue Hui Liao Wo Jia Shi - 13.2 SAYA KATY-A604151KL PREAMWARMES INST Indian Antiquary,

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JULY, 1884.7 PAPERS ON SATRUNJAYA AND THE JAINAS. 191 Unfortunately a portion of the band of scroll specially distinguish the early Muhammadan work containing figures, on the upper portion mosques of Ahmadabad. of the right-hand side, has been destroyed, and | This doorway must have been brought from a restoration of it attempted in wood; but the east of Dharwad or possibly from the whereas the figures in each scroll in the stone- Raichur Doab. Like those at Lakkundi, Damwork are different. the restored ones are all bal, &c., it is carved in a very dark but not alike. hard stone, the same as is used in so many of Nothing can exceed the richness of detail the old temples in Kannada districts, especially of the scalptures round these doorways. In for pillars, which in many cases have been this respect they far excel those of most of turned in a lathe form by placing the pillar the older Jaina temples of Gujarat and sonthern upright on a pivot upon a stone at the bottom Rajputana, which there can be little doubt of a pit (possibly filled with water) and then formed the original models for the carving whirling it round against a harder polishing of the splendidly sculptured mihrabe that stone or tool. PAPERS ON SATRUNJAYA AND THE JAINAS. BY J. BURGESS, LL.D. . (Continued from vol. II, p. 357.) VI. THE JAINA RITUAL. powder. This powder is made from sandal, In Jaina temples the puja is performed thrice baras" or camphor, musk (kasturi), amber, and daily; in the morning, about noon, and in the saffron (kesara). First, the sandal is rubbed on evening. The first or morning service usually a stone with water, and made into a paste. It begins soon after half-past six, when the Pujari is then dried and reduced to a fine powder, to who performs the pujd and who is always a which are added the other three scente, baras, Sravaka, having already bathed or, if not, having musk, and amber. A little saffron is dissolved at least washed the five members of his body- in water; and this yellow preparation is poured the mouth, two hands, and two feet-opens the over the scented sandal and the whole made temple. On placing his foot inside the door he into a paste which when dried and pounded exclaims in Magadhi nissahi or nissarahi (Sans. becomes the sacred powder of the Jains, techni. nissara), 'be off,' meaning thereby that he leaves cally called by them vas (Sans. vasana) scent. all worldly concerns behind while he is in the After the dhupa ceremony this vasa powder temple. By some this nissahi is repeated seve- is taken by the Pajari between his forefinger ral times and by others only once ; properly it and thumb and dropped either on the right toe should be used thrice : when entering the man- alone, or on each of the nine members (angas) dapa, when going into the Garbhagriham or of the image. No mantras are uttered in the shrine, and before commencing the Chaitya- morning during the vasakhepa. If he has not vandana prayer. He first sweeps the temple bathed, the Sravaka is prohibited from touching and lights a lamp, which he places on the right the image with his hand. After this ceremony hand of the image of the Tirthamkara. To the Pajari comes out of the shrine and with rice the left of the image he places an incense- describes the Svastika or Satya on a small table stand-dhupadan-with fire, sprinkling incense or box (bhandar) in the mandapa. Above the over it; and sometimes he waves & lighted Svastika he places three small heaps of rice with incense-stick before the image. There is no a crescent above them. This crescent is called fixed formula of waving this, as in the descrip- Siddhasalya. On the Svastika he places fruit, tion of the Onkara' by the Hindus. and naivedya on the Siddhasalya. The three After the dhipa offering follows the vdsakhepa small heaps of rice symbolize jnana (knowledge), (Sans. vasakshepa), or throwing of the vasa darsana (perception), and charitra (conduct)-- See Rameavaram Ritual, Ind. Ant., vol. XII, p. 319. camphor with the addition of pachauli or ambergris. Dr. Dymock informs me that Bards or Bhimasena The nine angas are (1) the two toes, (2) the two kneecamphor is distinct from common camphor. It is obtain- jointa, (3) the two wrists, (4) the two shoulders, (5) the ed from the Dryobalanops aromatica (Gartn.) and is crown of the head, (6) forehead, (7) neck, (8) the breast, worth about Rs. 100 per pound. The odour is that of 'And (9) the navel.

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192 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. the means by which a Jaina reaches Siddhaealya-the rock or stone of the Siddhas or sages. After describing the Svastika, the Pujari stands in the mandapa at a distance of at least nine cubits from the image. He takes the end of his uparana or upper garment, which he wears in the same way as the Brahmana yajnopavita, between his hands; and after sweeping the ground with it he stands erect and waving his joined palms thrice with the end of the cloth between them, he inclines his head slightly, and again sweeps the ground, with the Magadhi mantra icchAmi khamAsamaNI baMdiuM jAvaNi jjhAe and kneeling, he places his hands on the ground and touches it also with his forehead adding nisihi Ae mattharaNa vaMdAmi. This is called the Panchangapranama, or the bowing of the five members. He next performs the pradakshina three times round the Bhaiti. He then sits on his hams in the Yogamudrasana posture, i.e., with the palms joined, holding the front part of the upper cloth with the end of it swinging, and brings the joints of his thumbs to a level with his nose. Before actually beginning the prayers the Pujari requests the permission of the Tirthamkara in the Magadhi words, icchAkAraNa saMdi saha bhagavan caityavaMdanakarU meaning, 'may I be permitted to perform the haityanandana Ho then acswers for himself ichchham, as you desire,' then he repeats one of the Chaityavandana prayers. These vandanas _are_nine in number, all being prayers to the Chaitya. There are three main divisions of them [JULY, 1884. according to length, viz., Jaghana, Madhyama, and Uttama, which again permutated in twos give the nine sub-divisions of (1) Jaghanajaghana, (2) Jaghana-madhyama, (3) Jaghanauttama, (4) Madhyama-jaghana, (5) Madhyamamadhyama, (6) Madhyama-uttama, (7) Uttamajaghana, (8) Uttama-madhyama and (9) Uttamauttama. Of these nine forms the 7th Uttamajaghana is the one mostly chosen. It is sung without any svara or peculiarity of intonation as follows: The Panchongas, or five members here, are the two knees, the two palms, and the forehead. Yogamudrasana is the same as the Padmasana. Among the Jainas Padmasana is applied only when speaking of the posture of the Tirthamkara or other images, and Yogamudrasana when speaking of persons. Those that by disease or otherwise are unable to sit in Yogasana sit with a knee raised up and bent. The palms thus folded are said to be in lotus bud, mudra or kamaladid. Prayer, in the sense in which the word is used by modern Western nations, influenced by Christian ideas, can hardly be said to exist in the Oriental rituals. With them it is merely a work of religion, a good action prescribed as a test or sign of devotion, the performance of which operates-if not always as a mere charm, at least as a merit, to win by its acceptableness the favour of the god. Hence its publicity and prescribed formula. Even later Judaism did not entirely escape from the temptation thus to make prayer, as well as almsgiving and fasting a work of "righteousness," and so to court publicity and use repetitional forms rehearsed sakalakuzalavalI puSkarAvartameghaH duritatimirabhAnuH kalpavRkSopamAnam // bhajalanidhipotaH sarvvasaMpAtahetuH sa bhavatu satataM vaH zreyase zAntinAthaH // He next repeats the Jamkinchi,kiMci nAma tinyaM // sagge pAyAle mANuse loe // jAI jiNabiMbAI tAI savvAI vaMdAmi // "Whatever Tirtha there is In heaven, in the nether world, in the world of men, As many as there are images of Jainas Those all do I adore." After this comes a Sakrasthava, or one of the prayers' addressed by Sakra to the Tirtham kara mamutyarNa, arihaMtANaM, bhagavaMtANaM, AIgarANaM, tityayarANaM sarva saMbuddhANaM, purisuttamANaM, purisasIhANaM, purisavarapuMDarIbhANaM, purisavaragaMdhahatyagaM loguttamArNa, loga nAhANaM, loga hiANaM, loga paIvANaM, loga par3o a garANaM, abhayadayANaM cakhudayANaM, maggadayANaM, saraNadayANaM, bohidayANaM, ghammadayANaM, dhammadesayANaM, dhammanAyaggANaM, dhammasArahINaM, dhammavara cAuraMtacakavaTTINaM, by rote (Matt. vi, 5, 6, and Conf. Dykes, Manifesto, p. 375). In striking contrast, and as if recognising that prayer belongs so characteristically to the spiritual and personal side of religious life and is of its own nature 80 free as to be incompatible with prescriptions, we find, among the minute regulations by which all other parts of Hebrew worship were ordered, no instructions either for the public or private petitions of the people (Conf. Branne, quoted by Stier, Reden Jesu on Matt. vi, 5). Yet we know that among them prayer in its true sense was cherished as a spontaneous and essential feature of their religious life. With the Sravaks and Buddhists, who ignore a personal overruling God, prayer in the sense of genuine adoration or petition would be incongruous. Their "vain repetitions" are mere charms supposed to act, in some way or other, as opera operata, to shorten or tend to shorten the weary round of inconceivably numerous tre nsmigrations that lies before even the most devout before he can reach nirvana. Social or family prayer does not of course exist, in any true sense, outside the Christian and Jewish religions.

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JULY, 1884.] PAPERS ON SATRUNJAYA AND THE JAINAS. 198 appAMDihayavaranANaM, daMsaNadharANaM. viachaumANaM. | Next comes the Migadhi mantrajiNANaM jAvayANaM. tinANaM tArayANaM, buddhANaM bohayANaM | arihaMta ceiANaM / / karomi kAussaggaM / / muttANaM mo agANaM, sabaNaM, sabadarisiNaM, siva vaMdaNa vattiAe // pUaNa vattiAe // 1 // mayala marua maNaMta makhaya mavvA bAha, maNarAviti | sakkAra vattiAe / sammANa vattiAe / siddhigaI, nAmadheyaM, ThANaM saMpattANaM namo jiNANaM, bohilA bhavattiAe / niruva sagga vattiAe // 2 // jiyabhayANaM, jeaaIAsiddhA jeya bhavissaMta NAgae | saddhAe, mehAe, dhiIe / dhAraNae, aguSpahAe / kAle saMpaia vaTTamANA savvetiviheNa vaMdAmi // | vaTThamANIe, ThAmikAussaggaM / / 3 / / After the above follows the Migadhi mantra- annattha usasieNaM, nIsasieNaM, khAsieNaM, chIeNaM, jAvaMti ceiAI // uDDea aheya tiria loea|| jaMbhAieNaM, uDDaeNaM, vAyanIsaggeNaM, bhamalie pittamusavvAI tAI vaMde // ihasaMto tattha saMtAI // sthAe suhume hiM aMgasaMcAlahiM, suhumahiMkhelasaMcAlahiM, Next, he says, suhumehaMdihi saMvAlahiM, evamAiehiM AgArohiM, icchAmi khamAsamaNo &c., abhagoavirAhiu, hunjimekA ussaggo, jAva arias before. Then in Magadhi haMtAtANaM bhagavatANaM, namukAreNaM, napAremi, tAvakAyeNaM jAvaMta kevi sAhu // bharaheravaya mhaavidehea|| ThANoNaM, moNeNa, jANaNaM appANaM bosirAmi / / sabasi tesi paNauM / tiviheNa tidaMDavirayANaM / / He then rises and stands erect in the Jina___And next, the Sanskrit prayer called Pancha mudra, with the toes 4 fingers apart, and heels 3, with the palms of the hands towards the parameshthi namaskara or Namorhat, - thighs, and in this posture he mentally repeats nmo'hnsiddhaacaaryopaadhyaaysrvsaadhubhyH|| the Magadhi naukira, viz.:This is followed by the Sthavana, a Miigadhi | namo arihaMtANaM, namo siddhANaM, namo AyariANaM hymn namo uvajjhAyANaM, namo loe sabasAhUNaM, eso paMcanamuuvasagga haraM pAsaM // pAsaM vaMdAmi kamma ghaNa mukaM // / kAro sanna pAvapaNAsaNo, maMgalaNaMca sabesi, paDhavisahara visa ninnAsa / / maMgala kallANa AvAsa // 1 // havaha maMgalaM // visahara phuliMgamaMtaM / / kaMThe dhArei jo sayA maNuuM // After this he repeats part of a Magadhi tassa gaha rIga mArI // jarA jati uvasAma // 2 // | Thui. (Sans. : sthuti), such asciTThanudUramaMto / / tuSbhappaNAmo vibahu phalo hoi|| ___ kallANakaMdaM paDhamaM jiNidaM // saMtitau nemijaNaM na ratiriesa vijIva / / pArvati na dukhadI gacca / / 3 // | maNidaM ||paasN payAsaM sgnnikktthaannN|| bhattIya vaMde sirituha sammatte laddhe / ciMtAmaNikappa pAyavabhahie // / pAvanti aviggheNaM // jIvA ayarAmaraM ThANaM // 4 // | Next, he salutes the Tirthamkara in such ia saMthauM mahAyasa // bhattibhara nipbhareNa hiaenn|| | songs as he may choose. And, lastly, he strikes tAdeva dijjabohiM / / bhave bhave pAsa jiNacaMda // 5 // | the jayaghanta or bell and retires from the mandapa, exclaiming Avassahi (Sans. AvishyriAfter it he repeats the Pranidhana, sitting in mi), i.e., 'let me enter the outer world. Here the Muktdsukti posture, in which he holds his ends the morning puja. joined hands above the level of his forehead : The second or noon puja begins about 10 jayavIyarAya jagaguru // hou mamaM tuhappa bhAvauM bhayavaM / / o'clock A.M., when the Pujari enters the temple bhavatibeu maggaraNu // sA riA i phlsiddhii||1|| after having bathed in his own house'; or at the. temple if there is provision there for so doing. logaviruddhaccAu / / gurujaNapUjA paratthakaraNaMca / / In bathing, the following rules are to sahaguru jogo tabbaya / / sasevaNA Abhava makhaMDA // 2 // be observed :-He must sit facing the east; vAri baha jaiviniANaM / / baMdhaNaM vI arAya tuha sama // wash the ten kakavalis or members of the taha vimamahuja sevA / / bhave bhavetu hyacalaNANaM // 3 // body, the names of which begin with ka, dukhakhau kammakhau / / samAhi maraNaMca bohilaabho|| viz., -the two ears (kan), the two wriste (kanda), the two ankles (kanda), the two saMpabau mahae // tuha nAha paNAma karaNoNaM // 4 // armpits (kaksha), neck (kantha), and loins (kafi). sarva maMgala mAMgalyaM / / sarva kalyANa kAraNaM / He should then rub his body with a clean pradhAnaM sarva dharmANAM / / bana jayati zAsanaM // 5 // white cloth and enter the temple with a vessel

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194 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [JULY, 1884. containing water to wash his feet before enter-|citraM bahvarthayuktaM munigaNavRSabhai ritaM buddhimadbhiH // ing the mandapa; he dries his feet on the mokSApadvArabhUtaM vratacaraNaphalaM jJeyabhAvapradIpaM mat outside and then enters the shrine, exclaiming nissahi. He wears the uttarasana or bhaktyA nityaM prapadye zrutamahamakhilaM srvlokaiksaarN||3|| upper cloth folded into eight plies, with the end niSkaMpavyomanIladyutimalasadRzaM bAlacaMdrAbhadaMSTraM of which he ties up his mouth to prevent his mattaM ghaMTAraveNa prasRtamadajalaM pUrayantaM samantAt / / breath polluting the image. ArUDho divyanAgaM vicarati gagane kAmadaH kAmarUpI On entering he washes the stone (Guj. ordsiy6), on which the ke tari is prepared. He yakSaH sarvAnubhUtirdizatu mama sadA sarvakAryeSu siddhiM // 4 // puts new kesari on it and rubs it with a piece | Taking three different aigalshanas(towels), he of chandan or sandalwood. Some baras is also wipes the image three successive times. Then mixed with it, and the whole paste is collected he washes the throne or pedestal on each side in a cup. A part of this is also taken in al of the image%3 this is called pothokarava. He smaller cap, and from this the Pajari marks next washes his hands, and taking the sandal the four parts of his body; forehead; neck, paste he marks the image in the nine places breast and navel. The larger cup of sandal (aigas) above indicated in the morning ptja%3B parte he puts on a brass tray, together with with the remaining sandal he describes figures incense, flowers, &c., and enters the garbha on the image. While marking it with sandal gpiham or shrine. There he puts the tray paste, he repeats the following Gujarati aside. mantra :He then removes the old flowers, and dusts the image with a mirpinchi (Sans. mayara jala bhari saMpuTa patranA jugaLIka nara pUrjata puchchha), a soft brush, formed of peacock's khabhavaraNaaMgUThaDe dAyaka bhavajalaaMta // 1 // feathers. Then he dips a cloth in water, and jAnubaleM kAusaga rahyA vicaryA dezavideza / wipes the image to remove the previous day's khaDAkhaDAM kevaLa laDaM pUjo jAnu nareza // 2 // sandal paste. To places where the saffron lokAMtikavacane karI varazyA varazIdAna adheres he applies a Valakuhchi, or brush, formed of Uiira roots.. Thus the idol is cleansed of all karakaDe prabhu pUjatA pUjo bhavi bahamAna // 3 // the saffron of the previous day. Parichamrita mAna gayuM do aMsathI dekhI viraja anaMta is then prepared of milk, curd, ghi, water, and bhujAbale bhavajaLatA pUjo khaMdha mahaMta // 4 // candied sugar. This preparation is taken in a siddha zalyA guga ujaLI lokAMtika bhagavaMta kalasa-a vessel like a teapot without handleand poured over the image; on ordinary days a vaziyA tiNa kAraNa prabhu bhAvi zira zikhA pUrjata // 5 // kalasa with one hole in the nozzle is used; on tIrthaMkarapada puNyathI tribhuvanajana sevaMta festival and other sacred days, one with a rose tribhuvanatilakasamA prabhu bhAlatilaka jevaMta // 6 // having 108 holes is employed. After pouring sola pahora daI dezanA kaMThavivaravaratulya on the Panchamrita he takes pure water in an madhuradhvani suranara suNe tiNa gale tilaka amulya // 7 // other kalasa, and pours it over the image with the Sanskrit mantra : hRdayakamala upasama baLe vALyA rAga ne dveSa . snAtasyApatimasya meruzikhare zacyAH vibhoH zaizave hema dahe vanakhaMDane hRdayatilaka saMtoSa // 8 // rUpAlokanavismayAhRtarasabhrAntyA bhramaccakSuSA / ratnatulya guNa ujaLI sakaLasaguNavisarAma unmRSTaM nayanaprabhAdhavalitaM kSIrodakAzaMkayA nAbhikamaLani pUjyanA karatA avicala dhAma // 9 // vaktraM yasya punaH punaH sa jayati zrIvarddhamAno jinH||1|| upadezaka navatatvanA tiNa nava aMga jiNaMda haMsAMsAhatapadmareNukapizakSIrArNavAMbho bhRtaH pUjo bahuvidha rAgasuM kahe subha vIra muNaMda // 10 // kuMbhairapsarasA payodharabharamasparddhibhiH kaaNcnaiH|| The tenth verse is repeated with the hands yeSAM maMdararatnazailazikhare janmAbhiSekaH kRtaH folded. After this follows the pushpapuja, or the sarvaiH sarvasurAsurezvaragaNasteSAM natohaM kramAt // 2 // worship by flowers. The Pujari takes the arhadvaktraprasUtaM gaNadhararacitaM dvAdazAMgaM vizAlaM flowers from the tray brought with him, and ' 'Uitra, the root of a fragrant grase, Andropogon mericatum.

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JULY, 1884.] PAPERS ON SATRUNJAYA AND THE JAINAS. 195 throws them on the image with the Gujarati Next he offers naivedya on the Siddhasalya mantra: with the Gujarati mantra :praNita dhyAne sadgati hove pUjAthi kema navi hoya __ have naiveda nivedanA kIje jimahalIrAya sumanasabhAve durgatA pUjyapaMcAzaka joya // 1 // bhavaniveda prabhumukhe karatAM zivasukha thAm / / zatapatrIvara mogaro caMpaka jAya gulAba Then follows the Chaityavandana as in the ketaki damaNobolasarI pUjo jina bhari chAba // 2 // morning pujd, after which he retires saying, ketArka jAya ne mAlatI phule guMthI mAla avissahi, "Let me enter' the outer world. Then the lamps are put out, and the temples prabhujine kaMThe jaDAvatAM variye zivavaramAla // 3 // shut. He throws flowers also on the nine members The evening pujd is a very short one. It above enumerated ; and, if there is a garland, begins between 5 and 6 P.M., when the pujari he puts it round the neck of the image; the after his afternoon meal enters the temple prodhupa is then presented with the Gujarati nouncing the indispensible nissahi. He then Aantra: lights the lamp and performs the dhupapaja and arati -the latter consisting of the waving pAvaka dahe sugaMdhakU dhUpa kahAvata soya of a lamp of five wicks before the image. Then ukhevata dhUpa jiNaMdakuM karamadahana chiNa hoya // 1 // follows the waving of the mangaladipa, a lamp dhUpa ukhevaMta je janA prabhu AgaLa bahu mAna lighted with oil and wick. Music is at this durgaMdhA dUre TaLe pAme amaravimAna // 2 // time played by the Bhojakas or others in the Next, the dipa (lamp), is presented with the mandapa. The pujari then retires saying, Gujarati mantra : dvissahi.' This concludes the evening paja Every time he comes in or goes out he strikes kevaLa jJAnapayAvaru jema lahe loka the ghanta for joy. tema pUjA dravyadIpanI karatA ziva paNu hoya // 1 // Of the sacred days of the Jainas, the jagadIpaka prabhudIpa je karatAM bhAvo jeha Chhavvachchari or Pajjushana begins on the avarANu je anAdinuM jJAna laho nijadeha // 2 // 12th day of the Krishnapaksha of Sravana and ends on the 4th of the Suklapa ksha of BhaAfter each act of worship with its particular drapad. During the first 7 of these 8 days the mantra, a general mantra is uttered in San- Kalpasutra or sacred code of the Jainas is read skrit: and explained to the Sravakas by the priests. oM hrIM zrIM paramAtmane paramapuruSAya paramezvarAya The last day is confession-day, when it is anantAnantajJAnazaktaye janmajarAmRtyunivAraNAya zrImat considered imperative on every strict Jaina to make chhavvachahari or confession to a jinendrAya jalaM candanaM puSpaM dhUpaM dIpaM akSataM naivedyaM priest; hence this last day is so called from phalaM ajAmahe svAhA.. this. This confession is called Alavana (Sans. After this he waves the chamara before the alapana, to speak, i.e., confess). Alava na or image, fanning it; and then he comes out into confession with them, however, does not conthe mandapa and on the Bhajat (a small low sist of any enumeration of special sins comtable) or bhandar, he makes the akshatapajd as mitted; but the Sravaka simply mentions the in the morning service with the Gujarati various classes of sins, and asks forgiveness in mantra: the following mantras :akSayaphalalevA bhaNI akSatapUjA udAra AlouMAbhava paNa navikSaya huve rAjarIdhabhaMDAra // icchAkAreNa saMdisaha bhagavan devasi AlouM He then offers fruit (phala) on the svastika | icchaM / / Aloemi jo me deva siuM / / iti / / with the Gujarati mantra : atha sAta lAkhaphalapUjAkaratAM thakAM saphala karo avatAra sAta lAkha pRthivi kAya ||saat lAkha appa kAya // phala mAgu prabhuAgale tAra tAra muja tAra // sAta lAkha teukAya ||saat lAkha vAu kAya ||dsh lAkha jasaphala opama jaga nahi pAMmyApachi nahiM aMta pratyeka vanaspati kAya / / be lAkha bedrii||belaakh tereMdrI avyAbAdha acala araja mAguM zivaanaMta // be lAkha cauriMjI ||caar lAkha devatA // cAra lAkha

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196 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. nArakI // cAra lAkha tiyeca paMceMdrI // coda lAkha manuSya evaMkAre // caurAsI lAkha jIvA yonI mAhiM // mAhare jIne je kAi jIna / haNDI hoya rAgAvya hoya // haNAtA pratye anumodyo hoya / / te savve huM mana vacana kAyAe karI // micchAmi dukkaDaM / iti atha aDhAra pApasthAnaka vehele prANAtipAta // bIje mRSAvAda, vIje adattAdAna cothe maithuna, pAMcame parigraha, caTThe krodha, sAtame mAna, AThame mAyA, navameM lobha, dazame rAga, igyArame dveSa, bArame kalaha, terameM abhyAkhyAna, caudame paizUna, pannarame rati arati solane paraparivAda, sattarame mAyAmRSAvAda, aDhArame mithyAtvazalya, e aDhAra pApasthAnamA hiM mAre jIve je koi sevyaM hoya // sevarAjyaM hoya, sevatAM mete anumo hoya, te sane huM mana vacana kAyAe karI / / tassa micchAmi dubaI // iti // " atha savvassavi savvassavi devasia duzciti // duSbhAsia ducci - dvia || icchAkAreNa saMdisaha bhagavana icchaM / tassa micchami dukaDe // iti // On this day the Kalpasutra is read from beginning to end without comment of any kind. Of the other seasons the Karttikini festival begins on the 7th of the Krishnapaksha of Karttika, and lasts till the full-moon. Phalgun-chaumasuh lasts from the 7th of the Krishnapaksha of Phalguna till the fullmoon following. Ashadha-chaumasum is from the 7th of the Krishnapaksha of Ashadha to the full-moon of that month. The Abilani Oli in Asvina, from the 7th of the Krishnapaksha of Aevina to the following full-moon. The Ambilani Oli in Chaitra from the 7th of the Krishnapaksha of Chaitra to the full-moon of that month. It is incumbent on all Sravakas, whether they attend to daily services in the temples or [JULY, 1884. not, to observe these days. They also go to the Upasaras or monasteries to hear the Angas of the Kalpasutra read. They worship the Siddhachakra on these days. On a small silver or brass stand are four figures in relief seated cross-legged like the Jainas, one in the centre, and four round the circumference. Between the latter are the words Dariana, Jnana, Chaitra, and Tapus. The five figures represent the five orders of Jaina saints-first, the Arhat in the centre; second, the Siddha above; third, the Acharya to the worshipper's right; fourth, the Muni or Sadhu to his left; and fifth, the Upadhyaya below. By the more rigid Jainas fasting is observed on these days. There are several kinds of fastings. - (1), Upavasa, of which, again, there are two divisions-Chauvihar and Tevihar--the former is abstinence from food and water, and the latter from food and taking water that has been boiled and cooled, during daylight after 10 A.M. and before sunset; (2), Ekasana, in which he may eat as much as he likes, sitting on one asana. Vegetables, either cooked or raw are prohibited. He must eat only grain, cooked of course, and drink water that has been boiled and cooled; (3), Ambil, in which he eats his usual food, seated on one asana, but must not taste oil and ghi or fatty substances; (4), Nivi, in addition to Ambil, he may eat sour substances; (5), Be-asano, is the same as Ekusana, but in this he may eat twice; (6); Chhat-like Upavasa, this is of two kinds-Chauvihar and Tevihar; the former is abstaining from food and water for two days, and the latter is abstaining from food alone for the same period; (7), Attam, is similar to the preceding, but the abstinence continues for three consecutive days. And thus the fasts may be observed from 4, 5, 6, 7, &c., consecutive days to a month. A fortnight's fast is called Pakshamana. Fasting for a month is called Masakamana." CHINGHIZ KHAN AND HIS ANCESTORS. BY HENRY H. HOWORTH, F.S.A. (Continued from p. 148 ante.) XXVI. Chinghiz Khan spent the summer of 1219 in the fine pastures of the Irtish, so as to For the information contained in this paper I am indebted to the kindness of Dholsa Hakam Chand Dalal, get. his horses in good condition for his great campaign in the west. Before he started, we read in the Yuan-ch'ao-pi-shi, his wife, Yesui, and his son Daby&bhai pholsa Dalal.

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JULY, 1884.) CHINGHIZ KHAN AND HIS ANCESTORS. 197 said to him, "You are going, O king, into and talents. Of your sons he and I are the far-off countries, beyond mountains and rivers, eldest; allow us both to show our zeal towards to fight. If it should happen that you should you. If either of us prove faithless in this, leave an unpronounceable name, which of kill him. Ogidaie has a great sorl and a your song do you wish should be master. gentle character, let him succeed you." Chinghiz Proclaim this to everybody beforehand." again appealed to Juchi, who said, "Chaadai Chinghiz said, "Yesui speaks with reason. has already spoken. We will strive together Neither my brothers, nor my children, nor and let Ogidai succeed you." Chinghiz said, Boorchi, nor anyone else has reminded me of "Do not strive together. The universe is large. this. I also had forgotten." Then he turned Let each of you occupy a separate kingdom. to Juchi, and said, "You are the eldest of my But mind you carry out your promise, and do sons, what do you say?" Juchi had not an- not let the people langh at yon, like Altan and swered, when Chaadai' said, "Father, you have Khuchar, who did not keep their word, What asked Juchi, perhaps you wish to give him happened to them in consequence P Their the kingdom, but he sprang from the race of children and grandchildren are here. Let the Merki. Shall we then allow him to them go with you, and act as a warning to govern us P" He had no sooner finished than you." Chinghiz then asked Ogidai what he Juchi rising, took Chaadai by the collar, and had to say. "Father," he replied, "You have said, "My father has not yet selected me, deigned to bid me speak. It is not lawful and yet you speak such words. What talents for me to say I cannot sacceed you. I will have you, except a rough character ? I will act zealously and prudently, but I am afraid try with you who shoots the furthest, and if that my children and grandchildren will be you beat me, I will lose my big finger." I will people without merit, and unfit to occupy the wrestle with you, and if you overcome me, throne. This is what I say." Chinghiz replied, I will lie down where I fall, and not rise again." "These words of Ogidai are just. He then The brothers therenpon took each other by asked Tului, his fourth son, for his opinion. the collar. Boorchi and Mukhali,' tried to "You have already bid me, father," he reseparate and appease them. Chinghiz continued plied, "remind my brother of that which he seated, and silent. Thereupon Kokososi said, had forgotten; to awaken him when asleep; "Chaadai, why are you so hasty. The.emperor to go to battle for him when he sends me." has great confidence in you. Before you were Chinghiz Khan said, "As to Khasar, Alchidai, born the universe was filled with strife, people Ochigin, and Belgutai, let their descendants fought with and robbed each other, and it was succeed them in their offices one at a time, with impossible for anyone to live peaceably. That their appanages independent of one another. was the reason your wise and glorious mother Let one of my sons oply inherit my rank.' My was kidnapped. When you speak as you words are unchangeable. I do not allow them do, you tear the heart out of your mother, to be broken. If Ogidai's sons and grandsons who has shared the labours of your father in be all incapable, will there not be a rough clever founding his empire. They brought up you one among all my descendants P". In these children in the hope that you would become testamentary arrangements we are struck by men. Your mother is glorious as the sun, the fact that contrary to the usual custom in the her wisdom deep as the sea. How then could East, Chinghiz decided that his main inheritance you speak of her as you did P" Chinghiz, was to pass to his sons, and not to his brothers. intervening said, "Of my children Juchi is the It would seem as if he felt himself entitled to eldest, in future speak not thus." Chaadai thus dispose of what he had himself conquersmiling slightly, said, "There is no need fored, while it is probable that his brothers did me to dispute with Juchi about his strength largely succeed him in the old inheritance of * A respectful way of referring to his death. * It could not be Mukhali, who was at this time absent . I.e. Chagatai. in Chine. * His mother, Barteh, it will be remembered, bore * I... Ogotai. him after she had been made prisoner by the Merkits, I.a. be supreme chief. whence his birth was considered ambiguous. Yuan-ch'ao-pi-shi, pp. 148-145. * Lc. the power of shooting with the bow.

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198 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (JULY, 1884. his house. As Palladius says, he seems to have last invitation, that Chinghiz sent a messenger contemplated the possibility of the succession to the ruler of Tanu (sic) Burkhan, with these passing out of the family of Ogotai, unless this words, "You promised to be as my right clause was interpolated into the Yuan-ch'ao-pi- hand. Now that the people of Khoikhoi have shi, after the accession of Mangu Khan. His killed my ambassadors, I am going to demand words imply that he desired the succession to satisfaction from them. Be my right hand." pass to the most worthy, and the one to whom the Burkhan had not yet answered, when one of government could be entrusted prudently, and his dignitaries, Ashaganbu, said, "If you are Palladius adds that this limitation is also con- not strong enoagh then do not be a king." tained in Khubilai's charter, appointing his son Chinghiz Khan's invitation was therefore to succeed him. These regulations of Chin- refused, and he declared he would march ghiz Khan were most religiously observed, and against Tangut on his return from his western treated with the utmost deference by his suc- campaign." cessors. Thus it is reported in the Yuan-shi, In describing Chinghiz Khan's curious dream, that In-Tsun on succeeding to the throne in 1321, which is reported by Abulfaraj, I overlooked when all the princes had assembled in the hall a different story told by Minhaj-i-Siraj. He of Damindian, commanded Baiju to read aloud tells ns he heard it from one of the merthe priceless decrees of Tai-tsu kept in the chants, named Khoja Ahmed, the Wakhshi, golden coffer. "The golden coffer in the iron a man of veracity, who reported that Chinghiz chamber," is the phrase by which the palace Khan, after he had conquered Tamghaj," and archives are referred to. In the notes to one of had caused great bloodshed for four years, saw Guntai's verses, it is stated that at the court one night in a dream that he was binding a of the Mongol emperors, it was ugual on feast turban of immense length about his head, so days for the men who looked after the palace much so, that from the vast length of the archives to read out the decrees of former turban and the labour of binding it, he began sovereigns, called Jasa," already referred to to grow fatigued after, in his interminable in a previous paper. Palladius explains the task, he had become like a great corn-stack. word as perhaps equivalent to the Salito of When he awoke he reported his dream to those Chinghiz Khan." about him, but none of them eould interpret it, While still encamped on the Irtish, Chingbiz! until one of them stated that the turban was sent to invite the Taonist sage, Ch'ang Ch'un, to a head-dress worn by the merehants who were pay him a visit. The latter set out, but Chinghiz | in the habit of coming into that part from had already departed, and he followed him." different parts of the west, and a party of Chinghiz took with him the chiefs of the them had arrived from Arabia, and he advised various subject kingdoms. Thus, we are told, one of them to be summoned. They aceordingly he was accompanied by Barjuk, the Idikut of sent for some of the merchants, who wore the Uighurs, by Arslan, chief of the Karluks, turbans, the chief and most intelligent of whom and by Signak Tikin, prince of Almaligh.18 reported that the turban was the crown and He was also joined by Pitu, the son of Yelin diadem of the Arabs, whose prophet Muhammad Liuko, the king of Leau-tung, by Uachen or wore one, as did the Khalif. "The inter(anchin, prince of the Kunkorats, who was pretation," he added, "is this, that the kingdoms his brother-in-law." He was also probably of Islam will come into thy possession, and the accompanied by Poyaoho, son of Alakush, ruler countries in which the Muhammadan faith of the Onguts." He also summoned the ruler prevails, thou wilt reduce under thy sway." of Tangut, who refused to go, and was after- This interpretation quite confirmed Chinghiz wards visited with his bitter revenge. The Khan's intentions." Yuan-ch'ao-pi-shi tells us, in reference to this The same anthor tells us that before setting I.e. Chinghiz Khan. . I.e. the Yasa. 10 Rites or ceremonies of Sa. 11 d. note 576. 11 Bretachneider, Notes on Md. Chinese Travellers in the West, p. 17, &c. 13 D'Ohason, vol. I, p. 212; Erdmann, p. 334. ** Gaubil, pp. 36 and 40. >> 7d. p. 49. i.e. the subjects of the Khuaream Shah. Op. cit. pp. 145 and 146. 16 l.e. China. 19 Tabakat-i-Nasiri, pp 972 and 975. i

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JULY, 1884.] CHINGHIZ KHAN AND HIS ANCESTORS. out several hundreds of banners were brought out, and a thousand horsemen were arranged under each banner. Every ten horsemen were directed to take three dried sheep, an iron cauldron, and a skin of water, and along with his hosts were despatched horses, mares, and geldings, without number, to supply them with milk, and for riding." The Yuan-shi-lei-pen tells us that he left behind him as his vicegerent his brother, Tiemuko," who had in his service an officer named Sakisse, who was a Hoeihu or Uighur by origin, and his family had settled in China, formerly he had been cupbearer to the prince, and afterwards became a distinguished officer. Chinghiz Khan, we are further told, took with him several Chinese generals. He formed special corps, skilled in throwing stones at besieged cities." They were commanded by a Mongol, named Yenmuhay, and Suetalahay, who lived at Yenking, but was a foreigner by origin.23 Chinghiz Khan was now ready to leave. We read that on the day when the sacrifice of the departure was celebrated, there fell snow to the depth of three feet. Chinghiz, apparently deeming it an ill-omen, consulted Yeliu-chu-tsai, who replied, "This predominance of the god of the waters over the usual temperature of summer is an assured gauge of victory."" Yeliu-chu-tsai accompanied the great conqueror, and it is from his diary that we are able roughly to recover his route. The first place he names is Bula. This is, no doubt, as Palladius says, the place called Bo-lo, in the narrative of Chang-ti's journey, in which we read that wheat and rice were cultivated there. On the mountains round it many cypresses were found, which did not grow vigorously, but tortuously between the stones. The dwelling houses and bazars stood interspersed among the gardens. The houses were built of clay, and the windows furnished with glass. This authority places it south of lake Alakkul. The place is called Pulad by the Persian authors who place it near lake Sut." Haithon also mentions Phulat, as a town near Sutkul. It is also named by Rubruquis as a place where they dug gold, and made arms. On the Chinese 20 Id. pp. 273 and 968. 1 I.e. Ochigin. i.e. regiments of balisters. 33 Gaubil, p. 34. Biography of Yeliu-chu-teai, in Nouveaux Melanges Asiatiques, tome II, p. 65. 199 map published by Palladius it is called Pu-la, and is placed between Emil and Almaligh. Palladius puts it on the river Borotala, which flows north of lake Sairam, and empties itself into the Ebi-nor. It was on the main route from Mongolia to the west. After passing Bula the invaders crossed the Yin-shan mountains, by which the Talki or Borokhoro range, north of Kulja, is meant. These mountains are traversed by a famous defile, called the Iron Gates, through which Chinghiz Khan and his army marched. About this we have an interesting passage in the narrative of Ch'ang Ch'un's journey. "We suddenly got sight," he says, " of a splendid lake, about 200 li in circumference, enclosed on all sides by snowtopped peaks, which were reflected in the water. The master named it the lake of Heaven." Following the shore we descended in a southern direction; and on either side saw nothing but perpendicular cliffs and rugged peaks. The mountains were covered to their summits with dense forests, consisting of birches and pines, more than a hundred feet high. The river winds through the gorge for about sixty or seventy li, with a rapid current, sometimes shooting down in cascades. The second prince," who was with the emperor at the time he went to the west, first made a way through these mountains, cut through the rocks, and built fortyeight bridges with wood cut on the mountains. The bridges are so wide that two carts can pass together." Palladius remarks that Yelin-chu-tsai in his poems also speaks of these bridges, and of the splendid mountain lake. Dr. Bretschneider says that in the Chinese work, Sin-kiang-chi-lio, there is a reference to this defile, which affords additional corroboration for identifying it with the difficult road made through the mountains by the son of Chinghiz Khan. That work, in describing the Talki pass, tells us that at the present time forty-two bridges have to be passed in crossing the mountain. Putimtsoff, who went from Bukhtarminsk to Kulja in 1811, states that the great high road from Peking to Kulja leading along the northern slopes of the Celestial mountains, passes by lake Sairam, and that 35 I.e. Lake Sairam. 26 See Notes on Med. Travellers, p. 70, note 40; and Notices of Med. Geogr., p. 147. 1 Lake Sairam is doubtless meant. 1s I.e. Chagatai. 29 I.e. Chinghiz Khan.

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200 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (JULY, 1884. between this lake and Kulja "a road has been both situated in Ferghana, and are probably to be mnde in ancient times through the mountain." identified with the Kassan and Badam of The country to the south of the pass, according Baber." I am strongly disposed to place Hu-szeto the narrative of Yeliu-cha-tsai's journey, or-do or Balasaghan near the modern Togmak. was overgrown with thick apple woods, which The invaders followed the road north of the gave its name to A-le-ma," i.e. Almaligh, which Alexandrofski range as far as Ta-la-sze," the we are told, had eight or nine other cities and famous town commanding the entrance of the towns dependent upon it. Grapes and pears pass which connects Iran and Turan. This abounded there, and the people cultivated the famous city, mentioned as early as the sixth tive kinds of grain, as was done in China. In century, is probably to be identified with the the notices of Ch'ang-Ch'an's journey we read ruins of Tiame-kent, some miles below Aulie. that at A-lima, "there is a kind of cloth called ata on the Talas.*** tu-lu-ma, which the people say is made from Meanwhile let us turn to Salcan Muhammad, regetable wool. This hair resembles the down who, having already felt the weight enclosing the reeds of our willows. It is very Mongol arms, and was conscious of their great clean, fine and soft, and they use it for making strength, had retired to Samarkand, and was thread, ropes, cloth, and wadding." This, no seized with unaccountable irresolution. Aldoubt, refers to cotton. The people there also though the forces he could muster probably nsed aqueducts for artificial irrigation. "For numbered 400,000, they were wanting in the drawing wnter they use a jar, which they bear discipline and other soldierly qualities of the on their heads. When they saw our Chinese pail Mongols, nor had they the latter's incentive to for drawing water, they were much delighted, fight. To them victory would bring but barand said, "You Tao-hua-shi" are very able ren honours, while to the Mongols it would men.**Schuyler identifies Almaligh with the open the gates to the rich treasures of Maveraruined town of Alim-tu, on a stream of the un-nehr. Besides this, the Mongols were same name, a little west of Kulja. Even at tolerably homogeneous, and bound together by this time it formed part of Chagatai's appa- common aims and an undivided allegiance, nage, for, we are told, Chang-kang, his chief while many of Muhammad's subjects had been architect, invited Chang-ch'un to cross the Ili, | too recently conquered to feel much attachclose by, to inaugurate some temples on the ment to him. His irresolution was also inother side." After passing Almaligh the inva- creased by the divided counsels offered by his ders crossed the Ili. They then no doubt followed generals, and the gloomy forebodings of his the road along the north of the Ala-Tau chain astrologers. past Alma-tu, which is perhaps the Ch'i-mur of One historian suggests that he was also the Changti's narrative, and thus reached the valley dupe of Chinghiz Khan himself. We are told of the Chui, and the capital of Kara Khitai that a native of Otrar, called Bedru'd-din, which is called Hu-sze-wol-ud-o or Hu-eze-ordowhose father, uncle, and some of his relatives in the Itinerary of Yeliu-chu-tsai. We have had been put to death by Muljanimad, had already referred to it under its other name of deserted the service of the latter, and joined the Belasaghun. In the biography of Ho-ze-mai-li, Mongols. He suggested to Chingbiz that he a native of the same place, there called Gu- might take advantage of the jealousy and illdse-war-do, as given in the Yuan-shi, we rend feeling that existed between Muhammad and that he governed the two cities of K'osan and his mother. Bedru'd-din, in fact, forged a letter BA-sze-he subject to Gu-dse-war-do, and that in the names of the various Kankali chiefs who when Chinghiz Khan conducted his armies into surrounded Muhammad's mother, and addressed Western Asia, he surrendered, together with the to Chinghiz Khan, and written in these terms : chiefs of these two towns. They were probably "We came with our tribes from Tarkestan to join 30 Bretachneider, Notes on Med. Travellers, &c., p. 82, note 71 ; and pp. 71 and 72, note 45. The Kirghiz and other Turkish tribes still call an apple Alina. 5Their name for Chinese. * Op. cit. pp. 83 and 34. * Turkestan, vol. II, pp. 158 and 159. >> Bretachneider, Notes on Med. Travellers, p. 50. >> Ismael >> Notices of Med. Travellers, &c., p. 114, note 24. > 1.e. Taru. Schuyler, op. cit. vol. II, p. 121.

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JULY, 1884.7 CHINGHIZ KHAN AND HIS ANCESTORS. 201 the Sultan Muhammad, from affection for his mother, and by our means he has conquered several kingdoms, which he has appropriated. Notwithstanding this he is ill-disposed towards the Khatun, and repays her with ingratitude. She desires that we should avenge her. We are only waiting for your arrival, and we are at your disposal." It was arranged that this letter should be intercepted. The Sultan was misled by the stratagem, and becoming suspicious of his generals, determined to scatter them. It is possible also that Muhammad did not expect that Chinghiz Khan was going to make a permanent settlement, but only a temporary raid. At all events, instead of concentrating his forces, when he heard of the enemy's approach he scactered them in the various towns of Transoxiana and Khud. rezm." Leaving the greater portion of them in Turkestan and Mavera-an-nehr he sent 20,000 men to Gbair Khan at Otrar, 10,000 to Benaket under Kutlugh Khan, Ashtiaru-u'd. din Kushli and his chancellor, Akhra Ali, surnamed Inandsh Khan. He retained 30,000 men at Bukhara under the command of Khamid Tanigu and other generals. He placed 10,000 under the command of his chamberlain Thujan. juk, and the generals Azu'd-din, Husamu'd-din, Masaud, &c., as a garrison in Samarkand, committed the defence of Termed to the Sijistan forces of Fakhru'd-din Hasan, Sarrakhs to Muhammad Khan, Balkh to his nephews and their father, Jend to Agru Pehluwan, Jilan to Dagheljuk Malik, Kender to Berthaishi, Yargand to Aslebeh Khan." He himself retired to Samarkand. Chinghiz Khan with his forces having reached Taras, crossed over the mountains, and then divided his army into several sections, one of which, under his eldest son, Juchi, with the Ulus Bede," he sent to secure the country on the lower Jazartes. Juchi first assailed Sighnak, whose site is not well ascertained. Klaproth puts it, I don't know on what authority, on the Muskan, a tributary flowing into the Jazartes on the right." Sherif-u'd-din speaks of Sighnak and Sabran, as two frontier towns of Turkestan, and says Sighnak was situated 24 miles from Otrar, while the biographical work entitled Tabakat-al-hanefiyet of Kesevi, speaks of it as being the town of Yassi." It was not inpossibly on the site now named Kuk Chaganak, and placed in Colonel Walker's map on the Sihun or Jaxartes between the Aris and the Bugan, two tributaries of the Jaxartes, north of Otrar and south of Turkestan. In order to avoid bloodshed, Juchi, on nearing Sighnak, sent thither Hasan, the Haji, or pilgrim, who had long followed the steps of Chinghiz as a merchant, and was numbered among his officers. He urged upon the inhabitants the prudence of surrendering, and promised them their lives and property if they did so. But meanwhile the rabble in the bazar, who probably looked upon him as a faithless Musal. man to give such advice, fell on him with the cries Alla akbar, massacred him, and slut the gates of the town. Juchi, on hearing of this was enraged, he pressed the attack unceasingly, and in the course of a week captured it. It was taken in an hour, says Abulghazi, and 10,000 Musalmans were massacred to revenge the death of Hasan."Mirkhond tells us that all the officers and soldiers, together with the chief men and half the citizens, were put to death. As they needed the town as a base the Mongols did not raze the town, and Juchi ont of respect for the memory of Easan Haji, had a splendid mausoleum built, on the best site in the place, and ordered funeral rites of the most elaborate kind to be performed over him. He was of the sect of the Safais. Hasan's son was given command of what remained of Sighnak." The fate of Sigbnak overawed the neighbouring towns. Uzkend, called Usekan in the Yuanshi-lei-pen, determined to surrender. Mirkhond says that when Juchi was two days' march off, the inhabitants in spite of the governor, sent their submission, whereupon he left the place with the garrison, and retired to Tonkat or Fenaket. Thereupon Juchi treated the people well, merely levying a contribution of provisions, and moved on. This Uzkend had clearly nothing to do with the famous fortress 0 D'Ohnson, vol. I, p. 218. 1 Erdmann's Temudechin, pp. 367 and 368. Le. the Uighurs. Nouv. Journ. Asiat. tome XII, p. 285, note. * I.e. Turkestan. Abulghazi, pp. 112 and 113 ; D'Ohsson, vol. I, p. 221; Erdmann, PP. 371 and 372. De la Croix, History of Genghis Khan, pp. 173 and 176. Abulghazi, p. 113; D'Oheson, vol. I p. 222; Erdmann, p. 372. Gaubil, p. 32. "De la Croix.

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202 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (JULY, 1884. in Upper Ferghana, but was doubtless & place archaeology of Turkestan so diligently, fixes situated on the Jaxartes below Sighnak, and I the site of Jend on the right bank of the am disposed to identify it with the Uchkaik Jaxartes between the fort of Kazalinsk, and that of Colonel Walker's map, which is the next known as "Number two," where there are still station on the river below Kuk Chaganak. some mounds of rubbish and some tombstones Juchi now attacked a place called Barkhaligh- with Arabic inscriptions. The bricks have been kent or Barkhaliakit by the Muhammadan largely used by the modern Kazaks to build writers, and Ba-r-ch-ili-han in the old Chinese their mausoleums with," Ar this time Jend map published by Dr. Bretschneider. It is was ruled by a petty dynasty. The name of called Ba-r-jen in the Yuan-shi. Carpini calls the ruler was Katlogh Timur, whose father it Barchin, and says expressly it was situated had submitted to the Khuarezm Shah, and was on a great river. It is also named in Hai- a dependent of his. He was very rich, and on thon's Itinerary. In the Chinese map it is the approach of the Mongols thought it pruplaced between Sairam and. Jend. It occurs dent to retire towards Khuarezm with his as a mint place of the Golden Horde, and it treasures. The inhabitants determined, therewas probably situated on the Jazartes, not far fore, to defend the place, and Juchi thereupon from Sabran. sent Chin Timur, whose name is also given as Jachi now attacked a place which is called Jai Timur, who afterwards governed Khuarezm Eshnas by most of the Muliammadan writers, on his behalf, and eventually became civil and Hanasa by Gaubil," but the name seems governor of Khorasan, to counsel them to subcorrupt, and also occurs as Astart. Some mit, and to remind them of the fate of Sighnak. writers would make it a corruption of Al-Shash, They would have killed him, but that he prothe old name of Tashkend, but this is quite toomised to persuade the Mongols to spare the city. far off and in & wrong direction, inasmuch as When he returned he reported to Juchi the Juchi's progress was down the Sihun and not result of his journey, and the condition of the up, and it now seems to me that the name is place. He suggested to Juchi that he should really a corruption of Yassi, the old name of storm it on the side which the inhabitants the city of Turkestan, which is in quite the deemed the most inaccessible, namely, where right direction. The very interesting remains it was defended by a ditch. His suggestion of Yassi or Turkestan are described in pictor was adopted. Three false attacks were made esque detail by Mr. Schuyler. Juchi met elsewhere, and the battering engines were with some resistance at Eshnas, and its inhabi- planted at the weakest part of the defences. tants were accordingly massacred." He now When the day for the assault had arrived the latter went on to Jend. It was a famous town in were attacked amidst shouts, and the sounds of the East, having been the birth-place of several | cymbals, drums, &c. The battering rams were famous men. From it, according to Mirkhond, planted, and the Mongol slingers or archers twenty Skythian envoys went to Alexander the drove the defenders from the walls. This was Great, praying if he were a god to show it by at dusk. When suspicion had been lulled, doing good to men, and if but a man to reflect Chin Timur put some bridges over the ditch, on the uncertainty of his condition, instead of and put two ladders against the wall, one proceeding further with his design to rob them of which he planted himself. The walls were of their goods and peace." Jend seems to be the scaled, the gates opened, and the Mongols were Kojend of Edrisi." He mentions it as one of inside before the garrison was properly aroused. the three cities of the Ghuz, on the lower Jax. As the assault cost them no men, they did not artes." Masudi, in a corresponding passage, put the citizens to the sword. They were, which was probably copied by Edrisi, distinctly however, ordered to leave the place, and to says Jend. M. Lerch, who has studied the withdraw to a neighbouring plain, where they 50 Le. the Sihon. Bretachneider, Notices of Med. Geography, pp. and 193. #1 Op. cit. p. 32. * Abulghasi, p. 113, note I. ** Turkestan, vol. I, pp. 70-73. ** Abulghasi, p. 113; Tarikh-i-Rashidi, p. 972, noto. De La Croix, op. cit. p. 177. "Not to be confounded, of course, with Khojend, further east in Ferghana. Op. cit. tome II, p. 209. Ruanische Revue, vol. I, p. 31.

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JULY, 1884.) CHINGHIZ KHAN AND HIS ANCESTORS. 203 remained for nine days, and where a census was taken of them. The Mongols then plundered the houses, and planted a garrison there under the orders of Ali Khoja, who was a Muhammadan from Bukhara. Abulghazi calls him Ghaju. vani. He had been employed as an envoy by Chinghiz Khan, as we have seen. The inhabitants were then allowed to return, except two or three who had abused Chin Timur in his conference with the inhabitants, who were put to death. Jochi now despatched a tuman" to attack Yanghikent, a town situated on the Jazartes, two days' journey from its outfall into the sea of Aval. Yanghikent simply means new town. Mr. Erskine tells us it is the Alkaria-al- jadideh of the Arabian geographers. It is mentioned by Masudi under the name of Ha- ditse." He tells us it was situated "a farsakh" from the Sihun, and two days' journey from the lake of Khuarezm, and tells us further it was the chief winter residence of the Ghuz Turks. Edrisi, in describing the course of the Sihun, tells us that after passing Sabran it entered the desert of the Ghuz, and passed at a distance of three miles from the town of Ghuzzia the New, and then fell into the lake of Khuarezm, at two days' journey from that town. He tells us it was the capital of the Gbuz, and the he capital of the Ghuz, and the winter residence of their ruler, and that Musal. mins were found there. It was twelve days' journey from Khuarezm and twenty from Farab or Otrar." Carpini mentions the town under the name of Janckiut. Abulfeda tells us Yanghikent was situated on a river which fell into the lake of Khua rezm. It was ten days' journey, he says, from Urgenj, twenty from Otrar, and twenty-five leagues from Bukhara. It is called Yang-gi-kan in the Yuan-shi, the Huang-yuan, and the Yuan-shi-lei-pen, where we are merely told that Jachi captured it. In De Mailla, where it is called Yankican, Ogotai is wrongly said to have captured it. Levchine tells us that the ruins of Yanghikent are situated at a distance of an hour's ride from the Syr, and a day's journey from its mouth. In the last century it belonged to the Karakalpaks. Gladychef, who was sent on a mission to these people in 1742, found the town then in ruins, but its remparts and towers still remained, and the Khan of the Karakalpaks lived inside the enclosure. It was afterwards occupied by the Kazaks, who reported that its primitive inhabitants had been driven away by serpents. M. Lerch explored the ruins of Yanghikent in 1867. He opened several of the mounds, and found various articles of pottery and household ware, but nothing which could enable the age of the ruins to be ascertained. Having conquered Yanghikent, Juchi also placed a deputy thero. By this campaign he had become master of all Turkestan, properly so called, bounded on the south-west by the Jaxartes, on the north-east by the range of the Karatau or Alexandrofski, on the west by the sea of Aral, and on the east by the river Aris. A district which was afterwards included apparently in the heritage of his eldest son, Orda, and became the focus of power of the so-called White Horde. Let us now trace the doings of another division of Chinghiz Khan's army, which was deputed to conquer the country east of the river Aris. For this purpose Alak Noyan, Suktu, and Togai, or as they are elsewhere named Alanakha Noyan, Senkur, and Bukha,' were selected. They were supplied with a force of 5,000 men." According to Mir. khond they were ordered to conquer llak" and Khojend. The people in the two former places were surprised, and duly made their submission, surrendering many places without fighting, a fact which is not mentioned by D'Ohsson or Erdmann, but is reported by De la Croix." The two Mongol chiefs then marched opon Tonkat, also called Bena ket or Fenaket, and which De la Croix says was dependent on Al Shash, and secured the frontiers of Ilak. It was a rendezvous for the merchants of these two countries, who chiefly trafficked 60 Abulghasi, pp. 113 and 114; Erdmann, pp. 372 and 313; D'Ohsson, vol. I, pp. 222 and 223; De la Croix, pp. 178 and 12 & Originally meaning 10,000 men, but used generally for "a division." .: Baber, vol. II, note 6. es i.e. the New. ** Op. cit., ed. Jaubert, tome II, pp. 209 and 210. as D Avesso, p. 513, note 2. Bretachneider, Notes of Med. Geography, &c., PP. 61 and 66; Gaubil, p. 57. 07 Op.cit. vol. IX, p. 97. 68 Levchine, Hist. des Kirghis Kazaks, p. 114. ** Schuyler, vol. I, pp. 68 and 401. 10 Erdmann, note p. 244. Abulghazi unites the two latter into one person, and calls him Suktu-Bake. 11 De la Croix says-50,000. * I.e., the district of Tashkend. 13 Op. cit. p. 182.

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204 there. It was rather a place of pleasure than of strength. Brooks watered almost every street, and the suburbs and country seats were well supplied with water, while it was graced by many gardens. It was garrisoned by a body of Kankalis, commanded by Ilegtu Malik, called Iyaltaku by Major Raverty, who was, says De la Croix, and as is probable from his title, "the natural lord of the place," i.e. the more or less independent ruler there. After three days' attack the walls were forced, and the inhabitants had to surrender at discretion. The garrison was put to the sword, the inhabitants were ordered out of the city while it was plundered. Ilegtu Malik himself escaped. The Mongols having made an arsenal of Benaket, advanced upon Khojend. Khojend was a large and well-built town, and situated on the Jaxartes. It had a considerable trade in musk and other odoriferous substances, and was famous both for its beauty and the bravery of its inhabitants. It was, moreover, governed by an intrepid and skilful soldier, named Timur Malik. According to Eastern writers he was an Admirable Crichton among soldiers, and Mirkhond avers that Rustam, Sam, and Asfendiar would have blushed before him. He showed great energy in putting the place in a state of defence, and constructed a flotilla of boats to harass the Mongols on either bank, which were protected by shields of felt, covered with clay kneaded with vinegar. He had prepared a special acropolis on an island in midstream, which he garrisoned with 1,000 men. In vain the Mongols battered it for many days. At length they determined to make a solid causeway, a kind of dyke across the river, and thus to reach it. 50,000 peasants, we are told, divided into bodies of tens and hundreds, under Mongol officers, were employed in carrying stones. These had to be taken a distance of three leagues. The foot-soldiers, says De la Croix, brought the stones to the brink of the river, and the horse went and threw them in among the earth, and whole trees tied together, fascines, &c. Notwithstanding the many interruptions of the garrison the work was gradually completed, and Timur Malik saw that the end was drawing near, and determined upon a brave retreat. He first manufactured some fire ships with tar, &c., with which he set fire to the bridge of boats, by which one bank communi THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [JULY, 1884. cated with the other, so as to isolate the Mongols on either bank. The same night, having loaded seventy boats with treasures, and with his bravest soldiers, he entered them, and trusted himself to the current of the river. The Mongols, who soon learnt of his retreat, pursued him on horseback, and shot and received a great number of shots, and occasionally the rocks on the right bank compelling the boats to steer near the opposite shore, the fighting became close and severe. One struggle is especially mentioned which occurred where there was a ford, and where many men were lost on both sides. At Benaket the Mongols had fastened a chain across the river. This he succeeded in breaking through after suffering some loss. His pursuers were now joined by fresh troops sent by Juchi, who was not far off. They were posted strongly on either bank at Jend, where the Mongols had also built a bridge of boats to intercept him. Thus cornered he determined to land, and to trust to his horses. He accordingly disembarked at Khaliagent. He was eagerly pursued, and speedily lost most of his men, and was at length left by himself. He was still pursued by three Mongols, and had in his quiver three arrows, one without a head. With the latter he shot one of the Mongols in the eye and disabled him, upon which he bribed the other two to retire with some gold pieces, but other authors say that they were afraid of measuring themselves against him, and that when he warned them that he still had two arrows left they prudently retired. He arrived safely at the town of Urgenj, the capital of Khuarezm, whence he made a raid upon Yanghikent, and killed its Mongol governor. He afterwards fought bravely in the army of the Sultan Jelalu'd-din, and eventually adopted the habit of a Sufi, and retired to the borders of Syria, where he stayed some years. He then returned to Ferghana and settled at Aris, whence he visited Khojend once more to inquire about his family, and found one of his children-still living. He was patronised by Batu Khan of Kipchak, by whom he was assisted in recovering some of his patrimony for his son. He was at length killed by the Mongol whose eye he had put out, and who accused him of not being respectful to his prince. Thus perished one of the bravest and most fertile in resources of the warriors whom

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CHINGHIZ KHAN AND HIS ANCESTORS. JULY, 1884.] Asiatic history has produced." As to Khojend, it fell the day after the brave Timur left it. While Juchi was conquering Turkestan and Ilak, the country to the east of it, a third army under Chagatai and Ogotai marched upon Otrar, whose truculent governor, Ghair Khan, had been the main cause of the war. Its ruins are still to be seen a little to the south of the river Aris. It was a famous city in early times, and was known as Farab until the 13th century, when the name Otrar apparently first occurs. At this time it was apparently the capital of a small territory, for in the Itinerary of Yeliu-chutsai, it is said, ten other cities were dependent upon it." In Pegolottis land routes, to Cathay, compiled in the first half of the 14th century, we are told Oltrarre was forty-five days' journey with pack-asses from Almaligh, and thirty-five or forty days' journey with land waggons from Urgenj." The Yuan-ch'ao-pi-shi names U-da-rar as a town captured by Chinghiz. In the Yuanshi we read that Chinghiz "captured the city of O-t'a-la, and the chief of the place, named Ha-ji-r-ji-lan-to, was made prisoner." The Yuan-shi-lei-pen says that Chinghiz ordered. Ouotala to be attacked. It was captured, and its governor, named Achir, who had ill-used his people, was put to death." De Mailla says he laid siege to the town of Ouatala, which submitted." In the Huang-yuan, we are told, Chinghiz left his second and third sons to invest Otolar, which was soon taken by assault. It is in the Muhammadan historians that we find the greatest details about its capture. Otrar, we are told, was garrisoned by 50,000 men, which seems a very exaggerated figure. Its garrison had been recently reinforced by a body of 10,000 horsemen under Karaja Hajib, the commander of Muhammad's bodyguards. Its walls were in good order, and it was well provisioned. Its commander was Inaljuk, styled Ghair Khan. The Mongols invested it with great vigour. They proceeded to fill up the ditch, being much inconvenienced meanwhile by the incessant attacks of the garrison. When this was accomplished, they pushed up the battering rams and other engines of assault, which were "Petit de la Croix, pp. 185 and 199; Erdmann, pp. 374 and 377 D'Ohsson, vol. I, pp. 224 and 226; Raverty, Tabakat--Nasiri, p. 972 and 973 notes. 1 Bretschneider, Notes on Med. Travellers, &c. p. 115. 205 so much injured by the stones and fire, and other missiles that were shot by the besieged, that the two princes and their councillors proposed to convert the attack into a blockade, bat Chinghiz ordered them to press the attack, and in less than a month the walls and towers were breached and partially destroyed. The garrison had behaved bravely, and the siege had now lasted four months, and the end seemed to be very near. At this juncture, Karaja Hajib let it be known among his troops that the capture of the city was inevitable, and that they had better save their lives by going over to the enemy. With Ghair Khan matters were very different. It was he who had murdered the envoys, and it was clear he had nothing to expect but condign punishment. Taking advantage of the darkness, Karaja repaired with his people to that quarter of the city where the gate of Dervazy Sufi which was in their custody, was. He sallied out by this gate, and went to the Mongol camp, where he reported the condition of the town. After extorting this information the Mongols, with Draconic vigour, put him to death, with the other Khuarezmian officers, on the plea that they had been faithless to their prince. Some of the soldiers also were put to death, and all the rest were made slaves. Meanwhile the siege continued vigorously. The Mongols having learnt the weak part of the city from the deserters, made a considerable breach, and entered. The inhabitants were ordered to quit it, so that it might be the more easily plundered. Meanwhile Ghair Khan retired to the citadel with the rest of his troops. Here they defended themselves for a month until they were destroyed Ghair Khan himself and two or three of his companions still remained, for Chinghiz had given orders that he was to be captured alive. He at length retired to the roof with but two companions, who were killed at his side, and when his other weapons were exhausted he showered down upon the besiegers bricks which were handed up to him by women. He was at length captured, and taken to the camp of Chinghiz, who was then at Samarkand. In punishment of the avarice which had led Cathay and the Way Thither, p. 288. "Bretschneider, Notices, &c. p. 60. "Gaubil, pp. 35 and 36. 1 Op. cit., tome IX, p. 95.

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206 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. him to murder the envoys, he was put to death by having silver poured into his eyes and ears. The place of his punishment was the famous Gag Serai, where the great Timur afterwards built his palace." According to Petit de la Croix, probably here following Nissavi, the Mongols having razed the castle of Otrar, rebuilt the city walls, and permitted the old men, women, and children to return to it, and the garrison was forbidden to disturb them. Meanwhile the young and active men were sent on to share in the capture of Bukhara. While the three divisions just mentioned were overrunning the country north of the Jaxartes, Chinghiz in person, who had with him his youngest son, Tului, marched against Bukhara. The first town they stopped at was Zarnuk, whose inhabitants retired to the citadel. Chinghiz sent them his chamberlain, Danishmend, who thus addressed them:-"I am a Musalman, and the son of a Musalman. I come on behalf of Chinghiz Khan, to save you from destruction. If you make the least resistance your fortress and houses shall be razed to the ground, and your fields shall be flooded with your blood; if you submit you shall preserve your lives and goods." Shaking at these words, says the Eastern Chronicler, as a mountain shakes when torn by an internal earthquake, the inhabitants sent ont a deputation with presents to submit to the conqueror's terms. Having carried off the young men, who were destined to aid in the siege of Bukhara, he allowed the rest of the inhabitants to return to their houses; the castle was razed. The name of the city was changed to Kutluk-baligh, i.e. happy city." Chinghiz Khan now continued his march towards Nurata or Nur. Nur means light, and the place was so called because it included several shrines. A Turkoman, a native of Zarnuk, guided the Mongols along a byway to Nur, which was afterwards known as the Grand Khan's route." At this time, we are told, there was at Nur a man named Zerka, who had extraordinarily sharp sight. He was posted as a look-out on a belvedere, and reported the approach of an enemy. When news arrived of the fall of Zarnuk they went to him, so Erdmann, Temudachin, pp. 369 and 371; D'Ohason, vol. I, pp. 219 and, 21; Abulfaraj, Chron. Syr., pp. 468 and 469; De la Croix, 169. Erdmann, pp. 378 and 379; D'Ohsson, vol. I, p. 227; Petit de la Croix, p. 206. [JULY, 1884. and he said that he saw as it were a wood moving towards them. This was a wood which the Mongols cut down near Zarnuk. Three days later a Mongol army approached under the command of Tair Baghatur, who, after Chinghiz Khan's death, commanded the forces on the Indian frontier. He summoned the town. The inhabitants, who had previously shown a bold front, were frightened, and sent a deputy with their submission. Tair having put to death Zerka, who had been captured by his men, and sent to Subutai Baghatur, to whom they surrendered the Kasbeh Nur, they also left the place as was usual, with their great and small cattle, with their furniture and agricultural implements, and necessary provisions, so that the Mongols might plunder it, who found little there, however. Meanwhile Chinghiz Khan having demanded some food, they sent out sixty men under the command of the son of Il Khoja, the governor of Nur, towards Debuseh, where Chinghiz then was, with a large supply of provisions, and he gave them presents. Having learnt that they had paid an annual tribute of 1500 dinars to Muhammad; he ordered the same sum to be paid to himself. One-half of the first year's tribute was made up, says Erdmann, in the funeral garments (trauerkleider), of their wives, but D'Ohsson, with much more probability, says earrings." Chinghiz now advanced upon Bukhara. Bukhara was an ancient and famous city, which, according to Juveni, derived its name from bokhar, which in the language of the Magi meant the centre of science, and he adds that the name resembles exactly that of bokhar which the Uighur and Chinese idolaters** give to their temples. At the period of its foundation, however, it was called Mejeth. In the earlier days of Ibn Haukal it had two lines of fortifications, the inner one a farsakh square, and the outer one 12 farsakhs in circuit, within which were enclosed castles, parks, gardens, and villages. The river Sogd traversed its faubourgs. The citadel was in contact with the city, and although the surrounding country was very fertile, it did not suffice to feed the inhabitants."5 De la Croix, p. 206. 3 Erdmann, pp. 379 and 380; D'Ohsson, vol. I, p. 228; Petit de la Croix, p. 206. i.e. the Buddhists. ** D'Ohsson, vol. I, pp. 228 and 229 note.

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JULY, 1884.] CHINGHIZ KHAN AND. HIS ANCESTORS. 207 tured." It is called Pa-hus in the Itinerary of Yeliu- which the Qorans were kept a mangers, while chu-tsai, who tells us it abounded in every kind they trampled the sacred books under foot. of product, was richer than Samarkand, and was They dragged their skins of kumiz into the the residence of the Sultan." The capture of mosque, and sent for the singing girls in the Bukhara is not mentioned in the Yuan-ch'ao-pi- town to dance and sing for them, while the shi, where the town is however mentioned, and sayyids, imams, ulemas, &c., held the bridles called Bukhar. In the Yuan-shi we merely of their horses. Thereupon the Sayyid Jelaluread that in the 3rd month of 1220 the emperor 'd-din Ali Ibn Husain Alzebedi could not took the city of Buhua." This is all that we refrain addressing the learned and illustrions are told also in the Kang-mu, where the town Imam Ruknu'd-din as follows:-"Mulana, is called Pa-har, and in the Yuan-shi-lei-pen what does this mean, wherefore dost thon not where it is called Po-ha-eul." The Huang-yuan lift up thy prayers to God the Almighty, says that in 1221 Chinghiz marched in person to deliver us from this trial ?" The latter with his fourth son, upon Bu-har, which he cap- answered him with tears, and counselled sub mission to the will of heaven. "Keep silence, The Muhammadan historians have naturally for the wind of God's displeasure blows upon much more detail. They tell us he pitchedus, and this is not the time to speak. I fear his camp at Gulabad, near Bukhara, in that if I were to speak it would go harder with Muharram 617 A.H. That town was then 18. If you wish to save your life hold the garrisoned by 20,000 men, under & Mongol bridle of the Mongol horses." Chinghiz' deserter named Kuk-Khan and certain subor. soldiers thereapon broke open the corn stores, didate chiefs, such as Hamid Nur, Tatange, and desecrated the mosque. Sunj Khan, and Kushli Khan. During the After inspecting the town, he withdrew, and night they made a sortie. De la Croix says they summoned its principal inhabitants to meet intended forcing the Mongol lines and escap- him in the Mosalla, an open place outside Ing, but they were overtaken near the Oxus, the city, where the inhabitants were accustomed and almost entirely destroyed. Ibn-al-Athir to go for public prayer, and having mounted says that the Mongols having attacked the place a kind of pulpit he addressed them in the furiously for three days, the garrison, despairing Mongol language and told them how greatly of resisting them, withdrew towards Khorasan. God's anger was kindled against them by This desertion caused great consternation inside reason of Muhammad's treachery towards the city, where the citizens under the advice of himself, how Otrar had already suffered in the Sayyids, Kadhis, &c., determined to open the consequence, and that he himself was the gates and invite Chinghiz to enter. Ibn-al-Athir Scourge of God who had been sent to punish tells us the Haji Badru'd-din went with this them for their faults. His address was transinvitation. Chinghiz entered the city on horse- lated to them into Persian by Danishmend back with his son, Tului, went as far as the Great Hajib. Having inquired who their principal Mosque, and having reached the Maksura or men were, there were pointed out, 280, of whom throne, inquired if this was the Sultan's palace. 190 were citizens and 90 foreign merchants. He "This is the temple of the Great God and the now assigned a baskak or commissary, a Turk Prayer House of the Muhammadans," was the or Mongol to each of these and bade them reply. He then dismounted, climbed two or three disclose all their hidden treasures, since steps of the mimbar or pulpit and bade the people those which were visible they could find for find fodder for his horses, since the country themselves, and he gave orders to his commisround was wasted: so say Juveni and Mir saries they were to do their work without khond. Rashidu'd-din says it was Tului who violence, and not to be too exacting. The town thus mounted the pulpit, and addressed the would probably have been spared, but that a people." The Mongols thereupon opened the portion of the garrison had not surrendered ; corn stores in the town, and used the boxes in 400 Khuarezmian soldiers having taken shelter * Bretaohneider, Notes, &c., p. 117. Bretachneider, Notices, &c., p. 60. * De Malla, tome IX, p. 96. * Bretachneider, Noticus, &o. p. 66. See Erdmann, note 254. Erdmann, pp. 881 and 882. Gaubil, p. 87.

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208 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. in the citadel, where they still held out. The able-bodied inhabitants of Bukhara were accordingly summoned, and employed in filling up the ditch of the citadel. "The infidels even used the pulpits and Qoran boxes for the purpose." Says Ibn-al-Athir, " Verily we are God's, and to Him shall we return. Truly did God call himself the Patient, the Clement, else would the earth have swallowed them up at such a deed." The catapults and other engines were drawn up against it, and it was assailed with naphtha, &c. &c. Its commander, Kuk-Khan, fought very bravely, but the place was at length stormed and captured, and the garrison put to the sword to the last man. It seems that Chinghiz heard that some of the garrison were still harboured by their friends in Bukhara, he accordingly ordered the place to be fired, and the town, which was built of wood, was reduced to ashes, only the great mosque and some palaces which were built of brick escaped." Ibn-al-Athir says that having dealt with the citadel, Chinghiz summoned the headmen of the town, and said to them, "I require of you the silver which the Khuarezm Shah has sold you, for it is mine, and has been taken from my men, and it is now in your hands." They accordingly surrendered it. He then ordered them to go out of the city, and they went out without anything except the clothes they wore, whereupon the infidels entered and plundered it, and slew whomsoever they found in it. The Muslims Erdmann, pp. 382 and 388; D'Ohsson, vol. I, pp. 226 and 234; De la Croix, pp. 208 and 218. Koran II, p. 261. [JULY, 1884. were then surrounded, and divided among the Mongols. "It was an awful day, with the wail of men, women, and children, who were scattered far and wide, and torn asunder. They divided the women among themselves. Bukhara awoke, a heap of ruins, as if it had not been, yesterday." The women suffered the last outrage in sight of the men who were crying, defenceless against the fate which had overcome them. Some, unable to resign themselves, preferred death, and fought till they were slain. Among those who died rather than behold the fate of the Muslims were the Doctor and Imam Ruknu'd-din, Imam Zadeh and his son, who, seeing how the women were used fought until they were killed, so did the Qazi Sadr-u'd-din Khan. DID THE ARABS REALLY BURN THE ALEXANDRIAN LIBRARY? BY E. REHATSEK. After having adduced the names of the writers who favour the belief in the burning of the Alexandrian library, and controverted the arguments of those who do not entertain it, the Rev. J. D. Bate, M.R.A.S., says at the end of his paper1 on the subject: "The obvious conclusion from the facts thus brought together is, that the burden of proof rests with those who deny the story. The grounds on which Gibbon bases his scepticism regarding it, we have seen to be worthless; it would have been interesting to have learnt on what grounds so eminently careful a writer as 1 Ante, p. 107. The report on the burning of the Library of Alexandria occurs at the end of the following passage (p. 114) of the Historia Dynastiarum, which is worth giving in full, although Mr. Bate has already given the substance of it: Von Hammer compares with forec the accounts of the capture of Bukhara given by the Musalman historians with the Byzantine description of the capture of Constantinople. It may be also, as in the latter case, that there was some exaggeration in the number of people actually put to death. It would seem that the 30,000 turbulent Kankalis were so, but it is hardly likely that a large proportion of the citizens were. The young men were sent to do sappers work at Samarkand, while the artisans were largely transplanted and settled in the towns further east. Bukhara remained desolate until Ogotai, Chinghiz Khan's successor, ordered Mahmud Yelvaj to restore it. Humboldt was, would justify the contemptuous term by which he characterizes it." It must be admitted that if a source from which subsequent authors drew their information can be shown to be of no authority, on a certain special subject on which earlier authors had remained silent, all later writers who place reliance upon the statement concerning that special subject must likewise be untrustworthy. Accordingly, if we can show that Abu'l Faragius, upon whose account of the burning the Rev. Mr. Bate relies, is not to be considered of any authority on this "About this time (A.D. 642) also John, an Alexandrian. whom we call the grammarian, flourished among the Moslems. He lived till the time when 'Amru ibn ul 'Asi conquered Alexandria. He waited on 'Amra, who being fully aware to what degree he had risen in science, treated him very honourably, and listened to his philosophical discourses, to which the Arabe were not accustomed, and which astonished and amazed him. 'Amru himself, how

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JULY, 1884.] THE BURNING OF THE ALEXANDRIAN LIBRARY. point, there will be no need of refuting the writers who have copied that account from Abu'l Faragius, nor the European authors who base their belief in the burning of the Alexandrian library upon that account. Abu'l Faragius is the latinized name of Abu'l Faraj, who was known by it as an Arabic, and by that of Gregorius Bar Hebraeus as a Syriac, author. He was the son of the physician Aaron, who had formerly been a Jew, and was born in 1226 at Melitene. In his youth he had enjoyed a distinguished education in Greek, Syriac, and Arabic, as well as in Christian dogmatics, in ecclesiastical history, and in medicine. His father having already been baptized, he was from his earliest youth educated in the Christian religion. In extensive journeys he perfected his scientific education more and more. He appears already in his youth to have enjoyed high consideration among his countrymen, because he was as early as the twenty-first year of his age appointed bishop of Guba, near Melitene, and consecrated Patriarch. Shortly afterwards he became bishop of Aleppo, whence he was transferred to the convent of St. Matthew in the vicinity of Mousul, where he occupied the position of a Mafrian of the East. The dignity of Mafrian was next to that of Patriarch, and therefore the second in the Jacobite Church. The diocese subject to him embraced a large portion of Mesopotamia. His spiritual office was one of the most influential but also one of the most arduous, on account of the invasion of the Mongols under Hulagu Khan, at whose court Abu'l Faraj had on repeated occasions to plead for the interests of the oppressed Christians. He contended incessantly for the liberties of his co-religionists, and the success of his efforts can be ascribed only to his indefatigable activity, to his great experience in transacting business, and to his dexterity. It is expressly reported that his knowledge also and skill in practical medicine contributed not a little to make him acceptable to Hulagu Khan, who had great confidence in him, and most willingly granted him the immunities in the exercise of the Christian religion he had asked ever, was also a man of intelligence, quick-witted, and clear-headed, wherefore he attached himself to him and was always near him. One day John said to him:-You have sealed up all the things contained in the treasuries of Alexandria. As far as the things are concerned which may be of use to you, I shall say nothing about them, but those you cannot use, leave alone. Amru asked what ought certainly to do you need? replied:-The philosophical books contained in the royal treasure. Of these cannot dispose, replied 'Amru, until I obtain permission from 'Omar ibn ul Khettab, the Commander of the Faithful. Then he wrote, to 'Omar and informed him of what John had said. Hereon 'Omar replied to him in a letter as follows:-As far as the books mentioned by you are concerned, they contain either what agrees with the book of Allah [the Quran] 209 for. Above all, however, the reverence-inspiring dignity of his personal attitude and the deeply serious morality of his nature, won for him the esteem of the Mongols, and contributed materially to confer upon the Christians a respectable position in the Mongol empire. That Abu'l Faraj was, in spite of the great advantages which distinguished him above his contemporaries, nevertheless a child of his own times, and entangled in their superstitions, is evident from the circumstances said to have accompanied his demise. He was, as he also himself narrates, a zealous astrologer. His birth, his consecration as bishop, and also as Mafrian, had all fallen in the times of the conjunction of Saturn with Jupiter. Therefore he was firmly convinced that his death also would ensue when these two planets met again in conjunction. He attributed to them a decided influence upon his fate. Shortly before this position of the two planets again took place, he was attacked by a violent fever, and refused to accept medical aid, because the stars had announced his death; and thus he also died in 1286, as he had himself predicted. The Syriac chronicle of Abu'l Faraj is to be considered his chief historical work. It is based on the diligent and partly critical use of a considerable number of Syriac, Arabic, Persian and Greek sources, many of which, as adduced by him, appear to have been since lost. Of this larger work, which embraces secular and ecclesiastic history, he compiled, in the latter period of his life, a shorter extract in the Arabic language. This extract was edited by Edward Pocock in 1663, with a Latin translation under the title of Historia Dynastiarum. The work, however, according to our text, is not merely an extract, but contains many a notice, chiefly of a literary character, which does not exist in the Syriac original. Whether these additions are interpolations of later copyists, or are really the work of the author, cannot be determined. As to the notice quoted from the Arabic extract in the second foot-note of this paper, concerning the burning of the library, or a library, of Alexandria, nothing whatever agreeing therewith is discovered in the Syriac chronicle. and then the book of Allah is sufficient, and we need them not; or they contain something which contradicts the book of Allah, and also then we need them not. Order them therefore to be destroyed. Accordingly 'Amru ibn u'l 'Asi caused the books to be distributed among the baths of Alexandria for fuel, and thus the fire consumed them within half a year." This information concerns only the books preserved in the royal treasure, and not those of the library of Alex. andria; it has nevertheless been referred to as pointing to the burning of the Museum library of Alexandria! This information morever, is not contemporary with the event of the burning, but comes from a Syro-Christian author, who wrote in Syriac and Arabio, as late as the middle of the thirteenth century, and therefore about six centuries after the event described by him!

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210 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [JULY, 1884. With regard to the absence of this notice in the Syriac Chronicon, says Dr. Krebl, the asser. tion has been made that Abu'l Faraj had prepared his Arabic extract with a special view to the literary wants of the Arabs, and had inserted the story therein, because it was of a quite special interest to them. At any rate, this absence is highly surprising. But still more surprising is the circumstance that the same notice is wanting also in the Annals of Eutychius and of Al-Makin. The former was Patriarch of Alexandria, and died as such, in A. D. 940. He gives a circumstantial acoount of the conquest of Alexandria, and cer. tainly made use of the best sources at his disposal, which, as he wrote in the very locality of the event, appear to have been tolerably abundant. Being a man of scientific education, the loss of the library, if it really existed when Alexandria was conquered, and no doubt contained many highly important and valuable Christian writings, must have been a sad event to him. There was nothing to hinder him from giving a circumstantial account of the burning of the library by the Arabs; but he failed to do so. Three hundred years later, Al-Makin, likewise * Christian, also wrote in Egypt. He gives the very minutest details about the conquest of Alex. andria, but says not a word of the destruction of the library by 'Amru. The two authors just alluded to were closer to the locality where the event took place than Abu'l Faraj, who wrote in Mesopotamia, and in all probability drew his information from Byzantine sources, which are well known to have a very turbid tinge so far as the history of Islam is concerned. Byzantine authors have placed themselves in the strongest antagonism towards Islam by loading it with all the iniquities they possibly could. They imagined it to be their interest to represent the professors of Islam, who were their foes, as the greatest possible barbarians, hence it may with great probability be surmised that the whole narrative originated with Byzantines, unless perhaps Abu'l Faraj himself had erroneously applied to the conquest of Alexandria a report describing a totally different event. We are informed-of course likewise by later authors-that when Sa'd Ibn Waqqas, a general of the Khalifah 'Omar, conquered Persia, he found also many Persian books. Not knowing what to do with them, he wrote to 'Omar for orders how to dispose of them, and the latter replied that they ought to be thrown into the water or into fire. If the history of Aba'l Faraj be examined more closely, great exaggeration will at once appear. Four thousand baths are during six months asserted to have been warmed with the burning books! This is indeed a worthy sidepiece to the account of Qutb-uddyn on the destruction of the library of Baghdad by Hulagu. He is said to have ordered the books to be thrown into the Tigris; and their number is asserted to have been so large, that they formed a bridge over which cavalry and infantry passed; and the ink flowing from the books is stated to have been 80 abundant that it dyed all the water of the river black! Now, if its exaggeration makes the nar. rative of Abu'l Faraj improbable, its further details contradict also other well authenticated testimonies. A portion of the letter written by 'Amro, after the taking of Alexandria, to the Khalifah 'Omar is still in existence. In this letter he says :-"I cannot describe its treasures. but I content myself to inform you, that I have found in it four thousand palaces, forty thousand taxable Jews, four hundred royal theatres, and twelve thousand gardeners who sell vegetables." It is further reported that the Arabs wished to plunder the treasures, and that 'Amrd asked the Khalifah for orders on the subject. 'Omar categorically disapproved of the intention. The order to burn the library can scarcely be reconciled with this disapprobation. 'Amrd, enumerates in his report various costly objects and rarities which he had found in Alexandria; and could he, whom even Abu'l Faraj represents as a great friend and patron of learning, have remained entirely silent upon ao great a collection of books P That is scarcely credible. There are much earlier reports on the conquest of Alexandria than that of Abu'l Faraj, e.g. by Beladurt;bn 'Abdu'l Hakam and others; some of these reports enter into the minutost details of the events of the siege, communicate the number of the inhabitants of Alexandria very accurately, mention the number of baths, gardens, &c. in the town, describe very accurately what 'Amra did after taking Alexandria, what capitation-tax he imposed upon the Christian Copts, the Jews, &c., but remain completely silent about the burning of a library, as stated by Abu'l Faraj. On the other hand, historians of great authority and of the first rank, such as Maqrizi, Aji, Khulfo and others, who produced valuable works teeming with information on the history, civilisation and literature of Muhammadan countries, narrate also that when the Arabs conquered Conf. Noticon f Extraits of De Sacy, tome IV, p. 589. . Conf. Arnold's Chrestom. Arab. p. 145, and Ewald, Zeitschr. f. Kwade des Morgenlande, vol. III, p. 349.

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JULY, 1884.] Alexandria in the year 642 of our era, they burnt a vast library. The report of one of these historians, 'Abdu'l Latif, who lived in the 12th century, and therefore more than 500 years after the event he describes, is very brief, and the passage relating to the burning of the library is this:"I believe this building was the portico where Aristotle, and afterwards his disciples, imparted instruction, and that this was the academy built by Alexander when he founded the town, and in which the library burnt by 'Amra ibn u'l 'Asi at the command of 'Omar was situated." One portion of this statement is of course false, because Aristotle had never been in Alexandria, and the museum had not been founded by Alexander but by Ptolemy I. Lagus; and the other portion about the burning of the library is just mentioned incidentally, like any rumour of the credulous and uncritical mediaval travellers about the localities of Jerusalem, and this author having been more of a traveller than a historian, the historical notices here and there inserted by him in his work on Egypt are not deserving of implicit credit. THE BURNING OF THE ALEXANDRIAN LIBRARY. After having pretty closely followed Dr Krehl's dissertation on this subject, we terminate it, by giving also the history of the library from its foundation in nearly his own words: It is well known that the library was founded by Ptotemy I. Lagus, who assembled a circle of scholars around himself in his new residence at Alexandria, which he made one of the most flourishing seats of learning. Only the first beginnings of the library however date from his reign. The extension and increase of the collection and in general of the whole museum took place during the reign of his son Ptolemy II Philadelphus, about the beginning of the third century before our era, when the museum attained a world-wide fame, and became the habitation of the most celebrated professors of the period. Later times of course also boasted of yet other and similar great academies, as for instance, the large schools of Nisibis and Edessa, which were for a long time centres of Helleno-Syriac science, but none of them could in the magnificence of its institutions, in the magnitude of its endowments, in the celebrity of its professors and in the power of its influence, vie with the Academy of Alexandria. The library and the academy with its rich collections in natural science stood in close connection, and both were augmented from year to year, especially the library. The statements about its contents vary from 40,000 to 700,000 book-rolls, but are derived from later 211 authors, who never adduce any old authority as a voucher for their correctness. Besides the library of the museum there existed also a number of other collections of books, such as that in the Temple of Serapis, the Serapeum, which still existed, according to the undoubted statement of Tertullian, in the third century of our era; further, there was a library at Sebastium, and some other smaller collections of books. It is not impossible that the number of seven hundred thousand may be referable to the total number of book-rolls which existed in the various libraries of Alexandria. The real greatness however of the library of the Alexandrian museum cannot have lasted much longer than two centuries, because already in the second half of the second century before our era, the artists and scholars were, during the reign of the cruel Evergetes (114-117 B.C.) expelled from Alexandria, whereby decay was brought upon the museum, which must undoubtedly have suffered considerable losses in its contents also. Evergetes II appears indeed afterwards to have repented of the errors committed by him in the beginning of his reign, because it is expressly stated that he not only devoted himself to the cultivation of the sciences but even became an author, composed a work on zoology, corrected the texts of the songs of Homer, and endeavoured to attract learned men to the museum. Scholars hesitated however to comply with the invitation, and never came. Aristarchus, the great critic and teacher of Evergetes, was, and remained, the last celebrated scholar whose sphere of activity was in Alexandria. After his time the notices about the academy and the library connected therewith become more and more scanty, till at last they cease altogether. During the interval of a century from Evergetes II till Julius Caesar nothing whatever is known about the condition of the museum. Accordingly the information of the 47th year before our era, in the time of Julius Caesar, becomes the more important that the museum had been consumed by fire, and that therewith by far the largest portion of the library preserved in it likewise perished. Some twenty years afterwards (24 B.C.) Strabo paid a visit to Alexandria, whose beauty he expressly describes, but says not a word about the library. It is probable that in his time the certainly very great gaps had not yet been filled. This appears to have been really done afterwards, because Suetonius clearly narrates in the biography of Diocletian, that the latter had filled the desiderata which existed in the Italian libraries, Translation of De Sacy, p. 183.

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212 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [JULY, 1884. with copies of manuscripts from the Alexandrian library. During the time of the Roman emperors years of prosperity alternated with years of decay in strong contrasts. In the reign of Alexander Severus the academy of Alexandria began again to flourish after the city had recovered itself gradually from the scenes of horror under Caracalla, and we learn from Suidas that about the year 360 A.D. the museum really still existed. This is properly the last notice we possess about the existence of the museum. But after that time even the fate of the Serapeum and of its library is in complete darkness. We know that the temple of Serapis with which the library was con nected had, in A.D. 389, been transformed into a Christian Church under Theodosius the Great. It is quite uncertain whether after this time the library yet remained in Alexandria, or was destroyed or transported to Constantinople; but the latter case is the most probable one, and the great collection of books founded by Theodosius II in the beginning of the fifth century, must probably have been formed of the libraries of Egypt and of Asia Minor. If we now review the whole material at our disposal for the history of the Alexandrian library, we must consider it probable in the highest degree, that at the time when the Arabs conquered Egypt, either nothing at all, or but a scanty remnant of the Alexandrian library, which had been so celebrated in antiquity, and had 80 much contributed to the advancement of science, was in existence. The adherents of the prophet have in their blind zeal undoubtedly destroyed many of the most precious vestiges of antiquity, but the verdict of not guilty will have to be pronounced decidedly with reference to the crime with which they are charged, of having also burnt the library of Alexandria. This paper was received in April immediately after the publication of the Rev. Mr. Bates on the same subject, but though set up immediately it could not be published till now, from want of space.-ED.] MISCELLANEA. THE PROVERBS OF ALI BIN TALEBI. 140. Honour your seniors and your juniors will Translated by K. T. Best, M.A., M.R.A.S., honour you. Principal, Guzerat College. 141. That which is fated will come to pass, therefore be patient in seeking; you will never Continued from p. 184. obtain what is too far off, therefore we well what 128. How many there are who are tempted by you have got. the charms of praise conferred on them! 142. He is not truly wise who complains of his 129. How can any one feel pleasure in death if narrow circumstances before one who has no pity, the love of the world dwells in his heart ? nor truly prudent who is too open before an 130. Be one of the sons of another life and not unfriendly person. of this, for every son will cling to his mother at 143. God does not enjoin on you anything disthe resurrection day. honourable, nor forbid you anything but what is 131. There is a disease for every living being, disgraceful. and a medicine for every disease. 144. That men may trust you speak the truth. 132. To everything there is a sweet or bitter 145. He who tries to deceive God is deceived. end. 146. The bitterness of sincere advice is better 133. Learning will by no means profit unless it than the sweetness of a false persuasion. has understanding as its associate, nor will words 147. The prosperity of fools is like a garden on ever suffice unless they are joined with deeds. a dung-bill. 134. It is the duty of a shepherd to choose for 148. The keepers of riches perish while they his flock what he chooses for himself. live, but the wise remain as long as day and night 135. It is the duty of a king to rule himself shall endure; their persons are regretted but their before he rules his soldiers. image remains in the heart. 136. It is the greatest liberality to hasten re- 149. Evil advisers are helpers of injustice and wards, and the greatest clemency to delay punish- brothers of iniquity. mente. 150. The piety of a faithful man is in his work, 137. Patience in adversity is one of the trea- but that of a hypocrite in his tongue. sures of faith. . 151. Woe to him who perseveres in his folly, 188. It is the nature of fools to be suddenly but blessed is he who understands and allows moved to anger in anything. himself to be brought back to the right way. 139. Only a wise man despises himself, and only 152. How foolish is an obstinate person, and a fool acquiesves in his own counsel. careless of his own happiness.

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COPPER-PLATE GRANT OF THE EASTERN CHALUKYA DYNASTY. 4) phng . *ad "ad> sie ) 0:20 ) 5) 9 s jaang 1 09 1 khmaerlyyjaa * *ge/8tng) :P | 08 ( mnngcMdii 2 ) 8- riel dou 8ss 2 sm naang802- 1)10/1/ 068 smdiikrung rtuuv .-16 mua y maasyttthmnrtii s ) vier 5 L@ tuang muaykh10) 8888 cryyddhmkhnyuM cMpaad ryys * maaryy? png khnyuM. khnyuM 6 yuu s muay djaumr . rii: 2phlae c, mhuupya` uppaaythrnggnaajaanyppp minpaa8yyly 121png 10myyngooyqviicaajrtaankhnyuMngngaa .

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AUGUST, 1884.] SANSKRIT AND OLD-CANARESE INSCRIPTIONS. 213 SANSKRIT AND OLD-CANARESE INSCRIPTIONS. BY J. F. FLEET, Bo.C.S., M.R.A.S., C.I.E. (Continued from p. 187.) No. CXLVIII. devices on it, in high relief on a countergunk THE original plates, from which the present surface, are very much defaced; but it can be 1 inscription is edited, belonged to Sir Walter seen that they were, -at the top, the sun and Elliot, K.C.S.I., and were obtained by him, moon, and a standing boar, facing to the through Mr. John Morris, from Paganavaram' proper left; across the centre, the legend in the Madras Presidency. They are now in Sri-Tribhuvandsakusa ; and, at the bottom, a the British Museum, to which they were floral device, and, apparently an elephant-goad. presented by the owner. They are five in The language is Sanskrit throughout. number, each about 8" long by 414' broad. This is an Eastern Chalu kya inscription, The edges of them are raised into high rims, not specifically dated, of the time of Bhima II., and the inscription is in a state of excellent also called Chalukya-Bhima: Vishnuvardhana, preservation almost throughont. The ring, on and Ganda Mahendra. And it records the which the plates are strung, is about " thick grant of the village of Diggu barra in the and 5}" in diameter; it had been cut when the vishaya of Paguna vara, to & Brahman grant came into my hands. The seal on the named Viddamayya, the son of Madhavaring is circular, about 3" in diameter. The Somayaji, of the Gautama gotra. Text. First plate. [!] Svasti Srimatam sakala-bhuvana-samstuya(ya)mana-Manavya-sagan(88)['] tranam Hariti-putranam Kausiki-vara-prasada-labdha-rajyanam m a['] tru(tri)-gana-paripalitanam Svami-[Ma*]hasona-pad-anudhyatanam bhagava[] n-Narayana-prasada-samasadita-vara-varahalamcha(chha)[') n-ekshana kshana-vasiktit-arati-mandalanam=asvamadh-ava[deg] bhtita(tha)-nina-pavittri(tri)krita-vapusham Chalukyan[a ] kulam-ala[m]ka[') rishaO8-Saty&sraya-Vallabhendrasya bhrata Kubja-Vishnuvarddhan8=[shtada]ia [] varsh[4]ni Vergi-mandala(la)m=anvap[4*]layat | Tad-[A(r)]tmaje(j0) Jaya(simha] Second plate; first side. [') s=trayas-trimsatam | Tad-annj-Endra-raja-nandand Vishnuvarddhan-[nava* ] varsh[a]ni || [) Tad-anaj Manggi(gi)-yavaraja[ho] pamcha-vimbatim | Tat-putro Jayasi. [ mhas=trayodaba Tasya dvaimaturah Kokkilish=shan=masan || Tasya jye[*] shtho bhratA Vishnuva[r*]ddhanas=sapta-ttri(tri)mbatam | Tat-sut8 Vija["] yaditya-bhatt[&*]rako=shtadasa | Tat-sunu[r]=Mvi(vri)shnuvarddhanash=shat-trimo)["] satam || Tat-gunur=asht-ettara-sata-mita-narendr-es[v*]ara-karanarana-gan-ari[""] vijiti-samprapta-ki(ki)rtti[r]=mmutiman'=Dharmma iva Narendramri[ga]raje(jo)=shta. chatvari["'] msatam || Tat-sunuh Kali-Vishouvarddhano-dhy-a[r*]ddha-varsham || Tat-suna[r*)= Mmamdhgi(r)-ha Second plate ; second side. ["] nana-kirana-pura-dahana-vikhyata-ki(ki)rtti[r]=Ggunaga-Vijayadityas-cha[*] tu[s-cha(r)]tvari[m]satam ICID Tad-anuja-yuvaraja-Vikramaditya-bhubhrid[""] tmajas-Chalukya-Bhima-bhupa lasetrithaatam || Tat-putrahe =tad-ananta[*] rona Vijayadityo vij[i]ty=[a]have ||C) svai(sve)n=aikena g a["] jena varana(na)-gha(gha)t-[A]ru(ra)di (dha)n=Ku(ka)limgadhipa[n] i kru. ["] hy=0j[jo]vala-hema-kalpita-tulA-kotim vadanyo jays-stambhan From the original plates Correot into murtfimdn. 1 Correct into Mmargie . Correct into putras, or else into putrans.

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214 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [August, 1884. ["] ki(ki)rttimayan-nidhaya virajo shan-masam-asi(s!)n=nripah ICID Tasy-a[] gra-sanur=Amma-rajas-Bapta varsh[A]oi | Tat-suta[m] Vijaya Third plate; first side. ["] dityam krita-kantbika-patta-bandh-abhi(bhi)shokam || balam-uchchatys ["] Tah-[&]dhipope masam-okam || Ta[mojyadhivinihatya punas-Cha'. ["] lukya-Bhima-bhup-atmajo Vikramaditya-rajah kadasa m . [] Ban=bharamsanvapdlayst || Tab=bhitva yadhi Bhima["] sannibha-bald Bhi(phi)mo=Mna-sano(nur)=bbha Be Ban-mae-4[RO] shtakam-kvad-hva Vasudham vyapadya" tam samyuge Tha-jye. [*] shtha-suto-tha Malla-ntipatis-sapt=anvapad=vatsar[A]n=utskryy=[AR][*] tha tam=agrahit=kula-bhuvan pattena Bhimd nipah (ID) Tasy=aiva vyasa Third plate; second side. [*] nam=iha trayam jatah bastr-estr-[AR]bhyasanam=anindita cha bht[) yah samraksha sakala-janasya sastra-drishty sandanam budha-ja["] na-sat-kritam sa-manam ICII) Melambaya[m) dyuti-nati-mati-ri-dbri[*] ti-kshant[i*]m&(ma)tyam=aty-Adity 8 jagati Vijayaditya ["] Ajijanad=yam Dharmm-Endr-Agni-Trinayana-Dhands-Oda (") kes-Adi-dharmma m* or b] Senanathan-Tripuramathanah Kanyakaya[m]yath= Shub(?) [ll] [") Mitr-&ravinda-pratib8dha-betu[b] pradveghi-nihara-vighata-hotub["] yay-Achchri(chchhri)tam teja ihaijatd kan tejasvinas-teja iv=ktipata[th(r)] [ll] Fourth plate; first side. {"] Yasmin-sasati Vasudha vasubhis-sam]pdrnna(rane)-sakala-janata[] cha (1) ("] rajani Dharmma-tankja yathA-Manu-prokta-dharmma-sampanne III) Sa Ba(Ba)["] rvvaldklaraya-Srl-Vishanvarddhana-maharaj[49]dhirajah-para[ma]-mA. ["] hesvarah-parama-brahma (hma)ny8 mata pitci-pad-andhyata {"] 6-Chalukya"-Bhima-Ganda Mahendra[ho] simhasana(na)-mamarude11 ["] h-Pagunavara-vishaya-nivasino rashtraku(ka) ta-pramukhan-sarvvan=sama["] hul(hd)y=ertthattha)m=jp[*]payati [] Viditam-astu vah [lo] Sriman=Gautama gau(38)tra ["] jo dvija-varas-sad-vartma-gah-panya-bhag=n=&da(da)tte vasudham=api Kshiti Fourth plate; second side. [] tal-Adhisais-su-vam-Adva(dbha)vaih d att[a] Tarkkama-bh Asurah krama-ya["] tah khyatah k shitau sad-gonai[ho] din-Ananda-vidhayi-dana-niratah-paj[y] ("] sesatan sarvvadk n(ID" Tad-atmajo dik-prathit8 gunaughai[ro]-dvijandre-vai [m]ba . wyro-pornpa-chandrah anana-d6(DA)n-A[r]chchita-bandhu-chchitabandhu"-mitro ["] mahl-gunai(8) Madhava-almayaji() D(ID Sutas-tadiye [8]a["] si-brinda-vandyah kala-kalap bba(cha) para-dris [v]& kruti-smriti-prokta-ba(") masta-vasta-vienddha-dhim [A]p=iha Viddamayyah (ID) Gtihan yadiyan. sva["] gpihan batd[m] yad-dhanani yasy-artth a-yutani patri-samarppanat=s& . This mark of panctuation is unnecessary. * This second pb is mistake. This syllable has the long vowel, 4, in the original, though it has failed to appear in the lithograph. This mark ot ponctuation is unnecessary. * Here the vowel 4 me again failed to appear in the Uithograph. Correct into tarh jitud. u Pirst dyd ww engraved, and then it was corrected into dya by partial erasure of the 4. Somo correction or other is required here; probably we should read trayath cha jdtan. The vowel a here is lengthened by metrical license. Here, again, the vowel 4 has failed to appear in the lithograph. The name here has the short a in the first syllable, though it has the long 4 in lines 19 and 28. Stha ww engraved and then corrected into a by partial artsure of the th. 11 Correot into mandap-dradha. Here, and in line 58, the engraver has contased the final form of with the double mark of punctuation ** These four yllables are repented by mistake.

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August, 1884.) CHINGHIZ KHAN AND HIS ANCESTORS. 215 Fifth plate. ["] ryva-dig-asta(nta)rani yadiyya(ya)-ki[r*]t[t"]ya paribhushitani # Suddh-anvayas=su["] ddhatara-pravritti[r]=nniyukta-karmmaay-upadha-visuddhah satam-matas-sad-bahu. [") pashya-va (marggas=samasta-bhuta-priya-vak-[k]riyas-cha (1) Tasmai tat-kes atisaya[degC] sandushmar"-asmabhi[r]-Ddiggubarra-gram dattah [lo] Asy=[4* ]vadha["] yah (1) purvvatab Krancha (1) dakshinatah Kranurul paschimatah [") uttaratab Paluko(Pkau)nu (ID) Asy-pari [na(r)) ko(ke)nachid=badha karttavyah" [llo] Bahubhi[r]=vvasudha da["] da"tta bahubhis-chFanapalita pasya yasya yad[&*] bhumis-tasya tasya tada ] phalam il) Sva-da["] ttam para-dattam va ye hareta vasundharan shashti-varsha"-sahasrani visht[&*] ya[**] jCayate krimih ID CHINGHIZ KHAN AND HIS ANCESTORS. BY HENRY H, HOWORTH, F.S.A. (Continued from p. 208.) XXVII. girdling them about, which also formed an aqueChinghiz Khan having secured Bukhare, de- duct, along which water was carried from the termined to overwhelm the other great city of adjoining river in leaden pipes and distributed Mavers-un-Nehr, namely, Samarkand. This through the city, in each of whose streets was was felt to be a great undertaking, and the rivulet of water. Each house had a beautiful various contingents which had been busy in garden. Besides this onter or great city, there securing the towns on the Sihun, converged was also an inner one, which had four gates, but on the doomed city. Ibn-al-Athir says, "The the walls were defenceless. Within this latter Mongols took with them from Bukhara the city was the great mosque and the palace. Yakut young men who had not been put to death, reports, says De la Croix, that when you mounted driving them on foot in the most wretched the fortress to view the city you could see nothing manner, and willing those who were worn out but trees and the roofs of some houses, for and unable to walk. When they approached within the walls were ploughed lande, fields, and the city they sent forward the cavalry, leaving many gardens, and even mountains and valleys. behind the foot-soldiers, prisoners, and bag. One of its gates, called the gate of Kesh, had gage to advance successively, so as to increase an iron plate on it with an insctiption in the the terror in the minds of the Moslems. At old Himyaritic or primitive Arabic letters, and the sight of this looming mass the people inside coins with Kufic characters were found there overrated its strength, and when the next when Timur dag the foundation for his city. day the prisoners, infantry, and train came on, In the itinerary of Yelin Chotsai who every tenth captive carrying a flag, they ima accompanied Chinghiz Khen, we have a degined they were all fighting men." The scription of Samarkand at this time, which Mongols had marched along the beautiful is interesting. He calls it 'Sun-ne-kan, and Zarafshin valley, and left contingents en route tells us the meaning of this name among the to besiege the forts of Sar-i-pul and Dabusah." western people was "fat." Dr. Bretachneider Samarkand was then the capital of Trans- agrees with this etymology, Semiz in Turkish oriana. It was a very ancient city, the Mara- means fat, and be reminds us the Nestorian candes of Pliny, Strabo, do. It was seventy for- bishops of the Middle Ages called the city Semlongs, or three French leagues, in circumference. niscant. The Chinese generally wrote the Its walls had twelve gates, made of iron, which name Sie-mi-sze-kan. To revert to Yeliu were protected by towers, and had a deep ditch Chutsai's itinerary, we are told the city received * Some correction or other is required here. Pro- * Ther of this syllable has failed to appear in the bably we should read tat-kus.Naya-sanduetair... The mark over this ba is a tault or rust-hole in the thorabokat-i-Nasiri, p. 078, noto. Shajrat-ul-Atrak, oopper, - not an anupudra. This visarga is a mistake. P.-S.co Bretschneider, Notico, fc., p. 88, note 98, and * This repetition of the da is a mistake. p. 116, note 32.

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216 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. this name from its fertility, the country round being very rich and populous. They had gold and copper coins, which had not holes and rims as in China. Around the city for a great distance were orchards, groves, flower-gardens, aqueducts, running springs, square basins and round ponds in uninterrupted succession. The water-melons there were as big as horses' heads, and wine was made from grapes. There were mulberry trees, but not fit for the breeding of silk worms. All the clothes there were made of Ku-sun. Black was used as the mourning colour, while white, contrary to the Chinese custom, was considered of good omen, and universally worn. In the itinerary of Ch'angCh'un, who was there two years later, we read that Sie-mi-sze-kan was laid out on the borders of canals. As it never rained in summer and autumn, the people conducted two rivers to the city and distributed the water through all the streets, so that every house could make use of it. Before the Sultan was overthrown the city contained more than a hundred thousand families, but after its occupation only a fourth part remained. Most of the fields and gardens belonged to the Muhammadans; but they were not allowed to dispose of them. They were obliged to manage their property in conjunction with Khitan, Chinese and men from Ho-si, i.e., the modern Kausuh. Chinese workmen were living everywhere. According to Juveni and Rashida'd-din, the garrison consisted of 110,000 men. Mirkhond tells us that of these 60,000 were Turkomans or Kankalis, and 50,000 Tajiks, i.e. Persians. There were also 200 elephants there of the largest size. Nissavi says the garrison consisted of 40,000 men, Turks and Persians, under the best generals, while Ibn-alAthir puts it at 50,000 men. He goes on to say that the Mongols surrounded the place, whereupon the strong and brave men sallied out, without any of the Khuarezmians, whose hearts quailed with fear of these accursed men. They were confronted by the Mongol infantry, which gradually retired and drew on their eager assailants into an ambush, whence a body of (i.e. cotton). * Bretschneider, notes, &c., pp. 116 and 117. [AUGUST, 1884. men issued. Those who had made the sortie were attacked on both sides, and were slain to the last man, "dying as martyrs, God's grace upon them." There were 70,000 of them, says our author. This defeat dispirited the rest of the citizens, and especially the Kankalis, who said, We are of the same race as these men. They will not kill us. They accordingly begged for quarter which was granted them. They opened the gates of the city, the people being unable to prevent them, and went out with their families and property. The infidels said to them, "Deliver to us your arms and property, and we will send you to your kin." They did so, but the infidels, after taking from them their horses, weapons, &c., put them to the sword to the last man, and seized their goods, their beasts, and their women. On the 4th day they proclaimed in the city that all the inhabitants should go out, and that whosoever remained behind would be put to death. Accordingly all the men, women, and children went out, "and they did to the people of Samarkand what they had done to the people of Bukhara in the way of pillage, massacre, capture, and outrage." They entered the city and plundered all in it, burnt down the great mosque, violated the virgins, tortured the men in various ways in quest of treasure, and slew those who were not fit for slavery. This happened in the month of Muharram 617. Minhaj-i-Siraj tells virtually the same story. He says that about 50,000 Musalmans perished in the ambuscade, and that there were then 60,000 troops left inside, consisting of Turks, Gharis, Tajiks, Khallajes, and Karluks, with all the Maliks of Ghur, and that the city was taken on the day of "Ashura," the tenth of the month Muharram 617.' Juveni and Rashida'ddin say that Chinghiz pitched his camp at KokSerai, or the Blue Palace. Having planted his about the place, he rode round the city a army two days' ride, maturing his plans. On the third day Alba Khan, Sheikh Khan, and Berbela Khan made a sortie, in which they struggled till evening and killed a large number of the invaders, and themselves lost 1,000 men. By the Mongols. These were doubtless emigrants who had followed in the wake of Chinghis Khan. Bretschneider, Notes, 4c., pp. 39 and 89. Tabakat-i-Nasiri, pp. 979 and 980. The latter at this point does little more than copy Juveni. Erdmann, pp. 884 and 385. In the Shajrat-ul-Atrak these chiefs are called Imtiaz Khan, Sheikh Khan, Bula Khan, Alut Jan, etc. (op. cit. p. 185), Raverty calls them Iyal Tas Khan, Sarsigh Khan, Taghai Khan, Ulak Khan, etc., and that, inter alia, they had 20 elephants with them. Tabakat-i-Nasiri, p. 978 note.

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August, 1884.) OHINGHIZ KHAN AND HIS ANCESTORS. 217 Abulfaraj says they also made a number of price of 200,000 dinars. Two of the grandees prisoners, whom they took back with them into of Samarkand, Tseketu-ul-Mulk and Amir the city and cruelly crucified. The next day Umid Buzurg, were appointed to govern the Chinghiz Khan drew his men close up to the city. A portion of the light troops Chinghiz walls, mounted his horse, and blew the great took with him, while he sent another section to trumpet, and the catapults and other batter- his sons in Khuarezm. The elepbants, we are ing engines played merrily on the place. The told, were ordered by Chinghiz Khan to be besieged now lost heart, and on the third day let loose in the fields, and there perished of the Kadhi, the Sheikh-ul-Islam, and some hunger.' The slaughter of the Kankalis and of the chief ecclesiastics went out and were well the drafting off of so many young men, few received by Chinghiz, who offered them safety of whom returned, caused a terrible gap in for themselves and their dependents. They the population and resources of Samarkand. thereupon returned into the city, and opened The former act was probably prompted parthe so-called Prayer Gate, The Mongols thentially by a dread of the turbulence of these proceeded to overthrow the walls, and to drive mercenaries, and partially by revenge upon the out into the open fields the inhabitants, except subjects of Ghair Khan, who had so grievously the dependents of the Kadhi and the Sheikh-ul- wronged him. Ghair Khan was taken to Islam, who are said to have numbered 50,000 !!! Samarkand, and it was there, in the Kok They entered and proceeded to plunder the Serai, or blue palace, that he was executed. place, and to kill those whom they met with The Yuan-ch'ao-pi-shi does not mention the there. They then invested the citadel. Mean- capture of Samarkand. In the Yuan-shi we while one of the Turkish generals, Alba Khan, merely read that in the fifth month of 1220 called Karas Albi the Arslau Khan by Raverty, Chinghiz Khan captured Sun-sze-kan." The finding himself hard pressed, put himself Kang-mu says that it was the beginning of 1221 at the head of 1,000 horsemen, broke through when he took Sie-mis-se-kan." The Huang-yuan the Mongol lines, and rejoined his master, the says the same. The Yuan-ski-lei-pen is the only Khuarezm Shah. The rest of the garrison still Chinese authority available to us which gives held out, and the Mongols pressed the attack any details of the capture of Samarkand, with vigour, They at length forced the walls, which it dates in the fifth month of 1220. It and entered the fortress. 1,000 of the defenders adds that Pita, the son of Yeliu Liuko, the took refuge in a mosque, where they were as- king of Liau-tung, was dangerously wounded in sailed with stink pots and showers of weapons. the attack upon the town, where he greatly It was fired, and its garrison captured." The distinguished himself, as did his relative Yelia prisoners were now sorted, the Persians being Kohay." Juchi, Chinghiz Khan's eldest son, separated from the Kankalis, the latter were had advanced almost alone against a body of ordered to adopt the Mongol dress, to partially Muhammadans, when Pitu, who was already Bhave their heads, and to wear the Mongol wounded, seeing the prince in danger of being pigtail. Having been lulled into security they captured and killed, made a special effort, were slaughtered to the number of 30,000, rushed to his rescue, and althongh surroundwith their leaders Barsamas Khan, Tughai ed they cut their way out and rejoined the Khan, Sarsigh Khan, and Ulagh Khan, together army." From the account of the travels of with twenty other of the superior officers of Ch'ang Ch'un which we shall presently turn to, the Khuarezm Shah, Chinghiz then separated it would seem that the general superintendence 30,000 handicraftsmen, whom he assigned as of Samarkand after its capture was made over slaves or servants to the different members of to the famous Yelia Chatsai, whom we have his family. 30,000 other men he made into previously named. Perhaps Abulfaraj refers light troops, while the rest of the inhabitants to him under the corrupt name of Taiephor the were allowed to ransom their lives at the prefect, vide supra. Let us now turn once more 10 Chron. Syr., p. 487. two grandees of Samarkand, and Taiephor the prefect, 11 Erdmann, p. 386. op. cit. p. 292 1 Erdmann, op. cit., pp. 386, 387; D'Ohason, vol. I, 15 Bretachneider, Notices, etc., p. 60. pp. 234, 239; Petit de la Croix, pp. 219-227. Abulfaraj 1. De Mailla, tome IX, p. 96. in his Arabic Chronicle says the government of the city * Bretachneider, Noticos, etc., . 19Gaabil. 44 assigned to Thekat-ol-Mollrai and Al Amir Amid, Yelia Chutei. 36

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218 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [August, 1884. to the Khorezm Shah. When the Mongols Balkh in order to follow the advice of Amadadvanced further into Transoxiana he left ul-Mulk, Muhammad sent a detachment to Samarkand, doubtless moved by the suspicions Penjab, between Termed and Samarkand, to about the fidelity of his officers, and retreated watch the movements of the enemy. News now towards Naksheb, telling the people on the arrived of the fall of Bukhara. His troope, which way that they must make the best terms consisted not of his own men, who had been they could with the invaders. He also sent left to protect Transoxiana, but of some of his messengers to his mother, Turkhan Khatun, mother's Kankalis, plotted against him. That who was at Khuarezm, to retire with his very night he slept in another tent, and in the harem to Mazanderan. His counsellors now morning his old tent was found to be riddled began to give very divided counsel, some with arrows. When they found that their plans urged that it was useless to try and save were discovered, his treacherous troops deserted Transoxiana, and that he should confine his him and joined Chinghiz. Meanwhile Badr-u'defforts to the defence of Khorasan and Irak. din, one of his ministers, also fled and joined the Others advised him to retire to Ghazni whence, invaders, and went the length of forging letters if unlucky, he might retire into Hindostan. as if they had been written by some of his officers The Sultan preferred the latter course, and was to Chinghiz Khan, urging him to attack their retiring towards Ghazni, when he was met at master, and also forged replies, promising them Balkh by Amad-ul-Mulk Savi, the principalaid. These letters were entrusted toe spy, who was minister of his son, Rokn-u'd-din, who then ordered to let them fall into the Sultan's hands. ruled over Irak Ajem. The young prince bad Muhammad now retired towards Nisbapur. sent him on the pretext of advising his father When he reached Kalat, near Tus, he was urged in his difficult position, but really in order to to make a stand, for the position was a strong rid himself of his surveillance, which he found one, it being a valley, seven miles long, surroundvery irksome. Irak was his native place, ed by mountains, and was the place where at a where he had his family, and he urged on the later day Nadir Shah deposited his treasures. Khuarezm Shah that he should retire thither, Some provisions were accordingly collected collect an army and trust to God. Jelal- there and preparations made for a stand, but u'd-din, the Sultan's eldest son, did not at all he abandoned the notion, and on the 18th of approve of these counsels about retreating. He April he reached Nishapur, *" where he gave urged that they should defend the line of the himself over to despair and to indifferentism. Oxus. If his father was determined to retire This mood was encouraged by his dreams, towards Irak he demanded that he might be which were of a lugubrious nature , one night, entrasted with an army, with which to march according to Juveni, be saw a number of spirits against the enemy. "If fortune favour me, he with haggard faces, dishevelled hair, and black said, I will carry off the ball of desire with clothes, braising their heads, while they raised a the Chaugan of divine aid ; but if fortune dreadful wailing. "On asking them what they favour me not, neither will the finger of were they replied that they were the betrayers of reproach be pointed at us, nor the tongue of Islam." On another occasion as he was on his malediction curse ; and the world will not be way to the mosque he saw two cats, one black able to say they have collected taxes and and the other white, fighting one another in the tribute from us for so long, and at a time porch of the temple. He accepted this as * like this they renounce our affairs and abandon presage of the issue of the struggle between us to be captive to infidels." The Sultin treated him and the Mongols. When the cat which the advice of his son as the mere babbling of he bad chosen as his champion was defeated he a child. He took refuge in the fatalism which heaved a deep sigh, and he then gave himself says that good and ill have their appointed turn, up to dissipation and surrounded himself with and said they must await a favourable turn frivolities, the usual resource of despair. As in the position of the stars." Before leaving he retired towards Nishapar he had told the 11 Tabakat-i-Nasiri, Raverty's Notes, pp. 974 and 275; Erdmanu, pp. 368 and 389; D'Obson, vol. I, PP. 240-243 ** Tabakat-i-Nasiri, p. 976 note. * Tabakat--Nasiri, p. 276 note; Erdmann, p. 390. 11 Erdmann, p. 301.

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AUGUST, 1884.] CHINGHIZ KHAN AND HIS ANCESTORS. 219 inhabitants of the various towns to make terms the Yuan-shi, which distinctly says it was. with the invaders, as he was unable to defend According to this account, the Muhammadans them. He probably thought that their inva- had lined the banks of the Gan-mu, i.e., of the sion was only a temporary one, and that they Ama or Oxus, with their best troops, they would speedily retire again. The Mongol in constructed ten entrenchments, and put telligence department was skilfully managed, number of well-armed boats on the river. Ko. and they were no doubt speedily made aware pao-yu was detached to attack these entrenchof Muhammad's flight and its direction. There- ments and boats. He constructed a number of upon, while the siege of Samarkand was pro- Ho-tsien, or fire arrows, which he threw among gressing,.Chinghiz Khan detached an army in the boats, and thus set fire to them. The pursuit of him. This was divided into two Mahammadans having been thrown into dis. divisions, the first tuman was commanded by order, the Mongols attacked the entrenchments Chepe Noyan. This was followed by a second and forced them. The two chiefs now crossed under Subutai Baghatur. They were ordered the Oxas and entered Khorasan, which was then to pursue Muhammad wheresoever he should divided into four provinces, with Balkh, Merv, retire. They were to put Shahnals or governors Herat, and Nishapar as their chief towns. in all the towns that submitted, and to destroy They first approached Balkh, where at the all who resisted. They were given three years in instance of the magnates the citizens supplied which to complete their task, and were ordered them with food. Having left a Shahnah there to rejoin Chinghiz by way of the Desht-i- they moved forward towards Herat, Taishi Kipchak, after rounding the northern end of Baghatur commanding their advance-guard. the Caspian." They set out and first went to Herat submitted freely to them, and they then Penjab, which means the five streams, and advanced to Zawah, whose people refused to finding no boats there they made some large open their gates or to furnish provisions. coffers of wood, which they covered with cow. The Mongols were in too great haste to stop hides to keep out the water, and in which they and besiege the place and were passing on, when put their weapons and goods, then led tbeir they were piqued by the jibes and boasts level. horses into the water and held on to their tails, led at them from the ramparts amidst the beathaving first tied the wooden coffers to them- ing of kettledrams. They accordingly turned selves. Thus, says our author, the horse drew the aside, and after three days' attack captured the man and the man drew the coffer filled with arms town, pat everybody to death whom they met and other necessaries, and all crossed in a body." with, and burnt and destroyed what they could D'Ohsson opportunely quotes the similar de not carry away. The invaders then moved scription given by Carpini of the mode in which on towards Nishapur, obtaining news about the Mongols crossed rivers. The friar adds, Muhammad by applying torture to those whom however, that they sat on the boxes, and steered they captured; they sent messengers into the themselves with two oars." Nicetas Khoniates various towns to annoance the approach of makes a similar statement about the Pechenegs, Chinghiz Khan with the main army, and whom he describes as crossing the Danube on summoned them to surrender, threatening bags of leather containing cork, and sewn so that them with terrible penalties if they refused. not a drop of water could penetrate them. On Those which submitted received a Mongol these they sat, catching hold of the tails of governor, or Shabnah, who was endowed with their horses, holding above them their saddles & special seal." The smaller towns which and arms, and using their horses as shields and resisted they overwhelmed. The larger ones the leathern bags as boats.* The Musalman they passed by, not wishing to delay. historians tell us nothing about the passage of But Muhammad had not waited for them. the Oxas being dispated, but in the Yuan. Leaving Fakhru-ul-Malk, Nizam-ud-din Abulshi-loi-pen there is an account which seems Maali, his secretary, Siau-ul-Mulk Araz Suseni, taken from the biography of Ko-pao-yu in and Majiru-ul-Mulk Kufi-Rakhi, in command * Tabakat-i-Nasiri, p. 988 note. Stritter, vol. III, p. 929; D'Ohason, vol. I, pp. 244 >> Ibn-al-Athir, ad loc. and 245 note. * Vincent, Spec. Hist., vol. IV, lib. XXXI, Cap. xvii, Gaubil, pp. 36 and 37. p. 450; D'Ohason, vol. I, p. 24, note. 1: Tamgija.

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220 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (AUGUST, 1884. of a strong garrison there, he appointed the eunuch Sherif-u'd-din to be governor of the town, and then under pretence of a hunting party retired towards Isferain, south of the Ala Tagh mountains. Sherif-u'd-din was at the time at Khuarezm, and he died while on the way to take his command, at three days' march from Nishapur. His death was concealed from his escort, for fear they should plunder his goods, until one of the regents came out of the town under pretence of going to meet him and took charge of it, but the escort, consisting of 1,000 men, refused to enter the city. It was afterwards attacked by the Mongols and dispersed." The Mongol advance guard under Taishi reached the city on the 19th rabi the first, i.e. the 24th of May. He had apparently sent on a small body of men with 14 horses and some couples of camels, who having come to blows with the garrison were all put to death. He now demanded provisions, and also that the town should open its gates. Provisions were supplied, but as to surrendering the town Majiru-ul-Mulk replied that it had been entrusted to his care, and he bade them speed on after the Sultan on whose capture he would then become their man." Presently Chepe and Subutai having arrived demanded that the Mufti, the Kadhi, and the Vizier should be sent to them. Three of the common people personated these three officials. To them the Mongol generals remitted proclamation, written in Uighur characters, in their master's name, and in these terms :"Commanders, great grandees, and commonalty, know that God has given me the empire of the world from the east to the west. Whoever snbmits shall be spared, but those who resist shall be put to death, with their wives, children, and dependents." He also bade them supply food to the Mongol contingents which were following, not to oppose fire to water, nor trust to the strength of their walls, nor yet to their defenders, if they wished to escape annihilation. Mohammad having learnt that the Mongols were closely following him retired, according to Nissavi, to Bostam in Tabaristan, and having summoned the Amir Omar, one of his officers, who came from that pro vince, he entrusted to him ten coffers sealed with the royal seal, and asked him if he knew what they contained. He answered, No. The Sultan replied they were full of jewels, some of which were of inestimable value, and added further that only two men in the whole world, who were both there present, knew what was in the coffers, and he ordered them to be taken to the strong fort of Ardahan, which Omar accordingly saw done." The retreating SultAn soon reached Rai, but a courier arrived to say the Mongols were close by, so he sped on again towards Farzand, some distance to the south-west of Kazvin." There, or as De la Croix says, at Maradaulat Abad, his son, Rokna'd-din had got together an army of 30,000 men from Irak. His other son, Ghiath-u'd-din, with a portion of his harem had been sent to the fort of Kharendar, near Nissa, to Tajua'd-din Taghan. Muhammad now summoned Nasreta-u'd-din Hazarasp, Atabeg of Luristan, & crafty and skilful prince, to go and assist him with his counsel. When Hazarasp arrived, he prostrated himself seven times before the royal tent, and Mahammad did him the special honour of offering him a seat. When he had returned to his lodgings he sent his vizier, Amad-ul-Mulk, with two generals, to consult with him. He advised that they should seek shelter in the Shiran or Shutran mountains, and as the Sultan hesitated, urged that they should cross the range separating Lur from Fars, and enter the Fars country. In the meanwhile an army of 100,000 Kurds, of the tribes Shebankiar and Shul," and of Lurs, with which he might garrison the mountain fortresses, and defy the Mongols. Muhammad suspecting that this was an intrigue to embroil him with Said, Atabeg of Fars, refused his assent, and determined to stay in Irak.. While he was still hesitating at Farzand, news came that the Mongols were at Rai. On leaving Nishapur their two commanders, sped on night and day, and stopped for nothing on their march, says Ibn-al-Athir, neither plunder nor slaughter. They thus effectually secured the line of Muhammad's retreat, following like bim the strip of fertile country bordering the salt desert of Khorasan on the D'Ohason, vol. I, p. 246; Erdmann, p. 392. * Erdmann, p. 394. 30 Rashidu'd-din in D'Ohason, vol. I, pp. 247 and 248. >> Nissavi in De la Croix, pp. 234 and 235. * See Erdmann, note 291. 3 Living in the mountains north of Khusistan and Fars reapectively. 34 D'Ohsson, vol. I, pp. 249-251; Erdmann, pp. 892 and 898 ; Tabakat--Nasiri, p. 277 note; De la Crois, p. 285.

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AUGUST, 1884.] CHINGHIZ KHAN AND HIS ANCESTORS. north. They traversed the fertile district of Kumus, which from its many mountains was called Jebal by the Arabs, and approached Tus. The country to the east of this town was submissive, and was spared. The people of Tus itself having opposed them were duly punished, and a darugha or commissary was apparently left in the town. Thence they advanced through the beautifully wooded district of Radigan to Kabushan, or Kashan, which they also captured. Thence again onwards to Isferain, which, as we have seen, Muhammad had passed through. Still they sped on to Bostam. Here the two roads bifork which lead respectively through Mazanderan and Kum. The two Mongol commanders accordingly separated, while Chepe swept through the lands bordering the Caspian on the south, and apparently laid a heavy hand on Amol and Asterabad; Subutai marched along the southern side of the Elburz range, and subdued with considerable bloodshed Sarabad, Dameghan, and Semnan. The two commanders rejoined their contingents again at Rai whose ruins still remain near Teheran," According to Mirkhond there was at this time a terrible feud going on at Rai between the adherents of two rival sects. Those who followed the rite of Abu Hanifa had recently burnt a mosque belonging to the followers of the Imam Shafiyi. The latter, who were naturally greatly enraged, sent the Kadhi and several notables to invite Chepe to go to them. At their instigation, after the city had been secured, in consequence of the Shafiyis having surrendered two of its gates, the Mongols massacred the Hanifas, then being convinced they could not rely on the fidelity of those who had betrayed their co-religionists, they killed the Shafiyis as well, and according to some writers, a million of men perished there." After the fall of Rai, the two commanders again separated. Subutai marched upon Kazvin, and Chepe upon Kum, no doubt to cut off the Sultan's retreat in the direction of Ispahan. Kum is situated about half-way between Kazvin and Ispahan, and still contains some splendid monuments, those of Shah Sefi and Shah Abbas, the second being especially magnificent. At the approach of the Mongols a similar feud was in 35 Erdmann, p. 395; D'Ohsson, vol. I, pp. 248 and 249. 36 D'Ohsson, vol. I, p. 249 note; Erdmann, pp. 395 and 396; De la Croix, pp. 277 and 278. 37 Mirkhond, quoted by Petit de la Croix, p. 278; and D'Ohsson, vol. I, pp. 324 and 325, note. 221 progress between the Hanifas and the Shafiyis at Kum as at Rai. The latter told Chepe that the people of Kum were very mutinous, since they followed the doctrines of Abu Hanifa, and so incensed him against them that under pretence that one of his orders had not been obeyed he ordered the greater part of them to be killed or reduced to slavery, after which Kum was plundered." Chepe then advanced upon Hamadan, a famous old city of Irak, and probably to be identified with Ecbatana, the capital of the ancient Medes. It was strongly fortified, and its fertile gardens were watered by the thousand springs that come from the neighbouring mountain of Alwand." At this time the governor of Hamadan was the Seyid Ala-u'ddaulat, the Hamadani, or, according to others, the latter's son, Majd-u'd-daulat. He was very submissive, and supplied the Mongols freely with cattle, clothes, provisions, &c., upon which they spared the town. Some of Chepe's enemies suggested that he had been corrupted." He now speedily reduced to submission the neighbouring towns of Dinavar, Zava, Holvan, Nihavand, &c. Chepe now apparently rejoined Subutai, who had captured Kazvin. The citizens there defended themselves in the streets, sword in hand, and killed many of the Mongols. Their desperate resistance was, however, unavailing, and a general massacre followed, in which 50,000 of them perished.*1 We have seen how Muhammad had retired to Farzand near Kazvin, where his son, Rokn-u'ddin, had collected a considerable army. On the approach of the Mongols, however, this army rapidly melted away, while his prudent counsellor, the Atabeg of Luristan, returned home, and he was presently surprised by an advance corps of the invaders, and his people were dispersed. Rokn-u'd-din fled towards Kerman, while Muhammad himself with his eldest son, Jelal-u'd-din, went to the fortress of Kharendar already named, called Kurandaj by Miles and Karunduz by Major Raverty, situated between Kazvin and Tebriz, and where he had already sent his other son, Ghiath-u'd-din, and part of his harem. In this struggle the Sultan had fortunately not been recognized, in consequence of 40 3 De la Croix, p. 279. 30 Erdmann, p. 396; De la Croix, p. 279. 40 Id. De la Croix, p. 279. D'Ohsson, vol. I, p. 325,

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222 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [AUGUST, 1884. the smallness of his escort. He ran considerable risk, however, of being captured, since his horse was actually wounded." He reached Kharendar safely, but only stayed a day there, when having obtained some horses, he set out in the direction of Baghdad. When the Mongols reached Kharendar they laid siege to it vigorously, but having learnt that the Sultan had left it, they went on in pursuit. Meanwhile, however, he had changed his route, doubled on his pur. suers, and gone to the strong fortresa of Serjihan," situated on a high mountain, some leagues to the north-west of Kazvin. The disappointed Mongols, finding themselves at fault, put their guides to death, and once more went in pursuit. After a delay of seven days at Serjihan Muhammad passed into Ghilan, where one of the local chiefs, named Saaluk, called Toglok in the Shajrat-ul-Atrak urged him to remain, but he barely stayed a week when he again went on into the province of Sebender, where he arrived in sad plight, and lost the remaining wealth he had with him. He passed through Amol, and at length arrived at Istidareh or Astadad, which names probably refer to the town still called Asterabad." There, according to Muhammad of Nissa, he went regularly to the mosque, said the five daily prayers, and caused the Koran to be read to him by the Imam. He shed tears, and protested before God that if he recovered his power justice should reign in his empire. But the Mongols were closely following him. They were guided by Rokn-u'd-din, prince of Kabud-Jamelint Mazanderan, whose uncle and cousin had been put to death by his order, while he had appropriated his principality. By the counsel of those about him he now took a small boat, and sought refuge in an island in the Caspian. The island to which he went was called Ab-Sukan, and according to Ibn Haukal was situated in the Caspian, opposite a town of the same name, which formed the port to the town of Jorjan in Mazanderan." When Muhammad retired from Transoxiana he sent word to his mother, Tarkhan Khatan, who had been his regent at Khuarezm, to retire with his harem into Mazenderan. She had been on bad terms with him and had been approached by Chingbiz, who had, wishing to profit by their disunion, sent his chamberlain Danishmend to her, promising to spare Khuerezm, and even to put her in possession of Khorasan. She did not respond to these insidions advances, but when she heard that her son had retreated, retired southwards with his harem and treasures, having at Khua rezm, first put to death the various princes who had been imprisoned. Among them were two sons of Tughrul, the last Seljuk ruler of Irak, the prince of Balkh, and his son, the Lord of Termed, the princes of Bamian and Vaksh, the two sons of the Lord of Signak, the two sons of Mahmud, the last prince of Ghur, and many other chiefs. She had them thrown into the Oxus and only spared Omar Khan, son of the prince of Yazar, whose knowledge of the country would make him useful. He served her well, but notwithstanding when she got near Yazar she had his head cut off also." Marching by way of Dahistan she reached Mazanderan, and by the counsel of her son took refuge in the fort of Ilal, one of the strongest in the Mazanderan mountains. The Mongols besieged her there for three months, and built a wall all round it, so as to effectually blockade it. After a while the place began to run short of water, although the country was so rainy that no provision for water tanks or reservoirs had been made there. When it at length capitulated, for this reason it was deemed a sapernatural visitation, since rain generally fell there every day, and the people deemed it a judgment of God for the slaughter of so many princes. They were confirmed in this by the fact that directly after the place surrendered there fell some heavy rain which even flooded the place. The Sultana might have escaped, if she had taken refuge with her grandson, Jolal-ud-din. She, however, hated him bitterly, and also his mother, Aigeak, and she preferred braving the Mongols rather than seeking help from him." She was taken with the vizier Nasiru'd-din and Muhammad's harem to Chinghiz Khan's camp, Tabakat---Nasiri, p. 277 note; D'Ohason, vol. I, p. 251; Erdmann, p. 396. Si..., the head of the world. * D'Ohason, vol. I, p. 352; Erdmann, pp. 396 and 397. * It is so called in the Shajrat-ul-Atrak, p. 143. - D'Ohason, vol. I, pp. 254 and 256 ; Erdmann, p. 397. D'Ohsson, vol. I, pp. 857-259. Id., p. 259. * Do'l Croix, pp. 274 and 275; Tabakat-1-Nasiri, p. 993 note. 0 D'Ohason, vol. I, pp. 260 and 261 ; De La Croix, p. 276.

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August, 1884.] CHINGHIZ KHAN AND HIS ANCESTORS. 223 then at Talikan. Nasir-u'd-din and the boys had been given him by his father as evidence were put to death. Two of the girls were of some grant the transaction was duly given to Chagatai, who put one in his harem, respected. and gave the other to his chief officer, Habesh Feeling that hisend was approaching, MuhamAmid. A third was married to Danishmend, mad summoned his sons, Jelal-u'd-din, Uzlak Chinghiz Khan's chamberlain. Another of the Shah, called Arzalak Sultan by Raverty, and Ak princesses, named Khan Sultan, who had 1 Sultan. Having revoked the disposition by married Osman, prince of Samarkand, was, which, ander his mother's influence, he had according to an improbable account, made over nominated Uzlak Shah as his successor, hegirded to a dyer at Imil. Muhammad of Nissa says the sword upon Jelal-u'd-din, saying that he inore probably that she was married to Juchi, alone was capable of saving the empire, and the eldest son of Chinghiz Khan, and that bidding his younger sons do him homage and she bore him several children. Turkhan obey him. A few days later he died. One of his Khatun herself was taken to Mongolia. Nissavi attendants named Shams-u'd-din Mahmud, says she was treated with great indignity, and washed his body and wrapped it in bisshirt, there that Chinghiz when at table used to throw her being no other linen to bury it in. His body was bits of meat as if she had been a dog." She removed some years later by Jelal-a'd-din, and died at Karakoram in 1233." We have seen buried in the fortress of Ardehan. Erdmann how Muhammad had confided ten cases of jewels dates his death on the 10th of February 1221.55 to one of his officers, with orders to take them to D'Ohason says that the opinions of eastern Ardehan, a lofty fortress, situated north of historians are much divided in regard to MuRai, in the mountains separating Mazanderan hammad. Rashid and the author of the Jihan and Irak, but the Mongols having appeared kushai represent him as irresolate, overcome before the place, promised his life to the com- with fear, putting too much trust in astrologers, mander if he would surrender the jewels, which and at the same time as given up to pleasure he accordingly did, and these treasures were and debauchery. Even while the Mongols were carried off to Chinghiz Khan." We have seen pursuing him he was surrounded by dancing how the Khuarezm Shah sought shelter at Ab- and singing women. Ibn-al-Athir, a contemsukan. We are told that he had barely embarked porary, gives a more favourable account of to go thither when a party of pursuers appeared him, and says he was well-informed, especially on the bank and fired a volley of arrows after in law, that he loved the society of learned men, him, and some of them in their eagerness doctors of the law, and religious men, and tha rushed into the sea, and were drowned. He disciplined by hard work, he devoted himself was much distressed with the news that his to affairs of state and the good of the people. harem had been captured, and his distress Zehebi describes him as active, vigilant and was increased by an attack of pleurisy. He intrepid, but as having a criminal ambition. contrasted his recent position as the master Whichever view is taken as to his general of an immense empire with his present one, qualities, there can be no doubt that he showed when he had only a few yards of earth for great weakness in the presence of the Mongols." a grave. He rested in a tent, and people came On Muhammad's death Jelal-u'd-din made his from Mazanderan and brought him refresh- way to Mangushlak on the eastern shore of the ments, and in return he gave them fiefs, &c., Caspian, and having sent on his two younger the diplomas being often written out by the brothers, Uzlak and Ak-Sultan, to report his recipients of these favours themselves, since approach, set off on his way to the kernel of most of his suite had been sent on missions to the empire, namely, Khuarezm, which was as his sons. Some years later, when Jelal-u'd-din yet free from the Mongol arms. Tarkhan recovered a portion of his father's dominions, Khatun had retired some time before from he carried out these dispositions, and any one there, as I have described with the Sultan's who could show him a knife or a towel which harem, but there still remained a garrison of D'Ohason, vol. I, p. 260; De la Croix, p. 276. # De la Croix, p. 276. * D'Obsson, vol. I, p. 260. 54 Nissavi, quoted by D'Ohsson, vol. I, p. 281. * D'Ohsson, vol. I, pp. 254-256; Erdmann, p.898. 54 D'Ohason, vol. I, pp. 256 and 257.

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224 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [AUGUST, 1884. 90,000 Kankalis, under the command of Buji | bouring peasants of Vesht, who were greatly Pehluvan, a maternal uncle of Uzlak Sultan, enriched in consequence." Kujai Tikin, Ughul Hajib and Timur Malik, the intrepid defender of Khojend." These troops were no means favourable to Jelal-u'ddin. They were mostly Kankalis, and therefore favoured the pretensions of Uzlak Sultan, whose mother was of their race, and whose claims they upheld; besides he was a boy of very ordinary intellect, and not likely to keep the tight hand over them that Jelal-u'd-din would, and they accordingly plotted to destroy him. The plot was disclosed to him by Inanj Khan, and the Sultan determined to leave the dangerous city, and accordingly set out with 300 companions headed by Timur Malik. The Mongole had placed a cordon of troops round the northern borders of Khorasan to prevent his escape in that direction. Jelal.u'd-din, however, sped on by way of Nissa to Shadbakh Shadyakh." At Shadyakh, near Astuseh Sabekan," he had to cut his way through a body of 700 Mongols who tried to stop him, and this, says Muhammad of Nissa, was the first success won by the Musalmans over the Mongols. He managed to reach Shadyakh, where he delayed three days, and then went on to Ghazni. Hardly had he left Khuarezm when news arrived there that the Mongols were advancing upon the town. Uzlak Sultan and Ak Sultan hastened after their brother to recall him. Near Kharender, a strong fort close to Nissa, from which the historian, Muhammad of Nissa, took his name, they were met by the same body of Mongols who had tried to stop their brother, and who were making inquiries in which direction he had fled. The nephew of Muhammad of Nissa went out of the fortress to divert the Mongols' attention from the young princes, but having learnt who they were, the latter pursued, captured and put them to death. Their heads were put on lances, and exhibited publicly. It is said that the jewels which were found on the clothes of the two princes and the other Khuarezmians were bartered by the Mongols, who did not know their value, to the neigh 60 "Tabakat-i-Nasiri, p. 286 note; Erdmann, pp. 407 Erdmann, p. 408. Raverty says Astawah, p. 285. (Ashabat, close to the Tejend river P). Erdmann, pp. 407 and 408; Tabakat-i-Nasiri, Raverty's Notes, p. 286; D'Ohsson, pp. 263 and 264. and 406. rezm. Let us turn once more to the Mongols. After the capture of Samarkand, and apparently when he heard that the sons of Muhammad had on his death retired to Khuarezm, Chinghiz determined to send a strong army there, and gave the command of it to his three eldest sons, Juchi, Chagatai, and Ogotai. The Mongols had already made a venture in that direction. After Juchi captured Yanghikent, the Ulus Bede, or Uighurs, who were with him, were allowed to return home to Mongolia, and he replaced them by a contingent of 10,000 Kankalis under Ainal Noyan, called Tainal by D'Ohsson, and sent them against Khuarezm. Ainal having gone on with the advance guard, left a Mongol officer in charge of these Turcomans, They speedily killed him, whereupon Ainal having returned, put many of them to death. The rest fled to Merv and Amuyeh." Kurkanj, or Urgenj, was the capital of KhuaIts ruins are still known as Kunis Urgenj, The Arabs called it Al Jorjania, and it is described by Mokadessi as a town of some importance." Like the other towns of Khuarezm it was situated on the Oxus, which corresponds to the Nile in watering a green strip of fertile land bounded on either side by sandy wastes. We have seen how Jelal-a'd-din and his brothers withdrew from the district. Abulghazi tells us that Khumar Tikin, a Kankali chief, and brother of the virago Turkhan Khatun, had been appointed governor, and was assisted by Mogol Hajib and Feridun, and a great number of naukars and other officers." Erdmann, apparently from Juveni, adds the names of Buka Pehlavan and the Sepehsilar Ali Murghaini. Khumar put the place in a condition for a long defence. Before the siege fairly began, the garrison had a foretaste of disaster. A body of Mongols who were scouring the neighbourhood for provisions having approached the town, and carried off some horses and asses, were pursued by the Khuarezmians as far as Bagh-iKhurram, where they fell into an ambush, 66 61 D'Ohsson, loc. cit.; De la Croix, p. 246. Erdmann, p. 374; D'Ohsson, vol. I, pp. 223 and 224. es See Howorth, History of the Mongols, vol. II, p. 965, &c. Op. cit., pp. 117 and 118. Op. cit., p. 409. ses.e., the Garden of Delights.

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August, 1884.] CHINGHIZ KHAN AND HIS ANCESTORS. 225 and the greater part of them were slaughtered The pursuing Mongols chased them even into the town, some of them entering it through the Kabilan or Kalanian Gate with the retreating crowd. Abulghazi says they advanced as far as the Tenureh Gate. Erdmann tells us the best authorities calculate that 100,000 perished on this occasion, which must be an immense exaggeration. The main army of the Mongols soon after arrived, and proceeded to attack the city. They first summoned it, promising it easy terms if it submitted, Juchi telling the people that his father had made the place over to him, and he wished to prevent its being destroyed, and had given orders that his men were to refrain from pillage. The more prudent people were for submitting, more especially as the Khuarezm Shah had sent them word from Absukun counselling them not to resist, but the governor notwithstanding sent back & defiant answer, encouraged no doubt by the fact that the town was garrisoned by over 50,000 troops. The Mongols accordingly planted their battering engines and pounded the city almost incessantly, using wooden balls soaked in water made out of the neighbouring mulberry-trees in lieu of stones, which were scarce there. Meanwhile they also plied the garrison liberrally with threats and fair promises. Having tried ineffectually to fill up the ditch they determined to drain it by cutting a canal and thus lay it dry. The 3,000 men who were employed in this work were attacked suddenly by the garrison, and all perished, but the work went on, & guard was set over the workmen, and the ditch was at length drained and was then filled up with earth, straw, and faggots, but the garrison behaved bravely, assault after assault was given in vain, and great losses were sustained on either side. The prolonged siege, which had lasted more than six months, and the severe losses, caused trouble in the Mongol camps, and led to much dispating between the princes Juchi and Jagatai. On this being reported to Chinghiz he superseded them, and gave the supreme command to their younger brother, Ogotai, who, by his tact and discretion once more restored discipline. He then ordered a general assault, during which the houses in the town were fired by stink-pots. The garrison still kept up the fight in the streets, even the women and children taking part in it. This went on for seven days. Driven at length into three districts of the city and terribly harassed by the Mongols, they sent word that they were willing to surrender, and sent the chief of police out with a message, "We have suffered from your severity, it is time we should test the quality of your mercy." "How," said Juchi in a rage, "can they say they have felt our severity when by their resistance they have destroyed so many of our soldiers? It is we who have felt their severity, and will now let them taste ours." Orders were given for the citizens to go out of the place, and the artizans and handicraftsmen were put aside and sent off to Tartary, the young women and boys were divided as slaves, while the rest of the inhabitants were distributed among the soldiers and remorsely killed. Juveni and Rashid tell us each Mongol soldier had 24 Khuarezmians to execute. After this butchery, they pillaged what remained of the town, and then submerged it by opening the dyke which restrained the waters of the Oxus, and all those who had hid away in their houses perished. In the sack of other towns, says Ibn-al-Athir, some of the inha. bitants escaped, either by hiding away or fleeing or lying down among the corpses; but at Khuarezm those who escaped the sword of the Tartars were drowned in the waters of the Jihun." Abulghazi adds that at this time there was at Urgenj a celebrated Sheikh named Nadjmad. din-Kubra, son of Omar of Khiva. The Mongol princes sent word to him to leave the city with his family, so that he might not be trampled under the horses' feet. The Sheikh answered that he was not alone, but had relatives and servants with him. They told him he might take ten people with him. He said he had more than ten. They then told him to take a hundred. He replied he had more than that, upon which they increased the number to a thousand. But his answer was, In happier days I knew this people, whose friend I was. How can I desert them now in their misfortune. The Mongols soon after arrived at his door, and, after sending several of them to hell, says Abulghasi, p. 118 ; Abulfaraj, Chron. Syr, p. 488; Erdmann, p. 410 and note 815. 6 D'Ohsson, vol. I, p. 269. ** D'Ohsson, vol. I, pp. 269-270.

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226 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (AUGUST, 1884. Abulghazi, be ended by winning the martyr's crown. "We belong to God, and we shall return to him."10 Minhaj-i-Saraj reports a strange story that on the capture of Khuarezm the women were separated from the men. Having selected such of the former as they wanted, the rest were divided into two bodies and stripped naked, the Mongols standing round withdrawn swords, told them they heard the women of the place were good pagilists, and they made them attack each other with their clenched fists during a whole watch, when they fell on them with their swords and martyred them. "The Almighty reward them," ejaculates our author." After the capture of Khgarezm, the three princes secured Kat, Feraber, Dargan, Zamak- sher and Great and Little Urgenj," and then rejoined their father. This campaign against Khuarezm is referred to in the baldest fashion in the Chinese notices. The Yuan-ch'ao-pi-shi says Jochi, Chaadai, and Ogidai received orders to cross the Amui" and attack the city of Urungichi." When they had reached the city, they sent to Chinghiz to ask who shonld take the supreme command. He ordered Ogidai to take it." " The Yuan-shi merely says "the princes Ju-chi, Ch'a-ho-tai, and Wok'no-t'ai, captured the city of Yu-lung-gie-chi" and other places." In the Huang-yuan we read that in the autumn of 1221 Chinghiz Khan sent his eldest, second and third sons with the right flank of the army to attack Yu-lung-kie-che" and Bu-jin-ye-ha-da." Chinghiz's third son was entrusted with the chief command. FOLKLORE IN SOUTHERN INDIA. BY S. M. NATESA SASTRI PANDIT. II.-WEY BRIHMANS CANNOT EAT IN THE went to a tank to perform his Sandhya vandaDARE. na or evening prayers. It swarmed with Among Hindus, especially among Brahmane crocodiles. People never went near it. The of the Madras Presidency-and I now see son-in-law, being quite new to the village, from personal observation that it is the same entered the tank without knowing anything in the Bombay Presidency also--there is a cus- of the danger. Unfortunately there was none tom, while taking their meals, of leaving their near to warn him. He had set his foot in food uneaten when it so happens that from any the water when a crocodile caught him by the cause the light is blown out. Of course this leg and began to drag him. That very night could occur only in the night-time. Such was fixed for his naptials and a crocodile was mishaps now-a-days take place only in poor fa- taking him to feast on his flesh. He was exmilies sitting down to supper with a single light. tremely vexed at the calamity, and said humbly Hence the following story told as the origin of to his enemy, "My friend crocodile! Listen to this custom is being forgotten. It runs as my words first and then decide for yourself. follows: A wife, the only daughter of an old Brahman In a certain village there lived a Brahman is waiting for me to-night. If you eat me who had an only daughter. She was deeply now you take me away without my seeing her, read in Sanskrit and was of the most charm- my father-in-law and other relatives. Their ing beauty. He procured a husband for her hearts may break at the news of my death as deeply read as herself. The betrothal had on the very day of the wedding. They may already taken place. Just after the girl at- all ourse you. If, on the contrary, you leave tained her puberty a day was appointed for me now, I shall go home, speak to my wife and her nuptials; and the muhurtta or anspicious others about the sad calamity that has come time was fixed at the 10th ghatika of that over me, and after embracing and taking leave night. On that very evening the son-in-law of her will come to you for your supper at the to Urgenj. 10 Koran, Surs, 2, verse 181; Abulghazi, ed. Desmai. sons, pp. 119 and 120; Erdmann, p. 412. 11 Tabakat--Nasiri, pp. 1100, 1101. 1 De la Croix, p. 256. 1 , e. the Amui Daria. *1... Urgenj. + Op. cit. p. 147. * 1. e. Urgenj. " Bretschneider, Notices, etc. p. 61. . Probably, says Dr. Bretschneider, misspelt name. 10 The Yuan-hi-lei-pen says that the three princes captured Yulong and Kiesbi, thus making two names out of Urgenj.-Gaubil, p. 38; id. 66.

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AUGUST, 1884.] FOLKLORE IN SOUTHERN INDIA. 227 15th ghatika. Till then leave me." The cruel crocodile though very fond of human flesh and himself dying of hunger, spared him for a few ghatikas at his humble request. After extracting several oaths from him for his return in accordance to his promise the crocodile went into the water. The son-in-law also went home. All his joys fled away; how could he be pleasant after his promise to the crocodile. Still, to give no uneasiness to the aged parents of his wife he underwent all the ceremonies and entered the bed-room at the 10th ghalika. Only 5 more ghatikas remained for him to live in the world as he thought. He in a few words explained everything to his wife, and asked her permission. She showed no sign of sorrow, preached to him about the iron hand of fate, and that he must undergo what was written on his forehead. She most willingly gave him permission, and he returned to the tank even a ghatikd earlier and called the crocodile who came and seized him. At this moment a certain light glittered before the eyes of the crocodile and vanished. It was a woman that did it. The wife, after consoling her husband and preaching to him about the supremacy of fate, had accompanied him unobserved with a lighted lamp concealed in a vessel. Just when the crocodile applied its teeth to the leg of her husband, she took the lamp out, showed it before the crocodile, and quenched it. Nor did it go without its intended effect. The crocodile left the husband to himself and said, "You had better go now. I will never touch you after a lamp was quenched when I began my meals to-day." The husband was astonished at the device of his wife and still more at the faithful observance of a rule in an unreasonable beast. From that day it was fixed that men, who are more reasonable, should never eat when the lamp is blown out. Another story is told. In a remote village there lived a poor woman who laboured from morning till night in different houses and returned to her hut with two measures of rice. That quantity would serve for ten ordinary persons. Being extremely poor she used to keep no lamp, but cook her rice in the dark, only guided by the light of the fire. When she sat down for her meals even the light of the fire decayed. So she had to eat in the dark. Though she used the full two measures of rice that she brought every day her hunger was never satisfied. She was always in extreme want. Now it so happened that she had a younger sister who was somewhat richer than herself. The younger came to see her elder sister. The former never used to be without light, and so asked her sister to buy some oil that night and light a lamp. The elder was compelled by necessity to do so; for that she devoted a portion of her two measures of rice and returned home with great uneasiness and perplexity of mind as to how less than two measures would furnish their supper that night, while full two measures were found insufficient on former occasions for herself alone. The lamp was set for the first time in her house and she cooked the remaining rice. The younger sis. ter was astonished to see her using so much for two. The elder, thinking with herself that the younger would soon see her mistake, cooked everything. Two leaves were spread and they sat down to their supper. Not even a fourth part of the rice in the pot was consumed, but already they were satisfied. The younger sister laughed at the foolishness of her elder who now said, "I do not know what magic you have in you. Every day I cook tvo measures of rice and fast the whole night, without finding them sufficient for myself. Now a fourth of less than two measures has satiated both. Please explain the cause." The younger sister, who was very intelligent her. self, wanted to find out the cause, and asked next day to serve the meals without the lamp. Instead of eating she stretched her hand in front and caught & lock of hair. She asked the other at once to light the lamp, which being done there was a devil sitting before her. On being questioned how he came there he said that he was used thus to go to every one who ate without a lamp, and swallow his meals fast without leaving him a morsel. The elder sister perceived her mistake and used a lamp from that day. The demon ceased to come. She had abundance for herself and something to spare. So when the lamp is blown out devils are said to come and eat out of our leaves. Hence is the custom to rise whenever such mishaps occur.

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228 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [August, 1884. A GEOLOGIST'S CONTRIBUTION TO THE HISTORY OF ANCIENT INDIA. BY PROF. V. BALL, M.A., F.R.S., F.G.S. The earliest traders in Indian commodities, Hiram, King of Tyre, in a nautical and comof whose proceedings we have any record, mercial venture of a more ambitious nature were the Egyptians. According to Lenor- than had previously been attempted, "For the mant,' the bas-reliefs of the temple of Deir-el- king had at sea a navy of Tarshish with the Bahari at Thebes represent the conquest of the | navy of Hiram ; once in three years came the land of Pun under Hatasu. "In the abundant navy of Tarshish, bringing gold and silver, booty, loading the vessels of Pharaoh for ivory, apes, and peacocks." conveyance to the land of Egypt, appear & These ships were the first which had ever great many Indian animals and products not doubled the southern parts of Arabia and then indigenous to the soil of Yemen-elephants' sailed straight for India. The first port in teeth, gold, precious stones, sandal-wood, and that country of which we have any mention monkeys." is Ophir. The vessels were built of timber Again, "The labours of Von Bohlen (Dus from Judea, at Elath and Erziongeber, and Alte Indien, vol. I, p. 42), confirming those of they were manned by Phaenicians. They Heeren, and in their turn confirmed by those were called "ships of Tarshish," because they of Lassen (Ind. Alt. vol. II, p. 580), have were of the same form and build as those established the existence of a maritime com- which had previously been employed in the merce between India and Arabia from the very trade to Tarshish, situated, as is now generally earliest period of the annals of humanity." known, in the south of Spain. The principal commodities imported from It is needless, perhaps, to discuss here the India were gold, tin, precious stones, ivory, many views which have been put forward as &c. to the identity of Ophir. Lassen says it was In the Mosaic period (1491-1450, B.c.), too, on the site of Abhira, on the western coast, precious stones, which were to a great extent adjoining the province of Gujarat. Others # specialty of India and the neighbouring locate it in Ceylon; but General Cunningham's countries, appear to have been well known, researches place it also in the Gulf of Cambay. and were already highly valued. It is proba- The name Ophir, or Sophir, he identifies with ble that some of the stones in the breastplate Sauvira, a name derived from that of the of the high priest may have come from the ber-tree (Zisyphus jujuba), which is plentiful far East. The emerald, however, if then in that region. known, was probably derived from a mine in Since gold, silver, ivory, apes, and peacocks Egypt, to which reference will be made here- are productions of India-and the Hebrew after. At the same time there are grounds for name for the last is derived from tukki, an believing that the word so rendered (Exod. Indian word-there is internal evidence that xxviii. 18; Ezek. xxviii. 13) may not be cor- Ophir was situated in that country. It is not rectly translated. likely to have been in the more Eastern, The next traders in Indian products were Burmese, or Malayan countries, where, it must the Phoenicians, who for a time carried on be admitted, the same commodities might have their commerce with the ports of Aden, Cana, been obtained.' Haran, Yemen, and Muza, to which the com- Passing the notices of precious stones to be inodities of India were brought for exchange found in the biblical books written during the by Arabian, and possibly Indian and Cingalese, course of the next five centuries, we find that ships. Herodotos (fifth century B.C.) gives us some Somewhere about 1015 B.C., Solomon joined insight into the nature and extent of certain 1 From the Presidential address to the Royal Geolo- Mr. Batwiok estimates that the gold which reached gioal Society of Ireland, March 19, 1883. Solomon by way of the Red Sea amounted to 3,330,000 * Hist. Anc, de l'Orient-English ed., vol. II, p. 299. lbe, in weight, or 180 millions sterling. In his Paper 3 l. c. p. 301. entitled, Gold in Indis," it may be added, he is * 1 Kings, i. 22: also see is. 28, &o. inclined to locate Ophir in the Malabar country, in the . Ind. Alter., vol. II, pp. 584-592. neighbourhood of the gold-bearing regions of Southern Anc. Geog. of India, pp. 496-7; and 560-62 India.

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AUGUST, 1884.) EARLY NOTICES OF METALS AND GEMS IN INDIA. 229 Indian mineral productions. Babylon obtained indigenous sources must have been very conprecious stones and dogs (probably Tibetansiderable before the alluvial deposits were mastiffs) from India. In the enumeration of exhausted of their gold throughout wide rethe nations and tribes which paid tribute to the gions. Persian monarch, Darius, the Indians alone, When it is remembered that about 80 per we are told, paid in gold, all the others paying cent. of the gold raised throughout the world in silver. The amount of this gold was 360 is from alluvial washings, and when this fact Euboeic talents = PS1,290,000. Herodotos is considered in connexion with the reflection pointedly, moreover, speaks of India as being that wide tracts in Australia and America, "rich in gold";' and he relates the famous and formerly richly productive, are now deserted, widespread fable of the gold digging ants, the being covered with exhausted tailings, it can be origin of which has been fully ascertained." I conceived how these regions in India, and there shall only add now that the horns of the gold- are very many of them, which are known to diggir.g ants," referred to by Pliny and others be auriferous, may, in the lapse of time, after were, probably, simply samples of the ordinary yielding large supplies of gold, have become pickaxes used by the miners. In Ladakh, and, too exhausted to be of much present consideraprobably, also in Tibet, these implements are tion. More than this, however, recent made of the horns of wild sheep, mounted on explorations have confirmed the fact, often handles of wood. previously asserted, that in Southern India The portion of India conquered by Darius there are indications of extended mining opewas probably situated chiefly to the north- rations having been carried on there. west of the Indus. The Indus itself, as well Evidence exists of the most conclusive as some of its tributaries, is known to be kind of large quantities of gold having been auriferous. amassed by Indian monarchs, who accepted a Many commentators on the above and other revenue in, gold dust only, from certain secreferences by subsequent authors to the exist tions of their subjects, who were consequently ence of gold and silver), as indigenous products compelled to spend several months of every of India, object that mines of these metals are year washing for it in the rivers or were not known to exist in India. Thus The already quoted facts taken from the Lassen says: "If the ancients speak of abun- pages of the Bible and Herodotos must be dant gold in India, it is either only a false accepted as evidence that gold was an export amplification of the early and true account of from India, and that to so large an extent, that Northern India, the country of the Dards, the suggestion that it was first imported may between Kasmir and the Upper Indus, or a false be safely rejected. A large amount, very conclusion, from the fact that the Indians probably, reached Northern India in the course used much gold for ornaments and other of trade from Tibet, but it is incredible that purposes." Heeren, like Lassen, alludes doubt- the vast stores which, se will be shown on & fully to Pliny's statement (vide postea) as to future pago, were in the possession of the the existence of abundant gold and silver mines princes of Southern India about 600 years ago, in the country of the Nareee; he attributes the were, to any considerable extent, derived from quantity of gold which must have been in extraneous sources. Ancient India to commerce with other gold Much uncertainty exists as to the date of the producing countries, namely, Tibet and Bur- famous Indian epic known as the Ramayana. ma. He even suggests that African gold By Wilson, however, it is supposed to have found its way to India in early as well as it is been written about 300 B.C.; but it refers to a known to have done in later times. Our most time probably contemporaneous with Solomon. recent knowledge of India, however, affords It represents India as abounding at that early evidence that the amount of gold derived from period in wealth, which we cannot but conclude * Herodoton, lib. I, c. 192. 1. c. lib. III, 6. 106. 10 Scient. Proceedings R. Soc. Dub., for 1890. The fable has been shown by Sir Henry Rawlinson and Dr. Sobiern Ind. Ant. vol. IV, pp. 225ff.) to have originated in the peculiar customs of the Tibetan gold miners, which would appear to be the same at present, they were in the time of Herodotos. The DAIDO" Apt" gold was possibly Arat given to the fragments of gold dust brought from Tibet on googant of their shape and fi **Arialic Nations (Boknpd.), vol II, p. 32.

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230 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. was mainly of indigenous origin. In the description of the capital town of Ayodhya, as quoted by Heeren," we are told "it was filled with merchants and artificers of all kinds; gold, precious stones, and jeweis were there found in abundance; every one wore costly garments, bracelets, and necklaces." Again, "The present made to Sita consisted of a whole measure of gold pieces and a vast quantity of the same precious metal in ingots; golden chariots, golden trappings for elephants and horses, and golden bells are also noticed as articles of luxary and magnificence." 18 The Indika, by Ktesias, the Knidian (398 B.C.) was the first regular Greek treatise on India. The fragments of it which have been preserved by Photios and other writers have recently been brought together and carefully annotated by Mr. McCrindle, to whose work I am indebted for the following extracts bearing upon our subject. Ktesias's knowledge of India was all derived at second-hand from persons he came in contact with at the Persian Court, where he resided under Darius and his successor, Artaxerxes Mnemon. Ktesias informs us that there is a lake in the country of the Pygmies upon the surface of which oil is produced. The Pygmies are described as being covered over with long hair. A tribe corresponding to this description has been reported to exist in Upper Burma, and there also are the only largely productive petroleum deposits, which, moreover, we know to have been worked since the earliest times.1 Silver also was and is found in this region. This report, however, it should be clearly understood, requires very distinct confirmation before it can be accepted. It is probably merely a fable; but the existence of sources of rock-oil and silver in Upper Burma is noteworthy, no other region being known to produce both, though silver is found in many localities in India, and rock-oil in Asam and the Panjab. The elektron or amber of Ktesias, a product of trees, was certainly shellac, and the insects 12 Asiatic Nations, vol. II, pp. 149, 150. 13 Ind. Ant., vol. X, pp. 297ff. 1 Ball, Economic Geology of India, p. 138. 15 Herodotos (lib. I, o. 192) tells us, as pointed out by Lenormant, that India supplied Babylon with "precious stones and large dogs; and so great was the passion for the latter, that Tritantechmes, Satrap of Babylon under the Achaemenians, had set apart four cities or large [AUGUST, 1884. found with it, which yielded a red dye, were lac insects. As, therefore, this amber does not properly belong to our subject, I shall say no more about it at present. Gold, we are told, was only obtained on certain "high-towering mountains" inhabited by the griffins-a race of four-footed birds, about as large as wolves, having legs and claws like those of the lion, and covered all over the body with black feathers, except only on the breast, where they are red. Now, if we omit the word "birds" in the above, and for "feathers" read "hair," there is no difficulty in recognising the griffins as the Tibetan mastiffs, which are powerful, hairy, often black-and-tan-coloured dogs, specimens of which, by the way, appear to have been taken to the Persian Court as examples of the gold-digging ants, which were first described by Herodotos. We may, I think, therefore, justly conclude that the locality referred to was situated in Tibet. Gold was also said to be obtained from a spring, being drawn from it in earthen pitchers in which it congealed. This story is obviously founded on the casting of ingots; but I cannot see that Lassen's' view, that it shows that the Indians knew how to extract gold from ores, follows, since it may merely refer to the melting of alluvial gold dust. Silver is said to occur also in the above-mentioned country of the Pygmies, upon which Lassen remarks that silver is only known to occur in Ajmir. It has, however, a much wider distribution, as I have shown in my Economic Geology; but the only region in which it is regularly produced at present is Upper Burma.10 Iron is said to be found in the same spring or fountain as the gold; and Ktesias had two swords, made of Indian iron, given to him respectively by the King of Persia and his mother. This iron consisted, I believe, of ingots of wootz or cast-steel, from which Damascus blades have been made since time immemorial." The power of iron to ward off thunderstorms, which is referred to by Ktesias, suggests rather an early knowledge of the use villages, exempted from all other taxes, on condition of maintaining his dogs."-Manual of the Ancient History of the East, vol. I, p. 496. 18 Economic Geology, p. 234. 17 The name woots, according to Lassen, Ind. Alter. (vol. I, p. 239), is derived from the Sanskrit, from two words signifying diamond and thunderbolt, vajra.

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AUGUST. 1884.) EARLY NOTICES OF METALS AND GEMS IN INDIA. 231 of lightning conductors than of the properties of the magnet, which is the explanation offered by Baehr. The Pantarba is a kind of stone which, when thrown into the water, had the power of drawing together other stones of various colours to the number of 77. It has been suggested by Count Von Veltheim that this was some kind of opal, which, on being put into water, exhibited a rich play of colours. Upon this I can offer no opinion: no more probable supposition suggests itself to my mind. The sardine stone, the onyx, and other seal stones, are said to be found in certain high mountains. There is no further indication of locality. Possibly Ujjain in Malwa, or some of the other places where mines of Chalcedonic minerals occur, was intended. Evidence of various kinds exists that in the time of the Indian monarch, Asoka, about 250 B.C., the mineral resources of India were well known and were largely availed of. Stone architecture on a magnificent scale, which is still extant, bears testimony to the skill of the Buddhist stone-masons of a still earlier period. The elaborate carvings on some of these prove the excellence of the tools which were employed; probably they were made of Indian steel or woote. The famous Asoka monoliths of a later date, from 35 to 40 feet long, and about as many tons in weight, are, in their way, too, remarkable, though not exhibiting such ornate designs. In B.c. 307,"s according to the Mahavansa, the King of Ceylon (or Lanka), Dewanampiatisso, was installed, and shortly afterwards he sent an embassy to Asoka at Palibothra, the presents consisting of sapphires, lapis lazuli, rubies, and eight varieties of pearls, which, we are told, rose miraculously from the earth and sea respectively on the auspicious occasion. Asoka's return-gift consisted of golden and other ornaments, and as an especial rarity, "costly hand-towels, which to the last moment they are used (are cleansed by being passed through the fire) without being washed." Now, with reference to the above, I venture to think that the translator has made a mis take as regards lapis-lazuli. It has never been known to be a product of Ceylon. The word possibly means either the asteria (or star sapphire), or another blue mineral called iolite (or dichroite), both of which occur in Ceylon. In this connexion it may be interesting to note that, in some excavations made recently on the supposed site of Asoka's throne, there were obtained sapphires and emeralds, mostly broken into splinters, two pebbles of iolite, some beads of lapis lazuli, coral, &c., and some imitation emeralds, made of glass. Lapis-lazuli, therefore, was possibly known in Asoka's time, but probably it did not come from Ceylon, but from the mines in Badakshan, to be mentioned hereafter. The handtowels were most likely made of woven nsbestos, a substance which has long been known to occur in Kabul," and may very possibly have reached India from thence. The work by Megasthenes (302 B.C.), entitled ta 'Ivoika, no longer exists, except in fragments which have been quoted by subsequent writers. These have recently been brought together by Mr. M'Crindle" from the pages of Strabo, Pliny, Arrian, Diodoros, &c. It is probable that these fragments represent only a small portion of the whole work; but so far as they go, since the individual quotations by each of the authors are checked by those of the others, we are justified in the belief that the general facts related are as they were originally stated by Megasthenes. The first statement bearing on our subject is taken from Diodorog? :-"And while the soil (of India) bears on its surface all kinds of fruits which are known to enltivation, it has also under ground numerous veins of all sorts of metals, for it contains much gold and silver, and copper and iron in no small quantity, and even tin and other metals, which are employed in making articles of use and ornament, as well as the implements and accoutrements of war." Upon this I shall only here remark that the item of greatest interest is the tin. Even in Homeric times reference to this metalas coming from India is to be found in conjunction 15 The chronology of the Maharansa is in error by 60 to 66 years; this date should be about 245 B.C.-Ed. 1.4. 10 A History of Ceylon for Twenty-four Centuries, from B.C. 543; translated by Turnour, p. 70. 0 Vide Proc. 18. Society, Bengal, May, 1881, p. 89. S1 Economic Geology of India, p. 519. * Ind. Ant., vol. V1, pp. 120-135, 236-250, 333-349. Ind. Ant., vol. VI, p. 120.

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232 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. with the mention of elephas or ivory. The Greek name for it, kassiteros, is moreover said to be derived from the Sanskrit, kastira. That India produced tin in sufficient quantities for exportation is, I believe, most improbable. The tin which she did export probably came to the Indian ports from the Malayan countries or Tenasserim. The fable of the gold-digging ants, already alluded to as having been related by Herodotos, is quoted by Strabo and Arrian from Megasthenes. Arrian further also refers to the account by Nearchos," who says that "he had not himself seen a specimen of the sort of ant which other writers declare to exist in India, though he had seen many skins of them which had been brought into the Makedonian camp." " But Megasthenes avers that the tradition about the ants is strictly true that they are golddiggers, not for the sake of the gold itself, but because by instinct they burrow holes in the earth to lie in, just as the tiny ants of our own country dig little holes for themselves; only those in India being larger than foxes, make their burrows proportionately larger. But the ground is impregnated with gold, and the Indians thence obtain their gold. Now, Megasthenes writes what he had heard from. hearsay, and as I have no more exact information to give, I willingly dismiss the subject of the ant. Pliny, in his list of the Indian Races, which is believed to have been mostly borrowed from Megasthenes, says: "Next follow the Nares, enclosed by the loftiest of Indian mountains, Capitalia. The inhabitants on the other side of this mountain work extensive mines of gold and silver." Capitalia may certainly be identified with Mount Abu; and although the highest authorities are divided as to the identity of the Nares, the mention of mines of gold and silver compels me to believe that the Nayyars of Malabar were intended, as in Malabar and the neighbouring regions are situated not only the ancient gold mines which have attracted so much notice of late years, but there [AUGUST, 1884. are also enormous ancient mines in the districts of Kadapa and Karnal from whence argentiferous galena appears to have been extracted, and from this ore silver was, very probably, obtained. In another passage in this list of Pliny we find the following statement:-"Gold is very abundant among the Dardee and silver among the Sete." On this Mr. M'Crindle remarks that the Setee are the Sata or Sataka of Sanskrit geography, which locates them in the neighbourhood of the Daradas. I was inclined to believe that the country of the Sets may have been the Wazir-i-rupi, or silver country of the Wazira, i.e., Kulu, where argentiferous galenas undoubtedly do occur. Colonel Yule identifies them, however, with the Sanskrit Sekas, and he places them on the Bannas, about Jhajpur, south-east from Ajmir. There are extensive ancient mines from which galena was obtained near the Taragarh hill in Ajmir; but, so far as I can ascertain, there is no record of their having produced silver. Galena, known to contain silver, appears to have been mined for at Jodawas in Alwar, and at Jawar or Zawar in Udepur, but this latter locality was chiefly remarkable, indeed unique. in India, for producing zinc." Further on, in Pliny's enumeration above alluded to, we meet the following passage :"Beyond the mouth of the Indus are Chryss and Argyra, rich, as I believe, in metals. For I cannot readily believe what is asserted by some writers, that their soil is impregnated with gold and silver. At a distance of twenty miles from these lies Crocala." This last, according to Mr. M'Crindle, is identified with Karkalla, the district which includes Karachi; but Colonel Yule identifies the former two localities with Burma and Arakan, as will be mentioned below in connexion with Ptolemy's reference to the same subject. About the year 30 B.C. Dionysios Perigetes, in his Oikoumenes Perithesis, gives a rough indication of the position of the region from whence the diamonds which at that time found M'Crindle's Arrian, p. 217; Ind. Ant., vol. V, p. 93. These I believe to have been skins of the Tibetan mastiffs (or griffins), which, I understand, are still brought to India for sale. s Vide Economic Geology of India, p. 233. 37 Todd (Rajasthan, (Mad, ed.) vol. I, pp. 11, 230, 499); also Jour. A. 8. Beng. vol. XIX, p. 212), has described this as being a tin mine, an error which has misled Lassen (Ind. Alt., vol. I, p. 239), who states that the large production from this mine may account for the fact that the Indian name of tin, already alluded to on a previous page, was at so early a period spread through out the western world.

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August, 1884.) EARLY NOTICES OF METALS AND GEMS IN INDIA. 233 their way to Europe were derived." The I cannot explain is, that the Indians polish adamas, he states, together with beryl, green amber by boiling it in the grease of a sucking jasper, topaz, and amethyst, were found in the river beds of the country lying to the east of Adamas.-Under this head the diamond apMount Parapamissus (i e. the Hindu Kush) and pears to have been included, together with some Ariana. Although some doubt may be felt in other stones. "It is," he says (lib. xxxvii, this instance as to the true meaning of the c. 15), "the substance that possesses the greatterm adamas, its applicability to the diamond, est value, not only among the precious stones, when used by Manilius a few years later, is | but of all human possessions, a mineral which indispatable. This latter author flourished for a long time was known to kinge oply, and during the Augustan age (B.C. 31 to A.D. 14), to very few of them." Where, however, he but the exact date of his poem is not known. I refers to its hexangular and hexahedral form, Pliny, A.D. 77.-In his Historia Naturalis, he appears to have been alloding to some other the industrious compiler, Pliny, has given an mineral; but his mention of splinters as being extraordinary amount of information regarding nised by engravers of other stones again points precious stones and metals, a large proportion to the true diamond. He says it could only be of-them being of Indian origin. broken after being steeped in the blood of a Reference has already been made to those he-goat. passages which appear to have been derived Smaragdus.-Twelve varieties are mentionfrom the older authors, more particularly to ed (lib. xxxvii., caps. 16, 17). Some of these those referring to gold. A locality, namely may have been emeralds, especially those of the Ganges, mentioned by Pliny (lib. xxxiii., the third rank, which are said to have come c. 21), may, perhaps, refer to known sources from Egypt. This locality is considered to have of the precious metal in the tributaries of the been Mount Zalora, in Upper Egypt, which Upper Ganges. His remarks on the quantity still produces emeralds, and was probably the of gold in India, lib. xxiii., c. 21), are full only locality for them known by the ancients. of interest. With reference to some of the other varieties, Regarding iron, he says the best is made by I feel no little confidence in suggesting that the Seres ; some authors suppose them to have they may have been jade, but this mineral is been an Indian tribe inhabiting Sarhind, the also included in his account of Jaspis. modern Ambala District, but the balance of Beryls are said to be found in India, and evidence is certainly in favour of their having rarely elsewhere (lib. xxxvii, c. 20). It is been Chinese. The next quality is from certainly true that they do occur in India, Parthia. Elsewhere he says (lib. xii, c. 8). but I am unaware of their being now highly that the Romans obtained steel, together with esteemed by the natives, as appears to have pearls, at Cape Comorin. been the case in Pliny's time. His account of the Murrhine on the whole Opals, according to Pliny, were alone probears out the view as to its nature, stated duced in India. I am not aware of any below, save that he records (lib. xxxvii, c. 7), known source of precious opal in India. His that "a person of consular rank, who some reference is therefore, probably, to some of the years ago used to drink out of this cup, grew 80 common varieties. passionately fond of it as to gnaw its edges" Want of space prevents me from further -a fact not consistent with it being a substance analysing Pliny's catalogue, the more particuhaving the hardness of the Chalcedonic larly as it does not add much to what is minerals, elsewhere given on previous pages. Regarding amber, he quotes the account by The Periplus of the Erythraean Sea (Circa, Ktesias, which, as has been shown, refers to A.D. 80-89 ?)-The author of this work, a shellac, and alludes to the fable of amber being Greek merchant, resident in Egypt, is not produced from the tears of the meleagrides known to us by name. His statements of the (guinea fowl). Another statement of his which | Indian export and import trade are given with # Vide the Latin version, vv. 315 and 1107.

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234 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [AUGUST, 1884. a great deal of method and obvious accuracy. The following extracts are from Mr. M'Crindle's translation. The principal ports mentioned are Barugaza, the modern Bharoch, on the Narmada; Barbarikon, on the Indus; Mouziris (Mangalor), and Nelkunda (south of Mangalor), both the last being on the coast of Malabar. First, as regards the exports : Indian iron and sword blades were exported from Arabia to Adouli in Africa. Indian iron is mentioned in the Pandects as an article of commerce, and the Arabian poets celebrate swords of Indian steel-as well they might, since the material of the famous Damascus blades was wuta, which was manufactured in an obscure village in the Haidarabad territory." From the ports of Moaziris and Nelkunda gems in great variety were exported; but these, it is expressly stated, were not produced in India, but were brought from Taprobane or Ceylon. They probably consisted of the varieties of what we now call corundum, viz., sapphire, ruby, &c. Separately, the Adapas is mentioned as being sent from these ports, and it seems probable that under this title we may understand that diamonds, the production of Indian mines, are referred to. From Barbarikon, on the Indus, a stone called kalcavos was exported. It has been suggested that gold stone or chrysolite was indicated by this name. I cannot think that this is likely to be correct. Chrysolite of value is not, so far as we know, a product of that region; more probably, as has been suggested by Dana, it was turquoise, or an allied mineral now called callianite. If this identification be correct, it probably came through Afghanistan from Persia--the most famous known source of it being at Amsar, near Nishapur in Khorasan. Its occurrence anywhere nearer is extremely doubtful." From Barugaza to Egypt vast quantities of 'Ovuxen were exported. They reached the sea port from Ozene and Paithana, the modern Ujjain in Malwa, and Paithan in Haidarabad. These are still known as the principal sources, among many, where pebbles of onyx and other Chalcedonic minerals are obtained from the detritus of the Dekhan basalt. The famous * Vide Economic Geology, p. 340. 30 Economic Geology, p. 485. 31 Economic Geology of India, p. 502, where numerous references and a full account of the trade will be found. Mouppim, which fetched extravagant prices** in the Roman markets, was also obtained in Ozene and exported from Barugaza. Regarding the identity of this substance, Hermann Muller, as quoted by Mr. M'Crindle, remarks "Six hundred writers emulously applying themselves to explain what had the best claim to be considered the Murrha of the ancients, have advanced the most conflicting opinions. Now it is pretty well settled that the Murrhine vases were made of that stone which is called in German flusspath (spato fluore)." In spite of a desire not to augment this intolerable number of opinions, I must register an objection to this judicial decision of Professor Muller. Fluor-spar happens to be, though so common a mineral in other countries, of the very greatest rarity in India, and there is no record of its occurrence in the Dekhan basalts. It is, moreover, a mineral which, while it is susceptible of being made into ornamental objects, is, from its softness, easily injured by wear and tear, and therefore possesses little durability. On the other hand, at Ujjain, a great variety of Chalcedonic minerals are found, and I therefore prefer to follow those of the six hundred writers who have identified one or other of its varieties with the ancient murrha. At the present day cups and vases of carnelian, agate, &c., are obtainable in Bombay; and I think it most improbable that the modern Akiks, or lapidaries, who are the direct descendants of those who made the murrhine cups 2,000 years ago, ever saw, much less worked, the mineral called fluor-spar. Another argument in support of this identification has been urged by some writers; it is that stone cups and vases, and fragments of them which have been obtained in excavations at Rome, have, on examination, proved to be of this material. None of fluor-spar are recorded. The Zanpetpos was, we are told, exported from Barbarikon. If this were the true sapphire of modern times, its export from the most northern port, and, therefore, furthest from the recognised sources of the stone, would in itself be difficult to explain. It has been, however, clearly shown by King (Precious Stones) and * Noro gave for one 300 talents, = PS58,125. They were first seen at Rome in the triumphal procession of Pompey.

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AUGUST, 1884.] EARLY NOTICES OF METALS AND GEMS IN INDIA. 235 - Dana [Mineralogy) that the Sam petpos of Theophrastos, Pliny, and Isidoros, &c., was what we now call lapis-lazuli. For Pliny says, " Sappheiros caeruleus est cum purpura, habens aureos sparsos." Now lapis-lazuli is characterised by having scattered through the blue mass small crystalline particles of golden-coloured iron Pyrites. As further evidence in favour of this interpretation, there is the fact that there are very ancient mines of lapis-lazuli at Firgamu in Badakshan (not Beluchistan, as has been incorrectly stated by some writers), and it might very easily have been brought by caravans through Afghanistan to Barbarikon. The mines alluded to are described by Wood in the account of his journey to the Oxus, and both Marco Polo and Tavernier refer to the occurrence of the mineral in that region. Captain Hutton, in 1841, found it on sale at Kandahar. He mentions several places in Afghanistan where it was said to occur.SS The 'Yakubos, on the other hand, which was exported from the southern ports Mouziris and Nelkunda, is thought by some to have been the sapphire, as also was the hyacinthus of Pliny (lib. xxxvii, cap. 44), and its variety the asteria (id. lib. xxxvii, cap. 49). The yaqut, as the name is now understood in India, is either & ruby, or the inferior spinel (more properly called la'l), or even a garnet. According to Salmasius, quoted by Mr. M'Crindle, the 'Yari@os is the ruby, while according to Solinus it would appear to be the amethyst. This is a point on which Indian geology throws no certain light, as neither rubies nor sapphires appear to have been indigenous products." In the Persian work on precious stones quoted hereafter, it will be seen that in the thirteenth century the same generic name was applied to the ruby, sapphire, and other varieties of corundum. With reference to the imports which are of interest as indicating the requirements, if not of the whole of India, at least of that portion of Western India into which they were carried, we find the following enumeration : Silver: Costly plate, from Egypt to Barugasa. Gold and silver coins, from Egypt to Barugas. Gold bullion, from Arabia to Barugaz. 3 Economic Geology of India, p. 528. 3. It should be stated that there have been recent dia. Arsenie, from Egypt to Mouziris and Nelkunda. Lead, from Egypt to Mouziris and Barugia. Tin, from Egypt to Mouziris and Baruguts. Antimony sulphide, from Egypt to Mouziris and Barugaza. Copper, from Egypt to Mouziris and Baragaza. The import of silver plate at this early period is remarkable. Whether it has been kept up in modern times, so far as the requirements of the natives are concerned, I cannot say, but the other substances are still largely imported. In four years recently, for instance, upwards of 200 tons of arsenic, in the forms of white arsenic, orpiment, and realgar, were imported; and the antimony sulphide, called surma by the natives of India, is largely used for anointing the eyes. Xpvoolidos was also exported from Egypt to all four ports. It appears to be tolerably clear that this mineral was not our modern chrysolite, but was the topaz, while the topazion of Pliny was in part at least chrysolite, as he says it yielded to the file and wore with use; but his mention of a statue, 4 cubits high, which was made of it, indicates a crystal of a size qnite unheard of; probably this was either beryl or jade. Ptolemy (A.D. 140-160). Diamonds. --The Adamas river of Ptolemy, according to Lassen's analysis of the data, was not identical with the Mahanadi, as I have suggested in my Economic Geology, as but with the Subanrekha, which is, however, so far as we know, not a diamond-bearing river, nor does it at any part of its course traverse rocks of the age of those which contain the matrix of the diamond in other parts of India. This Adamas river was separated from the Mahnada (ie. Mahanadi) by the Tyndis and Dosaron; the latter, according to Lassen, taking its rise in the country of Kokkonaga (i.e. Chutia Nagpur), and to which the chief town, Dosara (the modern Doesa), gave its name. But, according to this view, the Dosaron must have been identical with the modern Brahmani, which, in that portion of its course called the Sunk (or Koel), included a diamond locality. I cannot regard this identification as satisfactory, as it does not account for the Tyndis intervening between the Dosaron and Mahnada, since, as a matter of fact, the Brahmani and Mahanadi coveries of sapphires in the Himalayan, but there is no evidence that they were over found there before. Economic Geology, p. 30.

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236 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. are confluent at their mouths. Lassen, however, identifies the Dosaron with the Baitarni, and the Tyndis with the Brahmani. This destroys the force of his remark as to the origin of the name of the former, since at its nearest point it is many miles distant from Doesa. Another locality of Ptolemy's, said to be situated on the Ganges, in the country of the Sabarae, may, perhaps, be identical with Tavernier's Soumelpour on the Koel; it was situated some miles distant from the Ganges. Wherever it was, it produced most diamonds. A third locality mentioned by Ptolemy has been variously identified with Sambhalpur and Wairagarh in West Gondwana, the position of which last was not correctly known to either Ritter or Lassen, though the fact of the existence of diamond mines there had been recorded by Firishta and Abu'l-Fazl. Ptolemy stated that Ceylon produced the beryl, hyacinth (?= sapphire), and all sorts of metals; the last is, however, not the case, Ceylon being rather poor in metallic ores. Under the name Bathana, a source of the onyx is mentioned by Ptolemy; this appears to have been a well-known locality at Paithan on the Godavari, which was alluded to as Plithana by the author of the Periplus. The sardonyx mines of Ptolemy are probably identical with the famous carnelian and agate mines of Rajpipla, or rather, as it should be called Ratnapur. The loadstone rocks of India, which attracted so much notice by several early writers, were known to Ptolemy; they may possibly be identified with certain hill ranges in Southern India which mainly consist of magnetic iron." Early writers connected their presence with the fact that many of the vessels and boats engaged in the Indian coasting trade contained no iron in their construction, and hence probably arose the well-known fable about the injury to shipping caused by the loadstone rocks. The surf boats, however, have no iron in their construction, simply because bolts or nails would render them too rigid; nor have the vessels of the Lakhadives and Maldives, because iron ores do not occur in coral islands. 30 See Economic Geology of India, p. 37. 31 L. c., p. 335. 38 Proc. R. Geograph. Soc., 1882, p. 654. 30 Historical Disquisition concerning the Knowledge which the Ancients had of India. London: 1809. [AUGUST, 1884. The identity of Argyre (where, according to Ptolemy, there were mines of silver), Chryse chersonesus, Chryse chora, and Chalkitis, have recently been discussed by Colonel Yule." The first he proves to be Arakan, where, however, there are no silver mines; and considering the geological structure of the country, it is almost certain there never were any. I have been recently informed by General Sir Arthur Phayre that Argyre is probably a transliteration of an ancient Burmese name for Arakan. It seems likely, therefore, that it was from putting a Greek interpretation to this name that the story of the silver mines. owed its origin. According to Colonel Yule, the Arabs probably adopted their ideas from the Ptolemaic charts. With regard to the other localities, he says, "The golden Chersonese is specifically the protuberant delta of the Irawadi, Pegu, the Suvarnabhumi, or golden land of ancient India, whilst the golden region behind is Burma, the oldest province of which, above Ava, is still formally styled in State documents Sonaparanta, "Golden frontier." Ptolemy's Chalkitis, also, or copper region, approximates curiously to the Tampadipa, or Copper Island of the Burmese State phraseology, "a region which embraces Ava and the ancient capital Pagan." These identifications remove from the region of probability what has sometimes been urged, that Argyre and Chryse were countries which supplied India with large quantities of silver and gold. Arrian (Circa, A.D. 146).-The first part of Arrian's Indika was founded on the works of Megasthenes, and Eratosthenes, and the second on an account of the voyage made by Nearchos the Kretan from the Indus to the Pasitigris. The parts of this compilation which bear upon our present subject have already been anticipated in the description of Megasthenes' writings, and need not, therefore, be repeated. The authors whom I have consulted with reference to the Roman trade with India are: Robertson, Renaud, and Priaulx." This trade, which succeeded that of the Greeks, 30 40 Relations Politiques et Commerciales de l'Empire Roman avec l'Asie Orientale... pendant les cinque premiers siecles de l'ere Chretienne. Jour. Asiatique, oth ser., 1863, tome 1. Apollonius of Tyana.

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AUGUST, 1884.] EARLY NOTICES OF METALS AND GEMS IN INDIA. 237 came to an end in the sixth century. Besides what has already been independently quoted from the pages of Pliny and Ptolemy, there do not appear to be any records of much importance bearing upon the present subject. An account of India, written for Palladius towards the close of the fourth or beginning of the fifth century, makes special reference to the loadstone rocks, possibly quoting from Ptolemy. In the fifth century Hierocles speaks of the Brahmans as being clothed in garments made from a soft and hairy filament obtained from stones. This, it seems most probable, owed its origin to some mistaken notion as to the origin of cotton rather than to the use of woven asbestos, as has been suggested. Under the Emperor Justinian, in the sixth century, Cosmas (surnamed Indicopleustes), an Egyptian merchant, made several voyages to India, and recorded his experiences in a work called Christian Topography, in which some account of the export trade of India is given. He mentions how the Persians became rivals of the Romans at the Indian ports, and how the precious commodities were conveyed from thence up the Persian Gulf, and were distributed by means of the Euphrates and Tigris. Gradually the trade to Constantinople, the then seat of the Romans, was thus diverted. Eighty years after the death of Justinian, Muhammad published his new religion, and it was not long before the Arabians spread themselves as conquerors over the countries adjoining their own, thence spreading by sea and land over an ever-widening area. To a great extent they wrested the Oriental trade from the Persians; they established a mart at Basorah, which speedily rose to an importance scarcely exceeded by that of Alexandria in the height of the Greek and Roman period. So little is known of the details of this trade, that there is only barely sufficient evidence for the conclusion that, as regards the mineral productions, it did not differ materially from that which preceded it in the hands of other nationalities. The most important work giving an account of India at about this period is the famous voyage by a Muhammadan travel ler, with annotations by another, called Abu Seid al Hassan of Giraf." Their account is confirmed by another Arabian called Masudi, whose universal history bears the fantastic title, Meadows of Gold and Mines of Jewels. The effect of this absorption of the trade of the Red Sea was to deprive the European nations of that highway of commerce, and the requirements of Europe had to be brought to Constantinople from India and China by long and tedions overland journeys, which became especially arduous during the Crusades. This state of things continued till the discovery by the Portuguese in the fifteenth century of the long sea passage round the Cape of Good Hope. From various sources, however, we are enabled to pick up fragments of information referring to different centuries included in this interval. Thus & Sanskrit work called the Brhat Sanhita," which, it is believed, was written in the sixth century, contains a very detailed account of diamonds, their varieties, qualities, and attributes. Of especial interest is a list of eight localities where diamonds were found. Most of these I have succeeded in identifying with sites where diamond mines are known to have been worked." With regard to some of the localities, however, it is more than doubtful whether they ever produced diamonds. The first Englishman who visited India appears to have been Sighelmas, Bishop of Shirborne, who was sent thither, in the year 883, by King Alfred,' to visit the famous Christian Church named after St. Thomas. This Bishop, we are told, made his journey in comfort, and brought back with him " many splendid exotic gems and spices, such as that country plentifully yielded" -a fact in itself of no great importance, save that it is a link in the chain. Somewhere between the years 1067 and 1081 Marbodius wrote a poem entitled De Lapidibus Preciosis, in which he gave expression to the then prevailing ideas as to the sources and qualities of the diamond. Far India is recognised as its native place, and the use of splinters of it for engraving upon other gems "First translated in A.D. 1718 into French by M. Renaadot. "Translated by Dr. Kern, Jour. Roy. Asiatic Society, N. S., vol. VII, 1876, p. 125. * Economic Geology of India, p. 2. * Recorded by William of Malmesbury in De Gestis regum Anglorum, Book ii, cap. 4. Vide Hakluyt's English Voyages.

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238 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. is alluded to. Its hardness is said to yield to steeping in goat's blood-a fable already quoted from Pliny. How this idea originated it is not easy to say; possibly it may be connected with the sacrificial offerings which preceded the search for diamonds, as will be described on a future page. In the eleventh century, according to Dr. Burnell, wealth must have abounded in Southern India, because it was then that the numerous Saiva temples were built; and in the thirteenth century the great Vaishnava temples were erected. Regarding the famous inscription on the Tanjore temple, he has written as follows:-"The full importance in Indian history of Vira Chola's reign is only to be gathered from this inscription; but it contains other information also of great value. It proves, e.g., that in the eleventh century gold was the most common precious metal in India, and stupendous quantities of it are mentioned here. Silver, on the other hand, is little mentioned; and it appears that the present state of things, which is exactly the reverse, was only brought about by the Portuguese in the sixteenth century. I submit that the great abundance of gold spoken of in the inscription can have arisen only from mines, and that in the terrible convulsions caused by the irruption of Moslem invaders from the north and Europeans from the west, the position of these goldfields was lost sight of." It has been remarked upon this, that "the full significance of this statement as affecting Southern India can be understood only when taken in connection with the large areas which are known to have been worked by the natives. It seems to leave little room for doubting that the reefs and soils when first opened up were extremely rich, and that the soils as we find them now have been impoverished by repeated washings." In the year 1293, Alau'd-din, afterwards Emperor of Dehli, took the city of Deogarh, but the citadel still held out. Subsequently Ala raised the siege, on receiving a ransom, the amount of which may well appear incredible, 15,000 lbs. of pure gold, 175 lbs. of pearls, 50 lbs. of diamonds, and 25,000 lbs. of silver, being enumerated among the items. [AUGUST, 1884. So much appears certain, that Alau'd-din levied an enormous sum upon Deogarh, and that consequently it must at that time have been a very great city and rich emporium." It has been suggested that this wealth must have been acquired by working the ancient mines of Southern India. 1147 Brough Smyth: Report of Gold Mines of South-East Wynaad, &c. Hand-book for Madras. (Murray, 1859), p. 94. MUHAMMAD BIN MANSUR (thirteenth century). The remarkable Persian work on Precious Stones by this author was translated first into German by Joseph von Hammer." The following facts are from an English version":-Diamond.-Seven kinds are recognised, namely, (1) white transparent; (2) the pharonic; (3) the olive-coloured, the white of which inclines to yellowish; (4) the red; (5) the green; (6) the black; (7) the fire-coloured. In spite of this elaborate classification, Muhammad's knowledge of the habitat is very vague. He says:-"In the eastern parts of India is a deep ravine, inhabited by serpents, where diamonds are produced. Some people suppose that it is found in the yagut mines." Here there is an obvious allusion to the diamond myth-to be described hereafter. Corundum (Senbade), he says, quite correctly, is next in hardness to the diamond, and is of a reddish or bluish colour. The mines were situated in India, Zanzibar, Siwas, Kerman, Nubia, and Ethiopia. The best kinds were from Siwas and Nubia. Yaqut. Under this title are included six classes: (1) red (i.e. ruby); (2) yellow (i.e Oriental topaz); (3) black (i.e. pleonaste); (4) white (ie. white sapphire); (5) green (i.e. Oriental emerald); (6) blue, or smoke-colour (i.e. sapphire). Of these classes sub-divisions into varieties are given. It is certainly a most remarkable fact that at so early a period the essential identity of these precious stones-a fact only comparatively recently ascertained by chemical examination-should have been known to the Persians. The hardness and other characters are correctly stated also by Muhammad. The locality of the principal mines is stated to be the island of Saharan, which is sixty-two farsangs in diameter, and lies forty farsangs behind the island of Ceylon, The yaguta are found there in a high Mines de l'Orient, vol. VI. 49 Asiatic Journal, vol. IX, 1820, p. 345.

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AUGUST, 1884.] EARLY NOTICES OF METALS AND GEMS IN INDIA. 239 mountain. This jumble is not easy to explain, the true locality being Ceylon itself, which is noted for its high mountains, culminating in Adam's Peak. Another locality is also mentioned, Tara, near Cairo, where mines were discovered A.D. 1270. A stone, called by Muhammad the chamahen, should come here, if, as is stated, it is next to the diamond in hardness; but this is in- consistent with another assertion that, when rubbed on a hard stone, it colours it red. When broken, it divides into branches. The most beautiful is blackish-red; it is found in the district of Karak. But for the first state ment I should be inclined to identify this as jasper. Spinel (La'l).-Of this there are four classes, namely, the red, yellow, violet, and green. Of the red there are eight varieties. Muhammad only mentions one mine, that in Badakshan, the capital of which, Balkh, gave origin to the term Balas. His account, which is as follows, was unfortunately not available to me when giving # precis of information regarding the locality :-"At the time of the caliphate of the Abbasides, a mountain at Chatlan was rent open by an earthquake, where there was found the la'l of Badakshan, bedded in a white stone. It is very hard to polish, and it was a long time before it could be smoothed, till it was at length accomplished by means of the gold marcasite called ebrendshe. Smaller stones are found in the bed round a large one, like the seeds of a pomegranate. The miners call this bed of the Spinel maal. There were found in the mines first red, then yellow la'l, and it belongs to the kinds of the yaqut." The discovery of these mines by a landslip finds & parallel in a recent discovery of sapphires in the Himalayas." The white stone which formed the matrix is probably limestone. Wood, in 1837, stated that the matrix was a red sandstone or a limestone impregnated with magnesia, but he did not personally visit the mine. Turquoise (Firuzah).-Obtained at Nishabar, Ghasna (P Ghazni), Irak, Kerman, Kwaresm, the first being the most valued. There is, therefore, no Indian locality; such seems to be still the case. Talc (Sitdrah-e-samin - star of the earth) - 0 Economic Geology, p. 480. Two kinds-one found in the air (P superficially), and the other in mines. Muhammad says"Artificial pearls are made from it, and it does not burn or calcine with fire. If you dissolve it and rub the limbs with it, it makes them fire proof. Talc can neither be pounded in mortars nor broken to pieces with hammers. The way to dissolve it is to boil it with beans; to wrap it then in a piece of linen, If dissolved talc is mixed with a little resin and saffron, and used as ink, it makes a gold ink, and, without saffron, silver ink." Rock Crystal (Bullur).-Of this two kinds are mentioned, one being clear, and the other dark-yellowish. The added statement that they can be melted like glass, and then coloured so as to imitate the yaqut, la'l, or emerald, is unintelligible, since rock crystal by itself is a most infusible substance. Perbaps what is meant is, that siliceous sand was used in the manufacture of the glass or paste of which false stones were made. Muhammad says that at Ghasna, there were four crystal vessels, each of which could contain two skins of water. He mentions that crystals of other minerals and wood (probably crystals of tourmaline) often occurred enclosed in the bullar. Some fanciers, we are told, prefer the Arabian to the Indian variety. Amethyst (Jemst)-Four kinds : (1) deep rose-colour and sky-blue; (2) pale rose-colour and deep azure; (3) pale rose-colour and sky. blue. It was much esteemed by the Arabs. Muhammad does not refer to its occurrence in India, but states that it was obtained near the village of Safwa, three days' journey from Medins Wine drunk out of a goblet made of amethyst does not intoxicate, upon which Muhammad's translator remarks :-"This opinion was also current in Europe, and the name jem or jemshid is connected with it. The Greek word apeOvatos also means "unintoxicated," but it is originally derived from jhemest, as the jasper from yashb; hyacinth from yaquit; emerald from sumurrud; pearls (Margarita) from marvarld; turquoise from firuzah; lapis-lazuli from lajvard; sardonyx from sard; tale from talq; chalk from kals." Emerald (Zumurrud).-Seven varieties or different shades are recognised. The mine 51 Records of the General Survey of India, vol. XV, 1882, p. 188.

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240 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [AUGUST, 1884. was situated on the border of Negroland, in of red yaqut (ruby), or to five dank and two Egyptian territory. The matrix of the gem and a half tasu of la'l (spinel), and that four was tale and red earth. It seems probable that dank, minus a tasu of coral, are equal in size to this was the source of the emeralds which four dank, minus two tasu of onyx and crystal. went to India, and also supped the Greeks The mode of discovering the size and weight and Romans. A soap-green emerald was also is the following :- A vessel is filled with water, found at Hejas, in Arabia. and the stones thrown singly into the water; Owing to the fact that jade was not recog- the quantity of water which is expelled from nised as a distinct mineral until introduced the vessel by means of each stone is equal to into Europe from the New World, the older the room it occupies." writers sometimes, on account of its bardness MARCO POLO.-A notable authority on the and transparency, spoke of it as emerald, while mineral production of India during this same others applied to it the term jasper. There thirteenth century is the famous Venetian can be no doubt that jade is meant by the traveller, Marco Polo. In reference to the following, not jasper, as his translator has it :- diamond, he states that it was only obtained in Yasheb, or Nussz.-Five kinds: (1) white what he designates as the kingdom of Mutand light; (2) whitish yellow; (3) black-green; fili-a name which has been identified by (4) transparent black; (5) dast-colour. Mu- Colonel Yule with Motapalle, a still existing hammad adds that in China they make false port in the Guntur district of Madras. The yashb, which is distinguished by its smoky proper name of the kingdom was Telingana, smell, and that there are two mines in China which therefore included the so-called Golcalled respectively Ak-Kash which produces conda mines of the Krishna Valley; but Marco light, and Kut-Kash which produces dark yashb. Polo extended to it that of the town or post It is found on the frontiers of Kashgar, Kerman, which he visited. It is noteworthy, as testiand Arabia. mony of an early trade, that Marco Polo states Kash is the name for jade current in East- that those diamonds brought to Europe are, ern Turkistan, and su or eu is the name by as it were, the refuse of the finer stones, which which it is known to the Chinese, who esteem go to the Great Kaan and the other kings it more highly than do the people of any other and princes of India." He describes three nation." methods as being followed in the search for Chrysolite ? (Sheberjed). This is said by diamonds :Muhammad to be obtained in the same mine as First: After the rains the beds of torrents the emerald, of which it is a variety according from the mountains were searched; these to some anthorities. If so, it cannot be what localities were infested with venomous snakes. is now known 8 chrysolite, which is the trans- Second: Pieces of meat were thrown down parent variety of olivine. Muhammad mentions from the tops of mountains into inaccessible a number of other minerals, among them seve- valleys; these pieces of meat were pounced ral ores. Of the magnet he says there are upon and carried up to the tops of mountains four kinds, namely, the iron, gold, silver, and by white eagles, and, when recovered, distin, which attract these metals respectively, monds were found sticking to them. This possibly by this it is meant to be conveyed that story, made familiar to all by the travels of ores ascertained to contain these metals exhi. Sindbad the Sailor, is one of great antiquity. bited magnetic properties. The earliest mention of it, according to The following statements, regarding the Colonel Yule, is by St. Epiphanius, Bishop of knowledge possessed by the Persians of the Salamis, in Cyprus, who, in the fourth cenrelative specific gravities of some precious tary, wrote a treatise on the twelve jewels in stones, are of interest: the breastplate of the High Priest. The tale, " Abu Rihan is said to have found by experi- as told by him, however, refers to the jacinth, ment that a miskal (= 1; drachm) of blue | not to the diamond. yaqut (sapphire) is equal to five dank and a tasu list of the authors who have alluded to Economic Geology, p. 616, et seq.

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SEPTEMBER, 1884.) EARLY NOTICES OF METALS AND GEMS IN INDIA. 241 HOMH this tradition will be found in Colonel Yule's closed with the fifteenth century-at least in edition of Marco Polo. Its origin, as first so far as regards the diamond fable-was the suggested by me, I shall discuss in connexion Venetian, Nicolo Conti, an account of whose with the account given by Nicolo Conti. voyage is given by Baptista Ramusio" in his Third : This method, which may be described book of Voyages and Travels, on the authority as a corollary of the second, consisted in search- of Messer Pogio, Fiorentino. The locality ing the birds' droppings and intestines for where the diamonds were found was at Abnidiamonds which they had swallowed with the garo, fifteen days' journey northwards from meat. Bisnagar." As to its identity, I am not yet Marco Polo, in various parts of his book, quite satisfied. We are told that the moun. refers to other precious stones, especially to the tain which produced the diamonds was Balas rubies and "azure" or lapis-lazuli of inaccessible, being infested with serpents, but Badakshan. The value of the former was kept was commanded by another mountain someup by a limit being imposed by the king on the what higher. "Here, at a certain period of out-turn. The latter, he says, occurred in a the year, men bring oxen, which they drive to vein like silver, and was the finest in the world. the top, and having cut them into pieces, cast In reference to gold and silver there are the warm and bleeding fragments upon the several important facts recorded ; among others, summit by means of machines which they the enormous extent of the accumulation of construct for the purpose. The diamonds stick gold in the treasuries of the princes of South-| to these pieces of flesh. Then come vultures ern India, apon which Colonel Yule remarks, and eagles flying to the spot, which seizing the after speaking of the spoil carried off by meat for their food, fly away to places where Alau'd-din, that "some years later, Muhammad they may be safe from the serpents. To these Tuglak loads two hundred elephants and seve- places the men afterwards come and collect ral thousand bullocks with the precious spoil the diamonds which have fallen from the of a single temple." And a further statement, flesh." He then describes a different process, given on the authority of Wassaf, is, that which is simply that of washing for diamonds "Kales Dewar, Raja of Malabar, about the in the beds of rivers. For as far back as we year 1309, had accumulated 1,200 crores of gold, have any certain knowledge of them, the diai.e. 12,000 millions of dinars."56 mond miners have all belonged to one or other Marco Polo distinctly mentions copper, gold, of the non-Aryan or aboriginal tribes, who and silver as being imports into Malabar and regard the mines as being the special property Cambay from Eastern countries in his time. of the blood-thirsty goddess, Lakshmi, whose FERISHTA.-Our next authority is the Indian cruel nature requires much propitiation. To historian, Ferishta, who wrote in 1425. What this day sacrificial offerings are made to her on he says on the subject is chiefly of importance the opening up of mines, of whatever sort, and as confirming other evidence of the great occasionally the meat is placed on an altarwealth possessed by the princes of Southern like scaffold; and in India, as a matter of India in the form of stores of precious stones course, vultures and kites, with other raptorial and bullion. It has already been partly quoted birds, would carry away and devour whatever on page 238. He refers to now long-deserted portions of meat they could seize upon. Out diamond mines in the Central Provinces of of this custom it seems to me most probable India," which I have been able to identify as that the tradition grew which has now attained having been situated at Wairagarh, in the to such a respectable antiquity. Lookers-on, Central Provinces. unacquainted with the semi-savage rites, regard Nicolo Conti.-The last writer of what them as essential parts of the search for dia. may be called the fabulous period, which monds. * Vol. II, p. 298. 5* Jour. As. Society, Bengal, vol. L, pt. ii, p. 31. 55 Yule's Marco Polo, 1st ed. vol. II, pp. 276, 284; and pp. 325 and 327. 56 Marco Polo, vol. II, p. 284, note 6. 57 History, Ed. by J. Briggs (London: 1819), vol. II, p. 261. Delle Navigations et Viaggi. Venice : 1613. 50 These two nanos are so written in Ramusio's vo. lume, but in a translation of the passage, published by the Hakluyt Society, they are given as Albenigaras and Bizengulia.

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242 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [SEPTEMBER, 1884. UERTOMANNUS.-In the year 1503, Lewes Next follow a group of authors, the accounts Uertomannus, who is described as a Roman of whose travels are to be found in Baptista gentleman, travelled in Western and Southern Ramusio's above-mentioned work. The first India. The account of his travels contains of them is Andrea Corsali, Fiorentino, whose some interesting particulars bearing on our letter, addressed to Signor Guliano de Medici, present subject. Of Cambaia he says (p. 381): Duca di Fiorenza, is dated Cochin, 6th January, "In this region is also a mountaine where the 1515; it contains only a few unimportant facts onyx stone, commonly called corneola, is founde, bearing upon this subject. and not far from thence also another mountaine Another of these authors is Ludovico Barwhere the calcedony and diamant are founde." thema, whose information is almost identical If by diamant the diamond is meant in this with that already quoted from Lewes Vertopassage, the fact is noteworthy, as the Ponassa mannus. The precise date of Barthema's of Ptolemy is probably identical with the work I have been unable to ascertain. modern Punasa in this region. At the same time From the book of Odarodo Barbosa, which a doubt must be expressed as to true diamonds refers apparently to a period about the year having been ever found there. Further on our 1519, and to & voyage to India made by way author says, (p. 383) :." Sixe miles from the of the Cape of Good Hope, we learn that at city of Decan (? Bisnagar) is a mountaine Bisnagar, i.e. Vijayanagar, jewels brought where diamonds are digged. It is compassed from Pegu and Ceylon were on sale in great with a wall and kept with a garrison." abundance, as also were diamonds from NarUertomannus mentions that two European singa. This author gives also a full account of dealers in precious stones named respectively the values, &c., of a number of precious stones, John Maria and Peter Antonie, resided at namely, rubies, spinel, diamond, sapphire, toCalicut with the king's license. They had paz, turquoise, hyacinth, and emerald, and acquired a fair diamond of 32 carats, worth mentions the localities where they were obtain35,000 crowns, a pearl of 24 carats, and 2,000 ed, but these details are too voluminous for rubies, some of 1 carat, and some of 1} carat. reproduction here. On their attempting to depart secretly with GARCIAS AB HORTO.-Our next authority is their treasures to Cannanore, they were mur. Garcias ab Horto, a physician resident at dered by order of the king. Goa, who, in 1565, produced a work in PortuUnder the beading, "Of the Diamondes of guese, containing a considerable amount of the Old Myne," our author says (p. 424) :- interesting and much of it, though not all "These diamondes are found in the first India obviously accurate information on our present in a kingdom of the Morres, named Decan, subject. He tells us that there are two or from whence they are brought to other re- three localities near Bisnagar (Vijayanagar) gions. There are also found other diamonds where diamonds were obtained, the industry which are not so good, but somewhat whyte, being & considerable source of revenge to the and are called diamondes of the new myne, king, as all stones above 30 mangelis (-150 which is in the kingdom of Narsinga (Lower grs.) became his property. Another mine Krishna). They of the old mine are not pol- also in the Decan produced excellent dialyshed in India, but in other places. There monds. It was situated in the lands of & are made lykewise in India false diamondes of native prince, near the territory of Imadixa rubies, topazes, and white sapphires, which (i.e. of Ahmad Shah ?) This last was probaappear to be fine, and are also found in the bly identical with the mine at Wairagarh, in island of Zeilan (Ceylon). These stones differ the Central Provinces. in none other save that they have lost their Garcias treats with scorn the old fable of the natural colour." In another place he gives in- valley inhabited by serpents, and moreover formation as to the local prices of other precious points out that a Jesuit father, Francois de stones, as rubies, spinel, sapphires, topaz, &c. Tamara, who had repeated it, was therefore 60 The History of Travel, &o., done into English from the original Latin. By R. Eden and R. Willes. Lond.: De Arom. et Simp. Historia, a Latin version by Clusius of Antwerp, 1567. 1577.

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SEPTEMBER, 1884.] EARLY NOTICES OF METALS AND GEMS IN INDIA. not worthy of credence, when he stated that diamonds were to be found in Brazil. The statement is of importance when it is remembered that the first diamond mines in Brazil were not opened up till 1728, or more than 160 years later. It may be added that the version of the fable just alluded to is that one where the serpents guard the jewels, and while they are engaged eating the meat thrown to them, the diamond-seekers are enabled to pick up the stones. Garcias speaks of several large diamonds which were known to exist in his time; two weighed 140 and 120 mangelis respectively (e. 700 and 600 grs.) Far exceeding these in size was one which he had heard of from a native who had seen it; it was said to be equal in size to a fowl's egg; it weighed 250 mangelis, or 1,250 grs. This was, according to Tavernier, who wrote a century later, the . form of the Great Moghul diamond when originally found. So that it seems quite possible that this casual notice by Garcias is the earliest mention of that famous stone. Even in the time of Garcias it would seem that the tailings from earlier washings were sometimes rewashed with good results. He states that Lispor, in the Decan, was a principal mart for the sale. (Can this have been Vizapur or Bijapur ?). The geographical limits of Balaghat-a name used not only by Garcias, but also by some other writers-it would, probably, be impossible to closely define now. The name is still conserved as that of a particular district, but in early times it seems to have been applied to all the region in Southern India above the Ghats, which was sometimes also called the Carnata, a name now, however, restricted to a district below the Ghats. With reference to other precious stones, Garcias states that a false smaragdas (emerald) was made of glass in Balaghat and Bisnagar. He distinguishes four varieties of ruby, as the true, carbuncle, balas, and spinel. Of sapphires he says two kinds were found in Calicut, Cannanore, and several places in Bisnagar. We have no knowledge of true sapphires ever having been obtained in these districts. Both hyacinth and garnet were found in Calicut and Cannanore, the latter es A translation of the account of his travels is given in Hakluyt's Voyages, vol. II, 1599, p. 213. 243 being distributed throughout the whole of Cambay and Balaghat. Beryl was found in Cambay, Martaban, and Pegu, also in Ceylon; glasses and vases were made from it. Garcias states that the Murrhine cup was made of jasper; more correctly, perhaps, it was made of carnelian, as suggested on a previous page. CESAR FREDERICK.-About the year 1567, a traveller named Caesar Frederick" visited Western and Southern India. In a translation from his original account we find the following passage:"The rubies, saphyres, and the spinels be gotten in the kingdom of Pegu. The diamants come from divers places, and I know but three sorts of them. That sort of diamants that is called chiappe cometh from Bezeneger. Those that be naturally pointed come from the land of Delly and Iawa (by which we must understand Borneo), but the diamants of lawa are more waightie than the other. I could never understand from whence they that are called balassi come." The signification of chiappe is uncertain. The naturally-pointed stones probably come from Chutia Nagpur, or Kokrah, as it was then called, since Tavernier describes the stones from that region as being of this character, and it is believed that they were taken to Dehli. The term "balas" was applied to the spinel rubies from Badakshan. Possibly, it may have been used for those diamonds which had a roseate tinge. On another page Frederick says:-" Also, five days' journey from Bezeneger, is the place where they get diamants. I was not there, but it was told me that it is a great place, compassed with a wall, and that they sell the earth within the wall for so much a squadron, and the limits are set how deepe or how low they shall digge. Those diamants that are of a certain size, and bigger then that size, are all kept for the king. It is many years agone since they got any there, for the troubles that have been in that kingdom." FITCH AND NEWBERRY.-The famous traveller, Ralph Fitch, and his companion, Newberry, have left on record an account of their journeys in India, which refers to the years about 1583. In reference to precious stones, the 63 Hakluyt's English Voyages, vol. II, 1599, p. 253.

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244 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. following are the most important passages:Bellergan, the modern Belgaum, was said to be "a great market of diamants, rubies, sapphires, and many other soft (i.e. precious) stones." We are told that a jeweller named William Leades, who was one of their party, remained behind them in the service of the King of Cambay. The next passage explains the use of the name Iawa, or Java, by Caesar Frederick, and others: Laban (i.e. Borneo, the name being retained in Labuan) is an island among the Iawas, from whence come the diamants of the new water, and they find them in the rivers, for the king will not suffer them to digge the rock." Speaking of Patanaw (Patna) on the Ganges, below Banaras, it is said:"Here at Patanaw they find gold in this manner. They digge deepe pits in the earth, and wash the earth in great bolles, and therein they find the gold, and they make the pits round about with brick, that the earth fall not in." I cannot but think that there is a mistake here, due to an account of gold-washing in the country to the south having been mixed up with a description of the method of sinking ordinary irrigation-wells in the neighbourhood of Patna. It is not likely that gold was ever found in sufficient quantity in the Gangetic alluvium, near Patna, to repay the cost of searching for it. ABU'L FAZL.-Here we may turn aside again from European authorities to an Oriental writer, who, being a Muhammadan like the already quoted Ferishta, presents us with much more useful and matter-of-fact statements than are to be found in any works by Hindus. Abu'l Fazl, the author of the Ain-i-Akbari, written in 1590, refers to the occurrence of and working for several minerals, especially diamonds, gold, and iron. The diamond mines at Beiragarh, in Gondwana, which he mentions as having been taken possession of by the ruler of Kullem, or Chanda, were probably the same as those already mentioned by Ferishta. In any case, it is certain that Beiragarh may be identified with the modern Wairagarh in the Central Provinces, where traces of the mines are still to be seen. [SEPTEMBER, 1884. Gold was obtained, he says, in certain streams in Kashmir by pegging down, under water, the hairy skins of animals, which served to arrest the auriferons dust in its descent with the current. Long ago it was suggested that such skins were the origin of the idea of the skins of the gold-digging ants, mentioned by Nearchos and others, but the explanation given on a previous page is the more probable one. He alludes to the "steel" mines at Nirmal, which can be identified with a locality in Haidarabad, where a high quality of steel was prepared, most of which found its way to Persia, for manufacture into the Damascus swords, to which reference has already been made. B. xv, chap. i, s. 30. es New General Collection of Voyages and Travels. London: T. Astley, 1747, Vol. IV, p. 845. The enormous salt deposits of the Panjab are noticed by Abu'l Fazl; and here may be quoted a passage from Strabo, which should have appeared on a previous page :"It is said that in the territory of Sopeithes there is a mountain composed of fossil salt sufficient for the whole of India. Valuable mines also both of gold and silver are situated, it is said, not far off, among other mountains, according to the testimony of Gorgus, the miner of Alexandria." Since this salt crops out at the surface, and in Kohat especially, can be easily quarried, it is only natural that it should have attracted attention in the very earliest times. 65 GOEZ. Recently I came upon a work, dated 1602, and entitled Travels of Benedict Goez from Lahore, in the Mogol's Empire, to China, in 1602, which contains perhaps the earliest account, by a European author, of the produc tion of jade in Kashgar. He says:-"The commodity best for carrying from Hirakan (i.e. Yarkand) to Katay (China) is a certain shining marble, which, for want of a fitter name, Europeans call jasper. The King of Katay buys it at a great price, and what he leaves the merchants sell to others at exceed. ing great rates. Of it they make vessels, ornaments for garments and girdles, with other toys, whereon they engrave leaves, flow. ers, and other figures. The Chinese call it tushe. There are two kinds-one more pre cious, like thick flints, which are found in In the original, Tusce-a mistake, no doubt, for " Y she."

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SEPTEMBER, 1884.] EARLY NOTICES OF METALS AND GEMS IN INDIA. 245 the river Kotan, not far from the city royal; the other meaner sort is digged out of quarries and sawed into slabs about two ells in breadth. The hill where they are dug, called Kosanghi Kasho, or the stony mountain, is twenty stages from the same mountain. This marble is so hard that they must soften it with fire to get it out of the quarry. The king farms it every year to some merchant, who carries provisions for the workmen for that space of time." Goez mentions (p. 647), that besides this jasper (i.e. jade), "diamonds of the rock," and azure i.e. lapis-lazuli) were carried as presents by ambassadors from the West to the Emperor of China. As stated in my Economic Geology (p. 517), the mines of Kotan are mentioned by Chinese authors who wrote 2000 years ago; and the bystem of dredging the rivers of that region for jade is known to have been in practice for many centuries. Other mines are situated at Karakash, in the Kuenlun range. These have been visited and described by several Europeans of late years. Recently a rather general acceptance has been given to the view advocated at great length by Fischer, that the discovery of jade implements in Swiss lake dwellings is testimony of a pre-historic immigration of Asiatic tribes into Europe, as there is said to be now no known source of the material in Europe. This view has been, I understand, lately contested by Dr. Meyer, of Dresden, but I have not yet seen his work on the subject. In the year 1609, De Boot published his famous work on precious stones. This, how- ever, being merely a compilation as regards the information given about India, there is nothing in it which is not contained in the already quoted authors. It may also be added here, that the edition of De Boot's work, published by De Laet in 1847, only adds to his account facts derived from Methold. JAHANGIR.-In the Tuzul-s-Jahangiri (1616), an account is given of diamond mines in the Chutia Nagpar, province of Bengal, which I have shown to be identical with the Soumel pour, visited and described by Tavernier, as will be mentioned on a future page. There is no local tradition as to the precise site of these mines, which, therefore, remain to be rediscovered; but the search was certainly conducted in the bed of the Koel river, METHOLD.-Our next authority is an English traveller named William Methold, whose account of a visit to the diamond mines, made by himself and others, is entitled Of the southeastern parts, viz., Golchond, and other adjacent Kingdoms within the Bay of Bengala. The visit appears to have been made between the years 1622 and 1626, the latter being the date of the publication. The mines were situated 108 English miles from Masulipatam'; they had only recently been discovered by the chance finding of & valuable stone by a goat-herd; when seen by Methold they gave occupation, according to native report, to 30,000 persons, a large proportion of whom were engaged in baling out the mines by hande tedious operation still practised in some parts of India. The mines were farmed out by the king for a sum of 300,000 pagodas, but he reserved to himself all stones of above 10 carats weight. In 1622 the mines were temporarily closed, owing to an ambassador from the Great Moghul having demanded a tribute of 3 lbs. weight of the finest diamonds. The locality was situated on the Krishoa river, and was probably identical with the Gani or Coulour of Tavernier, the exact position of which has only recently been satisfactorily fixed as being identical with the modern Kollur. LORD.-In the year 1630, a clergyman named Henry Lord, who was attached to the English establishment in Western India, published a curious pamphlet, entitled The Discovery of the Banian religion. In it he gives an account of the Banians' ideas as to the first discovery of diamonds. It is attributed by them to the first progenitor of the Sudras, or lowest caste of Hindus. Now the diamond miners throughout India, with rare exceptions, so far as I have beeir able to ascertain, still belong, and have * By the Jennita' map the river of Kotan runs about ninety miles east of Yarkand. ... I am not quite clear as to the precise significance of this phrase,.diamonds of the rock," unless, perhape, it is equivalent to " diamonds of the old mine," an expression apparently used for stones having crystalline forms, called naifes in India, as contrasted with " dismonds of the new mine," which were rounded pebbles. " Translated by Bloohmaan, Jour. At. Soc., Bengal : vol. XL, p. 113. To Purchas'. Pilgrims, vol. V, p. 2002. London: 1626.

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246 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [SEPTEMBER, 1884. always belonged, either to the Sadras or the aboriginal tribes, with whom they are much mixed up. This fact I hold to be of much importance in connexion with the explanation which I have offered of the origin of the diamond mining fable in connexion with the accounts of it given by Marco Polo and Nicolo Conti. TAVERNIER (1665-1669).- In the accounts of his several journeys in India, Tavernier has given us a considerable amount of information, the value of which is, however, affected by the fact that these accounts contain a number of internal inconsistencies which it is impossible to reconcile with one another. Diamonds.-Upon this subject the old jeweller naturally discourses at length." I shall only here mention that the diamond mines at Raolconda, Gani or Coulour, and Soumelpour have been identified by me with the modern localities, Ramulkota, Kolur, and a spot on the Koyil river in the district of Palaman in Bengal. Another locality which he mentions, namely, Gandicota, has also been identified. If Tavernier's statements regarding the discovery and cutting of the Great Moghul diamond are to be relied upon, then that stone must have been distinct from the koh-i-nur. When writing of their probable identity, I overlooked the independent evidence which exists as to the koh-i-nur having been in the possession of the Moghul emperors long previous to the time when, according to Tavernier, they acquired the Great Moghul. Gold.-In reference to this metal Tavernier says :-"Towards the Tibet, which is the ancient Caucasus, in the territories of a Raja beyond the kingdom of Cashemir, there are three mountains close by one another, one of which produces excellent gold...." "There is gold also comes from the kingdom of Tipra (Tipera on the borders of Asam); but it is coarse, almost as bad as that of China." If gold washing or mining was carried on in any part of Peninsular India at the time of his visits, it is certainly remarkable that he should have been unaware of it, especially as he had heard of its being worked for in Tibet and Tiperd. Still I cannot but suppose that there were washings in some remote regions of which he knew nothing. Silver and Tin.-" As for silver mines (he writes), there are none in all Asia, but only in Japan; but some years since at Delegora, Sangora, Bordelon, and Bata (localities in the Malayan countries), have been discovered plentiful mines of tin, to the great damage of the English, there being now enough in Asia of their own besides (sic in English translation). The statement about silver is inconsistent with another made subsequently, that in Asam there were mines of both gold and silver. Rubies, Sapphires, &c.-What Tavernier says on the subject of these stones shows that he was unaware of the existence of any source for them in Peninsular India. He says that they occur in only two places in all the east, and then forthwith mentions three. "The first is a mountain, twelve days' journey, or thereabouts, from Siren (ie. Siriam), toward the north-east, the name whereof is Capelan. In this mine are found great quantities of rubies and espinels, or mothers of rubies, yellow topazes, blue and white sapphires, jacinths, amethysts, and other stones of different colours... ..." "The natives of the country call all coloured stones rubies, and distinguish them only by the colour; sapphires they call blue rubies; amethiste, violet rubies; topazes, yellow rubies; and so of other stones." The ruby mines are described in the Economic Geology of India, p. 427. They are situated about seventy miles north-east of Mandalay, the capital of Ava." The other place where rubies are found is a river in the island of Ceylon. ... The people make it their business to search among the sands for rubies, sapphires, and topazes. All the stones that are found in this river are generally fairer and clearer than those of Pegu." "Some rubies, but more Ballei's rubies, and an abundance of bastard rubies, sapphires, and topazes, are found in the mountains that run along from Pega to the kingdom of Camboya." Whether by Camboya Tavernier meant Cambodia, beyond Siam, is uncertain; but he can scarcely have meant Cambay. He says that it is an error to suppose that emeralds are found in the East. Those exported from the Philippines to Europe were first brought thither by Spaniards from Peru. ** Proceedinge, B Soc. Dub., for 1880. + Economic Geology of India.

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SEPTEMBER, 1884.] EARLY NOTICES OF METALS AND GEMS IN INDIA. 247 In the above-quoted paragraph on gold in the region beyond Cashemir, the other two mountains he mentions produced "granats" (i.e. garnets), and "azure" (i.e. lapis-lazuli), respectively. This reference is, doubtless, to well-known mines of the spinel or Balas ruby, and lapis-lazuli, which are situated in Badakshan." In 1673, a work was published on Asia by John Ogilby, which, as giving an epitome of the knowledge possessed in England of the mineral resources of India at that time, is not withont interest. But some of the statements are not founded on fact. Thus, he says (p. 105): "The Ganges is supposed to abound with gold and pearls, and from its bottom are fetched all manner of precious stones, on some of which are represented the shapes of beasts, plants, and other things." And again : "The kingdoms of Golconda and Decan afford the inhabitants excellent diamonds. India also produces topazes, berils, rubies (which the Arabians call yaqut), hyacinths, granate, omaragds, chrysolites, amethysts, agats, Bezoar stones, and borax. Some places yield gold and silver and all manner of other metals." Many of these minerals, it is believed, do not occur in India proper, and the term therefore is probably used in a very extended sense, and hence misconception has arisen no doubt. On page 157 he makes a remarkable statement, which might be used in support of the view contested in an early part of this Paper, namely, that India received all her gold from abroad. He says "Hindostan (by which, perhaps, only the realm of the great Moghul is meant) possesses great quantities of gold and silver ; but all is brought thither by strangers, never returning out again, for they melt down the European or foreign coins, and recoin them with the Moghul's stamp." In a map, published by Wells in 1700, the positions of the diamond mines of Coulour and Raolconds are given with much greater accuracy than is the case in Rennell's map, published at the close of the eighteenth century. I was, however, confirmed in my conclusion as to the identification of the former by a manuscript map by Col. Colin MacKenzie, dated 1798, which is preserved in Calcutta. In the maps of both Ogilby and Wells, Narsinga, a place often mentioned in the early | accounts, is indicated as being situated to the east of Bisnagar (i.e. Vijayanagar). HAMILTON.-Captain Hamilton, who traded in the East Indies between the years 1688 and 1728, is our next authority." He informs as that iron was made into anchors at Balasore, apparently by European methods; if so, this was the first manufacture of that kind in India of which there is any record. He quotes a curious story as to mercury having been brought to Achin in Sumatra from the Andaman Islands by a native, who, having been held for some time as a slave, was allowed to revisit his country on several occasions, and after each returned with some mercury which, he stated, was obtainable there (i.e. probably in the Little Andaman). This statement, together with a consideration of the geological structure, has led me to suggest the possibility of a future discovery of the metal in the islands of the Andaman group. In age and in character there appear to be several points of resemblance between some of the Andaman rocks and those which contain the valuable mercury mines of California. "The diamond mines, being but a week's journey from Fort St. George, make them pretty plentiful there; but few great stones are now brought to market there, since that great diamond which Governor Pitt sent to England. How he purchased it, Mr. Glover, by whose means it was brought to the gover. nor, could give the best account, for he declared to me that he lost 3,000 pagodas by introducing the seller to Mr. Pitt, having left 80 much money in Arcat as security, that if the stone was not fairly bought at Fort St. George, the owner should have free liberty to carry it where he pleased for a market; but neither the owner nor Mr. Glover were pleased with the governor's transactions in that affair.'' "Some customs and laws at the mines are : when a person goes thither on that affair he chooses a piece of ground, and acquaints one of the king's officers, who stay there for that service, that he wants so many covets of ground to dig in; but whether they agree for " Economic Geology of India, pp. 429, 529. New Account of the East Indies, vol. I, chap. xxix. Maderas or Chinapatam. " A different version of the transaction by Mr. Pitt himself was published after his death.

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248 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. so much, or if the price be certain, I know not. However, when the money is paid the space of ground is inclosed, and some sentinels placed round it. The king challenges all stones that are found above a certain weightI think it is about 60 grains; and if any stones be carried clandestinely away above the stipulated weight, the person guilty of the theft is punished with death. Some are fortunate, and get estates by digging, while others lose both their money and labour." The remaining two authorities among those Europeans who personally visited the mines they describe were, Mustapha," a Turk, who traversed the diamond-bearing region of Chutia Nagpur in 1758, and Motte," who was deputed by Lord Clive in 1766 to purchase diamonds at Sambhalpur, on the Mahanadi. The facts they record are chiefly of interest as proving the existence of the industry at those periods, and need not be further dwelt upon here. In recapitulation of the conclusions which I have been led to as the result of this analysis of the facts recorded by the above-quoted writers, the following may be enumerated : First. The great antiquity of the knowledge possessed by the natives of India with reference to certain metallurgical processes, is, I think, fairly established. The most notable of these is, undoubtedly, that by which wuts or cast No. CXLIX. The original plates, from which the present inscription is edited, belonged to Sir Walter Elliot, K.C.S.I., and have been presented by him to the British Museum. I have no information as to where they were found. They are three in number, each about 8" long by 3" broad. The edges of them are raised into high rims; and the inscription is in a state of excellent preservation throughout. The ring, on which the plates are strung, is about " thick and 4" in diameter; it had not been cut when the grant came into my hands. The seal on the ring is circular, about 25" in diameter. It has, in relief on a countersunk surface,-at the top, [SEPTEMBER, 1884. steel was manufactured. Probably the method of refining gold which is mentioned in the Aini-Akbari is also very old; but we have no earlier record of it. I question the accuracy of a statement made by Strabo, or at least its applicability, even in his time, to the whole of India, where he says: "The Indians, unacquainted with mining and smelting, are ignorant of their own wealth." SANSKRIT AND OLD-CANARESE INSCRIPTIONS. BY J. F. FLEET, Bo.C.S., M.R.A.S., C.I.E. (Continued from p. 215.) Oriental Repertory, vol. II, p. 261. London: 1808. "Asiatic Annual Register. London: 1799. Nandu is an Old-Canarese or Telugu word, of which Second. Many ancient, long-forgotten mines, the names of which, only, have survived in more or less archaic garbs, have, by the methods here adopted, been identified with modern sites. In most of these cases geological evidence has established these conclusions, and in some instances they have been further ratified by local traditions acquired as the result of personal inquiries. Third. Several fables of world-wide notoriety have been shown to have had their origin in facts connected with customs which were formerly little understood, but, being still in practice, are now susceptible of close examination and explanation Speaking generally, I venture to believe that I have in this Paper placed within the reach of historians a number of facts that serve to elucidate several subjects hitherto manifestly puzzling to those unacquainted with the results which have been arrived at by the systematic examination of the Geology of India. the sun and moon, and an elephant-goad; across the centre, the legend Sri-Tribhuvan[4]shkusa; below this, a standing boar, facing to the proper right; and, at the bottom, a floral device. The language is Sanskrit throughout. This is an Eastern Chalukya inscription, not specifically dated, of the time of Amma II., also called Vijayaditya and Raja-Mahendra. And it records the grant of a field at the village of Gundugolanu, in the vishaya of Vengi or Venginanda, to a Brahman named Vamanasarma, of the Bharadvaja gotra, an inhabitant of the village of Kallara. The grant was made by Amms II. at the request of his wife's parents, K am a and Nay a mam ba. the modern form is nadu, meaning just the same as the Sanskrit vishaya.

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EASTERN CHALUKYA GRANT OF AMMA II. = Q8thaapooykho1Jj38) toonluun8n- 3jLoryy= thaavvpaanpaatoengloe Gogg28 . l . laan 10.rngloeng toemgnggaa tooy puudii6,God str ep 1 & 2iiminsuunoopaalyy proeympiirttthkhmaer * : naangnaathaas 10sngGLupaav 1 g gJJ3gng ooypngd@H khlypbhnM. maaspngsl.) 48 II 39.C62<Page #284
lila. jaasdii21998 11 viny. pngthaap. 20. 1 939- smuuttthljaa praa9 85sryuungthcroS&1 51naaooytoempiiypmyprdaap ruum & foooHpiiJuja siiphsii2d35ryangsmsuurbiignaa maayraas!oaurinsuuny lngylmmaaMvaa . 12 sMqviijaavnnnnriiryydii - [ - caagic) luu 121 22ryyysm298ga ooymnmuaymaa8yaangngaas)11*89gnaa. cM(r) s8nncmlngrngdiinnngtaaraamnaangcnaasr. - - - . - A-1 H : " .I'',

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SEPTEMBER, 1884.] SANSKRIT AND OLD-CANARESE INSCRIPTIONS. Svasti Text.' First plate. ['] Om [*] pam Hariti-putranam [*] ripalitanam [] sada-samasadita-vara-varaha-lamchchha (chha)n-ekshana-kshana-vasikrit-arati-manda[] lanam-asvamedh-avabhrita(tha)-snana-pavitri (tri) krita-vapusham Chalukyanam kulam-a[] lamkarishnos Satyasraya-Vallabhendrasya bhrata Kubja-Vishnuvarddhano-shtadasa var. shan [*] ['] Tad-Atmajo Jayasimhas-trayss-trimiata'm Tad-anuj-ndra-rkja-nandand Vishnuvar [*] no Srimatam sakala-bhuvana-samstuyamana-Manavya-sagotra. Kausiki-vara-prasada-labdha-rajyanam-matri-gana-pa Svami-Mahasena-pad-anudhyatanam 249 ddha nava (1) Tat-nu[r]-Mmangi(gi)-yuvarkjab pascha-vidati[m] Tat-putro Jayasimha bhagavan-Narayana-pra Second plate; first side. [] s=trayodasa (l) Tad-avarajah Kokkili[*] shan-masan () Tasya jyeshtho bhrata Vishnuvarddhanas-tam-u [1] chchatya sapta-trimsatam () Tat-putro Vijayaditya-bhattarako-shtadasa (1) Tat suto Vishnu[] varddhanal shat-trimsatam (1) Tat-suto Vijayaditya-narendramrigarajas-sashta chatva rimsatam [*] [] Tat-sutah Kali-Vishnuvarddhano-dhy-arddha-varsham (1) Tat-suto Gunaga-Vijayadi. tyakcha [3] tus-chatvarimsatam () Tad-bhratur-yyuvarajasya Vikramaditya-bhubhaja[h*] nandana[] s-saucha-Kandarppa[h] trimsad varshani Bhi (bhi)ma-rat [*] Tat-tanaya [h] sha'n= masan Kollabiganda-bhaskara [h] [*] ["] Tad-agra-nandand-thba-rijas sapta varshigi (1) Tad-agra-aduurobbild Vijaya[dityah] paksham-ekam [*] [1] Tam=akramya karagare nida (dha) ya Chalukya-Bhima -pitrivyam (vyo) YuddhamallAtmajas-Tala-nrip(pd) [] masam=[*]kam [*] Tad-anu Vikramadityas-samvatsaram [*] Kollabiganda-tanujo Bhi(bhi)mal Ka Second plate; second side. [] rayilladata-nam asit | dvadasa varsha[n] Vemgi(gi)-natho dayada-vairi-timiram= apasya [*] [] Tasya Lokamahadevyam'm-Amma-rajas-suto=jani | vikramen-Arjuno dharmme Dharmmara[ja ivupars[b] (1) Sa samantabhavandiraya-Sri-Vijayaditya-mahirajkdhirkja-paramlora[[rab paramabhattarakah parama-brahmanya[b] Vemgl-ninda-vishaya-nivasind pra (shtra)ku (ku)ta-pramukhan-ku manasa From the original plates. This sentence is incomplete. The words Vengt desam-apalayat require to be supplied. This anusvara is a mistake. [] tumbina ittham-ajn[a*]payati [1] Satyasya janma-bhumis-saj-jana-samse vitas-saro-na[] tha(?)m(h) vikrama-gun-aika-dhama nripa-Kamal pajit-Esa-pada-kamalah () Ru(ru). pa-lavan[y*]a [] sau(sau) bhagya-satya-dharmma-parayana Nayam[th]b-hga taya tasya saroruha-dal ekshana [*] [] Tabhyam m-asmadi (di)yya(ya)-evasu (su)ra-evasru (eru) bhya[m] prartvya(rtthya) manair= [] nemAbhi[b] Kallaru-grims-vietavyaBharadv[A]jagira-Vijnaneya-V[4]manabhapa-pantelyt Sivvanabhatta-patriya Vi This letter, sha, was at first omitted and then inserted below the line. This letter, ma, was at Brst omitted and then inserted, in rather a cramped manner, between the bht and the pi. This anusvara is a mistake. This anusudra, again, is a mistake. This letter, ma, was at first omitted and then inserted below the line. 10 This letter, na, was at first omitted and then inserted below the line.

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250 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. Third plate; first side. [""] rmmane Gunda(Pptu)golanu-nama-ggra (gra)me purvva-disi(si) raja-manena dvadasakhondik-odra(ddra ?)va-bija ["] vipa- kshetram=udaka-purvvam=uttarayana-nimitte dattam=iti" viditam =astu va[h*] ja sarvva-kana-parihi [0] [rls ilai (an )alikritya [[*] Aaya kehdtraayivedhayib [] parvatah Tepalamupariga dakshigata[b*] [30] Punnisvaramma-nagaruva | paschimatah Bhatari-pannasa | uttarata [h*] Gundi(?nti)yabhatlaveru ["] vu |(||) Asy=pari na (na) kenachid=badha karttavya yah karoti sa pamcha mahapataka[2] samyukto bhavati |(||) Tatha ch=oktar Vyasena [[*] Bahubhir vvasudha datta bahubhis=ch=anupali [SEPTEMBER, 1884. [33] ta | yasya yasya yada bhumis tasya tasya tada phalam | ( ||) Sva-dattarin paradattam va [3*] yohar8(c)(c)t=tu_vasum " ndha (ndha) ram shashti varsha- sahasrani vishtayam jayate krimih [||*] Third plate; second side. [arj] Ajaaptih Kajaksrijah Btaaya mkshakhsyaruhastyrabhayagaaahaar-dvitaye | Kal waplksha [50] vumachepu (Pshu) - patayah Balika-pitchchha-chchhatra-Velabhat[& *]h || Madhavabhattasya kavyam |(||) Dattandraja-Mar["] hendrasya Visvakarmm Opamena cha Kondicharyyena namn=&tam likhitamin sasanam subham || The following two short copied by the editor in 1881. TWO SANSKRIT INSCRIPTIONS IN THE BRITISH MUSEUM. BY DR. G. BUHLER, C.I.E., VIENNA. inscriptions are in the cellars of the British Museum and were No. 1. Transcript. zivAya: (') oM namaH somaH somapavitritAdharadalaiH saMstUyate (*) yo hijai saumyaiH sAmasamUha saMgavimalaiH somAcitasA(3) AT: || kailAse kalakokilAlale devezva deyAdibhiH / (1) sonyAtsomadhAbhivo bhAgavitA matidaH // yogI (') yogivarairage * gaNagaNairyakSaizva yakSAlaye // siddhaiH siddhiva(o) lairalaM sukhanidhirloke ca lokAdhipaiH // vidyApAdavilepanA() divibhavedyAH sAdaraM // pUbhyo yaH satataM samAdhikusumairbhA (1) bolale sogatAt / saktAmAtyanRpe kalAvapi sudhIH satyojjhitaprA (1) Nini / satyopetaguNA karo nayayutastyAgI kSamI yogavit / zUrakrU(10) rajanaM prati kramavArI puNyayuktaM kulaM // akkAsI dhanasaMpado (' ') vakulajaH zrIyogacaryA gataH // tenedaM susamAhitena manasA saMrakSa This letter, ti, was at first omitted and then inserted below the line. 12 This mark of punctuation is unnecessary, and was probably engraved by mistake for the omitted visarga. 13 First tta was engraved here, and then it was corrected into re. 1 This anusvara is a mistake. 15 Some correction or other is required here. Probably we should read rakshakah syur-Uru-Husty-ubhayagana. 16 This mark of punctuation seems to be unnecessary. 27 This letter, kahl, is very faint, and was perhape intended to be cancelled. as This anusvdra is a mistake. 29 Correct into Dattash raja. 20 Correct into namnaldari. Line 1, read zivAya // I. 3, read bahula. L. 4, read bhAvAnvitAn L 5, read siddhibadeg L. 8, read vojjvalai :

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SEPTEMBER, 1884.] TWO SANSKRIT INSCRIPTIONS. 251 (1) NAyApadA | zaMbhozvArusubhairakAri bhavanaM pASANakUTaridaM // Asle ('s) a PT HET : matrac: II alagrua AT(") hitAnyavitathaM zrIpuSkarAdInyapi yaM dRSTrApi kathAprapaMcaracanA("%) T e far II Halt arrgfa 579 Ft(16) TTT II JT 997 goa: arga llaa (") <3 Sa mudi 5 pacamyAH nighanAmaha Translation. 4. With perfect devotion he built, in order Om ! Adoration to Siva ! to ward off misfortunes, this temple of Sambhu 1. May that Bhava, who, united with Uma with beautifuland brilliant most excellent stones, (somah) is praised by gentle Brahmanas, the where Sambhu-Jhares vara, the giver of Soma-worshipping singers of Samans, whose welfare, dwells together with the Ganas. All lips are sanctified by (draughts of) Soma-juice, places of pilgrimage, even famous Pushkara and who are pure through their connexion with and the rest, are certainly concentrated in this numerous Samans-he who is lauded) by the building). gods, the Daityas and the rest on Kailasa that 5. If men in this world worship him (Siva), abounds in flocks of sweet voiced koils -he whose after merely visiting this temple), by conversady carries the moon-nectar and who grants tions (regarding him), by lauding his name and devotion, protect all beings existing on earth. 80 forth, by becoming united with or attached 2. May he afford protection who (himself) an to (him), they will be freed from all guilt that ascetic and a treasure of great happiness, must causes dreadful dangers and be filled with constantly be worshipped devoutly with the spiritual merit. Samvat 783 on the fifth day flowers of abstract meditation, rendered bril- (5) of the bright half of the month Chaitra liant through attachment (to him), by the best the completion (?). of ascetics, by the crowds of Ganas on the mountain, by the Yakshas in their home, by No. 2. the Siddhas, whose strength consists in super- In the beginning of No. 2 three stanzas and a natural power, and by kings in (this) world, half in the Sardalavikridita metre have been (and) by the Vidyadharas whose might is lost; the last two Padas of the fourth are derived from anointing the feet of (the goddess of) readable in part only. Two letters of the first Learning and similar services rendered to her. Pada of stanza 4 are visible above the line 3. Vakulaja, who even in (this) Kali which I have marked as the first in the tran(yuga) when ministers and princes are disre- script. The words which I have translated by garded, and when (all) creatures are destitute of 'caused to be restored,' sughatitain achika purity, (is) wise, truthful, a mine of good quali- raduchchhritam mean literally caused to be ties, endowed with modesty, liberal, patient (of made well fitted and high.' austerities), versed in the doctrines) of Yoga, The person who restored this temple of Siva a hero against cruel men; gradually abandoned is the same who built the Devalaya, referred to his family that possessed prosperity and in No. 1. The date 781 I take to be equivalent spiritual merit and his riches, and turned to to 725 A.D., as the alphabet evidently belongs the practice of the famous Yoga (Sastra). to the 8th century of our era. Transcript. (') -----o franto --- Egil tar] --- () [ ra]: qart: a gen TCI OTOfot[at ] L. 12, read it. L. 13, read NT:. L. 15, read beyond what is plain already. The figures of the date closely resemble the Telugu numerals, except in the case 14deg. L. 17, read q uat; . of 5, which has clearly the older form na. The era is 1 Metre of the five verses, Sardalavikridita in honour probably that of Vikrama, and the date equal to 726 A.D. The character of the alphabet which paleographically is of Siva. A great, many passages can be taken, and, no very interesting, points to this conclusion. I am not doubt, are intended to be taken in two or three ways, oertain about the meaning of the last word nighanam But the wretched oomposition is not worthy of a detailed which I have translated conjecturally by completion.' explanation, it yields not a single historical fact

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252 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [SEPTEMBER, 1884. (1) tA // siMhavyAghratarakSudaMtikapayaH sAraMgasaMghA api tyatvA -- (") [t] h a afera sifa foartell Prairi (g] () ghaTitaM siddhezvarasyAlayaM [I] tasyAcIkaraducchritaM vakulajo nAmnA ba() at : CTT: Gennar: at - (') sArArNavamuttitIrgharakhilaM nyAyena labdhairddhanaiH [1] devAnaMdena vandyAya ((r)) arta A TT LI FATATU 14 TEAT: 999 Tat: 11 11 (1) sambat 781 kArtika sudi 13 nighanamiti // // zrI oM Translation. patient (of austerities) and desirous of emerg4. ............... obtain a puri- ing from the whole ocean of transmigration fication of the heart which gives as its caused to be restored, with money obtained in fruit the gain of final liberation (and) which a righteous manner, a temple of that Sid(is highly esteemed by) Yogins; and in whose dhesvara, which owing to the length of presence lions, tigers, hyenas, elephants, mon- time had become a ruin. keys and even herds of deer, abandoning ... 6. Devananda, who gladdens the learned, . . fearlessly roam. has composed (the above) five verses for divine 5. A virtuous ascetic, called Vakula ja, Siddhesvara who is worthy of adoration. who is assiduous in the worship of fsa, whose Samrat 781, on the 13th day of the bright half of heart is filled with compassion for others, who is the month Kartika, the completion (?) Sri, O(in). THE ORIGIN OF THE RIVAISHNAVAS OF SOUTHERN INDIA. BY PANDIT 8. M. NATESA SASTRI. On questioning my grandfather about the sent him to the KAn chipuram matham, origin of the Ayyangars, the Vaishnavas or to be educated there. He passed his days in Srivaishnavas of the Madras Presidency, he told study. me the following story, which I reproduce as One day, it is said, the Sankaracharya nearly as possible in the way he related it :- wanted to take an oil bath. The pupils used to "In the good old days the mathams were serve their master in turn, and that day it was always the seats of learning. They were then RAmanuja's. He was rubbing the oil over not the petty things they are now. They the bald head of the Sankaracharya, and answered the purpose of a university, and another student was taking lessons by his unlike our modern Indian universities, were side. A stanza was read in which the both teaching and examining bodies. Kavya, face of Vishnu was represented to be red as Nataka, dlahkara, the Veda ngah, Vedas, Bhugola, the lotus. The Sankaracharya at once exclaimLilavati, and every department of knowledge ed that it was a luptapamd, or defective was taught. And whenever parents wanted to comparison, as there were objects surpassing give a sound and liberal education to their sons the lotus in their redness, which might have they sent them to the nearest matham. been used for the simile. As an example, he It is said, and has almost been established, indicated the buttocks of the monkey. Ramathat the great Ramanaja charya, the nuja, who was a firm believer in Vishna, cried founder of the Ayyangar sect, was born in the out. Tears from his eyes dropped on the beginning of the 12th century at Sriperum- thighs of the Sankaracharya, and pierced them budur, near Madras. He was of the Smarta like molten lead. At once he ordered Ramaand Advaita school. His parents, uncles, and nujAcharya to leave the matham, and he accordother relatives were all Smartas, even after hisingly went. And now being a hater of Siva starting the Vaishnava faith. He gave signs and a special worshipper of Vishnu he started of remarkable intelligence, and so his parents the new religion. L. 4, read Efend; 77T; L. 6, tuo

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SEPTEMBER, 1884.) ORIGIN OF THE VAISHNAVAS. 253 This is what the Ayyangars tell of the origin of their religion. Let us examine it. Notice the indecency attributed to the Sankaracharya in referring the student to the buttocks of the monkey for a better comparison with the redness of Vishnu's face. Sankaracharya as an Advaiti had equal regard to Siva and Vishnu, and would not be guilty of the indecent com- parison here attributed to him. And to say that he stooped to being rubbed with oil is next to nonsense. That a man like him, who had renounced the pleasures of the world, should take an oil bath is to a Hindu incredible. In the Smarta relation of the story, the former part is almost the same. At that time, i.e. in the middle of the 12th century, Buddhism and Jainism had made great inroads. People, not knowing what religion was, left one sect for another; the then Sankaracharyas used to go into the country and preach the Advaita doctrines which they professed. The mathams were resorted to by people to have their religious difficulties cleared up; so the Sankarichiryas, when absent, appointed some intelligent disciple in their stead. In accordance with this custom the Kanchi Acharya on one occasion appointed Ramanuja to officiate for him. An opinion spread among the people that the real Sankaracharyas knew nothing, and that they owed their fame to their intelligent students. When this opinion reached the Kanchi Aobarya he returned to his masham, dismissed Ramanuja to his studies, and himself ruled over the see. Ramannja having already tasted the sweets of power, ambition now burnt in his heart to start a new religion. He left the matham, went to the modern Visha-Kaioht, and there proclaimed that faith was supreme, and Vishnu, the protector, alone was the real deity. On this he built up his Vaishpavism, and made known that he would freely accept converts into his religion without distinction of caste and receive them as Brahmana. In all times people of other castes have looked up to Bruhmanism with jealousy, and when Ramanuja proclaimed that he would accept men of the lower castes to an equality with Brahmans, people flocked to him. Ramanuja would speak to his followers about the necessity of the Vedas to Brahmans, and ask them to study them, and himself would repeat portions of them to his disciples. As the majority of these could have no knowledge of Sanskrit, they would be at a loss when they heard him repeating portions of the Vedas. The difficulties of pronunciation, the peculiarities of tone, would confuse the minds of the new members. "Our Acharya, instead of asking us to get by heart the Vedas, might as well ask as to fly in the air" one would say to another, and would be ready to fall back on their old religion rather than undergo the painful task of getting the Vedas by heart. Ramanuja would see the difficulty, and to carry out successfully his aim, the idea would at once occur to him to use the Tamil stanzas containing simple and lovely descriptions of Vishan, and so retain on his side the dissatisfied converts. He ordered some of the most eminent among them to sing the praises of Vishnu in Tamil. Then it was that the Tiruvdymoli of the Srivaishnavas, the sacred book of the whole sect for three centuries, and of the Tenkalai Ayyangars even to the present day, was formed. Some of the gifted men engaged in this work were Parai. yahs and Chaklers. When the book was finished, Ramanaja said to his followers :"Let this be your Veda: let this be more honoured by you than the Vedas are by the Brahmans." From that day the Tirwdymoli was so respected by the whole sect and continued to be so till the time of Vedantad esika, who, perceiving the great defectof Vaishnavism threw the Tiruvdymoli into the background, and restored the Vedas as the religious book of the Vaishnavas also, and started the new sect of the Vadakalais, who have as much faith in the Vedas as other Brahmans. This, then, is the origin of the Tirudymoli. The next peculiarity of the Srivaishnavas is the wearing of the langoi (Sans. kaupina) throughout life, while the other Brahmans give it up after reaching their Grihasthasrama. While all the common Smritis deny the langoti to & Grihastha, why should the Vaishnavas alone wear it? The sect originated from the dregs of the population, whose only dress was their lang81. They could not do without it. They laboured all day in the fields with their loin-cloth on. And when Ramanaja talked to them about the Panchakachchha of the Brahmans, and when they tried to wear their clothes in that fashion they would find themselves in an awkward con

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254 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [SEPTEMBER, 1884. dition without it. An old habit is difficult to give ap. They would cling to the langoi, and RAmanuja would allow the demand to his new adherents, and make it & role that every Vaishnava from that day forward snould wear the langoti in addition to his Brahmanik dress, and thus the langoti remains a mark distinguishing the Vaishnavas from other Brahmang. In times of joy and sorrow, at festivals and on sacred days, Brahmans eat in companies. The Vadakalai Ayyangars of modern days have of late introduced among themselves the custom of eating in company, a pleasure long denied to them by their forefathers, and not enjoyed even to this day by the Tenkalai Vaishnavas. Indeed, in some families of the latter, the son and father do not sit in company at meals, a practice most repulsive to nature. The incongruity does not stop here. Suppose an old Tenkalai Vaishaava Brahman who knows all the four Vedas and does not know & single prabandha or verse of the Tiruvaymoli; he is no Brahman in the eyes of his caste people; but the son of that old man, though he should not know a single syllable of Sanskrit, if only he has got by heart, even without knowing the mexning, line or two of the Tiruvdymoli is & Brahman of the first water. The father and son do not eat together, the latter, deeming his Brahmanism would suffer, sits to take his meals separated by # screen from his father. How arose this practice among the early Srivaishnavas ? Ramanuja would preach to his adherents about the necessity of Panktibhojanam, or eating in rows. They would agree, and when they sat down must have found it unpleasant to sit in company with those whom it was formerly revolting for them to see in the same row before they became Brahman. They could not give up their scruples so easily as their religion. When a man of socially high position sat down in the same row with another of low position the mind of the former revolt-" ed; he would prefer to renounce the new religion rather than undergo this degradation. Ramanaja would perceive this, and arrange that when parties wished to dine together, but did not care to sit side by side as orthodox Brahmans, they might use the separation of a screen. To those that have not observed the Vaish- nava namaskara, a word is necessary about it here. When two Vaishnavas meet, each falls down simultaneously towards the other. The common Brahman Smritis say that the younger should always prostrate himself to the elder. When Ramanaja received other castes as Bra hmans he would preach to his followers the observance of the namaskara, and that the younger should prostrate himself to the elder. But suppose a man of thirty, of rather high position in society had become a Vaishnava; and another of fifty from a lower position had also become a Vaishnava. When the rule that the younger should prostrate himself to the elder was tanght, a difficulty would here arise. A man of socially higher position would object to prostrate himself to one of lower standing, though older than himself. The old and lower caste man would expect that the younger should respect him according to the principles of the new religion. Ramanuja solved the difficulty by uttering vaiSNavaM vaiSNavaM dRSTvA madhye tiSThati mAdhavaH / / that when two Vaishnavas meet the god Vishnu himself comes and stands between them. So in the one prostrating himself to the other he does not respect the man before whom he falls, but worships as it were the deity between. In the extreme south of Tinnevelly district is the small town of N & iganeri, wholly inhabited by Tenkalai Vaishpavas. Instead of gotres, some of them classify themselves by a Tamil word Tirumeni, signifying the beautiful body, AB equivalent to the Sanskrit.gotra. Some of the Tiruma nis they give are clearly enough significant of the original caste from which their forefathers were converted to Vaishnavism. One is Eri irangum tirwmani, which means the ascending and descending beautiful body, indicative that the progenitor of the family was & climber of trees, i.e., & Sanan. Another is Vellaivelukkum tirumeni, which shows that their progenitor was of the washerman sect. Then we have Tatfukkottum tirumeni, cymbal sounding, t.e., descended from musieians; and Eagumkanda tirumeni, the barber. Thus a number of Tirumenis have meanings which indicate the original caste of these Vaishnava Brahmans. Among Brahmane, widows shave the hair from their heads. Bat Vaishnava widows, and now the Terkalai Vaishnava widows only, have

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SEPTEMBER, 1884.] ORIGIN OF THE VAISHNAVAS. 255 a different rule among themselves. These the forefathers of the Vaishnavas were mostly latter do not shave their heads, and, if asked, other caste people, especially Buddhists." they say, "Are our females to bend their heads Here my grandfather ended, and I said: to barbers as well as to Acharyas P" This is "How do you account then for the Veda similar to the Malayan saying, when he is ques- honour, the homa observance, the shaving of tioned why he blackens his teeth, "Should the hair of the widows, eating in rows, &c., we have white teeth like dogs." But let us observed among our Vadakalai Vaishnava see among whom this custom prevails now, and friends," and he added as follows:in olden times. It is now in vogue among the "Bear in mind that the original Vaishnavas low castes, and was very prevalent among the were all one, without any distinction of TenkaBuddhists and Jains, and these sects may have lais and Vadakalais, as they now stand. By supplied the bulk of the original converts. my former arguments, all of which apply now When a Southern Brahman goes to the north more to the Tenkalais than Vadakalais, we see to travel, he is apt to be asked whether he that the original Vaishnavas had several nondoes not wash himself in sacred rivers and Brahmanik rites, and the Tenkalai Vaishnavas tanks, and sully the waters. Srivaishnavas still retain the same. Ved a ntad dvikar was have been observed doing so, and the northern born about the close of the 15th century, and in Hinda at once concludes that every Brahman the former half of the 16th century made great from the south does so. But it is only the changes in Vaishnavism. He perceived several Vaishnavas that do so, and are asked to do so flaws in his religion which separated it from by their religious codes. All other Brahmans Brahmanism. The Veda and homa, the warp wash only with lifted water, and never sully and woof of the Brahmanik religion, he found tanks or sacred rivers. This custom is one the absent in the then Vaishnavism. He boldly Srivaishnavas have brought with them from taught his followers the defects, and remedied the low castes from which they originated, and them by introducing several Brahmanik rites which they still retain. The practice, in small in place of non-Brahmanik ones,-.g., he exvillages, of both sexes washing themselves at changed the Tiruvdymoli for the Vedas. Now the village tank is one of the most disgusting Vadakalai Vaishnavas no longer read the former peculiarities of the low castes in Southern as the sacred book, but as one more purely Indis. literary than religious. Homas were introduced ; The Tenkalai Vaishnavas, especially in the widows were compelled to shave their hair; Chingleput and North Arkat districts, which and Brahmanik marriage rites were introduced. are the cradle of their religion, marry in the Of course some liked the change, and joined it. presence of some Vaishnava god. The rites These were named Vadakalai, the division are short, and have almost no Brahmanik giving preference to Sanskrit mantras-from element in them. If the man is poor he may Vadamoli, & Tamil word, meaning Sanskrit. take water in the presence of the god, and The original sect, from their preference for accept the hand of the bride, and the marriage Tamil mantras,-Tenmoli, meaning Tamil, ceremony is complete; a practice which speaks were thenceforward called Tenkalsis. These two for itself when we see that poor people of low sects are the bitterest enemies to each other. caste in modern days do the same. Whether the Vedas or the Tiruvdymoli should The Tenkalai Vaishnavas have no homas in be repeated first in Vaishnava temples is the their ceremonies, which is almost the same as main cause of dispate between these sects, which saying that the back-bone of the Brahmanik every year feeds well the barristers and vakils religion is absent. Sometimes rice is mea- in every law court of the Madras Presidency. sured out to the temple priest, who is ordered Broken heads, stoppage of processione, murder to prepare meals to feed a couple of Srivai. and other crimes arise from these religious shnavas. This also is a practice which we see disputes among them." among the lowest castes of modern times. Here ends my grandfather's story. It has taken me several years of contempla- I have given his views in the hope that some tion to arrive at the numerous features above one more learned may take it ap, and do more noted, and to be convinced beyond doubt that! justice to the subject.

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256 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [SEPTEMBER, 1884. FOLKLORE IN SOUTHERN INDIA. BY PANDIT . M. NATESA SABTef. III.-THE SOOTHSAYER's son. his elder brother, and started for Bandra. Ho janmaprabhRti dAridyaM dazavarSANi bandhanam / went by the middle of the Dakhan, avoiding both the coasts, and went on journeying and samudratIre maraNaM kiJcit bhogaM bhaviSyati // journeying for weeks and months, till at last Thne a Soothsayer when on his death-bed he reached the Vindhya mountains. While passwrote the horoscope of his second son, and ing that desert he had to journey for a couplo bequeathed it to him as his only property, leav- of days through a sandy plain, with no signs of ing the whole of his estate to his eldest son. life or vegetation. The little store of provision The second son pondered over the horoscope, with which he was provided for a couple of and fell into the following contemplations : days, at last was exhausted. The chombu, which "Alas, am I born to this only in the world? he carried always full, replenishing it with The sayings of my father never failed. I have the sweet water from the flowing rivulet or seen them prove true to the last word while plenteous tank, he had exhausted in the heat of he was living; and how has he fixed my the desert. There was not a morsel in his hand horoscope ! Janma prabhsiti daridryam ! From to eat; nor a drop of water to drink. Turn my birth poverty! I am not to be in that his eyes wherever he might be found a vast miserable condition alone. Dasa varshami desert, out of which he saw no means of escape. bandhanam: for ten years, imprisonment Still he thought within himself, "Surely my fate harder than poverty; and what comes father's prophecy never proved untrue. I must next? Samudratine maranam : death on the sea survive this calamity to find my death on some shore, which means that I must die away from ses-coast." So thought he, and this thought home, far from friends and relatives on a 108- gave him strength of mind to walk fast and const. The misery has reached its extreme try to find a drop of water somewhere to height here. Now comes the funniest part of slake his dry throat. At last he succeeded, the horoscope. Kichit bhogan bhavishyati- or rather thought that he succeeded. Heaven that I am to have some happiness afterwards ! threw in his way a ruined well. He thought What this happiness is, is an enigma to me that he could collect some water if he let down To die first, to be happy for some time after ! his chombu with the string that he always What happiness? Is it the happiness of this carried noosed to the neck of it. Accordingly world? So it must be. For however clever he let it down; it went some way and stopped, ond may be, he cannot foretell what may tako and the following words came from the well, place in the other world. Therefore it must "Oh, relieve me! I am the king of tigers dying be the happiness of this world, and how can here of hunger. For the last three days I havo that be possible after my death? It is im- had nothing. Fortune has sent you here. If possible. I think my father has only meant | you assist me now you will find a sure help in this as a consoling conclusion to the series of me throughout your life. Do not think that calamities that he has prophesied. Three I am beast of prey. When you have beportions of his prophecy must prove true; the come my deliverer I can never touch you. fourth and last is a mere comforting statement Pray kindly lift me up." Gangadhara, for to bear patiently the calamities enumerated, that was the name of the Soothsayer's second and never to prove true. Therefore let me go son, found himself in & very perplexing to Banaras, bathe in the holy Ganga, wash away position. "Shall I take him out or not? my sins, and prepare myself for my end. Let If I take him out he may make me the first me avoid sea-coasts, lest death meet me there morsel of his hungry mouth. No; that he in accordance with my father's words. Come will not do. For my father's prophecy never imprisonment: I am prepared for it for ten came untrue. I must die on & sen-coast and years." not by a tiger." Thus thinking, he asked the Thus thought he, and after all the funeral tiger-king to hold tight the vessel, which he obsequies of his father were over, took leave of accordingly did, and he lifted him up slowly.

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SEPTEMBER, 1884.) FOLKLORE IN SOUTHERN INDIA. 257 - The tiger reached the top of the well and felt calling again to mind the Samudratine marahimself on safe ground. True to his word he nam-death on the seashore-lifted him up. did no harm to Gangadhara. On the other He, like the tiger-king, circumambulated him hand, he went round his patron three times, thrice, and prostrating himself before him spoke and standing before him, humbly spoke the thus :-"Oh, my life-giver, my father, for so following words :-"My life-giver, my bene- I must call you, as you have given me another factor! I shall never forget this day, when birth, I have already told you that I am I regained my life through your kind hands. Adibesha's son, and that I am the king of serIn return for this kind assistance I pledge my pents. I was three days ago basking myself oath to stand by you in all calamities. When in the morning sun, when I saw a rat running ever you are in any difficulty just think of me. before me. I chased it. He fell into this well. I am there with you ready to oblige you by | I followed him, but instead of falling on the all the means that I can. To tell you briefly third storey where he is now lying, I fell into how I came in here :-Three days ago I was the second. It was on the same evening that roaming in yonder forest, when I saw a gold- the goldsmith also fell down on the fourth smith passing through it. I chased him. He, storey, and the tiger whom you released just finding it impossible to escape my claws, jump- before me fell down into the first. What I ed into this well, and is living to this moment have to tell you now is-do not relieve the goldin the very bottom of it. I also jamped, but smith, though you may release the rat. As a found myself in the first storey; he is on the rule, goldsmiths are never to be trusted. I am last and fourth storey. In the second storey going away now to see my fathor. Whenever lives & serpent half-famished with hunger. you are in any difficulty just think of me. In the third storey lies a rat, similarly half I will be there by your side to assist you by famished, and when you again begin to draw all possible means. If, notwithstanding my water these may request you first to release repeated advice, you happen to release the them. In the same way the goldsmith also goldsmith, you shall suffer for it severely." may request. I tell you, as your bosom So saying, the Nagarkja (serpent-king) glided friend, never assist that wretched man, away in zigzag movements, and was out of though he is your relation as a human being. sight in a moment. Goldsmiths are never to be trusted. You | The poor son of the Soothsayer who can place more faith in me, a tiger, though now almost dying of thirst, and was even led to I feast sometimes upon men, in a serpent think that the messengers of death were near whose sting makes your blood cold the very him, notwithstanding his firm belief in the next moment, or in a rat, which does a thou. words of his father, let down his vessel for a sand mischiefs in your house. But never trust third time. The rat caught hold of it, and with& goldsmith. Do not release him; and if you out discussing, he lifted up the poor animal at do, you shall surely repent of it one day or once. But it would not go without showing its other." Thus advising, the hungry tiger went eloquence--"Oh life of my life, my benefactor: away without waiting for an answer. I am the king of rats. Whenever you are in any Gangadhara thought several times of the calamity just think of me. I will come to you, eloquent way in which the tiger addressed and assist you. My keen ears overheard all him, and admired his fluency of speech. His that the tiger-king and serpent-king told you thirst was not quenched. So he let down his about the Svarnataskara (gold-smith), who is vessel again which was now caught hold of in the fourth storey. It is nothing but a sad by the serpent, who addressed him thus : truth that goldsmiths ought never to be trusted. "Oh my protector ! lift me up. I am the Therefore never assist him as you have done king of serpents, and the son of Adiadsha, to us all. And if you do you shall feel it. I who is now pining away in agony for my dis- am hungry; let me go for the present." appearance. Release me now. I shall ever Thus taking leave of his benefactor, the rat, remain your servant, remember your assistance, too, ran away. and help you throughout life in all possible Gangadhara for a while thought upon the reways. Oblige me: I am dying.". Gangadhara, peated advice given by the three animals about

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258 * THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (SEPTEMBER, 1884. releasing the goldsmith, "What wrong himself like a pet cat to the strokes of his would there be in my assisting him. Why protector, and began in the following words :should I not release him also." So thinking "My life-giver! How is it that you forgot with himself Gangadhara let down the vessel me, your poor servant, for so long a time. I am again. The goldsmith caught hold of it, and glad to find that I still occupy a corner in demanded help. The Soothsayer's son had no your mind. I can never forget the day when I time to lose; he was himself dying of thirst. owed my life to your lotas hands. I have Therefore he lifted the goldsmith up, who now several jewels with me of little value. This began his story :-"Stop for a while," said crown, being the best of all, I have brought Gangadhara, and after quenching his thirst by here as a single ornament of great value, letting down his vessel for the fifth time, still and hence easily portable and useful to you fearing that some one might remain in the well in your own country." Gangadhara looked at and demand his assistance, he listened to the the crown, examined it over and over, counted goldsmith, who began as follows:-"My dear and recounted the gems, and thought within friend, my protector, what a deal of nonsense himself that he would become the richest of these brates were talking to you about me; I ammen by separating the diamonds and gold, and glad you have not followed their advice. I am selling them in his own country. He took just now dying of hunger. Permit me to go leave of the tiger-king,and after his disappearaway. My name is Manikkasari. I live in the ance thought of the kings of serpents and rats, East main street of Ujjaini, which is 20 kos who came in their turns with their presents, to the south of this place, and so lies on your and after the usual formalities and exchange of way wben you return from Banaras. Do not words took their leave. Gangadhara was exforget to come to me and receive my kind tremely delighted at the faithfulness with remembrances of your assistance, on your way which the brute beasts behaved themselves, and back to your country." So saying the gold- went on his way to the south. While going smith took his leave, and Gangadhara also along he spoke to himself thus "These pursued his way north after the above adven- beasts 'have been so very faithful in their tures. assistance. Much more, therefore, must ManikHe reached Baparas, and lived there for kasari be faithful. I do not want anything more than ten years, spending his time in from 'him now. If I take this crown with me bathing, prayers, and other religious ceremonies. as it is, it occupies much space in my bundle. He quite forgot the tiger, serpent, rat, and gold. It may also excite the curiosity of some robsmith. After ten years of religious life, bers on the way. I will go now to Ujjaini on thoughts of home and of his brother rushed my way. Manikkasari requested me to see into his mind. "Enough of the merit that I have him without failure on my return-journey. secured till now by my religious observances. I shall do so, and request him to have the Let me return home." Thus thought Ganga- crown melted, the diamonds and gold sepadhara within himself, and immediately he was rated. He must do that kindness at least for on his way back to his country. Remembering me. I shall then roll up these diamonds and the prophecy of his father he returned by the gold ball in my rags, and bend my way home." same way by which he went to Banaras ten years Thus thinking and thinking he reached Ujjaini. before. While thus retracing his steps he At once he enquired for the house of his goldreached that ruined well where he released the smith friend, and found him without difficulty. three brute kings, and the goldsmith. At once Manikkasari was extremely delighted to find the old recollections rushed into his mind, and he on his threshold him who ten years before,' notthought of the tiger to test his fidelity. Only withstanding the advice repeatedly given him a moment passed, and the tiger-king came ron- by the sage-looking tiger, serpent, and rat, had ning before him carrying a large crown in his relieved him from the pit of death. Gangamouth, the glitter of the diamonds of whichdhara at once showed him the crown that he for a time outshone even the bright rays of received from the tiger-king, told him how the sun. He dropped the crown at his life-giver's he got it, and requested his kind assistance feet, and leaving off all his pride, humbled to separate the gold and diamonds. Manikkasari

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SEPTEMBER, 1884.] FOLKLORE IN SOUTHERN INDIA. 259 agreed to do so, and meanwhile asked his friend murderer. He is bathing in the river, and is to rest himself for a while to have his bath of such and such appearance, was the reply. and meals; and Gangadhara, who was very | At once four armed soldiers fly to the river, observant of his religious ceremonies, went and bind hand and foot the poor Brahman, who direct to the river to bathe. sits in meditation, without any knowledge of How came a crown in the jaws of a tiger? the fate that hangs over him. They brought It is not a difficult question to solve. A king Gangadhara to the presence of the prince, who must have furnished the table of the tiger for turned his face away from the murderer or a day or two. Had it not been for that, the supposed murderer, and asked his soldiers to tiger could not have had a crown with him. throw him into the kardgriham. In a minute, Even so it was. The king of Ujjaini had a without knowing the cause, the poor Brahman week before gone with all his hunters on a hunt- found himself in the dark caves of the karaing expedition. All on a sudden a tigeras griham. we know now, the very tiger-king himself In old times the karagriham answered the started from the wood, seized the king, and purposes of the modern jail. It was a dark vanished. The hunters returned and informed cellar underground, built with strong stone the prince about the sad calamity that had walls, into which any criminal guilty of a capital befallen his father. They all saw the tiger offence was ushered to breathe his last there carrying away the king. Yet such was their without food and drink. Into such a cellar courage that they could not lift their weapons Gangadhara was pushed down. In a few hours to bring to the prince the corpse at least of after he left the goldsmith he found himself his father; their courage reminds us of the inside a dark cell stinking with human bodies, couplet in the Child's Story : dying and dead. What were his thoughts "Four and twenty sailors went to kill a snail; when he reached that place ? " It is the goldThe best man among them dares not touch smith that has brought me to this wretched her tail." state ; and, as for the prince: Why should he When they informed the prince about the not enquire as to how I obtained the crown? death of his father he wept and wailed, and It it of no use to accuse either the goldsmith gave notice that he would give half of his or the prince now. We are all the children kingdom to any one who should bring him news of fate. We must obey her commands. Dasaabout the murderer of his father. The prince varshani bandhanam. This is but the first day did not at all believe that his father was de- of my father's prophecy. So far his statement voured by the tiger. His belief was that some is true. But how am I going to pass ten years hunters, coveting the ornaments on the king's here? Perhaps without anything to keep up person, had murdered him. Hence he had my life I may drag on my existence for a day or issued the notice. The goldsmith knew full two. But how to pass ten years ? That canwell that it was a tiger that killed the king, not be, and I must die. Before death comes let and not any hunter's hands, since he had me think of my faithful brute friends." heard from Gangadhara about how he obtained So pondered Gangadhara in the dark cell the crown. Still, ambition to get half the underground, and at that moment thought kingdom prevailed, and he resolved with of his three friends. The tiger-king, serpenthimself to make over Gangadhara as the king, and rat-king assembled at once with king's murderer. The crown was lying on their armies at a garden near the karagriham, the floor where Gangadhara left it with his and for a while did not know what to do. A full confidence in ManikkasAri. Before his common cause-- how to reach their protector protector's return the goldsmith, hiding the who was now in the dark cell underneathcrown under his garments, flies to the palace. united them all. They held their council, and He went before the prince and informed him that decided to make an underground passage from the assassin was caught, and placed the crown the inside of a ruined well to the karagriham. before him. The prince took it into his hands, The rat raja issued an order at once to that examined it, and at once gave half the kingdom effect to his army. They with their nimble to Manikkasari, and then enquired about the teeth bored the ground a long way to the

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260 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [SEPTEMBER, 1884. walls of the prison. After reaching it they found that their teeth could not work on the hard stones. The bandicoots were then spe cially ordered for the business, they with their hard teeth made a small slit in the wall for a rat to pass and repass without difficulty. Thus a passage was effected. The rat raja entered first to condole with his protector for his calamity. The king of the tigers sent word through the snake-king that he sympathised most sincerely with his sorrow, and that he was ready to render all help for his deliverance. He suggested a means for his escape also. The serpent raja went in, and gave Gaigadhara hopes of delivery. The rat king undertook to supply his protector with provisions. "Whatever sweetmeats or bread are prepared in any house, one and all of you must try to bring whatever you can to our benefactor. Whatever clothes you find hanging in a house, cut down, dip the pieces in water and bring the wet bits to our benefactor. He will squeeze them and gather water for drink; and the bread and sweetmeats shall form his food." Thus ordered the king of the rats, and took leave of Gangadhara. They in obedience to their king's order continued to supply provisions and water. The Nagaraja said :-"I sincerely condole with you in your calamity; the tiger-king also fully sympathises with you, and wants me to tell you so, as he cannot drag his huge body here as we have done with our small ones. The king of the rats has promised to do his best to keep up your life. We would now do what we can for your release. From this day we shall issue orders to our armies to oppress all the subjects of this kingdom. The per centage of death by snake bite and tigers shall increase from this day. And day by day it shall continue to increase till your release. After eating what the rate bring you you had better take your seat near the entrance of the kdragriham. Owing to the several unnatural deaths some people that walk over the prison might say, 'How unjust the king has turned out now. Were it not for his injustice such early deaths by snake bite could never occar. Whenever you hear people speaking so, you had better bawl out so as to be heard by them, The wretched prince im. prisoned me on the false charge of having killed his father, while it was a tiger that killed him. From that day these calamities have broken ont in his dominions. If I were released I would save all by my powers of healing poisonous wounds and by incantations.' Some one may report this to the king, and if he knows it, you will obtain your liberty." Thos comforting his protector in trouble, he advised him to pluck up courage, and took leave of him. From that day tigers and serpents, acting under the special orders of their kings, united in killing as many persons and | cattlo as possible. Every day people were being carried away by tigers or bitten by serpents. This havoc continued. Gangadhara was roaring as loud as he could that he would save those lives, had he only his liberty. Few heard him. The few that did took his words for the voice of a ghost. "How could he manage to live without food and drink for go long a time ?" said the persons walking over his head to each other. Thus passed on months and years. Gangadhara sat in the dark cellar, without the sun's light falling upon him, and feasted upon the bread crumbs and sweetmeats that the rats so kindly supplied him with. These circumstances had completely changed his body. He had become & red, stout, huge, unwieldy lamp of flesh. Thas passed full ten years, as prophesied in the horoscope-Daia. varshani bandhanam. Ten complete years rolled away in close imprisonment. On the last evening of the tenth year one of the serpents got into the bed-chamber of the princess and sucked her life. She breathed her last. She was the only daughter of the king. He had no other issuebon or daughter. His only hope was in her; and she was snatched away by a crael and untimely death. The king at once sent for all the snake bite curers. He promised half his kingdom, and his daughter's hand to him who would restore her to life. Now it was that & servant of the king who had several times overheard Gangadhara's exclamation reported the matter to him. The king at once ordered the cell to be examined. There was the man sitting in it. How has he managed to live Bo long in the cell P Some whispered that he must be a divine being. Some concluded that he must surely win the hand of the princess by restoring her to life. Thus they discussed,

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SEPTEMBER, 1884.] and the discussions brought Gangadhara to the king.. The king no sooner saw Gangadhara than he fell on the ground. He was struck by the majesty and grandeur of his person. His ten years' imprisonment in the deep cell underground had given a sort of lustre to his body, which was not to be met with in ordinary persons. His hair had first to be cut before his face could be seen. The king begged forgiveness for his former fault, and requested him to revive his daughter. FOLKLORE IN SOUTHERN INDIA. "Bring me in a muhurta all the corpses of men and cattle dying and dead, that remain unburnt or unburied within the range of your dominions; I shall revive them all :" were the only words that Gangadhara spoke. After it he closed his lips as if in deep meditation, which commanded him more respect in the company. Cart-loads of corpses of men and cattle began to come in every minute. Even graves, it is said, were broken open, and corpses buried a day or two before were taken out and sent for the revival. As soon as all were ready Gangadhara took a vessel full of water and sprinkled it over them all, thinking upon his Nagaraja and Vyaghraraja. All rose up as if from deep slumber, and went to their respective homes. The princess, too, was restored to life. The joy of the king knows no bounds. He curses the day on which he imprisoned him, accuses himself for having believed the word of a gold-. smith, and offers him the hand of his daughter and the whole kingdom, instead of half as he promised. Gangadhara would not accept anything. The king requested him to put a stop for ever to those calamities. He agreed to do so, and asked the king to assemble all his subjects in a wood near the town. "I shall there call in all the tigers and serpents and give them a general order." So said Gangadhara, and the king accordingly gave the order. In a couple of ghatikas the wood near Ujjaini was full of people who assembled to witness the authority of man over such enemies of human beings as tigers and serpents. "He is no man; be sure of that. How could he have managed to live for ten years without food and drink? He is surely a god. Thus speculated the mob. When the whole town was assembled just at the dusk of evening, Gangadhara sat dumb for 261 a moment and thought upon the Vyaghraraja and Nagaraja, who came running with all their armies. People began to take to their heels at the sight of tigers. Gangadhara assured them of safety, and stopped them. The grey light of the evening, the pumpkin colour of Gangadhara, the holy ashes scattered lavishly over his body, the tigers and snakes humbling themselves at his feet, gave him the true majesty of the god Gangadhara. For who else by a single word could thus command vast armies of tigers and serpents, said some among the people. "Care not for it; it may be by magic. That is not a great thing. That he revived cart-loads of corpses makes him surely Gangadhara," said others. The scene produced a very great effect upon the minds of the mob. "Why should you, my children, thus trouble these poor subjects of Ujjaini? Reply to me, and henceforth desist from your ravages." Thus said the Soothsayer's son, and the following reply came from the king of the tigers; "Why should this base king imprison your honour, believing the mere word of a goldsmith that your honour killed his father? All the hunters told him that his father was carried away by a tiger. I was the messenger of death sent to deal the blow on his neck. I did it, and gave the crown to your honour. The prince makes no enquiry, and at once imprisons your honour. How can we expect justice from such a stupid king as that. Unless he adopts a better standard of justice we will go on with our destruction." The king heard, cursed the day on which he believed in the word of the goldsmith, beat his head, tore his hair, wept and wailed for his crime, asked a thousand pardons, and swore to rule in a just way from that day. The serpent-king and tiger-king also promised to observe their oath as long as justice prevailed, and took their leave. The goldsmith fled for his life. He was caught by the soldiers of the king, and was pardoned by the generous Gangadhara, whose voice now reigned supreme. All returned to their homes. The king again pressed Gangadhara to accept the hand of his daughter. He agreed to do so, not then, but some time afterwards. He wished to go and see his elder brother first, and then to return and marry the princess.

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262 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (SEPTEMBER, 1884. The king agreed ; and Gangadhara left the city the same way these Ganas of Ganapati first that very day on his way home. ate a portion of the corpse, and when they found It so happened that unwittingly he took a it sweet, for we know that it was crammed up wrong road, and had to pass near a sea coast. with the sweetmeats of the kind rats, devonred His elder brother was also un his way up to the whole, and were consulting about offering Banaras by that very same route. They met the best excuse possible to their master. and recognised each other, even at a distance. The elder brother, after finishing the prija, They flew into each other's arms. Both re- demanded from the god his brother's corpse. mained still for a time without knowing The belly-god called his Ganas, who came to the anything. The emotion of pleasure (ananda) front blinking, and fearing the anger of their was so great, especially in Gangadhara, that master. The god was greatly enraged. The it proved dangerous to his life. In a word, he elder brother was highly vexed. When the died of joy. corpse was not forthcoming he cuttingly The sorrow of the elder brother could better remarked, "Is this, after all, the return for be imagined than described. He saw again his my deep belief in you? You are unable even lost brother, after having given up, as it were, to return my brother's corpse.". Ganesa was all hopes of meeting him. He had not even much ashamed at the remark, and at the asked him his adventures. That he should be uneasiness that he had caused to his worshipper, snatched away by the cruel hand of death so he by his divine power gave him & living seemed unbearable to him. He wept and Gangadhara instead of the dead corpse. Thus wailed, took the corpse on his lap, sat under was the second son of the Soothsayer restored a tree, and wetted it with tears. But there to life. was no hope of his dead brother coming to The brothers had a long talk about each life again. other's adventures. They both went to Ujjaini, The elder brother was a devout worshipper where Gangadhara married the princess, and of Ganapati. That was a Friday, a day very succeeded to the throne of that kingdom. He sacred to that god. The elder brother took reigned for a long time, conferring several the corpse to the nearest Ganesa temple benefits upon his brother. How is the horoscope and called upon him. The god came, and to be interpreted? A special synod of Soothasked him what he wanted. "My poor bro- sayers was held. A thousand emendations ther is dead and gone; and this is his were suggested. Gangadhara would not accept corpse. Kindly keep it under your charge till them. At last one Soothsayer cut the knot by I finish your worship. If I leave it anywhere stopping at a different place in reading," saelse the devils may snatch it away when I am mudra tira maranam leinchit." "On the sea shore absent in your worship; after finishing your death for some time. Then bhogam Bhavishyati. puja I shall burn him." Thus said the elder There shall be happiness for the person conbrother, and giving the corpse to the god cerned." Thus the passage was interpreted. Ganesa he went to prepare himself for that "Yes; my father's words never went wrong," said deity's worship. Gandia made over the corpse Gangadhara. The three brute kings continued to his Ganas, asking them to watch over it their visits often to the Soothsayer's son, the carefully. then king of Ujjaini. Even the faithless goldSo receives a spoiled child a fruit from its smith became a frequent visitor at the palace, father, who, when he gives it the fruit asks the and a receiver of several benefits from the child to keep it safe. The child thinks within royal hands. itself, "Papa will excuse me if I eat a portion IV.-RANAVIRASING. of it." So saying it eats a portion, and when Once upon a time in the town of Vanjaimait finds it so sweet, it eats the whole, saying, nagar, there ruled a king, named Sivachar. "Come what will, what will papa do, after all, He was a most just king, and ruled so well if I eat it? Perhaps give me a stroke or two on that no stone thrown up fell down, no crow the back. Perhaps he may excuse me." In ' pecked at the new drawn milk, the lion and Classical name of Karar, a small but very ancient town in the Koyambatar District of the Madras Presidency.

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SEPTEMBER, 1884.] FOLKLORE IN SOUTHERN INDIA. 263 the bull drank water from the same pond, and peace and prosperity reigned throughout the kingdom. Notwithstanding all these blessings, care always sat on his face. The fruit which makes life in this world sweet, the redeemer to him from the horrible Naraka of Put, a Patra, he had not. His days and nights he spent in praying that God might bless him with a son. Wherever he saw pipal trees (Asvattharajas), he ordered Brahmans to cir. cumambulate them. Whatever medicines the doctors recommended he was ever ready to swallow, however bitter they might be. "Eat even ordure to get & son," says the proverb, and accordingly he did everything to secure that happiness, but all in vain. Sivachar had a minister, named Kharava- dana, a most wicked tyrant as ever lived in the world. The thought that the king was without an heir, and had no hopes of one, awakened in his mind the ambition of securing for his family the throne of Vanjaimanagar. Sivachar knew this well. But what could he do. His only care was to send up additional prayers to frustrate the thoughts of Kharavadana, and to secure for himself a good position after death, withont undergoing the severe torments of the Put, hell. At last fortune favoured Sivachar; for what religious man fails to secure his desire P The king in his sixtieth year had a son. His joy can better be imagined than described. Lacs of Brahmans were fed in honour of the sonbirth festival, Putrotsavam, as it is technically called. The state-prisons were opened, and all the prisoners let loose. Thousands of kine and numerable acres of land were offered to Brahmans, and every kind of charity was duly practised. The ten days of the Sutilagrihavasu (confinement) were over. On the eleventh day the father saw his much longed-for son's face, and read on the lines of it great prosperity, learning, valour, goodness, and every excellent quality. The cradle-swinging, naming, and other ceremonies were duly performed, and the prince grew up under the care shown to a king's son. His name the elders fixed as Sundara. The minister, whose only wish was to get the throne for his family, was much disappointed at the birth of a son to his master The whole kingdom rejoiced at the event, and the minister was the only man who was sorry. When one is disappointed in his high hopes and expectations, he devises plans to take away the barrier that lies in his way. Even so Kharavadana said to himself, "Let me see how the affairs get on. The old king is near his grave. When he dies, leaving a minor son, myself must be his regent for a time. Have I not then opportunity enough of securing for ever for myself and my family the throne of Vanjaimanagar P" So thought he within himself, and was quiet for a time. Sivachar, who was a very shrewd man, on several occasions read the minister's mind, and knew very well how his intentions stood. "This cruel devil may murder my only son. I care not if he usurps the throne. What I fear is, that he may murder him. Na daivam Sarkarat param. No other god but Sankara. And he must have his own way. If it is so written on the prince's head I cannot avoid it." Thus sighed Sivachar. and this sorrow (ska), made him leaner day by day. Just ten years after the birth of Sandara, the king fell ill and was on his deathbed. Sivachar had a servant, named Ranavirasing, whom he had all along observed to be very honest and faithful. That servant the king called to his side, and asking all others except Sundara, who was weeping by his father's pillow, to leave the room, addressed him thus "My dear Ranavirasing, I have only a few ghatikas before me. Listen to my words, and act accordingly. There is one God above us all, who will punish or reward us according to our bad or good acts. If by avarice or greed of money you ever play false to the trust that I am going to repose in you that God will surely punish you. It is not anknown to you what great difficulties I had in getting this only son, Sundara ; how many temples I built, how many Brahmans I fed, how many religious austerities I underwent, &c., &c. God after all gave me a son." Here his sorrow prevented him from proceeding further, and he began to cry aloud, and shed tears, "Do not weep on my account, papa! We cannot wipe off what was written on our heads. We must undergo happiness or misery as is thereon scratched by Brahmi," cried the prince, Ranavirasing was melted at the sight. He took the boy on his lap, and with his own

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264 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [SEPTEMBER, 1884. upper garment wiped his eyes. The old man always by the side of Sundara. That he might continued, "Thus you, my faithful Ranavira- not lose the sweetness of boyhood in study and sing, know everything. I now wish that I play, Ranavirasing brought to the palace 20 had not performed all that I did to get this gentlemen's sons of good conduct and learning son. For when I die at this moment, who and made them the prince's fellow-students. is there to take care of him for the next P A professor for every branch of learning was Kharavadana may devise plan after plan to employed to teach the prince and his comparemove my boy from this world, and secure the nions. Sundara thus received a sound and liberal kingdom for himself. My only hope is in you. edacation, only he was never allowed to go I give him into your hands." Here the aged out of the palace. Ranavfrasing guarded him father, notwithstanding his illness, rose up very strictly, and he had every reason to do so. a little from his bed, took hold of his son's For Kharavadana, as soon as he became king, hand, and after kissing it for the last time, had issued a notice that the assassin of Sunplaced it in Ranavirasing's," Care not if he dara should have a reward of a karor mubrs; does not get the kingdom. If you only preserve and already every avaricious hand was in him from the wicked hands of the minister search of his head. Before the issue of this whom I have all along seen to be covetous of the notice, Kharavadana found out & good girl and throne, you will do a great work for your old married her to the prince. She was living master. I make you from this moment the lord with her husband in the palace, and Ranaviraof my palace. From this minute you are father, sing strictly watched her, as she came from the mother, brother, servant, and everything to my minister. He would not allow Sundara to son. Take care that you do not betray your sleep in the same room with her. These strict trust." Thus ended the king, and sending at watches and barriers to the sweet marriageonce for the minister, when he came he spoke to bed displeased the prince, even with his him thus, "Kharavadana! See what I am now. faithful servant. But the latter could not help Yesterday I was on the throne. To-day, in it till he had fall confidence in her. He used a few minutes, I must breathe my last. Such is to advise Sundara not even to take a betel-leaf the uncertainty of life. Man's good acta from her hands. But love is blind. So the alone follow him to the other world. Take prince within himself accused his old guardian; my signet-ring. [Here the king took the ring but he could not help following his orders. from off his finger, and gave it to the minister). Thas passed on a few years. Yours is the throne for the present, as long as Sundars reached his sixteenth year. Nothing the prince is in his minority. Govern well happened about the transference of the the kingdom. When the prince attains his kingdom ; the prince, almost in imprisonsixteenth year kindly give him back the throne. ment in the palace, had forgot everything Exercise & paternal care over him. Find a about the kingdom. Ranavirasing wished to good and intelligent princess for his wife." | wait till, as he thought, the prince had acquired Suddenly, before his speech was quite finished, better governing faculties. Thus some time the king felt the last pangs of death. passed. The sage-looking minister promised him Full eight years had elapsed from the death everything. of Sivachar. Sundara was already eighteen, Sivachar breathed his last. After the usual and still he had not received his kingdom. No. weeping and wailing of a Hindu funeral, his thing was neglected in his education. Though corpse was burnt to ashes in & sandalwood Ranavirasing exercised all paternal care over pyre. All his queens-and there were several him, still it was not to his liking; for he found scores-committed sati with the corpse. The in him a great barrier to the pleasures of ceremonies were all regularly conducted, the youth. The only pleasure for the prince, thereminister himself superintended everything fore, was the company of his friends. Kharavadana then succeeded to the throne One fine evening on the fourteenth day of of Vapjaimanagar. Ranavfrasing became the the dark half of Vaisakha month of the lord of the palace, and true to his promise Vasanta season, the prince was sitting with his exercised all care over his trust. He was companions in the seventh story of his mansion

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SEPTEMBER, 1884.) FOLKLORE IN SOUTHERN INDIA. 265 viewing the town. The dusk of evening was just throwing her mantle over the city. People in their several vocations were at that time consing work, and returning home. In the eastern division of the town the prince saw a big mansion, and just to break the silence asked his friends what that was. "That is the Rajasthanik Kacheri, a place you ought to have been sitting in for the last two years. The wretched minister, Kharavadana, has already usurped your seat; for if he had intended to give you back the kingdom he would have done it two years ago when you reached your sixteenth year. Let us now console ourselves that God has spared your life till now, notwithstanding all the awards promised to the taker of your head. Even that proclamation is dying out of the memory of the people now." So said one of his friends and ceased. These words fell like arrows in the ear of Sundara and troubled him. The shame that he had been neglected brought a change of colour over his face which all his friends perceived, and they felt sorry for having tonched upon the subject. The prince, perceiving that he had played a woman's part among his friends, resumed or pretended to resume his former cheerful countenance, and changed the conversation to some pleasanter topics. They separated very late that night. Before doing so, Sundars asked them all to present themselves in the durbar hall early next morning. At the same time he also ordered Ranavirasing to keep horses ready for himself and his friends for a morning ride throngh the town the next day. "I was only waiting to hear such an order from your own mouth, Mai Bab Chakravarti; I was thinking from your retired disposition that you were not an energetic man. I will have the horses ready" Ranavirasing at once issued orders to his servants to keep ready saddled and decked twenty-one horses for the prince and his companions. He also appointed a certain number of his men to ride in front of the party. The morning came. The friends assembled as promised the previous evening. The prince and they, after a light breakfast, mounted their horses. The horsemen rode in front and behind. The prince with his friends marched in the middle. Ranavirasing with drawn sword rode side by side with him. The party went through the four main streets of the town. Every one rose up and paid due respect to their old king's son. When passing through the street where the minister's mansion was, Ranavirasing perceived that Kharavadana paid no respect to the royal march. This seemed a most unbearable insult to Ranavfrasing. He bit his lips, gnashed his teeth, and wrung his hands. The prince observed all the mental pains of his faithful guardian, and laughed to himself at his simplicity. About mid-day the party returned to the palace. The friends dispersed, and Sandara after the ceremonies of the new-moon day had a slight dinner, and retired to rest. The morning ride was deep in the mind of the prince. Though he langhed to himself at the simplicity of Ranavirasing when the latter gnashed his teeth in the morning, the insult had left a stronger and deeper impression in his heart. The day was almost spent. Sandara took & very light supper, and shut himself op in his bed-room before the first watch was quite over. Ranavirasiug, as usual, watched outside. The prince found his wife sound asleep in her bed, and without disturbing her he went up and down the room. A threadlike substance attracted his attention in a corner of the bed-chamber. On examination he found it to be a thread ladder. He had not even time to think how it came into the bedchamber. Just then Ranavirasing had retired for a few minutes to take his supper. "The old fool is off now to eat; and Parameevar has thrown this ladder in my way. Let me now escape." Thus thinking, Sundars came out unobserved by his old guardian, and ascended to the top of the seventh mansion. From that place he cast his ladder towards a big tree in the East Main street. On pulling it he found it tight. "Let me get down, and Paramosvar will assist me." So praying, before the first watch was over, the prince got down from his palace, and was in a few minutes in the East street. Tho severe watch kept over him by Ranavirasing made it very difficult for him to go out when he likod, and now by the grace of God, as he thought, he escaped that dark new-moon night. "Life is dear to every one. What can I do if any of the minister's men find me out now and murder me? Na daivam Sankarat param. No god but Sankara, and he will now help me."

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266 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. Thus thinking he walked to the nearest pyal, and lingered there till the bustle of the town subsided. Nor was it in vain that he stopped there. He overheard while there the following conversation take place between the master and mistress of the house at which he lingered :-"Console yourself, my wife. What shall we do? Fate has so willed it on our heads. May Brahma become without a temple for the evil that he has sent us. When the old king was living he appreciated my merits, and at every Sankranti gave me due dakshina for my knowledge of the Vedas. Now there reigns a tyrant over our kingdom. I was lingering here with the hope that the son of Sivachar would one day come to the throne and relieve our sufferings. Now that such hope is altogether gone, I have made up my mind to leave this nasty city, and go to some good place where there reigns a king to appreciate our yogyata (merit)." Of these words Sundara overheard every syllable, and these supplied the ghi to the fire of shame and anger that was already burning in his mind. "Let me try to win back my kingdom. If I succeed, I save lives. If I die, I die singly. May Paramesvar help me." So saying he walked out of the town, and passed the east gate. The night was as dark as could be, for it was a new-moon night. Clouds were gathering in the sky, and there were some symptoms of rain. There was a Ganesa temple on the way. As it was already drizzling, the prince went inside. till the rain should cease. No sooner had he entered it than he saw two men, who by their conversation appeared to be shepherds, coming towards that same temple. They seemed to have been watching their flocks near an adjacent field, and had come to shelter themselves from the rain in the temple. Sundara when he saw them, trembled for his life, and crept in. The shepherds sat down on the verandah, and taking out their bags began to chew betelnut. An idle lizard began to chirp in a corner. To break the silence, one said to the other, "Well, Ramakon, I have heard that you are a great soothsayer and interpreter of bird sounds and lizard speeches. Let me know what these chits of the lizard that we heard just now mean. Tell me." Ramakon replied, "This is news which I would never have revealed at any other time. But as no fourth person is [SEPTEMBER, 1884. likely to be here at this time on a rainy night, let me tell you that the prince of the town is now lingering here in this temple. So the lizard says. Hence I said, 'no fourth person.' I am glad that no evil hand has yet been tempted, though such a high price has been set upon his head. The very fact that he has lived up to this time unhurt in a tiger's domain augurs well for his future prosperity." Ramakon had scarcely finished his speech when the idle lizard again made its chit, chit, and Ramakon now asked his friend, Lakshmanakon, for that was the other's name, to interpret those sounds. "This has rather a sad meaning for the prince. The Mantri and Pradhani are coming here in a few minutes (nimishas), to consult on a secret topic. So says the lizard," said Lakshmanakon to Ramakon, and at once a light was discovered at a distance. "It is the minister's carriage. Let us be off. God only must save the prince." So saying, they both ran away. The feelings of the prince inside were like that of a man who was being led to the gallows. The bitterest enemy of his life, the minister himself, was coming to that very place where he was hiding. "I foolishly accused my old guardian, Ranavirasing, and now I see his good intentions. How I am to be spared from this calamity Sankara only knows." Thus thinking, he hurriedly fled to the inmost part of the temple behind the very image, and sat down there, still like a stump, without even breathing freely, lest his breath might reveal him. He had ample time there to admire the sound knowledge of the shepherds in interpreting the lizard chirps, their simplicity, their honesty and truthfulness; for had they been otherwise, they might at once have caught hold of the prince and made him over to the tiger minister. True to the interpretation of the second shepherd, a carriage stopped in front of the Ganesa temple, and there came out of it the Mantri and the Pradhani. Excepting themselves and, of course, the carriage driver and, as we know, the prince behind the Ganesa, there were no others there. Kharavadana and his subordinate chose that solitary place at the dead of night to hold secret consultations. The Mantri spoke first, and one could easily perceive from his words that he was in a fit of anger. "Why should the prince be

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SEPTEMBER, 1884.] FOLKLORE IN SOUTHERN INDIA. 267 thus allowed to ride free through my streets ? Of the innumerable servants who eat our salt was there not one to cut down that impertinent head?" roared the minister. The Pradhani replied, "My king, my lord, excuse me first for the humble words that I am going to speak before your honour. We have taken up a kingdom to which we have no right. If the prince had demanded the throne two years ago, we ought rightfully to have returned it to him. He never asked, and we did not restore it. He nerer troubles us with demands, but lives like a poor subject of the crown in his own quarters. Such being the case, why should we kill him ? Why should we murder the only son of our old and much-respected king Sivachar? What I beg to suggest to your honour is, that we should no more trouble ourselves about his poor head." The Pradhani, as he discovered that these words were not to the taste of Khara- vadana, stopped at once without proceeding further, though he had much to say upon that subject. "Vile wretch! Dare you preach morals to your superiors. You shall see the result of this, before the morning dawns," bawled out the minister. The Pradhani saw that all his excellent advice was like blowing a conch in a deaf man's ears. He feared for his own life, and so at once begged a thousand par- dons, and promised to bring the head of the prince within a week. And as Kharavadana wanted only that, he spared the Pradhani. They then talked on different subjects, and prepared to start. The prince inside, behind the Ganesavigraha, was now almost stifled to death. The short breaths that he inhaled and exhaled were themselves enough to kill him. Add to that the horrible words that fell on his ears. For all that he continued to hide himself. Kharavadana and the Pradhani finished their conversation and got into the carriage. Sundara called courage to his assistance, "Saukara has saved me till now; he may so save me through out." So thinking with himself, he boldly came out of the temple without making the least noise and sat behind the carriage, and, as it rolled on, thought again with himself: "I will follow these, come what may, and find out what more plans they devise against my life." The carriage drove on to the opposite end of the town. It passed the west gate and entered a big park outside the town. The undaunted prince followed. In the middle of the park a fine tank was discovered. The banks looked like day, being lighted up profusely. In the midst of the tank a small island with a gaudy mansion was seen. Pillars of gold, sofas of silver and doors of diamonds made it the very Iruraloka itself. A broad road with avenues of sweet smelling flowering trees connected the island with the bank. It was at that road that the carriage stopped. The prince, before that was reached, had got down and hid himself under the shade of a tree, to see unobserved all that passed in the mansion which he had every reason to believe was the destination of the minister. Kharavadana descended from the bandi and sent the Pradhani home. What most astonished the prince was the absence of male servants in that garden. At the entrance of the road twenty young females of the most exquisite beauty waited and conducted Kharavadana through the sweet bower to the mansion. When it was reached, the minister sat down on a most richly furnished gold couch, and ordered the females there to bring the quoen. Ten females arranged themselves on each side of an ivory palanquin, and started, apparently, to bring the queen in it. "These females themselves resemble Rambha Urvasi, &c. A woman who has the beauty to be borne on the heads of chese females must, of course, be of the most unimaginable beauty in this world. Let me see her." Thus thinking, the prince, Sundara, anxiously waited the return of the palanquin. In a few minutes it came. A female of the most charming beauty jumped briskly out of it. The minister came running to give his helping hand to her. Horror of horrors, what sees the prince! It was his own wife, the very girl that the minister had married to him a few years before, that got down from the palanquin. "Are my eyes deceived P Do they perform their functions aright? Let me look once more." So again and again wiping his eyes to clear them a little, the prince saw distinctly. It was his very wife herself. Oh, I most foolishly accused that grey-headed guardian for a wicked fool, because he would not allow me liberty with my wife. I now see what he saw a long time ago. Perhaps if I had slept by her side I should have thus been brought in here by some secret way that these

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268 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [SEPTEMBER, 1884. devils seem now to have to the inmost parts of female for her wrong interpretation as he the palace. If I had taken anything from thought, retired to bed. her hands I should have died that very day. Outside the north gate, at a distance of three My poor old man, my Ranavirasing it is, who'ghatikas' walk, lived & robber. He used to has saved me from all these calamities." These start out on a plundering expedition once in thoughts and a thousand more were passing seven years. In the houses and mansions he used through Sundara's mind when he saw his wife to rob he took only jewels of various kinds, sitting down on the same couch with the Gomeda, pushparaga, (topaz) vajra, vaidurya, minister. She accused him of the delay in &c. ; gold and silver he rejected as being too murdering her husband, of his letting all mean for his dignity. As he was a gentlemanopportunities escape during the morning ride. robber, he used to take a coolie with him "Horrible! Did you, Kharavadana, marry me on the way to carry his booty. Of course to such a faithful wife! Thank God and that coolie never returned from the cave. He Ranavirasing that I have not fallen into her was put to death after his services were over, Bhares," thought Sundara to himself. The lest he should disclose the secret of the robber. minister offered a thousand excuses, rela- Unfortunately that new-moon night hapted to her all that had taken place between pened to be the night of that cruel robber's himself and the Pradhani, and of what the plundering expedition. He came out, and latter bad promised. Then they both retired when he saw people in search of the prince, to bed. At that moment the treacherous owl thinking that he was not in his palace, he began to hoot, and one of the maid servants, wanted to plunder it. Wishing a coolie he who happened to be a clever interpreter of owl. entered the ruined choultry to pick out one hootings revealed, to secure the favour of the among the beggars there. Passing over the minister, that the prince was lurking behind a others he came to the prince. He found him tree in that very garden. Knowing the price stout and strong. "This beggar will do me set on Sundara's head even female hands flow good service to-day. I shall break my custom, to cut it off. All ran with torches to search and amply reward this man for his services." the garden. So thinking to himself, the gentleman-robber These words, of course, fell upon the ears of tapped Sundara with his cane on the back. the prince like thunder. Before the people The prince had just closed his eyes. In the there began their search he began his race, short sleep that ensued he dreamt that the jumped over a high wall, and flew like a kite. minister's servants were pursuing him, and that Before the lady-racers and the minister had left one had caught him. At that very moment their sweet road to the tank-bank, Sundara found the gentleman-robber's stroke fell upon his himself in the north street of the town, The back, giving a sort of reality to his dream. He news that the prince was out that night spread awoke with horror. " Tell me who you are," like a flame from the pleasure-park outside asked the unknown person, "A beggar," was throughout the whole town, and before long the reply. "How does the night appear to you P". avaricions persons were searching in the streets asked the robber. " As dark as dark can be," for his valuable head, Sundara thought it replied the prince. The robber applied a sort dangerous to pass through the streets, and wish- of kajjala to the prince's eyes, and asked, ed to hide himself in a safe place. Fortune oon- "How does the night appear now P" "As lumi. ducted him to one. It was a ruined old choultry, nous as if a larar of suns were in the sky," where food, during the days of his father, was answered Sandara. The robber applied a distributed in charity to the beggars of the town, tilaka to the intended coolie's forehead and and which was now only resorted to by them to addressed him thus: "I am a robber, now sleep, and not to receive rice. The prince en- going to plunder the palace, from which tered it, and laid himself down in the midst of the prince is absent. Follow me. I shall them, fortunately unobserved. He could hear reward you richly. The kajjala has made the from where he was the noise of the persons night a day to you. The tilaka takes you searching outside. In the garden the mi- anobserved wherever you wish to go." So nister searched in vain, and accusing the saying, and dragging the coolie or supposed

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SEPTEMBER, 1884.) FOLKLORE IN SOUTHERN INDIA. 269 coolie by the hand the robber went off to the a beast, and I shall die a virgin." So saying she palace. Wherever he found a door locked he conducted out in haste the supposed coolie, who applied a leaf that he carried in his hand to the had only time to take a hasty embrace, whis. fastening, and behold the lock flew back, and pering in her ear that he was the prince, and the door opened of its own accord. The prince that he would marry her without fail. He was astonished. In a few minutes the robber now ran for his life. Fearing the robber opened one and all of the gates and boxes, and would come after him he left the way by which extracted all the precious stones. He tied | he reached the cave, and passing through them up in a bundle, and set it on the prince's unknown fields reached the south gate of the head, and asked him to follow. Sundara fol- town. By that time the search for him had lowed. He assisted in the plunder of his own almost abated, and the prince, praising God for palace, and carried the booty behind the rob his delivery, reached the south street. The ber, who, praised be his stupidity, never for night was almost spent. Before returning to one moment suspected he was a prince, but the palace he wished to take rest for a few admired his coolie for the beauty of his person, minutes, till he had recovered his breath, and thought of saving his life, and also of making so he sat down on the pyal of an old and almost him his son-in-law. For the robber had ruined house. a beautiful daughter, for whom he had long That happened to be the house of a poor been searching for a suitable husband. So Brahman, who had not even sufficient clothes with this thought he reached the cave, to wear. As the prince sat down in a corner stopped before it, and taking the bundle from of the pyal the door of the house opened, the prince's head ordered him to go into a large and the old Brahman came out. The oell, the mouth of which he covered with a big old woman, the Brahmani, was standing at stone which he lifted up by pronouncing an the door with a vessel containing water for incantation over it. The robber went with the her husband. Subhasistri, for that was bundle to his wife, and described to her the the Brahman's name, looked up to the sky for beauty of the coolie, and what a fair match he a couple of minutes, after which he heaved would be for their daughter. The wife did a deep sigh, and said, "Alas, the prince, the not like it, and asked her husband to do with only son of our former protector, Sivachar, the coolio as was usual, i. e., murder him ; is not to remain for more than two ghatikas, and the robber, who, never in anything acted A kalasarpa (black serpent) will sting him. against the will of his wife, went in to fetch What shall we do? we are poor. If we could his weapon. begin Sarpahoma now we could tie the mouth Meanwhile the robber's daughter, an excel- of the snake, sacrifice it in the fire, and thus lent girl, of the most cherming beauty, over- save the prince." So saying the poor Brahman hearing all that took place between her parents, cried. Sundara, who overheard everything, came running to the cave where the coolie was jumped down in confusion, and fell at the feet confined. She pronounced a single word over of the Brahman, who asked him who he was. the stone lid of the cave, and it opened, and the "I am a herdsman of the palace. Preserve my prince, who had lost all hopes of recovery, now master's life," was the reply. Subhasastri was beheld beautiful girl coming towards him. extremely poor. He had no means to procure "Whoever you may be, my dear coolie, fly for & small quantity of ghi even to begin the homa. your life for the present. You are my hus- He did not know what to do. He begged from band. My father has so named you, but as his neighbours, who all laughed at his stupidity, my mother does not like it, he has gone to fetch and ridiculed his astrology. The prince in a his weapon to murder you. Excepting we hopeless state of anguish wrang his hands, and three, none, not even Brahma, can open the in wringing them he felt his ring. Drawing it once-shut gates. After hearing you once called off his finger he gave it to Subhasastri, and my husband, I must ever regard you so. Now requested him to pawn it. The latter resorted fly, and escape my father's sharp sword. If you to the nearest bazar, and awakening the bazarare a man, marry me in kind remembrance of the keeper procured from him a little ghi, by pawning assistance rendered. If you fail to do so you are the ring. Running home and bathing in cold

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270 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (SEPTEMBER, 1884. water the Brahman sat down for the homa. The prince, fearing the serpent, wished to sit inside the house, but at a distance from the place of the ceremony. Just at the appointed hour a large black serpent broke through the sky, fell on the head of the prince, whom he was not able to bite, and gave up its life in the fire. "This is no neatherd, but the very prince himself," said the Brahmani. Sundara rose up, and running circumambulated them thrice, spoke to them thus: "You alone are my parents and protectors. This night has been a most adventurous one with me. There was every possibility of my escaping every other calamity, and so I did. But no other power except yours could have averted this snake-bite. So my rescue is due to you alone. I have no time to lose now. Before daylight I must fly unobserved to the palace, and you shall before long see my reward for this." So saying, Sundara ran to his palace, and entered. Ranavirasing was almost dead. The rumour that the prince was out reached him. He was astonished at the way in which Sundara had got out. He searched the whole palace. To his astonishment all the rooms had previously been opened and plundered. "Has the prince been stolen away by some vile tricks from the palace," thought Ranavirasing, and without knowing what to do he was buried in the ocean of sorrow, from which he gave up all hopes of recovering. What was his joy, then, when he Naw the prince enter the palace just at dawn. "Mai Bdb Chakravarti, where have you been the whole night, throwing away the advice of your poor slave? How many enemies you have in this world, you have yet to know," said Ranavirasing. "I know them all now, only listen to what I say, and do as I bid. I have won the crown without a blow. Thank the day that gave me you as my protector, for it was only yesterday that I had ample reason to verify your statements. My adventures would make your hair stand on end. Thank God, I have escaped from all of them unhurt. If you have a few men ready now, we have won the kingdom." So saying, the prince explained to him every point of his adventure. "If we catch hold of the minister now, we have done all." "I could never for one moment think that you in a single night could have seen and done so much. Now that heaven has shown you the way, I shall obey you," said Ranavirasing, and Sundara accordingly issued the orders. He described the house with the pyal on which he had lingered for a while the previous night, and asked a servant to bring the owner of that house to the Rajasthanik office. Ranavirasing brought in 'the Pradhani, who was extremely delighted at the good intention of the prince. He was offered the Mantri's place. Two were sent to the shepherds. Twenty were sent to the pleasure-park to have the minister and his sweet paramour brought to the court in chains. The female servants were also ordered to be brought. The robber and his cruel wife were not forgotten. The prince minutely described the cave, and asked his servants to catch and imprison the robber by surprising him suddenly, without giving him time to have recourse to his vile tricks-lock-breaking leaf, kajjala, &c. The palace palanquin was sent for the robber's daughter, whom the prince had firmly made up his mind to marry. The palace elephants were decked and sent to fetch with all pomp Subhasastri and his wife to the court. Thus, without a single stroke, Sundara won the kingdom. Rana virasing was thunderstruck by the excellent and bold way in which the prince in one night went through the series of calamities, and successfully overcame them all. The Pradhant's delight knew no bounds. He himself broke open the court and every one connected with the previous night's adventure was ushered in. The prince bathed, offered op his prayers, and attended the council. When SubhAskstri came in with his wife the prince put them on the sixit hasana, and himself standing before them, explained to all his previous night's adventures, rewarded the poor Brahman and the shepherds, punished by banishment the maidservant wbo, knowing that the prince's head was coveted, revealed his concealment, and ordered his wife, the minister, the robber, and the robber's wife to be beheaded. He rewarded without limit his protector, SubhAsastri, and married the robber's daughter, being won over by her sincerity. The Pradhani, as we have said already, he made his minister, and with his old guardian, the faithfal Ranavirasing, the prince reigned for several years in the kingdom of Vanjaimanagar.

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SEPTEMBER, 1884.) CORRESPONDENCE AND MISCELLANEA. 271 CORRESPONDENCE AND MISCELLANEA. To the Editor of the Indian Antiquary. 155. Don't strive with one whom you cannot SIR,-With the story of Zerka, the lynx-eyed vanquish. watchman of Nur, given by Mr. Howorth in your 156. Promise nothing which you cannot give. number for July 1834 (p. 206) compare the follow. 157. Have no dealings with him from whom ing from Captain Playfair's "History of Arabia you cannot expect justice. Felix." 158. Don't say all that you know, for there is "He informed Hassan Tobba (reigned in Yemen enough of folly in it. 237-250 A.D.) that he had a sister named Zerka-el. 159. Don't repudiate a friend, though he may be Yemama, married to one of the Jadisites, who was ungrateful, nor believe an enemy though he possessed of such a wonderful power of vision thank you. that she could distinguish objects at a distance 160. Don't disclose your secret to your wife or of several days' journey; and recommended that servant, for they will reduce you to slavery, do each soldier should carry before him branches of not exceed moderation in your desires and anger trees to conceal the approach of the force. This for they will disarm you. advice was followed; but in spite of the precau- 161. Don't think little of an enemy though he tion Zerka-el-Yemama descried the advancing may be weak. army at a great distance; and informed the tribe 162. Do nothing which may dishonour your that she saw a forest advancing, beyond which reputation and good name. were the Himyarites. No heed was given to this 163. Let not your desires reduce you to slavery, warning, and when, a short time afterwards, she for God created you free. declared that she saw a soldier step out of the 164. Do not grieve for pardon granted to others, ranks to repair his sandal, she was laughed to nor rejoice at punishment inflicted on them. scorn; and no preparations for defence being 165. Do not associate too much with kings, for taken until it was too late, the Himyarites if you frequent their company for a long time attacked and exterminated the Jadisites; only they may get tired of you, and if you advise one escaped. Zerka-el-Yemama was taken, and them they may treat you badly. deprived of sight. When her eyes were extracted, 166. Don't associate with worldly people, for if it was found that the eyeball was traversed with you are poor they will despise you, but if rich black fibres; and she avowed that she owed her they will envy you, wonderful eyesight to a salve of powdered anti 167. Don't rejoice over riches nor grieve over mony. It has been said that she was the first poverty and trials, for gold is tried in the fire Arab female who employed kohl or collyrium. and the pious man in afflictions. The province of Jan, the seat of the Jadisites, 168. Don't put the anxieties of a whole year was subsequently called after her Yemama." into one day, let that which is appointed suffice So far Captain Playfair, quoting Caussin de for each day; for if you should live the whole Percival, and I have seen the story somewhere year God will give on each to-morrow that which else, with the remark that Zerka or Serca means is destined, but if you should not live, what is "Blue-eyes" (P) Mr. Howorth's authority is ap the use of being anxious about what is not yours. parently Petit de la Croix; but the original Arab story must have been carried up and localized at 169. A wise man should address a fool as # Nur by some professional story-teller; and after dootor does a sick man. words laid hold of by De la Croix' authority. 170. There are four signs of failing fortune, viz. Birnam Wood has certainly marched a good bad management, base profusion, little attention, deal about the world in its day. and much sloth. W. F. SINCLAIR 171. As there is no reward for your soul except Paradise, so don't sell it except for that THE PROVERBS OF ALI BIN TALEBI. Paradise. Translated by K. T. Best, M.A., M.R.4.8., 172. Many men are tempted by ingenious Principal, Guzerat College. words. 173. He who is contented with his own lot has Continued from p. 212. enough. 153. Don't trust one who has no religion, nor be 174. He who sees and disapproves of the view friendly with him who has no fidelity, nor 1880- of men and afterwards is himself pleased with ciate with him who has no understanding, nor them is very foolish indeed. tell a secret to one who is not true. 175 The glory of poverty is abstinence, the 154. Ask not from him whose refusal you fear.'glory of riches is gratitude.

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272 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. 176. He who prolongs expectation spoils the work. 177. The value of a man is in proportion to his magnanimity. 178. His good actions determine the value of a man. 179. No one will go to Heaven whose inmost thoughts are not good and intentions sincere. 180. A wise man should be on his guard against the intoxication of riches and power and knowledge and praise, and the fervour of youth, for in all these there is an impure odour which takes away the understanding and lessens seriousness. BOOK A CONCISE ENGLISH-PERSIAN DICTIONARY, by the late E. H. Palmer, M.A., and G. le Strange. Trubner & Co., London, 1883. [SEPTEMBER, 1884. 181. Do not sigh for the gifts of the world, for they are worthless. 182. A harsh reply arises from a harsh address. This is a posthumous work by the late Professor E. H. Palmer. The MS. left imperfect at his death has been completed and edited by Mr. G. le Strange. At the head of the work stands Prof. Palmer's Simplified Grammar of Persian published in 1882, to which the elitor has added a useful list of the irregular verbs and a set of rules and tables for calculating the year of the Hijrah. The Persian-English Dictionary, by Prof. Palmer, which was published in 1876, has been taken as the basis of the present. Those who have had occasion to use that volume must have remarked the freshness and individuality that stamped each page, and must at once have acknow. ledged that the work, in the choice and rendering of words and phrases, was the direct outcome of much study and much experience in teaching. The expectations we had thus been led to entertain respecting the English-Persian part have been fully realised. In some cases we should perhaps have wished to see some other Persian equivalent, and in some few instances the addition of one or more synonyms; but in a work of such small compass much thought must have been given to deciding what equivalents to insert or omit. In the course of a careful examination we have been struck with the fine judgment and scholarly instinct evinced throughout. We have noted many words and phrases for which we should have to look in vain in other Dictionaries, and many of these are of extreme importance for colloquial purposes; while we have been particularly pleased with the manner in which the various shades of English verbs according to the preposition used have been reproduced in their Persian renderings. We confidently commend this work to Students 183. Restrain your mind from doubtful things and from places of pernicious scandal. 184. He walks uprightly in whose heart and soul are faith and the fear of God. 185. How well acquiescence in the will of God drives away anxieties of the mind! 186. To give advice to men of rank exposes one to blows. 187. The sight of the eye does not profit when there is mental blindness. NOTICE. and Travellers. They will find it invaluable as containing the words and idioms essential alike for writing and conversation, and every one may fully trust to the material that has been supplied him by so accomplished an author. In a postscript to the preface, the following curious instance of plagiarism is exposed:-In 1880 Sorabshaw Bayramji Doctor, published a small Persian-English Dictionary at Surat, which, while professing to be his own composition, is "no more than an incorrect reprint of Professor Palmer's Persian-English Dictionary." "Here and there some pages are so altered as to imply that they were borrowed elsewhere, but there is no mention of the work of Professor Palmer, from which has been copied at least nine-tenths, word for word, and in one passage an orthographical error has been ignorantly copied verbatim et literatim as is the manner displayed in the remainder of the work." THE ZEND-AVESTA and the Religion of the Parsis, by J. MURRAY MITCHELL, M.A., LL.D. (London: Religious Tract Society, 1884). Into this small tract of 62 pages 12mo. Dr. Murray Mitchell has contrived to condense a remarkably full and lucid account of the ZendAvesta and of the principal religious tenets and practices of the Parsis. It is rare indeed to find in so short a space so much information set forth so clearly and with such elegance of style and accuracy of fact. The author, to much personal knowledge of the system he describes, has also brought to his task an acquaintance with the writings of the most recent continental students of the subject treated of, such as Haug, West, Spiegel, Roth, Hovelacque, de Harlez and Darmesteter. For its fulness and accuracy this tract may be heartily commended to all who desire a short, readable, and correct popular account of Parslism.

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OCTOBER, 1884.] SANSKRIT AND OLD-CANARESE INSCRIPTIONS. SANSKRIT AND OLD-CANARESE INSCRIPTIONS. BY J. F. FLEET, Bo.C.S., M.E.A.S., C.I.E. (Continued from p. 250.) No. CL. AT T pp. 119 to 124 above, I have published two grants, and noticed a third, of the Ganga Maharaja Indravarma, dated respectively in the years 128, 146, and 91, of some unspecified era. In the course of my remarks on those grants, at page 120, I mentioned some rather later grants connected with these three. I now deal with these later grants. The present grant' is another of those that were found together with the grant of Nandaprabhanjanavarma, No. CXXXVIII. pp. 48 ff. above, at 'Chicacole' in the Ganjam' District of the Madras Presidency, and were presented by Mr. Grahame to the Madras Museum. It was obtained by me, for the purpose of editing it, through the kindness of Mr. Sewell, C.S. " The grant consists of three plates, each about 7" long by 28" broad. The edges of the plates are here and there fashioned slightly thicker; but not so uniformly or in so marked a way as to show whether this was done intentionally, to serve as a raised rim to protect the writing. The inscription is in perfect preservation throughout. The ring, on which the plates are strung, is about 1" thick and 3" in diameter; it had not been cut when the grant came into my hands. The seal on the ring is oval, about 1 by 18"; and it has, in relief on the surface of the seal itself,-not, as is usually the case, on a countersunk surface,-the figure of a bull, couchant to the proper right, with the moon above it. The weight of the three plates is 548 tolas, and of the ring and seal, 193 tolas,total, 74 tolas. The language is Sanskrit throughout; and the style agrees closely throughout with the style of the three grants of Indravarma mentioned above. The order recorded in this inscription is issued, as in the three grants of Indravarma, from the victorious camp or residence situated at the city of Kalinganagara (line 2), by the glorious Devendravarmadeva (1. 11), who has had the stains of the Kali age 1 No. 158 in Mr. Sewell's published List of Copperplate grants. Noticed by me, ante Vol. X. p. 243, No. 4. Usually the sun and moon are both represented. We have another instance, in which the moon alone appears, in the seal of No. CXLIV. p. 137 above. 273 removed by performing obeisance to the god Siva under the name of Gokarnasvami (1. 4)," established on the pure summit of the mountain Mahendra (1. 2); who is a most devout worshipper of the god Maheevara (ll. 9-10);and who is the son of the Maharaja Anantavarmadeva, the glory of the family of the Gaugas (11. 10-11). It is addressed to the Kutumb residing at the village of Tamarachheru in the Varahavartani vishaya (11. 11-12),-evidently the same village with the Tamaracheruva that is the subject of the grant of Indravarma of the year 128. The passage that follows is incorrect as it stands. But with the emendations that I have proposed in the text, it records that, on the occasion of an eclipse of the sun (1. 15), and after performing libations of water before Gokarnabhattiraka on the summit of the mountain Mahendra (11. 14-15), the said village of Tamarachhera was given by Devendravarma to three hundred Brahmans of the Vajasaneya charana (1. 13). The boundaries of the village are defined in lines 15 to 19; but this passage contains nothing of importance. Lines 19 to 22 contain two of the usual benedictive and imprecatory verses. In lines 22 and 23 there is given, in words, the date of the fifty-first year of the augmenting victorious reign of the Gangaya lineage. And lines 23 and 24 record that the inscription was written or composed by the Samanta Nagaraja, and was engraved by the akshasali Sarvadeva. I have two other inscriptions, closely connected with the present one.-The first of them, from the 'Vizagapatam' District, is issued from the city of Kalinganagara by the glorious Devendravarma,-the supreme lord of the whole of Kalinga; the most devout worshipper of the god Maheevara; the ornament of the spotless family of the GAngas; and the son of the glorious Maharaja Anantavarma. It records the grant of some villages in the Davadamadavam vishaya by Dharmakhadi, the See page 121 above, note 41. See page 121 above, note 49. See page 50 above, note 19. No. 93 in Mr. Sewell's published List of Copperplate grants. Noticed by me, ante Vol. X. p. 243, No. 6.

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274 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [OCTOBER, 1884. maternal ancle of Devendravarma. And it is which seems to have been established by fugidated, in words and figures, in the year 254 tives of the Vengi family in the seventh cenof some unspecified era, and on the first day of tury, and to have risen to power again for a the first fortnight of the month Phalguna. time, with Kalinganagara as the capital, during This inscription is in characters of the same the anarchy that existed from A.D. 977 to type with those of the inscription now published 1004. From these inscriptions he gives three in full, but at the same time considerably more names, -Jayavarmi;-his son, Anantavarma, Archaic in form, and approaching in that in A.D. 985;-and his son, Rajondravarma. respect far more closely to the characters of the In my three inscriptions, Jayavarma is not grants of Indravarmi.- The second of them' mentioned ; and we have the three names of from Chicacole,' is issued from the city of Anantavarmi;-his son, Devendravarma; Kalinganagara by the glorious Satyavarma- and his son, Satyavarma. When I first noticed deva, -the supreme lord of the whole of these inscriptions, I was inclined to identify Kalinga; the most devout worshipper of the the Anantavarma of the two sets, allotting god Mahesvara; and the son of the glorious to him two sons, Devendravarma and RajenNahardja Devendravarma, the ornament of the dravarma. But, if Dr. Barnell's date of A.D. spotless family of the Gangas. It records the 985 for Anantavarma is correct, -which, howgrant, on the occasion of an eclipse of the sun, ever, I have no means of testing,- I do not of the village of Taragrama in the Galela now think that this can be done; for the vishaya. And, like the present grant now date of Devendravarma would thus be A.D. published in full, it is dated, in words, in the 1010; and then, referring the recorded date of fifty-first year of the centuries of the Gang@yathe year 254 for Devendravarm to the same lineage. This inscription is in characters of era with the dates of 91, 128, and 146, for the South Indian Nagari type, differing alto- Indravarma, the result would be to bring the gether from the characters of the grants of grants of Indravarma to a later period than is Indra varma and Devendravarma. indicated by the palaeographical standard of These three grants of Devondra varmA and them. I have already suggested that, on hisSatyavarma are shown, by the characters in torical as well as paleographical grounds, Indrawhich they are engraved, to be of later date varmi may be referred to about Saka 579 to than the three grants of Indravarma. Conse- 582 (A.D. 657-58 to 660-61). Taking 136 as quently, the fifty-first year, which is quoted in the mean between the two certain dates of Inone of the grants of Devendravarma-and in dravarma, and taking this as equivalent to the grant of his son Satyavarmi, cannot be Saka 580,- this would bring Devendravarma referred to the same epoch with the dates of to about Saka 696 (A.D. 774-75). And this 91, 128, and 146, of Indravarmi. And, partly is about the latest period to which, on palaeobecause of this, and partly because in each graphical grounds, his grant of the year 254 instance the year is mentioned without any can be referred. specification of the month and the lunar day, As regards the dynastic name used in these I am inclined to look upon it as some conven- inscriptions -in the three grants of Indrational expression, which cannot be jast now varma, it is written Ganga,' with the vowel explained, and to consider that only the year of the first syllable long,-No. CXLII. I. 4, 254, in connection with which we have the ante p. 121 ; No. CXLIII. I. 8, ante p. 123; specification of both the month and the lunar and, as I have now satisfied myself by personal day, is a correct date for Devendravarma, and inspection of the original plates, in l. 5 of the that it may be referred to the same era with Parla-kimedi' grant.-In'l. 8 of the grant of the dates of Indravarma, whatever that era Devendravarma of the year 254, the same may be. form occurs, Ganga.'-In l. 13 of the grant Dr. Barnell has mentioned some inscrip- of Satyavarma of the fifty-first year of the tions of the tenth century at Jayapura in the centuries of the Gangeya lineage, the form Ganjam' District, belonging to a dynasty that is used is 'Ganga,' with the vowel of the No. 159 in Mr. Sewell's published List of Copper South Indian Palmography, p. 53. plato grants. Noticed by me, ante Vol. X. p. 243, No..! anto, p. 190.

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1. // a. GANGA GRANT OF DEVENDRAVARMA.. S 96. loekthaa cMnnaepoesmyu20 ybhuumi 15 maanphl .1kk DJ^phtl5 95A No. 8vI-1611 16pdaakdii80g0s10 lookbukk 8 859 9F 11 59 8nc ykyktuuctkiilaapaankungthmiikaac, SE . . B^2CM2 35 3 lingkuutdyk0Annulit > mkyly0161gyguyZCPzo - smysss nny - 08mky0khd pdkuykuMngt-smksaa9s1k toeengkm31 m /// ) klippaay 0: 1 - ykdd0 ( dget. 9

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11 b. /// GANGA GRANT OF DEVENDRAVARMA. yykkkhkmuul knungsaakkuuymmguat317ks mt thmii ktau 81906 kk yk1ypcS0r J. Burgess. su 86 oupaay J U 800BAD = F QQ 650y TO ( Eagopaay 9 k18gunncnd pttiduu vicit3 & Fk huy 097 pdiisaacbhuu'pcaapkuMu5&dhMthaathti 01 089uuy ykkpaalkh Suite / kuMt0k y Port 8y US k bhaenkdgga` yyyy CCyu02..EC y03 4 016 1 wisC 8 2 53 Rtle) W. Griggs Photo-lith.

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OCTOBER, 1884.] SANSKRIT AND OLD.CANARESE INSCRIPTIONS. 275 first syllable short, as in the present inscrip- Aputratvam praptas=suchiram-atikhinno tion. And the same form, Ganga,' is used in npipa-vTibhas 11. 11.12 of the Vizagapatam' grant of Anan- sa Garngam=aradhyam niyata-gatir= tavarma, otherwise called Choda-Gangadeva, Aradhya vara-dam of Saka 1003, and in l. 57 of the Vizaga ajeyam Gamgeyam sutam-alabhat patam' grant of the same person of Saka Arabhya cha tada 1040," and in 1. 7-8 of the Vizagapatam' kramas-tad-vamsyanam bhuvi jayati grant of the same person of Saka 1057." Gamg-anvaya iti || The origin of the name, as well as of that of "Having attained the condition of being of Gangeya-varhaa' or the Gangeya lineage" without sons, (and) being excessively distressed which is used in the dates of the grants of for a long time (on that account),--he, [TurDevendravarmA and Satyavarma, is professedly Vasu], the best of kings, practising self-restraint, explained in II. 16-19 of the grant of Saka propitiated (the river Ganga, the bestower of 1040 mentioned above. This passage occurs boons, that is to be propitiated, and obtained a in the mythological genealogy, anterior to son, the unconquerable Gange y a; and, comVirasimha, the alleged historical founder of the mencing from that time, the succession of his family. After mentioning Turvasu, the son of descendants has been victorious in the world Yayati, it proceeds, | under the name of the lineage of the Ganga." Transcription. First plate. Om Syasti Amara-por-anukarina[ho] sarv-a[r*]tu-sukha-ramaniyad=vijaya[') vata[ho] Kalinga(nga)-nagar-adhivasaka[t*] Mahendrachal-amala-sikhara-pratishthita[deg] sya sacharachara-guro[h*] sakala-bhuvana-nirman-aika-sutradharnsya sasa[] ika-chuda mani(ne)r=bhagavato Gokarnna-svaminas charana-kamala-yuga[deg] la-pranima[t"] vigata-Kali-kalanko-nek-hava-samkshobha-janita-ja[deg] ya-savda(bda)-pratap-a" vanata-samasta-samanta-chakra-chudamani-prabha Second plate ; first side. ['] manja (ja)ri-punja(oja)-ranji(nji)ta-nija-nistrivsa-dhar- parjita-vara-charana-sita-kumuda ku[] nd-endu-vadata-yas[6* ]-dhvast-arati-kulachalo naya-vinaya-daya-dana-dakshi['] nya(nya)-so (sau)ry-(au)darya-satya-tyag-adi-gana-sampad-adhara-bhuto(tab) parama-mahe[] svaro matapitru(tri)-pad-anudhyato Gang-amala-kula-tilaka-maharaja["] srima (mad-A)nantavarmadeva-sunu[h*] Sri-Devendravarmadava[1] kusali(11) Vara havarta. [""] ngam(nl)-na"ma-vishaye Tamarachheru-nama-grama-nivasinam kutumbina sama Second plate ; second side. [) jna(jna)payati Viditam=astu dbha(bha)vatam gramo=yam Vajasaneya-charana-ni["] na-gotra-vra(bra)hmana-sata-tray[aya*] Mahi(he)ndra-bikbare Gokarnna-bhattirake (ka)m=u. [""] daka-purvakam kri(kli)tva su [ * ]ya-grah-oparage datam [II] Atra si(si)ma-linga[1] ni bhavanti purvasyam disi pa (va)na-rajika vara-vadhn(dhu)-pashana[ho] pu(pu)["'] na[h*] vana-rajika dakshinasyam disivana-rajika Tentalt puna[h*] vana-ra jika [**] paschimasyam disim vana-ra jika va(va)Imika[m*] ut[t*]arasya[m*] disimo vana raj[i]ka 10 No. 212 in Mr. Sewell's publishod List of Copper plate grants. u id. No. 219. 13 id. No. 213. 19 From the original plates. * First prd was engraved, and then it was corrected into pd by partial erasure of the subscript r. 15 First ma was engraved, and then it was partially erased and at was engraved over it. 16 Correet into kund endu-avadata. * Here, and in some instances further on, we have it form of which is entirely different from th:st which in used in the earlier part of the inscription. 16 Correct into dattak. 10 This anusviru is a mistake. This anusvara, again, is mistake.

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276 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [OCTOBER, 1884. Third plate. [] pashana[ho] [11] Antra Vyasa-gitani kathyamte [lo] Va(ba)hubhiruvasudha daga (tt) rajanai(bhi) [h*] Saga[] r-Adibhi[h*) yasya yasya yada bhumi[h*] tasya tasya tada phalam [ll] Sva-da["] t[t*Jam para-dat[t(r)]am=ve ye hareti(ta) vasumdharam sva(sva)-vishthaya krimir bhutva pi["] tu(tri)bhi[ho] saha pachyati(te) [ll] Gangeya-vansa-pravardhamana-vijaya17 rajya-samvatsaram=eka-panchi (cha) sasto] evam (1) Likhitam Nagaraja[*] Sri-sAmantena [lo] utkirnnam chrakshasAlina Sarvadeven-eti | Sala. PAPERS ON SATRUNJAYA AND THE JAINAS. BY J. BURGESS, LL.D., EDITOR. (Continued from p. 196.) VII.- GACHCHRAS, SRIPUJYAS, YATIS, Nuns, &c. or family goddess, worshipped in separate 1. The Jaina Gachchhas or Castes. temples; sometimes these latter goddesses are The Jaina Gachchas are 84 in number, but only also placed in the temples of the Tirthamkaras. 8 of them now exist in Gujarat :- Visa Usva, The Kuladevi or family goddess of the DasA Ugva, Visa Srimali, Dasa Srimali, Visa Viba Usvas is Usha devi, seen on the rightPurva, Dasa Purva, Visa Maru, and Dasa Mara. band side of the entrance of Hatising's temple In Kathiawad the VISA Gachchhas intermarry at Ahmadabad. with the DasA Gachchhas; but in Ahmadabad Every Tirthamkara has two female attendant Visas marry only with Visks, and Dasas only spirits, one a Devi, and the other a Yakshi or with Dasks. Each caste has its own Devi or Yakshani. To each also a sacred tree (vriksha) goddess. There are also two goddesses for is assigned, and a Yaksha. The following is ench family-a Jhatidevi or caste goddess, a list of the vrikshas, yakshas and yakshanis always worshipped in the houses, and a Kulade vil belonging to the several Tirthamkaras :Tirtharikara. Vriksha. Yaksha. Yakshani. 1. RishabhanAtha. Vata. Gomukha. Chakresvari. 2. Ajitanatha. Mahayaksha. Ajitabala 3. Sambhavanaths. Prayala. Trimukha. Duritari. 4. Abhinandanktha. Priyangu. Nayaka. KAlika. 5. Sumatinatha. Sala. Tumburu. Mahakali. 6. Padmaprabhanatha. Chhatra. Kusuma. Syama. 7. Suparavanatha. Sirisha. Matanga. Santa. 8. Chandraprabhanatha. Naga. Vijaya. Bhrikuti. 9. Subuddhi or Pushpa dantanatha. Salt Ajita. Sutaraka. 10. Sitalanatba. Priyangu. Brahmayaksha. Asoka. 11. Sreyamsanktha. Nanduka. Yaksheta. Manavi. 12. Vasapujyanitha. Patala. Kumara. Chanda. 13. Vimalanatha. Jambu. Shanmukha. Vidita. 14. Anantanatha. Asoka. Patala. Ankusa. 15. Dharmana tha. Dadhiparna. Kimnara. Kandarpa. 16. Santinatha. Nandi. Garuda. Nirvani. 17. Kunthunatha. Bhilaka. Gandharya, Bala. 18. Ara er Arhanatha. Amba. Yaksheta. Dharini. 19. Mallinatha. Asoka. Kubera. Dharanapriya. 20. Munisuvratanatha Champaka. Varuna. Naradatta. 21. Naminatha or Niminatha. Vakula. Bhrikuti. Gandhari. 22. Neminatha. Vetasa. Gomedha. Ambika. 23. Parsvanatha. Dhataki. Parsvayaksha. Padmavati. 24. Mahe vira or Vardhamina. Sala. Matanga. Siddhayika. Here we have a form of a which is entirely different from that which is used in lines 1 and 15. 1 For these and other details, See Ratnasdra, bhdg. 2pp. 706ff.

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OCTOBER, 1884.] PAPERS ON SATRUNJAYA AND THE JAINAS. 277 Sarasvati is called the Sasanadevi of all the Tirthamkaras. 2. Sripujyas. Every Gachchha has & Sripkjya or head priest. For those Gachchhas which exist only in name there are no Srfpujyas; but all existing Gachchhas have head priests. These are appointed by the previous Sripya during his life-time, or in case this is not done, he is appointed by the Sravakas. Formerly only Samvegis were chosen as Sripajyas. But the offico now-a-days carries much pomp with it, the head priest having a regular establishment of horses, attendants, &c. For this the Samvogis despise the office, and now only Jatis are chosen to the position. The duties of a Sripajya are to buy Brahmas boys, and instruct them in the Jaina religion, rearing them as Jatis, and to send them to preach the Jaina religion to the public. These Sripajyas themselves go in circuit, discourse with the Sravakas, and convert people. 3. Saskavegis and Yatis. The Yatis or Jatis are ascetics or devotees, analogous to the Brahmana Sannyasis. There are two classes of these among the JainasSastvegis and Jatis. 'Samvegis are Sravakas or born Jainas, who, in old age, or at any time they like, renounce the world and become Samvegis. They do not receive ordination, as the Jatis do, from their Sripajya or head priest. They themselves become so at their pleasure. The Samvegi is initiated thus :-He is conducted out of the town by crowds of Sravakas with musio and joy; he is placed beneath a tree having milky juice, generally the Baniyan, Vad or Mious Indica, and there, surrounded by a circle composed exclusively of Samvegis, who pull out the hairs of his locks in five pulls ;' applying camphor, mask, sandal, saffron, and sugar to the place. He is next stripped naked and placed before another Samvegi who pronounces this mantra in his ear: kami bhaMtesAbhAiyaM, sAvaja boga paJcakhAmi bAva (jIveNa tiviheNa tiviheNa) maNeNaM vAyAe, kAraNa na karomi, nakAravemi tassa bhaMte paDikamAmi, nidAmi garihAmi, appANaM vAsirAmi, iti // ' In the Parsvandtha Charita, Parbranatha is describod m tearing five handfuls of hair from his head on beooming devotee. Conf. Dolamnine, Trans. Roy. Asiat. Soc. vol. I, p. 488. These Samvegis avoid all pomp, live on alms, put on dyed clothes, have no fixed dwelling places, but wander about the country, preaching to the public about the Jains religion and making converts. After becoming Samvegis, they pull out hair from their heads in five locks also once a year, on the day of Chhavachchari; and they may do 80 at any other time they choose. These Samvegis are the only Jaina Sanny asis in the true sense of the word. The second class - Jatis, are more numerous than the former. The Jatia are sometimes the children of WAniyas or Kusbis, who often devote them from their infancy; now-a-days the children of poor Brihmans are bought largely for this purpose; and occasionally they are dedicated in consequence of vows made by Waniyas without children, who promise their first-born to their Sripujys or high priest, in hopes of obtaining further posterity. Whilst young the Jati is placed under a Gara, for wbom he performs many domestic services. At proper age he is initiated in the same way as the Samvegi, only his hair is not pulled ont in five looks. His Guru takos only five hairs for form's sake, and his head is afterwards clean shaved. Instead of Samvegi, his Guru pro nounces the initiation mantra in his ear. He then receives the cloth of Jati- pure white cloth (Guj, chalota, Sans., chivara)-of yard and a half for his loins, one of two and a half yards for his head, a kambali (Sans. kambala) or country blanket for his body, a tripunior waterpot, a plate or pdtra for his victuals, cloth to tie them up in, a black rod (danda) to guard himself from hurt but not to injure others, and rajuharana or besom (Guj. Agha), to sweep the ground with. He does not return to his Guru's residence till the next day. He lives on charity, and procures his food ready dressed from the houses of Srivakas, Brihmanas or others. He may purchase dressed food, but may not dress it for himself; he must not eat or drink while the gun is below the horizon; he must abstain from all roots, as yams, onions, &c., and from butter and honey (mdvights, madhu, makha, and mad). The Jatis wear loose clothing, with their heads bare, and their hair and beards clipped ; and * This same mantra, except the part enoloned in braoketa, is repeated daily by every. Srhvaks before beginning his prayer. For the bracketed portion ho rabatitates-forrh, T ena, g rant II

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278 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [OCTOBER, 1884. they ought never to bathe; but now-a-days they do so. Sometimes they live together in posalas (posddasalas), and ever after a Jati has left one of these, he yields a sort of allegiance to the Guruji or head of the Posala. The Jatis are not Sannyasis in the real sense of the word. They are fond of pomps, silver and bronze vessels, and cloths with ornamental borders. Many of the Jatis are traders, and always carry money with them. They neglect puja; though it is their duty to read and expound the Jaina Sastras to the Sravakas at the temples, they never perform any of the religious ceremonies. Some Jatis have concubines, whom they seclude in villages, but do not bring into the larger towns. Morally they are not a good lot. 4. The Girnis. Girmis or Sadhvis are the nans of the Jainas. A girl, according to their Smritis, must at least have attained the age of nine to become a Girni; but practically the age at which they become nuns is between 15 and 17. They become Girnis with the permission of their guardians; if married the woman must obtain the permission of her husband, in which case the latter can marry again; but these rules are not always observed. Thus a girl, a married woman, as well as a widow, may become a Sadhvi. If once she becomes a nun, she must continue so throughout life. The place where the nuns live is called an Upasara. According to the Sdstras not less than three nuns must occupy an Upasara ; but when there are only two nuns, the rule is not considered broken. There is a head nun in every Upasara, called the Pravartini. She is appointed by the Acharya. One of the Girnis is chosen to that post on the ground either of long residence in the Upasara, or of learning, or of austerity. The Girni appointed Pravartini on account of her learning is called Sutathavira, (Sans. srutasthavira); if on account of age, Vayathavira; if on account of austerity, Tapathavira. The Girnis wear four cloths, an outer one called kapada, a nether cloth called sada, a langya or langothi, and a chauli or bodice. Kambalas, or woollen blankets, and asanathey carry for covering themselves and sitting apon. They also carry a stick called danda or dando. When they go out they wear a mohopti (Sans. mulchagupti), or mouth-band. They perform Pratikramana, or the repetition of prayers twice a day; go and listen to the Acharyas discourses ; examine their clothes twice a day, and carefully remove any vermin. This is called Padilihana. When one of them perceives an insect she must not blow it out, lest it die, but remove it carefully, so as not to endanger its life. This they do before cowries called Acharyasthapanas (or acting Acharyas). They beg their meals, and may not cook, -for touching fire is strictly prohibited. The five elements are supposed to have life, and fire being an element has also life. Hence the objection to touch it. When going to beg they carry three or five vessels placed in a wallet hung round the wrist. A cloth, folded more or less, according to the geason, is thrown over the wallet. This cloth is called Palla ; in sommer it is folded into two, in the dewy season into four, and in the rainy season into five. They beg every day, except on fast days. In Ahmadabad they beg only from Sravakas' houses. In Northern India at any house. They receive hot water cooled from Sravakas for their drink. If anything is left after their meals, they mix it in sand, in order that it may not rot and breed insects. Their bed is called Santara. It is made either of straw or a kambala. In the rainy season they sleep on planks. Their night is divided into three parts, ydmas or watches. In the first watch they talk with the Sravikas. In the second yama they sleep; and in the third yama self-contemplation or Sajyadhana (Sang. Savddhyayana dhyana) is performed. This however is very rarely done, except by the most learned; but in place of it they devote themselves to the recollection of what was taught them the previous day by the Acharya. 5. The Eternal Tirthamkaras. Like the Chiramjini's, or eternal existing sages of the Brahmana religion, the Jainas also believe in Sasvata or eternal Tirthakaras. But while the Hindas have seven the Jainas have only four, Their names are : 1. ft Rikhabhananda. 2. candrAnanda Chandrananda. 3. vArikheNa Varikhepa. and 4. AT Vardhamana.

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OCTOBER, 1884.] PAPERS ON SATRUNJAYA AND THE JAINAS. 279 S and 6. Parsvanatha and Kamatha. of the mandapas of their temples. On the Kamatha, a sage, was practising austerities lines of the symbol are carved small figures in between the Panchagni or five fires, on the rock crystal and yellow and black stone of banks of the Ganges at Banaras, when Parsva- their saints. The symbols are thus writtennath a went to visit him. Paravanatha by his Avadhijnana, perceived a serpent half-burnt in the flames. He took out the log in which it On the dot of the on, which is of black marble was, and pronounced one naukara over it. The is a figure of an Arihant; on the crescent, of serpent died at once, and became Dhara. yellow stone, is the Acharya ; on the upper bar, nindra of PAt Ala Kamatha by his austeri. of dark red stone, is the Siddha; on the second ties became Meg ha mala (cloud-garland). bar, of yellow stone, is the Upadhya; and on The rescue of the serpent by Paravanatha dis the lower turn of the synibol, of black marble, pleased Kamatha, and when Parsvanatha was is the Muni. engaged in the kausagya meditation, Kamatha On the Hrnkara symbol, the whole twentyin the form of Meghamala, raised a fierce wind, four Tirthamkaras are represented in their with rain and hail. The flood reached to his appropriate colours. Thus on the anusvdra are nostrils. Dharanindra, in remembrance of two small squatted figures in black; on the Parsvanatha's previous favour, came and over yellow lunule are two in white; on the upper canopied his patron's head with his sevenfold horizontal stroke are two in red; on the next hood. The goddess Padmavati took the two bars are six each and one at the curve on form of a lotus, and raised Parsvanatha up to the left, all yellow; on the short horizontal the surface of the water. Dharanindra assumed stroke of the ris one, another at its junction also a different shape and drove Meghamala with the downstroke, and a third in line with away. The difficulty was thus removed, and these two on the downstroke of the h; and Parsvanatha reached Kevalajnana, when Kama lastly there is one on the vertical stroke of tha came to him, and confessed his sin. He the i, opposite the upper bar, and another was pardoned, and afterwards became a Jaina. opposite the lower horizontal stroke of the R; in all twenty-four. This legend resembles that of the temptation of Buddha by Mira. It is often represented Among the Hindus, the syllable On is the in the Jaina Caves of Elura. bijakshara, or mystical symbol for Brahma ; Hrin 7. Omkara and Hrimkara. and Hrain for Sakti; and Glash for Ganapati. I have just received from Dr. S. W. Bushell, The Onkara or the syllable Oi among the of Pekin, a sketch of a Chinese copper medal, a Jainas, they regard as made up of five separate little over 3 inches in diameter, with a foursided letters, a+&+stutin,-these being the initial figure, filling thecentre, the sides slightly curved letters of the five sacred orders among them ; inwards, and on each side of this a Sansksit A is Arhat; A, Achurya; S, Siddha; U, Upadh symbol; that above is On; and below is Hri. yaya; and ai, Muni. The sandhi by which to the right is Hrih; and to the left Grah. The they get or is ata = a, ats = ah; dh+u = 0, oton = on. Thus on is obtained without refer accompanying representation shows the position ence to the fact that ah+u can never become and forms of the symbols on the medal:8. Some substitute another a in place of , and explain it as the initial letter of Asarira, a synonym of Siddha. Hrankara is a symbol, belonging to Paravanitha. Hri is composed of the three letters ha, ra, and i, ha meaning Paravanatha, ru-Dharanindra, and iPadmavati. These syllables or symbols are often represented in coloured marbles inserted in the walls There are three kinds of Jnana, or knowledge, accord- possession of Tirtharikarte. ing to the Jains- tijndnu, or common knowledge See Cave Temples, p. 496, and pl. lxxxvi. Sruti jnance, or book knowledge and Avadhifana, or . For these names see preceding note on Paravanatha. foreknowledge. The latter is said to be the speciali

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280 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. The same syllables appear on both sides of the medal, and Dr. Bashell thinks it is probably Buddhist; and this can hardly be doubted. It is well known that the Buddhists, like the Hindus and Jainas, attach importance to these mystic syllables. A full explanation of them would be most interesting. Pandit Bhagwanlal Indraji, Ph.D., suggests that it is a yantra of the Tantric Bauddha system, the four characters Om, hram, hri, hrush representing the four Jnana Buddhas usually figured on the four sides of a stupa, the fifth (Viarochana) being supposed to occupy the centre, and as he is unrepresented on the stupas, so the symbol hrah is omitted on the medal. He reads the syllables on it grasi, hri, hrum, hrih, and supposes the first to be a mistake for hram, which is the usual syllable. The medal may belong to about the eleventh century A.D. 8. Jalajatra. Jalajatra or the water festival, is performed on one of the three following occasions :-(1), at the consecration of a new Tirthankara; (2), at the putting up of a new dhvajasthamba; and (3), on the prevalence of a plague. The main ceremony of the festival is to bring water to bathe the Tirthankara. On the day previous to the Jatra 108 pits are made in the sandy bed of a sacred river or near a tank; the water of the river or tank is made to flow into these holes. On the Jatra day a procession starts from the place where the Tirthamkara is to be bathed, to the river or tank. Men and women in their gayest dresses, the former wearing red pagadis, with children seated on richly caparisoned horses to adorn the procession, go to the river with a large pot. Into this pot water from each of the 108 pits is poured. With music and in procession the pot is brought to the place from which the procession started. Then 108 married females with 108 small kalasas come and receive, each in her kalasa, a part of the water from the large pot. These 108 small kalasas are used in performing the Abhisheka of the Tirthamkara that is to be consecrated, or to the already consecrated Tirthamkara if the Jatra is performed in honour of the putting up of a new dhvajasthamba, or to [Ostoviv, 1884. avert a plague. Ceremonies are also performed by the priests, accompanied with mantras in the Mandapa of the temple. VIII.-JAINA MARRIAGE. Mindhal (in Sans. Madana; Marth! Gelaphala), is the fruit of the Randia dumetorum (Lam.), and is also used in medicine as an emetic. Maiddeang (Sans. Avar. tani; Marathi, Murudasenga), is the twisted pod of the Among Jainas, as among Brahmans, it is strictly prescribed that girls should be betrothed before puberty. The average age at which they are thus given away is about ten years. On the day previous to that fixed for the marriage, the parents or other near relatives of the bride and bridegroom invite their friends, and on the morning of the marriage-day a band of married women, mostly the relatives of the bride, start from her house. One woman heads the procession, carrying in her hand a brass tray containing one cocoanut (eriphala), seven betelnuts, seven dried dates (karjura), and a wooden cup containing kunkuma. She takes this tray on her left shoulder supporting it on her hand; over the right shoulder she lays a new sadi, called ghatadi. The party thus headed and with music playing before, go to a potter's, where the leading woman makes a tilaka mark on his forehead, and takes from him the earthen vessels required for the marriage ceremonies. The vessels commonly taken are seven varagudis or small painted pots, seven ramapatras or cups, one matli or big pot for the Gane sabesodava or setting up of Ganapati. The party then returns to the house of the bride, and is received by a lady of the house. The latter meets them with kunkuma and akshatah in her hand, marks the forehead of the head-woman, and receives them all into the house. This reception is called vadhavu. Next comes a Brahman priest to perform the ceremony called Ganapatipuja. A square spot is already chosen for it in the house where the matli or big pot brought from the potter is placed by the Brahman. A square cloth is tied up as a canopy over the place. Two small earthenware cups perforated in the bottoms which are placed against one another, are suspended by a string under the middle of this square cloth, and four cords attach it to the corners of the cloth. This is called the tying of the fani. At the corners are also fastened two dried seeds, one of mindhal and the ather of maiddiang.' Into the matli or big Helicteres Isora (Linn.), which is also used medicinally. Bee Dymock's Materia Medica of Western India, pp. 838, & 91.

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OCTOBER, 1884.] PAPERS ON SATRUNJAYA AND THE JAINAS. 281 pair." pot placed below, the Brahman puts akshatah the house of the bridegroom. But when they of yava (rice), betel nut, money, karjura (dried are not related this latter visit is not paid. dates), kamalakakadi (dried lotus seed), and a 1 After putting on the anklets a lady goes red cotton string. The meaning of this is not from the bride's house with a large bambu known. The Brahman priest repeats some basket containing odd numbers of all the mantras or alokas at his pleasure. At the end sweetmeats, cakes, &c., prepared for the he repeats the Sansksit mantra: guests. She also carries with her & vessel containing milk and sugar (Guj. Kalvdpirasro), sumuhUrta, sulamaM, zivaM kalyANaM, Arogya, nivi one bronze tray containing scented powder, ghena zubhaM bhavatu one vahdi or veggel full of ghe, and a kamsiyo meaning, "May the marriage end happily with- or brass spoon for dipping out the ghi. A out any obstruction in an auspicious muhurta, brass stool is placed for the bridegroom, who lagna, conferring happiness and health on the is made to sit on it. Before him the lady places all that she brings with a certain This mantra is repeated after every rite amount of money, which, again varies accordconnected with the marriage, and is, in fact, ing to the circumstances of the bride's father. the only mantra known to the Jainas proper. The lady, after doing this, returns to the The other mantras the Brahman priest repeats bride's house. The meaning of this they do at his pleasure. He then receives a dakshina not seem to know; perhaps, as among the Brahor fee. Here ends the Ganapatipuja. The visit mans, it is merely an invitation to meals given to the Kumbhara and the Ganesapuja are to the bridegroom. also performed by the bridegroom's party at his Then the mid-day meal is eaten. 'Later in house. the afternoon the bridegroom's procession After this pujd the setting up of the Ma. takes place. He is dressed in a jama or rich milya-stanbha, which answers to the Muhartta- gold-cloth, covering his whole person, an stavbha of the Brahmans takes place. In the uttardsana or upper garment made of goldlatter case the Muharttastambha is planted cloth, a blu or cloth.worn in the form of several days or even a month before the mar- & Yajnopavita, & chis or head-dress of the riage; but among the Jainas the Manik thamb Surati fashion, and a veil of gold-thread called is only placed on the morning of the marriage. achchhab. His shoes are also of gold-cloth. To a log of a cubit's length of the Khadira tree Thus dressed he mounts a horse richly capari(Acacia catechu), is tied a mindhal seed andsioned, and rides slowly through the bazar to betel leaf, by a red cotton string, technically the bride's house. His relatives and friends called nadu; this is placed on the right side of and the guests invited, male and female, go in the house with the same mantra, Sumuhurttam advance of him, with music playing before. &c., as before. The priest then leaves, having The females sing as they proceed. With these received his dakshina. rejoicings they reach the bride's house, where Two Pandinis--wives of Pandis, a class of they are received and seated. Then briphalas inferior Brahmaps among the Jainas, similar to or cocoanuts are distributed to all invited. the Bhojaks-are then sent from the bride's To married men and the rich two arfphalas are house with two large pots, one containing given to each. To bachelors only one. In butter and the other milk, with silk cloths tied case of a scarcity of cocoanuts, three paisa are over their mouths. The quantity of milk and given in place of each cocoannt; but if possible butter sent depends on the wealth of the bride's cocoanuts alone are given to males. At this father. The Pandinis go with their pots to point the guests if they chose may leave, but the bridegroom's house, and place them before the relatives on both sides remain. him. All these ceremonies take place in the In the court-yard of the house a spot has morning been already chosen where the Joshi Brahman Before the noon meals begin a woman, often or priest prepares the chauki or square for the a relative of the bridegroom, leaves his house, pair to sit in. Three bambu posts are planted taking a pair of silver anklets of the Marvini at each corner of it, and it is canopied by a form, pats them on the bride, and takes her to cloth ; between the three posts in the corner

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282 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [OCTOBER, 1884. are placed seven mdflis or large pots. They The bride and the bridegroom next come to ure pat one over the other, and tied with cotton the square (chauka) in the court, and sit thread to the poles. Thus there are in all twenty- facing the east. The priest orders the father eight vessels at the four corners. Rich men use of the bride to bring a pestle and mortar, a copper and sometimes even silver vessele; but bamba basket, and a lighted lamp suspended the poorer earthenware ones. on a chain. He bids the pair walk four times The bridegroom is now received in the porch round the fire, which has been lighted in front of the bride's house by a lady relation of the of them. They then hold their hands in the latter having a pestle, yoke, churning stick, hastamela position. The brother or some and spindle (dhrlsar, misar, ravaiyd and trak). relation of the bride fills the cavity between Each is covered in a part of the ghata di cloth, the hands with akshatah, which the pair throw and waved before the bridegroom. She puts on the east side of the fire. During this act a kurkuma tilaka and vrihi or unhusked rice certain ilokas, especially from the mangalashiaka, on his forehead. Four small balls of cooked are repeated. rice and ashes are tied in four bits of cloth Then & lady, often a relative of the bride's, waved before the bridegroom thrice, and now brings a large brass stool called bhajat, thrown on the ground, two before and two and places it before the pair. A thali or vessel behind, to avert the evil eye. Two cupe placed with water is set on it. She pats kausar or mouth to mouth (samput) and tied with a red sweetmeat made of wheat flour also upon it, cotton thread are placed in the middle of the The woman who carried the ghafadi on the threshold. The bridegroom must place his foot bride's part in the morning comes and serves on the cups, and break them before entering. some of the sweetmeat in a dish. The pair He then goes into the house, pretend to eat, after which the woman washes Next the pair come and sit in the chauki, the hands of the bridegroom and retires. As the bridegroom on a brass stool set for him, she does so the bridegroom catches hold of her and on his left upon another sits the bride; cloth and demands money which is given by on his right is the Joshi BrAhman. First the the relatives of the woman, according to their ceremony of hastamela or joining of hands is means. Then the Kuladevi is again worshipped performed the right palm of the bridegroom as before inside the house. At this time the being placed over the left hand of the bride, satra, or red marriage thread, is tied round the with the mantra-Sumuhurttam, sulagnam, wrist of the bridegroom, and over the bracelet &c. A mangalasutra technically called vara- of the bride. A ghat (sadi) is placed on the mald, is next tied by the Brahman round the head of the bride by the woman that carried necks of the bridegroom and the bride. This the ghafadi of the bridegroom in the morning. ends the hasta mela ceremony. The bridegroom now goes out, leaving the The Kuladovatapuja or worship of the family! bride, who pays respect to all her relatives and goddess follows. It is also called Mayipujd. receives their blessings. She goes into the A masli or large pot is placed, in which the inner apartments and changes her clothes, and Brahman places akshataly, betel leaves, phala, the bridegroom then returns, and demands or fruit. A lighted lamp is also placed in the his wife, and leading her out enters a palanpot, and the bridegroom is asked to put inquin, when the procession marches to the some rupees, which he does according to his bridegroom's house. There they are received means. Naivedya or food is offered before with salt and water wayed before them by & the goddess. The food prepared for the guests lady of the house. Here the mangalasutra is always used for this naivedya. And the tied on the neck of the bridegroom is taken off quantity here varies according to the supposed by the Brahman priest, that tied on the bride's taste of the goddess. neck being left. MATRIGAYA AT SIDDHAPURI. BY PANDIT 8. M. NATESA SASTRI. The sacred town of Siddhapur or Sid. 1 within the Bardda territory, and is connected dhapurl is in the North of Gujarat. It is with that city by the B. B. and C. I. Railway.

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OCTOBER, 1884.) MATRIGAYA AT SIDDHAPURI. 283 Numerous Hindu pilgrims frequent it to perform their Matrigaya Sraddha. This ceremony is attended to by every Hindu to satisfy the departed spirit of his mother. Of course only those who have lost their mothers perform the gaya; those who have lost their fathers have to perform & corresponding ceremony at Pray a gay or Alla habad. In the latter case & pilgrimage to Ba neras or Varast is compulsory. One should go there, bathe in the Ganges, and then proceed to Prayaga to perform the Pitrigaya; but for the Matrigaya ceremony a pilgrimage to Vara nasi is not necessary. He should go direct to Siddhapari, and there perform his mother's gaya. The following is a brief description of the ceremony :-When a pilgrim wishing to perform the gaya arrives at the station, several purohits, who call themselves Tirthadhikaris or persons having the sole) authority over the place, receive him. Each priest brings an old motheaten note-book in which are written the names and designations, the village and district of all former visitors. That priest in whose note-book any trace of visitors related to the person in question is found has the sole right to officiate as head priest or guru to the pilgrim, who is then called his bishya. The mere fact that the present sishya belongs to the same village or district from which a former bishya came is caught at and given as an authority for taking up the daty of officiating priest to him. When this is once settled, the other priests finding that they have lost their game slowly return home with faces in which one may perceive an expression of dissatisfaction. The guru then lets loose all his formal phrases of hospitality. "This house is yours. What do you want? What do you want ? " TT JA- T TT E ." The bishya is lodged in part of the guru's house, or in a separate house, as he likes. The priest himself supplies all the requisite vessels, provisions, &c., of course, expecting payment for everything in the end. The only article for which the guru hesitates to take the price, and even refuses, is takra, or butter-milk, or chach, as it is commonly known in Hindustani. When the pilgrim is not an official, or otherwise has no objection to spend more days than are required for the ceremony, the first day is allowed for rest. If the latter, the first day is devoted to the Tirthasraddha, or ceremony in honour of the sacred river Sarasvati, and the second day for the Matrigaya. Soon after the tishya is lodged the guru comes and gives him an item of expenditure for the Tirthasraddha and the gaya. The smallest sum he is expected to spend is Rs. 25. Rich persons are compelled to devote some hundreds and thousands even for these ceremonies. The Tirthadhikaris, or authorised priests of the place, keep a strict guard over the rites. They never give out a word of it to the curious bishya if he wants to write them out. When the latter takes his own priest to perform the Sraddha according to the custom of his place, the Tirthadhikaris never allow that priest to do anything. In fact, the pilgrim and the priest that accompanies him find themselves in such a position that they have no other resort but to obey the guru. The Tirthaaraddha is a very simple affair. With a couple of cocoanuts and money in hand the sishya goes to the river Sarasvati, accompanied of course, by the guru. After a short prayer and a sankalpa he bathes in the river with cocoanut in hand, distributes money to the poor Brahmans on the shore, and sits down to be shaved. If he has lost his father also, his moustaches are shaved clean off. If not, these are spared. But Dravidian pilgrims alone shave clean their moustaches also although their fathers are alive, as is the custom of their country. After the kshaura, or shaving ceremony, the sishya is made to bathe and to present his clothes to the guru and some fee to the barber. This bath is called sachelasnana, or bath with cloth. After this he puts on dry clothes and performs puja on a high scale to the river Sarasvati, throwing into the water flowers, milk, curd, ghi, kunkuma, or red powder, and several other things, each with its mantra. Here ends the Sraddha ceremony, and if the bishya has lost his father he performs a Hiranyaeraddha also. The second day is devoted to the mother's gayd. This is performed in the Kapilasrama, or hermitage of Kapila, two miles west of the town. Everything, even fuel, has to be carried on a mazuri's head from the town to the hermitage The pilgrim with all the necessaries of the ceremony goes early in the morning, accompa

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284 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [OCTOBER, 1884. nied by the officiating priest to the hermitage of | padayAta jAyate pUtro jananyAH parivedanam / / Kapila. There are three sacred waters there, tasya 0.................................... // 5 // the one a well, called Jiana vapik &, and the other two small tanks, Alpasarovara pibecca kaTu vastuni kAthAni vividhAni ca / and Bind usardvara. It was by bathing | tasya0... in the last Bindusar vara and using its gAvabhaMgo bhavenmAtuH mRtyureva na saMzayaH / / water for Sraddha purposes that Parasurama is said to have been purified from the sin of tasya0....... his having murdered his mother; and from rAtrau mUtrapurISAbhyAM bhidyate maatRkukssigH|| that day it was fixed that every Hinda, to tasya0......... satisfy his mother's spirit, shall perform this ............. // 8 // ceremony here. On reaching the hermitage divArAtrau ca yA mAtA 'naMdayati sabhatRkA // in the morning, the rishya bathes with cocoa- tasya0 ................... .............. // 9 // nut in hand in the three sacred waters, with alpAhArakRtA mAtA yAvatyuvo'sti baalkH|| certain mantras. Each time he gives some tasya0........... dakshina, or money, to the Brahmans waiting ................... // 10 // on the shore. His wet clothes at the three saMpUrNa dazame mAse atyantaM mAtRpIDanam // bathing places he presents to the guru. tasya0........... ............ // 11 // By the time that the sishya returns from his aminAze ca yA dehaM virAtrI poSaNena ca // bath, food, currystuffs, mashapupa, black or gram-cakes, &o., are cooked and ready for tasya0......... ............ // 15 // feasting the Sraddha Brahmans, who are mAtA zikSAmadA nityaM puNyaputrAsyabhAjinI / / invited early in the morning or the previous tasya0. .................. // 13 / / evening. These are always Marathi Brahmang kSudhayA vihvale puDhe tRpti mAtA prayaccati // of the place. The priests or Tirthadhilaris are Gujarati Brahmans, and are considered inferior, tasya0................................. // 14 // so far as eating with them is concerned. yamadvAre mahApore patimAtrIzca zocanam / / A regular Sraddha ceremony is performed tsy0..................................||15|| thus :- After feasting the Brahmans, sixteen asminkAle mRtA ye ca gatireSAM na vidyate / / pindas or balls of rice are offered to satisfy the spirit of the mother. This offering of sixteen tasya0................................. // 16 // pindas is the only difference between the (1). "In the ways of the world' which are mother's gaydand the mother's annualoeremony. beset with difficulties the suffering of preg. When each pinda is offered, a bloka in Anushtubh nancy is most painful; for the alleviation of metre is repeated, describing the pains, the | it Igive (offer) this pinda to my mother. anxieties, &c., of the mother in bearing the son (2). While & son is not born the mother in her womb. I give these sl8kas here with my is very sorry; for the alleviation of it I offer translations: this pinda to my mother. (3). Month by month pain, and labourgarbhasya gamane duHkhaM viSame bhUmivartmani // pangs while bringing forth were caused by the tasya niSkramaNArthAya mAtuHpiNDaM dadAmyaham // 1 // son; for their alleviation I offer this pinda yAvayutro na bhavati tAvanmAtuzca zocanam // to my mother. (4). Month by month, by sexual union, &o. tasya niSkramaNArthAya0.................. // 2 // the child underwent much pain;' for the mAse mAse kRtaM kaSTaM vedanA prasavesu ca // alleviation of it I offer this pinda to my mother, tasya0 ............. // 3 // (5). If the son happens to be brought forth by the leg the pain of the mother is great; for mAse mAse niSekAcaiH zizuH sntptduHkhitH|| the alleviation of it I offer this pinda to my tasya 0....................... ........... // 4 // mother. | ' In contradiction to Rishigarbha the impregnation by Rishis, in which the embryo is said to develop in one day. So it is all the pain of one day in this case. Which, of course, was a source of very great trouble to the mother, is to be understood.

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OCTOBER, 1884.] FOLKLORE IN SOUTHERN INDIA. 285 (6). She drank bitter drugs and repulsive (14). When the son is weak from hunger decoctions; for their alleviation I offer this the mother gives satisfaction to him ; for the pindla to my mother. alleviation of it I offer this pinda to my (7). If the body of the mother becomes mother. exhausted (while bringing forth) there is no (15). The sorrow of the father and mother doubt that death will ensue; for the alleviation is great at the door of death which is very of it I offer this pinda to my mother. fearful; for the alleviation of it I offer this (8). Every night the son was crushed in the pinda to my mother. womb of the motherby urine and ordure;' for the 1 (16). For those that have died now, and alleviation of it I offer this pinda to my mother. for those that have no liberation; for the alle (9). Day and night the mother with her viation (of their punishments) I offer this pinda husband enjoyed (were delighted at) the preg. to my mother. nancy; for the alleviation of it I offer this Over these pindas, or rice balls, water from pinda to my mother. the Bindusar 0 vara with sesamum seed is (10). At the completion of the tenth month poured, and other necessary rites are then the pains of the mother become excessive; for completed. their alleviation I offer this pinda to my mother. By the evening the Sraddha ends, and the (11). While the son was in his infancy the pilgrim returns from the hermitage. The mother took light meals; for the alleviation of present to the Upadhyaya, or priest, for all his it I offer this pinda to my mother. trouble is then given, and the pilgrim accom(12). At the loss of fire* (digestion) after panied by the priest, is conducted out of the bringing forth she somehow protects herself town to the railway station or to his cart for three nights; for the alleviation of it I (gaai.) Before separating, the priest takes offer this pinda to my mother. down in his note-book the names of the (13). The mother trains her son daily, ever pilgrim, his living relatives, &c., giving at looking at his face ; for the alleviation of it I the same time his full address to the so-called offer this pinda to my mother. sishya. FOLKLORE IN SOUTHERN INDIA. BY S. M. NATESA SASTRI PANDIT. V.-"CHARITY ALONE CONQUERS." was Dharmame jayam-Charity alone conquers. Dharmame jayam. That of the minister's son was Adharmamd In the town of Tevail there lived a king jayam-Absence of Charity alone conquers. called Saguna. He had an excellent minister When rising from their beds, when beginning named Dharmasila. They ruled for a long their prayers, when sitting down for meals or time in prosperity over the kingdom. Both study, and, in fact, before beginning to do of them had sons. The prince's name was anything, each repeated his motto. The people Subuddbi. He was a noble prince, and quite had great hopes in Subuddhi, whom they fully in keeping with his name, was always bent upon expected to see a good and benevolent king; good to the world. The minister's son was but the minister's son all thoroughly hated. named Durbuddhi, & most wicked boy, whose Even the minister himself, his father, hated his only delight was teasing beasts and birds from son for his vile turn of mind, which he found his infancy, and which ripened into all sorta impossible to change. His only friend, as we of wickedness as he grew to boyhood. Not- have already said, was the prince, who, notwithwithstanding the difference between their standing all his faults loved him sincerely, tempers, the prince and the minister's son were Both of them had grown up together from the best of friends. The motto of the prince their very cradle, had played in the same dust, See note on suka 4. Agni, or fire, is the imaginary Jathardgni, or fire of digestion. In Hindu households the mother fasts three days after giving birth to a child. Her stomach is sup- posed to be unable to digast food for these three days; and she is given her diot only on the fourth morning. That is alluded to here. Tevai is the classical name of the modern town of Ramnd in the district of Madur,

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286 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. FOCTOBER, 1884. had read their lessons side by side in the same ance of their song. They thought that as their school under the same teachers. Fortune so sons were grown-up men they need not fear ordained that the prince's mind should take for their safety. such a bent, while the mind of the minister's The two friends chased the deer and found Bon turned in a crooked way. themselves in the midst of a thick forest in the Nor was Darbuddhi insensible to the disgust evening. Except a slight breakfast in the early and dislike which every one manifested towards morning they had tasted no other food. Hunger him. He was well aware of all that was going was pinching them severely. The hot chase on around. Still he would not change. "I have had awakened a severe thirst, to quench which no friend in this world excepting yourself, my they were not able to find a drop of water. In dear Sabuddhi," exclaimed Durbuddhi one utter hopelessness of life they resigned themday to his royal friend while they were riding selves to the course of their steeds. The beasts together. "Fear nothing. I shall ever stand seemed very well to understand the wants of by you as your true friend," replied Subud- their royal riders. They went on trotting, and dhi: "My very father hates me. Who else at last, about midnight, stopped on the banks would like me then? On the contrary, every of a large tank. one likes you. You may soon get yourself The riders, who were almost dead with thirst, married to some beautiful lady, while I must opened their closed eyes when the horses remain a bachelor; for no girl would marry me. stopped. All on a sudden and to their great You may soon rise to the place of a king; but I joy they found themselves on the banks of a I cannot become your minister, as the people do large tank. Their joy knew no bounds. not like me. What can I do P" so said the "Surely God takes care of His children. minister's son, and hong down his head, as if Had it not been for His kind care how could conscious for a time of the utter hatred with we have come to this tank, when we had which the people regarded him. Subuddhi resigned ourselves to the course of our horses P" replied, " Heed # not, I will make you my thought Subuddhi to himself, and got down minister, give you everything you want, and from his horse. The minister's son, who had see you well provided for." "If so, will you become more exhausted by that time than his give me your wife one day, at least, if you companion, also alighted. Subuddhi, true to happen to get married before me, and if I the nobility of his mind, took both the steeds remain bachelor after you," were the words first to water, and after satisfying their thirst which the wretched Durbuddhi shamelessly and loosening them to graze by the side of a uttered to the face of his only friend. These grasy meadow he went into the water to quench words were enough in themselves to enrage his thirst. The minister's son also followed. the prince's mind. But he was of so good After a short prayer Subuddhi took some hand# nature that instead of becoming angry, he fuls of water, and returned to the bank. Dur. smiled at the stupidity of his companion, and buddhi also returned. They chose a clean spot, agreed that he would thus give him his wife and sat down to rest during the remaining part one day in case he got married first. Thus of the night. The prince when taking his seat took place an agreement between Subuddhi pronounced his usual motto, "Charity alone and Durbuddhi when they were quite young. conquers." And the minister's son also repeated Several years passed after this agreement, his-"Absence of Charity alone conquers." when one day the prince went to hunt in a These words fell like venom into the ears neighbouring forest. His inseparable com- of the prince at that time. He could not control panion, the minister's son, and several hunters his anger then, notwithstanding his mild disposifollowed him to the wood. The prince and the tion. The hardships of the day, their fortuminister's son both gave chase to a deer. They nato arrival on a tank in the dead of night rode so much in advance of the hunters that to have their thirst quenched, were fresh in they lost themselves in a thick jungle, where Subuddhi's mind, and the prayers that he was the latter could neither see nor follow them. offering to God were not yet over. That the The hunters returned after dark, and informed minister's son should never think of these, the king and the minister about the disappear and go on with his own stupid motto even at

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OCTOBER, 1884.] that time became most unbearable to Subuddhi. "Vile wretch! Detested atheist ! Have you no shame to utter your wicked motto even after such calamities? It is not too late even now. Mend your character. Think of the God that saved you just now. Believe in Him. Change your motto from this day." Thus spoke the angry prince to the minister's son. Durbuddhi, who was naturally of a wicked and quarrelsome temperament, flew into a rage at once at the excellent advice of the prince. "Stop your mouth. I know as well as you do; you cannot wag your tail here. I can oppose you, single-handed in this forest." Thus saying, the minister's son sprang like an enraged lion at Subuddhi who, as he never dreamt of any such thing, was completely overpowered by the wicked Durbuddhi. The prince was thrown down in the twinkling of an eye, and the minister's son was upon him. He severely thrashed his royal master, and taking hold of a twig that was lying close by, tore out the prince's two eyes, filled up the sockets with sand, and ran away with his horse, thinking that he had completely killed him. FOLKLORE IN SOUTHERN INDIA. Subuddhi was almost dead. His body was bruised all over. His eyes were no more. His physical pain was unbearable. "Is there a God over us all P" thought Subuddhi. The night was almost over. The cool and sweet breeze of the morning gave him some strength. He rose up, and crawling on the ground, found himself by touch at the entrance of a temple. He crept in, shut the gates and fastened the bolt. It happened to be a temple of the fierce Kali. She used to go out every morning to gather roots and fruits, and to return by evening. That day when she returned she found her gates shut against her. She threatened with destruction the usurper of her temple. A voice, and we know that it was Subuddhi's, replied from within, "I am already dying of the loss of my eyes. So if in anger you kill me it is so much the better; for what use is there in my living blind? If, on the contrary, you pity me, and by your divine power give me. my eyes, I shall open the gates." Kall was in a very difficult position. She was very hungry, and saw no other way of going inside than by giving Sabuddhi his eyes. "Open the gates; your request is granted," said 287 Kali. No sooner were these words uttered than the prince recovered his eyes. His delight may be better imagined than described. He opened the gates and vowed before Kali that he would from that day continue in that temple as her servant and worshipper. The wretched Durbuddhi after his horrible act, rode on composedly, following the footsteps of his horse, and reached the forest where he was hunting the day before in company with the prince. He thence returned home all alone. When his father saw him coming back he suspected something wrong to the prince and asked his son what had become of him. "We chased a deer, and he rode so much in advance of me that he was out of sight, and finding all search vain, I returned alone," was Durbuddhi's reply. "This I would have believed from any one but yourself. Never plant your feet in these dominions till you bring back tho prince again. Run for your life," was the order of the minister, and Durbuddhi accordingly ran, fearing the anger of his father. Thus the prince Subuddhi was serving in the Kali temple; and Durbuddhi, fully confident that he had killed his friend; roamed about from place to place, as he saw no possibility of returning to his own country without the prince. Thus passed several months. The goddess Kalf was extremely delighted at the sincere devotion of Subuddhi, and, calling him one day to her side, said;-"My son! I am delighted with your great devotion to me. Enough of your menial services here. Better return now to your kingdom. Your parents are likely to be much vexed at your loss. Go and console their minds." Thus ended Kalt, and Subuddhi replied: "Excuse me, my goddess, my mother. I no more regard them as my parents. This wood is not a large place if they wished to search for me. As they were so careless of me I shall also from this day disregard them. You are my father and mother. Therefore permit me to end my days here in your service." So saying, Subuddhi begged Kall to allow him to stay, and the goddess agreed accordingly for some time at least. After a few more months, Kalf called the prince again to her and addressed him thus ;"My boy! I have devised another plan. Better not, then, go to your parents, as you do not wish to go now. Ata short distance from this place,

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288 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (OCTOBER, 1884 in the Kapert conntry, reigns a staunoh devotee effected the cure. The lowest beggar, the of mine. His daughter had small-poz, and as lowest casteman, if he had only succeeded in he forgot to do proper respect to me, I have curing her would have had as much claim to blinded both her eyes. The king has issued a her hand as the prince-physician. So when proclamation that he will give the whole the person that effected the cure proved to be kingdom and his daughter in marriage to him a prince the king was extremely delighted, and who would care her of her defect. He has hung at once made all arrangements for the marriage up a bell (ghant) at which every physician of his daughter and gave her to Subuddhi; who wishes to try the case strikes. The king and himself being very old he gave the king. comes running as soon as he hears the sound, dom also to the prince at the same time. takes home the doctor and shows him the case. Thus by the favour of Kali, Subuddhi had Several persons have tried in vain; for who a princess for his wife and kingdom to could repair & defect incurred by the dis- govern. Subuddhi, as we know, was an excel pleasure of the gods ? Now I mean to send you lent man. Though he became king now, ho there. That king is a staunch worshipper of consulted his father-in-law in all matters, and, my feet. Though I had punished him first, in fact, acted only as the manager for the old still I pity the sad calamity that has come up- man. Every evening he need to consult him on his daughter. You had better go there and for an hour or two before disposing of intricate strike the bell. He will take you and show you cases. The duty of signing, too, he reserved the case. For three consecutive days apply for the old man. Thus even on those days my holy asbes to her eyes. Though fools may when there were no cases he used to go to his deride these ashes, still by them a true devotee father-in-law to get papers signed. Thus passed can work wonders. On the fourth day her on a couple of years or so. eyes will be perfectly restored. Then you will One evening, while sitting in company with secure her hand, and what is more the country of his wife in the loftiest room of his palace Kaveri. Reign there, for you are born to reign, after the duties of the day, he cast his eyes to being & prince, and not to spend your time here the cast main street and contemplated the in this wood. If you do not do so you will bustle of that part of the town. Carts creak, commit a sin, and what is more incur my dis- ing under the load of merchandise, the flourish pleasure." Thus ended Kali, and the prince with which the goods and wares were exposed oould not refuse ; for he feared the anger of for sale, fashionable gentlemen in their fanthe goddess. Agreeing to her words, and with ciful evening costumes walking to and fro, her manifold blessings, he started and reached the troublesome hawkers that stand by the the kingdom of Kaveri. roadside questioning every one as to what he He struck the bell. The king came running would buy, and several other things interested to welcome the new doctor. All the previous him, and for a time made him somewhat prond physicians had tried by medicines external and even that he ruled over such a rich country. internal. The new doctor-prince Subuddhi- But sweetness is not always unaccompanied proposed to treat the case by mantras-in- with bitterness. He saw in that same street cantations. The old king, who was very reli- & man whose face was very familiar to him, but gious, fully believed that the new doctor might whom he could not at once make out. A effect the care; and just as he expected, on the 1 black man was sitting on a projecting pyal of fourth day his daughter's sight was completely a corner of a shop, and was mending some torn restored. The king's joy knew no bounds. gunny bags. Subuddhi looked at him carefully. He enquired the parentage of the doctor; and "Is it the minister's son, Darbuddhi? No ; when he came to know that he had prinoely he is not so black; rather was not when I saw blood in his veins, that he was as honourably him last," thought Subuddhi with himself, descended as himself, his joy was greatly increas- and examining his face, he at last exclaimed, ed. He sent up a thousand prayers to the god "It is be! It is he! It is my friend and for giving him royal son-in-law. As pro- companion." "Who is it P" exclaimed the mised in his notice, he would have to give his princess, and rushed at once to his side. She daughter to anyone, whatever he might be, who had most carefully watched her husband's

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OCTOBER, 1884.] FOLKLORE IN SOUTHERN INDIA. 289 face for the past few minutes while he was Thus was Darbuddhi again restored to his in deep contemplation. " It is my friend, high position, through the liberal kindness of the minister's son, by name Durbuddhi. We Subuddhi. Subuddhi did not stop even with were companions from our birtb, we played this. He began to send him with papers and in the same dust, read in the same school, and other things to the old king for signature. were ever inseparable companions. I do not This went on for some months. All the while know what has brought him to the condition Durbuddhi was as obedient as might be, and in which I see him now," said Sabuddhi, and by his vile tricks had completely won over the sent some one to bring him. Of the wicked heart of the old king. . and base act of the vile Darbuddhi he did not One evening, after the signatures were over, care to inform his gentle wife, who now retired Durbuddhi stopped for a while as if desirous to her inner apartments, as decorum did not to speak. "What do you want," said the old allow her to be in company with her husband king. "Nothing but your favour," was the only when he was receiving others. reply, after which he retired. Thus he went The persons sent broaght in Durbuddhi. on practising for some days and weeks. Whatever might have been the cruelty that he Every day he stopped for a few minutes after had received from the hands of the minister's the state business was over, and when the old son, the prince began to shed tears when he king asked the reason for it went on giving saw his old companion ushered in, not in that evasive answers. At last one evening the old blooming cheerful red complexion in which he king was extremely provoked. The cunning had seen him last, but in a weather-beaten dark Durbuddbi had purposely intended this. skin and dejected colour of cooly in which he "What a big fool are you to stop every day as saw him a few minutes ago. if wishing to speak and never to utter a word," "I excuse you all your faults, my dear broke out the old king. "I beg pardon of your Darbuddhi. Tell me quickly what has brought honour; I was thinking all the while whether you to this wretched plight," asked Subuddhi, I should let out my secret or not. At last, I and while asking he began to cry aloud. The have come to the conclusion that I will keep it minister's son also shed tears copiously, and to myself," replied the diabolical Durbuddhi. cried or pretended to cry; for be it known that "No, you shall let it out," roared the old king, he was a perfect scoundrel, born to no good in whose curiosity was more roused than abated the world. "My own mischief has brought by the words, purposely obscure, of the minisme to this plight. When I returned to our ter's son. Darbuddhi, after pretending much country after putting out your eyes and think uneasiness at the disclosure of the supposed ing that I had killed you, my father banished secret, loudly began his harangue, "My lord, me from our dominions, and ordered me never ever since I came here I made enquiries about to plant my feet within their limits without the nobility of your family, about the sacrifices bringing you back. As I thought I had put an that you and your ancestors have performed, end to your life I never came back to that tank about the purifications that you and your elders in search of you. I engaged myself as a cooly have undergone, and about a thousand other in the streets of this town after trying with particulars, each of which is enough to secure no success several other places, and I now stand you and your descendants the place of Achyuta before yon." Thus ended Durbuddhi, and the (Achyutapada) himself. These delighted me prinoe quite forgot his cruelty to him. He for a time, I say for a time, for listen, please, ordered his servants to get the minister's son to what follows. When I compared with the bathod, and attired in as rich robes as he himself pure fame of your famous family, that of your wore. Then he related to him his own story, son-in-law's, my heart began to pain me. Inwithout omitting a single point, and at once deed the pain which began at that moment made him his minister. has not yet ceased. Know, then, that your The whole story of Durbuddhi, excepting son-in-law is not a prince. No doubt he has the single point of his having put out his eyes, royal blood in his veins, which makes him look the prince related to his wife, father, and like a king. How came he to be so skilful in mother-in-law. medicine. Just enquire the cause. To be no

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290 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. more in the dark, the king of my country-over which my father is the minister-set out one day on savar. While passing a barber's street he saw a beautiful damsel of that caste. Bewitched by her beauty the king wanted to have her as his concubine, notwithstanding her low position in society. The fruit of that concubinage is your son-in-law. He being the son of a barber-mother acquired so very easily the art of medicine. That a king was his father makes him look like a prince. If he had been of pure birth why should he leave his kingdom, and come here to effect the cure of your daughter. Except this prince, or supposed prince, all those that came here were mere doctors by caste." Thus ended the vile Durbuddhi, and taking in his hand the papers, vanished out of the room quickly, like a serpent that had stung. [OCTOBER, 1884. tween himself and the prince about the loan for a day of the latter's wife for his beastly enjoyment. The excellent Subuddhi who always observed oaths most strictly was confused for a time. He did not know what to do. To stick to the oath and surrender his wife to another; or to break it and preserve the chastity of his own wife. At last, repeating in his own mind, "Charity alone conquers," and also thinking that heaven would somehow devise to preserve his wife's purity he went to her, explained to her how the matter stood, and ordered her to sleep with the minister's son that night in his own bed-chamber. She hesitatingly consented; for as a good wife she I could not disobey her husband's commands. Subuddhi then told Durbuddhi that he might sleep in his bed-room that night, and have his wife as his companion. The sweet words in which the minister's son clothed his arguments, the rising passion at the thought that he had been falsely imposed upon by a barber's son, the shame or rather supposed shame that he thought had come over his family, and a thousand other feelings clouded for a time the clear reason of the old king. He saw no other way of putting an end to the shame than by the murder of his dear daughter and son-in-law first, and of his own self and queen afterwards. At once he ordered the executioner, who came in. He gave him his signet-ring, and commanded him to break open the bed-room of his son-in-law that midnight, and murder him with his wife while asleep. The hukums or orders given with signet rings ought never to be disobeyed. The executioner humbled himself to the ground as a sign of his accepting the order, and retired to sharpen his knife for his terrible duty. Neither Subuddhi nor his affectionate wife had any reason to suspect this terrible order. The old queen and the treacherous Darbuddhi had equally no reason to know anything about it. The old man, after issuing the hukum shut himself in his closet, and began to weep and wail as if he had lost his daughter from that moment. Durbuddhi, after kindling the fire, as says the Tamil proverb, by means of his treachery, came back with the papers to the prince. A thought occurred in his mind that Subuddhi's fate was drawing near. He wanted to have fulfilled the engagement that took place be The princess went to her mother crying that her husband had turned out mad. "Or else who would promise to give his wife to another for a night. He has ordered me to sleep this night with the minister's son. What does he mean by that ?" "My daughter! Fear nothing, perhaps in his boyhood, without knowing what the delicate duties of a wife are, he agreed to present you as a toy to the use of another for a night. The promise once made now pains. him. Unable to break it, and leaving it to yourself to preserve your chastity, he has so ordered you. And he would, nay, must excuse you, if you by some means or other save yourself, and apparently make good your husband's promise also. A thought just comes to me how to do that. There is your foster sister exactly resembling you. I shall send her in your place, ordering her to behave like yourself in your bed-room." So consoling her daughter, the old queen at once made all the requisite arrangements. And, of course, Subuddhi had no reason then to know anything about them. The night came on and the minister's son went to the prince's bed-room and slept with the supposed wife of his friend, with his lovely motto, "Adharmame jayam," but he was soon to learn that Adharmam never conquers. For at midnight, just a few minutes after he had thought that his Adharmam had fully conquered, the door is forced open, and a ruffian with a drawn sword blazing like lightning rushes in, and murders the pair. Thus in that very

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OCTOBER, 1884.) CHINGHIZ KHAN AND HIS ANCESTORS. 291 night in which Durbuddhi had reached the topmost point of his vice he was cut down by the supreme hand of God. For, it is said, that when crime increases, God himself cannot bear. The morning dawned, Subuddhi rose from his couch, and after his morning prayers was sitting in the council hall. The princess aad her mother rose from their beds, and were after their business. A servant just at that time came running to the old queen, and said, "Our king is weeping in his room that his daughter is now no more. I think that there is something wrong with his majesty's brains to-day. Come and console him." The queen, who knew nothing of what had happened, ran to her husband's room quite astonished at the change. The husband reported everything to her, the sage-looking minister's son, the barber son-inlaw, and everything, and then concluded that their daughter and son-in-law were no more. "What! compose yourself. Our son-in-law is sitting in his durbar. Our daughter is just adorning herself in her dressing-room. Were you dreaming P Are you in your right senses P" said the queen. The king ordered the executioner to bring the heads, which, on examination, proved to be those of the minister's son and of the foster-sister. The queen told everything of the one-day-wife-giving engagement, and her own arrangements about it. The old king could not understand what all this meant. He drew out his sword and ran to the durbar like a maddened lion, and stood armed before his son-in-law, "Relate to me your true origin, and everything respecting yourself. Speak the truth. How came you to learn medicine? If you are a prince why should you leave your own dominions and come down here? What about the beastly agreement of giving your wife to another Who is this minister's son ?" Sabuddhi, without omitting a single point, related everything that had taken place, even to the putting out of his eyes. The old man threw down his sword, took his son-in-law in his arms almost, for so great was his joy at the excellent way which fate had prepared for his escape, and said, "My son, my life, my eye. True it is true it is. Dharma alone conquers, and you that hold that motto have conquered everything. The vile wretch whom notwithstanding the series of rogueries that he practised upon you, you protected, has at last found ont that his Adhariam never conquers. But he never found it out. It was his Adharmam that cut him off on the very night of his supposed complete conquest by it." Letters were sent at once to Tevai, inviting Suguna and Dharmabila to the happy rejoicings for the prince and princess's delivery, and a re-marriage was celebrated with all pomp in honour of their lucky escape. Dharmasila, as he disliked his son, never shed a single tear for his loss. Subuddhi lived for a long time, giving much consolation to his own and his wife's parents. Through the blessings of Kali they had several intelligent sons. CHINGHIZ KHAN AND HIS ANCESTORS. BY HENRY H. HOWORTH, F.S.A. (Continued from p. 226.) XXVIII. to secure Ghazni and its neighbourhood. The When Muhammad Khuarezm Shah retired fortresses of Ghur he confided to the Malik from the kernel of his dominions towards the Husam-u'd-din, Husain-i-'Abd-u'l-Malik, Sar. West, we are told by Minhaj-i-Saraj he i-Zarrad, who was in the fort of Sangah of entrusted his fortresses to various trusted Ghur, and Malik Kutb-ud-din Husain, son commanders. Thus he appointed the Amir of Ali-i-Abi-Ali. The Malik-ul-Kuttab,' the Zangi-i-Abi Hafs, with the troops of Seistan, Ikhtiyar-ul-Mulk, Daulat Yar-i-Tughrai he sent to take charge of Termed, the standard-bearer to the fort of Kaliun, and ordered that the two Sam and the pahluvan Arsiah be sent to the famous pahluvans of Khorasan, the sons of fortress of Walkh of Tokharistan, which, our Somangar, should also go there. Malik Shemsauthor tells us, was four farsankhs square. u'd din Muhammad, the Jurjani,' was planted Bamian he made over to the Amir Umr, the at Herat, and the fortress of Fiwar was made Bawardi, and sent orders to the Malik Iktyar- over to the pahluvan Asil-u'd-din, the Nishapuri, u'd-din, Muhammad, son of Ali-i-Kharpost, son-in-law of the pahluvan Mubarak, the Kurd. The ass-skinned. * Chief secretary. Ravorty prefers the reacing Jurjani.

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292 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (OCTOBER, 1884. The fort of Nasir Koh of Talikan was made over to the confidential retainers of Malik Shems-u'd-din Utsuz, the Hajib, and the fortress of Rang of Guzarwan to the vassals of Ulugh Khan-i-Abi Muhammad. The strongholds, of Gharjistan were assigned to Sheran, the head of the tribe Abu Sahlan, and those of Ghar to the Maliks of Ghar, Firuz Koh was entrusted to Malik Mubariz-u'd din, the Sebzevari and Tulak was given in charge to the Amir Habashi-i-Nezahwar. Chinghiz Khan having conquered Samarkand, apparently appointed Yelin Chutsai as its governor, or rather as the representative of Mongol authority there. When the Taouist sage, Ch'ang Ch'un, went to visit Chinghiz Khan in the West, and arrived at Samarkand, the narrative of his journey tells me he was met at the suburbs by the Tai-s hi-y i-la kuokung, by the heads of the Mongol army, the chief of the Huiho, etc. In regard to the first of these personages, Bretschneider says, quoting Palladius, that Taishi is the highest charge in the empire, the first councillor of the emperor. Yi-la is a family name of the Khitan and Kuokun is an honorific title, and he suggests that Yeliu Chutsai is really meant. In another place the same narrative says that most of the fields and gardens at Samarkand belonged to the Muhammadans, but they were not allowed to dispose of them. They were obliged to manage their properties in conjunction with Khitans, Chinese, and men from Ho-si.' Chinese workmen were living everywhere. "Formerly," he goes on to say," the Taishi lived here, but as this part of the city has become insecure, owing to numerous robberies, he has withdrawn to the northern side of the river." The master and his disciples occupied the palace, saying the Taonists had no fear. The Taishi furnished everything for the master's subsistence, and from day to day his veneration for him increased. Gaubil has an interesting notice at this point, He says that the Chinese astronomy and the history of Yeliu Chutsai speak of an eclipse of the moon observed during the siege of Sungekano by Yelia Chutsai, and that the astronomer having compared the observation of this eclipse with the calculation made for the longitude of Peking, concluded that Samarkand was two hours' farther west." It would seem that while Yeliu Chutsai was appointed Mongol Shabnah, or civil governor of Samarkand, that two Musalmans undertook the duty of collecting the ransom, namely, Tseket-ul-Mulk and Amir Umid Busarg, or as Abulfaraj calls them, apparently following Juveni, Thekat-ol-Molkai, and Al-Amir-Amid." After the fall of Samarkand Chinghis took some of the young people whom he had captured there with him as light troops, and he marched with his son, Tului, in the spring of 1220 towards the wooded district of Nakhsheb, whose inhabitants submitted, and where he spent the summer to recruit his troops. The place is called Niesgab in the Yuan-ch'ao-ps-shi. In the Yuan-shi it is corrupted into Ye-shi-dishi, written He-she-le-to-sze by Donglas." Later in the year, aocording to the Yuan-shi, Chinghiz encamped at the T'ie-men-kuan, or the iron gate pass," i.e., the famous Derbend Kohluga Pass in the Karatagh mountains, south-west of Samarkand. Here he gave audience, according to the Yuan-shi-lei-pen, to an envoy from the Sung emperor, and to another from the Kin emperor, who was named Wu-ku-gun Chungtuan. The latter is alone mentioned by the other anthorities, who tell us he held the office of vice-president of the board of rites at the Kin court, and that An-T'ing chen, a secretary in the academy, was appointed his assistant. A short account of his journey was taken down from his dictation, and is known as the Pei-shi-ki, or Notes on an Embassy to the North. It is very jejune, and of small value. In it the Muhammadans are described as having thick beards, the hair of which was entangled like sheep's wool, and of different oolours, black or yellow, in different shades. Their faces were almost entirely covered with hair, only the noses and eyes could be seen. Our traveller noticed some of the idiosyncrasies of the Muhammadans of Central Asia. They are desoribed as bloodthirsty and greedy, and as tearing flesh with * Expert with the lanoe, Op. cit. pp. 1002-1004. s.e. Muhammadans. * Notes on Chinese Travellers, eto., p. 38, and note 94. West of the Yellow River, the present Kansu. :.e. Chang Chan. * Id., p. 89. * 1,6. Samarkand. 11 Gaabil, p. 36, note 1. Op. cit., Chron. Arab., p. 298. 13 See Bretachneider, Notices, etc., p. 64. 1. Id. p. 60, Douglas, op. cit., p 89. 16 Bretschneider, Notices, eto., p. 61. 16 Bretachneider, Notes on Chinese Med. Travellone, eto. 103.

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CHINGHIZ KHAN AND HIS ANCESTORS. OCTOBER, 1884.] their fingers when eating it. Indian Muhammadans, we are told, were black, and of good character. The ruler of the Mahammadans chose his servants from amongst the blackest and vilest class of the people of Hindustan, and marked their faces by burning. The people all lived in cities; there were no villages. The roofs of their houses were covered with clay, and all the wood-work in the houses was carved. They used white glass for their windows and for vessels. The country was very rich in silver, pearls, cotton, hemp, &c. Their arrows, bows, carts, cloths, armour, spears, and vessels were all of strange appearance. They used large bricks for building bridges." Their boats resembled shuttles. They had five kinds of corn and mulberry trees, as there were in China. Their salt was found in the mountains. They made wine from grapes. They had water-melons weighing sixty pounds. The apples were prettily coloured. The onions and melons were also very fine and fragrant. They had camels, but only with one hump. The cattle also had humps on their necks. Their sheep had large tails. They also had lions, elephants, peacocks, buffaloes," wild asses, and snakes with four legs (i.e. lizards). Also a dangerous insect, like a spider (solpuga araneoides) which, when it bit a man he cried out and died. The people dressed simply, and all wore girdles. Their clothes, cushions, and coverlets were all made of wool, which grew in the ground. Their food consisted of cakes and meal-meat, fish, and flesh. The women were dressed in white cloth and covered their faces, except the eyes, they did nothing but sing, dance, etc. Sewing and embroidery were executed by men. They also had performers and jugglers. For pens they used reeds. They did not burn the dead, nor did they use coffins or sarcophagi, and the corpses were always buried with their heads towards the west. Their priests did not shave their heads. Such was the information taken back by Wuku-sun. It is curious that the result of his interview with Chinghiz Khan is not reported in the Pei-shi-ki. This, we learn from the Yuan-shi, in which we read under the year 1221, the Kin emperor sent Wu-ku-sun to Chinghiz 17 The Chinese bridges were made of large square stones. Literally water oxen. 10.e., cotton. 10.e., vassal. 1.e. west of the gate, by which west of the important 293 Khan with a letter to beg for peace. He offered to be Chinghiz Khan's younger brother,20 but stipulated to retain the title of emperor. When presented, Chinghiz said to him, " I formerly asked of your sovereign to cede the land north of the Yellow River, and offered to resign to him the country south of it with the title of Wang. Now Mukhuli has conquered all these countries, and you are compelled to sue for peace. Waku-sun then implored Chinghiz to have pity, and the latter replied:-"It is only because of the great distance you have come that I can be considerate. The land north of the Yellow River is in my possession, but there are still some cities in Kuan-si," which have not surrendered. Tell your sovereign to surrender these and he may reign south of the Yellow River with the title of Wang." 1188 Having spent his summer in the good pastures of Nakhsheb, Chinghiz Khan advanced upon Termed, a town situated on the north bank of the Oxus, which had been recently ruled over by Bahram Shah, who had been conquered by the Khuarezm Shah and put to death by his mother. The citizens of Termed relied on their prowess, and partially trusted to their walls, which on one side were protected by the Oxus, and to expected aid from the Khuarezm Shah's son, Jelal-u'd-din. Having rejected the Mongol summons to open its gates and demolish its ramparts and citadel, Chinghiz Khan proceeded to attack it, and pressed the attack for ten days. When it was taken, the citizens were ordered to leave the place, and were distributed among the Mongol soldiery to be put to death." Minhaj-i-Saraj says:-"After some days, during which the Musalmans of Termed had fought many battles, and had sent great numbers of the Mughals to hell, and many Musalmans had been martyred and made captive, the people of Termed were reduced to helplessness by the stones discharged from the catapults of those accursed ones, and they abandoned the place; and that fortress fell into the hands of the Mughals, who martyred the whole of the inhabitants." A grim incident of the massacre has been recorded by Juveni. When an old woman was being put to death she begged defile of Tungkuan is doubtless meant. Bretschneider, Notes on Chinese Med. Travellers to the West, pp. 100-107; Douglas, op. cit., pp. 91 and 95. 23 Tabakat-i-Nasiri, p. 1005.

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294 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [OCTOBER, 1884. that they would not kill her, and she would give them a beautiful pearl. On their asking her where it was, she replied, in her stomach. Thereupon "they treated her like a pearl oyster-shell; they opened her bowels and found it; and after that it was usual with them to treat their prisoners in this way, in the hope of finding jewels." While at Termed, and during the winter, Chinghiz ordered a grand hunt, on the usual Mongol scale, to be organized, and as his eldest son, Juchi, who was the general superintendent of the hunts was absent, he instructed his noyans to make due preparations. These great hunts were an important feature in the Mongol polity. Mirkhond, in describing the Yasa of Chinghiz Khan, tells us he enjoined his people to pay great attention to hunting, since hunting was an excellent school for war. He tells us they generally began their preparations for the great hunt in the autumn, and sent out huntsmen in advance to inquire whether the game was plentiful or not. When the country had been duly prospected, the Mongols were summoned from their huts and divided as in a campaign into a centre, right and left wings, an advance-guard and a rearguard. This large body of merr 'sometimes embraced a circuit of a month's journey in extent, enclosing forests, deserts, &c. &c. The Khan attended in person with his wives and ample provisions. If any animal escaped, the man who negligently allowed it was bastinadoed, or even killed, and so if some of the soldiers forming the great ring or nerkeh broke its contour by advancing too slowly or too fast, as the circuit converged the soldiers hold each other's hands and eventually shoulder to shoulder and knee to knee. We elsewhere read that as the hunters advanced they clanged their cymbals and played their rousical instruments to frighten the animals. The soldiers were not to wound or injure any of the beasts. The centre to which they converged was a plain previously marked out by the hunters. The whole proceeding was conducted like a serious campaign. During halts at night sentinels were duly planted and relieved, and those who slept or were negligent were punished. If a river intervened, which could not be forded, a halt was made, the wild beasts were driven over, and the hunters passed it seated on inflated leathern bags, which were tied to the tails of the horses, which were guided over by swimmers. As the circle contracted the wild animals began to feel themselves pressed, and fled, some to the mountains, others to the thickets. They were dug out of retreats which they had sought, and the weak ones were worried by the strong, but presently they were cowed by fright and became quieter, and lions and tigers, bears and boars, became gentle and timid. The quarry having been thus driven into the central open space called jerkeb by the Mongols, the Grand Khan entered amidst the sound of trumpets, with a sword in one hand and a bow in the other, while a quiver hung from his shoulders. He was followed by his sons and his generals, and began the slaughter. Presently, when tired, he withdrew to an eminence, and while seated on a throne watched the skill and prowess of his principal followers. Presently the other troops were allowed to enter and join in the general battue. At length Chinghiz Khan's grandsons, accompanied by several grandees," went to him and asked his clemency for the remaining animals, so that there might be some stock to breed from in the ensuing season. The slaughter thereupon ceased, and the game was counted, or if this was found impracticable, says Mirkhond, the lions and wild anses were alone numbered. The object of these bunts, says that writer, was not solely the chase, but rather to practise horsemen and foot soldiers in archery, and in horsemanship, and to teach the various bodies of troops to act in concert and to prevent mistakes or weakness. " The practice has always existed," he says, " from the beginning of the Mongol dynasty, and remains in vigour still." After the capture of Termed Chinghiz ravaged the districts of Lengert and Semnan" and sent an army to overrun Badakshan." He himself proceeded to cross the Oxus and to approach Balkh, the mother of cities, the cradle of the earliest Aryan civiliza 3* Abulghazi, pp. 120 and 191; Tabakat-i-Nasiri, p. 1005, Notos Erdmann, Temudschin, p. 402; D'Ohsson, vol. I, p. 271. ** Journ. Asiat. 3rd Series, Vol. XIII, pp. 101 and 102. Generally speaking it was a number of greyboards. 17 De la Croix, pp. 260-266. Erdmann, pp. 402-404. Jouri. Asiat. 3rd Ser. vol. XIII, pp. 102 and 103. Called Languerte and Samanda by De la Croix. " Erdmann, p. 404; D'Ohsson, vol. I, p. 272-3.

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OCTOBER, 1884.] CHINGHIZ KHAN AND HIS ANCESTORS. 295 1. the tion, and then very populous and prosperous, have seen how the latter escaped from Khuarezm containing more than 1,200 great mosques, and and retired by way of Nissa to Nishapur. 1,200 public baths. Thence he issued summonses to the governors Ibn-al-Athir says that Chinghiz crossed the of the various towns, &c., to gather round Jihun and marched straight upon Balkh, and him with their troops, and to those who had its people having begged for quarter the rendered themselves independent in the recent Mongols gave an indemnity to the city, and troubles to do the same: and he stayed there a did not take it, nor did they plander it, month, but on hearing that Tului was marchbut merely put a Shahnah or governor there. ing against him, he marched with such men as He dates this in the year 617 hij. He then he had collected to Kahira, where he heard of goes on to say they made for Es Zuzen and Talikan having been besieged. Nissavi says Meimand and Andakhui and Karyat, and he wished to shut himself up in Kahira, and they conquered them all, and put garrisons there await the enemy's approach, but the in them; nor did they molest the inhabi- governor represented to him that a prince of tants, except by taking such as could bear his reputation and merit should not shut himarms along with them, till they came to El self up in forts and citadels, though they were Talikan. built on the heads of the twin stars, or horns This circumstantial account of a contem- of Taurus, or the Pleiades. He thereupon disporary is somewhat confirmed by the fact | tributed what money he had among his men, that Minhaj-i-Saraj does not mention any and went to Bost in Seistan, where he met one plundering of Balkh. It is, however, at issue of his officers who had escaped from Balkh, with other reports, where we read that Chinghiz, and who informed him of the Mongol forces far from sparing Balkh, reviled its people and of their recent doings." He then went on for having been so faithless to their late to Ghazni. The Mongols were not long before ruler, Amed-u'd-din, and for having been so they were on his traces. submissive to the Khureum Shah Muhammad. After the march of Subutai and Chepe, who Having been admitted into the town the had left shahnahs in the various towns they Mongols ordered the citizens to evacuate it passed through, the inhabitants had become as usual, under pretence of taking & census, more reassured, and they were further misled and having seleeted the young people, who by unfounded rumours of various successes were alone aseful to them, they killed the which Jelal-u'd-din was supposed to have won rest. The walls were broken down, the citadel in Irak. Encouraged by this, a leader of irreand the walls razed, and having secured their gular troops at Tus, named Seraj-u'd-din, killed fill of plunder they marched towards Talikan. the Mongol shahnah there, and sent his head This is the story as told in the Jihan Kushai, to Nishapur. Thereupon Sayid Baterab, govern. and by Rashidu'd-din and Abulghazi." nor of Tus repaired to a Mongol commander, This is not the only difficulty at this point. named Timur, who was posted at Ustua, called Minhaj-i-Saraj has a detailed account of the cap- Astur by Erdmann, with 300 men to guard ture of a town he calls Walkh, four parasange the communications of the two divisions under square, situated on = height, and otherwise de Subutai and Chepe, marched upon Tus, atscribed as to make it inconsistent with its being tacked the 2000 troops there, under Seraj-u'd-din Balkh. I cannot identify the place at all, in the Royal Palace, pat the greater number of but possibly it was one of the hill fortresses them to the sword, and proceeded to demolish of Ghur. I shall return to it in a later the walls. chapter. In another direction we read that Inanj Khan, Let us meanwhile follow the steps of Tului, one of the Khuarezm Shah's officers, had got Chinghiz Khan's youngest son, whom he sent together some troops and molested the Mongols. into Khorasan to intercept the retreat of and Subutai brought on a fight with him, but was to crush Jelal-a'd-din, the Khuarezm Shah. We beaten, and, as Inanj was pursuing his men, he 30 See Abulfaraj, Chron. Arab., pp. 292 and 3: Abulghazi, p. 121 ; D'Ohsson, vol. I, pp. 272 and 3: Erdmann, Pp. 404, 405. * De La Croix, pp. 290, 291. >> D'Ohsson, vol. I, p. 274, Erdmann, P. $18.

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296 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [OCTOBER, 1884. overtook a body of Mongols near Nakchivran following day they entered the town, and as and drove them into a ditch, where they were usual ordered the people to march out. When drowned. This exploit got him some renown, collected on the plain outside showers of and having been joined by a body of the missiles were poured among them after they Sultan's troops who were disbanded and living had had their hands tied behind them. "These in the woods, he went to Nissa, whose governor unfortunate people," says Nissavi, "did as they had gone on a pilgrimage to Mekka. There he were told ; if they had fled to the neighbouring secured the money which had been collected in mountains the greater part of them would taxes in 1221, with which he furnished his have escaped. When they were pinioned the army. As the Mongols were now approaching Mongols slew them, men, women, and children Nissa in force he retired to the mountains." together, with showers of arrows. The number When he retired westwards, Mohammad Khua- of the dead, including both people of Nissa and rezm sent a messenger to Nissa to tell its others from the country round was 70,000." governor that the Mongols did not make war Shihab-u'd-din and his son were led in chains like other people, and that it would be the before the Noyans, who ordered their treasure best thing on their approach to retire into chests to be opened before their eyes, and then the mountains with his people, as they would had them decapitated. Shihab-u'd-din's tomb, probably withdraw when they had ravaged says De la Croix, may still be seen in a place the country. called Hafna. Its citadel had been razed by order of Three days after the capture of Nissa the Sultan Takish, and its site had been plough. invaders proceeded to attack the fortress of ed. The citizens now proceeded to rebuild Kharendar," situated on & scarped rock beit." It was situated on the confines of the tween Nissa and Nishapur, and considered desert, and had long served as a frontier to be the strongest fortress of Khorasan, fortress to the Persions and Turks. It gave Nissavi says it had, according to tradition, his name to the famous prince historian, belonged to his ancestors since the introduction Muhammad of Nissa. Shihab-u'd-din the Sul- of Islam in these districts. As it was in the tan's Vizier, had retired thither with his treacentre of the province it formed an asylum sures, his son and some other Khuarezmians. for escaped prisoners and other fugitives." The Mongols now approached it. According to Nejm-u'd-din, one of the greatest grandees of De la Croix, who apparently follows Nissavi, the Khuarezmian empire, had only a few days they were commanded by Jafar the Chapar of before visited the place with his riches. On the Chinese and Irka Noyan, who were accom- entering it he was so impressed with its strength panied by an experienced general, named that he said to Nissavi, "We will await the Balkush, but it would seem that the titular Tartars here. But when he saw that they atchief of the army was Tului's brother-in-law, tacked it on its weakest side, he grew afraid and Tugachar. They offered the citizens reasonable asked the governor to let him down into the plain terms, but while the negotiations were pro- by ropes at a place where he would not be seen. ceeding some one shot an arrow from the This Nissavi did, and he escaped. The place ramparts and killed Balkush. The siege was was attacked with vigour, but presently the now pressed, and twenty catapults were built, Mongol commander, having satisfied himself which were served and the battering rams that he would require a larger force to take it, dragged into place by captives and others and having determined to raise the siege, sent pressed into the service. These engines, called & messenger to ask for 10,000 cotton ropes harakas, were covered with wet hides to and other articles, "although," says Nissavi, prevent them being fired. After an assault of " they were gorged with booty from Nissa. I fifteen days, a breach was made in the walls, consented, but when it became necessary to take which the Mongols duly occupied. The these objects to them, no one would volunteer, >> Nissavi, quoted by De la Croix, pp. 267 and 268. # D'Ohsson, vol. I, pp. 275 and 6. >> De la Croix, p. 269. * Id., p. 268, >> De la Croix, pp. 269 and 270; D'Ohsson, vol. I, pp. 276 and 277. * Called Caendar by De La Croix. 9 D'Ohssor, vol. I, p. 277. "De La Croix, pp. 270 and 271.

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CHINGHIZ KHAN AND HIS ANCESTORS. OCTOBER, 1884.] as it was known they killed everybody. Eventually two old men devoted themselves to the task, and having brought their children to me, recommended them to my care if they should be killed. They did, in fact, kill them." They then spread themselves over Khorasan. "When they entered a district," says Nissavi, "they assembled the peasants, and took them with them to the town they meant to attack, using them in working the siege machinery. Terror and desolation spread everywhere, so that he who was made prisoner was more at ease than he who awaited events at home. The gentry with their servants and weapons were also obliged to help in these siege operations. Those who refused were attacked in their houses, and slaughtered with their households."** Tagachar now marched upon Nishapur, where vigorous preparations had been made to receive him. Besides catapults and balistas, there were 3,000 machines for discharging iron projectiles filled with inflammable composition, in shape like rockets, naphtha in flasks, and 300 ghirarahs (some unknown projectiles), etc. etc. The place was attacked in December 1220. Three days later Tugachar was struck at the time of mid-day prayer by some projectile, and was killed. Thereupon the next in command, whose name Major Raverty reads as the Noyan Nurka, deeming it impossible to capture the place with the force he had with him, divided his army into two sections; with one of these he assailed Sebzevar, which he captured in three days and put the inhabitants to the sword to the number of 70,000, and then apparently went to join Subutai and Chepe, who had sent for reinforcements. The other division he sent to assist Timur, who had gone to Tus, as we have mentioned. He speedily captured the strong fortresses in that district which still held out, including Kar and Nokan. Major Raverty says the fortress of Jand, near Tus. Let us now turn to Tului and his doings. He marched apparently straight upon Merv, otherwise known as. Merv Shah-i-Jihan, i.e. king of the world, situated five leagues to the north of Merv-ar-Rud. The Seljuk Sultan Malik Shah made it his capital, and D'Ohsson, vol. I, p. 277. D'Ohsson, vol. I, p. 278. Jihan Kushai, in D'Ohsson, vol. I, pp. 278 and 279; Erdmann, pp. 418 and 419; Tabakat-i-Nasiri, pp. 1027 and 1028 note. 297 was buried there. It produced several learned men, and Yakut tells us how he had seen its three public libraries, one of which contained 12,000 MSS. It was twelve days distant from Nishapur, Herat, Balkh, and Bukhara respectively, and the three rivers that watered it made it very fertile. When Muhammad Khuarezm Shah retired he advised such of the people of Merv who could do so to remove to the neighbouring fortress, and those who could not were to submit. Its former governor, Majir-ul-Mulk, had been displaced for some fault by Nejm-u'd-din, styled Bahai-ul-Mulk, who, on the approach of Subutai and Chepe retired to a neighbouring fortress, whose name is a good instance of the difficulties created by Eastern orthography. D'Ohsson calls it Meraga, Erdmann Szeraghah, Abalghazi Yaraz, and Raverty Tak. It was perhaps Maruchak. Presently, not deeming himself safe there, he went on to Alatagh, a very powerful fortress of Taberistan. Several other chiefs presently returned to Merv, while the rest dispersed. Nejm-u'd-din's deputy at Merv, as well as the mufti, were in favour of submitting to the Mongols; the Kadhi and chief of the Sayids, on the contrary, wished to resist them. The former apparently prevailed, and when Chepe and Subutai arrived at Maruchak, a deputation from Merv went to offer submission. But about this time a Turcoman officer, named Buka, who had formed part of the escort of Muhammad, having collected a body of his people threw himself into the town, and was joined by all those who were in favour of resistance, and who had suffered severely at the hands of the Mongols. His domination did not last long. The former governor of Merv, Mujir-ul-Mulk, after Muhammad's death, had travelled partly on foot and partly on a lame ass he had with him to the fortress of Salug (Major Raverty places it in Ghilan), where he was received with much consideration by the governor, and afterwards went on to Merv, and took up his quarters in the garden, named Mahi-abad, near the Sermad-shihan Gate. Major Raverty says the Dar-i-Sarrajan, or Gate of the Saddlers. He was joined by many De la Croix, pp. 294 and 295. Erdmann, pp. 389 and 390. D'Ohsson, vol. I, p. 279; Erdmann, p. 390; Abulghazi, p. 131; Tabakat-i-Nasiri, p. 1028 note. * D'Ohsson, vol. I, p. 280 note.

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298 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (OCTOBER, 1884. of the citizens. The troops also went over to that Bahai-u'l-Mulk had deceived them put him him, so that he found himself at the head of to death, and then withdrew. Majir-ul-Mulk 7,000 or 8,000 men, and at length Buka himself now sent troops to Sarakhs, where the Kadhi was constrained to submit. Mujir-ul-Mulk now Shems-u'd-din was seized, and accused of taking aspired to a higher position than that of vizier. presents to Chepe, and of having accepted the He pretended to be of the royal stock, his government of the town from the Mongols. He mother having belonged to Muhammad's harem, was handed over to the son of pahluvan Abubakr and having been enceinte when she was given Diwaneh, whose father he had killed, and was in marriage to the person who passed for his put to death. Meanwhile, as no news of the father." He also had a large property and a Mongols arrived, Mujir-ul-Mulk allowed himself palace at Mery. The Sheikh-ul-Islam of Merv, to be lulled into a false security, until IkhtiyarShems-u'd-din Harisi, who was a partizanu'd-din, the governor of Amuyah, who was a of the Mongols, sent a message secretly to his Turkoman, arrived with the news that they had relative, the Kadhi of Sarakhs, whose inhabi- | crossed the Oxas at Amayah, and were investing tants had submitted to them, and sought to Kala-i-Nau. A party of 800 of them, accord. embroil him with Mujir-ul-Mulk. The latter ingly were attacked in rear by 2,000 Khuesuspected his treason, but did not move until rezmians onder Shekh Khan and Aghul he, in fact, confessed it by pronouncing as he the Hajib, and all killed, except 30, who were preached in the mosque the phrase, "May all captured, paraded about the town, and then put the enemies of the Mongols perish." The people to death, after which the Turcomans were so who heard the words were enraged. He then elated that having chosen Ikhtiyar-u'd-din as tried to evade them by saying the words had their leader, they refused to obey Mujir-ulpassed his lips contrary to his will. Shortly after, Malk, and failing to surprise the town plundered one of his letters to the Kadhi of Sarakhs was its environs." intercepted. When charged he denied the trea- Erdmann tells a different story. He says that Bon, but was convicted by the production of the the Khuarezmians numbered 10,000 men, and letter. He was put to death, and his body was were commanded by Shekh Khan and Aghul dragged through the city at a horse's tail, and Sahib, that they were the beaten party and left to the dogs." were nearly exterminated, and that their two Meanwhile the Sultan's deputy, Bahai-ul- chiefs were forced to seek shelter at Destejerd." Mulk, went from Alatagh to Mazanderan, and This was only the Mongol advance guard. there made terms with the Mongols, offering However, Tului, whose people were now to hand over the city to them, and to pay masters of Sarakhs, Nissa, Abiverd, and other them a tribute in cotton cloth if they would places in the neighbourhood, with a force of give him the command of it. They accordingly 70,000 men, was close behind. We are told, let him go, with a Mongol escort of 7,000 how 400 (? 4,000) of his men, who went out to men. When he arrived at Shahristan he heard reconnoitre, attacked and dispersed 12,000 !!! of the revolution which had taken place at Turkomans, who were encamped at a place called Merv, and wrote to Mujir-ul-Mulk, who was Kiul "like wolves dispersing a herd of sheep.' at the head of 80,000 men, that it was no use They committed a great slaughter, women and resisting the Mongols, whose power was over- children sharing the fate of men-and they whelming, that 7,000 of them with 10,000 captured 60,000 head of cattle, without countlight troops were marching on Merv, and ing sheep." The following day, that is to say, that he wished to warn him before it was too on the lst of February 1221, they appeared late. This news caused terror in the town, the before the Firuz gate of the city, having been two messengers who took the letter were ques- guided by a shepherd named Rani, and Tului tioned about it, and confessed its truth. They made a circuit about it at the head of 500 were killed, and detachments sent out to scour horsemen. A week later the main army took the roads. The Mongols, on their part, finding up its quarters there. I will continue the story " D'Ohason, vol. I, pp. 279 and 281 : Erdmann, pp. 398 0 D'Ohsson, vol. I, p. 984; Tabakat-i-Nasiri, p. 1030 and 399: De la Croix, p. 293 Tabakat-i-Nasiri, p. 1029 note. note. " D'Ohsson, vol. I, p. 282; Erdurann, p. 399; Tabakat- 61 Op. cit., p. 401. i-Naciri, p. 1029 note. ** Erdmann, p. 418; Tabakat-i-Nasiri, p. 1031 note.

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OCTOBER, 1884.] CHINGHIZ KHAN AND HIS ANCESTORS. 299 in the graphic words of Ibn-al-Athir, as sent to Then they burned the city, and burned the tomb me by my excellent friend, Dr. Rieu. of Sultan Sanjar (the Seljak), and they dug up "They advanced upon Merv and besieged it, the grave in search of treasure, and continued and they laboured at the siege and were urgent thus three days, and on the fourth day he in fighting, and the people of the city were ordered the slaughter of the people of the city, weakened by their former defeat at the camp, every one of them, for he said they resisted and the greatness of the slaughter and the us.' So they killed them all, and he ordered taking of prisoners from among them. And the slain to be numbered. There were about when, the fifth day after the defeat, the Tartars 700,000 killed, and verily to God we belong sent to the Amir, who was in Merv, com- and to Him we shall return." manding over those who were in it, saying Major Raverty has collected some other facts to him, "Do not destroy thyself and the people about the surrender of the city, which are interof the town, come forth to us, and we will make esting. He tells us how, on the twenty-third thee Amir of this town, and will withdraw day of the siege, Mujir-ul-Mulk sent the Imam from thee." He sent to ask amnesty for Jamal-u'd-din, who presented himself before himself and the people of the city. So they Tulai with the chief ecclesiastics of the place, gave them quarter, and he came forth to them, and having offered the customary presents, and the son of Chinghiz Khan invested him with offered if he would spare the lives of the a robe of honour, and paid him respect, and said inhabitants and not destroy the city to pay a to him: "I desire that thou shouldst review ransom of 200,000 dinars, 30,000 kharwars thy companions, to see whoso is fit for our of grain, 100,000 ambling horses, and 100 service, that we may take him into our service Hinda and Turki slaves, to accept a Shahnah and give him lands and attendance upon us or Mongol governor, and to pay taxes. These (i.e. the honour of being near our presence). terms were accepted, a dress of honour was And when they presented themselves, having given to the Imam, and he was sent back. Next them thus in his power, he seized them and day Mujir-ul-Mulk with ten of the principal their Amir, and beat their necks; and when men came out with presents, and presented he had done with them he said to them, himself before Tului. He was stopped at the "Summon hither the merchants of the city and entrance by the Amirs, who exacted from him the owners of wealth in superfluity, and those 300 ass loads of dinars for Tului and 100,000 who know trades and handicrafts, representa- dinars for themselves, for which an order tives (of each), and let them show (their skill) was to be given them on the wealthier citizens. before us, and do what is commanded them. And They promised that they would obtain in when the specimens were finished, he ordered return Tului's written guarantee for the lives that the people of the town should depart from of the inhabitants. Wishing to save the it with their families. So they all departed, people, he gave the order on 100 rich mer. and not one perished in it. Then he seated chants in the city, and sent a party of Mongols himself on a throne of gold, and ordered that with it to receive the money. They seized those of the soldiers that he had seized should and tortured these unfortunate men and a present themselves. So they brought them to great crowd beside. They then cut off the the presence, and their necks were beaten nose, ears, and lips of Majir-ul-Mulk, and put severely, the people helping them and weep- him to death." D'Ohsson, apparently following. And as to the popalace, the men, women, ing the Jihan Kushai, tells us that a list and children were separated, and it was a of the richest men in Merv was made ont at day of much vehement crying out, and Tului's demand. This consisted of 200 mer. weeping and wailing. And they took the chants and proprietors, who were sent to the owners of wealth, and beat them, and tortured Mongol camp with 400 skilled artizans, whose them with a variety of tortures, demanding names had also been inscribed on the list. The riches : and sometimes one of them died from people took four days to defile out of the city, the severity of the beating and there remained and while Tului sat on a golden throne the not to him wherewithal to ransom his life.' military captives were brought before him and * Tabakut-i-Nasiri, p. 1033.

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300 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [OCTOBER, 1884. decapitated in the view of their fellow-citizens, and men, women, and children were separated, and then divided among their inexorable captors for slaughter, and in this butchers' work the soldiery from Sarakhs, to revenge the death of their Imam, rivalled the Mongols themselves. The artizans and a few young people destined to be slaves were alone spared. The richer citizens were tortured to make them disclose their wealth." The author of the Jihan Kushai says further that the Syed Iz-u'd-din and several others were engaged for thirteen days in counting the corpses, which were found to number 1,300,000. This, no doubt, includes, in addition to the actual inhabitants of Merv, many who had sought shelter there from the neighbouring towns. Orders were given to raze the walls and to burn the Maksnra of the Hainfah Mosque. Tului nominated one of the magnates of the place, who had doubtless been treacherous to his people, and who was named Zia-u'd-din Ali, as governor of its ruins, with Barmias as shahnah, or daruga, and then withdrew. Soon after its capture news arrived at Mery that the son of the pahluvan Abubakr Divanah had revolted at Sarakhs. Zis-ud-din set out with the troops at Merv to put down this revolt, while Barmias taking with him the artizans and others in his charge, set out with them for Bukhara, intending to settle there. When the latter had left the place, fancying that it was because he must have heard some news of the approach of the Sultan Jelal-u'd. din, the indomitable, but most imprudent remnant of the inhabitants had the trumpets sounded and broke out into revolt. This was in the beginning of Ramazan 618 hij. Bamias hearing of this returned, went to the gate and summoned the rebels to submit. As none of them obeyed, he revenged himself by killing some people whom he met with about the gate, and then continued his march to Bukhara with his companions, among whom was the Khoja Muhadseb-u'd-din of Astarkbad, who had expressed a wish that Barmias would appoint him Shahnah of Merv during his absence. Meanwhile Zia-u'd-din returned again from Sarakhs under pretence of restoring order at Merv, to take provisions to its inhabitants, and to divide the plunder he had with him among them, and sent them a letter by his son, Bahai-ul-Mulk. He seems to have obtained possession of the town again, and proceeded to rebuild the walls and fortifications. Presently Kash-tigin pahlavan, called Nush Tigin by Ra. verty, one of the Sultan's officers, arrived before the place, and proceeded to invest it. The people inside were largely favourable to him, 80 Zia-u'd-din withdrew from the place, and marched to attack Meragha. Kush-tigin entered and proceeded once more to collect people, and to introduce cultivation there. Some of the inhabitants, however, were partizans of Zia-a'd-din, and sent to ask him to return. He went, and while halting at the gate sent some of his followers to announce his arrival to his supporters. Kush-tigin having heard of this had him seized and taken before him, and as he knew that his own life would be forfeited if he fell into his opponent's hands he had him put to death, and continued with great confidence his work of restoration. Meanwhile he heard that Kharaja Noyan was marching against Sarakhs. He accordingly collected 1,000 men, and fled towards Seng-pusht. Kharaja pursued and attacked him, and slew the greater part of his men. Three or four days later 200 horsemen approached Mery ander Khutkhu Noyan, called Fiku by Raverty, and offered its people peace. As they refused this, and preferred to trust to their fortifications he sent to Nakhsheb with news of what had occurred to the two commanders, Bertai and Khubai. Raverty mentions one only, and calls him Torbai or Turtai. Bertai arrived five days later with 5,000 men under the command of a general named Ak Malik. They surrounded the place immediately, and speedily occupied it, and sent its defenders to the shambles in parties of ten and twenty until, we are told, they had slaugh. tered 100,000 of them, an immense number considering what had already occurred, unless many of them were strangers who had sought refuge there. They then proceeded deliberately to ruin the markets, palaces, mosques, and other principal buildings. Bertai or Turtai then left again with the Mongol army for Nakhsheb wbile Ak Malik hunted all those who had ** D'Ohsson, vol. I, pp. 285 and 286; Erdmann, pp. 410-414. 55 D'Ohsson, vol. I, p. 287. so Called Murghah by Major Raverty.

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OCTOBER, 1884.] furtively escaped, and in order to gain his purpose had recourse to craft. He ordered a man from Nakhsheb whom he had with him to sound the summons to prayers. Those who obeyed were immediately killed. The pitiless hunting down of the inhabitants continued for forty-one days." Major Raverty says "but twelve persons, some say only four and no more, were left alive in Merv, and these, according to the Rauzat u's Safa, were Hindus." CHINGHIZ KHAN AND HIS ANCESTORS. But the situation was much too important and attractive to be deserted so long as there were people within access, and we are told that many who had fled to the deserts and otherwise concealed themselves returned on the withdrawal of the Mongols, over whom a prince Arslan took command. A band of predatory robbers, 10,000 strong, thus gathered round him, with whom he made attacks upon Merv-u'r-Rud, Talikan, etc., and plundered the Mongols of cattle and horses. His authority lasted for six months. From another side the Turkoman Hus Nesa made an attack upon Merv, where Basrah was then administrator. The latter was driven away, and was killed. Kharaja marched to the relief of Merv with 1000 men from Talikan, and having appeared there unexpectedly slew all he could lay his hands upon, and the work was completed by a large army of Afghans and men from Ghazni, who soon after arrived under Khutkhu." The beautiful and prosperous city was now overwhelmed, and it remained desolate until the year 812 hij., when Shah Rukh, the son of the great Timur, ordered it to be rebuilt. 5 59 Let us now revert to Tului. After the capture of Merv, he set out for Nishapur to revenge himself for the death of his brother-inlaw, Tugachar. Nishapur was one of the most famous cities of Asia. Its name means city of Sapor, and during the Sassanian dynasty it was the capital of Khorasan, and was emphatically called Iran. It had been destroyed twice in less than a century. In 1153 by the Oghuz Turks who revolted against Sultan Sanjar, and in 1208 by an earthquake, but it had risen from its ruins and was a very prosperous and populous place, now prepared for a vigorous resistance, being well fortified, while its walls were lined with 3,000 balistas and "Erdmann, pp. 416 and 418; Tabakat-i-Nasiri, p. 1034 note. 301 500 catapults. The Mongols on their side also made very extensive preparations. They proceeded to lay waste the province of which Nishapur was the capital, and brought up a great siege train. They had with them 3,000 balistas and 300 catapults, 700 machines for throwing naphtha, 4,000 ladders, and 2,500 loads of stones. These they had brought with them for some distance, although the surrounding mountains furnished an ample supply. The preparations cowed the defenders, and they sent the chief judge of the province, Rukn-u'd-din Ali ibn Ibrahim Almoghni, with some notables, and bearing rich presents, offering to pay an annual tribute if the place were spared, but Tului refused any terms, and detained the chief judge. The next day he made the tour of the fortifications, encouraging his men to fight bravely. The assault was given simultaneously from all sides on the 7th of April 1221, the struggle lasted all day and the following night when, the ditches being filled and the walls breached in seventy places, the place was stormed, the attack being especially pressed at the so-called Camel-driver's Gate and the Kharakhusian bastion. The Mongols speedily drove the defenders from the walls, and they now proceeded to an indiscriminate slaughter. Every living thing that was found was put to death, even the cats and dogs. Tugachar's widow headed a tuman or 10,000 men in the bloody work of slaughter, and among their notable victims was Mujir-ul-Mulk, who reviled them bitterly, and was put to death in an ignominious fashion. The carnage lasted for four days, and as Talui had heard that at Merv some people had escaped by hiding among the dead he ordered the heads of the corpses to be cut off, and separate pyramids to be formed of men's, women's, and children's heads. Four hundred artizans were spared, and sent to the far east where, Raverty says, their descendants were still living in Timur's days. Those who hid in the ground were sought out by troops specially left to complete the work. "The walls, towers, and all the buildings of Nishapur were thrown down, and for seven days and nights the water of the neighbouring river, which had been dammed up for the purpose was made to run over it so as to sap what Erdmann, pp. 417 and 418. Tabakat-i-Nasiri; pp. 1033 note.

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302 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [OCTOBER, 1884. ever buildings remained. The greater number of houses were probably built of unburnt bricks, and bullocks and ploughs were brought, and its site was sown with barley, and the Mongol horses fed on it when it sprang up. One Mongol officer and four Tajiks were left to slay any who might have escaped the massacre. Minhaj-iSaraj says Tului martyred every person in Nishapur, desolated it, razed the walls of the city, and having had a pair of oxen yoked he had them driven over the city, so that not a vestige of its buildings remained." Nissavi says that four or five years after, Jelal-u'd-din Khuarezm Shah having recovered Persia, let out to farm the right of digging for treasure in the desolated district for 30,000 dinars a year. Often this sum was recovered in a single day, and even moretreasure buried with its owners. Twelve days were spent in counting the dead, which Mirkhond tells us numbered 1,747,000,0 & terrible hecatomb, representing very probably the depopulation not of the city merely, but of the whole district. It has been remarked as strange that these cities of Khorasan did not offer the sturdy resistance to the Mongols that was offered by the smaller fortresses, but the fact is that, like Paris in the recent siege the very number of useless mouths to be fed was a great source of weakness to the garrison, and created a continual clamour for terms. Ibn-al-Athir says that when the Mongols had made an end of Nishapur they sent a detachment to Tus, which did the like again there, and pillaged it and plundered the tombs of Ali-ibn Musa-ar-Riza (the descendant of the Prophet, 80 much venerated by the Shias) and Harun-ar-Rashid, until they reduced everything to ruins. Tus revived again with great splendour during the dynasty of the Sefei, who changed its site a little, and gave it the new name of Meshed. Tului also ravished the district of Kuhistan, and then proceeded to attack Herat, the only great town left intact in Khorasan. Having reached Bartu, a place near Herat, called Shabartu by Raverty, he sent an envoy named Zenbur to summon the place, which was governed by Malik Shems-u'd-din Jurjani. We are told by Khuandamir that he was only nominally subject to the Khuarezm Shah, with whom he was in fact at feud, and had surprised Herat during the absence of Amin Malik, the Sultan's uncle. The garrison is said to have numbered 100,000.0 Tului's envoy asked that the prince himself with his generals, judges, and other grandees should come out and make his submission. He replied truculently, that it was far from him to submit himself to unbelieving Tartars and Mongols," and be ordered the envoy to be put to death. This naturally greatly enraged Tului, and he drew near the city with his forces. It proved, however, to be very strongly fortified, being then as now one of the most important fortresses of Asia, and its garrison resisted and fought desperately. Several thousands of the besiegers were killed, and among them 1,700 of Tului's picked men, his beks, says Abulghazi. The struggle thus went on for seven days, on the eighth a furious battle was fought, during which Shems-u'd-din was killed by an arrow. This fact was concealed, but two parties im. mediately arose inside. The town was only * recent conquest of the Khuarezm Shah's, and could not be expected to be very loyal to him. One party, including Jelal-u'd-din's supporters and the troops, were for resisting to the end. The other, consisting of the Persian citizens with the Kadhi and other magnates, were for asking terms. The fact of its dubious allegi. ance to Jelal-u'd-din, and the great resistance he had received doubtless induced Talui, notwithstanding his envoy's death, to treat it better than was his wont. He rode to the edge of the ditch with 200 men, and offered the people their lives if they would sobmit and obey his deputies, and he promised to exact from them only half the taxes paid to the Khuarezm Shah, and fortified his promise with a strong oath. Thereupon the city gates were thrown open. First of all the Muqaddam, or superintendent of the weavers, Erdmann says the guardian of the wardrobe, the Amir Iz'u'd-din, came out with 100 people of his trade, each bearing nine pieces of famous Herat cloth as a present for Tului, who received them well, as he did the magnates of the place. He kept his word so far as the civilians were concerned, but he 60 Tabakat---Nasiri, pp. 1031-1034, and notes; Erdmann, p. 419; D'Ohason, vol. I, pp. 288-290. e1 D'Oheson, vol. I, p. 291. I 6 Erdmann, p. 420. . De La Croix, pp. 298 and 299.

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OCTOBER, 1884.) CHINGHIZ KHAN AND HIS ANCESTORS. 303 ordered the soldiery, 12,000 in number, who continually to inquire of me the traditions of the were supporters of Jelal-u'd-din, to be put to prophets and concerning the sovereigns of death. He appointed the Malik Abu-bekr Ajam, and the kings of the past, and would Meraghani governor of Herat, and nominated enquire, 'Did Muhammad (on whom be peace) Mangatai or Mangai, called Mengfai by foretell aught about my riso and sway P I Erdmann, as its shahnah or governor." used to relate to him the traditions of the Eight days after the capture of Herat Tului prophet which they have related respecting received orders to rejoin his father before the irruption of the Turks, and he used to say, Talikan. My heart bears evidenoe that thou speakest. A curious story was afterwards reported the truth,' until one day during conversation about the siege of Herat by Wahidu'd-din he said to me, 'A mighty name will remain Bushanj or Fashanj, the Kadhi of Gharjistan, behind to me in the world through taking and is reported by Minhaj-i-Saraj, who claims vengeance upon Muhammad the Aghri' to have heard it from the hero of the story, he used to call Sultan Muhammad Khuarezm whom he met at Kain in the year 622 hij. The Shah by this term (and in the Mongol language story has been repeated by Mirkhond, and aghri means a robber), and this expression he from his version Erdmann no doubt took the would greatly use and say, 'Khuarezm Shah story as told by him. The Kadhi's story is that was not a monarch; he was a robber. Had during the siege he was in the habit like he been a monarch he would not have slain my other people of donning his armour and envoys and traders who go and come to Otrar, mounting the ramparts to view the forces for kings should not slay ambassadors.' In One day when thus dressed in full panoply, and short, when he enquired of me, Will not a while the struggle was going on outside he mighty name remain behind me,' I bowed missed his footing and rolled like a ball down my face to the ground and said, 'If the Khan the rampart amidst a shower of weapons from will promise the safety of my life, I will the Mongols and renegade Musalmans with make a remark. He replied, 'I have prothem, and rolling into their midst was captured mised thee its security,' I said, 'A name by & party of them. This was opposite where continues to endure where there are people, Tului had his tent pitched, and he rolled 20 but how will a name endure when the Khan's ella (gaz) down the slope of the rampart and servants martyr all the people and massacre then dropped 40 ells more into the ditch, and them, for who will remain to tell the tale P this without a wound or any injury. Tului, When I finished this sentence, Chinghiz Khan when he had alighted, sent some people to fetch dashed the bow and arrow which he had in his him, and finding he was unhurt asked if he band upon the ground, and became exceedingly belonged to the race of Adam, or was a pari, a enraged, and turned his face away from me, demon, an angel, or did he hold a charm bearing and his back towards me. When I beheld the the names of the Ulugh Tengri, i.e. the Great effects of rage upon his impious brow, I God. The diplomatic Kadhi replied that he washed my hands of life, and gave up all hope belonged to the unfortunate leaved class which of existence. I made sure to myself that the blesses and prays, and that he had only one time of my departure was come, and that I thing with him, namely, the fact of having should leave the world from the blow of the seen him (Tului) was enough to secure his sword of this accursed one. After a minute safety. The answer pleased the Mongol chief, had passed away he turned his face towards who praised his wit, gave him some presents, and me again, and said: "I used to consider promised to present him to his father. Mean. thee a sagacious and prudent man, but from while he made him over to the care of one of this speech of thine it has become evident the principal Mongols. When Tului rejoined to me that thou dost not possess complete his father he took the Kadhi with him, and he understanding, and that thy comprehension joined his service. "I was constantly in attend is but small. There are many kings in the ance at his threshold," he says, "and he used world, and wherever the hoofs of the horses " Erdmann, pp. 120 and 421 ; Tabakat--Nasiri, p. 1037 note ; D'Ohason, vol. I, p. 292.

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304 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [OCTOBER, 1884. of Muhammad the Aghri have reached, there I will carry slaughter and cause devastation. The remaining people who are in other parts of the world and the sovereigns of other kingdoms, they will relate my history." The Kadhi found he had lost favoar with Chinghiz Khan by his too great frankness, and he accordingly took an early opportunity of making his escape. The story, which has singular probabilities with it, is a good proof of the bitter animosity which the ruthless conduct of Molammad had inspired, and how impossible the implacable tyrant found it to support the mingled' insults and indignities which he had received, and of which the desolation of Khorasan was the price. We have described Tului's campaign as reported by the Persian writers, and it will be well to complote it by the shorter notice given by the Chinese and native historians. In the Yuan-shi this campaign of Talui is given in epitome. We there read that he took the cities of Ma la ch'a.ye k'o, i e. Maruchak, a district subject to Merv, Ma-lu, i.e. Meru or Merv, and Si-la-sze, i.e. Sarakhs. This is assigned to the year 1221. During the next year it is recorded that he took the cities of Ta-sze (Tus), Ni chawur (Nishapur), and when returning devastated the kingdom of the Mu-la-yi, i.e. the Mu-lahids, Ismaelites, or assassing. In none of the western writers are we told that the Mongols at this time had any encounter with the Ismaelites. To continue, Tolui crossed the river Ch'o-ch'o-lan, which may be also read Shuo. shuo-lan, and by which perhaps the Hari-rud is meant, captured the city of Ye-li, i.e. Herat, and other places, and then rejoined his father. The Yuan-ch'ao-pi-shi tells us Talui captured the cities of Isiepur, i.e. Nishapur, Chukhchelien, the Ch'o-ch'o-lan of the Yuan-shi, Ilu, i.e. Herat, and Sisten (Seistan). The Huang-yuan says in 1221 he took the cities of Ma-lu-ch'aye-k'o (Maruchak) Wulu (probably, says Bretschneider, a misprint for Malu or Merv), Si-lasze (Sarakhs), Ni-sha-u-r (Nishapur), and Ye-li (Herat). In the spring of 1222 he took T'a sze (Tur),and Ni-sha-u-rfi.e. Nishapur, for the second time). At the beginning of the hot season he received orders to make haste and join his father ; but before doing so, he made an incursion into the country of the Mu-la-di (i.e. the Mulahids), devastated it, crossed the river So-go-lan," and reached Ye-li, i.e., Herat." The Yuan-shilei-pen tells us that Tului in this campaign was accompanied by the idikut of the Uighurs, whom it styles Itagu, king of the Igur, and who it says had command of 10,000 men. They secured Malu (i.e. Merv), Chakiko, (?) Malusilassi (Maruchak), Sarakhs and other places, and having secured a great booty in a kingdom called Mulay (i.e. of the Mulahids), crossed a river called Shu-shu-lan, and marching by way of Ye-li, i.e., Herat, arrived at Talikan." FACSIMILES OF THE INSCRIPTIONS OF ASOKA. BY J. F. FLEET, Bo.C.S., M.R.A.S., C.I.E. The want has long been felt of some purely cease to be varieties of opinion and doubts and mechanical facsimiles of the Asoka Edicts. As speculation as to what the readings of the regards the process according to which litho- original texts might be found to be, if they graphs are propared from reduced copies made could be examined in situ. by eye from a comparison of impressions, photo I do not propose myself to enter into any of graphs, and published texts, no matter what the questions of disputed readings. My desire amount of personal learning, skill, and atten- is simply to make the necessary facsimiles tion, may be brought to the work, the fact available to those who have made a special remains that such lithographs are not facsimiles study of the Asoka Edicts. And, with this of the inscriptions as they really are, and they object, I now issue six plates from Allahabad fail entirely to give any representation of the and Delhi. The plates have been prepared by surroundings of the original writings. And, as a purely mechanical process throughout; being long as such lithographs are the only ones simply reduced by photo-lithography from the available to the public, so long there cannot black-and-white ink impressions made by a * Tabakat---Nasiri, pp. 1088--1042; Erdmann, pp. 421 and 422. Brotschneider, Notices, etc., pp. 61 and 62. 07 Vide ante. * Id., p. 66.*Gaubil, p. 38.

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OCTOBER, 1884.] FACSIMILES OF THE INSCRIPTIONS OF ASOKA. 305 between the original lines of writing. The most serious damage that has been done to it is due to seven entire lines and the greater part of the eighth, line 16, having been entirely destroyed to make room for a circular inscription of Jahangir which is there engraved round the column. man who is employed by me specially for such work, and who has attained great proficiency in it. My own share of the work has simply been to revise the lithographs, and to see that they corresponded in all details with the impressions from which they were made. In the case of inscriptions the letters of which are incised so deeply as those of these Asoka Edicts are, the depression of the paper into the letters leads, in the photographic process, to a slight shadow being cast in places over what should be the pure white interiors of the letters; of this, plenty of instances may be seen through out these plates. It could be remedied, of course, by clearing out the letters after the photograph has been transferred to the lithographic stone. But to do this to the extent that would be necessary would interfere with the purely mechanical nature of the litho. graphs; and, therefore, as the letters are sufficiently clear throughont in spite of these shadows, I have allowed the latter to remain as they are. With this sole exception, the plates now issued give absolutely faithful facsimiles of the original inscriptions and all their surroundings. ALLAHBD. The large column standing in the Fort at Allah Abad contains three sets of Asoka inscriptions ;-Edicts I. to VI., in one block ;-and, on other parts of the pillar, two small inscriptions which General Cunningham has named the Queen's Edict and the Kausambi Edict. I publish, for the present, the first set only. This block of writing begins on the south side of the pillar, towards the south-west, and ends on the north side, towards the north-east. The inscription covers an area of about 5 g" high by 4 3'' broad. The top line is about 17'3", and the bottom line about 11' 6'', above the place where the pillar starts from its present pedestal. The average size of the letters, - that is to say, of such letters as are written entirely on the lines of writing, -varies from 1 to it'. The inscription was boldly and deeply engraved, and has suffered but little from the weather, except where the surface of the stone itself has peeled off. And the present confused appearance of it is dne chiefly to the later inscriptions that have been engraved DEHLI. The present plates are from the pillar which is known by the name of Firoz Shah's All or the Siwalik Pillar, and which stands in a very conspicuous position on the top of a threestoreyed building, about half a mile to the south of the south-east corner of the walls of the city, and on the right bank of the river Jamni. The pillar contains five blocks of Asoka inscriptions, arranged, with small blank spaces between them, as follows, -on the north side, Edicts I., II., and III., covering a space of about 4' 9'' high by 2' 3' broad; on the west side Edict IV., covering a space of about 4' 4" high by 2' 1" broad; on the south side, Edict V., covering a space of about 4' 6'' high by 2' 5" broad; and on the east side, Edicts VI. and VII., covering a space of about 4' 9'' high by 1' 11" broad. The top lines of these blocks are on the same level all the way round, and are about 17' 9'' high above the level of the plinth from which the pillar rises. Immediately below the bottom line on the east side,-almost in the same line vertically with the first letters of each line of Edicts VI. and VII. ; and separated from the latter by only the ordinary space between each line,-there commences the fifth block of writing, which, following General Cunningham, I have described on the plate as Edict VIII. or the Circnlar Edict, but which Dr. Buhler shows below to be only an amplification of Edict VII. The writing here covers a space of about 2' 6' high by 9' Obroad, and runs all round the pillar with the exception of a blank space that varies from 3' at the end of line 1 to 57' at the end of line 10. The curve in the lines that is presented in the lithograph, is due, of course, to the fact that the pillar tapers as it ascends ; on the original pillar, the letters of each line are on the same level all the way round. The bottom line of this circular inscription is about 10'6" above "To sconomise space, this gap in the inscription has, in the lithograph, been reduced in greater proportion than the rest of the inscription.

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306 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [OCTOBER, 1884. the level of the plinth from which the pillar Edict VII. With the exception of these places, rises. The average size of the letters of these and a few smaller ones of the same kind, these five blocks of writing varies from 1 to 11"; inscriptions have suffered but little from the and they are boldly and deeply engraved. On weather or other injury, the only parts that are the south side, & piece of the stone has peeled really illegible through the effects of the off, carrying with it four letters and part of a weather being towards the centre of lines 1, 2, fifth of line 7, and parts of three letters of line 8. and 3, of the circular amplification of Edict And in the same way, two larger pieces, the VII. The only other remark that appears to first of them originating in a crack the com- be called for, is that the whole surface of this mencement of which is discernible above the pillar is full of small natural holes which might second letter of line 21 on the east side-have here and there perhaps be mistaken for nasal peeled off in the circular amplification of marks. TRANSCRIPTS OF THE DEHLI AND ALLAHABAD PILLAR EDICTS OF ASOKA. BY DR. G. BUALER, C.I.E. The subjoined of Mr. J. F. Fleet's now fac usually called the eighth, or the circular edict, similes of the Dehli (Siwalik) and Allahabad is nothing but an enlargement of the seventh, pillar-edicts, as far as the materials at my and gives the full details regarding the insti. command permit me to judge, appear to be tations by which Aboka tried to secure the absolutely trustworthy representations of the growth of the law. It is well-known fact, originals. In fulfiling my task I have closely mentioned also specially in the XIVth rookadhered to the division of the words adopted edict, that Asoka published his edicta in by Asoka's masons, who in the Dehli version largo, short, and middling versions, frequently have formed curious groups separated by consi- repeating the same statements on account dorable intervals, while in the Allahabad ver- of the sweetness of the subject. If the last sion they have placed all aksharas at equal sentence of the seventh edict is connected distances from each other. Though it is not with the beginning of the so-called eighth, my intention to give here a new translation and etash jane anupatipajtsati abhyunamisati of the pillar-edicts, or to discuss their contents, dhahmavadhiya cha vadhisati is taken toI cannot refrain from adding a remark which gether, the translation, The people, having seriously affects the interpretation of the Dehli heard it, will follow it, exalt it, and grow version. The number of the edicts in the the growth of the law,' gives a perfectly latter is not sight, as the facsimile states, in good sonse, and the difficulties, with which accordance with the opinion of Prinsep and former translators have struggled, completely other scholars, but seven. The piece which is disappear. Transcript. Edict I. Dehli, North side. Allahabad. devAnaMpiye piyadasi lAjavaMAhA saDuvIsati / [] devAnaMpiyepiyadasIlAjAhevaMAhAsar3avAsAtavasA[] vasa abhisitename iyadhamalipi likhApitA bhisitenamedayadhamalipilikhApitAhidatapAlatedursazahidatapAlate dusaMpaTipAdaye aMnataagAyAdhamakA- paTipAdaye matAyA [] aMnataagAyadhamakAmatAyaagAyapalIkhAyaagAyasu[2] agAyapalIkhAyA agAyasusUsAvA agenabhayenA sUsAyAagenabhayenaanausAhenaesacukhomamaanusa[] agenausAhenA esacukhomama anusathiyA thiyA PojdhamApekhA dhamakAmatAcA suvesuvevaDhitA baDhIsa- dhamApekhAdhamakAmatAcasuvesuvebaDhitAvaDhisaticevAticevA pulisApimaukasAcagavayAcamajhimAcaanuvidhIya[?] great sheet TAMAT tisaMpaTipAdayaMtica amuvidhIyaMti For X. Senart's transcription of these odiots from tralations, se anto, vol. XII, pp. 716.8754 the Corpwe Ineoriptionum Indicarum, together with his

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Edict I Edict II. dict III. 2 6 8 10 12 14 16 18 20 22 INSCRIPTIONS THE DELHI A SOKA. SIWALIK PILLAR. NORTH SIDE. Edicts I. II. and III IN AT VOLK n'o SPAGJA BOOSTAL MIX HALORE Madduto "GALANCE HALALI TOYTK RALPY KAPITUS D'EUT D'HEBAS ABABIk OBLAZS WILIAM HDD and Bed HBX ALCOSCOTS AGLUNEPLSAS L-BEHA MEMER OF TOSTRO IPOTAUMar p2p0k BAPENA MATSE MUTRO TYLYTAJ ITHO STROK YAUTTE OOR) 1490 303 151810 22THUP OPRPY TERE TIR AVTRINY, MOROSO WE Ye AY? TH+TISH MARPAIN TILS N HOL PUDUSESITA @fotAFA is locLCLEAR, BATCHBRK RT: Y6QRIT+ Okanzrokra, pote: Vitokom: ya+208m: VIENUTAI YAHIST JR:: TULYOURMA VELP LOPS JET POBLY J. F. FLEET. Bo. C.S. 3.: TAJE TROJ CAPOK RITAYPTON LOHLLCLEX ES FULIACE BLUNKIN DLOGETI us GUARD SCALE 16 W. GRIGGS, PHOTO-LITH,

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INSCRIPTIONS OF ASOKA. THE DELHI SIWALIK PILLAR.-- WEST SIDE. Edict IV .IV qm ml bsm - shl ... ... l kh l :: 8 rm ) ) b 20 myl jnm lyty ddl dy 4 m).) gr tm ` 45 khw ly khr tm + mlm m bch r s H l ` 3/15. 14 shd w . . . m m . l mn : m . . . . . . . - | : : rm sl n tr st w tm myN nm mnh . . . " 2 y 0 t 38 - - myn bh r Hl mrg w njm f0 ' ' trnh , nyz 14 :: 7 `mr khm - - - | 1 . . . 72 : 00 1302/1 -3, PARTY IS?!? IPSYY SITUTIOTH.. t722/ . : art T + + C : khnm fylm ? :: mlt : mn `mr |: . : r bh ykh mh mr@ m . m`lm :: :: W. GRIGGS, PHOT-LITH SCALE .17 . . FLIT, la 0.8,

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INSCRIPTIONS OF ASOKA. THE ALLAHABAD PILLAR. Edicts I. II. III. IV. V. and VI. Edict 1. Hoe om 32-4 - 2: - ; Edict II. day gus ti self. S IIRETS XECUT CT2 VW S O LAR VERL+C+++KULWA Ch 0237 R T02 VO L 1* Edict III.a . AR Edict Ty. (SEVEN LINES DESTROYED BY JAHANGIR'S INSCRIPTION.) .. . * DESTES AK KML CSSLITELE T TALHES MA* 191.00 Edict V. 20 N92 CEAIUTT *274 33600 ir 0 SS 2 . . . : T. . * NAAR EEN ON . Sun 4 1992 Edict VI. 28 L . 47 90 2 .W UL14 J. F. FLEET, Boc... SOALE.15 W. ARIQas. PHOTO-LITH

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OCTOBER, 1884.) TRANSCRIPTS OF DEHLI AND ALLAHABAD EDIOTS. 307 aMta [] saMpaTipAdayaMticA alaMcapalaMsamAdapayitave hemevA-[] alaMcapalaMsamAdapayitavehemevaaMtamahAmAtApie. sAhividhiyAiyadhamenapAlanAdhamenavidhAnedhamenasu[0] mahAmAtApi esapividhi yAdayadhamenapAlanA dhamena khIyanAdhamenaguti vidhAna [10]menasukhiyanA dhamenagotIti Edict II. devAnapiye piyadasilAjA[] devAnaMpiyepiyadasIlAjAhedaiAhAmesAdhuphiyaMcuSaM [1] hevaAhA dhamesAdhU kiyaMtdhameti apAsinave| metiapAsinavebahukayAnedayAdAnesacesocayecakhubahukayAne dAnapime [1] dayAdAne sacesocaye cakhudAnipime bahuvidhedine [.] bahuvidherdinedupadaMcatupadesupakhivAlicalesuvividhe. dupada meanugahekaTeApAnadakhinAyenAnipicamebadunika[1] vatupadesu pakhivAlivalesu viviSemeanugahekaTe yAnAnikaTAni ApAna ["] dAkhinAye aMjanipivamevahUni kayAnAnikaTAni etAyeme [15] aThAye iyaMdhamalipilikhApitA heanupaTipajaMtu [] etAyemeaThAyeyadhamalipilikhApitAheanupaTi-cilaM pabaMtucilaThitIkAcahotUtiyecahevaMsaMpaTipavisati[7] thitikAcahotUtIti yecahavaMsaMpaTipajIsati sesa-1 sesukaiTakachatIti kaTaMkachatIti Edict ITI. [1] devAnaMpiye piyadasilAbahevaMahA kyaanmevdekhti| [1] devAnaMpiyepiyadasIlAbAheAhAkayAnamevadekhAti iyamekayAnekaTetinominapAparkadekhatihayapApakekaTe[10] kayAnekaTeti nominapApaMdekhati iyamepApekaTeti | tihayaMvAAsinavenAmAti iyavAAsinave [1] nAmati dupaTivekhavukhoesA hevaMtukhoesadekhiye imAni [] bhAsinavagAmIninAma atharvaDiye niThUliye koSe mAne isyA [1] kAlanenavaharka mApalibhasayirsa esabADhadekhiye | iyaMme [0] hidatikAye iyamaname pAlatikAye Ediot IV. Dehli, West ride Allahabad. [1devAnapiye piyadasilAbahevaMAhA saDubAsAtavasa [ abhisitename iyaMdhamalipilikhApitA labUkAme [] bahasupAnasatasahasesu banasiAvatA tesaMyeabhi hAlevA [] deuvA atapatiyemekaTe kiMtilajUkA asvathayabhItA [1] kaMmAnipavatayevU janasajAnapadasA hitasukhapadahevU ["] anugahinebucA sukhIyana dukhIyanaMjAnisaMti dhama yutenaca [] viyovadisati janajAnapadaM kiMtihidataMca pAlataMca [9] AlAdhayati lajakApilapati paTicalitavemaM pulisAnipime.

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808 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. COCTOBER, 1884 cameAvuti [1] chaMdanAnivATicalisaMti tepicakAnibiyovadisati / - yenamaMlabUkA [1] catiAlAdhayitave athAhipa viyatAyedhAtiye nisijitu [1] asvathehoti viyatadhAti caSatimeparva sukhaMpali haTave. [1] hemamAlakAkaTA jAnapadasahitasukhAye yenaete. abhItA [13] asvathasaMtaM avimanAmAnipavatayevati etename labUkAnaM [M] abhIhAlevadaMDevA atapatiyekaTe ichitaviyehi - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - esAkiMti [7] viyohAlasamatAcasiya daMDasamatAcA avaitepi- ]:- hAlasamatAcAsiyAdaMDasamatAcaavahatepica . meAvRtibaMdhanavadhAnamunisAnaMtIlItadaMDAnapataMvadhAna[10] baMdhanabadhAnaMmunisAnaM tIlItadaMDAnaM | patavadhAna tinidivasAniyoterdine tinidivasAnime [1] yotadine nAtikAvakAni nijhapayisati bIvi-[10]---bakAninijhapavisatijIvitAyatAnanAsaMtatAyatAna vAnijhapayitAdAnaMdAhaMtipAlatikaMupavAsaMkachaMti [10] nAsaMtavAnijhapayitA dAnaMdAhatipAlatika upavA saMvakachaMti [1] ichAhime hevaniludhasipikAlasi pAlataMAlA- [0]--- meniludhasipikAlasipAlataAlAdhayevu. dhayeti janasaca banasacavaDhativividhadhamacalanesayamedAnesavibhAge [20] vaDativivivedhamacalane saMyame dAnasavibhAgeti / Ediet v. Dohti, South side. [] devAnaMpiye piyadasilAbahevaMahA saDavIsativasa [9]-.- pivepiyadasIlAbAheAhAsaDavIsati abhisitename imAnijAtAni avadhiyAnikaTAni | basAbhisitenamehamAnijAtAniavadhiyAnikaTAniseseyathA | yathasukesAlikAbhalunecakavAke.. . []suke sAlikA alune cakabAke se naMdImukhe gelATe [] batUkA aMbAkapIlikA daDI anaThikamache vedaveyake[]---khegelATebitUbeaMbAkipilikAduDIbana[1] gaMgApuTake saMkujamache kaphaTisayake paMnasaMse simale thikamachevedaveyakegaMgApuTakesaMkubamachekaphaTa-- kepanasasesimalesa--- . . saMDake okapiMDe palasate setakabote gAmakapote ram- - - - - - kapotenAmakapotesave. savecatupade vepaTibhoganoeti nacakhAdiyati -- | catupadeyepaTibhoga - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - [] eDakAcA sUkalIcA gabhinIvapAyaminAva avadhiya -take [1] picakAni AsamAsike badhikukuTe nokaTaviye tusesajIve - - - - sajIva[0] nojhApataviye dAvaanaThAyevA vihisAyavA nAjhA. mojhA - - - - peTaviye

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Edict V. 2 6 8 10 12 14 16 18 20 INSCRIPTIONS OF A SOKA. THE DELHI SIWALIK PILLAR.SOUTH SIDE. Edict V 3 LCI CUF Cvezong NeoNKOL OTY JEITOOK TYSTA: ATYTHR 47 Ef 471 0767 6:2 1587 AX +7949 98toTK 25 trato*B +3 CRP YYra try?9+ 98378 tov.v dirt 2+EP LULA 21+ Atta YTSLPT YO IME?NT TYPE offo ditinje ANPOLISIS HD 17 {3YLY [8>+[ 277,09 TYRY JIRO OPYTHI PTPAS STOTKIE TOY ? H I TENTATRY VARYPYH TOYINE 93T93 RISODI 885 CINE CELSE DO1d Altho*888851. IC6716) DAINESKEL INDLE FOCH^d DIYDIC EDIFLI IGASLI HOUta dosla czla pod VIONI MOLYEN VAOCU, KI I ISTASL TRYLOTI YALAT TROPO Cty to t3k. KEJ VICKI SKUSUJ DAYEUHI JAL ALE JIL 1+08] COLEONFOR HELD DAU HASTI CLELA OD 187ITEI J. F. FLEET, Bo. O.S. SCALE .17 W. GRIGGS, PHOTO-LITH.

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ORIDOS. PHOTO-LITH W SCALD.16 J. F. FLEET. Bo O.S. o RARBRER YR (BIS Rig 5707+R:1.8T991 JO18.01.01 to 9H 2233. -12 02:13 VOYD2?7.9 STR.J.PR JUTTU YS 29.9998.T0448 23 YTA 13TR T3 TRY 09?:19 PA:D 1. 1924K ISPI YT 29 1998.0:rontR 13.0+T 3:19:-4..V.BPY. AYB-04 Sto +382 31 2212 7,3.7? Yo op TPP?.0 TONTH 13 ThI n 2P 3P?A:D 1.13.0+ 19: .811 in TBS.ny.B Edict VII '}$ 108 Clase 73 4G warth, 1:10*8.JC urek 7, 17, ie JbyBn d SSALYET od: What Welno.2 lmrnm 238 I24 bh 484547*1896C8X 2008)(8 175, INN FOLGEIN LIMLADO . 185+BAL 20783 HO. kh m CAF 28th ( D88 del grp18_0&S CUTTAJAT City ji leidu 2014 3510 Edict VI. Edicts VI and VII THE DELHI SIWALIK PILLAR.-EAST SIDE. INSCRIPTIONS OF ASOKA.

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OCTOBER, 1884.) TRANSCRIPTS OF DEHLI AND ALLAHABAD EDICTS. 309 3 .. - - - - - - - ["] jIvenajIve nopusitaviye tIsucAtuMmAsIsu tIsA- [*] - - - __yaMpunamAsiyaM - - - - - - - ["] tini divasAni cAvudasaM paMnaDasaM paTipadAye / - - - cAvadasaMpaMcadasa- - dhuvAyecA - - - - - - [] anupAsathaMmacheavadhiye nopiviketaviye etAniye- [-5] - __vAdivasAni - - - - tAni [+] nAgavanAsa kevaTabhogasi yAnianAnipi jIvAni kAyAni [16] nohaMtaviyAni aThamIpakhAye cAvudasAye paMnaDa sAye tisAye ["] punAvasune tIsucAtuMmAsIsu sudivasAye goneno- | [] sudivasAye go- - - nIlakhitaviye ["] ajake eDake sUkale evApiaMne nIlakhiyati __ - - - - - - - - - nonIlakhitaviye [1] tisAye punAvasune cAtuMmAsiye cAtumAsipakhAye - - - - - - - - ___ asvasA gonasA [1] lakhane naukaTaviye yAvasaDuvIsativasa abhisi- [] lakhanenokaTaviveyAvasa- - - tename etAye [""] AtalikAye paMnavIsati baMdhanamokhAnikaTAni | Edict VI. Dehli, East side. [1] devAnaMpiye piyadasilAbAhevaMahA duvADasa 1r297- - - piyepiyadasIlA- - - - - - - - - - - - - - - [] vasaabhisitename dhamalipilikhApitA lokasA [] hitasukhAye setaMapahaTA taMtadhamavaDhipApovA r-hevaM lokasA hitasukhetiparivekhAmi athaiyaM | r91 hitasakhetipaTivekhAmi atha- - [] nAtisu hevaMpatiyAsanesu hevaMapakaThesu -sane hevaMapakaThesukimaM - - [] kimaMkAnisukhaM avahAmIti tathacavidahAmi hemevA | -dahAmi hevamevasava - - yesupaTivekhAmi-- [] savanikAyesu paTivekhAmi savapAsaMDApimepUjitA [30] savapAsaMDApime pUjitAvividhAyapujAyA ecuiyaM[1] vividhAyapUjAyA ecuiyaMatanA pacUpagamane ____ atanA pacupagamaneseme mukhyamatesa- -- -- [] sememokhyamate sar3abIsativasa abhisitename [1] iyaMdhamalipi likhApitA . / lipilikhApitAti Dehli, Edict VII. [1] devAnaMpiye piyadasi lAjA hevaM AhA yeatikaMtaM [1] aMtalaM lAjAne husu hevaM ichisu kathaMjane [1] dhaMmabaDhiyA baDheyA nocujane anulupAyA dhamavadiyA / [1] vaDhithA etaM devAnaMpiye piyadasi lAjA hevaMAhA esame [1] huthA atikaMtaMca aMtalaM hevaM ichisu lAjAne kathaMjane [10] anulupAyA dhaMmavADhiyA baDheyAti nocajane anulupAyA ["] dhaMmabaDhiyA vaDhiyAM sekinasu bane anupaTipajeyA [18] kinasu jane anulupAyA dhaMmavaDhiyA vaDheyAti kinasukAni [19] abhyunAmayehaM dhamavaDhiyAti etaMdevAnapiye piyadasi lAjA hevaM [degdeg] AhA esame huthA dhaMmasAvanAni sAvApayAmi dhamAnusathini [1] anusAsAmi etaMjane sutu anupaTIpacIsavi abhyunamisavi

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. Dehli, end of Edict VII. [] dhamavaDhiyAca bADhaM vaDhisati etAyeme aThAye dhamasAvanAni sAvApitAni dhaMmAnusathini vividhAni AnapitAni - sApi bahune janasi AyatA ete paliyovadisaMtipi pavithalisaMtipi lajUkApi bahukesu pAnasatasahasesa AyatA tepine AnapitA hevaMca heca paliyovadAya 310 [*] janaM dhamayutaM devApiye piyasi hene AhA etamevame anudezamAne dhamarthamA nikaTAni mamahAmAtA kaTA kaTe devAnapiye pivadasi lAgAvaM AhA magepi nigohAni lopApitAni chAyopagAni hoti pazumunisAnaM aMbAnaDiyA loga pitA aTakosikyAnapi udupAnAni dhama [] khanApitAni nisi DhiyAcakAlA pitA ApAnAniye bahukAni tatatata kAlApitAni paTIbhogAye vasumu nisAnI la esa paTIbhogenAmavividhAyAdi sukhAyanAyA pulimehipi lAgI hi mamayAca sukhIyate loke imaMcu dhaMmAnupaTIpatI anupaTIpajaMtuti etadathAme [+] esakaTe devAnaMpiye piyadasi hevaM AhA dhaMmamahAmAtApime tebahuvidhesu aThesa anugahikesu viyApaTA se panajItAceva gihiyAnaMca saba supica viyApaTA saMghaThasipi kareM ise viyApaTA hohaMtiti hemeva bAbhanesu AjIvikesupime kaTe -- - [] ime viyApaTA hoItiti niThepime kaTe imeviyApaTA hohaMti nAnApAsaMDesupime kaTe hameviyApaTA hotiti paTivisarTa paTInisiTha tesutesu tete mahAmAtA mamahAmAtAcume etesucaiva viyApaTA savesuca asu pADesu devAnapiye viyadasi lAja bhArA [4] eteca aneva bahukA mukhA dAnavisagasi viyApAse mamaceva devinaM vidhena Alena tAni tAni tuThAyatanAni paTI anAnaMca devikumAlAnaM ime dAnasimesu viyApaTA hotiti [] dhamApadAnaThAyeM dhamAnupATipatiye esahi dhamApadAne caimapaTIpatica yAdayaM dayA dAne sace socane madane sAdhayeva lokasa devaM vadisatiti devAnaMpiyesi lAjAvaM AhA yAnihikAnici mamiyA sAdhavAni kaTAni tailoke anUpaTIpane taMca anuvidhiyaMti tena vaDhitAca [] vAsaMtica mAtApitisu sususAyA gulu sususAyA vayomahAlakAnaM anupaTIpatiyA bAbhanasama ka panavalAMsa bhavadAsabhaTake saMpaTIpatiyA devAnaMpiye yadasi lAvA devabhAdA munisAnaMcu yAda dhamavaDhi vADhatA duvehiyeva AkAlehi dhamaniyamenaca nijhatiyAca [OCTOBER, 1884. [1] tatacu lahuse dhamaniyame nijhatiyAva bhuye dhamaniyamecukho esa yeme iyaMkaTe imAnica imAni jAtAni avadhiyAni anAnipi bahu - dhamaniyamAni yAni kAni nitiyAnacu bhuye munisAnaM dhamavadi vaditA anihiMsAye bhutAne [10] anAbhAye pAnAnaM seetAye athAye dayaM kaTe putApapotike caMdamasuliyike hotuti tathAca anupaTIpajaMtuti hevaMhi anupaTIpajaMtaM hidata pAlate Aladhe hoti satavisativasAbhisitena me iyaM dhaMmalibi li. khApApitAvi evaM devAnaMpiye AhA iyaM Dehli, North side :- L. 1. Possibly lA jA. (The origi nal has baja, without the addition to the centre of the ja that is required to denote &; J. F. F.)-L. 5. There is a scratch under the sa of anusathiyA which gives it the appearance of H. (This mark is separated by a clear " from the sa, and is fainter and weaker than all the engraved letters; it seems to be a fault in the atone, like, for instance, the long mark close to he in line 8; J. F.F.) savasicame olodhanasi tebahuhidaceva disAsuca dAlakAnaM picame kaTe [] dhaMmalibi ata athi silArthabhAnivA silAphalakAniva'A tRta kaTaviyA ena esa cilaThitike siyA other letters, looking nearly like f follow. It seems to me that they belong to. later inscriptions of the Gupts type. (They are quite distinct in the original, and are Asoka characters, belonging to the inscription. The first of them is apparently ti, with the vowel i placed on the left instead of on the right. The second of them is chu, in the alternative form which occurs in the Dehli east inscription, 1. 13, and in the Dehli circular inscription, 11. 3, 5, 8, and 9 (three times).-J. F. F.)-L. 6, bahuni where the second vowel may have been long. (In the original bahfini is distinctly legible.-J. F. F.) - L. 20, se yatha, where the last vowel may be long. (In the original, the end of the stroke denoting 4, at. tached to the tha, is just visible on the edge of the orack in the stone.--J. F.F.) - L. 21, jitUke which may have been jatUkA duDI where the vowel of the first letter may be due to an accidental scratch. (The mark just to the right of the bottom of the da, and the mark that tends to make the di look like bhi, as General Cunningham interpreted it, are only due to the stone being damaged.-J.F.F.).-Ibidem, which may have been kaphaTi. (The mark above the ta is not the voweli, but only the lower part of the visarga of Mahddevah in the intervening line of later writing just above.-J. F. F.) Dehli, Sonth side :- L. 4. The Da of daDI ends in s strongly marked point, exactly like the point at the end of khi in the line above and throughout. Possibly the correct reading may be daLI, as the Southern alphabet marks the la by a da to which a little circle, not quite closed, is added. Dehli, East side :- L. 8. Possibly atunA (The mark at the end of the ta is caused by damage from the weather or otherwise ; J. F. F. ) - L. 17. The second pa of paTipajeyA stands above the line, having been at first omitted. Allahabad-A great many letters of this version have been half destroyed, or at least obscured by the later insoriptions scratched between the lines. Really doubtful, however, are the following words only;-1.4, guti, where the vowel of gu is very indistinct, and two

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OCTOBER, 1884.) BOOK NOTICE. 311 MISCELLANEA. THE LARGE COPPER-PLATE GRANT IN title of Mrityujit; 5, Vyenghraketu; 6, Arikala; LEIDEN UNIVERSITY. 7, Karikala, who built the Kaveridam; 8, KochOf the two copper-plate grants in the Leiden chamkannan; 9, Kokkillisripati; 10, Vijayalaya University (see Ante, p. 59), Dr. H. Kern has 11, Aditya, his son ; 12, Parantaka, surnamed kindly favoured me with a complete impression in Amsumali ; he had three sons, Rajadityn, Gandardwhite paper of the larger one. This grant consists ditya, and Arinjaya; 13, Rajaditya, conquered of twenty-one plates, about the size of those of Krishnarfja, but was killed in battle; 14, his the Tiruppavanam grant (Ind. Ant., vol. VI, p. 142), brother, Gandaraditya, succeeded, whose son was and engraved in similar characters of the old Mathurantaka; 15, Arinjaye, the third brother, Tamil type. They have been transliterated by Mr. succeeded; 16, Parantaka, his son ; 17, Aditya or S. M. Natesa Sastrt, with a rough translation. Karikala, his son, contended with Vira Pandya; The first five plates are in the Sanskrit language, 18, Mathurantaka, son of Gandaraditya : 19, Raja. and contain the Varsavali and principal portion of raja alias Rajakesarivarma, Rajaeraya, the brother the grant; the remaining sixteen plates are flled of Aditya, who conquered Pandya, Dalu, and Kerala, with a lengthy description in the Tamil language the king of Ceylon, and Satyasraya. of the boundaries of the land granted, as traced In the twenty-first year of his reign this grant out by a female elephant let loose. was made to the Chudamanivarma vihara. It records the grant of the village of Anaima. This genealogy is not in agreement with the ngalam to a Bauddha vibara in Nagapattanam. It Par nik and legendary lists which have been opens with a double in vocation; first, to Vishnu collected by Mr. Sewell, though there are points and, second, to Siva and Vishnu, and after the of agreement between it and some of his. The names of Manu, his son Ikshvaku, MAndhAta, accuracy of the latter part of this list may, in all Muchukunda, Valabhojanikshitipati, Sibi and probability, be depended on, and will form a basis Chola, it gives the following genealogy of the for further investigations into the real history of Chola dynasty :-1, Rajakesari; 2, Parakesari, his the Chola dynasty. son ; 3, Rajakesari , then 4, Rajendra, who got the J. BORGESS. BOOK NOTICE. ANECDOTA OXONIENSA (Aryan Series, vol. I, pt. 8). The ancient palm-leaf MS. can hardly be too highly ANCIENT PALM-LEAVES, containing the Prajna-paraInitA-hridaya-sutra and the Ushnisha-vijaya-dharani, estimated; and Professor Buhler in a masterly edited by F. Max Muller and Bunyiu Nanjio, with an appendix of over thirty pages illustrated by reAppendix by G. Buhler. (Oxford: Clarendon Press, productions of the photographs of the palm-leaves, 1884). and of the photographs of a copy of them made in The two ancient palm-leaves here edited and 1694 A.D. by Ziogon, a Japanese priest, facsimiles translated were discovered in the monastery of and tables of alphabets, has discussed their Horinzi, in Japan. Professor Max Muller says, bearing on the history of the scripts of India. "We have good evidence showing that these From examination of the characters separately leaves were brought to Japan in 609 A.D., and that Dr. Buhler shows how this literary or cursive they came from China. It is further probable alphabet has been evolved from the Gupta cha. that in China they belonged to the monk Yashi, racter. He shows also how the distinctive fenwho died in 577 A.D., and before him to Bodhi. tures of the literary forms have been the outcome dharma, who emigrated from India to China in of the Indian Lekhaka's art under the conditions 520 A.D." Indian Palaeography is thus furnished imposed upon him by his materials. Valuable with a MS., which has evidently been written by remarks are made on the characteristics of the an Indian scribe, and which is believed to date writing, and the technical contrivar.ces, and the from the first half of the sixth century A.D. method of forming used. "The palaeographical Since external evidence proves their age, though character," he writes, " of the alphabet of the undated in themselves, they bring strong indirect Horinzi palm-leaves is determined chiefly by the evidence for strengthening the opinion of those following general principles, visible in the forma who hold the authenticity of the early Nepalese tion of the letters: 1, the separation of aksharas MSS., and confirm the conclusions of Mr. Bendall. from each other; 2, a predilection for the use of Professor Weber and the late Dr. Burnell er. small wedges, the so-called nail-heads; 3, the pressed doubts concerning their age, but Dr. substitution of flat tops for the angular or round Buhler satisfactorily defends their genuineness. ones of the old alphabets; 4, the development of The importance for Indian Palaeography of this right-hand verticles, projecting beyond the body

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. 312 of the letters; 5, the retention of open tops wherever they existed in the old letters." Under these heads Dr. Buhler comments on the position of this alphabet and its relation to others, the origin of its peculiarities, and the influence which the tendencies here working have exerted on the later development of the alphabet down to the Devanagari. In his separate consideration of each letter Dr. Buhler has selected for comparison the following cognate alphabets: of the literary1, that preserved in the oldest Nepalese MSS. at Cambridge (plate I. in Mr. Bendall's Catalogue); 2, the Sarada Alphabet of Kasmir; of the epigra. phic-1, the Gupta of Kuhaon, and for some letters that of the Indokhera copper-plate; 2, Nepalese of Dr. Bhagvanlal's series of inscriptions; 3, Jhalrapathan inscriptions; 4, the closelyallied alphabets of the S&mangadh plates of Dantidurga, and of the signatures of Dadda Prasataraga, on the Gurjara plates. The results of this minute examination and comparison Dr. Buhler sums up thus: "The close agreement of the much later Nepalese MSS., and of numerous inscriptions from all parts of India with the forms of H. P., shows that this alphabet was not exclusively cultivated by the Buddhists or peculiar to Northern India, but enjoyed a widespread popularity down to the end of the ninth century, and perhaps later. At present it survives only in the Sarada of Kasmir, which probably branched off in early times." At a subsequent page he adds: "Another result deducible from the analysis of the H. P. alphabet is that it is probably more ancient than the precursor of the modern Devanagari, found in the signa. tures on the Umeta and Bagumra plates, and the alphabets of Dantidurga's Samangadh plates, though the former documents date a little earlier than the H. P. leaves. The reason for this supposition is that U. B. and Sa, both show oharacteristics belonging to the system followed in H. P., and inexplicable on the general principles prevailing in Sa and U. B. The triangles in the left limbs of kha, ga, and sa, the opened-up triangles in bha and sa, and the straight line to the left of the down-stroke in ra are, as has been shown above, all remnants of wedges. The employment of wedges is one of the principles regulating the letters of H. P., but they are meaningless in an alphabet like that of U. B.-S&, which in general employs only straight or curved lines. If we, therefore, find in U. B.-Sa forms which are based on the principles prevailing in the H. P., the inevitable inference is that U. B.-SA has been modified by the influence of H. P. This conclusion is, of [OCTOBER, 1884. course, of great importance for the determination of the age of the alphabet with the wedges. As U. B. belongs to the end of the fifth century, it seems not unreasonable to assume that the H. P. characters existed in the fourth century, and perhaps earlier. How far they go back must, for the present, be left undetermined. But I believe that a fuller investigation of the inscriptions of the Gupta kings, which will only be possible when Mr. Fleet's exact facsimiles have been published, will make its existence during the reign of that dynasty very probable." 1 Ind. Ant. vol. X, p. 125.. Ind. Ant. vol. IX, pp. 16 and 3 sqq. Hitherto the historical development of the Indian alphabet has been investigated, chiefly from the data supplied by inscriptions. This theory, which considers the literary alphabets to be evolved from the epigraphic, was fully worked out by the late Dr. Burnell in his Elements of South-Indian Palaeography. But under this theory inexplicable anomalies were experienced. On the copper-plate grants of the fifth century A.D. from Gujarat modern-looking characters were found to be used in signatures, while the body of the grant was in archaic characters; a mixed alphaphet or rather a sporadic occurrence of modern-looking signs among archaic ones (Ind. Ant. vol. VI, p. 193 n, vol. IX, p. 62, vol. XI, p. 305, vol. XIII, p. 116); and retrograde steps ob. servable in one and the same series, Ind. Ant. vol. VI, p. 59, vol. XI, p. 156, and vol. XII, p. 179, also Dr. Bhagvanlal, Journ. Bomb. Br. R. As. Soc.vol. XVI, Article VIII). From these facts Dr. Buhler, Dr. Burgess, and Professor Dowson had concluded that the characters of the official documents lagged behind those employed for literary purposes, and that they were gradually modified through the influence of the latter. These conclusions are fully substantiated by the lesson taught by the Horinzi palm-leaves, and considering its great importance it will be best to give Professor Buhler's argument in his own words: "If we had no historical information regarding the age of the Horinzi palm-leaves, every paleographist, I believe, would draw from the above facts the inference that they belonged to the beginning of the eighth century A.D. For it is undeniable that their alphabet is nearly identical with the characters of the Nepalese inscriptions of Dr. Bhagvanlal's series, Nos. 13-15 A.D., which were written between 749-50 and 759-60 A.D., and that the earlier documents of the Nepel series apparently show how the H. P. alphabet was gradually evolved in the course of about four centuries from the Gupta characters. This conclusion would be strengthened by the circum Ind. Ant. vol. V, p. 180. Ind. Ant. vol. XI, p. 108. Ind. Ant. vol. VII, p. 61.

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OCTOBER, 1884.) PTOLEMY'S GEOGRAPHY. 313 stance that the Jhalra pathan inscription of Sam. one band, a MS. of the first half of the sixth vat 746, which mostly shows characters standing century A.D. showing an alphabet with fax midway between the Gupta and H. P. alphabets, advanced forms, and, on the other hand, a series of cannot be older than the end of the seventh inscriptions, extending over the period from the century, and that there is no inscription showing fourth to the eighth century, the characters of letters similar to Jha which can be referred to an which gradually change, and in their latest deve. earlier time. It would further be corroborated by lopment closely agree with those of the MS., the the close resemblance of the Dasavatara fragment inevitable conclusion is that the changes in the of the Deogarh pillar inscription, of the Morbi epigraphic characters are due to the influence of plate, and of the oldest Nepalese MSS. of the the literary alphabet. In other words, the masons Cambridge collection with our palm-leaves, as who incised the inscriptions, or the writers who none of these documents can be placed earlier wrote the originals from which the masons copied, than the second half of the eighth century, and tried to make the characters archaic, but suc. some of them clearly belong to the ninth century. cumbed at last to the influence of the literary In short, on the supposition that the characters of alphabet which they used in every day life. In the inscriptions permit us to trace the gradualtrans. some cases the old forms disappeared sooner, in formation of the Indian alphabets, the arguments others later, and the natural conclusion was, as it for assigning the Horinzi MS. to the beginning of is always in such struggles, that the antique the eighth century would be as strong as possible. types went out altogether." In conclusion, he As we, however, know from external evidence that adds: "I am persuaded that this importance will this document is at the least two hundred years be brought out still more clearly, when, in a older, it is evident that there must be some radical general survey of the history of the Indian alphafault in the argumentation. The facts with re- bets, the principles adopted above have been fully ference to the age of the inscriptions being indis- worked out and applied also to the writing of putable, the fault must lie in the tacit assumption Southern India, and if it is shown that in the that the inscriptions give us a correct view of the South, too, the apparent gradual transformation of development of the Indian alphabets. This being the epigraphic characters is not the cause of the once recognised, the case is plain enough. Start- development of the modern literary characters, ing from the two facts that we have, on the ' but the result of their existence. S. H. PTOLEMY'S GEOGRAPHY OF INDIA AND SOUTHERN ASIA. WITH A COMMENTARY By J. W. MCCRINDLE, M.A., M.R.AS. In publishing a commentary on Ptolemy's which my information has been derived, but I Geography of India I may indicate in limine may here state that I have generally adopted the what method I have followed in the treatment of views of M. Vivien de Saint-Martin and those the subject, and also on what authorities I have of Colonel Yule, whose map of Ancient India mainly relied. I have then, in an introductory in Smith's Historical Atlas of Ancient Geochapter, attempted to give a succinct account of graphy is allowed to be the best that has yet the general nature of Ptolemy's geographical been produced. These authors have examined system, and this is followed by a translation of the whole or nearly the whole of the PtoleBeveral chapters of his First Book, which serve to maio Geography of India, and their conclu. exhibit his general mode of procedure in dealing sions are for the most part coincident. The with questions of Geography, and at the same time works of Saint Martin which I have consulted convey his views of the configuration of the are these: Etude sur la Geographie Grecque et coasts of India, both on this side the Ganges and Latine de l'Inde, et en particulier sur l'Inde de beyond. The object of the notes which form the Ptolemee, dans ses rapports avec la Geographie commentary is 1st, to show, as far as has been Sanslerite; Memoire Analytique sur la Carte de ascertained, how each place named by Ptolemy PAsie Centrale et de l'Inde; and Etude sur la in his Indian Tables has been identified; 2nd, to Geographie et les populations primitives du Nordtrace the origin or etymology of each name, so far Ouest de l'Inde d'apres les hymnes veliques. as it is possible to do so; and 3rd, to notice very Colonel Yule has expressed his views respecting concisely the mos prominent facts in the ancient Ptolemy chiefly in the notes upon the map referred history of the places of importance mentioned. to, but he comments upon him also occasionally In the notes it will be found that I have generally in the notes to his edition of Marco Polo and in observed the rule of quoting the sources from other works from his pen. Frequent reference will

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* 314 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [OCTOBER, 1884. be found in my notes to that work of vast erudition, Prof. Lassen's Indische Alterthumskunde. Un fortunately the section which he has devoted to a full examination of Ptolemy's India is the least satisfactory portion of his work. His system of identification is based on a wrong principle, and many of the conclusions to which it has led are such as cannot be accepted. His work is, notwithstanding, as Yule says, " a precious mine of material for the study of the ancient geography of India." For elucidations of the Ptolemaic geography of particular portions of India I have consulted with great advantage such works as-Wilson's Ariana Antiqua ; General Cunningham's Geography of Ancient India, Vol. I; and his Reports on the Archaeological Survey of India; Bishop Caldwell's Introduction to his Dravidian Grammar, valuable for identification of places in the south of the Peninsula; the Bombay Gazetteer, edited by Mr. J. M. Campbell, who has carefully investigated the antiquities of that Presidency; the Asiatic Researches; the Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, and of the kindred Societies in India; the Journal of the Royal Geographical Society; the articles on India and on places in India in Smith's Dictionary of Classical Geography, written almost all by Mr. Vaux; articles in this Journal; Benfey's Indien in the Encyclopadie of Ersch and Gruber; Abbe Halma's Traite de Geographie de Claude Ptolemee (Paris, 1828); and the chapters on Marinos and Ptolemy's System of Geography in Bunbury's History of Ancient Geography. I have also consulted numerous other works which I need not here specify. PTOLEMY AND HIS SYSTEM OF GEOGRAPHY. Klaudios Ptolemaios, or as he is commonly called, Ptolemy, was distinguished alike as a Mathematician, a Musician, an Astronomer and a Geographer, and was altogether one of the most accomplished men of science that antiquity produced. His works were considered as of paramount authority from the time of their publication until the discoveries of modern times had begin to show their imperfections and errors. It is surprising that with all his fame, which had even in his own lifetime become pre-eminent, that the particulars of his personal history should be shrouded in all but total darkness. Nothing in fact is known for certain regarding him further than that he flourished in Alexandria about the middle of the 2nd century of our aera, in the reign of Antoninus Pius, whom he appears to have survived. His work on Geography formed a sequel to his great work on Astronomy, commonly called the Almagest. From its title lewypapu) 'Yohyois, an Outline of Geography, we might be led to infer that it was a general treatise on the subject, like the comprehensive work of Strabo, but in reality it treats almost exclusively of Mathematical, or what may be called Cosmical, Geography. Ptole. my's object in composing it was not like that of the ordinary Geographer to describe places, but to correct and reform the map of the world in accordance with the increased knowledge which had been acquired of distant countries and with the improved state of science. He therefore limits his argument to an exposition of the geometrical principles on which Geography should be based, and to a deterinination of the position of places on the surface of the earth by their latitudes and longitudes. What he consi. dered to be the proper method of determining geographical positions he states very clearly in the following passage: "The proper course," he says, "in drawing up a map of the world is to lay down as the basis of it those points that were determined by the most correct (astronomical) observations, and to fit into it those derived from other sources, so that their positions may suit as well as possible with the principal points thus laid down in the first instance." Unfortunately, as Bunbury remarks, it was impossible for him to carry out in practice-even approximately-the scheme that he had so well laid down in theory. The astronomical observations to which he could refer were but fewand they were withal either so defective or so inaccurate that he could not use them with con. fidence. At the same time his information concerning many parts of the earth, whether owing to their remoteness or the conflicting accounts of travellers regarding them, was imperfect in the extreme. The extent, however, of his geographical knowledge was far greater than that possessed by any of his predecessors, and he had access to sources of information which enabled him to correct many of the errors into which they had fallen. He was induced to undertake the composition of his Geography through his being dissatisfied more or less with all the existing systems. There was however one work--that of his immediate precursor, Marinos of Tyre-which approximated somewhat closely to his ideal, and which he therefore made the basis of his own treatise. MariTos, he tell us, had collected his materials with the most praiseworthy diligence, and had moreover sifted them both with care and judgment. He points out, however, that his system required Book I. cap. 4. The translation is Bunbury's,

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OCTOBER, 1884.] PTOLEMY'S GEOGRAPHY. 315 correction both as to the method of delineating the sphere on a plane surface, and as to the com. putation of distances, which he generally exaggerated. He censures him likewise for having assigned to the known world too great a length from west to east, and too great a breadth from north to south. Of Ptolemy's own system, the more prominent characteristics may now be noted. He assumed the earth to be a sphere, and adopting the estimate of Poseidonios fixed its circumference at 180,000 stadia, thus making the length of a degree at the equator to be only 500 stadia, instead of 600, which is its real length. To this fundamental miscalculation may be referred not a few of the most serious errors to be found in his work. With regard to the question of the length and the breadth of the inhabited part of the earth, a question of first importance in those days, he estimated its length as measured along the parallel of Rhodes which divided the then known world into two nearly equal portions at 72,000 stadia, and its breadth at 10,000. The meridian in the west from which he calculated his longitudes was that which passed through the Islands of the Bleet (Makaron Nesoi) probably the Canary Islands, and his most eastern meridian was that which passed through the Metropolis or the Sinai, which he calls Sinai or Thinai, and places in 180deg 40 E. Long. and 3deg S. Lat. The distance of this meridian from that of Alexandria he estimated at 119degrees, and the distance of the first meridian from the same at 60 degrees, making together 180 de. grees, or exactly one-half of the circumference of the earth. His estimate of the breadth he obtained by fixing the southern limit of the inhabited parts in the parallel of 161 degrees of South Latitude, which passes through a point as far south of the Equator as Meroe is north of it. And by fixing the northern limit in the parallel of 63 degrees North Latitude, which passes through Thoule (probably the Shetland Islands), a space of nearly 80 degrees was thus included between the two parallels, and this was equivalent in Ptolemy's mode of reckoning to 40,000 stadia. | Having made these determinations he had next to consider in what mode the surface of the earth with its meridians of longitude and parallels of latitude should be represented on a sphere and on a plane surface-of the two modes of delineation that on the sphere is the much easier to make, as it involves no method of projection, but a map drawn on a plane is far more convenient for use, as it presents simultaneously to the eye a far greater extent of surface. Marinos had drawn his map of the world on a plane, but his method of projection was altogether unsatisfactory. It is thus described by Ptolemy: Marinos, he says, on account of the importance of the countries around the Mediterranean, kept as his base the line fixed on of old by Eratosthenes, vix, the parallel through Rhodes in the 36th degree of north latitude. He then calculated the length of a degree along this parallel, and found it to contain 400 stadia, the equatorial degree being taken at 500. Having divided this parallel into degrees he drew perpendiculars through the points of division for the meridians, and his parallels of latitude were straight lines parallel to that which passed through Rhodes. The imperfections of such a projection are obvious. It represented the parts of the earth north of the parallel of Rhodes much beyond, and those south of it much below, their proper length. Places again to the north of the line stood too far apart from each other, and those to the south of it too close together. The projection, moreover, is an erroneous representation, since the parallels of latitude ought to be circular arcs and not straight lines. Ptolemy having pointed out these objections to the system of Marinos proceeds to explain the methods which he himself employed. We need say nothing more regarding them than that they were such as presented a near approximation to some of those which are still in use among modern Geographers. Ptolemy's treatise is divided into 8 books. In the 1st or introductory book he treats first of Geography generally-he then explains and and Rhodes, which had been determined by direct observation."-Bunbury, Hist. of Anc. Geog., vol. II, * The Island of Ferro-the westernmost of the Group of the Canaries, which was long taken as the prime meridian, and is still so taken in Germany-is really situated 18deg 20' west of Greenwich, while Cape St. Vincent (called anciently the sacred Cape) is just about 9. o that the real difference between the two amounted to 9deg 20' instead of only 21'. Two corrections must there. fore be applied to Ptolemy's longitudes-one-sixth must be deducted because of his under-estimate of the length of a degree along the Equator, and 6deg 50' must be added beOse Forro was so much further west than he supposed. Subject to these corrections his longitudes would be fairly accurate, provided his caloulations of distances were otherwise free from error. * The Olympic stadium, which was in general use throughout Groeco, contained 600 Greek feet, which were equal to 625 Roman feet, or 6061 English feet. The Roman mile contained 8 stadia, or about hall #stadium less than an English mile. A stadium of 600 Greek feet was very nearly the 600th part of a degree, and 10 stadia are therefore just about equal to a Nautical or Geographical mile. According to Eratosthenes, a degree at the Equator Was equal to 700 stadia, but according to Poseidonios it was equal to only 500. The truth lay between, but Ptolemy unfortunately followed Poseidonios in his error. 3 "The equinoctial line was of course porfestly fixed and definite in Ptolemy's mind, as an astronomical line; but he had no means of assigning its position on the Map of the World, except with reference to other parallele, such as the tropic at Syene, or the parallels of Aletandria

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316 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [OCTOBER, 1884. criticizes the system of Marinos, and concludes by raries, or from records of voyages and travels. describing the methods of projection which may This supposition is however untenable, for we be employed in the construction of maps. The find that while the statements as to the length of next 6 books and the first 4 chapters of the 7th the longest days at the selected places are always book consist of tables which give distinctly incorrect for the latitudes assigned them, they are degrees and parts of a degree the latitudes and often glaringly wrong for their real positions. longitudes of all the places in his map. These Ptolemy, it is evident, first mapped out in the best places are arranged together in sections accord- way he could the places, and then calculated ing to the country or tribe to which they belong, for the more important of these places the and each section has prefixed to it a brief de- astronomical phenomena incident to them as so scription of the boundaries and divisions of the situated. I conclude by presenting the reader part about to be noticed. Descriptive notices are with a translation of some chapters of the Inalso occasionally interspersed among the lists, but troductory Book,' where Ptolemy in reviewing the the number of such is by no means considerable. estimate made by Marinos of the length of the The remainder of the 7th book and the whole of known world from west to east, has frequent the 8th are occupied with a description of a series occasion to mention India and the Provinces of maps which, it would appear, had been prepared beyond the Ganges, which together constitute to accompany the publication of the work, and what is now called Indo-China. which are still extant. The number of the maps is . Boox I., CAP. 11. twenty-six, viz. 10 for Europe, 4 for Libya, and 12 for Asia. They are drawn to different scales, larger $1. What has now been stated will suffice or smaller, according as the division represented to show us what extent in breadth it would was more or less known. He gives for each be fair to assign to the inhabited world. map the latitudes and longitudes of a certain Its length is given by Marinos at 15 hours, number of the most important cities contained this being the distance comprised between his in it, but these positions were not given in the two extreme meridians-but in our opinion he same manner as in the tables, for the latitudes has unduly extended the distance towards the are now denoted by the length of the longest day east. In fact, if the estimate be properly and the longitudes according to the difference of reduced in this direction the entire length time from Alexandria. It might be supposed that the positions in question were such as had must be fixed at less than 12 hours, the Islands been determined by actual astronomical observa of the Blest being taken as the limit towards tions, as distinguished from those in the Tables, the west, and the remotest parts of Sera and which were for the most part derived from itine. the Sinai' and Kattigara' as the limit towards The edition used is that of C. F. A. Noble, Leipsic, such libraries of literature. The Chinese Annalist who mentions the Roman Embassy adds: "The people of " China for nearly 1,000 years has been known to the that kingdom (Ta-t'sin or the Roman Empire) came in nations of Inner Asia, and to those whose soquaintance numbers for trading purposes to Fu-nan, Ji-nan, and with it was got by that channel, under the name of Kian-chi.' Fu-nan we have seen, was Champa, or Zabai. Khitai, Khata, or Cathay, e.g., the Russians still call it In Ji-nan with its chief port Kian-chi, we may recognize Khitai. The pair of names, Khitai and Machin, or with assurance Kattigara, Portus Sinarum. Richthofen's Cathay and China, is analogous to the other pair Seres solution has the advantages of preserving the true meanand Sinai. Seres was the name of the great nation in ing of Sinai 88 the Chinese, and of. locating the Portus the far east as known by land, Sinai as known by se Sinarum in what was then politically a part of China, and they were often supposed to be diverse, just as whilst the remote Metropolis Thinae remains unequivoCathay and China were afterwards." Yule's Marco cally the capital of the Empire, whether Si-gnan-fu in Polo, 2nd ed., Latrod., p. 11 and note. Chen-ei, or Lo-yang in Ho-nan be meant. I will only 1 The locality of Kattigara has been fixed very add that though we find Katighora in Edrisi's Geography variously. Richthofen identified it with Kian-chi in I apprehend this to be a mere adoption from the Geogra. Tong-king, and Colonel Yule has adopted this view. phy of Ptolemy, founded on no recent authority. It "To myself," he says, "the arguments adduced by must have kept its place also on the later medieval Richthofen in favour of the location of Kattigara in the maps; for Pigafetta, in that part of the circumnavigaGulf of Tong-king, are absolutely convincing. This tion where the crew of the Victoria began to look out position seems to satisfy every condition. For 1st, for the Asiatic coast, says that Magellan changed the Tong-king was for some centuries at that period (B. C. course ... until in 130 of N. Lat. in order to approach 111 to A.D. 263), only incorporated as part of the Chinese the land of Cape Gaticara, which Cape (under correction Empire. 2nd, the only part mentioned in the Chinese of those who have made cosmography their study, for they annals as at that period open to foreign traffio was Kian- have never seen it), is not placed where they think, but chi, substantially identical with the modern capital of is towards the north in 12deg or thereabouts. The Cape Tong-king, Kesho or Hanoi. Whilst there are no looked for was evidently the extreme S. E. point of Asia, notices of foreign arrivals by any other approach, there actually represented by Cape Varela or Cape St. James are repeated notices of such arrivals by this province, on the coast of Cochin-China.] It is probable that, as including that famous embassy from Antan, King of Richthofen points out, Kattigara, or at any rate KiarTa-t'ein, i.e., M. Aurelius Antoninus (A.D. 161-180) in chi was the Lukin or Al-WAkin of the early Arab GeoA.D. 166. The province in question was then known Kraphers. But the terminus of the Arab voyagers of the as Ji-nan (or Zhi-nan, French); whence possibly the 9th century was no longer in Tong-King, it was Khan-fu, name Sinai, which has travelled so far and spread over apparently the Kan-pu of the Chinese, the haven of the 1843: China for Danis, and to thnel, und Annalist adds: for traditsin or the

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OCTOBER, 1884.] PTOLEMY'S GEOG. BK. I, CH. 11. 317 the east. SS 2. Now the entire distance from measures, in fact, a little over that number if the Islands of the Blest to the passage of we go by the exact proportion of the parallels, the Euphrates at Hierapolis, as measured along but the excess is so trifling as in the case of the the parallel of Rhodes, is accurately determined equatorial degree, that it may be neglected. But by summing together the several intervening his estimates of the distances beyond Hierapolis distances as estimated in stadia by Marinos, require correction. $ 4. He computes the for not only were the distances well ascertained distance from the passage of the Euphrates from being frequently traversed, but Marinos already mentioned to the Stone Tower" at 876 seems moreover in his computation of the scheenio or 26, 280 stadia, and from the Stone greater distances, to have taken into account Tower to Sera, the metropolis of the Seres, at a the necessary corrections for irregularities and 7 months' journey or 36,200 stadia as reckoned deviations. Heunderstood, besides, that while along the same parallel. Now in neither the length of a single degree of the 360 case has he made the proper deductions for the degrees into which the equatorial circle is excess caused by deviations; and for the second divided measures, as in the commonly accepted route he falls into the same absurdity as when estimate, 500 stadia, the parallel circle which he estimated the distance from the Garamantes passes through Rhodes in 36 degrees of N. to Agisymba." 5. Where he had to deduct latitude, measures about 400 stadia. $ 3. It above half of the stadia in the march of the 3 great city which we know as Hang-chow, and which then the high valloys of the Orue through Badakshin; that lay on or near delta-arm of the great Yang-tse." in the centre, which goes directly to Kashgar by the Those arguments may be accepted as conclusively settling high valleys of the Syr-Derye or Jazartes; and lastly the vexed question as to the position of Kattigara. In that of the north, which goes down a part of the middle & paper, however, recently read before the R. Asiatio valley of the Jasartes before turning to the east towards Society, Mr. Holt, an eminent Chinese scholar, expressed Chinese Tartary. Or these three routes, the itinerary of the a different view. He "showed that there was good Greek merchants could only apply to the 2nd or the 3rd : evidence of a very early communication from some port und if, as has been for a long time supposed with much on the Chinese coast to near Martaban, or along the probability, the Stone Tower of the Itinerary is found in valley of the Irawadi to the north-weat capital of China, an important place belonging to the valley of the then at Signan-fu or Ho-nan-fu. He then showed that the Jazartes, of which the name Tashkand has precisely the name of China had been derived from the Indians, who same meaning in the language of the Turkomins, it first knew China, and was not due to the Tain Dynasty, would be the northern route that the caravan of Maes but more probably came from the name of the Compass would have followed. The march of seven months in Apecimens of which were supplied to the early envoys, advancing constantly towards the east leads necessarily the Chinese being thus known in India as the Compass- towards the north of China (Saint-Martin, Etude, pp. people, just as the Seres, another Chinese population, 428-9.) Sir H. Rawlinson however assigns it a more derived their western name from "Silk. That the southern position, placing it at Tash-kurghan, an ancient knowledge of this fact was lost to both Indians and city which was of old the capital of the Sarik-kul Chinese is clear from the use by Hiuen-Tsiang and territory, a district lying between Yarkand and Badaklater writers of two symbols (800 Morrison's Dic- shan, and known to the Chinese as Ko-panto. The walls tionary, syllabio part, No. 8,033) to designate the of Tash-kurghan are built of unusually large blocks of country, these, while giving the sound Che-ha,' stone. It was no doubt, Sir Henry remarks, owing to indicate that they are substitutes for original words of the massive materials of which it was built, that it like sounds, the true sense of which onnnot now be re- received the name of Tash-kurghan or the Stone Fort, covered. Having shown that M. Reinaud's view of an and it seems to have every claim to represent the intercourse between China and Egypt in the first XLOvos upyor of Ptolemy, where the caravans rendezcentury A.D. has no real foundation, Mr. Holt voused before entering China, in preference to Tashkand further stated that there was no evidence of an embassy or Ush, which have been selected as the site of the Stone from M. Aurelius having gone by som to China in A.D. Tower by other geographers."-Jour. R. Geog. Soc. 166. In conclusion, he urged, that in his judgment, vol. XLII, p. 327. there was no proof whatever of any knowledge of a 30 According to Herodotos (lib. II, . vi), the schoinos maritime way to China before the 4th century A.D., the was equal to two Persian parasange or 60 stadia, but it voyage even of Fa-hian, at that period being open to was very vague and uncertain menure, varying as serious criticism. He believes therefore with . Gos Strabo informs us (lib. XVII, c. i, 24) from 30 to 120 Belin that the Kattigars of Ptolemy was probably not far stadia. In the case before us, it was taken as equivalent from the present Martaban, and that India for a consi to the parasang of 30 stadia and afforded with correction derable period up to the 7th century A.D. dominated some approximation to the truth. over Cambodia." 11 "The Roman arms had been carried during the Deviations from the straight line by which the route reign of Augustus (B. C. 19)_es far as the land of the would be represented in the map. The irregularities Garamantes, the modern Fezzan, and though the refer to the occasional shortening of the daily march by Roman Emperors never attempted to establish their obstacles of various kinds, bad roads, hostile attacks, dominion over the country, they appear to have per. fatigue, &o. manently maintained friendly relations with its rulers, "One of the circumstances of the route that Pto. which enabled their officers to make use of the onsis of the lemy has reproduced from Marinos is that op leaving Garamantes as their point of departure from which to Baktra the traveller directed his course for a long penetrate further into the interior. Setting out from enough time towards the North. Assuredly the caravans thenoe, General named Septimius Planous arrived at touched at Samarkand (the Marakanda of Greek authors) the land of the Ethiopians, after a march of 8 months which was then, se now, one of the important centres of towards the south. Another Commander named Julius the region beyond the Oxus. For passing from Sordis- Maternus, apparently at a later date, setting out from ns to the east of the snowy range, whieh covers the Leptis MAKTA, proooeded from thence to Garams, where souroes of the Jarartes and the Oxus, three main routeshe united his foroes with those of the king of the hayo existed at all times that of the south, which sscends Garmanton, who was himself undertaking hostile

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318 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [OCTOBER, 1884. months and 14 days, since such a march could not and Sera lying farther south than the parallel possibly have been accomplished without halting. through the Hellespont) it would appear but The necessity for halting would be still more reasonable in this case also to diminish by not urgent when the march was one which occupied less than a half the distance altogether traver7 months. $ 6. But the former march was ac- bed in the 7 months' journey, computed at 36,200 complished even by the king of the country him- stadia, and so let us reduce the number of self, who would naturally use every precaution, stadia which these represent at the equator and the weather besides was all throughout by one-half only, and we thus obtain (22,625) most propitious. But the route from the Stone stadia or 451 degrees.18 $ 2. For it would Tower to Sera is exposed to violent storms, for be absurd, and show a want of proper judgas he himself assumes, it lies under the parallels ment, if, when reason enjoins us to curof the Hellespont and Byzantium," so that tail the length of both routes we should the progress of travellers would be frequently follow the injunction with respect to the interrupted. $ 7. Now it was by means of African route, to the length of which there commerce this became known, for Marinos tells is the obvious objection, vis., the species of us that one Maes, a Makedonian, called also animals in the neighbourhood of Agisymba, Titianus, who was a merchant by hereditary which cannot bear to be transplanted from profession, had written abook giving the their own climate to another, while we refuse measurement in question, which he had obtained to follow the injunction with regard to the not by visiting the Seres in person, but from route from the Stone Tower, because there is the agents whom he had sent to them. But not a similar objection to its length, seeing that Marinos seems to have distrusted accounts the temperature all along this route is uniform, hoxrowed from traders. $ 8. In giving, for quite independantly of its being longer or instanse, on the authority of Philemon, the shorter. Just as if one who reasons according length of Ivernia (Ireland) at a 20 days' journey, to the principles of philosophy, could not, he refuses to accept this estimate, which was unless the case were otherwise clear, arrive at got, he tells us, from merchants, whom he a sound conclusion." reprobates as a class of men too much engrossed $ 3. With regard again to the first of the two with their own proper business to care about Asiatic routes, that, I mean which leads from ascertaining the truth, and who also from mere the Euphrates to the Stone Tower, the estimate vanity frequently exaggerated distances. Sol of 870 schceni must be reduced to 800 only. or too, in the case before us, it is manifest that 24,000 stadia, on account of deviations. SS 4. We nothing in the course of the 7 months' journey may accept as correct his figures for the entire was thought worthy either of record or remem- distance as the several stages had been frebrance by the travellers except the prodigious quently traversed and had therefore been time taken to perform it. measured with accuracy. But that there CAP. 12. were numerous deviations is evident from SS 1. Taking all this into consideration, to- what Marinos himself tells us. $ 5. For the gether with the fact that the route does not lie route from the passage of the Euphrates at along one and the same parallel (the Stone Tower Hierapolis through Mesopotamia to the being situated near the parallel of Byzantium, Tigris, and the route thence through the expedition against the Ethiopians, and their combined armies after marching for four months towards the south,' arrived at & country inhabited by Ethiopians, called Agisymba, in which rhinocerobes abounded."Bunbury, Hist. of Ane. Geog., vol. II, pp. 522-3. 1. Lat. 40deg 1-Lat. of T&sh-kurghan. 13 36,200 stadia along the parallel of Rhodes are equivalent according to Ptolemy's system to 45,250 stadia along the equator, and this sum reduced by a half gives the figures in the text. * Marinos was aware that Agisymba lay in a hot climate, from the fact that its neighbourhood was reported to be a favourite resort for rhinocerobes, and he was thus compelled to reduce his first estimate of its distanon. which would have placed it in far too cold a latitude for these animals, which are found only in hot regions. But no such palpable necessity compelled him to reduce his estimate of the distance from the Stone Tower to the Metropolis of the Seres, for here the route had an equable temperature, as it did not recede from the equator but lay almost uniformly along the same phrallel of latitude. A little reflexion, however, might have shown Marinos that his enormous estimate of the distance to the Serio Metropolis required reduction as much as the distance to Aginymba, though such a cogent argument that which was based on the habitat of the rhinoceros was not in this instance available. It is on the very face of it absurd to suppose that a ravan oould have marched through a difficult and unknown country for 7 months consecutively at an average progress of 170 stadia (about 20 miles) daily.

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OCTOBER, 1884.) PTOLEMY'S GEOG. BK. I, CH. 12. 319 Garamaioi of Assyria, and through passing through these mountains it pursues Media to Ekbatana and the Kaspian & southern course as far as the ravine that Gates, and through Parthia to Hekatom- opens into the plain country. $ 8. For the pylos Marinos considers to lie along the northern parts of the mountain region and parallel which passes through Rhodes, for he those furthest to the west where the ascent traces (in his map) this parallel as passing begins, are placed by him under the parallel of through these regions. $ 6. But the route from Byzantium, and those in the south and the Hekatom pylos to the capital city of east under the parallel of the Hellespont. Hyrkania must, of necessity, diverge to the For this reason, he says, that this route makes north, because that city lies somewhere between a detour of equal length in opposite directions, the parallel of Smyrna and that of the Helles- that in advancing to the east it bends towards pont, since the parallel of Smyrna is traced as the south, and thereafter probably runs up passing below Hyrkania and that of the Helles- towards the north for 50 schoni, till it reaches pont through the southern parts of the Hyrke- the Stone Tower. $ 9. For to quote his own nian Sea from the city bearing the same name, words, "When the traveller has ascended the which lies a little farther north. $ 7. But, ravine he arrives at the Stone Tower, after again, the route herefrom to Antiokheial which the mountains that trend to the east (Merv) of Margiana through Areia, at first unite with Imaus, the range that runs up to the bends towards the south, since Areia lies north from Palimbothra." SS 10. If, then, to under the same parallel as the Kaspian Gates, the 60 degrees made up of the 24,000 stadia, we and then afterwards turns towards the north, add the 45 degrees which represent the disAntiokheia being situated under the parallel of tance from the Stone Tower to Sers, we get the Hellespont. The route after this runs 1057 degrees as the distance between the in an eastward direction to Baktra whence Euphrates and Sera as measured along the it turns towards the north in ascending the parallel of Rhodes.16 $ 11. But, further, we mountains of the K6 med oi, and then in can infer from the number of stadia which he 15 The actual latitudes of the places here mentioned Stadis. may be compared with those of Ptolemy : Thence to Alexandreia of the Areioi (Herat).. 6,400 Real Lat. Ptolemy's Lat. Thence to Baktra, called also Zariaspa (Balkh) 3,870 Byzantium.......... 41deg 43deg 5 Thence to the Jazartes, which Alexander Hellespont 41deg 15 reached, about ............... Smyrna ................ 88deg 28 88deg 35' 37deg Issus .. 36deg 85 Making a total of ............... ................ 22,670" Rhodes 38deg 24 36deg 25 He also assigns the following distances from the Hierapolis................. 86deg 28 36deg 15 Kaspian Gates to India : Stadia. Ekbatana ............ 34deg 50 87deg 45 "To Hekatompylos ......... 1,960 Kaspian Gates.................. 35deg 80 To Alexandreia of the Areioi (Herat)............ 4,530 Hekatompylos ................. 35deg 40 37deg 50 Thence to Prophthasis in Drangs (a little north of lake Zarah ............ Antiokheis (Merv) ............... 37deg 35 40 20 Thence to the City Arakhotos (Ulan Robat)... Baktra (Balkh) ... 86' 40 41deg Then to Ortospana (K Abul) on the 3 roads Stone Tower (TAshkand) ...... 42deg 58 19 from Baktra.......... Sera Metropolis (Ho-nan)...... 38deg 35 83deg 58 Thence to the confines of India 1,000 20 St. Martin identifies Sera, the Metropolis of the Seres, with a site near Ho-nan-fu. He says, (Etudes, p. Which together amount to ............. 15,300" 432) "At the time when the caravan journey reported by The sum total however is only.............. Maes was made in the first half of the first century of er is only................... 15,210 Pliny (lib. VI, 6. xxi) Bays: "Diognetus and Baeton, his our era), the Han surnamed Eastern held the reins of (Alexander's) measurers, have recorded that from the Kas government, and their residence was at Lo-yang DOAR pianGates to Hekatompylos of the Parthians there were the present City of Ho-nan-fou, not far from the southern as many miles as we have stated, thence to Alexandria bank of the lower Hoang-ho. It is there then we should Arion a city built by that king, 575 miles, to Prophthasia look to find the place which in their ignorance of the of the Drangae 198 miles, to the town of the Arakhosii language of the country, and in their disdain for barbar. 565 miles, to Hortoepanum 175 miles, thence to Alexan. ous names, the Greek traders designated merely as the der's town (Opiane) 50 miles. In some copies numbers Metropolis of the Seres." The road these traders took differing from these are found. They state that the lastappears to have been the same by which Hiuen-Tsiang named city lay at the foot of Caucasus ; from that the travelled towards India. distance to the Cophes and Peucolatis, town of the We may here insert for comparison with Ptolemy's dis Indians, was 287 miles, and thenoe to the river Indus and tances two itineraries, one by Strabo and the other by town of Tarila 60 miles, to the Hydaspes, a famous river, Pliny. Strabo (lib. XI, c. viii, 9) says: "These are the 120 miles, to the Hypasis, no menn river [1XXXIXT] 390-- distances which he (Eratosthenes) gives : which was the limit of Alexander's progress, although Stadia. ke crossed the river and dedicated altars on the far-off From the Kaspian Sea to the Kyros about ... 1,800 bank, as the letters of the king himself agree in stat. Thonoe to the Kaspian Gates ..................... 5,600 ing." The Kaspian Gates formed a point of great import 400 ***........... 5,000 37 .. 1,600 2,000

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320 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. gives as the distance between successive places lying along the same parallel, that the distance from the Islands of the Blest to the sacred Promontory in Spain (Cape St. Vincent), is 2 degrees, and the distance thence to the mouth of the Betis (Guadalquivir), the same. From the Baetis to Kalpe, and the entrance of the Straits, 2 degrees. From the Straits to Karallis in Sardinia, 25 degrees. From Karallis to Lilybaion, in Sicily, 4 degrees. From this Cape to Pakhynos, 3 degrees. Then again, from Pakhynos to Tainaros, in Lakonia, 10 degrees. Thence to Rhodes, 84 degrees. From Rhodes to Issus, 11 degrees, and finally from Issos to the Euphrates, 2 degrees." SS 12. The sum of these particular distances gives a total of 72 degrees, consequently the entire length of the known world between the meridian of the Islands of the Blest and that of the Seres is 177 degrees, as has been already shown.13 CAP. 13. SS 1. That such is the length of the inhabited world may also be inferred from his estimate of the distances in a voyage from India to the Gulf of the Sinai and Kattigara, if the sinuosities of the coast and irregularity of the navigation be taken into account, together with the positions as drawn into nearer proximity in the projections; for, he says, that beyond the Cape called Kory where the ance in ancient Geography, and many of the meridians were measured from it. The pass has been clearly identified with that now known as the Sirdar Pass between Veramin and Kishlak in Khowar. Arrian states that the distance from the city of Rhagai to the entrance of the Gates was a one day's march. This was, however, a forced march, as the ruins of Rhagai (now Rai, about 5 miles from Tehran) are somewhere about 30 miles distant from the Pass. 17 I may present here the tabular form in which Mr. Bunbury (vol. II, p. 638) exhibits the longitudes of the principal points in the Mediterranean as given by Ptolemy, and the actual longitudes of the same points computed from Ferro : Sacred Promontory Mouth of Baetis....... Calpe (at mouth of Straits). Caralis in Sardinia...... Lilybaeum in Sicily. Longitude in Real longitude Ptolemy. E. of Ferro. 2deg 30' 9deg 20' 5deg 20' 12deg 7deg 30' 13deg 27deg 30' 32deg 30 37deg 30deg 45' Pachynus (Prom.) in Sicily. 40deg Tenarus (Prom.).. 33deg 25' 40deg 50' 50deg Rhodes 58deg 20' 69deg 20' 46deg 45' 54deg 30' Issus..... The same authority observes (vol. II, p. 564) "Ptolemy thus made the whole interval from the Sacred Cape to Issus, which really comprises only about 45deg 15' to extend over not less than 67 degrees of longitude, and the length of the Mediterranean itself from Calpe to Issus, to amount to 62 degrees: rather more than 20 degrees beyond the truth. It is easy to detect one [OCTOBER, 1884. Kolkhic Gulf terminates, the Argaric Gulf begins, and that the distance thence to the City of Kouroula, which is situated to the north-east of K ory is 3,400 stadia. SS 2. The distance right across may, therefore, be estimated at about 2,030 stadia, since we have to deduct a third because of the navigation having followed the curvature of the Gulf, and have also to make allowances for irregularities in the length of the courses run. SS 3. If now we further reduce this amount by a third, because the sailing, though subject to interruption, was taken as continuous, there remain 1,350 stadia, determining the position of Kouroula as situated north-east from Kory. SS 4. If now this distance be referred to a line running parallel to the equator and towards the East, and we reduce its length by half in accordance with the intercepted angle, we shall have as the distance between the meridian of Kouroula and that of Kory, 675 stadia, or 1 degree, since the parallels of these places do not differ materially from the great circle.1 SS 5. But to proceed: the course of the voyage from Kouroura lies, he says, to the southeast as far as Paloura, the distance being 9,450 stadia. Here, if we deduct as before onethird for the irregularities in the length of the courses, we shall have the distance on account of the navigation having been continuous to principal source of this enormous error. Though the distances above given are reported by Ptolemy in degrees of longitude, they were computed by Marinos himself from what he calls stadiasmi, that is from dis tances given in maritime itineraries and reported in stadia. In other words, he took the statements and estimates of preceding authorities and converted them into degrees of longitude, according to his own calculation that a degree on the equator was equal to 500 stadia, and consequently a degree of longitude in latitude 36deg would be equal (approximately) to 400 stadia." The total length of the Mediterranean computed from the stadiasmoi must have been 24,800. This was an improvement on the estimate of Eratosthenes, but was still excessive. In the ancient mode of reckoning sea distances the tendency was almost uniformly towards exaggeration. 18 The different corrections to be applied to Ptolemy's eastern longitudes have been calculated by Sir Henry Rawlinson to amount to three-tenths, which is within one-seventieth part of the empirical correction used by M. Gossellin. If we take one-fifth from Ptolemy's longitude of a place, and deduct 17 43' for the W. longi. tude of Ferro, we obtain very approximately the modern English longitude. Thus, for Barygaza, Ptolemy's longitude is 113deg15' and 113deg15-22deg39-17deg43-72deg53', or only 5' less than the true longitude W. of Greenwich. -J. B.] 10 By the intercepted angle is meant the angle contained by two straight lines drawn from Kory, one running north-east to Kouroula and the other parallel to the Equator. In Ptolemy's map Kouroula is so placed that its distance in a straight line from Kory is about double the distance between the meridians of those two places.

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October, 1884.] PTOLEMY'S GEOG. BK. I, CH. 14. 321 the south-east about 6,300 stadia. $ 6. Andnese to Kattigara, but says that one Alexander if we deduct from this in like manner as before had written that the land thereafter faced the one-sixth, in order to find the distance parallel south, and that those sailing along this coast to the equator, we shall make the interval reached the city of Zaba in 20 days, and by between the meridians of these two places 5,250 continuing the voyage from Zaba southward, stadia, or 10 degrees. but keeping more to the left, they arrived after $ 7. At this place the Gangetic Gulf begins, some days at Kattigara. $ 2. He then makes which he estimates to be in circuit 19,000 this distance very great by taking the expresstadia. The passage across it from Paloura sion "some days" to mean "many days," to Sada in a direct line from west to east assigning as his reason that the days occupied is 1,300 stadia. Here, then, we have but by the voyage were too many to be counted, -a one deduction to make, viz., one-third on ac- most absurd reason, it strikes me. $ 3. For count of the irregularity of the navigation, would even the number of days it takes to go leaving as the distance between the meridians round the whole world be past counting? And of Paloura and Sada 8,670 stadia, or 17} de- was there anything to prevent Alexander writing grees. S 8. The voyage is continued onward many" instead of "some," especially when from Sada to the City of Tamala, a dis- we find him saying that Dioskoros had reported tance of 3,500 stadia, in a south-eastward that the voyage from Rhapta to Cape direction. If a third be here again deducted on Prasu m took "many days." One might in account of irregularities, we find the length of fact with far more reason take some" to mean the continuous passage to be 2,330 stadia, but we "a few," for we have been wont to censure must further take into account the divergence this style (of expression)."0 4. So now lest we towards the south-east, and deduct one-sixth, so should appear to fallourselves into the same error, we find the distance between the meridians in that of adapting conjectures about distances question to be 1,940 stadia, or 3deg 50' nearly. to some number already fixed on, let us compare $ 9. He next sets down the passage from the voyage from the Golden Khersonese to Tamala to the Golden Khersonese at 1,600 Kattigara, consisting of the 20 days to Zaba stadia, the direction being still towards the and the "some days" thence to Kattigara with south-east, so that after making the usual de the voyage from Aromata to Cape Prasum, and ductions there remain as the distance between we find that the voyage from Aromata to the two meridians 900 stadia, or 1deg 48'. The Rhapta took also 20 days as reported by eum of these particulars makes the distance Theophilos, and the voyage from Rhapta to from Cape Kory to the Golden Khersonese, Prasum "many more days" as reported by to be 34deg 48'. Dioskoros, so that we may set side by side the CAP. 14. "some days" with the "many days" and like SS 1. Marinos does not state the number of Marinos take them to be equivalent. 8.5. Since stadia in the passage from the Golden Kherso- then, we have shown both by reasoning and by 20 To account for the seeming caprice which led Marinos to take the expression some days as equivalent to ever 80 many days it has been supposed that he had adopted the theory that Kattigara, the farthest point eastward that had been reached by sea, was situated nearly under the same meridian as Sera, the furthest point in the same direction that had been reached by land. Unfortunately the expression used by Alexander some days did not square with this theory, and it was all the worse in consequence for that expression. "The result," says Mr. Bunbury (vol. II, p. 587), "derived by Marinos from these caloulations was to place Kattigara at a distance of not less than 100 degrees of longitude, or nearly 50,000 stadis, east of Cape Kory; and as he placed that promontory in 1251deg of longitude east of the Fortunate Islands, he arrived at the conclusion that the total length of the inhabited world was, in round numbers, 225, equivalent, according to his calculation to 112,500 stadia. As he adopted the system of Poseidonios, which gave only 180,000 stadia for the circumference of the globe, he thus made the portion of it which he supposed to be known, to extend over nearly two-thirds of the whole circumference. This position of Cape Kory, which was adopted by Ptolemy S8 & position well established, was already nearly 84o too far to the east; but it was by giving the enormous extension we have pointed out to the coast of Asia beyond that promon. tory, that he fell into this stupendous error, which though partly corrected by Ptolemy, was destined to exercise 80 great an influence upon the future progress of geogra. phy: Columbus by accepting, Ptolemy's estimate of the circumference of the globe greatly under-estimated the distance between the western shores of the Atlantic and the eastern shores of Asia, and hence was led to undertako his memorable enterprise with all the greater hope and courage. With reference to the position of Cape Kory as given by Ptolemy, Bunbury says (Vol. II, p. 537, note): "Cape Kory is placed by Ptolemy, who on this point apparently follows Marinos, in 125deg E. Longitude. It is really situated 80deg E. of Greenwich and 98o E. of Ferro; but as Ptolemy made a fundamental error in the position of his primary meridian of nearly 7deg this must be added to the amount of his error in this instance. He himself states that Cape Kory was 120deg E. of the mouth of the Baetis, the real difference of longitude being only 86deg20'." which gav he thus me to extend

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322 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. stating ascertained facts, that Prasum is under the parallel of 16deg 25' in South latitude, while the parallel through Cape Aroma ta is 4deg 15' in North latitude, making the distance between the two capes 20deg 40', we might with good reason make the distance from the Golden Khersonese to Zaba and thence to Kattigara just about the same. SS 6. It is not necessary to curtail the distance from the Golden Khersonese to Zaba, since as the coast faces the south it must run parallel with the equator. We must reduce, however, the distance from Zaba to Kattigara, since the course of the navigation is towards the south and the east, in order that we may find the position parallel to the equator. SS 7. If again, in our uncertainty as to the real excess of the distances, we allot say one-half of the degrees to each of these distances, and from the 13deg 20' between Zaba and Kattigara we deduct a third on account of the divergence, we shall have the distance from the Golden Khersonese to Kattigara along a line parallel to the equator of about 17deg 10. SS 8. But it has been shown that the distance from Cape Kory to the Golden Khersonese is 31deg 48', and so the entire distance from Kory to Kattigara will be about 52deg. SS 9. But again, the meridian which passes through the source of the River Indus is a little further west than the Northern Promontory of Taprobane, which according to Marinos is opposite to Kory, from which the meridian which passes through the mouths of the River Baetis is a distance of 8 hours or 120deg. Now as this meridian is 5deg from that of the Islands of the Blest, the meridian of Cape Kory is more than 125deg from the meridian of the Islands of the Blest. But the meridian through Kattigara is distant from that through the Islands of the Blest a little more than 177deg in the latitude of Kory, each of which contains about the same number of stadia as a degree reckoned along the parallel of Rhodes. SS 10. The entire length then of the world to the Metropolis of the Sinai may be taken at 180 degrees or an interval of 12 hours, since it is agreed on all hands that this Metropolis lies further east than Kattigara, so that the length along the parallel of Rhodes will be 72,000 stadia. CAP. 17, (part). SS 3. For all who have crossed the seas to those places agree in assuring me that the district of Sakhalites in Arabia, and the Gulf of the same [OCTOBER, 1884. name, lie to the east of Syagros and not to the west of it as stated by Marinos, who also makes Simylla, the emporium in India, to be further west not only than Cape Komari, but also than the Indus. SS 4. But according to the unanimous testimony both of those who have sailed from us to those places and have for a long time frequented them, and also of those who have come from thence to us, Simylla, which by the people of the country is called Timoula, lies only to the south of the mouths of the river, and not also to west of them. SS 5. From the same informants we have also learned other particulars regarding India and its different provinces, and its remote parts as far as the Golden Khersonese and onward thence to Kattigara. In sailing thither, the voyage, they said, was towards the east, and in returning towards the west, but at the same time they acknowledged that the period which was occupied in making the voyages was neither fixed nor regular. The country of the Seres and their Metropolis was situated to the north of the Sinai, but the regions to the eastward of both those people were unknown, abounding it would appear, in swamps, wherein grew reeds that were of a large size and so close together that the inhabitants by means of them could go right across from one end of a swamp to the other. In travelling from these parts there was not only the road that led to Baktriane by way of the Stone Tower, but also a road that led into India through Palimbothra. The road again that led from the Metropolis of the Sinai to the Haven at Kattigara runs in a south-west direction, and hence this road does not coincide with the meridian which passes through Sera and Kattigara, but, from what Marinos tell us, with some one or other of those meridians that are further east. I may conclude this prefatory matter by quoting from Mr. Bunbury his general estimate of the value of Ptolemy's Indian Geography as set forth in his criticism of Ptolemy's Map of India. His strictures, though well grounded, may perhaps be considered to incline to the side of severity. He says (vol. II, pp. 642-3), "Some excellent remarks on the portion of Ptolemy's work devoted to India, the nature of the different materials of which he made use, and the manner in which he employed them, will be found in Colonel Yule's introduction to his Map of India, in Dr. Smith's Atlas of Ancient Geography (pp. 22-24). These

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Indie extra Gan Chaurang revone parallelor.

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OCTOBER, 1884.] PTOLEMY'S GEOG. BK. VII, CH. 1, $$ 1-3. $25 remarks are indeed in great measure applicable to the mode of proceeding of the Alexandrian Geographer in many other cases also, though the result is particularly conspicuous in India from the fulness of the information-crude and undigested as it was-which he had managed to bring to. gether. The result, as presented to us in the tables of Ptolemy, is a map of utter confusion, out of which it is very difficult to extract in a few instances any definite conclusions. The attempt of Lassen to identify the various places mentioned by Ptolemy, is based throughout upon the fundamental error of supposing that the geographer possessed a Map of India similar to our own, and that we have only to compare the ancient and modern names in order to connect the two. As Col. Yule justly observes : " Practically, he (Lassen) deals with Ptolemy's compilation as if that Geographer had possessed a collection of real Indian surveys, with the data systematically co-ordinated. The fact is, that if we should take one of the rude maps of India that appeared in the 16th century (e.g. in Mercator or in Lindschoten), draw lines of latitude and longitude, and then more Ptolemaico construct tables registering the coordinates of cities, sources and confluences as they appeared in that map, this would be the sort of material we have to deal with in Ptolemy's India." But, in fact, the case is much stronger than Col. Yule puts it. For such a map as he refers to, of the 16th century, however rude, would give a generally correct idea of the form and configuration of the Indian Peninsula. But this, as we have seen, was utterly misconceived by Ptolemy. Hence he had to fit his data, derived from various sources, such as maritime and land itineraries, based upon real experience, into a framework to which they were wholly unsuited, and this could only be effected by some Procrustean process, or rather by a repetition of such processes, concerning which we are left wholly in the dark. Col. Yule's map of Ancient India is undoubtedly by far the best that has yet been produced : it is indeed the only attempt to interpret Ptolemy's data, upon which such a map must mainly be founded upon anything like sound critical principles. But it must be confessed that the result is far from encouraging. So small a proportion of Ptolemy's names can find a place at all, and so many of those even that appear on the map are admitted by its author to rest upon very dubious authority; that we remain almost woolly in the dark as to the greater part of his voluminous catalogues ; and are equally unable to identify the localities which he meant to designate, and to pronounce an opinion upon the real value of his materials." Book VII. Contents. Description of the furthest parts of Greater Asia, according to the existing provinces and Satrapies. CAP. I. Description of India within the Ganges. SS 1. Indin within the river Ganges is bounded on the west by the Paropanisadai and Arakhosia and Gedrosia along their eastern sides already indicated; on the north by Mount Imaos along the Sogdiaioi and the Sakai lying above it; on the east by the river Ganges; and on the south and again on the west by a portion of the Indian Ocean. The circuit of the coast of this ocean is thus described : 2. In Syrastrene, on the Gulf called Kanthi, a roadstead and harbour.. 109deg 30 20deg The most western mouth of the River Indas called Sagapa ............. ..........110deg 20 19deg 50 The next mouth called Sin thon ...........................110deg 40 19deg 50% The 3rd mouth called Khry. soun (the Golden) .........111deg 20' 19deg 50' The 4th called Kariphron ... 111deg 40' 19o 50 The 5th called Sapara .........112deg 30' 19deg 50' The 6th called Sabalaessa ...113deg 20deg 15' The 7th called Lonibare ......113deg 30deg 20deg 15 3. Bardaxema, a town ...113deg 40 19deg 40deg Syrastra, a village ............114deg 19deg 30' Monoglosson, a mart .........114deg 10' 18deg 40% Comment.--Strabo, following Eratosthenes, regarded the Indus as the boundary of India on the west, and this is the view which has been generally prevalent. Ptolemy, however, included within India the regions which lay immediately to the west of that river, comprehending considerable portions of the countries now known as Balochistan and Afghanistan. He was fully justified in this de. termination, since many places beyond the Indus, as the sequel will show, bore names of Sanskrit origin, and such parts were ruled from the earliest times down to the Muhammadan conquests by princes of Indian descent. The western boundary as given by Ptolemy would be roughly represented by a line drawn from the mouth of the Indus and passing through the parts adjacent to Kandahar, Ghaznf, Kabul, Balkh, and even places beyond.. The Paropanisada i inhabited the regions lying south of the mountain range called Paropanisos, now known as the Central Hindd-Kosh. One of these towns was Ortospanu which has been identified with the city of

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324 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [OCTOBER, 1884. Kabul, the Karoura of our author. He gives Kanthi:-The Gulf of this name is now called as the eastern boundary of the Paropanisadaithe Gulf of Kachh. It separates Kachh, the a line drawn south from the sources of the river south coast of which is still called Kantha, Orus through the Kaukasian Mountains (the . from the Peninsula of Gujarat. In the Periplus eastern portion of the Hindd-Kush) to a point the gulf is called Barake and is described as of lying in long. 119deg 30 and lat. 39o. Arakh - very dangerous navigation. In Ptolemy, Barake sia lay to the south of the Paropanisadai--its is the name of an island in the Gulf. chief city was Arakhotos, whose name, according Two mouths only of the Indus are mentioned to Rennell, is preserved in Arokhaj. There is a | by the followers of Alexander and by Strabo. river of the same name which has been iden. The Periplus gives the same number (7) as tified with the Helmand (the Etymander or Ptolemy. There are now 11, but changes are Erymanthos of the anciente) but also and more continually taking place. Sagapa, the western probably with the Urghand-dbor Arkand-ab, mouth, was explored by Alexander. It separates which passes by Kandahar. Gedrosia, the from the main stream below Thatha. In the modern Balochistan, had for its eastern boundary chronicles of Sindh it is called Sagara, from which the River Indus. The boundary of India on the perhaps its present name Ghara, may be derived. north was formed by Mount Imaos (Sansk. hima, It has long ceased to be navigable. cold), a name which was at first applied by the Sinthon:- This has been identified with the Greeks to the Hindu-Kosh and the chain of the Piti branch of the Indus, one of the mouths of Himalayas running parallel to the equator, but the Baghar River. This branch is otherwise which was gradually in the course of time trang- called the Sindhi Khrysoun. This is the Kediwari ferred to the Bolor range which runs from north mouth to south and intersects them. Ptolemy, however, Khariphron Cunningham identifies this places Imaos further east than the Bolor, and with the Kyar river of the present day which, he in the maps which accompany his Geography, this says, leads right up to the point where the southern meridian chain, as he calls it, is prolonged up to branoh of the Ghara joins the main river near the most northernly plains of the Irtish and Obi. Lari-bandar. Sogdiana lay to the north of Baktria and abutted on Skythia, both towards the north Sabalaessa is now the Sir mouth. and towards the west. The name has been Lonibare in Sanskrit is Lonavari (or Lopavapreserved in that of Soghd, by which the country da, or Lavanavari or LAvanavatA." It is now the along the Kohik from Bokhara to Samarkand has Kori, but is called also the Launi which preserves always been known. Our author places the Sogdian the old name. Mountains (the Pamir range) at the sources of the Bardax oma:-This, according to Yule, is now Oxus, and the mountains of the Kome da i be. Pur-bandar, but Dr. Burgess prefers Srinagar, a tween the souroes of that river and the Jazartes. much older place in the same district, having The Sakai were located to the east of the near it a small village called Bardiya, which, as he Sogdians-Ptolemy describes them as nomadio, thinks, may possibly be a reminiscence of the as without towns and as living in woods and caves. Greek name. He specifies as their tribes the Karatai (proba. Syrastra:-This in the Prakritized form is bly connected with the Kiratai of India), the Sorath. It has been identified by Lassen with Komaroi, the Ko medai, the Massage, Junagadh, a place of great antiquity and historical tai, the Grynaioi Skythai, the Toor. interest in the interior of the Peninsula, about 40 nai and the Byltai. The Sakai it would miles eastward from the coast at Navi-bandar. appear therefore were the Mountaineers of Kafi- The meaning of the name is the old fort. The ristan, Badakshan, Shignan, Roshan, Baltistan place was anciently called Girnagara, from its or Little Tibet, &c. vicinity to the sacred mountain of Girnar, near Syrastrene and Lariks. which is the famous rock inscribed with the edicta Syrastrene. The name is formed from the of Asoka, Skandagupta and Rudra Dama. Yule Sanskrit Surashtra (now Sorath) the ancient identifies Syrastra with Navi-bandar, a port at the name of the Peninsula of Gujarat. It is men- mouth of the Bhadar, the largest river of the tioned in the Peripliis of the Erythraean Sea as Peninsula, said to be fed by 99 tributaries. Juthe sea-board of Aberia and is there praised for nagadh was visited by Hiuen Tsiang, who state the great fertility of its soil, for its cotton fabrics, that after leaving the kingdom of Valabhi (near and for the superior stature of its inhabitants. Bhaunagar) he went about 100 miles to the west 11 Lavana is the Sauskrit word for salt.

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OCTOBER, 1884.] PTOLEMY'S GEOG. BK. VII, CH. 1, $$ 4-6. 325 an and reached the country of Su-la-ch'a (Saurash- Dounga ............ ...........111deg 30' 15deg tra) that was subject to the kingdom of Valabbi. Mouth of the River Benda ...110deg 30 15 See Tarikh-i-Sorath, edited by Dr. Burgess, pp. 33- Simylla, a mart and a cape...110deg 14deg 45' 199. Hippokoura ..................... 111deg 45' 14deg 10' Monoglosson.-This is now represented by Baltipatna .......... ...........110deg 30 Mangrol, a port on the S. W. coast of the Penin. 14deg 20' Ariak e corresponds nearly to Maharashtragula below Navi-bandar. It is a very populous the country of the Marathas. It may have been place, with a considerable traffic, and is tributary so called, because its inhabitants being chiefly to Junagadh. Aryans and ruled by Indian princes were there4. In Larike. by distinguished from their neighbours, who Mouth of the River MOphis...1 14deg 18deg 20' were either of different descent or subject to Pakidare, a village ............113deg 17deg 50 foreign domination. The territory was in PtoCape Male8 .....................111deg 17deg 30 lemy's time divided among three potentates, one 5. In the Gulf of Baryg & za. of whom belonged to the dynasty of the SadiKamane.........................112deg 17deg neis and ruled the prosperous trading commu. Mouth of the River Namados 112deg 17deg 45, nities that occupied the seaboard. This dynasty Nausarips ........ ..........112deg 30' 16deg 30' is mentioned in the Periplus (cap. 52) whence we learn that Sandanes after having made Poulipoula........................112 ............112deg 30' 16deg himself master of Kalliena (now Kalyana), which Larik 8, according to Lassen, represents the had formerly belonged to the house of SaraSansk. Rashtrika in its Prakrit form Latik &. ganes the elder, subjected its trade to the severest LAr-desa, however, the country of Lar (Sansk. restrictions, so that if Greek vessels entered its Lata) was the ancient naine of the territory port even accidentally, they were seized and sent of Gujarkt, and the northern parts of Konkan, under guard to Barygaza, the seat evidently of and Larik 8 may therefore be a formation from the paramount authority. Sadanes, according to Lar with the Greek termination iks appended. The Lassen, corresponds to the Sanskrit word Sadtwo great cities of Barygaza (Bharoch) and Ozone hana, which means completion or a perfecter, (Ujjain) were in Larike, which appears to have been and also an agent or representative. By Saraganes a political rather than a geographical division. is probably indicated one of the great Satakarni or Male o must have been a projection of the Andhra dynasty. The Peripids makes Ariake to land somewhere between the mouth of the Mahi be the beginning of the kingdom of Mambares and that of Narmada-but nearer to the former if Ptolemy's indication be correct. Soupara has been satisfactorily identified The Gulf of Barygaza, now the Gulf of by Dr. Burgess with Supara, & place about 6 Khambhat, was so called from the great com. miles to the north of Vasai (Bassein). It appears mercial emporium of the same name (now Bha to have been from very early times an important roch) on the estuary of the Narmada at a distance centre of trade, and it was perhaps the capital of of about 300 stadia from the Gulf. This river is the district that lay around it. Among its ruins called the Namados or Namades by Ptolemy and have been preserved some monuments, which are the Namnadios by the Author of the Periplus, of historical interest, and which also attest its who gives a vivid account of the difficulties attend. high antiquity. These are a fragment of a block ing the navigation of the gulf and of the estuary of basalt like the rocks of Girnar, inscribed with which was subject to bores of great frequency edicts of Aboka, and an old Buddhist Stapa. and violence. The name of Supara figures conspicuously in the Kamand is mentioned as Kammone in the many learned and elaborate treatises which were Peripide, where it is located to the south of the evoked in the course of the famous controversy Narmada estuary. Ptolemy probably erre in regarding the situation of Ophir to which Solomon placing it to northward of it. despatched the ships he had hired from the Nausaripa has been identified with Nau. Tyrians. There can now be little doubt that if sari, a place near the coast, about 18 miles south Ophir did not mean India itself it designated from Sarat. some place in India, and probably Supara, which Poulipoula is in Yule's map located at lay on that part of the coast to which the traders Sanjan, which is on the coast south from Nausari. of the west, who took advantage of the monsoon It was perhaps nearer Balsar. to cross the ocean, would naturally direct their 6. Ariak 6. Sa din on. course. The name moreover of Supara is almost Soapara ....... ..............112deg 30 150 30 identical with that of Ophir when it assumes, as Mouth of the River Goaris ...112deg 15' 15' 10 | it often does, an initial S, becoming Sophara as in ind of all In

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326 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [OCTOBER, 1884. the Septuagint form of the name, and Sofir which is the Coptic name for India, not to mention other similar forms. (See Benfey's Indien, pp. 30-32). The mouths of the Goaris and Benda Yule takes to be the mouths of the Strait that isolates Salsette and Bombay. The names represent, as he thinks, those of the Godavari and Bhima respectively, though these rivers flow in a direction different from that which Ptolemy assigns to them, the former discharging into the Bay of Bengal and the latter into the Krishna, of which it is the most considerable tributary. Ptolemy's rivers, especially those of thy Peninsula, are in many instances so dislocated, that it is difficult to identify them satisfactorily. It appears to have been his practice to connect the river-mouths which he found mentioned in records of coasting voyages with rivers in the interior concerning which he had information from other sources, and whose courses he had only partially traced. But, as Yule remarks, with his erroneous outline of the Peninsula this process was too hazardous and the result often wrong. Mr. J. M. Campbell, Bo C.S., would identify the Goaris with the Vaitarna River, as Gore is situated upon it and was probably the highest point reached by ships sailing up its stream. The sources of the Vaitarna and the Godavart are in close propinquity. The Benda he would identify with the Bhiwandt River, and the close similarity of the names favours this view. Dounga is placed in Yule's map to the S. E. of Supera on the Strait which separates Salsette from the mainland. Ptolemy, however, through his misconception of the configuration of this part of the coast, places it a whole degree to the west of Supara. Mr. Campbell, from some similarity in the names, suggests ita identity with Dugad-a place about 10 miles N. of Bhiwandi and near the Vajrab&f hot springs. Dugad, however, is too far inland to have been here mentioned by Ptolemy, and moreover, it lies to the north of Supara, whereas in Ptolemy's enumeration, which is from north to south, it is placed after it. Simylls --Yule identifies this with Chaul and remarks: "Chaul was still a chief port of Western India when the Portuguese arrived. Its position seems to correspond precisely both with Simylla and with the Saimur or Jaimur (i.e. Chaimur, the Arabs having no ch) of the Arabian Geographers. In Al-Biront the coast cities run: Kambayat, Bahruj, Sindan (Sanjan), Sufara (Supara), Tana (near Bombay), "There you enter the country of Loran, where is Jaimar." Istakhri inverts the position of Sindan and Sufara, but Saimar is still furthest south." In a note he adds: "Ptolemy mentions that Simylla was callel by the natives Timula (probably Tiamula); an! putting together all these forms, Timula, Simylla, Saimor, Chaimur, the real name must have been something like Chaimul or Chamul, which woull modernize into Chaul, as Chamari and Primarit into Chauri and Pawar." Chaul or Chonwal lies 23 miles S. of Bombay. Pandit Bhagvanlal Indraji, Ph:D., suggested as a better identification Chimala in Trombay Island, this being supported by one of the Kanheri inscriptions in which Chimala is mentioned, apparently as a large city, like Supara and Kalyana in the neighbourhood. Mr. Campbell thus discusses the merits of these competing identifications :-" Simylla has a special interest, as Ptolemy states that he learned some of his Geography of Western India from people who traded to Simylla and had been familiar with it for many years, and had come from there to himPtolemy speaks of Simylla as a point and emporium, and the author of the Periplus speaks of it as one of the Konkan local marts. Simylla till lately was identified with Chaul. But the discovery of a village Chembur on Trombay Island in Bombay Harbour, has made it doubtful whether the old trade centre was there or at Chaul. In spite of the closer resemblance of the names, the following reasons seem to favour the view that Chaul, not Chimala, was the Greek Simylla. First, it is somewhat unlikely that two places 80 close, and so completely on the same line of traffic as Kalyan (the Kalliena of the Periplas) and Chimala should have flourished at the same time. Second, the expression in the Periplus below (uera) Kalliena other local marts are Semulla' points to some place down the coast rather than to a town in the same Harbour as Kalliena, which according to the Author's order north to south should have been named before it. Third, Ptolemy's point (promontorium) of Simylla has no meaning if the town was Chembur in Trombay. But it fits well with Chaul, as the headland would then be the south shore of Bom. bay Harbour, one of the chief capes in this part of the coast, the south head of the gulf or bay whose north head is at Bassein. This explana. tion of the Simylla point is borne out by Fryer (1675) New Account (pp. 77-82), who talked of Bombay 'facing Chaul and notices the gulf or hollow in the shore stretching from Bassein to Chaul Point. The old (1540) Portuguese name Chaul Island' for the isle of Kennery of the south point of Bombay, further supports this view." Ptolemy's map gives great prominence to the projection of land at Simylla, which (through a

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OCTOBER, 1884.] PTOLEMY'S GEOG. BK. VII, CH. 1, $ 7. 327 strange misconception on his part, for which it is the Mangalar of the present day. Whether the impossible to account) is therein represented as native traders took any precautions to protect the great south-west point of India, whence the their ships from these highwaymen of the ocean coast bends at once sharply to the east instead of is not known, but we learn from Pliny, that the pursuing its course continuously to the south. merchantmen which left the Egyptian ports Hip pokou ra. This word may be a Greek heading for India carried troops on board welltranslation in whole or in part) of the native armed for their defence. Mr. Campbell has name of the place. Hence Pandit Bhagvanlal ingeniously suggested that by 'Andron Peiraton Indraji was led to identify it with Ghndabandar Ptolemy did not mean pirates, but the powerful (Horse-port) a town on the Thana Strait, whose dynasty of the Andhrabhsitya that ruled over position however is not in accordance with the Konkar and some other parts of the Dekhan. Ptolemy's data. Mr. Campbell again has sug- He says (Bombay Gazetteer, Thana, Vol. II., gested an identification free from this objection. p. 415 n. 2nd), "Perhaps because of Pliny's Ghoregaon (Horse-village) in Kolaba, a place at account of the Konkan pirates, Ptolemy's phrase the head of a navigable river, which was once a Aridke Andron Peiraton has been taken to mean seat of trade. 'Yule takes it, though doubtingly, Pirate Arifke. But Ptolemy has no mention of as being now represented by Kuda near Rajapur. pirates on the Konkan Coast, and, though this Hippokourios was one of the Greek epithets of does not carry much weight in the case of Poseidon. Ptolemy mentions another Hippo- Ptolemy, the phrase Andron Peiraton is not koura, which also belonged to Ariake and was the correct Greek for pirates. This and the close Capital of Baleokouros. Its situation was inland. resemblance of the words suggest that Andron Baltipatna:- This place is mentioned in the Peiraton may originally have been AndhraPeriplas under the somewhat altered form Palai- bhrityon." On this it may be remarked, that patmai. Yule locates it, but doubtingly, at though Ptolemy has no mention of pirates on Daibal. Fra Paolino identified it with Balaer. the Konkan Coast this is not in the least sur. patam (the Baleopatam of Rennell) where the prising, since his work is almost exclusively geo. king of Cananor resided, but it lies much too graphical, and whatever information on points of far south to make the identification probable history we obtain from it is more from inference Mr. Campbell has suggested Pali, which he de- than direct statement. Further, I do not see why scribes as "a very old holy town at the top of the expression andron Peiraton if taken to mean the Nagotna river." Its position, however, being pirates should be called incorrect Greek, since too far north and too far from the sea, does not in later Attic it was quite a common usage to seem to suit the requirements. join avip with titles, professions and the like, 7. (Ariak e) of the Pirates. Mandagara:-This may be a transliteration, Mandagara .........................113deg 14deg somewhat inexact, of Madangarh (House of Love) the name of a fort about 12 miles inland from Byzanteion........................113deg 40' 14deg 40' Bankat. More likely the place is Mandia on the Khersonosos .....................114deg 20 14deg 30 north bank of the Sautri river, opposite Bamkat, Armagara ........................114deg 20 14deg 20' and now known as Kolmandia, and Bag and Mouth of the River Nanagounal14deg 30' 13deg 50' Bagmandia. Mangalur, to which as far as the Nitra, a mart.....................115deg 30 14deg 40 name goes it might be referred, is too far south Piracy, which from very early times seems to for the identification. have infested, like a pernicious parasite, the Byzanteion:--The close correspondence of commerce of the Eastern Seas, flourished nowhere this name with that of the famous capital on the 80 vigorously as on the Konkan Coast, along Bosporos has led to the surmise that a colony of which richly freighted merchantmen were con. Greeks had established themselves on this coast tinually plying. Here bands of pirates, formed for commercial purposes, notwithstanding the into regularly organized communities like those danger to be apprehended from attacks by the of the Thags in the interior of the country, had pirates in their neighbourhood. It appears how. established themselves in strongholds contiguous ever quite unlikely that Greeks should have to the creeks and bays, which were numerous onformed a settlement where few, if any, of the the coast, and which afforded secure harbourage advantages could be enjoyed which generally deto their cruisers. The part of the coast which termined their choice of a locality in which to plant was subject to their domination and which was a colony. The name may perhape be a transliterain consequence called the Pirate Coast, extended tion of Vijayanta, now Vijayadurga, the south from the neighbourhood of Simylla to an empo- entrance of the Vaghotan river in Ratnagiri. rium called Nitra, the Mangaruth of Kosmas and The word means the Fort of Victory.

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828 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [OCTOBER, 1884. Kherson e 80s. This seems to be the penin. Bula which is in the neighbourhood of Goa. It is mentioned in the Periplds as one of the haunte of the pirates, and as being near the island of the Kaineitai, that is, St. George's Island. Arma gara:- This is placed near the mouth of the Nanagouna river, which may be taken to mean here the river on which Sadasivagash stands. The Nanagouna however must be identified with the Tapti, whose embouchure is about 6deg farther north. Its name is Sanskrit, meaning possessed of many virtues.' To account for this extraordinary dislocation, Yule supposes that Ptolemy, having got from his Indian lists a river Na naguna rising in the Vindhyas, assigns to it three discharges into the sea by what he took for 80 many delta branches, which he calls respec. tively Goaris, Benda, and Nanaguna, This, he adde, looked possible to Ptolemy on his map, with its excessive distortion of the western coast, and his entire displacement of the Western Ghate. Mr. Campbell suggests that Ptolemy may have mistaken the Nand Pass for a river. Nitras is the most southern of the pirate ports, and is mentioned by Pliny in a passage where he remarks that ships frequenting the great emporium of Mouziris ran the risk of being attacked by pirates who infested the neigh. bourhood, and possessed a place called Nitra. Yule refers it as has been already stated to Mangalur. 8. Limyrike. Tyndis, a city ..................116deg 14deg 30' Bramagara ............ ........116deg 45/ 140 20 Kalaikarias .........116deg 40' 14deg Mouziris, an emporium ......117deg 14deg Mouth of the river Pseudos ..117deg 20' 14deg Podoperoura .....................117deg 40' 14deg 15' ...........................118deg 14deg 20 Koreoura ........................118deg 40 14deg 20 Bakarei ........................... 119deg 30' 14deg 30' Mouth of the river Baris...... 120deg 14deg 20 Limyrik 6: Lassen was unable to trace this name to any Indian source, but Caldwell has satisfactorily explained its origin. In the introduction to his Dravidian Grammar he states (page 14), that in the Indian segment of the Roman maps called the Peutinger Tables the portion of India to which this name is applied is called Damirike, and that we can scarcely err in identifying this name with the Tamil country, since Damirike evidently means Damir-ike. In the map referred to there is moreover a district called Scytia Dymirice, and it appears to have been this word which by a mistake of A for A Ptolemy wrote Lymirike. The D, he adds, retains its place in the Cosmography of the Geographer of Ravenna, who repeatedly mentions Dimirica as one of the 3 divisions of India. Ptolemy and the author of the Periplus are at one in making Tyndis one of the first or most northern porte in Limyrike. The latter gives its distance from Barygaza at 7,000 stadia, or nearly 12 degrees of latitude, if we reckon 600 stadia to the degree. Notwithstand. ing this authoritative indication, which makes Limyrike begin somewhere near Kalikat (11deg 15' N. Lat.) ita frontier has generally been placed nearly 3 degrees further north, Tyndis having been located at Barcelor. This error has been rectified by Yule, whose adherence to the data of the Periplus has been completely justified by the satisfactory identification of Mouziris (the Bouthern rival in commercial prosperity of Barygaza) with Kranganur, instead of with Mangalur as previously accepted. The capital of Limyriko was Karar, on the Kaverf, where resided Koro. bothros, 1.e., Koralaputra, the Chora king. Tyndis is described in the Periplas as a place of great note pertaining to the kingdom of Keprobotras, and situate near the sea at a distance of 500 stadis from Mouziris. This distance north from Kranganur with which, as has been stated, Mouziris has been identified, brings us to Tantr. "Tantr itself," says Yule, "may be Tyndis; it was an ancient city, the seat of a principality, and in the beginning of the 16th century had still much shipping and trade. Perhape, however, a more probable site is a few miles further north, Kadalundi, i. e. Kadal-tundi, the raised ground by the sea,' standing on an inlet 3 or 4 miles south of Bepar. It is not now a port, but persons on the spot seem to think that it must formerly have been one, and in communication with the Backwater." He adds in a note supplied by Dr. Burnell, "The composition of Kadal and Tundi makes Kadalundi by Tamil rules." The - pepper country called Kottonarike was imme. diately adjacent to Tyndis, which no doubt exported great quantities of that spice. Bramag ara is placed in the table half a degree to the east of Tyndis, i.e., really to the south of it, since Ptolemy makes the Malabar Coast run east instead of south. The name may be a transliteration of the Sanskrit Brahmdgdra, which means the abode of the Brahmans. The Brahmans of the south of India appear in those days to have consisted of a number of isolated communities that were settled in separate parts of the country, and that were independent each of the other. This, as Lassen remarks (Ind. Alt., vol. III., p. 193) is in harmony with the tradition according to which the Arya Brahmans were

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NOVEMBER, 1884.] represented as having been settled by Parasurama in 61 villages, and as having at first lived under a republican constitution. In section 74 Ptolemy mentions a town called Brahme belonging to the Brahmanoi Magoi, i.e., 'sons of the Brahmans.' PTOLEMY'S GEOG. BK. VII, CH. 1, SSSS 8, 9. Kalaikarias:-The last half of this word (Karias) is doubtless the Tamil word for "coast," karei, which appears also in another of Ptolemy's names, Peringkarei, mentioned as one of the inland towns Kandionoi (sec. 89). I find in Arrowsmith's large Map of India a place called 'Chalacoory' to the N. E. of Kranganur, and at about the same distance from it as our author makes Kalaikarias distant from Mouziris. Mouziris may anhesitatingly be taken to represent the Muyiri of Muyiri-Kodu, which, says Yule, appears in one of the most ancient of Malabar inscriptions as the residence of the King of Kodangalur or Kranganur, and is admitted to be practically identical with that now extinct city. It is to Kranganur he adds that all the Malabar traditions point as their oldest seaport of renown; to the Christians it was the landing-place of St. Thomas the Apostle. Mouth of the river Pseudostomos, or 'false-mouth.' According to the table the river enters the sea at the distance of of a degree below Mouziris. It must have been one of the streams that discharge into the Backwater. Podoperoura must be the Poudopatana of Indikopleustes-a word which means new town,' and is a more correct form than Ptolemy's Podoperoura. Semne: The Sanskrit name for Buddhist Ascetics was $ramana, in Tamil Samana, and as we find that this is rendered as Semnoi by Clemens Alexandrinus, we may infer that Semne was a town inhabited by Buddhists, having perhaps a Buddhist temple of noted sanctity. For a different explanation see Lassen's Ind. Alt. vol. III, p. 194. Bakarei is mentioned by Pliny as Becare, and as Bakare by the Author of the Periplus, who places it at the mouth of the river on which, at a distance of 120 stadia from the sea. was situated the great mart called Nelkynda, or Melkynda as Ptolemy writes it. The river is described as difficult of navigation on account of shallows and sunken reefs, so that ships despatched from Nelkynda were obliged to sail down empty to Bakare and there take in their cargoes. The distance of Nelkynda from Mouziris is given at about 500 stadia, and this whether the journey was made by sea or by river or by land. Upon this Yule thus remarks: "At this distance south from Kranganur we are not able to point to a 329 quite satisfactory Nelkynda. The site which has been selected as the most probable is nearly 800 stadia south of Mouziris. This is Kallada, on a river of the same name entering the Backwater, the only navigable river on this south-west coast except the Perri-ar near Kranganur. The Kallada River is believed to be the Kanetti mentioned in the Keralotatti legendary history of Malabar, and the town of Kallada to be the town of Kanetti. It is now a great entrepot of Travankor pepper, which is sent from this to ports on the coast for shipment. That Nelkynda cannot have been far from this is clear from the vicinity of the Pupoov opos or Red-Hill of the Periplus (sec..58). There can be little doubt that this is the bar of red laterite which, a short distance south of Quilon, cuts short the Backwater ravigation, and is thence called the Warkalle barrier. It forms. abrupt cliffs on the sea, without beach, and these cliffs are still known to seamen as the Red Cliffs. This is the only thing like a sea cliff from Mount d'Ely to Cape Comorin." The word Bakarei may represent the Sanskrit dvaraka, 'a door.' Mouth of the river Baris:-The Baris must be a stream that enters the Backwater in the neighbourhood of Quilon. 9. Country of the Aioi. Melkynda .120deg 20' 14deg 20' Elangkon (or Elangkor), a ...... mart ..120deg 40' 14deg 14deg Kottiara, the metropolis ......121deg Bammala ......121deg 20 14deg 15' Komaria, a cape and town...121deg 45' 13deg 30' The Aioi:-This people occupied the southern parts of Travankor. Their name is perhaps a transliteration of the Sanskrit ahi, 'a snake,' and if so, this would indicate the prevalence among them of serpent worship. Cunningham, in his Geography of Ancient India (p. 552), states that in the Chino-Japanese Map of India the alternative name of Malyakata is Hai-an-men, which suggests a connection with Ptolemy's Aioi. I note that the entrance to the Backwater at Kalikoulan is called the Great Ayibicca Bar, and an entrance farther south the Little Ayibicca Bar. The first part of this name may also be similarly connected. Melkynda, as already stated is the Nelkynda of the Periplas, which places it, however, in Limyrike. Pliny speaks of it as portus gentis Neacyndon (v. 11. Neacrindon, Neachyndon, Nelcyndon.) The name, according to Caldwell, probably means West Kynda, that is Kannetri, the south boundary of Kerala Proper. When Mangalur was taken as the representative of

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350 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (NOVEMBER, -1884. Mouziris, Nelkynda was generally identified with Nelisuram, which besides the partial resemblance of its name, answered closely in other respecte to the description of Nelkynda in the PeriplusCff. C. Muller, not. ad Peripl., Sec. 56. Lassen, Ind. Alt., vol. III, p. 190. Bw.bury, Hist. of Anc. Geog. vol. I, pp. 467-8. Elang kon or Elangkor is now Quilon, otherwise written Kulam. Kottiara, says Caldwell," is the name of a place in the country of the Aioi of Ptolemy in the Paralia of the Author of the Periples, identical in part with South Travankor. Apparently it is the Cottara of Pliny, and I have no doubt it is the Cottara of the Peutinger Tables. It is called by Ptolemy the Metropolis, and must have been & place of considerable importance. The town referred to is probably Kottara, or as it is ordinari. ly written by Europeans Kotaur,' the principal town in South Travankor, and now as in the time of the Greeks distinguished for its commerce." Dravid. Gram., Introd. p. 98. The name is deriv. ed from kod a foot,' and ar-'a river.' Bam mala :-Mannert would identify this with Bulita, a place a little to the north of An. jenga, but this is too far north. It may perhaps be the Balita of the Periples. Komaria, a cape and a town :-We have no difficulty in recognizing here Cape Comorin, which is called in the Periplus Komar and Komarei. The name is derived from the Samskrit kumdri, & virgin,' one of the names of the Goddess Darga who presided over the place, which was one of peculiar sanctity. The Author of the Periplus has made the mistake of extending the Peninsula southward beyond Comorin. We may here compare Ptolemy's enumeration of places on the west coast with that of the Periplas from Barygaza to Cape Comorin. Ptolemy. Periplus. Barygaza Barygaza Nousaripa Akabarou Poulipoula Soupara Souppara Dounga Kalliena Simylla Semylla Island of Milizegyris Mandagora Hippokoura Baltipatna Palaipatmai Mandagora Melizeigara Is. of Heptanesia Byzanteion Byzantion Toparon Tyrannosboas 3 separate groups of islands Ptolemy. Periplus Khersonesos Khersonesos Armagara Is. of Leuke Is. of Peperine Nitra Naoura Tyndis Tyndis Trinesia Islands Bramagara Kalaikarias Mouziris Mouziris Podoperoura Semne Is. Leuke Koreoura Melkynda Nelkynda Bakarei Bakare Elangkon Mons Pyrrhos Kottiara Bammola Balita Komaria Xomar. There is a striking agreement between the two lists, especially with respect to the order in which the places enumerated succeed each other. There are but three exceptions to the coincidence and these are umimportant. They are, Milizegyris, Mandagora and the Island Leuke, i.e. white island, if the name be Greek. The Melizeigara of the Periplis, Vincent identifies with Jayagadh or Sidi, perhaps the Sigerus of Pliny (lib. VI, c. Ivi, 100). Ptolemy makes Milizegyris to be an island about 20 miles south of Simylla. There is one important place which he has failed to notice, Kalliena now Kalyana, a wellknown town not far from Bombay. 10. Country of the Kareoi. In the Kolkhic Gulf, where there is the Pearl Fishery :-Sosikourai...122deg 14deg 30' Kolkhoi, an emporium ..........123deg 15deg Mouth of the river Solen ....124deg 14deg 40' The country of the Kare ai corresponds to South Tinneveli. The word karei, as already stated in Tamil, and means 'coast.' The Kolkhic Gulf is now known as the Gulf of Manar. The pearl fishery is noticed in the Periplas. Sosikourai:-By the change of Sinto T we find the modern representative of this place to be Tutikorin (Tuttukuli) a harbour in Tinneveli, where there are pearl banke, about 10 miles south of Kolkhoi. This mart lay on the solenor Timraparpl river. Tutikorin in the Peutinger Tables is called Colcis Induruw. The Tami) name is Kolkei, almost the same as the Greek. Yule in his work on Marco Polo (vol. II, pp. 360-61) gives the following account of this place, based on information supplied by Dr. Caldwell : "Kolkhoi, described by Ptolemy and the

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NOVEMBER, 1884.) PTOLEMY'S GEOG. BK. VII, CHAP. 1, SS 11. 331 Author of the Periplus as an emporium of the pearl trade, as situated on the sea-coast to the east of Cape Comorin, and as giving its name to the Kolkhic Gulf or Gulf of Manar has been identified with Korkai, the mother-city of Kayal (the Coel of Marco Polo). Korkai, properly Kolkai (the l being changed intor by a modern refinement, it is still called Kolka in Malayalam), holds an important place in Tamil traditions, being regarded as the birth-place of the Pandya dynasty, the place where the princes of that race ruled previonsly to their removal to Madura. One of the titles of the Pandya kings is 'Ruler of Korkai.' Korkai is situated two or three miles inland from Kayal, higher up the river. It is not marked in the G. Trig. Surv. map, but a village in the immediate neighbourhood of it, called Maramangalam "the good fortune of the Pandyas' will be found in the map. This place, together with several others in the neighbourhood, on both sides of the river, is proved by inscrip. tions and relics to have been formerly included in Korkai, and the whole intervening space between Korkai and Kayal exhibits traces of ancient dwellings. The people of Kayal maintain that their city was originally lo large as to include Korkai, but there is much more probability in the tradition of the people of Korkai, which is to the effect that Korkai itself was originally a seaport; that as the sea retired it became less and less suitable for trade, that Kayal rose as Korkai fell, and that at length, as the sea continued to retire, Kayal also was abandoned. They add that the trade for which the place was famous in ancient times was the trade in pearls.". Mouth of the River Solen :-This river is iden. tified by Lassen with the Sylaur, which he says is the largest northern tributary of the Tamraparni. On this identification Yule remarks: "The Syllar' of the mape, which Lassen identifies with Solen, originates, as Dr. Caldwell tells me, in a mistake. The true name is Sitt-Ar,' Little River, and it is insignificant." The Tamraparni is the chief river of Tinneveli. It entered the sea south of Kolkhoi. In Tamil poetry it is called Porunei. Its PAli form is Tambapanni. How it came to be called the Solen remains as yet unexplained. $6la is un element in several South Indian geographical names, meaning Chola. The word Tamraparni itself means 'red-leaved' or copper-coloured sand.' Taprobarre, the classical name for Ceylon, is this word in an altered form. 11. Land of Pandion. In the Orgalic Galf, Cape Kory, called also Kalligikon..125deg 40' 12deg 20' Argeirou, a town ............... 125deg 15' 14deg 30 Saloar, a mart ..................125deg 20' 15deg 30' The land of Pandion included the greater portion of the Province of Tinneveli, and extended as far north as to the highlands in the neighbourhood of the Koimbatur gap. Its western boundary was formed by the southern range of the Ghats, called by Ptolemy Mount Bettigo, and it had a sea board on the east, which extended for some distance along the Sinus Orgalicus, or what is now called Palk's Passage. The Author of the Peripids however, assigns it wider limits, as he mentions that Nelkynda, which lay on the Malabar Coast, as well as the pearl-fishery at Kolkhoi, both belonged to the Kingdom of Pandion. The kingdom was so called from the heroic family of the Pandya, which obtained sovereign power in many different parts of India. The Capital, called Maduri, both by Pliny and by our author, was sitnated in the interior. Madura is but the Tamil manner of pronouncing the Sanskrit Mathurd, which also de. signated the sacred city on the Jamni famous as the birthplace and the scene of the exploits of Krishna, who assisted the Pandus in their war with the Kurus. The city to this day retains its ancient name, and thus bears, so to speak, living testimony to the fact that the Aryans of Northern India had in early times under Pandya leaders established their power in the most southern parts of the Peninsula, The Orgalie Gulf lay beyond the Kolkhic Gulf, from which it was separated by the Island of RAmesvaram and the string of shoals and small islands which almost connect Ceylon with the mainland. It derived its name from Argalou, a place mentioned in the Periplas as lying inland and celebrated for a manufacture of muslin adorned with small pearls. The northern termi. nation of the gulf was formed by Cape Kalimfr. Cape Kory:-Ptolemy makes Kory and Kalligikon to be one and the same cape. They are however distinct, Kory being the headland which bounded the Orgalic Gulf on the south, and Kal. ligikon being Point Kalimir, which bounded it on the north. The curvature of this Gulf was called by the Hindus Ramadhanuh, or Rama's boro,' and each end of the bow Dhanuh-koti or simply Koti. The Sanskrit word koti (which means 'ond, tip or corner') becomes in Tamil kodi, and this natu. rally takes the form of Kori or Kory. The southern Koti, which was very famous in Indian story, was formed by the long spit of land in which the Island of Rameevaram terminates. It is remarkable, as Caldwell remarks, that the Portuguese, without knowing unything of the Kapv of the Greeks, called the same spit of land Cape Ramancoru. Ptolemy's identification of Cape Kory with Kalligikon or Point Kalimir is readily

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332 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [NOVEMBER, 1884. explained by the fact just stated that each of these projections was called Koti. This word Koti takes another form in Greek and Latin besides that of Kory, viz., Kolis, the name by which Pomponius Mela and Dionysios Periengetes (v. 1148) designate Southern India. The promontory is called Coliacum by Pliny, who describes it as the projection of India near. est Ceylon, from which it was separated by a narrow coral sea. Strabo (lib. XV, c.i, 14) quoting Oudsikritos, speaks of Taprobane as distant from the most southern parts of India, which are opposite the Koniakoi, 7 days' sail towards the south. For Koniakoi the reading Koliakoi has been with reason suggested. Ptolemy, like the anthor of the Periplus and other writers, regarded Cape Kory as the most important projection of India towards the south, and as a well-established point from which the distances of other places might conveniently be calculated. He placed it in 125 degrees of E longitude from Ferro, and at 120 degrees east of the mouth of the River Baetis in Spain from which, however, ita distance is only 864 degrees. Ita latitude is 90 20' N. and that of Cape Comorin 8deg 5', but Ptolemy makes the difference in latitude to be only 10. The identity of Kalligikon with Point Kalimfr has already been pointed out. Calimere is a corrupt form of the Tamil compound Kallimedu, Euphorbia eminence, and so the first part of the Greek name exactly coincides with the Tamil Kalli, which means the Euphorbia plant, or perhaps a kind of cactus. Pliny mentions a projection on the side of India we are now considering which he calls Calingon, and which the similarity of name has led some to identify with Kalligikon, and therefore with Point Kalimfr. It seems better, however, taking into account other considerations which we need not here specify, to identify this projection with Point Godavart. Before concluding this notice we may point out how Ptolemy has represented the general configuration of the eastern coast beyond the Orgalic Gulf. His views here are almost as erroneous as those he entertained concerning the west coast, which, it will be remembered, he did not carry southward to Cape Comorin, but made to terminate at the point of Simylla, thus'effacing from the Map of India the whole of the Peninsula. The actual direction of the east coast from point Kalimir is first due north as far as the mouths of the Krishna, and thereafter north-east up to the very head of the Bay of Bengal. Ptolemy, however, makes this coast run first towards the south-east, and this for a distance of upwards of 600 miles as far as Paloura, a place of which the site has been fixed with certainty as lying near the southern border of Katak, about 5 pr 6 miles above Ganjam. Ptolemy places it at the extremity of a vaat peninsula, having for one of its sides the long stretch of coast just mentioned, and he regards it also as marking the point from which the Gangetic Gulf begins. The coast of this gulf is made to run at first with an inclination to westward, so that it forms at its outlet the other side of the peninsula. Its curvature is then to the north-east, as far as to the most eastern mouth of the Ganges, and thence its direction is to the south-east till it terminates at the cape near Temala, now called Cape Negrais, the south-west projection of Pegu. 12. Country of the Batoi. Nikama, the Metropolis ......126deg 16deg Thelkheir ......... 16deg 10 Kouroula, a town ...............128deg 16deg 13. In Paralia specially so called : the country of the Toringoi. Mouth of the River Khaberos 129deg 15deg 15' Khaberia, an emporium ......128deg 30' 15deg 40' Sabouras, an emporium ......130deg 14deg 30' The Batoi occupied the district extending from the neighbourhood of Point Kalimir to the southern mouth of the River Kaveri and corres: ponding roughly with the Province of Tanjore. Nikama, the capital, has been identified with Nagapatam (Nagapattanam) by Yule, who also identifies (but doubtingly) Thelkyr with Nagor and Kouroula with Karikal. Paralia, as a Greek word, designated generally any maritime district, but as applied in India it designated exclusively (idios) the seaboard of the Toringoi. Our author is here at variance with the Periplus, which has a Paralia extending from the Red Cliffs near Quilon to the Pearl Fishery at the Kolkhoi, and comprising therefrom the coastlines of the Aioi and the Kareoi. "This Paralia," says Yule,"is no doubt Purali, an old name of Travankor, from which the Raja has a title Puralican, Lord of Purali.' But the "instinctive striving after meaning" which so often modifies the form of words, converted this into the Greek Tlapalia, the coast.' Dr. Caldwell however inclines rather to think that Paralia may possibly have corresponded to the native word meaning coast, viz. karei. In sec. 91, where Ptolemy gives the list of the inland towns of the Toringoi, he calls them the Soretai, mentioning that their capital was Orthoura, where the king, whose name was Sornagos, resid. ed. In sec. 68 again he mentions the Sorai as a race of nomads whose capital was Sgra where

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NOVEMBER, 1884.] PTOLEMY'S GEOG. BK. VII, CHAP. 1, 66 14. 15. 333 their king, called Arkatos, resided. Caldwell has pointed out the identity of the different names used to designate this people. Saepa, he says, " which we meet alone and in various combina- tions in these (Ptolemy's) notices represents the name of the northern portion of the Tamilian nation. This name is Chola in Sanskrit, Chola in Telugu, but in Tamil Sora or Chora. The accuracy with regard to the name of the people is remarkable, for in Tamil they appear not only as Soras, but also as Sosagas and Sofiyas, and even as Soringas. Their country also is called Soragam. Ther of the Tamil word Sofa is a peculiar sound not contained in Telugu, in which it is generally represented by d or. The trans. literation of this letter as r seems to show that then, as now, the use of this peculiar y was a dialectic peculiarity of Tamil." The River Khaberos is the Kaveri. Kavera is the Sanskrit word for saffron. K&verf, according to a legend in the Harivanda, was changed by her father's curae from one-half of the Ganga into the river which bears her name, and which was therefore also called Ardha-gang, i.o., halfganga. Karoura, the residence of the Chera king, was upon this river. Dr. Burnell identified Kha beris with Kave. ripattam (Ind. Ant., vol. VII, p. 40) which lies a little to the north of Tranquebar (Tal. langambadi) at the mouth of the Pudu-Kiveri (New KAveri). Sabouras:-This mart Yule refers doubtingly to Gudalur (Cuddalore) near the mouth of the S. Penn-ar River. 14. The Aronarnoi (Arvarnoi). Padouka, an emporiam ......130deg 15' 14deg 39 Melang, an emporium.........131deg 14deg 20' Mouth of the River Tyna......131deg 40 12deg 45' Kottis ...............................132deg 20deg 12deg 10' Manarpha (or Manaliarpha, & mart) ...................... 133 10 12deg 15. Mais olia. Mouth of the River Maisolos 134deg 11deg 40' Kontakossyla, a mart .........134deg 30' 11deg 40' Koddoura .......................135deg 11deg 30' Allosygne, & mart ...............135deg 40 11deg 20deg The point of departure (aphe terion) for ships bound for Khryse ........................1360 20-11deg The territory of the Arouarnoi (Arvarnoi) was permeated by the River Tyna, and extended northward to Maisolia, the region watered by the River Maisalos in the lower parts of its course. Opinions differ with regard to the identification of these two rivers, and consequently also of the places mentioned in connection with them. Some of the older commentators, followed by Yule, take the Tyna to be the Pinaka or Penn-Ar River and the Maisolos, the Krishna. Lassen again, and recent writers generally, identify the Tyna with the Krishna and the Maisolos with the Godavari. To the former theory there is the objection that if the Godavari be not the Maisolos, that most important of all the rivers on this coast is left unnoticed, and Lassen accordingly asks why should the small Penn-ar appear and the great Godavart be omitted. To this Yule rejoins, "We cannot say why; but it is a curious fact that in many maps of the 16th and 17th and even of the 18th century the Godavari continues to be omitted altogether. A beautiful map in Valentijn (Vol. V), shows Godavari only as a river of small moment, under a local name." He argues further that the name Tynna if applied to the Krishna is unaccounted for. As identified with the Penn-ar or Pinkka, TYNNA is an easy error for TYNNA. Podou ke:-This mart is mentioned in the Periplus along with Kamara and Sopatma as ports to which merchants from Limyrike and the north were wont to resort. According to Bohlen, Ritter and Benfey, it is Paduchcheri (Pondicherry). Lassen and Yule agree, however, in placing it at Pulikat, which is nearly two degrees further north. In Yule's map Melange is placed at Krishnapatam, a little to the south of the North Penn-ar River, which as we have seen, he identifies with the Tyna. Its name closely approximates to that of the capital Malanga, and hence Cun. ningham, who takes the Maisolos to be the Godavari, and who locates Malanga in the neighbourhood of Elor, identifies Melange with Bandar Malanka (near one of the Godavari mouths) which he assumes to have been so called from its being the port (bandar) with which the capital that lay in the interior communicated with the sea. See Geog. of Anc. Ind., pp. 539.40. Manarpha (or Manaliarpha):-This mart lay at the mouth of a river which still preserves traces of its name, being called the Manara. Kottis lay not very far to the north of it. Maisolia is the name of the coast between the Krishna and the Godavari, and onward thenoe to the neighbourhood of Paloura. It is the Masalia of the Periplds which describes it as the sea-board of a country extending far inland, and noted for the manufacture, in immense quantities, of the finer kinds of cotton fabrics. The name is preserved in Masulipattam, which has been corrupted for the sake of a meaning into Machhlipatam, which means fish-town. The Metropolis called Pityndra was seated in the interior.

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334 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (NOVEMBER, 1884. Kontakossyla transliterates, though not quite correctly, the Sanskrit Kantakasthala, 'place of thorns.' In Yule's map it is placed inland near the Krishna, in the neighbourhood of Kondapalle, in which its name seems to be partly preserved. Koddoura has been identified with Gadra, a town near Masulipatam. Allo sygne may perhaps be now represented by Koringa (Koranja) a port situated a little beyond Point Godavari. Its distance from the point next mentioned in the Tables may be roughly estimated at about 230 miles, but Ptolemy makes it to be only of a degree, and thus leaves un. described an extensive section of the coast com. prising the greater part of the sea-board of the Kalingai. A clue to the explanation of this error and omission is supplied by a passage in the Periplis, which runs to the effect that ships proceeding beyond Maisolia stood out from the shore and sailing right across a bay made a direct passage to the ports of Desarand, i.e. Orissa. It may hence be inferred that navigators who came from a distance to trade in those seas would know little or nothing of a coast which they were careful to avoid, and that Ptolemy in consequence was not even so much as aware of its existence. The point whence ships took their departure for Khryse Yule places at the mouth of a little river called the Baroua (the Puacotta of Lindschoten) lying under Mt. Mahendra in Lat. 18deg 54' N. This apheterion, he points out, was not a harbour as Lassen supposed, from which voyages to Khryse were made, but the point of departure from which vessels bound thither struck off from the coast of India, while those bound for the marts of the Ganges renewed their coasting. The course of navigation here described continued to be followed till modern times, as Yule shows by a quotation from Valentijn's book on the Dutch East Indies (1727) under a notice of Bimlipatam :-"In the beginning of February, there used to ply ... to Pegu, a little ship with such goods as were in demand, and which were taken on board at Masulipatam.... From that place it used to run along the coast up to 18deg N. Lat., and then crossed sea-wards, so as to hit the land on the other side about 169, and then, on an offshore wind, sailed very easily to the Peguan River of Syriang." (Syriam below Rangun). 16. In the Gangetic Gulf. Paloura or Pakoura, a town. .136deg 40' 11deg 20' Nanigaina ........................136deg 20' 12deg Katikardama..... ...........136deg 20' 12deg 40' Kannagara .....................136deg 30' 13o 30 Mouth of the River Manada. .137deg 14deg Kottobara ............ ........137deg 15' 14deg 40' Sippara ........ .........137deg 40 150 30 Mouth of the River Tyndis...138deg 30 16deg 17. Mapoura ...........139deg 16deg 30' Minagara ........................140deg 17deg 15 Mouth of the Dosaron.........141deg 17deg 40 Kokala .......... ..........142deg 18deg Mouth of the River Adamas142deg 40' 18deg Kosamba or Kosaba .............143deg 30' 18deg 15' Paloura :-Ptolemy, as we have seen, placed this town at the extremity of a great peninsula projecting to the south-east, which had no existence, however, except in his own imagination. The following passage, quoted by Yule from Lindschoten, shows that the name of Palourn survived till modern times, and indicates at the same time where its site is to be looked for : "From the river of Puacota to another called Paluor or Palura, a distance of 12 leagues, you run along the coast with a course from S. W. to E. Above this last river is a high mountain called Serra de Palura, the highest mountain on the coast. This river is in 1910." The Palura River must be the river of Ganjam, the latitude of which is at its mouth 19deg 23'. Ptolemy fixes at Paloura the beginning of the Gangetic Gulf. . Nanigaina may perhaps be placed at Puri, famous for the temple of Jagannatha Katikardama The first part of the name points to the identifi. cation of this place with Katak, the capital of Orissa. Kannagara:-There can be little doubt that we have here the Kanarak of modern times, called also the Black Pagoda. Mouth of the Manada Ptolemy enumerates four rivers which enter the Gulf between Kannagara and the western mouth of the Ganges, the Manada, the Tyndis, the Dosaron and the Adamas. These would seem to be identical respectively with the four great rivers belonging to this part of the coast which succeed each other in the following order :-The Mahanadi, the Brahmani, the Vaitarani and the Suvarnarekha, and this is the mode of identification which Lassen has adopted. With regard to the Manada there can be no doubt that it is the Mahanadi, the great river of Orissa at the bifurcation of which Katak the capital is situated. The name is a Sanskrit compound, meaning great river.' Yule differs from Lassen with regard to the other identifications, making the Tyndis one of the branches of the Mahanadi, the Dosaron,--the Brahmani, the Adamas,-the Vaitarani, and the Kambyson (which is Ptolemy's western mouth of the Ganges)-the Suvarnarekha. . .

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NOVEMBER, 1884.] The Dosaron is the river of the region inhabited by the Dasarnas, a people mentioned in the Vishnu Purana as belonging to the south-east of Madhya-desa in juxta-position to the Sabaras, or Suars. The word is supposed to be from dasan ten,' and rina a fort,' and so to mean 'the ten forts.' PTOLEMY'S GEOG. BK. VII, CH. 1, SS 18. Adamas is a Greek word meaning diamond. The true Adamas, Yule observes, was in all probability the Sank branch of the Brahmani, from which diamonds were got in the days of Mogul splendour. Sippara: The name is taken by Yule as representing the Sanskrit Serparaka. Para in Sanskrit means the further shore or opposite bank of a river.' Minagara: The same authority identifies this with Jajhpur. In Arrowsmith's map I find, however, a small place marked, having a name almost identical with the Greek, Mungrapar, situated at some distance from Jajhpur and nearer the sea. Kosamba is placed by Yule at Balasor, but by Lassen at the mouth of the Subanrekha which, as we have seen, he identifies with the Adamas. There was a famous city of the same name, Kausambi, in the north-west of India, on the River Jamna, which became the Pandu capital after., Hastinapura had been swept away by the Ganges, and which was noted as the shrine of the most sacred of all the statues of Buddha. It is mentioned in the Ramayana, the Mahavania, and the Meghaduta of Kalidasa. It may thus be reasonably concluded that the Kosamba of Ptolemy was a seat of Buddhism established by propagandists of that faith who came from Kausambi. 18. Mouths of the Ganges. The Kambyson mouth, the most western. 144deg 30' 18deg 15' .........145deg Poloura, a town 18deg 30' The second mouth, called Mega..... The third called Kamberikhon ..145deg 45' 18deg 30' 18deg 40' 18deg .146deg 30' Tilogrammon, a town...147deg 20' The fourth mouth, Pseudostomon..... ..........147deg 40' 18deg 30' The fifth mouth, Antibole ...148deg 30' 18deg 15' Ptolemy appears to have been the first writer who gave to the western world any definite information concerning that part of the Bengal Coast which receives the waters of the Ganges. His predecessors had indeed excelled him in the fulness and accuracy with which they had described 335 the general course of the river, but they did not know, except in the very vaguest way, either where or how it entered the sea. Strabo, for instance, was not even aware that it had more than a single mouth. Ptolemy, on the other hand, mentions by name five of its mouths, and his estimate of the distance between the most western and the most eastern of these (4 degrees of latitude) is not very wide of the mark. . Some traces also of his nomenclature are still to be found. It is difficult, however, to identify the mouths he has named with those now existing, as the Ganges, like the Indus, has shifted some of its channels, and otherwise altered the hydrography of its delta. Opinions differ regarding the western mouth, called the Kambyson. One would naturally take it to be the Hughli river, on which Calcutta stands, and V. de Saint-Martin accordingly adopts this identification. It is impossible to doubt, he says, that the Kambysum is the Hughli river, which must have been at all times one of the principal outlets, as is proved historically by the mention of Tamralipta, 600 years before our aera, as one of the most frequented ports of Eastern India. It would be possible enough, he continues, that below Diamond Point, the principal channel, instead of passing as now in front of Kalpi remounted to the west in front of Tamluk (the ancient Tamralipta) by the mouth of Tingorcally, and came thus to touch at a locality of which the actual name Nungabusan recalls that of Kamby. sum or Kambusum. Wilford and Yule, on the other hand, agree in identifying the Kambyson with the Subanrekha river, which was formerly but erroneously supposed to be a branch of the Ganges, and they are thus free to take the Hughli river as representing the second mouth called by Ptolemy the Mega, the Greek word for 'great.' Saint-Martin identifies this estuary with the River Matla to which in recent years an attempt was made to divert the commerce of Calcutta, in consequence of the dangers attending the navigation of the Hughli. With regard to the Kam berikhon, or third mouth, there is no difference of opinion. "It answers," says Saint-Martin, "to the Barabanga, a still important estuary, which receives the river of Kobbadak (or rather Kobbarak), which traverses the whole extent of the delta. The Kshetra Samasa, a modern treatise of Sanskrit Geography, which Wilford has often quoted in his Memoir on the Ancient Geography of the Gangetic basin, calls this river Koumaraka. Here the Kamberikhon of the Greek navigators is easily recognized." The fourth mouth was called Pseudos tomon, that is, 'false mouth,' because it lay concealed behind numerous islands, and was often mistaken for the easternmost mouth

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336 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [NOVEMBER, 1884. of the Ganges. This Ptolemy calls Antibole, a name which has not yet been explained. It is the Dhakka or old Ganges river, and seems to have been the limit of India and the point from which measurements and distances relating to countries in India were frequently made. In connexion with the river-mouths Ptolemy mentions two towns, Poloura and Tilogrammon. The former is placed in Yule's map at Jelasur, near the Subanrekha, and the latter at Jesor. Its name seems to be compounded of the two Sanskrit words tila, sesamum,' and grama 'a village or township.' Ptolemy having thus described the whole sea. coast of India, from the mouths of the Indus to those of the Ganges, gives next a list of its mountain ranges, together with figures of Latitude and Longi. tude, showing the limits of the length of each range as well as the direction. 19. The mountains belonging to Intragangetic India are named as follows : The Apokopa, called Poinai Theon, which extend from Long. 116deg to 124o and from Lat. 23deg at their western limit to 26deg at the eastern 20. Mount SardOnyx, in which is found the precious stone of the same name, and whose middle point is in Long 117o and Lat. 21deg. 21. Mount Ouindion (Vindion) which ex. tends from 1269 to 1350, and preserves from its western to its eastern limit a uniform latitude of 27deg Ptolemy enumerates seven of these, probably following some native list framed in accordance with the native idea that seven principal mountains existed in each division of a continent. A Pauranik list gives us the names of the seven which pertained to India, Mahendra, Malaya, Sahya, Saktimat, Riksha, Vindhya and Paripatra or PAriyatra. This can hardly be the list which Ptolemy used, as only two of his names appear in it, Ouxenton (-) Riksha, and Ouindion (-) Vindhya. As his views of the configuration of India were so wide of the mark, his mountain ranges are of course hopelessly out of position, and the latitudes and longitudes assigned to them in the tables afford no clue to their identification. Some help however towards this, as Yule points out, lies in the river-sources ascribed to each, which were almost certainly copied from native lists, in which notices of that particular are often to be found. The Apokopa, or punishment of the gods':--There is a consensus of the authorities in referring the range thus named to the Aravali mountains. Mount Arbuda (Abu) which is by far the most conspicuous summit, is one of the sacred hills of India. It was mentioned by Megasthenes in a passage which has been preserved by Pliny (N.H. lib. VI... xxi) who calls it Mons Capitalia, i.e. the Mount of Capital Punishment,' a name which has an obvious relation to the by-name which Ptolemy gives it, the punishment of the gods.' The word apokopa is of Greek origin, and means primarily what has been cut off,' and is therefore used to denote 'a cleft,' 'a cliff,' 'a steep hill.' It occurs in the Periplus (sec. 15) where it designates a range of precipitous hills running along the coast of Azania, i.e. of Ajan in Africa. Its Sanskrit equivalent may have been given as i name to Mount Arbuda because of its having been at some time rent by an earthquake. In point of fact the Mahabharata has preserved a tradition to the effect that a cleft (chhidra) had here been made in the earth. Such an alarming phenomenon as the cleaving of a mountain by an earthquake would naturally in superstitious times be ascribed to the anger of the gods, bent on punishing thereby some heinous crime. (See Lassen's Ind. Alt. vol. III, pp. 121-2). Mount Sardonyx is a short range, a branch of the Vindhya, now called Satpura, lying between the Narmada and the Tapti: it is mentioned by Ktebias (frag. 8,) under the name of Mount Sardous. It has mines of the carnelian stone, of which thesardian is a species. The Periplas(sec. 49) notices that onyx-stones were imported into Barygaza from the interior of the country, and that they were also among the articles which it exported. Mount Ouindion :- This is a correct transliteration of Vindhya, the native name of the extensive range which conneots the northern extremities of the Western and Eastern Ghate, and which separates Hindastan proper--the Madhya-desa or middle region, regarded as the sacred land of the Hinds-from the Dekhan. Ptolemy, as Lassen remarks (Ind. Alt. vol. III, p. 120), is the only geographer of classical antiquity in whose writings the indigenous name of this far-spread range is to be found. His Vindion however does not embrace the whole of the Vindhya system, but only the portion which lies to the west of the sources of the Son. Sanskrit writers speak of the Vindhyas as a family of mountains. They extended from Baroda to Mirzapur, and were continued thence to Chunar. 22. Bettig, which extends from 123deg to 130deg, and whose western limit is in Lat. 21deg and its eastern in 20o, 23. Adeisathren, whose middle point is in Long. 132o and in Lat. 23o. 24. Ouxenton, which extends from 136deg to 143deg, and whose western limit is in Lat. 22deg and its eastern in 24deg

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NOVEMBER, 1881.] PTOLEMY'S GEOG. BK. VII, CH. 1, S$ 25, 26. 337 25. The Oroudian Mountains, which ex. tend from 1389 to 133', and whose eastern limit is in 189 lat. and its western 16o. Mount Bettigo:-As the rivers which have their sources in this range-the Pseudostomos, the Baris, and the Solen or Tamraparni, all belong to South Malabar, there can be no doubt that Bettigo denotes the southern portion of the Western Ghats extending from the Koimbatur gap to Cape Comorin-called Malaya in the Pauranik list already quoted. One of the sum. mits of this range, famous in Indian mythology as the abode of the Rishi Agastya, bears the name in Tamil of Podigei, or as it is pronounced Pothigei. It is visible from the month of the Tamraparni, which has its sources in it, and from Kolkhoi, and the Greeks who visited those parts, and had the mountain pointed out to them would no doubt apply the name by which they heard it called to the whole range connected with it. (See Caldwell's Dravid. Gram. Introd. p. 101). Ad eis athron-If we take Ptolemy's figures as our guide here, we must identify this range with the chain of hills which Lassen describes in the following passage :-"Of the mountain system of the Dekhan Ptolemy had formed an erroneous conception, since he represented the chain of the Western Ghats as protruded into the interior of the country, instead of lying near to the western coast with which it runs parallel, and he was misled thereby into shortening the courses of the rivers which rise in the Western Ghats. The chain, which he calls Adeisathron begins in the neighbourhood of Nagpur and stretches southward to the east of therivers Wain + Ganga and Pranita, separates the Godavari from the Krishna, and comes to an end at the sources of the Kaveri. This view of his meaning is confirmed by the fact that he locates the two cities Baithana or Pratishthana which lies to the east of the West- ern Ghete, on the Godavari, and Tagara both to the west of Adeisathron. He was led into this misrepresentation partly through the incompleteness and insufficiency of the accounts which he used, and partly through the circumstance that the Eastern Ghat does not consist of a single chain, bat of several parallel chains, and that to the south of the sources of the Kaverf the Eastern Ghat is connected with the Western Ghat through the Nilgiri Mountains. The name Adeixathron, one sees, can only refer to the West Ghat in which the Kaverf rises." (Ind. Alt. vol. III, pp. 162-3). Yule explains the source of Ptolemy's error thus : "No doubt hit Indian liste showed him KAveri rising in Sahyadri (as does Wilford's list from the Brahmanda Parana, As. Res. vol. VIII, p. 335f.). He had no real clue to the locality of the Sahyadri, but found what he took for the same name (Adi. Bathra) applied to a city in the heart of India, and there he located the range." Adeisathron must therefore be taken to denote properly that section of the Western Ghats which is immediately to the north of the Koimbatur Gap, as it is there the Kaveri rises. The origin of the name Adeisathron will be afterwards pointed ont. Ouxento'n designates the Eastern continuation of the Vindhyas. All the authorities are at one in referring it to the mountainous regions south of the Son, included in Chhutia Nagpur, Ramgarh, Sirguja, &c. Ptolemy places its western extremity at the distance of one degree from the eastern extremity of the Vindhyay. The rivers which have their sources in the range are the Tyndis, the Dosaron, the Adamag and an unnamed tributary of the Ganges. The name itself represents the Sanskrit Rikshavant, which however did not designate the Eastern Vindhyas, but a large district of the central. This difference in the application of the names need not invalidate the supposition of their identity. The authors whom Ptolemy consulted may have misled him by some inaccuracy in their statements, or the Hindas themselves may have intended the name of Rikshavant to include localities further eastward than those which it primarily denoted. Riksha means 'a bear, and is no doubt connected with the Greek word of the same meaning, arktos. The Oroudian Mountains:-"This we take," says Yule, "to be the Vaidurya just mentioned, as the northern section of the Western Ghats, though Ptolemy has entirely misconceived its position. We conceive that he found in the Indian lists that the great rivers of the eastern or Maesolian Coast rose in the Vaidarya, and having no other clue he places the Oradia (which seems to be a mere metathesis of Odarya for Vaiddrya) near and parallel to that coast. Hence Lassen and others (all, as far is known) identify these Oroudian Mountains with those that actually exist above Kalinga. This corresponds better, no doubt, with the position which Ptolemy has assigned. But it is not our business to map Ptole. my's errors; he has done that for himself; we have to show the real meaning and application of the names which he used, whatever false views he may have had about them." 26. The rivers which flow from Mount Imaos into the Indus are arranged as follows :Sources of River Koa .........120deg 37deg Sources of the River Souastos., 122deg 30 360 Sources of the River Indas ..1259 37deg

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338 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [NOVEMBER, 1884. Sources of the River Bi by which it enters the sea, and in the upper part daspes ........................ 127deg 30' 36deg 40' of its course it would seem to be scarcely less Sources of the River Sandabal 129deg 36deg capricious. Thus while at the time of the MakeSources of the River Adris donian invasion it bifurcated above Aror, the or Rouadis.....................130deg 370 capital of the Sogdi, to run for about the distance Sources of the River Bidasi.. 131deg 350 30 of 2 degrees in two beds which enclosed between Regarding the origin and meaning of the name them the large island called by Pliny (lib. VI, C.IX, Indus, says Mar Muller(India, what it can teach us): 23) Prasiake, the Prarjuna of the inscription on the "In the Vedas we have a number of names of the Allahabad column, it now runs at that part in a rivers of India as they were known to one single single stream, having forsaken the eastern bed, poet, say about 1000 B.C. We then hear nothing and left thereby the once flourishing country of India till we come to the days of Alexander, through which it flowed a complete desert. and when we look at the names of the Indian In his description of the Indus, Ptolemy has rivers represented by Alexander's companions in fallen into error on some important points. In India, we recognize without much difficulty nearly the first place, he represents it as rising among all of the old Vedic names. In this respect the the mountains of the country of the Daradrae to names of rivers have a great advantage over the the east of the Paropanisos, and as flowing from its names of towns in India. I do not wonder so sources in a southward direction. Ita true birth. much at the names of the Indus and the Ganges place is, however, in a much more southern latitude, being the same. The Indus was known to early viz., in Tibet, near the sources of the Satlaj, on traders, whether by sea or land. Skylax sailed the north side of Mount Kailasa, famous in Indian from the country of the Paktys, i.e. the Pushtus, mythology as the dwelling-place of Kuvera and as the Afghans still call themselves, down to the as the paradise of Siva, and its initial direction is mouth of the Indus. That was under Darius Hy. towards the north-west, till it approaches the fron. staspes (B.C.521-486). Even before that time India tiers of Badakshan, where it turns sharply southand the Indians were known by their name, which ward. Ptolemy does not stand alone in making was derived from Sindhu, the name of their this mistake, for Arrian places the sources in the frontier river. The neighbouring tribes who lower spurs of the Paropanisos, and he is here at one spoke Iranic languages all pronounced, like the with Mela (lib. III, c. vii, 6), Strabo (lib. XV, c. ii, 8) Persian, the s as an h{Pliny, lib. VI, c.XI, 7)' Indus Curtius (lib. VIII, c. ix, 3) and other ancient writers. incolis Sindus appellatus. Thus Sindhu became In fact, it was not ascertained until modern times Hindhu (Hidhu) and as h's were dropped, even whence the Indus actually came. His next error at that early time, Hindhu became Indu. Thus has reference to the length of the Indus valley as the river was called Indus, the people Indoi by measured from the mouth of the Indus to its the Greeks, who first heard of India from the point of junction with the Kabul river. This he Persians. Sindhu probably meant originally the makes to be 11 degrees, while in point of fact it is divider, keeper and defender, from sidh to keep somewhat less than 10. This error is, however, of No more telling name could have been given trivial as compared with the next by which the to a broad river, which guarded peaceful settlers junotion of the Indus with the united stream of both against the inroads of hostile tribes and the the Panjab rivers is made to take place at the attacks of wild animals. ... Though Sindhu distance of only one degree below its junction was used as an appellative noun for river in with the Kabul river, instead of at the distance general, it remained throughout the whole history of 6 degrees or halfway between the upper junc. of India, the name of its powerful guardian river, i tion and the sea. This egregious error not only the Indus." For a full discussion of the origin vitiates the whole of his delineation of the river of the name I may refer the reader to Benfey's system of the Panjab, but as it exaggerates by Indien, pp. 1-2, in the Encyclopaedia of Ersch more than 300 miles the distance between the and Gruber. lower junction and the sea, it obscures and conThe Indus heing subject to periodic inundations, fuses all his geography of the Indus valley, and more or less violent, has from time to time uuder- so dislocates the positions named in his tables, gone considerable changes. As has been already that they can only in a few exceptional cases be indicated it not unfrequently shifts the channels identified." 93 It is hard enough," says Major-General Hair, "to have to contend with the vagueness, inconsistencia aud contradictions of the old writers; but those are as nothing compared with the obstacles which the physical charac. teristics of the country itself oppose to the enquirer. For ages the Indus has been pushing its bed across the valley from east to west, generally by the gradual process of erosion, which effectually wipes out every trace of town and village on its banks; but at times also | by a more or less sudden shifting of its waters into entirely new channels, leaving large tracts of country to go to waste, and forcing the inhabitants of many a

Page #387
NOVEMBER, 1884.) PTOLEMY'S GEOG. BK. VII, CHAP. 1, SS 26. 339 All the large tributaries of the Indus, with the exception of the Kabul river, join it on its left or eastern side. Their number is stated by Strabo (lib. XV, c. i, 33) and by Arrian (lib. V, o. vi) to be 15, but by Pliny (lib. VI, c. xx, 23) to be 19. The most of them are mentioned in one of the hymns of the Rig Veda (X, 75) of which the following passages are the most pertinent to our subject : 1. "Kach set of seven streams] has followed a threefold course. The Sindhu surpasses the other rivers in impetuosity. 2. Varuna hollowed out the channels of thy course, O Sindhu, when thou didst rush to thy contests. Thou flowest from the heights of the earth, over a downward slope, when thou leadest the van of those streams. 4. To thee, O Sindhu, the other streams] rush ... Like a warrior king in the centre of his army) thou leadest the two wings of thy host when thou strugglest forward to the ran of these tor. rents. 5. Receive favourably this my hymn, O Ganga, Yamuna, Sarasvati, Sutudri, Parashni; hear, O Marudvsidha, with the Asikni, and Vitasta, and thou Arjikiya with the Sushom. 6. Unite first in thy course with the Trishtma, the Sasarta, the Rash and the Sveti; thou meetest the Gomati, and the Krumu, with the Kubha, and the Mehatnd, and with them are borne onward as on the same car." (See Journ. R. 4. S., N. S., YOL XV, pp. 359-60). As Ptolemy makes the Koa join the Indus, it must be identified with the Kabul river, the only large affluent which the Indus receives from the west. Other classical writers call it the Kophen or Kophes, in accordance with its Sanskrit name the Kubha. Ptolemy's name, it must however be noted, is not applicable to the KAbul river throughout its whole course, but only after it has been joined by the River Kamah, otherwise called the Kunar. This river, which is inferior neither in size nor in length to the arm which comes from Kabul, is regarded as the main stream by the natives of the country, who call the course of the united streams either the Kamah or the Kunar indifferently, as far as the entrance into the plain of Peshawar. The Kamah has its sources high up in the north at the foot of the plateau of Pamir, not far from the sources of the Oxus, and this suits Ptolemy's description of the Koa as a river which has its sources in the eastern extremity of Paropanisos, and which joins the Indus after receiving the Souastos or the river of Swat. Koa is very probably a curtailed form of the name. The Persians appear to have called it the Khouspes, that being the name of the river on which Susa, their capital city, stood. Under this name it is mentioned by Aristotle (Meteorolog. lib. I, c. xiii) who lived long enough to enter in his later writings some of the new knowledge which the expedition of his illustrious pupil had opened up regarding Eastern Countries. It is mentioned also by Strabo (lib. XV, c. i, 26) who followed here the authority of Aristoboulos, one of the companions and one of the historians of the expedition of Alexander, and by Curtius (lib. VIII, c. x), Strabo 1. c. states that it joins the Kophes near Plemyrion, after passing by another city Gorys, in its course through Bando bene and Gandaritis. The Koa of Ptolemy is not to be confounded with the Khoes of Arrian (lib. IV, c. xxiii, 2), which must be identified with a river joining the Kophes higher up its course, viz. that which is formed by the junction of the Alishang and the Alingar. The Euaspla of the latter writer (lib. IV, c. xxiv, 1) is probably only an altered form of Khoaspes. The identification of the Kuphes and its nu. merous affluents has been a subject that has much exercised the pens of the learned. They are now unanimous in taking the Kophes to be the KAbul river but there are still some important points on which they differ. In the foregoing notice I have, adopted as preferable the views of Saint-Martin (Etude, pp. 26-34): Conf. Lassen, Ind. alt. vol. III, pp. 127-8; Wilson, Ariana Antiqua, pp. 183-188. Benfey's Indien, pp. 44 46, Cunningham, Geog. of Anc. India, pp. 37-38. Souasto :-All the authorities are at one in identifying the Souastos with the Swat river-the principal tributary of the Landai or river of Panjkora (the Gauri of Sanskrit), which is the last of the great affluents that the Kabul river receives from the east before it falls into the Indus. The Souastos, though a small stream, is yet of old renown, being the Sveti of the Vedic hymn already quoted, and the Suvastu of the Mahabhd. rata (VI, ix, 333), where it is mentioned in conjunction with the Gauri. Its name figures also in the list of Indian rivers which Arrian (Indika. sec. 4) has preserved from the lost work of Megasthenes. Here it is mentioned in conjunction with the Malamantos, and the Garoia, which latter is of course the Gauri. Arrian thus makes the Souastos and the Gouraios to be different rivers, but in another passage of his works (Anab. lib. IV. in vain for any record of the past. I have had, as an enquirer, experience of the difficulties here described." (J. R. A. S. N. 8. vol. XVI, p. 281). 13 Rennell identified it with the Gomul and D'Anville with the Argandab. populous place to abandon their old homes, and follow the river in search of new settlements.... Perhaps the retiring stream will leave behind it vast quantities of drift-sand which is swept by the high winds over the Aurrounding country... where the explorer may sonrch

Page #388
340 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. c. xxv,) he seems to have fallen into the mistake of making them identical. It is surprising, as Lassen has remarked, that Ptolemy should notice the Souastos, and yet say nothing about the Garoia, especially as he mentions the district of Goryaia, which is called after it, and as he must have known of its existence from the historians of Alexander. He has also, it may be noted, placed the sources of the Souastos too far north. The five great rivers which watered the region of the Panjab bear the following names in Ptolemy: Bidaspes, Sandabal, Adris or Rhonadis, Bibasis and Zaradros. This region in early times was called the country of the seven rivers-Sapta Sindhu, a name which, as Sir H. Rawlinson has pointed out, belonged primarily to the seven head streams of the Oxus. As there were only five large streams in the locality in India to which the name was applied, the number was made up to seven by adding smaller affluents or lower branches of combined streams, to which new names were given. The Vedic Aryans, however, as Mr. Thomas remarks, could never satisfactorily make up the sacred seven without the aid of the comparatively insignificant Sarasvati, a river which no longer exists. These rivers are notably erratic, having more than once changed their bed since Vedic times. Bidaspes-This is now the Jhelam or river of Behat, the most western of the five rivers. It drains the whole of the valley of Kasmir, and empties into the Akesines or Chenab. Ptolemy, however, calls their united stream the Bidaspes. By the. natives of Kasmir it is called the Bedasta, which is but a slightly altered form of its Sanskrit name the Vitasta, meaning wide-spread. The classical writers, with the sole exception of our author, call it the Hydaspes, which is not so close to the original as his Bidaspes. It was on the left bank of this river that Alexander defeated Poros and built (on the battle-field) the city of Nikaia in commemoration of his victory. Sandabal is an evident mistake of the copyist for Sandabaga. The word in this corrected form is a close transliteration of Chandrabhaga (lunae portio), one of the Sanskrit names of the River Chenab. In the Vedic hymn which has been quoted it is called the Asikni, 'dark-coloured,' whence the name given to it by the Greeks in Alexander's time, the Akesines. It is said that the followers of the great conqueror discerned an evil omen in the name of Chandrabhaga on account of its near similarity to their own word Androphagos or Alexandrophagos, 'devourer of Alexander' and hence preferred calling it by the more ancient of its two names. It is the largest of all the streams of the Panchanada. Vigne says that Chandra [NOVEMBER, 1884. bhaga is the name of a small lake from which the river issues. Pliny has distorted the form Chandabaga into Cantabra or Cantaba (lib. VI, c. xx). According to the historians of Alexander the confluence of this river with the Hydaspes produced dangerous rapids, with prodigious eddies and loud roaring waves, but according to Burnes their accounts are greatly exaggerated. In Alexander's time the Akesines joined the Indus near Uchh, but the point of junction is now much lower down. The Adris or Rhouadis is the Ravi, a confluent of the Akesines, but according to Ptolemy of the Bidaspes. The name Ravi is an abridged form of the Sanskrit Airavati. It is called by Arrian (Anab. lib. VI, c. viii), the Hydraotes, and by Strabo (lib. XV, c. i, 21) the Hyarotis. Arrian (Indik. sec. 4) assigns to it three tributaries-the Hyphasis, the Saranges and Neudros. This is not quite correct, as the Hyphasis joins the Akesines below the junction of the Hydraotes. The Bibasis is the river now called the Beias, the Vipasa of Sanskrit. This word "Vipasa' means uncorded,' and the river is said to have been so called because it destroyed the cord with which the sage Vasishtha had intended to hang himself. It is called the Hyphasis by Arrian (Anab. lib. VI, c. viii), and Diodoros (lib. XVII, c. xciii), the Hypasis by Pliny (lib. VII, c. xvii, 20) and Curtius (lib. IX, c. i), and the Hypanis by Strabo (lib. XV, c. i, 17) and some other writers. It falls into the Satadru. It was the river which marked the limit of Alexander's advance into India. 27. Sources of the River Zaradros ............1320 Confluence of the Koa and Indus ......124deg Confluence of the Koa and Souastos .......122deg 30' 31deg 40' Confluence of the Zaradros and Indus ...............124deg Confluence of the Zaradros and Bidaspes........ Confluence of the Zaradros and Bibasis ...............131deg Confluence of the Bidaspes and Adris ...........126deg 30' 31deg30' Confluence of the Bidaspes 30deg and Sandabal.......... ....126deg 40' 32deg 40' The Zaradros is the Satlaj, the most easterly of the five rivers. It is called in Sanskrit the Satadru, i.e., flowing in a hundred (branches). Pliny (lib. VI, c. xvii) calls it the Hesydrus, Zadrades is another reading of the name in Ptolemy. The ..1250 36deg 31deg 30deg 34deg

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NOVEMBER, 1884.] PTOLEMY'S GEOG. BK. VII, CHAP. 1, $ 27. 341 Satlaj, before joining the Indus, receives the Chenab, and so all the waters of the Pafichanada. With regard to the nomenclature and relative importance of the rivers of the Panjab the following remarks of V. de Saint-Martin may be cited : "As regards the Hyphasis, or more correctly the Hypasis, the extended application of this name till the stream approaches the Indus, is contrary to the notions which we draw from Sanskrit sources, according to which the Vipasa loses its name in the Satadru (Satlaj), a river which is otherwise of greater importance than the Vipasa. Nevertheless the assertion of our author by itself points to a local notion which is confirmed by a passage in the chronicles of Sindh, where the name of the Beiah which is the form of the Sanskrit Vipask in Musalman authors and in actual use, is equally applied to the lower course of the Satlaj till it unites with the Chenab not far from the Indus. Arrian, more exact here, or at least more circumstantial than Strabo and the other geographers, informs us that of all the group of the Indus affluents the Akesines was the most considerable. It was the Akesines which carried to the Indus the combined waters of the Hydaspes of the Hydradtes and of the Hyphasis, and each of these streams lost its name in uniting with the Akesines (Arr. Anab. lib. VI, c. v). This view of the general hydrography of the Panjab is in entire agreement with facts, and with the actual nomenclature. It is correctly recognized that the Chenab is in effect the most considerable stream of the Panjab, and its name successively absorbs the names of the Jhelam, the Ravi, and the Gharra or lower Satlai, before its junction with the Indus opposite Mittankot. Ptolemy here differs from Arrian and the current ideas on the subject. With him it is not the Akesines (or, as he calls it, the Sandabala for Sandabaga) which carries to the Indus the waters of the Panjab. It is the Bidaspes (Vitast). Ptolemy departs again in another point from the nomenclature of the historians who preceded him in applying to the Gharra or lower Satlaj the name of Zaradros, and not, as did Arrian that of Hy. pasis. Zadadros is the Sutudri or Satadru of the Sanskrit nomenclature, a name which com. mon usage since the Musalman ascendancy has strangely disfigured into Satlaj. No mention is made of this river in the memoirs relating to the expedition of Alexander, and Megasthenes, it would appear, was the first who made its existence known. The application moreover of the two names of Zadadros and Bibasis to the united current of the Satadru and the Vipask is justified by the usage equally variable of the natives along the banks, while in the ancient Sanskrit writings the Satadru goes, as in Ptolemy, to join the Indus. It may be added that certain particularities in the texts of Arrian and Ptolemy suggest the idea that formerly several arms of the Hyphasis existed which went to join, it may be, the Hydradtes, or, it may be, the lower Akesines above the principal confluent of the Hyphasis, an idea which the actual examination of the locality appears to confirm. This point merits attention because the obscurities or apparent contradictions in the text of the two authors would here find an easy explanation" (pp. 129-131, also pp. 396-402). Junction of the Koa and Indus Ptolemy fixes the point of junction in latitude 31deg, but the real latitude is 33deg 54'. Here the Indus is 872 miles distant from its source, and 942 miles from the sea. The confluence takes place amidst numerous rocks and is therefore turbulent and attended with great noise. Junction of the Zara dros and Indus: Ptolemy fixes this great junction in latitude 30o, the real latitude being however 28deg 55'. It takes place about 3 miles below Mitankot, at a distance of about 490 miles below the junction with the Kabul River. Divarication of the Indus towards Mt. Vindion:-The Indus below its junction with the Kabul river frequently throws out branches (e.g. the Nara) which join it again before reaching the sea, and to such branches Ptolemy gives the name ofektpomai. "Itis doubtful," Saint-Martin observes, " whether Ptolemy had formed quite a clear idea of this configuration of the valley, and had always distinguished properly the affluents from the branches. Thus one does not quite precisely see what he means by the expression which he frequently employs yn Tils der porns. What he designates thereby must be undoubtedly the streams or currents which descend from the lateral region, and which come to lose themselves in the branches of the river. But the expression, which is familiar to him, is not the less ambiguous and altogether improper "-(p. 235 n.) The branch here mentioned, Lassen (Ind. Alt. vol. III, pp. 121, 129) takes to be the Lavani River. "Ptolemy," he says, "in contradiction to fact makes a tribu. tary flow to it from the Vindhya Mountains. His error is without doubt occasioned by this, that the Lavani River, which has its source in the Arlivalt chain falls into the salt lake, the Rm or Irina, into which also the eastern arm of the Indus discharges." Divarication of the Indus into A ra khooia:Lassen (vol. III, p. 128), takes this to be the Gomal rather than the Korum River. These rivers are both mentioned in the Vedic hymn,

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342 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [NOVEMBER, 1884. 360 where the former appears as the Gomati and the Divarication of the same latter as the Krumu. River Khariphon into the Branch of the Koa towards the Paropani. Sabalaessa mouth............1139 210 20 sadai:-This is probably the upper Kophen, Divarication from the River which joins the Koa (Kunar river) from Kabul Khariphon into the LoniDivarication of the Indus towards the Arbita bare mouth ..................113deg 20' 12deg 40' mountains :-Between the Lower Indus and the river called anciently the Arabis or Arbis, was 29. Of the streams which join the Ganges located a tribe of Indian origin called variously the order is this :the Arabii, the Arbies, the Arabitae, the Ambritae Sources of the River Diaand the Arbiti. There can be no doubt therefore ha.............................134deg 30 360 that by the Arbita Mountains Ptolemy designates Sources of the Ganges itself...136deg the range of hills in the territory of that tribe, Sources of the River Sarabos 1400 now called the Hala Mountains. Towards the Junction of the Diamouna northern extremity of this range the Indus and Ganges .........1360 340 receives a tributary called the Gandava, and this we may take to be what Ptolemy calls the di. Junction of the Sarabos and varication of the Indus towards the range. It Ganges ...........................1360 30 32930 may perhaps, however, be the Western Nara that Ptolemy's description of the Ganges is very is indicated. meagre as compared with his description of the Divarication of the Indus into the Paro. Indus. He mentions by name only 3 of its panis a dai:-To judge from the figures in the affluente, although Arrian (quoting from Megas. table this would appear to be a tributary of the thenes) enumerates no fewer than 17, and Pliny Indus joining it from the west a little above its 19. The latitude of its source, Gangotri, which junction with the Koa or Kabul river. There is. is in the territory of Garhwal, is 30deg 54', or more however, no stream, even of the least note, answer than 6 degrees further south than its position as ing to the description. given in the table. The name of the river, the 28. Divarication (dktporn) from the Indus Gang , is supposed to be from a root gam, 'to go,' reduplicated, and therefore to mean the running towards Mt. Ouindion 123deg 299 300 Go-go. The tributaries mentioned by Arrian The source of (tributary join are these: the Kainas, Erannobona, Korsoanos, ing) the Divarication ......1270 270 Sonos, Sittokatis, Solomatis, Kondokhates Samboe, Divarication of the Indus Magon, Agoranis, Omalis, Kommenases, Katowards Ara khosia .........121deg 30 27deg 30' kouthis, Andomatis, Amystis, Oxymagis and the Divarication of the Koa to Errhenysis. The two added by Pliny are the Pri. wards the Paropanisadai ... 121deg 30' 33deg nas and Jomanes. Regarding these names the The source of (tributary join. following remarks may be quoted from Yule : "Among rivers, some of the most difficult names ing) the Divarication ......1150 24deg 30 are in the list which Pliny and Arrian have taken Divarication of the Indus to from Megasthenes, of affluents of the Gangos. wards the Arbita Moun. This list was got apparently at Palibothra (Patna), tains ............................117deg 25deg 10' and if streams in the vicinity of that city occupy an Divarication of the Indas undue space in the list, this is natural. Thus towards the Paropanisadai. 124deg 30 31deg 20 Magona and Errhenysis,-Mohana and Nirajana, Divarication of the Indus into join to form the river flowing past Gaya, famous in Buddhist legend under the second name. The the Sagapa mouth .........1139 40 23deg 15' navigable Prinas or Pinnas is perhaps Punya, From the Sagapa into the now Panpan, one of the same cluster. Sonus Indus...........................111deg 21deg 30 instead of being a duplicate of Erannoboas, may Divarication of the Indus into be a branch of the Gaye river, still called Sona. the Khrysoun (or Golden) Andomatis flowing from the Madiandini, i.e., mouth ........................112deg 30 220 "Meridionales" is perhaps the Andhela, one of Divarication of the Indus into the names of the Chandan river of Bhagalpar. Kainas, navigable, is not likely to be the Ken of the Khariphon month ......113deg 30 22deg 20' Bundelkhand, the old form of which is Karpavati, From the Khariphon to the but more probably the Kayana or Kohape of Sapara ..... .....112deg 30 21deg 45' | Gorakhpur. It is now a tributary of the lower

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NOVEMBER, 1884.) PTOLEMY'S GEOG. BK. VII, CH. 1, SS 30. 343 2go Ghagra, but the lower course of that river has shifted much, and the map suggests that both the Rapti (Solomatis of Lassen) and Kayana may have entered the Ganges directly." For the identification of the other rivers in the list see my article in the Indian Antiquary, Vol. V, p. 331. Diamouna :-In this it is easy to recognize the Yamuna, the river which after passing Dehli, Mathura, Agra, and other places, joins the Ganges, of which it is the largest affluent at Allahabad. It rises from hot springs amid Himalayan snowe, not far westward from the sources of the Ganges. Arrian singularly enough has omitted it from his list of the Ganges afiluente, but it is no doubt the river which he subsequently mentions as the Jobares and which flows, he says, through the country of the Sourasenoi, an Indian tribe possessing two large cities, Methora and Kleisobarn (Krishnapura P) Pliny (lib. VI, c. xix) calls it the Jomanes, and states that it floweinto the Ganges through the Palibothri, between the towns of Methora and Chrysobara (Krishnapura P) The . Ganges at its junction with the Jamni and a third but imaginary river called the Sarasvati, which is supposed to join it underground is called the Triveni, i.e., 'triple plait' from the inter. mingling of the three streams. Sara bos:- This is the great river of Kosala, that is now called the Sarayu or Sarju, and also the Gharghara or Ghogra. It rises in the Himalayas, a little to the north-east of the sources of the Ganges, and joins that river on its left side in latitude 25deg 46', a little above the junction of the Son with their united stream. Cunningham regards the Solomatis mentioned in Arrian's list of the tributaries of the Ganges as being the Sarayu under a different name, but Lassen takes it to be the Rapti, a large affluent of the same river from Gorakhpur. The name, he thinks, is a transliteration or rather abbreviation of Saravati, the name of a city of Kosala mentioned by Kalidasa. The river on which the city stood is nowhere men. tioned, but its name was in all probability the same as that of the city (Ind. Alt., vol. II, p. 671). Mouth of the River Soa:--This river can be no other than the Son (the Sonos of Arrian's list) which falls into the Ganges about 16 miles above Patna in lat. 25deg 37'. It rises in Gondwana in the territory of Nagpur, on the elevated tableland of Amarakantaka, about 4 or 5 miles east of the source of the Narmada. It would appear that in former times it joined the Ganges in the immediate neighbourhood of Patna, the modern representative of the Palibothra or Palimbothra of the classical writers. The lat. of the source is 22deg 41'; in Ptolemy 28o. 30. Divarication from the Ganges towards the Ouindion range to the mouth of the River Soa .......... ..........136deg 10 31deg 30 The sources of the river ...131deg Divarication of the Ganges towards the Ouxenton rangel42deg 28deg The sources of the divarication 1370 Divarication from the Ganges into the Kambyson Mouth146deg Divarication from the Ganges into the Pseudostomos ......146deg 30200 Divarication from the Gan ges into the Antibold Mouth146deg 30' 21deg Divarication from the Kamby son River into the Mega Mouth .......................... 145deg 20deg Divarication from the Mega Mouth into the Kamberi. khon Mouth ..................1450 30 19deg 30' The divarication towards the Ouxenton range :-By this unnamed river, as Lassen has pointed out (Ind. Alt., vol. III, pp. 130, 131) Ptolemy must have meant the Dharmodaya of the Hindus, although he has assigned far too high a latitude for its junction with the Ganges, 28deg instead of only 22deg 13'. It is, however, the only considerable stream which flows to the Gangea from the Bear Mountains. It passes Ramgarh and Bardhwan, and joins the Hughlf not far from the sea, a little to the east of Tamluk. It is commonly called the Damuda River. The mouths of the Ganges :-In addition to the remarks already made regarding these mouths I may here quote a passage from Wilford on this topic: "Ptolemy's description," he says (Asiat. Researches, vol. XIV, pp. 464-6) " of the Delta of the Ganges is by no means a bad one, if we reject the latitudes and longitudes, which I always do, and adhere solely to his narrative, which is plain enough. He begins with the western branch of the Ganges or Bhagirathi, and says that it sends one branch to the right or towards the west. and another towards the east, or to the left. This takes place at Triveni, so called from three rivers parting, in three different directions, and it is a most sacred place. The branch which goes towards the right is the famous Sarasvati; and Ptolemy says that it flows into the Kambyeon mouth, or the mouth of the Jelnsor river, called in Sanskrit Saktimati, synonymous with Kambu or Kambuj, or the river of shells. This commu. nication does not exist, but it was believed to exist, till the country was surveyed. This branch sends another arm, says our author, which afforde a passage into the great mouth, or that of the

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344 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [NOVEMBER, 1884. Bhagirathi or Ganges. This supposed branch is the Rapanarayana, which, if the Sarasvati ever flowed into the Kambyson mouth, must of course have sprung from it, and it was then natural to suppose that it did so. M. D'Anville has brought the Sarasvati into the Jelasor river in his maps, and supposed that the communication took place a little above a village called Danton, and if we look into the Bengal Atlas, we shall perceive that during the rains, at least, it is possible to go by water, from Hughli, through the Saraswati, and many other rivers, to within a few miles of Danton, and the Jelasor river. The river, which according to Ptolemy branches out towards the east, or to the left, and goes into the Kambarikan mouth is the Jumna, called n Bengal Jubund. For the Ganges, the Jumna and the Sarasvati unite at the Northern Triveni or Allahabad, and part afterwards at this Triveni near Hughli ... called in the spoken dialects Terboni. Though the Jumna falls into the Kam. barikan mouth, it does by no means form it; for it obviously derives its name from the Kambadar& or Kambaraka river, as I observed before. Ptolemy says that the Ganges sends an arm towards the east or to the left, directly to the false mouth or Harinaghatta. From this springs another branch to Antibole, which of course is the Dhakki branch called the Padma or Paddagang. This is a mistake, but of no great consequence, as the outlines remain the same. It is the Padda or Dhakk& branch, which sends an arm into the Harinaghatta. The branching out is near Kasti and Komarkalli, and under various appellations it goes into the Harinaghatta mouth." Besides the tributaries of the Ganges already mentioned, Ptolemy refers to two others which it receives from the range of Bepyrrhos. These are not named, but one is certainly the Kaugiki and the other ought to be either the Gandaki or the Tista. 31. And of the other rivers the positions are thus : The sources of the River Na mados in the Ouindion rangel 27deg 26deg 30 The bend of the river at Seripala ........................116deg 30220 Ita confluence with the River Mophis ........................115deg 18deg 30 32. Sources of the River Nanagouna from the Ouindion range ................132deg 26deg 30' Where it bifurcates into the Goaris and Binda ............114deg 16deg 33. Sources of the Pseudostomos from the Bettigd range. 123deg 21deg The point where it turns ......118deg 30 170 15 34. Sources of the River Baris in the Bettigo range ...127deg 26deg 30 Sources of the River Solen in the Bettigd range.........127deg 20deg 30 The point where it turns......124deg 189 35. Sources of the River Khaberos in the Adeisathros range .............................132 36. Sources of the River Tyna in the Orondian (or Arouedan) Mountains .........133 17deg 37. Sources of the River Maisolos in the same mountains ......134deg 30' 17deg 30 38. Sources of the River Manda in the same mountains .............................136deg 30 16deg 30' 39. Sources of the River Toundis in the Ouxenton range.137deg 22deg 30' 40. Sources of the River Dosaron in the same range ...140deg 24deg 41. Sources of the River Adamas in the same range ...142deg 24deg These rivers have been all already noticed, with the exception of the Mo phis. This is now the Maht, a considerable river which flows into the Gulf of Khambat at its northern extremity at a distance of about 35 miles north from the estuary of the Narmada. Ptolemy is in error in making the two rivers join each other. The Mophis is mentioned in the Periplus as the Mais. In this list the spelling of the names of two of the rivers of Orissa has been slightly changed, the Manada into Manda and Tyndis into Toundis. Ptolemy proceeds now (following as much as possible the order already observed) to give a list of the different territories and peoples of India classified according to the river-basins, together with the towns belonging to each territory and each people (S$42-93), and closes the chapter by mentioning the small islands that lay adjacent to the coast. He begins with the basin of the Kophes, part of which he lad already described in the 6th Book. 42. The order of the territories in this division (India intra Gangem) and of their cities or villages is as follows : Below the sources of the Ka are located the Lambatai, and their mountain region extends upwards to that of the Komedai.

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NOVEMBER, 1884.) PTOLEMY'S GEOG. BK. VII, CH. 1. $ 42. 345 Below the sources of the Souastos is Souastene. Saint-Martin, Etude, pp. 74-5; also his L'Asie Below those of the Indus are the Daradrai, Central, p. 48; Lassen, Ind. Al., vol. I, p. 422 in whose country the mountains are of surpass Souast en e designates the basin of the ing height. Souastos, which, as has already been noticed, is Below the sources of the Bidaspes and of the the river now called the river of Swat. The full Sandabal and of the Adris is Kaspeiria. form of the name is Subhavastu, which by the usual mode of contraction becomes Subhastu Below the sources of the Bibasis and of the or Suvastu. Souastene is not the indigenons Zaradros and of the Diamouna and of the name of the district, but one evidently formed for Ganges is Kylindrine, and below the Lambatai it by the Greeks. It is the country now inhabited and Souastene is Goryaia. by the warlike tribes of the Yuzofzais which Ptolemy's description of the regions watered appears to have been called in ancient times with by the Kop hen and its tributaries given here and reference to the rich verdure and fertility of its in the preceding book may well strike us with valleys Udyana, that is, 'a garden' or 'park. It surprise, whether we consider the great copious. was visited by Hiuen-Tsiang, who calls it the ness of its details, or the way in which its parts kingdom of U-chang-na. have been connected and arranged. It is evident The Darad rai:-Ptolemy has somewhat disthat he was indebted for his materials here chiefly figured the name of these mountaineers, who are to native sources of information and itineraries of mentioned in the Mahabharata and in the Chromerchants or caravans, and that he did not much nicle of Kasmir as the Darada. They inhabited consult the records, whether historical or geogra- the mountain-region which lay to the east of the phical, of Alexander's expedition, else he would not Lambatai and of Souastene, and to the north have failed to mention such places as Alexandria, of the uppermost part of the course of the Indus under Kaukasos, Massaga, Nysa, Bazira, the rock along the north-west frontier of Kasmir. This Aornos, and other localities made memorable by was the region made so famous by the story of that expedition. the gold digging ants first published to the west In describing the basin of the Kophen he by Herodotos (lib. III, c. cii), and afterwards divides it into two distinct regions-the high region | repeated by Megrethenes, whose version of it is and the lower, a distinction which had been made to be found in Strabo (lib. XV, c. i, 44) and by the contemporaries of Alexander. The high in Arrian's Indika (sec. 15) and also in Pliny region formed the country of the Paropani. (lib. VI, c. 21 and lib. XI, c. xxxvi). The name sada i, and this Ptolemy has described in the 18th of the people in Strabo is Derdai, in Pliny chapter of the 6th Book. He now describes the Dardae, and in Dionys. Perieg. (v. 1138) Dardanoi. lower region which, he regarde as a part of India. Their country still bears their name, being called (V. Saint-Martin, Etude, pp. 62-3). Dardistan. The Sanskrit word darad among other The Lambatai were the inhabitants of the meanings has that of mountain. As the regions district now called Lamghan, a small territory along the banks of the Upper Indus produced gold lying along the northern bank of the Kabul river of a good quality, which found its way to India bounded on the west by the Alingar and Kunar and Persia, and other countries farther west, it has rivers, and on the north by the snowy mountains. been supposed that the Indus was one of the 4 Lamghin was visited in the middle of the 7th rivers of Paradise mentioned in the book of Genesis, century by Hinen-Tsiang, who calls it Lan-po, viz., the Pishon," which compasseth the whole land and notes that its distance eastward from Kapi. of Havilah, where there is gold; and the gold of that sene, to which before his time it had become land is good." This opinion has been advocated by subject, was 600 li (equal to 100 miles). The scholars of high name and authority. Havila la name of the people is met with in the Mahd- they take to be in a much altered form, the Sangbharata and in the Pauranik lists under the form krit saravara, fa lake, with reference perhaps Lampaka. Cunningham would therefore correct to the lake in Tibet called Man as a ro vara. Ptolemy's Lambatai to Lambagai by the slight Boscawen, however, has pointed out that there change of r for T. A minute account of this was a river called the Pisanu, belonging to the Little district is given in the Memoirs of the Em. region between Nineveh and Babylon where he poror Baber, who states that it was called after locates paradise, Lamech, the father of Noah. The Dictionary of Kaspeiria :--The name and the position Hemachandra, which mentions the Lamp&ka, concur in indicating this to be the valley of gives as another name of the people that of the Kasmir, a name which, according to Burnout, Muranda. Their language is Pushtu in its basis. is a contraction of Kalyapamira, which is (See Cunningham's Geog. of Anc, India, pp. 42-3; thought with good reason to be the original

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346 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [NOVEMBER, 1884. whence came the Kaspapyros of the old Geographerdwelling between Meru and Mandara and upon Hekataios and the Kaspatyros of Herodotos (lib. the Sailoda River, under the shadow of the III, c. cii), who tells us (lib. IV, c. xliv) that it was Bambu forests, whose kings presented lumps of from the city of that name and from the Paktyikan 'ant-gold at the solemnity of the inauguration of land that Skylax the Karyar dian started on his Yudhishthira as universal emperor. Cunningham voyage of discovery down the Indus in order to would identify Kylindrine with "the ancient ascertain for Darius where that river entered the kingdom of Jalandhara which since the occupasea. It cannot be determined with certainty tion of the plains by the Muhammadans has been where that city should be located, but there can confined almost entirely to its hill territories, be no good reason, as Wilson has shown in opposi. which were generally known by the name of tion to the views of Wilford, Heeren, Mannert, Kangra, after its most celebrated fortress." Saintand Wahl) for fixing it on any other river than! Martin, however, is unable to accept this identificathe Indus. "We have no traces," he says, "of tion. A territory of the name of Kuluta, which any such place as Kaspatyrus west of the Indus. was formed by the upper part of the basin of the Alexander and his generals met with no such city, Vipasa, and which may be included in the Kylin. nor is there any other notice of it in this direction. drine of Ptolemy, is mentioned in a list of the On the east of the river we have some vestige of Vardha Sarhitd. Kuluta was visited by the it in oriental appellations, and Kaspatyrus is con- Chinese pilgrim, Hiuen-Tsiang, who transcribes nected apparently with Kasmir. The preferable the name K'iu-lu-to, a name which still exists reading of the name is Kaspa-pyrus. It was 80 under the slightly modified form of Koluta. (See styled by Hecataeus, and the alteration is probably Lassen, Ind. Alt. vol. I, p., 547; Wilson, Ar. Antig. an error. Now Kasyapa-pur, the city of Kasyapa, p. 135 n.; Saint-Martin, Etude, 217; Cunningham, is, according to Sanskrit writers, the original Geog. pp. 136-8. designation of Kasmir; not of the province of Gorya ia designates the territory traversed the present day, but of the kingdom in its palmy by the Gouraios or river of Ghor, which, as state, when it comprehended great part of the has already been noticed, is the affluent of the Panjab, and extended no doubt as far as, if not Kabul river now called the Landai, formed heyond, the Indus."-Ar. Antiq., p. 137. by the junction of the river of Pafijkora and In the time of Ptolemy the kingdom of Kasmir the river of Swat. Alexander on his march to was the most powerful state in all India. The India passed through Goryaia, and having crossed dominions subject to its sceptre reached as far the river Gouraios entered the territory of the south as the range of the Vindhyas and embraced, Assakenoi. The passage of the river is thus de. together with the extensive mountain region scribed by Arrian (Anab. lib. IV, c. XIV). "Alexander wherein the great rivers of the Panjab had their now advanced with a view to attack the Assakesources, a great part of the Panjab itsell, and the noi, and led his army through the territory of the countries which lay along the courses of the Gouraioi. He had great difficulty in crossing Jamna and the Upper Ganges. So much we the Gouraios, the eponymous river of the country, learn from Ptolemy's description which is quite on account of the depth and impetuosity of the in harmony with what is to be found recor. stream, and also becanse the bottom was so strewn ded in the Rejatarangini, regarding the period with pebbles that the men when wading through which a little preceded that in which Ptolemy could hardly keep their feet.". It can scarcely be wrote that the throne of Kasmir was then doubted that the Gouraios is the Gauri mentioned occupied by a warlike monarch called Meghava in the 6th Book of the Mahabharata along with the hana who carried his conquests to a great distance Suvastu and the Kampana. Arrian's notion that southward (Rijatar. vol. III, pp. 27 sqq.) The valley it gave its name to the country by which it flowed proper of Kasmir was the region watered by the has been absented to by Lassen but has been contro. Bidaspes (Jhelam) in the upper part of its course. verted by Saint-Martin, who says (p. 33), "the Ptolemy assigns to it also the sources of the name of the Gouraioi did not come, as one would Sandabal (Chenab) and of the Rhouadis (Ravi) be inclined to believe, and as without doubt the and thus includes within it the provinces of the Greeks thought, from the river of Gur which lower Himalayan range that lay between Kasmir watered their territory; the numerous and once and the Satlaj. powerful tribe of Ghori, of which a portion occuKylindrine designated the region of lofty ! pies still to this day the same district, to the west inountains wherein the Vipasa, the Satadru, the of the Landai, can advance a better claim to the Jamni and the Ganges had their sources. The attribution of the ancient classical name." In a inhabitants called Kulinda are mentioned in note to this passage he says: "Kur, with the the Mahabharata in a long list there given of tribes signification of river, courant, is a primitive

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NOVEMBER, 1884.] PTOLEMY'S GEOG. BK. VII, CH. 1. & 43. 347 term common to most of the dialects of the Indo- name in the Pauranik Geography, and also in a Germanic family. Hence the name of Kur Buddhistic inscription thought to belong to the (Greek, Kupos, Kuppos, Lat. Cyrus) common to 9th century which was found in Behar. The city different rivers of Asia. ... This name (of was visited by Hiuen-Tsiang, who calls it NaGhoris or Gars) ought to have originally the kie-lo-ho. It was the capital of a kingdom signification of mountaineers. It is at least a of the same name, which before the time of the remarkable fact that all the mountain region pilgrim had become subject to Kapisa, a state adjacent to the south of the Western Hinda-koh which adjoined it on the west. Its territory and its prolongation in the direction of Herat consisted of a narrow strip of land which have borne or still bear the names of Gur, Ghor stretched along the southern bank of the Kabul or Ghaur, Gurkan, Gurjistan, &c. Let us add river from about Jagdalak as far westward as the that garayo in Zend signifies mountains.'" Khaibar Pass. The city was called also Udyana43. And the cities are these : pura, that is, the city of gardens,' and this name Kaisana ...........................120deg 34deg 20' the Greeks, from some resemblance in the sound Barborana ........................120deg 15' 330 40 translated into Dionysopolis (a purely Greek ..122deg compound, signifying the city of Dionysos,' the Gorya.............. 34deg 45 god of wine), with some reference no doubt to Nagara or Dionysopolis ...... 121deg 45' 33deg legends which had been brought from the regions Drastoka ........................120deg 30 32deg 30 of Paropanisos by the companions of Alexander. Kaisana, Barborana and Drastoka This name in a mutilated form is found in are places unknown, but as the same names occur scribed on a medal of Dionysios, one of the in the list of the towns of the Paropanisadai (lib. Greek kings, who possessed the province of what VI, c. xviii, 4) it is not improbable, as Saint-Martin is now called Afghanistan in the 2nd century B.C. conjectures, that the repetition was not made by Some traces of the name of Udyanapura still Ptolemy himself, but through a careless error on exist, for, as we learn from Masson, "tradition the part of some copyist of his works. Cunningham affirms that the city on the plain of JalAlAbad was thinks that Drastoka may have designated a town, called Ajana," and the Emperor Baber menin one of the dards or valleys' of the Koh-Daman, tions in his Memoirs a place called Adinapur, and that Baborana may be Parwan, a place of some which, as the same author has pointed oat, is consequence on the left bank of the Ghorband now Bala-bagh, a village distant about 13 miles river in the neighbourhood of Opian or Alexan- Westward from Jalalabad near the banks of the dria Opiane. Kaiaana he takes to be the Cartana Surkhrud, a small tributary of the Kabul river. of Pliny (lib. VI, c. Irit) according to whom it As regards the site of Nagarah & ra, this was was situated at the foot of the Caucasus and not first indicated by Masson, and afterwards fixed far from Alexandria, whilst according to Pto. with greater precision by Mr. Simpson, who having lemy it was on the right bank of the Panjahir been quartered for 4 months at JalAlAbad during river. These data, he says, point to Bagram, which the late Afghan war took the opportunity of is situated on the right bank of the Panjshir and investigating the antiquities of the neighbourhood, Ghorband rivers immediately at the foot of the which are chiefly of a Buddhist character. He Kohistan hills, and within 6 miles of Opian. has given an account of his researches in a paper Begram also answers the description which Pliny read before the Royal Asiatic Society and pub. gives of Cartana as Tetragonis, or the square ;' lished in the Society's Journal (Vol. XIII, pp. 183 for Masson, in his account of the ruins especially -207). He there states that he found at a notices "some mounds of great magnitude, and distance of 4 or 5 miles west from Jalalabad accurately describing a square of considerable numerous remains of what must have been an dimensions." A coin of Eukratides has on it the ancient city, while there was no other place in legend Karisiye Nagara or city of Karisi (Geog. all the vicinity where he could discover auch of Anc. Ind., pp. 26-29). markea evidences of a city having existed. The Gorya :-Saint-Martin thinks that the position ruins in question lay along the right bank of a of this ancient city may be indicated by the situa- stream called the Surkhab, that rushed down tion of Mola-gouri, a place on the right or western from the lofty heights of the Sufaid-koh, and bank of the River Landai, as marked in one of reached to its point of junction with the Kabul Court's maps in the Jour. Beng. As. Soc., vol. VIII, river. The correctness of the identification he p. 34). could not doubt, since the word 'Nagrak.' Nagara or Dionyso polis:--Lassen has Nagarat,' or Nagara' was still applied to identified this with Nanghenbar, the Nagara the ruins by the natives on the spot, and sinoe hara of Sanskrit, a place mentioned under this the site also fulfilled all the conditions which

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348 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [NOVEMBER, 1884. were required to make it answer to the descrip- tion of the position of the old city as given by Hiuen-Tsiang. (See Lassen, Ind. Alt., vol. II, p. 335; Saint-Martin's Asie Centrale, pp.52-56; Cunningham, Geog. of Anc. Ind., pp. 44-46 ; Masson, Various Journeys, vol. III, p. 164). 44. Between the Seuastos and the Indus the Gandarai and these cities :Proklais ......... ............ 23deg 32deg Naulibi ...........................124deg 20' 33deg 20' The Gandarai:-Gandhara is a name of high antiquity, as it occurs in one of the Vedic hymns where a wife is represented as saying with reference to her husband, "I shall always be for him a Gandhara ewe." It is mentioned frequently in the Mahabharata and other post-Vedic works, and from these we learn that it contained the two royal cities of Takshasil & (Taxila) and Pushka ravati (Peukelaotis) the former situated to the east and the latter to the west of the Indus. It would therefore appear that in early times the Gandharic territory lay on both sides of that river, thongh in subsequent times it was confined to the western side. According to Strabo the country of the Gandarai, which he calls Gandaritis, lay between the Khoaspes and the Indus, and along the River Kophes. The name is not mentioned by any of the historians of Alexander, but it must nevertheless have been known to the Greeks as early as the times of Hekataios, who, as we learn from Stephanos of Byzantion, calls Kaspa. pyros a Gandaric city. Herodotos mentions the Gandarioi (Book III, c. xci) who includes them in the 7th Satrapy of Darius, along with the Sattagydai, the Dadikai and the Aparytai. In the days of Alka and some of his immediate successors Gandhara was one of the most flourishing seats of Buddhism. It was accordingly visited both by Fa-hian and Hiuen-Tsiang, who found it to contain in a state of ruin many mo. numents of the past ascendancy of their faith. From data supplied by the narratives of these pilgrims Cunningham has deduced as the boundaries of Gandhara, which they call. Kien-to-lo, on the west Lamghan and Jalalabad, on the north the hills of Swat and Bunir, on the east the Indus, and on the south the hills of Kelab&gh. "Within these limita," he observes, "stood several of the most renowned places of ancient India, some celebrated in the stirring history of Alexander's exploits, and others famous in the miraculous legends of Buddha, and in the sub- sequent history of Buddhism under the Indo- Scythian prince Kanishka." (Geog. of Ind., p. 48.) Opinions have varied much with regard to the position of the Gandarioi. Rennell placed them on the west of Baktria in the province afterwards called Margiana, while Wilson (Ar. Antiq. p. 131) took them to be the people south of the Hind-kush, from about the modern Kandahar to the Indus, and extending into the Panjab and to Kasmir. There is, however, no connexion between the names of Gandaria and Kandahar. Proklais is the ancient capital of Gandhara, situated to the west of the Indus, which was men. tioned in the preceding remarks under ita Sanskrit name Push ka la vati, which means ' abounding in the lotua.' Its name is given variously by the Greek writers as Peukelaotis, Peukolaitis, Peukelas, and Proklais, the last form being common to Pto. lemy with the author of the Periplus. The first form is a transliteration of the Pali Pukhalaoti; the form Peukelas which is used by Arrian is taken by Cunningham to be a close transcript of the PAli Pukkala, and the Proklais of Ptolemy to be perhaps an attempt to give the Hindi name of Pokhar instead of the Sanskrit Pushkara. Arrian describes Peukelas as a very large and populous city lying near the Indus, and the capital of a prince called Astes. Ptolemy defines its position with more accuracy, as being on the eastern bank of the river of Souastene. The Periplas informa us that it traded in spikenard of various kinds, and in kostus and bdellium, which it received from different adjacent countries for transmis. sion to the coast of India. It has been identified with Hasht-nagar (i.e., eight cities) which lies at a distance of about 17 miles from Parashawar (Peshawar). Perhaps, as Cunningham has suggested, Hasht-nagar may mean not 'eight cities' but the city of Astes. Naulibi:-" It is probable," says Cunningham, "that Naulibi is Nilob, an important town which gave its name to the Indus; but if so it is wrongly placed by Ptolemy, as Nil&b is to the South of the Kophes" (Geog. of Anc. Ind., p. 48). 45. Between the Indus and the Bidaspes towards the Indus the Arsa territory and these cities :Ithagouros.......................12 ......... 125deg 40' 330 20 Taxiala ............................. 125deg 32deg 15' Arsa represents the Sanskrit Urasa, the name of a district which, according to Cunningham, is to be identified with the modern district of Rash in Dhantawar to the west of Muzafaribed, and which included all the hilly country between the Indus and Kasmir as far south as the boundary of Atak. It was visited by Hiuen. Tsiang, who calls it U-la-shi and places it between Taxila and Kasmir. Pliny, borrowing from Me. gasthenes, mentions a people belonging to these parts called the Arsagalitae. The first part

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NOVEMBER, 1884.] PTOLEMY'S GEOG. BK. VII. CH. 1, $$ 45, 46. 349 of the name answers letter for letter to the name in Ptolemy, and the latter part may point to the tribe Ghilet or Ghilghit, the Gahalata of Sanskrit. (V. Saint-Martin, Etude, pp. 59-60). Urasa is mentioned in the Mahabharata and once and again in the Rajatarangint. Ithagouros -The Ithagouroi are mentioned by Ptolemy (lib. VI, c. xvi) as a people of Serika, neighbouring on the Issedones and Throanoi. Saint-Martin takes them to be the Dagors or Dangors, one of the tribes of the Daradas. Taxiala is generally written as Taxila by the classical authors. Its name in Sanskrit is Taksha-sila, a compound which means hewn rock' or hewn stone.' Wilson thinks it may have been so called from its having been built of that material instead of brick or mud, like most other cities in India, but Cunningham prefers to ascribe to the name a legendary origin. The Pali form of the name as found in a copper-plate inscription is Ta khasila, which sufficiently accounts for the Taxila of the Greeks. The city is described by Arrian (Anab. lib. V, c. viii) as great and wealthy, and as the most populous that lay between the Indus and the Hydaspes. Both Strabo and HiuenTsiang praise the fertility of its soil, and the latter specially notices the number of its springs and watercourses. Pliny calls it a famous city, and states that it was situated on a level where the hills sunk down into the plains. It was beyond doubt one of the most ancient cities in all India, and is mentioned in both of the great national Epics. At the time of the Makedonian invasion it was ruled by a prince called Taxiles, who tendered a voluntary submission of himself and his kingdom to the great conqueror. About 80 years afterwards it was taken by Asoka, the son of Vindusara, who subsequently succeeded his father on the throne of Magadha and established Buddhism as the state religion throughout his wide dominions. In the early part of the 2nd century B.C. it had become a province of the Graeco-Baktrian monarchy. It soon changed masters however, for in 126 B.O. the Indo-Skythian Sus or Abars acquired it by conquest, and retained it in their hands till it was wrested from them by a different tribe of the same nationality, under the celebrated Kanishka. Near the middle of the first century A.D. Apollonius of Tyana and his companion Damis are said to have visited it, and described it as being about the size of Nineveh, walled like a Greek city, and as the residence of a sovereign who ruled over what of old was the kingdom of Poros. Ite streets were narrow, but well arranged, and such alto gether as reminded the travellers of Athens. Outside the walls was a beautiful temple of porphyry, wherein was a shrine, round which were hung pictures on copper tablets representing the feats of Alexander and Poros. (Priaulx's Apollon., pp. 13 sqq.) The next visitors we hear of were the Chinese pilgrims Fa-hian in 400 and Hiuen-Tsiang, first in 630, and afterwards in 643. To them, as to all Buddhists, the place was especially interesting, as it was the scene of one of Buddha's most meritorious acts of alms-giving, when he bestowed his very head in charity. After this we lose sight altogether of Tazila, and do not even know how or when its ruin was accomplished. Its fate is one of the most striking instances of a peculiarity observable in Indian history, that of the rapidity with which some of its greatest capitals have perished, and the completeness with which even their very nantes have been obliterated from living memory. That it was destroyed long before the Muhammadan invasion may be inferred from the fact that its name has not been found to occur in any Muhammadan author who has written upon India, even though his account of it begins from the middle of the tenth century. Even Albiruni, who was born in the valley of the Indus, and wrote bo early as the time of Mahmod of Ghazni, makes no mention of the place, thongh his work abounds with valuable information on points of geography. The site of Taxila has been identified by Cunningham, who has given an account of his explorations in his Ancient Geography of India (pp. 104-124). The ruins, he says, cover an area of six square miles, and are more extensive, more interesting, and in much better preservation than those of any other ancient place in the Pani These ruins are at a place called Shah-dheri, which is just one mile from Kala-ka-serai, a town lying to the eastward of the Indus, from which it is distant a three days' journey. Pliny says only a two days' journey, but he under-estimated the distance between Peukelaotis and Taxila, whence his error. 46. Around the Hidaspes, the country of the Pandoon oi, in which are these cities : Labaka ........................... 127deg 30 34deg 15' Sagala, otherwise called Euthymedia ........126deg 20' 320 Boukepbala .......... ........125o 30 30deg 20' Iomousa .......... ........124deg 15' 30deg The Country of the Pandoouoi:-The Pandya country here indicated is that which formed the original seat of the Pandavas or Lunar race, whose war with the Kauravas or Solar race is the subject of the Mahabharata. The Pandavas figure not only in the heroio legends of India but also in its real history,

Page #398
350 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (NOVEMBER, 1884. princes of their line having obtained for them. site which Sagala had occupied. This is as nearly Belves sovereignties in various parts of the coun. as possible where Sangla-wala-tiba or Sanglala try, in Rajputana, in the Panjab, on the banks of hill' now stands. This Sangala is a hill with the Ganges, and the very south of the Peninsula. traces of buildings and with a sheet of water From a passage in the Lalitavistara we learn that on one side of it. It thus answers closely to the at the time of the birth of Sakyamuni a Pandava description of the ancient Sangala in Arrian and dynasty reigned at Hastinapura, a city on the Curtius, both of whom represent it as built on a Upper Ganges about sixty miles to the north-east hill and as protected on one side from attacks by of Dehli. Megasthenes, as cited by Pliny, men. a lake or marsh of considerable depth. The hill tions a great Pandava kingdom in the region of is about 60 miles distant from Lahor, where the Jamna, of which Mathura was probably the Alexander probably was when the news about the capital. According to Rajput tradition the cele. Kathaians reached him. This distance is such as brated Vikramaditya, who reigned at Ujjain (the an army by rapid marching could accomplish in Ozen e of the Greeks) about half a century B. C., 3 daye, and, as we learn that Alexander reached and whose name designates an epoch in use Sangala on the evening of the third after he had among the Hindas, was a Pandava prince. From left the Hydradtes, we have here a strongly conthe 8th to the 12th century of our aera Pandavas firmative proof of the correctness of the identi. ruled in Indraprastha, a city which stood on fication. The Makedonians destroyed Sagala, but or near the site of Dehli. When all this is con- it was rebuilt by Demetrios, one of the Grecosidered it certainly seems surprising, as Saint- Baktrian kings, who in honour of his father Martin has observed (Etude, 206 n.) that the Euthydemos called it Euthydemia. From name of the Pandus is not met with up to the this it would appear that the reading Euthymedia present time on any historic monument of the we given in Nobbe's and other texts, is erroneousnorth of India except in two votive inscriptions of (see Cunningham's Geog. of Anc. Ind., pp. 180Buddhist stupas at Bhilsa. See also Ktude, 187) of. Saint-Martin, pp. 103-108). Pp. 205, 206. 47. The regions extending thence towards Labaka:-"This is perhape," says the same the east are possessed by the Kaspeiraioi, author (p. 222), "the same place as a town of and to them belong these cities :Lohkot (Lavakota in Sanskrit) which makes a great figure in the Rajput annals among the cities 48. Salagissa ...............1299 30 340 30 of the Panjab, but its position is not known for Astrassos ........................131deg 15' 34deg 15' certain. Wilford, we know not on what authority, Labokla ...........................1280 33deg 20 identified it with Lahor, and Tod admits his Batanagra ............ ..130 33deg 30' opinion without examining it." Arispara ............... ........1300 32deg 50 Sagala, called also Euthymedia:-Sagala Amakatis ........................ 128deg 15' 32deg 20' or Sangala (as Arrian less correctly gives the Ostobalasara .....................1290 320 name) is the Sanskrit Sakala or Sakala, which in its Prakrit form corresponds exactly to the name in 49. Kaspeira ...............127deg 31deg 15' Ptolemy. This city is mentioned frequently in the Pasikana ..128deg 30' 31deg 15' Mahabharata, from which we learn that it was the Daidala ............ ........1289 30deg 30 capital of the Madra nation, and lay to the west Ardone ........... .126deg 15' 30deg 10' of the Revi. Arrian (Anab. lib. V, cc. xxi, mu) Indabara............... ........127deg 15' 30deg placed it to the east of the river, and this error Liganeira ............. 125deg 30' 29deg on his part has led to a variety of erroneous identi. Khonnamagara ..... 128deg 29deg 20 fications. Alexander, he tells us, after crossing 50. Modoura, the city of the Hydraotes (Ravi) at once pressed forward to the gods ........ ........125deg 27deg 30 Sangala on learning that the Kathaians and other warlike tribes had occupied that stronghold for the Gagasmira ..... ........ 126deg 40 27deg 30 purpose of opposing his advance to the Ganges. Erarasa, a Metropolis .........123deg 26deg In reality, however, Alexander on this occasion Kognandana ... ....124deg 26deg had to deal with an enemy that threatened his rear, Boukephala :- Alexander, after the battle and not with an enemy in front. He was in con- on the western bank of the Hydaspes in which sequence compelled, instead of advancing eastward, he defeated Poros, ordered two cities to be built, to retrace his steps and recross the Hydradtes. one Nikaia, so called in honour of his victory The error here made by Arrian was detected by (nikd), and the other Boukephala, so called in General Cunningham, who, with the help of data honour of his favourite horse, Boukephalos, that supplied by Hiuen-Teiang discovered the exact I died here either of old age and fatigue, or from

Page #399
NOVEMBER, 1881.] PTOLEMY'S GEOG. BK. VII. CH. 1, $ 50. 351 wounds received in the battle. From the conflict. Labokla :-Lassen identified this with Lahor, ing accounts given by the Greek writers it is the capital of the Panjab (Ind. Alt., vol. III, p. 152). difficult to determine where the latter city stood. Thornton and Cunningham confirm this identi. If we follow Plutarch we must place it on the fication. The city is said to have been founded eastern bank of the Hydaspes, for he states by Lava or Lo, the son of Rama, after whom it was (Vita Alexandre) that Boukephalos was killed in named Lohiwar. The Labo in Labo-kla must be the battle, and that the city was built on the place taken to represent the name of Lava. As for the where he fell and was buried. If again we follow terminal kla, Cunningham (Geog. of Anc. Ind., Strabo (lib. XV, c. i, 29) we must place it on the p. 198) would alter it to laka thus, making the west bank at the point where Alexander crossed whole name Labolaka for Lavalaka or 'the abode the river which in all probability was at Dilawar. of Lava.' If finally we follow Arrian we must place it on | Batana gra:-Ptolemy places this 2 degrees the same bank, but some miles farther down the to the east of Labokla, but Saint-Martin (p. 226) river at Jalalpur, where Alexander had pitched does not hesitate to identify it with Bhatnair (for his camp, and this was probably the real site. Bhattanagara) the town of the Bhatis' though Boukephala seems to have retained its historical it lies nearly three degrees south of Lahor. Yule importance much longer than its sister city, for accepts this identification. A different reading besides being mentioned here by Ptolemy it is is Ka tanagara. noticed also in Pliny (lib. VI, c. xx) who says that it Ama katis (v. 1. Amakastis).- According to was the chief of three cities that belonged to the the table this place lay to the S.E. of Labokla Asini, and in the Periplus (sec. 47) and elsewhere. but its place in the map is to the S.W. of it Nika ia, on the other hand, is not mentioned by Cunningham (pp. 195--197) locates it near Sheany author of the Roman period except Strabo, kohpur to the south of which are two ruined and that only when he is referring to the times of mounds which are apparently the remains of Alexander. The name is variously written ancient cities. These are called Amba and Kapi Boukephala, Boukephalos, Boukephalia, and respectively, and are said to have been called Boukephaleia. Some authors added to it the after a brother and a sister, whose names are surname of Alexandria, and in the Peutinger combined in the following couplet:Tables it appears as Alexandria Bucefalos. The Amba-Kapa pai larai horse Boukephalos was so named from his 'brow' Kalpi bahin chhurawan ai. being very broad, like that of an ox.' For a dis. When strife arose 'tween Amb and Kap cussion on the site of Boukephala see Cunning Their sister Kalpi made it up. ham's Geog. of Anc. Ind., pp. 159 sqq. "The junction of the two names," Cunningham I omo usa is probably Jamma, a place of remarks," is probably as old as the time of great antiquity, whose chiefs were reckoned at Ptolemy, who places a town named Amakatis or one time among the five great rajas of the north. Amakapis to the west of the R&vi, and in the im. It doubtless lay on the great highway that led mediate neighbourhood of Labokla or LAhor." from the Indus to Palibothra. The distance of the mounds referred to from List of cities of the Kaspeiraioi:-This long LAhor is about 25 miles. list contains but very few names that can be Ostobala sara (v. 1. Stobolasara) Saint-Martin recognized with certainty. It was perhaps care. has identified this with Thanesar (Sthinesvara in lessly transcribed by the copyists, or Ptolemy Sanskrit) a very ancient city, celebrated in the himself may have taken it from some work the heroic legends of the Pandavas. Cunningham text of which had been already corrupted. Be however thinks that Thanesar is Ptolemy's Bathat as it may, we may safely infer from the tankaisara and suggests that we should read constancy with which the figures of latitude in Satan aisara to make the name approach nearer the list decrease, that the towns enumerated were to the Sanskrit Sthanesvara--the Sa-ta-ni-shiso many successive stages on some line of road fa lo of Hiuen-Tsiang (p. 331). that traversed the country from the Indus to Kaspeira: "If this name," says Saint-Martin Mathura on the Jamna. Salagissa, Aris. (p. 226) "is to be applied, as seems natural, to the para, Pasikana, Liganeira, Khonna. capital of Kasmfr, it has been badly placed in magara and Kognandau a are past all the series, having been inserted probably by the recognition; no plausible conjecture has been ancient Latin copyista." made as to how they are to be identified. Daidala :-An Indian city of this name is Astrasso: This name resembles the Atrasa mentioned by Stephanos of Byzantion, but he of Idrisi, who mentions it as a great city of the locates it in the west. Curtius also has a Daedala Kanauj Empire (Etude, p. 226). (lib. VIII, c. 1), a region which according to his

Page #400
352 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (NOVEMBER, 1884. account was traversed by Alexander before he crossed the Khoaspos and laid siege to Mazaga. Yule in his map places it doubtfully at Dudhal on the Khaghar River to the east of Bhatneer, near the edge of the great desert. Ardone:-Ahroni acording to Yule, a place destroyed by Timor on his march, situated be. tween the Khaghar and Chitang rivers, both of which lose themselves in the great desert. Indabara is undoubtedly the ancient In. dra prastha, a name which in the common dialects is changed into Indabatta (Indopat), and which becomes almost Indabara in the cerebral pronunciation of the last syllable. The site of this city was in the neighbourhood of Dehli. It was the capital city of the Pandavas. The Prakrit form of the name is Indrabattha. (Lassen, vol. III, p. 151). Modoura, the city of the gods :-There is no difficulty in identifying this with Mathuri (Muttra) one of the most sacred cities in all India, and re. nowned as the birthplace of Kfishna. Its temples struck Mahmnd of Ghaznt with such admiration that he resolved to adorn his own capital in a similar style. The name is written by the Greeks Methora as well as Modoura. It is situated on the banks of the Jamna, higher up than Agra, from which it is 35 miles distant. It is said to have been founded by Satrughna, the younger brother of Rama. As already mentioned it was a city of the Pandavas whose power extended far to westward. Gagas mira:-Lassen and Saint-Martin agree in recognizing this as Ajmir. Yule, however, objects to this identification on the ground that the first syllable is left unaccounted for, and proposes Jajhar as a substitute. Gegasius, he argues, represents in Plutarch Yay&ti, the great ancestor of the Lunar race, while Jajhpur in Orissa was properly Yayatipara. Hence probably in Jajhar, which is near Dehli, we have the representative of Gagasmira. Erarasa :-Ptolemy calle this a metropolis. It appears, says Yule, to be Giriraja, royal hill,' and may be Goverdhan which was so called, and was a capital in legendary times (Ind. Antiq., vol. I, p. 23). Saint-Martin suggests Varanasi, now Banaras, which was also a capital. He thinks that this name and the next, which ends the list, were additions of the Roman copyists. 51. Still further to the east than the Kaspeiraioi are the Gymnosophistai, and after these around the Ganges further north are the Daitikhai with these towns :Konta ........ .............133deg 30' 34deg 40' Margara ... ...............135deg 34deg Batang kaissara and east of the river............. .........132deg 40' 33deg 20' Passala ...........................137deg 34' 15' Orza ................. ..............136deg 33deg 20' Gymnosophistai:-This Greek word means Naked philosophers,' and did not designate any ethnic or political section of the population, but a community of religious ascetics or hermits located along the Ganges probably, as Yule thinks in the neighbourhood of Hardwar and also accord ing to Benfey, of Dehli, Indien, p. 95. For an account of the Gymnosophists see Ind. Antiq., vol. VI, pp. 242-244. Daitik hai:-This name is supposed to repre. sent the Sanskrit jatika, which means 'wearing twisted or plaited hair.' The name does not occur in the lists in this form but Kern, as Yule states, has among tribes in the north-east "Demons with elf locks" which is represented in Wilford by Jati-dhara. Konta, says Saint-Martin (Btude, p. 321) is probably Kunda on the left bank of the Jamna to the south-east of Saharanpor. Margara :-Perhaps, according to the same authority, Marhara near the Kalindi River to the north-east of Agra. Batangkai 88 ara :-Yule objecting to Saint-Martin's identification of this place with Bhatkashaur in Saharanpur pargana, on the ground of its being a modern combination, locates it, but doubtingly, at Kesarwa east of the Jamna, where the position suits fairly. Passala:-Pliny mentions a people called Passala e, who may be recognized as the inhabitants of Panchala or the region that lay between the Ganges and the Jamni, and whose power, according to the Mahabharata, extended from the Himalayas to the Chambal River. Passala we may assume was the capital of this important state, and may now, as Saint-Martin thinks, be represented by Bisauli. This was formerly a considerable town of Robilkhand, 30 miles from Sambhal towards the south-east, and at a like distance from the eastern bank of the Ganges. Orza is perhaps Sarsi situated on the Ram. ganga river in the lower part of its course. 52. Below these are the Anikhai with these towns : Persakra. .........134deg 32deg 40' Sannaba ............ .135deg 32deg 30' Toana to the east of the river...136deg 30' 32deg 53. Below these Prasia ke with these towns :Sambalaka ........ ........132deg 15' 31deg 50' Adisdara ........ 310-30 Kanagora .. ....... .........135deg 30deg 40'

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NOVEMBER, 1884.] PTOLEMY'S GEOG. BK. VII, CH. 1, $ 53. 353 Kindia ............................137deg 30deg 20' Adisdara:-This has been satisfactorily idenSagala, and east of the river...139deg 30deg 20' tified with Ahichhatra, & city of great anti quity, which figures in history so early as the 14th Aninakha ..... .............137deg 2031deg 40' century B.C. At this time it was the capital of Koangka ........................138deg 20' 31deg 30 Northern Paschala. The form of the name in Anik hai (v. 11. Na nikhai, Manik hai): Ptolemy by a slight alteration becomes Adisadra, This name cannot be traced to its source. The and this approximates closely to the original form. people it designated must have been a petty tribe, Another city so called belonged to Central India, as they had only 3 towns, and their territory and this appears in Ptolemy as Adeis athra, must have lain principally on the south bank uf which he places in the country of the Bettigoi. the Jamna. Their towns cannot be identified. The meaning of the name Ahi-chhattra is 'ser. The correct reading of their name is probably pent umbrella' and is explained by a local legend Manikhai, as there is a town on the Ganges in the concerning Adi-Raja and the serpent demon, district which they must have occupied called that while the Raja was asleep a serpent formed Manikpur. There is further a tribe belonging a canopy over him with its expanded hood. The to the Central Himalaya region having a name fort is sometimes called Adikot, though the comslightly similar, Manga or Mangars, and the Ain-i. moner name is Ahi-chhatar, sometimes written Akbari mentions a tribe of Manneyeh which had Abikshetra. The place was visited by Hinenonce been powerful in the neighbourhood of Dehli Tsiang. In modern times it was first visited by (Etude, p. 322). The form Nanikha would suggest Captain Hodgson, who describes it as the ruins of a people named in the Mahabhdrata and the an ancient fortress several miles in circumference. Purdnas, the Naimishas who lived in the which appears to have had 84 bastions, and is region of the Jamna. known in the neighbourhood by the name of the Prasia ke.--This word transliterates the P&adu's Fort. It was visited afterwards by CunSanskrit Prdchyaka which means 'eastern' and ningham (Anc. Geog. of Ind., pp. 359363). denoted generally the country along the Ganges. Kanagora :-This, as Saint-Martin pointe It was the country of the Prasii, whose capital out, may be a corruption for Kanagoza, a form of was Palibothra, now Potna, and who in the Kanyakubja or Kanauj. This city of old retimes immediately subsequent to the Makedonian nown was situated on the banks of the Kalinadi, invasion had spread their empire from the mouths a branch of the Ganges, in the modern district of of the Ganges to the regions beyond the Indus. Farrukhabad. The name applies not only to the The Prasiake of Ptolemy however was a territory city itself but also to its dependencies and to the of very limited dimensions, and of uncertain boun. surrounding district. The etymology (kanyd, 'a daries. Though seven of its towns are enumerated girl,' and kubja, 'round-shouldered' or 'crooked) Palibothra is not among them, but is mentioned refers to a legend concerning the hundred daughters afterwards as the capital of the Mandalai and of KusanAbha, the king of the city, who were all placed more than 3 degrees farther south than rendered crooked by VAyu for non-compliance the most southern of them all. Yule remarks upon with his licentious desires (see also Beal, Bud. this: "Where the tables detail cities that are in dhist Records, vol. I, p. 209). The ruins of the Praaiske, cities among the Poruari, &c., we must ancient city are said to occupy a site larger than not assume that the cities named were really in that of London. The name recurs in another list the territories named; whilst we see as a sure of towns under the form Kanogiza, and is there fact in various instances that they were not. far displaced. Thus the Mandalae, displaced as we have men- Kindia may be identified with Kant, an tioned, embrace Palibothra, which was notoriously ancient city of Rohilkhand, the Shahjahanpur of the city of the Pras'i; while Prasiake is shoved the present day. Yule hesitates whether to identify upstream to make room for them. Lassen has it thus or with Mirzapur on the Ganges. 80 much faith in the uncorrected Ptolemy that Sagala :-"Sagala," says Saint-Martin (Etude, he accepts this, and finds some reason whyp. 326) "would carry us to a town of Sakula or Prasiake is not the land of the Prasii but some- Saghola, of which mention is made in the Bud. thing else." dhist Chronicles of Ceylon among the royal cities Sambalaka is Sambhal, already mentioned of the North of India, and which Turnour beas a town of Rohilkhand. Sambalaka or Sam. lieves to be the same town as Kusinagara, bhala is the name of several countries in India, celebrated as the place where Buddha SAkyamuni but there is only this one town of the name that obtained Nirudna. Such an identification would is met with in the Eastern parts. It is a very carry us to the eastern extremity of Kobala, not ancient town and on the same parallel as Dehli far from the River Gandaki.

Page #402
354 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [NOVEMBER, 1884. Koangka ought to represent the Sanskrit kanaka, gold. Mention is made of a town called in the Buddhistic legends Kanakavati (abounding in gold), but no indication is given as to where its locality was (Etude, p. 326). 54. South of this Saura batis with these towns:Empelathra .....................130deg 30deg Nadoubandagar..................138deg 40' 29deg Tamasis ...........................133 29deg Koura poreina .................130deg 29deg Sau rabatis:--This division is placed below Prasiake. The ordinary reading is Sandrabatis, which is a transliteration of the Sanskrit Chandravati. The original, Saint-Martin suggests, may have been Chhattravati, which is used as a synonym of Ahikshetra, and applies to that part of the territory of Panchala, which lies to the east of the Ganges. He thinks it more than probable that Sandrabatis, placed as it is just after a group of towns, two of which belong to Ahikshetra, does not differ from this Chhattravati, the only country of the name known to Sanskrit Geography in the Gangetic region. None of the four towns can be identified. (See Lassen, Ind. Alt. vol. I, p. 602; Etude, p. 326). Yule, however, points out that this territory is one of those which the endeavour to make Ptolemy's names cover the whole of India has greatly dislocated, transporting it from the S. W. of Rajputana to the vicinity of Bahar. His map locates Sandra. bitis (Chandrabati) between the River Mahf and the Aravali mountains. 55. And further, all the country along the rest of the course of the Indus is called by the general name of Indo-Skythia. Of this the insular portion formed by the bifurcation of the river towards its mouth is Patalone, and the region above this is Abiria, and the region about the mouths of the Indus and Gulf of Kanthi is Syrastren e. The towns of Indo-Skythia are these : to the west of the river at some distance therefrom : 56. Artoarta ...............121deg 30 31deg 15' Andrapana ........................121deg 15' 30deg 40' ............................ 122deg 20 32deg Banagara ........................ 122deg 15' 30deg 40' Kodrana.......... ..............121deg 15' 29deg 20' Ptolemy from his excursion to the Upper Ganges now reverts to the Indus and completes its geogra. ** Aristoboulos as we learn from Strabo (lib. XV, c. i. 19) when went into this part of India raw * tract of land deserted which contained 1,000 cities with their dependent villages, the Indus having left ita proper channel, was diverted into another, on the left hand much deeper, and precipitated itself into it like a cataract so that it phy by describing Indo-Skythia, a vast region which comprised all the countries traversed by the Indus, from where it is joined by the river of Kabul onward to the ocean. We have already pointed out how Ptolemy's description is here vitiated by his making the combined stream of the Panjab rivers join the Indus only one degree below its junction with the Kabul, instead of six degrees, or half way between that point and the ocean. The egregious error he has here committed seems altogether inexcusable, for what. ever may have been the sourced from which he drew bis information, he evidently neglected the most accurate and the most valuable of all-the records, namely, of the Makedonian invasion as transmitted in writings of unimpeachable credit. At best, however, it must be allowed the determi. nation of sites in the Indus valley is beset with peculiar uncertainty. The towns being but very slightly built are seldom of more than ephemeral duration, and it, as often happens they are destroyed by inundations, every trace is lost of their ever having existed. The river besides frequently changes its course and leaves the towns which it abandons to sink into decay and utter oblivion." Such places again as still exist after escaping these and other casualties, are now known under names either altogether different from the an. cient, or so much changed as to be hardly recognizable. This instability of the nomenclature is due to the frequency with which the valley has been conquered by foreigners. The period at which the Skythians first appeared in the valley which was destined to bear their name for several centuries has been ascertained with precision from Chinese sources. We thence gather that a wandering horde of Tibetan extraction called Yuei-chi or Ye-tha in the 2nd century B. C. left Tangut, their native country, and, advancing westward found for themselves a new home amid the pasture-lands of Zungaria. Here they had been settled for about thirty years when the invasion of a new horde compelled them to migrate to the Steppes which lay to the north of the Jaxartes. In these new seats they halted for only two years, and in the year 128 B. C. they crossed over to the southern bank of the Jaxartes where they made themselves masters of the rich provinces between that river and the Oxus, which had lately before belonged to the Grecian kinge of Baktriana. This new conquest did not long satisfy their ambition, and they continued to no longer watered the country by the usual inundation on the right hand, from which it had receded, and this Was olevated above the level, not only of the new channel of the river, but above that of the (new) inundation.

Page #403
NOVEMBER, 1884.] PTOLEMY'S GEOG. BK. VII, CH. 1, $ 56. 355 advance southwards till they had overrun in suc. Sindh. That Abiria is the Ophir of Scripture cession Eastern Baktriana, the basin of the is an opinion that has been maintained by schoKophes, the basin of the Etymander with Ara. lars of eminence. khosia, and finally the valley of the Indus and Syrastrene represents the Sanskrit Surashtra Syrastrene. This great horde of the Yetha was (the modern Sorath) which is the name in the divided into several tribes, whereof the most Mahabharata and the Puranas for the Peninsula powerful was that called in the Chinese annals of Gujarat. In after times it was called Valabhi. Kwei-shwang. It acquired the supremacy over Pliny (lib. VI, c. xx) in his enumeration of the other tribes, and gave its name to the king. the tribes of this part of India mentions the dom of the Yetha. They are identical with the Horatae, who have, he says, a fine city, defend. Kus hans. The great King Kanishka, who ed by marshes, wherein are kept man eating was converted to Buddhism and protected that faith crocodiles that prevent all entrance except by was a Kushan. He reigned in the first century of a single bridge. The name of this people is the Christian aera and ruled from Baktriana tono doubt a corruption of Sorah. They have an Kasmir, and from the Oxus to Surashtra. These inveterato propensity to sound the letter S as Kushans of the Panjab and the Indus are no an H. others than the Indo-Skythians of the Greeks. Ptolemy distributes into six groups the names In the Rdjatarangini they are called Saka and of the 41 places which he specifies as belonging to Turushka (Turks). Their prosperity could not the Indus valley and its neighbourhood. The have been of very long duration, for the towns of the second group indicate by their relative author of the Periplus, who wrote about half a positions that they were successive stages on the century after Kanishka's time mentions that great caravan route which ran parallel with the " Minnagar the metropolis of Skythia was gov. western bank of the river all the way from the erned by Parthian princes" and this statement Kophes junction downward to the coast. The is confirmed by Parthiary coins being found towns of the fourth group were in like manner everywhere in this part of the country. Max Buccessive stages on another caravan route, that Muller, in noticing that the presence of Turanian which on the eastern side of the river traversed tribes in India as recorded by Chinese historians the country from the great confluence with the is fully confirmed by coins and inscriptions and combined rivers of the Panjab downward to the the traditional history of the country such as it Delta. The towns of the first group (5 in number) is, adds that nothing attests the presence of belonged to the upper part of the valley, and were these tribes more clearly than the blank in the situated near the Kophes junction. They are Brahmanical literature of India froin the first mentioned in a list by themselves, as they did not century before to the 3rd after our aera. He lie on the great line of communication above proposes therefore to divide Sanskrit literature mentioned. The third group consists of the two into two-the one which he would call the towns which were the chief marts of commerce ancient and natural) before, and the other (which in the Delta. The towns of the fifth group (7 in he would call the modern and artificial) after the number) lay at distances more or less considerable Turanian invasion. In his Indo-Skythia Ptolemy from the eastern side of the Delta. The towns includes Patalen e, Abiria and Syras. of the sixth group were included in the territory of tren 8. The name does not occur in Roman the Khatriaioi, which extended on both sides authore. of the river from its confluence with the Panjab Patale ne, so called from its capital Patala, rivers as far as the Delta. None of them can was the delta at the mouth of the Indus. It was now be identified (See Etude, pp. 234 sqq.) not quite so large as the Egyptian delta with which and of the first group-Artoarta, Sa bana, the classical writers frequently compare it. Before | Kodrana cannot be identified. its conquest by the Skythians it had been subject | Andrapana:-Cunningham (p. 86) thinks to the Greco-Baktrian kings. Its reduction to this is probably Draband, or Deraband, near Deratheir authority is attributed by Strabo (lib. XI, c. Ismail Khan. xii, 1) to Menander or to Demetrios, the son of Banagara (for Bana-nagara):-Banna or Eutliydemos. Banu is often cited as the name of a town and Abiria:-The country of the Abhira B (the a district that lay on the line of communicaAhirs of common speech) lay to the east of the tion between Kabul and the Indus. It was visited Indus, above where it bifurcates to form the delta. both by Fa-Hian and Hiuen-Tsiang. The former In Sanskrit works their name is employed to de- calls the country Po-na, i.e., Bana. The latter signate generally the pastoral tribes that inhabit calls it Fa-la-na, whence Cunningham conjec. the lower districts of the North-West as far as tures that the original name was Varana or Barna

Page #404
356 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [NOVEMBER, 1884. It consisted of the lower half of the valley of th Kuram river, and was distant from Lamghan a 15 days' journey southward. It is one of the largeat, richest and most populous districts to the west of the Indus.--(See Geog. of Anc. Ind., pp. 81-86). 57. And along the river :Embolima ........................124deg 31deg Pentagramma ..................1 24deg 30deg 20 Asigramma .................... 123 290 30 Tiausa ........................ ..121deg 30' 28deg 50' Aristobathra .....................120deg 27deg 30' Azika ..119deg 20' 27deg 58. Pardabathra ............117deg 230 30 Piska ..............................116deg 30' 25deg Pasipeda...........................114deg 30 24deg Sousikana .........................112deg 22deg 20' Bonis ..............................111deg 21deg 30' Kolaka ...........................110deg 30deg 20deg 40' Embolima was situated on the Indus at a point about 60 miles above Attak, where the river escapes with great impetuosity from a long and narrow gorge, which the ancients mistook for its source. Here, on the western bank, rises the fort of Amb, now in ruins, crowning a position of remarkable strength, and facing the small town of Derbend, which lies on the opposite side of the river. The name of Amb suggested that it might represent the first part of the name of Emb-olima, and this supposition was raised to certitude when it was discovered that another ruin not far off, crowning a pinnacle of the same hill on which Amb is seated, preserves to this day in the tradition of the inhabitants the name of Balimah. Embolima is mentioned by Arrian (lib. IV, c. xxvii) who represente it as situated at no great distance from the rock of Aornos--which as Abbott has shown, was Mount MahAban, a hill abutting on the western bank of the Indus, about eight miles west from Embolima. It is called by Curtius Ecbolima (Anab. lib. VIII, c. xii) but he gives its position wrongly-at sixteen days' march from the Indus. Ptolemy assigns to it the same latitude and longitude which he assigns to the point where the Kabul river and Indus unite. It was erroneously supposed that Embolima was a word of Greek origin from ikBols. 'the mouth of a river' conf. Cun. ningham, Geog. of Anc. Ind., pp. 52 ff.). Pentagramma:-To the north of the Ko. phes at a distance of about forty miles S. W. from Embolima is a place called Panjpur, which agrees closely both in its position and the signification of its name (5 towns) with the Pentagramms of Ptolemy. Asigramme and the five towns that come after it cannot be identified. Pasipeda:-Saint-Martin thinks this may be the Besmeid of the Arab Geographers, which, as they tell us was a town of considerable importance, lying east of the Indus on the route from Mansura to Multan. Its name is not to be found in any existing map; but as the Arab itineraries all concur in placing it between Rond (now Roda) and Multan, at a three days' journey from the former, and a two days' journey from the latter, we may determine its situation to have been as far down the river as Mithankot, where the great confluence now takes place. If the fact that Bes. meid was on the eastern side of the river staggers our faith in this identification, Saint-Martin would remind us that this part of the tables is far from presenting us with a complete or systematic treat. ment of the subject, and that the only way open to us of restoring some part at least of these liste is to have recourse to synonyms. He contends that when we find in the Arab itineraries (which are documents of the same nature precisely as those which Ptolemy made use of) names resembling each other placed in corresponding directions, we ought to attach more weight to such coincidences than to the contradictions real, or apparent, which present themselves in the text of our author. Analogous transpositions occur in other lists, as, for instance, in the list of places in the Narmada basin. Cunningham, thinking it strange that a notable place of great antiquity like Sehwan, which he identifies with Sindomana, should not be mentioned by Ptolemy under any recognizable name, hazards the conjecture that it may be either his Piska or Pasipoda. "If we take," he says, "Haidarabad as the most probable head of the Delta in ancient times, then Ptolemy's Sydros, which is on the eastern bank of the Indus, may perhaps be identified with the old site of Mattali, 12 miles above Haidarkb&d, and his Pasipeda with Sehwan. The identification of Ptolemy's Oskana with the Oxykanus or Portikanus of Alexander and with the great mound of Mahorta of the present day is I think almost certain. If Bo, either Piska or Pasipeda must be Sehwan." Souaikana:-It is generally agreed that this is a corrupt reading for Musikana, the royal city of Musikanos, who figures so conspicuously in the records of tho Makedonian Invasion, and whose kingdom was described to Alexander as being the richest and most populous in all India. Cunningham (p. 257) identifies this place with Alor, which was for many ages the capital of the powerful kingdom of Upper Sindh. Its ruins, as he informs us, are situated to the south of a gap in the low range of limestone hills which stretches

Page #405
NOVEMBER, 1884.) PTOLEMY'S GEOG. BK. VII, CH. 1, 88 59, 60. 357 southwards from Bakhar for about 20 miles until it is lost in the broad belt of sand-hills which bound the N&ra or old bed of the Indus on the west. Through this gap a branch of the Indus once flowed which protected the city on the northwest. To the north-east it was covered by a second branch of the river which flowed nearly at right angles to the other at a distance of three miles. When Alor was deserted by the river, it was supplanted by the strong fort of Bakhar (p. 258). The same author thinks it probable that Alor may be the Binagara of Ptolemy, as it is placed on the Indus to the eastward of Oskana, which appears to be the Oxykanus of Arrian and Curtius. Bonis:-The table places this at the point of bifurcation of the western mouth of the river and an interior arm of it. Arab geographers mention & town called Bania in Lower Sindh, situated at the distance of a single journey below Mangurs. This double indication would appear to suit very well with Banna, which stands at the point where the Piniari separates from the principal arm about 25 miles above Thattha. Its position is however on the eastern bank of the river. (Etude, pp. 298, 299.) Kolaka or Kolala is probably identical with the Krokala of Arrian's Indika (sec. 21), which mentions it as a small sandy island where the fleet of Nearkhos remained at anchor for one day. It lay in the bay of Karachi, which is situated in a district called Karkalla even now. 59. And in the islands formed by the river are these towns :Patala............. ................112deg 30' 21deg Barbarei...........................113deg 15' 22deg 30 60. And east of the river at some distance therefrom are these towns :Xodrake..........................116deg 24deg Barbana ...........................116deg 22deg 50 Auzoamis ........................115deg 30' 22deg 20 Asinda ............................114deg 15' 22deg Orbadarou or Ordabari.........1159 22deg Theophila .......................114deg 15' 21deg 10 Astakapra .........................114deg 40' 20deg15' Patala as we learn from Arrian was the greatest city in the parts of the country about the mouths of the Indus. It was situated, he expressly states, at the head of the Delta where the two great arms of the Indus dispart. This indication would of itself have sufficed for its identification, had the river continued to flow in its ancient channels. It has, however, frequently changed its course, and from time to time shifted the point of bifurcation. Hence the question regarding the site of Patala bas occasioned much controversy. Rennell and Vincent, followed by Burnes and Ritter, placed it at Thaotha; Droysen, Benfey, Saint-Martinand Cunningham, at Haidaribad (the Nirankot of Arab writers), and McMurdo followed by Wilson and Lassen, at a place about 90 miles to the north-east of Haidarabad. The last supposition is quite untenable, while the argumente in favour of Haidarabad, which at one time was called Patalapur appear to be quite conclusive. (See Saint-Martin, pp. 180 ff., Cunningham, pp. 279-- 287). Patala figures conspicuously in the history of the Makedonian invasion. In its spacious docks Alexander found suitable accommodation for his fleet which had descended the Indus, and here he remained with it for a considerable time. Seeing how advantageously it was situated for strategy as well as commerce, he strengthened it with a citadel, and made it a military centre for controlling the warlike tribes in its neighbourhood. Before finally leaving India he made two excursions from it to the ocean, sailing first down the western and then down the eastern arm of the river. Patala in Sanskrit mythology was the name of the lowest of the seven regions in the interior of the earth, and hence may have been applied to denote generally the parts where the sun descends into the under world, the land of the west, as in contrast to Prachayaka, the land of the east. Patala in Sanskrit means "the trumpet-flower,' and Cunningham thinks that the Delta may have been so called from some resemblance in its shape to that of this flower. The classic writers generally spell the name as Pattala. Barbarei:-The position of Barbarei, like that of Patala, has been the subject of much discussion. The table of Ptolemy places it to the north of that city, but erroneously, since Barbarei was a mari. time port. It is mentioned in the Periplus under the name of Barbarikon, as situated on the middle mouth of the Indus. D'Anville in opposi. tion to all the data placed it at Debal Sindhi, the great emporium of the Indus during the middle ages, or at Karachi, while Elliot, followed by Cunningham, placed it at an ancient city, of which some ruing are still to be found, called Bambhara, and situated almost midway between Karachi and Thattha on the old western branch of the river which Alexander reconnoitred, Burnes again, followed by Ritter, placed it at Richel, - The Brahmans of Sehvan have stated to us that According to looal legends recorded in their Sanskrit books Kaboul is the ancient Chichapalapoura; Multan, Prahladpur; Tattah, Deval, Haidarabad, Neran, and more anciently Patalpuri." Dr. J. Wilson, Journ. Bombay Asiat. Soc., vol. III, 1850, p. 77.

Page #406
358 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. and Saint-Martin a little further still to the east at Bandar Vikkar on the Hajamari mouth, which has at several periods been the main channel of the river. Xodrake and Sarbana or Sardana-As the towns in this list are given in their order from north to south, and as Astakapra, the most southern, was situated on the coast of the peninsula of Gujarat, right opposite the mouth of the river Narmada, the position of Xodrake and the other places in the list must be sought for in the neigh. bourhood of the Ran of Kachh. Xodrake and Sarbana have not been identified, but Yule doubtingly places the latter on the Sambhar Lake. Lassen takes Xodrake to be the capital of the Xudraka, and locates it in the corner of land between the Vitasta and Chandrabhaga (Ind. Alt. vol. III, p. 145). Asinda, according to Saint-Martin, may perhaps be Sidhpur (Siddhapura), a town on the river Sarasvati, which rising in the Aravalis empties into the Gulf of Kachh (pp. 246-247). Auxo amisor Axumis:-The same authority would identify this with Sumi, a place of importance and seat of a Muhammadan chief, lying a little to the east of the Sarasvati and distant about twenty-five miles from the sea. Yule however suggests that Ajmir may be its modern representation. [NOVEMBER, 1884. city of renown and ancient. 2. Pardwa or Priyadeva, an old village about four or five miles west of Hathap. It is said to have been contemporary with Valabhi, and there is an ancient Jain temple there, and it is said that the Jains of Gundigadh had their chief temple there. 3. Devagana, an ancient village at the foot of the west slopes of the Khokras about 18 miles from Hathap to the westward." Orba darov or Ordabari:-Yule doubtfully identifies this with Arbuda or Mount Abu, the principal summit of the Aravalis. Pliny mentions alongside of the Horatae (in Gujarat) the O d. omboerae which may perhaps be a different form of the same word. The name Udumbara is one well-known in Sanskrit antiquity, and designated a royal race mentioned in the Harinansa. Theophila: This is a Greek compound meaning dear to God,' and is no doubt a translation of some indigenous name. Lassen has suggested that of Sardhur, in its Sanskrit form Suradara, which means 'adoration of the gods.' Sardhur is situated in a valley of the Revata mountains so celebrated in the legends of Krishna. Yule suggests Dewaliya, a place on the isthmus, which connects the peninsula with the mainland; Dr. Burgess, Than, the chief town of a district traditionally known as Deva-Panchal, lying a little further west than Dewaliya. Col. Watson writes:-"The only places I can think of for Theophila are-1. Gandi, the ancient Gundigadh, one and a half or two miles further up the Hathap river, of which city Hastakavapra was the port. This city was one of the halting-places of the Bhaunagar Brahmans ere they came to Gogha. It was no doubt by them considered dear to the gods. It was connected with Hastakavapra and was a Astakapra: This is mentioned in the Periplus (sec. 41), as being near a promontory on the eastern side of the peninsula which directly confronted the mouth of the Narmada on the opposite side of the gulf. It has been satisfactorily identified with Hastakavapra, a name which occurs in a copper-plate grant of Dhruvasena I, of Valabhi, and which is now represented by Hathab near Bhavnagar. Buhler thinks that the Greek form is not derived immediately from the Sanskrit, but from an intermediate old Prakrit word Hastakampra. (See Ind. Ant., vol. V, pp. 204, 314. 61. Along the river are these towns :Panasa ....122deg 30' 29deg Boudaia Naagramma Kamigara Binagara Parabali. ..121deg 15' 28deg 15' ..120deg 27deg 119deg 26deg 20' 25deg 20' 24deg 30' 21deg 20' 22deg 30' 21deg 30' ********* ********. Sydros Epitausa... Xoana........ ..118deg ..116deg 30' ..114deg ..113deg 45' .........113deg 30' Panasa:-The table places Panasa one degree farther south than the confluence of the Zaradros and the Indus. Ptolemy, as we have seen, egregiously misplaced this confluence, and we cannot therefore from this indication learn more than that Panasa must have been situated lower down the Indus than Pasipeda (Besmaid) and Alexandria of the Malli which lay near the confluence. A trace of its name Saint-Martin thinks is preserved in that of Osanpur, a town on the left of the river, 21 miles below Mittankot. Boudaia-According to Saint-Martin this is very probably the same place as a fort of Budhya or Bodhpur, mentioned in the Arab chronicles of the conquest of Upper Sindh and situated probably between Alor and Mittankot. Yule identifies it with Budhia, a place to the west of the Indus and south from the Bolan Pass. Naagramma:-This Yule identifies with Naoshera, a place about 20 miles to the south of Besmaid. Both words mean the same, 'new town.' Kamigara-The ruins of Aror which are visible at a distance of four miles to the south-east of Kori, are still known in the neighbourhood under

Page #407
NOVEMBER, 1884.) PTOLEMY'S GEOG. BK. VII, CH. 1, $$ 62, 63. 859 39). the name of Kaman. If to this word we add the common Indian affix nagar-city,' we have a near approach to the Kamigara of Ptolemy. Binagara :--This some take to be a less correct form than Minnagar given in the Peri. plus, where it is mentioned as the metropolis of Skythia, but under the government of Parthian princes, who were constantly at feud with each other for the supremacy. Its position is very uncertain. Cunningham would identify it with Alor. Yule, following McMurdo, places it much further south near BrahmanAbad, which is some distance north from Haidar&bad. The Periplus states that it lay in the interior above Barbarikon (sec. 38) Xoana:-Yule suggests that this may be Sewana, a place in the country of the Bhaulingas, between the desert and the Aravalfe. 62. The parts east of Indo-Skythia along the coast belong to the country of Larike, and here in the interior to the west of the river Namados is a mart of commerce, the city of Barygaza .........................113 15 17deg 20' 63. To the east of the river :Agrinagara ..... ................118deg 15' 22deg 30' Siripalla ........... ..........118deg 30' 21deg 30' Bammogoura....................... 116deg 20deg 45' Sazantion .........................115deg 30' 20deg 30' Zerogerei ..116deg 20' 19deg 50 Ozene, the capital of Tiastanes ...... .........117deg Minagara ......... ...............115deg 10 19deg 300 Tiatoura...........................115deg 50' 18deg 50' Nasika ...........................114deg 17deg Larike:-LArdesa was an early name for the territory of Gujarat and the Northern Konkan. The name long survived, for the sea to the west of that coast was in the early Muhammadan time called the sea of Lar, and the language spoken on its shores was called by Mas'udi, Lari (Yule's Marco Polo, vol. II, p. 353, n.). Ptolemy's Larike was a political rather than a geographical division and as such comprehended in addition to the part of the sea board to which the name was strictly applicable, an extensive inland territory, rich in agricultural and commercial products, and possessing large and flourishing towns, acquired no doubt by military conquest. Barygaza, now Bharoch, which is still a large city, situated about 30 miles from the sea on the north side of the river Narmade, and on an elevated mound supposed to be artificial, raised about 80 feet above the level of the sea. The place is repeatedly mentioned in the Periplus. At the time when that work was written, it was the greatest seat of commerce in Western India, and the capital of a powerful and flourishing state. The etymology of the name is thus explained by Dr. John Wilson (Indian Castes, vol. II, p. 113): "The Bhargavas derive their designation from Bhargava, the adjective form of Bhrigu, the name of one of the ancient Rishis. Their chief habitat is the district of Bharoch, which must have got its name from a colony of the school of Bhrigu having been early established in this Kshotra, probably granted to them by some conqueror of the district. In the name Barugaza given to it by Ptolemy, we have a Greek corruption of Bhrigukshotra (the territory of Bhrigu) or Bhrigukachha, the tongue-land' of Bhrigu." The illiterate Gujaratis pronounce Bhriguksh&tra as Bargacha, and hence the Greek form of the name. Agrinagara:-This means 'the town of the Agri.' Yule places it at Agar, about 30 miles to the N. E. of Ujjain. Suripalla :-A place of this name (spelt Seripala) has already been mentioned as situated where the Namados (Narmada) changes the direction of its course. Lassen therefore locates it in the neighbourhood of Haump, where the river turns to southward. Bammogoura :-In Yule's map this is identified with Pavangar, a hill to the north of the Narmada. Sazantion :--This may perhaps be identical with Sujintra, a small place some distance north from the upper extremity of the Bay of Khambat. Zerogerei:-This is referred by Yule to Dhar, a place S. W. of Ozene, about one degree. Ozo ne:- This is a transliteration of Ujja. yini, the Sanskrit name of the old and famous city of Avanti, still called Ujjain. It was the capital of the celebrated Vikramaditya, who having expelled the Skythians and thereafter established his power over the greater part of India, restored the Hindd monarchy to its ancient splendour. It was one of the seven sacred cities of the Hindas, and the first meridian of their astronomers. We learn from the Mahdvansa that Asha, the grandson of Chandragupta (Sand. rakottos) was sent by his father the king of Pataliputra (Patna) to be the viceroy of Ujjain, and also that about a century and a half later (B.C. 157) a certain Buddhist high priest took with him 40,000 disciples from the Dakkhinagiri temple at Ujjain to Ceylon to assist there in laying the foundation stone of the great temple at Anuradhapura. A century later than this is the date of the expulsion of the Skythians by Vikramaditya, which forms the aera in Indian Chronology called Sarwat (57 B.C.) The next

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860 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [NOVEMBER, 1884. notice of Ujjain is to be found in the Periplas where we read (Sec. 48) "Eastward from Barygaza is a city called Ozene, formerly the capital where the king resided. From this place is brought down to Barygaza every commodity for local consumption or export to other parts of India, onyx-stones, porcelain, fine muslins, mallow-tinted cottons and the ordinary kinds in great quantities. It imports from the upper country through Proklais for transport to the coast, spikenard, kostos and bdellium." From this we see that about a century and a half after Vikramaditya's aera Ujjain was still a flourishing city, though it had lost something of its former importance and dignity from being no longer the residence of the sovereign. The ancient city no longer existe, but its ruins can be traced at the distance of a mile from its modern successor. Ptolemy tells us that in his time Ozene was the capital of Tiastanes. This name transliterates Chashtana, one which is found on coins and the cave temple inscriptions of Western India. This prince appears probably to have been the founder of the Kashtrapa dynasty of Western India (see Ind. Aut., vol. III, p. 171). Minagara is mentioned in the Periplus, where its name is more correctly given as Min. nagar, i.e.,' the city of the Min' or Skythians. This Minagara appears to have been the residence of the sovereign of Barygaza. Ptolemy places it about 2 degrees to the S. W. of Ozene. Yule remarks that it is probably the Manekir of Mas'ddi, who describes it as a city lying far inland and among mountains. Benfey doubts whether there were in reality two cities of this name, and thinks that the double mention of Minnagar in the Periplus is quite compatible with the supposition that there was but one city so called. (Indien, p. 91). Tiatoura:-This would transliterate with Chittur, which, however, lies too far north for the position assigned to Tiatoura. Yule suggests, but doubtingly, its identity with Chandur. This however lies much too far south. Nasik a has preserved its name unaltered to the present day, distant 116 miles N. E. from Bombay. Its latitude is 20deg N, but in Ptolemy only 17deg. It was one of the most sacred seats of Brahmanism. It has also important Buddhistic remains, being noted for a group of rock-temples. The word nusikd means in Sanskrit 'nose. 64. The parts farther inland are possessed by the Poulindai Agriophagoi, and beyond them are the Khatria ioi, to whom belong these cities, lying some east and some west of the Indus Nigranigramma....................124deg 28deg 15' Antakhara .. ...122 27deg 20 Sondasanna ..................... 12 26deg 50 Syrnisika ........................ 121deg 26deg 30 Patistama ........................ 121deg 25deg Tisapatinga ........... 24deg 20 The Poulinda' Agriophagoi are described as occupying the parts northward of those just mentioned. Pulinda is a name applied in Hindd works to a variety of aboriginal races. Agriophagol is a Greek epithet, and indi. cates that the Pulinda was a tribe that subsisted on raw flesh and roots or wild fruits. In Yule's map they are located to the N. E. of the Ran, lying between the Khatriaioi in the north and Larike in the south. Another tribe of this name lived about the central parts of the Vindhyas. Khatriaioi:-According to Greek writers the people that held the territory comprised between the Hydradten (Ravi) and the Hyphasis (Biyas) were the Kathaioi, whose capital was Sangala. The Mahabharata, and the Pali Bud. dhist works speak of Sangala as the capital of the Madras, a powerful people often called also the BAhtkas. Lassen, in order to explain the substitution of name, supposes that the mixture of the Madras with the inferior castes had led them to assume the name of Khattrias (Ksha. triya, the warrior caste), in token of their degradation, but this is by no means probable. The name is still found spread over an immense area in the N. W. of India, from the Hindd-koh as far as Bengal, and from Nepal to Gujarat, under forms slightly variant, Kathis, Kattis, Kathias, Kattris, Khatris, Khe. tars, Kattaour, Kattair, Kattaks, and others. One of these tribes, the Kathis, issuing from the lower parts of Panjab, established themselves in Surashtra, and gave the name of' Kathiavad to the great peninsula of Gujarat. (Etude, p. 104). The six towns mentioned in section 64 can none of them be identified. 65. But again, the country between Mount Sardonyx and Mount Bettige belongs to the Ta basoi, a great race, while the country beyond them as far as the Vindhya range, along the eastern bank of the Namados, belongs to the Pra pietai, who include the Rhamnai, and whose towns are these Kognabanda....................... 120deg 15' 23deg Ozoabis .........................120 .........120deg 30deg 23deg 40' Ostha ...............................122deg 30' 23deg 30' Kosa, where are diamonds ... 121deg 20' 22deg 30 Tabasoi is not an ethnic name, but designates a community of religions ascetics, and represents the Sanskrit Tdpasds, from tapas heat' or religious austerity.' The haunts of

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DECEMBER, 1884.) PTOLEMY'S GEOG. BK. VII, CH. 1, SS 66, 67. 361 these devotees may be assigned to the valley of the Tapti or Tapi (the Nanagouna of Ptolemy) to the south of the more western portion of the Vindhyas that produced the sardonyx. Prapietai:-Lassen locates this people, including the subject race called the Rhamnai, in the upper half of the Narmada valley. From the circumstance that diamonds were found near Kosa, one of their towns, he infers that their territory extended as far as the Upper Varada, where diamond mines were known to have existed. Kosa was probably situated in the neighbourhood of Baital, north of the sources of the Tapti and the Varada. Rhamnai:-The name of this people is one of the oldest in Indian ethnography. Their early seat was in the land of the Oreftai and Arabitai beyond the Indus, where they had a capital called Rhambakia. As they were connected by race with the Brahui, whose speech must be considered as belonging to the Dekhan group of languages, we have here, says Lassen (Ind. Alt, vol. III, p. 174), a fresh proof confirming the view that before the arrival of the Aryans all India, together with Gedrdsia, was inhabited by the tribes of the same widely diffused aboriginal race, and that the Rhamnai, who had at one time been settled in Gedrosia, had wandered thence as far as the Vindhya mountains. Yule conjectures that the Rhamnai may perhaps be associated with Ramagiri, now Ramtek, a famous holy place near Nagpar. The towns of the Prapidtai, four in number, cannot with certainty be identified. 66. About the Nanagouna are the Phyllita i and the Bettigoi, including the Kandaloi along the country of the Phyllitai and the river, and the Ambas tai along the country of the Bettigoi and the mountain range, and the following towns : 67. Agara ...................129deg 20' 25deg Adeissthra ........................128deg 30' 24deg 30' Soara ...... ..............124deg 20' 24deg Nygdogora.........................125deg 23deg Anara.............. ........122deg 30' 22deg 20' The Phyllitai occupied the banks of the Tapti lower down than the Rhamnai, and extended northward to the Satpura range. Lassen considers their name as a transliteration of Bhilla, with an appended Greek termination. The Bhils are a well-known wild tribe spread to this day not only on the Upper Narmada and the parts of the Vindhya chain adjoining, but wider still towards the south and west. In Ptolemy's time their seats appear to have been further to the east than at present. Yule thinks it not impossible that the Phyllitai and the Drilophyllitai may represent the Pulinda, a name which, as has already been stated, is given in Hindd works to a variety of aboriginal races. According to Caldwell (Drav. Gram., p. 464) the name Bhilla (vil, bil) means 'a bow.' Bettigoi is the correct reading, and if the name denotes, as it is natural to suppose, the people living near Mount Bettigo, then Ptolemy has altogether displaced them, for their real seats were in the country between the Koim. batur Gap and the southern extremity of the Peninsula. Kandaloi:-Lassen suspects that the reading here should be Gondaloi, as the Gonds (who are nearly identical with the Khands) are an ancient race that belonged to the parts here indicated. Yule, however, points out that Kuntaladesa and the Kantalas appear frequently in lists and in inscriptions. The country was that, he adds, of which Kalyan was in after days the capital (Elliot, Jour. R. As. 8. vol. IV, p. 3). Ambas tai:-These represent the Ambashtha of Sanskrit, a people mentioned in the Epics, where it is said that they fought with the club for a weapon. In the Laws of Manu the name is applied to one of the mixed castes which practised the healing art. A people called Ambautai are mentioned by our author as settled in the east of the country of the Paropanisadai. Lassen thinks these may have been connected in some way with the Ambastai. Their locality is quite uncertain. In Yule's map they are placed doubtfully to the south of the sources of the Mahanadi of Orissa. Of the four towns, Agara, Soara, Nygdosora and Anara, in section 67, nothing is known. Adeisa thra:-It would appear that there were two places in Ancient India which bore the name of Ahich hattra, the one called by Ptolemy Adisdara (for Adisadra), and the other as here, Adeisathra. Adisdara, as has been already shown, was a city of Rohilkhand. Adeisathra, on the other hand, lay near to the centre of India. Yule quotes-authorities which seem to place it, he says, near the Vindhyas or the Narmada. He refers also to an inscription which mentions it as on the Sindhu River, which he takes to be either the Kali-sindh of MAlwa, or the Little Kali. sindh further west, which seems to be the Sindhu of the Meghadata. Ptolemy, singularly enough, disjoins Adeisathra from the territory of the Adeisathroi, where we would naturally expect him to place it. Probably, as Yule remarks, he took the name of the people from some Pauranik ethnio list and the name of the city from a traveller's route, and thus failed to make them fall into proper relation to each other.

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362 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [DECEMBER, 1884. 68. Between Mount Battig o and Adei- the Sanskrit Bhadravati, a name, says Yule, famed sath ro's are the Sorai nomads, with these in the Epic legends, and claimed by many cities. towns : Cunningham, he adde, is disposed to identify it with Sangamarta .....................1339 21deg the remarkable remains (pre-Ptolemaic) discovered at Bhardod, west of Rewa. Sora, the capital of Arkatos 130deg 21deg 69. Again to the east of the Vindhya 70. Beyond these is the country of the range is the territory of the (Biolingai or) Porouaroi with these towns :Bolingai, with these towns : Bridams .......... .......... 134deg 30' 27deg 30' Stagabaza or Bastagaza ......133deg 28deg 30 Tholoubana ..................... 136deg 20' 270 Bardaotis ........................137deg 30 28deg 30' Malaita ........... ..........136deg 30' 25deg 50 Sora designates the northern portion of 71. Beyond these as far as the Ouxentos the Tamil country. The name in Sanskrit is range are the A de isa throi with these Chola, in Telugu Chola, but in Tamil Sora towns : or Chora. Sora is called the capital of Ar. Maleiba ... ..140deg 27deg 20deg katos. This must be an error, for there can be Aspathis...........................138deg 30 250 20 little doubt that Arkatos was not the name of a Panassa ........ ........137deg 40' 24deg 30' prince, but of a city, the Arkad of the present day. Sagoda, the Metropolis ......133deg 23deg 30 This is so suitably situated, Caldwell remarks, as Balantipyrgon ... ........136deg 30 23deg 30' to suggest at once this identification, apart even from the close agreement as far as the sound is Porouaroi (Porvaroi):-This is the fa. concerned. The name is properly Ar-kad, and mous race of the Pauravas, which after the means the six forests.' The Hindds of the place time of Alexander was all predominant in Rajas regard it as an ancient city, although it is not thana under the name of the Pramaras. The mentioned by name in the Puranas (Drav. Gram., race figures conspicuously both in the legendary Introd. pp. 95, 96). There is a tradition that the and real history of the North of India. It is inhabitants of that part of the country between mentioned in the hymns of the Veda, and freMadras and the Ghats including Arkad as its quently in the Mahabharata, where the first kings centre were Kusumbars, or wandering shepherds, of the Lunar race are represented as being for several centuries after the Christian era. Pauravas that reigned over the realms included Cunningham takes Arkatos to be the name of between the Upper Ganges and the Yamuna. The a prince, and inclines to identify Sora with later legends are silent concerning them, but Zora or Jora (the Jorampur of the maps) an they appear again in real history and with fresh old town lying immediately under the walls of distinction, for the gallant Poros, who so intre. Karnul. The Sorai he takes to be the Suari pidly contended against Alexander on the banks (Geog. p. 547). of the Hydaspes, was the chief of a branch of Biolingai or Bolin'gai:-Ptolemy has the Paurava whose dominions lay to the west transplanted this people from their proper seata, of that river, and that other Poros who went on which lay where the Aravalt range slopes west- an embassy to Augustus and boasted himself to ward towards the Indus, and placed them to the be the lord paramount of 600 vassal kings was also east of the Vindhyas. He has left us however | of the same exalted lineage. Even at the present the means of correcting his error, for he makes day some of the noblest houses reigning in them next neighbours to the Porvaroi, whose different parts of Rajasthan claim to be descended position can be fixed with some certainty. Pliny from the Pauravas, while the songs of the national (lib. VI, c. XI) mentions the Bolingae and locates bards still extol the vanished grandeur and the them properly. Acoording to Panini, Bhaulingi | power and glory of this ancient race. Saint-Martin was the seat of one of the branches of the great loontes the Porouaroi of the text in the west of tribe of the Salvas or Salvas. Upper India, in the very heart of the Rajpat Stag a baza:-Yule conjectures this may be country, though the table would lead us to place Bhdjapur, which he says was a site of extreme them much farther to the east. In the position antiquity, on the upper stream of the Btw, where indicated the name even of the Porouaroi is are remains of vast hydraulic works ascribed to found almost without alteration in the Purvar aking Bhoja (J. 4. S. Beng. vol. XVI, p. 740). of the inscriptions, in the Poravars of the Jain To account for the first part of the name staga he clans, as much as in the designation spread every. suggests the query: Tataka-Bhoja, the tank 'or where of Povars and of Pouars, forms variously lake' of Bhoja P altered, but still closely approaching the classia Bafda otis:- This may be taken to represent Paurava. (etude, pp. 857 sqq.)

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DECEMBER, 1884.] PTOLEMY'S GEOG. BK. VII, CH. 1, $$ 72-76. 863 The names of the three towns assigned to by reading Ooloubana or Voloubana. The second the Porvaroi.-Bridama, Tholoubana and must be Bilhari ; and the last may be Lameta, Malaita designate obscure localities, and their which gives its name to the Ghat on the Narmada, position can but be conjectured. Saint-Martin opposite Tewar, and may thus stand for Tripura suggests that the first may be Dildana, the second itself. All these identifications hold so well toDoblana, and the third Plaita, all being places ingether, and mutually support each other, that I Rajputana. Yule, however, for Bridama proposes have little doubt of their correctness." Archaeolog. BardAwad, a place in a straight line from Indor Surv. of Ind. vol. IX, pp. 55-57. to Nimach, and for Malaita,-Maltaun; this Panassa:- This in Yule's map is doubtfully place is in the British territory of Sagar and placed at Panna, a decaying town in Bandelakhand Narmada, on the south declivity of the Naral Pass. with diamond mines in the neighbourhood. In Adeis a throi:-It has already been pointed the same map Baland is suggested as the re. out that as Ptolemy has assigned the sources of presentative of Balantipyrgon. the Khaberis (the Kaveri) to his Mount Adeisa- 72. Farther east than the Adeisathroi thros, we must identify that range with the section towards the Ganges are the Mandala i with of the Western Ghats which extends immediately this city :northward from the Koimbator Gap. He places Asthagoura ...142deg 25deg Adeissthros however in the central parts of India, and here aceordingly we must look for the cities 73. And on the river itself these towns :of the eponymous people. Five are mentioned, Sambalaka........... ..........141deg 29deg 30' but Sageda only, which was the metropolis, Sigalla .......................... 142deg 28deg can be identified with some certainty. The name Palimbothra, the Royal resirepresents the Saketa of Sanskrit. Saketa was dence ...........................143deg 27deg another name for Ayodhys on the Saraya, a Tamalites ........................144deg 30' 26deg 30' city of vast extent and famous as the capital of Oreophanta ........... ......... 146deg 3024deg 30' the kings of the Solar race and as the residence for some years of Sakyamuni, the founder of 74. In like manner the parts under Mount Buddhism. The Sageda of our text was however Bottigd are occupied by the Brakhmanai a different city, identified by Dr. F. Hall with Magoi as far as the Batai with this city :Tewar, near Jabalpur, the capital of the Chedi, Brakhmo............... ...........128deg 19deg a people of Bandelakhand renowned in Epic 75. The parts under the range of Adeisapoetry. Cunningham thinks it highly probable thros as far as the Arouraioi aro occupied by that the old form of the name of this people was the Badia maioi with this city :Changedi and may be preserved in the Sageda of Ptolemy and in the Chi-ki-tho of Hiuen Tsiang in Tathilba ..........................134deg 18deg 50' Central India, near the Narmad. He says: 76. The parts under the Ouxentos range "The identification which I have proposed are occupied by the Drilophyllita i, with of Ptolemy's Sageda Metropolis with Chedi these cities :appears to me to be almost certain. In the Sibrion ........... .........139deg 22deg 20' first place, Sageda is the capital of the Adeisa Opotoura ........................ 137deg 30 21deg 40' throi which I take to be a Greek rendering Ozoana .........138deg 15' 20deg 30 of Hayakshetra or the country of the Hayas or Haihayas. It adjoins the country of the Bettigoi, Mandalai:-The territory of the Mandalai whom I would identify with the people of Vaka lay in that upland region where the Son and taka, whose capital was Bhandak. One of the the Narmada have their sources. Here a town towns in their country, situated near the upper situated on the latter river still bears the name course of the Son, is named Balantipyrgon, or Mandala. It is about 50 miles distant from Balampyrgon. This I take to be the famous Fort Jabalpar to the south-east, and is of some historic of Bandogash, which we know formed part of the pote. Ptolemy has, however, assigned to the Chedi dominions. To the north-east was Panassa, Mandalai dominions far beyond their proper which most probably preserves the name of some limits, for to judge from the towns which town on the Parn sa or Bangs River, a tributary he gives them they must have occupied all the .which joins the Son to the north-east of Bando- right bank of the Ganges from its confluence garh. To the north of the Adeisathroi, Ptolemy with the Jamna downwards to the Bay of Bengal. places the Porouaroi or Parihers, in their towns But that this is improbable may be inferred from named Tholoubana, Bridama, and Malaita. The the fact that Palimbothra (PANA) which the first I would identify with Boriban (Bahuriband) table makes to be one of their cities, did not

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364 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. belong to them, but was the capital of Prasiake, which, as has already been remarked, is pushed far too high up the river. Tamalites, moreover, which has been satisfactorily identified with Tamluk, a river port about 35 miles S. W. from Calcutta possessed, according to Wilford, a large territory of its own. The table also places it only half a degree more to the southward than Palimbothra, while in reality it is more than 3 or 4 deg. Cunningham inclines to identify with the Mundalai the Mundas of Chutia Nagpur, whose language and country, he says, are called Mundala, and also with the Malli of Pliny (lib. VI. c. xxi.) Anc. Geog. of Ind., pp. 508, 509. Sambalaka:-A city of the same name. attributed to Prasiake (sec. 53) has been already identified with Sambhal in Rohilkhand. The Sambalaka of the Mandalai may perhaps be Sambhalpur on the Upper Mahanadi, the capital of a district which produces the finest diamonds in the world. Sigalla-This name has a suspicious likeness to Sagala, the name of the city to the west of Lahor, which was besieged and taken by Alexander, and which Ptolemy has erroneously placed in Prasiake (sec. 53). Palimbothra:-The more usual form of the name is Palibothra, a transcription of Paliputra, the spoken form of Pataliputra, the ancient capital of Magadha, and a name still frequently applied to the city of Patna which is its modern representative. In the times of Chandragupta (the Sandrokottos of the Greeks) and the kings of his dynasty, Palibothra was the capital of a great empire which extended from the mouths of the Ganges to the regions beyond the Indus. Remains of the wooden wall by which the city, as we learn from Strabo, was defended, were discovered a few years ago in Patna (by workmen engaged in digging a tank) at a depth of from 12 to 15 feet below the surface of the ground. Palimbothra, as we have noticed, did not belong to the Mandalai but to the Prasii. Tamalites represents the Sanskrit Tamra. lipti, the modern Tamluk, a town lying in a low and damp situation on a broad reach or bay of the Rapnarayan River, 12 miles above its junction with the Hughlf mouth of the Ganges. The Pali form of the name was Tamalitti, and this accounts for the form in Greek. Pliny mentions a people called Taluctae belonging to this part of India, and the similarity of the name leaves little doubt of their identity with the people whose capital was Tamluk. This place, in ancient times, was the great emporium of the trade between the Ganges and Ceylon. We have already pointed out how wide [DECEMBER, 1884. Ptolemy was of the mark in fixing its situation relatively to Palimbothra. Brakhmanai Magoi-Mr. J.Campbell has suggested to me that by Brakhmanai Magoi may be meant 'sons of the Brahmans,' that is, Canarese Brahmans, whose forefathers married women of the country, the word magoi representing the Canarese maga, a son.' The term, he says, is still in common use, added to the name of castes, as Haiga-Makalu (Makalu-plural of maga) i.e. Haiga Braahmans. Lassen supposed that Ptolemy, by adding Magoi to the name of these Brahmans, meant to imply either that they were a colony of Persian priests settled in India, or that they were Brahmans who had adopted the tenets of the Magi, and expresses his surprise that Ptolemy should have been led into making such an unwarrantable supposition. The country occupied by these Brahmans was about the upper Keveri, and extended from Mount Bettigo eastward as far as the Batai. Brakhme:"Can this," asks Caldwell, "be Brahmadesam, an ancient town on the Tamraparpi, not far from the foot of the Podigei Mount (Mt. Bettigo) which I have found referred to in several ancient inscriptions ?" Badia maioi:-There is in the district of Belgaum a town and hill-fort on the route from Kaladgi to Balari, not far from the Malprabha, a tributary of the Krishna, called Badami, and here we may locate the Badiamaioi. Tathilba, their capital, cannot be recognized. Drilophyllitai:-These are placed by Ptolemy at the foot of the Ouxentos, and probably had their seats to the south-west of that range. Their name indicates them to have been a branch of the Phyllitai, the Bhills, or perhaps Pulindas. Lassen would explain the first part of their name from the Sanskrit dridha (strong) by the change of the dh into the liquid. Ozoan a, one of their three towns is, perhaps, Seoni, a place about 60 miles N. E. from Nagpur. 77. Further east than these towards the Ganges are the Kokko nagai with this city: ............ Dosara ...142deg 30' 22deg 30' 78. And on the river farther west :Kartinaga.... 23deg ............................................................146deg Kartasina.... ..146deg 21deg 40' 79. Under the Maisdloi the Salakenoi towards the Oroudian (or Arouraian) Mountains with these cities: ********** Benagouron Kastra Magaris ************ ..140deg .138deg ..137deg 30' 20deg 15' 19deg 30' 18deg 20'

Page #413
DECEMBER, 1884.) PTOLEMY'S GEOG. BK. VII, CH. 1, SS 80-81. 365 80. Towards the Ganges River the Sabarai, in whose country the diamond is found in great abundance, their towns are : Tasopion ........................ 140deg 30' 22deg Karikardama.....................141deg 20deg 15' 81. All the country about the months of the Ganges is occupied by the Gangaridai with this city Gange, the Royal residence...146deg 19deg 15' Kokkonagai:-Lassen locates this tribe in Chutia Nagpur, identifying Dasara with Doesa in the hill country, between the upper courses of the Vaitarant and Suvarnarekha. He explains their name to mean the people of the mountains where the koka grows, koka being the name of a kind of palm-tree. Yule suggests that the name may represent the Sanskrit Kakamukha, which means crow.faced, and was the name of a mythical race. He places them on the Upper Mahanadi and farther west than Lassen. The table gives them two towns near the Ganges. Kartinaga and Kartasina:-The former, Yule thinks, may be Karpagarh near Bhagalpar, perhaps an ancient site, regarding which he refers to the Jour. R. As. Soc. vol. XVIII, p. 395; Kartasina he takes to be Karnasonagarh, another ancient site near Berhampur (J. R. A. S. N. S., vol. VI, p. 248 and J. 4. S. B., vol. XXII, p. 281). Sala kenoi:-This people may be located to the west of the Godavari, inland on the northwestern borders of Maisolia. Their name, Lassen thought (Ind. Alt., vol. III, p. 176) might be connected with the Sanskrit word Sdla, the Sal tree. Yule suggests that it may represent the Sanskrit Saurikirna. None of their towns can be recognized. Sabarai:-The Sabarai of Ptolemy Cun. ningham takes to be the Suari of Pliny, and he would identify both with the aboriginal Savaras or Suars, a wild race who live in the woods and jungles without any fixed habitations, and whose country extended as far southward as the Pennar River. These Savaras or Suars are only a single branch of a widely spread race found in large numbers to the S. W. of Gwalior and Narwar and S. Rajputana, where they are known as Surrius. Yule places them farther north in Dosa rene, towards the territory of Sambhalpur, which, as we have already remarked, produced the finest diamonds in the world. Their towns have not been identified. Gangaridai:-This great people occupied all the country about the mouths of the Ganges. Their capital was Gang 6, described in the Periplus as an important seat of commerce on the Ganges. They are mentioned by Virgil (Georg. III, 1. 27), by Valerius Flaccus (Argon. lib. VI, 1. 66), and by Curtius (lib. IX, c. ii) who places them along with the Pharrasii (Prasii) on the eastern bank of the Ganges. They are called by Pliny (lib. VI, c. Ixv) the Gangaridae Calingae, and placed by him at the farthest extremity of the Ganges region, as is indicated by the expression gens novissima, which he applies to them. They must have been a powerful people, to judge from the military force which Pliny reports them to have maintained, and their territory could scarcely have been restricted to the marshy jungles at the mouth of the river now known as the Sundarbans, but must have comprised a considerable portion of the province of Bengal. This is the view taken by Saint-Martin. Bengal, he says, represents, at least in a general way, the country of the Gangaridae, and the city which Pliny speaks of as their capital, Parthalis can only be Vardhana, a place which flourished in ancient times and is now known as Bardhwan. The name of the Gangari. dai has nothing in Sanskrit to correspond with it, nor can it be a word, as Lassen supposed, of purely Greek formation, for the people were mentioned under this name to Alexander by one of the princes in the North-west of India. The synonymous term which Sanskrit fails to supply is found among the aboriginal tribes belonging to the region occupied by the Gangaridai, the name being pre. served almost identically in that of the Gonghris of S. Bahar, with whom were connected the Gangayis of North-western, and the Gangrar of Eastern Bengal, these designations being but variations of the name which was originally common to them all. Gange:-Various sites have been proposed for Gange. Heeren placed it near Duliapur, a village about 40 miles S. E. of Calcutta on a branch of the Isamatt River; Wilford at the confluence of the Ganges and Brahmaputra, where, he says, there was a town called in Sanskrit Hastimalla, and in the spoken dialect Hathimalla, from elephants being picquetted there; Murray at Chittagong; Taylor on the site of the ancient Hindu Capital of Banga (Bengal) which lies in the neighbourhood of Sonargaon (Suvarnagrima), a place 12 miles to the S. E. of Dhakka; Cunningham at Jesor; and others further west, near Calcutta, or about 30 miles higher up the Hughli, somewhere near Chinsuri. Another Gang e is mentioned by Artemidoros above or to the N. W. of Palibothra, and this Wilford identifies with Prayag, i.e., Allahabad, but Gros. kurd with Anupshahr. Ptolemy now leaves the Gangetic regions and

Page #414
866 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [DECEMBER, 1884. describes the inland parts of the territories along the Western Coast of the Peninsula. 82. In the parts of Aria k e which still remain to be described are the following inland cities and villages : to the west of the Benda these cities :Malippala ..........................119deg 30' 20deg 15' Sarisabis ........................119deg 30' 200 Tagara ........ ...............118deg 199 20 Baithana (the royal seat of [Siro] Ptolemaios or Polemaios)...117deg 18deg 30 Deopali or Deopala ............115deg 40' 17deg 50' Gamaliba ........................115deg 15' 17deg 20' Omenogara ..................... 114deg 16deg 20' 83. Between the Banda and Pseudostomos : Nagarouris (or Nagarooraris) 120deg 20deg 15' Tabaso ........... .............. 121deg 30' 20deg 40' Indo ...........................123deg 20deg 45' Tiripangalida.....................121deg 15' 19deg 40' Hippokoura, the royal seat of Balookouros ...................119deg 45' 19deg 10' Soubouttou.........................120deg 15' 19deg 10' Sirimalaga ........................119deg 20 18deg 30 Kalligeris ........................118deg 18deg Modogoulla .....................119deg 18deg Petirgala ........................117deg 45' 17deg 15' Banaouasei........................116deg 16deg 45' Seven cities are enumerated in Ariak 6, aa lying to the west of the Benda, and regarding four of these, Malippala, Sarisabis, Gamaliba and Omonogara, nothing is known. The Periplus (sec. 51) notices Tagara and Baithana in a passage which may be quoted : "In Dakhinabades itself there are two very im. portant seats of commerce, Paithana towards the south or Barygaza, from which it is distant a twenty days' journey, and eastward from this about a ten days' journey is another very large city, Tagara. From these marts goods are transported on waggons to Barygaza through difficult regions that have no road worth calling such. From Pai. thana great quantities of onyx.stones and from Tagara large supplies of common cotton-cloth, muslins of all kinds, mallow-tinted cottons and various other articles of local production imported into it from the maritime districts." Baithana is the Paithana of the above extract, and the Paithan of the present day, a town of Haidarabad, or the territory of the Nizam, on the left bank of the river Godavari, in latitude 19deg 29' or about a degree further north than it is placed by Ptolemy. Paithana is the Pr&kit form of the Sanskrit Pratishthana, the name of the capital of salivahana. Ptolemy calls it the capital of Siroptolemaios or Siropolemaios, a name which represents the Sanskrit Sri-Pulomavit, the Pulumayi of the Nasik Cave and Amarivati Stapa Inscriptions, a king of the great Andhra dynasty. . Tagara:-The name is found in inscriptions under the form Tagarapura (J. R. 4. 8. voL IV, p. 34). Ptolemy places it to the north-east of Baithana, and the Periplus, as we see from the extract, to the east of it at the distance of a ten days' journey. Wilford, Vincent, Mannert, Ritter and others take it to be Devagadh, now Daulatabad, which was the seat of a sovereign even in 1293, and is situated not far from Blura, so famous for its excavated temples. But if Baithana be Paithan, Tagara camot be Devagadh, unless the distance is wrongly given. There is, moreover, nothing to show that Devagadh was connected with the Tagarapura of the inscriptions. Pandit Bhagvanlal identified Tagara with Junnar, & place of considerable importance, situated to the north of Pans. He pointed out that the Sanskrit name of Tagara was Trigiri, a compound meaning 'three hills,' and that as Junnar stood on a high site between three hills this identification was probably correct. Junnar however lies to the westward of Paithan. Yule places Tagara at Kulburga, whieh lies to the southeast of Paithan, at a distance of about 150 miles, which would fairly represent a ten days' journey, the distance given in the Periplus. Grant Duff would identify it with a place near Bhir on the Godavart, and Fleet with Kolhapur. The Silahira princes or chiefs who formed three distinct branches of a dynasty that ruled over two parts of the Konkan and the country about Kolhapur style themselves, The Lords of the excellent city of Tagara.' If, says Prof. Bhandarkar, the name of Tagara has undergone corruption, it would take the form, according to the laws of Prakrit speech, of Tarur or Torur, and he therefore asks 'can it be the modern Darur or Dharur in the Nizam's dominions, 25 miles east of Grant Duff's Bhir, and 70 miles S.E.of Paithan P' (see Muller's Geog. Graec. Minor. vol. I, p. 297, n.; Elphinstone's History of India, p. 223; Burgess, Arch. Suro. W. Ind. vol. III, p. 54; and Bombay Gazetteer, vol. XIII, pt ii, p. 423, n.). Mr. Campbell is of opinion that the maritime districts from which local products were brought to Tagara and thence exported to Barygaza, lay on the coast of Bengal, and not on the Konkan coast, from which there was easy transit by sea to the great northern emporium in the Gulf of Khambat, while the transit by land through Tagara could not be accomplished without encountering the most formidable obstacles. Deopali: This name means the city of

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DECEMBER, 1884.) PTOLEMY'S GEOG. BK. VII, CH. 1, $$ 8487. 867 ... 1190 ........ 121deg God,' and Deopali may therefore perhape be | Kourellour ........ 17deg 30 Devagadh, the two names having the same Pounnata, where is beryl ... 121deg 20' 17deg 90deg meaning. Aloe ............ .. 120deg 20 17deg Tabas 0:This would seem to be a city of the Tabasoi, already mentioned as a large community Karoure, the royal seat of of Rrahman asceties. Kerobothros .................. 119deg 16deg 20 Hippokoura A town of this name has Arembour........... 16deg 20 already been mentioned as a seaport to the south Bideris ............ 119deg 15deg 50 of Simylla. This Hippokoura lay inland, and was | Pantipolis............. 150 20 the capital of the southern parts of Ariako, Adarima .................... 119deg 30' 15deg 40' as Paithana was the capital of the north- Koreour 120deg 15deg ern, Its position is uncertain. Yule places it 87. Inland town of the Aioi:doubtfully at Kalyan, a place about half a degree to the west of Bidar, and at some Morounda........................ 121deg 20' 14deg 20' distance south from the river Masjira. Ptolemy The dominion of the sea appears to have 82calls it the capital of Baleokouros. Bhandarkar tisfied the ambition of the pirates, as they possessed conjectures this to have been the Viliviyakura, on shore only a narrow strip of territory enclosed a name found upon two other Andhra coins dis- between the line of coast and the western declivi. covered at Kolhapur. There is no other clue ties of the Ghats. Their capital, Mousop alle, to its identification, but see Lassen, Ind. alt. Yule places at Miraj, a town near the Krishna, vol. III, pp. 179, 185. but doubtfully. Their other town, Olokhoira, Sirimalaga may perhaps be Malkhod, a is probably Kheda, a town in the district of town in Haidarabad, situated on a tributary of Ratnagiri in lat. 17deg 4 long. 73deg 30. As the Bhima, in lat. 17deg 8' and long. 77deg 12'. The Khe li is the name of several other places in this first part of the word Siri probably represents the part of the country, Olo, whatever it may mean, Sanskrit honorific prefix brf. may have been in old times prefixed to this Kalligeris:-Perhaps Kanhagiri, & place particular Khodd for the sake of distinction. about a degree to the south of Madgal. Kouba --This is generally taken to be Modogoulla:-There can be little doubt Goa or Gova, the capital of the Portuguesa that this is Modgal, a town in the Haidarabad possessions in India, and there can be little doubt districts,-Lat. 16deg 2', long. 76deg 26',-N. W. of the correctness of the identification. The two from Balari. Petirgala cannot be identified. towns Naroulla and Paloura, which Ptolemy Bana ou asei:-This place is mentioned in places with Kouba to the west of the Pseudos. the Mahdvanso, in the Pali form Wanawisi, tomos, cannot be identified. To judge from his by which a city or district is designated. Bans- figures of longitude, Paloura lay 15' farther east vasei must beyond doubt have been the capital than Kouba, but as he makes the coast run eastof this country, and is identical with the modern ward instead of southward, it must be considered Banavisi, situated on the upper Varada, a tributary to have lain south of Kouba. The name is Tamil of the Tungabhadra. Saint-Martin thinks that it and means, according to Caldwell (Introd. p. 104) was the city visited by Hinen Tsiang, and called Milk town.' It is remarkable, he observes, how by him Kon-kin-na-pn-lo, i.e., Konkanapura, but many names of places in Southern India mention. Cunningham is of opinion that both the bearing ed by Ptolemy end in oup or oupa = 'a town. There and the distance point to Anagundi. are 23 such places in all. 84. The inland cities of the Pirates are Pasage:-According to Yule's map this reprethese : Bente Palsagi, the old name of a place now Olokhoira ........................114deg 15deg called Halsi, south-east of Goa, from which it is Mousopalld, the metropolis ...115deg 30' 15deg 45' distant somewhat under a degree. 85. Inland cities of Limyrike, to the Mastanour and Kourellour cannot be identified. west of the Pseudostomos are these : Pounnata has not yet been identified, Naroulla ...........................117deg 45' 15deg 50 though Ptolemy gives a sort of clue in stating Kouba.............................. ..117deg 15deg that it produced the beryl. Yule places it in his Paloura ..............................117deg 51 14deg 40' map near Seringapatam. 86. Between the Pseudostomos and the Aloe:-This may be Yellapur, a small town in Baris, these cities : North Canara, in lat. 14deg 56' long. 74deg 43'. Pasage ........................... 124deg 50' 19deg 50' Karoura:-"Karoura," says Caldwell, "is Mostanour 121deg 30deg 18deg 40' I mentioned in Tamil traditions us the ancient

Page #416
368 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [DECEMBER, 1884. capital of the Chera, Kera, or Kerala kings, and is generally identified with Karur, an important town in the Koimbator district, originally included in the Chera kingdom. It is situated on the left bank of the river Amaravati, a tributary of the Kaveri, near a large fort now in ruins. Ptolemy notes that Kareura was the capital of Kerobothros, i.e., Keralaputra (Cherapati P) Kard means 'the black town,' and I consider it identi. cal with Karagam, and Kadaram, names of places which I have frequently found in the Tamil country, and which are evidently the poetical equivalents of Kardr. The meaning of each of the names is the same. Ptolemy's word Karoura represents the Tamil name of the place with perfect accuracy." (Introd. pp. 96, 97). Arembour:-Lassen compares this name with Oorumparum, but the situation of the place 30 called (lat. 11deg 12' long. 76deg 16') does not suit well the position of Arembour as given by Ptolemy. Bideris :-Perhaps Erod or Yirodu in the district of Koimbatur (lat. 11deg 20 long. 77deg 46') near the Kaveri. Pantipolis, according to Yule, represents the obsolete name Pantiyapura, which he places at Hangal, in the Dharwad district. Morounda:--This is the only inland city of the Aioi named by Ptolemy. It has not been identified. The concluding tables enumerate the inland towns belonging to the districts lying along the Eastern Coast of the Peninsula. 88. Inland cities of the Kareoi:Mendela ........................ 123deg 17deg 40' Selour ........................... 121deg 45' 16deg 30' Tittous ............ ............ 122deg 15deg 20' Mantittour ...... 123deg 15deg 10' 89. Inland cities of the Pandionoi:Tainour ........................ 124deg 45deg 18deg 40' Peringkarei ..................... 123deg 20' 18" Korindiour ...................... 125deg 17deg 40' Tangala or Taga ............... 123deg 30' 16deg 50' Modoura, the royal city of Pandion .................... 125deg 12.50 169 20 Akour ......... 124deg 45' 15deg 20' 90. Inland cities of the Batoi:Kalindois ........... 127deg 40' 17deg 30' Bats ............... .... ... . 126deg 30' 179 Talara ............................ 128deg 16deg 45' Inland cities of the Kareoi:-none of the four named in the table can be identified. Peringkarei:-This town has preserved its namo almost without change, being now known as Perungari, on the river Vaigai, about 40 miles lower down its course than Madurd. With regard to this name, Caldwell remarks that if it had been written Perungkarei it would have been perfectly accurate Tamil, letter for letter. The meaning is 'great shore,' and perum 'great' becomes perung before k, by rule. Ptolemy places a town called Tainour at the distance of less than a degree to the north-east of Peringkarei. The direction would suit Tanjor, but the distance is more than a degree. Ptolemy has however placed his Peringkarei quite in a wrong position with regard to Madura. Tangala or Taga:-There can be little doubt that this is now represented by Dindugal, an important and flourishing town lying at a distance of 32 miles north by west from Madura. Modoura:- This is now called Madurs or Madurai-on the banks of the River Vaigai. It was the second capital of the Southern Pandyas ; we have already noticed it in the description of the territory of this people. Bata :-This may perhaps be Pattukotta, . small town not very far inland from the northern end of the Argolic Gulf (Palk's Passage). The other two towns of the Batoi cannot be recognized. As Pudukotta is the capital of the Tondiman Raja, Lassen has suggested ita identity with Bata. It is upwards of 20 miles farther inland than Pattukotta. 91. Inland cities of the Paralia of the Soretai:Kaliour ............... 17deg 20' Tennagora 17deg Eikour ........................... 16deg 40 Orthoura, the royal city of Sornagos .......... **... 130deg 16deg 20 Bere.. 130deg 20deg 16deg 15' Abour ......................... ............ 129deg 16deg Karmara ........................ 130deg 20' 15deg 40 Magour........ ....... 130deg 15deg 15' 92. The inland cities of the Arvarnoi Are these :-- Kerauge 133deg 16deg 15' Phrourion 132deg 15deg Karige. 132deg 40' 15deg Poleour............... 131deg 30' 14deg 40' Pikendaka 131deg 30 14deg Latour ........................... 134 ......... 132deg 30' 30 14 149 Skopolours ..................... 134deg 15' 14deg 35 139deg 30deg 13deg 40' Malange, the royal city of Basaronagos................. 190 Kandipatna ....... ....... 139deg 30deg 12deg 20' ....... 129deg ... 129deg Ikarta ... 1330

Page #417
DECEMBER, 1884.) PTOLEMY'S GEOG. BK. VII, CH. 1, $S 93-96. 369 ....... 93. The inland cities of the Mais loi:Kalliga........................... 138deg 17deg Bardamana ..................... 136deg 15' 15deg 15' Koroangkala .................. 135deg 15deg Pharytra or Pharetra......... 134deg 20' 130 20 Pityndra the metropolis ... 135deg 20' 12deg 30' Orthours:-Of the eight inland cities named as belonging to the maritime territory of the Soretai, only two-Abour and the capital, have been identified. Abour is Ambardurg in N. Arkat, lat. 12deg 47', long. 78deg 42. Regarding Orthoura Cunningham says: "Chola is noticed by Ptolemy, whose Orthura regia Sornati must be Uriar, the capital of Soranatha, or the king of the Soringae, that is the Soras, Choras or Cholas. Uraiyar is a few miles south-south-east of Tiruchbingpalli. The Soringae are most probably the Syrieni of Pliny, with their 300 cities, as they occupied the coast between the Pandae and the Derangae or Dravidians." Anc. Geog. of Ind., p. 551. Phrourion: This is a Greek word signify. ing 'a garrisoned fort, and may perhaps be meant as a translation of an indigenous name having that signification, as Durga, '& hill-fort, a common affix to names of places in the Penin. sula. Karige: This should no doubt be read Karipe under which form it can be at once identified with Kadapa, a place lying 5 miles from the right bank of the Northern Pennar on a small tributary of that river. Pikendaka :-Konda is a frequent termination in the names of towns in this part of India. The letters of Pikendaka may have been transposed in copying, and its proper form may have been Pennakonda, the name of a town in the district of Baldri (lat. 14deg3' long. 77deg 39). Iatour:-From Yule's map it would appear there is a place lying a degree westward from Kadapa which still bears this name, Yetor. Malanga :-In our notice of Melange it was pointed out that Cunningham had fixed the locality of Malanga near Elur, a place some distance inland about half way between the Krish. nA and the Godavari towards their embouchures, and in the neighbourhood of which are the remains of an old capital named Vengi. With regard to the king's name Bassaronaga, he thinks that this may be identified with the Pali Majerika-naga of the Mahdwanso and thus Ptolemy's Malanga would become the capital of the Nagas of Majerika, Ane. "Geo. of Ind., (pp. 589, 540). In Yule's map Malanga is placed conjecturally about two degrees farther south at Velur, near the mouth of the Pennar. of the five cities attributed to the Maisoloi, only Koroungkala can be recognized. It appears to be the place now known as Worankal, the mediaval capital of Telingans. It has but few tokens remaining to attest its former grandeur. Pityndra, the capital of Maisolia, was probably Dhanakataka now Dharanikota, about 20 miles above Bejwada on the Krishna. 94. Islands lying near the part of India which projects into the ocean in the Gulf of Kanthi :Barake .............. ...... 111deg 18deg 95. And along the line of coast as far as the Kolkhic Golf :Milizegyris (or Milizigeris).. 110deg 12deg 30' Heptandsia ..... 113deg 13deg Trikadiba ............. ..... 113deg 30' 11deg Pepering ........................ 115deg 12040 Trinesis ........................ 116 . 116deg 20 12deg Lenke ........................... 118 12deg Nanigeris................. 1220 12deg 96. And in the Argaric Gulf :Kory .............................. 126deg 30'-13deg Barak 8:- This is the name given in the Peri. plas to the Gulf of Kachh, called by our author the Gulf of Kanthi, a name which to this day is applied to the south coast of Kachh. The Peri. plus does not mention Barako as an island, but says that the Gulf had 7 islands. Regarding Barake, Dr. Burgess says: " Yule places Barake at Jaggat or Dwaraka ; Lassen also identifies it with Dwaraka, which he places on the coast between Purbandar and Miyant, near Srinagar. Mula-Dwaraka, the original site, was further east than this, but is variously placed near Madhupur, thirty-six miles north-west from Somanath-Pattan, or three miles south-west from Kodinar, and nineteen miles east of Somanath. This last spot is called Mula-Dwaraka to this day." (Tarikh--Sorath, Introd. p. 7). Milizegyrir occurs in the Periplas as Melizeigara, which may be identified with Jayagad or Sidi-Jayagad, which would appear to be the Sigerus of Pliny (lib. vi, c. 26). Heptanesia (or group of 7 islands) probably corresponded to the Sesikrienai of the Periplds, which may be the Burnt Islands of the present day, among which the Vingarld rocks are conspicuous. Trikadiba or the island Trika', - diba being the Sanskrit word dolpa, an island. Pepering:- This, to judge from the name, should be an island somewhere off the coast of Cottonara, the great pepper district, as stated by Pliny (lib. VI, c. xxvi).

Page #418
370 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [DECEXBER, 1884. Trinesia (or group of 3 islande):-Ptolemy places it off the coast of Limyrike between Tyndis and Mouziris but nearer the former. Leuk e:- This is a Greek word meaning * white. The island is placed in the Periplds off the coast where Limyrike begins and in Ptolemy near where it ends. Nanigeris:-To judge from Ptolemy's figures he has taken this to be an island lying between Cape Kumari (Comorin) and Taproband (Ceylon). Kory:-It has already been noticed that Kory was both the name of the Island of Ramebvaram and of the promontory in which it terminated. CAP. 2. Position of India beyond the Ganges. 1. India beyond the Ganges is bounded on the west by the river Ganges; on the north by the parts of Skythia and Serike already described, on the east by the Sinai along the Meridian, which extends from the farthest limits of Sorike to the Great Gulf, and also by this gulf itself, on the south by the Indian Ocean and part of the Green Sea which stretches from the island of Menonthias in a line parallel to the equator, as far as the regions which lie opposite to the Great Gulf. India beyond the Ganges comprised with Ptolemy not only the great plain between that river and the Himalayas, but also all south-eastern Asia, as far as the country of the Sinai (China). Concerning these vast regions Ptolemy is our only ancient authority. Strabo's knowledge of the east was limited in this direction by the Ganges, and the author of the Periplus, who was a later and intermediate writer, though he was aware that inhabited countries stretched far beyond that limit even onwards to the eastern end of the world, appears to have learned little more about them than the mere fact of their existence. Ptolemy, on the other hand, supplies us with mucb information regarding them. He traces the line of coast as far as the Gulf of Siam (his great gulf) enumerating the tribes, the trading marte, the river mouths and the islands that would be passed on the way. He has also a copious nomenclature for the interior, which embraces its inhabitants, its towns, its rivers, and its mountain ranges. His conceptions were no doubt extremely confused and erroneous, and his data, in many instances, as inconsistent with each other as with the erality. Still, his description contains important elements of truth, and must have been based upon authentic information. At the same time an attentive study of his nomenclature and the accompanying indications has led to the satisfactory identification of a few of his towns, and a more considerable number of the rivers and mountains and tribes which he has specified. His most notable error consisted in the supposition that the eastern parts of Asia were connected by continuous land with the east coast of Africa, 80 that, like Hipparkhos, he conceived the Indian Ocean to resemble the Mediterranean in being surrounded on all sides by land. He makes accordingly the coast of the Sinai, beyond the Gulf of Siam, turn toward the south instead of curving up towards the north. Again he represents the Malay Peninsula(his Golden Khersonese) which does not project so far as to reach the equator, extend to 4 degrees southward from it, and he mentions neither the Straits of Malacca nor the great island of Sumatra, unless indeed his labadios be this island, and not Java, as is generally supposed. By the Green Sea (Opacons Dalacoa) which formed a part of the southern boundary is meant the southern part of the Indian Ocean which stretched eastward from Cape Prasum (Cape Delgado) the most southern point on the east coast of Africa known to Ptolemy. The island of Menouthias was either Zanzibar or one of the islands adjacent to it. It is mentioned by the author of the Periplus. In his description of India beyond the Ganges Ptolemy adheres to the method which he had followed in his account of India within the Ganges. He therefore begins with the coast which he describes from the Eastern Mouth of the Ganges to the Great Promontory where India becomes conter minous with the country of the Sinai. The moun. taina follow, then the rivers, then the towns in the interior, and last of all the islande. 2. The soncoast of this division is thus described. In the Gangetic Gulf beyond the Mouth of the Ganges called Antibolei: The coast of the Airrhadoi:Pentapolis ........... ...... 150deg 18deg Mouth of River Katabeda... 151deg 20' 17deg Barakoura, & mart ............ 152deg 30' 16deg Mouth of the River Toko sanna ........................ 153deg 14deg 30' Wilford, probably misled by a corrupt reading, took the name of the Airrhada i to be another form of Antibole. He says (Asiat. Research, Vol. XIV.p. 444) "Ptolemy says that the easternmost branch of the Ganges was called Antibole or Airradon. This last is from the Sanskrit HradAna; and is the name of the Brahmaputra. Antibole was the name of a town situated at the confluence of several large rivers to the S. E. of Dhakka and now called Feringibazar." By the

Page #419
DECEMBER, 1884.] PTOLEMY'S GEOG. BK. VII. CH. 2, & 2. 371 Airrhadai, however, are undoubtedly meant the A confirmation of this view is offered by the Kirata. With regard to the position here assigned circumstance that the Bunzu, who must have been to them Lassen thus writes (Ind. Alt., vol. III, pp. descendants of a branch of the Tamerai, live in 235-237):-"By the name Kirradia Ptolemy de. villages under headships. We must further state signates the land on the coast of further India from that according to the treatises used by Ptolemy the city of Pentapolis, perhaps the present Mirkan. the best Malabathrum was got from Kirradia. I serai in the north, as far as the mouth, of the see no reason to doubt the correctness of this stateTokosanna or Arakan river. The name of this ment, although the trees from which this precious land indicates that it was inhabited by the Kir&ta, oil and spice were prepared and which are different a people which we find in the great Epic settled in kinds of the laurel, do not appear at the present the neighbourhood of the Lauhitya, or Brahma- day to be found in this country, since, according putra, consequently somewhat further to the north to the testimony of the most recent writers the than where Ptolemy locates them. Hence arises botanical productions of Arakan at least have the question whether the Kirata who, as we know, not as yet been sufficiently investigated. It can, belong to the Bhota, and are still found in Nepal, however, be asserted that in Silhet, which is not had spread themselves to such a distance in earlier very remote from Chaturgrama, Malabathrum is times, or whether their name has been erroneously produced at this very day." Saint-Martin ex. applied to a different people. The last assump- presses similar views. He writes (Etude, pp. 343, tion is favoured by the account in the Peri. 34+). "The Kirrhadia of Ptolemy, a country men. plus, according to which ships sailing northward | tioned also in the Periplus as lying west from from DOearene, or the country on both sides of the mouths of the Ganges and the Skyritai of the Vaitarani, arrived at the land of the wild flat- Megasthenes are cantons of Kirata, one of the nosed Kirradai, who like the other savage tribes branches of the aboriginal race the widest spread were men-eaters. Since the author of that work in Gangetic India, and the most anciently known. did not proceed beyond Cape Comorin, and applied In different passages of the Purdnas and of the the name of Kirkta to a people which lived on the epics their name is applied in a general manner coast to the S. W. of the Ganges, it is certain that to the barbarous tribes of the eastern frontiera he had erroneously used this name to denote the of Aryavarta, and it has preserved itself in several wild and fabulous races. Ptolemy must have fol quarters, notably in the eastern districts of Nepal. lowed him or other writers of the kind, and to the There is a still surviving tradition in Tripuri name Kirkta has given a signification which did (Tipperah), precisely where Ptolemy places his not originate with himself. Although the Kirata, Kirrhadia, that the first name of the country was long before the time in which he lived, had wander- Kirat (J. 4. S. Ben., Vol. XIX., Long, Chronicles ed from their northern Fatherland to the Hima- of Tripurd, p. 536.) The Tamerai were a tribe laya and thence spread themselves to the regions of the same family." on the Brahmaputra, still it is not to be believed Mouth of the River Kata beda :- This may that they should have possessed themselves of be the river of Chittagong called the Karmaterritory so far south as Chaturgrama (Chittagong) phuli. The northern point of land at its mouth and a part of Arakan. We can therefore scarcely is, according to Wilford (Asiat. Research. vol. be mistaken if we consider the inhabitants of this XIV, p. 445) called Pattana, and hence he thinks territory at that time as a people belonging to that Chatgram or Chaturgram (Chittagong) is further India, and in fact as tribal relatives of the the Pentapolis of Ptolemy for Pattanphulli, Tamerai, who possessed the mountain region that which means flourishing seat.' The same aulay back in the interior, as I shall hereafter show. thor has proposed a different identification for I here remark that between the name of the city the Katabeda River. "In the district of SanPentapolis, i.e. five cities, and the name of the dowO," he says, "is a river and a town called in most northern part of Kirradia, Chaturgrama, modern maps Sedoa for Saindwa (for Sandwipa)" i.e. four cities, there is a connexion that can and in Ptolemy Sad us and Sa da. Between this scarcely be mistaken, since Chaturgrama could river and Arakan there is another large one not originally have denoted a country, but only a concealed behind the island of Cheduba, and the place which later on became the capital, though it name of which is Katabaidd or Katabaiza. This was originally only the capital of four village is the river Katabeda of Ptolemy, which, it is true, communities over which a common headship was he has placed erroneously to the north of Arakan, possessed, while Pentapolis was the seat of a but as it retains its name to this day among the headship over five towns or rather villages, as it natives, and as it is an uncommon one in that can scarcely be believed that the rude tribes of country, we can hardly be mistaken. As that part of Kirradia were civilized enough to possess towns. the country is very little frequented by seafaring

Page #420
372 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [DECEMBER, 1884 people the Kattabaidd is not noticed in any map or sea chart whatever. It was first brought to light by the late Mr. Burrows, an able astronomer, who visited that part of the coast by order of Government. In the language of that country katu is a fort and Byeitza or Baidza is the name of a tribe in that country." (Asiat. Ros., vol. XIV, pp. 452, 453). Barakoura:-This mart is placed in Yule's map at Ramki, called otherwise Ramu, a town lying 68 miles S.S.E. of Chittagong.. Mouth of the Tokosanna:- This river Wil. ford and Lassen (Ind. Au., vol. III, p. 237) identified with the Arakan river. Yule prefers the N&f, which is generally called the Teke-naf, from the name of a tribe inhabiting its banks. 3. That of the Silver country (Argyra). Sambra, a city. ................. 153deg 30 13deg 45' Sada, & city .................... 154deg 20deg 11deg 20 Mouth of the River Sados... 153deg 30' 12deg 30' Berabonna, a mart ............ 155deg 30' 10 20 The mouth of the River Temala ....................... 157deg 30' 10deg Temala, a city .................. 157deg 30' 9deg The Cape beyond it ......... 157deg 20' 8deg 4. That of the Be syngeitai Cannibals on the Sarabakic Gulf wbere areSabara, a city .................. 159deg 30' 8deg 30' Mouth of the River Begynga 162deg 20deg 8deg 25' Besynga, a mart.............. 162deg 9deg Berabai, a city ............... 162deg 20' 6deg The Cape beyond it ......... 159deg 4deg 40' Arakan is no doubt the Silver Country, but the reason why it should have been so designated is not apparent, since silver has never so far as is known, been one of its products. It appears to have included part of the province of Pegu, which lies immediately to the south of it. Sada :-This town is mentioned in that part of Ptolemy's introductory book (ch. xiii, $7) of which a translation has been given, as the first port on the eastern side of the Gangetic Gulf at which ships from Paloura on the opposite coast touched before proceeding to the more distant porta of the Golden Khersonese and the Great Gulf. It cannot be with certainty identified. "It may perhaps have been Ezata, which appears in Pegu legend as the name of a port between Pegu and Bengal."-Yule, quoting J. 4. 8. Beng., vol. XXVIII, p. 476. Berabonna:-The same authority suggests that this may be Sandowe, which Wilford proposed to identify with Sada. Tomala is the name of a town, a river, and a cape. In the introductory book (c. xiii, 9 8) it is called Tamala, and said to lie to the south-east of Sada, at a distance of 3500 stadia. Yule would identify it, though doubtfully, with Gwa. Lassen again places it at Cape Negrais, which is without doubt the promontory which Ptolemy says comes after Temala. The Sarabakie Gulf is now called the Gulf of Martaban :-The name (Besyngytai) of the can. nibals is partly preserved in that of Bassein, which designates both a town and the river which is the western arm of the Irwadi. Ptolemy calls this river the Besynga. The emporium of the same name Lassen takes to be Rangan, but the simi. larity of name points to its identification with Bassein, an important place as a military position, from its commanding the river. Borabai: Beyond this Ptolemy has promontory of the same name, which may be Barago Point. The names at least are somewhat simi. lar and the position answers fairly to the requirementa. Lassen took Berabai, the town, to be Martaban. 5. That of the Golden Khersonese (Xpuois. Xepoorycov) Takola, & mart 4deg 15 The Cape beyond it ........ 158deg 40' 2deg 40' Mouth of the River Khrysosnas ............... 159deg Sabana, a mart ............... 160deg 3degS.L. Mouth of the River Palandos 161deg 23.L. Cape Maleou Kolon ......... 163deg 2degS.L. Mouth of the River Attaba 164deg 1degS.L. Koli, a town........ ...... 164deg 20 on the equator Perimoula ...................... 163deg 15' 2deg 20' Perimoulik Gulf ............... 168deg 30deg 4deg 15' The Golden Khersonese denotes generally the Malay Peninsula, but more specially the Delta of the Irawadt, which forms the province of Pegu, the Suvarnabhumi (Pali form, -Sovan nabhumi) of ancient times. The Golden Region which lies beyond this, in the interior, is Burma, the oldest province of which, above Ava, is still, Yule informs us, formally styled in State documenta Sonaparanta, i.e.Golden Frontier." Takola:-Rangan, as Yule points out, or a port in that vioinity, best suita Ptolemy's position ...... 160deg 10 Thornton notices in his Gavetteer of India (s. v. Bur. mah) that when Colonel Burney was the resident in Ava, oficial communications were addressed to him under the Authority of the "Founder of the great golden city of precious stones; the possessor of mines of gold, silver, rabies, Amber and noble serpentina."

Page #421
DECEMBER, 1884.] PTOLEMY'S GEOG. BK. VII, CHAP. 2, $ 5. 373 with respect to rivers, &c., while at the same time Thakalai is the legendary name of the founder of Rangan Pagoda. There was, how. ever, he says, down to late mediaeval times, a place of note in this quarter called Takkhala, Takola, or Tagala, the exact site of which he cannot trace, though it was apparently on the Martaban side of the Sitang estuary. Mouth of the Khrysoa na River :--This must be the Eastern or Rangun mouth of the Irawadi, for, as Yule states on the authority of Dr. F. Mason, Hmabi immediately north of Rangon was anciently called Suvarnanadi, i. e. Golden River,' and this is the meaning of Khrysoana. Sabana:- This may be a somewhat distorted form of Suvarna, 'golden-coloured,' and the mart so called may have been situated near the mouth of the Saluen River. Yule therefore identifies it with Satung or Thatung. Lassen assigns it quite a different position, placing it in one of the small islands lying off the southern extremity of the Peninsula. Cape Maleou Kolon-Regarding this Yule Bays, "Probably the Cape at Amherst. Mr. Crawford has noticed the singular circumstance that this name is pure Javanese, signifying "Western Malays." Whether the name Malay can be so old is a question; but I observe that in Bastian's Siamese Extracts, the foundation of Takkhala is ascribed to the Malays." Lassen places it much further south and on the eastern coast of the Peninsula, identifying it with Cape Romania (Ind. Alt., vol. III, p. 232). Koli:-In the Proceedings of the Royal Geographical Society, vol. IV, p. 639 ff, Colonel Yule has thrown much light on Ptolemy's description of the coast from this place to Kat. tigara by comparing the glimpse which it gives us of the navigation to China in the 1st or 2nd century of our era with the accounts of the same navigation as made by the Arabs seven or eight centuries later. While allowing that it would be rash to dogmatize on the details of the trang. gangetic geography, he at the same time points out that the safest guide to the true interpretation of Ptolemy's data here lies in the probability that the nautical tradition was never lost. He calls attention also to the fact that the names on the route to the Sinae are many of them Indian, specifying as instances Sabana, Pagrasa, R. Sobanos, Tipono baste, Zaba, Tagora, Balonga, Sinda, Aganagara, Brama, Ambastas, Rabana, River Kottiaris, Kokkonagara, &c. At Koli the Greek and Arab routes first coincide, for, to quote his words, "I take this Koli to be the Kalah of the Arabs, which was a month's sail from Kaulam (Quilon) in Malabar, and was a place dependent on the Maharaja of Zabaj (Java or the Great Islands) and near which were the mountains producing tin. Ko-lo is also mentioned in the Chinese history of the Tang dynasty in terms indicating its position somewhere in the region of Malaka. Kalah lay on the sea of Shalahit (which we call Straits of Malaka), but was not very far from the entrance to the sea of Kadranj, a sea which embraced the Gulf of Siam, therefore I presume that Kalah was pretty far down the Malay Peninsula. It may, however, have been Kadah, or Quedda as we write it, for it was 10 days' voyage from Kalah to Tiyamah (Batumah, Koyumah). Now the Sea of Kadranj was entered, the Perimulic Gulf of Ptolemy." Perimulic Gulf :-Pliny mentions an Indian promontory called Perimula where there were very productive pearl fisheries (lib. VI, c. 54), and where also was a very busy mart of commerce distant from Patala, 620 Roman miles (lib. VI, c. 20). Lassen, in utter disregard of Pliny's figures indicating its position to be somewhere near Bombay, placed it on the coast of the Island of Manar. In a note to my translation of the Indika of Megasthenes I sug. gested that Perimula may have been in the Island of Salsette. Mr. Campbell's subsequent identification of it however with Simylla (Tiamula) where there was both a cape and a great mart of trade I think preferable, and indeed quite satisfactory. But, it may be asked, how came it to pass that a place on the west coast of India should have the same name as another on the far distant Malay coast. It has been supposed by way of explanation that in very remote times & stream of emigration from the south-eastern shores of Asia flowed onward to India and other western countries, and that the names of places familiar to the emigrants in the homes they had left were given to their new settlements. There is evidence to show that such an emigration actually took place. Yule places the Malay Perimula at Pahang. The Perimulic Gulf is the Gulf of. Siam, called by the Arabs, as already stated, the Sea of Kadranj. Lassen takes it to be only an indentation of the Peninsular coast by the waters of this Gulf, which in common with most other writers ho identifies with Ptolemy's Great Galf. >> Dr. Forchammer in his paper on the First Buddhist Mission to Suvannabhumi, pp. 7, 16, identifies Takola with the Burman Kola or Kula-taik and the Talaing Toikkala, the ruins of which are still extant between the present Ayetthima and Kinyua, now 12 miles from the sea-shore, though it was an important ses port till the 16th century.-J. B.

Page #422
374 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [DECEMBER, 1884. 157 8030 6. That of the Lestai (Robber's country). Samarade........................ 163deg 4deg 50' Pagrase........................... 165deg 4deg 50 Mouth of the River Sobanos 165deg 40' 4deg 45' (Fontes Fluvii)" ............... 162deg 30' 13deg Pithonobasto, a mart ......... 166deg 20' 4deg 45' Akadra.......................... 167deg 4deg 45' Zabai, the city.................. 168deg 40' 40deg 45' 7. That of the Great Gulf. The Great Cape where the Gulf begins .................. 1690 30 4deg Thagora ....................... 168deg Balonga, a Metropolis ...... 167deg 30' 70 Throana ......................... 167o Mouth of the River Doanas. 167deg 10deg (Sources of a river)" ......... 1630 27deg Kortatha, a metropolis ...... 167deg 12deg 30' Sinda, a town .................. 167deg 15 16deg 40' Pagrasa .............. ..... 167deg 30' 14deg 30' Mouth of the River Dorias. 168deg 15deg 30' (Sources of a river)"......... 163deg 27deg or 162deg 20 28 (Tab. Geog.) Aganagara ..................... 169deg 16deg 20' Mouth of the River Seros ... 171deg 30' 17deg 20' (Sources of a river)"...170deg (add. Tab.) 32deg (Another source)" ...173deg ( add. Tab.) 30deg (The confluence) ............ 171deg 27deg The end of the Great Gulf towards the Sinai ......... 173deg 17deg 20' Samarade:-This coincides with Samarat, the Buddhistic classical name of the place commonly called Ligor (i.e. Nagara, the city'), situated on the eastern coast of the Malay Peninsula and subject to Siam. Mouth of the River Sobanos:-Sobanos is the Sanskrit Savarna, in its Pali form Sobanna, which means 'golden.' One of the old cities of Siam, in the Meinam basin was called Sobanapuri, i.e. Gold-town.' Pithonabast & Yule thinks may correspond to the Bangpasoi of our maps at the mouth of the large navigable river Bangpa-Kong. It is at the head of the Gulf of Siam eastward of Bankok. Akadra:-Yule would identify this with the Kadranj of the Arabs, which he places at Chantibon on the eastern coast of the gulf. Zabai:-This city, according to Ptolemy, lay to the west of the Donnas, or Mekong river, and Yule therefore identifies it with the seaport called Sanf or Chanf by the Arab navigators. Sanf or Chanf under the limitations of the Arabic alphabet represents Champ 4, by which the southern extremity of Cochin-China is designated. But Champa lies to the south of the Mekong river, and this circumstance would seem to vitiate the iden. tification. Yule shows, however, that in former times Champa was a powerful state, possessed of a territory that extended far beyond its present limits. In the travels of Hiuen Tsiang (about A. D. 629) it is called Mah&champa. The locality of the ancient port of Zabai or Champa is probably therefore to be sought on the west coast of Kamboja, near the Kampot, or the Kang-kao of our maps. (See Ind. Ant., vol. VI, pp. 228-230). By the Great Gulf is meant the Gulf of Siam, together with the sea that stretches beyond it towards China. The great promontory where this sea begins is that now called Cape Kamboja. Sinda was situated on the coast near Palo Condor, a group of islands called by the Arabs Sandar-Fuldt and by Marco Polo Sondur and Condur. Yule suggests that these may be the Satyrs' Islands of Ptolemy, or that they may be his Sinda. 8. The mountains in this division are thus named : Bepyrrhos, whose extremities lie in 148deg 34deg and.......................................... 154deg 26deg and Maiandros, whose extremities lie in ....................................... 152deg 24deg and............. ............. 160deg 16deg and Damassa (or Dobassa), whose extremities lie in ..................... 162deg 23deg and.......................................... 166deg 33deg and the western part of Semanthinos, whose extremities lie in ........... 170deg 33deg ................. 180deg 26deg Bepyrrhos:--The authorities are pretty well agreed as to the identification of this range." Be. pyrrhos," says Lassen (Ind. Alt., vol I., pp. 549-50) "answers certainly to the Himalaya from the sources of the Saraya to those of the Tista." "Ptolemy," says Saint-Martin (Etude, p. 337) "applies to a portion of the Himalayan chain the name of Bepyrrhos, bat with a direction to the south-east which does not exist in the axis of this grand system of mountains. In general, his notions about the Eastern Himalayas are vague and confused. It is the rivers which he indicates as flowing from each group, and not the position which he assigns to the group itself that can serve us for the purpose of identification. He makes two descend from Bepyrrbos and run to join the Ganges. These rivers are not named, but one is certainly the Kausiki and the other ought to be either the Gandaki or the Tista." Yule and....... * Additions of the Latin Translator.

Page #423
DECEMBER, 1884.] remarks, "Ptolemy shows no conception of the great Brahmaputra valley. His Bepyrrhos shuts in Bengal down to Maeandrus. The latter is the spinal range of Arakan (Yuma), Bepyrrhos, so far as it corresponds to facts, must include the Sikkim Himalaya and the Garo Hills. The name is perhaps Vipulavast,' the name of one of the mythical cosmic ranges but also a specific title of the Himalaya." PTOLEMY'S GEOG. BK. VII, CHAP. 2, SSSS 9-12. Mount Maiandros:-From this range descend all the rivers beyond the Ganges as far as the Besynga or Bassein river, the western branch of the Irawadi. It must therefore be the Yuma chain which forms the eastern boundary of Arakan, of which the three principal rivers are the Mayu, the Kula-dan and the Le-myo. According to Lassen Maiandros is the graecized form of Mandara, a sacred mountain in Indian mythology. Dobassa or Da mass a range:-This range contributes one of the streams which form the great river Doanas, Bepyrrhos which is further to the west, contributing the other confluent. A single glance at the map, Saint-Martin remarks (Etude, p. 338), clearly shows that the reference here is to the Brahmaputra river, whose indigenous name, the Dihong, accounts readily for the word Doanas. It would be idle, he adds, to explain where errors so abound, what made Ptolemy commit the particular error of making his Doanas run into the Great Gulf instead of joining the eastern estuary of the Ganges. The Dobassa Mountains, I therefore conclude, can only be the eastern extremity of the Himalaya, which goes to force itself like an immense promontory into the grand elbow which the Dihong or Brahmaputra forms, when it bends to the south-east to enter Asam. If the word Dobassa is of Sanskrit origin, like other geographical appellations applied to these eastern regions, it ought to signify the 'mountains that are obscure,'-Tamasa Parvata. Yule (quoting J. A. S. Beng. vol. XXXVII,pt. ii, p. 192) points out that the Dimasas are mentioned in a modern paper on Asam, as a race driven down into that valley by the immigration of the Bhotiyas. This also points to the Bhotan Himalayas as being the Damassa range, and shows that of the two readings, Dobassa and Damassa, the latter is preferable. Mount Semanthinos is placed 10 degrees further to the east than Maiandros, and was regarded as the limit of the world in that direction. Regarding these two Sanskrit designations, Saint-Martin, after remarking that they are. more mythic than real, proceeds to observe: "These Oriental countries formed one of the horizons of the Hindu world, one of the extreme regions, where positive notions transform them. 375 selves gradually into the creations of mere fancy. This disposition was common to all the peoples of old. It is found among the nations of the east no less than in the country of Homer. Udayagiri,-the mountain of the east where the sun rises, was also placed by the Brahmanik poets very far beyond the mouths of the Ganges. The Semanthinos is a mountain of the same family. It is the extreme limit of the world, it is its very girdle (Samanta in Sanskrit). In fine, Puranik legends without number are connected with Mandara, a great mountain of the East. The fabulous character of some of these designations possesses this interest with respect to our subject, that they indicate even better than notions of a more positive kind the primary source of the information which Ptolemy employed. The Maiandros, however, it must be observed, has a definite locality assigned it, and designates in Ptolemy the chain of heights which cover Arakan on the east." 9. From Bepyrrhos two rivers discharge into the Ganges, of which the more northern has its sources in .... 148deg 33deg and its point of junction with the Ganges in ................. The sources of the other. river are in................. 1420 and its point of junction with the Ganges in ...... 144deg 26deg 10. From Maiandros descend the rivers beyond the Ganges as far as the Besynga River, but the riyer Seros flows from the range of Semanthinos from two sources, of which the most western lies in 170deg 30' 32deg and the most eastern in...... 173deg 30' 30deg and their confluence is in... 171deg 27deg ......... 11. From the Damassa range flow the Daonas and Dorias (the Doanas runs as far as to Bepyrrhos) and the Dorias rises in...... 164deg 30' 28deg Of the two streams which unite to form the Doanas that from the Damassa range rises in ........ ............. 162deg that from Bepyrrhos rises in 153deg The two streams unite in... 160deg 20' 27deg 30' 27deg 30' 19deg The river Sobanas which flows from Maiandros rises in....... ......... 163deg 30' 13deg 12. The rivers which having previously united flow through the "Golden Khersonese from the mountain ridges, without name/which overhang the Khersonese-the one flowing into the Khersonese first detaches from it the Attabas in about............. ..... 161deg 2deg 20' ************* 140deg 15' 30deg 20' 27deg

Page #424
876 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [DECEMBER, 1 884. and then the Khrysoanas in about 161deg 1deg 20' and the other river is the Palandas. Nearly all the rivers in the foregoing table have already been noticed, and we need here do little more than remind the reader how they have been identified. The two which flow from Bepyrrhos into the Ganges are the Kausiki and the Tista. The Be synga is the Bassein River or Western branch of the Irawadi. The Seros enters the sea further eastward than any of the other rivers, probably in Champe, the Zaba of Ptolemy, while Lassen identifies it with the Mekong. The Daonas is no doubt the Brahmaputra, though Ptolemy, taking the estuary of the Mekong or Kamboja river to be its mouth, represents it as falling into the Great Galf. It was very probably also, to judge from the close resemblance of the names when the first two letters are transposed, the Oidanes of Artemidoros, who, according to Strabo (lib. XV, o. i, 72), describes it as a river that bred crocodiles and dolphins, and that flowed into the Ganges. Ourtius (lib. VIII, c. 9) mentions a river called the Dyardanes that bred the same creatures, and that was not so often heard of as the Ganges, because of its flowing through the remotest parts of India. This must have been the same river as the Oidanes or Doanas, and therefore the Brahmaputra. The Dorias is a river that entered the Chinese Sea between the Mekong Estuary and the Seros. The Sobanas is perhaps the river Meinam on which Bangkok, the Siamese capital, stands. The Attabas is very probably the Tavoy river which, though its course is comparatively very short, is more than a mile wide at its mouth, and would therefore be reckoned a stream of importance. The similarity of the names favours this identification. The Khrysoane is the eastern or Rangun arm of the Irawadi. The Palandas is probably the Salyaen River. Ptolomy now proceeds to describe the interior of Transgangetic India, and begins with the tribes or nations that were located along the banks of the Ganges on its eastern side. 13. The regions of this Division lying along the course of the Ganges on its eastern side and furthest to the north are inhabited by the Ganga noi, through whose dominions flows the river Sarabos, and who have the following towns :Sapolos........................... 139deg 20' 35deg Storna ............................ 138deg 40' 34deg 40' Heorta ........... ........ 138deg 30' 34deg Rhappha ........................ 137deg 40' 33deg 40 Ganganoi should undoubtedly be read Tanganoi, as Tangana was the name given in the heroic ages to one of the great races who occupied the regions along the eastern banks of the upper Ganges. Their territory probably stretched from the Ramganga river to the upper Sarayd, which is the Sarabos of Ptolemy, Their situation cannot be more precisely defined, as none of their towns named in the table can with certainty be recognized. "Concerning the people themselves," says Saint-Martin(Etude, pp. 327,328) "we are better informed. They are represented in the Mahabharata as placed between the Kirata and the Kulinda in the highlands which protected the plaing of Kosala on the north. They were one of the barbarops tribes, which the Brahmanio Aryans, in pushing their conquests to the east of the Ganges and Jamna, drove back into the Himilayas or towards the Vindhyas. It is principally in the Vindhya regions that the descendants of the Tangana of classic times are now to be found. One of the Rajput tribes, well-known in the present day under the name of Tank or Tonk is settled in Robilkhand, the very district where the Mahabhdrata locates the Tangana and Ptolemy his Tanganoi. These Tank Rajputs extend westward to a part of the Dodb, and even as far as Gujarat, but it is in the race of the Dangnyas, spread over the entire length of the Vindhya Mountains and the adjacent territory from the southern borders of the ancient Magadha to the heart of Malwa to the north of the lower Narmada, it is in this numerous race, subdivided into clans without number, and which is called according to the districts inhabited Dhangis, Dhangars, Donga, &c. that we must search for the point of departure of the family and its primordial type. This type, which the mixture of Aryan blood has modified and ennobled in the tribes called Rajput, preserves its aboriginal type in the mass of mountain tribes, and this type is purely Mongolian, a living commentary on the appellation of Mlechha, or Barbarian, which the ancient Brahmanic books apply to the Tangana." (Conf. Brih. Sarh. ix, 17; x, 12; xiv, 12, 29; XVI, 6; XVII, 25; XXXI, 15 Ramdyana iv, 44, 20). The towns, we have said, cannot be identified with certainty, but we may quote Wilford's views as to what places now represent them. He says (Asiat. Research. vol. XIV, p. 457): "The Ban or Saraban river was formerly the bed of the Ganges and the present bed to the eastward was also once the Ban or Saraban river. This Ptolemy mistook for the R&maganga, called also the B&n, Saraban and Saravati river, for the four towns which he placey on its banks, are either on the old or the new bed of the Ganges. Storna and spolo are Hastnaura, or Hastina-nagara on the old bed, and Sabal, now in ruins, on the eastern bank of

Page #425
DECEMBER, 1884.] the new bed, and is commonly called Sabalgarh. Hastinapur is 24 miles S. W. of Daranagar, and 11 to the west of the present Ganges; and it is called Hastnawer in the Ayin Akbari. He orta is Awartta or Hardwar. It is called Arate in the Peutinger tables, and by the Anonymous of Ravenna." 14. To the south of these are the Maroundai who reach the Gangaridai, and have the following towns on the east of the Ganges: Boraita.... PTOLEMY'S GEOG. BK. VII, CH. 2, SS 14. 142deg 20' 143deg 30' 29deg 27deg 15' 26deg 145deg 146deg 25deg 30' Kelydna Aganagora Talarga 146deg 30' 22deg 30' 146deg 40' 21deg 40' The Maroundai occupied an extensive territory, which comprised Tirhut and the country southward on the east of the Ganges, as far as the head of its delta, where they bordered with the Gangaridai. Their name is preserved to this day in that of the Mandas, a race which originally belonged to the Hill-men of the North, and is now under various tribal designations diffused through Western Bengal and Central India, "the nucleus of the nation being the Ho or Hor tribe of Singhbhum." They are probably the Monedes of whom Pliny speaks, in conjunction with the Suari. That they were connected originally with the Muranda, a people of Lampaka (Lamghan) at the foot of the Hindu-Koh mentioned in the inscription on the Allahabad pillar, along with the Saka, as one of the nations that brought tributary gifts to the sovereign of India, is sufficiently probable; but the theory that these Muranda on being expelled from the valleys of the Kophes by the invasion of the Yetha, had crossed the Indus and advanced southwards into India till they established themselves on the Ganges, in the kingdom mentioned, by Ptolemy, is, as Saint-Martin has clearly proved (Etude, pp. 329,330) utterly untenable, since the sovereign to whom the Muranda of the north sent their gifts was Samudragupta, who reigned subsequently to the time of Ptolemy, and they could not therefore have left their ancestral seats before he wrote. Saint-Martin further observes that not only in the case before us but in a host of analogous instances, it is certain that tribes of like name with tribes in India are met with throughout the whole extent of the region north of Korygaza Kondota ********* J. A. 8. B., vol. XXXV, p. 168. The Mands tribes as enumerated by Dalton, id. p. 158, are the Kuars of Ilichpur, the Korewas of Sirguja and Jaspur, the Kherias of Chutia Nagpur, the Hor of Singhbhum, the Bhumij of Manbhum Dhalbham, and the Sintals of Manbhum 377 the Indus, from the eastern extremity of the Himalaya as far as the Indus and the Hindu-Koh, but this he points out is attributable to causes more general than the partial migration of certain tribes. The Vayu Purdna mentions the Muranda among the Mlechha tribes which gave kings to India during the period of subversion which followed the extinction of the two great Aryan dynasties. See Cunningham. Anc. Geog. of Ind., pp. 505-509, also Lassen, Ind. Alt., vol. III, pp. 136f. 155-157, and vol. II, p. 877n. Regarding the towns of the Maroundai, we may quote the following general observations of SaintMartin (Etude, pp. 331, 332). "The list of towns attributed to the Maroundai would, it might be expected, enable us to determine precisely what extent of country acknowledged in Ptolemy's time the authority of the Marunda dynasty, but the corruption of many of the names in the Greek text, the inexactitude or insufficiency of the indications and, in fine, the disappearance or change of name of old localities, render recognition often doubtful, and at times impossible." He then goes on to say: "The figures indicating the position of these towns form a series almost without any deviation of importance, and betoken therefore that we have an itinerary route which cuts obliquely all the lower half of the Gangetic region. From Boraita to Kelydna this line follows with sufficient regularity an inclination to S. E. to the extent of about 6 degrees of a great circle. On leaving Kelydna it turns sharply to the south and continues in this direction to Talarga, the last place on the list, over a distance a little under four degrees. This sudden change of direction is striking, and when we consider that the Ganges near Rajmahal altera its course just as sharply, we have here a coincidence which suggests the enquiry whether near the point where the Ganges so suddenly bends, there is a place having a name something like Kelydna, which it may be safely assumed is a bad transcription into Greek of the Sanskrit Kalinadi ('black river') of which the vulgar form is Kalindi. Well then, Kalindi is found to be a name applied to an arm of the Ganges which communicates with the Mahananda, and which surrounds on the north the large island formed by the Mahananda and Ganges, where once stood the famous city of Gauda or Gaur, now in ruins. Gauda was not in existence in Ptolemy's time, but there may have been there a station with which if not with the river itself the indication of the table would Singhbhum, Katak, Hazaribagh and the Bhagalpu hills. The western branches are the Bhills of Malwa and Kinhdes and the Kolis of Gujarat. 30 Mahabh. vii, 4847; Reinand, Mem. sur l'Inde, p. 358; Lassen, Ind. Alt., vol. II, p. 877.-J. B.

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378 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (DECEMBER, 1884. agree. At all events, considering the double bence Korygaza may be Gorakhpur, the situation acordance of the name and the position, it seems to of which is notably marshy. me there is little room to doubt that we have there 15. Between the Imaos and Bapyrrhos the locality of Kelydna. The existing town of ranges the Takoraioi are farthest north, and MAIDA, built quite near the site of Guus, stands at below them are the Korangkaloi, then the the very confluence of the Klinci and MahAnanda. Passalai, after whom to the north of MaianThis place appears to have preserved the name of dros are the Tiladai, such being the name the ancient Malada of the Puranik lists, very probably the Molindai of Megasthenes. This applied to the Bebeidai, for they are short of point being settled, we are able to refer thereto the stature and broad and shaggy and broad. towns in the list, both those which precede and faced, but of fair complexion. those which follow after. We shall commence with Takorsioi:-This tribe occupied the valleys the last, the determination of which rests on data at the foot of the mountains above Eastern Kosala that are less vague. These are Aganagara and and adjoined the Tanganoi. The Tanganas are Talarga. The table, as we have seen, places them mentioned among the tribes of the north in the on a line which descends towards the sea exactly lists of the Brihat Sahitd (IX, 17; X, 12; XIV, to the south of Kelydna. If, as seems quite likely, 29). They have left numerous descendants in these indications have been furnished to Ptolemy different parts of Gangetic India. A particolar by the designating of a route of commerce clan in Rohilkhand not far from the seats of the towards the interior, it is natural to think that this Takornioi preserves still the name under the formi route parted from the great emporium of the Dakbaura (Elliot's Supplementary Glossary of Indian Ganges (the Gange Regia of Ptolemy, the terms, p. 860), and other branches are met with Ganges emporium of the Periplas) which should be near the Jamna and in Rajputana. Towards the found, as we have already said, near where Hagbli enst again the Dekra form a considerable part of now stands. From Kelydna to this point the route the population of Western Asam (J. 4. 8. Beng., descends in fact exactly to the south, following vol. XVIII, p. 712). the branch of the Ganges which forms the western Korang kaloi;-These are probably of the side of the delta. The position of Aghadip same stock, if not actually the samo people, as Agadvipa) on the eastern bank of the river Koraakare of the Purdnas (Asiat. Research., little below Katwa, can represent quite suitably vol. VIII), and the Kyankdanis of Shekavati. Aganagora (Aganagara); while Talarga may be Their position is near the sources of the taken to be a place some leagues distant from Cal. Gandak. cutta, in the neighbourhood of Haghli. .... The Passalai:-The Passalai here mentioned are towns which precede Kolydna are far from having not to be confounded with the Passalai of the Dogb. the same degree of probability. We have nothing In the name is easily to be recognised the Vaibali more here to serve for our guidance than the of Hiuen Tsiang, which was a small kingdom distances taken from the geographical nota- stretching northward from the Ganges along the tions, and we know how uncertain this indication banks of the river Gandak. The capital bad the is when it has no check to control it. The first same name as the kingdom, and was situated in the position above Kelydna is Kondota or Ton. immediate neighbourhood of Hajipur, a station dota; the distance represented by an arc of two near the junction of the Gandak and Ganges, where degrees of a great circle would conduct us to the a great fair is annually held, distant from Patna lower Bagamatt (Bhagavati). Kotygasa or about 20 miles. "Here we find the village of Sorygasa (distant degree) would come to be Besarh, with an old ruined fort, which is still placed perhaps on the Gandaki, perhaps between called Raja Bisal-ka-garh, or the fort of Raja the Gandaki and the lower Saraya; last of all Visala, who was the reputed founder of the Boraita, at two degrees from Korygaza, would anciont Vaibali." (Cunningham, Ane. Geog. of oonduct us to the very heart of ancient Kosala, Ind., p. 443). towards the position of the existing town' of Bar. Tiladai:-We here leave the regions adjoinda. We need soarcely add, in spite of the con- ing the Ganges, and enter the valleys of the Brahnexion of the last two names, that we attach but a maputra. The Tiladai are called also Besadai or faint value to determinations which rest on data Basadai. Ptolemy places them above the Maiandros, 80 vague." Boraita may be, however, Bhardchand from this as well as his other indications, we in Audb, as Yolo has suggested, and with regard must take them to be the hill-people in the vicinity to Korygas, it may be observed that the last part of Silhet, where, as Yule remarks, the plains break of the name may represent the Sanskrit kachha, into an infinity of hillooks, which are specially which means a marsh or place near a marsh, and known as tlla. It is possible, he thinks, that the

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DECEMBER, 1884.] PTOLEMY'S GEOG. BK. VII, CH. 2, &$ 16-19. 379 Tiladai, occupied these tllas, and also that the The following interesting passage describes Tiladri hills (mentioned in the Kshetra Sqmdea) the mode in which the Besadai trade in this article were the same Tilas. The same people is mer. with the Chinese. I translate from the Periplus, tioned in the Periplus, but under the corrupt cap. 65:-"On the opnfines of Thina is held an form of Senatai. The picture drawn of them by annual fair attended by a race of mon called the the author of that work corresponds so closely with Sonatai, who are of a squat figuro, broad-faced, and Ptolemy's, that both authors may be supposed in appearance like wild beasts, though all the samo to have drawn their information from the same they are quite mild and gentle in their disposition. source. We may quote (in the original) what They resort to this fair with their wives and each says of them children, taking great loads of produce packed in Periples : Dvos Th T er repart koloBoi kai mats like the young leaves of the vine. The fair sphodra platuprosopoi, ennoiais de lostos autous is held where tbeir country borders on that of the [8] Neycobai (pavi] Enearas, wapopolove dm pepous. Thinai. Here, spreading out the mate they use Ptolemy: clol yap kolo Bol, kal shareis, kai, them for lying on, and devote several days to daseis, kai platnprosopoi, leukoi mentoi tas khroas, festivity. This being over, they withdraw into Description of the regions which extend from their own country and the Thinai, when they see the Brahmaputra to the Great Gulf. they have gone, come forward and collecting the mats, which had been purposely left behind, extract 16. Beyond Kirrhadia, in which they first from the Calami (called Petroi), of which they say the best Malabathrun is produced, the were woven, the sinews and fibres, and then taking Zamirai, a race of cannibals, are located near the leaves fold them double and roll them up into Mount Maiandros. balls through which they pass the fibres of the 17. Beyond the Silver Country, in which Calami. The balls are of three kinds, and are there are said to be very many silver mines, designated according to the size of the leaf from (peralla donmou), is situated in juxtapostion to which they are made, hadro, meso and mikrothe Bdsyngeitai, the Gold Country (por ophairon. Hence there are three kinds of MalabaKopa), in which are very many gold mines, and thrum, and those are then carried into India by the whose inhabitants resemble the Zamirai, in manufacturers. Zamirai: A various reading is Zamorai. It being fair-complexioned, shaggy, of squat figure, has boon already stated that this was a tribe of and flat-nosed. the same family as the Kirsta, besido whom they Kirrhadia:- This has been already noticed. are named in the great geographical catalogue of With reference to its product Malabathrum, which the Mahabharata. Ramifications of the Zamfrai is not betel, but oonsists of the leaves of one or still exist under the names of Zamarias, Tomara, more kinds of the cinnamon or cassia-tree. I may &c., in the midst of the savage districts which quote the following passage from the J. 4. 8. Beng., extend to the S. and S.E. of Magadha, and to the vol. XVI, pp. 38-9:-" Cinnamomum albiflorum is west of the Son. designated taj, tejpat in Hindustaui, the former The silver country, it has already been noticed, name being generally applied to the leaf and the is Arakan, and the gold country and copper latter to the bark of the tree; taj, tejpala, or tejapa. country, Yule remarks, correspond ouriously even tra, by all which names this leaf is known, is used in approximate position with the Sonaparlata as a condiment in all parts of India. It is indigen (golden frontier land), and Zampadips of Burmese ous in Silhet, Asam. Rungpur (the Kirrbadia of state-documents. The Malay peninsula, taken Ptolemy), and in the valleys of the mountain-range generally, has still many mines both of the as far as Masuri. The dry branches and leaves precious and the useful metals. are brought annually in large quantities from the former place, and sold at a fair, which is held at 18. And, again, between the ranges of Vikramapura. Taj, however, is a name that is also B&pyrrhus, and Damassa, the country given in the eastern part of Bengal to the bark furthest north is inhabited by the Anina khai of a variety of Cinnamomum zeylanioun or Cania (or Aminalhai), south of these the Indaligned, which abounds in the valleys of Kacbar, prathai, after these the Iberingai, then Jyntiya and Asam." The word Malabathrum is a the Dabasai (or Damaasai P), and ap to cond pound of tamala (the Sanskrit name of Cinna. momum albiflorum) and patra, leaf.' Another Maiandros tho Nangalogai, whioh means derivation has been suggested mdia,' garland,' "the World of the Naked" (ruum koos). and patra 'a leaf.' (Lassen, Ind. Au., vol. I, p. 888 19. Between the Damassa range and the seq., and conf. Dymock's Voget. Mat. Med., p. 668). frontiers of the Sinai are located furthest

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380 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (DECEMBER, 1884. north the Kako bai; and below them the just as the Dabassae, perhaps on the mountains of Basana rai. the same name. There is still a tribe of Dhobas 20. Next comes the country of Khalkitis, in Dinajpur, one of the districts of the north-east in which are very many copper mines. of Bengal, on the confines of the ancient Kamardpa. South of this, extending to the Great Gulf To the east of the Dobassa mountains, towards the frontiers of the Sinae, the tribe of the Kakobai is the Koudoutai, and the Barrhai, and fonnd to a surety in that of the Khokos, who after them the Indoi, then the Doanai, occupy the same districts. The Basannarae, in a along the river of the same name. locality more southern, are very probably the 21. To these succeeds a mountainous conn- | Bhanzas, a tribe of the mountains to the south of try adjoining the country of Robbers (Apoten), Tippera, east of the month of the Brahmaputra. wherein are found elephants and tigers. The In the Kondorttai and the Barrbai, it is easy to inhabitants of the Robber country are re- recognize, though Ptolemy carries them too far ported to be savages (Onprodeus), dwelling in into the south, the Kolitas and the Bhars or Bhora, caves, and that have skins like the hide of two of the most notable parts of the population of Western As&m, and of the districts of Bengal that the hippopotamus, which darts cannot pierce belong to Kamarapa. The Dolnai or Daonai are throngh. perpetuated in the Zaen of Eastern As&m; and Anina khai:-The position Ptolemy assigns to the name of the Lestae, the last of the list, correthem is the mountain region to the north of the sponds to all appearance to that of the Lepchhas, a Brahmaputra, corresponding to a portion of Lower well-known mountain race on the confines of Asam. Sikkim to the west of the Tista." For notices of Indaprathai-This is a purely Hindu the tribes which he has thus identified with those name. In Sanskrit documents and in inscrip of Ptolemy, he refers to the Journal of the Asiatic tions mention is made of several towns in Society of Bengal, vols. VI, IX, XIV, and XVIII. the provinces of the Ganges, which had taken the His identification of the Lestai with the Lepchbas name of the old and famous Indraprastha (the is in every way unfortunate. That the name Ayoral modern Dehli), and we may conclude that the is not a transcript of any indigenous name, but Indaprathai of the East were & Brabmanic the Greek name for robbers or pirates, is apparent settlement. In subsequent times Sanskrit desig- from the fact alone that the has the iota dations spread further down into the Dekhan subscribed. The Lepohhas, moreover, live among with the cultus, either of the Brahmans or the mountains, far in the interior, while Ptolemy Baddhists. Instances in point are Modura and locates his Lestai along the shores of the Gulf of Kosamba, which have been already noticed. The Siam. Indaprethai appear to bave established themBelves in the districts S. of the Brahmaputra, and Ptolemy gives next a list of 33 towns in the of the Aninakbai. interior by way of supplement to those already I beringai and Dabasai or Damas. mentioned as situated along the course of the si:-The Damassai (now the Dimasas as Ganges, followed by a list of the towns in the already noticed), occupied the region extending Golden Khersonese :from their homonymous mountains to the Brahmaputra, but further to the east than the Aninakhai 22. The inland towns and villages of this and Iberingai. division (Transgangetic India), in addition Nangalo gai:-Many tribes still existing on to those mentioned along the Ganges are the hills, east and north-east of Silhet, are called called :Nagas. This name, which is given correctly in Selampoura ............... 148deg 30deg 33deg 20' Ptolemy as Nanga, is the Indian word for naked, Kanogiza ................ 143deg and according to Yule it is written Nanga in Kassida 146deg 31deg 10 the Musalman History of Asam. The absoluto Eldana ............ 31deg nakedness of both sexes, he says, continues in Asanabara these parts to the present day. The latter half of ............ 31deg 30 Arkhinara ............ 31deg the name log (Sanskrit lok), is the Indian term for peoplo, mankind, or the world, as Ptolemy has Ourathenai ............ 31deg 207 it. Sonanagoura ............ 145deg 30' 299 300 With regard to the other tribes enumerated, Sagoda or Sadoga ...... 155deg 20' 29deg 20deg Saint Martin remarks (Etude, pp. 345-6) Anina ..................... 162deg 29deg "The Iberingai are still tribe of the north | Salatha....................... 165deg 40' 28deg 20' 320 1520 1550 163 170deg

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DECEMBER, 1894.] PTOLEMY'S GEOG. BK. VII, CH. & 23-25. 881 of India. 180 23. Rhadamarkotta, guide him, it would he unjust to reproach him with in which is much nard... 172 28 this want of connexion in his materials, and the conAthenagouron ............ 146deg 20deg 27deg fusion therefrom resulting; but this absence, almost Manisins (or Maniataia) 147deg 15' 24deg 40' absolute, of connexion does only render the task Tosalei, a metropolis ... 150deg 230-20 of the critic all the more laborious and unwelcome and there results from it strange mistakes for Alosanga .................. 152deg 24deg 15' Adeisaga .................... 159deg 30' 23deg those who without sufficiently taking into account the composition of this part of the Tables, have Kimara..................... 170deg 23deg 15' believed they could find in the relative positions Parisara .................. 179deg 21deg 30' which the places have there taken a sufficient means Tougma, a metropolis... 152deg 30' 22deg 15' of identification. It would only throw one into the Arisabion .................. 158deg 30' 22deg 30' risk of error to seek for correspondences to these Posinara .................. 162deg 15' 22deg 50' obscure names, (of which there is nothing to Pandasa ................... 165deg 21deg 20' guarantee the correctness, and where there is not Sipiberis (or Sitteberis). 170deg 23deg 15' a single name that is assigned to a definite terri. Triglypton, called also Trilingon, capital tory) in the resemblances, more or less close, which of the kingdom could be furnished by a topographical dictionary ...... 154deg 1 8deg of India." In this part the cocks are said to be Selam pours This suggests Selempur, & bearded, and the crows and parrots white. place situated at some distance north of the Deva 24. Lariagara ...... 162deg 30' 18deg 15' or lower Sarayd. The identity of the names is Rhingiberi .............. 166deg 18deg our only warrant for taking them as applying to Agimoithe ............... 170deg 40' 18deg 40' one and the same town; but as the two places .................. 172deg which follow belong to the same part of the Dasana or Doana ...... 1650 150 20 country, the identification is in some measure supported. Selempar is situated on a tributary Mareoura & metropolis, of the Sarayd, the little Gandak. called also Malthoura 158deg 12deg 30deg Kanogisk: This is beyond doubt the famous Lasippa (or Lasyppa)... 161deg 12deg 30' city of Kanyakubja or Kanauj, which has already Barenkora (or Bareus been noticed under the list of towns attributed to thra ...................... 164deg30' 12deg 50' Prasiako, where the name is given as Kanagora. 25. In the Golden Khersonese Ptolemy, while giving here the name more correctBalongka .................. 162deg 4deg 40' ly has put the city hopelessly out of its position Kokkonagars ............ 160deg 2deg with reference to the Ganges, from which he has Tharrha .................. 1620 1deg 20's. removed it several degrees, though it stood upon Palands .................. 161deg 1deg 20's. its banks. Among Indian cities it ranks next in point of antiquity to Ayodhyl in Andh, and it was Regarding the foregoing long list of inland towns, for many centuries the Capital of North-Western the following general observations by Saint-Martin India. It was then a stately city, full of increare instructive: "With Ptolemy, unfortunately," dible wealth, and its king, who was sometimes he says (Etude, pp. 348-9) "the correspondence styled the Emperor of India, kept a very splendid of names of towns in many instances, is less easy court. Its remains are 65 miles W.N.W. from to discover than in the case of the names of | Lakhnau. The place was visited by Hinen Teiang peoples or tribes. This is shown once again in 1 in 634 4.D. Pliny (H. N. lib. VI, c. 21) has Calini. the long-enough list which he adds to the names pays. Conf. Lassen, Ind. Alt. vol. I, p. 158; of places already mentioned under the names of Mahabh. III, 8313; Ramdyana, I, 34, 37. the people to which they respectively belonged. Kassida :-Here we have another case of To judge from the repetitions in it and the want of recurrence of the same name in an altered form. connexion, this list appears to have been supplied In Sanskrit and in inscriptions Kasi is the ordito him by a document different from the docu- Dary name of Banaras. How Ptolemy came to ments he had previously used, and it is precisely lengthen the name by affixing da to it has not been because he has not known how to combine its explained. Ptolemy has mutilated Varanasi into contents with the previous details that he has thus Erarasa, which he calls a metropolis, and assigns given it separately and as an appendix, although to the Kaspeiraioi. Such is the view taken by thereby obliged to go again over the same ground Saint-Martin, but Yule, as we have seen, identifies he had alrendy traversed. For country where Erarasa with Govardhan (Giriraja). He also Ptolemy had not the knowledge of it as a whole to points out, on the authority of Dr. F. Hall,

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382 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [DECEMBER, 1884. that Varanasi was never used as a name for Bandras. Souanagoura:-Saint-Martin (Etude,p. 351) thinks this is a transcript of the vulgar form of Suvarnanagara, and in this name recognizes that of one of the ancient capitals of Eastern Bengal, Suvarnagrama (now Sonargaon, about 12 miles from Dhakka), near the right bank of the Lower Brahmaputra. Sag oda:-There can be no doubt of the identity of this place with Ayodhya, the capital of Kosala, under the name of SAketa or Sageda. Sakyamuni spent the last days of his life in this city, and during his sojourn the ancient name of Ayodhyd gave place to that of S&keta, the only one current. Hindu lexicographers give Saketa and Kosala (or Kosala) as synonyms of Ayodhys. The place is now called Audh, and is on the right bank of the Saraya or Gbaghra, near Faizabad, a modern town, built from its ruins. At some distance north from Audh is the site of Sravasti, one of the most celebrated cities in the annals of Buddhism. For the identity of Saketa with Ayodhya and also Visakha. See Canningham, Geog. of Anc. Ind., pp. 401 sqq. Rhadamarkotta (v. 1. Rhandamarkotta). Saint-Martin has identified this with Rangamati, an ancient capital situated on the western bank of the lower Brahmaputra, and now called Ude. pur (Udayapura,-city of sunrise). Yule, who agrees with this identification, gives as the Sanskrit form of the name of the place, Rangamritika. The passage about Nard which follows the mention of Rhadamarkotta in the majority of editions is, according to Saint-Martin (Etude, p. 352 and note), manifestly corrupt. Some editors, correct to ), much, into oleus, cities, and thus Nardos becomes the name of a town, and Rhadamarkotta the name of a district, to which Nardog and the towns that come after it in the Table belong. On this point we may quote a paggage from Wilford, whose views regarding Rhadamarkotta were different. He says (Asiat. Research. vol. XIV., p. 441), Ptolemy has delineated tolerably well the two branches of the river of AvA and the relative situation of two towns upon them, which still retain their ancient name, only they are transposed. Thesetwotowns are Urathena, and Nardos or Nardon; Urathena is Rhadana, the ancient name of Amarapur, and Nardon is Nartenh on the Kayn-dween...." He says that "Nartenh was situated in the country of Rbandamarkota, literally, the Fort of Randa mar, after which the whole country was designated." Tosalei, called Metropolis, has become of great importance since recent archaeological dis- coveries have led to the finding of the name in the Aboka Inscriptions on the Dhauli rool The inscription begins thus : "By the orders of Devanampiya (beloved of the gods) it is enjoined to the public officers charged with the administration of the city of Tosali," &c. Vestiges of a larger city have been discovered not far from the site of this monument, and there can be no doubt that the Tosali of the inscription was the capital in Asoka's time of the province of Orissa, and continued to be so till at least the time of Ptolemy. The city was situated on the margin of a pool called Kosald-Ganga, which was an object of great religious veneration throughout all the country. It is pretty certain that relative to this circumstance is the name of Tosala-Kosalakas, which is found in the Brahmdnda Purdna, which Wilford had already connected with the Tosale of Ptolemy. He had however been misled by the 2nd part of the word to locate the city a N. Kosald, that is Audh. An obvious objection to the locating of Tobale in Orissa is that Ptolemy assigns its position to the eastern side of the Ganges, and Lassen and Burnouf have thus been led to conclude that there must have been two cities of the name. Lassen accordingly finds for Ptolemy's Tosale a place somewhere in the Province of Dhakka. But there is no necessity for this. If we take into account that the name of Tosale is among those that are marked as having been added to our actual Greek texts by the old Latin translators (on what authority we know not) we shall be the less surprised to find it out of its real place. (Saint-Martin, Etude, pp. 359-4, citing J. A. 8. Beng., vol. VII, pp. 435 and 442; Lassen, Ind. Alt., vol. II, p. 256, and vol. III, p. 158; and Asiat. Research. vol. VIII, p. 344). AloBanga :--The geographical position of Alosang a places it a quarter degree to the north of the upper extremity of Mount Maiandros. "By & strange fatality," says Wilford (Asiat. Res. ut 8., p. 390) "the northern extremity of Mount Maindros in Ptolemy's maps is brought close to the town of Aloganga, now Ellasing on the Lojung river, to the north-west of Dhakka. This mistake is entirely owing to his tables of longitude and latitude." Tougma:-In Yale's map this is identified, but doubtfully, with Tagaung, & place in Khryse (Barma) east from the Irawadi and near the tropics. Triglypton or Trilingon:--Opinions vary much as to where this capital was situated. Wilford says (Asiat. Research. vol. XIV, p. 450-2): "Ptolemy places on the Tokosanna, the Metropolis of the country, and calls it Trilingon, a true Sanskrit appellation. Another name for it, says our author, wag Triglypton, which is an attempt to render into Greek the meaning of Trilinga or

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DECEMBER, 1884. PTOLEMY'S GEOG. BK. VII, CH. 2, & 25. 388 Trai-linga, the three 'lingas' of Mahadeva; and this in Arakan is part of an extensive district in the Puranas, called Tri-pura, or the three towns and townships first inhabited by three Daityas. These three districts were Kamill, Chattala and Burmanaka, or Rabing, to be pro- nounced Ra-shAnh, or nearly 80; it is now Arakan. Kamilla alone retains the name of Tripara, the two other districts having been wrested from the head RAja. Ptolemy says that in the country of the Trilinga, there were white ravens, white parrots, and bearded cooks. The wbite parrot is the kdkdtrd; white ravens are to be seen occasionally in India... Some say that this white colour might have been artificial .... The bearded cocks have, as it were, & collar of reversed feathers round the neck and throat, and there only, which gives it the appearance of beard. These are found only in the houses of native princes, from whom I procured three or four; and am told that they came originally from the hills in the N. W. of India." Lassen has adopted a somewhat similar view. He says (Ind. Alt., vol. Ili, p. 288-9): "Trigly. phon was probably the capital of the Silver country, Arakan of the present day. It lies, according to Ptolemy's determination, one degree further east and 35 degrees further north than the mouths of the Arikan river. The mouths are placed in the right direction, only the numbers are too great. It may be added that the founda- tion of this city, which was originally called Vaibali, belongs to earlier times than those of Ptolemy, and no other capital in known to us in this country. The Greek name which means 'thrice cloven,' i.e., 'three-forked' or 'a trident' buite likewise with Arakan, because it lies at the projections of the delta, and the Arikan river, in the lower part of its course, splits into several arms, three of which are of superior importance. Ptolemy's remark that the cocks there are bearded and the ravens and parrots white, favours this view, for according to Blyth (J. A. S. Beng., vol. XV, p. 26) there is found in Arakan & species of the Bucconidae, which on account of their beards are called by the English barbets,' and on the same anthority we learn that what is said of the ravens and parrots is likewise correct." Onnningham again, says (Anc. Geog. of Ind., pp. 518-9): "In the inscriptions of the Kalachuri, or Haihaya dynasty of Cbodi, the Rajas assume the titles of "Lords of Kalinjarapura, and of Trikalinga." Trikalinga, or the three Kalingas, must be the three kingdoms Dhanakataka, or Amaravatt, on the Krishna, Andhra or Warangol, and Kalinga, or Rajamahendri. "The name of Trikalinga is probably old, as Pliny mentions the Macco-Calinagwe and the Gangarides-Calingae as separato peoples from the Calingae, while the Mahabharata names the Kalingas three separate times, and each time in conjunction with different peoples. As Trikalinga thus corresponds with the great province of Telingana, it seems probable that the name of Telingana may be only a slightly contracted form of Trikalingana, or the three Kalingas. I am aware that the name is usually derived from Tri-linga, or the three phalli of Mahadeva. Bat the mention of Macco-Calingae and GangaridesCalingae by Pliny would seem to show that the three Kalingas were known as early as the time of Megasthenes, from whom Pliny has chiefly copied his Indian Geography. The name must therefore be older than the Phallio worship of Mabadeva in Southern India." Caldwell observes (Dravid. Gram., Introd., p. 32) that though Trilingon is said to be on the Ganges, it may have been considerably to the south of it, and on the God varf, which was always regarded by the Hindus as a branch of the Ganges, and is mythologically identical with it. The Andhras and Kalingas, the two ancient divisions of the Telugu people are represented by the Greeks as Gangetic nations. It may be taken as certain that Triglyphon, Trilinga or Modogalinga was identical with Telingana or Trilingam, which signifies the country of the three ligas. The Telugu name and language are fixed by Pliny and Ptolemy as near the mouths of the Ganges or between the Ganges and the GodA vari. Modo or Modoga is equivalent to mudu of modern Telugu. It means three." Yule again places Trilingon on the left bank of the Brahmaputra, identifying it with Tripura (Tippera), a town in the district of the same name, 48 miles E.S.E. of Dhakka. Rhingi beri:-Saint-Martin and Yule, as we have seen, place Rangamati on the Brahmaputra at Udipur, Wilford, however, had placed it near Chitagaon, and identified it with Ptolemy's Rhinggiberi. "Ptolemy," he says (Asiat, Res., vol. XIV, p. 439); " has placed the source of the Dorias" (which in Wilford's opinion is the Damurd or Dumviya, called in the lower part of its course the Karmaphuli" in some country to the south of Salhata or Silhet, and he mentions two towns on its banks : Pandassa in the upper part of its course, but unknown; in the lower part Rhingiberi, now Rangamati near Chatgav (Chitagaon), and Reang is the name of the country on its banks. On the lesser Dumure, the river Chingri of the Bengal Atlas, and near its source, is a town called there Reang. Rangamati and Rang-b&ti, to be pronounced Rangabari, imply nearly the same thing." Tomara was no doubt a place belonging to

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384 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [DECEMBER, 1884. the Zamirai or Tamarai, who were located inland from Kirrhadia, and inhabited the Garo Hills. Mareoura or Malthoura -In Yule's map this metropolis is located, but doubtfully, to the west of Tougma (Tagaun) near the western bank of the Khyendwen, the largest confluent of the Irwadi. Bareu kora (or Bareuathra) is in Yule's map identified with Rama, & place in the district of Chitagaon, from which it is 68 miles distant to the S.S.E. Wilford identified it with Phalgun, another name for which, according to the Kshetra Samala was Pharuigara, and this he took to be Ptolemy's Barsukora. Phalgan he explains to be the Palong of the maps. Kokkonagara:-Yulesaggests for this Pegu. "It appears," he says, "from Taranatha's bistory of Buddhism (ch. xxxix.) that the IndoChinese countries were in old times known collectively as Koki. In a Ceylonese account of an expedition against Ramaniye, supposed to be Pego, the army captures the city of Ukkaka, and in it the Lord of Ramaniya. Kokkonagara again, is perhaps the Kakula of Ibn Batuta, which was certainly a city on the Gulf of Siam, and probably an aucient foundation from Kalinga, called after Sri-kakola there." Tharra:-The same authority identifies this with Tharkwati at the head of the delta of the Irawadi. It is one of the divisions of the Province of Pegu. Ptolemy's description of Transgangetic India now closes with the Islands. 26. The islands of the division of India we have been describing are said to be these Bazakata ..................... 149deg 30' 9deg 30' [Khalind........................ 146deg 9deg 20'] In this island some say there is found in abundance the murer shell-fish (koxos) and that the inhabitants go naked, and are called Aginnatai. 27. There are three islands called Sindai, inhabited by Cannibals, of which the centre lies in ..................... 152deg 8deg 40' S. Agathu daimonos ...... 145deg 15' on the equator. 28. A group of five islands, the Barousai, whose inhabitants are said to be cannibals, and the centre of which lies in 152deg 20' 5deg 20' S. A group of three islands, the Sabad e ibai, inhabited by cannibals, of which the centre lies in ................... .............. 160deg 8deg 30' S. Bazakat may perhaps be the island of Cheduba, as Wilford has suggested. Lassen takes it to be an island at the mouth of the Bassein river, near Cape Negrais, called Diamond Island. Its inhabitants are called by Ptolemy the Aginnatai, and represented as going naked. Lassen, for Aginnatai would thereforo read Apinnatai, "because apinaddha in Sanskrit means unclothed;" but apinaddha means "tied on,' clothed. Yule thinks it may perhaps be the greater of the two AndAman islands. He says (Proc. Roy. Geog. Soc. vol. IV, 1882, p. 654); " Proceeding further the (Greek) navigator reaches the city of Koli or Kolis, leaving behind him the island of Bazakota, Good Fortuno' (Ayal ou Aaipovos) and the group of the Barasae. Here, at Koli, which I take to be a part of the Malay peninsula, the course of the first century Greek, and of the ninth century Arab, come together." Baza kota and the Island of Good Fortune may be taken as the Great and the Little Andaman respectively. The Arab relation mentions in an unconnected notice an island called Malhan between Sorendib and Kalah, i.e., between Ceylon and the Malay Peninsula, which was inhabited by black and naked cannibals." This may be another indication of the Andaman group, and the name may have been taken from Ptolemy's Maniolae, which in his map oocupy the position in question." And again : "Still further out of the way (than the Andamans) and difficult of 200088 was a region of mountains containing mines of silver. The landmarks (of the Arab navigator) to reach these was a mountain called Alkhushnami (the Auspicious'). "This land of silver mines is both by position and by this description identified with the Argyre of Poolemy. As no silver is known to exist in that region (Arakan) it seems probable that the Arab indications to that effect were adopted from the Ptolemaic charts. And this leads me to suggest that the Jibal Khushnami also was but a translation of the Ayalov daipovos voos, or isle of Good Fortune, in those maps, whilst 1 have thought also that the name And&man might have been adopted from a transcript of the same name in Greek as Ay. Dainor." Khaline in Yule's map is read as Saline, and identified with the Island of Salang, close to the coast in the latitude of the Nikobar Islande.. The Sindai Islands are placed by Ptolemy about as far south as his island of Labadios (Java) but many degrees west of them. Lassen says (Ind. Alt., vol. III, pp. 250-1) that the northmost of the three islands must be Palo-Rapat, on the coast of Sumatra, the middle one the more southern, Pulo Pangor, and the island of Agatho-Daimon, one of the Salat Mankala group. The name of Sindai might imply, he thinks, that Indian traders had formed a settlement there. He seems to have

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DECEMBER, 1884.] PTOLEMY'S GEOG. BK. VII, CH. 2, SS 29-31. 385 regarded the Island of Agatho-Daimon as belonging to the Sindai group, but this does not appear to me to be sanctioned by the text. Yule says: "Possibly Sundar-Fulat, in which the latter word seems to be an Arabized plural of the Malay Pulo 'island' is also to be traced in Sindae Insula e, but I have not adopted this in the map." The Barou sai Islands :-"The (Arab) navigators," says Yule in his notes already referred to, "crossing the sea of Horkand with the west monsoon, made land at the islands of Lanja-Lanka, or Lika-Balds, where the naked inhabitants came off in their canoes bringing ambergris and cocoanuts for barter, a description which with the posi- tion identifies these islands with the Nikobars, Nekaveram of Marco Polo, Laka-Varam of Rashidu'd-din, and, I can hardly hesitate to say, with the Barusae Islands of Ptolemy. Saba dei bai Islands:-The latter part of this name represents the Sanskrit dwipa, 'an island.' The three islands of this name are pro. bably those lying east from the more southern parts of Sumatra. 29. The island of I a badios (or Sabadios) which means the island of Barley. It is said to be of extraordinary fertility, and to produce very much gold, and to have its capital called Argyre (Silver-town) in the extreme west of it. It lies in ............ .....167deg 8deg 30' S. and the eastern limit lies in ...169deg 8deg 10' S. 30. The Islands of the Satyrs, three in number, of which the centre is in 171deg 2deg 30' S. The inbabitants are said to have tails like those with which Satyrs are depicted. 31. There are said to be also ten other islands forming & continuous group called Maniolai, from which ships fastened with iron nails are said to be unable to move away, (perhaps on account of the magnetic iron in the islands) and hence they are built with wooden bolts. The inhabitants are called Maniolai, and are reputed to be cannibals. The island of Iabadios:-Iaba, the first part of this name, is the Sanskrit word for 'barley,' and the second part like deiba, diba, diva, and din ur diu, represents dufpa,' an island.' We have here therefore the Island of Java, which answers in most respects to Ptolemy's description of it. The following note regarding it I take from Bunbury's History of Ancient Geography (pp. 643-4): "The name of Java has certainly some resemblance with Iabadius, supposing that to be the correct form of the name, and, what is of more consequence, Ptolemy adds that it signifies the island of barley,' which is really the meaning of the name of Java. The position in latitude assigned by him to the island in question (8) degrees of south latitude) also agrees very well with that of Java : but his geographical notions of these countries are in general so vague and erroneous that little or no value can be attached to this coincidence. On the other hand, the abundance of gold would suit well with Sumatra, which has always been noted on that account; while there is little or no gold found in Java. The metropolis at its western extremity would thus correspond with Achin, a place that must always have been one of the principal cities of the island. In either case he had a very imperfect idea of its size, assigning it a length of only about 100 Geog. miles, while Java is go or 540 G. miles in length, and Sumatra more than 900 G. miles. It seems not improbable that in this case, as in several others, he mixed up particulars which really referred to the two different islands, and applied them to one only : but it is strange that if he had any information concerning quch islands as Sumatra and Java, he should have no notion that they were of very large size, at the same time that he had such greatly exaggerated ideas of the dimensions of Ceylon." Mannert took Iabadios to be the small island of Banka on the S.E. of Sumatra. For the application of the name of Java to the Island of Sumatra, see Yule's Marco Polo, vol. II, p. 266, note 1. Regarding the Islands of the Satyrs, Lassen says (Ind. Att., vol. III, p. 252): The three islands, called after the Satyrs, mark the extreme limits of the knowledge attained by Ptolemy of the Indian Archipelago. The inhabitants were called Satyrs because, according to the fabulous accounts of mariners, they had tails like the demi-gods of that name in Greek mythology. Two of these must be Madura and Bali, the largest islands on the north and east coaste of Java, and of which the first figures prominently in the oldest legends of Java; the second, on the contrary, not till later times. The third island is probably Lombok, lying near Bali in the east. A writer in Smith's Dictionary of Classical Geography thinke these islands were perhaps the Anamba group, and the Satyrs who inhabited them apes resembling men. Yule says in the notes :-"Sandar-Fulat we cannot hesitate to identify with Pulo Condor, Marco Polo's Sonder and Condur. These may also be the Satyrs' islands of Ptolemy, but they may be his Sindai, for he has a Sinda city on the coast olose to this position, though his Sindai islands are dropped far way. But it would not be difficult to show that Ptolemy's islands have been located almost at random, or as from a pepper-castor." Ptolemy locates the Maniolai Islands, of

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886 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [DECEMBER, 1884. which he reckons ten, about 10 degrees eastward from Ceylon. There is no such group however to be found in that position, or near it, and we may safely conclude that the Maniolai isles are As mythical as the magnetic rocks they were Baid to contain. In an account of India, written at the close of the 4th or beginning of the 5th century, at the request either of Palladius or of Lausius, to whom Palladius inscribed his Historia Lausiaca, mention is made of these rocks : "At Muziris," says Priaulx, in his notice of this account "our traveller stayed some time, and occupied himself in studying the soil and climate of the place and the customs and manners of its inhabitants. He also made enquiries about Ceylon, and the best mode of getting there, but did not care to undertake the voyage when he heard of the dangers of the Sinhalese channel, of the thousand isles, the Maniolai which impede its navigation, and the loadstone rocks which bring disaster and wreck on all iron-bound ships." And Masu'di, who had traversed this sea, says that ships sailing on it were not fastened with iron nails, its waters so wasted them. (The Indian Travels of Apollonius of Tyana, &c., p. 197). After Ptolemy's time a different position was now and again assigned to these rocks, the direction in which they were moved being more and more to westward. Priaulx (p. 247), uses this as an argument in support of his contention that the Roman traffic in the eastern seas gradually declined after 273 A.D., and finally disappeared. How, otherwise, he asks, can we account for the fact that the loadstone rocks, those myths of Roman geography, which, in Ptolemy's time, the flourishing days of Roman commerce, ley some degrees eastward of Ceylon, appear A.D. 400 barring its western approach, and A.D. 560 have advanced up to the very mouth of the Arabian Gulf. Bat on the Terrestrial Globe of Martin Behem, Nuremberg A.D. 1492, they are called Manillas, and are placed immediately to the north of Java Major. Aristotle speaks of a magnetic mountain on the coast of India, and Pliny repeats the story, Klaproth states that the ancient Chinese authors also speak of magnetic mountains in the southern sea on the coasts of Tonquin and Cochin-China, and allege regarding them that if foreign ships which are bound with plates of iron approach them, such ships are there detained, and can in no case pass these places. (Tennant's Ceylon, vol. I, p. 444 n.) The origin of the fable, which represents the magnetic rocks as fatal to vessels fastened with iron nails, is to be traced to the peculiar mode in which the Ceylonese and Malays have at all times constructed their boats and canoes, these being put together without the use of iron nails; the planks instead being secured by wooden bolte, and stitched together with cords span from the fibre of the cocoanut. "The Third Calender," in the Arabian Nights Entertainment, gives a lively account of his shipwreck upon the Loadstone Mountain, which be tells us was entirely covered towards the sea with the nails that belonged to the immense number of ships which it had destroyed. CAP. 3. POSITION OF THE SINAI. 1. The Sinai are bounded on the north by the part of Serike already indicated, on the east and south by the unknown land, on the west by India beyond the Ganges, along the line defined as far as the Great Gulf and by the Great Gulf itself, and the parts immediately adjacent thereto, and by the Wild Beast Gulf, and by that frontier of the Sinai around which are placed the Ikhthyophagoi Aithiopes, according to the following outline : 2. After the boundary of the Gulf on the side of India the mouth of the river Aspithra ............ 170deg 16deg Sources of the river on the eastern side of the Seman thinos range ............... 180deg 26deg Bramma, a town............... 177deg 12deg 307 The mouth of the river Ambastes ..................... 176deg 10deg The sources of the river...... 179deg 30' 15deg Rhabana, a town............... 177deg 8deg 30' Mouth of the river Sainos ... 176deg 20 6deg 30' The Southern Cape ......... 175deg 15' 40 The head of Wild Beast Gulf 176deg The Cape of Satyrs ......... 175deg on the line Gulf of the Sinai" ............ 178deg 2deg 20' 3. Around the Gulf of the Sinai dwell the fish-eating Aithiopians. Mouth of the river Kottiaris ............ ..... 177deg 20deg deg S. Sources of the river ...... 180deg 40' 20 S. Where it falls into the river Sainos............... 180deg on the line. Kattigara, the port of the Sinai........................ 177deg 8deg 30'S. 4. The most northern parts are possessed by the Semanthinci, who are situated above place in the lion's mouth or Straits of Singapur. * Latin Translator. Wilford (A8. Res. vol. XIV, pp. 429-30), gives the fable regarding these rooks from the Chaturvarga Chintaman, and identifies them with those near Perindrs or the lion's

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DECEMBER, 1884.] the range that bears their name. Below them, and below the range are the Akadrai, after whom are the A spithrai, then along the Great Gulf the Am bastai, and around the gulfs immediately adjoining the Ik hthyophagoi PTOLEMY'S GEOG. BK. VII, CH. 3.-THE SINAI. Sinai. 5. The interior towns of the Sinai are named thus: ********.... Akadra.... Aspithra Kokkonagara Sarata 6. And the Metropolis Sinai or Thinai ........ 180deg 40' 3deg S. which they say has neither brazen walls nor anything else worthy of note. It is encompassed on the side of Kattigara towards the west by the unknown land, which encircles the Green. Sea as far as Cape Prason, from which begins, as has been said, the Gulf of the Batrakheian Sea, connecting the land with Cape Rhapton, and the southern parts of Azania. 178deg 20' 21deg 15' 175deg 16deg 2deg S. 4deg S. 179deg 50' 180deg 30' It has been pointed out how egregiously Ptolemy misconceived the configuration of the coast of Asia beyond the Great Gulf, making it run southward and then turn westward, and proceed in that direction till it reached the coast of Africa below the latitude of Zanzibar. The position, therefore of the places he names, cannot be determined with any certainty. By the Wild Beast Gulf may perhaps be meant the Gulf of Tonquin, and by the Gulf of the Sinai that part of the Chinese Sea which is beyond Hai-nan Island. The river Kottiaris may perhaps be the river of Canton. Thinai, or Sinai, may have been Nankin, or better perhaps Si-gnan-fu, in the province of Shen-si, called by Marco Polo, by whom it was visited, Ken-jan-fu. "It was probably," says Yule (Marco Polo, vol. II, p. 21)" the most celebrated city in Chinese history and the capital of several of the most potent dynasties. In the days of its greatest fame it was called Chaggan." It appears to have been an ancient tradition that the city was surrounded by brazen walls, but this Ptolemy regarded as a mere fable. The author of the Periplus (c. 64), has the following notice of the place:-"There lies somewhere in the interior of Thina, a very great city, from which silk, either raw or spun or woven into cloth is carried overland to Barygaza through Baktria or by the Ganges to Limyrike... Its situation is under the Lesser Bear." Ptolemy has placed it 3 degrees south of the equator! I here subjoin, for comparison, a passage from Ammianus Marcellinus which traverses the ground covered by Ptolemy's description of Central and 387 Eastern Asia. Ammianus wrote about the middle of the fourth century of our aera, and was a well informed writer, and careful in his statement of facts The extract is from the 23rd Book of his History: "If you advance from Karmania into the interior (of Asia) you reach the Hyrkanians, who border on the sea which bears their name. Here, as the poorness of the soil kills the seeds committed to it, the inhabitants care but little for agriculture. They live by hunting game, which is beyond measure varied and abundant. Tigers show themselves here in thousands, and many other wild beasts besides. I bear in mind that I have already described the nature of the contrivances by which these animals are caught. It must not be supposed, however, that the people never put hands to the plough, for where the soil is found richer than usual the fields are covered with crops. In places, moreover, that are adapted for being planted-out, gardens of fruit-trees are not wanting, and the sea also supplies many with the means of livelihood. Two rivers flow through the country whose names are familiar to all, the Ox us and Maxera. Tigers at times, when pressed by hunger on their own side of these rivers, swim over to the opposite side and, before the alarm can be raised, ravage all the neighbourhood where they land. Amidst the smaller townships there exist also cities of great power, two on the sea-board, Socunda and Saramanna, and the others inlandAzmorna and Solen, and Hyrkana, which rank above the others. The country next to this people on the north is said to be inhabited by the Abii, a most pious race of men, accustomed to despise all things mortal, and whom Jupiter (as Homer with his over-fondness for fable sings) looks down upon from the summits of Mount Ida. The seats immediately beyond the Hyrkanians form the dominions of the Margiani, who are nearly on all sides round hemmed in by high hills, and consequently shut out from the sea. Though their territory is for the most part sterile, from the deficiency of water, they have nevertheless some. towns, and of these the more notable are Jasonion and Antiochia and Nisas. The adjoining region belongs to the Baktriani, a nation hitherto addicted to war and very powerful, and always troublesome to their neighbours, the Persians, before that people had reduced all the surrounding states to submission, and absorbed them into their own name and nationality. In old times, however, even Arsakes himself found the kings who ruled in Baktriana formidable foes to contend with. Most parts of the country are, like Margiana, far distant from the sea, but the soil is productive, and the cattle that are pastured on the plains and hill-sides, are compact of structure, with limbs

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388 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [DECEMBER, 1884. both stout and strong, as may be judged from "Among the many rivers of Skythis which either the camels which were brought from thence by fall naturally into larger ones, or glide onward to Mithridates and seen by the Romans during the reach at last the sea, the Roemnus is of renown, siege of Cyzicus, when they saw this species of and the Jaxartes and the Talicus, but of cities animal for the first time. A great many tribes, they are not known to have more than but three, among which the Tochari are the most dis-Aspabota and Chauriana and Saga. tinguished, obey the Baktrians. Their country is "Beyond these places in the two Skythias and watered, like Italy, by numerous rivers, and of on their eastern side lie the Seres, who are girt these the Artemis and Zariaspes after their in by a continuous circle of lofty mountain-peaks, union, and in like manner the combined Ochus and whose territory is noted for its vast extent and Orchomanes, swell with their confluent and fertility. On the west they have the Skywaters the vast stream of the Oxus. Here also thians for their next neighbours, and on the cities are to be found, and these are laved by dif- 1 north and east they adjoin solitudes covered ferent rivers. The more important of them are over with snow, and on the south extend as far Chatra and Charte and Alicodra and Astacia and as India and the Ganges. The mountains referMenapila, and Baktra itself, which is both the red to are called Anniva and Nazavicium and capital and the name of the nation. The people, who Asmira and Emodon and Oparocara. Through live at the very foot of the mountains, are called this plain which, as we have said,' is cinctured the Sogdii, through whose country flow two on all sides by steep declivities, and through rivers of great navigable capacity, the Araxates regions of vast extent, flow two famous rivers, the and Dymas, which rushing impetuously down Echardes and the Bautisus, with a slower from the mountains and passing into a level plain, current. The country is diversified in its character, form a lake of vast extent, called the Oxian. Here, here expanding into open plains, and there rising among other towns, Alexandria, and Kyreschata, in gentlo undulations. Hence it is marvellously and Drepsa the Metropolis, are well known to fame. | fruitful and well-wooded, and teeming with cattle. Contiguous to the Sogdians are the Saca e, an un- Various tribes inhabit the most fertile districts, and civilized people, inhabiting rugged tracts that yield of these tho Alitrophagi and Annibi and nothing beyond pasture for cattle, and that are, Sizyges and Chardi are exposed to blasts from therefore, unadorned with cities. They lie under the north and to frosts, while the Rabannae and Mounts Askanimia and Komodus. Beyond Asmirae and Essedones, who outshineall the the valleys at the foot of these mountains and the other tribes, look towards the rising sun. Next to village which they call Lithinon Pyrgon these, on their western side, are the Athagorae (Stone Tower) lies the very long road by which live the very long road by which and the Asp&carae. The Beta e, again, are traders pursue their journey who start from this situated towards the lofty mountains fringing the point to reach the Sores. In the parts around south, and are famed for their cities which, though are the declivities by which the mountains called few in number are distinguished for their size and Imaus and the Tapourian range, sink down to the wealth; the largest of them being Asmira, and level of the plains. The Skythians are located Essed on and Asparata and Sera, which are within the Persian territories, being conterminous beautiful cities and of great celebrity. The Seres with the Asiatic Sarmatians, and touching themselves lead tranquil lives, and are averse to the furthest frontier of the Alani. They live, as arms and war, and since people whose temper is it were, a sort of suctuded life, and are reared in thus sedate and peaceful relish their ease, they solitude, being scattered over districts that lie far give no trouble to any of their neighbours. They apart, and that yield for the sustenance of life a enjoy a climate at once agreeable and salubrious; mean and scanty fare. The tribes which inhabit the sky is clear and the prevailing winds are these tracts are various, but it would be superfluous wonderfully mild and genial. The country is for me to enumerate them, hastening as I am to well-shaded with woods, and from the trees the a different subject. One fact must, however, be inhabitants gather a product which they make stated, that there are in these communities which into what may be called fleeces by repeatedly are almost shut out from the rest of mankind by besprinkling it with water. The material thus tho in hospitable nature of their country, some men formed by saturating the soft down with moisture gentle and pious, as for instance, the Jaxortes is exquisitely fine, and when combed out and spun and the Galaktophagi, mentioned by the poet into woof is woven into silk, an article of dress Homer in this verse: formerly worn only by the great, but now with Glaktophagon abionte dikaiotaton anthropon. out any distinction even by the very poorest." >> It was a notion long prevalent that silk was combed from the leaves of trees. Thus Virgil (Georg. II, 121) " Velleraque ut foliis depectant tennis Seres." Strabo (XV.i. 20) describes silk as oorded off the bark of certain

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DECEMBER, 1884.) PTOLEMY'S GEOG. BK. VII, CH. 4.-CEYLON. 389 The Seres themselves live in the most frugal base to join the Indus, and these all lose their manner, more so indeed than any other people in names when absorbed into that mightier stream. the world. They seek after a life as free as | Here too, besides the islands there are cities, of possible from all disquiet, and shun intercourse which Sedratyra and Gunaikon Limen (Women's with the rest of mankind. So when strangers haven) are considered to be superior to the others. cross the river into their country to buy their But we must bring this description here to an silks or other commodities, they exchange po end, lest in entering into a minute account of the words with them, but merely intimate by their looks seaboard on the extremities of Persia we should the value of the goods offered for sale; and so stray too far from the proper argument." abstemions are they that they buy not any foreign products. Beyond the Seres live the Ariani, ex. CAP. 4. posed to the blasts of the north wind. Through their country flows a navigable river called the POSITION OF THE ISLAND OF TAPROBANE. Arias, which forms & vast lake bearing the same 1. Opposite Cape Kory, which is in India, name. This same Aria has numerous towns, among which Bitana Sarmatina, and Sotera and is the projecting point of the Island of Ta proNisibis and Alexandria are the most notable. If band, which was called formerly Simouyou sail from Alexandria down the river to the ndou, and now Salike. The inhabitants Caspian Sea the distance is 1,500 stadia. are commonly called Salai. Their heads are Immediately adjoining these places are the P&- quite encircled with long luxuriant locks, like ropanis atae, who look on the east towards the those of women. The country produces rice, Indians and on the west towards Caucasus, lying honey, ginger, beryl, hyacinth" and has mines themselves towards the slopes of the mountains. of every sort of gold and of silver and other The River Ortogordomaris, which is larger than metals. It breeds at the same time elephants any of the others, and rises among the Baktriani, and tigers. flows through their territory. They too, have some towns, of which the more celebrated are Agazaca 2. The point already referred to as lying and Naulibus and Ortopana, from which the navi. opposite to Kory is called North Cape gation along the coast to the borders of Media in (Boreion Akron) and lies ...... 126 12deg 30' the immediate neighbourhood of the Caspian 3. The descriptive outline of the rest of the Gates extends to 2,200 stadia. Contiguous to the island is as follows: Paropanisatae just named are the Drangiani, After the North Cape which seated quite close to the hills and watered by a is situated in .................. 126deg 12deg 30' river called the Arabian, because it rises in comes Cape Galiba ............ 11deg 30' Arabia. Among their other towns they have two Margana, a town ........... 123deg 30deg 10deg 20 to boast of in particular, Prophthasia and Ariaspe, Iogana, a town ............... 123deg 20deg which are both opulent and famous. After these, 8deg 50 and directly confronting them, Arachovia Anarismoundon, a cape...... 122deg 70 45 comes into view, which on its right side faces the Mouth of the River Soana... 122deg 20' 6deg 15' Indians. It is watered by a stream of copious Sources of the river ......... 124deg 30' 3o volume derived from the Indus, 'that greatest of Sindokanda, a town rivers, after which the adjacent regions have been Haven of Priapis 122deg named. This stream, which is less than the 4. Anoubingara ......... 121deg 2deg 40' Indus, forms the lake called A rachotoscrene. Headland of Zeus ............ 120deg 30' 1deg The province, among other important cities, has Prasodes Bay ................. 121deg Alexandria and Arbaca and Choaspa. In the very Noubartha, a town............ 121deg40' on the line. interior of Persis is Gedrosia, which on the right touches the Indian frontier. It is watered Mouth of the river Azanos... 123deg 20' 1deg S. The sources of the river...... 126deg by several streame, of which the Artabius is the 1degN most considerable. Where it is inhabited by the Odoka, a town.................. 123 2deg S. Barbitani the mountains sink down to the Orneon, (Birds' Point) a plains. A number of rivers issue from their very headland ..................... 125deg 2deg 30' 1240 1220 troen. Pausanias, who wrote about 180 A.D. is the first classical author who writes with some degree of correct. ness about silk and the silk-worm. Conf. P. Mela, i, 2, 3; iii, 7, 1; Pliny, VI, 17, 20, Prop. i, 14, 22; Sol. 50 Isid. Orig. xix, 17, 6; ib. 27, 5. >> In one of the temples, says Kosmas, is the great hyacinth, as large as a pine-cone, the eolour of fire and flashing from a distance, especially when catching the beams of the sun, a matchless sight.

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390 ...... 5. Dagana, 8 town sacred to the Moon 126deg Korkobara, a town...... 127deg 20' Cape of Dionysos..... ......... 130deg Ketaion Cape 132deg 30' Mouth of the river Barakes.......... Sources of the river **********. Bokana, a town...... The haven of Mardos or Mardoulamne 131deg 6. Abaratha, a town... 131deg Haven of the Sun (Helion 130deg limen)................. Great Coast (Aigialos *******... ...... ****** THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. 131deg 30' 128deg 131deg Megas) 130deg 131deg ......... Prokouri, a town The haven of Rizala...... 130deg 20' 130deg Oxeia, a headland Mouth of the river Ganges 129deg The sources of the river... 127deg 129deg Spatana Haven...... ********.... 129deg 128deg 30' 7. Nagadiba or Nagadina, a town... Pati Bay... Anoubingara, a town...... 128deg 20' Modoutton, a mart......... 128deg Mouth of the river Phasis 127deg The sources of the river... 126deg Talakory (or Aakote,) a 2o S. 2deg 20' S. 1deg 30' S. 2deg 20' S. 1deg N. 2o N. 1deg 20' N. 2deg 20' N. 8deg 15' N. 4deg 4deg 20' 5deg 20' 6deg 30' 7deg 30' 7deg 20' 7deg 15' 8deg 8deg 30' 9deg 30' 9deg 40' 11deg 20' 11deg 20' 8deg mart... 126deg 20' 11deg 20' After which the North Cape. 8. The notable mountains of the island are those called Galiba, from which flow the Phasis and the Ganges, and that called Malaia, from which flow the Soanas and the Azanos and the Barakes, and at the base of this range, towards the sea, are the feeding grounds of the elephants. [DECEMBER, 1884. 10. The inland towns in the island are these: 9. The most northern parts of the Island are possessed by the Galiboi and the Mondout toi, and below these the Anourogram moi and the Nagadiboi, and below the Anourogrammoi the So a noi, and below the Nagadiboi the Sennoi, and below these the Sandokandai, towards the west, and below these towards the feeding grounds of the elephants the Boumasanoi, and the Tarak hoi, who are towards the east, below whom are the Bokanoi and Diordouloi, and furthest south the Rhogandanoi, and the Nage i roi. Anourogrammon, the royal residence..... 124deg 10' Maagrammon, the me 127deg 129deg tropolis Adeisamon Podouke. 124deg 3deg 40'. Oulispada 40' 126deg 20' Nakadouba... 128deg 30' on the Line. 11. In front of Taprobane lies a group of islands which they say number 1378. Those whose names are mentioned are the following:Ouangalia (or Onangana) 120deg 15' 11deg 20' Kanathra Aigidion.... Orneon Monakhe... Ammine 121deg 40' 11deg 15' 118deg 119deg 116deg 117deg 12. Karkos..... 118deg 116deg 30' 120deg 121deg ********... ************... ******** Philekos.... Eirene Kalandadrous Abrana Bassa Balaka.... Alaba Goumara..... 13. Zaba.... Zibala ********* 8deg 40' 7deg 20 5deg 8deg 30' 8deg 30' 4deg 15' 4deg 30' 40' S. 2deg 40' S. 2deg 30' S. 5deg 30' S. 4deg 20' S: 6deg 30' S. 5deg 30' S. 4deg S. 1deg 40' S. on the Line. 125deg 126deg 129deg 131deg 133deg 135deg 4deg 15' N. 8deg 30' 11deg 15' 135deg Nagadiba..................... 135deg Sousouara ........ 135deg 14. Let such then be the mode of describing in detail the complete circuit of all the provinces and satrapies of the known world, and since we indicated in the outset of this compendium how the known portion of the earth should be delineated both on the sphere and in a projection on a plane surface exactly in the same manner and proportion as what is traced on the solid sphere, and since it is convenient to accompany such descriptions of the world with a summary sketch, exhibiting the whole in one comprehensive view, let me now therefore give such a sketch with due observance of the proper proportion. This island of Taprobane has changed its name with notable frequency. In the Ramayana and other Sanskrit works it is called Lanka, but this was an appellation unknown to the Greeks. They called it at first Antichthonos, being under the belief that it was a region belonging to the

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DECEMBER, 1884.] PTOLEMY'S GEOG. BK. VII, CHAP. 4.-Ceylon. 391 opposite portion of the world (Pliny, lib. VI, c. xxi). In the time of Alexander, when its situation was better understood, it was called Taprobane. Me. gasthenes mentions it under this name, and remarks that it was divided into two) by a river, that its inhabitants were called Palaeogoni and that it produced more gold and pearls of large size than India. From our author we learn that the old name of the island was Simoundou, and that Taprobane, ita next name, was obsolete in his time, being replaced by Salike. The author of the Periplds states, on the other hand, that Taprobane was the old name of the island, and that in his time it was called Palai Simoundou. The section of his work however in which this statement occurs ( 61) is allowed to be hopelessly corrupt. According to Pliny, Palaesimundus was the name of the capital town, and also of the river on whose banks it stood. How long the island continued to be called Salike does not appear, but it was subsequently known under such names as Serendivus, Sirlediba, Serendib, Zeilan, and Sailan, from which the transition is easy to the name which it now bears, Ceylon. With regard to the origin or derivation of the majority of these names the most competent scholars have been divided in their opinions. Ac. cording to Lassen the term Palaiogonoi was selected by Megasthenes to designate the inhabitants of the island, as it conveyed the idea entertained of them by the Indians that they were Rakshasas, or giants, the sons of the progenitors of the world.' To this it may be objected that Megas. thenes did not intend by the term to describe the inhabitants, but merely to give the name by which they were known, which was different from that of the island. Schwanbeck again suggested that the term might be a transliteration of Pali-janas, a Sanskrit compound, which he took to mean men of the sacred doctrine" (Ind. Ant., vol. VI, p. 129, n.) But, as Priaulx has pointed out (4 pollon. of Tyana, p. 110), this is an appellation which could scarcely have been given to others than learned votaries of Buddhism, and which could scarcely be applicable to people who were not even Buddhist till the reign of Asoka, who was subsequent to Chandragupta, at whose court Megasthenes acquired his knowledge of India. Besides, it has been pointed out by Goldstucker (l.c. n. 59) that Pali has not the meaning here attri. buted to it. He adds that the nearest approach he could find to Palaiogonoi is-para' on the other side of the river' and jands' a people': Parajanas, therefore, a people on the other side of the river.' Tennent, in conclusion, takes the word to be a Hellenized form of Pali-putra, the sons of the PAli,' the first Prasian colonists of the island. A Satisfactory explanation of Pala i-Simoundou has not yet been hit on. That given by Lassen, Pali-Simanta, or Head of the Sacred Law, has been discredited. We come now to Taprobane. This is generally regarded as a transliteration of Tamraparni, the name which Vijaya, who, acoording to tradition, led the first Indian colony into Ceylon, gave to the place where he first landed, and which name was afterwards extended to the whole island. It is also the name of a river in Tinneveli, and it has, in consequence, been supposed that the colonista, already referred to, had been, for some time, settled on its banks before they removed to Ceylon. The word means Copper-coloured leaf. Its PAli form is Tambapanni (see Ind. Ant., Vol. XIII, pp. 33f.) and is found, as has been before noticed, in the inscription of Asoka on the Girnar rock. Another name, applied to it by Brahmanical writers, is DwipaRavana, i.e., 'the island of Ravana, whence perhaps Taprobane.' Salik &, Serendivas, and other subsequent names, are all considered to be connected etymologically with Sinhala (collo. quially Sflam), the Pali form of Sthala, a derivative from sincha, a lion,' i.e. a hero'-the hero Vijaya. According to a different view these names are to be referred to the Javanese sela, a precious stone,' but this explanation is rejected by Yule (Marco Polo, vol. II, p. 296, n. 6). For Salike, Tennent suggests an Egyptian origin, Siela-keh, i.e., 'the land of Siela.' Little more was known in the west respecting the island beyond what Megasthenos had communicat. ed until the reign of the Emperor Claudius, when an embassy was sent to Rome by the Sinhalese monarch, who had received such astonishing accounts of the power and justice of the Roman people that he became desirous of entering into alliance with them. He had derived his knowledge of them from a castaway upon his island, the freed. man of a Roman called Annius Plocamus. The embassy consisted of 4 members, of whom the chief was called Rachia, an appellation from which we may infer that he held the rank of a Raj&. They gave an interesting, if not a very accurate, account of their country, which has been preserved by Pliny (Nat. Hist. lib. VI). Their friendly visit, operating conjointly with the discovery of the qnick passage to and from the East by means of the monsoon, gave a great impetus to commercial enterprise, and the rich marte, to which access had thas been opened, soon began to be frequented by the galleys of the West. Ptolemy, living in Alexan. dria, the great entrepot in those days of the Eastern traffic, very probably acquired from traders arriv. ing from Ceylon, his knowledge concerning it, which is both wonderfully copious, and at the

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992 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (DECEMBER, 1884. same time, fairly accurate, if we except his views of its magnitude, which like all his predecessors he vaatly over-estimated. On the other hand, he has the merit of having determined properly ite generul form and outline, as well as its actual position with reference to the adjoining continent, points on which the most vague and erroneous notions had prevailed up to his time, the author of the Periplus for instance describing the island as extending so far westward that it almost adjoined Azania in Africa. The actual position of Ceylon is between 5deg 55' and 9deg 51' N. lat., and 79deg 42' and 81deg 55' E. long. Its extreme length from north to south is 2711 miles, its greatest width 1371 miles, and its area about one-sixth smaller than that of Ireland. Ptolemy however made it extend through no less than 15 degrees of latitude and 12 of longitude. He thus brought it down more than two degrees south of the equator, while he carried its northern extremity up to 121deg N. lat., nearly 3 degrees north of its true position. He has thus represented it as being 20 times larger than it really is. This extravagant over-estimate, which had its origin in the Mythological Geography of the Indian Brahmans, and which was adopted by the islanders themselves, as well as by the Greeks, was shared also by the Arab geographers Maad'di, Idrisi, and Abu'l-fida, and by such writers as Marco Polo. In consequence of these misrepresentations it came to be questioned at one time whether Ceylon or Sumatra was the Taprobane of the Greeks, and Kant undertook to prove that it was Madagascar (Tennent's Ceylon, vol. I, p. 10 and n.). Ptolemy has so far departed from his usual practice that he gives some particulars respecting it, which lie out of the sphere of Geography, strictly Bo called. He is mistaken in stating that the tiger is found in Ceylon, but he has not fallen into error on any other point which he has noticed. It may be remarked that the natives still wear their hair in the effeminate manner which he has noticed. In describing the island geographically he begins at its northern extremity, proceeds southward down the western coast, and returns along the east coast to Point Pedro. "In his map he has laid down the position of eight promon tories, the mouths of five rivers and four bays and barbours, and in the interior he had ascertained that there were thirteen provincial divisions, and nineteen towns, besides two emporia on the coast, five great estuaries, which he terms lakes, two bays and two chains of mountains, one of them surrounding Adam's Peak, which he designates as Malaia, the name by which the hills that environ it are known in the Mahawdnso." Tennent, from whom the foregoing summary has been quoted, observes in a foot-note (vol. I, p. 535) that Ptolemy distinguishes those indentations in the coast which he describes as bays (KoAmos) from the estuaries, to which he gives the epithet of lakes, (Acunu);" of the former he particularises two, Pati and Prasodes, the position of which would nearly correspond with the Bay of Trinkonamalai and the harbour of Colombo-of the latter he enumerates five, and from their position they seem to represent the peculiar estuaries formed by the con. joint influence of the rivers and the current, and known to the Arabs by the name of "gobba." Ceylon is watered by numerous streams, some of which are of considerable size. The most important is the Mahaweliganga, which has its sources in the vicinity of Adam's Peak, and which, after separating into several branches, enters the ocean near TrinkOnamalai. Ptolemy calls it the Ganges. He mentions four other rivers, the Soana, Azanos, Barakes and Phasis, which Tennent identifies with the Dedera-Oya, the Bentote, the Kambukgam and the Kangarayen respectively. Lassen, huwever (Ind. Alt., vol. III, p. 21), identifies the Azanos with the Kalaganga which enters the sea a little farther north than the river of Bentote, and is a larger stream The mountains named by Ptolemy are the Galiba in the north-west of the island, and the Malaia, by which he designates the mountain groups which occupy the interior of the island towards the south. He has correctly located the plains or feeding grounds of the elephants to the south-east of these mountains; malai is the Tamil word for "mountain." The places which he has named along the coast. and in the interior have been identified, though in most cases doubtfully, by Tennent in his map of Taprobane according to Ptolemy and Pliny, in vol. I. of his work, as follows:On the West Coast beginning from the north : Margana with Mantote. Iogana with Aripo. Anarismoundon Cape with Kudramali Point, but Mannert with Kalpantyn (further south). Sindo Kanda with Chilau (Chilau from Sall. bhana--the Diving, i. 8. Pearl Fishery.) Port of Priapis with Negombo. Cape of Zeus at Colombo. Prasodes Bay, with Colombo Bay. Noubartha with Barberyn. Odoka with Hikkode. Cape Omen (of Birds) with Point de Galle. 31 Tennent here seems to have confounded Aauny, a haven or creek, with Niurn, a lake. The words are, however, etymologically connected. " This was no doubt a name given by the Greeks.

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DECEMBER, 1884.] PTOLEMY'S GEOG. BK. VI, CHAP. 9-HYRKANIA. 393 On the South Coast : Dagana with Dondra Head. Korkobara with Tangalle. On the East Coast: Cape of Dionysos, with Hambangtote. Cape Ketaion (Whale cape) with Elephant Rock, (Bokana Yule identifies with Kambugam). Haven of Mardos with Arukgam Bay. Abaratha with Karativoe (but Yule with Aparatote, which is better). Haven of the Sun with Batticalao. Rizala Haven with Vendeloos Bay. Oxeia Cape (Sharp point) with Foul Point. Spatana Haven with an indentation in Trin. konamalai Bay. Nagadiba or Nagadina with a site near the Bay. Pati Bay with Trinkonamalai Bay. Anoubingara with Kuchiavelli. Modouttou with Kokelay. On the North Coast :Mouth of the Phasis. Talakory or Aakote, with Tondi Manaar. Yulo places both Nagadiba and Modouttou on the northwest coast, identifying the latter with Mantote. With respect to places in the interior of the island Tennent says (vol. I, p. 536, n. 2): "His (Ptolemy's) Maagramm um would appear on a first glance to be Mahagam, but as he calls it the metropolis, and places it beside the great river, it is evidently Bintenne, whose ancient name was "Mahayangana" or "Mabewelligam." His Anu. rogrammum, which he calls Barley "the royal residence," is obviously Anuradhapura, the city founded by Anuradha 500 years before Ptolemy (Mahawdnso, pp. 50-65). The province of the Modutti in Ptolemy's list has a close resemblance in name, though not in position, to Mantote; the people of Reyagamkorle still occupy the country assigned by him to the Rhogonandanoi-his Naga dibii are identical with the Nagadiva of the Mahawanso; and the islet to which he has given the name of Bassa, occupies nearly the position of the Basses, which it has been the custom to believe were so-called by the Portuguese, -"Baxos" or "Baixos" "Sunken Rocks." The Rhoganda noi were located in the south-west of the island. The sea, which stretched thence towards Malaka, appears to have at one time borne their name, as it was called by the Arab navigators "the sea of Horkand." The group of islands lying before Ceylon is no doubt that of the Maldives. KLAUDIOS PTOLEMY'S GEOGRAPHY OF CENTRAL ASIA. Having now examined in detail the whole of Ptolemy's Indian Geography, I annex as a suitable Appendix his description of the countries adjacent to India. The reader will thus be presented with his Geography in its entirety of Central and Eastern Asia. In the notes I have adverted only to the more salient points. BOOK VI, CAP. 9. POSITION OF HYRKANIA. 1. Hyrkania is bounded on the north by that part of the Hyrkanian sea which extends from the extreme point of the boundary line with Media as far as the mouth of the river Oxus which lies in ............ 100deg 43deg 5' 2. In which division occur these towns :Saramanne, a town............ 94deg 15' 40deg 30' Mouth of the Maxera......... 97deg 20' 41deg 30' The sources of this river ... 98deg 38deg 20' Mouth of the Sokanda ...... 97deg 20' 42deg Mouth of the river Oxos ... 100deg 43deg 5' 3. On the west by the part of Media already mentioned as far as Mount Koronos [in which part of Media is Saramanno..................... 94deg 15' 40deg 30'] 4. on the south by Parthia, along the side of it described as passing through the range of Koronos, and on the east by Margiana through the mountainous region which connects the extremities referred to. 5. The maritime ports of Hyrkania are inhabited by the Maxerai, and the Asta benoi and below the Maxerai by the Khrendoi, after whom comes the country adjacent to the Koronos range, Arsitis, and below the Asta be noi is the country called Siraken e. 6. The cities in the interior are said to be these :Barange 99deg 42deg Adrapsa 98deg 30' 41deg 30 Kasapa............ 99deg 30' 40deg 30 Abarbina............. 97deg 40deg 10 Sorba ............... 98deg 40deg 30deg 7. Sinaka .................. 100deg 39deg 40 Amarousa ..................... 39deg 55 Hyrkania, the metropolis.... 98deg 50' 40deg Sake (or Sale).................. 94deg 15 39deg 30 Asmourna ..................... 97deg 97deg 30' 39deg 30 Maisoka (or Mausoka) ...... 990 39deg 30' 8. And an island in the sea near it called Talka ...... 95deg 42deg The name of Hyrkania is preserved to this day in that of Gurkan or Jorjan, a town lying to the east of Aster bad. Its boundaries have varied at different periods of history. Speaking 96deg

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894 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [DECEMBER, 1884. Rhea...................... ..... 1020 generally, it corresponds with the modern Mazan- deran and Asterabad. Its northern frontier was formed by the Kaspian, which was sometimes called after it-the Hyrkanian Sea. The river Oxus, which is called by the natives on its banks the Amu-darya, and by Persian writers the Jihun, falls now into the Sea of Aral, but as we learn from our author as well as from other ancient writers it was in former times an affluent of the Kaspian, a fact confirmed by modern explorations. Mount Koronos was the eastern portion of the lofty mountain chain called the Elburz, which runs along the southern shores of the Kaspian. The River Maxera is mentioned by Pliny (lib. VI, c. xiv, sec. 18) who calls it the Maxeras. It has been variously identitied, as with the Tejin, the Gurgan, the Atrek and others. The metropolis of Hyrkania is called by Ammianus Marcellinus (c. xxii, sec. 6) Hyrkana, which is probably the Gurkan already mentioned. CAP. 10. POSITION OF MARGIANE. Margiane is bounded on the west by Hyrkania, along the side which has been already traced, and on the north by a part of Skythis extending from the mouths of the river Oxus as far as the division towards Baktriane, which lies in 103deg-43deg, and on the south by part of Areia along the parallel of latitude running from the boundary towards Hyrkania and Parthia through the Sariphi range, as far as the extreme point lying 109deg - 39deg, and on the east by Baktriane along the mountainous region which connects the said extremities. A considerable stream, the Margos, flows through the country, and its sources lie in .....................105deg-39deg while it falls into the Oxus in 102-43deg 30'. 2. The parts of it towards the river Oxus are possessed by the Derbik ka i, called also the Derkeboi, and below them the Massagetai, after whom the Parnoi and the Da ai, below whom occurs the desert of Margiana, and more to the east than are the Ta pouroi. 3. The cities of it areAriaka ........................... 103deg 43deg Sina (or Sdna).................. 102deg 30' 42deg 20' Aratha ........................... 103deg 30' 42deg 30' Argadina ........................ 101deg 20' 41deg 40' Iasonion .............. 103deg 30 41deg 30' 4. There unites with the River Margos, another stream flowing from the Sariphi range of which the sources lie...... 1039 390 40deg 50 Antiokheia Margiane......... 106deg 40deg 20 Gouriane ....................... 104deg 40deg Nisaia or Nigais ...............105deg 39deg 10' " In early perioda," says Wilson (Ariana Antiqua, p. 148), "Margiana seems to have been unknown as a distinct province, and was, no doubt, in part at least, comprised within the limits of Parthia. In the days of the later geographers, it had undergone the very reverse relation, and had, to all appearance, extended its boundaries so as to include great part of the original Parthia. It is evident from Strabo's notice of the latter (lib. XI, c. ix) that there was left little of it except the name; and in Ptolemy no part of Parthia appears above the mountains." Strabo says of it (lib. XI, c. x) "Antiokhos Soter admired its fertility, he enclosed a circle of 1,500 stadia with a wall, and founded a city, Antiokheia. The soil is well adapt. ed to vines. They say that a vine stem has been frequently seen there which would require two men to girth it, and bunches of grapes two cubits in size." Pliny writes somewhat to the same effect. He says (lib. VI, c. xvi): "Next comes Margiane, noted for its sunny skies; it is the only vine-bearing district in all these parte, and it is shut in on all sides by pleasant hills. It has a circuit of 1,500 stadia, and is difficult of approach on account of sandy deserta, which extend for 120 miles. It lies confronting a tract of country in Parthia, in which Alexander had built Alexandria, a city, which after its destruction by the barbarians, Antiokhoe, the son of Seleucus rebuilt on the same site. The river Margus which amalgamates with the Zothale, flows through its midst. It was named Syriana, but Antiokhos preferred to have it called Antio. kheia. It is 80 stadia in circumference. To this place Orodes condacted the Romans who were taken prisoners when Crassus was defeated." This ancient city is represented now by Merv. The river Margus is that now called the Murgh-&b or Meru-rdd. It rises in the mountains of the Hazaras (which are a spur of the Paropanisos and the Sariphi montes of our author), and loses itself in the sands about 50 miles north-west of the city, though in ancient times it appears to have poured its waters into the Oxus. The tribes that peopled Hyrkania and Margiana and the other regions that lay to the eastward of the Kaspian were for the most part of Skythian origin, and some of them were nomadic. They are described by the ancient writers as brave and hardy warriors, but of repulsive aspect and manners, and addicted to inhuman practices. Ptolemy

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DECEMBER, 1834.] PTOLEMY'S GEOG. BK. VI, CH. 11,-BAKTRIA. : 395 names five as belonging to Margiana-the Derbikkai, Massagetai, Parnoi, Daai and Ta. pouroi. The Derbikes are mentioned by Strabo (lib. XI, C, ti, sec. 7), who gives this account of them. "The Derbikes worship the earth. They neither sacrifice nor eat the female of any animal. Per. sons who attain the age of above 70 years are put to death by them, and their nearest relations eat their flesh. Old women are strangled and then buried. Those who die under 70 years of age are not eaten, but are only buried." The Massagetai are referred to afterwards (c. xii, sec. 3) as a tribe of nomadic Sakai, belonging to the neighbourhood of the river Askatangkos. They are mentioned by Herodotos (lib. I, c. civ.) who says that they inhabited a great portion of the vast plain that extended eastward from the Kaspian. He then relates how Cyrus lost his life in a bloody fight against them and their queen Tomyris. Alexander came into collision with their wandering hordes during the Campaign of Sogdiana as Arrian relates (Anab. lib. IV, cc. Ivi, xvii). As regards the origin of their name it is referred by Beal (J.R. A.S., N.S., vol. XVI, pp. 257, 279) to maisa-greater' in Moeso-Gothic) and Yue-ti (or chi). He thus reverts to the old theory of Remusat and Klaproth, that the Yue-ti were Getae, and this notwithstanding the objection of Saint-Martin stated in Les Huns Blancs, p. 37, n. 1). The Parnoi, according to Strabo, were & branch of the Dabai (lib. XI, c. vii, sec. 1) called by Herodotos (lib. I, c. lu) the Daoi, and by our author and Stephanos of Byzantium the Daai. Strabo (lib. XI, c. viii, 2) says of them: "Most of the Skythians beginning from the Kaspian Sea, are called Dahai Skythai, and those situated more towards the east, Massagetai and Sakai, the rest have the common appellation of Skythians, but each separate tribe has its peculiar name. All, or the greater part of them, are nomadic." Virgil (Aen. lib. VIII, 1. 728) applies to the Dahae the epithet indomiti. It is all but certain that they have left traces of their name in the province of Dahestan, adjoining to Asterabad, as this position was within the limits of their migratory range. In the name Diae, Dahae or Ta-hia (the Chinese form) it is commonly inferred that we have the term Tajik, that is Persian, for there is good reason to place Persians even in Transoxiana long before the barbarous tribes of the Kaspian plains were heard of (See Wilson's Arian. Antiq., p. 141). The Tapouroi appear to be the same as the Tapyroi mentioned by Strabo as occupying the country between the Hyrkanoi and the Areioi. Their position, however, varied at various times. Nisaia or Nigaia (the Nesaia of Strabo) has been identified by Wilson (Arian. Antiq., pp. 142, 148) with the modern Nissa, & small town or village on the north of the Elburz mountains. between Asterabad and Meshd. CAP. 11. POSITION OF BAKTRIANE. 1. Baktrian 8 is bounded on the west by Margiand along the side already described, on the north and east by Sogdiant, along the rest of tho course of the River Oxos, and on the south by the rest of Areia, extending from the extreme point towards Margiane the position of which is...... 109deg 39deg and by the Paropanisadai along the parallel thence prolonged, through where the range of Paropanisos diverges towards the sources of the Oxus which lie in ............ 119deg 30' 39deg 2. The following rivers which fall into the Oxus flow through Baktriane:The river Okhos, whose sources lie .................. 110deg 39deg and the Dargamenes, whose sources lie ................... 116deg 30' 36deg 20deg and the Zariaspis, whose sources lie .................. 113deg 39deg and the Artamis, whose sources lie .................. 114deg 399 and the Dargoidos, whose sources lie ....... 116deg 390 and the point where this joins the Oxus lies in... ... 117deg 30' 440 3. Of the other tributaries the Artamis and the Zariaspis unite in......... 113deg 40deg 40' before falling into the Oxos in .......... .................. 1123 ......... 112deg 30' 440 4. The Dargamenes and the 'Oklos also unite in ........................ 109deg 40deg 30' before falling into the Oxus in ...............********** ....... 109deg 5. Of the Paropapisos range, the western part is situated in ............ 111deg 30' 399 and the Eastern) in ......... 119deg 30' 39deg 6. The parts of Baktriand in the north and towards the River Oxus are inhabited by the Salaterai and the Zarias pai, and to the south of these up towards the Salaterai the Khomaroi, and below these the K8 moi, then the Akinakai, then the Tambyxoi, and below the Zariaspai the Tokharoi,

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396 great people, and below them the Mary kaioi, and the Skordai, and the Ouarnoi (Varnoi), and still below those the Sabadioi, and the Oreisitoi, and the A mareis. 7. The towns of Baktriane towards the river Oxos are the following: Kharakharta Zari(a)spa or Kharispa Khoana......... Sourogana Phratou 111deg 115deg 117deg ....... 117deg 30' .119deg 8. And near the other rivers these:Alikhorda......... 107deg 106deg 30' 109deg 30 111deg 20deg 112deg ...... Khomara. Kouriandra Kauaris Astakana.. Ebousmonanassa or Tosmo ********** ********* THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. nanassa Menapia Eukratidia Baktra, the king's residence (Balkh) Estobara Marakanda (Samarkand) Marakodra ****** **..... .. 44deg 44deg 42deg 40deg 30' 39deg 20' 108deg 30' 113deg 115deg 43deg 30' 43deg 30' 42deg 10' 43deg 42deg 20' 41deg 20' 41deg 20' 42deg 116deg 41deg 109deg 30' 45deg 20' 112deg 39deg 15' 115deg 20' 39deg 20' ******* .......... The boundaries of Baktra or Baktriana varied at different periods of history, and were never perhaps at any time fixed with much precision. According to Strabo it was the principal part of Ariana, and was separated from Sogdiana on the east and north-east by the Oxus, from Areia on the south by the chain of Paropanieos, and on the west from Margiana by a desert region. A description of Baktriana, which Burnes, in his work on Bokhara, corroborates as very accurate, is given by Curtius (lib. VII, c. iv) and is to this effect: "The nature of the Baktrian territory is varied, and presents striking contrasts. In one place it is well-wooded, and bears vines which yield grapes of great size and sweetness. The soil is rich and well-watered-and where such a genial soil is found corn is grown, while lands with an inferior soil are used for the pasturage of cattle. To this fertile tract succeeds another much more. extensive, which is nothing but a wild waste of sand parched with drought, alike without inhabitant and without herbage. The winds, moreover, which blow hither from the Pontic Sea, sweep before them the sand that covers the plain, and this, when it gathers into heaps, looks, when seen from a distance, like a collection of great hills; whereby all traces of the road that for. [DECEMBER, 1884. merly existed are completely obliterated. Those, therefore, who cross these plains, watch the stars by night as sailors do at sea, and direct their course by their guidance. In fact they almost see better under the shadow of night than in the glare of sunshine. They are, consequently, unable to find their way in the day-time, since there is no track visible which they can follow, for the brightness of the luminaries above is shrouded in darkness. Should now the wind which rises from the sea overtake them, the sands with which it is laden would completely overwhelm them. Nevertheless in all the more favoured localities the number of men and of horses that are there generated is exceedingly great. Baktra itself, the capital city of that region, is situated under mount Paropanisos. The river Bactrus passes by its walls: and gave the city and the region their name." This description is in agreement with the general character of the country from Balkh to Bokhara, in which oases of the most productive soil alternate with wastes of sand. Baktra figures very early in history. Its capital indeed, Baktra (now Balkh) is one of the oldest cities in the world. The Baktrian Walls is one of the places which Euripides (Bakkhai, 1. 15) represents Dionysos to have visited in the course. of his eastern peregrinations. Ninus, as we learn through Ktesias, marched into Baktriana with a vast army and, with the assistance of Semiramis, took its capital. In the time of Darius it was a satrapy, of the Persian empire and paid a tribute of 360 talents. Alexander the Great, when marching in pursuit of Bessus, passed through Baktria and, crossing the Oxus, proceeded as far as Marakanda (Samarkand). Having subjugated the regions lying in that direction, he returned to Baktra and there spent the winter before starting to invade India. Some years after the conquerer's death Seleukos reduced Baktria, and annexed it to his other dominions. It was wrested, however,. from the hands of the third prince of his line about the year 256 B.C. or perhaps later, by Antiokhos Theos or Theodotos, who made Baktria an inde-. pendent kingdom. His successors were ambitious and enterprising, and appear to have extended their authority along the downward course of the Indus even to the ocean, and southward along the coast as far as the mouth of the Narmada. The names of these kings have been recovered from their coins found in great numbers both in India and in Afghanistan. This Gracko-Baktrian empire, after having subsisted for about two centuries and a half, was finally overthrown by the invasion of different hordes of the Sakai, named, as Strabo informs us, the Asioi, Pasianoi,

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DECEMBER, 1884.] PTOLEMY'S GEOG. BK. VI, CH. 12.-SOGDIANA. 397 Tokharoi and Sakarauloi." These Sakai yielded in their turn to barbarians of their own kindred or at least of their own type, the Skythians, who gave their name to the Indus valley and the regions adjoining the Gulf of Khambhat. Among the most notable Indo-Skythian kings were Kadphises and Kanerkes who reigned at the end of the first and the beginning of the second century of our aera and, therefore, not very long before the time of Ptolemy. Between the Indo. Skythian and Muhammadan periods was interposed the predominancy of Persia in the regions of which we have been speaking. Ptolemy mentions five rivers which fall into the Oxos: the Okhos, Dargamenes, Zariaspis, Artamis, and Dargoidos, of which the Zariaspes and Artamis unite before reaching the Oxos. Ptolemy's account cannot he reconciled with the existing hydrography of the country. The Dargamenes is called by Ammianus (lib. XXIII, c. vi) the Orgamenes. The Art amis, Wilson thinks, may be the river now called the Dakash (Ariana Antiqua, p. 162) and the Dargamenes, the present river of Ghori or Kunduz which is a tributary of the Okhos and not of the Oxos as in Ptolemy. The Okhos itself has not been identified with certainty. According to Kinneir it is the Tezen or Tejend which, rising in Sarakhs, and receiving many confluents, falls into the Kaspian in N. L. 38deg 41'. According to Elphinstone it is the river of Herat, either now lost in the sand or going to the Oxos (Ariana Antiqua, p. 146). Bunbury (vol. II, p. 284) points out that in Strabo the Okhos is an independent river, emptying into the Kaspian. The Okhos of Artemidoros, he says, may be certainly identified with the Attrek, whose course, till lately, was very imperfectly known. Ptolemy gives a list of thirteen tribes which inhabited Baktriane. Their names are obscure, and are scarcely mentioned elsewhere." In the list of towns few known nanies occur. The most notable are Baktra, Marakanda, Eukratidia and Zariaspa. Baktra, as has been already stated, is the modern Balkh. Heeren Asiatic Nations, 2nd edit., vol. I, p. 424), writes of it in these terms: "The city of Baktra must be regarded as the commercial entrepot of Eastern Asia: its name belongs to a people who never cease to afford matter for historical details, from the time they are first mentioned. Not only does Baktra constantly appear as a city of wealth and importance in every age of the Persian empire, but it is continually interwoven in the traditions of the East with the accounts of Semiramis and other conquerors. It stood on the borders of the gold country, in the road of the confluence of nations,' according to an expression of the Zend. avesta; and the conjecture that in this part of the world the human race made its first advance in civilisation, seems highly probable." The name of Balkh is from the Sanskrit name of the people of Baktra, the Bahlikas. Marakanda is Samarkand. It was the capital of Sogdiana, but Ptolemy places it in Baktriang, and considerably to the south of Baktra, although its actual latitude is almost 3 degrees to the north. It was one of the cities of Sogdiana which Alexander destroyed. Its circumference was estimated at 64 stadia, or about 7 miles. The name has been interpreted to mean "warlike province." Eukratidia received its name from the Graeko-Baktrian king, Eukratides, by whom it was founded. Its site cannot be identified. Pliny makes Zariaspa the same as Baktra, but this must be a mistake. No satisfactory site has been as yet assigned to it. CAP. 12. POSITION OF THE SOGDIANOI. The Sogdia noi are bounded on the west by that part of Skythia which extends from the section of the Oxos which is towards Baktriand and Margiane through the Oxeian mountains as far as the section of the river Iaxartes, which lies in 110deg E. 49o N.; on the north likewise by a part of Skythia along the section of the laxartes extended thence as far as the limit where its course bends, which lies in 120deg E. 48deg 30' N. On the east by the Sakai along the (bending) of the laxartes as far as the sources of the bending which lie in 125deg E. 43deg N., and by the line prolonged from the Sakai to an extremo point which lies in 125deg E. 38deg 30' N., and on the east and the south and again on the west by Baktriand along the section of the Oxos already mentioned and by the Kaukasian mountains especially so-called, and the adjoining line and the limits as stated, and the sources of the OSO9. 2. The mountains called the Sogdian extend between the two rivers, and have their >> The Wu-sun (of Chinese history) are apparently to be identified with the Asii or Asiani, who, according to Strabo occupied the upper waters of the Jaxartes, and who are classed as nomades with the TochAri and Sacarauli (Sara-Kauli, i.e., Sarikulia).-Kingsmill, J. R. 4. 8., N. S., vol. XIV, p. 79. 37 Prof. Beal (J. R. A. S., N. S., Vol. XVI, p. 253), connects the name of the Tokharoi with Tu-ho-lo the name of a country or kingdom Tukhara, frequently men. tioned by Hiuen Tsiang. The middle symbol ho, he says, represents the rough aspirate, and we should thus get Tahrs or Turra, from which would come the Greek Tocharoi.

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398 extremities lying in and ...... ********. 4.7deg 46deg 30' 3. From these mountains a good many nameless rivers flow in contrary directions to meet these two rivers, and of these nameless rivers one forms the Oxeian Lake, the middle of which lies in 111deg E. 45deg N., and other two streams descend from the same hilly regions as the laxartes-the regions in question are called the Highlands of the Komedai. Each of these streams falls into the Iaxartes; one of them is called Dem os and its sources lie in............... 124deg Its junction with the river Iaxartes occurs in ......... 123deg The other is the Baskatis ******... Oxeiana.... THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. 111deg 122deg whose sources lie in ...... 123deg Its junction with the river Iaxartes occurs in ......... 121deg Trybaktra......... Alexandreia Oxeiane Indikomordana Drepsa (or Rhepsa) the Metropolis Alexandreia Eskhate (i.e. 43deg 47deg 30' 4. The country towards the Oxeian mountains is possessed by the Paskai, and the parts towards the most northern section of the Iaxartes by the Iatioi, and the Tokharoi, below whom are the Augaloi; then along the Sogdian mountains the Oxydrangkai and the Dry baktai, and the Kandaroi, and below the mountains the Mardye noi, and along the Oxos the Oxeianoi and the Khorasmioi, and farther east than these the Drepsia noi, and adjoining both the rivers, and still further east than the above the Anieseis along the Iaxartes, and the Kirrhadai (or Kirrhodeeis) along the Oxos, and between the Kaukasos Range and Imaos the country called Ouanda banda. 5. Towns of the Sogdianoi in the highlands along the Iaxartes are these:Kyreskhata......... 124deg 43deg 40' Along the Oxos: 44deg 20' 43deg 40' 43deg 117deg 30' 117deg 15' 121deg 47deg 43deg Marouka....................... Kholbesina *********.. 6. Between the rivers and higher up 112deg 15' 113deg 115deg 120deg 41deg ************* 122deg Ultima)....... Sogdiana was divided from Baktriana by the river Oxos and extended northward from 44deg 20' 44deg 20' 45deg [DECEMBER, 1884. thence to the river Iaxartes. The Sakai lay along the eastern frontier and Skythic tribes along the western. The name exists to this day, being preserved in Soghd which designates the country lying along the river Kohik from Bokhara eastward to Samarkand. The records of Alexander's expedition give much information regarding this country, for the Makedonian troops were engaged for the better part of three years in effecting its subjugation. In connexion with Sogdiana, Ptolemy mentions four mountain ranges-the Kaukasian, the Sogdian, the mountain district of the K o medai, and I maos. Kaukasos was the general name applied by the Makedonians to the great chain which extended along the northern frontiers of Afghanistan, and which was regarded as a prolongation of the real Kaukasos. Ptolemy uses it hero in a specific sense to designate that part of the chain which formed the eastern continuation of the Paropanisos towards Imaos. Imaos is the meridian chain which intersects the Kaukasos, and is now called Bolor Tagh. Ptolemy places it about 8 degrees too far eastward. The Sogdian Mountains, placed by Ptolemy between the Iaxartes and Oxos, towards their sources, are the Pamir. The Komedai, who gave their name to the third range, were, according to Ptolemy, the inhabitants of the hill-country which lay to the east of Baktriana and up whose valley lay the route of the caravans from Baktra, bound for Serika across Imaus or the Thaunglung. Cunningham has identified them with the Kiu-mi-tho (Kumidha) of Hiuen Tsiang. Their mountain district is that called Muz-tagh. The rivers mentioned in connexion with Sogdiana are the Oxos, and the Iaxartes, with its two tributaries, the Baskatis and the Demos. The Iaxartes is now called the Syr-darya or Yellow River. The ancients sometimes called it the Araxes, but, according to D'Anville, this is but an appellative common to it with the Amu or Oxos, the Armenian Aras and the Rha or Volga. The Laxartes was not properly a Greek word but was borrowed from the barbarians by whom, as Arrian states (Anab. lib. III, c. xxx), it was called the Orxantes. It rises in the high plateau south of Lake Issyk-kul in the Thian Shan. Its course is first to westward through the valley of Khokan, where it receives numerous tributaries. It then bifurcates, the more northern branch retaining the name of Syr-darya. This flows towards the north-west, and after a course of 1150 miles from its source enters the Sea of Aral. Ptolemy however, like all the other classical writers, makes it enter the Kaspian sea. Humboldt accounts for this apparent error by adducing facts which

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DECEMBER, 1884.) PTOLEMY'S GEOG. BK. VI, CH. 13.-THE SAKAI. 399 go to show that the tract between tho Aral and the Kaspian was once the bed of an united and continuous sea, and that the Kaspian of the present day is the small residuo of a once mighty AraloKaspian Sea. Ammianus Marcellinus (lib. XXIII, c. vi), describing Central Asia in the upper course of the Laxartes which falls into the Kaspian, speaks of two rivers, the Araxates and Dymas (probably the Demos of Ptolemy) which, rushing impetuously down from the mountains and passing into a level plain, form therein what is called the Oxian lake, which is spread over a vast area. This is the earliest intimation of the Sea of Aral. (See Smith's Dict. of Anc. Geog. 8. v). Bunbury, however, says (vol. II, pp. 641-2): "Nothing but the unwillingness of modern writers to admit that the ancients were unacquainted with so important a feature in the geography of Central Asia as the Sea of Aral could have led them to suppose it represented by the Oxiana Palus of Ptolemy. While that author distinctly describes both the Jaxartes and the Oxus as flowing into the Caspian Sea, he speaks of a range of mountains called the Sog. dian Mountains, which extend between the two rivers, from which flow several nameless streams into those two, one of which forms the Oxian lake. This statement exactly tallies with the fact that the Polytimetos or river of Soghd, which rises in the mountains in question, does not flow into the Oxus, but forms a small stagnant lake called Kara-kul or Denghiz; and there seems no doubt this was the lake meant by Ptolemy. It is true that Ammianus Marcellinus, in his description of these regions, which is very vague and inaccurate, but is based for the most part upon Ptolemy, terms it a large and widespread lake, but this is probably nothing more than a rhetorical flourish." The Lasartes was regarded as the boundary towards the east of the Persian Empire, which it separated from the nomadic Skythians. The soldiers of Alexander believed it to be the same as the Tanais or Don. In the list of the tribes of Sogdiana the name of the Khorasmioi has been preserved to the present day in that of Khwerazm, one of the designations of the Khanate of Khira. The position of the Khorasmioi may be therefore assigned to the regions south of the Sea of Aral, which is sometimes called after them the Sea of Khwaraem. The Dropsianoi had their seats on the borders of Baktria, As Drepsa, one of their cities and the capital of the country, may be identified with Andarab, which was a Baktrian town. It is called by Strabo Adrapsa and Darapsa(lib. XI, o. xi, 2, and lib. XV, o. ii, 10) and Drapsaka by Arrian-Anab. lib. III, O. 89). Bunbury (vol. I, p. 427, n. 3) remarks: "The Drepsa of Ptolemy, though doubtless the same name, can. not be the same place as the Drapeaks of Arrian, Anab. lib. III, c. xxix) as that author places it in Sogdiana, considerably to the north of Marakanda." Ptolemy, however, as I have already pointed out, places Marakanda to the south of Baktra. Kingsmill (J. R. A. S., N. S., vol. XIV, p. 82) identifies Darapsa with the Lam-shi-ch'eng of the Chinese historians. It was the capital of their Tahia ( Tokhara-Baktris) which was situated about 2000 li south-west of Ta-wan (Yarkand), to the south of the Kwai-shui (Oxos). The original form of the name was probably, he says, Darampsa. In Ta-wan he finds the Phrynoi of Strabo. The region between Kaukasos and Imaos, Ptolemy calls Vandabanda, a name of which, as Wilson conjectures, traces are to be found in the name of Badakshan. With regard to the towns Mr. Vaux remarks, (Smith's Dict. s. v. Sogdiana): "The historians of Alexander's march leave us to suppose that Sogdiana abounded with large towns, but many of these, as Prof. Wilson has remarked, were probably little more than forts erected along the lines of the grent rivers to defend the country from the incursions of the barbarous tribes to its N. and E. Yet these writers must have had good opportunity of estimating the force of these places, as Alexander appears to have been the best part of three years in this and the adjoining province of Baktriana. The principal towns, of which the names have been handed down to us, were Kyreschata or Kyropolis on the Laxartes (Steph. Byz. 8.0. ; Curt. lib. VI, c. vi) Gaza (Ghaz or Ghazni, Ibn Haukal, p. 270); Alexandreia Ultima (Arrian, lib. III, C. XXX; Curt. l. c.; Am. Marc., lib. XXIII, c. vi) doubtless in the neighbourhood, if not on the site of the present Khojend; Alexandreia Oxiana (Steph. Byz. 8. .); Nautaka (Arrian, An. lib. III, c. xxviii; lib. IV, C. xviii) in the neighbourhood of Karshi or Naksbeb. Brankhida e, a place traditionally said to have been colonized by a Greek population; and Mar. ginia (Curt., lib. VII, c. x, 15) probably the present Marghinan." CAP. 13. POSITION OF THE SAKAI, 1. The Sakai are honnded on the west he the Sogdianoi along their eastern side already described, on the north by Skythis along the line parallel to the river laxartes as far as the limit of the country which lies in 130deg E. 49degN. on the east in like manner by Skythis along the meridian lines prolonged from thence and through the adjacent range of mountains called

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400 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [DECEMBER, 1884. . **........... 91deg 48deg ........ 103 Askatangkas as far as the station at Mount | between the north of the Oxos and the river Imaos, whence traders start on their journey to Rha according to such an outline. Sera which lies in 140deg E. 43deg N., and through 2. The bend of the River Rha which marks Mount Imaos as it ascends to the north as far as the boundary of Sarmatia and the limit of the country which lies in 143 5.35degN., Skythia............................ 85deg 54deg and on the south by Imaos itself along the line with the mouth of the river adjoining the limits that have been stated. Rha which lies in ......... 87deg 30 48deg 50 2. The country of the Sakai is inhabited of the Sakai is inhabited Mouth of the river Rhymby nomads. They have no towns, but dwell in mos 48deg 45 woods and caves. Among the Sakai is the Mouth of the river Dair ... 94deg 48deg 45 mountain district, already mentioned, of the Mouth of the river laxartes 97deg Ko me dai, of which the ascent from the Mouth of the river lastos ... 100deg 47deg 20' Sogdianoi lies in ...................... 125deg 430 Mouth of the river PolytiAnd the parts towards the val metos .......... 45deg 30 ley of the Komedai lie in......... 130deg 399 Aspabota, a town ............. 102deg 44deg And the so-called Stone Tower after which comes the mouth of the Oxos. lies in ........ ................ 135deg 43deg 3. The mountains of Skythia within Imaos 3. The tribes of the Sakai, along the lazartes, are the more eastern parts of the Hyperborean are the Karatai and the Komaroi, and the hills and the mountains called people who have all the mountain region are Alans, whose extremities the Ko madai, and the people along the range lie .............. ................... 105deg 590 of Askatangka the Massagetai; and the and .............................. 118deg 59deg 30 peoplo between are the Grynaioi Skythai 4. And the Rymmik mountains whose exand the Toornai, below whom, along Mount tremities lie ..................... 90deg 54deg Imaos, are the Byltai. and .............................. 99deg 47deg 30' In the name of the mountain range on the from which now the Rymmos and some other east of the Sakai, Aska-tangk-as, the middle streams that discharge into the River Rha, syllable represents the Tarkish word tagh uniting with the Daix river. mountain. The tribe of the Karatai, which was 5. And the Noronson range, of which the seated along the banks of the Laxartes, bears a extremities lie.................. 97deg 53deg 30' name of common application, chiefly to members and ................. ....... 106deg 52deg 30' of the Mongol family--that of Karait. The name of the Massagetai, Latham has suggested, may and from this range flow the Dair and some have arison out of the common name Mustagh, but other tributaries of the laxartes. Beal, as already stated, refers it to the Moeso-gothic 6. And the range of mountains called "maiza" and "Yue-chi-Getae." The Byltai are Aspisia whohe extremities lie 111deg 55deg 30deg the people of what is now called Little Tibet and and .............................. 117deg 52deg 30' also Baltistan. and from these some streams flow into the CAP. 14. River laxartes. 7. And the mountains called Tapoura whose POSITION OF SKYTHIA WITHIN Imaos, extremities lie .................. 120deg 56deg 1. Sky this within Imaos is bounded on and .............................. 125deg 49deg the west by Sarmatia in Asia along the side from which also some streams flow into the already traced, on the north by an unknown Iazartes. land, on the east by Mount Imaos ascending to 8. In addition to these in the depth of the the north pretty nearly along the meridian of region of the streams are the Syeba mountains the starting-place already mentioned as far as whose extremities lie .......... 121deg 58deg the unknown land .................. 140deg 630, and ............................... 132deg 62deg on the south and also on the east by the Sakai and the mountains called the Anarea whose and the Sogdianoi and by Margiane along their extremities lie .................. 130deg 56deg meridians already mentioned as far as the and .............................. 137deg 50deg Hyrkanian Sea at the mouth of the Oxos, and after which is the bend in the direction of also by the part of the Hyrkanian Sea lying Imaos continuing it towards the north.

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DECEMBER, 1884.] PTOLEMY'S GEOG. BK. VI, CH. 14.-SKYTHIA. 401 - - 9. All the territory of this Skythia in the The country of the Skyths is spread over a north, adjoining the unknown regions, is in. vast area in the east of Europe and in Western habited by the people commonly called the and Central Asia. The knowledge of the Skyths by the Greeks dates from the earliest period Alanoi Sky thai and the Sou obe noi of their literature, for in Homer (Iliad, lib. and the Alanorsoi, and the country below XIII, 1. 4) we find mention made of the Galakto. these by the Saitianoi and the Massai oi phagoi (milk-eaters) and the Hippemologoi (mareand the Sye boi, and along Imaos on the milkers) which must have been Skythic tribes, oater side the Tektosakes, and near the since the milking of mures is a practice distinctive most eastern sources of the river Rhi the of the Skyths. Ptolemy's division of Skythis into Rhobosko i below whom the Asma noi. within and beyond Imaos is peculiar to himself, 10. Then the Paniardoi, below whom, and may have been suggested by his division of more towards the river, the country of Kano- India into within and beyond the Ganges. Imaos, dipsa, and below it the Koraxoi, then as has already been pointed out is the Bolor chain, the Orgaso i, after whom as far as the sea which has been for ages the boundary between Turkistan and China. Ptolemy, however, placed the Erymmoi, to east of whom are the Imaos too far to the east, go further than the Asidta i, then the A orsoi, after whom aro meridian of the principal source of the Ganges. the Inxartai, a great race seated along their The cause of this mistake, as a writer in Smith's homonymous river as far as to where it bends Dictionary points out, arose from the circumstance towards the Tapoura Mountains, and again that the data upon which Ptolemy came to his conbelow the Saitanioi are the Mologenoi, below clusion were selected from two different sources. whom, as far as the Rymmik range, are the The Greeks first became acquainted with the Samnitai. Komodorum Montes when they passed the Indian 11. And below the Massaioi and the Alana Kaukasos between Kabul and Balkh, and advanced Mountains are the Zaratai and the Sasones, over the plateau of Bamiyan along the west slopes and further east than the Rymmik Mountains of Bolor, where Alexander found in the tribe of the Sibae the descendants of Horaklee, just as are the Tybia kai, after whom, below the Marco Polo and Burnes met with people who Zaratai, are the Ta bie noi and the I & stai boasted that they had sprung from the Make. And the Makhai tegoi along the range of donian conquerors. The north of Bolor was Norosson, after whom are the Norosbeis known from the route of the traffic of the Seres: and the Norossoi, and below these the The combination of notations obtained from such Ka kha ga i Skytha i along the country of different sources was imperfectly made, and hence the laxartai. the error in longitude. This section of Skythia 12. Further west than the Aspisia range comprised Khiva, the country of the Kosaks, are the Aspisioi Skythai, and further Ferghana, Tashkend, and the parte about the Balkash. east the Galaktophagoi Sky thai, and The rivers mentioned in connexion with Skythia in like manner the parts farther east than the within Imaos are the Oxos, Tazartes, Rha, RhymTapoura and Syeba ranges are inhabited by the mos, Daix, lastos and Polytimetos. The Rha is Taroageoi. the Volga, which is sometimes called the Rhau 13. The slopes and summits of the Anarea by the Russians who live in its neighbourhood. Mountains and Mount Askatangkas are inhabit- Ptolemy appears to be the first Greek writer who ed by the homonymous Anareoi Sky thai mentions it. The Rhymmos is a small stream below the Alanorsoi, and the Ask atangkai between the RhA and the Ural river called the NarynSkytha i further east than the Tapoureoi, and chara. The Dair is the Isik or Ural river. The as far as Mount Imaos. Iastos was identified by Humboldt with the 14. But the parts between the Tapoura Kizil-darya, which disappeared in the course of last century, but the dry bed of which can be traced in Mountains and the slope towards the mouth of the barren wastes of Kizil-koum in W. Turkestan. the Lazartes and the seacoast between the two With regard to the Polytimet os, Wilson sa ye rivers are possessed by the Aria ka i, along (Arian. Antiq. p. 168); "There can be no hesitathe laxartes and below these the Namostai, tion in recognizing the identity of the Polytimetes then the Sagarau kai, and along the river and the Zarafshan, or river of Samarkand, called Oxos the Rhibioi, who have a town also the Kohik, or more correctly the river of Dauaba ........ ..........104deg 45deg. the Kohak; being so termed from its passing by

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402 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [DECEMBER, 1884. a rising ground, a Koh-ak, a little hill' or hillock,' which lies to the east of the city. Accord ing to Strabo, this river traversed Sogdiana and was lost in the sands. Curtius describes it as entering a cavern and continuing its course under ground. The river actually terminates in & small lake to the south of Bokhara, the Dangiz, but in the dry weather the supply of water is too scanty to force its way to the lake, and it is dispersed and evaporated in the sands. What the original appellation may have been does not appear, but the denominations given by the Greeks and Persians 'the much-honoured' or 'the gold shedding' stream convey the same idea, and intimate the benefits it confers upon the region which it waters." Ptolemy is wide astray in making it enter the Kaspian. The mountains enumerated are the Alana, Rhymmika, Norosson, Aspisia, Tapoura, Syeba, and Anarea. By the Alana Mountains, which lay to the east of the Hyperboreans, it has been supposed that Ptolemy designated the northern part of the Ural Chain. If so, he has erroneously given their direction as from west to east. The Rhymmik mountains were probably another branch of that great meridian chain which consists of several ranges which run nearly parallel. The Noros. son may be taken as Ptolemy's designation for the southern portion of this chain. The As. pisia and Tapours mountains lay to the north of the Iazartes. The latter, which are placed three degrees further east than the Aspisia, may be the western part of the Altai. The Syeb & stretched still farther eastward with an inclination northward.. To the southward of them were the Anarea, which may be placed near the sources of the Obi and the Irtish, forming one of the western branches of the Altai. Ptolemy errone. ously prolongs the chain of Imaos to these high latitudes. Ptolemy has named no fewer than 38 tribes belonging to this divieion of Skythia. Of these the best known are the Alani, who belonged also to Eurppe, where they occupied a great portion of Southern Russia. At the time when Arrian the historian was Governor of Kappadokia under Hadrian, the Asiatic Alani attacked his province, but were repelled. He subsequently wrote a work on the tactics to be observed against the Alani (thats Kar 'Alavar) of which some fragmenta remain. The seats of the Alani were in the north of Skytlia and adjacent to the unknown land, which may be taken to mean the regions stretch ing northward beyond Lake Balkash. The posi. tion of the different tribes is fixed with sufficient clearness in the text. These tribes were essenti. ally nomadic, pastoral and migratory-hence in Ptolemy's description of their country towns are singularly conspicuous by their absence, CAP. 15. THE POSITION OF SKYTHIA BEYOND INAUS. 1. Skythis beyond Mount Imaos is bounded on the west by Skythia within Imaos, and the Sakai along the whole curvature of the mountains towards the north, and on the north by the unknown land, and on the east by Serike in a straight line whereof the extremities lie in ........................................ 150deg 63deg and ....................................... 160deg 35deg and on the south by a part of India beyond the Ganges along the parallel of latitude which cuts the southern extremity of the line just mentioned. 2. In this division is situated the western part of the Auxakian Mountains, of which the extremities lie ........................... 149deg 49deg and ........................ .............. 165deg 54deg and the western part of the mountains called Kasia, whose extremities lie in 152deg 41deg and.......................................... 162deg 44deg and also the western portion of Emodos, whoge extremities lie in ................. 153deg 36deg and............... ......... 165deg 36deg and towards the Auxakiang, the source of the River Oikhardes lying in...... 153deg 51deg 3. The northern parts of this Skythia are possessed by the A bioi Skythai, and the parts below them by the Hippophagoi Skythai, after whom the territory of Anxakitis extends onward, and below this again, at the starting place already mentioned, the Kasian land, below which are the Khatai Skythai, and then succeeds the Akha sa land, and below it along the Emoda the Kharaunaioi Skythai. 4. The towns in this division are these Auxakia ............ ..............143deg 49deg 40' Issedon Skythike ..................150deg 49deg 30' Khaurana...............................150deg 37deg 15' Soita ............ ..145deg 350 20 Skythia beyond Imaos embraced Ladakh, Tibet, Chinese Tartary and Mongolia. Its mountains were the Aurakian and Kasian chains, both of which extended into Serike, and Emodos, The Auxakians may have formed a part of the Altai, and the Kasians which Ptolemy places five degrees further south are certainly the mountains of Kashgar. The Emo dos are the Himalayas. The only river named in this division is the

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DECEMBER, 1884. PTOLEMY'S GEOG. BK. VI, CH. 16.-SERIKE. 403 Oikhardes, which has its sources in three | Regarding Ptolemy's Skythian geography, different ranges, the Auzakian, the Asmiraean Bunbury says (vol. II, p. 597): "It must be admitand the Kasian. According to a writer in Smith's ted that Ptolemy's knowledge of the regions Dictionary the Oikhardes "may be considered on either side of the Imaos was of the vagueat to represent the river formed by the union of the possible character. Eastward of the Rha (Volga), streams of Khotan, Yarkand, Kashgar and Ushi, which he regarded as the limit between Asiatic and which flows close to the hills at the base Sarmatia and Skythia, and north of the laxartes, of the Thian-shan. Saint-Martin again inclines which he describes like all previous writers as to think Echardes may be a designation of falling into the Kaspian-he had, properly the Indus, while still flowing northward from its speaking, no geographical knowledge whatever. sources among the Himalayas. "Skardo," he says, Nothing had reached him beyond the names of (Etude, p. 420) " the capital of the Balti, bears tribes reported at second-hand, and frequently to the name of the Eikhardes (Chardi in Amm. derived from different authorities, who would Marc. 2) a resemblance with which one is struck. apply different appellations to the same tribe, or If the identification is well founded, the river extend the same name to one or more of the Echardes will be the portion of the Indus which wandering hordes, who were thinly dispersed over traverses Balti and washes the walls of Skardo." this vast extent of territory. Among the names In the north of the division Ptolemy places the thus accumulated, a compilation that is probably A bioi Skytha i. Homer, along with the Galak- as worthless as that of Pliny, notwithstanding its tophagoi and Hippemolgoi, mentions the Abioi. greater pretensions to geographical accuracy, we Some think that the term in the passage designates find some that undoubtedly represent populations a distinct tribe of Skythians, but others take it to be really existing in Ptolemy's time, such as the a common adjective, characterizing the Skythians Alani, the Aorsi, &c., associated with others that in general as very scantily supplied with the were merely poetical or traditional, such as the means of subsistence. On the latter supposition Abii, Galaktophagi and Hippophagi, while the the general term must in the course of time have Issedones, who were placed by Herodotos imme. become a specific appellation. Of the four towns diately east of the Tanais, are strangely transferred which Ptolemy assigns to the division, one bears by Ptolemy to the far East, on the very borders a well-known name, Issed on, which he calls of Serika; and he has even the name of a town Skythike, to distingaish it from Isaedon in which he calls Issedon Serika, and to which he Serike. The name of the Issedones occurs very assigns a position in longitude 22deg east of Mount early in Greek literature, as they are referred to by Imaos, and not less than 46deg east of Baktra. In the Spartan poet Alkman, who flourished between one essential point, as has been already pointed 671 and 631 B. 0. He calls them Assedo nes out, Ptolemy's conception of Skythia differed from Frag. 94, ed. Welcker). They are mentioned also that of all preceding geographers, that instead of by Hekataios of Miletos. In very remote times regarding it as bounded on the north and east by they were driven from the steppes over which the sea, and consequently of comparatively limited they wandered by the Arimuspians. They then extent, he considered it as extending without drove out the Skythians, who in turn drove out limit in both directions, and bounded only by the the Kimmerians. Traces of these migrations are unknown land,' or in other words limited only by found in the poem of Aristeas of Prokonnesos, his own knowledge." who is fabled to have made a pilgrimage to the CAP. 16. land of the Issedones. Their position has been assigned to the east of Ichin, in the steppe of the POSITION OF SERIKE. central horde of the Kirghiz, and that of the Serike is bounded on the west by Skythia, Arimaapee on the northern declivity of the Altai. beyond Mount Imaos, along the line already (Smith's Dict. 1. v.) This position is not in mentioned, on the north by the unknown land accordance with Ptolemy's indications. Herodotos, along the same parallel as that through Thule, while rejecting the story of the Arimaspians and on the east, likewise by the unknown land and the griffins that guarded their gold, admits along the meridian of which the extremities at the same time that by far the greatest quantity of gold came from the north of Europe, in which ...........................180deg 63deg he included the tracts along the Ural, and Altai and .......... .....................180deg 55deg ranges. The abundance of gold among the and on the south by the rest of India boyond Skythians on the Euxine is attested by the the Ganges through the same parallel as far as contents of their tombs, which have been opened the extremity lying ....................173deg 55deg in modern times. (See Bunbury, vol. L p. 200.) and also by the Sinai, through the line prolonged lie...

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404 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [DECEMBER, 1884. till it reaches the already mentioned extremity towards the unknown land. 2. Serike is girdled by the mountains called Anniba, whose extremities lie ... 153o 60deg and .......................... .......171deg 56deg and by the eastern part of the Auxakians, of which the extremity lies ......165deg 54deg and by the mountains called the Asmiraia whose extremities lie ...............167deg 47deg 30' and ....................................174 47deg 30' and by the eastern part of the Kasia range, whose extremities lie ...............162deg 44deg and ....................................171deg 40deg and by Mount Thagouron whose centre lies..............................170deg 43deg nud also by the eastern portion of the mountains called Emoda and Serika, whose extremity Jies................ ...................165deg 36deg and by the range called Ottorokorrhas, whose extremities lie ........ ........169deg 36deg and .............. ........176deg 38deg 3. There flow through the far greatest portion of Serike two rivers, the Oikhardes, one of whose sources is placed with the Auxakioi, and the other which is placed in the Asmiraian mountains lies in.....................174deg 47deg 30' and where it bends towards the Kasia range ............. ........160deg 48deg 30' but the source in them lies ........161deg 44deg 15' and the other river is called the Bautisos, and this has one of its sources in the Kasia range .....................................160deg 43deg another in Ottorokorrha............176deg 39deg and it bends towards the Emoda in 168deg 39deg and its source in these lies.........160deg 37deg 4. The most northern parts of Serike are inhabited by tribes of cannibals, below whom is the nation of the Anniboi, who occupy the slopes and summits of the homonymous moun. tains. Between these and the Auxakioi is the nation of the Syzyges, below whom are the Damnai, then as far as the river Oikhardes the Pialai (or Piaddai), and below the river the homonymous Oikhardai. 5. And again farther east than the Anniboi are the Garinaioi and the Rhaban nai or Rhabbanaioi, and below the country of Asmiraia, above the homonymous mountains. Beyond these mountains as far as the Kasia range the Is se dones, great race, and further east than these the Throa noi, and below these the Ithagouroi, to the east of the homonymous mountains, below the Issedones, the Aspakarai, and still below those the Batai, and farthest south along the Emoda and Serika ranges the Ottorokorrhai. 6. The cities in Serik e are thus named :Damna ............. .........156deg 51deg 20' Piala (or Piadda)...............160deg 49deg 40' Asmiraia ........................170 48deg ..............174deg 40' 47deg 40' 7. Issedon Serike .............162deg 45deg Aspakara (or Aspakaia) ......162deg 30' 41deg 40' Drosakhe (or Rhosakla) ......167deg 40' 42deg 30' Paliana ............ ..162deg 30' 41deg Abragana ............ ..163deg 30' 39deg 30' 8. Thogara .................171deg 20 39 40 Daxata ..........................174deg 39deg 30' Orosana ...........................162 37deg 30 Ottorokorrha....................165 37deg 15' Solana ...........................169deg 37deg 30' Sera, metropolis ...............1770 38deg 35' The chapter which Ptolemy has devoted to Serik 6 has given rise to more abortive theories and unprofitable controversies than any other part of his work on Geography. The position of Serike itself has been very variously determined, having been found by different writers in one or other of the many countries that intervene be. tween Eastern Turkistan in the north and the province of Pegu in the south. It is now how. ever generally admitted that by Serike was meant the more northern parts of China, or those which travellers and traders reached by land. At the same time it is not to be supposed that the names which Ptolemy in his map has spread over that vast region were in reality names of places whose real positions were to be found so very far eastward. On the contrary, most of the names are traceable to Sanskrit sources and applicable to places either in Kasmir or in the regions imme. diately adjoining. This view was first advanced by Saint-Martin, in his dissertation on the Serike of Ptolemy (Etude, pp. 411 ff.) where he has discussed the subject with all his wonted acuteness and fulness of learning. I may translate here his remarks on the points that are most promi. nent: "All the nomenclature," he says (p. 414), "except some names at the extreme points north and east, is certainly of Sanskrit origin. ..... To the south of the mountains, in the Panjab, Ptolemy indicates under the general name of Kaspiraei an extension genuinely historical of the Kasmirian empire, with a detailed nomenclattare in

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DECEMBER, 1884.) PTOLEMY'S GEOG. BK. VI. CH. 16.-SERIK. 405 which ought to rest upon informations of the 1st to the sources of the Ganges; it is only on partcentury of our aera; whilst to the north of the ing from this last point that the Himalaya runs great chain we have nothing more than names directly to the east, and it is there also that with thrown at hazard in an immense space where our Ptolemy the name of Emodoa begins, which demeans of actual comparison show us prodigious signates the Eastern Himalaya. Now it is on displacements. This difference is explained by Imaos itself or in the vicinity of this grand systhe very nature of the case. The Brahmans, who tem of mountains to the north of our Panjab and had alone been able to furnish the greater part to the east of the valleys of the Hindu-Koh and of the information carried from India by the of the upper Oxos that there come to be placed, Greeks regarding this remotest of all countries, in a space from 6 to 7 degrees at most from south had not themselves, as one can see from their to north, and less perhaps than that in the matter books, anything but the most imperfect notions. of the longitudes, all the names which can be Some names of tribes, of rivers, and of mountains, identified on the map where Ptolemy has wished without details or relative positions-this is all the to represent, in giving them an extension of nearly Sanskrit poems contain respecting these high 40 degrees from west to east, the region which valleys of the North. It is also all that the tables he calls Skythia beyond Imaos and Serika. On of Ptolemy give, with the exception of the purely designation is there immediately recognizable arbitrary addition of graduations. It is but among all the others-that of Kasia. Ptolemy recently that we ourselves have beeome a little indicates the situation of the country of Kasim better acquainted with these countries which are towards the bending of Imaos to the east above so difficult of access. We must not require from the sources of the Oxos, although he carries the ancients information which they could not his Montes Kasii very far away from that towards have had, and it is of importance also that we the east; but we are sufficiently aware beforeshould guard against a natural propensity which hand that here, more than in any other part of disposes us to attribute to all that antiquity has the Tables, we have only to attend to the no. transmitted to us an authority that we do not menclatare, and to leave the notations altogether accord without check to our best explorers. If out of account. The name of the Khasa has the meagre nomenclature inscribed by Ptolemy been from time immemorial one of the appellaon his map, of the countries situated beyond tions the most spread through all the Himalayan (that is to the east) of Imaos, cannot lead to a range. To keep to the western parts of the chain, regular correspondence with our existing notions, where the indication of Ptolemy places us, we that which one can recognize, suffices nevertheless there find Khala mentioned from the heroic ages to determine and circumscribe its general position. of India, not only in the Itihdeas or legendary Without wishing to carry into this more pre- stories of the Mahabharata, but also in the law cision than is consistent with the nature of the book of Mana, where their name is read by the side indications, we may say, that the indications, of that of the Dared a, another people well known, taken collectively, plsce us in the midst of the which borders in fact on the Khasa of the north, Alpine region, whence radiate in different diree. The Khaba figure also in the Buddhist Chronicles tions the Himalaya, the Hindu-Koh and the of Ceylon, among the people subdued by Asoka Bolor chain-enormous elevations enveloped in in the upper Panjab, and we find them mentioned an immense girdle of eternal snows, and whose in more than 40 places of the Kasmir Chronicle cold valleys belong to different families of among the chief mountain tribes that border on pastoral tribes. Kasmir, a privileged oasis amidst Kasmir. Baber knows also that a people of the these rugged mountains, appertains itself to name of Khas is indigenous to the high valleys this region which traverses more to the north in the neighbourhood of the Eastern Hindu-Koh; the Tibetan portion of the Indus (above the point and, with every reason, we attach to this indigenwhere the anciente placed the sources of the Inous people the origin of the name of Kashgar, which dus) and whence run to the west the Oxos and is twice reproduced in the geography of these Iazartes. With Ptolemy the name of Imaos high regions. Khasagiri in Sanskrit, Where, (the Greek transcription of the usual form of according to a form more approaching the Zend the name of Himalaya) is applied to the central Khabaghairi, signifies properly the mountains of chain from the region of the sources of the the Khaba. The Akhasa Khora, near the Kasia Ganges (where rise also the Indus and its regio, is surely conneeted with the same greatest affluent, the Satadru or Satlaj) to beyond nationality. The Aspakarai, with a place of the sources of the laxartes. The general direc- the same name (Aspakare) near the Kasia Montes, tion of this great aris is from south to north, have no correspondence actually known in these saring a bend to the south-east from Kasmir high valleys, but the form of the name connecta

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406 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. it with the Sanskrit or Iranian nomenclature. Beside the Aspakarai, the Batai are found in the Bautta of the Rajatarangini....... In the 10th century of our era, the Chief of Ghilghit took the title of Bhatahah or Shah of the Bhat. The Balti, that we next name, recall a people, mentioned by Ptolemy in this high region, the Byltai. The accounts possessed by Ptolemy had made him well acquainted with the general situation of the Byltai in the neighbourhood of the Imaos, but he is either ill informed or has ill applied his information as to their exact position, which he indicates as being to the west of the great chain of Bolor and not to the east of it, where they were really to be found. The Ramana and the Dasamana, two people of the north, which the Mahabharata and the Pauranik lists mention along with the China, appear to us not to differ from the Rhabannae and the Damnai of Ptolemy's table." Saint-Martin gives in the sequel a few other identifications-that of the Thro anoi (whose name should be read Phrounoi, or rather Phaunoi as in Strabo) with the Phuna of the Lalitavistara (p. 122)-of the Kharaunaioi with the Kajana, whose language proves them to be Daradas, and of the Ithagouroi with the Dangors, Dhagars or Dakhars, who must at one time have been the predominant tribe of the Daradas. The country called Asmiraia he takes, without hesitation, to be Kasmir itself. As regards the name Ottorak orrha, applied by Ptolemy to a town and a people and a range of mountains, it is traced without difficulty to the Sanskrit-Uttarakuru, i.e., the Kuru of the north which figures in Indian mythology as an earthly paradise sheltered on every side by an encircling rampart of lofty mountains, and remarkable for the longevity of its inhabitants, who lived to be 1000 and 10,000 years old. Ptolemy was not aware that this was but an imaginary region, and so gave it a place within the domain of real geography. The land of the Hyperboreans is a western repetition of the Uttarakuru of Kasmtr. CAP. 17. POSITION OF AREIA. Areia is bounded on the north by Margiane and by a part of Baktriane along its southern side, as already exhibited. On the west by Parthia and by the Karmanian desert along their eastern meridians that have been defined, on the south by Drangiane along the line which, beginning from the said extremity towards Karmania, and curving towards the north, turns through Mount Bagoos towards the east on to the extreme point which lies.........111deg 34deg [DECEMBER, 1884. ..................... ........... the position where the mountain curves is .................105deg 32deg The boundary on the east is formed by the Paropanisadai along the line adjoining the extremities already mentioned through the western parts of Paropanisos; the position may be indicated at three different points, the southern..... .....111deg 36deg the northern .....111deg 30 39deg and the most eastern.....119deg 30' 39deg 2. A notable river flows through this country called the Areias, of which the sources that are in Paropanisos, lie....111deg 38deg 15' and those that are in the Sariphoi..118deg 33deg 20' The part along the lake called Areia, which is below these mountains, lies in ...108deg 40' 36deg 3. The northern parts of Areia are possessed by the Nisaioi and the Astane noi or Astabenoi, but those along the frontier of Parthia and the Karmanian desert by the Masdoranoi or Mazoranoi, and those along the frontier of Drangiane by the Kaseirotai, and those along the Paropanisadai by the Parautoi, below whom are the Obareis and intermediately the Drakhamai, below whom the Aity mandroi, then the Borgoi, below whom is the country called Skorpiophoros. 4. The towns and villages in Areia are these: Dista Nabaris Taua Augara Bitaxa Sarmagana Siphare Rhangara *********** ********** 5. Zamonkhana Ambrodax Bogadia .... Ouarpna (Varpna) Godana ************ .... ....102deg 30' 38deg 15' .105deg 40' 38deg 20' 38deg 45' ..109deg ..102deg ..103deg 40' ...105deg 20' ********** ..107deg 15' ..109deg 30' ....102deg ..103deg 30 .....................................................104deg 15' 38deg 38deg 38deg 10' 38deg 15' 38deg 10' 37deg 37deg 30' 37deg 40' .........105deg 30' 37deg .110deg 30' 37deg 30' 37deg ...110deg Phorana......... Khatriskhe ..103deg 36deg 20' 36deg 20' Khaurina ... .....104deg 6. Orthiana ....105deg 15' 36' 20' Taukiana .....106deg 10' Astauda....... .....107deg 40' Artikaudna..... ..109deg 20' 36deg 10' Alexandreia of the Areians...110deg 36deg 36deg 36deg

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DECEMBER, 1884.) PTOLEMY'S GEOG. BK. VI, CH. 18.-THE PAROPANISADAI. 407 Babarsana or Kabarbana ...... 103deg 20350 20 | is not possible to verify, but a number of small Kapoutana.......................104deg 30' 35deg 30' wwns, as Wilson points out, occur on the road from 7. Areia, & city...............105deg 35deg Meshd to Herat' and thence towards Qandahar or Kaske.............. .. 107deg 20' 35deg 20' Kabul, and some of these may be represented in the Table under forms more or less altered. The Soteira .............................108deg 40 35deg 30 capital of Areia,according to Strabo and Arrian, was Ortikand............................109deg 20' 35deg 30' Artakoana (v. 11. Artakakna, Artakana) and this is Nisibis ...........................111deg 35deg 20' no doubt the Artikaudna of Ptolemy, which he Parakanake ..105deg 30' 34deg 20' places on the banks of the Areian lake about twoSariga ...........................106deg 40' 34deg 40' thirds of a degree north-west of his Alexandreis of 8. Darkama .............. .111deg 34deg 20 the Areians. The identification of this Alexandreia Kotake ..................... ....1073 ..107deg 30' 33deg 40' is uncertain; most probably it was Herat, or somo Tribazina ........................106deg 33deg place in its neighbourhood. Herat is called by Astasena ........................105deg 39deg oriental writers Hera, & form under which the Zimyra ...........................102deg 30deg 33deg 15' Areia of the ancienta is readily to be recognized. Areia was a small province included in Ariana, Ptolemy has a city of this name, and Wilson (Ariana Antiqua, p. 152), is af opinion that " Arta. a district of wide extent, which comprehended nearly the whole of ancient Persia. The smaller koana, Alexandria and Aria are aggregated in district has sometimes been confounded with the Herat." With reference to Alexandria he quotes & memorial verse current among the inhabitants larger, of which it formed a part. The names of both are connected with the well-known Indian of Herat: "It is said that Hari was founded by word drya, 'noble' or 'exoellent' Acoording to Lohrwap, extended by Gushtaep, improved by Strabo, Aria was 2,000 stadia in length and only Bahman and completed by Alexander." The 300 stadia in breadth. "," says Wilson (Ariana name of Soteira indicates that its founder was Antiq., p. 150) "these measurements be correct, Antiokhos Soter. we must contract the limits of Aria much more CAP. 18. than has been naually done; and Aria will be POSITION OF THE PABOPANIBADAL. restricted to the tract from about Meshd to the 1. The Paropa nisa dai are bounded on neighbourhood of Herat, a position well enough the west by Areia along the aforesaid side, on the reconcilable with much that Strabo relates of north by the part of Baktrisnd as described, on Aria, its similarity to Margiana in character and the east by a part of India along the meridian the produotions, its mountains and well-watered valleys line prolonged from the sources of the river in which the vine flourished, its position as much to the north as to the south of the chain of Taurus Oxos, through the Kaukasian mountains a far or Alburz, and its being bounded by Hyrkania, as a terminating point which Margiana, and Baktriana on the north, and Dran- lies in ...........................119deg 30deg 39deg giana on the south." and on the south by Arakhosia along the line conMount BagO0s, on its south-east border, necting the extreme points already determined. has been identified with the Ghor mountains. 2. The following rivers enter the countryThe Montes Sariphi are the Hazaras. The river the Dargamenes, which belongs to Bak. Areias, by which Aria is traversed, is the Hari triane, the position of the sources of which has Rad or river of Herat which, rising at Oba been already stated; and the river which falls in the Paropanisan mountains, and having run westerly past Herat, is at no great distance into the Ko ay of which the . lost in the sands. That it was so lost is stated sources lie.............. .......115deg 34' 30'. both by Strabo and Arrian. Ptolemy makes 3. The northern parts are possessed by the it terminate in & lake; and benoe, Rennell Bolitai, and the western by the Aristocarried it south into the Lake of Seistan, called phylai, and below them the Parsioi, and by Ptolemy the Areian lake. It receives the Ferrah- the southern parts by the Paray&tai, and Rad, stream which passes Ferrah or Farah, the eastern by the Amba utai. a town which has been identified with much pro 4. The towns and villages of the Paro. bability with the Phra mentioned by Isidoros in panis a dai are these his Mans. Parth., sec. 16. It receives also the Parsiana...........................118deg 30 118deg 30 38deg 45 Etymander(now the Helmand) which gave its name to one of the Areian tribes named by Ptolemy. Barzaura ........................114deg 37deg 30 He has enumerated no fewer than 35 towns be. Artoarta ............. .........116deg 30 87deg 30' longing to this small province, a long list which it Baborada ............ ........118 . 87deg 10

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408 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [DECEMBER, 1884. 350 30deg Katisa ...118deg 40' 37deg 30' described as passing through Mount Bagoos, and Niphanda ........................ 119deg 37deg on the east by Arakhosia along the meridian Drastoka ........................116 36deg 30' line drawn from an extreme point lying in the Gazaka or Gaudzaka .........118deg 30' 36deg 15' country of the Areioi and that of the Paropa5. Naulibis.....................117deg 35deg 30 nisadai to another extreme point, of which the Parsia..............................113deg 30' 35" position is in .....................111deg 30' 28' Lokharna ........................118deg 34deg and on the south by a part of Gedrosia along the Daroakana........................118deg 30' 34deg 20' line joining the extreme points already deterKaroura, called also Artospana. 118deg Tarbakana ........................114deg 20' 33deg 40' mined, passing through the Baitian mountains. 2. There flows through the country a river Bagarda ........................116deg 40' 33deg 40' which branches off from the Arabis of which Argouda...........................1:18deg 45' 33deg 30' the sources lie ..................109deg 32deg 30' The tribes for which Paropanisa dai was a collective name were located along the southern and 3. The parts towards Areia are possessed by eastern sides of the Hindu-Kush, which Ptolemy the Darandai, and those towards Arakhonia calls the Kaukasos, and of which his Paropanison by the Baktrioi, the country intermediate formed a part. In the tribe which he calls the is called Tata kene. Bolita i we may perhaps have the Kabolitae, or 4. The towns and villages of Drangiand people of Kabul, and in the Ambauta i the Am. are said to be these :bashtha of Sanskrit. The Pars y eta i have also Prophthasia ............ ........110deg 32deg 20' a Sanskrit name-mountaineers,' from parvata, Rhouda ...........................106deg 30' 31deg 30' a mountain,' so also the Parautoi of Areia. Inna ................. ........109 31deg 30' The principal cities of the Paropanisadai were Arikada............ .110deg 20' 31deg 20' Na ulibis and Karoura or Ortospana. 5. Asta .............. ..117deg 30' 30deg 40' Karoura is also written as Kaboura and in this form makes a near approach to Kabul, with which it has Xarxiare ............ .106deg 2029deg 15' been identified. With regard to the other name of Nogtana ............ ........108deg 29deg 40 this place, Ortospana, Cunningham (Anc. Geog. of of Pharazana ......... ........110deg Ind., p. 35) says: "I would identify it with Kabul | Bigis .................. ........111deg 29deg 40 itself, with its Bala Hisar, or high fort,' which Ariaspe ............ ..108deg 40' 28deg 40' I take to be a Persian translation of Ortospana or Arana.............. ........111deg 28deg 15' Urddhasthana, that is, high place or lofty city." Drangia no corresponds in general position Ptolemy mentions two rivers that crossed the and extent with the province now called Seistan. country of the Paropanisadai--the Darga menes The inhabitants were called Drangai, Zarangae, from Baktriana that flowed northward to join the Zarangoi, Zarangaioi and Sarangai. The name, 0108, which Wilson (Ariana Antiqua, p. 160) takes according to Burnouf, was derived from the to be either the Dehas or the Gori river. If it Zend word, sarayo, 'a lake,' a word which is was the Dehas, then the other river which retained in the name by which Ptolemy's Areian Ptolemy does not name, but which he makes to be lake is now known-Lake Zarah. The district was a tributary of the Koa, may be the Sarkhab or mountainous towards Arak hosia, which formed Gori river, which, however, does not join the Koa its eastern frontier, but in the west, towards but flows northward to join the Ox08. Panini Karmania, it consisted chiefly of sandy wastes. mentions Parsusthana, the country of the Parsus, On the south it was separated from Gedrosia by the a warlike tribe in this reign, which may correg. Baitian mountains, those now called the Washati. pond to Ptolemy's Parsioi or Parsyetai." The Ptolemy says it was watered by a river derived following places have been identified : from the Arabis, but this is a gross error, for the Parsiana with Parijshir; Barzaura with Arabis, which is now called the Purali, flows from Bazarak; Baboran & with Parwan; Dras the Baitian mountains in'an opposite direction from toka with Istargash; Parsia (capital of the Drangiana. Ptolemy has probably confounded the Parii) with Farzah, and Lokharna with Logarh Arabis with the Etymander or Helmand river which, south of Kabul. as has already been noticed, falls into Lake Zarah. CAP. 19. Ptolemy has portioned out the province among POSITION OF DRANGIANE. three tribes, the Darandai (Drangai P) on the Drangia nd is bounded on the west north, the Baktrioi to the south-east, and the and north by Areia along the line already people of Tatakene between them. * Bee Beal's Bud. Rec. of Wn. Count. vol. II, p. 385n,

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DECEMBER, 1894.] The capital was Prophthasia which was distant, according to Eratosthenes, 1500 or 1600 stadia from Alexandria Areion (Herat). Wilson therefore fixes its site at a place called Peshawarun, which is distant from Herat 183 miles, and where there were relies found of a very large city. This place lies between Dushak and Phra, i.e. Farah, a little to the north of the lake. These ruins are not, however, of ancient date, and it is better therefore to identify Prophthasia with Farah which represents Phra or Phrada, and Phrada, according to Stephanos of Byzantium, was the name of the city which was called by Alexander Prophthasia (Bunbury, vol. I, p. 488). Dashak, the actual capital of Seistan, is probably the Zarang of the early Muhammadan writers, which was evidently by its name connected with Drangiana. In the Persian cuneiform inscription at Behistun the country is called Zasaka, as Rawlinson has pointed out (see Smith's Dictionary, B. v. Drangiana). The place of next importance to the capital was Arias pe, which Arrian places on the Etymander (Anab., lib. IV, c. vii). The people were called Ariaspai at first, or Agriaspai, but afterwards Euergetai,-a title which they had earned by assisting Cyrus at a time when he had been reduced to great straits. CAP. 20. PTOLEMY'S GEOG. BK. VI, CH. 20.-ARAKHOSIA. Phoklis Arikaka Alexandreia Rhizana Arbaka Sigara Khoaspa... .......... POSITION OF ARAKHOSIA. Ara khosia is bounded on the west by Drangiane, on the north by the Paropanisadai, along the sides already determined, on the east by the part of India lying along the meridian line extended from the boundary towards the Paropanisadai as far as an extreme point lying...... ..........119deg and on the south by the rest of Gedrosia along the line joining the extreme points already determined through the Baitian range. 28deg 2. A river enters this country which branches off from the Indus of which the sources lie in ..114deg 32deg 30' and the divarication (Ktporn) in ...... ..121deg 30' 27deg 30' and the part at the lake formed by it which is called Arakhotos Krene (fountain)lies in.......... ........115deg 28deg 40' 3. The people possessing the north parts of the country are the Parsye tai, and those below them the Sydroi, after whom are the Rhoploutai and the Eoritai. 4. The towns and villages of Arakhosia are said to be these: Ozola (or Axola).114deg 15' 32deg 15' *****... 5. Arakhotos... Asiake Gammake Maliane Dammana ********* ********** 409. ..118deg 15', 32deg 10' 113deg 31deg 20' 114deg 31deg 20' 31deg 30' 31deg 20' 30deg 30deg 10' .115deg .118deg ..113deg 15' ...115deg 15' .118deg .112deg 20' ...116deg 20' ..118deg 30deg 20' 29deg 20' 29deg 20' 29deg 20' 28deg 20' ....113deg Arakhosia comprised a considerable portion of Eastern Afghanistan. It extended westward beyond the meridian of Qandahar and its eastern frontier was skirted by the Indus. On the north it stretched to the mountains of Ghur, the western section of the Hindu-Kush, and on the south to Gedrosia from which it was separated by the Baitian mountains, a branch of the Brahui range. The name has been derived from Haraqaiti, the Persian form of the Sanskrit Sarasvati, a name frequently given to rivers (being a compound of saras, flowing water,' and the affix vatt) and applied among others to the river of Arakhosia. The province was rich and populous, and what added greatly to its importance, it was traversed by one of the main routes by which Persia communicated with India. The principal river was that now called the Helmand which, rising near the Koh-i-baba range west of Kabul, pursues a course with a general direction to the south-west, and which, after receiving from the neighbourhood of Qandahar the Argand-ab with its affluents, the Tarnak and the Arghasan, flows into the lake of Zarah. Ptolemy mentions only one river of Arakhosia and this, in his map, is represented as rising in the Paryetai mountains (the Hazaras) and flowing into a lake from which it issues to fall into the Indus about 3 degrees below its junction with the combined rivers of the Panjab. This lake, which, he says, is called Arakhotos Krene, he places at a distance of not less than 7 degrees from his Areian lake. In the text he says that the river is an arm of the Indus, a statement for which it is difficult to find a reason. The capital of Arakhosia was Arakhotos, said by Stephanos of Byzantium to have been founded by Semiramis. Regarding its identification Mr. Vaux (Smith's Dictionary, s. v.) says: "Some difference of opinion has existed as to the exact position of this town, and what modern city or ruins can be identified with the ancient capital. M. Court has identified some ruins on the Arghasan river, 4 parasangs from Qandahar on the road to Shikarpur, with those of Arakhotos, but these Prof.

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410 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [DECEMBER, 1884. lies... ..... Wilson considers to be too much to the S. E Rawlinson (Jour. Geog. Soc., vol. XII, p. 113) thinks that he has found them at a place now called Ulan Robat. He states that the most ancient name of the city, Kophe., mentioned by Stephanos and Pliny, has given rise to the territorial designation of Kipin, applied by the Chinese to the surrounding country. The ruins are of a very remarkable character, and the measurements of Strabo, Pliny, and Ptolemy are, he considers, decisive as to the identity of the site. Stephanog has apparently contrasted two cities---Arakhosia, which he says is not far from the Massagetae, and Arakhotas, which he calls a town of India. Sir H. Rawlinson believes the contiguity of the Massagetae and Arakhosia, may be explained by the supposition that by Massagetae, Stephanos meant the Sakai, who colonized the Hazara mountains on their way from the Hindu Kush to Sakastan or Seistan." Another account of the origin of the name Seistan is that it is a corrup. tion of the word Saghistan, i. e., the country of the saghis, a kind of wood which abounds in the province and is used as fuel. Arakhosia, according to Isidoros of Kharax, was called by the Parthians "White India." CAP. 21. POSITION OF GEDROSIA. Gedrdsia is bounded on the west by Karmania along the meridian line, already de- termined as far as the sea, and on the north by Drangiane and Arakhosia along the separate meridian lines passing through these countries, and on the east by part of India along the river Indus following the line prolonged from the boundary towards Arakhdsia to its termination at the sea in .....................109deg 20deg and on the south by a part of the Indian Ocean. It is thus described through its circuits. 2. After the extremity towards Karmania the mouth of the River Arabis 105deg 20deg 15' the sources of the river ......110deg 27deg 30 the divarication of the river entering Drangiane .........107deg 30' 250 Rhagiraua, a city ............... 100deg 20deg Women's Haven (Gynaikon limen) ........ ...............1070 20deg 15' Koiamba 20deg ........................108deg Rhizana ..........................108deg 20deg 20deg 15' After which the extreme point at the sea already mentioned........................... 109deg 20deg 3. Trongh Gedrosia run the mountains called the Arbita, whose extreme points l ie in........... lie in..........................160deg (107) 22deg and ........... .............113deg 26deg 30' from these mountains some rivers join the Indus and the source of one of these ...........111deg 25deg 30' and also there are some streams flowing through Gedrosin, that descend from the Baitian range. 4. The maritime parts are possessed by the villages of the Arbitai, and the parts along Karamania by the Parsidai (or Parsirai), and the parts along Arakhosia by the Mausarnaioi, all the interior of the country is called Parade ne, and below it Parisien e, after which the parts towards the Indus river are possessed by the Rhamna i. 5. The towns and villages of Gedrosia are accounted to be these :Kouni.............. ........110deg 27deg Badara ...........................113deg 27deg Mousarna ......................110 27deg 30' .........118deg 27deg 30 Soxestra or Sokstra ............118deg 30' 25deg 45 Oskana .......... .........115 26deg Parsis, the Metropolis ......... 106deg 30' 23deg 30' Omiza ............ ........110deg 23deg 30' Arbis, a city ............ 22deg 30' 6. The islands adjacent to Gedrdsia areAsthaia ....... .............105deg 18deg Kodane..................(107?) 160deg 30' 17deg Gedronia corresponds to the modern Baluch. istan. Its coast line extended from the mouth of the Indus to Cape Jask near the Straits, which open into the Persian Gulf. Ptolemy however assigned the greater portion of this coast to Karmania which according to his view must have begun somewhere near Cape Passence. Arrian restricted the name of Gedrosia to the interior of the country, and assigned the maritime districts beginning from the Indus to the Arabies, the Oreitai and the Ikhthyophagoi in succession. The ancient and the modern names of the province, Major Mockler tries to identify in his paper in the Jour. R. As. Soc., N. S., vol. XI. pp. 129-154 The people that possessed the maritime region immediately adjoining the Indus were called the Arbitai or Arabies. In one of their harbours the fleet of Nearkhos at the outset of his memorable voyage was detained for 24 days waiting till the monsoon should subside. This harbour was found to be both safe and commodious, and was called by Nearkhos the Port of Alexander. It is now Kardchi, the great emporium for the commerce of the Indus. The name of the people was applied

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DECEMBER, 1884.] HISTORY OF NEPAL. 411 also to a chain of mountains and to a river, the Arabis, now called the Purali, which falls into the Bay of Sonmiyani. Ptolemy's Arabis, how- ever, lay nearer Karmania, and may be taken to be the Bhasul, which demarcated the western frontier of the Oreitai, and to the east of which the district is still known by the name of Arbu. Ptolemy does not mention the Oreitai, but seems to have included their territory in that of the Arbitai. The Rhamnai are placed in Ptolemy's map in the northern part of the province and towards the river Indus. This race appears to have been one that was widely diffused, and one of its branches, as has been stated, was located among the Vindhyas. The Parsidai, who bordered on Karmania, are mentioned in the Periplas (c. xxxvii) and also in Arrian's Indika (c. xxvi) where they are called Pasires. They gave their names to a range of mountains which Ptolemy makes the boundary between Gedrdsia and Karmania, and also to a town, Parsis, which formed the capital of the whole province. Of the other towns enumerated only one is mentioned in Arrian's Indika, Gynaikon Limen, or women's haven, the port of Morontobara, near Cape Monze, the last point of the Pab range of mountains. The haven was so named because the district around had, like Carthage, a woman for its first sovereign. The names of the two towns Badara and Mougarna occur twice in Ptolemy, here as inland towns of Gedrosia, and elsewhere as seaport towns of Karmania. Major Mockler, who personally examined the Makrin coast from Gwadar to Cape Jask, and has thereby been enabled to correct some of the current identifications, tries to show that Gwadar and Badara are identical. Badara appears in the Indika of Arrian as Barna. SOME CONSIDERATIONS ON THE HISTORY OF NEPAL. BY PANDIT BHAGWANLAL INDRAJI, PR. D., Hon. M.R.A.S., EDITED BY DR.G. BUHLER, C.I.E. THE history of Nepal, such as it was known Indian historical books, each succeeding chronibefore the publication of my Inscriptions cle is fuller and more complete than the earlier from Nepal,' Ind. Ant. Vol. IX, p. 163ff, ones. The later authors try to fill up the gaps was derived solely from the modern Vamavalis which they find in the narrative. They neglect, or Lists of the Dynasties,' of which several however, to indicate the sources from which exist in the libraries of the country. The list they draw, and these additions invariably mako of kings given by Kirkpatrick in his Nepal, the already existing confusion worse, and the and thence transferred to J. Prinsep's Useful errors more difficult to detect. Tables, is probably based on a short work in A careful comparison of my MS. of the the Parvatiya language, which was shown to Parvatiya Varsavali with Dr. Wright's extracts me by the Kailasaparvata-Svami. It gives has shown that his data are, on the whole, trust. little more than a bare enumeration of the worthy. But a brief resume of its contents will names of the rulers of the valley. Dr. Wright's not be out of place here. For I have to sugfuller account in his History of Nepal is derived gest a certain number of corrections, some of from a Parvatiya Vainsavali, composed less which are of considerable importance. than a hundred years ago by a Bauddha ascetic, LIST OF THE KINGS OF NEPAL, ACCORDING TO THE who resided in the Mahabuddha Vihara of BAUDDHA PRVATIYA VAMGAVALI. Lalitapattana. A copy of this work was given I. GoPALA DYNASTY of MATATIRTILA, so called after to me by a Vajracharya of Lalita pattana. Of the cowherd (gopala) whom Nemuni installed other and more ancient Vaneavalis in the Newari as the first ruler of Nepal, lasted 521 years. language I have heard more than once. But I 1. Bhuktaminagata,' ....................... 88 years. was anable to procure copies, though the state 2. Jayagupta, son of 1, ................. ment of my informants that these works were 3. Paramagupta, son of 2 ............... written on long rolls of paper, seemed to indicate 4. Harghagupta, son of 3 ............... that they had actually seen them. Their reco- 5. Bhimagupta, son of 4 ................ very is highly desirable. For, as is customary in 6. Manigupta, son of 5 ............ See also C. Bendall, Catalogue of Buddhist Sanskrit M88. in the Cambridge University Library. Bhuktamina, according to Wright, History, P: 108, Bhaktamanagata, ibid. p. 812. This name is probably owing to a mistake in the work, which the author of the Varsanalt used. For it seems to be a corruption of bhuktamawigata varaha, 'the year of the reign. The real name of the first prince is lost.

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412 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [DECEMBER, 1884 IV. SOMAVAMO DYNASTY. 1. Nimisha. 2. Manaksha, son of 1. 3. KAkavarman, son of 2. 4. Pasuprekshadeva, son of 3, restored Pasu. pati's temple, brought settlers from Hindustan in Kaliyuga 1234 or 1867 B. O. 5. Bhaskaravarman, conquered the whole of India, enlarged Devap & tana, caused the rules for the worship of Pasupati to be engraved on a copperplate, which he deposited in the Ch&rumativihara. Being childless he adopted the first ruler of the 7. Vishnugupta, son of 6 .................. 42 years 8. Yakshagupta, son of 7, died childles8,72 , and brought in the II. AHIR DYNASTY, from India. 1. Varasimha. 2. Jayamatisimha. 3. Bhuvanasinha, conquered by the easterIII. KIRATA DYNASTY, which resided at Gokarna, and lasted 1118 years. 1. Yalambara, came in Dvaparabesha 12 (i.e. when twelve years were left of the Dvaparayuga). 2. Pavi, son of 1. 3. Skandhara, son of 2. 4. Valamba, son of 3. 5. Hriti, son of 4. 6. Humati, son of 5, went into the forest with the Pandavas, 7. Jited&sti, son of 6, assisted the Pandavas in the great war and was killed. In his time Sa kyasimha-Buddha came to Nepal. 8. Gali, son of 7. 9. Pushka, son of 8. 10. Suyarma, son of 9. 11. Parba, son of 10. 12. Thunka, son of 11, 13. Svananda, son of 12. 14. Sthunko, son of 13; in his time king A soka of Pataliputra came to Nepal. Aboka's daughter Charumati was married to a Kshatriya, called Devapala, settled in Nepal and founded De yap&tana (near Pasupati). 15. Gighri, son of 14. 16. Nane, son of 15. 17. Luk, son of 16. 18. Thor, son of 17. 19. Thoko, son of 18. 20. Varma, son of 19. 21. Guja, son of 20. 22. Pushkara, son of 21. 23. Kesu, son of 22. 24. Sunga, son of 23. 25. Sammu, son of 24. 26. Gunana, son of 25. 27. Khimbu, son of 26. 28. Patuka, son of 27; was attacked by the Somavamsi Rajputs, built a new fort at Sankha. mulatirtha. 29. Gasti, son of 28, fled before the Somavarate, built a new fort at Phulochchha near God. vari (visible from Lalitapattana), and finally lost his kingdom to the V. SURYAVAMS DYNASTY. 1. Bhomivarman, crowned in Kaliyuga 1389, or 1712 B.C., transferred the capital to Banesvara. 2. Chandravarman, son of 1 ......... 61 years. 3. Jayavarman, son of 2 ............... 4. Varshavarman, son of 3 ............. 5. Sarvavarman, son of 4 ................. 6. Prithvivarman, son of 5 ........... 7. Jyeshthavarman, son of 6 ......... 8. Harivarman, son of 7 ............... 9. Kuberavarman, son of 8 ........... 10. Siddhivarman, son of 9 .......... 61 . 11. Haridattavarman, son of 10, built temples for the four Nariyanas-Changu, Chainju, Ichangu and Sikhara, and a temple of Jalasayana at Budds-Nilakantha' ....................... 81 years. 12. Vasudattavarman, son of 11 ...... 63 13. Pativarman, son of 12 ............... 14. Sivavsiddhivarman, son of 13 ... 54 15. Vasantavarman, son of 14 ......... 61 16. Sivavarman, son of 15............... 17. Rudradevavarman, son of 16 ... ... 66 , 18. Vpishadevavarman, son of 17, built vihdras and erected images of Lokesvara and other Baud. dha divinities. His brother was BalArchana, who was also a Bauddha. Sankaracharya came from the south and destroyed the Bauddha faith..................... ........ ............ 61 years. 19. Sankaradeva, son of 18, erected a trident at Pasupati" .............. ............... 65 years. 20. Dharmadeva, son of 19 ............. 59 . 21. Manadeva, son of 20, built the Chakravi. hara near Matirajya and, according to some, the Khasa-chaitya ............ .......... 49 years. 22. Mahideva, son of 21 ................ 51 23. Vasantadeva, son of 22, crowned in Kali 2800 or 301 B. O............. .................. 36 years. * Banka, according to Wright. See the lists of these dynasties, from Wright and Prinsep, with the Vamedrali dates, Ind. Ant. vol. VII, pp. 89-92. * The name may also be read Gidhri. * Possibly the name may be Pushka. * Suga, according to Wright. 1 SADA, according to Wright; Jusha in Kirkpatrick. MatAksha, according to Wright. * Chandravarman, according to Wright and Kirk. patrick. 10 See insor. No. 1 (ante, vol. IX, p. 165, note 7). See ante, vol. IX, p. 168, note 18. 11 See inser. No. 2, ante, vol. IX, p. 166. 13 Mahadeva, according to Wright and Kirkpatrick.

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HISTORY OF NEPAL. DECEMBER, 1884.1 16 ...... 24. Udayadevavarman, son of 23 35 years. 25. Manadevavarman, son of 24 35 26. Gunakamadevavarman, son of 25, 30 27. Sivadevavarman, son of 26, made De v apatana a large town, and transferred the seat of government thither. He restored the Sakta rites and became a bhikshu. His son, Punyadevavarman followed his example.............. 51 years. 28. Narendradevavarman, eldest son of 27,15 42 years. 39 29. Bhimadevavarman, son of 28...... 36 30. Vishnudevavarman, son of 29...... 47 31. Visvadevavarman, son of 30, gave his daughter to Amsuvarman of the Th & kuri race. In his time Vikramaditya came to Nepal and established his era there...... 51 years. 33 VI. THAKURI DYNASTY. 1. Am suvarman, son-in-law to the last Suryavamet king, crowned in Kaliyuga 3000 or . 101 B. C., transferred the seat of government to Madhyalakhu.16 Vibhuvarman built an aqueduct with seven spouts and placed on it an inscription (Ind. Ant. vol. IX, p. 171, No. 8.) 68 years. 2. Kritavarman, son of 1 ...... 87 93 *************** 33 3. Bhimarjuna, son of 2 4. Nandadeva, son of 3, in his reign the era of Salivahana was introduced in Nepal... 25 years. 5. Viradeva, son of 4, was crowned in Kaliyuga 3400 or 299 A. D., founded Lalitapattana, naming it after a grass-seller Lalita; built a tank and watercourses, as well as temples, Lingas, etc., which were called Manitalao, and so forth, after the king's ishtadevata, Maniyogini. .95 years. 6. Chandraketudeva, son of 5,7 sorely oppressed by his enemies and plundered. 7. Narendradeva, son of 6, built the Tirthavihara near Lomri-devi and gave it to Bandhudatta Acharya, his father's spiritual guide. The first two of his three sons, Padmadeva, Ratnadeva and Varadova became ascetics, while the third succeeded his father, who before his death retired into the Alag or Ak-bahal (vihara). 8. Varadeva, son of 7, removed the seat of government to Lalitapattana. Sankaracharya came to Nepal. In Kaliyuga 3623 Avalokitesvara came to Nepal.15 9. Sankaradeva, son of 8 12 years. My MS. reads Udayakhadeva, but Dr. Wright's reading, which agrees with Kirkpatrick's, is preferable. 15 Brother of 28, according to Wright and Kirkpatrick. 18 But see the inscriptions which are dated from Kai1Asakata. *************** .. 1 My MS. of the Varsavalt gives no years for this king and the next. Dr. Wright gives 7 and 8 respectively. Chandraketudeva's name is not given in Kirkpatrick's lists. See Ind. Ant. vol. VII, p. 90. 10. Vardhamanadeva, son of 9, built the town. of Sankhul and dedicated it to Ugrataradevi .13 years. 13 33 ************** 11. Balideva, son of 10 15 ********. 12. Jayadeva, son of 11 13. Balarjunadeva, son of 12............ 17 14. Vikramadeva, son of 13 12 ********** 15. Gunakamadeva, son of 14, built K antipura, the modern Kat man du, at the junction of the rivers Vagmati and Vishnumati in Kaliyuga 3824 or 723 A. D., and the village of Tham bhol, where Vikrama's old vihara stood, as well as 51 years. many temples 8 *************** 16. Bhojadeva, son of 15 17. Lakshmikamadeva, son of 16...... 22 20 18. Jayakamadeva, son of 17....... 33 As he was childless, he was succeeded by a member of the VII. NAVAKOT THAKURI DYNASTY. .................................................. 413 1. Vamadeva. 2. Harshadeva, son of 1. ************* ************... 29 29 1. Bhaskaradeva. 2. Baladova, son of 1. S. Padmadeva, son of 2. 4. Nagarjunadeva, son of 3. 5. Sankaradeva, son of 4; in his reign a widow ed Brahmani of K&phi in Gauda, who lived in the village of Jhal in Nepal, caused a MS. of the Prajnd-paramitd to be written with golden letters in Samvat 245.0 35 After his death, Vamadeva, a collateral descendant of A mau varman's family, assisted by the chiefs in Lalitapattana and Kantipura, expelled the Nav&kot Thakuris and drove them back to their original seat. With him beginsVIII. THE SECOND THAKURI DYNASTY OF AMSUVARMAN. 3. Sadasivadeva, son of 2; built Kirtipura on a hill south-west of Kat man du and a new golden roof for Pasupati's temple in Kaliyuga 3851 or 750 A. D. He introduced coins of copper alloyed with iron, marked with the figure of a lion. 4. Manadeva, son of 3, became an ascetic in the Chakravihara......... 10 years. 5. Narasimhadeva, son of 4...... 22 33 6. Nandadova, son of 5.......... 21 33 7. Rudradeva, son of 6, became a Buddhist monk .................. 19 years "1 13 The passage of the Vamsavali runs as follows:atitakalivarsheshu sunyadvandvarasagnishu nepale vijayati sriman dryaralokitesvarah 19 Dr. Wright attributes this to Sankaradeva. 30 A Bauddha told me that such a MS., dated Samvat a pta shka, i. e. 244, exists at present in the HiranyaVaravihara at Lalitapattana. The era is, probably, the Nepalese era of 880. si Seven years, according to Dr. Wright.

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414 ..... 8. Mitradeva, son of 7. 21 years. 9. Arideva, son of 8, as a son was born to him while he was engaged in wrestling, he gave to the child the biruda of Malla or the wrestler. 22 years. THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. 10. Abhayamalla, son of 9. 11. Jayadevamalla, son of 10, established, with the help of S&khwal, the Nevarf era beginning 880 A. D. ...............................................................10 years. He ruled over Kantipura and Lalitapattana, while his younger brother, 12. Anandamalla, founded Bhaktapura or Bhatg&m and the seven towns, Venipura, Panauti, Nala, Dhomkhel, Khadpu or Shadpu, Chaukat, and Sanga, and resided in Bhatgam": 25 years. During the reign of the two brothers came from the south the founder of the IX. KARNATAKA DYNASTY. ****************** 1. Nanyadeva, conquered the whole country on Srdvana budi 7 of Nepalasamvat 9, or Sakasamvat 811, i. e. 890 A.D., and drove the two Mallas to Tirhut. He ruled at Bhatgam during 50 years. 2. Gangadeva, son of 1 41 years. 3. Narasimhadeva, son of 2..... 31 [In his reign on Phalguna budi 6 of Nepalasamvat 111, or 991 A. D., king Malladeva and Kathyamalla of Lalitapattana founded Chapagam or Champapuri.]" 4. Baktideva, son of 3............. 39 years. 5. R&masim hadeva son of 4...... ............ 58 6. Harideva, son of 5, transferred the capital to Katmandu. The army of Patana (Lalitapattana) rose in rebellion and drove Haridova to Thambhem. A Magar (low caste servant) was dismissed from king Harideva's service, and in revenge drew king Mukundasena into the country, which was conquered by him. His soldiers destroyed the sacred images and took the Bhairava from the temple of Matsyendranatha away to Pal pa. In consequence of Pasupati's anger Mukundasena's whole army died of cholera. Mukundasena alone escaped in the guise of an ascetic, and died on the Devighat. As Nepal had been completely devastated, an interregnum of seven or eight years followed. The Bais Thakuris of Navakot came back to occupy the country. In Lalitapattana every tol or ward had its own king, and in Kantipura twelve kings ruled at once. Bhatgam, too, was held by a Thakurt king. The Thakuris ruled the country during 225 years and built many This statement is not found in my copy of the Vamidvall. It has been taken from Dr. Wright's History. Prinsep also gives it; ante, vol. VII, p. 91. [DECEMBER, 1884. Bauddha temples and vihards. Then king Harisimhadeva of the solar dynasty was driven by the Musalmans from Ayodhya, and established himself at Simrongadh in the Teri. At the command of his guardian deity, Tulja Bhavani, he entered Nepal and founded X. THE SURYAVAMSI DYNASTY OF BHATGAM. 1. Harisim hade va, 28 years, conquered the valley in Sakasamvat 1245, or Nepalasamvat 444, i. e. in 1324 A.D. *****....... 2. Matisimhadeva, son of 1 ............ 15 years. 3. Saktisim hadeva, son of 2 33,, 15 received a letter from the emperor of China with a seal bearing the inscription Saktisimhar&ma in the Chinese year (chindbda) 535 and abdicated the throne. 4. Syamasimhadeva, son of 3. 15 years. In his reign a fearful earthquake happened on Bhadrapada budi 12 of Nepalasamvat 528, or 1408 A. D. His daughter was married to a descendant of the Mallas who held Tirhut before N&nyadeva. Thus after the king's death arose XI. THE THIRD THAKURI DYNASTY. 1. Jayabhadramalla...... ************** 15 years 2. Nagamalla, son of 1 .................. 15 33 3. Jayajagatmalla, son of 2...... 11 2 4. Nagendramalla, son of 3..... 10 " 5. Ugramalla, son of 4 15 ***********....... 6. Asokamalla, son of 5 19 drove the Bais Thakuris out of Patana, and founded near Svayambhunatha the town of K&sipura, between the rivers Manmati, Vag.. mati and Rudramati. 7. Jayasthitimalla, son of 6, made laws for castes and families, dedicated many images and built temples. An inscription of his, dated Nepalasamvat 512," is found on a stone near Lalitapattana. He died on Kartika badi 5 of Nepalasarhvat 549, or 1429 A.D. 43 years. 8. Yakshamalla, son of 7, built the walls of Bhatgam where to the right of the principal gate an inscription is put up, dated Sravana sudi of Nepala-samvat 573, or 1453 A.D. He and his successor built a temple of Dattatreya in the Tachapa tol of Bhatgam. He died in Nepalasamvat 592, or 1472 A.D., and left three sons, the eldest and the youngest of whom founded two separate dynasties at Bhatgam and Katmandu, while the second, Ranamala, held the town of Banepa. ......... as According to Dr. Wright, 32 years; Kirkpatrick's list has 22 years. N. S. 542, according to Dr. Wright, History, pp. 183, 187. Prinsep gives N.S. 731 for this ruler.-J.B.

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DECEMBER, 1884.) HISTORY OF NEPAL. 415 (a). Bardim LINE. b). KATMANDU LINE. 9. Jayarayamalla, eldest son 1. Ratnamalla, youngest son of 8, 71(P) years; slew twelvo of 8, 15 years. * Thakuri rajas of Kantipura, defeated in N. S. 611, or 1491 A.D., 10. Suvarnamalla, son of 9, 15 the Thakuris of Navakot and later the Bhotiyas (Tibetans) with years.13 the help of Sina, king of Palpa. In his reign the Musalmans 11. Pranamalla, son of 10, 15 first attacked the country; Somasekharinanda, a southern years. Brahmana, became high priest of Pasupati; a temple of Tuljadevi was dedicated in N. S. 621, or 1501 A. D., and a new copper currency with a lion was introduced. 2. Amaramalla, son of 1, 47(?) years, ruled over 28 towns and villages; in his reign a great temple on the model of that at Gays was built at Lalitapattana. 12. Visvamalla, son of 11, 15 1 3. Saryamalla, son of 2, took Sarkhapura and Changu-Narkyears ((r)). yana from the Bhatgam line. 4. Narendramalla, son of 3. 13. Trailokyamalla, son of 12, 5. Mahindramalla, son of 4, received from the emperor of 15 years (P) Dehlf permission to issue silver coins, became a friend of TrailokYamalla of Bhatgam, dedicated a temple to Tuljadevi in Katmandu on Magha sudi 5 of N. S. 669. In his reign Purandara Rajvannst built a temple of Narayana, close to the palace in Lalitapattana, N. S. 686, or 1566 A. D. 14. Jagajjyotirmalla (or, ac- 6. Sadasivamalla, son of 5, was compelled by his subjects to cording to my MS., Jayajyotir- fly to Bhatgam where he was imprisoned. malla,] son of 13, 15 years (?). 7. Sivasimhamalla, younger brother of 6, according to an inscription repaired the temple of Svayambha in N. S. 714, or 1594 A. D., while his queen Gang restored the temple of ChangaNariyana in N. S. 705, or 1585 A.D. He had two sons, the elder of whom ruled over Kantipura, while the younger obtained Lalitapattana already during the lifetime of his father. a. BaiTGAN LINE. b. KATMANDU LINE. 1 c. LALITAPATTANA LINE. 15. Narendramalla, son of 8. Lakshminarasimhamalla, eld. 1. Hariharasimha, younger 14, 21 years (?). est son of 7. During his reign son of Sivasimha of Kantipur. in N. S. 715, or 1595 A. D., the 2. Siddhinisinha, son of wooden temple of Gorakhnath, 1, built a palace at Lalitapura called Katmando, was built, after in N. S. 740, or 1620 A. D.. which the town of Kantipura was consecrated an image of Tuljacalled Katmandu. He became devi on Jyeshtha sudi 10 of insane, was dethroned by his son the same year, dedicated a and kept in confinement during temple to Radhakrishna in N. S. 16 years. 757, or 1637 A. D., made a 9. Pratapamalla, son of 8. ruled water-course in N. S. 767, or from N. S. 759, or 1639, A. D. He 1647 A.D., and became an was a poet. The inscriptions of his ascetic in N. S. 777. or 1657 A.D. reign are (a) the record of the restoration of the temple of Sva16. Jagatprakasamalla, son yambhu by a Lama, N. S. 760, or of 18, 21 years (). In his 1640 A.D.; (b) a Svayambh0stotra time Harasimha Bharo and at Sv., dated N. S. 770, or 1650 Vasinha Bharo, built a temple A. D.; (c) a Guhyesvarastotra, of Bhimasena, inscribing the dated N. S. 774, or 1654 A. D.; (d) date, N. S. 775, or 1655 A. D., & Kalikastotra in 15 alphabets 3. Srinivasamalla, son of 2, on a stone lion. On Margasir. (Wright's plate xfu.), dated N. S. reigned from N. 8. 777, or sha sudi 6 ot N. S. 782, or 774, or 1654 A. D.; (e) the record 1657 A. D., had 4 war with 1662 A. D., the king incised five of the dedication of an image of Pratapamalla of Katmanda hymns in honour of Bhavant Visvarapa at Layakulbahal, N. S. N. S. 778-782, or 1658-1662. * All these periods are doubtful, and as the synchronisms below show, some of them must be wrong.

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416 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [DECEMBER, 1884. a. BHATGAM LINE. b. KITMANDU LINE. c. LALITAPATTANALINE. on a stone in the Vimalasucha 777, or 1657 A. D. He had four | His latest inscription is dated mandapa. On Jy@shtha badi 3 sons, Parthivendra, Nripendra, N. S. 821, or 1701 A. D. of N. S. 785," or 1665 A. D., he Mahipatindra and Chakrapatindra, incised a hymn in honour of whom he allowed to rule by turns Garuda on a Garuda-pillar in each for a year during his lifetime. Narayana-chok. In N. S. 787 Nripendra made during his turn or 1667 A. D., he dedicated a a coat for the Nandi at Pasupati temple of Bhavanisankara. and put up an inscription dated 4. Yoganarendramalla, son 153 Kartika Suklanavamyam." of 3, lost his son, and became 16, 21 years; dedicated an Chakrapatindra reigned for one an ascetic. image of Harisankara near the day and then died. His coins Darbar in S. 802, or 1682 A.D., show a bow and arrow, a noose, an built various other temples and elephant hook, a yakh's tail and incised an inscription in a dhar. the date N. S. 789, or 1669 A. D. mafald, Jyeshtha sudi 15 of Pratapamalla died in N. S. 809, 5. Mahipatindra, or Ma. N. S. 803, or 1683 A.D. or 1689 A. D. hindramalla of Katmandu 18. Bhopatindramalla, son became king, died in N. S. 842, of 17, 34 years. The dated 10. Mahindramalia, third son or 1722 A. D. inscriptions of his reign are, (a) of 9, died in N. S. 814, 1694 A. D. N. S. 817, Kali 4799, Saka-eamvat 1620, Phalguna sudi 9 in the MAlatichok; (b)N. S.823, Jyesh- 11. Bhaskaramalla, son of 10, 6. Jayayogaprakasa; an intha sudi 10, or 1703 A.D., in ruled until N. S. 822, when he scription of his reign is dated the temple of the Tantrika died childless of the plague, aged N. S. 843, or 1723 A. D. Guptadevata; (c) N. S. 827, Vai- 22 years, 7. Vishnumalla, son of Yosakha sudi 3, or 1707 A.D.; (d) ganarendra's (4) daughter, deN.S. 828, Bhadrapada sudi 10, dicated a bell in MOlachok in or 1707 A.D. in the Darbar; (e) N. S. 857, or 1737 A.D., and N.S. 838, or 1718 A.D. in the died shortly afterwards withtemple of Bhairava; (f) N. S. out issue. 841, Phalguna badi 3, or 1721 A.D. 12. Jagajjayamalla, a distant 8. Rajyaprakaja, third son of relative, was placed on the throne 12 of Kantipura, appointed king. by the wives of 11. He had five by 7, made blind by the PraBons, Rajendraprakasa and Jaya- dhans & expelled after one year. prakasa (born before his accession 10. Jayaprakasa, king of to the throne) and Rajyaprakasa, Kantipur, ruled two years over Narendrapraksa and Chandra- Lalitapattana, when the Pra. 19. Ranajitamalla, son of prakAga (born afterwards.) He dhans expelled him. 18; dedicated a bull to Anna. died in N. S. 852, or 1732 A. D. 11. Visvajit-malla, son of purna-devi in N.S. 857 Phalguna Vishnumalla's (7) daughter badi 1, or 1737 A. D. In his years, murdered by the Prereign the Gorkha raja, Nara dhans. bhupala-shah, invaded Nepal. 12. Dalamardan-sb4h of Na. With him the dynasty of Bhat 13. Jayaprakasa, second son of vakog made king by the Pragam became extinct. 12, expelled his brother Rajyapra- dhane, and expelled after 4 years, kasa, who went to Lalitapattana 13. Tejanarasimha, a deto Vishnumalla. He was deposed scendant of Visvajit-malla (11). in NS 888, or 1768 A. D., by the 3 years. Then the country was Gorkha-king Prithvinarayana. conquered by PrithvinAriyana. * N. 8. 787 according to Dr. Wright. But the text has gondgdsvinite (varshe). " The author of the Vamsarall has mistaken Jaya. diva's inscription (No. 15) of Sriharsha-Samvat 153 for an inscription of Nripendra. Dr. Wright has Chakra vartendra for Chakrapatindra. * It is evident that either this statement or the whole of the dates of the Kitm&adu and Lalitapattana dynasties must be wrong. See ante, vol. VII. p. 92n. Kirkpatrick's dates differ considerably from Dr. Wright'e.

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DECEMBER, 1884.] HISTORY OF NEPAL. 417 It is evident that, though this Vansavali these two. Mostly they ignore altogether the contains many elements of historical truth, it existence of the namerous other eras that were possesses no value whatever as a whole. As used in ancient India, and the fact that several is always the case with Indian chroniclers, who homonymous kings, e.g. two or three Vikramaattempt to give a complete view of the history dityas are, as the Indian expression is," foundof their country, the author has tried to con- ers of Satvats." nect the beginning of his narrative with the | The existence of mistakes thus caused is legends regarding the four ages of the world, only too clearly seen in the Nepalese Varnsa. and with the epic traditions of the Great valt. The first dynasty named by the author War between the Kurus and the Pandavas. is said to have descended from the pious Through their anxiety to prove that the early cowherds whom Krishna brought into the kings of each province of the Bharatakhanda country. The kings all follow one another in took part in the contest described in the the direct line of descent, and their reigns are Mahabharata, the Hindus furnish a complete of truly patriarchal length. analogy to the ancient Greeks, who believed It is most probable that not only the details that a town or republic was dishonoured if its narrated regarding them are totally erroneous, mythical heroes did not appear in Homer's but that the dynasty had no real existence. catalogue of the Greek leaders engaged in the The names seem to have been taken from conquest of Troy, and whose earlier historians, some Purana or Mahatmya, and to have been like Herodotos; were inclined to seek the prefixed to the authentic list of the kings of ultimate causes of the events of their days in Nepal. The same remarks apply to the second the legendary occurrences narrated by Homer. short line, that of the Ahirs, who, being But, while in the case of the Greeks this likewise cowherds, are also named in the tendoncy has not produced any serious results, Puranas as companions and worshippers of it has almost entirely destroyed the usefulness Krishna. The case is different with the followof the Indian historical works. The Hindu ing dynasty, the Kiratas, whose native chroniclers known to us, all wrote after the country is the Himalayas and who, therefore, astronomers had fixed the lengths of the four may have held Nepal in ancient times. The Yugas, and had assigned to the Great War its number of 1118 years allotted to the twentyplace at the beginning of the Kaliyuga. As nine kings of this race is, however, too great. the authentic lists of kings which the chronic- For in India the duration of a generation lers possessed in no case sufficed to fill the amounts, as the statistical tables of the lifeenormously long periods supposed to have | insurance companies show, at the outside, to only elapsed between their starting point and their twenty-six years. If all the twenty-nine kings own times, they were induced not only to followed each other in the direct line of descent, lengthen unduly the duration of the reigns of they could not possibly have ruled longer than many historical kings, but to place contem- | 600 or 700 years. Moreover, if the statements porary dynasties one after the other, and to that sa kyamuni was a contemporary of press into service the mythical kings enumera- Jite dasti, the seventh king, and that A soka ted in the Puranas or Mahatmyas. came to Nepal, i.e., extended his rule to Nepal, In addition to the distortion of the truth in the reign of the fourteenth ruler, Sthunko, resulting from these causes, no less serious are worth anything, they furnish a clear proof consequences have arisen from the errors which of the arbitrary lengthening of the reigns. the chroniclers made regarding the various For the author of the Varneavalt is a Northern native eras used in their native country. Buddhist, he probably knew one Aboka only, and Modern Hindu writers, who are accustomed to placed him one hundred years after Sakyamuni's the exclusive use of the two eras--that of Nirvana. If the distance between Jitedasti Vikramaditya, 57 B.C. and that of SAlivahana, the seventh king, and Sthunko, the fouror the Saka era, 78 A.D.-invariably refer the teenth, amounted to one hundred years only, the Samvats occurring in their sources to one of absurdity of the assertion that the twenty-nine ** See the naiyo confessions of Kalhana in the Rajatarangint.

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418 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. DECEMBER, 1884. kings reigned 1118 years, becomes still more be assumed that the author possessed some evident. Finally, if these two synchronisms are authentic materials for the history of Varahistorical, it also follows that the beginning of dova's successor. But, unfortunately, his names the Kirata dynasty has been antedated by agree in no way with those contained in our several thousand years. For SAkyamuni's Nir. inscriptions of the seventh and eighth cenvana really falls in the fifth century BC. taries A.D. Besides the immediate successors The same remarks apply to the Soma vanet of Gunakamadeva, Bhojad & va and Laand Saryavasi dynasties. In their case, kshmikamad&va, who, according to the too, it is evident that most reigns are much too Varnsdvali, ought to belong to the eighth cenlong, and that they have been placed much too tury, ruled according to the colophons of the early. The latter point comes ont most clearly | MSS. two hundred years later, between 1015through the inscriptions. According to the 1039 A.D." Nay, what is more, the dates of latter the twenty-first king of the Suryavansi the MSS. prove that the princes of the dynasty, Manad dva, reigned from between VIIth and VIIIth Dynasties, that of the the years 386-413 of an unnamed era and the Vais Thakuris and the restored line of characters show that this period falls in the Amsn varman, reigned from the middle of fourth or fifth century of our era. Yet the the eleventh to the beginning of the fourteenth Varnavali asserts that Manadeva's grandson, centuries, and that the interval between Vasantade va varman was crowned in Anants or Anandanalla, the last raler Kali 2800 or 301 B.C. The case of the next, of the VIIth dynasty and Jayasthitimal.. the Thakari dynasty, is, if possible, worse. la the seventh king of the Xth dynasty is Its founder, Am suvarman, is placed in Kali only seventy years. Hence it follows that the 3000 or 101 B.C., though Vikramaditya list given by the Vamavali for the eighth, ninth, of Ujjain, whose coronation the Hindus usually and tenth eenturies is incomplete, and contains put in 57 B.C., is stated to have gone to Nepal large gaps which have been concealed by anteduring the reign of his predecessor. Against dating the reigns of the kings beginning with this date we have the statement of Hiven Bhbjad e va and Lakshmika ma deva Thsang that a learned king, called Amu- by several centaries. With respect to the varman ruled either shortly before or during Karnataka dynasty of Nany a d dva his visit to Northern India in 637 A.D. which according to the Varneavali conquered Further, the inscriptions of Anu varman, Nepal in Sakasanvat 811, or 889 A.D., it is as well as that of Vibhuvarman, which difficult to come to any definite conclusion. the Vamsavalto particularly mentions, show The genealogical list in the MS. No. 6 of the letters which can only belong to the sixth or German Oriental Society". places Nanyaseventh centuries of our era. If more de va's accession to the throne in Sakasamvat instances of the confusion prevailing in the 1019, or 1097 A.D. Our inscription No. 18 account given by the Tanadvali regarding makes him the ancestor of Pratapamalla, this dynasty, are wanted, it will suffice though the Vaskadvali asserts that he drove to point out that A suvarman's seventh the Mallas out of Nepal. The names of his successor, Varadeva, is said to have ruled Buccessors differ in all the documents which in Kaliyuga 3623 or A.D. 522. Thas we get enamerate them. As regards the Xth or seven generations for six hundred years. A y 8 d hy a dynasty the date of the first king Immediately after Varadeva's time the reigns Haris i ha d & va is confirmed by the MS. suddenly become of reasonable length, and the of the German Oriental Society, where it is fifteenth prince of the shakuri race-Guna- given as Sakasanavat 1245, or 1323-4 A.D., just kamaddva, the founder of Kamanda, as in the Vamsaval. But it is evident from is placed in Kaliyuga 3824 or 723 A.D., two the statements of the latter work itself, that hundred years being allowed for eight gene- some of its kings were contemporaneous with rations. This portion of the Varusavali might, the Mallas of the tenth dynasty. Thus the therefore, inspire some confidence, and it might last date of Sy a masinha's reign-Nepala * Wright's Nepal, p. 184. * Bendall, Catalogue of the Buddhist M88. in the Cambridge Library, p. xii. Pischel, Catalog, p. 8; Bendall, loc. cit., p. IV.

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HISTORY OF NEPAL. DECEMBER, 1884.] Samvat 528, or 1408 A.D., falls in the times of Jayasthitimalla, whose earliest date in the MSS. is 1385, while the Vameavali mentions an inscription of his dated Nepala Samvat 512 or 1392 A.D. Even in the portion referring to the successors of Jayasth itimalla, where the author of the Vamsavali constantly quotes inscriptions, his work is not free from serious errors. More than once, e.g., in the case of Jyotimalla, the son of Jay asthitimalla (Inscr. No. 16), a reign has been omitted. In other cases, kings have been displaced, and sometimes there are palpable mistakes in the dates given. These remarks will suffice to substantiate the correctness of the assertion made above, that the Vamsavali is not fit to be used as a whole, and that no single one of its several portions is free from the most serious errors. It is, therefore, impossible to adopt for the reconstruction of the earlier history of Nepal the favourite expedient of historians who have to deal with untrustworthy chronicles and, while cutting down the duration of the several reigns to apparently reasonable lengths, to count backwards from the beginning of the Nepalese era in 880, which has usually been considered as most safely established. For, however safe that date itself may be, it has been shown above that the author of the Vamsavali knew nothing regarding the events which occurred at the time when the era was established. A much firmer basis must be looked for, and this may be found in the reign of A i suvarman, whose name occurs in the Vamsavali, the inscriptions, and Hiuen Thsang's Memoires, while his date is fixed, though in different ways, by the two latter sources. In his account of Nepal, Hiuen Thsang states that the reigning king belongs to the Lichchhavi family, and adds according to M. Stanislas Julien's translation, the following description of Ameuvarman, "Dans ces derniers temps, il y avait un roi appele Yang-chou-fa-mo qui se distinguait par la solidite de son savoir et la sagacite de son esprit. Il avait compose lui-meme un traite sur la connaissance des sons (Sabdavidyasastra); 33 Mr. Beal, who has kindly furnished me with his version of the passage, renders it as follows: "Lately there was a king called An-shu-fa-mo who was distinguished for his learning and ingenuity. He himself had composed a work on 'sounds' (abdavidya); he esteemed learning and respected virtue, and his reputation was spread everywhere." [G. B.-See Beal's Bud. Rec. of W. 419 as il estimait la science et respectait la vertu. Sa reputation s'etait repandue en tous lieux." 3133 Now it cannot be doubtful that the king referred to by Hiuen Thsang is the prince of this name whom the Vamsavali places in Kaliyuga 3000, or 101 B.C., and whose inscriptions are dated Samvat 34, 39 and 45 (?). For the Vamsavali and the inscriptions know of one A m e uvarman only. Moreover the account which he gives of himself in his inscription of Samvat 39 agrees fully with Hiuen Thsang's description. He asserts there" "that he destroyed his (former) false opinions by pondering day and night over the meaning of various Sastras" and that "he considers the proper establishment of courts of justice his greatest pleasure." Again, while the Vamsavali describes A ma uvarman "very clever, dreadful, passionate, and always untired in pursuing the objects of human life," the undated inscription of Siv a deva (No. 5) praises "the great feudal baron Amenvarman, as having destroyed the power of all (the king's) enemies through his heroic majesty, obtained by victories in numerous hand-to-hand fights" and as "possessing brilliant fame gained by the trouble of properly protecting (the king's) subjects." Finally the Vameavali (Wright's Nepal, p. 134) correctly places the inscription of Vibhuvarman (No. 8) in the reign of Amsuvarman. As the date of Hiuen Thsang's travels in India is fixed beyond doubt, and as his visit to Northern India most probably falls in the year 637 A.D., it follows that Amsuvarman must have reigned in the first half of the seventh century of our era, and it must be noted that the characters of his inscriptions can belong to this period only. The author of the Vaheavalt has, therefore, antedated his reign by more than seven hundred years. The causes of this error probably lie partly in the fact that Amsuvar. man's inscriptions are dated Samvat' which term the compiler of the Vamedvali erroneously referred to the so-called Vikrama era of 57 B.C., and partly in the circumstance that the chronological system of the Vanneavali, which makes the earliest kings of Nepal contem 36 Countries, vol. II, p. 81; conf. Julien, Mem. tome I, p. 408. 3. Insor. No. 7, 11. 1-3, Ind. Ant., vol. IX, p. 170. 38 The Parvatiya text runs as follows: raja vado chanchal bhayankar tamasamurti thulo purushartht bhayoko thio. Compare also Wright, Nepal, p. 133. 3 Cunningham, Geography, p. 565.

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420 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [DECEMBER, 1884. poraneous with the heroes of the Mahabharata, made a displacement of all dynasties, excepting the very latest, a matter of necessity. But however this may be, the main point for us is to ascertain according to what era A m uvarman really dated his edicts. Three different solutions of this question may be attempted. It may either be assumed that A su varman established an era of his own, or that he used the era of Sriharsha, which, according to Albir u ni, began in 606 or 607 A.D. and was used in Northern India as late as the eleventh century, or that he employed the so-called L8kakala in which the hundreds are left out. The last supposition may, however, be at once dis. carded, because we have in our series inscriptions of his successors, which, to judge from the characters, must be dated in the same era as his own, and go down as far the year 153. If Ambu varman had used the Lokakala, none of his successors would have used a higher figure than 99. It is not equally easy to choose between the two remaining possibilities. In favour of the first it might be urged that according to the account, given by Hinen Thsang and in the Vatnsavali, Amsa varman was a powerful ruler who possessed extraordinary ability and achieved great fame by his conquests as well as by his literary attainments. It is well known that to establish a new era is a wish dear to the heart of ambitious Indian princes and that, to the great detriment of Indian chronology, only too many have succeeded in effecting it. On the other, there are important objections against this supposition. For it appears from the inscriptions that, how. ever great and powerful a king Amavarman may have become eventually, he was originally nothing but a Samanta or feudatory of the king of Nepal, who in all probability really governed the country, but in the name of his over-lord. This is the position which he held according to the undated inscription of Sivado va (No. 5). In his own inscription of Samvat 34 (No. 6) he, too, assumes no higher title than mahdsamanta, 'thegreat feudal baron.' Vibhuvarman (No. 8) calls him the illustrious' (Sri) Amu varman, and the same ambigaous epithet is used in the inscription of 39 (No. 7). It is only in Jishnugupta's inscription of Samvat 48 (No. 9) that he receives the title maharajadhiraja, 'great king of kings.' These facts alone are fatal to the supposition that the dates of the inscriptions Nos. 6-15 refer to an era established by Ansu varman. For it is an indisputable axiom that nobody but an anointed king can initiate a Samvat of his own. As Ansu varman was only a Samanta in the year 34 of the era in which he dates, the latter cannot begin with his abhisheka or accession to the throne. Of late some other facts have come to light which also clearly disprove the supposition that the dates of our last ten inscriptions belong to a special Nepalese era, but show that it is one used generally in Northern India during the seventh and eighth centuries. In our inscription No. 15, Jayad e v a, who dates in Samvat 153, states that his mother Vatsa devi was the daughter of a Maukhari prince or chief, Bhogavarman," and the granddaughter of the great Aditya8 e na, the illustrious lord of Magadha.' Aditya se na of Magadha has been long known from the Aphsar inscription, which contains the names of the later Guptas. Quite recently General Cunningham has pub. lished two more documents mentioning him,the Shapur inscription, wbich records the dedication of a statue of Surya," and the Deo, Barnak inscription which contained a grant of land, made to the Varuna v a si-bhattaraka. 31 Reinaud, Fragments Arabes et Persans, p. 139. Albirunt states that he found in a Kasmirien almanac the era of Sriharsha placed 664 years after that of Vikram Aditya. This expression may mean either that it began in 606 or in 607 A.D. If the almanac stated that the Satovat of Srisharsha began 664 years after the abhisheka of Vikrame, the beginning of the era would fall in 606, because the year 1 of the Sriharaha era would have to be deducted from 664 as well as 56. If, on the other hand, the almanao stated that the abhisheka of Brlharsha took place in Vikrama 664, the completion of the first year of the Vikrama era would fall in 608, and its beginning in 807. What Albirani really means, can be settled only by astronomical calculations, in case a number of dates with the days of the week, or a statement regarding an eclipse are found. The circumstance that the Kaimirian almanae contained the initial point of the Sriharaha era indicates that it was used in Kaimir. For even in our daya the Panchdiigas usually contain something regarding the various eras used in the districts where they are written, as well as sometimes historical information regarding its ancient dynasties. *See note by Dr. Burgess in Beal's Bud. Rec. of W. Countries, vol. II, p. 81, and Ind. Ant., vol. X, p. 193, note. ** Arch. Rep., vol. XV, Plate ri. 0 Arch. Rep., vol. XVI, pp. 73-76, and Plato xxiv.

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DECEMBER, 1884.] HISTORY OF NEPAL. 421 The former is clearly dated during the reign of Adityase nad e va, in Samvat 88. The distance between this date and that of his greatgrandson, Jaya de va, is 65 years, or not much less than the duration of three Indian generations, which, as already stated, amounts to 78 years. Under these circumstances it is not in the least doubtful that the great-grandfather and great-grandson used the same era," and it follows further that this era was not confined to Nepal, but generally current in North-Eastern India. If that is the case, neither is it doubtful that the era used by Amsuvarman and the other later Nepal inscriptions, Nos. 9-15, is that of Sriharsha which begins in 606-7 A.D. No other known Indian era can possibly meet the requirements of the case; and it is not difficult to show how this particular era found its way into Nepal. Though Albiruni, when speaking of the Sriharsha era, merely says that it is used in Northern India, and adds no information regarding its founder, it is certain that this personage can be nobody else but the hero of Bana bhatta's Sriharshacharita, whom his protege, Hiuen Thsang, calls Har shavardhana or Siladitya. From BApa's and Hiuen Thsang's accounts, 18 well as from the admissions made in the in- scriptions of his valiant and unconquered foe, the Chalukya Satyasra ya-Pulikesi, it appears that this prince united the whole of Northern and Western and Eastern India under his sceptre during the greater part of the first half of the seventh century. In the North-East he was acknowledged as lord paramount as far as Kamarupa or Asam, the king of which province conducted Hinen Thsang to Sriharsha's court, and attended his great religions gathering. As Sriharsha's empire included all the districts south of Nepal, he must merely for that reason have exercised a great influence on the political circumstances of the valley, and it would not be astonishing if its princes had adopted his era, merely because he was a powerful neighbour. Bat it "General Cunningham, Arch. Rep., vol. XV, p. 12, and yol. XVI, pp. 79-80, reads it Samvat 55. But according to all analogies in other ancient inscriptions the figure Qaed can only be equivalent to 8. If the reading 55 were right, it would not affect the deductions as to the era. ** This conclusion would be further confirmed, if General Cunningham's statement that the Deo-Barnak grant, which was issued by a great-grandson of Adityasena, is dated Samvat 152, could be substantiated. would seem that they had still more pressing reasons for adopting this course, as Sriharsha, in all probability, invaded and conquered their country. General Cunningham (Arch. Reports, vol. I, p. 280), states distinctly that this was the case. In the published historical documents a direct confirmation of this assertion is not traceable. But there are some indications contained in statements of the Varikavali which make it very probable. First, the Varnsavali informs us that just before Ansu varman's accession to the throne Vikramaditya came to Nepal and established his era there. The name of the king and the particular era intended by the authe are certainly quite wrong; but it is very probable that real facts, the conquest of the country by an Indian king about Anonvarman's time, and the adoption of his'era by the humbled princes of Nepal, form the historical substratum of the erroneous account in the Variavali, and that the latter has thus kept & reminiscence of Sriharsha's invasion and of its result, the adoption of his era. A much stronger argument is furnished by another piece of information, preserved in the Varis vali, the existence of Vais Rajputs in Nepal. According to the Vashkavali the kings of the VIIth dynasty belonged to this clase, which had long been settled on the hill of Nav ak ot. Now Hiuen Thsang tells us that the race or caste to which Sriharsha himself belonged was called Fei-she** and General Cunningham has shown that this caste must have been that of the Vaisa or Bais Rajputs who, even at the present day, are found in nearly the whole of Southern Oudh, and claim to have ruled over the districts between Dehli and Allahabad. As it is an almost universal rule with Indian princes that on the occasion of conquests they grant a portion of the land to their olansmen, it happens very frequently that centuries later, when the government has passed into other hands, descendants of the grantholders still remain in possession, and that their vol. I, p. 200 moires, tome I, p. 247; Beal, Records, 5 Geography, pp. 377-8. The argumente given there will fully convince anybody noquainted with India, that Sriharsha cannot have been a merchant or Vaisya. The marriage of his sister Rajyaart with Grahavarman, the Maukhari, which oocurred before Srlharshe became powerful, would have been impossible if he had been & low-born Vaisya.

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422 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [DECEMBER, 1884. existence is the sole remaining vestige of the former conquest. Thus the fact that in later times Vaisa Rajputs were found on the Nava kot hill, in all probability indicates that Nepal once was in the power of a Vaisa king, who can have been nobody else but Sriharsha. If thus the subjection of Nepal to this prince may be considered certain, the use of his era by Ameu varman and his successors, is almost a matter of course. Strong as these arguments in favour of the Sriharsha era are, there is yet a point in Hiuen Thsang's account of Nepal which requires to be cleared up, before the above conclusion can be accepted without reserve. Hiuen Thsang tells us, as stated above, that the reign- ing king of Nepal belongs to the Lichchhavi race, and that in these latter times there was a king called Amsuvarman,' &c. This can only mean that in Hiuen Thsang's times Amuvarman was dead. As Hiuen Thsang's visit to North-Eastern India fell about the year 637 A.D., or Sriharshasamvat 30-31, his assertion clashes with the date of our inscriptions which; if referred to the Sriharsha era, show that Amsu varman was certainly alive after Sriharsha-Samvat 40, or 646-7 A.D." This disagreement would be very serious, if Hiuen Theang really did visit Nepala, as M. Stanislas Julien's translation represents him to have done. The latter point is, however, doubtful, because the Chinese expressions, referring to the march, may be understood either as describing Hiuen Thsang's route or the way in general, and because the life of Hiuen Thsang says nothing about his having visited Vsiji (Fo-li-shi) and Nepal." Hence M. Vivien de Saint-Martin, Memoires, tome II, p. 365, thinks it plus que probable' that the pilgrim passed at once from Sveta- pura in Vaisali across the Ganges into Magadha. Mr. Beal in his new translation so far agrees with this view that he declares Hiuen Thsang's visit to Nepal to be incredible. He says in the note cited, 'But the pilgrim does not appear to have gone into Nepal. He went to the capital of the Vtijis and there speaks from report. If this supposition, 88 seems most probable, is correct, the contradiction between Hiuen Thsang's words and the dates of the inscriptions admits of an explanation. It becomes probable that either account, rendered to him, of the peculiar political condition of Nepal, was inaccurate, or that he himself misunderstood it. During the times of Amu varman and of his successor Jis hnugupta (it may be even somewhat later) a double government existed in the valley, Lichchhavi kings reigned side by side with Ansu varman himself and his successors. Such a complex government might well puzzle & stranger, and he might easily fall into the error of supposing that one of the kings named to him ruled before the other. This may be safely accepted as the true solution of the difficulty raised by the wording of Hiuen Thsang's note regarding Ams uvarman, and it may be considered certain that our inscriptions Nos. 6-15 range between 640-1 and 759-60 A.D. Before we proceed to utilise further the result of the preceding discussion, it will be advisable to subject the parts which reveal the existence of a double government during a part of the seventh century to a little closer examination. In our inscription No. 5 the Lichchha viking Sivad e va says of his great feudal baron' Ameu varman that he has destroyed the power of all (his master's) enemies by the majesty of his valour' and that his brilliant fame, gained by the trouble of properly protecting the people, pervades the universe.' These hyperbolical expressions indicate not only that ATMsuvarman held a high position as commander-in-chief and prime minister, but that his power and influence at last nearly equalled that of his master. In Samvat 34 (No. 6) Ansu varman's title remains the same. But he dates from a residence of his own, Kaila sa k u ta" and couches his edict in a language which is usually employed by kings only. In fact, except by his title, he gives no sign that he lives under a lord paramount. The same state of things is indicated by " Beal, Bud. Rec., vol. I, p. 81, note 103. I owe the oommunication of the page before the issue of the work to the kindness of Mr. Beal.-G. B. * A reminiscence of the fact that Aman varman built for himself a residence of his own, is contained in the remark of the Vamjaval, which ageerts that he transfer. red the seat of government to Madhyalakhu. As the second figure of the date of No. 8 is uncertain, it will be advisable to take the certain sign 40 alone into consideration. If the date of No. 8 is really Samvat 45, A.D. 187-2 A.D. Arguvarman must have died between that year and the first date of Jichnugupta, Samvat 48, or 654-5 A.D. * See Vie de Hiouen Theang, p. 136.

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DECEMBER, 1884.) HISTORY OF NEPAL. 423 his inscription of Samvat 39 (No. 7), by which he assigns land without reference to a superior power. The ambiguous epithet Srithe illustrious' leaves it doubtful, if he had then assumed the title maharaja. But it is plain that he did 80 at some period or other of his career from the inscription No. 9, where he is described by Jishnugupta, as mahardjadhirkja, as well as from the statements of Hiuen Thsang and of the Vasavali. Jishnugupta certainly was Amsu varman's immediate successor, and belonged to his family, being either his son or some other near relative. This follows from the closeness of his first date, Samvat 48 (No. 9) to that of Vibhuvarman's inscription (No. 8) which, if it is not Samvat 45, at least is more than 40. There is no room for another reign between them and, if the yuvaraja or beir-apparent-Udaya ddva," who is mentioned as Dataka or deputy in No. 7, did not belong to the Lichchhavi dynasty, it is probable that he never came to the throne. That Jishnagapta really belonged to Anuvarman's line is shown by the fact that he dates his edicts from the Kailasa kat a, the residence of Anavarman, and by his mentioning in two inscriptions a Lichchhavi king Dhruvade ya as his suzerain, who resided at Managriha, the ancient, palace or fort of the Lichchhavis. These points, as well as the circumstance that Inscr. No. 11 is dated in the victorious and prosperous reign of Jis hnugupta, show further that during his time Nepal possessed a double government. The same fact is further attested by Jaya deva's inscription No. 15, which enumerates an uninterrupted line of thirty-five generations of Lichchhavi kinga But the first inscription of Jaya de va's father Sivadeva II, dated Samvat 119, contains a significant fact which bears on the question, how long Amsavarman's descendants continued to hold their position, for he dates his grant from the palace Kaila sa kata where Amu varman and Jis hnugupta held their court. The explanation of these points appears to be as follows:-Amuvarman at first was a servant of Siva dava I, and gradually managed to get into his hands the whole of the royal power. He also assumed or received from the So It soome more likely that Udayadeva was a Lichchbavi, * descendant of Sivadeva, because the name king the title maharaja. But, like Jang Bahadur in modern times, he allowed his old master, and perhaps the successor of the latter, to retain nominally the position of an independent ruler. After his death which, as already stated, must have occurred some time after Sriharsha, Samvat 40 and before 48, or about the end of the fifth decade of the seventh century, Jishnugupta, possibly his son or, at all events, a near relative, inherit. ed his position. The country continued to possess & double government. But perhaps the Lichchhavis possessed a little more power than during A su varman's life-time. Such an inference is warranted by the double heading of Jishnugupta's two inscriptions. Afterwards, some time between Sri. harsha-Samvat 48 and 119, or 654 and 725 A.D., the old royal race regained possession of the whole country, and even made the former palace of Amsuvarman's family their residence. How this change came about is not clear from the inscriptions. But there is no doubt that Amba varman was not, as the | Vdoniavalt asserts, the father of a long line of kings, but merely the founder of an ephemeral dynasty of co-regents. It is even doubtful if among the kings of the Th Akurt line, given in the Vanhadvali, any real descendants of Ameuvarman occur. The two names Narendrade va (No. 7) and Jayadeva (No. 12) which do occnrin the inscriptions, belong, according to the evidence of the latter, to the Lichchhavi or Surya vasi family, not to the Thakuri or Rajpat family of Amsn varman. It would be useless to enter on any speculations regarding the number and names of the latter. But through our inscription No. 15 we are placed in a somewhat better position with respect to the Lichchhavi family. It enables us to give with a careful utilisation of all the hints furnished by the other inscriptions, and in the Vankavali, a general outline of this dynasty, to determine the era in which the first five inscriptions are dated, and to assign approximate dates to all the undoubtedly historical kings. The first part of the genealogical portion of the inscription No. 15 is clearly mythical, as most of the names mentioned have been taken from the Paranic Varias ; but it nevertheless renders occurs more than once among the Lichohhavis. "See Inscr., 1-5, which are dated from Managriba.

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424 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (DECEMBER, 1884. a valuable service by the statement that and that of Vasant & se na which is just Lichchhavi was a descendant of Sury a sufficient for one short reign (Mahideva's), Hence it is perfectly certain that the Lich- permit us to assume with some confidence that chha vi dynasty of the inscriptions is iden- Vasanta sena and Vasantad e va are tical with the Suryavanei dynasty of the the same person. If we proceed further, the Vansavali. Lichchhavi, however, the genealogical portion of inscription No. 15 founder of the family, his descendants down omits the names of 13 kings and winds up with to Supushpa of Pushpa pura (i.e. Pa- Narendrad eva, Siva de va and Jay &taliputra) and his twenty-three unnamed deva. Inscriptions No. 5, and Nos. 9-10 successors have most likely no claim to be furnish us, however, with two names, those of a regarded as historical personages, or, even Sivad va, the contemporary of Amon var. if some of them were real kings, they at least man, and of a Dhruva de va, the contem. do not belong to the Lichchhavis of porary of Jishnugupta, while the VanhNepal. The prominent manner in which the savali gives seven more names and then passes next king conquering Jaya d d v a' is men- to the Th a kuri line of Amsu varman, tioned, makes it probable that he is the in which the names of Narendrade va and conqueror of Nepal, and the head of this Jaya de va have been erroneously incor. branch of the race. To this conclusion points porated as those of the seventh and twelfth also the fact that the anneavali names as the princes. third prince of the Suryavami-Jaya- In order to settle the chronology of the varman, who, since the epithets deva and Lichchha vi dynasty more accurately, and varman are often used synonymously, may be especially in order to determine the era in which identified with Jayad eva. It seems not Manad dva and Vasanta deve-Vasan. unlikely that the author of the Varhsavali, in tase na date, the first step to be taken is to order to lengthen the line of kings, may have fix the position of Sivad eva I, and Dhruplaced two names before the real founder of vade va in the group of the thirteen kings, the dynasty. After Jayadeva the inscrip- left unnamed in the inscription No. 15. This tion skips eleven kings and then comes to may be done in the following manner :-Our V rishad eva. The Varnavali, on the other inscription No. 12, the first which belongs to hand, gives fourteen names between Jay Sivad e va II, the father of Jaya de va II, varman and Vishade vavarman and is dated Sriharsha-Samvat 119 or 725-6 A.D. shows by this close agreement that, if the The second, No. 13, in which his name occurs, length of the reigns is left ont of account, it was incised in Sriharsha-Sanyat 143 or 749-50, must be based on documents very similar to and No. 14, which has lost the king's name, but inscription No. 15. The names of the next six most probably belongs to Sivadeva II. as the kings-Sankarad 8 va, Dharmade va, heir apparent is Vijay a de ve, & vicarious Manad e va, Mahid e va, Vasantade va name for Jaya de va, bears the date Sriharshaand Udaya deva are identical in the in- Samvat 145 or 751-2 A.D. As the interval scription and in the Varnadvali. Moreover, between the first and the third inscripour inscription No. 1 (vs. 1-7) confirms the tion amounts to twenty-six years, it is only sequence of the group, beginning with Vsi- reasonable to assume that the date 725-6 A.D. shad e va and ending with Mana de v&, and falls in the beginning of his reign. His acce8adds the name of Manade va's mother, sion to the throne may therefore be placed Rajyavati. The same document and inscrip- about 720 A.D. or Sriharsha-Samvat 114. If tion No. 2 gives us the dates 386 and 413 of we allow for the reign of his father Naren. an unnamed era for Manadev&. Finally, drade va the average duration of generainscription No. 4, which is dated in Samvat 435, tion, the beginning of the latter falls in 695-6 or belongs to a king called Vasantasena. Sriharsha-Samvat 89. Our inscriptions Nos. 9, The close resemblance of this name to that of 10 name the Lichchha vi Dhruvad dva Vasanta de va, the grandson of Manade- as king of Nepal, and the former is dated in Va, and the small interval of twenty-two Sriharsha-Samvat 48 or 654-5 A.D. Hence it years between the last date of Manade & follows that Dhruvade va is one of the

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DECEMBER, 1884.] HISTORY OF NEPAL. 425 thirteen annamed princes of No. 15 and, as Manad e va's two dates, Samvat 386 and 413, the interval between the inscription and the would be equivalent to 464-5 and 491-2 A.D. probable date of the accession of Narendra- and Vasantasena Vasanta do va's date de va is about 44 years, it is evident that at Samvat 435 to 513-4. We have seen above the utmost two of the unnamed princes can be that the reign of Siva deva II probably allocated to this period. Dhruvade va thus began about 720 A.D. The interval between obtains the eleventh place among the thirteen. him and Vasanta se na would therefore be Going further back, we have the inscription 207 years, or if we put (what perhaps is No. 5, in which Sivadeva I declares that preferable), instead of 720, the date of his Ambu varman is the administrator of his first inscription, 725 A.D., 212 years. Accord kingdom, and has rendered important services ing to our inscription No. 15, fifteen in war. Though it is not dated, it is yet kings ruled between Vasanta de va and indisputable, that Sivad eva I. preceded Sivad eva, the father of Jayadeva, and Dhruvad e ve, because Amsu varman's we have seen above that the date Samvat inscriptions range from Sriharsha-Samvat 34-45 435 falls into the beginning of Vasanta. (?) or from 640-1 A.D. to at least 650. It sena's reign. Thus we obtain the result that remains, however, somewhat doubtful if the 16 kings reigned together only 207-213 years, two kings followed each other immediately, or or that a reign lasted on an average 13 years if one reign lies between them. Though the and a quarter. This proportion is not much possibility of the former supposition cannot be altered if we take instead of the interval denied, the latter is yet more probable. As between Vasantasena and Sivade va the Hiuen Thsang's remarks, which are based on most dirtant dates known, that of Manainformation collected in 637-646 A.D., an- de va's first inscription and that of Jayadoubtely indicate, Ansu varman's career de va's. In that case we have to deduct from must have been a long one, and his great deeds, Sriharsha-Samvat 153 or 759-60 A.D. the value through which he rose to a royal or quasi-royal of Samvat 386 according to the Saka era or position, must have been performed a con- 464-5 plus the number of the five or six years siderable time before the time when Hiuen of Jaya deva's reign which may be supposed Thsang first visited Northern India, and before to have elapsed in 759-60. As Manadeva's the time when he issued his edicts. Moreover, first date no doubt fell in the beginning of his Siva deva's inscription (No. 5) evidently reign, the remainder, 290, has to be distributed falls in the period before Amsu varman's among 19 kings (Ma na de va, Mahid e va, power was fully developed. It will, therefore, Vasanta de va, Udaya da de va, 13 unbe advisable not only to place this document named princes, Narendrade ya and before Sribarsha-Samvat 34, but to assume that Sivade va). The result is a little more it was incised a good many, say ten to fifteen, than fifteen years and a quarter for each years earlier. Under these circumstances reign. Neither the former figure nor the there is room for one short reign between second are sufficiently large. For the lists both Siva deva I. and Dhruva deva, and we of the Varikavali and of inscription No. 15 may allot to the former the ninth place among refer to generations of kings, not to the reigns the thirteen unnamed princes of the genealogical of collaterals. The Vamsavali states thronghout list in inscription No. 15. If we now turn to the that each of the enumerated Sarya vamsi question, to which era the dates of Man - kings was the son of his predecessor. In the de va and Vasanta sena - Vasanta- inscription No. 15, the same statement is de va belong, it might be contended that this appended to the kings of the group beginning must be the Sakasainvat of 78-9 A.D., because with Vrisha de va, except in the case of the the use of this era is known to have prevailed last, Udaya deva, whose relationship to very generally, particularly in the south and Vasanta de va is left doubtful. The thirteen west of India, already during the earlier unnamed princes are again stated to be his centuries of our era. On this supposition lineal descendants." With respect to the last ". Vs. 11. "After him (Vasantaddva) followed thirteen sprong from the lord of the earth, called Udayadeva," - asyantarepy udiyadeva iti kahittid, jatda trayodasa.

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426 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [DECEMBER, 1884. group, Narendradeva's descent is not ruled. This result will perhaps appear susclearly described, but the last two kings are picious to those who consider the Vikrama said to be his lineal descendants. Thus it era with distrust, and take it to be an invention appears that, even if we allow two breaks in of the sixth century A.D. But, though it is the lineal descent to have occurred, by far the perfectly true that hitherto no early inscriptions, greater number of reigns represent genera- which are clearly dated in the Vikrama ora, tions. Assuming now that the aecount of the have been found, the proof that it is not a inscription No. 15 is more trustworthy than genuine' era, has, by no means, been furthat of the Varisavali, we have yet to cram seven- nished. It seems, therefore, safer to assume teen generations and the reigns of two kings that we have in the Nepalese inscriptions who may have been collaterals into 290 years, to deal with a known era, than to take our It will be evident to everybody who has paid refuge in the only other possible supposiattention to the calculation of the average tion that the Lichchhavi kinge reckoned lengths of generations in the Indian dynasties according to a peculiar hitherto unknown that this is impossible. The lowest figures re- era. If that were the case, it would, of course, quired for seventeen generations is 350 years, as be impossible to fix Mandeva's and the average in no known case sinks below 21 years; Vasantas en a's dates with any accuracy. mostly it varies between 24 and 27 for & The only reign which now remains to be generation. Under these circumstances, it is determined is that of Jay a d & va I, whom we not doubtful that the attempt to refer Mana identified above with Jaya varman, the third de va's and Vasanta sena's dates to the Suryavamal king of the Varsavali. According to Saka era must be abandoned, and that we inscription No. 15, eleven unnamed kingsreigned have to look for them to an era which begins between him and Vpishade va. If we add earlier. If that is the case, there is only one the reigns of the latter and of his son and known era, the 80-called Vikramasam vat grandson, Sankaradeva and Dharma. of 57 B.C. which will suit. Referred to the de va, his accesion to the throne is separated Vilrama era, Manad eva's dates are equi- from Mana de va, 329 A.D. by fifteen reigns. valent to 329 and 356 A.D. and the interval Supposing that these kings, as the Vashiavali between his first inscription and Jayadeva's (which, however, has three more) asserts of all No. 15 amounts to 430 years, which sum being the Lichchhavis, followed each other in the distributed among nineteen kings gives twenty- direct line of descent, we might allot to them two years and about three-quarters for each. about 330 years (15 X 22). The beginning of Similarly the interval between Vasanta- Jayade va's reign, and with it probably the Ben a's date, which now represents 378 A.D., conquest of Nepal by the Lichchha vis, and the first inscription of Sivade va II, 725 would thus fall about the commencement of the A.D., amounts to 347, and the average for each Christian era. of the sixteen intervening reigns is a little The results of this discussion are shown more than 21 years. These figures are perfectly in the accompanying table, which exhibits acceptable, especially if it is borne in mind that also once more the lists of the Suryavansis Udaya deva and Narendradeva proba- according to the Varikavali. A comparison bly were not lineal descendants of their prede- of its contents with the results gained from cessors. The palaeographical evidence likewise the inscriptions will show how very closely confirms this arrangement. The characters of the two resemble each other, especially in Manadeva's inscriptions fully resemble the earlier portion. It is, therefore, evident those of the Gupta inscriptions, especially of that the anthor of the Vastavalt must have had Skandagupta's pillar-edicts. As it is historical documents to go on. Hence it benow pretty certain that the Gupta era begins comes not improbable that the greater part about the end of the second century A.D., of the names which he gives may be corprobably as Sir E. Bayley maintained, in 190 rect. This is all the information deducible A.D., this prince lived in the fourth century"; from our inscriptions for the earlier history of exactly during the time when Mana de va Nepal. The results which Nos. 17-23 furnish * His dates fall between Guptasamvat 137-149.

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DECEMBER, 1884.) HISTORY OF NEPAL. 427 ci il have been worked out so carefully by Mr. C. preserved at Cambridge (p. viii-xvii) that it is Bendall, in the Historical Introduction to his unnecessary to go once more over the same Catalogue of the Buddhist M88. from Nepal, ground. TABLE OF THE LICECREAVI KINGS OF NEPAL. Inscriptions. Vamidvall. 1. Bhamivarman. 2. Chandravarman, 81 years. 1. Jayadova [I, about the year 1 A.D.] Insc. 3. Jayavarman, 82 years. No. 15. 4. Harshavarman, 61 years. 3. Sarvavarman, 78 years. 6. Prithvivarman, 76 years. 7. Jyeshthavarman, 75 years. 8. Hai arman, 76 years. 9. Kuberavarman, 88 years. 10. Siddhivarman, Names omitted in Inscription No. 15. 61 years. 11. Haridattavarman, 81 years. 12. Vasudattavarman, 63 years. 13. Pativarman," 53 years. 14. Sivavsiddhivarman, 14 years. 15. Vasantavarman, 61 years. 16. Sivavarman, 62 years. 17. Rudradevararman, 66 years. 13. Vrishaddva (cir. 260 A.D.) (Ins. 1 & 15). 18. Vrishadevavarman, 61 years. 14. Sankaradeva, son of 18 (cir. 285 A.D.) (Ins. 1 19. Sankaradeva, 65 years. & 15). 15. Dharmadava, son of 14, married to Rajyavati, 20. Dharmadera, 59 years. (cir. 805 A.D). (Ins. 1 & 15). 16. Manadora, son of 16, Sarhvat 886-413, or 21. Manadeva, 49 years. 329-356 A.D. (Ins. 1-3; 15). 17. Mahideva, son of 16 (cir. 360 A.D.) 22. Mahideva, 51 years. 18, Vasantadeva or Vasantasena, son of 17, 23. Vasantadeva, crowned in Kali 2800, Sarvat 435, or 378 A.D. (Ins. 4 & 15). or 301 B.C. 36 years. 19. Udayadeva (cir. 400 A.D.) (Ins. 15). 24. Udayadovavarman, 35 years. 25. MAnadevavarman, 35 years. 26. GunakAmadevavarman, 30 years. 27. Sivadevavarman, 51 years. Lineal descendants of 19; names omitted 28. Narendradeva varman, 42 years. in Insc. 15. 29. Bhimadevavarman, 36 years. 30. Vishnud&vavarman, 47 years. 31. Visvadeva varman, 51 years. 27. 28. Sivadova (I, cir. 610 A.D.) (In. 6, omitted in In. 15. Co-regent, Ambuvarman, firat Samanta, then Ambsuvarman (founder of the Thakurt dynasty, Maharaja, (Sriharaba) Samvat 34, 39, 45 (P), or Kali 3,000 or 101 B.C.) 640-1-651-2 A.D. (Ins. 6-8] 29. Name omitted in In. 15. 30. Dhruvadova (Sriharsha)-samvat) 48 or 654-55 A.D. (In. 9; omitted in Ins. 15). Co-regent, Jishnagapta (Srfharsha)-sathvat 46, or 654-5 A.D. (Ins. 9-10). 31. Names omitted in In. 15, Co-regents, 82. 3. Jishnugupta and perhaps Vishnugupta, mentioned as heir-apparent in Ins. 9. " As tho Varhidvall has three prinoon more between Jayadeva-Jayavarman and Vrishadeva than In. 15, three names have probably to be eliminated. One of these is probably havarman, whose name is suspicious, another either Sivavarman or Rudraders, whose names are synonymous; the third is doubtful.

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428 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [DECEMBER, 1884. Mentioned as the 7th Thakuri prince. 33. Narondradeva (cir. 690 A.D.) (In. 15). 34. Sivadeva II. son of 33, married to Vatsadevi, daughter of the Maukhari Bhogavarman, and daughter's daughter of Adityasena of Magadha ;** (Sriharsha)-samvat 119-145 or 725-6-751-2 A.D. (Ins. 12-14; 15). 35. Jayadeva II, Parachakrakama son of No. 34, married to Rajyamati, daughter of Sriharshadeva, king of Gauda, Odra, Kalinga and Kosala, descendant of Bhagadatta; Sriharsha)-samvat 153, or 759-60 A.D. (In. 15). Mentioned as the 12th prince of the Thakuri line. CORRESPONDENCE AND MISCELLANEA. THE ALEXANDRIA LIBRARY. With reference to the papers by the Rev. J. D. Bate (ante, pp. 103ff.), and Mr. E. Rehateek (pp. 208ff.), on the destruction of the Alexandrian Library, attention may be called to a paper on the subject by Mr. L. A. Wheatley in The Bibliogra. pher, vol. V, pp. 3-5 (Dec. 1883), in which he points out that Gibbon had good authority for his statement that the library was destroyed in A.D. 391. Orosius, who lived soon after early in the 5th in the 5th century), mentions it. The Patriarch Theophilos, "annoyed at the Pagan element then dominant at the Serapeum, determined to destroy it and being unable of himself to do so, he complained to the Emperor Theodosios the Great, who ordered it to be destroyed. If any books were still left, it is probable that they were removed to Byzantium by Theodosios II, who is related to have enlarged his libraries by bringing books from all quarters, Egypt being specially mentioned." Mr. Wheatley adds that Fournier in his Esprit dans l'Histoire, Delepierre in his Historical Fallacies, Renan in his lecture L'Islamisme et la Science, and Hill Burton in his Bookhanter, have all come to the same conclusion as Gibbon and Krehl on this question. The subject has also been discussed by PetitRadel, Recherches sur les Bibliotheques anciennes et modernes (Paris, 1819); Ritschl, die Alexandrin. * The earliest kings of this little known dynasty are, -Yajfavarman, Sardalavarman, and Anantavarman. Three of thoir inscriptions, written in characters a little later than those of the Guptas, and hence probably belonging to the 5th century, are found near Gay. The most important of these documents, two of which have been badly edited by Prinsep, Jour. As. Soc., Bengal, vol. VI, pp. 647 and 677, runs according to my version, which has been made from the original, as follows: W bhUpAnAM maukharINAM kulamatanuguNo'laMcakArAtmajAlyA ET OFFTTEGUETTA H gar:( kRSNasyAkRSNakIrtiH pravaragiriguhAsaMzritaM bimbametat mUrna loke yazaH svaM racitamiva mudAdhIkaratkAntimatsaH[11] kAlaH zatrumahIbhujAM praNayiNAmicchAphalaH pAdapo 09:10 C ra:[1] kontAcittaharaH smarapatisamaH pAtA babhUva kSiteH zrIzArdUla iti pratiSThitayazAH sAmantacUDAmaNiH[110 utpakSAstavilohitorutaralaspaTeSTatArA ruSA zrIzArdUlanRpaH karoti viSamAM yatra svadRSTiM ripo [0] tanAkarNavikRSTa zAI-zaradhivyastazzarontAvahaH tatpunasya patatyanantasukhadasyAnantavarmazruteH [u] Another group of later Maukhari kings is known from the Asirgarh seal (Jour. Roy. As. Soc., vol. III, p. 337. where, however, amongst other mistakes, the word Maukhari is misroad Honvari). They are: 1. Harivarman, married to Jayasvamint; their son 2. Adityavarman, married to HarshaguptA; their son 3. Ikvaravarman, married to Upaguptd; their son 4. Iunavarman, married to Lakshmivati (?); their son 5. Sarvarman, Maukhari. Among these kings, Ialnavarman (misread Santivar. man) is mentioned as the foo of Damodaragupta in the Aphaar inscription, where also one susthitavarman DoCurs Ms the enemy of Mahleenagupta. Sarvavarman's name is found in the Deo-Barnak inscription (Cunning. bam, Reporta, vol. XVI, p. 73). The same insoription names after Sarvavarman, the illustrious Avantivarman, who may be identified with Avantivarman, the Maukhari, whose son Grahavarman, according to the Sriharshacharita, married Rajyasrl, the sister of SriharshaHarshavardhana. Possibly our Bhogavarman was a relative of the last prince. A king of this race, who is probably much older than all those enumerated above. Kshetravarman, the Maukhari, is also mentioned in the Sriharshacharita (Jour. Bo. Br. As. Soc., vol. X, D. 19). Compare also General Cunningham's Remarks on the Maukhari Dynasty, Arch. Reports, vol. XV, p. 166, and vol. XVI, pp. 78-81. See above, p. 420. Bhagadatta and Srlharshadeva probably belong to the dynasty of Pragjyotisha, to which Harshavardhana's contomporary Kumirarkja also belonged.

Page #477
DECEMBER, 1861.) MISCELLANEA 429 ische Bibliotheken (Breslau, 1839); and by J. Matter, Essai Historique sur l'Ecole d'Alexandris, 2 vols. (Paris), 1820, the latter especially may be consulted with profit. J. B. the mouths, and both have on the foreheads the third eye, placed vertically, which gives to Siva the name of Trilochana, and which is generally TWO BEONZE MASKS FROM MAISOR. The accompanying woodcuts represent two bronze masks that were dug up, at no great depth below the surface, early last year, close to an old village temple at Kanajor, in the Mudigiri taluq in Maisur (lat. 13deg 6 N., long. 75deg 40' E.), 3 miles Sw. from the town of Mudigiri, and 17 or 18 miles above Saklaspur on the Hemavati. They are cast in a lightish brass-coloured bronze, and are here represented on a scale of half the original dimensions. The backs are open, so as allow them to be attached to wooden, metal, or stone figures representing the bodies of the personages intended. Both faces are characterized by the tusks usually assigned to images of Bhairava and Kali, protruding from the wicks of borne by all the forms of that Deva, and by his gana or demon troop of followers. The seven Naga or cobra hoods on the garland over the brow of each--their intertwined bodies forming the band which unites them into a sort of fillet, and their tails coiled up in little flat curls-are also characteristic marks of the Saiva class of images. In the first these cobrahoods have a resemblance to leaves, but this is not unfrequently the case, even in separate images of snakes. The first mask has also a hole in the left cartilage of the nose as if for a ring. The other has been supposed to represent a male head, but the distinction is not marked. Such masks for images of gods, made of bronze, silver or gold, are quite comnion in the south

Page #478
430 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [DECEMBER, 1884. of India, and are also in use in the Marath coun. In the present case the masks appear to represent try and in the north; but these are usually lighter KAR or PidArt, as she is called in Tamil, who, and more imposing than the present pair. being a durd&oatd or evil goddess, is represented They have probably been buried for a century, with tysks. The large rings in the ears and the nuck. and may be considerably older,-the large ear-rings laces mark the figures as those of females. And and the forms of the necklets, however, are such as Mr. 8. M. NAtlea Sastri informs me that masks are still to be met with among certain castes in of this goddess are made of clay and burnt red to Southern India to the present time. It has been sell to people of the lower castes who worship her suggested by Sir Walter Elliot that they may be at certain seasons; but these are, of course, of connected with or allied to images employed in a much coarser type than the bronze ones here the ancestor.worship which he believes has not represented. quite disappeared from among the Dravidian Information respecting the use of such masks races. The worship of the durddatda Kali and as those here figured, as well as notes on traces Bhairava is closely connected with that of bhdta of ancestor-worship would be of interest. or the ghosts of dead persons of notoriety. J. BURGESS. BOOK NOTICES. THE LIGHT of AHIA, being the Life and Teaching of " I will depart,' he spake; "the hour is come! Gaatama, Prince of India and founder of Buddhism. By EDWIN ARNOLD, M.A., F.B.G.S., C.SI., &o., ............. Unto this (large 8vo., illustrated) London: Trabner & Co. Came I, and unto this all night and daye 1883. Have led me;"- Compare this with John xii, A notice of this poem was given in our pages 23, 27.-So again(ante, vol. VIII, p. 299) when the first edition "....... These that are mine, and those appeared in 1879. Its extraordinary popularity, Which shall be mine, a thousand million more especially in America, where a cheap reprint ap Saved by this sacrifice I offer now." peared at fifteen cents, has very largely helped is taken from John xvii, 20, and the idea of a to increase the interest among ordinary readers, which was otherwise growing, in the history and sacrifioe for others is entirely unknown to Bud. dhist modes of thought. teachings of Buddhism. Everywhere we meet with people who think they now know something And again the words about Buddha and his religion from what Mr. ".... Alas! for all my sheep which have Arnold has given them in so attractive a form. No shepherd; wandering in the night" The rapid sale of edition after edition has now give the same idea expressed in the same led the Publishers to present the poem in a new words as in John , 14-16, and Matt., ix, 36. setting, in beautiful type, paper and binding, and The expression of the tempter Mara--"I thou profusely illustrated with numerotis very fine beest Buddha" is just that in Lake, iv, 3, 9; woodcuts " taken from purely Buddhist sources" Matt., iv, 3 and 6. And in the retrospect of his without modern addition or variation. These lifo, Buddha is represented as seeing where his alone render the volume most attractive, and are path had often leddeeply interesting to the artist and antiquary. ".... On dizzy ridges where his feet Of the scientific value of Mr. Arnold's book Had well-nigh slipped;" there can hardly be two opinions among those who just as in Poalm luxviii, 2. have any correct knowledge of the subject. It If the author could establish any number of his glorifies Buddha's teaching far above its true many verbal agreements with the Bible from place. We have already (vol. XII, p. 314) ex. Buddhist works, he onght, in honesty, to have pressed dissatisfaction with the way he exalte his embodied the references to his authorities in this subject, and introduces purely Christian ideas or some earlier edition of his poem. But his and even the words of the New Testament, in suggestions of verbal coincidences and even of order to paint his ideal in the most attractive co- identical ideas are wholly unjustifiable, and lead lours. To those already noted (vol. VIII, pp. 209, to a false and too favourable representation of 300) we may add a few further illustrations of Buddhism, which must seriously mislead those this :-When Asita blesses the infant Gautama, who have not derived their ideas from more he says to the father, in words nearly the same authoritative works, such as Oldenberg's most inas in Luke ii, 85 structive Life of Buddha, Spence Hardy's Manual, "... a nord must pierce Koppen's Die Religion des Buddhas, &c., in any Thy bowels for this boy-" of which the reader will find a very different When Gautama declares his revolution to become presentation of the teaching of the founder of a Buddha, we read Buddhism.

Page #479
INDEX. ... 407 188 PAGE Aakote or Talakory, town ... 390 A baratha, t. ...................... 390 Abhayamalla, king, Nepal ... 414 Abhichchhatra, t. ............... 119 Abhiras, people ....... Abiria, country ................ 324 Abour, t. .............................. 368 Abrava, island ................... Abu'l Faragius ................. 104 Aba'l-fida, Arab geographer.. 392 Adamas, river ...............334, 344 Adarima, t. ........................ 367 Adeisaga, t. ....................... 381 Adeisamon, t. .... 390 Adeisathra, t. Abichchhatra. 301 Adeisathroi, tribe............362, 363 Adeisathron, mts...336, 337, 844, 362, 363 Adeyavata (or Degavata), vil lage .......................... 49, 50 Adisdara, t. Ahichchhatra ... 352, 353, 361 Adityasena, k. of Magadha ..420, 421, 428 Adoni, .. ............... 11 Adrapea, t.......................393, 399 Adris, or Rhouadis, r. Ravi... 338, 340 Aganagara, t. ..................... 374 Aganagora, t. .................. 377 Agara, t. ................. 361 Aya Bodalpovor, isl.............. 384 Agimoitha, t. .................. Aginnatai, peop.* ............... Agisymba, t.* ................317, 318 Agrinagara, t. Agar ............ 359 Ahadanakaram plates of Vish. nuvardhana IV. or V. (East ern Chalukya) ............... 185ff Ahichchhatra, Ahikshetra, t. 119n, 353, 361 Abir dynasty of Nepal ... 412, 417 Aiyalos Megas, Great Coast'. 390 Aigidion, isl...................... 390 Aloi, peop ..................329, 367 Airrhadoi, peop. ............... 370 PAGE PAGE Aithiopes, Ikhthyophagoi...... 386 | Ambastes, r. ................... 386 Aitymandroi, peop. ............ 406 Ambatai or Ambastai, tr....... 387 djni, djnapti..................... 122n Ambautai, tr. ...... Akadra, t. of the Sinai . . 374, 387 Ambrodax, t. of Areia ......... 406 A kadrai, peop. .................. 387 Amma I.,k (E. Chal.... 53, 214, 249 Akalavarsha, Krishna II., k. > II. , ........... 248f (Rashtrakata of Gujarat)... 69 Ammaraja Mahendra, k. ...... 55 Akour, t. ........................... 368 Ammianus Marcellinus... 105, 387Akratos, cap. of Sora, (Arkad) 362 89 Akparipcov Meya, the Great Ammine, isl......................... 390 Gulf, of Siam .................. 374 Amoghavarsha, k. (RashtraAkruresvara vishaya .........82, 86, kuta)......................... 133, 187 87, 91 Amoghavarsha.- Sarva, k. Akshata, agrahara............... 50 (Rash.) ....................134ff Akulekvara vishaya ......116, 118 Amrapur, Amarapura ......... 4 Alaba, t. ......... ................ 390 'Amr ibn a'l As, governor of Alai-u'd-din Muhammad al Egypt ............................ 104 Husain ............................ 110 Ambuvarman, k. Ne. 413, 418-25 Alana mte. .................. 400-402 427 Alanoi or Alaunoi Skythai 388, 401 Anandamalla, or Ananta, k. Alanorsoi, tr. ..................... 401 Ne............................ 414, 418 Albirani .......................... 420 Ananga,-Kamadeva, g....... 9 Alexandreia of Arakhosia ... 409 Anantavarma, k. (Ganga)......273 Alexandreia of Areia............ 406 Anara, t. .......... ........... 361 Alexandreia Eskhate, Khojend. Anarea mts. ..................400, 401 398-99 Anareoi Skythai.................. 401 Alexandrein Oreiane...... 398, 399 Anarismoundon, Cape ........ 389 Alexandria, meridian of .........315 Andhra country... 9, 11; kings 13 Alexandrian Library, the burn. Andrapana, t. ..................... 354 ing of.................. 103, 208, 428 Angaraka yantra ................ 139 Alhkhand, a Hindt work ...... 5 Anikhai Nanikhai or ManiAli bin Talebi, proverbs of, 60, 124, | khai, peop. .................... 352-53 151, 184, 212, 271 Anina, t. ......... 380 Alikhorda, t. ........... ...... 396 Aninakha, tr. .............. Allahabad, pillar edicts of Aninakhai, t. ...................... Asoka .................. 304, 306f Aniruddha, g. Krishna ......... 11 Allosygne, t. .................. 333-34 Anijana mountain .............. Aloe, t. ........................... 367 Ankulesvara, v. .................. 69 Alosanga, t. ......................... 381 Annapurnadevi, g. ............. 416 Amakatis, or Amakastis, t. 350, Anniba mts. ...................... 404 351 Anniboi, tr. ......................... 404 Amaramalla, k. Ne............. 415 Anoubingara, t. ............389, 390 Amarousa, t. ..................... 393 Anourogrammon or Anouri. Amba-Amma I., k.(E.Chal.). 249 grammon, Anuradhapura... 390. Ambashtha, Ambastai, peop.. 361, 93 387 Antakhara, t. ..................... 360 382 384 353 * Abbreviations, as in former volumes.

Page #480
432 INDEX. ... 407 .................. 336 Antaratri district ............... 160 | Artikaudna, t. in Areia ......... Antibolei,or Antibole, a mouth Artoarta, t. 354; t. in Paro. of the Ganges ...... 335-36,343 panisos .......... 370 Asanabara, t... 380 Antiokheia Margiane............ 394 Asiake, t. of Arakhosia......... 409 Antiokheia, Merv ................. Asigramma, t. .............. 356 Aorsoi Skythai .................. Asinda, t............................. 357 Aparajita, k. (P Ganga)......... Asiotai, tr. of Skythis ......... 401 apheterion......... Askatangkai, Skythai 401 Apokopa, Toural Dev, Arbuda Askatangkas mts. ... ...... 400, 401 or Abu .......... Asmanoi Skythai ............... 401 Aphsar inscription................. 420 Asmiraia, mts. co. & t. .......... 404 Arabis, r. .....................408, 410 Agmourna or Asmoura, t....... 893 Arakhosin, oo.... 323, 324, 841, 342 ABoka, k. Maurya .........412, 417 407-10 Asoka,--AllahAbad Delhi Siw. Arakhoton, t. & Krene ...319n, 324, lik pillar edicts of ..............304f 409 Abokamalla, k. Ne.............. 414 Araluam, v. ....................... 119 Aspubota, t. in Skythia ......... 400 Arana, t. ............................. 408 Aspakara or Aspakaia, t. of Aratha, t. ........................... 39+ Serike ........................... 404 Arbaka, t............................. 409 Aspathis or Aspathesis, t. ... 362 Arbis, t. of Gedrosia ........... 410 Aspisia mts. and Aspisiol Arbita, mte. .................842, 410 Skythai .................. 400, 401 Arbitai, tr. of Gedrosia ......... 410 Aspithra, T. and t. ......... 386, 387 Arbuda or Abu, mt. ............ 336 Asta, t. of Drangiane ......... 408 Arda Viraf ........................ 18 Astabenoi, tr. of Areia, 406; of Ardone, t. ......................350, 352 Hyrkania ........................ 393 Areia, co.................... 395., 406-8 Astakana, t. of Baktria......... 396 Areias, r. ....................... 406 Astakapra-Hathakavapra, t. 357 Arembour, t. ..................... 367 Astasana, t. of Areia ......... 407 Argadina, t. of Margiane...... 394 Astauda or Astanda, t. ...... 406 Argeirou, t. ........................... 331 Asthagoura, t...................... 383 Argouda, t. ........................... Asthia, isl......................... 410 Argyra, Arakan ... 372, 379, t. 395 Astrae808, t. .................. 350-51 Ariaka, t................. Asuras .............................. 9 Ariakai Skythian, tr............. 401 Atharva Veda ...................... 87 Ariake Sadinon dist. Mahari- Athenagouron, t. ............... 381 shtra .........................325, 366 Attabas, r. .................. 372, 376 Ariaspe, t. ...................408, 409 Auchityavichdracharchd ...... 29 Arideva, k. Ne. ................... 414 Augaloi, tr. of Sogdiana ....... 898 Arieseis, tr. .............. Augara, t. of Areia ............ 406 Arikada, t. ...................... Aulius Gellius ................... 105 Arikaka, t .................... Auxakia, t. and (Oxeia) mte. Arisabion, t. .................. in Skythia ...................... 402 Arispara, t. ..................... 350 Auxoamis, t. ..................... 357 Aristobathra, t. ............... 356 Avalokitesvara, g. ............... 413 Aristophylai, tr. ........... 407 Avarenga, co. or t. ............ Arkhinara, t. 380 Avighnakara ..................... 135 Armagara, t.................. 327, 328 Ayodhya dynasty of Nepal ... 418 Arnold's Light of Asia......... 430 Ayyangars ......................... 252 Aromata, cape ................. 322 Azania, co.................... 387, 392 Arouarnoi (Arvarnoi)peop. 333, 368 Azanos. r. .................. 389, 390 Arouedon or Oroudia, mts. 337, 344 Azika, t. ........................... 356 Arouraioi, tr. Area, dist. Urasa.................. Areitis, port ....................... 393 Babarsana or Kabarsana, t.... 407 Artamin, r. of Baktria ......... 395 Baborana, t. ..................... 407 Badara, t. of Gedrosia .......... 410 Badiamaioi, tr................363, 364 Bagarda, t. ....... ............... 408 Bagoos, mts. Ghor .........406, 408 Bagumra plates of Krishna II. (Rashtrakata of Gujarat) 65ff Bahusahaya, -Dadda III., k. (Gurjara) ....................73, 79 Baisor Vaisa Th&kurs... 414, 148, 421, 422 baithak ....... ....... 166 Baithana, or Paithana, t....... 366 Baitia mte......................409, 410 Bakarei (or Bakare), t. ...328, 329 Baktra, Balkh ......... 318.19, 396 Baktriane, co.......322, 387, 395-96, 406-7 Balaka, isl. .......................... 390 Balantipurgon, t.............. 362, 363 Bali, demon king............... 9, 11 Bali, name of various persons. 11 Balideva, k. Ne................... 413 Balongka, t. .................. 374, 381 Baltipatna, t. ...............325, 327 Bammala or Bambala, t. ...... 329 Bana I., k. ........................9, 11 II., k. ........................ 9, 11 kings .................. 6ff, 187ff Bana-adhirdja, k. ............... 9 Banabhatta ..................101, 421 Bandsvara, t. of Nepal ......... 412 Banagara, t. ..................354, 355 Banaouasei, t. Banavici ... 366-67 Bana-Vidyadhara, k... 9, 11, 13, 14 Barake, isl........................... 369, Barakes, r. in Ceylon ......... 390 Barakoura, mart. ......... 370, 372 Barange, t. of Hyrkania ...... 393 Barbarei, t........................ 357 Barborana, t. ..................... 347 Bardamana, 1....................... 369 Bardaotis, t. .............. Bardaxema, Bardavima, t. Srinagar .....................323-24 Bareukor, Bareuaora, or B& reuathra, t. ..................... 382 Baris, r. .........328, 329, 344, 367 Barousai or Baroussai, isl. ... 384 Barrbai, or Barai, tr. ......... 380 Barygaza, Bharoch.87,118,325, 359 Batoi. tr. ........... 332, 363-64, 368 Barzaura, t......................... 407 Basanarai, tr. ..................... 380 Basaronax, k. cap. of ......... 368 Baskatis, r. ....... 398 Bassa, isl..... 390 Bata, t.. 363 408 * ... 394 ....... 398 ... 362 408 409 881 124 363 368

Page #481
INDEX. 433 *.. 408 372 Bondai ... 386 Bi tai, tr. of Serik.332, 363-64 Bidaspes, r. 319n, 388, 340, 345, Chalukya copper plates......... 50f 368, 404 348, 349 chalukya, 51, 55, 138, 213, 214, 249 Batanagra, t. ................... 350 Bideris, t.............................. 367 chalukya ...92, 186, 213, 214, 249 Batankaissara,Batangkaisara,t.352 Bigis, t. ... Chalukya-Bhima,Bhima II., Batoi, co. of the...352, 363-64, 368 Bijjala, k. ....... 126 k. (East. Chal..............213, 214 Batrakhian sea ................... 387 Binagara, or Minagara, t. 358, 359 Chalukya-Bhima,--Bhima I., Bautisos or Bautes, r. ......... 404 Bindas, r. ........................... 344 k. (E. Chal.)......53, 55, 213, 249 Bavulla, proper name ......... 81 Bitaxa, t. ........................... 406 Chalukya-Vikramavarsha.........93 Bazakata, isl. ..................... 384 Bogadia, t. ........................ 406 Chalukyas, Eastern. 50ff, 120, 137f, Benagouron, t. .................... 364 Bokana, t. in Ceylon ............ 390 185ff, 213ff, 243 Benda, r. ..................325-6, 366 Bolingai or Biolingai, peop.... 362 >> of Gujarat............ 74ff Bopyrrhon, mta. 374, 376, 378, 379 Bombay dancing girls .........165 , , Western ............ 74ff Berabai, t. Benis, t... Chalukyas, Western ............ 91ff Berabonna, T...................... 372 Boudaia, Budhya, t. ........... 358 Champa, Zabai, co..........316, 374 Bere, t..............................! 368 Boukephala, t.................... 349-50 Champapuri or Ch&pagam, t. beryl............... ........................ 367 Boumasanoi, or Boumathanoi, in Nepal ........................ 414 Beseidai or Tiladai, tr. ......... 378 tr. in Ceylon .................. 390 Chanda MS, of The Atharva. Besynga, t. and r. ............ 372 Brahmara, name of Durga ... 27 ........... 24 Besyngeitai or Besyngetai, tr. Brakhmanai Magoi .........363, 364 Chandragiri, v. .................. 15 372, 378 Brakhme (PBrabmadesam), t. 363. Chandragupta II., k. (Gupta).. 185 Bettigo, mts. Malaya, 336-37, 344 64 Chandraketudeva, k. Ne....... 413 360, 362 Bramagara, t...................... 328 Chandravarman, k. Ne. ... 412, 427 Bhagadatta ........................ 428 Bramma, t. Changu-Narayana, g. & tem. 412, Bhairava, Bhairom-Siva, g... 3, Brammagoura, t. ............... 359 413 94, 429 Brankhidai, t. ................ 399 charana, Asvaluyana .......... 87 Bhandanaditya ............. 54 Bridama, t. ........................ 362 Kanva ..............87, 91 Bhaulingi, Bolingai, tr. ...... 362 Brihadisvara Mahatmyam ... 58 Kauthuma ............. 87 Bhauma-yantra, notes on a... 138 British Museum inscriptions..250f Pippalada ........... 87 Bharukachchha, Bharoch, t.... 87, Buddi-Nilakantha, place in ,, Vajasaneya ............ 273 118, 325, 359 Nepal ......... .... 412 Charumati, daughter of Asoka 412 Bhaskaradova, k. Ne.......... 413 Buddha... ...... 135 Chaturmukha,-Brahma, g.... 94 Bhaskaramalla, k. Katmandu. 416 Buddha's death, date of ......148f Chaul or Cherval, t. ............. 326 Bhaskaravarman, k. Ne....... 241 Buddhist images in Ceylon ... 14 Chedi era ........................... 77 Bhatarka (Valabhi) .......... 161 Buddhist inscriptions ...... 134, 135 ChedvAs, Chedds ............... 165 Bhatgam dynasty ............. 415 Buddhist legends of Ceylon... 33 chhandogya ............... Bhitgam or Bhaktapura, t. in Buddhist original of Chau- Chicacole plates of DevendraNepal ........................... cer's Pardoner's Tale......... 152 varma (Ganga) ...............273ff Bhava,-Siva, g. ............. Bukka, k. (Karnata) ........... 126 > of Indravarmi Bhivins..... Bunyiu Nanjio on the date (Ganga)... 119, 1294 Bherajjika, t. ............. ... 87 of Buddha's death ............149f of NandapraBhilla, tr. ...... ***....... 361 Burmese Buddhist Dharma, bhanjanavarma... 48tf Bhima I., k. (E. Chal.) 53, 213, 249 fastra .............. 24 Chikmagalur inscription of , II., k., , ... 213f, 249 Byltai, tr. of Sakai .........324, 400 Madhava (Ganga) ............. 188 Bhimadevavarman, k. Ne. 413, 427 Byzanteion, t....................... 327 Chimula or Simylla, t. ......... 326 Bhimagupta, k. Ne............. 411 Byzantium, t. .... ......... 319 China, Sinai........................ 316 Bhimarjuna, k. Ne.............. 413 Chinghiz Khan ...1097, 139f, 1968, Bhogavarman Maukhari...420, 428 215f. 2914 Bhojadeva, k. Ne. ......... 413, 418 Canary Islands .................. 315 Chirantana, k. (Maurya) ...... 163 Bhuktamanagata, k. Ne... 411 &n Cannibals 404 Chirbira ............... *****............... 162 .. Bhumbhusa padraka............ 160 Cathay, Khitai ..................316n Chola kings, list of .............. 58 bhumichchhidranydya ......... 80n Ceylon or Taprobane........... 389ff Chola plates, at Leiden... 591, 311 Bhomivarman, k. Ne....... 412, 427 Chaisju-Nariyana, g. ......... 412 Cholas, 12, 13, 58, 59, 187, 190, 311 Bhopatindramalla, k. Ne.... 416 Chakrapatindra, k. Ne. 1669 Cosmos Indicopleustes ...... 33 Bhuvanasimha, k. Ne.......... 412 Bhavikrama, k. (Ganga)......... 187 chdkvdla, chakkavala, sakvala. 21 Dlai or Dahai Skythai ......394-5 Bibasis, or Bibasios, r. Vipass chakravartin ..................... 41 Dabasai, or Damassa, peop.... 380 338 (err.), 340, 345 Chalukya chakravartins ...... 126 Dadda I., k.(Gurjara)73, 85, 90, 118 ...... A .D . ............................. 4 16

Page #482
434 INDEX. 319 ............... *** ...-..... 408 Dadda II., k.(Gurjara)73, 79, 86, 91 , III., k. ......... 78, 79 Dagana, or Dadana, t. in Cey lon .........................390, 393 Daidala, t. ..................... 350-51 Daityas ........................... 9, 251 Daitikhai, tr. .................... 352 Dair, r. Isik or Ural ...... 400, 401 Dalamardan Shah, k. Ne....... 416 Damnai, tr. Dasamana ...404, 406 Danaba, t. ... .................... 401 Dandi ............. ................ 101 Dantivarma, k. (Rashtrakata) 69 Daonas, r. Brahmaputri ... 375-76 Dareda, peop. Dardas ......... 345 Darandai, tr. Dareda, peop............. ..... 405 Dargamanes or Orgamenes, r. 395, 397, 407-8 dates in figures...92, 134, 136, 137, 185, 251 ,, in numerical symbols 81, 87, 91, 122, 124, 162 >> in words ... 68, 79, 81, 84, 90, 119, 134, 164, 273 Dattara ............................ 54 Dattatreya, g. ..................... 414 Dedrij, a Brahmana............ 1 De!hi, Siwilik Pillar-Edicts of Asoka ...... Deopali, t. deredar. ............. 171 Desaruno, Oriassa ............... 334 Derbikkai or Derkeboi, tr. 394, 395 Desarene, Orissa ................ 334 Devadatta, k. ..................... 96 Devapatana, t. in Nepal...412, 413 deras................................. 9 Darasaktipandita, a saint...... 92 Devendravarma, k. (Ganga)..273ff Deright, t. ........................ 414 Deyavata (or Adeyavata), v. 49, 50 Dhu haddha, v. .................. 71, 80 Dharapatta k. (Valabhf) ...... 161 Dharasena I. and II. (Val.)... 161 Dharmadeva, k. Ne...412, 424, 427 Dhavala, k. (Maurya) ......... 163 Dhruvadeva, k. Lichchhavi. 423-25 i 427 Dhruvasena I. (Val.)............ 161 Dhyani Buddhas ................ 280 Diamonna, r. Yamuna ...... 312-43 Diggubarru, Y. ...............213, 215 Dimikojeriga, k. ............... 187 Dionysopolis or Nagara, t. ... 317 Dirin Commedin ................ 18 Dobasza or Dumassa, mts. . 374-75 Dombhigrama, v. ............... 160 Gangas ..............53, 187ff, 2747 Domitian, emperor................ 211 Gangas of Kalinganagara ...119ff, Doorway of a temple............ 190 122ff, 273ff Dorias, r. ........................375-76 Gangadova, k. Ne............... 414 Dosarun, r. ......................334-35 Gangakonda ..................... 130 Dounga, t. .................. 325, 326 Ganganoi, peop. .................... 376 dramma ......................... 135-37 Gangaridai, peop. ............... 565 Gange, t. ............................ 365 Drastoka, t. Istargarh ......... 408 Ganges, r. ............ 323, 335, 342 Drengini, q. (Maurya) ......... 169 Gangeya family ................. 275 Drepsa or Rhapsa, t. Andarab. Gargeya-vama-samvatsara ... 274 398-99 Garamaioi of Assyria 01 Assyria ......... Drepsianoi, peop. ............ 368-99 Garamantes, p. ................ Drilophyllitai, tr. ............ 363-64 Garuda, &.......................... 93 Droharjuna.-Bhima I.. k. (E. Gasti, k. Ne. .................... 412 Chal.) ...... ......... 53 Gauda country ................ 135 Dronasarma, k.(E. Chal.)... 56, 57 gaumin, gomin ..................134ff Dronasimha, k. (Val.) ......... 161 Gavaresvara, -Siva, g. ...... 92, 94 Dundu, k. Nirgunda............ 13 Gaza, t. Ghaz or Ghazni ...398.99 Durvinita, k. (Ganga) ......... 187 Gedrosia, co. ......323-24, 389, 410 ditaka ...... .....................122n Ghurjara, k. or co................ 13 Gigbri, or Gidhri, k. Ne ...... 412 Eastern Chalukyas. 50ff, 120, 185f, Girinagara, city .........71, 80, 324 185ff, 213ff, 248 Goaris, r. ........................ 325-26 eclipses, lunar ...............80, 122 Godavari, place in Nepal ...... 412 solar ......... 69, 115, 119 Gokarna, cap. of the Kirata Ekbatana, t. ...................... 319 dynasty of Nepal ............ 412 Elangkhon or Elangkhor, t. Gokarnasvami,-Siva, g. 121, 123, Kulam ...... 330 273 Embolima or Ekbolima, t. ... 356 gomin, gaumin .................. 1356 Emodos, mts. Himalaya...402, 405 Gonturu, v. ................ English-Persian Dictionary, Gupa la, dynasty of Matatirtha 411 Palmer's ........................ 272 Gorkhas ............ 416 eras ... 177, 148, 185, 251, 413, 417 Gorya, t. ............................ 347 Erarasa, t. ................... 350, 352 Goryaia, dist. Ghor or Ghur 345-46 Esoteric Buddhism ........... 63 gotra, Bharadvaja................ 87, 91 Etymander, r. Helmand ...... 324 Bharadvaja ............... 249 Euergetes, k. ........... .......... 211 Bradhnayana ()......... 78 Eukratidia, t. ................396-97 Chauli ..................... 87 Daundakiya ............87, 91 Devarata ............. farkhat explained ............. 166 Dhaumrayana .............. Ferishta ............................ 241 Dhumrayana ............ Ferro, meridian of ............... 315 Gautama ................... 214 Folklore in Southern India ... 183, Harita ..................... 226, 256, 285 Harita ..................... 91 Kasyapa ......56, 87, 91, 119 Gagasmira, t. ............... 350, 352 Kaundinya ............87, 91 Galaktophagoi, Glaktophagoi, Kautsaka .................. 124 peop.................... 388, 401, 403 Kundina .................. 69 Gali, k. Ne......................... 412 Laksh manya ............ 91 Galiba, m....................390, 392 Manavya ... 52, 56, 138, 186, Gamaliba, t. ..................... 366 213, 249 Ganila- Mahondra, -Bhima., II. Mathara..................87, 91 k. (E. Chal.) .................. 2136 >> Shravayana () ......... 78 Gandapada ......................... 102 > Vatsa .......... 87, 91, 162 Gandarai, tr. Gandhara ...... 348 Goumara, t. of Ceylon ......... 390 ......... ..........304ff . .. .... 5+ 87

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************ Gouriane, t.......... Grynaioi Skythia, tr.......... 394 324 138 ************* Gudrahara vishaya Guhasena, k. (Valabhf)........ 161 Guja, k. Ne. 413 Gulganpode Bana inscriptions 13f Gunaga-Vijayaditya, Vija. yaditya III., k. (E. Chal.) v. 213, 249 Gunakamadeva, k. Ne. 413, 418, 427 Gunana, k. Ne. ............................................... 412 Gundugolanu, v. 250 gurjara, gurjara 84n Gurjara kings 70ff, 81ff, 88ff, 115ff Gymnosophistai.. Gynaikon Limen, t. 410-11 ****************** 352 Hadali inscription of Vikra 9 maditya VI. (W. Chal.) v.. 91ff Hara,-Siva, g. Hari, Harivarma, k. (Ganga) 187f Haridattavarman, k. Ne. 412, 427 Haridera, k. Ne. 414 Hariharasimha, k. Ne. 415, 418 Harisimhadeva of Ayodhya... 414 Haritiputra...51, 55, 138, 186, 213, ... 249 *************** Harivarman, k. Ne......... .....412, 427 Harsha, Harshadova, Harshavardhana, k., Kanauj. 71, 73, 74, 79, 98f, 413, 421-22 Harshadeva, k. Ne.. 413 411 Harshagupta, k. Ne. Harsha-Vikrama of Ujjayini. 149 Hastakavapra, Astakapra.... 358 Hastimalla, k. (Bana) ************ 187 363 Hayakshetra Hekatompylos, t. ......................................... 319 Heorta, t... .376-77 Heptanesia islands... 369 Herat, t.......................... 407 Hierapolis on the Euphrates.. 318 Himyaritic inscription 215 Hippemolgoi, peop. Hippokoura, t. 325-27, 366-67 Hiuen Tsiang. 27, 28, 324, 419, 421 403 ................................ 22 ************ Horinzi monastery palm-leaf MSS. ..311-312 Hriti, k. Ne. 412 Huang-yuan ...................... 162 Humati, k. Ne. ********************* ****************** 412 Hypasis, r......... ...........319n Hyrkania, co. & t....319, 387, 393 Iabadios, isl. Java 385 Iasonion, t............................................................... 394 INDEX. Tastos, r. Kizil-darya ......400, 401 Iatour, t. Yetur.368-69 Iaxartes, r. .........398-99 Iberingai, peop. 380 Ichangu-Narayana, g...... 412 ideru plates of Amma I. (E. Chal.) ****************** 51ff Ideru plates of Vijayaditya (E. Chal.)......... 56ff *************** Ilao plates of Dadda II. (Gurjara) ..72ff, 77, 115ff Imaos, mts. 398 Indabara, t. ...........350, 352 380 Indaprathai, peop. India beyond the Ganges...... 370f Indo-Skythia, dist................. 354 Indra, g. 53 Indra Adhiraja .................. 120 Indra, Indrabhattaraka, k. (E. Chal.)... 53, 54, 120, 213, 249 Indravarma, k. (Ganga).. 120, 121, 123, 274 Indus, r....... ..323, 337-41 inscriptions on stone,Maurya... .134ff *********** 162 miscellaneous ...185, 250, 251 Rashtrakuta Silahara of Konkana...... 134 West. Chalukya ....... 91ff inscriptions on copper,-- Bana 6ff East. Chalukya 50ff, 55ff, 137f, 185ff, 213ff, 218 Ganga... 119ff, 120, 122ff, 273f Gurjara..70ff, 81ff, 88ff, 115ff Kalinga......... 48ff Rashtrakuta of Gujarat.. 65ff Valabhi ................... 160f Ioannes Philoponus ....... 104 Iomous, t.... ...350-52 Isa.-Siva, g...... 252 Issodon Skythike, t....402-3 fevarakrishna, author of the Sankhyakarika 102 Ievara,-Siva, g. 94 Ithagouroi, t. Dhangars ...404, 406 Ithagouros, t. 348-49 ************ *************** .............. **********.... **************** ************ *************** ***...***...... Jagadekamalla, k. (Bana) ...9, 11 Jagajjayamalla, k. Ne.. ......... 416 Jagajjyotir-malla or Jayajyotirmalla, k. Ne. 415 Jagatprakasamalla, k. Ne. 415 Jagattunga (Govinda III.) k.133-34 Jaiminiyabrahmana 21 Jaina marriage ceremonies 280 Jainas, papers on the......191, 276 ... *******..... 435 69 ..................................... Jajjaka, proper name............ Jalasayana, g. ...................................... 412 jalayatra ceremony............. 280 166 jalsa Jambusaras, t.......87 and n, 91 Japanese archaeology......... 27 414 Jayabhadramalla, k. Ne. ...... Jayabhata I. (Gurjara), 73, 86, 91, 39 118 II. & III. (Gurj.) 73, 79f Jayadeva, kk. Ne.. 413-14, 420-21, 423-24, 426 Jayadeva II, Vijayadeva, Parachakrakama, k. Ne... 424-26 428 411 Jayagupta, k. Ne. JayajagatmaLla, k. Ne. ......... 414 Jayakamadeva, k. Ne. ......... 413 Jayamatisimba, k. Ne. ......... 412 Jayanandivarma, k. (Bana) .. 9-11 Jayaprakasa, k. Ne. Jayarayamalla, k. Ne. Jayasimha I. and II., kk. (East. 416 415 ********* Chal.).......... 53, 55, 213, 249 Jayasimhavarma-Dharaeraya. 75 Jayasthitimalla, k. Ne. 414, 418-19 Jayavarman orJayadeva,k. Ne.412, 424, 427 416 251 ****** Jayayogaprakasa, k. Ne. Jharesvara,-Siva, g. Jishnugupta, k. Ne. 423, 424, 427 Jitamitramalla, k. Ne.......... 416 Jitedasti, k. Ne. 412, 427 92 Juanasaktipandita, a saint 321 Junagadh, t.. Jyeshthavarman, k. Ne....412, 427 Jyotimalla, k, Ne. ........... 419 Jyotirlingas. 61 ************* ... *********... ***********.. 369 Kachh, gulf of ......... Kailasakata, place in Nepal. 413n, 422, 423 Kaira plates of Dadda II. (Gurjara)....72ff, 81ff, 88ff 347 Kaisana, t.......... Kakamukha........................ 365 Kakavarman, k. Ne............. 412 Kalachuris of Tripura 77 Kalaikarias, t...................... 329 Kalamukha,-Siva, 94 g. Kalavatis .......................... 165 Kalinga, co...50, 121, 123 Kalinga kings .48, 121, 213, 273 Kalinganagara, city......121ff, 273 Kali-Vishnuvardhana,-Vishnuvardhana V., k. (E. Chal.) 53, 213, 249

Page #484
436 INDEX. 137 95 Kallakursi, v. ................ 531 Kaspeira, t. .................350-51 Kolar, t. ........................ 12 Kalligeris, t. .................... 366-67 Kaspeiraioi, peop. ......350-51, 404 Koli, t. Kalah ...................372.73 Kalldru, v. ......................... Kaspeiria, co...................345-46 Kolkhoi, t. Kolkei............ 330-31 Kalyana, t. .......................... 330 Kaspian gates, Demir, KApi... 319 Kolkhic Gulf ..................... 320 Kama, k. ............................248ff Kassida, t. Kasi ..............380-81 Kollabiganda, -Vijayaditya IV., Kamane, v. ........................ Kataboda, r......................370-71 k. (East. Chal.) .............. 249 Kamborikon, r: ........... 335, 343 Katmandu or Kantipura, t. 414,-15, Komaria, c. Kumari...... 322, 330 Kambyson, r. ............... 335, 343 418 Komaroi, tr. of Sakai ........ 324 Kamigara, t. Aror ............... 358 Kattigara ............... 316, 320-22 Komedai, dist. & mts......319, 388, Kanagora, Kanyakubja......352-53 Kaukasian, mte................397-98 398, 400 Kanaswa inscription of Siva- Kaukili, k. ........................ 55 Kondappa, a Brahmana......... 153 gana (Maurya) ...............162ff Kausiki, g. ... 52, 56, 186, 213, 249 Kondota or Tondota, t....... 377-78 Kanchi, t.......................... 190 Kaveri dam ........................ 311 Kongani I. (Ganga)... ....187, 189 Kdnchigonda ..................... 190 Kavi grant of Jayabhata III. Kongapivarma, k. ............ 12 Kandaloi, tr. ..................... 361 | (Gurjara)..................714, 77 | Kongu-Karnata kings ........ 12 Kanderuvati, dist. ............54, 56 Kavithasidhi, V. .................. 69 Kongudesarajdkal ................ 991 Kanheri inscriptions of Sarva Kdyavatara, --Kavi, t.........71, 79 Konkana, co.......13, 69, 134, 136, (Rash.) and Kapardi II. Kelydna, t. ......................... 377 (SilA. of Konkana) ... 134, 1354 Kenopanishad..................... Kanogiza, t. Kanyakubja...... 381 Kanheri inscription of Sarva Keralotpatti.. Konta, t. Kunda.................. 352 (R&sh.) and Pullasakti (Sild. Kerangkaloi, peop................ 378 Kontakossyla, t. ............... 333-34 of Konk.)....................... 136f kerba .................................. 166 Kophen, t. ........................ 410 Kanishka, k. .................58, 955 Kosari, k. (Ganga)......... 187, 190Kophes, r. Kabal ............837,339 Kannada authors, early .... 25 Kesu, k. Ne...................... 412 Kopparakesarivarma, k. (Chola) 187 Kannagara, t. Kanarak P..... 334 Khaberis, t. Kaveripattanam. 332. Korankara ......... ............ 378 Kanogiza, t. Kanyakubja ...380-81 33 Korilla pathaka................71, 80 Kanthi, gulf of Kachh. ... 323-324 Khaberos, r. Kaveri ......... 332-33 Koronos, mts .................... 393 Kantipura or Katmandu ...413-16 Khaline, isl......................... 384 Korosotakap Kanvabrama, hermitage, or lehallara ........................... 80n | Koroungkala, t. .................... village ........................... 163 Kharaunaioi, tr. Kajana...404, 406 Kory, oape & t........320-22, 331-32 Kanvaveda, S&yana's Bhdshya kharidpatra, a deed of sale ... 165 Kory isl. ........................ 369-70 on the .............................. 24 Khariphron, mth. of Indus. 323-24 Korygaza, t......................377-78 Kanyakubja, t............... 353, 381 Khatriaioi, Kshatriyas ......... 360 Kosamba, t. .................... 334-35 Kapardi I. (Sile. of Konk.) ... 137 Ichaz-z-Ichitai ..................... 141 Kottiara, t. Kottara ............. 330 , II. , , ...134ff Khersonese, the Golden ......372-3 Kouba, t. Goa..................... 367 Kaphi, t. in Bengal ............ 413 Khimbu, k. Ne.................. 412 | Kouroula, Kouroura, Kabul, 320n, Khimbu, k. Ne...................... 412 Kara Khitai, the empire of ... 108 Khitan empire..................... 108 324 Karatai, tr. Karait ......... 324,400 Khorasmioi, peop. ............998-99 Krishna, k. ........................ 10 Karayilladata,Bhima II., k. Khrendoi, tr. ....................... 393 , k. (Rash.) .........53, 190 (E. Chal.) ..................... 249 Khryse.............. ............ 834 Krishna II. of Ankulesvara, k. Karnataka dynasty of Nepal 414, Khrysoana r. Irawadi ......372-73, (Rathod) ....................... 65 418 375-76 Krishnagiri,-Kanheri ...... 135ff Karishasadhi, v. .................. 66 Khrysoun, mth. of the Indus. 323 Ksitavarman, k. Ne. ............ 413 Karnata grants .................. 129 Kindia, t. Kant................... 353 Kshetrasamdsa, a work on Karpa, poet .................... 94 Kirata dynasty of Nepal 412, 417, geography ...................... 885 Kartasina, t. Karnasonagarh. 364 418 Kuberavarman, k. Ne....412, 427 Kirrhadia and Kirrhadoi.371, 379 Kubja-Vishnuvardhana,Kareoi, tr. ..................... 330, 368 Kirtipura, t. in Nepal ......... 413 Vishnuvardhana I., k. (East. Karige, t. Kadapa ............368-69 Kirttivarm I., k. (Early Chal.) 75, Chal.) ..................53, 213, 249 Karoura or Kaboura, t. Kabul 408 138 Kulinda, peop............... .... 346 Karoura, t. Karur .............367-68 Koa, r................ 337, 339, 341-42 Kumarilabhatta.................. 100 Kartinaga, t. Karnagarh ...364-68 Koangka, t. Kanakavati ...353-54 Kuntaditya ......................... 54 Kasape, t. of Hyrkania......... 393 Koddoura, t. ..................333-34 Kusinagara, t.................. 353 Kasbins ............................ 166 Kokkili, k. (E. Chal.). 53, 213, 249 kutumbi................................ 55 Kasia, mte. ................. 402, 405 Kokkonagara, t. Pegu P...381, 384 keutumbin .............................. 50n Kasipura, t. in Nepal............ 414 Kokkonagai, tr. ..............364-65 Kuva!A lapura. t. Koler ...... 12, 187 Kasmir. Kolaka or Kolala, t. .........356-57 Kylindring, dist............845-46 369 65 ****. 404

Page #485
INDEX. 437 27 Kyros, r. ......................... 319n Malaia, Adam's peak............. 392 Ma-Twan-lin ... 103 Kyroskhata, or Kyropolis. 398-99 Malaita, t.......................362-63 | Maukhari dynasty 420, 421n, 428 Malanga, t. .....................368-69 Maurya kings .................. 162ff Labaka, t...........................349-50 Malava era .......................... 163 Mavali, k. (Bana) ............... 187 Labokla, t. Lahor ............. 350-51 Malaya, mt. .................... 38, 390 Maxera and Maxerai, tr. ...... 393 Lakshmikamadeva, k. Ne. 413, 418 Maleo cape ............. 325 Mayura .............................. 101 Lakshminarasimha-deva, or Maleon Kolon, cape .........372-73 Media, co................ 393 -malla, k. Ne. ............415, 418 Maliya plates of Dharasona II. Melamba, q. (East. Chal......... 214 Lal Husain, saint of Kasur ... 2 (Valabh!) .................... 160ff Melange, t. ........................ 333 Lalitapattana, t.......... 413-14, 416 Malla, k. (E. Chal.) ............ 214 Melizegyris, isl. ................... 369 Lambatai, peop. of Lamghan. 345, Malladeva, k. (Bana) ...... 9, 11 Melkynda or Nelkynda, t. ... 329 377 Manada, r. Mahanadi............ 334M eroe in Egypt .................... 315 Lampaka, co. ..................... 13 Manadeva, k. Ne. 412-14, 418, 424- Merudeva, k. (Bana) ...... 9, 11, 13 Larike, dist.................... 325, 359 Minagara, t. .........334-35, 359.60 Lestai-Robbers ............374, 380 Manadevavarman, k. Ne. 413, 427 Minamina, t. or v. .............. 56 Leuke, isl.........................369-70 Managriha, t. in Nepal ......... 423 Mirzapur folklore ............... 57 library of Alexandria103, 208, 428 Manaksha or Mataksha, k. Ne. 412 Mitradeva, k. Ne. ............... 414 Lichchhavis.........419, 422-24, 426 Manarpha, Manaliarpha, t. ... 333 Modogoulla, t. Mudgal.......366-67 Light of Asia, by E. Arnold... 430 Manasa devi, g. of thieves ... 3 Modoura, Madura ............... 368 Lithinon Pyrgos, Stone Tower, Mandagara ........................ 327 Modoura, t. Mathura ...... 350, 352 Tash Kurghan ......317-19, 400 Mandara, mt. ...................... 9 Mogallana, attendant of Lokamahadevi, q. (E. Chal.)... 249 Mandalai, peop. .................. 363 Buddha........................... 15 Lokesvara, g. ..................... 412 Mangi (East. Chal.) ...53, 213, 249 Monedes, peop. .................. 377 Lokharna, t. Logarh............... 408 Maniolai islands ...............385-86 Mongol history, Two early Lonibare, Kori, mt. of the Manigupta, k. Ne................ 411 sources on ..................... 27 Indus ........................ 323, 324 Maniyogini, an ishtadtvi ...... 413 Monoglosson mart, Mangrol. 323, Lonibare (Lavanvata) ......... 324 Manour Hallaj, a Safi 325 Lo-yang, t. ........................319n Marakanda, Samarkand 317n, 396. Mophis, r. Mahi............ 325, 344 Luk, k. Ne. ......................... 412 97, 399 Morounda, tr. ...................377-78 Marasimha, k. (Ganga) ...... 187f Moudouttoi, tr................390, 393 Maagrammon, t. ............390, 393 Marbodius .......................... 237 Mousarna, t...................... 410-11 Machhandarnath, preceptor of Marco Polo ........................ 240 | Mousopalle, t. Miraj ? ......... 367 Gorakhnath .................. 4 Mardavalli, or Maddavalli, v. 137f Mouziris, t. Muyirikodu ...... 329 Maddavalli, or Mardavalli, v. 137 Mareoura or Malthoura, t. 381,384 Muhammad bin Mansar ...... 208 Madhava, k. (Ganga) ......... 1874 Margara, t. Marhara ............ 352 Mukhasa, v. ........................ 50 Madhyalakhu, t. in Nepal ... 4131 Margiane, co............. 387, 393-95 Mukundasena, k. ............... 414 Maes, the Makedonian mer- Marginia, t. ........................ 399 Manda, tr. ...................... 377n chant.............................. 318 Margas, r. ........................ 394 | Muranda, tr. .................. 377-78 Mahabali, demon-king ......... Marinos of Tyre...............314-15 Murlis .............................. 166 MahAbali (Bana) ............... Maroundai, Muranda, tr. ...... 377 Mahabali dynasty ............. Martaban, t. ...................317n Naagramma, t. Naushehra ... 358 Mahadeva temple, inscription masa, - Nach girls of Bombay ......... 165 from the Asvina .......................... 134 Nagas..............................85, 90 mahardja, off. term ............ Bhadrapada.................. 69 Nagadanda, k. ................... 187 Maharashtra, co.................. 13 Chaitra .........69, 93, 122, 251 Nagadiba, isl. ...............390, 393 Maheena, g. 52, 137, 186, 213, 249 Jyeshtha ..................... 119 Nagamalla, k. Ne................ 414 Mahondra, mt.......... 121, 123, 273 Karttika ...69, 86, 87, 91, 252 Nagarahara, t. Dionysoholis.. 347 Mahe vara,-Siva, g... 80, 124, 273 Magha ............... 69, 80, 124 Nagarija Samantu............... 273 Mahideva or Mahadeva, k.Ne. 412, Margasira....................... 122 Nagarjunadova, k. Ne.......... 413 424-25, 427 Vaisakha ...................... 162 Nagarjunamalla, k. Ne....... 413 Mahindramalla or Mahipatin masks from Maisur ............ 429 Nagendramalla, k. Ne....... 414 ................415, 416 Massagetai, tr. of Sakai 324, 391- Naikins............. Maiandros mts. ................374-75 95, 400, 410 | Namados or Namades, NarMaisoka or Mausoka, t. ...... 393 Masadi, Arab geographer...... 392 mada, r. ................. 69, 325, 314 Maisolia, Maisoloi ......... 333, 369 Matirajya, place in Nepal...... 412 Nandadeva, k. Ne................. 413 Maisur, bronze masks from ... 429 Matisimhadeva, k. Ne. ......... 414 Nandagiri ........................ 190 Maitrakas.... ......... 160 Matrigaya at Siddhapuri ...... 282 Nandaprabhasjanavarma, k. 48 ... . .:

Page #486
438 INDEX. Nandidurg ......... 12 Ostobalasara, or Stobolasara, Parsia, t. Farzah ............. 408 Nandipuri, t. .......... 73, 82, 84, 90 t............................. 350-51 Parsiana, t. Panjshir ......... 407-8 Nane, k. Ne..................... 412 Ottorokorrhai, peop. ......404, 406 Parsidai, tr...................... 410-11 Nangalogai, tr. ................. 380 Ouandaband or Vandabanda, Parsioi, tr. Parsus ............ 407-8 Nangipanth, a Hinda sect...if dist. .........................398-99 Parsis, t. ........................410-11 Nanigaina, t. ..................... 334 Ouindion mts. Vindhya. 336, 341-42 Parsyetai, tr. ................. 407-9 Nanigeris, isl. .................369-70 Ouxenton mts. ......... 336-37, 343 P&rvati, g. ............ Nanyadeva, k. Ne.......... 414, 418 Ovid's Metamorphoses ........ 107 Pasage, t. Palsagi or Halsi ... 367 Narabhopala-ShAh, k. Gorkha. 416 Oxeian lake ................ 398-99 Pasipeda, t. .................. 356, 358 Narasimhadeva, k. Ne.......413-14 Ozene, Ujjain.................. 359 Paseala, t. ........................ 352 Narayana,-Vishnu, g....9, 53, 56, Osos, r. Oxus...... 393, 395, 397-98 Passalai, peop. .................... 378 137, 186, 213, 249 Pasupati, temple of ......... 412-14 Narendra-deva-varman, k. Ne. 413, PachambA .......... ............ 166 Pasuprekshadeva, k. Ne....... 412 423-28 pdddnudhyata..... 49 Patala, Patalene, t.......354-55,357 Narendramalla of Bhatgam... 415 Padavipuri, or Padivipurt, c. . 1894 Pataliputra, see Palimbothra. 96, Narendramalla of Katmandu. 415 Padmabhattaraka ............... 57 424 Narendramrigaraja,-Vijaya- Padmadeva, k. Ne.............. 413 Pativarman, k. Ne......... 412, 427 ditya II, k. (E. Chal.) 213 Padowen ............................ 178 Pattavardhini family ......... 54 Narmada, r. ......... 69, 325, 344 Paganavaram plates of Bhima pattiyanaka......................... 135 Naroulla, t. ..................... 367 11. (East. Chalukya) .........213ff Patuka, k. Ne................... 412 Nasika, t. Nasik .......... 359-60 Pagunavara vishaya ............ 213f Pavi, k. Ne.................. 412 Nattuvan ............................ 178 Paithana, Pratishthana ...... 366 Pedda-MaddAli copper-plates of Naulibi, t. Nilob .............. 348 Pakidare, v. ............................ 325 Jayasimha I. (East. Chal.)... 1378 Naulibis, t. ....................... 408 Palaipatmai, t. .................. 327 Pentagramma, t................... 356 Nausari plates of Jayabhata Palandas, r. Salyuan ...... 376-76 Pentapolis, t. ..................370-71 III. (Gurjara) ............. 70ff, 81 Palar, r. ........................... 11 Penukaparu, v. ................... 138 Nausaripa, Nausari, t. ......... 325 Paldalu, Pardalu, V............... 92ff Peperine, isl. ...................... 369 Nautaka, t. Naksheb P ...... 398-99 Palimbothra, Palibothra, P&tali. Perimulic gulf.................372-73 Navakot, t. in Nepal ... 415, 421-22 putra ... 96, 319, 353, 363-64, 424 Peringkarei, t. Perungkarei... 368 Narkot, Thakuri dynasty ... 413 Palm-leaf MSS. from Horiuzi Peterson's Report on Sanskrit Nayamamba, q. .................. 284 in Japan ......................... 311 MSS............................. 27, 29 Nemuni.............................. 411 Panasa, t............................ 358 Peukolaitis ..................... 319n Nepal history .........................411ff Panassa, t. ..................... 362-63 Phrourion, t. ...................368-69 Nevari era, A.D. 880 ............ 414 panchamahdbabda ............... 134 phugadi.............. ............... 166 nibaddham .......................... 7 71 Pandion, dist...................... 331 Phulochchha, fort in Nepal... 412 Nikaia, t. ..................... 350-51 | Pandyas ............ Phyllitai, tr. Bhillas............ 361 Nikama, t. Nagapattanam ... 332 | Pandoouoi, peop ................. 349 | Pidarf or Kali, g. ................ 430 Nimisha, k. Ne..................... 412 Pantipolis, t. Hangal ...... 367-68 | Pikendaka, t. Pennakonda. 368-69 Nirgunda, situation of ......... 12 Paloura, t. Palura ......... 320, 334 Pirates, cities of the ............ 367 Nisaia or Nigaia, t. ............394-5 | Palpa, t. in Nepal ............414-15 Pithonabasto, t. Bungpasoi ... 374 Norosson mta................ 400-402 Pandavas ...................... 412, 417 Pityndra, t. Dhanakataka?333,369 numerical symbols. 81, 87, 91, 122, Pandionoi ............ Podoperoura, t. ................... 329 124, 162 Parakosari, k. 189 Podouko, t. ....... 333 Paralia, coast ....................... Pogaldra, V.......... Oikhardes, r. ......................402-3 paramabhdgavata ............... 49 Poloura, t. Jelasur................ 336 Okhos r. in Baktria .........395-397 Paramagupta, k. Ne.............. 411 Po-lo-mi-lo-ki-li, Sri Saila ... 27 Olokhoira, t. Khede ............. 367 paramasaugata ................... 134 | Polytimetes, r. Zarafshan. 400, 401 Ophir............... ............. Paramesvara, -Siva, g.......... 163 Popol Vuh ........................ 42 Opiane, t....... .................319n Parautoi, tr. .................... 406-408 Porouaroi, Porvaroi, tr. ...... 362 Orbadarou or Ordabari, t... 357-58 Parba, k. Ne. Potaraka or Potalaka, mt. ... 27 Orgalic gulf .................. 331-32 Pardalu, Paldalu, V............... 92ff Poulindai Agriophagoi, tr. ... 330 Orosius...................... 105, 428 Parla-Kimedi plates of Indra Poulipoula, t. ....................... 325 Oroudian, mts...................... 337 varma (Ganga) ............... 120 Pounnata, t. Punnadu ......... 367 Orthoura, t. ........... 332, 368-69 Parnoi, tr......................... 394-5 Prabhakaravardhana, k. ...... 99 Ortospana, t. Kabul. 319n, 323, 408 Paropanisadai, 328, 312, 345, 389, Prabhu-Morudera, k.(Bana)9,11,13 Orza, t........... 407-8 Prajnd-paramita ............... 413 Oskana, t....... 856 Parthia, co..... ..... 393 Pranamalla, k. Ne............... 415 Phy ***... 187 ..... 329 332 ***... 138 ****........ 352

Page #487
INDEX. 439 209 ...360-61 | Rasild, raja of Sialkot .......... 179 Salivahana of Sialkot ......... 178 Prasantariga, k.-Dadda II. Rashtrakatas of Gujarat ... ... 65ff Salem plates of Hastimalla (Gurjara) ... 73, 87, 91, 119, 312 of Manyakheta 133ff (Bana) ............................. 187ff prasasti........ 122 Ratnadvipa, isl. .................. 33 Salem plates of Vikramaditya Prasiake, peop. ............... 352-53 Ratnamalla, k. Ne............. 415 II. and Vijayaditya II. Prasum, cape ..................... 321 Rattas, -Rashtrakatas ...... 53 (Bana) ......................... 6if Pratapamalla, k. Ne....... 415, 418 Reva, proper name ......87, 91, 119 SAluva Nrisimha, k. ............ 155 Pravarans ........................ 149 Rha r. Volga ......... 400, 401, 403 san...................... 79, 84, 90, 162 Prithivi-Kongani, k. ............ 12 Rhabannai tr. Ramana... 404, 406 Samarade, t. Ligor............... 374 Prithvinariyana, k. GorkhA... 416 Rhadamarkotta, t. ......... 381-82 Samarkand, Marakanda ......317n Prithivipallavapactana, t. ... 186 Rhamnai, t. .......... 360-61, 410-11 Samavidhanabrahmana ....... 100 Prithvivarman, k. Ne....412, 427 Rhapta, t. ........................ 321 | Sambalaka, t. Sambhal, 352-53 Prithiviyaraja, proper name. 54 Rhea, t. ............................. 394 363-64 Prithuyabas, k. (Ganga) ......187f Rhingiberi, t. .............. 381, 383 Sambhu,--Siva, g. ...9, 53, 93, 251 Proklais, t. Pushkalavati :..348-49 Rhodes, parallel of .........315, 319 Sambhu-Jharesvara, -Siva, g. 251 Prophthasia, t. in Drangiane 319n Rhogandanoi, tr. in Ceylon... 390, Samipadraka, v. ...............80, 95 408-9 393 Samkuka, k. ...................... 163 Pseudostomon, mouth of the Rhouadis, r. Rav! ......... 338, 340 Sammu or Sanoa, k. Ne....... 412 Ganges ........... ............ 335 Rhymmik mts. ............400, 402 Sampradayavidah ............. 95 Pseudostomos, r. ............... 329 Rhymmos, r. Narynchara 400, 401 samvat ........................ 185, 251 Ptolemaios (Klaudios) the Rudradeva, k. Ne................. 413 samvatsara ................... 79, 84, 90 Geographer ...................... 314 Rudradevavarman, k. Ne. 412, 427 samvatsaras, Ptolemy's Geography of India313 Prajapati .................... 134 Pukalappavaraganda, Pukala- Sabadeibai, isl. ................ 384-85 Raktakshi..................... 93 vippavaraganda, - Vijaya- Sabalaessa, mth of the Indus. 323 Sandabal, r.Chandrabhaga. 338-340 ditya II., k. (Bana) ......... 10, 11 Sabarai, Suari, or Savaras ... 365 Sankaracharya ... 95f, 253f, 412-13 Pulikest II., k. (W. Chal.). 52, 421 Sabouras, t. ..................... 332-33 Sankaradova, k. Ne. 412-13, 424, 427 Pulikesivallabha, k. .........75f, 99f Sada, t......................321, 371-72 Sankaramanddrasaurabha ... 95 Pulinda, tr. ........... ...... 360 Sadanes, k. Satakarni ......... 325 Sankaravijaya...................... 95 Pullasakti (Silk hara of Kon. Sadasiva of Vijayanagara ... 154 154 Sankhu, t. in Nepal ............ 413 kana) .................. 133, 134, 137 Sadasivadeva, k. Ne............. 413 Sankuka, k. (Maurya) ......... 163 Punniavaramma, t. ............ 250 Sadasivamalla, k. Ne.......... 415 Sanskrit inscriptions in the Purandara, -Indra, g. ......... 53 Sagala, t. ............................. 353 British Museum ............... 250 Puri, t. ........................ 134, 137 Sagala Euthymedia, t. ...... 349.50 Sapara, mth. of Indus ......... 323 Puri, capital of the Konkan... 134 Sagapa, Ghara, mth. of Indus. 323, Sapolos, t. ........................ 376 Purnavarma, k. ................... 96 324 Sorabakic gulf...................... 372 Pushkarkvati, t................... 348 Sagoda, t. Saketa ......... 380, 382 Sarobas, r. Sarayu............ 342-43 Pushkara or Pushka, k. Ne. 412 Sakai, peop. ............ 324, 399, 400 Saraganes, k. Satakarni ...... 325 Pushpapura Pataliputra ...... 424 Sakala, or Sagala, t. ............ 350 Saramanne, t. of Hyrkania ... 393 Sakalpar, t. ........................ Sarapalli, t. ........................ 49f Rachamalla, k. ................... 188 Sakanripakdla ... 69, 117, 134, 135 Sarbana or Sardana, t....... 357-58 Raidham, V.................. Sake, or Salo, t. .................. 893 Sardonyx mts. .................. 336 Raja Mahendra,-Amma I., k. fdkhd,-Bahvpicha .........87, 119 Sariphoi mts. Hazaras. . 394, 406-7 (E. Chal..................53, 248, 250 ,, Chhandoga ............... 12 Sariputta, Buddhist saint...... 15 R&jasimha, a Ganga title...... 188 Taittiriya .................. 56 Surirakabhashya ................ 99 Rajasimha,- Indravarma, k. * Vajasaneya ......87, 122, 249 Sarva, k. (Rashtrakata) ...... 134 (Ganga) ........................ 120 >> V&jasaneya-Madhyan SarvankAmchonipadrakan ... 163 Rajendravarmi, k. ......... dina ..................... 80 Sarvavarman, k. Ne....... 419, 427 Rajyaprakasa, k. Ne............. Vajggandyi-Kanya ......... 162 Satatru, Satlaj, r. ............. 340-41 Rajyarardhana, k..... ..... Saktideva, k. Ne................ 414 Satakarni, k. ..................... 325 Rajyavati, q. ............. Saktisimhadeva, k. Ne.......... 414 Satapathabrahmana ............ 18 Ramanujacharya ............... sakvala chakkavdla, chakka. Satrusijaya, and the Jainas, Ramasim hadeva, k. Ne....... vala .............................. 20 papers on ..................191, 276 Rameavaram .................... Sakyasimha Buddha ......412, 417 Satyagraya Palikeki ............ 421 Ranajitamalla, k. Ne.......... 416 Salakenoi, peop. ...............364-65 Satyaerayavallabha, Satyas. Rapavfrasing ......................... 263 Salike or Ceylon..................... 391 rayavallabhendra, -Pulikest Ranga II. Penugonda, k....126,153 Salivahana era .................. 413 II., k.(W. Chal.) 52, 213, 249, 421 ...... 118

Page #488
440 INDEX. ........... 354 Sudarshanavibhashdvinaya... 149 Sunsa or Suga, k. Ne.......... 412 Sunthavadaka, v. ......... 116, 119 Supushpa of Pushpapura.... 424 Surashtra, Syrastrene ......... 324 Suryamalla, k. Ne................ Saryavansi, dynasty of Nepal. 412 414, 418, 423, 425-26 sutra, - Apastamba............... 56 - Bharadraja ............ Suvarnamalla, k. Ne............. 416 Suyarma, k. Ne..................... 412 Svananda, k. Ne. ................ 412. Syamasimhadeva, k. Ne. 414, 418 Syeba mts. .................. 400-402 Syrastra, Sorath, v. ...... 323, 324 Syrastrene, Surashtra ...323, 324, 354-55 Syr-darya, r... .... 138 Satyr islands ..... Saucha-Kandarpa,-Bhima I., k. (East. Chal.) .............. 249 saugata .... 134 Saurabatis or Sandrabatis, dist. ......... Sazantion, t. Sujintra ?........ 359 schoinos ........................... 317n seals,-emblems on....7, 51, 55, 82, 88, 115, 119, 122, 137, 160, 213, 248, 732 , legends on, 49, 51, 55, 82, 88, 115, 137, 160, 213, 248 Selampoura, t. Selempur ... 380-81 Semanthinoi...................... 387 Semanthinos mts............. 374-75 Semno-Sramana ? ............ 329 Sera, Ho-nan ......... 318, 319, 322 Seres ..............318, 322, 386, 389 Serike, co....................... 403-6 Seros, r. ........................ 375-76 Shah Husain, a Lahore saint. 2 Shanmukha, g. .................. Shapur inscr. ......... Shekb Husain Hallaj Baizi, a sofi........... Shekh Yasaf Quoreshi, k. of Multan .............. Siddhosvara, -Siva, g. ......... 252 Siddhinsisimha, k. Ne.......... 415 Siddhivarman, k. Ne....... 412, 427 Sigalla, t. ..................... 363-64 Sighelmas, bishop of Shir. burne ........................... 237 Sikhara-Narayana, g. ......... 412 SilAditya Harshavardhana ... 421 SilAditya-Sryasraya............ 80 SilAbaras of the Konkana ...133ff Simhala ........................... 33 Simrongadh in the Terai ...... 414 Simylla ....................322, 325, 326 Simhanandt, k. (Ganga) ...... 187 Sina or Sena, t. .................. 394 Sinaka, t. of Hyrkania ......... 393 Sinai, metrop......315-16, 320, 322 Sinai, Chinese ..................386-87 Sinda, isl... .............. 374 Sindai, isl. ........................ 384 Sinthon Piti, mth of the Indus 323, 324 Sippara, t. ..................... 334-35 Sirakene, co........................ 393 Sirdar Pass ..................... 320n Sirimalaga, t. Malkhoa P... 366.67 Siripalla, t. Soripala ............ 359 Dirishapadiaka, v. ... 82, 86, 87, 91 Siva, g...................... 9, 162, 251 Sivadeva I. and II., kk. Ne. 419-20, 422-28 Sivadevavarman, k. Ne ...413, 427 Sivagana, k. (Maurya) ......... 163 Sivaka padraka ................. 160 Sivamara, k. (Ganga) ......... 187f Sivarpatna insc. of Sripurusha (Ganga)........................... 188 Sivasimhamalla, k. Ne.......... 415 Sivavarman, k. Ne..........412, 427 Sivavsiddhivarman, k. Ne. 412, 427 Siyah Husain, saint of Kasur. 2 Skandabhata ..................... 162 Skandagupta, k. (Gu.) ......... 426 Skandhara, k. Ne, ................ 412 Skythia .......... 380, 394, 400-403 Soa, r. Sona .................. 342-43 Sobanog, . ...... ............ 374 Sofir, Coptic name for India 326 Sogdiana, co. Sogdianoi 324, 397-98 Solen, r. ...................... 330, 344 Sokanda, r. ......................... 393 Somaditya ......................... 54 somasanstha ..................... 93n Somavathsf dyn. of Nepal. 412, 418 8 maydjin............... ............ 214 Sonanagoura, t. Ayodhya, 380, 382 Sonaparanta Burma ........... 372 Sora, Chola ................... 361-62 Sorba, t. of Hyrkania ......... 393 Soretai, peop.................... 368-69 Sosikourai, t. Tuttukudi. ... ... 330 Soteira, t. of Areia ............ 407 Souastos, r. ............ 337, 339, 348 Soupara, t. Supara............... 325 Sousikana or Musikana, t. ... 356 Sraddhika agrahara ............ 80 Sri Bana Vidyadhara, k. ...... 9 Sriharsha's era ............... 420-22 Arsharshacharitra ............... 26 Sriharshadova, k. of Gauda,&c. 428 Sri Kulottungaraja Kesari. varma ........................... 59 Sri Malladeva,Jayadesamalla,k. 9 erfmat ............ .................116n Srinivasamalla, k. Ne.......... 415 Sripura, town ...... Sripurusha, k. (Ganga) ......... 188 Srivaishnavas of Southern India, origin of the ......... 252 Srivenkatesa (Vishnu) .......... 153 Stlunko, k. Ne............. 412, 417 stadium, length of ............ 315n Stagabaza, t. Bhojapur ? ...... 39 Storna, t............................ 376 Subhdshitavalt of Vallabha dova ...... ... 30 ... 154 Tabakat-i-Nasiri .............. 141 Tabaso, t.......................... 366-67 Tabasoi, Tapasas ............... 360 Tagarapura, t............. .... 366 Tha Tala Taha, Tala, k. (E. Chal.). 214, 249 Tajik ............. ............ 395 Takola, t. Taikkuld ......... 372-73 Takoraioi, peop. .................... 378 Takshasfla, Tazila ............ 348-49 Talara-Karparasa, poet......... 94 Talavakarabrahmana ........ 16 Talamala, v. ...................... 124 Talikota, the battle of ....... Talka, isl.. 393 Tamala, t. ......................... 321 Tamalites, Tamralipti. 325, 363-64 Tamaracheruva, v. ............... 122 Tamarachheru, v. ............... 273 Tamil copperplate grants ... 59 Tamil-Grantha characters ...7, 14 Timra, Tamradvipa, Tamra parna, Ceylon............... 33, 391 Tamralipti, t. ............325, 363-64 Tangala or Taga, t. Dindugal. 368 Tapoura mts. ............... 400.402 Tapouroi, tr...................... 394-5 Taprobane, Ceylon ... 34, 322, 389 Tashkand, t. .................... 317 Tash-kurghan 'Stone tower 317n, 319, 400 & err. tawarf, a foreign Musalman prostitute ..................... 171 Taxila, Tikshasila ............ 319n Tayang Khan .................... 110 Tejanarasimha, k. Ne.......... 416 Temala, t. ........................ 372 ....... 187

Page #489
INDEX. 441 Venkata II., k. (Karnata) ... 125 Vibhuvarman,k. Ne.413, 418-20 423 Vijayabahu, - Vikramaditya II., k. (B&na) ............... 10, 11 Vijayaditya (Pakalavippava ganda), k......................... 10 Vijayaditya I. and II., k. . (Bana) ...........................9, 11 Vijayaditya I., k. (E. Chal)... 53, 186, 213, 249 , II., k. (E. Chal.)... 53, 186, ... 69 213, 249 , III., k. (E. Chal.)... 53, 213 249 **........... 249 ..... 426 Thakuri, dynasty of Nepal 413, Udayaditya, k................... 55 418, 423 Udayagiri inscription men. Thakuri (second) dynasty ... 413 tioning Chandragupta II. Thakuri (third) dynasty ...... 414 and Vikramaditya ............ 185 Thambel, v. in Nepal............ 413 Udayapura, c. ....................... 137 Tharra, t. Thariwati .........381-84 Udayendumangala, .......7, 10, 11 Theophila, t. ................... 357-58 Ugramalla, k. Ne............... 414 Thinai or Sinai, metrop....... 316n Ugrataridevi, g.................... 413 Thoko, k. Ne............................412 Ujjayini, c. .......... Thor, k. Ne................ ..... 412 Umeta plates of Dadda II. Throanoi, Pbrounoi, tr. Phuna (Gurjara) ..................72ff, 81n 404, 406 Unnata, V. ....................... 160 Thunka or Banka, k. Ne....... 412 uttaravedi ......................... 44 Tiatoura, t. ....................359-60 Urasa, dist. Arsa ............... 348 Tiladai, peop......................... 378 | Uvata (U&ta) author of the Tilogramon, t...................335.36 Yajurvedabhdshya ............. 25 Timoula, Simylla ......... 322, 326 Tirthamkaras ......................... 276 Vagmati, r. in Nepal ............ 413 Tiruvadi and Tiravadi ........153n Vaimbalguli, t. ................... 187 Tiruvikrama I and II., k. ... 99 Vairochana Buddha ............ 280 tithi, Vaisa or Bais Rajputs 414, 418, first ............................ 421, 422 second ...................... Vajragrama, V.................... 160 fifth Vakulaja .......................... 251 seventh ..................... Valabhi, c. ......73, 79, 160, 324-25 tenth ...................... 124, Valabhi dynasty ............... 160ff thirteenth...................... 252 Vallabha, k........... .............. 69 fifteenth ...................... 122 Valamba, k. Ne................... 412 full-moon... 80, 86, 87, 91, 122 VAmadeva, k. Ne. .............. 413 ............... 69, 119 Varsavalt of Nepal ............ 411f Tokharoi ***.......... 388 Vanavki, t. ..................... 367 Tokosanna, r..................370, 372 Vanga country .................. 13 Tomara, t. ............... 381, 383-86 vdpaka ............................... 80n Toornai, tr. of Sakai ............ 324 vara, -Bhauma or Soma ...76, 81 Topographia Christiana ...... 33 ,, Soma ..................76, 81, 93 Toringoi, peop...................... 332 Varadeva, k. Ne............. 413, 418 Tosalei, t. Tosala...............381-82 Varaguna, k. (Pandya) ...... 187 Tougma, t. .......................381-82 Varahavartani vishaya ... 122, 273 Traikatakas ......................... 76 Varanda river ...............116, 119 Trailokyamalla, k. Ne.......... 415 Varanera, v. ................... 116, 118 Tribhuvanamalla,- Vikrama- Varasimha, k. Ne................ 412 ditya VI., k. (W. Chal.) ..91, 93 Vardhamanadeva. k. Ne....... 413 Triglypton or Trilingon......381-82 Variavi, v. ........ Trikadiba, isl...................... 369 Varma, k. Ne....................... 412 Trikatakas, the era of the ... 76 Varshavarman, k. Ne......412, 427 Trilochana, Siva .................. 429 vdsaka ............... 49, 73, 116, 120 Trinesia, isl.....................369-70 Vasanta-devi-sena, k. Ne. ... 412, Trivikrama, author ............ 190 424-27 Trivikramavritti, & Praksit Vasantadevavarman, k. Ne. 412-13, grammar 427 Tumba, kingdom ............... 12 udadpaka, official title ......... 69n Turkavarma..... ****............. 56 udadvaka, off. lit. ............... 69n Turvasu .............................. 275 Vasudattavarman, k. Ne...412, 427 Vatsaderi Maukhari ...... 420, 428 Udayadova, k. Ne...... 423n,425-26 Vedabbha Jataka, reviewed ... 152 Udayadevavarman, k. Ne 413, 424. Vedadipa, of Mahindhara...... 24 25, 427 Vengi, co.......... 53, 213, 248, 249, IV., k. (E. Chal).., 53, 213, 249 , V., k. (E. Chal.)...214, 249 Vijayaditya,-Amma II., k. (E. Chal.) ..... Vijayadityabhattaraka,- Vi. jayaditya I., k. (E. Chal.)... 53, 213, 249 Vijayadityanarendramrigaraja, -Vijayaditya II., k. (East. Chal.) ............................ 249 Vijaya Lakshmi .................... 10 Vikrama era ..... Vikramadova, k. Ne............... 413 Vikramaditya I. and II., k. (Bana) ..................... 9, 10, 11 Vikramaditya II.(Vijayaba hu), k. (Bana) .....................6f, 10 Vikramaditya I. and II., k. (E. Chal.) ......53, 249 VI., k. (W. Chal.).... 91ff Vikramaditya era .........185, 251 Vikramaditya-Satyaerkya ... 75 Vikramaditya-Jayameru, k. (Bana) ............................... 13 Vikramaditya of Ujjain...413, 418, 421 Vikramaditya of Ujjayini, k. 185 Vikramarima, k. (East. Chal.) 56 vikshepa ......................... 118n Viliva yakura, k. (Andhra) ... 367 Vinayaditya-Mangalaraja...... 75 Vinayaditya-Satyasaya ...... 75 Vira-Narayana, k.(Chola)... 12, 13, 14, 190 Viradeva, k. Ne.................... 413 Vishnu, g. ..................... 56, 185 Vishnudevavarman, k. Ne. 413, 497 Vishnugopa, k. (Ganga) ...... 187 Vishnugupta, k. Ne. 412, 422, 427 Vishnumalla, k. Ne.............. 416 Vishnumati, r. in Nepal ...... 413 Vishnuraja, k. (E. Chal....... 53 69 *****. . ........... 13

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442 INDEX. .......... 422 Vishnuvardhana I., k. (E. Chal.) ... 53, 213, 249 n., k. (E. Ohal.) ... 53, 213, 249 III., k. (E. Chal..... 53, 186, 213, 249 IV., k. (E. Chal.)... 53. 186, 213, 249 V., k.(E. Chal.)... 53, 186, 213, 249 Vishnuvardhana,-Amma I., k. (E. Chal.) .................. 54 Vishouvardhana, -Bhima II., k. (E. Chal.) ............213, 214 Vievadovavarman, k. Ne. 419, 427 Visvajit-malla, k. Ne............ 416 Vivamalla, k. Ne................ Visvardpa, g. ......... Vitariga, -Jayabhata I.(Gur. jara).............73, 86, 87, 91, 119 vijaya-vikshepa ................. 118n Vriji, tr. ....... Vrishadovavarman, k. Ne ... 412, 424-25, 427 Wagaru, k. of Martaban ...... 24 Wagarudhammasat ............. 24 Wain-Ganga, r. ................... 337 Western Chalukyas ........... Chalukyas ............ 91ff Yakshamalla, k. Ne............. 414 Yalambara, k. Ne.............. 412 Yoganarendramalla, k. Ne.... 416 Yuan-ch'ao-pi-shi ........ 114. 1456 Yuan-shi-lei-pen................... 113 Yuddhamalla, k. (E. Chal)...... 249 Yudhishthira ................... 748 Xoana, t. ......................358-59 Xodrake, t. ...................367-58 Zaba, t.......................321-22, 326 Zabai, Champa ................. Zamirai, peop....................... 379 Zaradros, r. Satlaj ............ 340-41 Zariaspa ..............................319n Zariaspes, r. ........................ 388 Zend-Avesta ............. 272 Zerogerei, t. Dhar P ............ 859 Yama, g. ............................ 54 Yakshagupta, k. Ne............ 412 ERRATA IN VOL. XIII. p p. 596,11. 28, 29, for you r read googtofty . 1. 30, for Kuloltunga- read Kulottunga p. 65a, 1. 22, for horizontal read vertical p. 666, ['] for 44- road 414 [] for a read 21 - p. 676, [") for HTEISTYTT read HETTATE , ["] for dUramuttAmbhita read dUramucambhita p. 68a, [] after 4747: insert TT p. 69a, 1. 11, read Eg g p. 696, note 82, for pattanam read pattanan p. 126a, 1. 7 from bottom, for Atreyao read Atreyao p. 127a, 1. 11, after arms, insert a - p. 129, plate II 4, ["] for a read are p. 130, plate III 4, [] for TFT read art. p. 132, plate V, [deg] for read ffa [sic]. p. 153a, noto', 1.1, read Tiruvadi and Kadaldra. . 1. 8, read Tiruvadi. . . 1.4, noad Tiravadi. p. 155, 1. 2 from bottom, read vol. XIII, p. 126. p. 156, plate I, [deg] read NEFT. p. 156a, last line of note, read A. p. 158, plate III B, [] read AYTETY-. p. 2106, 11. 4 & 5 from bottom, for Haji, Khulfa read Hajji Khalifa. . 2116, 11. 19, 23, and 33, for Evergetes, read Energetes . 1. 2 from bot., por Diocletian, read Domitian p. 233a, 1. 26, for India, lib. read India (lib. p. 280a, 1. 11, for Jiana, read Dhyani . 1. 13, for Viarochana, read Vairochana p. 306a,.[] for ukasAcA read ukasA cA, and for a read ft. p. 3066, 1. (') read -7deg. p. 311a, 1. 20, from bottom and throughout the notice, for Horinzi, read Hdriuzi, . or Horiuzhi . p. 3116, 1. 2, for KAveridam, read Kavori dam 1. 22, from bottom, insert and by before facsimiles last line, for verticles road verticals p. 312a, 1. 19, for Prestaraga read Prasantaraga p. 312a, 11. 40, 43, for $4, and SA read SA. 11. 50, 52 & 54, for -S4, read SA. p. 3126, 1. 29, before Ind. insert ( p. 313a, 1. 8, insert a comma after fragment p. 3136, 1. 29, insert " after existence. p. 316a, note 1. 1, for Noble, read Nobbe. p. 3176, 1. 17, for Agisymba. 85. Where read Agisymba, $ 5. where 577

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ERRATA. 449 p. 318a, note", read "In Lat. 40deg 1'; Lat. of Tash Kurgban is 37deg 46 (long. 75deg 4'). p. 319a, bote, 1. 8 from bottom, for towards India read from India. p. 319b, notes, 1. 5, from bottom, for (IXXXIXI) read - note, 1. 12, after Zarah insert ). p. 3216, 1. 21, for censure read employ p. 3246, 1. 21, for Sindhi Khrysoun. This read Sindhi. Khrysoun :-this p. 329a, 1. 11, for towns Kandionoi, read towns of the Pandionoi. p. 3326, 1. 10. for outlet read outset p. 3346, 1. 29, for Jagannatha Katikardama. read Jagannatha. Katikardama :, 11.53, 54, delete the commas after Dosaron and Adamas p. 336a, 1. 41, for (-) read only - bis. p. 337a, 1. 36, for Wain-Gang, read Wain Ganga. p. 338a, 1. 5, for Rouadis, read Rhouadis. , 1. 6, for Bidasis, read Bibasis. p. 340a, 1. 12, for Rhonadis, road Rhouadis, p. 3420, 1. 30, add a comma after Kondokbates I p. 345a, 1. 22, delete the comma after Alexandria p. 3496, 1. 43, for Hidaspes read Bidaspos. p. 3506, SS 47 to 50 should have been inserted in p. 351a, before the paragraph beginning--"List of cities." p. 351a, 1. 6, for Alexandre, read Alexandri p. 356a, 1. 8 from bottom, for river' conf. read river.' Conf. p. 360a, 1. 23, for Kashtrapa,read Kshatrapa p. 3636, 1. 27, for Batai read Batoi p. 364a, 1. 44, for Prasii read Prasioi. p. 3656, 1. 49, for DbAkkA read Dhakka P. 3776, 1. 18, for Marunda read Muranda D. 3796. l. 47. for B&pyrrhus read Bepyr. rbos p. 381, head line, add 2, after CH. p. 384a, 1. 45, for Agathu read Agathou p. 385a, 1. 43, for Iaba read Yava p. 387a, 1. 20, for Batrakheian read Batrakhian p. 388a, 1. 52, for Jaxartes read Iarartes 389a, 1. 1, add " before The 1. 20, add " before Immediately , 1. 38, for Arachosia read Aracbo i& , 1. 44, for Arachotoscrent read Arachotoscren e p. 393a, l. 27, for M&agrammum read M&&grammon , 1. 36, for Modutti read Moudout toi ,, . 40, for gonandanoi read ganda noi >> >> for Nagadibii read Nagadi. boi p. 394a, 1. 4, for Osus read 01.08 1. 27 and 38, for Oxus read 0108 1 1. 43, for Daa i read D ai p. 397a, 11. 15, 19, 23, for Dargamenbe read Dargamanes 1. 3, note, for Jarartes read laxurtes . 1. 4, note, for Tochari read Tokhari . 1. 5, note, for Saorsuli read Sekarauli p. 897b, last line of note, for Tooharoi read Tokharoi p. 399b, 1. 33, for chata read khata p. 4056, 1. 4 from bottom, for Aspakarai read Aspak&rai p. 406a, 1. 19, for Rhabannae read Rhabannai for Damnai read D&mnai p. 4076, 1. 89, for Dargamenes read Dar gaman 8 1. 46, for phylai read phyloi p. 408a, 1. 34, for Dargamenes read Dar. g&manes

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