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bollaṇahu laggu (Paumacariya, 89, 12,9) 'Began to cry for help'.
dhāhāvaṇahu laggu (Paumacariya, 89,12,9)
'Began to cry for help'
olaggahu lagga (kahakosa, 3,18,8,1970 A.C.) '(They) began serving'.
There are numerous instances from the Mixed Sanskrit of the Jain Prabandhas (14th-15th cent. A.C.): lag- used with kṛ-, dã, nas-, path-, pa-, bhakṣ-, vand-, vyay-. rājñaḥ sirasi lagitum lagnah' 'began to strick to that king's head' is interesting in that therein lagis used in the primary and secondary sense side by side.
4. Several points are to be noted about the above-cited in stances. Both the constructions arc attested up to the 12th Century. Not only that, both of them appear in one and the same text (e.g. in the Apabhranisa epic poem Paumacariya). Later on only the second construction survives, and it continues in NIA. Language'. The Sunskrit instances are Prakritisms (or collaquialisms).
5. The first construction in which the second verb is used with the imerfect personal forms of the first verb is particlarly significant in that in provides us with and carly example of two similar controuction-types in NIA. The Hindi future forms in -gä, (karuga, sonal forms and ga<Sk. Gatha>Pk. gao 'gone'. The semantic change however has not been satisfactorialy explained so far.
Secondly the Gujarati Finite Present, Formed with an suxiliary, stands apart in that the main verb and the auxiliary both have the personal endigs, as against many other NIA. languages which use the imperfective (Present) praticiple of the main verb in this construction.
Jain Education International
The following three similar instances of a constuction are to be noted for apabhramsa from Svayambhu's Pamacariya (9th Cent. A.C.) iha nikkau karasi asi pavanu (78, 8,9)
'Here the wind god was sweeping refuse'.
jai jāmi asi paricatta - nhaya (18,6,1)
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