Unknown Pilgrims

Author(s): N Shanta
Publisher: Sri Satguru Publications Delhi
Catalog link: https://jainqq.org/explore/007014/1

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THE UNKNOWN PILGRIMS
'The Voice of the Sadhvīs : The History, Spirituality and Life of the Jaina Women Ascetics
N. Shāntā
With a Presentation by Raimon Panikkar Jain Education Internationanslated from Philate & personavuseanly Rogers

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This book permits us to penetrate within one of the most ancient ascetic spirituality, that followed by some 6000 Jaina women ascetics.
Written with their collaboration, it presents to the reader their life of radical renunciation of which one of the hallmarks is incessant pilgrimage, a regular shifting from one place to the next in a sustained striving towards self-purification, a striving of which the final goal is Nirvāņa.
Here then we have before us the whole Jaina tradition, presented through scriptures, ancient texts, biographies, epigraphy and iconography. Here too we may observe its outworkings in contemporary daily life and its contribution to inter-cultural and inter-monastic encounter.
Furthermore, it is not without interest that this study finds its own proper place in an age which is rediscovering feminine values. At a time when so many people are taking a deep interest in Asian spiritualities we find here an original and strictly defined spiritual path and also a spiritual teaching whose strength and subtlety merit our attention and invites us to embark on an authentic spiritual journey.
750

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THE UNKNOWN PILGRIMS

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Sri Garib Dass Oriental Series No. 219
THE UNKNOWN PILGRIMS
The Voice of the Sādhvis: The history, spirituality and life of the Jaina women ascetics
N. Shantã With a Presentation by Raimon Panikkar Translated from the French by Mary Rogers
SRI SATGURU PUBLICATIONS
A Division of INDIAN BOOKS CENTRE
DELHI, INDIA

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Published by SRI SATGURU PUBLICATIONS A Division of INDIAN BOOKS CENTRE Oriental and Indological Publishers 40/5, Shakti Nagar Delhi - 110 007 India
First English Edition: Delhi, 1997 ISBN: 81-7030-535-7
Original title in French La voie jaina 0.E.I.L. Paris, 1985
Alll rights reserved. No part of this book may be used or produced in any manner whatsoever without the written persmission except in the case of brief quotation embodied in critical articles and reviews.
Laser typeset by Satya Nilayam Research Institute Chennai- 600 041
Published by Sunil Gupta for Sri Satguru Publications a division of Indian Books Centre, 40/5, Shakti Nagar, Delhi-110 007, India and printed at D.K.Fine Art Press, Delhi-110 052
Printed in India

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To the undying memory of Mahāsati Śri Ujjvalakumāri who introduced me to the practice of svādhyāya, the meditative study of the Scripture. To Āryika Sri Jñānamati Mātāji, who by her presence and instruction guided me in unremitting svādhyāya. To all the Sramaņis who provided the inspiration for each line of this study.

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Bonds of Friendship. Thanks to Mary and John.
For nearly twenty years a close collaboration has existed between myself and Mary and her ecumenical group. We worked together in their Ashram (Jyotiniketan, near Bareilly), at Varanasi, then by post, while they were living in Jerusalem. In the autumn of 1983, when the original manuscript of the present study had just been accepted by the publisher 0. E. I. L. of Paris, Mary, then living in Hong Kong, consented, to my great joy, to undertake a translation into English. In June 1984, during a brief stay that I was able to in Hong Kong, we organised a plan of work. Thereafter, the pages of the translation arrived regularly in Kodaikkanal for me to forward, after I had gone through her lists of notes, to John Grimes, a friend and researchscholar in Indian Philosophy in Madras. John, out of extreme kindness, typed the whole manuscript of the translation. He even continued the task after his return in California, where I met him once again before returning in June of this year to Hong Kong, where together Mary and I have gone through the whole translation, done with such great care and love. I would like, on this very first page, to express my deep gratitude to Mary and to John.
The translation is unabridged. We have added merely a few bibliographical notes.
N. Shăntă Kodaikkanal, Samvatsari, the beginning of the Jaina year. 31st August 1986.
During these ten years this English version went through several ordeals. It is due to the keen interest and utter dedication to works of research in the field of Religion of Dr. Anand Amaladass SJ, Director of Satya Nilayam Research Institute, Madras, that finally the present version is going to be published. To him and to his team I express my profound gratitude.
N. Shāntā Kodaikkanal, Dipāvali, 10 November 1996.

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CONTENTS
Presentation. R. Panikkar Author's preface Technical note
1. Transcription and pronunication 2. Use of Sanskrit terms 3. Texts quoted 4. The names "Sādhvi" and "Āryikā" 5. References to the notes to tranlations and
contemporary works in Hindi 6. Names of towns and districts and States 7. Abbreviations 8. List of illustrations
Namaskära-mantra
GENERAL INTRODUCTION
1. Ascesis, Asceticism
Etymology and different meanings of the word In the ancient Greco-Roman philosophies The Therapeutrides of Egypt
2. Christian asceticism
What is a monk? A nun? The Pioneers The spiritual heritage of St. Benedict Enclosure in East and West
3. The Jaina women ascetics
The Nirgranthis, Bhikṣuṇis, Sadhvis, Āryas, Āryikās,
Anagāris, Šramanis, Yatinis, Satis and Mahăsatis The voice of the Sādhvis, unknown pilgrims What is the purpose of this study? For whom is it written? 66

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PART I A BRIEF SURVEY OF A LONG TRADITION
Introduction 1. Some essential notions: Tirthankara,
Utsarpiņi-avasarpi, Dharma, Bhakti 2. General survey: Religious tradition, History,
Outline of Part I 3. The voice of the Sādhvis
Chapter 1. Prelude
A- Adinātha and Brāhmi-Sundari B - Mallinātha C - Neminātha and Rājimati
100 103
110
Chapter 2. The Gods named him Mahavira, the Great Hero 107
A - Pārsvanātha and Puspacūlä B - Mahavira and Candanā
115 C - After the Master's nirvāna
128
Chapter 3. The followers of "The Ever-Growing One":
Growth, decline and continuity A - At the birth-place of Lord Krşņa: Mathurā
136 154
B - Who are the Bhattārakas?
167
C - From the foothills of the Himālayas to Holy Mount Ābū
a) In Alamodā district b) The Māturagaccha c) The Dilli-Jayapuraśākhā d) The Jesalmera manuscripts e) Some learned Sādhvis f) On Holy Mount Abu
174 174 174 175 176 181 186
D - In the land of the great Acarya Hemacandra
a) The Niśitha-cūrņi b) The Sürataśākhā and the idaraśākhā c) Reforms
190 192 198 200

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Contents
E - From the Citadel of the Devas to Mahārāștra
a) At Devagadha b) Out of the exuberance of Khajurāho c) The Atcraśākhā d) The Kāranjāśākhā, the Nanditatagaccha and
the Senagana
202 203 207 208
209
212
F - Fervent faith in Karnataka
a) At the White Lake of the Śramanas:
Śravana Belgola b) A Queen and certain others ...
216 220
G - In Tamil Nāļu: Rise and decline
a) Kavunti Atika! b) The Kuratti Ațigals, teacher-ascetics
226 231 238
H - The Desert blooms again
a) First dikṣās among the Terāpanthi Sadhvis b) Three samādhi-mandiras
The Names of the sixteen Satis
246 247 254 256
PART II THE PATH LEADING TO NIRVĀŅA
258
Introduction 1. The way ahead
The Supreme Reality is in truth the ātman, the Pure The Omniscient, the Wise, the Knower Ascetics, absorbed in the ātman, reach nirvāņa
259 259 259 260 260
261
2. The voice of the sădhvis
Faith in the dharma, the śruta, and the teaching of the Sages is strengthened by knowledge Faith and knowledge shape life and facilitate right action Guides on the path
261
262 263
3. Some guidelines for the study
Words and notions Texts and their contexts
265 265 266

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Chapter 1. At the starting-point, a vista of the path: The ratnatraya, the Three Jewels A - Ratnatraya: The Three Jewels B-Dravya: Substance
X
Chapter 2. Tattva, Reality
A - Jiva (Atman): Living, conscious substance B - Ajiva: Non-living, non-conscious substance C- Karman: A highly subtle form of matter
D - Asrava: The invasion of the jiva by karmic matter
E- Bandha: The state of servitude of the jiva a) Lesyās: Colorations of the jiva
b) Guṇasthānas: Successive stages of the spiritual journey
Chapter 3. The first steps on the path: The avaśyakas, the daily duties
confession of faults
E- Kayotsarga: Renunciation of attachment to one's own body
F - Pratyakhyāna: Abstinence for a limited perio d
Chapter 4. The final commitment:
The mahāvratas, the five Great Vows
A - Sāmāyika: Renunciation of all blameworth action
315
B - Caturviṁśatistava: Praise of the twenty-four tirthankaras 317
C - Vandana: Salutation to the religious superiors
320
D - Pratikramaņa: Repentance for and ritual
324
327
331
334
337
345
347
349
352
A - Ahimsă: Abstention from all harmful activity B - Satya: Abstention from all untruthfulness C- Asteya: Abstention from stealing
D - Brahmacarya: Abstention from all sexual activity E- Aparigraha: Renunciation of possessive attachment
Chapter 5. Samvara and Nirjară:
The stoppage and dissociation of karman
A - Samvara: The stoppage of karmic flow a) The guptis: The three types of control b) The samitis: The five forms of vigilance c) The dharmas: The ten duties of the ascetic

268
269
279

283
284
293
296
301
306
309
310
313
357
358
359
359
360

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Contents
Xi
362
d) The anupreksās: The twelve sorts of reflection e) Parişaha-jaya: Victory over the twenty-two
afflictions f) The cãritras: The five kinds of right conduct
364 366
367
B - Nirjarā: The dissociation of karman a) The bāhya-tapas: The six forms of extemal
austerities b) The abhyantara-tapas: The six forms of internal
austerities
368
369
373
374 375
Chapter 6. The highest form of tapas:
Dhyāna, mental concentration a) The nature of dhyāna and the conditions required
for its practice b) The different types of dhyāna c) Dharma-dhyāna: Concentration on major aspects
of the doctrine d) Sukla-dhyāna: Very pure concentration e) The Tattvānušāsana or Dhyānaśāstra of
Acārya Rāmasena f) The Yogaśāstra of Acārya Hemacandra
376
381
382 387
Chapter 7. The path on earth comes to an end
and becomes a non-path A - Kevala-jñāna: Omniscience
a) The nature of kevala-jñāna b) The kevalin, arhat or jins: The omniscient one
392 394 395 396
B - Moksa: Liberation
a) The final break-through b) Full Realisation
400 400 401
C - Nirvāņa: Eternal Bliss
403
PART III THE NEVER-ENDING PILGRIMAGE
408 Introduction
408 1. The heritage of the past : In the footsteps of the vitarāgas, 409

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the passion-less, the desire-less The major Sūtras The various communities
409 411
2. An existential approach
Coolness and burning heat Fragrant blossoms on the way A unique collaboration
413 413 414 414
3. The voice of the Sadhvis
416
420
Chapter 1. The anagåris: The home-less ones
Who are they, these perpetual pilgrims? Whence do they come? Where do they lodge during their halt?
A - They are recognized by these two signs:
the śvetavastra: a white clothing the rajoharaṇa: a small broom made of white wool
420
426
B - Caturvidhasaṁgha: The fourfold community
a) The sampradayas: The sects b) The gacchas: The major groupings
427 427
C - The Sramanisamgaha: The community of Sadhvis D - Region and family background E - Family circumstances F - Upāśraya: The refuge
428 433 435 440
444
Chapter 2. Dikşa: Consecration
The choice, once for all of vairāgya and
entrance into the Sramaņisarngha A - Vairāgya: Indifference towards wordly life
a) The motives b) The implications c) Conditions for admission into the saṁgha
444 445
448 449
451
B - The vairāgini: The renunciate
a) The teaching of the guruņi b) The study of the Daśavaikälika-sutra
451 452

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xiii
C - Diksă-vidhi: The rite of consecration
a) The bhagavatidikṣā: The Blessed Consecration b) The mahādikṣā: The Great Consecration
457 458 465
D - Śikṣā-kendras: Study centres
a) Pāthaśālās: Schools b) Śramani Vidyāpitha: College for Sadhvis c) Śri Pāramārthika Śikṣana Saṁsthā:
Institute for spiritual training
466 466 467
469
473
473 474 476 478 482 486
Chapter 3. Śramaņi: The worker
She strives for purification
from before sunrise till after sunset A - Sāmācāri: Right conduct
a) The teaching of the Uttarādhyayana-sútra
b) Is the tradition still alive today? B - Japa: The repetition of mantras C - Dhyāna: Mental concentration D - Āvasyaka-vidhi: The rite of daily duties E - Pratilekhanā-vidhi :The inspection of clothing
and utensils F - Bhāva-pūja: Inner pūja G-Svādhyāya: Meditative study of Scripture
a) Svādhyāya: Meditative study of Scripture
b) Adhyayana: General studies H - Gocari: The quest for food
a) Setting out and deportment on the way b) What food is to be refused and when
c) The return to the upāśraya and the meal I - Prāyaścittas: Expiations
a) The Cheda-sūtras: Codes of rules and
punishments
b) Prāyaścittas: The ten types of expiation J - Vividhā Caryās: Various occupations K - Saṁstāra-pauruși: The period of rest
487 489 490 490 494 496 499 502 504 506
508
514 524 526
529
Chapter 4. Pravrajya: The itinerant life
The eight-month continuous pilgrimage and the
pause during the monsoon A - Vihāra: Continual journeying from place to place
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533
a) Iryā: The ascetic on the road b) Eşaņā: The search for a lodging clothing, bowls c) Jana-samparka: Relationships with those around
538
541
543 543
B - Paryuşāņā: The place of retreat
a) Avagraha-kşetra: Spatial limits of the area of
residence b) Bhikṣā-caryā: The search for food c) The aștasükşmas: The eight categories of
minute beings d) Keśa-luñcana: The pulling out of the hair e) Kșamā-yācană: The request for pardon
546
547 547
C - Viśvamitrās: Friends to all
a) Pravacanas: Teachings on the dharma b) Dharma-granthas: Religious works c) Mahilăsaṁghas: Women's associations
548 551 553 556
561
Chapter 5. Antima Suddhi: The final purification
An unavoidable halt by the way: The ātman
withdraws from the bodily sheath A - Roga: Illness B - Vrddhāvasthā: Old age C - Mahāprasthāna: The Great Departure
561
564
566
Chapter 6. Sugandha: Sweet fragrance
571 A - Punya Jivana Jyoti: The radiant life of Sãdhvi Punya Śri 575 B - Jaina Kokilā: The Jaina cuckoo, Sadhvi Vicakṣaṇa Sri 584 C - Tapasvini Sadhvi Candrayaśā Śri: Zeal for tapas 597 D - Ujjvala Vāņi: The pravacanas of Mahāsati Sri Ujjvalakumari
600 E - Ratna Raśmi: The extraordinary fast of Sãdhvi Śri Ratnavati
609 F - Satsanga: In holy company
616
630
Chapter 7. Āryikas The Digambara Sadhvis
A small minority leads a life of absolute aparigraha A - They are recognizable by these three signs:
the śvetavastra: a while garment the picchikā: a small broom made of peacock-feathers

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Contents
XV
633
635
the kamandalu: a gourd a) Vasatikāsthāna: The dwelling place b) Āryikāsargha: The community of Āryikås c) Śtrimukti-niședha: The exclusion of woman from
Liberation
636
640
B - Dikṣā-vidhi: The rite of Consecration
653
C - Aryikā-caryās: Observances practised by the Aryikās 660 a) Āvaśyaka-vidhi: The rite of duties
661 b) Svādhayāya-vidhi: The rite in regard to Scripture- study
667 c) Āhāra-vidhi: The rite in regard to meal
668 d) Rātriyoga: Enclosure at nightfall
672 e) Prāyaścittas: Expiations
672
673
673
D - Triloka Sodha Samsthāna: The Institute of Cosmographical Research
a) Why Hastināpura? b) Jambūdvipa, Meruparvata: Jambů Island,
Mount Meru c) Vira Jñānodaya Granthamālā: The "Mahāvira"
series books for the increase of knowledge
674
677
E - Āryikā Śri Jõānamati Mātāji
678
Chapter 8. Cintās: Reflections
a) Praśnas: Some questions b) Āśās: Hopes in anticipation of a renewal c) Ratnas: The jewels
684 685 689 691
PART IV COSMIC AND PURIFICATORY RITE
692
Introduction 1. The rite : The specifically cosmic character
The purifying effect
692 693 696
2. The internal harmony of the āvaśyakas
698

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3. Outline of Part IV : The main sutras
Successive stages of the rite A - The main Sūtras 1. First āvaśyaka: sãmåyika
The sāmāyika-sūtra: sūtra of equanimity
699 699 700
700
2. Second avasyaka: caturvimśatistava
The caturvimšatistava: praise of the twenty-four tirthankaras
701
3. Third āvaśyaka: vandana
The guruvandana-sūtra: sūtra of salutation to the ācārya and the guruņi
4. Fourth āvasyaka: pratikramana The mangala-sútra: sūtra of Happiness
703 The uttama-sútra: sūtra of Excellence
704 The sarana-sútra: sútra of Refuge
704 The samkşipta-pratikramaņa-sútra: sūtra of general repentance
705 The iryāpathika-sūtra: sútra of vigilance in movement 706 The kşamā-maitri-sútra: sūtra of pardon and friendship 707 The antima-mangala-sútra: last sūtra of Happiness 707
5. Fifth āvaśyaka: kāyotsarga
The kāyotsarga-pratijñā-sūtra: sūtra containing the promise of kāyotsarga
708
6. Sixth āvaśyaka: pratyakhyaņa
The Namaskārasahita-sútra: sūtra[of total abstinence] accompanied by the recitation of the Namaskära-sūtra The divasacarima-sūtra: sutra(of total abstinence] from sunset to sunrise
708 708
709
B - The order of the rite
1. Kșetra-visuddhi 2. Sāmāyika-vidhi 3. Caturviṁsatistava-vidhi 4. Guruvandana-vidhi 5. Pratikramana-vidhi
710 710 712 713 713 713

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Contents
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6. Kāyotsarga-vidhi 7. Pratyākhyāna-vidhi 8. End of the rite
714 714 715
APPENDICES
716
I - Samikṣā: Review of works and articles written by Sådhvis 716 II - List of names of towns, regions and States
734
BIBLIOGRAPHY
738
Index of Āgamas and Texts of Doctrines
765
Index of Sanskrit and Prākrit Words
769

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PRESENTATION
A Treatise of Spirituality
R. Panikkar
The Subject of this study is too important for me to content myself with a few vagues prolegomena. I feel personally involved in N. Shāntā's research and, having been invited to write an introduction, I propose to present to the reader both the author and her work. Thus I intend to:
1. introduce the book 2. indicate its approach 3. describe its character 4. sum up its content and 5. emphasize its importance
1. The author and background of this study
It appears to me undeniable that one of the most urgent and important tasks of today is to prepare ourselves for that mutation within humanity that is already under way, not only in the sphere of politics but also in that of religion and, in the final analysis, in that of the very nature of the human being. We are witnessing what is at the least the end of a culture and probably, I venture to suggest, the end of a period of human existence which has its beginning some six thousand years ago and which may be called the period of history (anything earlier being called pre-history). It is in this period that history plays the most important role in human awareness. However that may be, the foundations of the future are always latent in the past, and without a thorough knowledge of a tradition it is impossible either to pass it on and develop it further or to alter it. Any radical revolution requires a rediscovery of the roots of that which one desire to transform.
In our day human existence calls for far-reaching change in two widely differing areas: on the one hand, a revolution is required in the position of women and feminine consciousness in general and, on the

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other, there is needed a transformation in spirituality or religion as lived out in daily life. This book endeavours to show the close relationship which links the two in a case which is, no doubt, particular, but which has paradigmatic value, namely, that of feminine spirituality in one of the most ancient monastic traditions of the world.
I do not propose at this moment to emphasize further the relationship between these two aspects of human life and what I have just inferred concerning the emergence of a transhistorical epoch of human existence. While prehistoric human life is characterised by the importance of the Great Goddess and by fertility cults and while the period of 'history' is noted for its repression of the feminine within the great cultures of the world, the transhistoric mode of existence ushers in a new awareness both of the feminine and of human religiousness. I say this in order to stress the importance of this study and to assign it straightaway to its proper place within the general framework of the awakening of human consciousness in its more specifically feminine dimension.
This study is closely related to the new awakening of feminine consciousness that is taking place today under the most diverse forms. Of the fact that woman has hitherto played a subordinate role in most human societies, while very often shouldering their most weighty burdens, monasticism provides one extreme example.
The author of this work is convinced, as are so many others of our contemporaries, that our age demands a new life-style, a new form of holiness, in short, a fresh spirituality. But this is not brought into being by laws, nor even by the human will, however well-intentioned it may be. In order that contemporary spiritualities, may succeed in bringing present-day humanity to its full flowering, to its perfection and plenitude, they must blossom spontaneously or appear as ripe fruits through a fecundation between the past and the present as well as between different human experiences. We can merely hasten this process by clearing the ground, ridding it of weeds, manuring it, sweeping away the dust of history and routine, dispelling ignorance and misunderstandings and preparing our own selves by an authentic life lived in depth.

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Presentation
Monasticism does not constitute the whole of human spirituality, but through its radicalism and ofttimes its extremism it spotlights its most dominant characteristics. The choice of Jaina monasticism is also in itself significant, because it is probably the most ancient monastic tradition to have survived up to this present and is also in all likelihood the purest, by reason of its radical thoroughness and uncompromising strictness. The present study was prompted by an interest, not in Jainism as a historical movement of the past nor as an important and original doctrinal system in the realm of theory, but as a model (to imitate or to reject), as a challenge to certain features of modemnity and a living witness to that dimension which is essential to all human life, the monastic or what may be termed the vertical dimension. The author originally positioned this study within the broader framework of universal monastic spirituality, but after devoting some ten years to this task she decided to leave to the care of others the continuation and completion of such an endeavour towards formulating a spirituality for our time. Here she has erected one column of the edifice.
2. The Spirit of the study
Having given a general indication of the aim of the work, I come now to the particular approach of this study. It is not the product of purely academic research or an exclusively doctrinal presentation. Nor, furthermore, is it an essay in apologetics on behalf of some thesis or other. In spite of the author's great sympathy for her subject and the personal relationships that she has established with numerous members of this tradition during her years of pilgrimage all over the Indian sub-continent, she has lost neither her critical faculty, a certain akribeia, as I would call it, nor a comprehensive vision of the complexity of contemporary human life.
Moreover, I have known few researchers in any field more enthusiastic and more devoted to their research. N. Shāntā, in the train of the Sādhvis, the Jaina women ascetics, has become herself a BhāvaSadhvi in a spontaneous and unpremeditated fashion, in a way that retains an element of criticism and is by no means naive. The Jaina community that has accepted her as a sister has understood this very well. This is all the more surprising and significant when we consider that she has not been formally "converted" and that the Jaina community, because of its small number (about 0.48% of the total

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Indian population) is obliged to close ranks somewhat in order to preserve its own identity. It should be added that the author was prepared for her task by almost thirty years of living in India among Indians, sharing not only their way of life but also their destiny, assimilating their languages, their outlook, their very nature - without, however, losing her own, that of the South-East of France.
During long periods N, Shăntă has not only sojourned with the Sādhvis and kept close contact with them and with the Jaina community in general, but she has also, in the solitude of her own home, regularly recited the sūtras of the ascetics' daily rite until they have penetrated into the depths of her own spirit, or, one should perhaps say, of her own heart, if that word were not absent from the Jaina Scriptures. She has also persevered in the practice of svadhyāya, the meditative reading of Scripture. It was only after assimilating their doctrine and praxis that she shared with the Sadhvis her own experience and ideas in the course of lively exchanges in depth, very different from the completed questionnaires and taped interviews so fashionable nowadays. Her method does not seek to give information concerning objects of research but to come to know human subjects with whom she may share her own convictions and from a totally disinterested friendship.
This study has not been undertaken with a view to fulfilling certain academic conditions. It was not written to obtain a doctorate or with any other ulterior intention, and, having myself a long academic experience, I can testify to the difference made by that fact. There is frequent mention nowadays, especially in the field of cultural anthropology, of "participatory method" and even "integration" as methods of obtaining precise and accurate information. Although this constitutes an enormous advance in the realm of studies of this type, one cannot deny the artificiality in many cases of these approaches, for in reality the researchers stand to derive from their work some external profit (in their academic career or some other area of life). One cannot assume an innocence that one does not possess. There is nothing of this kind, however, in the present study. It was undertaken in pursuit of the discovery of truth, with no ulterior motives other than those I have attempted to express above.

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Presentation
The author has adopted quite spontaneously the true attitude of a disciple in accordance with the purest Indian tradition. She went to listen, ask questions, learn, understand and assume into her own life, without in any sense repudiating her own past or disowning the deeper causes of her interest in her subject. I endeavoured to persuade her to add here and there critical reflections in order to preserve a methodological balance. The understanding of a religious phenomenon involves a conviction concerning its truth, but it by no means excludes perception of the limitations of the phenomena under observation. An authentic phenomenology of religion must penetrate as far as the pistema (belief), and not halt at the exclusively 'objective' and rational noema (concept). One only grasps the convictions of others by sharing them.
5
3. Existential character
The above remarks have already indicated the character of this work. It is not an exposition of Jaina doctrine as such, though I know very few works so complete and so profound on the subject of its spirituality in practice. I would like to stress its two fold character: (a) contemplative and (b) active.
a) This study does not claim to treat fully the entire world-outlook of the Jainas, but is guided rather by one underlying intention, namely, that of giving an introduction to human spirituality by way of Jaina spirituality. It does not present the Jaina way of life as the model for all human life or for monastic existence, but introduces us to the grand themes of the human quest for perfection from the Jaina perspective. I see this book as being an initiation to spiritual life and as such I advise people to read it. It is, certainly, a mine of information and cannot avoid descriptions, divisions and subdivisions so dear to scholastics of every age and in particular to the Jainas. We must not forget that in initiating us into the spiritual world of the Sadhvis this study must pass on to us all the knowledge that they possess. I believe that the Jaina ascetics themselves can learn much from this lucid account which is based on the major texts of the tradition and imparts the quintessence of the doctrine without falling into a proliferation of dull secondary classifications that are sometimes found in works of this sort.

The author has endeavoured to introduce us into the Jaina spiritual world through history, iconography, geography, description of the

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tradition and, more especially, of an experience lived out day by day. We are offered here a harmonious compendium which, taking a vast mass of documents on the spititual life of a thousands-of-years old religious tradition, assigns each to its proper place and renders them intelligible to the reader.
In a word, this book is a valuable source of information and the indices help us to find our way around. The imparting of information, however, is neither the chief aim of this study nor, in my opinion, its principal worth. Its object is rather to initiate into spiritual life - and I say initiate advisedly, because one knows that in spritual life one advances by starting afrest each day. The fact that the world-view here portrayed may appear strange to quite a few readers - or even somewhat exotic - serves only to enhance its interest in an age when many spiritual traditions appear exhausted or powerless to attract those who are inured to the oftentimes routine points of view of their own traditions. Jaina spirituality at its deepest presents itself in a highly particular light. I might add that quite often in its traditional garb it too seems unacceptable, but is there anybody who is not interested in self-mastery, equanimity, harmony with the whole of reality, truthfulness and deep peace, whether in spite of adverse circumstances or even as a challenge to such circumstances?
To be sure, this study is not a manual of perfection; it does not aspire to teach us lessons nor to take the place of a genuine spiritual master, but in an age when such masters are so few and far between and when the influence of indoctrination through the mass media is so poweful, a detailed account of Jaina spirituality may well become a source of inspiration or a stimulant in circles which hitherto have not known this tradition. It is at this point that the task of the reader commences, for such an undertaking is outside the scope and intention of the study itself. My part, I feel, is to indicate the importance of this task.
I would like to lay further stress on this point. The modern technological age is characterised, from the sociological point of view by the myth of labour. Every person must have a job. Labour has become a necessity and in several countries a right and a duty, at least theoretically. Now this job, whether it be physical or intellectual, is regarded as an activity which takes place in the external world. Here,

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however, we find ourselves face to face with a tradition which also stresses the obligation not to labour (as the word is used in the modern technological society), but to work, to be a śramaņa or śramaņi. It tells us that this unceasing, meticulous, subtle and non-violent work is an inner, personal struggle for one's own Liberation. Jaina spirituality will immediately add that there is no question here of an egoistic activity; on the contrary, the prime task is to suppress all forms of egoism. It is a question rather of constructing the real world, building the city of the atman, of carving our part in nirvana-pura, the city of nirvāņa, with even more mindfulness, zeal and technical skill than that which was employed in building the marvellous temples of Satrunjaya or Holy Mount Abū - or, for that matter, the astounding machines of modern technology. I am not saying that it is not necessary to translate the content of the ancient Sūtras into contemporary language and re-read them in a fresh creative way; I am simply stressing that work towards the perfecting of the human microcosm is at least as urgent and important - as well as complex and delicate - as any human work brought to bear upon the outer marocosm. Herein lies what I would call the contemplative dimension of this study.
b) Since from the beginning I have been in close association with the author's researches, I find I cannot forbear the thought that this book might also make a positive contribution at the heart of the Jaina community. In particular, it could well help the community of Sādhvis to develop a kecner awareness of, I will not say their femininity, but of their dependence upon men. This book does not preach any particular reform, but it clarifies and informs. It is what I would call an eye-opener. It performs this function not only as regards certain delicate areas of concern such as those I have just mentioned, but also as regards other less thorny questions which are to be found right within the purest of traditions. One example will clarify my point. I think that not only is a careful reading of the description of Jaina ritual in Part IV enlightening for the History of Religions and for a knowledge of Jainism, but that the Sādhvis themselves could well discover in it a depth of meaning that may hitherto have escaped them and that such reading may also serve towards maintaining the purity of this ritual by removing from it the dust of routine and superficiality. It is not unimportant to realise that we can all play our part in the unfolding of universe!

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However, there is yet more to be said. The practical nature of this study is demonstrated by the positive and quietly revolutionary results that a careful reading may produce. In this I see two successive stages (and here I speak in my own name and not in that of the author).
N. Shāntā says that she would like to transmit to us the voice of the Sadhvis of the past and, more expecially, that of several thousands of present-day Taina women ascetics; she is, in fact, their spokeswoman, even expressing at times what they themselves would not dare to say for fear of being unfaithful to their tradition and disobedient to their vows and of thereby incurring the disapprobation of the Jaina community. There is need for someone who, from the inside and outside simultaneously, can indicate and also put into words, in a manner that is both clear and delicate, certain intrinsic inconsistencies which exist in a teaching that is fundamentally idealist but impossible completely to adhere to in practice; who can show, furthermore, that certain customs are obsolete in our day and age and also take note of certain abuses of authority and certain pressures that Jaina society exerts upon its ascetics in the name of tradition. I do not think that women's liberation implies that their aspirations should become precisely the same as those of men or that there should be equality without discernment; but the prohibition against the Sadhvis reading numerous texts of Scripture, the subjection of them to the authority of the Munis similarly to the way in which Christian nuns are to monks, solely on the grounds of sex, or the imposition upon women of the hardest possible demands of asceticism while at the same time denying to them the possibility of final Liberation - these are examples of discrimination that are difficult to justify, whatever may be their doctrinal explanations.
We all know that no one can be judge in his own cause. We know, too, how difficult it is to be faithful to a tradition and, simultaneously, to transform it. It is also clear that it is no easy thing to defend, even with the best of intentions, the cause of others and that sometimes, without meaning to do so, we do them harm. The dynamic processes of change, whether social or any other, are of unparalleled complexity, but nevertheless it is necessary to start somewhere.
There is yet another and more delicate step: that of the transformation of religious consciousness. It seems very clear to me

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that certain doctrines and practices belonging to traditional religions are today anachronistic and outdated, not only for those who view them from the outside, but also for the members of the communities concerned. A frontal attack serves only to close the ranks of the faithful. The same applies to a betrayal from within. If there is to be any positive movement it must surely arise from a new awareness which will itself apply a gentle pressure and permit some evolution, revolution and even mutation. This new awareness does not usually happen because of a will towards reform or change, but because of a profound desire for fuller understanding and personal deepening. It is then a question of becoming more and more conscious of the prevailing situation in order to understand it better and go deeper. Thus, for example, it is research into the meaning of energy or God that causes outdated ideas of the nature of energy or of God to be discarded. A critical approach to a given subject both modifies and transforms it. In a word, I would maintain that religion - in its most general sense - is absolutely necessary for Man, but that it is not necessarily good for him: means can be turned into obstacles. This present study will cause the reader, whether Jaina or otherwise, to reflect upon this ambiguity within religion.
4. Contents
N. Shāntă, after immersing herself in the Indian 'world' of our day, became involved in the Vedic world by closely collaborating in the production of what is probably the most complete anthology available of Hindu Scriptures (my book The Vedic Experience). Thereafter, during these last years, she has set herself to penetrate into the world of that ancient tradition of India which is less well-known than Buddhism. but which, developing at the same time as B neither spread beyond the borders of India nor was expelled from its country of origin or reabsorbed, as was the case with Buddhism. In a very concrete and feminine way the author offers us a synthesis of the Jaina tradition. I have no intention of repeating what she is going to tell us from the perspective of the Sadhvis, but in order to round off her study I would like to present the Jaina phenomenon in a more universal setting and in a way that may be more masculine.
An elementary typology of the basic attitudes of human experience in the face of the ultimate mystery (life, existence, reality, God or whatever name is preferred) offers us at least two paths: a) The path of

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integration, b) The path of simplification. Let me simply outline a synopsis of this theme.
Human consciousness, apart from what it may be in itself, is without doubt the inseparable and indispensable companion of Man's pilgrimage, at least on earth. It is in and through our consciousness that we formulate our thoughts and words and even what we are, our being, although being is somehow, greater than consciousness. To attain supreme or absolute consciousness has been the goal (or dream) of the great religious traditions of humanity. Consciousness is 1consciouness. The I is the subject of consciousness. There may be consciouness of objects, even consciousness of self, but consciousness as such is, by definition, the subject, the subject pure and simple, whatever that subject may be. Now, this consciousness can reach its zenith in two different ways:
a) By the integration of whatever presents itself, under one form or another, into consciousness. According to this approach the body and matter in general enter into consciousness. Thus salvation (this word being understood as the symbol of Man's goal) demands the transformation of matter and the assumption of time. History must be taken into the reckoning, the world transformed, all its elements redeemed. Sin, hell and damnation occur precisely when the corresponding part of this universe refuses or fails to achieve the transformation it is called upon to undergo. Traditions of this first type, that could perhaps be called tantric or sacramental, are not necessarily moniştic, though that does not imply that they are necessarily dualistic. Nor are they of necessity in thrall to logic or the logos, for there is always at least one element, the body, matter, which will only be transformed at the end of the personal or cosmic destiny. Up until that moment an undetermined element, an 'a-logical factor persists. The supremne value here is goodness; and when the word 'truth' is uttered, one thinks immediately of liberty - and justice.
b) The attainment of supreme consciousness can also be envisaged as a totally pure çnsciousness that has eliminated all that sullies its absolute purity, that is, matter, the body. Salvation in the broadest sense of the word) is then deliverance from this material prison, a breaking out from all historical and temporal limitations. Traditions of this second type, that could perhaps be called idealistic or gnostic,

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are not necessarily dualistic, though this does not mean that they have to be monistic. These systems are logical. Coherence is the final
nion. According to the different schools, matter and, along with matter, history are not to be repudiated or scorned, but they certainly do not have the final word. The supreme value here is truth: and when the word 'goodness' is uttered, one thinks immediately of sincerity - and coherence. Jainism is, perhaps, the most radical interpretation of this world-vision.
Here already we touch upon the ultimate reason underlying Jaina so-called atheism. A jaina is not an atheist in the western sense of the world. I wrote on a previous occasion that "atheism is another word for coherence". Jainism, in fact, constitutes absolute coherence - at least in theory. In a system where God exists, that God not only allows space for liberty and hence for evil, but also for the 'a-logical': That which Man cannot explain he projects upon an ineffable, incomprehensible, inaccessible, unpredictable God. God is for Man the locus of the inexplicable. A system without God cannot permit itself this luxury, for an over-riding necessity impels it to be logical.
Jaina siddhanta, i.e. the strictly orthodox teaching, has devised a deep and coherent system of thought that has probably never been equalled. This also explains the philosophical pespectivism proper to Jainism, which is called syādvăda. Syādvāda desires to safeguard the largest possible number of opinions and, to do this, makes allowance for various viewpoints according to context (naya). Consequently a plurality of perspectives (anekāntavāda) is connatural to Jainism.
For the Jainas renunciation is not the way to perfection, as it is for the majority of traditions, but rather itself constitutes perfection. (The Abgescheidenheit of Meister Eckhart springs to mind). We have here, therefore, both in theory and in practice, a form of renunciation that is totally coherent and radical, without any sort of compromise. Buddhism tells us that nirvāṇa does not exist and nor does the ātman, the whole of reality being situated, so to speak, on this side of the mystery (which we falsify by either speaking or thinking of it). However, life does possess a certain value. Vedānta assures us that the pāramărthika or transcendental reality is the one and only category of the real, the vyavahārika or phenomenal sphere being merely illusion; but this appearance is nevertheless an appearance of the real.

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Christian monasticism avers that to arrive at the All one must abandon everything and take the path of nothingness; the creature has none the less its own proper consistence that must be assumed, redeemed and transformed. Jainism sees all this as lacking coherence and makes no compromise: The stripping must be total. The perfect Man renounces not only the ego, the body, the world and the gods but also nourishment, words and thoughts. As a final step in this process of purification the kevalin abandons everything. Therein is perfect coherence. Renunciation is salvation and the way is simplification - which must take its course, of course, step by step and in accordance with a natural process of stripping. Sadhvis and Munis are not wandering pilgrims for the fun of it or to go somewhere. They are so because their very being is, as it were, on the march and because they can therefore possess nothing. The jiva is like water on the lotus leaf; it does not adhere and will fall if it has no support. This is purification through abandonment. One lets everything fall in the same way as a ripe fruit falls from the tree without anyone causing it to do so. There are no collateral effects either. I cannot cause the fruit of my neighbour to fall. That would in way case be a poor service, for the fruit that would fall would be green, indeed, it would not be a real fruit at all (for to be a proper fruit it must be ripe). Here, however, no hint of egoistic individualism is to be imputed. It is simply the law of the universe. Perfection is an individual matter. I must eliminate all karman and thus all material residue, but in doing so, in freeing my jiva from all defilement, I am contributing to the purification of the universe. This work of realisation is a cosmic work: in other words, it is my contribution to the functioning of the world. Conversely, the least trace of egoism would be a major obstacle to the purification or stripping of the jiva. This explains the almost unique dialectic of the spirituality of the Sadhvis, one that veers between solitude and community. On the one hand, they are never alone, indeed they live a close-knit community life; but on the other hand, they do not believe in collateral effects as far as salvation is concerned. There is no place for grace, each one follows her own path towards Liberation, the attainment of nirvāņa is an exclusively individual concern. It is recognised, however, that it is possible to help others acquire saving knowledge (jñāna) through personal example and instruction in the doctrine (pravacana).

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5. The importance of this study for our times
The reader may perhaps find the themes here treated interesting but somewhat bizarre and in any case of secondary importance to an age such as ours, which is preoccupied with a thousand other concerns such as secularism, technology, the arms race, the threat of nuclear war, hunger, injustice and exploitation. Yet neither the author of this book, who often worked twelve hours a day throughout a period of several years, nor, certainly myself would have devoted our time to such undertakings if we had thought that the whole enterprise was simply an antiquarian's task of merely speculative interest and intended only for an elite readership.
I ask myself the well-known question in christian monasticism: Quid hoc ad aeternitatem? Of what service is it for eternity? And I ask, in the opposite sense: Of what service is it for secularity? That is to say, of what service is it for human life, that life that we observe around us and more especially that we ourselves live day to day?
I do not wish to reply in a polemical spirit that it is of no service because one has passed out of the realm of any sort of service or sevitude, because one is sovereign and free and not slavish, because the question is a captious one and could cause us to fall into despair and let ourselves be dominated and exploited by those who, not asking themselves this type of question, manipulate individuals and the masses in order to serve their own ends. I wish to reply in a different way, in the non-violent and conciliatory spirit of the Jainas.
For this we need to adopt a world-view that may give us a broader
ive and a calm and considered reply. In regard to this we should stress the importance of the Jaina doctrine in the realm of comparative studies. If the West has built its worl-vision mainly on the concept of the Aristotelian substance modified to a greater or lesser extent, so that it considers things as substances and God as the Supreme Substance, and if on the other hand much of the Buddhist East has built up a world-vision based on the non-substantiality of things which in turn leads to the negation of any concept of a primal substance, the Jaina intuition offers us another "basic choice, an entirely different experience of reality. Of this, moreover, the consequences are not only theoretical! We might, in one great leap, arrive at the thought that Jaina teaching offers an alternative to the

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modern world in its dilemma between an acceptance of a technology which destroys both itself and, with it, the world and a refusal of technology which will also lead to the collapse of human structures.
14
It is remarkable that the Jaina intuition, which follows a path halfway between the concept ātmavāda or the substantiality of the atman, which is common to all the systems of Hindu thought, and the concept anātmavāda or the non-substantiality of the atman, which is common to all Buddhist systems, has had so slight an influence on the philosophical movements of India. While Hindu philosophies tell us that the atman, or substance, is the real and that modalities are not so (dravya-naya) and while Buddhist philosopies affirm that modalities are real and that substance is illusory (paryaya-naya), Jaina thought recognises that each of these perspectives, the substantialist (dravyārthika-naya) and the modalist, when carried to its logical conclusion, denies the truth of the other. In reality, says Jainism, there is no substance without modalities and no modalities apart from substance. It is this which gives rise to the Jaina 'perspectivism' (anekāntātmaka) with its contextualism (syādvāda) to which we have already alluded and that we mention again here in order to emphasize its importance vis-a-vis the dialectical extremes of our contemporary world. However I do not wish to expatiate further on this point in this presentation of a study which bears above all on the ascetic life.
I must also forgo here commentary on the importance of Jainism for depth psychology and for a comprehension of the dynamism that operates in spiritual life, such as a study on the passions of the soul, for example, would provide.
Within the Jaina community, that is to say within the samgha itself, this present study could trigger a movement of re-interpretation and adaptation of both doctrine and practices, without any unfaithfulness to the spirit of the tradition. It could also help to awaken a sort of Jaina ecumenism, by contributing to better knowledge and appreciation of the values stressed by the different traditions and the advantages of action taken in common. The influence of a small several thousand years old minority which today occupies an important social position in India is incalculable, though for full effect the unifying myth of Jainism must be strengthened. It is known that there are as many as eighty-four different schools of thought among

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the Jainas, but this diversity does not betoken a breakdown into petty quarrels. The world already knows the strength of 'non-violence' through the interpretation and putting into practice of it by Mahatma Gandhi. Gandhi may have failed for the moment as regards collective ation, both in his own country and elsewhere. On the external world scene violence is universal. It has become more obvious and more dangerous on account of the means of its perpetration placed by technology within anybody's reach. However, at the level of individual personal awareness the value of non-violence begins to be recognised and the necessity of it to be felt more and more. The first attempts to build a more human world-order have, it is to be admitted, failed, but the increasing danger of a tyranny of violence in all spheres of human life and in the majority of countries enhances also the role
ortance of the prophets of non-violence. A community of more than three million persons who have been trained to nonviolence over a span of nearly three thousand years could be instrumental in bringing to birth a new degree of consciousness towards which contemporary Man is groping with a hope that borders on despair. No religious group can take the place of a prophet, but it may well act as a sounding-board.
and
I would like to add some further considerations which, though expressed here in general terms, could represent a rather important shift in our vision of reality and therefore in our way of approaching it. After this apparent detour I shall return to the question propounded above, namely, quid hoc ad hominem? Of what service is it for Man?
The problem is serious the modern world seems to have reached a total impasse. It is this powerlessness to change a situation which is destructive of Man and culture that is often at the root of the despair and cynicism of present-day non-conformist movements of all types. There are, to be sure, gleams of hope when something is happening in small circles (a village, a small industry, a family workshop...) but one is engulfed in an anonymous global system so soon as one touches upon the large spheres of the economy, industry, politics, etc. (the armaments industry, multinationals, world-wide advertisement...). There seems to be no way out of this situation. The mind turns to the theological controversies of the first centuries of the modern age in Europe concerning predestination or freedom and grace or to the even more straightforward problem of an anthropomorphic and all-powerful

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God who none the less permits the suffering of innocents and indiscriminate evil: if he allows such a situation, then either he is not a good Father or else he is not All-powerful. A solution can only be found by demonstrating that the problem is ill posed: a "Father" such as this does not exist, grace is not magic and liberty is something other than what one supposes. To obtain a clearer idea, one must lay bare the true factors in the problem. These in the case of the present world situation are the anthropological and cosmological premises which form an integral part of the western world's world-view and which, through science and technology, have imposed themselves on a large part of this whole planet. The metaphysical and moral premises of modernity are "in crisis", but the anthropological and cosmological views that were formed during a long period of gestation in the west are still the accepted myths.
Now in the Jaina community these views are quite different. Underlying them is an anthropology that explains the rationale and coherence of their system. I recognize that this same anthropology is to be found also in other traditions, but I like to think that among the Jainas it is preserved with a certain purity, even, one might say, with a certain naivety; that makes it easier to contrast the difference and indicate its consequences.
Jaina anthropology is inseparable from the cosmology which sustains it. Man is not viewed as an isolated individual or as the king of creation entrusted with a mission to dominate it, and still less to save it. Nor, on the other hand, is Man a more or less undifferentiated part of the whole. What gives the Jaina world-view a validity for today is precisely its sui generis individualism, which is foreign to other Indic concepts of reality. Jaina Man is an individual, the reality of each Man is the personal jiva or åtman, the Self or soul. There are no two identical souls. The Jaina world is a world of plurality. Each living being is unique and there is an abhorrence of inhuman collectivism. At the risk of repeating a dangerous slogan, one might say that Jainism is a humanism. Man constitutes the supreme and definitive reality -but not in this present life. Human beings should disencumber themselves of the material wrappings of all sorts, gross and subtle, by which they are gripped. The individual exists, however, within the total cosmological framework of Jainism, the complexity of which is like that of the astronomy of contemporary science. We

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believe in the latter because we are told that it is verifiable by experiment (which is not quite correct), but we have reservations about the former because it is too complicated and because it does not furnish experimental proofs. In both cases we hardly question ourselves about the bases on which these respective systems are built.
Here is not the place for me to go further into disputes concerning the Jaina cosmic vision. What is of interest and importance for us is the possibility of an alternate 'way', still alive today, which undergirds a genuine spirituality. Undoubtedly Jaina cosmography has to be superseded, for it no longer carries conviction to the modern mind. The really important thing is the discovery of a landmark which may serve to relativise the anthropocentricity of our modern age and its identification of Man with historic existence. Heaven and paradise may no longer be the urdhva-loka (the upper world comprising several paradises where divine beings dwell) or the bosom of Abraham, but humans, if deprived of a cosmology in which to situate events and thoughts are asphyxiated or, in modern parlance, self-destroyed.
However the elaboration of such a theme does not belong to a Presentation. Any attempt to explain how we can be mutually enriched by the treasures of others' traditions and how a mutual fecundation can happen is already quite another story...
I would like to end with an invitation to read and ponder this study. My part has been to stimulate such a desire.
Kartika Pūrņima (end of căturmāsya), November 11th, 1981 anniversary of the end of the First World War, Kodaikkanal.

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Anantā krtajñatā: infinite gratitude
During several years, on the track of the Sādhvis, I had to combine a life of study with a life on pilgrimage. My Masters were the Agamas and the works of the Sages, and gradually and as need required and as I little by little absorbed the ideas of the teaching, the rules of life and accounts of their tradition and history, I went to consult the Sadhvis and Aryikās upon these questions, as well as certain Munis and scholars. Before setting out to meet the Sadhvis I had to discover their whereabouts, which was only possible thanks to the kindness of lay members of the community, who helped me in this search. This done, I had to apply to the secretary of the local committee to ascertain the duration of their stay in such or such a place, and then find for myself a place to lodge. All these proceedings put me in touch with numerous Jainas. During my stays close to the Sadhvis hospitality was given to me either by a neighbouring family or by the committee in charge of a dharmashala of the town or pilgrim-place, or sometimes by friends of my own who happened to live within easy range. I used to set off from Varanasi, where I lived up to 1979, for several months, armed with my notes and some of my books; I left the plains of the North where the summer is scorching to repair to regions where I knew the Sádhvis would come to spend the monsoon months and where I was sure to find a good library. During these periods certain communities, some composcd of friends already known to me and others of persons hitherto unknown, had the kindness to welcome me. Thus in the course of my wanderings, as well as meeting a large number of Sadhvis and also some Munis, I was given lodgement not only by Jaina families or dharmashalas, but also by members of Christian religious groups that I would not otherwise have had an opportunity to meet. My encounters with the Sadhvis gave me a chance to learn a lot from them, to experience a Jaina ecumenism while I lived among Jainas of different groupings and a still wider ecumenism when I was the guest of communities attached to different churches,
It was only possible for me to continue this task of assimilation, of deepening and unremitting concentration that a study like this, rooted

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as it is in the day to day life of its subjects, demands thanks to the sympathy, knowledge, support and welcome of many people. No word could possibly express fully my infinite gratitude. I cannot be content to record simply a list of names but prefer, rather, to try to stay as near as I can to the situation of these past years by recalling, if not all the names known to me, at least a great proportion of them and by stating the particular part they played in the accomplishing of this study (and sometimes, of course, one or other performed several functions therein).
19
Given the variety of places and the span of years involved, the simplest thing is to follow a geographical order.1 I must add that up till 1975, being fully involved in another project, I was able to give only a very limited amount of time to the present study. However, as my interest in the subject was already fully awakened and the subject so vast, I tried to work a little on it each day and to take eagerly every chance that came my way to make new contacts.
Instruction, Kindliness and general concern on the part of scholars
At Varanasi: Professor M. Metha, during the course of many years, when he was director of the P.V. Institute, ungrudgingly answered my many questions and gave me wise counsel; at the end of '79 he most kindly helped me to revise my first draft at the University of Pune where he is at present a Professor. I would like to express to him my warmest thanks.
I would also like to thank:
Dr Gokulchandra Jain, of untiring helpfulness, who was always ready to give me information on one subject or another, to lend me books, give me addresses, introduce me to somebody and that in the happy family atmosphere of his home where Shrimati Jain also played her part.

1 In order to simplify, proper names are given here without diacritical marks, except in the case of Sadhvis. The names of towns and states follow the usual spellings. The study itself, however, follows other prinicples of orthography: cf. technical note.

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- Pandit A.Bhattacharya, my guide in the study of Sanskrit.
- Pandit Kailashchandra Shastri, of the Jain Vidyalaya, for his explanations of texts.
In Rajasthan: Muni Mahendrakumar, for the interest he has shown in my work and for advice given at Shri Dungargarh in 1975 and at Ladnun in 1978.
- Muni Shri Navaratnamal, for permitting me, while in Ladnun in 1978, to consult his voluminous manuscript.
At Ahmedabad: Pandit D.D. Malvania of the L.D. Institute of Indology, to whom I owe a debt of great gratitude for the wonderful generosity of spirit in which he makes available his vast store of deep knowledge. From him during each of my visits, in 1970, 1977 and 1980, I learned much.
- Shri R.D Malvania, specialist in photography of manuscripts and illustrative cocuments, who kindly produced for me illustrations for this study.
In Madhya Pradesh: Dr.V.P. Joharapurkar of Jabalpur, for having on every occasion replied by letter with meticulous care to my questions concerning texts from his collection: Bhattāraka Sampradaya.
- Shrimati (Dr) H.Bordiya for permitting me to read her thesis and for her warm welcome to me in her own home in Indore in 1979.
At Mysore: Dr. M.D. Vasantharaj for the help he gave me not only in my study of documents of Karnataka but also in my comprehension of certain aspects of the teaching - which service he rendered me in his own home, surrounded by his well-disposed family members, in 1976 and 1980 and thereafter by letter.
- Pandit S.P.Shastri, for his explanation and summary of certain difficult texts, especially those of the strimukti, in 1980.

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Author's Preface
21
At Kodaikkanal: Dr.A.Pitchai, who taught me the rudiments of Tamil and helped me to understand certain passages of the Cilappatikaram, in 1979-1980.
Hospitality of Jaina families and dharmashalas and of friends and communities in almost the whole of India
I thank most warmly each and everyone of those who gave me hospitality
In the North: at the dharmashala of Hastinapur.
In Rajasthan: at Shridungargarh, Jodhpur, Jaipur, Landnun.
In Gujarat: at Ahmedabad, Bhavnagar.
In Maharastra: at Bombay, particularly at Ghatkopar where the Khetani family offered me a warm hospitality in 1971 at the time of my meeting with the Sådhvis of the Shramani Vidyapith, and again in 1976 on the occasion of a dikṣā being performed in the neighbourhood.
At Pune, Ahmednagar, Yeola.
In Karnataka: at Shravanabelgola where the late Shri M.H. Shah supplied me with all the historical details of the place, at Bangalore, in Kodagu.
The effective help of numerous Jainas
It is impossible to mention here by name all those who put me in touch with Sādhvis, gave me informations or found me books. Among them, however, certain ones made a direct contribution to this study and I would like to express my grateful thanks:
- At Calcutta: Shri S.Rampuriya, Shri B.Nahta.
- At Delhi: Shri D.Singh Jain, Dr. Vimal Prakash Jain when he was secretary of the Bharatiya Jnanpith.
- At Jaipur: Dr. N. Bhanavat.

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The Unknown Pilgrims
- At Bombay: Shri R.N. Doshi.
- At Madras: Shrimati Bheda, Shri S. Pannalal Jain, Shrimati S. Metha.
A valuable collaboration during the final stage
I owe a debt of great gratitude to:
- Sister Sara of the Monastery of Pradines, who read through the first manuscript and re-typed part of Part I.
- Nishthatai, of Pune, who in spite of numerous other tasks, retyped a large portion of the manuscript.
- Shri Pushan, of the Sri Aurobindo Ashram, Pondicherry, who went over all the additions made after the departure of Sister Sara.
- Mātāji Pratibhānanda, of Kodagu, who with care kindly read through the whole of the final manuscript.
N.Shāntā Kodaikkanal Mahāvira Jayanti April 6th, 1982

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Author's Preface
23
Addition to the French edition
Inspiration came to me to undertake this study from the thought of R. Panikkar on the subject of the Encounter of Religions. This inspiration which guided me both during long years of close collaboration in the production of his works and throughout my research for this present study, is clearly expressed in one of his own writings:
Myths, symbols, intuitions, presentiments, basic thoughtpattems, spontaneous convictions, important factors all of them which need to be taken into account in one's attempt to evaluate fairly a religion in its entirety... In order to come close to a religious phenomenon which was unknown to one until then, a certain faith is necessary. From the methodological point of view it is necessary to recognise that each and every religious assessment (which is in any case a matter of faith) cannot possibly be "understood" without a corresponding faith. Nowadays the science of religions assumes that it is impossible from the outside to understand the whole complexity of a belief hitherto unknown. The ruling principles of the natural sciences are recognised as being inapplicable to spiritual sciences The subjectivity of the seeker is bound to intrude in this way, namely, that their aim and object, in order to be properly understood, demands a certain sympathy, a certain affinity, This is all the more true if there is a question of penetrating within a religion which is not that of the seeker. It is only a deep assimilation into the heart, an identification with the religious phenomenon in question, that will succeed in doing so.
Anniversary of the Independence of India August 15th, 1995, Kodaikkanal.
2 Panikkar, 1970, pp. 119-120.

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TECHNICAL NOTE
1 Transcription and pronunciation
(The following notes are elementery and aim at familiarising the reader with the terms employed in this study.)
i) Sanskrit
The internationally accepted system of transcription is used here.
ii) Prākṣit
Is only used in original quotations of texts in the notes. It has the same transcription and pronunciation as the Sanskrit with these differences: a) the following vowels and consonants do not exist in Prākṣit:
ļ, ai, au, ś, ș, ḥ however: ai = a +i, pronounced a-i (i.e. two syllables and not
like the diphthong ai of Sanskrit) au = a + u, pronounced a-u (i.e. two syllables and not
like the diphthong au in Sanskrit) b) all the nasals are represented by ń.
iii) Hindi
Is only used in certain proper names and a few quotations. It has the same transcription and pronounciation as the Sanskrit with these differences:
a) There are two retroflexes d and dh which are pronounced like a retroflex r, the dh being aspirated.
b) The 'a' mute at the end of a word is not pronounced in Hindi. We adhere here to the principle according to which the transcription of a word follows the orthography and not the pronunciation, for it is deemed essential that a transcribed word should be able to be correctly re-written in the original script, whatever the current pronunciation.

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Technical Note
25
Furthermore, a large number of proper names in Hindi are derived or inherited from the Sanskrit in which the final 'a' is pronounced, for example, one writes: Hastinapura (in both Sanskrit and Hindi) and one pronounces (in Hindi) Hastinapur (cf. § 6 below).
iv) Tamil
Is only used in Part I 3 G. Here are some notes regarding the transcription and pronunciation of the vowels and consonants found in that section.
To the vowels of Sanskrit (excepting the ļ which does not exist in Tamil) two more must be added:
ē Ô The following consonants are peculiar to Tamil:
1, !, D, r.
2 Use of Sanskrit terms
i) The texts of Scripture are all in Prākrit, while the major texts on doctrine and those transmitting ancient tradition are in either Prākrit or Sanskrit. It is normal practice in lectures, teaching-sessions, and books on doctrine (except in the case of highly specialised study) always to use Sanskrit terms, even if the original is in Prākrit. We follow this method which is the most practical for rendering the given subjects intelligible, but the original of each quotation, whether in Prākrit or Sanskrit, is always given in the notes, and if a Prākrit word in a certain text requires explanation, the equivalent Sanskrit of this same word is to be found in brackets in the note.
ii) Sanskrit words are printed in italics except:
a) Those denoting the ascetics and the faithful (of the Jaina community); these are only in italics when the term is introduced for the first time or when demanded by the context; otherwise they are in Roman characters (with diacritical signs).1
The same applies to all other terms, Sanskrit or otherwise, which are not in italics.

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26
The Unknown Pilgrims
These words are: ācārya, äryikā, guru, guruņi, kşullikā, muni, sādhvi, śrāvaka, śrāvikā
b) Names of communities and groups:
Digambaras, Kharataragacchas, Mūrtipūjakas, Sthānakavāsis,
Svetāmbaras, Tapāgacchas, Terāpanthis, Yāpaniyas It is to be observed that the names of groups adhering to the tradition of the Bhattārakas are not italicised.
c) All titles applied to the ascetics.2 d) The Names of institutions
3. Texts quoted
i) Where there is a word-for-word translation it is given in indent form. Words in square brackets are understood and have been added to render the text more comprehensible. The content of texts translated more freely, paraphrased or condensed is not given in indent form.
ii) To facilitate the study of the doctrine saṁdhis have been suppressed in the Sanskrit texts.
4. The names "Sådhvi" and "Āryika"
The words sādhvi, āryikā and other terms used to describe the women ascetics are also used as titles. 3
i) The titles of ascetics mentiond in ancient documents and in inscriptions are quoted as found in the texts.
2 Cf. § 4 iii,iv.
3 Cf. P57ff.

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Technical Note
27
ii) In the case of contemporary sādhvis and äryikās we follow the usage of each community the firs time that a sādhvi is mentioned, for
example:
Sadhvi Hemaprabhā Śri of the Mūrtipūjakas Sãdhvi Śri Rājimati of the Terāpanthis Mahāsati Sri Tarulată of the Sthānakavāsis Āryikā Sri Jñānamati of the Digambaras. 4
Thereafter we give simply the title followed by the name: Sādhvi Hemaprabhā etc. and, according to custom, Jñānamati Mātāji or Mātāji.
iii) In the inscriptions of Karņāțaka.5 the terms used to describe women ascetics are:
avve, ganti, gantiya, kanti, kantiyar
As in the case of sādhvi and äryik, these words are not printed in italics (cf. § 2). These also are titles preceded by the personal name.
iv) In the texts and inscriptions of Tamil Nāļu 6 the terms are:
ațigal, kurati ațigal, kurattiyār These too are titles and are preceded by the proper name of the person or of the place to which she belongs.
5. References in the notes to translations and contemporary work in Hindi
i) Authors: Ācārya, Muni, Sadhvi, Āryikā
At the first mention we give the title, e.g. Sādhvi Samghamitrā; thereafter in all other reference we give only the name: Samghamitrā, etc.
4 The titles are Sadhvi, Mahāsati or Āryikā in accordance with each community's custom and the Sri is placed either before or after the personal name.
5 Cf. P 212 ff.
6 Cf. P 226 ff.

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28
The Unknown Pilgrims
ii) Other authors
The transcription of their names follows the devanāgari script. Nevertheless, when we refer to a work in English written by an author with a Hindi name we have followed the transcription given by the editor.
6. Names of towns, districts and States
i) Names belonging to ancient history (from the VIth century B.C. to the beginning of the Christian era) are transcribed in accordance with their origional script, each being located in its own region with the name of the present-day State indicated (cf. map).
ii) Names belonging to the beginning of the Christian era and up to our own times are transcribed according to the script in which they are written in the document studied and are located in the correct presentday States (cf. map). As most of these names have been anglicised, both transcriptions (i.e. the one which follows the original script and that which follows English pronunciation) are given at the end of the study, for example:Elāpura Ellora
Jayapura Jaipur Madhya Pradeśa Madhya Pradesh, etc.
It should be noted that in this English translation the passage quoted from French authors have been translated by the translator. The references given, however, are in each case to the original French.

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Technical Note
29
7. Abbreviations
ADh
Anagăradharmāmsta
Atlas
Schwartzberg, (edited by) A Historical Atlas of South Asia
Anus
Anuyogadvāra-sūtra
As Ācārānga-sutra Ava Avaśyaka-sūtra BhattSamp Joharapurkar, Bhattāraka sampradāya
Brks
Brhatkalpa-sútra
DasasS
Daśāśrutaskandha-sūtra
DhyanSat
Dhyānašataka
DS
Daśavaikālika-sūtra
DravSam
Dravyasamngraha
EC
Epigraphia Carmatica
EI Epigraphia Indica Jesalmer Coll.NC Muni Punyavijaya, Jesalmer Collection
New Catalogue
JSBI
Jain & Mehta, Jaina sāhitya kå brhad itihasa, Vol II
JSBSam Sethiyā, Jaina siddhānta bolasaṁgraha JSK Jinendra, Jainendra siddhanta kośa JSilalekhSam Joharapurkar, Jain silalekhasaṁgraha

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30
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Karmo
Karmagrantha
KS
Kalpa-sūtra
MA
Mulācāra
Nandis
Nandi-sútra
NS
Nišitha-sútra
P
Indicates the page number of a cross-refecence, e.g. P 125
= see p. 125 for cross-reference
PPN
Mehta & Candra, Prākrit Proper Names
PSa
Pravacanasāra
SamSa
Samayasāra
SBE
The Sacred Books of the East
SkrS
Sūtrakrtānga-sūtra
Sramans
Muni Amaracandra, śramaņa-sutra 7
Sths
Tattvanu TrisalPC
Sthānārga-sūtra
Tattvānuśāsana (Dhyānaśāstra) Trişastišalākāpuruşacaritra
TS
Tattvartha-sūtra & Sarvārthasiddhi 8
7 Part II: Sutra and commentaries.
8 All the references to the TS include both the TS itself and the commentary upon it, the Sarvärthasiddhi.

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TS Sukhlal Sukhlal, Commentary on Tattvārtha-sūtra
US
VS
YB
YSas
Technical Note
Uttarādhyayana-sūtra
Vyavahāra-sūtra
Yogabindu
Yogaśāstra
8. List of Illustrations
1. Stulabhadra and his seven sisters sädhvis, Kalpa-sūtra
2. Bahubali with Brami and Sundari, Kalpa-sutra
3. Samanarmalai, Mahavira
4. Śravana Belgola, Indragiri, the rock of the siddhas
5. Samanarmalai, the line of carvings and epigraphs in the rock
6. Sadhvis, painting of a vijñaptipatra, by Śālivahana
7. Jesalamera, Temples
8. Namaskara-mantra
9. Abu Road, caraṇapādukā of Sadhvi Sunanda Śri in the samadhi
mandira
10. Dilli, image of Sadhvi Vicakṣaṇa Śri
11. Śatrunjaya Sadhvis descending the Holy Mountain
12. Āryikā Śri Jñānamati Mātāji (Digambara)
13. Mahāsati Śri Tarulatā (Sthānakavāsi)

31

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The Unknown Pilgrims
14. Pätras, Mūrtipūjaka sādhvis
15. Sädhvi Nirmală Śri (Mūrtipūjaka, Tapāgaccha)
16. Rajoharana and pătra, Sthănakavāsi sādhvis
17. Aștamangalas, embroidery
18. Mathurā, āyāgapața
19. Jina in kāyotsarga
20. Satruñjaya, a) sădhvi ascending the Holy Mountain, with rajoharana under her arm and danda in hand (Front cover). b) Satruñjaya sădhvi descending the Holy Mountain (Back cover) Photo O. Bäumer.
All photographs were taken by the author except where indicated to the contrary in the explanatory notes.

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NAMASKĀRA - MANTRA
Namaskāra to the arhats Namaskāra to the siddhas
Namaskara to the ācāryas
Namaskara to the upadhyāyas
Namaskara to all the sadhus of the universe 1
The Namaskara-mantra, the pre-eminent of all Jaina mantras, is certainly of very ancient origin. It is to be found in several texts of Scripture: at the beginning of the Ṣatkhaṇḍāgama, as also of the Avaśyaka-sūtra, Bhagavati-sūtra and Kalpa-sūtra. Mention is made of it in the Dasavaikālika-sūtra.2 One inscription of the IInd century B.C., of the region of Kalinga (Orisā) is a salutation addressed to the arhats and siddhas.3
This Namaskara or salutation expressing veneration, respect, devotion and humility is addressed to each of the five categories of parameṣthins. The word parameşthin occurs already in the Atharva Veda; it means: supreme Lord, Sovereign, and denotes both a cosmic principle, a personified God and, in a broad sense, a higher spiritual authority. Jainism does not recognise one sole God, the Creator, Ordainer and Father of all creatures. In this religious tradition, the parameṣṭhins are human beings who have attained to plenitude of being (self-realisation) or are on the path towards this realisation.4
1
ṇamo arahaṁtaṇaṁ, ṇamo siddhāṇaṁ, namo āyariyānam, namo uvajjhāyāṇam, namo loe savvasähūņam. AvaS 1.
2 Cf. DS V, 1, 93.
3 Cf. P 131 n. 81. Namaskāra means 'salutation' i.e. to salute or invoke respectfully by uttering the exclamation 'namas' which means homage, adoration (from the root nam-, to bow).
4 Cf. Malvania, 1975, pp. 1-5; also Part II for the lengthy process which leads to this realisation.

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34
.
An arhat is a great ascetic worthy of veneration, a jina or conquerors and a kevalin, i.e. omniscient one.6 Among the arhats of both past and present, certain ones have been entrusted with the special mission of teaching the dharma, the path of Liberation, to all living beings: these are the tirthankaras. In this mantra veneration is accorded first to the arhats, on account of the immense gratitude which is their due.8
The Unknown Pilgrims
A siddha is an arhat who, freed from the last shreds of karman which were holding him in his fleshly body, now lives for all time in the beatitude of nirvana. He has realised to the full the infinite potentiality of his unalloyed ātman and rejoices therein.9 Every living being is a potential siddha.
An ācārya is an ascetic, the spiritual Master in charge of a community of munis, sadhvis, śrāvakas and śrāvikās.10
An upadhyāya is an ascetic well-grounded in the teaching who instructs the other ascetics.
A sadhu is an ascetic with no special function. The word is masculine but in reality the sadhvis, women ascetics who have
5 He has won a victory over räga, vehement desire, and over dveșa, hatred,
aversion.
6 From kevala: alone, isolated. and also: whole, full, complete; cf. P 396 ff.
7 According to Jaina doctrine there exist, in a part of the universe other than
that in which we live, arhats and tirthankaras in permanent residence; cf. P 76, 676.
8 Cf. caturviṁśatistava, P 69 ff; 317 ff.
9 Cf. P 400 ff.
10 The śravakas and śrāvikās are lay men and women who have not committed themselves to radical asceticism. Certain ācāryas do not have sādhvis under their obedience.

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Namakāra-mantra
35
received the same consecration, taken the same vows, follow the same rules and deserve the same veneration as men ascetics, should be included in this category.11
In ages like our own that lack tirthankaras, these three sorts of parameşthin (ācăryas, upadhyāyas, sådhus) are required, each according to his rank, to teach the doctrine so that beings may learn the dharma.
Several commentators are of the opinion that the "all" and "of the universe" at the end of the mantra refer to each one of the parameşthins, whether of the past, the present or the future, for after the conclusion of our era, in that part of the universe which we occupy, new tirtharkaras will appear.
The Avašyaka-sūtra calls the Namaskåra-mantra the pañcanamaskara-mangala-sutra, the sutra of the five Namaskāras of Happiness, 12 while tradition calls it a mantra. A mantra is one or more syllables or one or more words which, when repeated, possess an immense power far beyond their import on the mental plane. Through
11 This applies to the Śvetāmbaras; as we shall see, the Digambaras do not give the same status to women. However, tradition, even among the Svetāmbaras, never classes sādhvis as parameşthins as it does sådhus and in
ce the superior status of the munis is clearly evidenced by the fact that not only do they not address the vandana or ritual salutation to sādhvis, but they even do not greet them with a bow. In this regard the attitude of the munis is that which is prevalent in a world where man predominates, not that which is influenced by spiritual motives. The śrävakas and śrāvikās of traditionalist communities perform the ritual vandana for munis only, but in the reformed communities they perform this same vandana for munis and sādhvis alike. Recently Acārya Tulasi requested the munis of his community (of Terapanthis) to salute the sadhvis with a bow and joined palms, when these latter give them the vandana. Some modern commentators include among the sadhus all those who follow some spiritual discipline, whatever their sect or state of life, what is of importance being a sincere commitment to a path of self-purification and perseverance in this path, not the dress they adopt; cf.e.g. Sramans, pp. 3;11.
12 Cf. P 160 ff. for mangala, aştamangala.

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The Unknown Pilgrims
the utterance of the Names of the five categories of parameșthins, this Namaskara-mantra, recited with faith and reverence, is so powerful that it obliterates sins and for this reason is considered the greatest mantra of all.13 The siddhas, perfected, liberated beings, have no link with mankind, nor do they accord them any favours. The same applies to the other parameşthins. The power of the mantra depends on the faith of the one who pronounces it. It is his or her desire to imitate the parameșthins which has such a profoundly salutary effect.
The Namaskāra-mantra is always associated with kāyotsarga, the temporary abandonment of all bodily activity, during which time the silent recitation of it undergirds dhyāna, mental concentration, that is, the highest degree of that interior ascesis which contributes to the purifying of the ātman from karmic matter. 14 The efficacy of the mantra depends, at one and the same time, on the fervour with which the all-holy Names are uttered and on the intensity of the effort towards concentration applied to the utterance.15 On occasions other than during kāyotsarga the ascetics and the faithful repeat the mantra very frequently. They may find a mālā (rosary) helpful, pronouncing slowly each syllable or alternatively reciting one by one the hundred and eight qualities of the parameşthins.16
13 In the opening verse of the KS, in the Āvaśyaka-niryukti. The same verse is very often recited immediately after the Namaskara-mantra:
eso pasca ņamokkāro savva-păvappaņāsaņo
mamgalāņam ca savvesim padhamaṁ havai mamgalam. Cf. also Adh IX, 25-26.
14 Cf. DravSam 47-57; Y Sas VIII, 32-42.
15 Among the many studies on this subject, cf. N. Jain, 1964; Sadhvi Rājimati, 1977.
16 For this reason the rosary contains 108 beads; cf. P 478 ff.

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GENERAL INTRODUCTION
Hitherto, in most of the works treating of Jainism, the word 'monasticism' has been used, as if it were self-explanatory and required no preliminary comments, to denote the status proper to a certain section of the Jaina community, while the words 'monk' or 'religious', the latter being used for both men and women, are likewise applied to these same persons. These words of Greek and Latin origin have since the first centuries of our era been adopted by Christianity. They indicate an ideal, a type of life that has certain characteristics common to both the Jaina and Christian, as well as to certain other, traditions. However, not only do these terms fail to embody the whole of the Jaina ideal, but the truth is that this last-named differs in its final goal from the Christian ideal, while certain means that are employed towards the realisation of that goal are opposed to those which shape the lives of Christian nuns of the monastic orders.
Each religious tradition has its own specific words to denote those of its members who are consecrated to a spiritual quest according to certain given rules. In the course of this study we will use the terms proper to the Jaina tradition; yet, while the Jaina dharma must be
1 An essentially itinerant life (cf. P 440 ff.; P 529 ff.); the quest for food (cf. P 496 ff.); the practice of saṁlekhana, total fast before the Great Departure (cf. P 566 ff.); it is to be noted that the expression 'Great Departure' is used throughout this study for bodily death. In a Jaina context it means the abandonment of its present body by the atman, which will proceed to be united to successive bodies in the course of future lives until the moment of its final Liberation, i.e. the total abandonment of bodily form and full Realisation; jñāna-dāna, imparting the gift or communication of knowledge in the form of regular public or semi-public lectures on the doctrine, delivered not only to men and women adherents, but also to any other interested persons (cf. P 548 ff).

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The Unknown Pilgrims
approached on its own ground, introduced in its own specificity and with the use of its own terminology, it is not an isolated phenomenon; it has a place, a role to fulfill among the other traditions, a unique meaning to convey. It is by reason of this special function that we are going to try to discover what western word is the most appropriate to use to designate those members, men and women, of the Jaina tradition who have chosen to devote their lives to an exclusively spiritual search based on a well-defined teaching.
1. Ascesis, Asceticism
These two words, both of which are to be found in any spiritual vocabulary, are used interchangeably.
Etymology and different meanings of the word
"The etymology of the Greek word askeø, ask'sis, asc't's, is unclear. Homer uses it to express the idea of an artistic work (IL. 10, 438; 23, 743; Od. 23, 198) or of a technical work (IL. 3, 388; 4, 110); Herodotus employs it in the same way: to fashion an ornament, adorn (3,1; 2, 130)."2 Later the word was used in different settings. In a physical sense: sustained physical effort, such as that of athletes or soldiers. In a moral sense: the exercise of intelligence and will-power in the acquisition of virtues and in freeing oneself from the grip of evil passions. In a religious sense: the methodical pursuit of perfection leading to the contemplation of God. It is above all in Philo, of the Jewish tradition at the beginning of this era, that the word has this connotation and it was adopted, with certain slight adaptations, by several Fathers of the Church, in particular by Origen and Clement of Alexandria.3
2 Olphe-Gaillard, 1936, col. 939. Ask 'tria denotes a 'nun'; cf. Chantraine, 1968, p. 124.
3
Cf. Olphe-Gaillard, 1936, col. 939-941.

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General Introduction
39
In the ancient Greco-Roman philosophies
Among the Pythagoreans (VIth century B.C.) we find an awakening to spiritual values within man, to the divine dwelling with in him, which leads him to struggle against all that prevents purity of heart. Thence arises a constant and systematic attempt to thwart evil tendencies, endure suffering and thus escape successive rebirths. Among the means deemed proper for this ascesis are philosophy, which on account of the effort of reflection involved is already a type of purification, struggle against the passions, continence, abstinence and the examination of conscience. This effort was to be resumed by the Neopythagoreans (Ist century of our era).
The Stoics (from the IIIrd century B.C. till the first centuries of our era), particularly Epictetus, emphasized strongly spiritual ascesis which consists in combating false ideas through reflection, meditative reading and examination of conscience. They incline towards absolute interiority and endeavour to attach no importance to anything external: health, sickness, suffering. The renunciation of riches that they advocate has as its primary aim inner detachment.S
For the Platonists (Vth century B.C.) and, more particularly, the Neoplatonists around Plotinus (IIIrd century of our era), a sustained effort of purification is required to disengage or dissociate a man from his body, free him from all inner preoccupations caused by the body, in order that the may realise "being" in its simplicity and his union with God, the One. A lively consciousness of the body/soul dualism leads here to contempt for the body and to the complete vegetarianism adopted by certain philosophers, it lays special stress on recollection, meditation and philosophical reflection for spiritual purposes.
4 Ibid., col. 950-953.
5 Ibid., col. 953-957.
6Ibid., col. 957-960; cf. also Dictionnaire de Spiritualité, articles on: Apatheia and Katharsis.

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The Unknown Pilgrims
The Therapeutrides of Egypt
Philo of Alexandria in his treatise De Vita Contemplativa describes with great approbation the way of life and spiritual exercises of a hellenised Jewish community of ascetics, men and women, of the end of the Ist century B.C. or the beginning of our era. Their centre was located near Lake Mareotis, near Alexandria. What is of great interest for us in this is the existence of a group of women ascetics, separated from their men counterparts by a cloister-wall several metres high, and following exactly the same rules. These Therapeutrides were virgins coming from highly-placed sections of society who had renounced their possessions. They led a very simple and austere community life, but without excessive rigorism. Their frugal diet consisted of water, bread, salt and hyssop. Each aspect of their life, their surroundings, dwellings, clothes, daily time-table, conspired towards detachment from the world, recollection, solitude interiority, so that they might devote themselves to study and meditation, to philosophical speculation and to the search for wisdom which ultimately leads to God. They frequently observed a total fast and attached great importance to a certain Jewish celebration that took place every seven weeks. This holy vigil opened with a homily or allegorical discourse on Scripture delivered by the President of the community, followed by hymns sung in turn by each member and repeated by all together. Then, after a meal of bread, salt and water, the liturgy proceeded with sacred songs and dances, performed by two choruses, male and female, the height of the cloister-wall not being such as to prevent each group from hearing the other.8
7 The author does not tell us how the community gained its livelihood; there is no mention of any sort of remunerated work, agricultural or any other. Does this lead us to suppose that the members received assistance from benefactors? That they begged their daily bread?
8 Cf. Philo of Alexandria (trans. Dumas & Miguel, 1963). This unique and highly interesting document whose background is at one and the same time Jewish, Greek and Egyptian, has been studied and discussed, not without controversy, by the experts; certain authors have queried the very existence of this community, while others have thought they could detect an Indian and probably Buddhist influence at work in it; cf. Moffat, 1967, pp. 318-319. Documents on the Essene community as well as those connected with the community of Qumram witness to the existence of Jewish communities, at

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This brief description shows that asceticism, which was the heritage passed on by Greek philosophy, consists in a personal, sustained effort of will, an effort of self-mastery in order to control the body whose inclinations block progress on the spiritual path. It is a discipline that has as its goal the liberation of the spirit from the burden of the flesh, in order that it may reach a higher, indeed a divine, Reality. The different systems call this supreme Reality by differing names: it is Absolute Being or the Absolute Spiritual Principle or the Monad or God. The means which lead to this End, while maintaining slightly different emphases appropriate to the various traditions, are remarkably the same; they aim at a purification of the body in conjuncture with a purification of the spirit, and this is brought about both by renunciation of bodily pleasures and by intellectual and spiritual activities, such as study, reflection and meditation.
41
Thorough study of the Jaina teaching and of the way of life of the sādhvis will reveal to us characteristics common also to the philosophical systems of ancient Greece. This affinity gives us full justification for applying the word 'ascetics' to the sadhvis and for calling their spiritual practices an asceticism. For the moment, however, let us continue our line of exploration.
2. Christian asceticism
The subject being of such vast proportions, we must pass over here the teaching of Scripture in its regard.9 During the first centuries after Christ, men, women, girls, wives and even children fo all classes of
the beginning of our era, which were devoted to the pursuit of spiritual things in the setting of an ascetic life. We make no further mention of these here, for the Essenes were men celibates and admitted no women. At Qumram there were no women celibates, but it is probable that there were certain women present who came in the wake of their husbands

9 On the scriptural references to the beginnings of Christian asceticism, cf. Viller and Olphe-Gaillard, 1936, col. 961-963.

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society did not shrink from laying down their lives as martyrs in blood-stained sacrifice, for love of Him and in imitation of Him.10 Once the period of persecution was past, consecration to God in the state of virginity made its appearance among women as a form of martyrdom, a martyrdom of desire through the total offering of the person. Virginity is here the sign both of mytical union with Christ and also of immortality, for through this consecration of their persons virgins no longer belong to this world, they are in a state that transcends time and anticipates the beatific vision. Moreover, in the same way as widows who had already formed their own associations, they too were at the service of God and of the Church. There came into being women avowedly virgin both in East and West. They lived, as a rule, in their own families, though some were recluses. The Fathers of the Church attached great importance to the state of virginity and were constantly concerned to guide and protect virgins.11
Later on, beginning in the IVth century, we find a strong ascetical movement, occuring first in Egypt and Syria and spreading from there throughout both East and West. This movement soon established itself and patterned its structures according to differing tendencies within its spirituality and mode of life.
What is a monk? A nun?
The Greek word monos, which means alone, solitary, has given rise to a whole range of words such as monachos (monk), monastria (nun).12 The idea of solitude attached to this word does not mean that a monk or nun lives of necessity an eremitical life, though that is certainly the case for certain ones, but that they are separate from the
10 Cf. e.g. "La passion des saintes Felicité et Perpétue" and "Martyre de Marthe" in Quéré-Jaulmes, 1968, pp. 194-210; 213-218.
11 Among the most important treatises on the subject of virginity we may mention the one attributed to St Athanasius (Aubineau, 1955, pp. 140-173; Bardy, 1936, col. 1047-1052); also the well-known work of St Gregory of Nyssa (Aubineau, 1966).
12 Other words for nuns are: monaxousa, monachoūsa, monach'; cf. Cabrol, 1967, p.781.

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world. Generally they lead a community life in a solitary place. In the monastery which is their permanent dwelling, they consecrate themselves wholly to spiritual endeavour. Their tasks, whether of agriculture, intellectual work or handicrafts, take second place, though they are useful in assuring the livelihood of the community or in making some contribution to studies in theology and spirituality within the Church. The word ask tria, moreover, which is also used to denote a nun, clearly indicates the ascetic character of her vocation.
Two words frequently employed in Latin are: nonnus, for a monk, and nonna for a nun. Originally these were respectful terms applied to an aged person, to someone, man or woman, older than oneself.13
It is highly interesting and instructive to study some of the definitions that the first monks gave of themselves.
A monk is called a monk, because by night and by day his dealings are with God, and also he possesses nothing on earth.14
What then is a monk and in what way does he live up to his name? This is what we must discover. We will clarify this, therefore, as Christ gives us the ability. In the first place, therefore, he is called thus because he does not take to himself a wife and because, both externally and internally, he renounces the world; that is to say, in the external sphere he renounces material things and the affairs of the world, while in the internal sphere he renounces all thoughts connected thereto, permitting no entry to worldly preoccupations. Secondly, he is a monk (monazøn) that he may call upon God in unceasing prayer to purify his spirit of the multiplicity of thoughts that beset it, in such a way that, stripped of all else, his naked spirit may attend
13 In Greece the Superior of a women's monastery is called "Gerodissa", the older one. In the English language "monk" is used nowadays for the French "moine", and "nun", the equivalent of nonna, for the French "moniale"; and to distinguish a member of a contemplative congregation one refers to the former as a "cloistered nun".
14 Apophtegme de St Macaire, Hausherr, 1971, p. 17.

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solely to the true God, never becoming prey to suggestions of evil, but always maintaining its needful purity and transparency as it stretches out towards God.15
The monk is one who is separated from all and united to all.16
.. he (the monk) seeks the best means to disengage himself from all forms of matter, in order to proceed in an immaterial state to the Immaterial.17
It is not possible to succeed in living as a monk and simultaneously to visit towns where the soul is glutted with many and varied sights received from outside. 18
The most difficult and also the most honourable of all ascetic endeavours is, according to St Nilus, the practice of xeniteia i.e. a stranger's life, to which is condemned or to which condemns himself the individual who goes off alone of his sort, his race, his language, to live in a country which is not his.own, even if it were in the midst of fellow-ascetics who have contemplation as their supreme goal. . . the first and foremost of these combats is xeniteia which consists in setting forth alone, stripping oneself, like an athlete, of one's country, one's race and one's goods.19
15 Macaire, Homélie 56, ibid., p.17.
16 Evagre, De Oratione 124, ibid.,
p.
17 Evagre, De Oratione 113, ibid., p.31.
18 Evagre, Lettre 41, ibid., p.37.
19 Hausherr, ibid., p.49.

28.

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45
To be a perfect anchorite is, in addition to mortification of thine own will, to disavow all special affection for thy relatives and friends.20
After entering the coenubium implant in thy heart as it were a certainty that they parents and friends are dead.21
From all these passages which, belonging as they do to the beginning of the age of Christian monasticism, are of great value to us, emerges this point: monks withdraw from the world in order to seek God and out of love for Him. Their sole good is union with God through prayer and their means to this end are total detachement and an unflagging effort to purify body, heart and spirit. The same applies most assuredly to nuns who have always followed - and follow todayprecisely the same ideal as monks. Since the IVth century, in different parts of both East and West, there have been numerous nuns whose way of life has approximated closely to that of the monks of the neighbourhood. Documents referring to these early nuns are few and scanty and lacking in details and it is impossible for us to dwell on them here, but we may simply take a brief look at the pioneers in Egypt, Syria, Asia Minor, Africa, Palestine and Europe.
The Pioneers
Mary, sister of St Pachomius
From childhood onwards she remained a virgin and arrived looking for her brother, the spiritual Father of the monks of Tabennesi in Egypt. He did not receive her, but sent her a message by the monk at the gate, advising her, if she truly desired to embrace a monastic life, to stay close by in a dwelling that the monks would construct for her. She accepted this advice and soon a number of companions joined her. Mary became the spiritual Mother of these virgins, who together with her faced bravely the hardships of the ascetic life. When their
20 Isaac Ninivita, De Perfectione Religiosa, chapter 127, ibid., p.72.
21 Ibid., chapter 130.

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numbers increased still more, Pachomius assigned them a spiritual Father, Apa Peter, and through him sent them the book of rules that he had drawn up for the monks in order that they might also follow them.22 This took place in the first half of the IVth century.
Amma Syncletica
While Mary and her companions in their monastery were leading the cenobitic or community life, following the same rules as the monks, there existed also monks and virgins who, withdrawing to the desert or some other solitary place, were devoting themselves to an eremitic life of great austerity. Though there were many more men than women embracing this manner of life, yet those latter were not less fervent than the former, certain ones of their number evidenced an exceptional strength of character, attained a high degree of holiness and were in great demand for their wisdom. They were addressed as Amma, Mother. One of the most ancient Lives that we possess, that of Amma Synclctica, dates from about the middle of the Vth century. Its authorship is not known but the book, a veritable jewel, reflects the spirituality of the cultured milieus of the Egypt and Asia Minor of that time.
Syncletica belonged to a noble Christian family of Macedonia domiciled in Alexandria. Her biographical details are concisely given. The word "syncletos" means "[heavenly] assembly". A woman of great beauty, she refused numerous suitors, for "the divine Spouse alone had favour".23 After the death of her parents she renounced the world and with her blind sister lived in the tomb of one of her forbears, outside the town. She cut her hair and distributed her goods to the poor. Her spiritual progress was very speedy; she was endowed with great fervour and wise discernment. The weapons of her spiritual
22 Cf. Les vies coptes de Pachome (trans. Lefort, 1943) pp.97-98.
23 Vie de sainte Synclétique (trans. Bernard, 1972) p. 5; The following passage draws upon this Life. The existence of this saint has sometimes been queried. However, "in spite of the doubt concerning the existence of St Syncletica, the teachings attributed to her give the impression of being the fruit of experience, whether the personal cxperience of the saint and of her biographer or the common experience of the monastic circles of Egypt synthesised in a truly remarkable manner." (Vic, p. vii).

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combat were fasting and prayer, while her helmet was an "alloy" of faith, hope and charity, faith being the predominating element. Her actions were characterised by discretion and perfection alone, she attracted other virgins who came and took counsel from her. Syncletica was reserved in speech, but was urged by her visitors not to conceal her treasure and thus, moved with compassion, she conversed with them on various subjects:
- On perfect charity and the demands thereof. - On the struggle against impure thoughts. - On the value of voluntary poverty. - On the nature of true riches, especially humility. - On sadness, both good (contrition) and bad (melancholy). - On the assaults of the devil. - On the necessity of constant vigilance. - On the struggle against pride and despair. - On anger and bitterness. - On the gravity of slander. - On love of enemies and sinners. - On marriage and virginity. - On the perfection required of virgins and monks. - On the necessity of stability in the monastic life. - On the diversity of callings. - On the trial of sickness. - On a proper moderation in the practice of asceticism.24
As the writer of the introduction to this Life points out, there are found in the concept of asceticism outlined by Syncletica traces of the influence of Evagrius of Pontus, as also of his disciple Cassian.25
24 It is not possible to give here the contents of each homily: cf Vie, pp. 1994.
25 Cf. Ibid., Introduction, pp. x-xiv. We may note that Evagrius has attracted the attention of scholars interested in inter-monastic encounter: "... a fourth century Greek who seems to have drunk deep from the non-hellenic springs of spirituality.. his decisive and lasting influence in shaping the entire spiritual tradition of both the Latin West and Eastern Christianity, Jespite the Church's ruthless effort to erase his writings and his name from Christian memory. His introspective analysis of the human consciousness in its deepest layers. . .and also the techniques of acquiring mental purity did

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The last part of the Life of Amma Syncletica speaks of her illness and sufferings, of her last admonitions in which she stresses the necessity of constant vigilance not to neglect small faults. Finally we hear of her terrible physical sufferings during the last three months of her earthly existence when she evidenced extraordinary strength of soul, for "it was a divine power that upheld her entire body,"26 and it was radiantly that she breathed her last.
Daughters of the Covenant
In the Syria and Mesopotamia of the first centuries, Christianity took root in a cultural and social environment that was subject to Greck influence. It developed in its own particular way, where there appears to have been much stress laid on the idea of a new covenant with God. Baptism was the sealing of this covenant and the new Christians were called sons and daughters of the Covenant. At the same time - and this is a characteristic peculiar to early Syrian Christianity- these converts, along with their new faith, embraced the ascetic life.27 The daughters of the Covenant were virgins who were at the service of their local church and its worship, some of them living together, others in their own families. Their existence, of which we have documentary evidence dating back to the beginning of the IVth century, may well date back to an earlier age. Subsequently, probably in the VIth century, although the name daughters of the Covenant continued, it was no longer a question of unmarried women attached to a local church but of nuns living a community life in a monastery. Their life, simple and austere, was devoted by turns to prayer, reading, manual work and rest. Work in the fields was
not come from Biblical sources. Anyone acquainted with Buddhist vipassanā-bhāvanā (insight meditation) and the Abhidamma (Buddhist metaphychology) would find himself at home - as I did - in reading his instructions on prayer. In fact, in H.V. Von Balthasar's estimation, Evagrius is more Buddhist than Christian and his basic spiritual experience would be Mahayana idealism." Pieris, 1980, pp. 60-61.
26 Cf. Vie, pp. 95-104.
27 Cf. Vööbus, 1958, vol I, pp. 69-83 re virginity linked with the baptismal state; cf.also Jargy, 1951, pp. 304-320.

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49
according to the seasons, their food was plain and their fasts frequent. In the course of the clothing ceremony the candidate's head was shaved in the shape of a cross. Their spiritual Mother or Superior was an ordained deaconess who directed the nuns in her charge and exercised certain functions in the church.28 These monasteries disappeared by the end of the XIV century, probably with the almost total eclipse of Christianity in those regions.
Macrina, sister of St Basil and St Gregory of Nyssa
The eldest of ten children, she was promised is marriage at the age of twelve, but shortly afterwards the young man was carried off by some sickness and she decided to remain a virgin. She assisted her widowed mother in the upbringing of her brothers and sisters, among them the two well-known monk-bishops, Basil and Gregory of Nyssa. Later on Macrina and her mother, after giving away their goods to the poor, withdraw to Amenesis on the banks of the Iris in the province of Pontus.29 In this retired spot, along with their women-servants, they led a zealous monastic life similar in all respects to that of the monks established on the other side of the river, following as they also did the rule of St Basil.30 Macrina was a spiritual Mother beyond compare, exercising this function not only for her companions, but also for her brothers, the monks. St Gregory of Nyssa who came to visit her during the last days of her earthly life, in 380, has left a descritpion of her, in the form of a panegyric, of great depth and simplicity. He does not hide his own admiration and veneration for the outstanding virtues and strength of character of her whom he calls "the great Macrina" and "my spiritual mentor" 31
28 Cf. Fiey, 1965. pp. 281-306 for a description of the life of the monastery.
29 This region corresponds with present-day Turkey. It is bordered by the Black Sea, of which the Eastern shore was formerly Armenia. The Iris is nowadays called the Kizil Irmak.
30 This rule still prevails in Eastern monasticism.
31 Cf. Gregory of Nyssa: "La vie de Macrine" (Quéré-Jaulmes, 1968, pp. 239-274.)

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The nuns of Hippo
In North Africa it has been established that there were certain virgins to whom Tertullian, at the beginning of the IIIrd century, and Cyprian, a little later, addressed their exhortations on the subject of simplicity and modesty in dress, and on the necessity of wearing a
veil.32
In the IVth and Vth centuries mention is made of several monasteries, including that of Hippo, where the widowed sister of St Augustine retired and became the Superior. After her death there seem to have been dispute among the nuns and it was probably for them that Augustine wrote, in the year 423, his rule in a letter containing sixteen points. This rule, which reflects a whole sprirituality, is characterised by paternal benevolence, wisdom, sound common sense, practicality, moderation and respect for personhood. The great saint lays stress on the spirit of charity, peaceableness and magnanimity which must inform the common life; on humility, filial obedience to the Mother of the community, modesty and prayer in common. He urges the nuns to adhere faithfully to his counsels and to persevere in thankfulness in order to avoid being overcome by evil.33
Melanie the Elder, Paula and Eustochium, Melanie the Younger
These ladies of the Roman nobility, attracted by the holy places, came during the latter half of the IVth century or the beginning of the Vth to settle in Palestine where they founded monasteries. From the end of the IIIrd century hermits such as Hilarion and Chariton had been living in the Palestinian desert and among the local Greek population consecrated virgins were not unknown.
Melanie the Elder, who came of a high-ranking Roman family and was widowed while still in her youth, sold all her possessions and
32 Cf. Tertullian: "De cultu feminarum" (Quasten, vol. II, 1964, pp. 294. 296); "De virginibus velandis" (ibid., p. 306); Cyprian: "De habitu virginum" (ibid., pp. 347-348); cf. some interesting reflections on this subject of T. Merton, 1971, pp. 334-342.
33 Cf. Letter 211 (Oeuvres complètes de St Augustin, Guérin ed., 1865) vol.III, pp. 23-28; Boyer, 1936, col. 1126-1130.

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carefully saved the gold she received to be used for the needs of the church and of the community she was planning for the future. She then sojourned awhile with the ascetics of Egypt and arrived in Jerusalem about the year 374. Three years later she organised the building of a monastery on the Mount of Olives and there she gathered some fifty virgins. In this monastery, along with her companions, she spent long years in prayer and penance, offering generous hospitality to pilgrim-visitors. Close to the women's monastery there was a men's monastery under the leadership of Rufinus who had accompanied Melanie from Rome.34
51
Ten years after the arrival of Melanie in Jerusalem another Roman widow Paula and her daughter Eustochium settled in Bethlehem. These two founded a monastery whose members were divided into three categories according to their social rank. The best instructed studied Greek and even Hebrew in order to be able to sing the psalms in the original language.35 Paula and her daughter acted also as secretaries to St Jerome, who kept up a regular correspondence with Rome and other parts of the world.36
Melanie the Younger, grandchild of Melanie the Elder desired from her earliest years to consecrate her life to God, but her parents, who were extremely wealthy, gave her in marriage at the age of fourteen to one of her cousins, Pinian. After the death of both their children, the couple decided, on the initiative of Melanie, to live in a state of continual chastity and to renounce their possessions. After a long stay in Africa and a visit to the monks of Egypt, they reached Jerusalem in 417 and took up residence on the Mount of Olives. Melanie lived first as a hermit, then proceeded to found a monastery whose members were for the most part former slaves or penitent sinners. She continued to practise rigorous fasts and penances in her

34 Cf. Bagatti, 1971, p. 79; Palladius: The Lausiac History, trans. Meyer, 1965, pp. 123-125; 134.
35 Cf. Bagatti, pp. 79-82; Palladius, p. 118
36 36. Cf.Selected Letters of St Jerome, App. I (trans. Wright, 1954.)

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cell, being strict also in matters concerning the cloistered life, enjoining her nuns to shun speech with men. Though herself wellinstructed and given to assiduous study of the Scriptures, she took little trouble to raise the intellectual level of her companions, all her teaching being directed towards the practice of a fervent religious life by means of zeal for the liturgy, mutual love, obedience, patience and perseverance in the performance of fasts and other mortifications and in the struggle against the devil. Her husband, for his part, led a similar life of renunciation and after his death Melanie founded a men's monastery close to his tomb.37 At the age of fifty-six she took leave of the mortal body she had subjected to such rigorous mortifications, leaving to all those who had known her the testimony of a very holy life.
The spiritual heritage of St Benedict
After this brief tour of the Mediterranean countries' monastic life from the beginning of the IVth century, we come to the West where, around 480, St Benedict was born in the province of Nursia. He studied in Rome and then withdrew into solitude. After three years of great austerity in the cave of Subiaco he was joined by several disciples. Șt Benedict attempted with them a type of community life according to the rule of St Pachomius. After a while they moved to Mt Cassino and there St Benedict at the beginning of the Vlth century founded his monastery, which followed a life-style and spiritual way which, while incorporating the essential elements of the earlier tradtition, imparted to them a fresh and original inspiration.38 Because of his personal holiness, wisdom, administrative abilities and his discreet exercise of authority, St Benedict has been considered the Father of western monasticism. Tradition recounts that his sister Scholastica and other virgins followed his rule. In Gaul, from the beginning of the VIIIth century, monasteries of Benedictine nuns came into being. Not much is known about them except that they lived a secluded life of prayer and recollection. Later on we get to
37 It was the chaplain of this monastery, Gerontius, who later wrote: La vie de Mélanie (trans. Gorce, 1962) upon which this paragraph draws for its facts; cf. also Palladius, pp 141-144.
38 Cf. Schmitz, 1936, col. 1371-1372.

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know a little better the life of such nuns through the accounts of the lives of holy Abbesses, such as Elisabeth of Schonau and Hildegard of Bingen in the XIIth century and others in the following centuries.39 It is to this Benedictine family that a large number of the monastic orders' nuns of our day belong.40 In the course of the centuries the Benedictine oak has produced new branches and foliage, but the sap remains the same, and the rule prescribed for the monks is followed in its entirety by the nuns.
- The Abbot (or Abbess) is the Father (or Mother) of the monastery and remains so under normal circumstances for life.
- The monks or nuns live in community, bonded together by a deep fraternal love.
- Stress is laid on obedience, silence, recollection, humility.
- The spirit of their religious life is expressed through the Divine Office prayed in common and through personal prayer.
- Work is an essential element to ensure a proper balance in the life of a human being.41 We may add further: stability, the members of a monastery are to remain in that particular monastery all their lives. Enclosure, specially in the case of nuns, was at a later date strictly enforced, though it was not so originally.
When we come to the spiritual teaching which inspired this rule, we find that it lays great stress on the presence of God, on the allpowerful workings of His grace and on that of the Spirit of Love.
39 Cf. Mähler, 1936, col. 1435-1438.
40 Our special concem here is with the origins of women's monasticism and hence the singling out of the Benedictines; this by no means denies the existence, a few centuries later, of other nuns, such as the Poor Clares and the cloistered Dominicans.
41 Cf. Schmitz, 1936, col. 1373-1388

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Everything combines to teach the members of the community to attain to perfect union with God through a radical stripping of the self.42
54
Enclosure in East and West
The word enclosure refers to a certain area reserved for nuns beyond the boundaries of which their excursions are limited or forbidden, an area where outsiders have no right to enter. The purpose is not only to ensure perfect chastity but also to facilitate the state of recollectedness.
In the East up till the Council of Trullo, in 692, nuns did not have a very strict enclosure. This Council prescribed that they should not go out without the permission of the Superior nor unaccompanied by an older sister. It forbade their spending a night away from the monastery or giving lodging to a man at night. The principle of separation from the outer world was thus safeguarded, but without excessive rigidity.
In the West St Caesarius of Arles, in his Reguia ad virgines (513) imposed a very strict enclosure upon the nuns of the monastery directed by his sister Caesaria the Elder.43 Between the VIIIth and Xth centuries the rules concerning enclosure became more stringent still; the Abbess could not go out except by permission of the Bishop and the nuns were forbidden to leave the monastery. Finally, perpetual enclosure became a general law decreed by the Periculosa constitution of 1298 under Pope Boniface VIII, a law later confirmed by the Council of Trent and several years later (1566) by St Pius V.44
It is of great importance to stress the implications of this law which, for a number of centuries, has considerably affected the life of nuns. As a contemporary monk observes, a nun, strictly speaking, does not enjoy the same status as a monk and the most obvious feature
42 Cf. de Puniet, 1936, col. 1388-1409; Bouyer, 1960, pp. 606-617.
43 Cf. Barby, 1953, col. 420-423.
44 Cf. Jombart and Viller, 1953, col. 987-994.

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of this difference is, precisely, in regard to enclosure.45 Monks, certainly, do observe a form of enclosure, but it is not absolute. 46
To conclude this short account of Christian asceticism and monasticism, the history of which tells of so many martyrs, virgins, women hermits and nuns who pursued a very lofty ideal, namely, union with God through renunciation, prayer and meditation, here are some lines of a spiritual author and schclar who so identified himself with the hermits, monks and nuns of the first centuries that one could easily suppose, on hearing him speak, that he had known them personally. He is speaking here of equality between the sexes:
...It is essential to emphasise this point, because in more recent days there has been a reversion to ideas less true to the Gospel under pretext of psychology and physiology. The ancients without doubt were, after Gallian and Hippocrates, not in ignorance of these two sciences and the Fathers knew that they had ranged against them not the anthropology of the scholars but widespread masculine prejudice backed up more or less tacitly by the philosophers. This fact, however, did not prevent the better informed among them from affirming with Origen that the true difference between human beings is a matter not of sex, but of soul.47
And again:
45 Cf. Leclerq, 1971.
46 We are dealing here with a matter of Roman legislation stemming from canon law and not from rules or constitutions suited to a monastic order. The rule of St Benedict does not speak of total enclosure. Nowadays there is a movement in favour of relaxation of the cloister. The principle of enclosure must be retained, but there is no valid reason for imposing on nuns a stricter legislation than that prescribed for monks. In this question it is the wisdom evidenced by an Abbess that must be guiding factor, and not a law imposed from without
47 Hausherr, 1945, pp. 252-253.

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Furthermore. . . the Apophthegms of the "Mothers" were included in the collections of Apophthegms of the Fathers, and not at the tail-end as an appendix that one might suspcct had been added at a later date, but in alphabetical order. If these women Elders are fewer in number(as in our litanies of the saints), the fact is that the question of numbers has here little importance; what counts is the fact of their inclusion which is of doctrinal significance, and is founded on a principle; their small number is merely of historical and sociological significance.48
3. Jaina women ascetics
Had our only consideration been chronological order, we should have introduced the Jaina ascetics after the Greek philosophies of the centuries just preceding our era. However, our endeavour at this point is to discover what term in a western language, of those used to describe the spiritual phenomenon that is called monasticism, fits best the function and goal of those members of the Jaina community who are consecrated to a wholly spiritual quest. Of these the word 'ascctic' is certainly the most apt; Greck in origin, it has been adopted by Christianity. The other religious traditions express themselves in their own language and every other word borrowed from a western language is a translation, of more accuracy or less, of the original. Therefore, it was necessary first to give a brief account of asceticism as it is found in the Greek philosophies, and then of the origin of Christian asceticism and monasticism. In this next section we shall take note briefly of the different terms applied to Jaina women ascetics; as for Jaina asceticism in general, that is the over-all subject of this study and particularly of Part II.
48 Ibid., p. 271; cf. also "Une hymne nestorienne sur les saintes femmes", Frey, 1966; the author in his foreward to this hymn makes this very pertinent remark: "The present study, which intends to present a list - basically a simple enumeration - of holy women figuring in Syriac literature and liturgy, would like to modify a certain low estimation of womanhood presented in oriental monastic writings, where she is regarded above all as enemy number one of the monk."

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General Introduction
The Nirgranthis, Bhiksuņis, Sadhvis, Āryas, Āryikas, Anagaris, Sramanis, Yatinis, Satis, Mahasatis
All these words are used to denote Jaina women ascetics; certain ones of them indicate the ideal that they have set for themselves, others one aspect of this ideal and, finally, some are titles of respect accorded by society. Of these words, the ones that appear in scriptural texts referring to ascetics are generally used in the masculine gender. The early sages, after the days of the arhats, in describing the way of asceticism, address themselves to men ascetics, it being taken for granted that women ascetics are also concerned. They are not mentioned, except when it is a question of specific rules. As regards the many writings of the Jaina tradition, they do make separate but scanty mention of women ascetics.
Nirgranthi: without granthi or grantha (knot, attachment) A nirgranthi is one who seeks to free herself from all mental and bodily fetters, from all impurity both inner and outer and from all possessiveness:
The one who uses no violence on livings beings, who abstains from all forms of sin49 is called a great agrantha.50
Jaina asceticism consists essentially in a sustained effort towards self-mastery which involves an attitude of non-aggressiveness towards beings, of detachment in respect to them and of constant vigilance in avoiding all blameworthy action - and this with the sole aim of purifying the ātman, which, free from all defilement, will thus attain plenitude of being.51 The ascetic is beset by the same trials as are all living beings, but, having set forth on the path of renunciation, he
49 Actions productive of bad karmas.
nihāya damdam pāņehim, pāvam kammaṁ akuvvamāņe, esa maham agamthe viyāhie. AS I, 7,3,1; a-grantha: nirgrantha.
51 We shall study all the aspects of this form of ascetic practice; but we need from the start to have a clear idea of it.

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The Unknown Pilgrims
must strive to overcome these difficulties and no longer be affected by them; by so doing he becomes a nirgrantha:
The nirgrantha faces with equanimity cold and heat,pain and pleasure; the hardness (of the ascetic life) does not affect him.52
Certain rules of conduct are peculiar to nirgranthis,53 while others are common to both nirgranthas and nirgranthis. 54
Bhikṣuni: an ascetic who asks for bhikså, for alms in the form of lodging, daily food, clothing and other strictly necessary items. This word indicates that she possesses nothing of her own, that she lives from alms. One passage of the most ancient Scripture, the Acäränga I - which describes the manner in which the ascetic should eat, taking no delight in savouring the food - already addresses itself to "a bhikṣu or bh
viksuni."55 Later texts also are addressed to both, certain of them referring to almsgiving;56 others describe the important factors in selfmastery and the renunciation of sin.57 The word bhikṣu occurs frequently in the Scripture where it denotes "ascetic" in a general way and, more especially, the ascetic who has reached perfection.58
52 siosiņaccãi se niggamthe arai-rai-sahe pharusiyam ņo vedeti. AS I, 3,1,2.
53 Cf. Brks 1, 4-5; 8-9; 14-15; 17; 23-24; 33-35; etc.
54 .. niggamthāņa va niggamthiņa vā ...the nirgranthas or the nirgranthis; cf. e.g. BrkS I, 2; 10-11; 19-22; 26-27; etc. DasasS VIII, 8-9; 40; 44-45; 4852; 70-74. Most of these rules are mentioned in Part III
55 Cf. AS I, 7,6,2: ... se bhikkhu vã bhikkhuni vã...
56 The whole of AS II.
57 Cf. DS IV, 18-23.
58 Cf. DS X; US XV.

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General Introduction
59
Sadhvi, the feminine of sadhu, from the root sādh-, to accomplish, means: straight, leading to the goal, excellent, good, virtuous, and thence: a virtuous person, a renunciate, an ascetic. The word is used for a virtuous, chaste woman, a holy woman and, in particular, a woman ascetic. It occurs, though rarely, in the Scripture.59 It has been frequently used in the tradition and is by far the most commonly used expression in our day.
Āryā, the feminine of ārya (from arya: lord, man, which carries also the meaning: good, devoted, excellent, perhaps from the root r-, go towards, reach): an honourable, noble person, an Aryan. An Āryā is a woman of good family, worthy of respect, of good repute, an ascetic. In the Kalpa-sūtra the first woman-disciple of Mahāvira is called Āryā Candanā:60 this title is found in the inscriptions of Mathura.61 Nowadays it is the Digambara sådhvis for the most part who have retained it in the form of Āryikā.
Anagări denotes an ascetic who is without agāra (a house), who has no lodging-place, no shelter. This word evokes the notion of an itinerant existence and the detachment it demands:
Detached from every possession, the anagāra will be required to
show patience all his life long. ..62 Under whatever roof the ascetics take refuge, they must first of all ask permission of the owner to make a brief stop there. The word in the maculine denotes in the Scripture one who lives in a state of total deprivation.63
59 Cf. AvaS 26 where repentance is expressed for lack of respect for sādhvis:... sāhuņiņam āsāyaṇāe ... For sādhu, cf. e.g. DS VII, 48-49; US XIX, 7,
60 Ajja Cardaņā, KS 134.
61 Cf. P154 ff.
62 ettha virate aṇagāre, diharāyam titikkhae... AS I, 5,2,5.
63 Cf. e.g. AS I, 1,2,2; 2,2,1; 2,5,6; US I, 1; II, 28; XI, 1; XX, 32-34; 58.

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The Unknown Pilgrims
Šramani, from the root śram-, to endeavour, exhaust oneself, weary oneself, is used for the ascetic who is committed to an unremitting work of apiritual endeavour; this hard labour consists in detaching herself from all forms of possession, of renouncing everything, even her own body. 64 Here in lies her whole task and there is absolutely no other activity in her life than spiritual activity. The word occurs in the Scripture in the masculine gender.65
Yatini has identically the same meaning as śramaņi; it comes from the root yat-, to make an effort, strive towards, to be vigilant. The masculine form of the word is found occasionally in Scripture, 66 but in the later texts it has supplanted śramana.
Sati is derived from the root sat-, existing, being and hence: real, authentic. It is applicd to a person of authentic and proven character. Present day tradition uses this word to denote a woman ascetic.67 Members of a Jaina community, wishing to express their veneration for the virtues demanded by the life of the sādhvis, give them the title Mahāsati i.e. pre-eminent Sati.
Muni is another word frequently used for an ascetic both in the most ancient texts of Scripture68 and until our own day. Though this word is not used in the feminine in any text, its meaning applies to the women ascetics as much as to the men. A muni, from the root man-,
64 At regular intervals during the day; cf. kāyotsarga P327 ff; P708ff.
65 Cf. e.g. DS IV 23, 26-28; US II, 16; 27; 33; IV, 11; XII, 9; and XVII, 319 which deals with the bad śramaņa.
66 Cf. US XXIV, 12; 14; 21; XXV, 39.
67 Cf. P256, the Names of the 16 Satis. .
68 Cf. e.g. AS I, 1, 1,7; 1,2,4,4; 2,6,3-4; 3,1,2; 5,3,5; DS VII, 40-41; VIII, 7. 8; US 1, 36; 11, 6; 15; 38; XVIII, 48 etc.

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General Introduction
61
to think, is one who lives in a state of constant reflection, who is a jñānin, a sage or seer, one who gees beyond the appearances, in order to encounter being within every being; the one who knows how to distinguish being from the material element;
The one who fully grasps the causes of karman on earth is assuredly the muni who has renounced 69 karman.70
The one who knows and understands the world71 is called a muni, a knower of the dharma,72 an upright person.73
These few quotations from the Ācārārga-sūtra I indicate clearly the aim of Jaina asceticism and are all the more important for being part of the ancient teaching. One could summarize by saying that sustained ascetic endeavour leads to the Liberation of the ātman from all matter. Realisation of the ātman is the chief reason for asceticism and to this chief reason is linked a secondary one that is termed vairāgya, indifference towards the things of this world, a kind of distaste, precisely because this world is steeped in matter. 74
69 Lit. he who knows karman, that is, the one who knows the causes and effects of karman, is also the one who has renounced all forms of action that produce bad karmas.
70 jassete pudhavi-kamma-samārambha parinnātā bhavasti, se hu
muņi pariņņāta-kamme. AS I, 1,2,7.
71 I.e. the three worlds, the lower, middle and higher.
72 He is a dharmavid, one who knows the nature of the dharma: the teaching on dravýa, substance in general or the teaching on the atman; cf. Muni Nathamala Ayāro, p. 123; P279ff; P284ff.
73 paņņāņehiṁ pariyāņai loyaṁ, muniti vacce dhammaviutti amju. AS I, 3,1,2.
74 Before embracing the life of an ascetic, one may well be unclear in mind as to its goal; this requires a deep understanding which is gained in the course of many years of renunciation. However, the ascetic who is prompted by

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The Unknown Pilgrims
At this point a question crops up: is it essential, for Liberation, to join a group of ascetics? Officially to pledge oneself to this path through dikṣā, consecration? The reply is a little ambivalent. According to the ancient texts it would appear that only the perfect ascetic can attain mokşa, Liberation.75 Later it is admitted that what matters is the effort towards total purification that can be practised in any state of life. The example always cited is that of Qucen Marudevi, mother of the first tirtharkara, who was purified wholly from her karmas and liberated when she went to meet her son mounted on an elephant.76 The fact is that community - life, lived in obedience to the ācārya and the guruni, offers ideal conditions for a life of serious ascetic practice; hence the general belief that this state and this alone can lead to mokṣa.
We must add that, for the members of the Digambara community, physical nudity, an all-important condition for mokşa, which is also the outward sign of an interior nudity, is required of men ascetics. As regards the woman ascetic, on account, chiefly, of her weaker physical constitution which militates against her ability to undertake either sustained mental concentration or physical nudity, these same Digambaras have declared that she cannot be liberated as long as her ātman resides in a feminine body. She may, however, embrace asceticism and the āryikās follow exactly the same rule of life as the munis.77 Having made reference to this idea which is peculiar to one community, I must add that the present study is concerned as much
sincere intentions does possess a general idea about vairāgya and a true insight into the nature of the atman.
75 Cf. AS I; SkrS I; Dixit, 1978, p. 66.
76 Cf. P98; US XXXVI, 50 where it is said that a human being, whatever his linga (the sign that he belongs to such or such a sex or state of life, including the grha-linga, i.e. the married person's state) can attain Liberation and the state of being of the siddha, the perfected one.
77 Cf. P138 ff, where mention is made, in the period of history in which it took place, of the schism between the Digambaras and Svetāmbaras.

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General Introduction
with the extremely small number of Digambara äryikās as with the Svetāmbara sādhvis who constitute the majority of women ascetics.78
The faithful, both men and women, who remain in the worlü are bound, but to a lesser degree, to the same obligations as the ascetics with whom they maintain a close relationship. They are called śrāvakas and śrāvikās, those who "listen to the teaching of the sages". Together the munis, sādhvis or āryikās, śrāvakas and śrāvikās form an ascetic community called a samgha.79 The word samgha is used to denote either the whole body of Jaina members or the regional or local communities, or it may refer to a community of sädhvis or äryikās80 or to one of munis.
These reflection concerning asceticism in the Christian and Jaina traditions lead us to see how in spite of certain similarities the bhikṣuṇis, anagāris and śrāmaņis do differ considerably from Christian nuns of the monastic orders. A bhikṣuņi lives by receiving alms, an anagari has no fixed abode, a śrāmaņi has only one task to perform, namely, that of becoming nirgranthi, freed from every grantha, from every karmic bond, in order that she may realise her own ātman in plenitude. The sādhvis and āryikās are ascetics of a particular type, their life is always a community-life81 and is essentially a pilgrim existence structured in a definite manner as required by the goal to be attained. They have inhcriied a form of asceticism which was already being practised in an epoch before our own era.
Nuns, on the other hand, live permanently in a monastery; certain ones maintain a strict enclosure. They earn their living by some work
78 The Svetāmbaras make no difference between munis and sādhvis. We may note that the aryikās are sometimes called sādhvis and vice versa.
79 Cf. P157 ff; P426 ff, for caturvidhasamgha.
80 Cf. P.428 ff; & P636 ff, for śramaņisamgha and äryikāsamgha.
81 It is only men ascetics who may, after fulfilling certain conditions, lead a solitary life; they are called jinakalpins, those who imitate in every particular the jinas, the arhats.

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The Unknown Pilgrims
or other and even though the renouncing of sin and the effort to purify their thoughts, words and bodily activities occupy an important position in their life, this renouncing and this purification are not ends in themselves, for the goal towards which they are striving is union with God, a union which is achieved in Love in their capacity as daughters of God and brides of Christ.82
64
The voice of the Sadhvis, unknown pilgrims
At the beginning of her biography of her guruņi, Mahāsati Śri Sarală expresses both a sorrow and a hope; a sorrow in taking note of the fact that over nearly two thousand years, whereas the Jaina sages have written many valuable works, sadhvis have scarcely received any mention in them and almost nothing is known in their regard. The Mahāsati very properly refuses to believe that there have not been during the course of the centuries some remarkable sadhvis, as capable of renunciation as their muni counterparts. The hope of the Mahāsati is, she declares, that in our day and age some researchers may interest themselves in this subject.83 The present study is an attempt to respond to this challenge and, although the Mahāsati was thinking primarily of a historical survey, this present study includes all the aspects of their life; indeed it accords a very considerable place to the sadhvis of our own day who collaborated in it in a direct way.
The voice of the Sadhvis
Natutally we need to listen to what fervent sadhvis, trained in their own tradition, say and write, or would like to say and write, if they were able. In order to be able to communicate widely they would have to:
enjoy greater freedom within their own communities,
have some possibilities of open communication with those outside their own tradition,
-
82 They also aim at becoming nirgranthis, but with a different objective.
83 Cf. Mahāsati Saralā, 1970, Part II, pp. 8-9. It is a pity that the extensive thesis of Deo, 1956, on the history of Jaina monasticism has remained a University publication and that of Bordiya, 1975, on certain learned sadhvis and śrāvikās has not been published. Up to date the sadhvis do not know them.

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General Introduction
- know not only other languages than their own but also the cultural context of these same languages.
This not being the case, I am taking the risk of transmitting all these voices which blend into a single common voice. This transmission can only take place through a symbiosis expressed in language belonging to both cultures. One cannot help but do violence
h to the Sanskrit, in order to render it easier for the reader, and also to the English, which must needs assimilate new words and ideas, indeed a very different thought-world. As we proceed each Sanskrit word expressive of an idea is explained; subsequently, the same Sanskrit word is used, rather than a translation of it, which would inevitably vary in adequacy and belong to a different scale of values.
Pilgrims
A sādhvi is, by definition, anagāri, without a dwelling, and her life is a perpetual pilgrimage. Why? It is justified by the teaching, taken literally and lived out strictly. A study of this teaching, which is worked out in detail, is consistent throughout and is explained in numerous texts of Scripture and in the commentaries, is indispensable for an intelligent knowledge of the sādhvis' life; hence in Part II the quintessence of the doctrine is given.
Unknown
Lack of knowledge in their regard is both existential and historical: - up till now, almost without exception, very little importance has been attached to the type of existence lived by the sādhvis - and although history has not been totally silent in their regard, the little that has been passed on to us over the centuries remains
- unknown to the sādhvis themselves, who for the most part know only the ancient tradition and history of their own community,
- unknown also to the Jaina community at large which on the one hand pays little attention to research upon the subject and on the other hand is scattered all over the country in small groups;
- unknown to the rest of the world, wherefore:

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The Unknown Pilgrims
- Part I: a brief account of what tradition and history tell us about the sādhvis,
- Part III: their life, several biographies,
- Part IV: the daily rite.84
What is the purpose of this study? For whom is it written?
The aim of this study is to close a gap in:
- the history of Jaina asceticism,
- the history of universal feminine monasticism,
- and in that of spirituality.
- It is concerned with spirituality and is not a study of the psychology of behaviour or of sociology. These aspects are, certainly, ingredients in the human compound and we take note of them accordingly to the extent to which they are directly associated with the spiritual quest.
- It finds its place in the contemporary inter-cultural, intermonastic encounter: There is not only a question of transmitting the essential of a tradition, but also of arousing interest, establishing cordial relations, bringing about mutual comprehension and enrichment.
- It is addressed in the first place to women contemplatives, who desire to gain knowledge of other ascetic traditions and also to all
84 Each Part is independent, though closely linked with the others. Repetitions are inevitable as the same ideas recur in the history of Jainism, the teaching, the life-style and the rituals, but a particular idea assumes differing aspects according to whether it is studied intrinsically in the doctrine, in the mirabilia of legend, the narrative of history or its practical outworking in daily life.

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General Introduction
67
those who, being interested in the religious traditions of Asia, are prepared to:
- risk the stripping off of their own ideas, thought-categories, even beliefs, in order to open themselves to ..., go to meet. .. with new eyes,
- and to persevere in an effort to assimilate a teaching which is consistent, radical, austere and deep, in order to discover its amrta, its ambrosia.

Page #88

Srinagar JAMMU & KASMIR Jammu.my
SHIMACALA Amrtasar PRADESH
China
Lähor
Ludhiyanā
PAKISTAN
PANJAB
TIBET
Permatay Alamoğä.
HARYANA
Dilli
Hastinapur
NEPAL
Bikanera
Bikanera
muy mathurá PRATAR
UTTAR
Y BHUTAN
Mithila
Mithila
Assam
Kundagrima
me
saam
MEGHALAYA
Vaisāli Pataliputra
54
Cahip
the
BIHAR
Rajagrha
BANGLADESH
PASIM BANGAI
Jesalamera Nagaura Jayapur Agari PRAT 7. Jodhapur Ajamer
Ayodhya BRĀJASTHAN
Gväliyar... Kaušāmbi Váránasip Abú . Citrakuta Kranz
Khajurahon Udayaput cha Patana
Devagadha Ahmadabad V Ujjayini UJARAT Stambhalitha
MADHYA PRADESH Valering
Indaura Bhrgukaccha
Amaravati Satrunjava
Káranja Elapur
Ahmadnagar Mumbai
Dväravati na
Kalikata
Surat
ORISA
Kumaral & Kumari Parvata
Girinagara.
MAHĀRĀSTRA
Solapur Kolhapur Bijapur
Hardarabad
Dharavar
ANDHRA PRADESH
Bay of Bengal
Arabian Sea
KARNATAKAN
Soratūrul Honnuru Sravana Belgola
Madras Arcot 1 STAMIL Káncipuram w NĀDU /
Srirangam Puhar Vanci Uraiyūt •Tanjavur.
Madurai
irungiveli VoNágarakoyil Kumari
KERALA
Indian Ocean

Page #89

PART I
A BRIEF SURVEY OF A LONG TRADITION
Caturviṁśatistava: Praise to the twenty-four tirthankaras
I will praise the luminaries of the universe,1
the conquerors, the founders of the dharmatirtha,2 the arhats,
the four and twenty omniscient ones.
I salute with reverence Rṣabha, Ajita,
Sambhava, Abhinandana and Sumati, Padmaprabha, Supărśva and the jina Candraprabha.
I salute with reverence Suvidhi (Puspadanta), Śitala, Śreyamsa and Vāsupūjya, Vimala and the jina Ananta, Dharma and Śanti. I salute with reverence Kunthu, Ara, Malli, Munisuvrata and Nami, Ariṣṭanemi, Pārsva and Vardhamana. These having praised, exempt [as they are] from [karmic] dust and tarnish, freed from old age and death, the twenty-four tirthankaras, pre-eminent, victorious, may they show me their favour! May these exalted siddhas, thus praised and revered and honoured throughout the universe, accord me

1 The universe, or three worlds: the lower, middle and higher; cf. TS III-IV.
2 Dharma-tirtha: the ford or passage to the further shore, the way which leads to Deliverance; the samgha: Jaina community.

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The Unknown Pilgrims
perfect well-being,3 the benefit of true vision,4 concentration supreme! May the siddhas, more pure that the lunar stars, more resplendent than the solar,5 as deep as the vast ocean, accord me Liberation!6
70
3 Perfect well-being: ärugga (ārogya), a state of freedom form both bodily and spiritual ills, which is always connected with the destruction of karmic
matter.
4 True vision: bohi (bodhi), awakening, illumination; according to the doctrine, the perfection of this awakened state constitutes omniscience, which is attained through arquisition of the Three Jewels, of which samyakdarśana, true vision, is the first; cf P 270 ff.
6
5 This refers to the numerous lunar and solar stars of the middle world which are devas (gods); cf. Sths 90; TS IV, 12-13.
logassujjoyakare dhammatitthayare jine arahamte kittaissaṁ cauvisam pi kevali. (3)
Usabham Ajiyam ca vamde Sambhavaṁ Abhiņaṁdanam ca Sumaiṁ ca Paumappahaṁ Supāsaṁ jiņam ca Camdappahaṁ vamde. (4) Suvihim ca Pupphadamtam Siyala Sejjamsa Vasuppujjaṁ ca Vimalam Anamtam ca jinam Dhammam Samtim ca vaṁdāmi. (5) Kumthum Aram ca Mallim vaṁde Munisuvvayaṁ Nami jiņam ca vaṁdāmi Riṭṭhanemiṁ Pāsaṁ taha Vaddhamanaṁ ca. (6) evam mac abhithuā vihuyaraya-malā pahiņajara-maraṇā cauvisam pi jiņavarā titthayarā me pasiyaṁtu. (7) kittiya vaṁdiya mahiya jee logassa uttama siddhā āruggabohilābham samähivaramuttamam dimtu. (8) camdesu nimmalayarā āiccesu ahiyaṁ payāsayarā sägaravaragambhirā siddhā siddhim mama disaṁtu. (9) AvaS 3-9.
Verses 7-9 are at one and the same time a paean of praise and a prayer. There is no question but that the tirthankaras, now being siddhas, are enjoying the eternal beatitude of nirvāṇa and have not longer any dealings whatever with human beings. These prayers must be understood in the context of the pure devotion of the Jainas; in a poetic transport and inspired by a deep longing to imitate these jinas, heroes of the spiritual battle, the devotec leans for support, as it were, on their outstanding qualities and, carried away by this same longing, not unnaturally begs them to vouchsafe

Page #91

A Brief Survey of a Long Tradition
Each of the tirthankaras possesses a lãñchana (distinctive sign), which is usually depicted on the pedestal of his statue. The ancient texts make no mention of these lañchanas and they do not appear in the sculptures of Mathura, which date from the beginning of the Christian era. 7 Lañchanas belong for the most part to the animal or vegetable worlds or may consist in certain auspicious signs which are often traditionally connected with the tirthankaras they designate. These läñchanas are as follows:
i) Ṛṣabha (Ādinātha): the bull; ii) Ajita: the elephant, iii) Sambhava: the horse, iv) Abhinandana: the monkey, v) Sumati: the heron, vi) Padmaprabha: the lotus, vii) Supărśva: the svastika,8 viii) Candraprabha: the moon, ix) Suvidhi (Puṣpadānta): the dolphin (or the crocodile), x) Śitala: the śrivatsa, xi) Śreyāṁsa: the rhinoceros, xii) Vāsupūjya: the buffalo, xiii) Vimala: the bear, xiv) Ananta: the falcon, xv) Dharma: the thunderbolt, xvi) Śanti: the deer, xvii) Kunthu: the ram, xviii) Ara: the nandyāvarta, xix) Malli: the pitcher, xx) Munisuvrata: the tortoise, xxi) Nami: the blue lotus, xxii) Nemi: the conch, xxiii) Pārsva: the serpent, xxiv) Vardhamana (Mahāvira): the lion. 9
71
Among the Digambaras, certain lañchanas are assigned to other tirthankaras and certain ones are different, namely:
power to follow them, while knowing that they will not intervene directly. However, the fervour that they arouse by reason of what they have been and achieved, is in fact already a direct intervention on their part. They awaken those who revere and follow them; cf. P 73 ff; 478ff.
7 "
.Tirthankaras were recognised with the help of inscriptions on pedestals giving their names." U.P. Shah, 1955, p. 11. For the images of each tirthankara with his particular sign, cf. Bhattacharaya, 1974, plates IVXXIX.
8 N.B. Instead of the svastika the lañchana of Supärśva is often the serpent, which is differentiated from the sign of Parsva by being depicted with 1,5 or 9 hooded serpent-heads, while that of Parsva may have 3,7, or 11.
9 Cf. Pravacanasaroddhāra, 16.

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v) Sumati: the partridge, vii) Supărśva: the nandyāvarta, x) Śitala: the svastika, xiv) Ananta: the porcupine, xviii) Ara: the fish.10 Certain lāñchanas are taken from the aștamangalas: the eight auspicious signs the ones in question are: the svastika, the srivatsa, the nandyāvarta, and the pitcher.11
The other special emblems of the tirtharkaras are: the kevalavrksa, the particular tree beneath which each attained omniscience; a three-tiered parasol shaped like a small cupola to shade their heads; each tirthankara having a different colour. They are given yellow bodies and serene expression and are depicted naked - except for the Svetāmbaras who wear a thin loin-cloth - either standing in the kåyotsarga posture or seated in the dhyānamudrā posture. 12 Finally, each has in attendance a yaksa on his right and a yakşi on his left,13 and often one or several cămaradharas, or figures, carrying a campara or yak's tail, which is used as a fly-whisk and is also a symbol of royalty.14 These yakşas, yaksis, and cămaradharas do not figure in the | ancient sculptures such as those at Mathurā, where devotees with Ipalms joined are often positioned at the feet of the arhats.
Traditon tells how the goods built a samavasarana (assembly-hall), where gods and humans alike assembled to listen to the first sermon of
10 Cf. JSK II, p. 378; for the lañchanas cf. Bhattacharya, 1974, pp. 34-64; U.P. Shah, 1981, pp. 1-6.
11 Cf. P 160 ff.where these signs are explained.
12 Cf. P 328 ff.
13 Cf. P 204; 211.
14 For characteristics of the figures of the tirthankaras, cf. Bhattacharaya, ibid., pp. 18-20.

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a tirthankara who had just attained to perfect knowledge.15 We may note, further, that as a sign of respect and reverence the title nātha: Lord, Master is appended to the name of a tirthankara, except in the case of Mahāvira, the last one.
The Namaskāra-mantra and the Caturviṁśatistava express the quintessence not only of Jaina belief, but also of its ideal and of its worship. To recite the mantra and repeat the hymn of praise means that one believes firmly that the tirtharkaras have taught the way of Liberation, that one has a duty to follow and imitate them and that, by reason of their extraordinary virtues, they are worthy of an unflagging and deep devotion. 16 During the course of centuries they have inspired an ardent devotion which is manifest in the life of the ascetics and other faithful followers and also in architecture, sculpture, iconography and a wealth of literature. Before attempting to present, according to the various regions, the principal elements that go to make up the immense riches of this tradition, it is necessary first to specify certain features that form as it were its supporting pillars.
1. Some essential notions
These notions gravitate, as it were, around the central notion of tirthankara; not all of them are clearly expressed in the most ancient Agamas. Certain ones are developed or modified later on.
Tirthankaras
A tirthankara is always a jina, a conqueror,17 an arhat, that is, worthy of veneration, a kevalin or omniscient one. But every jina, arhat, kevalin is not a tirhankara, these last-named having a special mission which distinguishes them from the other arhats. In regard to their degree of perfection there is no difference, for all, i.e., jinas,
15 Cf. U.P. Shah, 1955, ch. 5; for the development of the iconography, cf. ibid., ch. 6.
16 The mantra and the hymn belong to the daily obligatory rite; cf. P 710 ff.
17 From which is derived Jaina or follower of the jinas.

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arhats and tirthankaras are keyalins. The tirthankaras are distinguished from the others solely by a special_karman: the tirtharkara-nāma-karman, 18 which allows them to fulfil their unique role as spiritual guides for the living.
The word tirthankara does not occur in the early Agamas. 19 In them mention is made of the Arhats or ascetics worthy of veneration, but the idea of omniscience does not seem to be implied. 20 The various general descriptive terms applied to Mahavira were used also for ascetics or other respected persons: Bhikṣu, Muni, Brāhmana, Bhagavān, Vira, Mahāvira, Sramana; no mention is made of the word tirtharkara. In the Acārānga-sūtra II, a later text, Mahāvira is usually called Sramaņa Bhagavān Mahāvira and there for the first time he is 'described as tirhankara 21
A tirtharkara is one who accomplishes a tirtha, a ford; this ford or crossing is the dharma, the path which helps human beings to cross the ocean of saṁsāra, or successive lives, in order to reach the other bank of the stream, that is to say, Liberation. The tirtharkara is the guide par excellence.22 The crossing is difficult and it often requires several human lives to achieve it, but time in this context is not limited, the message of the tirthańkaras is transmitted from age to age, and what is of vital importance is that human beings should be instructed and liberated at that particular moment when they are ripe for it. Hence arises the following concept:
18 His nāma-karman, inherited from a previous life, determines a person's physical constitution; cf. TS VIII, 11; cf. also P 288; 308.
19 AS 1; SkrS I.
20 Cf. Dixit, 1978, p.12.
21 Cf. AS II, 15,9; 18; Malvania, 1972.
22 The word tirtha can also mean the samgha or community composed of 4 categories: viz. munis, sādhvis, śrāvakas, śrāvikās.

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Utsarpiņi-avasarpiņi
This refers to the two phases, the ascending and descending, of the cycle of kalpas (cosmic ages) which are repeated ceaselessly and uninterruptedly in those continents of the universe which are known as karma-bhūmis, areas of work, of action.23 Each phase consists of six equal periods which follow each other in a circular movement. Below is given the sequence of periods comprising each of these two phases. These periods correspond with different human states.
1. Utsarpiņi, ascending phase with the following periods: Duhşamā-duhşama: a period of great misfortune, ignorance, suffering; lack of vitality and of physical and moral strength.
Duḥsamă: a period of misfortune and suffering, but to a lesser degree than in the preceding period.
Duhşama-suşamă: a period of misfortune, but one tempered with good fortune; ignorance is being dispelled, suffering grows less.
Suşamā-duḥşama: a period of good fortune (happiness); happiness increases, suffering decreases.
Suşamā: a period of good fortune; ignorance and suffering have disappeared.
Suşamä-suşamă: a period of immense well-being, of extraordinary physical energy which is matched by corresponding intellectual capacity and accompanied by a very great longevity.24
23 It is only the men of these continents for whom Liberation is possible because they can practise asceticism and purify themselves from all karman. In the continents called bhoga-bhumis, the land of enjoyment, Liberation is not possible, because it requires ascetic endeavour.
24 The reference here is to well-being of body and spirit, and not to perfect joy which is the fruit of detachment.

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2. Avasarpiņi, descending phase in which the cycle takes its course by passing through the same periods in inverse order: suşamā-suşamă, suşamă, suşama-duḥşamă, duḥşamā-suşamă, duhşamă, duhşamā-duḥşama.25
In succession and eternally there appear at fixed periods within each cycle twenty-four tirthankaras: the first tirtharikara appears during the third period of the descending cycle: suşama-duḥsamā, while the other twenty-three appear during the fourth period: duhşamā-suşamā.26
In our particular "continent" which is called Bharata-kşetra, we are in the fifth period, duhşamă, an age in which, on account of the prevailing state of ignorance and physical weakness, one cannot achieve Liberation in one single life. However, other "continents" of karma-bhūmi, the Videha-kşetras, are not subject to either ascending or descending phases; their permanent condition is that of the third period: suşamā-duhşamā; in these places there are always tirthankaras and human beings can always attain Liberation.27
A very large number of centuries pass between one period and the next and between one tirthankara and another, but each period makes its reappearance regularly at a fixed moment. These detailed and complicated ideas have stemmed from the belief in tirthankaras, with
25 Cf. AS II 15; Sths 137; 143; 559; TS III, 27; cf. also JSK II, pp. 88-91; PPN, pp. 133-134; 139.
26 Rşabhanātha or Ādinātha, the first tirthankara, followed by the others and then by Mahāvira, the last of our phase; cf KS 2; 199; PPN, pp. 337-340.
27 Cf. Sths 89; 183; TS III, 31; cf. also JSK III, p. 551; PPN, pp. 572-574. For Jaina cosmography, cf. TS III; cf. also Āryikä Jñānamati, 1974c; JSK III, pp. 443-509; Schubring, 1962, ch. V; cf. also P 676.

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particular reference to Mahāvira; no trace of them is found in the ancient Agamas.28
Dharma
The general meaning of this word is: that which is based on an established order and which does not deviate therefrom; law, equity, justice, order, duty, integrity, virtue. In this same perspective it also means: the path to follow, the way which leads towards Libcration because it involves every dimension of the human being. This "way" is based in the first place upon a body of teaching and also on a collection of rituals, practices that have accumulated in the course of centuries. The jinas, or arhats, have taught and firmly established the dharna-tirtha.
The essence of this dharma is extremely simplc; this way is one of total purification of the atman from all that is alien to its nature which consists of pure awareness of being 29 This purification, directed by enlightened knowledge and an awakening to spilitual realities, takes place through ahiṁsā, non-aggressiveness towards all beings, samnyama, mastery of the self, and tapas, the practice of austerity,30 of which the highest form is dhyāna, mental concertation.31
28 Cf. Dixit, 1978, pp. 11-12. The succession of these periods upon which the possibility or non-possibility of Liberation depends is rather arbitrary and includes an element of pre-destination according to the period to which living beings belong. These ideas have without doubt been appended to the early doctrine in order to make up a coherent systein. However, even within this closed cycle, it is possible for a human being of any cpoch through his own will-power to embark on a journey towards Liberation.
29 Cl. Paru Jl for the quintessential notions of the doctrine.
30 Cf. DS 1, 1; it needs to be clearly emphasised that it is the inner attitude that counts.
31 Cf. P 373 ff.

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Exhortations to persevere on the path are not lacking in the Scriptures:
- One must remain faithful to the dharma so long as one's faculties are intact and one has not succumbed to old age or sickness. - By no means should one do like the driver of a chariot who abandons the highway for a stony path and breaks his wheel; that is, one must not turn aside from the dharma. - The days pass and do not return. Only those human beings who follow the dharma Icad a fruitful life. - Even the powerful monarch, in his last moments, is only saved thanks to his sidelity to the dharma, for the passage to another life must be undertaken with the support of the dharma. - In the midst of the swirling currents of old age and death that cngulf beings, the dharna is an island, firm land, the supreme refuge for all living creatures. 32
Ācārya Kundakunda says that nirvāna, the final goal, is attained through the dharma and that the dharma is identical with the ātman, when, having been freed from agitation and all perplexity, it has reached perfect cquanimity; for then the purified ātman is one with the dharma 33 Further on he continues:
The śramana the great atman with vision free from all error, who [is] expert in [knowledge of] the Scriptures, free from all attachment, vigilant, [is the visible) expression of the dharina.34
In other words, he is the manifestation of the dharma, is of the same nature as the dharma, he actualises the dharma, he is dharma.
32 These varicd points are to be found in: DS VIII, 36; US V, 14-15; XIV, 24-25; 40; XIX, 20-21; XXIII, 68; cf. the beautiful verses of YSas IV, 97-102 where the dharma is extolled as the saviour of humanity.
33 Cí. PSa 1, 6-8.
34 jo nihadamohaditthi agamakusalo virāgacariyamhi
abbhuthido mahappă dhammo tti visesido samaņo. PSa I, 92.

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Pandita Āśādhara has entitled his very detailed guide for ascetics, which is a compendium and synthesis of the teaching of the ācāryas of the past, Anagaradharmāmṛta: amṛta, elixir of the dharma for the anagāras, home-less ones; and his guide for the śrāvakas and śrāvikās, Sagāradharmāmṛta: elixir of the dharma for the sagaras, those who dwell in a house.35
Bhakti
The word comes from the root bhaj- which means: divide, distribute, enjoy and also participate, and thence: adore, honour, venerate. Bhakti implies the existence of a being worthy of adoration and veneration, and includes a certain element of participation in the divinity and sanctity of this being. Jaina bhakti has its own special features in that its praise, devotion and wonder whatever their outward expressions - are directed to the spiritual achievement of beings eminently worthy of veneration, that is, of the valiant and victorious ones, the tirthankaras and other parameṣthins, with the ultimate aim of imitating them following them and thus becoming fully purified, liberated. The aspect of sharing found here does not include direct, ontological participation in the beatitude of the one venerated within a relationship of reciprocal love; rather, this participation consists in an unwavering belief in the authenticity of life of these heroes and in concentration on their virtues and perfection along with a desire to endeavour to imitate them, in such a way that one is already in a certain way sharing in their sanctity, for this concentration and sustained effort of imitation themselves contain an immense purificatory power, which is not due to any direct intervention on the part of the tirthankaras, but to the very powerful inspiration aroused by their example which uplifts, as it were, and transforms the one who venerates.
79

-
This profound devotion is addressed to the parameşthins of both past and present,36 that its to say, to the multitude of liberated beings
35 This Digambara author of the middle of the XIIIth century was, quite exceptionally, not a muni. Re the Jaina dharma, cf. ADh I, 87-91 and, for a more general account, cf. Kane, 1968, Vol. I Part I, pp. 1-6. 36 One is reminded of the Videha-kṣetras.

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who have attained nirvana, to the ascetics of the past and, more concretely, to contemporary ascetics. It is not only the parameṣthins who are venerated, but also the dharma. The three sutras called the māngalikas (auspicious) which belong to the rite of the avasyakas (duties), are addressed to the dharma taught by the kevalins as being Happiness, Excellence, the supreme Refuge, in the same way as on other occassions invocation is made to the arhats, siddhas and ascetics,37
80
The Digambara āryikās include in their rite several bhakti hymns, recitations of praise to the parameṣṭhins and also to other objects of Iveneration such as śruta, Scripture,38 and caitya, the temple.
All this might be merely in the realm of the purely abstract, if this devotion were not undergirded by concrete action and openly manifested.
Human beings in their earthly struggles need to be stimulated and encouraged by the example of heroic lives whose deeds speak to them and help them to traverse saṁsāra, time and the complexities of their own lives. They need the sublime, the marvellous, the supernatural, along with pictures and stories. The tirthankaras are the ones who struggled until they won final victory, the ones who are examples to follow and who provide inspiration, guidance and support. Each Name pronounced in the Caturviṁśatistava conjures up its own symbols and legends. Certain tirthankaras have provided inspiration for many literary works, each of which witnesses to the ardent devotion of its author, a devotion which has kindled and kept alive the devotion of the faithful both of his own day and of subsequent generations.3
39
37 Cf. P 703-704.
38 Cf. P 667. The śruta consists of the teaching of Mahavira and the early sages, transmitted orally and preserved in the texts of Scripture.
39 The largely legendary biographies of the 24 tirthankaras and their contemporaries are called Purāņas by the Digambaras and Caritras by the

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The construction of numerous temples, the erection of innumerable statues and a rich and refined iconography, which is inspired by the inner struggle of all these herges and which is both lively and of vivid hue, are all expressions of fervour and admiration on the part of the faithful.40 These expressions which have upheld and maintained the dharma form simply a stage on the path leading to interiorisation, the stage of signs necessary for pūjā, i.e. for the worship directed to the tirthankaras. External idol-worship is only performed by śrāvakas and śrāvikās and is seber, dignified and charaeterised by recollestedness.)
Temple worship takes place in the early hours of the morning. Among the Digambaras of the South pūjā is as a general rule offered at a fixed moment by an officiating priest, in the presence of śrāvakas and śrāvikās. Among the Digambaras of the North the śrävakas and śrāvikās themselves perform the pūjā. Among the Svetāmbaras, although there is also a priest who offers pūjā at a fixed moment in the name of the saṁgha and as its representative, the Srävakas and śrávikās perform the worship of their choice separately. At sunset the very simple ritual is celebrated by the priest only and varies according to locality and different communities. There is no offering of flowers or fruit as is the custom in the morning pūjā, but sticks of sandalwood incense may be burned. The ritual on this occasion consists in ārati, the circling from left to right of the light (or lights) of one or several oil-lamps around the principal image. The ascetics, however, have gone beyond this stage and their worship is entirely interior, though it is by no means less fervent and is expressed in a very pure, ardent and often poetic type of bhakti. 41
Svetāmbaras. The best-known of these works are: the Mahāpurāņa of Jinasena, the final portion of which is written by his disciple Guņabhadra (IXth c.) and the Trișașțiśalākāpuruşacaritra of Hemacandra (XIIth c.)
40 Sadhvi Hemaprabhà has given a good introduction to this idea and has also described in detail the various features of the worship; cf. Hemaprabhā, 1976, devatattva, pp. 21-40.
41 Reformed sects have abolished external worship practices and their form of devotion resembles that of the ascetics; cf. P 200 ff.: 247 ff.

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Jaina bhakti, which is of great refinement, needs to be clarified by knowledge of the doctrine. Even if numerous holy and learned åcāryas have led the way in this bhakti tradition, this does not mean that the faithful have received any doctrinal training - indeed, far from it. Therefore one can hardly be surprised if, carried away by their ardent devotion and overwhelmed by the hardships of daily life, certain ones have turned the tirthankaras into a type of God that in reality they are not and have proceeded quite naturally to ask of them both spiritual and temporal favours.42 We must also take into account a further important factor: for several centuries many Jainas have constituted very small minorities in the midst of a vast Hindu population, and in some regions Jaina worship has been influenced as regards its less important characteristics by the impact made upon it by certain forms of Hindu worship. However, on the whole - and this is due very largely to its wandering ascetics, both men and women, who have maintained close links with local communities - the dharma 'has survived and continues to do so, faithful to its initial inspiration.
This also needs to be added: it is not easy in comparison with other religious and philsophical systems, to justisy certain aspects of Jaina doctrine such as the belief in the everlasting nature of the dharma which is revealed at regular intervals in successive ages through the tirthankaras, nor to elucidate thereby those burning questions to which most theological and philosophical systems have sought to find an answer, namely, questions of the origin of man and the cosmos. Certain learned acāryas have tried to get round this difficulty by turning Rşabhanātha or Adinātha, the first tirthankara of our phase avasarpiņi, into a sort of Creator, Controller, in the sense that, being the first to attain mastery, he was the prime initiator in every realm. He is thus accorded a very great importance, even an absolute supremacy; hence the immence vencration that surrounds him. The ācāryas have not hesitated to borrow titles which are proper
42 I have discussed this subject with Āryikā Jñānamati who said that there is often a wide divergence between doctrine and practice. This happens in all religious traditions, but the Jainas have a great disadvantage in being a very scattered minority.

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to Brahmanism and have called Ādinātha: Brahma, Śiva, 43 Svayambhū (the self-existent one).44 No doubt the ācāryas succeeded rather skilfully in continuing to follow their own path, while at the same time borrowing another terminology from a tradition that was not their own, but this procedure has involved them in misunderstandings and criticisms from the side of certain Hindus with regard to this at times somewhat forced style of imitation.
One of the treasures of Jaina bhakti, the very popular Bhaktāmarastotram, a hymn of ecstatic praise to Adinātha, requires both a certain knowledge of Jaina doctrine and also familiarity with its worship to grasp that it is in fact addressed to a tirthankara.45
2. General survey
The above ideas that we are often going to encounter in the course of this study introduce us straightaway into the spiritual background of the Jaina tradition of which the sādhvis are members, the tradition whose trail we are going to try to trace and follow through the course of the centuries and in every region. Before making certain preliminary remarks to the general survey which follows, it is necessary to define what we mean by religious tradition and by history.
Religious tradition
As a generalisation, we may say that tradition implies an oral transmission of the spiritual message of a God or saint or exceptional being, a message conveyed in the first place to trustworthy disciples
43 Cf. "The identity of Ķşabha and Śiva", Sadhvi Mañjulā, 1968, pp. 133137.
44 Cf. e.g. the Adipurāņa of Jinasena, the Brhats vayambhū-stotra of Samantabhadra; PSa I, 16 and the comm. on it. Here the reference is to the omniscient one who, by the inherent power of his own atman and without any external aid, possesses perfect knowledge.
45 For all the features of Jaina bhakti, cf. JSK III, pp. 208-211.

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who have listened to him and constitute the guardians of the message. These disciples, sooner or later and in response to the needs of the day, systematise the message into a teaching and transmit it to other guardians who continue the task of giving it formal expression. In a process parallel to this systematisation of the teaching, spontaneous outbursts of devotion are organised into a pattern of worship and, as the transmission proceeds, legendary stories abound. These legends often contain an element of the real, in the sense of some biographical fact that did actually happen, but that has been embellished, modified and transformed by pious imaginations. All these factors merge to form a body of beliefs for the faithful, and thus little by little crystallize into a number of elements following certain patterns, beginning from the moment when a start was made in committing to writing the doctrine, historical accounts, legends and regulations for worship, and in erecting temples. At this point there comes about a halt in time and a certain fixation. The transmission of the tradition continues, certainly, but, except for works of commentators of genius, there is little enrichment and the inspiration of the first days practically always ebbs away. In this third stage the tradition is faithfully conserved and studied as part of the ancestral heritage. Its conter is and observances mould its adherents' religious sentiments from childhood onwards, giving them an identity, namely, membership of a spiritual family which, whatever doctrinal differences or dissensions there may be among its members and however weighty the load of accumulated practices, still endeavours to remain faithful to the original message. As we approach the Jaina tradition we must always keep in mind this paramparā, this juniñterrupted line of transmission that constitutes an extremely rich and complex whole. *******
Regarded from the much more restricted perspective of historical criticism, tradition is taken to mean that part of the religious complex under consideration which belongs to the far distant past and, having been transmitted solely by word of mouth, lacks documentation and is thus impervious to criticism. This is not to say that all tradition belongs to the sphere of the legendary, but that all of it is open to conjecture. In the course of the centuries at certain particular epochs which vary in different regions, this said tradition has irrupted, as it were, into history, that is to say, through certain of its features it can

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be pinned down and located, even though only very approximately, in time.
History
History, understood here as being that of the dharma in its social context, relies upon a knowledge of the facts related to the dharma, to its coming into being and development, its influence and its vitality or decline. This knowledge is based on certain authentic, though often widely dispersed, documents, which are also sometimes highly condensed and take into consideration only one or two aspects of a happening, because all the rest have vanished or remain fragmentary. The documents act as firm pointers which are of assistance, if not in reconstructing the facts, at least in revealing the inter-connecting links between the various documents, and in allowing us to perceive the continuity of the dharma.
With regard to the subject which is of special interest to us, we must from the start specify both our way of approach to it and the type of documents we have used and quoted. Our approach consists in an endeavour always to call forth in its totality the religious, cultural and social context of the local dharma at a given epoch, namely, that in which the sadhvis were living. Even the smallest clue such as a solitary inscription needs to be placed in its proper context.
The documents in question are: - firstly, the texts of Scripture, both the most ancient ones which belong to the original dharma, the first vehicles of the message, and also those which followed and are far more detailed;46
46 Mention must be made at this point of Early Jainism by Dixit, 1978, an indispensable reference-book for a knowledge of early Jainism and one to which we shall make frequent reference. It is a noteworthy fact that the reformed sects have, precisely, attempted a return to the origins and that large numbers of sadhvis belong to these sects. Our introduction to the Svetāmbara Agamas and the chief Digambara texts occurs at a period of history corresponding to the beginning of our era, the period in which the schism between the two major branches of the dharma took place; one of the causes of the conflict was in fact connected with Scripture.

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- certain commentaries on Scripture:47 - some classical writings of the ācāryas; - further classical writings and other writings in local languages; - brief intimations contained in the manuscripts; - epigraphy; - sculpture; - iconography; these four last-named sources belong to various epochs and several different areas.
Outline of Part I
It is divided into three chapters:
Chapter 1: deals with an indeterminate period, knowledge of which is based on oral tradition that later on was committed to writing. It introduces Ādinājha, the first tirthankara and his two daughters, Mallinātha, the nineteeth tirtharkara, who according to the Svetāmbaras was a woman, and Rājimati, an ascetic who was betrothed to the twenty-second tirtharikara.
Chapter 2: uses as its sources both oral tradition and history, starting from probably the villth century B.C. It introduces Pārsvanātha, the twenty-third tirthankara, and then Mahāvira, the last tirthankara, and along with him his disciple Candanā. Finally it introduces the principal acāryas, the first depositaries of the message of Mahavira.
Chapter 3: uses as its sources both oral tradition and history, from the beginning of our era up to our own days. It takes into its purview most of the regions, starting from the Northwest. We follow here a geographical order which corresponds with each section, within which the documentation is introduced according to successive historical epochs.
47 As the comprehensive study of Deo, 1956, is for the most part based on the commentaries, we shall avoid repeating the facts he has already recounted and prefer to use for this study a variety of documents, of which certain ones are hitherto little known.

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3. The voice of the sădhvis
Before indicating certain features of the inner orientation, if one may put it so, of the role of the sādhvis in the samgha during a very lengthy period, we must first try to see in broad terms what the attitude towards woman was of society in general during this same period. Although it is quite possible that Pārsvanátha, the twenty-third tirthankara, had some women disciples, this brief review will start with society at the time of Mahāvira and Buddha, that is, from the second half of the Vith to the beginning of the Vth century B.C. During that time the men ascetics of Brahmanism were fairly numerous and for the most part lived on itinerant life, but an existence of this sort secms never to have been permitted for women. The fact , that Mahāvira, from the very start of his mission and without any hesitation whatever, allowed women to embrace the ascetic life is both important and unparalleled.48
It is known that at this period young girls of high society, belonging to the same aristocracy as did the first women disciples of Mahāvira, were generally well-educated, skilled in music, dance and other forms of art. Scholars and poetesses might even be found among them. Marriage and family-life constituted the normal path, though pressure was not brought to bear upon them in this regard.
From the IIIrd century B.C. onwards not only did marriage become a strict obligation, but the custom gained ground of giving girls in marriage at a very tender age. At the beginning of our era girls were married before they reached puberty and towards the VIIIth or IXth centuries the average age was between eight and nine years old.49 Gradually women came to occupy a very secondary place in society.
48 The Buddha yielded to the entreaties of his foster-mother, Maháprajapati Gautami, that he should admit women among his disciples, but not without reluctance.
49 Concerning the education of girls, marriage, divorce, and family life after marriage, from the Vedic period onward cf. Altekar, 1962, chs. I-III; cf. also Kane, 1974, Vol. II, Part I, pp. 574-582.

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Marriage at so early an age precluded all possibility of study, while a number of both little and older girls became widows at a very young age. Until about the Xth century re-marriage was not, in principle, forbidden, but starting from that period onwards it was forbidden even for child-widows, so that the prospect for those unfortunates was a life of pain and monotony.50 This inhuman prohibition was in force until quite recently.51
From Sanskrit literature we know that the girls and married women of high soceity appeared in public scarcely at all and allusion is sometimes made to the thin vcil worn by them; however this veil of which the intention was to protect their dignity and modesty, seems not to have been rigidly enforced by custom.52 From the beginning of the XIIIth century, as a result of the Muslim conquest, pardā, that is, the wearing of a veil by girls and married women alike, was strictly enforced, partly out of concem for their protection and partly through the adoption of the conquerors' customs. The pardā system in fact consigns women to the house in a literal way, out of sight of men except those of the family, and enforces the veil whenever they go out. This custom is still observed in certain non-Muslim milieus of the North, the East and of Rajasthāna.53
50 Cf. Altekar, ibid., chs. IV-V; on the duties of widows, their shaven heads, their position in society, cf. Kane, ibid., pp. 583-596.
51 According to a 1931 census, the number of young widows of less than 15 years was 3,16, 926; the census of 1951 gives a slightly lower number, cf. Altekar, ibid., p.159; this, we may note, despite efforts made since the middle of the XIXth century by ardent defenders of women's right, such as Ramamohana Roy, who introduced several legal measures dealing with these questions.
52 Cf. Kane, ibid., pp. 596-598.
53 Cf. Altckar, ibid., ch. VI.

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A Brief Survey of a Long Tradition
Even in a very brief survey of these vital questions, we must not fail to mention the highly courageous and impassioned attitude of the ardent, well-known Pandită Ramabai, herself a young brāhmaṇi widow of a highly cultured and orthodox family of Mahārāṣṭra. Pandită Ramābai, who was born in the second half of the last century and lived till 1922, not only crusaded against all forms of injustice and prejudice towards women, causing a considerable stir in her own circle and in Western circles as well, but also founded Śáradă Sadana, a centre for education and friendship for high-caste young widows. We can only quote here briefly from the writings of this remarkable
woman:
Those who diligently and impartially read Sanskrit literature in the original, cannot fail to recognize the law-giver Manu as one of those hundreds who have done their best to make a woman a hateful being in the world's eye. I can say honestly and truthfully, that I have never read any sacred book in Sanskrit literature without meeting hateful sentiments about women. True, they contain here and there a kind word about women, but such words seem to me a heartless mockery after having charged them, as a class, with crime and evil deeds.
89
Widowhood: We now come to the worst and most dreaded period of a high-caste-woman's life. Throughout India, widowhood is regarded as the punishment for a horrible crime or crimes committed by the woman in her former existence upon earth. The period of punishment may be greater or less, according to the nature of the crime. Disobedience to the husband or murdering him in an earlier existence are the chief crimes punished in the present birth by widowhood.54
The Jainas, except in certain places and during certain periods, have never been a dominant majority. To a slight degree everywhere and more so as they started to decline in numbers, they felt the impact of surrounding society and were obliged to conform to a number of its customs. Their attitude towards women has been influenced during the course of succeeding centuries by that of the society in which they
PP.
54 Adhav, 1979, pp. 94-95; cf. also "Liberation of Indian Women", ibid., 22-30; and "On Women in India", pp. 80-102.

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were set, for they were often driven by necessity, in the case, for example, of the marriage of young girls. So, when we consider this attitude as a whole, we see that it was exceptionally liberal in the time of Mahavira and the first ācāryas, but that it later let itself be deleteriously affected by surrounding attitudes. Nevertheless, the samgha has continued throughout and up to this present to include sādhvis in their ranks in the same way as munis. These sadhvis for a number of centuries were the one and only feminine ascetic group in the country.55 Thus young widows of the samgha had at least this possibility of practising asceticism, leading a worthwhile life, studying and making spiritual progress.
90
In this part the voice of the sadhvis of the past and of the present is one and the same. Taking into consideration the general social atmosphere of the day, we see that the role of the sadhvis of the past, though unobtrusive, was not ineffectual. The documents of the varied periods and regions show us that:
Their faith in the dharma and their fidelity to it encouraged the śrävikäs in the fervour of their worship.
-
Through their witness and their example certain sädhvis have inspired and continue to inspire profound veneration in the hearts of both śrāvakas and śrāvikās, a veneration which is outwardly expressed by the erection of statues, by inscriptions and dedications.
They took part in the activities of the samgha, particularly in pilgrimages.
-
55 The Buddhist bhikṣunis, of which there was for several centuries a very flourishing community, went into decline from the IVth - Vth centuries A.D. In Brahmanism, women ascetics have been until recently isolated cases. One of the first to found an organised group, at the turn of the century, was Yogini Svayam Prakāśa in Kēraļa. Moreover, it is known that in the South the great Vaisnavite Acarya Ramanuja accepted as disciples ascetics, including women of all castes (XIth c.). Subsequently, there were, albeit in restricted numbers, women ascetics among the Vaisnavites of other regions, particularly in Bangāla.

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91
- Certain ones were scholars, well-versed in the doctrine.
- Several fulfilled the role of teachers.
- Others were distinguished for the austerity of their lives.
- Subject to the ācāryas as they were - and some of the ācāryas were not sparing of their invectives against womankind in general56 they were by no means inferior to munis in their efforts towards spiritual Realisation.
We should add, furthermore, that the Digambaras, despite their doctrinal objection to recognising womankind as being capable of attaining Liberation, evidence as much respect and veneration for their women ascetics as do the Svetāmbaras.
The voice for contemporary sādhvis is unanimous:
- We live from our most ancient tradition, we extrol and honour our elders, the sādhvis of the first days of the dharma. They are our models, knowledge about whom we impart to the śrāvikās.
- We know nothing, or nearly nothing, about those sădhvis who during long centuries continued to exist and to live from the dharma.
• Why such a silence in their regard? Why do we know so little about them? Because women in world-history, including the women of our dharma, have been given second-class status; and we of the present day know only the restricted circle of our own tradition and our own group.
56 Cf. e.g. YSas II, 84-92 (which, moreover, echoes certain passages of the Agamas); these harsh words must be heard in their guard against women.
This type of unjust and unjustified invective is found in all the masculine kascetic traditions.

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- We would like to emerge from this obscurity, know our own history better and recover in our own day the place which Mahāvira assigned to the first sādhvis.57
57 This remark has often been made to me in the course of friendly conversations with the sādhvis. Their contribution to this part of the study was precisely that of making me aware of their own very limited knowledge of the subject so soon as one comes to our own era. For this reason there is encouragement from their side to discover the traces of sadhvis of different epochs and regions. It should also be said that even among those present-day sādhvis who are following courses of higher studies, Scripture is the subject of study par excellence for ascetics, along with study of the doctrine and of philosophy. Literary or historical studies are not a priori forbidden, if they are undertaken for a spiritual purpose, but the itinerant life does not lead itself to serious study of history, epigraphy, archaeology and ancient manuscripts, for one would need to be in a position to move quickly from one place to another to consult relevant documents or, on the contrary, to stay in one place for long periods.

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Chapter 1.
PRELUDE
The arhat Rşabha of Košala had eighty-four gaṇas and eightyfour ganadharas. 1 The arhat Rşabha of Kośala had a community of surpassing worth [consisting] of eighty-four thousand śramaņas with Rşabhasena at their head. The arhat Rşabha of Košala had a community of surpassing worth (consisting] of three hundred thousand äryikās with Brāhmi and Sundari at their head.2 The arhat Ariştanemi had eighteen ganas and eighteen ganadharas. The arhat Ariştanemi had a community of surpassing worth (consisting] of eighteen thousand śramaņas with Varadatta at their head.
I Gaņa: a group of ascetics; ganadhara: lit. the support of the group, its head. Each chapter of this part begins with some verses of the KS. This listing of numbers may at first sight appear tedious, but it is important because of the profound veneration which surrounds the KS. The more familiar one becomes with the names of the tirtharkaras and their disciples within the context of their own tradition, the more lively these passages become and one discovers their underlying interconnections.
2 Usabhassa ņam arahao kosaliyassa caurāsiti gaņā caurāsiis ganaharā hotthā. Usabhassa...Usabhasenapamokkhão caurāsiim samaņasāhassio ukkosiyā samanasampayā hotthā. Usabhassa... BambhiSumdaripāmokkhāņaṁ ajjiyanaṁ tiņņi sayasāhassio ukkosiyā ajjiyāsampayā hutthā. KS 197.

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The arhat Ariştanemi had a community of surpassing worth [consisting) of forty-four thousand äryikās with Ārya Yakșini at their head. 3
Is it possible to discover the very beginnings of the first śramanas and śramaņis? Did the Jaina ascetic movement arise all of a sudden in social and historical circumstances that would explain its radicalism, or rather did it come about slowly, borrowing from other similar movements? Is it possible to search for and fix even approximately a period in which this movement started? Is it possible to find any traces of the tirtharkaras? These are all important questions to which many investigators, especially historians and exegetes, have sought to reply, but hesitantly, without making very much headway, for the basic elements are lacking which would enable them to make a pronouncement on a distant past of which we have practically no knowledge. Certain scholars have expressed the opinion that the Jaina ascetic movement emerged from an autochthonous religion of some pre-Aryan date and that its cradle was probably the Gangetic plain of the East of the country.4 Quite a number of others have considered
3 arahao naṁ Aritthanemissa atthårasa gană atthārasa ganaharā huttha. arahao... Varadattapāmokkhão atthārasa samaņasāhassio ukkosiyā samanasampayā hottthā, arahao... ajjaJakkhiņipamokkhão cattālisaṁ ajjiyāsāhassio ukkosiyā ajjiyāsaṁpayā hotthā. KS 166.
4 "I am inclined to postulate a great Magadhan religion, indigenous in its essential traits, that must have flourished on the banks of the Ganges, in eastern India, long before the advent of the Aryans into central India; and possibly at the end of the Brāhmaṇa period these two streams of Aryan and indigenous thought met each other, and the mutual interaction resulted on the one hand in the Upanişads in which Yajñavalkya and others are, for the first time, preaching Atmavidyā and on the other, in contrast to the Vedic ritualistic form of religion practised by the masses, in Jainism and Buddhism that came prominently to the fore as the strong representatives of the great heritage of Magadhan Religion." Upadhye, PSa, Introd. p. 90. Renou, speaking more generally, makes a similar hypothesis: "Jaina asceticism grew up out of a background of pan-Indian, or perhaps pre-Indian, asceticism, which can be traced also in Buddhism, though Buddhism early repudiated it." Renou, 1953a, p. 126. Cf. also J.P. Jain, 1951, on the subject of Jainism, the most ancient of all religions, with supporting references

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this movement to be not an original phenomenon, but an adaptation of certain forms of asceticism borrowed from Brahmanism and incorporated into a new system, or perhaps a reaction against this same Brahmanism.5 Archaeologists also hold slightly differing opinions; U.P. Shah, who is an authority on all questions concerning Jaina art, gives no clear verdict, but tends to think that further research might well permit a more conclusive opinion.
However, the opinion of historians, exegetes and archaeologists is not the only valid one. What does tradition tell us, that tradition which the ascetics and followers of the Jaina dharma have handed on through the centuries? This tradition is an immensely rich one in which the improbable and the real exist side by side, in which a certain thread of continuity is visible age after age and in which there is a remarkable consistency as regards the basic doctrines and their implementation in practice. The Jaina is constantly required to opt for those values that are essential ones: self-mastery, respect for all beings, detachment from material things by a constant effort towards interiorisation - a detachment which is maintained through the practice of asceticism and through study of the teaching. Oral tradition seeks always to hark back to the dawn of time, to a far-distant undefinable period, that of the first beginnings, when men were aware of an intensity of cosmic life surrounding them, at one and the same time hidden and yet palpable. This highly sensitive awareness of life at its fullest, which
5 Cf. Deo, 1956, pp. 44-56, where all similar hypotheses and also other points of view are systematically reviewed.
6 "Pre-historic sites in India do not lend any definite clue to the existence of Jainism. A few seals from Mohen-jo-Daro showing human figures standing in a posture closely analogous to the free-standing meditative pose (kayotsarga-mudra) of the Jinas, or the seal representing a male divinity seated in meditation, the prototype of Śiva, corresponding with later Jaina, Buddhist or Brahmanical sculptures in such postures, cannot in the present state of uncertainly of the reading of the Indus Valley script be definitely used as attesting to the Pre-historic antiquity of Jaina art or ritual." U.P. Shah, 1955, p.3.

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informs all the teaching, may well constitute one of the proofs of its antiquity.?
At a certain moment - it is of little importance whether after hundreds or thousands of centuries - a great ascetic made his appearance, an arhat, a jina who won a victory over matter, a tirthańkara who taught the way of Deliverance to those who were lost in the gloom of ignorance. At regular intervals other tirthankaras appeared. The Prelude then, is precisely, this gift of a tradition which stretches from the first to the twenty-second tirthańkara, from Adinātha to Neminātha.
One highly interesting and remarkable feature of the ācāryas, the spiritual masters who were responsible, to a certain extent, for creating this tradition, who passed it on and expounded it, is the important position they accorded women, their recognition of women's capacity to lcad the ascetic life, to understand the full meaning of the teaching, to adhere to the life with constant fidelity, to teach others through word and example, and, what is more, to help men in general and even men ascetics to find or find again the right path. Indeed, concrete examples are not lacking; Brāhmi, Sundari, Mallinātha, Räjimati, are each of them so rooted in the faith that they live it out in depth, communicating it to others the while. It is noteworthy that these tirthankaras and these sădhvis most probably lived in different regions, in Ayodhyā in the North, Mithilā in the East, Dvārāvati and Girinagara in the West. This diversity proves that the Jaina dharma was flourishing in these places at a very early date and as a general rule, even if the Jainas believe that the Eastern region was privileged because it was Mahavira's they believe also that Adinātha, the first tirthankara, belonged to Ayodhyā.8
7 This idea was put forward as far back as in the most ancient Agama: ASI, 1,2-7; I, 8, 1, 11-13; cf. Dixit, 1978, p.6.
8 The quotations and references which follow come from Svetămbara texts, which are very well known to present-day sādhvis and which foster their faith and devotion. Even though the Digambaras have assigned to women a secondary place, their tradition venerates a certain number of aryikās, of

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A - Ādinātha and Brahmi-Sundari
The king of Kośala or Ayodhyā, son of Nābhi and Marudevi, is known by five names: Rşabha, bull; Prathamarājā, first king; Prathamabhikṣācara, first mendicant ascetic; Prathamajina, first jina; Prathamatirthankara, first tirthankara. Tradition gave him the name Ādinātha, that is, Lord or Master of the origins, the One who first established the dharma. Ādinātha was a kindly, knowledgeable and capable monarch. He taught his subjects the art of writing, numerous branches of knowledge, including mathematics, and sundry arts and crafts. 10 Then, after renouncing his family and his kingdom, and sharing out his princedom between his one hundred sons, he became an ascetic with a following of certain knights and princcs.11 After a period of lengthy fasts and prolonged mental concentration, he attained perfect knowledge and understanding. 12 Among his disciples; several evinced a high degree of knowledge, certain became omniscient and, to crown all, there were reckoned to be three hundred thousand äryikās led by his two daughters, Brāhmi and Sundari. Forty! thousand of these äryikās attained the state of perfection which follows Liberation 13 His disciples also included a large number of śramaņa - upāsakas and śramana - upāsikäs, that is to say, men and
which the prinicipal ones are the same as those venerated by the Svetambaras.
9 Cf. KS 194.
10 CE. KS 195.
11 Ibid.
12 Cf. KS 196; perfect knowledge: kevala-jñāna.
13 Ibid., cf. KS 197: cattālisaṁ ajjiyasahassão siddhão.

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women who, without renouncing the world, followed his teachings.1 At the time of his nirvana the period suṣamā-duḥṣamă of the phase avasarpini was drawing to a close.15
Ardent devotion is expressed to Adinatha in the Bhaktamarastotram, a renowned hymn of praise addressed to this Forerunner, this unique and incomparable Lord who effaces sins just as the Sun dissipates dark shadows.16
14 Ibid.
14
Marudevi, who was privileged to be the mother of Adinatha, was the first to attain Liberation. Tradition says that she was greatly distressed when her son decided to adopt the ascetic life. The pain of separation' and the thought of the austerities her beloved son was enduring caused her an incessant flow of tears. One day, when the news was spreading that Adinatha had attained the state of perfect knowledge, Marudevi, accompanied by her grandson Bharata, set out, riding on an elephant and surrounded by all the royal pomp and splendour, to pay homage to the new arhat. On the way, when there came to her ears the cries of rejoicing of the gods who were also gathering around Ādinātha, her tears of grief were changed into tears of joy. The glory of her son, his spiritual power, dawned upon her and this vision so gripped her that in the space of a few moments she traversed all the stages leading to the destruction of all knowledge

15 Cf. KS 199; cf. also TrisalPCI: Adiśvaracaritra.
16 Cf. Bhaktamara-stotram 7; this hymn, which is recited with great fervour up to this very day was composed by Acarya Manatunga whose date is uncertain. Amrtalāla Śastri, 1969, in the introduction to his translation, conjectures that he lived in the VIIth c.; JSK III p. 206 places him in the XIth c. Another less popular hymn, Ṛṣabha-Pañcăśikā, in Prakrit, was composed by Dhanapala in the 2nd half of the Xth c.; cf. Winternitz, 1977, p. 553.

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obscuring karmas. She attained perfect knowledge and, abandoning the body, reached Liberation.17
Brāhmi and Sundari, the first princesses, became also the first äryikās. Brāhmi's mother was Queen Sumāngalā and she had a twin brother named Bharata; Sundari's mother was Queen Sunandā and she had a twin brother named Bahubali.18 Their father, King Rşabha, taught various kinds of writing to Brāhmi and mathematics to Sundari. 19 Later, when Rşabha, now an ascetic, was preaching the way leading to Liberation, Brāhmi requested that she might receive diksā; Adinātha replied that she must obtain permission from her brother Bharata, who, seeing the determination of his twin-sister, gave his consent. Her sister Sundari also felt drawn to the ascetic life, but Bharata refused her permission to receive dikşå.20
Then Sundari, while still residing in the palace, proceeded none the less to live in a state of renunciation, submitting her body to harsh penances. Later on, Bharata, now convinced of his sister's sincerity, permitted her to go and rejoin Brāhmi.21 In his turn Bāhubali, after waging war against Bharata, renounced all. Retiring to the jungle, naked and in silence, standing and exposed to all the winds of heaven, stationary in the posture of kāyotsarga, abandonment of the body,
17 Cf. TrisalPC I, 3, 488-534. This extraordinary event proves that it is not absolutely necessary to embrace the ascetic state to reach Liberation. This narrative belongs to the Svetāmbara tradition and is not accepted by the Digambaras.
18 Cf. TrisalPC 1, 2, 882.
19Cf. TrisalPC 1, 2,963. As Brähmi was the first to learn the art of writing, it is said that the first written characters bear her name. On the subject of the as yet unclear origin of brāhmi, cf. Filliozat, 1953, pp. 667-668; Pandey, 1957, pp. 35-49.
20 Cf. TrisalPC I, 3, 644-692.
21 Cf. TrisalPC I, 4,728-797.

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which favours recollection and mental concentration, he stayed thus for one whole year. Ants swarmed over his feet, climbing plants entwined themselves around his legs, wild animals roamed close by, but nothing moved him. He stayed in deep meditation. However, he did not reach perfect knowledge, because he had not overcome a certain pride -filled thought: since his act of renunciation he had not yet been to prostrate himself before his father Adinātha who had accepted as disciples his younger brothers. As these last-named had received initiation before him, Bāhubali, in accordance with the rule of seniority appertaining to dikşă, should have greeted them by making a prostration before them. Now this prospect was highly distasteful to him. Adinātha, thanks to his direct intuitive power, perceived the state of soul of Bāhubali from afar. He summoned Brāhmi and Sundari and requested them to go and enlighten their brother concerning his unyielding pride. The two emissaries had some difficulty in descrying Bahubali, so much alike did he appear to the surrounding trees. They paid homage to this great muni and transmitted to him the message of their father: "One cannot attain perfect knowledge seated on the back of an elephant."22 They then departed. Bāhubali was at first highly astonished at these words, but all of a sudden it came to him that his pride was the elephant, that mount on which he had placed himself. Recognising his fault, he decided forthwith to go and salute his younger brothers, whereupon, at that very moment, he was purified from all his karmas and became omniscient.23
B - Mallinåtha
Between the first tirthankara and the nineteenth, Mallinātha, we know the names of certain sādhvis who were disciples of the
22 ... hastiskandhādhirūdhānām utpadyeta na kevalam. TrisalPC 1, 5, 788.
23 Cf. TrisalPC I, 5, 776-798; cf. also JSBSam V, pp. 185-197; PPN, pp. 495; 804. Bāhubali is the object of great veneration, his statue is erected in several Digambara centres, the most beautiful and gigantic being at Śravaņa Belgoļa in Karņāțaka; cf. Jain Journal XV, April 1981, in homage to Bāhubali; cf.also P 219.

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intermediate tirthankaras, but no outstanding fact is related in their regard.
Malli, according to Svetāmbara tradition, was a princess, the daughter of King Kumbha af Mithilä, in the kingdom of Videha.24 Her story reveals her strength of character and her ingenuity. She was of outstanding beauty and the tale goes that six princes of neighbouring kingdoms requested her hand in marriage from her father. Her father, in accordance with her wishes, refused and the six suitors declared war against him. When King Kumbha told Malli that these princes had attacked Mithilā and that he could by no means repel them, she told him not to be anxious and disclosed to him her own plan to vanquish them. He must send an emissary to cach of them with this message: "I give you the hand of the princess of the kingdom of Videha", requesting them also to repair at night to the palace garden. And so it came to pass. Several days later each of the princes entered Mithilă by a different door, none knowing the presence of the others, and was received and given lodgement in a room of the mohanaghara which opened upon the garden.25 Meanwhile, Malli had had erected in the centre of the mohanaghara a superb golden status of her own size and likeness. The head of this statue had an opening carved into it, sealed with a cover and decorated with lotus-flowers. The statue was hollow and through the opening Malli had stuffed it with foodstuffs. The next morning, each of the princes went into ecstacies on perceiving the statue from afar through the trellis-windown of his room. Believing that it was the princess and overcome by the charm and grace of this apparition, they all gazed upon it with lustful eyes. During this time Malli was taking her bath and then, adorned with her jewels and accompanied by her maidservants, she repaired to the lotus-covered statue and removed the lotus-wreathed cover. Immediately a nauseating stench like that of a
24 In the Digambara tradition, the 19th tirtharikara is a man.
25 Cf. Winternitz, 1977, p. 447, n. 3: "A mohanaghara: "a house intended for confusion," namely, a house in which a second house, and in the latter a third house stands, with net-work walls, so that the princes could be led into the house, without knowing of one another, and yet could all see the same figure."

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dead snake spread all around. The princes, much affected by this stench, covered their faces with the fold of their garments and stayed still, faces averted. The real Malli then addressed them: "O beloved of the gods, why do you cover your faces and stay thus still, your faces averted?" They replied that they could not abide the stench.... Malli went on: "Within this golden statue I have placed each day a little quantity of food, from which has resulted this mass of decomposed matter. Thus also is it with this material body whose functions issue in impurities: phlegm, mucus, bile, sperm, blood, pus, urine, faeces, bad breath...By nature this body decomposes..."26 And for their encouragement, she added:
O beloved of the gods, do not seek human beings for your gratification! Be not creatures of passion, ruled by desire, nor let yourselves lose your heads and be overwhelmed by excessive attachment! 27
The princes, convicted by the wisdom of these words, not only renounced Malli but subsequently embraced the way of asceticism. The dikşă of Malli and of her disciples was then celebrated with due pomp, she herself being already so purified that she attained perfect kowledge that very same day.28 She became Mallinātha and instructed all living beings in the dharma. She is the sole woman tirthankara. Her image in the temples is exactly like those of the other tirtharikaras, her sole distinguishing sign being her special emblem, the jar. She does not figure among the most highly venerated
26 Cf. Jñātādharmakathāḥ VIII, pp. 300-303.
27 tam má nam tubbhe devāņuppiya! nāņussaesu kāmabhogesu
rajjaha gijjhaha mujjhaha ajjhovavajjaha. ..Ibid., VIII, p. 303. The above translation is not literal, it expresses the sense of the verse.
28 Ibid., pp. 311-317; cf. also TrisalPC VI, 6, 1-266; and PPN, pp. 554-555.

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tirthankaras, but nevertheless her story is well known and certain sanctuaries are dedicated to her.29
C - Neminátha and Rajimati
The story of Rājimati is linked with that of the twenty-second tirtharikara Aristanemi or Neminātha who, according to tradition, was perhaps the cousin of Lord Krşņa.30
Princess Rājimati, daughter of King Ugrasena of Mathură, was already joyfully making preparations for her marriage to Prince Aristanemi, son of King Samudravijaya of the city of Soriyapura,31 when she learned that her future husband, at the sight of the large number of animals about to be slaughtered for the marriage-feast, had been so filled with compassion at the prospect of such cruelty towards so many living beings and so convinced that this sin would bring him no happiness in the other world that, laying aside his jewels and his princely garb, he chose the way of renunciation.32 The young princess was much agitated and smitten with grief.
29 For example, one of the chief sanctuaries of Girinagara in Saurāșțra; cf. U.P. Shah, 1955, p. 27.
30 Among the numerous disciples of Neminātha, the eight chief spouses of Krşņa are mentioned; cf. Sths 626. The story of Krşņa has, it seems, been taken into the Jaina tradition at a very early date, which fact causes the personages of the story to be regarded as followers of the Jaina dharma: cf. Harivamśapuräna of Jinasena at the end of the VIIIth c. (This Jinasena is not the same as the author of the Adipurāņa; cf. Winternitz, 1977, p. 499.)
31 In the vicinity of Agară; cf. PPN, pp. 869-870.
32 Cf. US XXII, 9-20. At Mt Abū there is to be seen in the temple of Tejpala, sculptured in marble, a scene representing Ariştanemi and a crowd of guests proceeding to the wedding; cf. Agrawala, 1976, fig. 81, p.77.

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Rajimati thought to herself: shame on my life! Since Ariștanemi has forsaken me, it is better that I (100) adopt the ascetic life.33
Thus, though Ariștanemi had chosen that path with joy, a joy in which the throng and even the gods shared, 34 Rājimati must needs choose it in pain. Nevertheless she adopted this state with such conviction that her example was contagious and a great number of her relatives and household followed her lead. Tradition affirms that the sadhvis who became disciples of the one who had speedily attained omniscience and had now become the tirthańkara Neminātha, numbered forty-four thousand, with Ārya Yakşiņi at their head.35 Rājimati, a member of this group, lived the ascetic life with all the fervour and chivalrous spirit of the milieu to which by birth she belonged. The following incident will show her pre-eminent faithfulness, strength and wisdom.
One day, as Rājimati was on her way to the holy mountain of Girinagara, overtaken by a storm, she was drenched with rain and, as night was falling, she entered a cave and removed her garments in order to dry them. Now, within this very cave, was also the muni Rathanemi, brother of Neminātha. Seeing Rājimati nackedness he was in turmoil. Very soon she saw him and, trembling, sat down, covering her body with her two arms. Then the well-known dialogue thus began:
33 Räimai vicimtei dhiratthu mama jiviya
jā ham tanaṁ paricattă seyaṁ pavvaium mama. US XXII, 29.
34 Cf. US XXII, 21-27; as the text indicates, Aristanemi lived at Dväravali, a city associated with the name of Kșşņa, and his dikşå took place at Mount Raivataka or Girinagara.
35 Cf. KS 166.

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Prelude
105
I am Rathanemi, O beauteous one, gracious and charming! Accept me, O thou shapely one! Thou wilt suffer no harm.36
Though she perceived that Rathanemi was overpowered by his senses and had lost all self-control, Rājimati was not shaken. She put on her garments and, faithful to her vows, this daughter of the best of princes saved the honour of her clan, her family and her virtue by addressing Rathanemi, proceeding to tell him that even if he were Kubera, the god of riches, or Indra himself, she wanted none of him, that he should be ashamed and would do better to die rather than revert to that which he had for ever abandoned. 37 After recalling to him their noble ancestry, 38 she went on:
If at sight of a woman these sentiments arise in thee, thou wilt be a wavering ātman fixed nowhere, like hadha, seaweed driven by the wind.39
Just as the cow-herd is not master of the herd, nor the steward of [his lord's] merchandise,so neither wilt thou be master of thy condition of śramana.40
36 Rahanemi ahaṁ bhadde! surúve! cărupehiņi!
manaṁ bhayāhi sutanu! na te pilā bhavissai. US XXII, 37.
37 Cf. US XXII, 41-42.
38 Cf. US XXII, 43.
39 jai tam kāhisi bhāvam jā jā dacchasi nārio
våyaiddho va hadho atthiyappā bhavissasi. US XXII, 44.
40 govālo bhamdapālo vă jahā taddavv'aņisaro
evaṁ anisaro taṁ pi samannassa bhavissasi. US XXII, 45; davva: (dravya), lit. objects, things, property, and hence: the flock, merchandise.

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Having heard the wise words of this [sadhvi], mistress of her person, Rathanemi returned to the dharma just as a [wild] elephant is retrieved by the goad.41
Controlling his mind, his speech and his body, mastering the senses, faithful to his vows, he persevered in the state of Śramana to the end of his life.42
43
After practising severe austerities, they both joined the ranks of the omniscient ones, all their karmas were obliterated, [and] they attained the highest perfection [beyond all telling].43
43
The last verse of this recitation is a eulogy to all who, like Rathanemi "the purusottama, the most excellent of men"44 succeed in the way of self-renunciation. We must add that, without the force of character and pre-eminent qualities of Rājimati, Rathanemi would have perhaps not achieved perfection and it is assuredly she who deserves the title of 'purusottama'.
41 tise so vayaṇaṁ soccā saṁjayãe subhāsiyaṁ
aṁkuseṇa jahā nāgo dhamme sampadivaio. US XXII, 46; dhamme sampadivaio. he stays firm fixed, established in the dharma.
42 managutto vayagutto kāyagutto jiimdio
sāmaṇṇaṁ niccalaṁ phase jävajjivaṁ daḍhavvao. US XXII, 47.
uggaṁ tavaṁ carittäṇam jāyā donni vi kevali
savvaṁ kammam khavettāņaṁ siddhim pattä aṇuttaraṁ. US XXII, 48. Note that US XXII, 42; 43; 45; 46 correspond textually to DS II, 7-10; cf. also TrisalPC VIII, 10, 271-286.
44 Cf. US XXII, 49.

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Chapter 2.
THE GODS NAMED HIM "MAHĀVIRA", THE GREAT HERO
The arhat Pārsva, the Elect, had eight gaṇas and eight ganadharas.1
The arhat Pārsva, the Elect, had a community of surpassing worth, [consisting] of sixteen thousand śramaņas with Äryadatta at their head.
4
The arhat Pārsva, the Elect, had a community of surpassing worth, [consisting] of thirty-eight thousand āryikās with Puspacŭlā at their head.2
In those days, in that same period, Śramaṇa Bhagavān Mahavira had a community of surpassing worth, [consisting] of fourteen thousand śramaņas with Indrabhūti as their head.3
Śramana Bhagavan Mahāvira had a community of surpassing worth, [consisting] of thirty-six thousand ārvikās with Aryā Candană at their head.4
1 Paāsassa ṇaṁ arahao purisādāņiyassa aṭṭhā gana aṭṭhā gaṇahara huttha... KS 156.
2 Pāsassa ṇaṁ arahao purisādāņiyassa Ajjadiņņapāmokkhão solasa samaņasāhassio ukkosiyā samaṇasaṁpaya hotthā. Pasassa ṇam arahao purisādāņiyassa Pupphacŭlāpāmokkhão aṭṭhattisaṁ ajjiyāsāhassio ukkosiyā ajjiyāsaṁpayā hotthā. KS 157.
3 teņam kāleṇam teņam samaeņam samaņassa bhagavao Mahāvirassa Iṁdabhūtipāmukkhão coddasa samaṇasāhassio ukkosiyā samaṇasaṁpayā huttha. KS 133.
samaṇassa bhagavao Mahāvirassa ajjaCaṁdaṇāpāmukkhão chattisaṁ

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In those days, in that (same) period, Šramana Bhagavān Mahävira had nine ganas and eleven ganadharas.
The śramaņas, nirgranthas, of the present time are all (spiritual] sons of the ascetic Arya Sudharman. As to the other ganadharas, (they have left) no (spiritual) posterity; [their line is) extinct.6
...The Sthavira Ārya Sambhūtavijaya of the lineage of the Mātharas had seven spiritual daughters, sisters of Sthūlabhadra, known (by the names): Yaksā, Yakşadattā, Bhūtā, Bhūtadattā, Senā, Venā, Renā.7
The twenty-third tirthankara, Pārśvanātha, is thought to have lived in the VIIIth century B.C.; this is quite possible and his existence is generally recognised as a fact of history. There is no good reason to suppose that he did not have women disciples, but we have no definite
ajjiyāsāhassio ukkosiyā ajjiyāsampayā hottha. KS 134.
tenaṁ kälenaṁ tenaṁ samaeņa samanassa bhagavao Mahāvirassa nava gana, ekkärasa ganaharā hottha. KS 201.
je ime ajjattāe samaņā niggasthā viharaṁti, ete na savve ajjaSuhammassa anagārassa āvaccijjā, avaseså ganahară niravaccă vocchinnä. KS 204; ascetic: anagāra (without a house); cf. P 420 ff.
therassa naň ajjaSambhūivijayassa madharasaguttassa imão satta amtevāsiņio ahāvaccão abhiņņāyão hotthā, tam jahā - Jakkha ya Jakkhadiņņă, Bhūyä taha ceva Bhūyadiņņā ya Seņā Venā Reņā, bhagiņio Thülabhaddassa. KS 208; sthavira denotes an elder, used here as an appellation of respect.
8 Cf. Basham, 1959, p. 290; Deo, 1956, pp. 60-64; Jacobi SBE XLV, pp. xxi-xxii; Renou, 1953a, p.114. The year 817 B.C. has been put forward by some as the year of his birth, though this is confirmed by no historical documents; cf. e.g. Atlas chronological chart.

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information on this point. The role of Pārsvanātha has been somewhat eclipsed by that of Mahāvira, the last tirtharkara, whose existence and spiritual radiation are well attested and whose profound influence has never diminished throughout the centuries and remains alive in the Jaina community to this very day. It is certain that Mahāvira had women disciples among his ascetics and even if, in the Lives preserved by tradition, there is a mixture of legend and history owing to a superabundance of devotion, there is nevertheless no shadow of doubt concerning the authenticity of Arya Candanā, his first woman-disciple, spiritual Mother of all the rest. Mahāvira was certainly in advance of his times in welcoming women disciples without discrimination and from the very beginning of his mission as a tirthankara. Not only were remarkable sādhvis to be found at the side oi Candana, but tradition mentions sravikäs also as following with zeal the way of the dharma. Thus, at an epoch going back to the end of the Vlth century B.C., one is witnessing the beginnings of a family of women ascetics following from the start the same spirituality and the same doctrine as the men ascetics. Their rule of life was probably established gradually and was fundamentally the same as that of the men, although certain ideas involving discrimination against women were, in accordance with the contemporary outlook, introduced into it by the ācāryas who drafted these rules without themselves possessing the perfect wisdom of Mahāvira. 10
We now give a brief synopsis of a very long period of time extending from the Villth century B.C. to the beginning of our era, a period in which our source of knowledge is chiefly oral tradition transmitted in the course of centuries, then reiterated in the Scriptures and repeated in the commentaries of successive ages. What interests us is less the historical exactitude of these happenings than the living expression of a faith, the constant concern to be faithful to an ideal which is at one and the same time both simple and demanding. At the end of this period dissensions were beginning to presage the rupture between two groups holding differing views on certain doctrinal
9 Cf. Deo, 1956, p. 502.
10 A discrimination which was accentuated, as we shall see, by the Digambaras, and that on account of certain doctrinal principles that in all probability were not inherited from Mahāvira.

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matters. However, one may say that up to the Christian era the whole of the tradition was common to the two groups and, most importantly, Mahāvira has always been, and indeed in a very real way continues to be, for men and women alike, the Great Hero. He it is who continues 10 inspire both the Digambara äryikās and the Svetāmbara sādhvis of our own day, even if there have been differences of interpretation in regard to his life.
A - Pärsvanātha and Puşpacũla
Pāśvanātha, the twenty-third tirtharkara has always, it seems, been extremely popular. Numerous images of him are to be found over the length and breadth of the country and numerous temples are dedicated to him.11 He is very easily recognisable, for instead of having, like the other tirtharikaras, his own distinctive sign at the base of the statue, his emblem is in the forn of seven cobra-heads12 together forming a protective hood over his head. As his special colour is blue, the images or Pārsvanātha are quite frequently black.
As prince of Vārānasi, son of King Aśvasena and Queen Vāmādevi, he led a family life for thirty years, already possessing deep understanding; then he renounced and distributed all his goods, and left the palace accompanied by a throng of men, gods and demons. In the park called Aśramapada he stripped himself of h finery and became an anagăra, one without a house, in the company of three hundred associates. 13 After eighty-three days of rigorous austerities and of mental concentration such as leads to perfect knowledge, in a state of detachment from the body and having endured with patience and forbearance all sorts of adversities, he
11 Cf., as examples, U.P. Shah, 1955, figs. 3; 38; 52; 79; 83; U.P.Shah and Dhaky, 1975, index, under Pārsvanātha.
12 To distinguish him clearly from Supărávanātha who is often depicted with a hood of 5 cobra-heads.
13 Cf. KS 149-153.

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attained omniscience.14 Then, followed by numerous disciples, both men and women, he started his life as a tirthankara which lasted nearly seventy years. At the moment of his final Liberation he was one hundred years old and the greater part of the duḥşamā-suşamā period of the phase avasarpiņi had run its course. 15 In the Kalpa-sūtra he is called the Elect. 16
As for Puspacūlă "at the head of a community of thirty-eight thousand āryikās", in the absence of any noteworthy facts one scarcely knows anything about her other than her name. The names of other äryikās are mentioned in passing. One observes that they belonged to the North, many of them to Hastinapura (or Ņāgapura) or to the East, and that they all came from rich merchant families of the middle class, with the exception of Queen Āyavā.17 These names testify both to the fertile imagination of the commentators who created the legends concerning these āryikās and also to their concern to associate women disciples with Pārsvanātha. 18 There is another striking feature to be noticed: having reached the end of their life of asceticism, cach of these āryikās went to the domain of the gods before being re-born in the human state; none was libcratcd.
14 Ibid., 154-155.
15 Ibid., 156-159.
16 Purisadaniya, cf. Jacobi, SBE XXII, p.271, n.1 "who is to be chosen among men because of his preferable karman", which he translates as "the people's favorite", Lalvani KS by "the celebrated" and PPN, p.453 by "worthy is lie worshipped and fo!lowed". There exist numerous histories of Pārsvanātha: the Pårśvābhyudaya, of Jina Sena (IXth c.); several Parávanáthacaritras, among them that of Bhăvadeva Suri (XIIIth c.); cf. JSK III, p. 56; Winternitz, 1977, pp. 512-516.
17 Cf. PPN, p. 86.
18 At Vārāṇasi there is mention of Kanharāi and Ghaņā; at Hastinapura of Amjū, Aparãiyā, Kamalaprabhā, Namitā, Paumā, Puņņā, Bahuputrikā, Bahurūpā, Bhāriyā; at Rājagțha of Bhūtā - this to quote just a few names; cf. PPN, pp. 154; 240; 9 (3); 48 (11); 159; 311 (1); 418 (6); 466 (2); 503 (5); 504 (1); 527, 533; (1).

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The important and interesting features of the teaching of Pārsvanātha are reported to us in a long dialogue, which purports to have taken place at the time of Mahāyira between Sramaņa Kesikumăra, of the spiritual line of Pārsvanātha, and Bhagavān Gautama, a disciple of Mahăvira. Even if this dialogue never actually took place, its contents witness to the existence, if not of two divergent tendencies, at least perhaps of different interpretations with regard to the practical outworking of the doctrine. This dialogue, handed down by oral tradition, is supposed to belong to a period well before the separation between Digambara and Svetāmbaras took place. Kesi and Gautama were already spiritual masters of a considerable degree of perfection. Their respective disciples had expressed certain doubts over apparent differences between the two groups. 19 Gautama decided to go and meet Kesi.20 The latter drew the attention of his august visitor to the fact that, although the dharma was directed towards one single goal, yet there existed differences in regard to the practical implications of the doctrine, the first being as follows:
The great Muni Pārśva taught the dharma of the four disciplines, while Vardhamāna taught that of the five precepts.21
19 Cf. US XXIII, 1-14.
20 Cf. US XXIII, 15-22.
21 câujjāmo ya jo dhammo jo imo pamcasikkhio
desio Vaddhamāņeņa Pāseņa ya mahāmuņi. US XXIII, 23. The four disciplines, which together constitute self-control, are, according to the usual interpretation, the four great vows: renunciation of harmful activities, 'renunciation ofall forms of falsehood, renunciation of any appropriation to oneself of 'that which is not given, and renunciation of all forins of possession (cf. Sths 266). At the times of the first tirthankara and also of the last there was added to the four great vows a fifth which at other times was deemed to be included in the fourth vow, viz. renunciation of all forms of lust. Thus in one era reference is made to the "five precepts" and at another to the "four disciplines" (cf. Acārya Atmārāma US comm., pp. 10041030). Jaini, in agreement with P.K. Modi (Pasaņāhacariu), Introd. pp. 4653) expresses doubt over the meaning assigned to caturyāma-dharma, the four disciplines: "...Modi has suggested that căturyāma did not imply four

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Why this difference? Gautama explained:
The munis of the first tirthankara [were] simple and slow to understand, those of the last, devious and slow to understand; those between the first and the last, simple and intellingent; that is why there are two sorts of dharma.22
In accordance with this point of view, the disciples of the last tirthankara were in duty bound to perform the daily rite of pratikramaṇa, or repentance, even if they had committed no fault- this on account of their innate weakness while the disciples of the intermediate tirthankaras were only required to repent when they had committed an offense.23
The second difference was connected with nudity:
Vardhamana taught the dharma of nudity, while the great Muni Parsva taught that of the wearing of clothes.24
vows at all, but rather the modalities (mind, body, speech, and the senses) through which evil could be expressed. Thus, he concludes, both Parsva and Mahavira practised and taught the same, single, all-encompassing sāmāyika restraint, while the five vows that Mahavira set forth are no more than a specification of the main areas of conduct to which this restraint applied." P.S. Jaini, 1979, p. 18; cf. also pp. 15-21, where this interesting interpretation is further developed.
22 purima ujjujaḍā u vamkajaḍā ya pacchimā
majjhimā ajjupannā u teņa dhammo duha kao. US XXIII, 26.
The degree of knowledge and wisdom of the two contrasted groups ("the first ones, the last ones and those in the middle", the text puts it) depends on the period of the cycle of time to which they belonged. The obligation of taking the fifth vow would have been necessary for temperaments as feeble as those of the men in Mahavira's day.
23 Cf. Jñānamati, 1976, p.44.
24 acelago ya jo dhammo jo imo samtaruttaro
desio Vaddhamāņeṇa Pāseņa ya mahāmuņi! US XXIII, 29.
On this subject cf. P 139 and, for its implications as regards the Liberation of women among the Digambaras, P 640 ff.

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Why this difference? Gautama explained that Pārsva and Mahāvira had been guided by the lofty wisdom that they possessed,25 and that the linga, or external mark that classed them as ascetics, was on account of their position in society where they were recognised as such by means of certain signs.26 He hastened to add that the two tirtharkaras were, without any doubt at all, in agreement as to the essential:
In reality, the assertion (of both the tirthankaras) is that the true means (for attaining) moksa is: [right] knowledge, (right) belief, and [right] conduct.27
Furthermore, we know that the parents of Mahāvira followed the teaching of Pārśva. 28
The mention in Scripture of disciples of Pārsvanātha and the spiritual association with him of the family of Mahāvira gives credence to the suggestion that in all probability Pārsvanātha was the founder of the Jaina dharma, which may have been in existence before him in an as yet ill-defined form. Mahavira, thanks to his personal greatness, gave it a fresh impetus by instituting a rigorous asceticism, bequeathing to the ascetics rules of life based on the fundamental ideas of the doctrine, especially those concerning renunciation of all harmful'activity and of all forms of possession.
25 Cf. US XXIII, 31.
26 paccayatthar ca logassa nāņāviha vigappanam
jattattham gahanattham ca loe limgappaoyanam. US XXIII, 32.
27 aha bhave painnā u mokkhasabbhūyasāhaņā
näņam ca daṁsanaṁ ceva carittam ceva nicchae. US XXIII, 33; cf. ratnatraya, P 269 ff.
28 Cf. AS II, 15, 16.

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B - Mahavira and Candană
From the time of his conception, the future prince was such a fountain-head of blessings, abundance and prosperity that his parents, King Siddharta and Queen Triśală, called him Vardhamana, "the evergrowing one."29 In the royal palace of Kuṇḍagrama, on the outskirts of Vaisali in the Kingdom of Videha, about the beginning of the second half of the VIth century B.C., there reigned an atmosphere of intense joy as everyone awaited with joyful anticipation a unique event, namely, the birth of a being who was going to be a light for his people. Queen Triśalā had fourteen dreams which the soothsayers had interpreted as extremely propitious signs, announcing the coming of an arhat, a jina, a universal sovereign destined to bring to humankind the new inspiration of an excellent dharma.30
At the moment of this birth, which took place on the thirteenth day of the moon-lit half of the month caitra (March-April), the whole world was rapt in admiration, joy and wonder, men, the gods and the whole cosmos participating in this extraordinary event. King Siddharta set prisoners at liberty, he ordered the entire city to be decorated and musicians, troubadours, acrobats, dancers and athletes
29 Cf. KS 85-86; 103. At the moment of his conception, the period duḥṣama-suṣamā was drawing to a close.
30 Cf. KS 33-78. The fourteen dreams (which the mothers of the other tirthankaras dreamt also) are explained in the KS (34-37) in a highly poetic fashion. These signs of Good Fortune are as follows: an elephant, a bull, a lion, the anointing of the goddess Śri (Lakṣmi) by two celestial elephants, a garland, the moon, the sun, a banner, an urn, a lotus-covered lake, the sea, a celestial chariot (the vehicle of the gods), a head of precious stones, a smokeless fire. The Digambaras hold that sixteen signs appeared in dreams: an elephant, a bull, a lion, a pair of garlands, the goddess Śri, the full moon, the sun, a pair of vases filled with lotus flowers, a pair of fish, a lake, the sea, a throne, a celestial chariot, the palace of the serpent-king, a heap of precious stones, a smokeless fire; cf. JSK IV, p 505 (Mahāpurāṇa XII, 155-161). These dreams, which probably made their appearance in the tradition at a very ancient date, belong to the general religious tradition of India. Very popular among the Jainas, they are represented as miniatures in iconography and in sculpture carved either in wood or stone; cf. U.P. Shah, 1955, ch. 7.

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to assemble. The festivities lasted for ten days, while the purificatory rites that follow binh were being performed.31
Because of his exceptional qualities of courage, perseverance and endurance, as well as of self-control and serenity of spirit the gods named him Mahāvira, "the Great Hero". 32 At first he led the life of a prince. He married Princess Yasodā and they had born to them a daughter named Priyadarśanā.33 As soon as his parents had left this world, Mahāvira made clear his desire to follow his inclination for the ascetic life; indeed, while still in his mother's womb, endowed already with penetrating intuition and foreknowledge of his future mission, he had decided, to avoid grieving his parents, to await the end of their lives before leaving the palace and renouncing all.34 He was even now, however, dissuaded from departing immediately and promised to stay two more years in the palace, where he proceeded to live the life of a prince-ascetic.35 In his thirtieth year his final renunciation took place, amidst a rejoicing on the part of both men and gods that was even more f:rvent than that at his birth.36
Thas brief summary gives us a glimpse of the marvel-filled story of Mahavira, set in the midst of the fabulous wealth, abundance, pageantry and refinement of the princedoms of that day and age. The Kalpa-sūtra, of relatively recent date, conveys to us the extraordinary fervent devotion underlying the whole text. This outpouring of devotion springs from a boundless admiration for Mahāvira, Hero of extraordinarily spiritual power and superhuman courage, a luminous
31 Cf. KS 93-103.
32 Cf. KS 104.
33 Cf. KS 107-108; according to the Digambara tradition, he remained celibate.
34 Cf. KS 91.
35 Cf. Nathamala Ayāro, tippaņa, pp. 343-344.
36 Cf. KS 110-113.

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personality whose impact upon his contemporaries was profound and has been transmitted to subsequent generations. This lively and impassioned devotion is enshrined in this sūtra which is more venerated, recited and invested with lustre than any other.37
There is a striking contrast between the exuberance, profusion of riches and abundance of legendary descriptions in the Kalpa-sutra and the austerely sober tone of the most ancient text, the Acārānga-sūtra I, which is certainly stamped with the mark of authenticity. Here an ardent underlying devotion is no less detectable, but it is much more discreet, realistic, real. Mahāvira, as described to us, is also the great ascetic, the inspirer of a great and servent movement, of a both original and durable character.38
This, in short, is what the Acărănga conveys to us: Mahävira was an ascetic, recluse, solitary, a pilgrim travelling towards the goal of supreme Realisation, little known, one who under maltreatment and insults stayed calm, hurnble, unshaken, full of patience and endurance, his attention directed towards the essential, namely self-mastery, respect for all beings, radical dispossession of the self and mental concentration as means towards Realisation of the atman.
For thirteen months he wore the same garment, then cast it away and stayed naked.39 He lived in silence and concentration in spite of far from favourable surroundings, jesting and scossing, the presence of
37 To fill out this brief summary it is necessary to read the whole text; cf. the edition of Präkrit Bhārāti, 1977, which contains a selection of coloured reproductions of original miniatures of the XVIth c. The stories of the lives of the most celebrated tirtharkaras: Adinātha, Neminātha, and Pārsvanatha, are close copies of the story of Mahāvira's life.
38 We may note that AS II, a later text, gives a description of the perio preceding the renunciation very similar to that of the KS. The KS also describes Mahāvira the ascetic, but in a style less restrained than that of the AS I. Cf. Dixit, 1978, pp. 11-12: "no super-humanization of the biography of Mahāvira."
39 Cf. AS I, 8, 1, 3.

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women, places of amusement. Among the crowd were to be found musicians, storytellers, actors, wrestlers...he went his way, replying to no questions and greeting no one. He was beaten with a stick, but remained at peace.40 In full awareness of the life which animates the earth, water, fire, the wind and the plants, he was careful never to damage them on his way.41 His wisdom revealed to him the working of karman that is the cause of the suffering of all beings; he renounced sin, particularly as regards that which concerns food, accepting pure food prepared for the family where he was seeking alms, but refusing food if prepared specially for himself. He was temperate in all things, indifferent to food and drink.42
How and where did he dwell during the more than twelve years of inner journeying towards perfect knowledge? The answer is simple: he contented himself with whatever he found on the road and stayed there in a state of recollection:
Sometimes he dwelt in workshops, sometimes in meeting-halls, in wells, shops, factories or on a heap of straw.43
He lodged sometimes in shelters for travellers, in a garden shed, in a village, and sometimes in a town, in a place set aside for cremations or in an abandoned house, sometimes also under a tree;44 the Muni Śramaņa dwelt in these places of refuge for
40 Ibid., 4-9.
41 Ibid., 11-12; 20.
42 Ibid., 14-19.
43 avesana-sabhä-pavāsu, paniyasälāsu egada vaso
aduvā paliyattānesu, palálapumjesu egadā vaso. AS I, 8, 2, 2.
44 ăgamtāre ärāmāgāre, gāme nagarevi egadā vaso
susane sunnagare vă, rukkhamule vi agada vaso. ASI, 8, 2, 3.

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thirteen years, master of himself, vigilant, his mind absorbed both night and day in an intense concentration.45
In the course of his lengthy journeyings he came to the country of Lādha46 where he had to suffer, not only on account of the climate, wounds caused by sharp grasses and insects of all kinds, but also on account of the hostility of the inhabitants who set their dogs upon him, refused him hospitality, struck him and treated him harshly. Notwithstanding, he, hero of the great inner struggle, remained in serenity,47 and pursued his path, absorbed in dhyāna, mental concentration.48 After long years the daily struggle issued in final victory; he became a jina, a victorious one.
The Acārārga-sūtra I passes over in silence the following period, that of the kevalin and tirthankara. The Kalpa-sūtra recounts briefly certain facts: Mahāvira attained kevala-jñāna, perfect knowledge, during vaisakha (April-May), the second month of summer in the thirteenth year of his ascetic lise.49 His life as a kevalin lasted thirty years, in the course of which he taught the dharma to his disciples, both men and women ascetics, and to numbers of others who, while staying in the world, followed his admonitions. Mention is made of sundry places where he is reputed to have passed the rainy season each year.50 At length, during the fifteenth night of the dark half of the month of kårttika (October-November), while sojourning in Pāpā,
45 etehim muņi sayaņehim, samane asi paterasa väse
rais divas pi jayamāņe, appamatte samāhie jhāti. ASI, 8, 2, 4.
46 A district in the western part of undivided Bangāla.
47 CF. AS 1, 8, 3.
48
Cf AS I, 8, 4, 14-15.
49 Cf. KS 120; AS II, 15, 25-29.
50 Cf. KS 122; PPN, pp. 580-582 for the names of all the places he may have visited.

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the Great Hero, totally liberated, left this earth for eternal nirvāṇa, just as his chief disciple, Indrabhuti, attained perfect knowledge.51 That self-same dark night eighteen princes who were observing a fast placed lamps at their doors, symbolising through these lights that were clearly visible the invisible interior light of the one whose knowledge had enlightened them for so many years.52
Since that time Mahāvira has inspired in thousands of hearts an ardent devotion, which has expressed itself in architecture, sculpture, iconography and an abundant literature in Prākrit, Sanskrit and local languages, 53 a devotion which is directed towards imitation of this Hero, in his virtues, his struggles and his final victory, and towards following the path that he taught.
When Mahāvira the kevalin started to tour the towns and villages to teach the way of Liberation, many, attracted by his example and his teaching, left all in order to follow him. Even if the number of disciples given by the Kalpa-sūtra is exaggerated, we may take note of
the fact that the number of aryikās thirty thousand, is higher than that \ of the śramaņas, fourteen thousand. 54 It is a matter of common
51 Cf. KS 123; 126. Pāpā or Pāvāpuri is in Pațaliputra District. Mahāvira is said to have lived to the age of 72 and opinion is divided as to the date of his nirväņa; Jaina tradition gives 527 B.C. and this date is accepted by Agrawala, 1976, p. 9; cf. also JSK I, pp. 324-325. Basham, 1959, p. 290 and Atlas chronological chart give 466 B.C. Winternitz, 1977, pp. 614-615, after studying the different hypotheses, concludes: "I should prefer to say that the real date of Mahāvira's Nirvāṇa is still unknown."
$2 SkrS I, 6, 22; cf. I, 6 in toto for praise to Mahāvira. The anniversary of Mahavira's nirvāņa at the new moon of kárttika is celebrated the same day as dipavali, the Hindu Festival of Light.
53 The celebration of the 2,500th anniversary of Mahavira's nirvāṇa in 19741975 has given a fresh impetus to the Jaina community and has resulted in
the undertaking of translations and critical editions of the Agamas and other V texts, seminars and the foundation of research institutes.
54 Cf. KS 133-134.

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knowledge that in the majority of monastic traditions the number of women exceeds that of men. On account of certain social factors in the period under discussion, we know that, at any rate in the circles of kings, princes and knights, the men took several wives. When a prince embraced the ascetic life, his wives had scarcely any alternative other than to follow him upon this path. This by no means implies that, having taken upon themselves this condition, they then became mediocre ascetics; the example of Răjimati in this respect is most striking. It would likewise be an error to suppose that women only took up the ascetic life under the pressure of events or of their family and social situation, while men alone were capable of opting freely for this way of life. Tradition, which has transmitted to us a number of lives of the sadhvis of Mahavira's day, refutes this false and hasty judgement. The touching story of Candana, and that of several others, throw light on this point. There is, no doubt, a legendary element in these lives, but it is true none the less that the monks who composed these biographies did not fabricate the lot; they based their narratives on a real truth, namely, that womankind has throughout time been receptive to spiritual values, capable of a radical form of renunciation and of pursuing an ideal with great strength of character. A number of sadhvis whom we meet in the Lives, belonged to princely families and several may well have been relatives, close or distant, of Mahāvira. This, in the context of the age, is not contrary to likelihood, even if, from the historical point of view, it is impossible always to identify these princely families.55
55 Cf. Deo, 1956, pp.

70-72.

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The Story of Candanā
In the lively, prosperous market-town of Campă in the kingdom of Anga (in the East) there came to birth the princess Vasumati, daughter of King Dadhivāhana and Queen Dhāriņi. Dadhivāhana was a just and kindly ruler, having the well-being of his subjects much at heart. Dhāriņi combined exceptional strength of character with great openness of spirit. These characteristics were inherited by Vasumati from her parents; she grew up in a cultured atmosphere and in fidelity to the dharma and was instructed in all the arts appropriate to her condition of life. Dhāriņi, impelled by an intuition which was later amply vindicated and by her own observation of her daughter's disposition, directed her education, not towards marriage and the easy and sumptuous life of the palace, but towards a mission to be fulfilled among the women of her day. Vasumati readily allowed herself to be oriented in this direction, eagerly absorbing its deepest levels, and told her father without hesitation, when there came up the question of marriage, that she desired to remain a virgin and to consecrate herself to the spiritual and intellectual uplift of her feminine contemporaries, suppressed as they were by the men of her day. A short while after this, she had a dream in which she saw the beautiful city of Campā put to fire and sword, but saved by herself, Vasumati. Events confirmed her dream, for soon this first carefree stage of her palace life was abruptly terminated.
King Śatānika of Kaušāmbi, capital city of a neighbouring kingdom, decided to attack and annex Campā. Kind Dadhivāhana possessed only a small army, for he lived on good terms with the other princes and loved peace. He refused to defend himself by force, because of the violence that would entail, knowing also that in any case he would be vanquished. He chose rather to hand over his kingdom to Satānika and then withdraw into the jungle. His ministers, however, proud kșatriyas as they were, disapproved of his departure and decided to fight against Satānika, upon which a bloody battle ensued in which Campā was pillaged and annexed by enemy forces. Dhāriņi and Vasumati were carried off by one of Satānika's soldiers, a charioteer, and there, in the jungle, Dhāriņi, having fortified Vasumati in unshakeable faith in the dharma, chose to end her life rather than yield to the advances of her abductor. Vasumati, finding herself

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alone, had decided to follow her mother's example; but the charioteer, stirred inwardly and impressed by the virtuous behaviour of Dhāriņi, became filled with confusion and remorse, asked Vasumati for pardon, adopted her as his daughter and took her to his own home. His wife, annoyed by the presence of this charming girl, first maltreated and put her to scom, and then ordered her husband to go and sell her for a goodly sum on the market-place as a slave. The latter refused, but Vasumati begged him to comply with his wife's demand. In the market-square at Kaušāmbi so fair and noble-looking a slave had never before been seen. A rich courtesan offered to buy her, but Vasumati, knowing well the type of life that awaited her, flatly refused, whereupon the courtesan, seeing that she was bidding fair to lose a source of revenue, wanted to drag her away by force. The charioteer, greatly distressed and unable to endure this scene, drew his sword. Vasumati begged him to replace it in its scabbard, for "the dharma will take care of the dharma". Just as the courtesan was inflaming the street-idlers in her own favour, a troop of monkeys, bursting into the crowd, attacked the courtesan. For fear of the monkeys no-one dared go to her defence, but Vasumati took pity upon her and ordered the monkeys to flee, which they instantly did. The heart of the courtesan was changed and her life transformed. Calling down blessings on Vasumati's head, she departed.
Next, a wealthy merchant, Dhanavaha, a man of integrity and devotion, deeply impressed by the virtue of Vasumati and confident that her presence in his house would be an inestimable benefit, offered the price required. Vasumati was willing to follow him, for he was a fervent śrăvaka. In Dhanāvaha's eyes Vasumati was an adopted daughter rather than a servant, and he named her Candanā, for like candana, sandalwood, she diffused a good fragrance and an atmosphere of peace around her. The wife of Dhanāvaha, Mülā, was hostile towards Candană from the moment of her arrival, though affecting at the first a certain benevolence. Then one day, harbouring unjustified suspicions towards Candană, she devised a plan to get rid of her. Taking advantage of her husband's several days absence, she gave her servants leave, cut Candanā's hair, clothed her in rags and tatters, put hand-cuffs on her hands and chains on her feet and shut her up in a dark cellar. Then she departed to her native village, keys in hand and hoping that Candanā would succumb to this harsh treatment. Candană remained a prisoner for three days; she went on reciting the

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namaskāra-mantra and ignored her sufferings. On the fourth day, Dhanāvaha, finding the house closed, sent someone in search of the keys. When he opened the door of the dungeon and saw Candana's state, he sobbed aloud. She forthwith consoled him. So enfeebled was she that she asked for food. Now, the only food in the house was a dish of left-over black beans, kept for the horses. Dhanăvaha gave them to her and departed at speed to find the blacksmith in order to sever the chains. Before starting to eat, the thought came to Candanā that perchance a śramaņa might arrive at that hour to beg for food and she proceeded to wait. Now in those days Šramana Mahävira had been fasting already for more than five months and he had specified an abhigraha,56 namely, that he would only break his fast when a virgin princess, weeping and in chains, should offer him black boiled beans. On his way through Kauśāmbi he arrived as far as the house of Dhanăvaha. He approached Candanā, but then retraced his steps, for one condition remained unfulfilled; the princess was not in tears. Candanā was so distressed at the sight of Mahāvira departing that her eyes at once filled with tears. At that same moment Mahāvira looked back and, seeing Candană weeping held out his hands and accepted her offering. 57
The great news spread through Kaušāmbi: Śramana Mahāvira has broken his fast and the one who offered him alms is Princess Vasumati of Campā who had been sold in the market as a slave! King Śatānika and Queen Mrgāvati, struck with amazement, arrived at Dhanăvaha's house to find Candanã and take her to the palace, but Candanā refused. She recounted the terrible consequences of the sack of Campă, for her mother, herself and so many inhabitants. With firmness and clarity and in words imbued with the quiet dignity of her noble birth and faith in the dharna, she laid before the king his course of duty. She gave him the just and wise counsel the situation demanded, while, as regards all the suffering she herself had endured
56 Abhigraha: the acceptance of nourishment under certain conditions, a form of pratyākhyāna; cf. P 714
57 This oft depicted scene is sometimes found among the frescoes inside temples.

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and the injustice of which she had been the victim, she serenely observed that it was due to her past karmas and expressed no rancour towards any single person. Satānika was uiterly changed. He recognised his errors, humbled himself and begged for pardon. Candană agreed to go to the palace and stay there awile. Satānika implored King Dadhivāhana to leave the jungle and to govern both kingdoms. Next there was talk of finding a prince worthy of the hand of Candană, but she, firm in her resolve and convinced of her vocation, requested Mahāvira, who was now a kevalin, to give her diksā. He consented and Candanā became the first sādhvi disciple of the great tirthankara, and the pravartini, the spiritual Mother, of all the other sādhvis.58
Later on Queen Mşgāvati, now a widow, was also obliged to struggle to preserve her chastity and avoid being carried off by King Pradyota of Ujjayini. Having entrusted Kaušāmbi to her young son, she received dikṣā and placed herself under the direction of Candană. Concerning Candanā and Mrgāvati this marvellous story is told: Mahāvira and his groups of munis and sådhvis were once in Kaušāmbi. Mļgāvati requested permission from Candanā to go to Mahāvira to have his darśana. The tirthankara drew to himself not only human beings, but also gods and goddesses, among them surya, the sun, and candra, the moon, whose lights thus illumined the whole assembly. Thus Mrgāvati paid no heed to the time and, when she regained the upāśraya of the sadhvis,59 night had already fallen. Candanā reprimanded her, for sādhvis are not permitted to stir abroad after nightfall.60 Mrgåvati acknowledged hei fault and, whereas the
58 Apud JSBSam V, pp. 197-246 (Avaśyaka-niryukti Haribhadra 520-521); TrisalPC X, 4,516-600; 5, 161-185; cf. also PPN, pp. 246-247.
59 Upāśraya, cf. P 440 ff.
60 The chief reason for this prohibition is that they might, on account of the dark, cause harm to living beings. In the biography of Mahāsati Pannadevi, of our own time, it is recounted how one day, having been unable to reach any village before dusk, the group of sādhvis spent the night in the jungle; cf. P620 ff.

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other sadhvis were already asleep, she stayed seated, absorbed deeply in a penitence of such intensity and sincerity that all her karmas that till then were beclouding right knowledge were instantly destroyed and she at once attained the state of perfect knowledge. A short while after this she perceived, due to this knowledge, for the room was dark, a black snake approaching the hand of Candana; she at once brushed it aside, but in so doing touched lightly Candanā's hand, whereupon she awoke. When Mṛgavati explained to her what had happened, Candanā was astonished: how had she been able to see the snake in the darkness? Mrgavati replied that now, thanks to her, she had reached full and comprehensive knowledge. Candană, in her turn, recognised her error, and, repenting with deep sincerity herself attained perfect knowledge.61
126
It is said that numerous sädhvis, guided by Candană, went into the villages and taught to all the way of Liberation. Their influence was so beneficial that, on hearing them, certain ones took vows and became śrāvakas, while others asked to receive dikṣā. Out of thirtysix thousand sådhvis, one thousand four hundred attained perfect knowledge and Liberation.62This proves that very fervent sadhvis were to be found in the entourage of Mahavira and that, if the attainment of perfect knowledge was restricted to a small number, it was by no means the question of sex that was involved but of personal and authentic spiritual worth.
Other queens too embraced the path of asceticism and among them mention may be made of the three sisters of Mṛgāvati: Śivā, Prabhavati, Padmavati. Each of these, after differing personal histories, received dikṣā with the permission of her husband, while he
61 Apud JSB Sam V, pp. 303-312 (Avaśyaka niryukti Haribhadra 1048; Daśavaikālika-niryukti Haribhadra I, 76); cf. also PPN, pp. 601-602; TrisalPC X, 4, 471-515; 8, 157-234.
62
Apud JSBSam V, pp. 246-248.

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in each case remained in the world.63 Sometimes, on the other hand, the queen drew the king also into the ascetic life. Kamalāvati, the wife of King Işukāra of Işukārapura in the vicinity of Kuru (in the North) won fame through the vigorous speech she addressed to her spouse. At the court of King Işukāra there lived a brāhmaṇa of the name of Brgu; he was a priest and had a wife called Yaśā. They were sorrowful because they had no children. One day, two gods visited them and announced that they would have two sons who would become monks during their youth. The parents made every possible endeavour to prevent their children seeing or hearing a muni, but in vain; when the moment came, they renounced the world. Bļgu, disconsolate, decided to follow their footsteps. Yaśā did her best to detain him, but as he would not allow his mind to be changed, she in her turn determined to follow her sons. As they had no other progeny, their possessions reverted to the king. When Queen Kamalāvati heard of this, she went to find the king and explained to him that all this wealth he was amassing was merely transitory. Of what use to him would these perishable treasures be one day, when he departed this life? Of no use whatsoever, for the dharma alone could save him.64 And she continued:
Just as a bird in a cage is not happy, (so I too have no joy). Breaking loose from the bonds of family [affection), poor and simple, without attachment, without possessions, free of hatred, I go to follow the dharma of the munis...65
63 Ibid., pp. 346-349; 365-366; 366-375; (Avaśyaka-niryukti Haribhadra 1284; 1311); cf. also PPN, pp. 795; 436; 420. According to tradition, they were nieces of Queen Trišalā, mother of Mahavira, and thus his cousins.
64 Cf. US XIV 1-40.
65 näham rame pakkhiņi pamjare vă samtāṇachină carisami monań
akiscanå ujjukada nirāmisā pariggaharambhaniyattadosā. US XIV 41; hatred: äraíbha or himsā.

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Those who have experienced and then rejected a life of pleasure go their way, light as the wind and joyous as the birds; they go and they come, as seems to them good...66
As the elephant who, having broken his fetters, sets forth towards his home (the forest), so, O great king Işukāra, [let us set forth towards our abode (nirvāņa); this (alone is) salutary. This I learned (from the sages]!67
Then, with clarity and conviction, she recounted to him the steps that must be followed to reach this abode: he must renounce his kingship and all pleasures, attain a perfect knowledge of the dharma, practise severe asceticism and, through self-mastery, win the title of "valiant one"! Thus, having renounced all things, the king, the queen, the priest, his wife and their sons were liberated. 68
It may be added that there were also notoworthy śrăvikās, among them Sulasā, wife of a charioteer of Rājagļha in the kingdom of Magadha. Mahāvira praises her perseverance in the path leading to perfection.69
C - After the Master's nirvāņa
At this point more particularly we enter the reals of conjecture. However, the main noteworthy facts of the period following the nirvāņa of Mahāvira up to the first Council of Påtaliputra in the third century, which with a few variants are common to both traditions,
66 bhoga bhoccā vamittā ya lahubhūyavihāriņo
āmoyamāṇā gaccharti diyā kamakamā iva. US XIV, 44.
67 nāgo vva baṁdhanam chettă appaņo vasahiṁ vae
eyaṁ patthaṁ mahārāyaṁ! Usuyārai tti me suyam. US XIV, 48.
68 Cf. US XIV, 49-53.
69 Cf. TrisalPC X, 6, 50-93; 9, 262-311; cf. also JSB Sam V, pp. 313-320; KS 136; PPN, p.838.

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were relayed to following generations with a certain consistency.
They correspond fairly closely to the historical possibilities of their time according to the few documents, often belonging to later periods, which have come to light up till this present. After the Council of Pāțaliputra a certain schism was already, it seems, in existence between the groups of monks of the North and those of the South.70
Here, drawing from the Kalpa-sūtra and from tradition we give an outline of the sequence of events after the nirvāna of Mahāvira till the end of the era before Christ, events which are linked to certain striking personalities among the spiritual descendants of the first disciples.
In the first stage the ganadharas feature prominently, that is, munis at the head of a gana, a big group of ascetics. Mahăvira seems to have grouped his disciples into nine gaņas under the tutelage of eleven ganadharas, who were under the direct instruction of their Master.71 It was they, probably, who gave the embryonic sarngha a certain degree of organization. The ganadharas were all kevalins. After the death of Mahāvira two only of their number were still alive: Ārya Indrabhūti and Arya Sudharman.72 The immediate disciple of Ārya Sudharman,
70. All works dealing with the general history of Jainism give an account of this period., cf. (to give just a few references) Chakravarti, 1974, pp. 8-14; Deo, 1956, pp. 84-99; JSK I, pp. 335 ff.; Renou, 1953b, $$ 2441-2442; Schubring, 1962, $8 22-23. Since the definitive schism and its important consequences took place, according to practically unanimous opinion, towards the beginning of the Christian era, the related facts will be introduced in the beginning of the next chapter.
71 Cf. KS 201
72 Cf. KS 203. According to Digambara tradition, a kevalin does not preach, so that all the teaching of the gaṇadharas would have been communicated before they attained perfect knowledge. As for the tirthankara, his teaching was imparted by means of a divyadhvani, a sort of divine sound understandable to the gañadharas alone. The Śvetămbaras, on the other hand, believe that Mahāvira spoke the local language understandable to all the living beings who listened to him; cf. P.S. Jaini, 1979, pp. 42-43.

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Arya Jambū,73 was the last kevalin.74 With him, an important stage in the history of the dharma comes to an end, for henceforward none will attain either to perfect knowledge or to Liberation. The opening words of certain sūtras:
"O thou long-lived one! I have heard the Lord speak thus..." 75 has been interpreted as an address of Sudharman to Jambū when about to communicate to him the words of Mahāvira. Jambű is thought to have lived for some sixty years after the nirvāņa of Mahāvira.
During the second stage the spititual descendants were enabled to continue the path thanks to the śruta-kevalins, those who had already reached a high degree of purification and possessed perfect knowledge of the śruta, that is, of the teaching of Mahăvira that had been transmitted orally; the last of this line was Arya Bhadrabāhu.76 From this period onwards a certain fragmentation is observable within the organization; the words sākha and kula are used to denote, it seems, smaller groupings, that is to say, branches and families stemming from the ganas,77
73 Cf. KS 205.
74 Cf. Parisistaparva IV; PPN, p. 270.
75 suyam me āusam! teņam bhagavayā evamakkhāyam. .. ASI, 1,1, 1; DS IV, 1; SthS 1; US XXIX, 1.
76 Cf. JSK IV, pp. 54-57; 1, p. 335; SamSa 9-10.
77 Cf. KS 206; 211-212; admittedly, there is uncertainty as to the meaning of these words in this context; cf. Jacobi SBE XXII, p. 288, n. 2; Deo, 1956, (general index) has given very full lists of the gaņas, sākhās and kulas. As we shall see later, a small number of gaņas and sākhās have continued to exist up till a fairly recent date. The word gaccha, which also means a group, seems to have been substituted for gana at a very ancient period of time, although local or others groups are not designated by the word gaccha till towards the IXth or Xth c., cf. Deo, ibid., p. 374. In our own day gaccha is

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Subsequently, the transmission of the teaching was incomplete. According to the most probable tradition, in the third century B.C., at the time of a great famine, Bhadrabāhu departed towards the South with his disciples. They took up residence in the region of Śravana Belgo!a,78 while the other munis stayed in the East. 79 A little later on, in an attempt to retrieve what remained of the teaching that had been learned by heart and transmitted by word of mouth, Arya Sthūlabhadra, a contemporary of Bhadrabāhu, assembled the munis in a Council at Pāšaliputra. Although it proved possible to recover the essential elements of the original teaching and of the rules for ascetics, some important portions could not be incorporated, for there were no munis present who knew them. Thus it was necessary to wait till the Council of Valabhi, in the second half of the Vth century A.D., before a consistent, definitive text could be produced of all that had been preserved after his nirvāṇa of the direct teaching of Mahāvira.
Thus, starting from the IIird century B.C., or perhaps even earlier, the Jaina dharma, thanks to wandering munis, started to spread into different regions and there take root. With regard to the exodus of Bhadrabāhu and his disciples in a southerly direction, there are some indications which seem to support the tradition, for example, numerous caves containing inscriptions in brāhmi in the mountainous region of Kumāra and Kumāri Parvata, near the east coast, in what was once the kingdom of Kalinga (Orisa), which suggest the presence of munis coming from the East, who very probably inhabited these caves before the Christian era.80 Towards the middle of the IInd
the only term used within any given tradition, except in the case of the Terapanthis who call themselves a gana.
78 Cf. P 216 ff.
79 According to Śvetãmbara tradition, Bhadrabahu retired to Nepāla for a period of intense concentration; cf. Parisistaparva IX, 55-76; PPN, pp. 515516; Sadhvi Saṁghamitrā, 1979, pp. 68-77.
80 Deo, 1956, p. 93 puts the date of these inscriptions back to the IIIrd or IInd c. B.C.; cf. the photos of some of these caves and sculptures in Fisher and Jain, 1977, pp. 25-26; figs. 1-8.

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century B.C. King Khăravela of this same region had an inscription engraved testifying, it seems to his Jaina faith or at least to the interest he had in that faith.81 It is very possible that Jainism spread as far as Kalinga from the kingdom which later comprised Bangāla.82
Another region which was certainly an important Jaina centre in the pre-christian era was Avanti, where King Samprati, grandson of Asoka, towards the end of the IIIrd century B.C.83, made Ujjayini his capital. He is said to have been very well-disposed towards Jainism and to have taken the initiative of sending some munis to the South, in the direction of the regions around Andhra and Dramila (Tamil Nādu).84 Ujjayini was for a long while a centre of Jaina activity and is often mentioned in the commentaries. It was visited by numerous ācāryas and it is even reported that there were in that city five hundred upāśrayas for munis and sādhvis. 85
Finally, and incontestably, at an epoch just prior to the Christian era, groups of munis established themselves in the North-West in the district ca Mathurā, where innumerable ruins testify to a Jaina centre flouris ning at the beginning of the Christian era. 86
81 This inscription starts: "Namo arahamtānam namo savasiddhānaṁ..." cf. Guèrinot, 1908, p. 69; C.J. Shah, 1932, pp. 184-185, puts the reign of Khāravela in the IInd c. B.C. or there abouts; Basham, 1959, p.62, in the last part of the Ist c. B.C.; Atlas p.20, plate III. c.1 somewhere between 20 B.C. and 5 B.C.
82 Cf. Majumdar, 1968, pp. 130-138.
83 Cf. Deo, 1956, pp. 91-92; 98.
84 Cf. Atlas, p.19, plate III B. 5
85 Cf. PPN, p. 113.
86 Cf. P 154 ff.

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The dharma which, at its start, was addressed, in the first place to ascetics and hermits, including those of their number who were former princes, received a fresh impulse when, in the course of the centuries, it began to enjoy the patronage of certain kings and their ministers. This patronage was partly beneficial but led also to compromise, so much so that material interests sometimes corrupted the purity of the original ideal.
In this very brief record of a long period of time, the names of sādhvis are rarely mentioned. Once the great movement was launched, the path to follow indicated, nothing remained but to follow it and unless there was some extraordinary personality or some particularly striking events, either good or bad, there was scarcely a reason to allude to them. They lived in anonymity, while constituting in fact an essential pillar of the samgha. Up till our own day and age it is a case of gleaning a few facts and names here and there.
The story goes how Arya Jambù, the last kevalin, called Jambu Svāmin, being much impressed by the words of Arya Sudharman, felt an attraction to the life of an ascetic and took a vow of chastity. On the urgings of his parents who had already promised him in marriage to eight maidens, he consented to the marriage, though fully determined to receive dikşå after the ceremony. One happening, the arrival of burglars the very night of the wedding, served to seal his decision. Not only he, but his eight spouses, their parents, his own parents and even the robber-chief received dikṣā!87
Ārya Sambhūvijaya had among his disciples Arya Sthūlabhadra, the one who presided at the Council of Pāšaliputra, and among his women disciples this latter's seven sisters: Yakśă, Yakşadattā, Bhūta, Bhūtadattā, Senā, Veņā, Renā.88 Nothing is known about them, except that they were the daughters of the minister of state of the king of
87 Cf. Parisiştaparva II; III; among other references II, 195-745; III, 1-275, where Jambû recounts one after another 19 stories in reply to the robber-chief Prabhava's objections concerning asceticism.
88 Cf. KS 208.

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Pataliputra and that they were all endowed with prodigious memories. Their brother, by contrast, is widely known, not only as an outstanding spiritual master, but also on account of his relationship with Kośā, the courtesan. In his youth he lived with her for twelve years, then all of a sudden, after the death of his father, he changed his life and became an ascetic. One year, when his brother monks were asking their guru to allow them, as a test of endurance and self-mastery, to go and spend the rainy season one near a lion's den, another near a serpent's hole, a third on a noria (Persian wheel used for irrigation), Sthūlabhadra asked permission to sojourn in the house of Kośă. The permission was granted. At first, she tried to seduce him but, in the face of his resolute refusal, she herself was converted. On his return to the guru, Sthūlabhadra was praised for his extraordinary strength of character, for, as the story tells us, out of the four munis, it was he who won the greatest victory!89 This story, which could equally well belong to any other monastic tradition, is characteristic of the ascetics' way of thought and of their attitude to women in general; however, in this instance, they do not believe her to be basically evil, for Kośå became a śrāvikā and even a sādhvi.
After this, we have to wait until the beginning of the 1st century B.C. before finding any story of a sādhvi whose influence had any great effect on the Jaina community; this fact was not new in itself, for not a few sādhvis were, in the course of the centuries, the victims of masculine lust, but this sadhvi was of princely family and sister of the great Ācārya Kālaka. Sarasvati, while still a very young sădhvi, was praised as "having deep knowledge and purifying all, (thanks to her virtues)". 90 The king of Ujjayini, Gardabilla, entranced by her beauty, carried her off and held her in his palace. Ācārya Kālaka, the brother
89 Cf. Parisistaparva VIII, 1-193; PPN, pp. 350-351; Samghamitrā, 1979, pp. 41-46. The story of Sthulabhadra and Kośà has been vividly retained in popular memory; a few years ago, in the Svetāmbara Jaina community of Calcutta, a play was put on, with several performances, entitled "Sthūlabhadra"; cf. Jain Journal X, April 1975, pp. 128-129.
90 suta Sarasvati nämnā brahmabhūḥ viśvapāvanā. ..
Prabhāvakacarita IV, 8.

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of Sarasvati, did not ignore this outrage but demanded that the king should set his sister free. The king refused. Whereupon, Kālaka, muni though he was, did not hesitate to attack the king with the assistance of neighbouring princes. They won the day and Sarasvati, at liberty once more, returned to the other sādhvis.91 This story excmplifies a certain chivalry of spirit, which led a muni, in order to protest against this attack on modesty and to preserve the virtue and honour of a sādhvi, unhesitatingly to take up arms.
91 Cf. Niśitha-cûrņi III, pp. 59-60; Prabhāvakacarita IV, 30-32; 35-36; 41; 43; 59; 87; 97; PPN, p. 170; Samghamitrā, 1979, pp. 116-124.

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Chapter 3.
THE FOLLOWERS OF "THE EVER-GROWING ONE": GROWTH, DECLINE AND CONTINUITY
Sthavira Arya Vajra of the line of the Gautamas had three spiritual sons: Sthavira Arya Vajrasena, Sthavira Arya Padma and Sthavira Arya Ratha.?
...I salute with reverence Devardhi Kșamāśramana of the line of the Kāśapas, depositary of the precious jewel of understanding of the Sūtras and treasury of the virtues of patience, self-mastery and kindness.2
After the Council of Pāšaliputra, the disciples of Sthūlabhadra continued the line of sthaviras (elders), establishing new sākhas (branches).3 The last one to have a knowledge of the ten Pūrvas was Ārya Vajra, also known, so tradition tells us, as Vajra Svāmin. He lived in the first century A.D. and must have been an outstanding ācārya, if one judges by the number of references to him in the commentaries of the Avaśyaka, where allusion is often made to his supernatural powers. He is also well-known for having travelled long distances and reached the South.
Ārya Vajra was born at Tumbavaņa, in the region of Avanti after his father, Dhanagiri, had already become an ascetic. An extraordinary
1 therassa naň ajja Vairassa goyamasagottas sa ime tinni
therä amtevasi ahāvaccă abhinnāyā hotha, tamjaha there ajja Vairasenie, there ajjaPaume, there ajjaRahe. KS 221.
2
suttattharayanabharie, Khamadamamaddvagunehim sampanne Devaddhikhamāsamaņe, kāsavagotte papivayāmi. KS 223 (9)
3 Cf. KS 209-220.

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story is told of his infancy. He was just six months old when Dhanagiri, passing by, presented himself at the door of his erstwhile home in order to beg for food. Sunandā, the child's mother, deposited the baby by way of an offering in the pätra (bowl) of Dhanagiri. The ācārya received the little mite with joy and, intuitively foreseeing the gifts of the future muni, named him Vajra, which means thunderbolt or diamond, and entrusted him to some sādhvi who in their turn put him in the care of a śrāvik, who was living at the upāśraya. When he was about three years old, Sunandā wanted to take him back, but the munis refused. She appealed to the king, who decreed that Vajra
hould be put in the presence of his father and his mother and should himself decide which of the two he wished to accompany. Sunandā offered him some dainty titbits, while Dhanagiri showed him the rajoharaṇa, the small woollen brush of the munis. Vajra, already possessing an innate knowledge concerning his own future, seized the rajoharana. He opted for the ascetic life. Sunandă, finding herself alone, asked to receive dikṣā. While living in the company of the sādhvi , Vajra heard them reciting passages of Scripture and absorbed them very specdily. At the age of eight he received dikșă and joined a group of munis. 4
The long history of the Jaina dharma from the beginning of our era up to our own days has been characterised by periods of growth and periods of decline, which do not always occur alternately for the whole process depends upon differing regions, local rulers, social factors and also upon individual persons, in particular the ācāryasgrowth and decline in faith, in fidelity to the teachings of the tirthankaras and sthaviras, in the degree of fervour applied to study of the doctrine, in the performance of worship and also in the number of adherents. The dharma spread in almost every region.” Its message was transmitted by word of mouth, by the testimony of faithful lives and by the writings. It flourished exceedinly in certain places and in certain ages, but also knew dark periods and was even threatened with extinction. Nevertheless, it survived. The fact that it did so, even if
4 Cf. Pariśistaparva XII; XIII; PPN, pp. 660-661; Samgamitrā, 1979, pp. 137-153.
5 Cf. Deo., 1956, pp. 40-41, for a complete list of epigraphs according to the various regions.

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the saṁgha has become a dispersed minority, is proof of the existence of an undergirding vitality, a vitality which is above all spiritual, rooted in a solid faith and maintained by the men and women ascetics as well as by fervent śrāvakas and śrāvikās.
The following long chapter, which is a short recapitulation of twenty centuries, is an attempt with the help of the available documents to trace this long and unbroken trail. The end of the first century A.D. was scarred by a major schism which contributed to a decline. We must take cognizance of the consequences of this division for the two groups concerned, consequences that were both profound and lasting and hitherto irremediable, before taking a tour of the different regions in order to find traces, not numerous perhaps but at least well-attested, of the presence of sādhvis and äryikās within the samgha. Consideration of the division and its consequences are necessary as a starting-point, for it affects the doctrine and thence the faith, the Scriptures, the worship and rules of life of the ascetics.
The schism and its consequences
Even in the time of Mahāvira certain divergences and dissensions had manifested themselves, but they were not of grave importance.? The origin of those which tore apart the samgha is not clearly known, but their repercussions are all too apparent. The explanations put forward by the two sides are plausible in certain respects, though one cannot be certain of their veracity.8 The date of the division is likewise uncertain, though both sects agree in placing it towards the end of the Ist century. There does not appear to have been a brusque
6 Cf. TrisalPC X, 8, 28-107.
Cf. Deo ibid., pp. 78-80.
8 Cf. e.g. Schubring, 1962, § 26.
9 Jacobi SBE XXII, pp. XXXV-Xxxvi, thought that it was earlier and suggested the 2nd or 3rd c. after the nirvāņa of Mahavira, i.e. the period of the Council of Pāçaliputra.

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and definitive rupture at a given moment and in a given place, some spectacular happening leading to an immediate cleavage in the heat of the quarrel; rather, it seems that after the departure of Bhadrabāhu, when years of famine had dispersed and decimated the number of munis, thus bringing about a general weakening and a diminished knowledge of the śruta, there came to the fore gradually divergences of opinion concerning both asceticism and the authenticity of the oral tradition.
According to certain texts, the muni Śivabhūti was the one to prescribe nudity for the ascetic state when he founded the sect of the Botikas. He was alive at about the end of the Ist century and was a disciple of Śramana Kanha, a famous muni whose image is to be found among the sculpture of Mathurā.10 It is recounted that Uttară, the sister of Sivabhūti, a sadhvi, decided to follow the example of her brother and remove her clothing, but when she went out to ask for alms a courtesan covered her nakedness, fearing that people would be shocked and come to despise women. Uttară complained to her brother, but this latter dissuaded her from adopting nudity. 11
The two major issues that divided the samgha so profoundly are, firstly, nudity: is it indispensable for the attainment of mokșa? and secondly: the authenticity of the Agamas, such as were already in existence in oral forn at the time of the Council of Pāțaliputra. This question of nudity was such a burning one that those who, for doctrinal reasons, adopted it radically and completely, called themselves digambaras: clothed in space, in the sky, while those who opted for the wearing of clothing, affirming that this practice is not an obstacle to final Liberation, called themselves svetāmbaras: the whiteclothed ones. 12 Up till our own day this division continues, each tradition having developed separately.
10 Cf. U.P. Shah, 1975, p. xv.
11 Cf. Việeşåvaśyaka-bhâsya 3032-3093; cf. also JSBSam II, pp. 399-411; PPN, pp. 119; 794.
12 It is to be noted that certain passages of the Svetämbara Āgamas are addressed to the naked ascetic; cf. e.g. ASI,7,7,1; US II, 34.

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Arising out of this fundamental difference and a direct consequence thereof came a second difference articulated by the two sects, namely, that which concerned strimukti, final Liberation for womankind. The Digambaras maintain that, constitutionally, woman has less bodily resistance and is thus prevented from attaining a high degree of dhyāna (mental concentration), from fully mastering the passions and from undertaking a total self-stripping. Dhyana, samyama (self-control), and aparigraha (non-possession), are indispensable for Liberation. Nudity is not suitable for women; she must needs clothe herself, therefore, naturally, she cannot reach mokṣa in the body of a woman. By all means let her lead the ascetic life, acquire merit and be reborn in the body of a man. This very important question is based on rather subtle doctrinal ideas, which are not always clearly defined, and on their implications. 13 The Śvetāmbaras reject this view and, in their thinking, woman has exactly the same capacity for being liberated as man.
14
Another point of doctrine upon which the two spiritual families differ is that concerning kevali-bhukti, that is to say: does the kevalin, the one who possesses omniscience, still take nourishment? The Digambaras reply in the negative, the śvetāmbaras in the affirmative.
As for the authenticity of the extant Agamas, this is a very complex question bearing upon a period of history of which up to date we are
13 It takes a thorough knowledge of the Teaching to understand fully these ideas; they will be mentioned in Part II whenever they modify in some way, a particular doctrine; furthermore, they will be introduced in Part III in connection with the principal texts which support this belief. Cf. III 7 A c. P 640 ff
14 Various terms have been used, in the course of the centuries, to designate the Jaina women ascetics, but in this study, after introducing the documents of Mathura, we use the word "sadhvi" to denote generally th Svetambara women ascetics, who are far more numerous, and the word "aryikā" to denote the minute number of Digambara women ascetics. We must bear in mind, however, that the term "sādhvi" is used occasionally by the Digambaras and "äryä" by the Svetāmbaras.

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in partial ignorance.15 The word Agama denotes the Scriptures which incorporate the teaching of Mahavira, which was first transmitted orally in its entirety by the gaṇadharas, his immediate disciples, and subsequently in the course of several centuries by the kevalins and śruta-kevalins. The Agamas are also called Siddhanta or perfect doctrine, or Sūtras.16 Up till around the time of the Council of Pataliputra in the IIIrd century B.C., the śruta was, for all the members of the samgha, the depository of the received teaching in which one had complete faith and which one must follow to the letter. After this Council, divergences began to evidence themselves resulting in a rejection by the Digambaras of the authenticity and therefore also the authority of a major part of the Agamas. This rejection, however - and this fact is of the utmost importance - did not usher in new doctrine. Apart from the basic question of nudity and the allied question of strimukti, and except for a few small and subtle points, the whole of the rest of the doctrine is completely_the_same. 17 However, as the degree of acceptance of the Agamas and their classification differ, the Agamas of the two traditions must be introduced separately and in
their own context.
15 Study of the texts from the purely linguistic point of view permits an approximate evaluation of their antiquity, though many of them contain additions of another epoch and do not give the impression of being the work of a single author. Furthermore, up till now, few critical editions have been published.
141
16 Sutra: a thread, usually meaning an aphorism, or a text which is a collection entirely composed of aphorisms forming a consistent whole, in which the various ideas are interconnected. The Jaina Sutras are, for the most part, composed of instructions in which rules and sometimes stories and dialogues are intermingled. The style is not, properly speaking, that of aphorisms, at least not of aphorisms arranged in logical sequence, but there is certainly a connecting thread which links together and sustains the different aspects of the doctrine.
17 This gives valid reason for the introduction to the doctrine in Part II to draw inspiration from both traditions.

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Śvetambara Agamas
After the Council of Pāšaliputra, in the IVth century A.D., another Council took place at Mathurā, presided over by Arya Skandila. This was an attempt to gather together and collate such Agamas as were known at that time. 18 Finally, towards the middle of the Vth century, this time in Gujarāta where the dharma had already taken firm hold, Devardhi Kșamāśramana convoked one last Council at Valabhi. Under his direction, the munis worked at a definitive edition and classification of the Agamas based on both oral tradition and the existing manuscripts. These are the Agamas that we possess today. In them are contained texts, or portions thereof, arranged in a coherent manner, some of them being of great antiquity and dating back to the IVth or the beginning of the IIIrd century B.C., as well as more recent ones, inherited in part from an ancient tradition and modified in the course of the centuries. 19 The Āgamas are in Ardhamāgadhi, a form of Prākrit spoken in the North-East and one observes that the passages in verse are in a more antiquated dialect than those in prose 20
The Agamas have been the object of detailed studies with regard to their content; moreover, the classifications that are made of them present several variations as regards the order followed.21 This is how they are listed:
18 Cf. Deo., 1956, p.20
19 Cf. Jacobi, SBE XXII, pp. xliii-xliv; XLV, p. xl. Malvania, 1975, p. 2 puts back the date of the ASI, the most ancient of the Agamas, to the IIIrd or IInd c. B.C.
20 Cf. Winternitz, 1977, pp. 430-431.
21 Cf. on the Svetāmbara and Digambara Scriptures: Deo, 1956, pp. 15-38; P.S. Jaini, 1979, pp. 47-87; Renou, 1953b, 88 2388-2409; Schubring, 1962, ch. III; Winternitz, 1977, pp. 428-474.

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- The Purvas, or ancient, early texts: fourteen original texts which had fallen into oblivion since the time of the Council of Pāțaliputra, IIIrd century B.C.22
- The Angas, or portions, parts: twelve texts, out of which eleyen have been preserved; the twelfth, the Drștivāda, is not extant as such, but portions of it are incorporated into other texts.23
- The Angabāhyas, or texts not included in the Angas, are divided into:
i) Upāngas, secondary texts: twelve in number. ii) Mūla-sūtras, the basic sūtras: four texts.24 iii) Cheda-sūtras, of which the title comes from cheda, a type of expiation: six texts. iv) Cūlikā-sütras, appendices: two texts.
v) Prakirņaka-sūtras, various: ten texts.25
22 According to Svetāmbara tradition Bhadrabāhu taught 10 Pūrvas to Sthūlabhadra, while 4 others he transmitted to him without explanation and on condition that he should not reveal them to others; cf. PPN, pp. 350-351. For an interesting study on the Purvas, cf. Ohira, 1980b, pp. 41-55.
23 E.g. in the Prajñāpanā-sūtra of the Svetāmbaras and the Șaļkhaņdāgama of the Digambaras; cf. Malvania, 1969. The Purvas and Angas were probably compiled by Arya Sudharman, the ganadhara who was head of the ascetics after the nirvana of Mahāvira. Tradition attributes the compilation of certain texts of the Angabāhyas to munis of different periods; cf. Winternitz, 1977, p. 433; and the list which follows, P 145-148.
24 Why are these texts called mülas (derived from root, base, foundation)? Several hypotheses have been put forward; cf. JSBI, p. 143. Müla means also a form of expiation, but these texts do not treat of this subject. Certain classifications give 5 texts.
25 In this and the following Table we follow the classification given in JSBI I-II where each of the Āgamas is introduced. The Sthānakavāsis and the Teräpanthis, who belong to two reformed sects, do not accept the authority of certain Agamas; cf. P 200 ff.

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- The Kalpa-sutra is not as such included in the list of the Āgamas. 26 However, because it contains the life of Mahāvira and of other tirtharkaras, it is one of the most venerated, read, commentated and illustrated sūtras of all for the Svetämbaras. We must take note here of the special structure of the Kalpa-sūtra. It is composed of three unconnected parts:
Jina-cantra, a detailed account of the life of Mahāvira, followed by brief descriptions of the lives of Pārsva, Aristanemi and Rsabha, each modelled on that of Mahävira.
Sthaviravali, a list of the Elders, from Indrabhūti to Devardhi Kșamāśramaņa.27
Sāmācāri, rules to be observed by the ascetics during the monsoon.
This last part is also Chapter VIII of the Daśāśrutaskandha of the Cheda-sūtras and is without doubt the most ancient part of the Kalpa-sútra. It seems quite probable that the two other parts were added at the time of the last Council.28
In every age frequent and lengthy commentaries on the Agamas have been written by learned ācāryas. Until about the VIIIth century these commentaries were composed in verse in a Prākrit dialect called Māhārāstri, the most ancient being called nisyuktis and their successors bhāşyas. Next come the cūrnis, in which a transition is observable, for they are written in a prose in which there is a mixture of Prākrit and Sanskrit. Finally, the tikās and vịttis are in Sanskrit. These commentaries such as the bhāsyas and cūrņis often stray far from the text, but are nevertheless very interesting documents, from the literary and socio-religious points of view of the epoch when they
26 In its present form, only the last part is included, as a section inserted in the Daśāśrutaskandha.
27 Part of this list is also found in certain inscriptions at Mathurā.
28 C. Winternitz, 1977, pp. 462-464.

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were written. Among the best-known of the ācārya commentators, we may mention: Bhadrabahu (Vth century),29 Haribhadra (VIIIth century), Śilanka (IXth century), Abhayadeva, Santi and Devendra (XIth century), Hemacandra (XIIth century), Malayagiri (XIIIth century).
The present study is based on the Agamas used by contemporary sadhvi and deals with the doctrine, rules of life and daily rite.30
145
Angas (12)
1. Acārānga (Āyāraṁga): Rules for ascetics. The ascetic_ Mahavira.
2. Sūtrakṛtānga (Sūyagaḍaṁga): Essential elements of the doctrine. Refutation of sundry heresies
3. Sthānānga (Thāṇaṁga): Subject matter of the doctrine classified under numbers 1-10
4. Samavāyānga (Samavāyaṁga): Continuation of the preceding
5. Vyakhyāprajñapti or Bhagavati (Viyāhapannatti or Bhagavai) Philosophy, epistemology, cosmology; Mahavira, his disciples & contemporaries
6. Jñātādharmakathāḥ (Nāyādhammakahão)
7. Upāsakadaśāḥ (Uvāsagadasão)
8. Antakṛddaśāḥ (Amtagaḍadasão)
9. Anuttaraupapātikadaśāḥ (Aṇuttārovavāiyadasão): 6-9: Edifying stories
29 Author of several niryuktis, not to be confused with the śruta-kevalin of the same name; cf. Samghamitra, 1979, pp. 220-223.
30 Cf. P 265 ff; 409 ff; 699 ff;

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10. Praśnavyākarana (Paṇhāvāgaranāim) ásrava, saṁvara31
11. Vipakaśruta (Vivāgasuyaṁ): The fruits of bad and of good actions.
12. Drstivāda (Ditthivāya): lost
Upāngas (12)
1. Aupapātika (Uvavăiya): Description of the city of Campā. Dialogue Mahăvira-Gautama: Liberation
2. Rājapraśniya (Rāyapaseņaijja): Life of King Pradesin
3. Jivabhigama (Jivābhigama): On animate and inanimate beings
4. Prajñāpanā (Pannavaņā): Philosophical subjects
5. Suryaprajñapti (Sūriyapannatti): Treatise on astronomy; cosmology;
6. Jambūdvipaprajñapti (Jambuddivapannatti): Treatise on cosmography
7. Candiaprajñapti (candrapannati)32
8. Nirayāvalikā (Nirayāvalio)
9. Kalpāvatamsikāḥ (Kappāvadaṁsião): 8-9: Life of king Śreņika and of his posterity
10. Puşpikāḥ (Pupphião)
11. Puşpacũlikāḥ (Pupphacūlião: 10-11: Stories of gods & goddesses
31 Cf. P 301 ff.; 358.;
32 The present day text of the Candraprajñāpti is identical to that of the Süryaprajñāpti.

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12. Vṛṣṇidaśaḥ (Vaṇhidasão): History of princes, Vrsni dynasty
Müla- sūtras (4)
1. Uttaradhyayana(Uttarajjhayaṇa): Rules for ascetics, doctrine, stories
2. Ávaśyaka (Āvassaya): Sūtras of the rite and legends
3. Daśavaikālika (Dasaveyāliya): Rules of life for ascetics33
4. Pindaniryukti (Pimḍanijjutti): Food to be accepted by ascetics
147
Cheda-sūtras (6)
1. Acāradaśāḥ or Daśāśrutas kandha (Ayāradasão or Dasāsuyakkhandha)
34
2. Bṛhatkalpa (Kappa)
3. Vyavahāra (Vavahāra)
4. Niśitha (Nisiha)
5. Mahāniśitha (Mahāniśiha)
6. Jitakapla (Jiyakappa): 1-6: Rules for ascetics and treatise on atonement
Cülika-sutras (2)
1. Nandi (Naṁdi): List of the Masters of ancient days. The 5 sorts of knowledge
33 Certain classifications also include: Oghaniryukti (Ohanijjutti), which is a treatise on ascetic discipline.
34 For the Cheda-sūtras, cf. P 508 ff.

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-2. Anuyogadvāra (Aņuogaddāra): Jaina encyclopaedia
Prakirņakas (10)
1. Catuḥsarana (Causaraņa): The 4 refuges: arhats, siddhas, sadhus, dharma
2. Aturapratyākhyāna (Āurapaccakkhāņa): Different types of death
3. Mahāpratyākhyāna (Mahāpaccakkhāņa): Renunciation, expiations
4.Bhaktaparijña (Bhattapariņņā): On death
5. Tandulavaicārika (Tamdulaveyāliya): Treatise on embryology
6. Saṁstāraka end of life
(Saṁthāra): On the straw pallet at the
7. Gaccnācāra (Gacchāyāra): On the conduct of ascetics in the gacchas
8. Gaņividyă (Ganiviijā): Astrology
9. Devendrastava (Devimdatthaya): On the gods
10. Maraṇasamadhi (Maranasamāhi): Preparation for total purification, great final fast 35
35 Certain classifications give: Candravedhyaka (Camdāvijjhaya): on virtuous conduct at the moment of death, and Virastava (Viratthava): addresses of praise to Mahāvira, instead of: Gacchācāra and Maranasamadhi; cf. JSBI, p.345.

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Digambara Āgamas
The attitude of the Digambaras towards the Agamas differs from that of the Svetämbaras in this respect: the former are more conservative than the latter as regards the authenticity of the transmission of the message of Mahāvira. They do not admit that after a certain decline through which the doctrine lost some of its profundity, the Agamas can be considered to be inspired by a direct apprehension such as appertains to omniscience. Among the Digambaras, the texts are held to embody infallible doctrine in so far as they conform to an internal order which itself corresponds to the degree of knowledge which inspired them; they are also ranked according to historical order. The texts of the Agamas which in their eyes have absolute authority are those ones which, according to tradition, are the direct legacy of the twelfth Anga or Dorstivāda, that is to say, the Șatkhandāgama and the Kaşāyaprābhịta.
Nevertheless the works of eminent ācāryas of the first centuries - who had certainly inherited the teaching inspired by the penetrating wisdom of their predecessors - have been accepted as secon
but no less important, authorities. In fact, it is these treatises accompanied by the lively witness of their authors which have enlightened, guided and inspired the members of the Digambara samgha; indeed, the Șatkhandāgama and the Kasāyaprăbhrta, both of which concentrate on the development of the doctrine of karman, were only edited, along with the commentaries upon them, recently. Thus the works of the ācāryas, most of whom belonged originally to the South, are reckoned among the Agamas and are invested with the authority of Scripture, but to a lesser degree than are the contents of texts inherited from the kevalins. The treatises of the ācāryas are called: Anuyogas, or accounts of the lives of the tirthankaras, and writings on cosmology, rules of conduct and doctrine.
Among the Digambaras the Agamas are classified either as major Agamas, written in a Prākrit called Sauraseni:36 namely, the Șatkhaņdāgama and the Kaşāyaprabhsta. along with important
36 From Śūrasena, in the district of Mathurā; it is in fact difficult to identify these Jaina Prākrit dialects with the dialects of the areas from which they take their names. Cf. Pischel, 1981, $ $ 21-22; Woolner, 1928. ch. X.

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commentaries on them such as the Dhavala and the Jayadhavalā; and secondary Agamas or Anuyogas, written in Sauraseni and Sanskrit. These latter are classified in four groups: Prathamānuyoga, Karaṇānuyoga, Caraṇānuyoga, Dravānuyoga.”
It is certain that, in their approach to the disciplines of asceticism and the commitment proper to ascetics, the Digambara texts, except in connection with the important divergences already mentioned, are identical in spirit to the Svetämbara texts. All these texts, which have solid foundation in Jaina doctrine, point the way to Realisation and Iteach a path that is the same in both traditions. 38
As well as the major doctrinal questions concerned with nudity, the ultimate Liberation of woman, the authenticity of the Agamas and the question of food in regard to the omniscient ones, there are also others concerning Mahāvira39 and the subject of worship. While the images of the tirthankaras among the Digambaras symbolise a radical asceticism, their subjects being depicted naked and with lowered eyes, the Svetāmbaras often adorn their status with diamonds. The expression of the ideal is here marred by a certain tendency to ostentation and a lack of restraint.
Since the first centuries, the two sampradāyas (traditions and, by an extension of usage, sects) have formed two quite distinct samghas, both of which, however, are distinctly and essentially Jaina.40 They
37 The following list is based on the very full and detailed Tables of JSK I, pp. 335-339; 348-355; and for Satkhandāgama, Dhavalä, Kaşāyaprabhsta, Jayadhavală, cf. JSK IV, p. 81; II, pp.490; 41; 323.
38 Cf. Upadhye, PSa, Introd. pp. 91-93. As well as in regards to the requirement of nudity, the life of the Digambara ascetics contains certain other minor differences from that of the Svetambara ascetics; cf. P 660 ff.
39 Cf.P 116.
40 The word sect denotes a group within a specified religion whose members adhere to the same doctrine. In the course of the centuries and due to the swirling eddies of history, it has acquired an oftimes pejorative meaning: narrowness of spirit, fanaticism. In order to avoid this connotation we prefer

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have developed separately, whether in different regions or in the same. Each sargha is organised in local groups and branches directed by äcāryas. The Digambaras have undergone an important reform movement, while the Svetāmbaras have had three successive reformations giving birth to secondary sampradāyas. A general survey will take us on an extensive tour Trom the North to the far South, travelling through the West and Central regions. A geographical tour is the simplest and, within each region we follow as closely as possible the course of history.
Inscriptions of differing cpochs scattered throughout the country, as well as references discovered in ancient manuscripts and more recent chronicles of one sampradāya or another, do nothing more than indicate the existence of sădhvi and äryikās. These important but terse documents are not always intelligible either linguistically, being.often in corrupt Sanskrit with an admixture of Prakrit, or in their contents on account of their extremc brevity. Nevertheless, they do testify to the respect with which the sādhvi and äryikās were regarded and are also signs of their having a particular role within the saingha and of their high capability. None of these documents, however, are comprehensible unless they are placed in the actual context to which they belong timewise. It is when we make this effort to grasp their context that these written documents of doctrine, devotion and hagiography, as well of those of the architecture, sculpture and epigraphy of a given period, become very precious and furnish a solid basis of information. The Jaina samgha has lived by means of faith, knowledge and worship and this last-named performed in the temples, has been expressive of an immense devotion to the tirtharkaras and has been manifested in a tangible way through the erection of innumerable images.
The names of the sādhvis and äryikās are an important part of the legacy of the past, each name recalling a presence and being a sign of faith in the Jaina dharma and of fidelity to the ascetic life. Each of the sādhvis whose name remains engraved in stone or inscribed on parchment was in her own day the object of veneration. Moreover, these names pre-suppose many other names neither engraved nor
to use in this study, according to context, either the original sampradāya or the word "tradition" or "community" in the sense of spiritual family.

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inscribed, but no less authentic and important, for each one of those whose names are known to us belonged to a group and was dependent upon this group, following within it her own spiritual pilgrimage, but united to many others.
Major Agamas (in Prakrit)
1. Satkhaṇḍāgama by Puṣpadanta (c. 2nd half IInd c.) 1st Part; Bhutavali (c. 2nd half IInd c.) 5 Parts, commentary by Kundakunda, Samantabhadra, Virasena: (Dhavalā, IXth c.):
2. Kaṣāyaprabhṛta (Kasāyapāhuḍa) by Gunadhara (c. 2nd half IInd c.) composed 150 verses other acāryas continued, commentary (Jayadhavalā IXth c )by Jinasena.
Secondary Agamas: Anuyoga (in Prakrit, Sanskrit)41
1. Prathamanuyoga - stories, legends Padmapurāṇa by Raviṣena (end VII c.) Adipurana by Jinasena (IX c.) Uttarapurăṇa by Gunabhadra (IX c.)
2. Karaṇānuyoga: Cosmology Trilokasära by Nemicandra (end X - XI c.) Jambudvipaprajñapti by Amitagati (2nd)(end X - XI c.)42
3. Caraṇānuyoga: Rules of conduct for ascetics, śrāvakas, śrāvikās. Mülăcăra by Vaṭṭakera (c. II c.) Ratnakaraṇḍaśrāvakācāra by Samantabhadra (II - V c.?)
41 These works are numerous, especially those belonging to the Dravanuyoga. We give here only a selection of the most important. 42 According to the gurvāvali (the list of the line of the gurus) of the Mathurasamgha, he was a disciple of Madhavasena, himself a disciple of Amitagati the first (Xth c.), the author of Yogasära; cf. JSK I, p. 136. Another text on the same subject was probably composed by Acarya Saktikumāra (XIth c.); cf. JSK II, p.309.

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Anagăradharmāmrta by Pandita Āsādhara43 (XII c.) Sāgåradharmāmrta by Pandita Āsādhara (XII c.)
4. Dravyānuyoga: Treatises on doctrine Tattvärtha-sútra (common to Digambaras & Svetāmbaras)44 by Umāsvāti (II - IV c.?) commentary by Pūjyapāda (Devanandi) (VI c.): Sarvārthasiddhi. Samayasāra - by Kundakunda (II - IV c.?) Pravacanasāra (Pavayaņasāra) by Kundakunda Niyamasāra by Kundakunda Aştaprābhrta (Attapāhuda) 45 by Kundakunda Aptamimāṁsā by Samantabhadra; commentary by Akalanka: Aştaśati (VIII c.) Gommatasāra by Nemicandra.
43 A śrāvaka, author of other treatises also.
44 They are not in agreement as to the identity of the author; cf. P 223.
45 As regards their character, the works of Kundakunda could equally well be classed with the Caranānuyoga, but such teaching, being an exposition of the doctrine, belongs in the first instance to the Dravyānuyoga; cf. Upadhye, PSa, Introd., pp. 23-93.

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A - At the brithplace of Lord Kșşņa: Mathurā
What name is there more venerated or more frequently pronounced than that of Krşna, the Lord to be adored? Krşna, whose story from his infancy onwards is so popular as to be universally known from North to South, Krşna, the Lord of all, since even the Jainas have adopted him.46 A very popular tradition names Mathurä as the place of his birth.47 A well-known town, Mathurā was in antiquity the capital of the region of Sūrasena and was also known by the name of Uttaramathură, Mathură of the North, to distinguish it from Daksinamathură, Mathură of the South, which is present-day Madurai.48 This same town, which in our day would be insignificant if it were not associated with the name of Lord Kțşņa, has regained since the end of the last century a certain renown, for between the years 1871 and 1890, in the course of successive excavations, a large number of images and inscriptions belonging to the ruins of two temples and of a stūpa were dug up;49 these proved to be discoveries of considerable importance, especially for the history of Jainism and Buddhism, of both of which Mathurā was a flourishing centre from, in all probability, the IIIrd of Ilnd century B.C.50 and particularly so
46 Cf. P 103.
47 Cf. Bhāgavatapurāņa, Book X.
Cf. PPN, pp. 589-590; 852.
49 Cf. Smith, 1969, Introd.
50"Our analysis has further shown that the history of Jaina finds at Mathurā dates from at least the second century B.C. and does not merely begin with the Kuşāņa age." U.P. Shah, 1955, p. 84. It is possible that the presence of Jainism in this region goes back to a still earlier epoch. There is to be found there the ruins of a stúpa, a circualr monument usually constructed with bricks, which, among the Jainas and Buddhists, is the repositary of relics or is built to the memory of venerated persons; and in this stūpa one can see an inscription of the IInd c. saying that it is 'devanirmita', that is, built by the gods (Bühler, EI, vol. II, inscr. xx); this is a way of saying that its origin is already at the time of the inscription so distant that it is unknown. U.P. Shah

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during the first centuries of our era. Despite numerous studies and much research on this point, it has proved impossible so far to assign a precise date to this collection of archaeological and epigraphical finds. 51
The epoch which is of special interest to us is called the Kusāna period, at the beginning of which three successive emperors, Kaniska, Huviska and Väsudeva provided fresh and positive impulse in the domain of art. This period corresponds to the first three centuries of our era.52 Even if the abundance of sculptures testifies to a predominance of Jainism or Buddhism in the region, the Mathurā school is not specifically of one single religious tradition and Brahmanism is also represented. This epoch must have been one of great vitality and Woman, if one judges by the sculptures and
(ibid., p.64), having studied the question attentively, thinks that this stūpa was perhaps constructed in honour of Pārsvanātha and he concludes: "The Devanirmita Stupa of Mathură is thus one of the earliest known stūpas in India and should be assigned to the eigth century B.C., especially because the title given to it is in accord with the Satapatha Brähmaņa tradition."
31 "One of the great problems of Jaina art, still not satisfactorily solved, is the dating of the Mathură sculptures, with which our serious study of the Jaina art and iconography begins," said U.P. Shah (1975, p. xiii) in his opening address to the delegates of the All India Seminar on Jaina Art and Architecture (Nov. 1973). Even if a fairly large number of incriptions and images have dates inscribed on them, it is not yet precisely determined to what epoch these dates correspond.
52 "Mathura emerged as the new centre of art. Here, under the rule of Kushana emperors -Kanishka, Huvishka and Vasudeva - aesthetic endeavour started in full swing and became responsible for an art movement the like of which has rarely been seen elsewhere... Kushana art reflects a remarkable synthesis in the religious, cultural an aesthetic spheres. We find herein the motifs and patterns of art in a synthesis of the Iranian, Greek and Indian cultures." Agrawala, 1976, pp. 15-16; and figs. pp.45; 51; 53; cf. Fisher & Jain, 1977, figs. 9-20; U.P. Shah, 1975, paper No 6, figs. 1-4; 6-12; 15-16; 19; 21.

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inscriptions, occupied therein a central place.53 The ruins of Mathurā permit us to re-capture fairly well the features of the life of the Jaina sargha of that epoch. Everything conspires to the belief that it was well-organised, solidly established in the area, flourishing and active in each of its members - and that, we must note, at the beginning of our era, which leads us to suppose that it had been already in existence for a long time in these places. In the inscriptions the names of different ganas, sākhås, kulas, and sambhogas are to be found.54 It is
at interest to observe that several of the names of these groups are also to be found in the Kalpa-sutra.55 This confirms that the texts of the Agamas as we have them were in all probability edited at a later epoch than that of the archaeological evidence.56 This latter is, therefore, up to date the most authentic ancient source that we possess. The fact that towards the beginning of the IVth century a Council was held there indicates that in that period of time Mathurā was still a Jaina centre.
ot
33 "Woman was at the centre of the picture and there are few creations in the whole range of Indian art which can vie in elegance, delicacy and charm with the lovely feminine figures created by the Mathura artists." Agrawala, ibid., p. 16.
54 Sambhoga, another term to denote a group of ascetics. The usual explanation of this word in accordance with etymology is: a group taking meals in common, 'joint taking of meals' (Dixit, 1978, p.47), whose members are bound together by a common rule of life. Other interpretations have also been given, which view 'bhoga' as referring to a geographical unity; cf. Deo, 1956, p. 151, n. 58.
55 Ibid., pp. 515-519, where details of the correlation between the names of the gaņas, sākhas, kulas, and sambhogas of Mathura and those of the KS are given.
56 "The Mathurā finds represent a stage anterior to the tradition recorded in the Jaina canons available to us. Such facts confirm our inference that most of the texts available today follow the edition of the Mathurā council of c. 300-313 A.D., Under Arya Skandila (i.e. they are post-Kuşāņa or later Kșatrapa in age) and that the extant Niryuktis should naturally post-date this council." U.P. Shah, 1955, pp. 110-111; cf. Deo, 1956, p.40, where Kşatrapa: circa Ist c. B.C. and Kusana: Ist-IV th c. A.D.

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All this places us in a setting where certain characteristics proper to Jainism begin to become clear, taking shape from traces engraved or sculptured in stone and having, moreover, a direct bearing on the sādhyis. We shall take for our consideration three closely-linked characteristics; the notion of caturvidhasamgha, the offering of āyāgapatas and the contents of certain inscriptions.
Caturvidhasangha
This word refers to the samgha composed of munis, sādhvis, śrāvakas and śrāvikās, all being subject in differing degrees to the same spiritual demands and also being mutually interdependent.57 From the most ancient Agamas, the Acārānga-sūtra I and the Sūtrakstanga-sūtra I it would seem that the only path is that of asceticism. These Sūtras give the ascetics rules which will help them towards a direct attainment of mokşa; the grhastas, those who lead a family life and occupy themselves with worldly pursuits, are negelected.58 There is no mention of any monastic family incorporating grhastas, at the very most these grhapatis (householders) must practise almsgiving to the śramaņas, who furthermore are warned against the dangers of all kinds to which grhapatis may expose them.59 It would appear that little by little there came about a certain drawing together, which resulted in this idea of different elements being organised into one community held together by very close ties. Certain later Agamas speak of śramaņa-upāsakas and śramaņa- 1 upäsikās, the lay men and women disciples of the śramaņas, śrăvakas are also mentioned. 60 The Upāsakadašāḥ-sūtra contains, as its name
57 Cf. P 426 ff.
58 "The canonical texts belonging to the earliest age exhibit no acquaintance with the problem of a pious householder's duties, their chief pre-occupation being what a monk has or has not to do. Even Sūtrakstanga II contains no v systematic exposition of a pious householder's duties, but in two contexts it comes out with assertions which definitely prove that by the time of its composition the concept of a pious householder has emerged on the thoughthorizon of the Jaina theoreticians." Dixit, 1978, p.34.
59 Cf. e.g. AS I, 7, 2.

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indicates, the ten (chapters) of the upăsaka which deal with his obligations, these being illustrated by accounts of the lives of ten successive upāsakas.
The inscriptions and sculptures of Mathură indicate that by the beginning of our era, this idea was solidly established and the term caturvarṇasaṁgha seems to correspond to the later more widely-used term caturvidhasaṁgha.61 Not only do we find the word śrāvika (sāvikā) in the inscriptions, 62 but these śrāvikäs are said to be disciples or pupils of an Arya or muni, which infers a link of spiritual relatedness. Moreover, this saṁgha is portrayed in a concrete manner in stone, for the dharma-cakra or Wheel of the Law was one of the symbols venerated by the whole community. The dharma-cakra is to be seen erected on a pillar with on its four sides, the figures of a muni, a sādhvi, a śrāvaka and a śrāvikā in attitudes of profound reverence.63
Āyagapata
This is a medium-sized stone tablet on which are engraved various motifs or venerated objects; such a tablet was offered by a śrävaka or śrāvikā as a sign of devotion and homage to one of the arhats. These tablets are of great interest, for they are a unique type of sculpturework, proper to Mathurā, and succeed in conveying in a limited space
60 Cf. KS 135: samaņa uvāsagā; KS 136: samaņa uvāsiyā; US XXI, 1-2: săva for sävaga (śramana); cf. also SthS 314b; 321-322. Upasaka: lit. the one who is seated near...in order to serve, honour, venerate, in this instance the śramanas; the upăsaka is also a śrävaka, the one who listens to the teachings of the śramaņas.
61 "Again, it becomes very probable that the expression chaturvarna samgha 'the community including four classes' which strongly reminds one of the later Śvetämbara term chaturvidha saṁgha, means like the latter, the community consisting of monks, nuns, lay-brothers and lay-sisters." Bühler, vol. I, p. 380; cf. also C.J. Shah, 1932, pp. 200-201.
62 Cf.e.g. Lüders, EI, vol. X App. inscr. 23a.
63 Cf. U.P. Shah, 1975, paper no 6, figs. 17; 18; 20; 28 and ns., pp. 70-72; the recorded dates of these sculptures correspond to the Ist and Ilnd c.; cf. also U.P. Shah, 1955, p.115.

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the entire outward expression of the Jaina worship of that day. 64 Indeed, by studying a few of them attentively, we observe that the arhat occupies a central place, whether in bodily form or in the form of a miniature stūpa or, again, of a dharma-cakra, this last-named symbolising the teaching of the tirtharikaras. The other symbols vary according to each āyāgapata; thus we find:
the caitya-vskşa: the Tree, the locus of worship, the dhvaja: the column, the triratnas: the Three Jewels, the aştamangalas: the eight auspicious signs.
The caitya-vrkșa and dhvaja were undoubtably inherited from a much earlier tradition. Caitya means a place of worship, whatever its form, nature or composition; it is not necessarily a temple. Vļkșa means tree. The caitya-vrkṣa is the Tree which is at one and the same time both the place and the object of worship.65 Each tirthankara has, in addition to his lāñchana (distinctive sign) a Tree which is special to
64 The etymology of this word makes clear its function: āyāga, from āyaj, to offer in oblation, render homage; it is a gift offered as a sacrifice (the Brahmanic sacrifice being replaced here by worship offered to the arhats); pața: a cloth or a tablet upon which one may write or paint. We may note the permanent, durable character of these offerings; cf. e.g. Bühler, El, vol. II, inscrs. V, viji, xxxii.
65 Cf. U.P. Shah. 1955. pp.43-58 for a detailed study of caitya. On the subject of the vşkşa: "...it must be remembered that this tree-worship, popular in ancient times, noticed in the Vedas, formed an important part of the religious beliefs and practices of the masses with whom Buddha or the Jina was mainly concerned in his opposition to the Vedic priestly class and its rituals... The introduction of the Caitya-tree was especially due to the possible appeal it made to the masses with whom worship of the trees was so popular. The Jajnas as well as the Buddhists gave a new meaning to the Tree-Worship. They were the trees under which their leaders obtained Enlightenment." Ibid., pp. 72-73. The words caitya, caityalaya, are still used nowadays among the Digambaras, caitya usually referring to the image or icon and caityalaya to the temple; cf. JSK, II, pp. 300-304.

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him. It is quite probable that the āyāgapatas were reverenced under a caitya-vskṣa. 66
Dhvaja denotes an emblem, a flag or a column which is also termed stambha or mānastambha. Is this perhaps reminiscent of the yūpa, the Vedic sacrificial post, or of Agni, the skambha or pillar?67 Whatever the origin of the dhvaja, it has been adopted by the Jainas, particularly by the Digambaras. 68
Triratnas or ratnatrayas, the Three Jewels: right vision, right knowledge, right conduct, which constitute the quintessence of the way of Deliverance.
Aștamangalas, the eight mangalas, commonly called māngalikas. The word mangala means good fortune, prosperity, that which is propitious, favourable. The aştamangalas are the eight auspicious signs. They are to be found for the first time in Jaina tradition on certain ayāgapatas of the Ist century.69 They have varied according to different epochs and, though adopted by both Digambaras and Svetāmbaras, have, with the exception of three of them, differed in the two traditions. They are very popular and figure in sculpture, iconography and embrcidery. In our own day the Murtipūjaka sādhvis embroider the aştamangalas on a piece of red felt with thread of various colours. This embroidered piece is affixed to the wooden handle of their rajoharana, a small broom of white wool.70
66 Cf. U.P. Shah, 1955, p. 83.
67Ibid., pp. 60-62, where he quotes A.K. Coomaraswamy.
68 Ibid., pp 23; 60-61; 89-90; fig. 56: a mānastambha or column of praise at Devagadha.
69 Cf. Agrawala, 1976, fig. 23, p. 51 and n. p.171; here we note also the two dhvajas, one topped by a dharma-cakra and the other by an elephant.
70 Cf. P 420.

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Here is a list of the Svetambara signs: Svastika: a cross with arms bent at a right angle,71
śrivatsa: a sign shaped like a flower and placed on the breast of statues or pictures of the tirthankaras,72
nandyavarta: a type of diagram,73
varddhamanaka: a powder-flask,
bhadrasana: a throne, seat of glory,
kalasa: a jar, pitcher (full),
matsya: fish, always depicted in pairs,
darpaṇa: a mirror.74
The Digambaras have adopted the following signs:
bhṛngāra: a gilded vase,
kalasa: a jar, pitcher (full),
darpaṇa: a mirror,
camara: a small switch to ward off flies,
161
71 "A mystical cross which is believed to bring good fortune to the wearer thereof and which resembles a Greek cross with ends turned in at right angles..." Bhattacharya, 1974, p. 143.
72 "A diagram resembling a flower of four petals arranged at right angles one to another or a curl of hair." Ibid., p. 143.
73 "It is defined as a Svastika with nine corners..." Ibid., p. 142.
74 sotthiya (sovatthiya), sirivaccha, naṁdiyāvatta, vaddhamāṇaka, bhaddhāsaṇa, kalasa, maccha, dappaņā. Aupapātika-sūtra 9.

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dhvaja: a banner,
vyajana: a fan,
chatra: a parasol,
supratisthā: seat of honour.75
The āyāgapata of an unknown donor (Illustr. No. 18, n.76) of which the date is the Ist century at latest, seems to have been intended for the veneration of the aştamangalas. It is recognised as being of great importance, for it contains the principal signs, that is, the objects of veneration at that time. The arhat is shown at the centre of a very beautiful svastika and the other mangalas as well as the triratnas, the caitya-vskșa and the stūpa all figure in it.76
75 bhimgära, kalasa, dappaņa, câmara, dhaya, viyaņa, chatta, supayatthā. JSK, II, p.302 (11). We observe that only the kalaśa, the darpana and the bhadrasana (supratisthā) are common to both traditions and that the kalasa and svastika are also lañchanas of certain tirthankaras in the two traditions; cf. caturvimśatistava POOO (Introd. I). The kalaśa is probably the pūrņakumbha of the Vedic tradition, symbolising a plenitude unaffected by tim cf. Atharva Veda XIX, 53. As to the origin of the majority of these mangalas "The origin of a number of symbols and especially the original conception behind them is often shrouded in mystery. The real age of the original conception behind the svastika or the nandyāvarta or the pair of fish (minayugala) etc. is often unknown. Even the shape of the original nandyavarta symbol is not certain. Again, in course of time, the shapes or forms of the symbols like srivatsa on the chest of a Jina image have also changed. Borrowings or adoptions and assimilations of symbols of rival sects and foreigners, as well as symbols from the old common stock of ancient India result in finer differences of conceptions behind the symbolisms. Still, however, literary evidences of all such sects and peoples explaining symbolism have to be looked into before properly assessing the meaning of any symbol in any sect of India." U.P. Shah, 1975, p. 49. We should bear in mind that the mangala par excellence is the Namaskara-mantra.
76 Tablet VIII. Set up by an unknown donor.
This tablet (J.250 Lucknow Museum, size 3'x 2'. 8") is possibly for the worship of the eight auspicious symbols, suggested by a big ornamental svastika, enclosed in a big circle, and with a small svastika, a Srivatsa, a pair

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The Contents of Certain Inscriptions
In addition to the āyāgapațas there was found in the ruins a considerable number of images of naked tirthankaras, 77 especially of Mahāvira, either standing in the kāyotsarga posture or seated in dhyānamudrā. Certain of these images are called caturmukha, fourfaced, and form a four-fold statue. On the pedestal, inscriptions indicate the donors' names (both men and women), the nature of the gift (very often: pratimă, image), and the date of presentation. These inscriptions are written in a mixture of Prākrit and Sanskrit in brähmi characters and were probably the work of munis whose knowledge of Sanskrit was not very advanced.78 Certain of them are of particular interest, for they relate how such or such a śrāvikā made an offering at the bidding or suggestion79 of an Arya (Aryya) or sādhvi. These inscriptions thus reveal to us not only the existence of sådhvis exercising a spiritual parentage (fisini or antevasini: disciple of a male or female Arya), but also their function as inspirers of devotion
of fish, and a bhadrâsana (or Indrayaşți?) shown in its four arms. In the centre of the big svastika, is another circle showing the Jina and the tri-ratnas. The circle round the big svastika shows male and female worshippers of the figures of a Jina, a Caitya-tree enclosed in a square railing, a stūpa and another object (badly damaged) represented on four sides in the rim of the circle. The pedestal of the pata shows in the centre a highly defaced inscription and partly defaced eight auspicious symbols, out of which the water-jar, the lotus, the tri-ratna, the śrivatsa, and the svastika can be recognised easily." U.P. Shah, 1955, pp.81-82. We may take note of the fact that, out of the 9 ayāgapatas discovered in the ruins of Mathurā and described in the above mentioned work, 5 of them were offered by śrāvikās, which indicates that they occupied an important place in the Jaina society of that epoch. One notices also the variants between the aștamangalas which appear in this connection and those which are mentioned in Scripture in a later epoch.
77 "All the figures of the Tirtharkaras are nude, showing that the difference between images of the Digambaras (sky-clad, worshipping nude images) and the Svetämbaras (white-robed, adoring Tirthankaras wearing a lower garment) was posterior to the Kuşāņa period." U.P. Shah, 1955, p. 11.
78 Cf. C.J. Shah, 1932, pp. 202-203.
79 Nirvartana: cf. Bühler, EI, vol. I, p. 380.

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within the Jaina community at large. It is clear that they fostered faith in the dharma and provided an unflagging encouragement and stimulus. These offerings were part of the worship paid to the arhats; now, the arhats are not dispensers of favours, so this worship constituted, rather, an act of homage to their spiritual perfection, a concrete demonstration of faith in their teaching. These offerings were all meritorious religious acts, they helped in the maintenance of spiritual health in the community, and in keeping up its fervour. We note that certain images were offered "for the well-being of all living beings", 80 which shows that the essential of the doctrine had profoundly affected the members of the samgha.
These inscriptions of the Kuşāņa epoch are dated from years 4 to 98, which would correspon approximately to years 82 to 176 of our era. 81 Here are the names of the Āryas or āryikās mentioned, each of which is a sign of a life spent in the resolute practice of asceticism: Ārya Jaya (Aryya Jayā); Deva, Ārya Vasulā (Aryya Vasulā) and Ārya Samgamikā (Aryya Sangamikā); Kumāramitrå (Kumāramitā); Dhanyäśri (Diañāśiri); Akakā, Nanda and Balavarmā; Ārya Jinadāsi (Aryya Jinadāsi); Arhaddăsi (Arhadāsi) and Grahavilā; Dattă (Datā) and A'ya Jivă (Ayikā Jivā); Arya Nāgadattā (Aryya Nāgadattā); Sãditā; Ārya Śyāmā (Aryya Samā).82 In certain inscriptions the title Aryya is followed by a name which is partially effaced;83 elsewhere the name is completely effaced but the word Sisini remains.84 Despite
80 "sarvasatvan hitasukhaya": Bühler, EI, vol. II, inscrs. xxxvii; cf. also inscrs. xiii; xxxiv.
81 Despite the uncertainty which exists concerning the exact date of the inscriptions, it seems fairly sure that they belong to the Ist-IInd c., cf. C.). Shah, 1932, p. 199.
82 Cf. Lüders, El, vol. X, App. inscrs. 21; 23a; 24 (70); 39; 45a; 48; 50; 59a; 67; 86; 117; 121. One notices that certain names are preceded by the title Arya and others not; however, these latter have been able to be identified by means of the word śiśini which accompanies them.
83 Ibid. inscrs. 75; 119.
84 Ibid. inscrs. 32; 86.

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the brevity of the texts one finds some details here and there, for example, that Arya Jaya was the sister of a vācaka, or preacher, called Arya Samdhika; and that the son of Arya Kumāramitrā was a gandika or dealer in perfumes, which permits us to suppose that she was a widow or that she had chosen the way of asceticism with the permission of her husband.85
To give an idea of these inscriptions, here are three of them: - on the base of an image:
86
165
In the year 4, during the Ist month of summer, the 20th day thereof, the convert (saḍhachari)86 of Sihamitra (Simhamitra), the disciple (śisini) of Sathisiha (Śaśțisimha), the disciple (śiśini) of Pusyamitra...87 of Vārana gaṇa, of Ārya Hāṭṭakiya (Arya Hāṭṭakiya) kula, of Vajanagari (Vārjanagari) śākha...the gift...together with Grahacheta [and] Grahadāsa.
on the pedestal of an image:
In the year 15, the third month of summer, the first day: the gift of a four-faced image of Bhagavat by Kumāramitā (Kumāramitrā), first wife of śreșthin Veni, at the request of Aryya Vasula (Arya Vasula) the disciple (śisini) of Aryya Sangamikā (Arya Samgamikā) the disciple (śiśini) of Aryya Jayabhūti (Arya Jayabhūti) of Mehika kula.88
85 Ibid. inscrs. 21; 39; cf. Bühler, EI, vol. I, p. 380.
Bühler, EI, vol. II, inscr. xi (n.35) "female convert, sadhachari or śrāddhachari, the translation is merely tentative."
87 Ibid., (n. 33) "at the end of the line the name of the nun has been lost, probably also the word nirvartanā." N.B. the organisation into ganas, kulas
and śākhās.
88 Lüders, EI, vol. X, App. inscr. 24. Śreṣthin denotes an artisan, the president of a corporation; Lūders translates it by "banker"; cf. Thapar, 1981, p.112 on the same subject. We notice the relationship of śravikā to Aryikā, of the disciples (Āryikās) among themselves and with an Arya. The name Kumāramitrā is the same as that of Ārya Kumāramitra of inscr. 39, the

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- on the base of an image:
In the year 50 (?), the 2nd month of winter, the Ist day: dedication of an image of Vadha (māna] (Vardhamana) by Vijayasiri (Vijayaśri), daughter of Bubu, first wife of Rajyavasu (Rājyavasu), mother of Devila, (and) paternal grandmother of Vişnubhava, who fasted for one month [and] is fulfilling the request (paņatihara) of A[yya)...ghakaraba [?], the disciple (sisini) who is fulfilling the request (panatidhărita) of Aryya Jinadasi (Arya Jinadāsi), the disciple (fisini) of Samadi ... va Dinara...89
Certain inscriptions give us information on the social milieu of the śrāvikās; mention is made of the wives of a carvan-leader, a dyer,90 and a danser, of the daughter of a goldsmith, 91 and of the mother and daughter-in-law of a perfumer, 92 just to give a few examples. It is from this middle-class milicu, of businessmen and artisans, that the Aryas, äryikās or sadhvis also came. 9 3
mother of the dealer in perfumes. Both refer perhaps to the same person, and it is possible that between the time of the Ist inscr. dated the year 15 and that of the 2nd dated the year 35 śrăvika Kuināramitrā became a widow or abandoned the world and joined the sadhvis.
89 Ibid., inscr. 50 (Vol. II inscr. xxxvi). Paņatihara (Sanskrit: prajñaptidharā), panatidhārita (Sanskrit: dhāritaprajñapti): the person who fulfills a request, carries out an instruction; cf. Bühler, EI, vol. II, p.209 (ns.14; 13). The names at the end of the inscr. are partially effaced.
90 Cf. Ibid., inscrs. 30; 32.
91 Cf. Bühler, El, vol. II, inscrs. v; xxiii.
92 Ibid., inscr. xvi; Lüders, ibid., inscr. 76.
93 The title Arya (Aryya) is used for both men and women ascetics. Further investigation into the names of the gaņas, kulas, and säkhās might help us to discover whether in this epoch the definitive schism between Digambaras
d Svetämbaras was already in existence and whether the ascetics whose names are mentioned belonged to the one tradition or the other.

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This general survey of the different discoveries of the ruins of Mathurā has enable us to reconstruct in part the religious and social context of the ascetics at the beginning of our era.
B - Who are the Bhattārakas?
Before proceeding to an overall review of sundry documents dealing with the sadhvis and äryikās, which have found their way into various regions in the course of the centuries, we must mention here certain particular features of one of the Digambara sources: the bhaltāraka-sampradāya. Bhattāraka (from bhatta: lord) is a title of respect used for the gods, venerable personages, masters, learned persons and certain Shivaite monks. In the Jaina tradition, the arhats, siddhas and śramanas are called bhattārakas, 94 and this title was often accorded to ācāryas also. Moreover, both among the Digambaras and also the Svetāmbaras one line of religious leaders is called by this
name. 95
Origin and characteristics
Although the origin of the office of Bhattāraka seems to date back to antiquity, no specific mention is to be found of them until the IXth century, when reference is made to their pițhas or pattas (seats or headquarters) and it is only from the XIIIth century onwards that one can trace a line of Bhattārakas continuously to our own day. 96 It appears that, progressively, for reasons connected with social order or dictated by local circumstances, certain ascetics were led to modify their manner of life and thus constitute a group distinct from the main body of ascetics. A Bhattāraka has a role within the Jaina community which is at one and the same time religious, cultural, administrative and social. He remains celibate, possesses land, lives in a matha, a type of monastery, which has its own private library; he wears a
94 Cf. JSK III, p. 216.
95 Here we shall confine ourselves to the Digambara branch.
96 Cf. BhattSamp, Prastāvanā, pp. 2-4.

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garment of pale saffron and wooden sandals; he travels like anyone else and can have students or disciples. In our own day there are only five Bhatārakas, who reside in certain localities of Mahārāștra and Karnataka. In past centuries this was a flourishing institution which, if we judge by ancient manuscripts and the epigraphy, had a profound influence not only on Jaina society, but on society in general. Their activities extended to literature, science, medicine, the arts, architecture, the organisation of important pilgrimages and to politics. They were also renowned for their possession of miraculous powers, thanks to certain mantras. By collecting and preserving in their headquarters a large number of manuscçipts, they rendered an immense servie to posterity. To sum up, their life was that of noble lords of religion and culture. 97 Nevertheless, although their'manner of life differs from that of the śramanas, they adhere to the same teaching. They stipulate nudity as an indispensable condition for Liberation and have the same attitude towards womankind.
The bhattāraka-sampradāya is introduced here, for in the not inconsiderable number of literary and archacological documents this group has left us, mention is made here and there of aryikās being their disciples. References to these documents are made only in regard to the following regions: Panjāba, Rājasthāna, Madhya Pradeśa, Gujarăta, Mahārāṣtra. 98
Āryikās disciples of the Bhattárakas
Certain ancient texts mention this spiritual relationship. However, in our own day, the Bhatļārakas do not have disciples among the munis and äryikās. In fact, the āryikås, having received dikṣā, have taken upon themselves the mahăvratas or great vows, and are considered to occupy in the samgha a loftier position than that of the Bhattārakas, so that an äryiká does not, for example, make the
97 Ibid., pp. 7-22.
98 The documents concerning another part of Mahārāşțra and Karņāțaka have not yet been published.

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vandana (ritual salutation) to a Bhattāraka.99 If, however, one goes back several centuries in history, one will find that, in fact and for the most part, the Bhattārakas appear to have gradually supplanted the ācāryas and thus were to be found fulfilling the functions of these la latter. 100
Organisation
The Bhattārakas were divided into three principal groups, which were subdivided into śākhās, regional branches, each with its own headquarters.
- The Senagapa: with headquarters in Mahărăștra. - The Balātkāragana: with headquarters in Rājasthāna, Madhya Pradeśa, Mahārāştra, Gujarāta. • The Kāșthāsamgha: with headquarters in Panjāba, Madhya Pradeśa, Mahārāștra. 101
These few facts about the Bhattārakas shed some light for us on the circumstances in which the aryikās mentioned in the religious works or inscriptions lived their lives. It must be added that the documents concerning the āryikā disciples of the Bhattārakas are not treated
99 The Bharțāraka of Mūļabidure, Śri Charukirti P. Svāmi told me that he had never considered the question. Aryikā Jñānamati, whom I consulted on this subject, was at first very definite: "An āryikā can not be given dikṣā by a Bhattāraka". Then, after studying the texts, she realised that this had existed in the past.
100 We cannot treat fully here this very complicated subject. It is sufficient to quote the reply of Professor Joharapurkar to my question in this regard: "This notion of a Muni's and Aryikā's superiority to a Bhațțăraka is a íodern one which arose after the revival of Digambara Muni Samgha. Bhattārakas
tury and onward were successors of ancient Acaryas and claimed the same authority. That is why Aryikās could be their disciples. Bhattarakas claimed that they were observing all the five mahăvratas. See Anekāla, December 64 (vol. XVII, p. 231.)."
101 Cf. Bhatt Samp, Prastāvanā, pp. 6-7. The Senagana and the Balātkāragana were offshoots of the Mülasaṁgha of the South. The Kästhāsamgha was noted for its heterodox vicws which had little connection with the true essence of the doctrine; cf. JSK I, pp. 341-342.

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completely separately in this study but are included with the Svetāmbara documents in accordance with a particular geographical order, 102
The interest of these documents does not chiefly lie in their belonging to such or such a tradition, but in the names of the aryikās and sādhvis, which constitute signs of their presence in a particular region or period, and also in the actual nature of the documents. Before undertaking this long tour we must take note once again of that which is a characteristic of all the Jaina women ascetics of all epochs: they are anagāri, without a dwelling. The inscriptions and passages of manuscripts cited belong to a specific place; the fact that such or such an āryikā or sādhvi is mentioned in no way signifies that she was native of the place in question, but simply that she had sojourned there, passed through there. However, in past centuries the aryikās and sādhvis scarcely went beyond the boundaries of the province of their birth and so, as a general rule, we may take it that they were, if
102 Even though one or other tradition may have predominated in certain regions, a given locality often had among the Jaina community members of each of the sects. The documents of the Bhasțārakas are scattered here and there, not only because of the existence of different branches, but because they themselves moved or changed their headquarters. This makes it difficult to classify according to type references that are already restricted in both number and content. The grouping which follows is generally based on the region which corresponds to the headquarters of a gana, a sakha, etc.; however, certain references are introduced within the area of the place mentioned in the particular text and not within the area of the headquarters of one or other gana. Furthermore, the aryikās did not necessarily belong to the place indicated in a reference; however, we may certainly consider that they all belonged to the West or the Centre, i.e. the South of Rajasthāna, Gujarāta, Madhya Pradeśa or Mahārāstra. The texts, which are often in debased and archaic Sanskrit, often cite series of names, lines of Bhattarakas and of their disciples. Being myself neither an epigraphist nor a historian, I give here only those references concerning āryikās which are based on the original and on its shortened Hindi version. Professor Joharapurkar gave me the necessary details concerning the whereabouts of certain places and the content of certain texts.

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not natives of the place, at least of the region to which the manuscripts or inscriptions belong. 103
A return to the original ideal
The manner of life of the Bhattārakas, despite certain positive features on the institutional level, represented a real decadence as regards the spiritual message itself and the way in which it was put into practice. It is said that in the XVIth century, in the regions of the North and Centre, the munis and their rule of life were no longer known, except by name. They belonged to a far distant past.104 The Bhattārakas put the emphasis on a showy and costly performance of ritual worship, to the detriment of spiritual values. This state of affairs made a profound impression on Banārasidāsa, a famous poet and śrāvaka of Āgarā, when, after a long and painful inner pilgrimage, he discovered that the essential resides first of all in knowledge and the realisation of the atman. Through the testimony he bore, by words and in writing, he was the originator of a genuine renewal, which had its beginning in the early years of the XVIIth century. A zealous and captivating personality, as well as being highly gifted and influential, Banārasidāsa set in motion a movement of resistance to the grip of the Bhattarakas on the samgha. He opposed all the errors that had conduced to decadence and aimed at a return to the original ideal. He studied and meditated with fervour upon the works of Acārya
103 It must also be added that the drawing of state-boundaries on a linguistic basis is of very recent date. Previously the country was divided into bigger or smaller kingdoms, whose boundaries changed along with their sovereigns in the wake of local battles. It is fairly easy, either by taking the names of the regions of antiquity or, more so, the name of towns still existing in our own days, to locate these documents in contemporary states. Furthermore, the various documents referring to the Bhattarakas and others also to which we have recourse do not always give the exact name of a place, but we can, in the case of the Bhattārakas, assign them to a place fairly accurately from the name of their sākha. As for their dates, they do not always correspond to the time in which a particular sadhvi or āryikā lived, but sometimes to the time in which the document in which she is mentioned was written. It is not possible, therefore, to follow a systematic order, for each group of texts must be considered in the context to which it belongs.
104 Cf. R.K. Jain, 1966, p.43.

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Kundakunda. His powerful inspiration led him to compose a poem based on the Samayasāra, the Jewel of the Great Sage. He aroused a veritable re-awakening in the Jaina community. Thanks to him, the essence of the ideal and doctrine were once more known and put into practice, 105 and after him the movement pursued its course.
During this same period and in reaction against the type of worship promoted by the Bhattārakas, some Digambara śrāvakas formed a subsect, the Terahapanthis, whose worship was of a very sober character, employing only non-living substances: candana, sandalwood paste and akşatas, grains of rice.106 We know, moreover, that prior to this, towards the end of the XVth century, in Madhya Pradeśa, Svāmi Tarana had set in motion a reform in the same direction, but of a still more radical sort: abandonment of every type of worship addressed to images; veneration to be accorded to the books enshrining the doctrine. This reform was confined to its region of origin. 107
The āryikās, having never constituted an autononous group, 108 were obliged to follow the religious leaders of their epoch and region. Given their manner of life and their practice of austerity, which was less excessive than that of the munis, they were probably basically unaffected by matters concerning rules of conduct. The fact of having lived under obedience to a Bhattāraka does not signify that they were
105 For the eventful life of Banārasidása, his remarkable personality and his works, cf. ibid., the whole study.
106 Ibid., pp. 43; 107. In our own days the majority of the Digambaras called Bisapanthis perform the elaborate type of worship promoted by the Bhaļțārakas, with flowers, fruit, milk, etc. The Terahapanthis are still in existence and are also called Terapanthis (but are not to be confused with the Svetāmbara gana of the same name).
107 Ibid., p.44; its members still number some several thousand. K.C. Jain, 1963, p. 92 says that the Tāraṇapanthis venerate the 14 texts written by their founder.
108 We shall see, however, that in Tamil Nādu certain of them enjoyed a greater degree of independence owing to their function as teachers; cf.P,238
ff.

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less fervent than the āryikās of times past or than those of our own day. The Bhattārakas, even if they let lapse the previous rigorous, radical and uncompromising asceticism, often remained' highly cultured religious guides. The āryikās benefitted from this atmosphere, which was conducive to intellectual pursuits, and they took part in the cultural achievements of their own era and milieu.

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C - From the Foothills of the Himālayas
to Holy Mount Ābū
Subsequent to the inscriptions of Mathură in the first centuries of our era, we have no exact information, at least as far as I know, concerning the presence of sădhvis in the North until the Xth century. Starting from the foothills of the Himalayas and passing through Panjāba and Rājasthāna, one arrives at holy Mount Abū on the borders of Rājasthāna and Gujarāta. The very brief references to sādhvis in these regions are of the period dating from the Xth to the XVIIIth centuries; they are to be found in inscriptions and, especially, in colophons and passages of ancient manuscripts. The first three groups of these documents belong to the Digambaras, the following three to the Svetāmbaras.
a) In Alamodă District
At Dvārahața, close to a caranapădukā (an impression in the rock of feet symbolising a venerated person) there is an inscription dated saṁvat 1044 (988) mentioning Arjikā Lalita Sri, disciple of Arjikā Deva Śni.109 This caraṇapādukā is a clear sign that Arjikā Lalita Śri was held in high esteem in the region and that very probably her mahāprasthāna (Great Departure) had occurred a short while before the offering of the caranapădukă by some śrāvakas.
b) The Mathuragaccha
This gaccha was part of the Kāșthāsamgha. On the eighth day of the bright fortnight of phålguna (February-March) of saṁvat 1688 (1632) in the town of Sapidon in Panjāba, Bhattāraka Sahastrakinti caused a pādukā to be made for his disciple Arjikā Śri Pratāpa Śri.110
109 Cf. JSilalekhaSam, vol. 5, inscr. 19, p. 22. Saṁvat or vikrama samvat: the era of King Vikramaditya which began in the year 58 B.C. To reckon the corresponding year of our era, one subtracts 57 or 56 years. Arjikā or Arjikā is another form for Aryikā.
110 Cf. BhattSamp, No. 610, pp. 234-244. The bright fortnight: śudi or śukla-pakşa: the fifteen days (i.e. circa 2 weeks or 1 fortnight) during which the moon is waxing; pādukā or caranapādukā.

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c) The Dilli-Jayapuraśākhā
We come now to Rajasthana, a province in the North-West, where Jainism was already in existence from about the VIIth century. It found there a firm footing in the VIIIth and IXth centuries, several factors conducing in its favour, one of which was the remarkable personality of Muni Haribhadra Suri. On this largely arid and desert soil and among this proud people, much given to poetry and bhakti, as well as being very practical, energetic, stable and accustomed to hard living conditions in a climate which ranges from scrorching heat in summer to icy cold in winter, the Jaina dharma put down roots which have resisted all political, social or religious storms, and it remains very much alive up to this present day. The state of Rajasthäna, which nowadays is of vast extent, was previously controlled by several small kingships. As the ascetics had no fixed abode, it is often difficult in the regions of the North-West and West to know whether the names encountered in the documents belonged to Rājasthāna or Gujarāta. It is known that there existed, and still exists today, a close bond between these two provinces in which exchanges of all sorts have always been frequent. Similarly, if the texts which follow belong for the most part to Rajasthāna, they have often a close link with Gujarāta; for this reason we must approach the two as one whole, even if certain geographical and cultural distinctions need to be borne in mind.
-The Dilli-Jayapura śākhā belonged to the Balātkāragaṇa. We are told in a written document in Bijauliyā (Rājasthāna) that on the third day of the bright fortnight of phālguna in saṁvat 1483 (1427), a nişidika was erected to Arya Bai Agama Śri; the names are given of the Aryas in succession from guruni to disciple: Arya Bãi Loka Śri, Vinaya Śri, Bãi Caritra Śri and Bãi Agama Śri. These Aryās belonged to the spiritual family of Bhattaraka Subhacandra.111 A nişidikā (niṣidhikā) or a samadhi, a small sanctuary built in honour of a deceased person, often a spiritual master, to venerate his memory and, sometimes, to house his ashes. Arya Agama Śri must have been an outstanding aryikā that a niṣidikā should have been dedicated in her
name.
111 Cf. BhattSamp, No. 244, pp. 97; 108.
175

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In the documents of another sākhă of the same gaña, the Nāgauraśākhã, one finds that: in 1579 a copy of the Dhanyakumāracaritra was presented to Āryikā Karmai by Lúna, a disciple of Bhattāraka Lakşmicandra. 112
d) The Jesalamera manuscripts
In the very heart of the great desert, at Jesalamera, a small fortresstown, are to be found eight Jaina temples nestling among buildings containing exquisite sculptures of an extraordinary artistry. These temples and the upăśrayas possessed certain grantha-bhandāras, also sometimes termed jñāna-bhandaras or śástra-bhandāras, that is, collections of manuscripts. Jesalmera is certainly not the only place famous for its Jaina grantha-bhandaras, for there are a number of others in Rājasthāna, Gujarāta, Mahārāştra and in the South, but those of Jesalamera possess manuscripts of unparalleled quality and antiquity.113 The most important bhandara is the one which was established by the scholar Muni Jinabhadra Sūri in the XVth century and which bears his name.114 The collection preserved in it is the oldest one known among the Jainas up to date and contains manuscripts of works dating back to the Xlth and XIIth centuries; quite a number are written on palm-leaves and several adhere to different Indian philosophical systems.
112 Cf. K.C. Jain, 1963, p. 85. The Dhanyakumāracaritra is one of the works composed by the erudite Bhattáraka Sakalakirti of the XVth c.
113 The chief bhandāras of the Svetāmbaras are in Rājasthāna and Gujarāta, those of the Digambaras in Rājasthāna, Maharastra and Karņāțaka.
114 At the present time all the manuscripts are held in the bhandāra of the temple of Pārsvanatha; they belong to the Svetāmbaras. The bhandāra is housed in a basement which one enters through a small low door. The manuscripts are preserved in long aluminium boxes within steel cupboards. The Ist catalogue, giving an incomplete list of the collection, was published at the beginning of this century. During the last years, Muni Punyavijaya has prepared and had printed the various collections of Jesalamera manuscripts. This new catalogue contains ref. to 2697 texts, 438 of which are on palmleaves; cf. Jesalmer Coll. NC, Prastāvanā, pp. 28-30. All the ref. given in this section are taken from this new catalogue.

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Jinabhadra Sūri belonged to the Kharataragaccha, which came into being at the beginning of the XIth century at the time of the reformer Jinesvara Sūri.115 Later, at the beginning of the XIIIth century, in Rajasthāna, Jagatcandra Sūri founded another gaccha, the Tapagaccha. 116 Before going through the references to certain sadhvis that are found in the manuscripts of Jesalamera, between the XIIth and XIIIth centuries, special mention should be made of Jinadatta Sūri, a very fervent muni of the end of the XIIth and beginning of the XIIIth centuries who, so they say, gave dikṣā to seven hundred sädhvis!117
118
In the collection of manuscripts one notes the names of fifteen sādhvis, among whom two are the authors of texts. These names appear in certain texts, often very short ones, which for the most part form the conclusion of a work. A brief analysis of these references reveal that:
177
They appear in certain transcribed manuscripts. The date of the transcription is not always given and still more rarely that of the
115 Sūri: a title commonly bestowed on a learned muni. Often a Sūri was also an Acarya. The caityavasis or less strict munis, had abandoned the itinerant life and the hardships of asceticism and had installed themselves in the subsidiary buildings of the caityas (temples), where they led a sedentary life similar in certain respects to that of the Bhaṭṭārakas. Starting from Gujarata, the Kharataragaccha established itself firmly in Rajasthāna, Madhya Pradeśa, Sindha and round about Dilli. Cf. Guérinot, 1908, p.244, inscr. 684 for a paṭṭāvali (paṭṭa: seat, seat of honour of the Acarya; avali: line, rank; we must understand here: pattadhara: he who occupies the seat), a list of the line of Acaryas of the Kharataragaccha from its foundation until 1594-95 at Pāṭaņa (Gujarāta); cf. also K.C. Jain, 1963, pp. 58; 204; Nähaṭā, 1971, pp. 1-4. The original name of this gaccha was: vidhimärga, though later on it was called Kharataragaccha from kharatara: extremely hard, sharp, penetrating - characteristics shown by Jineśvara Sūri in a famous speech in the court of King Durlabharāja at Pățaṇa, where in 1017 he won the day over the caityavāsis.
116 Tapä, on account of this muni's austerity; cf. K.C. Jain, 1963, pp. 58-59.
117 Ibid., pp.
205-206.
118 They are introduced in the following sub-section along with other sädhvi
authors.

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original composition which is sometimes earlier by two or three centuries. Certain of these texts are transcriptions of Agamas and are accompanied by a commentary.
- When the names of one or more well-known Sūris are quoted in connection with the name of the sădhvi in question, one manages to discover in what period she lived: In other cases one can assume that she was contemporaneous with the transcription.
- A great number of these sādhvis probably belonged to the Kharataragaccha, whether in Rājasthāna or in places very close to Gujarāta.
• Taking into consideration the nature of these texts, we may safely come to the conclusion that the sādhvis possessed a solid intellectual grounding, both in the doctrine and also in Prākrit and Sanskrit. They must indeed have been decidedly exceptional.
- The majority of them have a title which indicates their function within their group. Six were ganinis, at the head of a gana; two were pravartinis, at the head of a group that was probably less important than the gana; three were mahattarăs, which was title given, so it seems, to an aged and venerable sādhvi with a role that was both spiritual and administrative, 119 Here these few references are given in chronological order:120
-On Wednesday the 9th day of the bright fortnight of māgha (January-February) of saṁvat 1215 (1159), the manuscript [Svapnasaptikā, text and commentary) was transcribed with a view to its being studied by śāntamati Gaņini, disciple of Jinadatta Sūri.121
119 Cf. Deo, 1956, pp. 468-469.
120 The passages are given here as seems appropriate, either in word-forword translation or by a translation of contents based on the brief indications supplied by the Catalogue.
121 samvat 1215 māgha sudi 9 budhe pustikā likhitamiti Śrimat
Jinadattasūrisisinyāḥ śāntamatiganinyāḥ sajjhāyapustikā Śrih. Jesalmer

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-Following the transcription of the Bhagavati-sūtra, in the XIIth century or thereabouts, we find in several verses that are appended to it a eulogy of Mrgāvati Pravartini in which she is praised for her selfmastery:
Freed from pride and keeping full control of the self, the lioness Mrgāvati Pravartini (dwells) for ever in the enclosure of the three excellent guptis. 122
-At the end of the manuscript of the Dharmabindu of Haribhadra Súri (VIIIth century) and the commentary upon it by Muni Candra Sūri (XIIth century), several names are mentioned and among others, "the disciple of Jagamata Gaņini" as having received dikșă from Jinapati Sūri; the name of the sādhvi is not given. 123
-At the end of the manuscript of the Pindavisuddhi of Jinavallabha Gaņi (beginning of XIIth century) and of the commentary upon it by Yaśodeva Sūri (XIIth century) it is recorded simply that:
This manuscript is in the possession of Śri Prabhāvati Mahattara. 124
Coll. NC, No 154 (19); p.52. A text dealing with dreams connected with the tirtharikaras, in Prākrit-Sanskrit; the authors of text and commentary are not named.
122 mane bhadārane sihi pavittiņi Miyāvai
asogaseviyā niccar tiguttivajjapamjare. (6). Ibid., No 4; p. 363. The Bhagavati-sūtra belongs to the Anga Agamas. Guptis: cf. P 358.
123 Ibid., No 225; p.80. The text is a treatise of religion and philosophy, in Sanskrit. It is certain that these sādhvis lived between the end of the XIIth c. and the beginning of the XIIIth, seeing that Jinapati Sūri was born in 1153; cf. K.C. Jain, 1963, p. 38.
124 śriPrabhāvatimahattarāsatkapustika. Jesalmer Coll. NC, No 210; p. 73. A text on the subject of purity of food, in Präkrit-Sanskrit.

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- In one of the verses which are appended to the XIVth century manuscript of a short commentary on the Avaśyaka-sútra by Tilaka Ācārya, it is stated that:
Cäritrasundari, who before receiving dikṣā was called Sarasvati, practised tapas (austerity), [for it is] difficult to obtain this happiness (mokşa) by any other means. 125
-At the end of the manuscript of the Upadeśamălă of Dharmadāsa Gani and after the commentary upon it for the use of beginners by Vimalakirti (XVIth-XVIIth centuries), we learn that: the transcription was made at Viramapura (Rājasthāna), the tenth day of the bright fortnight of bhādrapada (August-September) of saṁvat 1680 (1624).
to be studied by Sādhvi Punyasiddhi Ganini, disciple of Padmasiddhi Gaņini, disciple of Sādhvi Mānasiddhi Gaņini the most outstanding of the learned (sādhvis).126
-At the end of the manuscript of the Vipāka-sūtra dated sarvat 1816 (1760) we are informed that: in the city of Jodhapura, the Vipāka-sutra and brief commentary thereon were transcribed for her own use by Vakattu, disciple of Sri Ārya Purānjani. 127
-In an undated manuscript of the Upadeśamālā with explanations of certain words supplied one observes in the middle of each page the following note:
grhe Sarasvati namnā vrate Caritrasundari
tapasyati śivāyaisā durlabhaṁ hi tadanyathā (15). Ibid., No 114; p. 38. A Sanskrit text; the Avaśyaka-sútra belongs to the Müla Āgamas. The epoch in which Tilaka Ācārya lived is not known.
126 ... nihseșavićeşavidāmvarā sādhvi Mānasiddhigaņinišisyā
Padmasiddhigasini tacchişya sādhvi Punyasiddhiganini pathanakste. Ibid., No 1581; pp. 309-310. The text is a very ancient compendium of instructions written in Prākrit; the commentary is in Gujarati.
127 Ibid., No 729; p. 246; although the name Vakattu is preceded by no title, it is classified as the name of a sadhvi in the index, p.431. The Vipäka-sutra belongs to the Anga Agamas; the commentary is in Gujarāti.

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This is worthy (of being offered) to Śri Paramaści Śri Mahattarā, disciple of Sāntivallari Gaņini.128
Moreover, in addition to these references, Muni Punyavijaya has assembled from the puşpikäs, postscripts of manuscripts, preserved in other jñāna-bhandāras, twenty-two further names of sādhvis, but up to date we have seen no details concerning these puşpikās, These names are: Gaņinis. Ajitasundari, Kirti þri, Jagasundari, Jinasundari,
Tilakaprabhā, Devasūri, Dharmalakṣmi, Nirmalamati, Bālamati, Marudevi, Mahimā, Vijaya Śri, Śrimati.
Mahattarās: Sumerusundari, Udaya Śri.
Sādhvis. Kevalaprabhā, Cäritralakṣmi, Nalinaprabhā, Padmalakṣmi,
Bhāvasundari, Bhuvanasundari, Mayaņāsundari.129
e) Some learned Sadhvis
Between the VIIIth and the XIVth centuries, according to the available documents, six sadhvis of Rājasthāna and Gujarāta were, in some cases, associated with the names of highly esteemed Sūris and with important literary works or, in the case of others, were themselves authors.
Yakini Mahattară
She lived in the VIIIth century and is known to have belonged to Rājasthāna. Haribhadra Sūri, that remarkable genius, was happy to call himself her "dharma-putra", spiritual son.130 According to
128 śri Santivallari gaṇini śişyaņi śriParamaśri srimahattară yogyam. Ibid., No 1018; p. 266.
129 Cf. Kāpadiyā, 1971, pp. 13-14.
130 At the end of a manuscript dated 1488 (1432) of the Daśavaikälika-sutratikå by Haribhadra there comes the expression: "mahattarāya Yäkinya dharmaputrena..." Jesalmer Coll. NC, No 88; p. 30. The Daśavaikälika-sútra belongs to the Mūla Agamas.

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tradition, Haribhadra was a learned brāhmana of the town of Citrakūta, a priest at court. Through the influence of Yākini Mahattarā, he embraced the Jaina faith, becoming a monk and one of the luminaries of the samgha.
He wrote numerous treatises on different subjects in Prākrit and in Sanskrit and also some commentaries on the Agamas. A fervent and deeply spiritual ascetic, he deplored the laxity of certain of his confreres. 131
In a XIIIth century work which recounts the lives of eminent munis, the Prabhāvakacarita, composed by Acārya Prabhācandra, 132 in the chapter devoted to Haribhadra Sūri, there is a passage where the author makes the ācārya of Haribhadra commend Yākini Mahattarā in eloquent terms:
"The guru said: Well-versed in the Agamas, a crown of glory for both men and women ascetics, may this Mahattarā, my spiritual sister, famous under the name of Yakini, win the victory!"
And makes Haribhadra gratefully continue:
I, a priest, though highly proficient in the śāstras, was merely a fool, [but) through a most beneficent power, as if by the God of my ancestors, I was enlightened by my spiritual Mother.133
131 Cf. Samghamitra, 1979, pp. 238-249.
132 Hemacandra concluded his history of Mahāvira and the Ist ācāryas with Vajra Svåmin; Prabhácandra continued, proceeding from Vajra up to Hemacandra.
133 guruh avadat tayāgamapravină yami-yatinijanamaulisekhara śrih
mama gurubhagini mahattară iyaṁ jayati ca viśruta Jākiniti nämni. abhanat atha purohitah anaväham bhavabhavasástravisaradah api mürkhahati sukratvasena dharmamåtră nijakuladevatayā iva bodhitaḥ asmi. Prabhavakacarita IX, 41-42.

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Gană Sadhvi
She was a collaborator in the large and important Sanskrit work of the famous Muni, poet and literary author Siddharsi: the Upamitibhavaprapañcākathā which was completed in the year 906. If the date is exact, this means that Gana Sadhvi lived at the end of the IXth and in the Xth century. She was the disciple of Durgasvāmin. In the temple of Bhillamāla, in Rājasthāna, Siddharși recited his poem while Ganā Sādhvi committed it to writing. 134 If we consider the nature of this text in which the working-out of saṁsāra, of the plurality of beings and their varied states, is recounted in parables, 135 we conclude that Gaņā also must certainly have been both learned and very well versed in the doctrine. Siddharși himself called her "the one who is an imitator of the divinity of sacred knowledge. "136
134 "...we learn from his Praśasti that he (Siddharşi) published the Upamitibhavaprapañcā Katha in the chief temple of Bhillamala and that Gana, a female disciple of Durgasvāmin, wrote the first copy, what we would call the codex archetypus. I say the author "published" his work to render gaditā, he spoke or told it; he apparently read it aloud to the audience assembled in the Jaina temple. Therefore, in the introduction he addresses his hearers and asks them to lend him a willing ear. It seems to have been the habit of authors to give a public reading of their work before a select audience before it was issued... It is probable that Siddharsi had intended his work for public reading as a religious entertainment; but, of course, this practice must have been ceased when the acquaintance with sanskrit became a rare accomplishment of laymen. The share of Sister Gaņā in the publication of Siddharşi's work seems to have consisted in this, that she prepared the first clean copy of the Upamitibhavaprapanca Katha from the slips on which the author had written the several parts of the work as he conceived them in the course of time. It is, however, just possible that he dictated the book to Sister Ganā." Upamitibhavaprapañcākathā, Preface, pp. x-xi.
135 Cf. Winternitz, 1977, pp. 525-532. The work is in prose but contains numerous verse passages.
136 prathamādarase likhitā sadhvā śrutadevatānukārinya

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Mahānanda Sri Mahattară and Viramati Ganini
On these two we know very little, except that their names are given by Maladhāri Hemacandra Sūri at the end of his lengthy commentary on the Viseşāvaśyaka-bhāsya of Haribhadra Sūri, in the list of the seven persons, including five gaņis, who assisted him. In view of the subject-matter of the text, this reference, brief as it is, indicates the great merits of these two sādhvis. 137.
Jñāna Šri Āryikā
She is the author of a tippani or gloss on the commentary of a text of logic, the Nyāyāvatāra-sūtra, written in Sanskrit. The manuscript gives no date, but mentions that she was the disciple of Sarvadeva Sūri, who lived in the XIIIth -XIVth centuries. 138 She belonged to the same period and very probably lived in Rājasthāna. The manuscript concludes thus:
After consideration, Jñāna Śri, of outstanding virtues, (was] pressed by her guru Ācārya Sarvadeva Sūri.(to write the tippani] forthwith.139
Gunasamrddhi Mahattarā
A disciple of Jinacandra Sūri, she was the author of a kathā (history) in Prākrit of Anjanāsundari, the Mother of Hanumān, the
Durgasvāmiguruņam śișiyakayeyam Gaņābhidhayā. Prasasti (colophon) last v.p. 1240. Śruta-devată also refers to the goddess Sarasvati; cf. Bhattacharya, 1974, pp. 122-123.
137 Visesavasyaka-bhāsya "sisyahita" brhad-vrtti, p. 1357. Maladhāri Hemacandra Sūri was the disciple of Abhayadeva Sūri, and lived at the beginning of the XIIth c. not to be confused with the great Acārya Hemacandra of the same epoch.
138 Cf. K.C. Jain, 1963, p. 155.
139 iti saṁnidhaya citte Jñānaśriràryikā guņairvaryā
ācārya Sarvadevainirjagurubhiḥ preritā sapadi. Jesalmer Coll. NC, No 364 (1); p. 157.

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monkey-god. 140 This work, consisting of five hundred and four gāthās (verses) was wriyen at Jesalamera:
In the city of Sri Jesalamera in the second half of the year 1407 (1351) of vikrama, the anniversary of Jina Vira (Mahāvira), the life of Anjanāsundari was written down.
Whoever despises (this text), that jiva will remain in the continuous cycle of saṁsāra. Whoever respect it will reach the eternal place (mokṣa).
Thus ends the story of Sri Anjanāsundari Mahāsati. This is the work of Sri Gunasamsddhi Mahattarā, disciple of Sri Jinacandra
Sūri.141
Here is a Sādhvi who was also a poetess!
Despite the sparsity of documentation, we find that in different epochs, with various gifts to contribute and with the encouragement of the ācāryas of their own day, cetain sādhvis proved capable of sustaining a highly valuable collaboration.
In a recent study upon Jaina literature in Rājasthāna, twenty-eight names of sådhvis of that region are given who, in one way or another, have made a contribution to literary production. Of these the great
140 Hanuman plays a major role in the epic, the Rāmāyaṇa, of which the Jainas have their own versions, the most important being those composed by Ravişeņa and by Hemacandra (TrisalPC VII)
141 sirijesalamerapure vikkamcaudahasatuttare varise
virajina jammadivase kiyamamjanasumdaricariyam. 503 jo āsāyana kunai anamtasaṁsāru bhamai so jivo jo āsāyaṇa rakkhai so păvai sāsayam thāņam. 504 iti sriAnjanasundari mahāsatikathānakam samāptam. kritiriyam śrijinacandrasūriśişyaņi śriGuņasamțddhi mahattarāyāḥ. Jesalmer Coll. NC, No 1278; pp. 281-282.

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majority belong to this present day and some are authors of literary
works. 142
f) On Holy Mount Ābū
Abū, of which the ancient name was Arbudácala, from arbuda which, according to certain legends, means a serpent-demon or, according to another view, ten millions, is a mountain bordering both Rājasthāna and Gujarāta, a very beautiful lonely place, well known since ancient times for its attraction for sages. The Mount is considered holy by Hindus and Jainas alike. Far away from all habitation, close to a forest, in a place called Delavādā, five Jaina temples are to be found within a spacious enclosure. Of these, two especially are marvels of architecture, chiselled in white marble. The most ancient temple, dedicated to Adinātha, was built at the beginning of the Xlih century thanks to the generosity of a Jaina minister of that period, Vimala, from whom its name: Vimala Vasahi, is taken.143 The second, Lūņa Vasahi, dedicated to Neminātha, was constructed two centuries later on the initiative of two Jaina ministers, twin brothers, literary patrons of the period, Vastupāla and Tejapāla. 144
The unique location and the presence of these temples have conspired to make of Mount Abū an eminent pilgrimage-place. Throughout the ages sādhvis have loved to visit it. Among the great number of inscriptions found in these temples, one observes certain ones in which the names of sadhvis appear. These inscriptions, which simply' record dates and lists of names, are nevertheless the living concrete expression of the caturvidhasamgha. Thanks to these inscriptions we know that sādhvis came there on pilgrimage and that certain Sūris, Ācāryas, Ganis, Upādhyāyas and Munis, accompanied by śrăvakas and śrāvikās, were also actively present. One observes in
142 Cf. Prākrit Bhārati, 1977. index: these sädhvis nearly all belong to he \two reformed sects, viz. the Sthānakavāsis and the Terāpanthis.
143 Vasahi or Vasati denotes an abode and, thence, a temple.
144 These temple belong to the Svetāmbaras, but are visited by the members of the other communities; in the same place, on the other side of the road, is found a Digambara temple.

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this way, between the XIVth and XVith centuries, the names of nine sādhvis and the mention of one group. It is not possible to identify the exact places from which they came, but they were either from Rājasthāna or from Gujarāta.
In the Lūna Vasahi, behind the principal sanctuary, is found the Hastiśālā, the Hall of the Elephants, where ten beautiful marble elephants stand ranged in line; there an inscription of samvat 1360 (1304) mentions the visit of Kharataragaccha munis, sādhus, sādhvis and a caturvidhasaṁgha. 145
The other four inscriptions are to be found in the Vimala Vasahi. That of samvat 1494 (1438) mentions after the names of some Kharataragaccha munis those of: Bhāvamati Ganini, Dharmaprabhā Ganini and Ratnasundari Sadhvi. 146
The second, which is dated samvat 1603 (1547) and recounts the visit to Abū of a fairly large group of the caturvidhasamgha of the Pālhanapuriyagaccha, mentions specifically: Pravartini Vidyāšumati, Ratnasumati and Lakşmicūlā.147
The third, of samvat 1608 (1552) gives just one name of a sādhvi: Sādhvi Nāthi. 148
Finally, the fourth, of samvat 1611 (1555) mentions in the list of pilgrims the names of: Sādhvi Suyir) and Sadhvi Bhānā.149
145 Cf. Muni Jayantavijaya, 1937, Part II, inscr. 317; p.130, sadhu or muni.
146 Ibid., inscr. 188; p. 71.
147 Ibid., inscr. 214; pp. 78-79. Lakşmiculă, cūlā probably denotes a probationer who had not yet received dikṣā.
148 Ibid., inscr. 205; p. 76.
149 Ibid., inscr. 202; p. 75.

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Thus, between 1304 and 1555 certain names of sādhvis who were fortunate enough to make this pilgrimage are known to us, and it is probable that many others, of whom we have no trace, ascended the Holy Mountain, for certainly the presence of eminent munis and śrăvakas would be required for the engraving of an inscription to be commissioned what is of greatest possible interest is to note, in the period following the Mathură inscriptions of the very first centuries, the vitality and continuing existence of the caturvidhasamgha, witnessing as it does to a common faith, a common form of worship and very close bonds existing between the members.
When we are considering Jaina activity in Rājasthāna and Gujarāta, we find that not only did they build temples, go on pilgrimage, teach the doctrine, write and re-copy treatises and commentaries, but also they adorned these manuscripts with coloured illustrations. The bhandāras preserve illustrated manuscripts made out of palm-leaves and, in particular, manuscripts richly adorned with miniatures, as well as paintings on fabric which belong to a period from the XIIth to the XVIth century. Munis and sādhvis are to be seen in these miniatures, depicted, as a rule, preaching the doctrine.150 One miniature, painted on wood and probably dating from the middle of the XIIth century, shows some sādhvis in their upăśraya venerating the sthāpanācārya.151 Pravartini Vimalamati is seated on a stool facing two of her disciples, Sãdhvis Nayasri and Nayamati; behind her a śrāvikā, Nandisira, is seated on the ground. 152
Among well-known sādhvis we must make mention also of Sādhvi Sumalā who, towards the end of the XIIth century, taught Jaina doctrine to Queen Jayatallādevi of Madapāța and Citrakūța.153
150 Cf. K.C. Jain, 1963, p. 144.
151 Cf. P 481.
152 Cf. Nāhaļā, 1971, pp. 55-56; the miniature is kept in Bikānera, in the collection of S. Nāhață.
133 Cf. K.C. Jain, ibid., pp. 29-30; this fact is reported in an inscr. of which the exact date is not given.

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Moreover, in the same region, we find at Phalodi in Rajasthāna, a jñāna-bhaṇḍāra which contains three hundred and seventy-five manuscripts and is called the Sadhvi Puspa Śri Jñāna-bhaṇḍāra. This sadhvi was undoubtedly a source of inspiration to the local samgha, which accordingly, as a sign of perpetual homage, gave her name to the bhandara 154
This long tour, which has taken us, geographically, from the foothills of the Himalayas to Holy Mount Abu and, historically, from the VIIIth to the XVIIIth century, has introduced to us some ǎryikās and sadhvis. Through these Names and the setting in which they appear, we can realise how well integrated they were into the samgha, within which they constituted an intelligent and active presence.155 The fact that it is particularly the Names of ganinis, pravartinis and mahattarās that are mentioned in no way disparages the other sädhvis, for, if these guruņis were outstanding personalities, one may well suppose that their disciples, inspired and trained by them, followed in their footsteps. Moreover, if all the innumerable manuscripts still stacked together in the jñana-bhaṇḍāras could emerge into the light of day and be subjected to scrutiny, perhaps many more names of Śramanis would be revealed!
189
154 Ibid., p. 201.
155 In order to avoid overloading this section, the emergence of the new Terapanthi community, which had its origin in Rajasthāna in the 2nd half of the XVIIIth c., is introduced at the end of this chapter.

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D - In the land of the great #cārya Hemacandra
From Mount Abū one at once enters Gujarāta, where, as in Rājasthāna, the Jaina dharma has established firm roots. This state possesses three Mounts of its own, centres of pilgrimage: Satruñjaya, Girinagara, Kurukula Sikhara (Tārangā). Satruñjaya and Girinagara are temple-cities. Tradition holds that Jainism had some sort of presence in this region dating right back to extremely ancient days; Neminātha is said to have attained kevala-jñāna at Ujjayanta, presentday Girinagara.156 In the absence of historical documents one can simply affirm that the dharma was in existence in Gujarāta in the first centuries of our era.157 Mount Sairuñjaya, "victory over enemies" - those which militate against realisation of the ātman - houses eight. hundred and sixty-three temples of different epochs, the ones being built on others which had collapsed in ruins or had been destroyed at the time of the Musulman invasions. 158 Sadhvis consider it a rare privilege to be able to make this mahātirtha, Great Pilgrimage, and certain ones have a pāthaśālā (school) at Pālitāna, the little town at the foot of the Holy Mountain.
156 Cf. KS 165; P 103 ff.
157 Cf. Jamindar, 1975, pp. 75-79.
158 of the temples extant today the most ancient date back to the XVIth c.; there were temples there at a much earlier date, but they have not been preserved. Cf. Burgess, 1977, Introd.; ibid., pp.d 40-47 on the subject of the Māhātmya, the very ancient work which recounts several legends concerning Satruñjaya and speaks highly of the pre-eminent holiness of the place from the time, so tradition affirms, of Adinātha.

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It was in 1089 that there was born in the region of Ahmadābād, present-day capital of Gujarāta, the one who, when he became Acārya Hemạcandra, was destined to be, after Haribhadra Sūri, one of the great Masters of the Svetāmbaras. He was deeply versed in every department of learning and trained a number of disciples, taking an important part the while in the religious, cultural and political life of his time. His influence at the court where he taught was striking and two successive kings, Jayasimha and Kumārapāla, were not only welldisposed and tolerant towards the dharma, but evidenced great interest in its teaching. Kumārapāla actually embraced the Jaina faith and his kingdom became a place where ahiṁsā was respected, hunting and the slaughter of animals, as well as meat-eating and the consumption of liquor, being prohibited. This influence exercised by Jainism has continued even to our own day and Gujarāta, on the whole, is a vegetarian state. Under Kumārapāla, religious and literary activity knew a fresh vigour, the king had numerous temples built, of which several were dedicated to the tirthankaras.159 This era of great Jaina prosperity lasted in this region from the XIth to the XIIIth century. 160
In order to elucidate certain aspects of life in Gujarāta, the position occupied by Jainism in the society of that day and thus the conditions of life of the sădhvis, we must go back to the age of the first editions of commentaries upon the Agamas, that is to say, to the early Middle
159 Cf. ibid., pp. 26-29; Deo, 1956, pp. 112-113; Winternitz, 1977, pp. 482483.
160 "The centuries between the eleventh and thirteenth were never to be excelled as regards the intensity of impact of Jainism in the Maru-Gujara country. To the birth, gorwth and development of the Maru-Gujara civilization, Jainism substantially contributed, just as it played a very decisive and directive role in the former's consolidation. Not only did the literary activity of the Jainas then see its high water-mark; the art and architecture patronized by and created for the Jaina creed also reached their culmination. Over three hundred Jaina temples were built during this period in western India, though most of them, particularly those in the capital cities and in provincial, commercial and sea-port towns, were destroyed during Muslim invasion and occupation, and the materials taken from the ravaged Jaina shrines-pillars and decorated ceilings - were largely used in the interior construction of the mosques of the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries." Sompura & Dhaky, 1975, p. 13.

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Ages, from the VIIth century onwards. We shall find the information we require by taking a brief look at the Niśitha-cūrṇi. Next, we shall return to the Bhaṭṭārakas whose documents of this region produce some names of aryikās between the XVth and XVIIth centuries. Finally, after the extremely flourishing period during and after the Musulman invasions, there took place among the Svetambaras two reforms, one after the other, the first being an effort of purification and the other an attempt to revert to the primitive ideal.
192
a) The Niśitha-curņi
A cūmi, from cura, pulverised, reduced to powder, is a detailed commentary upon an Agama in Präkrit-Sanskrit prose. The Niśithacūrṇi is an elaborately detailed text, with descriptions pertinent to every sphere of life, political, social, literary, artistic, educational and religious. The Nisitha is one of the Agamas belonging to the Chedasūtras, which deal with rules of conduct for nirgranthas and nirgranthis and with the various prayaścittas or forms of reparation for offences committed.161 Its curi while adhering to the contents and aim of the Sūtra, discourses at some length on the conditions of life prevailing around them, for the munis and sadhvis were living in contact with society. It was necessary, therefore, not only to forestall strains and stresses with regard to the rules, but also to acquire skill in foreseeing possible exceptions such as would prevent faults. This curi, recently published, has been the subject of a remarkable study.1
162
Its author is Jinadāsa Gaṇi who probably lived towards the end of the VIIth century. While he refers to earlier tradition and mentions places in the East and the North, he lived, certainly, in Gujarata and visited both the surrounding areas of Mahārāṣṭra and also Konkana (the region of Goa). Certain indications, such as certain turns of phrase that he employs, make it fairly clear that he himself must have belonged to Gujarāta or, at the least, that he wrote his text in that
161 Cf. P 513.
162 It was published for the first time in 1969, and the study thereon in 1975: M. Sen, A Cultural Study of the Niśitha Curni; the sub-section which follows draws upon this study.

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region. 163 Jinadāsa Suri wrote first and foremost for munis and thus in a direct and realistic manner, without refinement, for as a rule the Cheda-sūtras and commentaries upon them were not known to śrăvakas nor even to sādhvis. These latter were instructed in certain rules and prāyaścittas relevant to them by an ācārya or by a senior monk delegated by the ācārya for the task. 164 This text is therefore written primarily for men ascetics, who were in constant and close contact with society in an age when, enjoying as they did certain forms of royal patronage, they needed to know and, on occasion, use political stratàgems; in a province where vast activity ruled the day, for its towns and trading ports were thriving centres of trade and export.
Certain characteristics of the society of that day and age and, more particularly, of Jaina society
This was an age when monarchy was the most prevalent form of government, with all that implies, both as regards the absolute power of the monarch which extended éven to the smallest village, involving matters of administration, justice, the army, police and revenue, and also as regards the life-style of the court. The munis and sādhvis needed to have an understanding not only of kingly authority, but also of other forms of government that they might meet in their vihāras (movements from place to place), for they had to know in whom power was vested. 165
Social life was strictly regulated according to the caste-system of Aryan society, which the Jainas maintained, while at the same time adding their own system. They evidenced, on the whole, a certain disdain for the brāhmaṇas, and this mainly for doctrinal reasons, the Jainas having rejected the authority of the Vedas and possessing their
163 Cf. Sen, 1975, pp. 10-11.
164 Ibid., p. 2. This situation continuous in our own day for a large number of sadhvis. However, this text must have been known, since there exist illustrations of it on palm-leaves; cf. U.P. Shah, 1955, fig. 65, of the beginning of the XIIth century at Cambay; fig. 66, undated, of the same place.
165 Cf. Sen, 1975, ch. II.

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own Scriptures. On the contrary, they were well-disposed towards the ksatriyas (rulers, warriors). The tirthańkaras came, according to tradition, from this caste, as did also the local princes. The ones who were the objects of general contempt were the südras who belonged to the lowest rung of Aryan society, the lowliest of all occupations being reserved for them and for members of the anāriya, non-Aryan, tribes. The munis and sãdhvis needed to be well-informed in regard to these distinctions, particularly those that concerned food. What is in fact strictly enjoined by the Agamas is that the ascetics should never accept food prepared especially for themselves nor food whose preparation or distribution might have caused the damage or destruction of living beings; it is this prohibition that gives rise to all the meticulous rules. 166 However, the mentality of the society in which they live has often influenced the śramaņas and deflected them from the original spirit; thus they have sought above all to avoid displeasing people, accepting no food from members of castes called abhoj ya, that is, those with whom the taking of a meal is prohibited. Within the caste, life was centered upon the family, two or three generations being gathered together under one roof, the grandfather being the master of the house. There was clearly much importance attached to astrology and to signs of good or bad augury. Among the pastimes of that time, contests between animals or birds were highly popular, while gambling, though considered a vice, was nevertheless widely practised. 167
Food was rich and plentiful, made appetising by the addition of various spices, with meat as an everyday item. Drinks and syrups were prepared from fruit-juices and sugar-cane, while wines, liquors and alcoholic drinks were freely obtainable. Food and its preparation varied from one region to another and the ascetics were obliged to adapt themselves to local customs. Perfumes and unguents of all sorts 'were frequently used. Illnesses were treated either by the use of
166 Cf. P 496 ff.
167 Cf. Sen, 1975, ch. III.

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laxatives to purify the body or by appropriate medicines compounded from powders and oils.168
Except in ports, which were centres of sea trade, and important cities, where caravans of horses, camels and elephants were frequently arriving or departing or where boats were berthing if a river flowed through the centre, the rest of the population, in the villages, either subsisted on agriculture or on handicrafts. 169
Jinadāsa Gani was well versed in the literature, both religious and secular, of his day and age and in all the contemporary forms of art. He treats of each: architecture, sculpture, music, dance, and dramatic
art. 170
As regards the way in which the ascetics lived out the dharma and taught it to others, the cūrņi testifies to a suppleness of approach, an adaptation to circumstances and situations. These compromises permitted the dharma to take root, to survive, to gain new members, to win a certain prestige in society. However, this ascendancy was not accomplished without grave ill-consequences, in particular a certain relaxation in asceticism caused by too close an association with society as a whole and too active a part being taken by monks in the affairs of this world. The excuse was, as in all monastic traditions, that this proximity and social engagement is for the enhancement of men's spiritual welfare. Similarly the text speaks in detail of a certain type of bhakti in corformity with that already practised in Mathură. Here we find a form of worship addressed to the arhats, very elaborate in style, a veritable pūjā in which, as in Hindu temples, images become the centre of much ceremony with the ritual bath and the offering of flowers. Religious festivals are consciously observed. Stress is laid on fasting as a means to purification; frequent pilgrimages are undertaken. Furthermore, mention is made of certain
168 Ibid., ch. IV.
169 Ibid., ch. V.
170 Ibid., chs. VI-VII.

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successful demonstrations of magic and occult powers and, although the Niśītha-cūrņi condemns these activities, certain monks made every endeavour to practise them.171 All this gives us a general picture of the society of this early Middle Ages period, one which was vigorously alive and colourful, and in whici many differing values
xistent and intertwined. It was this same society from which the sādhvis emerged and with which, though they had renounced it, they remained in contact.
What do we learn from the Niśitha-cūmi about the sādhvis of that
day?
The main body of the rules of the Niśitha-sútra, apart from a few exceptions, being common to both nirgranthas and nirgranthis, the text of the Sūtra, like that of the cūrni, is addresed in general to the nirgranthas, it being understood that nirgranthis are also concerned although, we must repeat, these latter did not have direct access to these texts and were only familiar, through the good offices of the \ācārya or another monk, with a very small portion of them.
In accordance with a custom which still holds sway in our own day in cert'in regions, a widow, even though still an adolescent, was not permitted to re-marry. A great number of them, instead of vegetating in a sad and futile condition in the house of their parents or parents-inlaw, preferred to adopt the ascetic life, which allowed them to pursue an ideal and to study. 172 The attitude of the Jainas of that day towards womankind followed for the most part that of the ācāryas and munis who directed the samgha, it differed little from that expressed in certain Agamas and, apart from a few shades of differences as regards doctrine, was almost the same as that of men ascetics of other religious traditions of the same epoch, namely, that woman is for the ascetic the source of all ills; he must therefore shun her - which clearly betrays the weak character of these same ascetics. We must note, however, the benevolent and understanding character of the author of the cūrņi, who stipulates that on no pretext should a sādhvi be
171 Ibid., ch. VIII; cf. US XX, 45, where such practices are expressly forbidden to munis.
172 Cf. Sen, 1975, p. 106.

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dismissed from her group. If one of them, abducted by force, should be expecting a child, she was entrusted to the family of some śrāvaka who would take care of her till the child's birth, after which she rejoined her community and the child could also, at a later date, receive diksā. 173
Designed as they were for a pluralist society made up of people of all sorts thronging the cities and ports, the rules of the Niśitha-sūtra conccming temporary abodes permitted 10 nirgranthis evidence much wisdom and good sense. The curņi simply draws out the implications in order to assure the sādhvis of a protection that will allow them an austere, chaste and studious life. Their clothing is made the object of a detailed study; it comprises eleven garments and under-garments, of which the purpose is to envelop them completely to avoid attracting attention or'exciting lust. Each sādhvi must clothe herself fully before going out of doors. 174 Despite these precautionary measures, it did happen on occasion that miscreants succeeded, by force or craftiness, in abducting sådhvis. 175 The cūrni recounts how in the port of Bharukaccha (Bhrgukaccha) on the estuary of the Narmadā River where it slows into the Arabian Sca, some travelling forcign merchants had abducted certain young and beautiful sãdhvis. Others had been base enough to pretend to embrace the Jaina faith and then, under pretext of inviting them to come and venerate an image of one of the arhats that they had set up there, lured some sādhvis on to their boat. So soon as they were on board, the brigands weighed anchor! 176
173 Ibid., p. 110
174 Ibid. pp. 165-167.
175 Cf. Deo, 1956, pp. 489-491, where he is referring in the first place to the Brhatkalpa-bhāşya; we note this interesting piece of information: "...the monks were expected to guard the nuns. A young monk well-versed in the act of fighting was allowed to punish an intruder by disguising as a nun. In certain cases even brother-monks had to protect their sister-nun with the permission of the acārya and the pravartini."
176 Cf. Sen, 1975, pp.222-223.

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A
The epoch described in the Nisitha-cūrṇi was renowned for its intellectual activity and many munis not only studied well their own doctrine but also that of the sects of other dharmas so as to be able to defend their own in debate. They learned much by listening to the masters and the ācāryas were chosen, not on grounds of age or family background, but on account of their spiritual maturity. They were required to transmit the doctrine to disciples capable and worthy of receiving it, without distinction of caste. One can imagine that in such an atmosphere the sãdhvis also were encouraged to study and were able to profit by the teaching of these same masters or their disciples. 177
198
b) The Sūrataśākhā and the Iḍaraśākhā
Among the Bhaṭṭārakas are found texts and inscriptions dating from the middle of the XVth century to the beginning of the XVIIth, with references to āryikās belonging to the Sūrataśākhā, of Sūrata in the South-East of Gujarata, and to the Iḍaraśākhā, of Iḍara in the North of the same province. These two śākhās were branches of the Balātkāragaṇa.
The following references are taken from the Sūrataśākhā:
-At Ghogha, on the tenth day of the bright fortnight of vaiśākhā (April-May) of samvat 1513 (1437), Śri Vidyanandi, disciple of Acarya Śri Devendrakirti, had a caubisimurti erected for Aryikā Samyama Śri. 178 This murti is a type of image peculiar to Jaina art: it consists in the image of a tirthankara carved out of a block, in which it occupies a central position and is surrounded by sculptures in miniature of the twenty-three other tirthankaras. 179
-At Sürata there is a statue of kṣullika Jinamati with a mālā (rosary) in her right hand and the picchikā (small broom of peacock-feathers)
177 Ibid. ch. VI.
178 BhattSamp, No 429; pp. 170; 194. Ghogha is on the West coast. One is led to suppose that Arjikä Samyama Śri was contemporaneous with Bhaṭṭāraka Vidyānandi.
179 Cf. U.P. Shah, 1955; fig. 37.

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and kamandalu (gourd for purpose of ablution) in her left. The inscription, dated saṁvat 1544 (1488), mentions the erection of a nişidikā to kşullikā Jinamati, disciple of Bhattāraka Vidyānandi. Mention is also made of the names Arjikă Ratna Śri and Arjikā Kalyāna þri. 180
-The fifth day of the bright fortnight of caitra (March-April) of saṁvat 1582 (1526), the disciple of Ārya Sri Vimala Sri, Vinaya Śri, having been initiated by Bhattāraka Lakşmicandra, copied out the Mahābhişckā-bhāsya for a disciple of Bhattāraka Lakşmicandra: Śri Jñānasāgara. 181
-The second day of the dark fortnight of vaišākhā (April-May) of samvat 1662 (1606), the woman disciple of Bhaưțāraka Ratnakirti, Viramati Bāi had a statue erected in honour of Mahāvira. 182
180 BhattSamp, No 458; pp. 177; 195, and the photo facing p. 194. A kşullikā is not yet an äryikā, but has received the dikșa appropriate to this first stage; she may later on become an aryikā by means of a second dikșa or she may remain a ksullikā for the rest of her life; cf. P 637 ff. The text is ambiguous, but the statue is probably the nişidikā mentioned in the inscription; moreover this inscr. mentions at the beginning Stambatirttha, the pilgrimage-centre also called Khambāta or Khambāyata. The text is not very clear, for the statue is found at Sürata. Khambhāta could be the birthplace of Āryikā Ratna Śri, who may have been the guruņi of Jinamati (suggestion of prof. Joharapurkar.)
181 Ibid., No 470; pp. 180; 196. The Mahābhişekā-bhāşya: a commentary by Acārya Srutasāgara (1473-1533) on the text Nitya Mahodyota by Pandita Āsādhara (1173-1243); cf. JSK III, p. 301. Mahabhişekā: a Great Anointing or aspersion. This is the solemn asperation of certain images in accordance with an elaborated ritual set forth in this text.
182 Ibid., No 522, pp. 193; 200. Although the title Āryikā is not mentioned in the text, one may conclude, from the fact that she is said to be a śişyāņi, disciple, of a Bhattāraka and is called Bãi, that this is a reference to an äryikā. It was customary among the Digambaras of the West to add the word Bāi to the name to designate an āryikā; "cf. Anekanta vol. VIII, p. 232, where the characteristics of an aryikā are listed under this very description "Bãi", a title of respect used for persons of feminine sex." Ref. supplied by Prof. Joharapurkar.

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The following text comes from the Idaraśākhā:
-At Giripura, the tenth day of the bright fortnight of phảiguna (February March) of saṁvat 1568 (1512), the Sri saṁgha had a Pañcaviṁsatikā copied for Aryikā Deva Śrī, sister of Bhattāraka Vijayakirti.183
In spite of their brevity these texts and inscriptions not only reveal to us the existence of āryikās in this region but testify, moreover, that certain of them were highly esteemed by the Bhattārakas and local samghas. References to certain treatises familiar to the āryikās show that they were well versed in the doctrine.
c) Reforms
Towards the end of the XVth century Jainism, which had for a long period flourished greatly in these Western provinces, had to face on all fronts the vigorous onslaughts of the Musulmans. 184 It is told how in this period a śrāvaka, Lonkā Sāha of Ahmadābād, was impressed to
183 Ibid., No 365; pp. 145; 155. Giripura is probably to be identified with Dungarpura in the Southern part of Rājasthāna. The text mentioned is in Sanskrit and was composed by Acārya Padmanandi (1016-1136) for the use of śrāvakas. It contains 800 ślokas; cf. JSK III, p.10.
184 There were, however, some monarchs who, under the influence of certain munis, were benevolently disposed towards Jainism, especially Akbar who prohibited the slaughter of animals in the vicinity of the Jaina holy places. At Satruñjaya on the gateway of Adiśvara, in an inscr. dated 1593 next to the pattāvali of some Tapāgaccha Acāryas one finds this passage: "...Hiravijaya was a pontiff of renown. The emperor Akbar honoured him with his friendship. At his instigation he promulgated an edict in samvat 1629 (1582) forbidding for six months the slaughter of animals, as also the confiscation of the property of deceased persons; he abolished furthermore various taxes, released a large number of prisoners, founded a library for the Jainas and gave to them Mount Satruñjaya... He had as a disciple Vijayasena who was also connected with the emperor Akbar. This latter, at his request, promulgated a new edict forbidding the killing of oxen and cows, the confiscation of the property of the deceased and the taking of prisoners of war." Guérinot, 1908, pp. 244-245; inscr. 682. Jahangir, furthermore, guaranteed the protection of Satruñjaya.

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discover, while copying out the texts of the Āgamas, that no mention 1 was anywhere to be found in them of the worship of images. This idot-worship, with all that it involved of expense and show, had assumed immense importance in the West, at the same time entraining with it a certain fading of the original ideal of interiority and purification. To all this Lonkā Sāha re-acted, preaching a return to simplicity and the spiritual, and at the beginning of the XVlth century he founded the Lonkā-sampradāya, whose members categorically rejected temple-worship. The birth of this sampradāya has also been attributed to the direct influence of Islām which, being profoundly iconoclastic in temperament, succeeded in working upon certain spirits among the Jainas. 185 It does not secm, however, that the sampradāya spread outside Gujarāta.
Another reform took place at the beginning of the XVIIIih century, when Viraji, a śrāvaka of the Lonkā-sampradāya living at Sürata, denounced what he felt to be a slackening of ascetic life among the munis. Thus, after receiving dikṣā, he in his turn became the founder of a new spiritual family. This reform aimed at recovering the initial strictness taught by Mahāvira and stipulated by the Agamas. The members of this sampradāya took the name Sthầnakavāsis on account of their condemnation of temple-worship; they held their gatherings for spiritual exercises in a sthāna, some ordinary building, an upāśraya or any other dwelling. A large number of those belonging to the Lonkā-sampradāya joined the Sthānakayāsis, who proceeded to establish a firm footing in Gujarăta and Rājasthāna. In addition to the question of worship, they deviate from the other Svetāmbaras on the subject of the Sctiptures: they do not accept the authority of certain Agamas, and do not recognise the Mahāniśitha, the Jitakalpa of the Cheda-sūtras, nor the ten (or eleven, according to another classification) Prakirņakas; they place, too, the Nandi-sūtra and the ! Anuyogadvāra in the Müla-sūtras. (cf. Deo, ibid., pp. 440-441.)
The coming into being of the Sthānakavāsis inaugurated a farreaching change among the Svetāmbara sådhvis as regards their expression of veneration of the arhats. Until the beginning of the XVIIIth century, texts and inscriptions mention either Digambara
185 Cf. Deo, 1956, p. 440; K.C. Jain, 1963, pp. 90-91.

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āryikās or Svetămbara sådhvis, whereas from that time onwards it becomes necessary to make a distinction among the Svetāmbaras between the Mūrtipūjakas, who perform an interiorised form of temple-worship to the arhats and the Sthānakavāsis who stay in an upāśraya devoid of all images, all icons.186
E - From the Citadel of the Devas to Mahārāștra
We come now to the two regions of the Centre and West: Madhya Pradeśa and Mahărāștra. In regard to the history of the Jaina dharma these two provinces have from ancient times had in their territory Twell-established centres, belonging in the main to the Digambaras. 187 We may here simply mention the fact that Ujjayini, now belonging to Madhya Pradeśa, was already before the beginning of our era a thriving Jaina centre.188 From this region, so Svetāmbara tradition tells us, came the muni Siddhasena, who was so famous as a poet and logician that they called him: divākara, the Sun.189 He is thought to have lived in the Vth or VIth century, 190 and to have travelled vast distances.
186 Cf. Part III, where in the introduction to the sadhvis' daily life we refer further to these differences.
187 "Hundreds of Jaina temples once dotted Central India, dedicated primarily to the Digambara sect.' The 'Descriptive and Classified List of Archeological Monuments in Madya Bharat' alone lists remains from more than seventy sites." Meister, 1975, p. 223.
188 Cf. P 132.
189 Lit. divā: the day, kara: the maker, maker of the day i.e. the sun.
190 Opinions differ on the subject; cf. Winternitz, 1977, p. 477, n. 2.

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At the eve of his life he undertook the Great Fast while on a journey down in the South. The story goes that he had a sādhvi sister, Siddha Sri. When a messenger disclosed to her in veiled terms the news of the Great Departure of her brother, saying that:
"Those who are engaged in philosophical discussion in the
South are shining like glow-worms", she perceived his meaning and continued with the words:
"Because now the Sun, Siddhasena the philosopher, has set."191 Thereupon she too, knowing well the frailty of the body, its transient and perishable nature, embarked on the final fast and attained the state of perfection.192
The few documents introduced here date from the XIth to XVIIIth centuries and refer only to the Digambara äryikās, because it is certain groups of ancient and famous temples of that tradition and some seats of Bhattārakas that are available for our study. The three first sets of documents belong to Madhya Pradeśa, the others to Mahārāştra.193
a) At Devagadha
The Citadel of the devas is situated, according to present-day state boundaries, in the border-area between Uttara Pradeśa (Northern Province) and Madhya Pradeśa (Central Province). In a lonely hilly spot beyond the small town of Lalitapura is to be found this Citadel of thirty-one temples, all of them Digambara, built during different periods. Deva, in this context, denotes in the first place the arhats and also, but only secondarily, the divine beings of the heavenly realm. The use of the same word, deva, for both could lead to confusion - the
191 sphuranti vādikhadyotāḥ samprataṁ dakṣināpathe
nūnamastangato vādiSiddhaseno divákaraḥ. Prabhāvakacarita VIII, 174.
192 sāpi sāpāyata käye vimrśyanaśanaṁ vyadhāt
gitárthavihitāradhānayāsau sadgatis yayau. Ibid. VIII, 175. cf. Saṁghamitră, 1979, pp. 198-207.
193 The archaeological and epigraphical documentation of these regions is rich, but has not been fully released or studied. Only that which concerns the äryikās has been used here.

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arhats are not divine beings - yet anyone who is familiar with Jaina doctrine knows that the celestial beings are, by nature, inferior to human beings, for only these latter can attain mokşa. The arhats, including the tirtharkaras, represent a state of human perfection, in which the atman, freed from all attachment and totally purified, experiences perfect knowledge. 194 It must also be added that, to lesser degrees, the ascetics also find a place among the devas, in the sense that they are on the path of Realisation, of the ātman, and are thus worthy of veneration. This concept of deva is, moreover, pictorially conveyed at Devagadha where there are present images not only of tirthankaras but also of ācāryas, upādhyāyas, munis, and äryikās as well as some of eminent śrāvakas and śrăvikās such as the parents of tirthankaras. As for the representation of divine beings which are also to be observed in these temples, as in a great number of Jaina temples, these depict yaksis or śāsana-devis. These by definition belong to the class of semi-divine beings; in actual fact they are often called: devi (goddess). Each tirthankara has a yakṣa or yakṣi who is his guardian or messenger, the favourite being Ambikā Mātā, the yakși of Neminātha, and Cakreśvari, that of Adinātha.195 It is more than possible that the yakşas and yaksis, like the vrkșas (trees), belong to an earlier religious cult and were adopted by the Jainas in the course of the development of their own piety. 196 It si noticeable that at
194 The concept of deva here refers to the supreme Realisation of the atman in human beings.
195 Cf. Bhattacharaya, 1974, ch. II; figs. XXX-XXXI; XXXIII-XXXIX; XLIV-XLVI. Sometimes a yakși has acquired a position of such importance in the worship that she has supplanted her Lord; cf. Settar, 1975, p. 40, where he quotes as example Padmavati, the yakși of Pārsvanātha. Jvālāmālini, the yaksi of Candrprabhanātha (8th tirthankara) was the object of such devotion that an entire text, the Jvālinikalpa, was consecrated to her in the Xth c. by Indranandi; cf. Singh, 1975, p. 53.
196 We may note that there are no representations of yakşas or yakșis among the Mathurā scupltures; cf. U.P. Shah, 1975, pp. 49-74; and, 1955, p. 19: "The traditional period witnessed, in c. 8th century A.D., the introduction of the twenty-four yakşas and yaksinis, as attendants of different Tirthankaras." cf. TriSalPC IX, 3, 362-365; X, 5, 11-13, for the yaksis of Pārsvanātha and Mahăvira.

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205
Devagadha, along with Ambikā Mātā and Cakresvani, an improtant role has been given to Sarasvati, or śruta-devatā, the goddess of the knowledge of Scripture.197 Other minor goddesses, such as the sixteen vidyā-devis, goddesses of knowledge, are also often represented in iconography.198
The first temples of Devagadha probably date back to the Gupta era (circa 320-600), 199 but of these sanctuaries only some scattered fragments remain. The most ancient of the extant temples was built at some date between the VIIIth and IXth centuries,200 while others go back to the Xth century or later. Devagadha is also noted for its stambhas (pillars) and its numerous sculptures.201 Among the many brief inscriptions one finds some mentioning the names of āryikās and there are also some statues protraying them:
-In temple number twenty, an inscription of saṁvat 1135 (1079) mentions the name of Āryikā Lavana Śri.202
197 Cf. Meister, 1975, pp. 231-236. Śruta is one of the forms of jñāna, knowledge; cf. TS I, 9. Sarasvati, in the Rg Veda, is the name of a goddessriver; at a later period Sarasvati is the goddess of knowledge, of wisdom, and it is in this guise that the Jainas have adopted her and that she is nowadays known and honoured in all the different regions; cf. Bhattacharya, 1974, figs. XL-XLII. The rite of pratikramaņa among the Mürtipūjaka sädhvis includes a paean of praise to śruta-devată; cf. Pañcapratikramana-sutra (37).
198 Cf. Bhattacharya, ibid., ch. VI
199 Cf. Agrawala, 1976, p. 10.
200 Cf. Meister, 1975, p. 223; this temple is No 12.
201 Cf. Bruhn, 1969, p. 1"...of greater importance than the temples are 10001100 images in the temples or in the open air."
202 JSilalekh Sam, vol. 5, inscr. 50, p. 33.

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- In temple number sixteen, certain partly effaced and therefore illegible inscription do not permit us to decipher either the date or the reason for which certain names are engraved; however, we may guess that they are the names of donors or of visiting pilgrims. Among these names we find those of: Arjikā Sirimā, Ārjikā Padma Śri, Samjama Śri, Ratna Śri, Lalita Śri, Jaya Śri.
In the case of certain of these the name is followed by: "pranamati" lit. she bows as a sign of reverence, respect, submission. This indicates, perhaps, that these inscriptions were offered as a sign of homage to the arhats whose statues were in the temple.203
-A piece of sculpture of a period between the Xth and XIlth centuries is composed of the following group: an upādhyâya seated centrally and holding a text of scripture; on either side a seated muni, apparently preaching; behind them, standing, two munis holding their picchikās (small brooms); on the pedestal, several sthāpanās, tripods symbolising the presence of thc ācaryă in front of which some munis and āryikās are prostrating themselves as a sign of veneration.204
-In temple number ten of the XVIth or XVIIth century there are two statues of an äryikā in the dhyānamudră posture, each positioned in a niche of column two with an illegible inscription above.
-Inside the niches of columns one and three are found two images of kşullikās in standing posture. Near each, the picchikā and kamandalu are discernible, while to the left of the second a śråvikā is seated. Here also the inscriptions are illegible.205
203 Ibid., inscrs. 352; 354, p. 119. Prof. Joharapurkar in reply to my question said he thought that these texts being so frammentary, one could not be certain of their meaning and that it is possible that the images were those of āryikās before whom äryikas on pilgriamge used to bow in reverence.
204 Fisher & Jain, 1977, fig. 56; the No of the temple is not given. For sthāpanā cf. P 481.
205 Jnānamati, 1976, p. 11, figs. 2-5; these carvings (columns 2 and 1) are attributed there to the Vlth and VIIIth c., but they are in all probability of a

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b) Out of the exuberance of Khajuraho
In the depths of the countryside, among some thirty temples dedicated to Siya and Visnu, are to be found three important Jaina temples and about six others in varying degrees of preservation. The temples of Khajurāho, whose architecture and location combine to impart to them a harmonious overall effect and an extraordinary delicacy of detail, belong to the age of the kings of Candella's line who ruled for a period of about one hundred years, 950-1050 A.D.206 of the three major Jaina temples, one is dedicated to Pārsvanátha, a second to Adinātha and the third is called Ghantāi, from ghantā: a bell, on account of the motifs in the shape of chains of small bells carved all over its pillars.207 A fourth temple and certain sanctuaries are dedicated to Santinātha. 208
The temple of Părśvanātha, which is of great beauty, includes (from the base upwards) three panels, one above the other, of sculpture-work representing gods, goddesses, apsarās (nymphs), divine consorts and pairs of vidyādharas, fairy-like beings that possess magical powers.209 Thus, a temple dedicated to an arhat who both followed and taught the way of asceticism blends harmoniously in jis lay-out and in its wealth of sculptured figures with the temples dedicated to Siva and Vişnu. This exuberant vitality and expression of rapturous enjoyment of all kinds, which emanates from the whole group of Khajurāho temples, in no way detracts from the message of the ascetics. We know that the world of the gods is a world of pleasure, the nature of the pleasure depending on the category to which the gods belong. But this state of imperfect happiness
considerably later date. We must also note that: "In contradistinction to the 'ācaryā', a monk is never represented with a book. Nuns are distinguished from monks by the fact that they are dressed. Monks and nuns are always represented as miniature-figures." Bruhn, 1969, p. 24.
206 Cf. Agrawala, 1976, p. 26.
207Cf. Deva, 1975, p. 261.
208 Ibid. p. 257.
209 Ibid.; pp. 257-258.

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constitutes just a stage; once this stage is concluded, birth in a human body will usher in the final stage which, through the practice of asceticism, will lead to Liberation and perfect well-being. This is the goal of which the statues of the arhats remind us. Moreover, among all the exuberance, we find in the temple of Säntinātha one single inscription mentioning an āryikā, which is an almost certain indication that other äryikās also passed that way. This inscription is on the pedestal of an image of a jina and records that: the fifth day of the bright fortnight of măgha (January-February) of saṁvat 1215 (1158), Pandita Sri Rājanandi of the Deśigana, his disciple Sri Manukirti and Āryikā Meku Śri paid continual homage to Lord Abhinandana 210
c) The Aterasākhă
This sākhā, which takes its name from Ațera, a town of Madhya Pradeśa, was a dependency of the Balātkāragana. Among the documents one finds the names of certain äryikās of the XVth and XVIth centuries; they were probably of that region or of neighboring provinces:
-The fifth day of the bright fortnight of phālguna (February-March) of samvat 1531 (1475), Bhattāraka Siṁhakirti installed a kalikundayantra for kşullika Śri Āgama Śri.211
- The second day of the dark fortnight of śrāvana (July-August) of saṁvat 1621 (1565), the names of Aryā Šri Cáritra Śri and of her disciple Guņasundari are mentioned in connection with a
210 Abhinandanasvaminam nityam pranamanti, Jsilalekh Sam, vol. 5, inscr. 100, p. 47; Abhinandana is the 4th tirthankara
211 BhattSamp, No 308; pp. 126; 132. Yantra: a diagram made by tracing one or several mantras, syllables or words possessing supernatural power, positioned according to exact rules, generally inside a circle or some other geometrical figure. Yantras are often engraved in brass. They are used, in accordance with a specified ritual, at a certain moment in the pūjā, at the erection of a statue, at a dikşi and on other ceremonial occasions. Of the most important yantras, we are familiar with 48; cf. JSK III, p. 358. This practice is restricted to the Digambaras and is probably due to Tantric influence; cf.P656, n.57.

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Yasodharacaritra copied by Pandita Garibadāsa, an inhabitant of Alvara, for Hira Bãi and Candă Băi.212
d) The Karanjāśākhā, the Nanditaṭagaccha and the Senagana
Kāranjā, a small town of Mahārāṣṭra was the headquarters of a śākhā belonging, like the preceding, to the Balātkāragaṇa. In the archives of the Bhaṭṭārakas of this śākhā, one finds some names of aryikās of the XVIth XVIIIth centuries.
209
-At Erandavela, the fifth day of the dark fortnight of kärttika (October-November) of samvat 1641 (1565), Muni Śri Devendrakirti copied an Ambikārāsa for Harṣamati Băi.213
-The fifth day of the bright fortnight of bhadra (August-September) of samvat 1787 (1731), when Bhaṭṭāraka Devendrakirti was at Sūrata, he had a copy made for Āryikā Pāsamati of a Kathākośa composed by Bhaṭṭāraka Śri Candra.214
212 Ibid., No 309; pp. 127; 132. Hira Bãi and Candā Bãi are very probably āryikā, Gunasundari, the text implies, is a very zealous kṣullikā, for the adjective tapasguṇarājimati seems to refer to her: the one whose penitence and nobility of disposition resembled those of Rajimati. Yasodharacaritra: a narrative stressing the importance of ahimsa, of which King Yasodhara is the hero (explanations furnished by Prof. Joharapurkar).
213 Ibid., No 109; pp. 51; 71. Harṣamati Băi, same comment as in preceding note. Rāsa, a word frequently employed in Gujarāta, denotes a story written for performance in song, this particular one being composed in honour of the yakṣi Ambikā.
214 Ibid. No 159; pp. 61; 74. This Bhattaraka travelled widely. Āryikā Pasamati, belonging to this same śākhā, was probably a native of Mahārāṣṭra, even if the text destined for her use had been copied out in Gujarāta. Kathakośa: a collection of religious stories. "These are stories to illustrate the verses of Aradhana of Śivarya. The Kathakośa of Śri Candra is in Apabhramsa, published in Prakrit Text Series edited by the late Dr. H.L. Jain; the title is Kahakosu." (n. of Prof. Joharapurkar).

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- In samvat 1828 (1772), the disciple of Bhatțăraka Dharmacandra, Vrşabha, at the request of Āryikās sāntamati and Indumati, composed a Ravivratakathā.215
There is one reference to the Nanditatagaccha, which takes its name from present-day Nandeda on the banks of the Godavari in the Marathavada region of Mahārāştra; although its headquarters was in Gujarāta, this gaccha belonged to the Kāşthāsaṁgha.
-The eleventh day of the dark fortnight of vaišākha (April-May) of samvat 1604 (1547), an image of Pārsvanātha was erected by Bhattāraka Sri Vidyābhūşana at the request of Anantamati Bāi who had received dikṣā.216
-The Senagana had also a centre at Kāranjā. A single reference: In the village of Devala in sarvat 1816 (1760), one Vănārsidāsa, a disciple of Sri Arjikā Śri Sikhara Sriji (herself the disciple of Bhattāraka śāntisena) made a copy of a Harivaṁsarāsa 217
If we take into consideration the inscriptions, works of sculpture and frequent mention of the copying-out of texts, we see that in Madhya Pradeśa and Mahārāștra the āryikas were both in evidence
215 lbid., No 181; pp. 66; 75; ravivrata or ravivāravrata: a sunday-vow, which consists in fasting on 9 consecutive sundays over a period of 9 years. The period of 9 sundays starts on the last sunday of the bright fortnight of asādha (June-July); in addition to the fast, one must practise japa, the meditative and repetitive recitation of the Namaskära-mantra; cf. JSK III; p.
e Ravivratakatha is a narrative illustrating the benefits accruing from this vow; cf. Joharapurkar, "vratakathā in old Marāthi", 1978, pp. 1-4.
216 BhaitSamp, No 676; pp. 271; 295. Anantamati Bāi is called: gļhitadikșă, she had received dikşā as a kşullikā or āryikā.
217 Ibid., No 73; pp. 22; 34. Devala is probably present-day Deulgaon in the Dt. of Buldānā in Mahārāstra. Harivaṁsarāsa: a condensed version of the Harivaṁsapurāņa, a Jaina version of the Mahābhārata of which the Ist Sanskrit text was made in the VIIIth c. by Jinasena, other texts being edited later in Apabhraíśa (a Prākrit dialect).

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and highly respected in the saṁgha. The references to the texts copied for them gives us an idea of the spirituality which inspired them and the type of worship they offered day by day. Among the Digambaras this worship is very elaborate, although their temples, by contrast, are generally very plain, particularly as regards images of the arhats. Herein is a contradiction, which is to be explained in part by the adoption, in the course of centuries, of external elements into their worship-forms and devotion and by the integration of them into already existing patterns.
There remain to be mentioned the cave-temples of Elāpura, all Digambara,218 which form part of this extraordinarily rich and magnificent complex of architecture and sculpture. Among the images of arhats and of yakṣas and yakṣis, including Ambikā Mātā, one discovers in a bas-relief below-the figure of Parsvanatha, representations of a muni and an āryikā in meditative pose.? 219
211
218 Cf. Pereira, 1977.
219 Cf. Fisher & Jain, 1977; fig. 37 of the 'little Kailaś'a, dated circa IXth c.

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F - Fervent faith in Karnataka
As we proceed on our tour we arrive in the South, as the munis, who left Magadha at the time of the great famine and established themselves in Karṇāṭaka under the guidance of Arya Bhadrabāhu, were obliged to do.220 Why did they choose to go so far and why to this area? One can scarcely explain it by obvious reasons, but it may very well have been, as has been suggested, that it was due to the already existing presence of a Jaina community in these kingdoms of the South.221 This supposition seems plausible, for if a considerable number of munis were involved, it would be normal to betake themselves to places where they could be received in friendly fashion by members fo the Samgha. According to this tradition the presence of Jainas in the region, which included also part of present-day Andhra Pradeśa, would date back to about the IVth century before our era.222 From the first centuries of our era up until the XIIIth -XIVth centuries doctrinal and grammatical treatises and literary works, as well as epigraphical documentation, all bear witnes to a very flourishing period in the history of Jainism. This was probably due, on the one hand, to the zeal, flexibility and adaptability of the munis and also to the patronage of a line of sovereigns, especially those belonging to the dynasty of the Gangas established in the South of Karṇāṭaka, who had adopted Jainism as state religion. Other sovereigns of neighbouring princedoms, those of the Kadamba dynasty, if they did not all embrace the Jaina faith themselves, at least showed tolerance, benevolence and generosity towards it in varying
212
220 Cf. P 131
221 Cf. Chakravarti, 1974, pp. 10-12.
222 Ibid. p. 13.

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ways.223 Literature, iconography, architecture and sculpture knew at that time a vigour of which traces still remain today. 224
Karņāțaka, the home of the Kannada language, was on account of its geographical situation, the serene beauty of its variegated countryside, its climate and the benevolent attitude adopted by most of the rules of the princely states in its territory, an area highly favourable to a peaceful and deeply-rooted implantation of the Jaina dharma in co-existence with other dharmas. The etymological origin, of Kammāța and its meaning are uncertain. Some have proposed: karnādu, black country, with black soil, good for cotton-growing; or again: kammitu-nādu, fragrant country, because of its forests of candana (sandal-wood) and its numerous pools where the lotus flourishes, 225
In this peaceable countryside the śrāvikās, members of differing classes in society, openly evidenced their faith. Here, probably for the first time in history since Mahāvira, the ladies of the nobility, wives of generals and officials, showed themselves to be zealous disciples of the arhats and gave an initial impulse in which other śrāvikās then
223 Cf. Deo, 1956, pp. 122-129; Singh, 1975, chs. I-II.
224 "Jainism was the dominating religious faith of this region for centuries...Jainism had penetrated into almost every nook and corner of this province; and wherever we go, our searching eyes are confronted with the Jaina relics, temples, sculptures and inscriptions. This is perhaps true in greater measure in respect of the unexplored area of the Hyderabad Karņāțaka." Desai, 1957, p. 174. Cf. Dhaky, 1975 a, b, pp. 185-204; Mankodi, 1975, pp. 205-214. Towards the end of the XIVth c., the sovereigns of the line of the Kalașas, who were fervent Jainas, instigated the erection of numerous temples of great artistic value and the setting-up of bhandāras in the South-East of the country: these treasures are preserved in the districts of Tulunadu, Müdabidure, Karakala and Venuru; cf. Ramesh, 1975, pp. 109-122.
225 Cf. Narasimhacharya, 1969, p.42.

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joined.226 We recapture here, but in another age and in other places, the atmosphere which must have prevailed at Mathurā. In Karņāțaka, if the śrāvikās of princely and noble circles enjoyed great riches, their generosity in regards to all that had to do with cultic practice, that is, temples, sanctuaries, images, as well as to religion and culture in general, was proportionate to these riches. This generosity was the expression of ardent faith and devotion. The example is often given of Attimabbe of the Xth century, the daughter of General Malappa and wife of Nāgadeva, who had a thousand copies made of the Säntipurāna, the work in Kannada of the writer and poet Poona, and had erected one thousand similar munificence in lesser degrees. To give another example, we may mention Jakkiyabbe of the same epoch, a widow and capable administrator of her principality, who not only showed zeal for the dharma but also, when afflicted with an illness, dccided to abandon her goods and her own body by undertaking the vow of saṁlekhanā, the Absolute Fast.227 Later, at the beginning of the XIIth century, when the influence of the dharma was on the decline, Queen Sāntaladevi, wife of King Vişnuvardhana, displayed a lavish generosity in gifts in kind, such as food, shelter and books, for the ascetics. She had built at Śravana Belgoļa the temple of Savatigandhavāraṇa, adorned with a statue of Sāntinātha, and offered as a gift to her spiritual master the village of Mottenavile for the benefit of the faithful. Then she too ended her life by the Great
Fast 228
This short introduction to the social environment in which for a period of about ten centuries the āryikās lived their lives would be incomplete if one omitted to mention several factors: the Jaina samgha was undeniably, and throughout the whole of the South, directed by Digambara munis, of whom the most outstanding were
226 Cf. Saletore, 1938, ch. V "Women as defenders of the faith."
227 Ibid., pp. 155-156; cf. P 567 ff.
228 At Śivaganga in 1131; ibid., pp. 166-167.

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closely involved in the affairs of this world, through their close bonds with the ruling families. Consequently, it seems that the original strictness of their sect was somewhat relaxed and that adopted local customs in the same way as did their Svetămbara counterparts of Gujarāta and elsewhere, with the aim and object, no doubt, for furthering the deep-rootedness of the dharma among the population, even, on occasion, of preventing its eradication.229 Connected with this first, there is a second factor to be considered: the presence of a sect which probably originated in the North of Karnätāka, namely, that of the Yāpaniyas, whose history is little known up to the present day, It had, it would appear, considerable influence on account of its liberal views, but petered out towards the XVIth century at the time when Jainism had lost its ascendancy in the kingdoms of the South. The Yapaniyas were in evidence in both Karņāțaka and Tamil Nāļu. They were neither wholly Svetāmbara, it is said, nor wholly Digambara and they combined beliefs and practices culled from both. Their munis lobserved nudity; moreover - and this is very important - they had a liberal attitude towards women, according to them the same rights as to men, that is to say, a right to mokșa, which, so they believed, was attainable by śrāvakas and stāvikás alike. Their attitude towards other dharmas showed a similar open-ness, for they admitted that their members also could reach Liberation. It seems that their Scriptures were those of the Svetāmbaras,230 It is probable that, in addition to their own disciples, they influenced the members of other sects also and that the general attitude towards women was thus characterised by less doctrinal strictness.
We come now to the centre, the heart, of this whole religious movement: Śravana Belgo!a.
229 There were Śvetāmbaras also in Karnataka and in the region of Andhra, where their presence is clearly indicated up to the XVIth century; cf. Desai, 1957, Preface, p. xi
230 Ibid., pp. 163-164; 167-168; cf. JSK I, pp. 346-347 (24). For a more thorough study, cf. Upadhye, 1974.

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a) At the White Lake of the Sramaņas: Śravana Belgola From ancient times, according to Digambara tradition, ever since the coming of Bhadrabahu in about the year 365 B.C. Śravana Belgola has been a high place of Jainism. It is even recounted that it was there that Bhadrabāhu ended his earthly existence by the Absolute Fast, in the presence of his disciple Candragupta.231 The town of Śravana Belgoļa is in the depths of the country, close to a small lake and surrounded by two rocky hills called Cikkabetta, the little hill, and Doddabetta, the large hill, or Candragiri, in memory of Candragupta, and Indragiri. The austere beauty of this place is in perfect harmony with the spirit of Jaina asceticism. Among the temples of differing epochs, with their statues and pillars bestrewn amongst these windswept rocks, are to be found numerous inscriptions, of which several refer to āryikās. There is this point in particular about these inscriptions: they nearly all describe, sometimes in expressive and poetic terms, the Great Departure, on one or other of these hills, of certain āryikās. This fact alone is enough to justify the veneration of the Jainas of the region for these places. One notes that the words used to designate the aryikās are: ganti, gantiyar, kanti, kantiyar, kantiyār, arya, or simply: mati, mati added to the person's name; one finds also the word avve, used for a lady of repute, not necessarily an āryikā. Here are the texts of a few of these inscriptions.232 With the exception of the last, they are all of the VIIth century and are found on Cikkabetta (Candragiri).
231 Cf. DravSam, Introd. pp. XXV-xxvi. This disciple has often been identified with Candragupta, the Mauryan King of Magadha. In a recently published and most thorough study, however, Vasantharaj, relying both on Jaina and Buddhist literary sources and on the inscriptions of Śravaņa Be!go!a, comes to this conclusion: "A search, thus, into the ancient literary record brings to light the reign of a king by name 'Nanda-Chandragupta' prior to the rule of Maurya Chandragupta, and in addition it reveals that it is this Chandragupta who is referred to in Bhadrabāhu Kathā. This King Nanda Candragupta reigned 372-367 B.C.; cf. Vasantharaj, 1981.
232 We give here the English translation of the texts of EC, Vol. II, Institute of Kanada Studies, 2nd revised edition, Mysore, 1973.

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-Nāgamati-gantiyar, female disciple of Mõni-guravaḍigal of Chittür-nādu, having observed the vow for three months, ended her life.233
-Success! Possessed of noble qualities and devotional acts, of extensive study, Śasimatīganti, of stainless penance and virtue, came to Kalvappu and, seeing the length of her life and saying: "this is the course I have to follow", observed the vow of ārādhana on the top of the holy mountain (tirthagiri) and ascended the abode of heaven.234
-Rājñimati-ganti of the Aji-gaṇa, of the holy Namilūra -saṁgha, pre-eminent for her pure conduct and virtues, excelling other pious people, saying: "this is good for me to day", went up to the hill, adopted sanyasana. . .and ascended to the abode of heaven.2
235
-Prabhavati of the fortunate Namilūra-saṁgha...having observed the vow on this mountain, attained a body endowed with natural beauty. The nun Amitamati of the Mayūragrāma-saṁgha, staying in the middle of the Katyapra mountain, accomplished samādhi 236
233 EC, Vol. II, Śravaṇabelgola, inscr. 23; p. 367.
234 Ibid., inscr. 86; p. 397.
235 Ibid., inscr. 112; p. 401.
217
-On Wednesday, the fifth lunar day of the bright fortnight of Phalguna, in the saka year 1041, the year Vilambi, Śrimatiganti, ending her life by the rite of sanyasana, went to the world of the gods. Her good penance being immense, the meritorious
Ibid., inscr. 132; p.

404

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Māmkabbe-ganti, adorned with the ornaments of good qualities, caused to be set up this epitaph to her great guru.4
237
218
The last inscription is not found on either of the hills, but in the village itself. It bears not only to the fervour of Śrimati-ganti, but also to the veneration in which she was held by her disciple Māmkabbeganti. One observes that the name of the Samgha to which an ǎryikā belonged is sometimes given, also the name of the ācārya. To denote this final step of the abandonment of the body by way of ritual fasting until the Great Departure, the following words are employed: ärādhana, adoration; sanyasana, renunciation, abandonment; samādhi, deep concentration upon the atman, all of them words charged with profound meaning for the faithful of that day.
Of certain other inscriptions some are very brief and others partly effaced:
-On Cikkabetta (Candragiri) two inscriptions of the VIIth century name: Saundaryā Āryā, who attained samādhi, and Gunamati-avve.238
-An inscription of the Xth century mentions: Sayibbekantiyar;239 and an epitaph of the XIth century in a poor state of preservation mentions: Pollabe-kantiyar,240
237
Ibid., inscr. 484; p. 523; saka year 1041: 1119 of our era. The saka era was founded by Salivahana in 78 A.D.
238 Ibid., inscr. 123; p. 403; inscr. 129; p. 404.
239 Ibid., inscr. 168; p. 423.
240 Ibid., inscr. 203; p. 438.

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219
-On Doddabeļļa (Indragiri) an inscription of the XIIth century gives the names of: Gauraśri-kanti, Somasri-kanti, Dévasrikanti, Kanakaśri-kanti.241
-In the village an inscription of the XIIth century mentions Kannabe-kanti.242
Again, it is at Śravaņa Belgoļa, towards the end of the Xth century that Camundarāya, the high official and General of Rajamalla Satyavākya (or Racamalla), one of the monarchs of the Ganga dynastry, had erected on the summit of Doddabetta the gigantic statue of Bāhubali, son of Adinātha, who, having renounced his kingship, became a mahāyogin. The deep inner reality of this state is conveyed by this statue, carved out of the rock with gracefulness and a profound aesthetic sense, better than by all the treatises on doctrine. This mahäpuruşa through its complete nudity, its attitude of kāyotsarga, its deeply-concentrated expression, which is at one and the same time intent and serene, transmits perfectly the message of the Jaina dharma 243
241 Ibid., inscr. 374; p.488; the rest being illegible, the reason for which these names were engraved is not known.
242 Ibid., inscr. 521; p. 530.
243 We cannot resist quoting at this point the following beautiful description of the Bahubali statue: "The carving of the almost rounded head (measuring 7,6 feet or 2,2m in height) erect, facing the north, with a sublime composure, is a marvellous composition of any age. The half closed and long contemplative eyes with gaze turned upwards, the tip of the sharp and sensitive nose, the well-shaped pouting lips wearing a benign and serene smile, could be discerned from any angle from which the viewer or the devotee gazes at the colossus. The rounded face with sharp and sensitive nose, the slightly projected and dimpled chin and the imperceptibly high cheek, the long-lobed ears, and the subdued and voluted curls of locks on the pate, a few rebellious ones invading the broad forehead (laláta-phalaka), all go to enhance the grace and charm of the sculpture. .. The stark nudity of the sculpture indicates with force the absolute renunciation and self-control of a Jina. At the same time the severity of thc pose is offset by the mildness of

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If Śravana Be!goļa was an remains a unique spot where faith and the devotion it kindles are, as it were, condensed, inspiring numerous pilgrims of all ages who have climbed these rocky hills, nevertheless one finds in many other places of this same region traces of this same firm faith.
b) A Queen and certain others. . . -An epigraph of the end of the Xth century relates how Queen Pāmbabbe, who was probably of the royal family of the Gangas, a disciple of Nānabbe-kanti who was herself a disciple of Abhinandi Panditadeva of the Desiyagaña, embraced the path of asceticism and lived a life of severe penance for thirty years.244
-Another epigraph of Manne, in the district of Nelamangala mentions the great departure of Mārabbe-kantiyar, disciple of Devendra Bhaltāraka, in the year about 1000.245
-At Honnūru, in the district of Kolhāpura, an undated inscription mentions the building of a temple constructed by Bammagāvunda, a śrāvaka, disciple of Kanti Rātrimati (Kāntimati?).246
The following inscriptions are in the possession of the Bhattārakas of the Saurāṣtragaña, who had also affiliations in the South.
the contemplative gaze..." Srinivasan, 1975, pp. 177-178; cf. also the magnificent issue of Marg, vol. XXXIII No 3 (Bombay), in homage to Bahubali and Sravana Belgoļa, on the occasion of the mahămastakābhişeka, the great annointing of the head of the statue, February 1981.
244 Cf. Saletore, 1938, p. 157.
245 lbid., p. 257.
246 Cf. Desai, 1957, pp. 119; 166; 169. Desai suggests circa 1110 as a possible date. This āryikā belonged to the Punnāgavřkşamúlagaña, a branch of the Nandisamgha (usually associated with the Yāpaniyas).

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- At Soratūru an inscription of 1071 relates a somewhat unusal fact: General Baladevalayya commissioned the building of a temple and entrusted the oversight of the task, and also that of the adjoining property to Huliyabbājjike, an āryikā disciple of Śrinandi Pandita of the Saurastragana. 247
This āryikā must have been somewhat exceptional, for as a rule responsibilities of this kind were entrusted to munis.
-At Gudigere, in the district of Dhāravāra, in 1076, Aștöpavāsi Kantiyār (Kantiyār of the eight fasts), disciple of Śrinandi Pandita, made at the request of this latter, a gift of a piece of land for the temple of Pārsvanātha. 248
- In the place called Somavāra an inscription dated the seventh day of the bright fortnight of bhadra (August-September) of saka 1017 (1095) mentions the name of Arsabbe Gantiyar, disciple of Bhattāraka Ramacandra of the Saurașțragana 249
After the XIIth century, inscriptions are found more rarely and among those that are known, no mention, it seems, is made of the names of āryikās; this indeed, is in keeping with the slow decline of Jainism in the region, a decline that was due to political, social and religious factors. The influence of the great Śrivaişņavite sage, Rāmānuja, a Master of great power who set forth the doctrine of
247 Ibid., pp. 143-145; 169; Huliyabbe-ajjike, ajjike for āryikā; disciple: śishyinti.
248 Ibid., pp.144; 169. A question arises, viz., since an āryikā aster dikṣā no longer owns any property, so was there perhaps in existence a less strict sect as regards aparigraha? Or had this kantiyār not yet pronounced the mahāvratas?
249 BhattSamp, No 13; pp. 7; 29.

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viśistadvaita,250 was considerable throughout the South. King Vişnuvardhana of the Hoyśaļa dynasty was converted to Vaişnavism and subsequently his descendants in the same dynasty adopted that dharma.251
Directly the monarchs, princes, officials of state and generals ceased, though without showing hostility, to take an interest in the Jaina dharma or to popularise its doctrine or promote its worship by gists of land or moncy for the erection of temples, shrines and images, the Samgha gradually subsided into being a minority group which, without losing its fervour in the faith, found itseld turning inwards again and exercising less impact on local society. This state of affairs continued during thc following centuries. It must be added that this progressive decline was also duc later on to a considerable animosity towards the Jainas on the part of the viraśaivas or lingāyats, which resulted, it is thought, in a conversion of Jainas to that religious sect. The samgha, now very reduced in numbers, found itself less and less able to see to the prescrvation of its temples, of which many now fell into ruins, or to make inventories of the manuscripts held in the bhandāras, which were of inestimable value, especially those located in the headquarters of the Bhattārakas.
However, a flame still burns, the hearth-stone of glowing faith at Śravana Belgola has never been extinguished. High up on the summit of the hill Bāhubali continues to bear witness to the dharma, teaching it simply by his presence there, not only to Jaina pilgrims, but to pilgrims of all religions and nationalities.
c) The great Munis
While the much venerated statue of Bāhubali illumines the beholder by its very presence, numerous valuable written works bear witness to thc profound thinking of the learned munis and poets of the region, their concern to clarify the doctrine and their literary productivity between the first centuries of our era and the XIIth.
250 1.e. višişțādvaita: (the doctrine of) qualified non-dualism.
251 Cr. Deo, 1956, p.129; Saletore, 1938, p. 79.

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Among authors best-known and most studied we may mentions: Ācārya kundakunda, among the early maters the greatest, whose numerous works include the Samayasăra and the Pravacanasāra.252 Opinions differ as to the age in which he lived: the IInd century perhaps, or later. It is not known exactly where he was born, but it was very probably in this region. 253 He is mentioned in inscriptions at Śravana Belgoļa.254
- Vācakara Umāsyāti, the author of the Tattvārtha-sūtra, a basic doctrinal work regarded as authoritative by all the Jainas. According to Digambara tradition he was probably, if not a direct disciple, at least in the spiritual line descended from Kundakunda; he too is mentioned in some inscriptions at Śravana Belgola.255
- Pūjyapāda (Devanandi) of the Vth or Vlth century, a grammarian, poet and philosopher, famous for his commentary on the Tattvärthasūtra, the Sarvārthasiddhi. 256
252 Cf. Upadhye, PSa, Introd., pp. 23-120 for the works of Kundakunda and an exhaustive introd. to the PSa.
253 "... conclusive proof if now adduced to show that he hailed from Konakondha in the Gooty Taluk of Anantapur Dt. now in Adhra State. This village formerly belonged to Karnāļāka and its earlier name was
a. This conclusion is arrived at after a critial examination of all the relevant material on the subject including the local antiquities and inscriptios." Desai, 1957, Persace p. xi,
254 Cf. Upadhye, ibid., p. 8. Kundakunda may have ben the head of the Mülasamgha which traces its origin as far back as the beginning of our era. cf. JSK I, pp. 340-341 for the lineage of the acāryas of the Mulasamgha.
255 Cf. Upadhye, ibid., pp. 4-5. Malvania (TS Sukhlal Preface) puts the composition of the TS between the IVth and Vih centuries. Sukhlal, (ibid., pp. 50-51) mentions that the text was in all probability written at Pätaliputra and thence concludes that Umāsvāti must have been a native of the East..
256 Cf. JSK III, pp. 81-82.

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-Yogindudeva, probably of the Vlth century, author of the Paramātmaprakāśa, a jewel of Jaina mysticism.257
- Ravisena of the VIIth century, author of the Padmapurāņa, a Jaina version of the Rāmāyana.258
- Jinasena and Guņabhadra of the IXth century, the authors of the Mahāpurāņa.259
- Siddhānta Cakravartin Ncmicandra, the author of the Dravyasaṁgraha, the Gommațasāra and other important texts; he lived in the age when the crection of the statue of Bāhubali took place, at the end of the Xth century. 260
At the end of the XIlth century Bālacandradeva, whose sphere of activity had its centre in Śravaņa Belgoļa, published in Kannada commentaries upon all the works of Acārya Kundakunda. Moreover, in several inscriptions his name is held in high honour on account of his ascetic fervour. 261
With regard to the presence of the Jaina dharma, ils growth and influence and continuing existence, in Andhra Pradeśa, we have welldocumented information up till nearly the XVIth century. It is very possible that, before the beginning of our era, munis from Kalinga
257 Cf. Upadhye, Introd. 10 this work.
258 Cf. JSK III, p. 406.
259 Ibid., II, p. 330; 245.
260 Ibid., II, p. 629; Siddhānta Cakravartin means: "he who like a ruler of the world has a mastery over the totality of the sacred writings." Winternitz, 1977, p. 585.
261 Cf. Upadhye, PSa, Introd., pp. 100-101.

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established themselves in the North of this region where later, Buddhism found a foothold and, so it seems, proceeded to oppose Jainism. Then, on account of the powerful predominance of Islām, the samgha disappeared from Andra Pradeśa. There remain a few inscriptions here and there and some works of sculpture, but no place of worship, no centre of pilgrimage; morcover, local literature perhaps because of a latent antagonism on the part of other dharma, has retained no trace of any influence stemming from notable Jaina authors. 262
225
262 Cf. Desai, 1957, pp. 23-24. On account of the lack of a stable Jaina community, no specific historical study has been made of the dharma in the region.

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G - In Tamil Nāļu: Rise and decline
From Sravana Belgola and the surrounding district the munis certainly penetrated further towards the South, in the final centuries before our era, into that area possessed of great wealth and antiquity of language and culture: Tamil Nādu, nādu, the country where Tamil is spoken.
It has been established with certitude, thanks to numerous caves and caverns containing inscriptions in Tamil-brāhmi,263 that round about the IIIrd and IInd centuries B.C. these were the pāļis (dwellings) of munis, situated at some distance from all other habitations, shielded from all inclemency of weather and fixed for occupation in a rudimentary fashion, just with bunks hewn out of the rock, one part being raised for the head, and a remarkably efficient system of waterdrainage during the rains. 264
At a later date, probably a little before the IVth c. A.D., these caves were adorned by images carved from the rock itself.265 Sometimes, as for example at Kalugumalai in the district of Tirunelveli, one gets a magnificent vista of images, of the twenty-four tirtharikaras carved out
263 These caves are for the most part situated in the districts of: North Arcot, Tirucirapaļļi, Madurai, Tirunelveli; cf. Soundara Rajan, 1975, pp. 158159 and figs. 1; 2; 10; 15; 26; 30; 32; N.B. Arcot is derived from Arkkādu and Arcatus (IInd c. B.C. up till IIIrd c. A.D.); thereafter it becomes Arkāt (in the XVIIth and XVIIIth c.); cf. Atlas, pp. 20b; 24a; 46a.
264 Cf. Krishnan, 1975, p. 87 "The word pāļi used in early times is found in the IXth century in the forms pāļi and palsi used simultaneously. There appears to be a sharp distinction between the two. Pāļi seems to refer to the resting-place of the Jaina monks with their deities and palli refers to the entire establishment including the provisions made for the monastic order.", ibid., p.88. cf. also Nagaswamy, 1975, p. 123; the inscrs. in brāhmi found in these caves number up to 75; cf. Soundara Rajan, 1975, p. 139.
265 Cf. Nagaswamy, ibid., p. 123.

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of one immense rock in three lines, one above the other. 266 Here, in these caverns, now turned into temples and centres of pilgrimage, homage was paid to the arhats; indeed, one finds there inscriptions of a much later date than those in tamil-brāhmi, which mention the names of donors and chronicle the visits to these spots of both men and women pilgrims. In addition to images of the arhats, images of yakşas and, more especially, of yaksis were also fashioned. Little by little the munis returned to the built-up arcas and lived on the outskirts of towns, as we shall see in the Cilappatikāram, though this did not prevent at least certain oncs of them from returning to the ca
The fact that the Jaina dharma, with its important centres located at Kāñci and Madurai, had a profound influence upon the religious and cultural life of that whole region is due above all to the spiritual and intellectuat worth of the acāryas and munis, supported by the members of the local samghas. It was never a state religion nor did it enjoy for centuries local patronage, as in Karņāțaka. The dynasties which ruled over these territories, the Pāndyas at Madurai, the Cēras at Uraiyūr and Vañci, the Pallavas at Kāñci, Tanjāvũr and Tirucirāpalli, the Colas at Tanjävūr and Tirunelveli proved themselves to be, if not benevolent, at least tolerant in their attitudes. From the epigraphs we are led to believe that the dharma was flourishing, particularly around Madurai and Tirunelveli, up to the Viilth and IXth centuries, and that the samgha still remained active in the districts of Tirunelveli and North Arcot up till the Xlth century. 267 From the Vilth century onwards the Jaina samgha was obliged to face hostility aroused by several factors, the zeal of the Saivite and Vaişnavite Masters, the appearance on the scene of Sarkarācārya, the adoption of Saivism by the last Pallava and Pāņdya kings.268 The Jaina dharma now suffered
266 Cf. Soundar a Rajan, ibid., p. 159 and fig. 30.
267 Cf. Chakravarti, 1974, App. p. 139.
268 Cf. Deo, 1956, pp. 130-131. The term persecution has also been used; the opinions of historians and archaeologists are divided on this point. Religious zeal can lead to fanaticism and it is also possible that the harbouring of a hidden animosity may lead one to exaggerate the facts, but it

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a progresive decline and gradually lost its prestige and ascendancy. It had, however, taken firm hold from the North of Tamil Nāļu right down to the far South; the region of Nāgaraköyil was an important centre and the famous temple of Nāgarăja was certainly a Jaina sanctuary before it became a place of Hindu worship.269 Another indication of the importance of the Jaina centres in the region of Cape Comorin is to be found in the inscriptions found in different parts of the area, which give the names of several learned munis and their disciples, natives of the region of Nāgaraköyil.270
To give a brief survey of the important contribution of Jaina scholars, for the most part monks, to the religious, literary and cultural achievement of the early centuries and up to the Middle Ages, we may mention the following works:
- The Tolkāppiyam, a detailed grammar, probably compiled by a Jaina author. This is the most ancient work of research known on the Tamil language, divided into three major chapters dealing with letters, words and meaning; of these the last mentioned treats many subjects such as love and war. 271
cannot be denied that the Jainas were the object of open hostility, which contributed to the defection of a number of its members who went over to sects that had come into being out of Brahmanism.
269 Cf. Soundara Rajan, 1975, p. 158; this is a well-known and striking example of the transformation of a centre of Jaina worship into a sanctuary of some other religion, but there are many other examples also in these parts.
270 Cf. Padmanabhan, 1969, p.24.
271 Cf. Chakaravarti, 1974, pp. 19-28; Soundara Rajan, ibid., p. 137. Opinions differ as to the date of its completion. It is very possible that this is an extremely ancient text of a time preceding our era. Some suggest the Vih c. B.C.

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re The Tirukkural, a text made up of aphorisms and remarkable for the sublime ideal it lays before the reader; a highly respected and extremely popular guide-book, whose author, if not himself a Jaina, had certainly been strongly influenced by the ahiṁsā-dharma.272
- The Náladiyār, a well-known ethical work with a Jaina flavour,273 as have also several texts belonging to the eighteen collections of didactic writings. 274
- The Jivaka-cintamani, the Valaiyāpati and the Cilappatikāram, three of the five great Poems which are of undoubted Jaina authorship.275
- Five less important Poems which are probably of Jaina authorship, Yaśödhara being the work of a muni.276
- As the Tirukkural possesses a unique character and is of considerable importance, we shall try to make a brief survey of it and to disengage from it certain ideas that seem to have been inspired by the Jaina dharma. These ideas fit harmoniously into the rest of the work of which one of the principal characteristics is its universality of outlook, for it touches on all aspects of human life, without any trace of sectarianism, either religious or social.
272 Cf. Chakravarti, ibid., pp. 28-40; Meenakshisundaram, 1969. Here again opinions differ as to its author and what religion he professed. Cf. Upadhye, PSa, Introd., pp. 19-20, where he examines closely the bases of the opinion: "Kundakunda as author of Kural", without coming to a definite conclusion.
273 Cf. Chakravarti, ibid., pp. 40-44.
274 Ibid., pp. 44-48. According to Chakravarti (p. 27) the ethical works such as the Kural and the Nāladiyār, are of earlier date than the poetic works.
275 Ibid., pp 48-83; the text of the Vaļaiyāpati is lost.
276 Ibid., pp. 83-109.

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Chapter 1 appears to be an address to an arhat, and verse 9 mentions - without naming them - the eight characteristics of a being who is worthy of veneration; the mind here goes to the siddhas.
Chapter 3 deals with the greatness of the ascetics and sages: v. 30 emphasises the respect in which the ascetics hold all living beings.
Chapter 4 is on purity of intention, equanimity, detachment from all passions.
Chapter 13 is concerned with the virtue of self-control.
Chapters 26 and 33 constitute together a plea for respect for all life, abstention from animal-slaughter, vegetarian diet. In v. 323 the two primordial principles, namely, respect for all life and freedom from falsehood are set forth.
Chapter 27 treats of the value of austerities, especially those of endurance, tolerance and kindliness.
Chapter 30 deals with the capital importance of vāymai, veracity.
Chapters 35 and 37 are on radical detachment, liberation from all forms of egoism and possessiveness, in the positive sense of Realisation of one's true self in this life and in prospect of eternal Happiness.
Chapter 36 is on right and enlightened knowledge, on wisdom.
These few references, though suggestive of Jaina inspiration, do not constitute definite proof of it. Furthermore, many of its other ideas have nothing specifically Jaina about them and could belong to any dharma. The Tirukkural is not a doctrinal and religious treatise and one thing is certain, namely, that one finds there no trace of the radical asceticism demanded by the Agamas and other works; on the contrary, family life is praised and is even said to be better than the ascetic state. 277 What is remarkable is, precisely, the tendency,
277 Cf. e.g. ch. 5, vs. 47-50.

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discernible in regard to all the subjects under consideration, to ; emphasise the positive virtues, such as respect for all beings, ! equanimity, tolerance, harmony, graciousness, as means to an assured well-being and happiness in society at large.
As for the age of which the Tirukkural belongs, several hypotheses have been put forward,278 while its author, venerated by all under the name of Tiruvalluvar, has been the subject of sundry legends.279
Many other works less well-known than those mentioned above have been produced by the Jainas,280 as well as treatises of Prosody and Grammar (such as Neminātham and Nannul), of Mathematics, Astronomy and Astrology. We must here stress the importance of the classical works of this region of Tamil Nādu which, though their inspiration was Jaina, possess 'universal' value.
This introduction will have provided some idea of the context in which the Jaina women ascetics of Tamil Nādu lived, for their way of life presents some aspects peculiar to this region.
a) Kavunti Atikal
The Cilappatikāram (from cilampu: an anklet and atikāram: chapter, section, subject of treatise) is the marvellous long epic poem of which the dramatic denouement centres upon the anklet of the heroine Kannaki.281 The author is Il!anko Aţika! (from i/arko: junior
278 Meenakshisundaram, 1969, p. 5 thinks that it cannot be later than the IIIrd c. of our era.
279 Cf. Sripal, 1972, pp. 6-8 for an interesting connection between Tiruvaļļuvar and the temple of Nayanar at Mayilapur or Mayilai ('The city of peacocks'), the modern Mylapore, Madrās.
280 Cf. Chakravarti, ibid., pp. 110-137.
281 Cf. Dikshitar, Cilappatikäram, whose translation we here follow, as also his transcription (the text being in ancient Tamil), though referring at the

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prince, aţika!: ascetic), a prince of the Cēras who, having renounced all claim to the throne, became a Jaina nirgrantha. The prince's erudition and culture have both contributed to the richness of the poem which contains a wealth of most interesting details concerning the social and cultural life of the three kingdoms of that period from the end of the Ilnd to the Vth century. However, many passages must have been added later. 282
The drama unrolls in an atmosphere that is profoundly spiritual and void of any sectarian spirit. In it worship is performed in honour of Śiva and of Vişnu, dances are performed in honour of Krsna, his elder brother Balarama is also accorded veneration, as are also goddesses such as Manimēkalai, the guardian of the sea. There are frequent important references to Jaina docirine and to its ascetics; mention is also made of the Ajivikas and of the Buddha. We are plunged into the very lively atmosphere of the age and enter into close contact with all classes of society: the princes amid all the pomp and ceremony, the rich and prosperous merchants, the artisans, the village-dwellers. The whole gives us an impression of general prosperity. Dance and ritual accompanied by music, songs which hymn the sea, the mountains and the rivers, bespcaking thus a harmony with nature, all form part of daily life and imbue it with religious feeling. The description of the country scenes is exquisite poetry, while that of the towns conveys beautifully the lively atmosphere prevalent in them.
Here is an outline of this great epic poem in which the ascetic Kavunti Aţika! plays a leading part. Kõvalan and Kannaki, a young couple from the wealthy merchant-class of the seaside town of Pukārt
same time to the original. This poem includes 30 songs arranged in 3 main sections, each with the name of a large city, capital of a kingdom:
I - Pukārk Kāņtam, named after Pukār (Puhār) capital of the Coļas; II - Maturaik Kantam, named after Madurai, capital of the Pandyas; III - Vañcik Kāņtam, named after Vañci, capital of the Cēras, the family of the author, their kingdom being in the coastal area of present-day Kēraļa.
282 Opinions are divided on this question.

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on the estuary of the Kāvēri, are leading a happy life together until the day when Kõvalan falls in love with Mātavi, a charming courtesan, and spends all his fortune in her company. However a slight feeling of mutual doubt steals over the one and the other and Kõvalan with terror realises the gravity of his fault. He returns to Kannaki who had borne all with patience and he decides to go to Madurai to earn his living. Kannaki insists on accompanying him. They depart at night, unobserved. All they possess is the pair of anklets belonging to Kannaki. In the course of their wearisome and perilous journey on foot they encounter Kavunti Atikal, a Jaina ascetic who accompanies them along the way. At Madurai Kõvalan offers one of the anklets to the court goldsmith who promises him a good price. But this same goldsmith, who has previously stolen, one of the queen's anklets, hastens to find the king and denounces to him Kövalan as being the guilty party. The king, seeking no further information, has Kõvalan executed. Kannaki, despite her unspeakable grief, repairs to the king with her second anklet and breaks it, proving thus the innocence of her husband, for this anklet contained precious stones, whereas that of the queen contained pearls. The Pāndya king is so profoundly moved by the enormity of his mistake that he dies of grief. Kaņnaki, desirous that justice may be fully done to Kõvalan, tears her left breast from her bosom and flings it over Madurai, cursing the city the while and praying that it be destroyed by Agni, the god of fire. This latter consents to act in accordance with this curse and consumes all except the just (those who follow the dharma), virtuous women, children and animals. At this point the goddess of the city and of the royal family, Maturāpati, appears to Kannaki in the midst of the flames and explains to her way Kõvalan, on account of a fault committed in a previous life, has been thus unjustly executed. She predicts, moreover, that after a short period Kõvalan will invite her to rejoin him in heaven. Thereafter the heroic Kaņnaki was proclaimed goddess of Chastity.
Let us now return to the moment in the story when Kavunti Aţika! appears and let us follow her through the various stages during which

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name;
she accompanies Kōvalan and Kannaki.283 Kayunti is the term used for a Jaina woman ascetic, but here the word is used as a proper 284 atikal is a title of respect for ascetics in general, used for both men and women and for ascetics of any religion. Sometimes the name Kavunti Aiyai is used, the word aiyai being also used to denote a woman ascetic. 285
234
When Kōvalan and Kannaki were walking along the bank of the Kāvēri, they came to a grove of flowering trees where Kavuntipalli, the hermitage of Kavunti, was located.286 They prostrated themselves at her feet. Straightaway Kavunti spoke to them of the Jaina dharma and offered to accompany the young couple as far as Madurai, for she was desirous of visiting the ascetics of that place and of listening to their spiritual discourses. She gave them a poetic and accurate description of the various roads they might take leading to their goal, being careful both to soften for Kannaki the hardships of the way and to respect ahimsā, mentioning punctiliously the places to avoid so as not to harm living beings. Then without delay, with her kaṭijñai
283 Cf. Cantos X-XV.
284 It is extremely possible, given the antiquity of the work, that Kavunti, her proper name, may later have been used to denote a woman ascetic, on account of the celebrity of the original bearer of the name.
285 Cf. e.g. X, 45; the original text sometimes has Kavunti, sometimes Kāvunti. We may note that: "In Tamil: Ammai, Kanni, Paimmai, Sāmi, Perumāṭṭi, Acăn, Talaivi, Aiyai, etc. were employed to refer to Jain women ascetics." Meenakshisundaram, 1961, p. 125.
286 Cilappatikāram, p. 177. It seems, judging from the inscriptions, that the ascetics had permanent dwellings. No mention is made of any companionascetics of Kavunti and it is possible that she had a type of hermitage in the srikōil, a complex consisting of a temple and dwellings for ascetics. Chakravarti, 1974, p. 54 mentions: "...an äśrama of the Jaina ascetics on the northern bank of the Cauvery. In that asrama he (Kõvalan) met the female ascetic Kaundhi..."

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(begging bowl) in its uri (a sort of string bag) upon her shoulder and her kaippili (small peacock-feather fan) in her hand, and praying that the pañcamantra might act as their guide upon the road, Kavunti, the supremely virtuous, joined the young couple and all three set forth on foot. 287
235
After several days' travelling through fields and villages, following the bank of the Kāvēri, they arrived at Srirangam,288 There they met a cāraṇa, a particular sort of Jaina ascetic possessing supernatural powers;289 this latter, addressing himself to Kavunti, broke into a spontaneous utterance in which he extolled the arhats or jinas. Kavunti, inspired by this hymn of praise, replied with one even more sublime in which she proclaimed the consecration of her whole person to the worship of the arhats who, according to the authentic Jaina angle of vision, must travel the road towards supreme Realisation. Then the caraṇa blessed them and they continued on their way, crossing the Kaveri in a boat to reach the south bank of the river. As they were resting after the crossing, an inquisitive wastrel and his female companion came up and pestered them with idle questions. Kavunti, indignant, cursed them and charged that they should be turned into jackals, which at once, so the tale goes, took place, for this curse came from the mouth of an ascetic. Kõvalan and Kaṇṇaki
287 Cf. Cilappatikāram, pp. 178-180; pañcamantra: Namaskāra-mantra.
288
A very ancient holy place. It is nowadays part of the city of Tirucirapalli, which is of much more recent date. The Atlas only refers to this latter from the XIIIth c. onwards.
289
Caraṇa, from caraṇa or a form of ṛddhi: supernatural powers possessed by certain munis, powers which accrued to them thanks to their purity of life and their practice of certain austerities. These powers include e.g. levitation, walking on water without causing the least ripple, travel at speed through space etc.. ;cf. JSK I, pp. 475-483; 483-487 for other types of riddhi. Certain inscsrs. of Śravana Belgola indicate that Kundakunda possessed the power of levitation and that he moved at will through space; cf. Upadhye, PSa, Introd., p. 8, ns. 1; 2; cf. also P 300 n.59.

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pleaded on behalf of these ignoramuses and Kavunti predicted that after one year they would recover their human form.
The three travellers then arrived at Uraiyūr.290 There Kavunti Aţika! repaired to the Jaina temple and conversed with the ascetics who were dwelling near by in the shady groves. The next day at dawn they again took the road. On the way, they came upon an eloquent brāhmana who launched into a lengthy discourse, extolling the might of the king and also that of Vişnu. He then gave them a pictorial description of the different roads leading to Madurai with numerous religious allusions and comment, inviting them to stop on the way in a mysterious cave inhabited by a yakși. Kavunti Aţika! heard him to the end and then replied categorically in a fashion that was firm, lucid, brief and in direct contrast to the high-flown speech of the brāhmaṇa: "There is nothing he has advanced that the Jaina Scriptures do not contain, and more still. Do we not inherit in this life the consequences of acts performed in an earlier existence? Is not the true path that of ahiṁsā, non-violence and satya, truth?" She exhorted the brähmana to follow his own path and his God,291 while, as for them, they themselves knew what was their way!292 Here is a reply worthy of a Jaina ascetic!
Until they reached Madurai, in order to avoid the glare of the sun, they walked at night by the brightness of the moon. Finally, after several adventures, they crossed by raft the river Vaikai and arrived on the outskirts of the town, to the place where the ascetics were living. Next day Kõvalan requested Kavunti to keep Kaņņaki under her holy protection while he busied himself with his affairs in the city. Kavunti consented and in her reply she mentioned the effects of past karmas, then, turning to human love and the sufferings caused thereby, she most appositely quoted episodes from the Rāmāyaṇa and the
290 Cilappatikāram, pp. 184-189.
291 In this passage kāmuru teyvam can be interpreted in two ways, either: the God that you love, or: the God of Love; cf. XI, 160
292 Cf. Cilappatikāram, pp. 192-199.

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Mahābhārata. However, the places where the ascetics dwelt, being far-removed from normal habitation, were inconveniently placed for people of the world and so Kavunti searched for someone who could give lodgement to the young couple in the city. At this very moment an aged woman named Mätari of the cow-herd caste, after making her devotions at the near-by temple, came to prostrate herself at the feet of Kavunti Atikal. Thinking that a community concerned with the nurture of cows and with milk-products was sure to live a simple life without causing harm to any living being, Kavunti Ațikal addressed herself to Mätari and in tender and poetic language entrusted Kannaki to her care, praising the heroic courage of the young woman and furthering her remarks by stressing the indescribable merits earned by the hospitable. Mātari listened gladly, addressed in her turn praise to kavunti and at sunset let Kannaki away.293 While Kōvalan and Kannaki went on to undergo their terrible ordeal, Kavunti Atikal stayed among the ascetics and sages to converse with them about the dharma. Her task with the young couple was completed.
Kavunti Atikal is a faithful portrait of a Jaina woman ascetic of the time of the Cilappatikāram. Even if she is a fictitious character, it is not that the author has invented her; he has, rather, described her, evoking scenes of the life of his day. This Ațikaļ is probably a Digambara äryikā although she possesses a katījñai (begging bowl) for receiving the food offered, which the āryikās, at least those who are our own contemporaries, do not, their bowl being their cupped hands.294 Kavunti lives simply, and with conviction, her dharma. When, at opportune moments, she declares it, it is no exercise in rhetoric but the spontaneous expression of her belief. Her words, which are characterised by sobriety and firmness, reveal her profound knowledge of the teaching and the solidity of her faith. She is cultured, is well-acquainted with the classical texts of Brahmanism and quotes them aptly. She is venerated highly on account of her
293 Ibid., pp. 239-251
294 Cf. P 668 ff. the kṣullikäs can receive their food on a platter or plate, either that of the family who is offering the meal or their own. The Śvetämbara sädhvis have each a patra (bowl); cf. P 423-424.

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rigorous asceticism and her learning. She is also a poetess and knows and describes most beautifully the region through which they pass. She shows no hesitation in setting out on the journey and all along the way proves an immense help to Kovalan and Kannaki, knowing as she does how to act wisely and take timely decisions, being always guided by her concern for ahimsă. 295 Finally, she, a woman, is daring 1 enough to reply to a brāhmaṇa in a few brief and direct words, expressing her own belief clearly, moderately and without hesitation.
b) The Kuratti Ațigals, teacher-ascetics
Numerous epigraphs of the IXth-XIth centuries make mention of the kuratti atigals or kurattigals, sometimes also called kurattiyārs, the feminine honorific form (plural) of kuravar derived from the Sanskrit guruvaḥ; sometimes also we come across the word bhatáriga!, for bhattārikā, the feminine of bhaltāraka.296 Despite the brevity of the inscriptions it is not difficult to grasp that these adigals were teachers who had grouped around them quite a large number of women ascetic disciples and other pupils, these last named being probably young candidates for the monastic life who received a general education. Some atigals had śrāvakas as their disciples. Certain ones were themselves disciples of an Acārya or Bhattāraka, while others were themselves guruņis, ācāryas of a certain sort themselves as their title indicates, and thus they enjoyed some independence and exercised authority over their own disciples.
This phenomenon, unique in the history of Jainism, is only found in Tamil Nādu.297 If we are not to base our conclusions simply on
295 We observe, however, that she has no scruple in crossing two rivers in a boat, which normally is only done in a case of absolute necessity - this, of course, being out of consideration for ahimsā; cf. AS II, 3, 1, 13-21; 2, 1-13; cf. also P 533.
296 Cf. Chakravarti, 1974, App. of Ramesh. pp. 192-193.
297 Cf. Desai, 1957, p. 77: "The Kurattiyārs of the Tamil country constitute a surprisingly unique class by themselves."

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certain epigraphs, we need more definite clues to enable us to discover more of the background of this period and the reasons which favoured the coming into being of these groups. These kurattiyårs were probably Digambara in allegiance, but to which samgha or gana did they belong?298 From what we learn from the inscriptions, their manner of life differed from that of the Digambara äryikās as we know them and from that of the Svetāmbara sādhvis. They led an organised life in a stable institution, a type of monastery-school which constituted part, along with the temple, of one composite local samgha and was called a pen-palli (residence of women ascetics). It is also known that in certain places munis resided in the same complex. Certain inscriptions imply that, given the educational function of the institution, such permanent residence was then normal, for example:
-At Vilappākam, in the district of North Arcot, an epigraph of the middle of the Xth century mentions the gift of a well for the use of a pen-palli by Pațținikkuratti Atiga!, disciple of Ariștanemi Bhatāra of Tiruppānmalai.299 There are two points here worth noticing: the gift of a well implies that a pen-palli was a permanent residence, while the fact than an adigal had this well dug suggests that she was a person of authority in that place; the necessary sum of money must have been offered to her by members of the local saṁgha.300
298 Desai has demonstrated very well and convincingly the impact of the Yāpaniyas, whose ideas as to the position of women were very liberal and certainly influenced other local sects.
299 Cf. Krishnan, 1975, p. 97; No 20; pattini: fast, abstinence from food; an adigaļ is given thus a spiritual characteristic as a name and not a personal name.
300 Desai, 1957, pp. 41-42 gives the following information: "The well and a house were afterwards constituted into a nunnery and placed under the supervision of the twenty-four of the village... The Jaina residents of the place had organised themselves and constituted a representative council of 'twenty
mbers to look after their interests - reminiscence of the twenty-four Jinas."

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Here we may refer to a few inscriptions, some of which concern the kurattiyārs of local pen-pallis and the others kurattiyārs on pilgrimage to the cave-temples:
-At Vedāl, in the district of North Arcot, an epigraph of 885-886 mentions a dispute between the five hundred pupils of Kanakavirakkurattiyār and a group of four hundred tāpasigaļs; subsequent to this conflict, Kanakavira-kkurattiyār was able to assure the food-supply for her pupils.301 We know that there existed some sort of canteenarrangement where food was distributed free, thanks to gifts provided by the local neighbouring community. In this case it is probable that after the dispute the kurattiyār and her pupils were deprived of the food previously assured through the canteen and that then the local śravakās came to her aid.
-At Ayyampāļaiyam, near Palani in the district of Madurai, in the Xth century, Avvanandi-kkurattiyār had an image erected to the dēvār (god). She was mānākkiyar (disciple) of Pattini-kkurattiyār.302 The
301 Cf.Chakravarti, 1974, App. inscr. 21; pp. 160-161. Here it is only possible to hazard some conjectures, the inscr. being so tersely worded. Tāpasiga! denotes an ascetic, man or woman; there is nothing in this instance to indicate the gender. Certain remarks can be made and questions asked: the women tapasigals, as regards their role in the samgha, were probably devoted only to spiritual pursuits and not to teaching, that is to say, they probably were Jaina ascetics of a traditional type, leading, however, so it seems, a stable life. The tāpasigaļs could be men ascetics and we know that quite often they were residing in close proximity to the kurattiyars, which sometimes led to quarrels. Moreover, we do not know what the organisation within the wider group was, nor who was responsible for the care and food of the pupils. If tāpasiga/ here refers to men ascetics, it would seem plausible that, wielding their authority, they may have had the power to deprive the kurattiyārs and their pupils of their food-supply. This community must have been flourishing and important, for the tāpasigaļs and pupils together represent no less than 900 persons. It is probable that Kanakavira-kkurattiyar was assisted in her taks by other kurattiyārs.
302 Ibid., inscr. 39; pp. 171-172: this is the 2nd time that paitļni, fast, is the name of a kurattiyār.

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name of the god is not given and it was probably a question of an image of a tirtharkara.
The following references all belong to the vast cave-temple of Kalugumalai in Tirunelveli district, where three rows, one above the other, of images of the twenty-four tirthankaras are carved into the rock. The inscriptions, dating back to the Xth and XIth centuries, are to be found in most cases at the feet of the images. It is noteworthy that the majority of kuratti ațigals who came there on pilgrimage are referred to by the name of the place from which they came rather than by a proper name and that no samgha or gana is mentioned. The names of sixteen kuratti adigals have been identified, as also that of their guruni who figures several times in different epigraphs, which testifies to the importance of the person in question. These epigraphs can be arranged into three groups:
In the first group the text tells how such or such a kurattiyār of a certain place had an image carved and erected;303 generally the name of her guruņi and of her ācārya are given. The words used to denote a disicple are: mānākkiyār and mānäkkiga!, while those used to denote statue or sacred image are: tiru-mēni and padimam (from pratimă). We note the names of:
Piccai-kkuratti304 of śirupolal in the district of Idaikkalanādu; Tiruccāraṇatlu-bhatārigal,305 disciple of Miļalūr-kkurattiyār;
303 l.e. this kurattiyâr caused the erection of the statue; this may be understood as meaning either that she herself directly caused the erection or that she had inspired another person to get the task executed. No donor is named and probably the community of śrāvakas had collaborated to meet the expenses of the project.
304 Piccai: alms another example, similar to pattini, of the adigaļs being named after some characteristic of their vocation. Desai aptly remarks on p. 80: "Indications are furnished by the epigraphs to surmise that, as social workers and spiritual teachers, the Jaina monks and nuns came into close contact with the masses who treated them with deference and a feeling of attachment. This may be gleaned from the manner in which Jaina teachers

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Nāțtiga-bhatārar, disciple of Nālkūr-kkurattigal; lļaneccurattu-kkurattigal, disciple of Tirtha-bhatāra; Arațțanēmmi(Aristanemi)-kkurattigal,disciple of Mammai-kkurattigal; Tirupparutti-kkurattigal, disciple of Pattini-bhatāra; Miļalūr-kkurattigal, disciple of Pērūr-kkurattiyār.306
In the second group of texts it is stated that the kurattiyār is presenting an image in the name of another person - it being understood that this religious act is meritorious both for the person who makes the offering and also the one in whose name the offering is made, this latter being usually a śrāvaka.307 These śrāvakas were probably disciples of the kurattiyār in question, although this is expressly stated only once. We must add that, these inscriptions being so brief, it is possible to interpret in two ways the relationship between kurattiyārs and śrāvakas: the śrăvaka was either a disciple of the kurattiyār, the guruni of the particular place, or of the kurattiyārcommunity of this same place. For example an image was sculpted for Ênādi kuttap månākkan (disciple) of Tirumalai-kkurattiga! which means that he was the disciple of the head kurattigal of Tirumalai or a disciple of the kurattigals of that place. 308
and preceptors are generally mentioned even in such public documents as the inscriptions on stone and rock..."
Tiruccāraṇam, a mountain of
305 Tiruccāraṇattu, prob. derived from Travancore; cf. Desai, ibid., p. 67.
306 Cf. Chakravarti, 1974, App. inscr. 51; 53; 61; 64; 66; 67; 73; pp. 180181; 185-188; 191.)
307 Ibid., inscrs. 54; 55; 57; 74; 75; pp. 181-183; 191-192. According to these inscrs. the person on whose behalf the kurattiyår had made the offering is also in all probability the donor who has contributed to the expenses of the setting up of the image.
308 Ibid., inscr. 65; p. 187.

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Finally, certain inscriptions quote names without furnishing any further explanations. 309
It is important to consider these inscriptions in their proper context, i.e., as belonging to a totality which includes many other inscriptions of the same epoch; they are the visible signs of a contemporary saṁgha that was both well-organised and of fervent faith.310 These epigraphs record not only the erection of images by various members of the samgha, but the presentation of many other gifts connected with the worship and with the upkeep of the ascetics. Mention is sometimes made of palliccandams, gifts of land to a temple, a monastic institution or a sage;311 gists of kalañjus, gold pieces to help meet the food-expenses of the ascetics; gifts of sheep, with a view to clarified butter being extracted from the ewes' milk for the maintenance of the temple lamps. Furthermore, a rich person gives money for the repair of a temple or monastery or for the building of a new sanctuary or the installation of a large bell.312 Certain epigraphs record the Great Departure of an ascetic after a prolonged fast.313
Other recorded facts indicate that some kurattiyārs and certain śrăvikās were scholarly: the celebrated commentator Naccinārkkiniyar (XIVth-XVth century), in his commentary upon the Jivaka-cintamani,
309 Ibid., e.g. inscr. 62; pp. 185-186.
310 Chakravarti, App., gives 85 epigraphs. These inscrs. are written either in vatteluttu characters, an ancient Tamil script, or in Tamil, or in grantha, a script with characters very close to the Tamil ones, which is used in writing Sanskrit.
311 Ibid., inscrs. 5; 12; 13; 82; pp. 143-146; 151-153; 154; 199-200.
312 Ibid., inscrs. 7; 11; 14; pp. 147; 150-151; 154-155. Gists in gold coins to assure the ascetics' food were frequent, which confirms the belief that canteens existed to which men and women ascetics could go to ask for alms.
313 Ibid. inscrs. 6; 45; pp. 146; 177-178.

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mentions that a woman ascetic named Kandiyār inserted some interpolations into the text, which allows us to suppose that she was very crudite.314 Ancient Tamil literature contains certain ethical works written by Avvaiyār, who was probably a Jaina ascetic who presented in brief format a teaching directed principally to women.315 Lastly, we know the name of Kākkaipāținiyār, a learned śrāvikā who belonged to the school of Tamil metrical-verse composition. Her work is entitled käkkaipātiniyām and was composed between the lind and Vth centuries. 316
From the inscriptions, as also from the literary works, we gain an overall impression of the social and religious background in the Tamil Nādu of that day: one outstanding feature to be noted is its liberal and positive attitude towards women, who did not appear to take a secondary place in society, but had access to possibilities of study and exercised a genuine influence and a certain authority in the local community. The existence in institutional form of kuratti adigals must have contributed to this influence. That institution, very flourishing from the IXth to Xith centuries, certainly made its mark on the surrounding society, if one is to judge by the number of pupils taught by the kuratti adiga!s and the active part taken by them in the worshi). They certainly followed Jaina doctrine but, contrary to the rule of life of the ascetics, they led a stable existence within a complex of community buildings donated to them.317
Apart from the kuratti adigaļs there is scarcely any evidence at all as to whether there existed other groups of aryikās, anagāris, going from place to place and begging for food and temporary shelter.
314 Cf. Meenakshisundaram, 1961, p. 124. Kandiyår is probably a corrupt form of Kavundiyår of Kavuntiyår.
315 Ibid., pp. 124-125; the epoch is not given.
316 Cf. Pitchai, 1978.
317 Further researches in other documentation of the period would perhaps shed some additional light on this organisation.

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One last question comes to mind, that which concerns the Jaina presence in Kerala. The samgha did certainly exist in this region where in the northern part a few families still reside up to this day. From the few existing ruins of temples and from inscriptions we gather that Jainism penetrated into Kēraļa from Tamil Nādu - into the South to the district of Kanyākumāri and into the central area to Pālghāt and its surrounding countryside - and from Karnātaka into the North at a considerably later period. The traces which still exist in the district of Kozhikode date from the period between the IXth and XIth centuries. They consists in cave-temples of a later period than those found in Tamil Nādu; in ordinary temples and works of sculpture. It seems highly probably, however, that sanctuaries originally of Jaina origin may have belonged at a later age to other religious groupings.318 Moreover, we know that the author of the Cilappatikāram (early A.D.), Mlanko Atikal, a Jaina ascetic, was from the royal family of the Cēras, the rulers of present-day Kēraļa.319
318 Cf. Sarkar, 1975, pp. 215-221.
319 Cf. Nair, 1984, on the Jaina ascetics in Keraļa and on their impact on the local culture in the early centuries of the Christian era.

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H - The Desert blooms again
After touring the length and breadth of the country and covering a span of time from the beginning of our era until the XVIIIth century and having reached Kanyākumāri in the extreme South, why return to Rajasthāna and its barren desert? This we need to do because of the birth at the beginning of the second half of the XVIIIth century of a gana created out of a reform among the Sthänakavāsis who had spread from Gujarāta into Rājasthāna.320 The gana of Terāpanthis issued from the last Svetāmbara reform; it was destined to breathe fresh vigour into its region of origin, Mārayāda, which includes the districts of Jodhapura and Bikānera. Its members, except in the case of a very few, are all of Rājasthāna, even if, for professional reasons, one comes across them in many areas and in big cities. The nature of their native soil, due particularly to its lack of water, obliges a great number of its inhabitants to emigrate, but the majority of families retain a few members
ers on the spot: their roots are there and the paternal roof. In whatever place they find themselves, the Terāpanthis organise their own local samgha affiliated to the central samgha under the authority of one sole ācārya. Another feature special to them is to maintain a regular chronicle, and that since their foundation.321 These manuscripts are of immense value for the history of the gaña. It is thanks to these documents that the following pages can give a general account of the Terāpanthi sādhvis from 1764 up till the beginning of the XIXth century.
Furthermore, the sădhvis belonging to other samghas and gacchas and to Rājasthāna by birth have continued to exist in their own area; indeed, since the end of the last century to our own day their activity has received a fresh impetus due primarily to the faith, courage and
320 The Terāpanthis themselves in their archives call themselves a gana. However, they evolved in a very independent way with certain stronglymarked characteristics and nowadays they in fact constitute a separate spititual family, although they have much in common with the Sthanakavāsis.
321 The archives are carefully preserved in steel cupboards in the Seva Kendra in Lādanum, the only stable dwelling-place that has been in existence since their commencement, the home for aged and sick sādhvis.

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intelligence of remarkable sådhvis such as Sãdhyis Punya Sri and Suvarna Sri, the pioneers. In their memory the śrāvakas of their gaccha, the Kharataragaccha, have constructed sanctuaries called samādhi-mandiras. The latest in date is that of Sādhvi Sunandā Šri, of the Tapāgaccha, a native of Gujarāta, who came on vihăra to Rājasthāna; it was there, not long ago, that her Great Departure took place.
The archives of the Terāpanthi sādhvis and the samādhi-mandiras of these other sādhvis are visible signs of the continuing vitality of the ancient Jaina trunk in a recent period which brings us right up to our own day. While all the documents hitherto introduced: epigraphs, manuscripts, works of sculpture, belong to a distant past after which most of the roots, except in Gujarāta and Rājasthāna, withered, leaving only a few scattered shoots, the Terāpanthi sādhvis belong to a new branch in which fresh sap is circulating vigorously, while the guruņis of thc Kharataragaccha have during the last century injected new life once again into their very ancient gaccha. To dip into the chronicles, admire the samădhi-mandiras and meditate in their vicinity are all present-day possibilities, for the samghas of these groups of sādhvis are alive and active at this present time. The sādhvis of today have inherited the testimony of the life and teaching of their revered elders. The transmission from guruni to disciple is not a distant affair, for the foundresses in the one case and the pioneers in the other are there among us, present in the persons of their disciples who continue to transmit the message to the new generation.
a) First diksas among the Teràpanti Sadhvis
In 1760 a Sthānakavāsi muni of Māravāda felt inspired to launch a reform among his fellow-ascetics, whom he considered too halfhearted and lax. For forty-three years he was the first ācārya of the branch adhering to the strict observance. In 1764. Acārya Sri Bhikhana (Bhikṣu) received the first sādhvis.322 what are the special
322 This account draws upon the voluminous unpublished manuscript (written in several parts) entitled säsana-samudra, a compilation of those passages in the archives which deal with the sadhvis, by the historian Muni Navaratnamala. Thus we have access to a line of sadhvis from 1764 up to our own days. The biographical accounts of the sadhvis are grouped in a

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characteristics of the Terapantis? Like the Sthanakavāsis out of which they sprang, they offer no temple-worship. They possess for the whole gana one single acarya, nominated by his predecessor. This institution, namely that of having one sole religious and administrative authority, does not exist in the other sampradayas. It conduces towards strict discipline, but it also contains the disadvantages proper to any organisation centralised upon a single person. All the members who can do so gather each year by their thousands around the ācārya for several days to discuss the different problems which beset the gaṇa, take decisions and receive the directives of the acarya. The culmination of this assembly is the maryādā-mahotsava, the great festival of the Rule, which commencès on the seventh day of the bright fortnight of magha (January-February), the anniversary of the establishment of the rule of life proper to ascetics; these are days of fervour, spiritual renewal and fellowship.
248
Another characteristic of the Terapanthis is their lack of upäśrayas. The munis and sadhvis can lodge in rooms put at their disposal by śrāvakas or in unoccupied premises. 323
In regard to the doctrine, their interpretation of ahimsa (nonaggressiveness, respect for all beings), dayā (compassion, pity) and dana (gift, offering) is based on that strictness of vision which looks beyond the present moment, the immediate circumstances, the living being which one addresses or meets, to consider on each occasion the ultimate goal. Thence derives an attitude which, at first sight, may
chronological order following the sequence of the 9 ācāryas. Muni Śri, being also a poet and desirous of rendering this historical treatise more agreeable to read, composed for each sadhvi some dohäs, which present the chief features of her character and her life story, followed by the biographical notes. During my stay at Laḍanum in Nov. 1978, Muni Śri gave me permission to peruse Sasana-samudra and take notes.
323 The characteristic marks of the Terapanthi sadhvis are noted in Part III P 429-430; 442.

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seem to be mere indifference, lack of goodness and generosity, but which is not so at all!324
क.
We may further note that the present acarya has provided new impulse and inspiration in three different spheres: an attempt, firstly, to emancipate women from the oppressive customs to which in Māravada they were obliged to conform; thus, to enable the sadhvis to live an ascetic life to the full and at the same time help the śrāvikās free themselves from so many prejudices in the human and social dimensions of life, they are strongly encouraged to study. Next, the study of the Scriptures - and thus also of Prakrit and Sanskrit; to these are added literary studies, all sadhvis who are desirous of writing being invited to do so.325 Finally, their horizon extends to all the regions and thus groups of sadhvis are sent out to places as far afield as the Himalayas in the North and the extreme South.
249
Here are some interesting facts concerning the sadhvis under the first three ācāryas.326 Three sisters, young widows, received dikṣā together; two of them, Sadhvi Śri Kuśālāṁ and Sādhvi Śri Mattu, persevered, while the third, Sri Ajbu, had to leave after several years;
324 Cf. P 343-344 regarding this type of approach and the subtle distinctions
that it involves.
325 Many young women candidates for dikṣā pass several years in a studycentre where they receive a course of general instructions; cf. P 469 ff.
326 This period extends from 1764 to the beginning of the XXth c. However interesting and accurate a complete chronicle would be, we can give here only a brief glimpse, such as fits into the whole picture and includes the other spiritual families. To expatiate on the highly detailed history of one of these, even if that particular one has preserved its records intact, would disturb the over-all harmony and would require a special study. The period of office of the 5 following ācāryas goes from 1851 to 1936. Thus the present period starts in 1936 with Acarya Śri Tulasi.

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these were the first Terāpanthi sādhvis 327 The majority of sadhvis of the period were from Māravāda, some were from Mevāda (in the district of Udayapura) and others from unidentified places, though they were certainly places in Rājasthāna.
The great majority of them, under the first two ācāryas, were young widows who had been married at a very early age. There were also a few young women who left both husband and children to receive dikṣā. It was only under the third ācārya, though even then very exceptionally, that some kumāri-kanyās (girls) presented themselves as candidates. The first one, Sãdhvi Motām, received the dikşā in
1834. 328
A fairly large number of sādhvis are called "tapasvini" on account of their fervent embrace of tapas. In the case of those who were particularly zealous, a detailed account was kept over the years of their fasts, particularly during successive periods of căturmāsya, the four months of monsoon.329 The first to distinguish herself in this domain was Sãdhvi Śri Malūkam, who received dikṣā in 1831. Now and again mention is made of a sādhvi practising "sita-parişaha", the ordeal of cold,330 in which during the icy winter months a person
327 The chronicle gives the dates, either exact or approximate, of the dikşă and the mahāprasthāna, the Great Departure. Those who had to leave the gana are mentioned in the chronicle with the title of Sri. Each sådhvis name is preceded by Sri and followed by ji as a sign of respect. This is for the most part only used in letters or in other writings; the ji can also be used when speaking of or to them. This having been stated, we give in the following pages, in order to simplify, the names preceded by Sri, leaving the ji to be understood.
328 Cf. P 435 ff. on questions concerning family circumstances.
329 Cf. P 541 ff.
330 .Cf. P 364 ff.

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covers herself only with the pachevadi, the large light-weight veil 331 It is reported, for example, that Sădhvi Śri Kastū practised sitaparişaha for twelve years.332
The records frequently bring out the character-traits of one or another sādhvi, qualities that she developed. Thus, Sādhvi Sri Rāyakarara was extremely meticulous in living the ascetic life as perfectly as possible; in the least lapse, she made confession immediately.333 Certain ones seem to have achieved a happy harmony and balance within their practice of asceticism; we read, for example, that Sādhvi Sri Maiņam was very erudite, she knew the Agamas, gave vyākhyānas (teaching on the dharma), was very courageous and practised tapas.334 It is added that Acārya Bhikhana, noting these qualities, entrusted to her without delay responsibility for a group or simghadā (in the māravādi language). A general perusal of the chronicles reveals that, though tapas was incontrovertibly the means par excellence of purification, nevertheless study and teaching were not neglected, even if at that time neither was according to al' fixed programme.
The type of mahāprasthāņa of most of the sādhvis was noted in detail. We gather, from what these accounts tell us, that at the beginning of this reform movement the ascetic practice was that of the strictest observance. Oftentimes the sādhvis used to end their earthly existence by anaśana, severe fasting. Certain ones undertook samlekhanā, the fast which brings about the annihilation of the body, according to the doctrinal precepts, that is to say, by stages, the fast
331 Cf. P 420 ff.
332 "sitākāla mein bāraha varşa rātri ke samaya eka pachevadi mein rahi" Navaratnamala, MS. Part I, pp. 104-107, the 47th to receive dikșă in 1801.
333 "āpa sadhană mein badi jägarūka rahati, alpamätra bhi doșa lagane se tatkāla usaki alocanā kara leti..." ibid., MS. Part II, p. 59; the 118th to receive dikșă in 1830.
334 The 15th to receive dikşà in 1777.

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commencing several years in advance. 335 This was the case with Sadhvi Sri Kallû, herself the mother of three munis, whose fast lasted eleven years. 336 In the case of others, it is recorded how they left this earth in samādhi-marana, departure in joy, having attained a state of spiritual awakening and awareness of being. Again, others among them passed away in pandita-maraṇa, that is to say, in fidelity to their
vows. 337
Certain ones were dismissed from the gaña on various grounds: inflexibility of character, difficulty in submission,338 a tendency towards insubordination with refusal to do penance for some fault339, unsuitability of temperament for the ascetic life and unwillingness, 340 constitutional weakness of character incapable of exercising selfcontrol, 341 or, it may be, some incurable malady,342 just to quote a few names and examples from among the first sādhvis. Ācārya Bhikhaņa must certainly have been on his guard lest elements of dissension and indifference enter in to spoil the spirit of the reform;
335 Cf. P 566 ff.
336 The 74th to receive dikṣā in 1813.
337 The above explanations were given by Muni Navaratnamala himself.
338 "āpa praksiti ki kathorată evañ anuśāsana mein rahane ki kathinatā se
gana se alaga hui". Śri Netū, MS. Part I, p. 10.
339 Four names mentioned: Śri:Phattū, Akhū, Ajbū, Candū.
340 "prakriti sudhāra na karane ke karaņa gaña se alaga hui." Śri Rattū; MS. Part 1, p. 35.
341 parişaha na saha sakane se tathā saṁyama na pāla sakane se gana se
pţthak hui." Śri Vannā, MS. Part I, p. 38.
342 Śrī Lālā.

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for this reason, from the beginning, he divided the sādhvis into simghadas, small groups. Out of fifty-six sādhvis to whom he gavel dikşā he dismissed seventeen.
It was only under the third ācārya, Sri Rāyacandra, that the sādhvis had a Pramukhă at their head, under the direct authority of the ācārya: Sādhvi Sri Saradārā. She received dikşă in 1841 after she had given evidence of most admirable constancy. Married as a child, she lost her young husband five months after the wedding. Through her persistent effort to obtain from her deceased husband's family, who were totally opposed to the idea, permission to embrace vairāgya (renunciation), she already gave proof of her potentiality. As soon as she was made Pramukhā she organised with great competence the one-hundred and twenty one sādhvis into twenty-three simghadas. The chronicle narrates at great length her activities, her vihāras, cāturmāsyas and tapas. 343
From the list of cäturmäsyas of certain well-known sadhvis we come to the conclusion that their vihāras usually happened in Rājasthāna, though sometimes in Madhya Pradeśa also.
From the time of the third ācārya onwards, it is noticeable that there was an increasing tendency for members of the same family to follow the path of asceticism. Sadhvis had sometimes a son, a husband, a step-brother or a brother among the munis and munis a daughter, mother or sister among the sădhvis.
The chronological record from the first to the ninth ācārya reveals this interesting fact: during these two hundred and eighteen years, one thousand four hundred and thirty-nine sādhvis received dikşā and only sixty-four were dismissed from or left the gana; during the same period only seven hundred and nine munis received diksă and out of this number dismissals or voluntary departures numbered two hundred and thirty-one.
343 46 pp. of the chronicle are consecrated to her; MS. Part III, pp. 171-172.

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b) Three Samadhi-mandiras When studying certain epigraphs and sculptures one notices that in the course of the centuries the devotion felt by śrāvakas and śrāvikās for the arhats was widened to include ascetics also. In order to express their veneration, record their gratitude and leave a sign for future generations, śrāvakas have erected - and continue to do so - samādhimandiras 344 to those munis and sådhvis who, during their life-time have been guides for the samgha, inspiring people by their lives and guiding them by their wise counsel. In these ascetics the śrāvakas and śrāvikās have found living examples of the ideal they are striving to follow and hence this profound veneration in their regard, a veneration which they manifest concretely in stone, that it, in time, for the engraved Names transmit a message to future ages. In expressing their devotion the śrāvakas and śrăvikäs are performing a profoundly religious act, both personally and as a group, for this requires a local organisation, the collection of funds and the supervision and execution of plans. In this way they together re-affirm their faith and their sense of belonging to the dharma.
In Răjasthāna samadhi-mandiras have been erected in our own day in three different places: Jayapura, Bikānera and Abū Road. They are contemporary pointers to the life-testimony of the sādhvis and the vitality of the dharma in this waterless region, where life is hard but faith finds its expression in an ardent, poetic devotion.
The samādhi-mandira of Sadhvi Punya Sri
This is located in Jayapura. 345 Sadhvi Punya was a pioneer in the Kharataragaccha from the time of her dikṣā in 1873 till her Great
344 The samādhi-mandiras correspond to the nișidikās of the Bhattārakas mentioned earlier; the design and sculptures-work may vary. A samādhimandira is a small sanctuary erected in memory of a man or woman ascetic and containing either his or her mürti (image, statue) or caraṇapaduka with one or more epigraphs. Here the members of the caturvidhasamgha pay homage to the memory of such ascetics.
345 Cf. Sädhvi Sajjana, 1960, p. 416.

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Departure in 1916.346 At her birth the Terapanthi sādhvis were already well-organised in another part of Rājasthāna with their first Pramukha at their head. Sadhvi Punya came from a village in the district of Jesalamera, right out in desert country, where the Kharataragacchas had for several centuries a centre of fervent religious and literary activity with accompanying temples and bhandāras.
The samādhi-mandira of Sadhvi Suvarna Sri
Sādhvi Suvarna also belonged to a family of Rājasthāna, but one that was settled in Ahmadnagara in Mahārāştra. As a young married woman she met Sādhvi Punya and, with great determination, asked permission of her husband and his family to receive dikṣā, which took place in 1890. Endowed by nature with a profoundly religious temperament and with high intelligence, she continued the task begun by Sādhvi Punya and took her place as pravartini. She imparted to the gaccha a new orientation which is still perceptible in her spiritual descendants, the sãdhvis of today.347 Her samādhi-mandira is at Bikānera, desert-city.
The guru-mandira of Sadhvi Sunanda Sri
Sādhvi Sunandā was a native of Gujarăta and came from a Tapāgaccha family. As a young widow she received dikşā along with her small daughter, who became Sadhvi Nirmalā Sri. An unpretentious guruņi, with unswering fidelity to her ideals, Sadhvi Sunandă left this world at the foot of Holy Mount Abū in 1968. As Sadhvi Nirmală is very well-known in Rajasthāna on account of the camps for both younger and teenage girls that she organises annually, the Srävakas and śrāvikās, desirous of expressing to her their gratitude, have had erected at Abū Road a guru-mandira in honour of Sadhvi
346 Cf. P 575 ff.
347 She was also the kinswoman of Sadhvi Vicakṣaṇa Śri; cf. P 584 ff.

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Sunandā, her revered mother and guruni.348 The pratisthā-mahotsava, the celebration following the erection of the guru-mandira with caranapādukā, took place in the course of a long ceremony, in which the ritual pūjās prescribed for such an occasion were performed one after another, during the end of the dark fortnight of māgha and the beginning of the bright fortnight of phālguna (end of February - beginning of March) 1976. 349
These samādhi-mandiras are all signs that 'the Desert has bloomed again!'
The Names of the Sixteen Satis
Every day the sādhvis not only sing praise to the tirtharkaras, but also utter the Names of the sixteen Satis, Holy Women venerated in tradition for their virtues, especially for their strength of character in remaining faithful to the vow of chastity taken in youth or to their marriage-vow and for their perseverance later on in renunciation. All these Satis except one, Sulasă, received dikşă.
The recitation with deep faith of these holy Names produces the same effect as a mangala. These Names have, in themselves, a purifying and elevating power. We must fully grasp the extreme subtlety of this form of worship: the worshipper does not petition any favour, but firmly believes that the pronunciation of the Name already constitutes a benediction:
Brāhmi,
348 Although the word 'guru' is usually addressed to a muni, it can also be used for a sadhvji but 'gurūni' is much more commonly used; guru-mandira has the same meaning as samadhi-mandira. We must add that the reformed communities, the Sthanakavāsis and Teräpanthis, who perform no temple. worship, do not erect samadhi-mandiras, though this, it goes without saying, in no way diminishes their veneration for the ascetics.
349 The invitation to this pratisthā gave all the details of the forthcoming ceremony.

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Candanā, Rājimati, Draupadi, Kausalyā, Mțgāvati Sulasă,
Sitā,
Subhadrā, Sivā, Kunti, Damayanti, Puspacūlā, Prabhāvati, Padmăvati, Sundari
May they afford us Happiness every day! 350
350 pratidinaṁ kurvantu no mangalam! (apud JSBSam V, p. 185) Brāhmi, Sundari, Räjimati, Candanā, Mrgavati, Sulasă (cf. P 99; 103; 122). Śivā, Prabhāvati and Padmāvati were sisters of Mrgāvati (cf. PPN, pp. 795 (1); 436 (3); 419-420 (8); Subhadrā also was of the same epoch as Mahāvira (cf. PPN p. 827 (13); Kunti, Draupadi and Damayanti figure in the Jaina version of the Mahābhārata (cf. TrisalPC VIII 3, 277-1077; 6, 264-378; 10, 1-93; also PPN, pp. 185: 390; 359:). Kausalya and Sitā appear in the Jaina version of the Rāmāyaṇa (cf. TrisalPC VII) For Puşpacūlā, cf. PPN p. 468 (2). These Names are not recited according to the traditional or chronological order; cf. JSBSam V, pp. 185-376. Many śrávakas and śrāvikās also recite them every day. The Digambara äryikās venerate: Brahmi, Sundarī, Räjimati, Kunti, Draupadi, Sitā, Subhadrā, Candanā and other Satis of their own tradition; cf. Jñananati, 1976, pp. 68-74. These 16 Names are just a few chosen out of very many others; cf. Pañcapratikramana-sutra of the Mürtipūjakas, pp. 233241, where 47 Names of Satis are listed.

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PART II
THE PATH LEADING TO NIRVĀNA
The Supreme Reality (is), in truth the ātman, the Pure, the Omniscient, the Wise, the Knower; ascetics absorbed in the ātman, attain nirvāņa.
Our lengthy journey, traversing the centuries and the various regions, has already familiarised us with the quintessence of the Jaina dharma's basic intuition, an intuition extremely simple in itself, which became a consistent doctrine thanks to the progressive elaboration it received at the hands of the first ācāryas and their successors. This elaboration has always aimed at maintaing intact the original intuition; it has sought to guard against diluting it and to avoid any deviation from the path traced by the arhats, while at the same time rendering the arduous ascent of this same path accessible to human beings. The ācāryas directed their endeavours above all towards an explanation of the contents of the original teaching so as to make it intelligible, while always attaching great importance to the psychological and physical make-up of the human person, for it is the total human being who, guided by the doctrine, must collaborate in the liberation of his or her atman. The ācāryas have time and again evidenced great subtlety of thought as well as a profound knowledge of human nature even in its most inaccessible and secret places. They have noted in a lucid manner the weaknesses inherent in this nature and have expressed themselves with good sense, wisdom, moderation and firmness.
paramattho khalu samao suddho jo kevali muņi ņāņi
tamhi tthidā saháve muniņo pāvaṁti nirvāṇam. Samsa 151; the Supreme Reality: paramattha (paramartha); ātman: samaya (cf.P 277 n.43). Absorbed in the atman: lit. established in the very nature (of this ātman).
maya e-p2941 1945)
n

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This Part consists in an introduction to the teaching and to the chief obligations of the sādhvis and āryikās, who are required by their consecration to journey towards the goal in unwavering fidelity to all the demands of the dharma. In accordance with this angle of vision and through the texts quoted and references supplied, this introduction sets out to describe the basic doctrine which inspires and sustains the life of the ascetics; it endeavours to explain in a preliminary way, but one which always clings to the essentials, the various aspects, procedures and austenties of Jaina asceticism. Many other features of the teaching are not decribed for, though they may form part of the ascetics' belief, they are not part of the immediate demands laid upon them by their vows. As a preface to this part we may make certa remarks a propos of its contents, about the part direct and indirect played by both sādhvis and äryikās in its composition and about certain notions, texts and their contexts that are basic to it.
1. The way ahead
The above verse of Acảrya Kundakunda, in its profundity and its succinct and clear mode of expression, gives utterance to the quintessence of the doctrine:
The Supreme Reality (is) in truth the atman, the Pure, the ātman which is, in essence, the principle of consciousness of being and of life. The whole universe is permeated by åtmans (jivas), the cosmos vibrates with life; each human being, each animal, each plant is an atman, but an ātman bound to matter by its animal or vegetable body. The body - every body - is inert, lifeless matter and because of its association with a body the original purity of the ātman is tarnished, its capacity to awake to its own being is reduced. It follows that the body is the chief obstacle to Liberation. Through this body, karman - a highly subtle material substance formed as a result of action and the passions - infiltrates and veils the infinite potentialities of the atman. Hence arises a relentless struggle to free the atman from all harmful activity, from the body, from matter, to rescue it from their debasing clutches. The entire teaching underlying such a wealth of considerations, classifications and implications inculcates definitively this one single truth: the Supreme Reality is the ātman, pure åtman disengaged from matter and from every psychic manifestation. Here

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we must make an important observation. When we speak of the Supreme Reality, this Reality is viewed from a spiritual point of view and as the goal set before every living being. Each one, according to his own degree of knowledge and awareness, is on the way towards the plenitude of his ätman, liberated from all else. The ascetic life, because of the detachment it demands, helps towards a progressive purification of both body and spirit. The greater his renunciation, the closer the ascetic gets to his chosen goal: the Realisation of his own ǎtman in pure consciousness of being, in perfect and undifferentiated unity with this same ātman.
The atman, according to Jaina doctrine, is not the one and only Reality in the Vedantic meaning of the word. We shall see, as we study the doctrine, that reality that which is that is also termed substance, includes jivas or ātmans, living substances and also ajivas, non-living substances. There is here a dualist system. However, among the substances, only those that are living enjoy, in different degrees, consciousness of being and can thus liberate themselves. Thus, although reality as such is dualist, the Supreme Reality for each living being is clearly the atman (his own atman) which is absolutely pure in essence but tarnished through its association with matter, which is non-living substance. Since we are endeavouring here to follow the path of the ascetics, each time we mention the Supreme or even Unique Reality we are referring to that (individual) reality towards the attainment of which each ascetic must bend his every effort.
The Omniscient, the Wise, the Knower, that is, the atman which is detached, purified from all that is not its own nature, in which the functionings of the mind and of speech and body diminish and then disappear completely, so that only the vital function of breathing remains, the atman is then the kevalin or omniscient one who knows all things, the supremely wise, the knower who himself knows himself fully and completely.
Ascetics, absorbed in the atman, reach nirvana, this, then, is the ascetics' goal, total absorption in their atman, for this and this alone is the aim of ascetic practice. The rules of life, vows, the daily rite, rituals, expiations, austerities and the practice of mental concentration are simply means contributing to the purification of the atman. Those

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.
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ascetics who have fully realised the atman reach nirvāņa, which signifies both the extinction of all that is foreign to the nature of the atman and also the infinite beatitude of the siddha, the perfect one.
Through the labyrinthine maze of curves and bends in the doctrine, its philosophical intricacies, its myriad rules and complicated casuistry we must neither go astray nor lose sight of the one direction so clearly indicated by Kundakunda in this and many other verses.
2. The voice of the sādhvis
The sādhvis , from the very day they receive dikṣā, pledge. themselves to journey towards Liberation.2 Their voice, all along the way is an existential yoice, that is to say, it is the expression of their life of faith in the dharma, it is the voice of disciples of the arhats who commit themselves to a life in conformity with the ideal; it is also the voice of pilgrims who study and meditate upon the Agamas and the works of the Masters and are capable in their turn of guiding others.
Faith in the dharma, the śruta and the teaching of the Sages is strengthened by knowledge
Among the sādhvis , faith is generally something that is inherited in a family setting and supported in the group to which they belong by a certain knowledge of Scripture and doctrine. On the whole this faith finds expression in a sincere belief such as adheres closely to doctrinal formulations, with, almost always, an element of bhakti, of veneration for Mahāvira and daughterly submission to his teaching as well as to the teaching of the ganadharas and the ācāryas. This fidelity to the teaching as it is distilled in the śruta and in the major doctrinal treatises, or in other words right belief, is the first condition necessary for an engagement on the path towards Liberation. This belief must always be accompanied by right knowledge, condition number two.3 A high proportion of the sādhvis , on account of the way the samgha is
2 The above-mentioned question of the Liberation of women among the Digambaras (P 63; 140) will be discussed later.
3 Cf. P 269 ff.

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organised, the mentality of the society in which they live, unfavourable as it is towards serious study for women, a certain monopoly being exercised by the ācāryas and munis, do not get further than a form of faith and belief which is based on a bare orthodoxy; this means that they force themselves to learn by heart, without always going into them more deeply, certain sūtras and formulas which constitute the correct verbal expression of the dharma, because tradition enjoins this upon them. Often they go no further than this stage in assimilating the transmitted body of beliefs, simply accepting it as such, studying it by heart because this comprises a part of what one must believe, without asking questions, without much reflection or deeper thought in its regard. On account of this the second dimension, that of knowledge, atrophies. Hence, although the sādhvis believe in the fundamental doctrinal tenets outlined in the following chapters and despite the fact that they on the whole know the main points of these basic tenets, many have never had the possibility of undertaking that exercise of reflection upon them that this description of them implies and they would certainly not have committed them to writing in this way. We must realise that, being as they are within a system and in a fairly closed milieu, it is difficult for them to stand back, as it were, gain perspective and pose questions. Furthermore, if certain questions should confront them, many sādhvis , for want of knowledge and a sufficiently large vocabulary, would not know how to formulate them in words. Nevertheless, certain very courageous sădhvis pioneers, concious of these deficiencies, have encouraged study and reflection. More and more we find a very positive movement in favour of serious study, with exactly this aim and object of deepening belief through and towards more enlightened knowledge. 4 Our study endeavours to transmit what certain sādhvis and äryikās, very well versed in their doctrine, would themselves express, except that having never gone out of their own setting, they would use a more restricted terminology
Faith and knowledge shape life and facilitate right action
Right conduct is inseparable from belief and knowledge and the (three, when fully implemented, lead to Deliverance. The life of the
4 All this will be studied in Part III.

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sādhvis is shaped by its own particular orientation and by a number of practices of which the purpose and aim is always the purification of the atman. As their faith is firm even if their knowledge is often slight and unenlightened, they usually evidence both courage and perseverance, as well as integrity in the whole sphere of action. They allow themselves to be guided by their own ācārya and their guruņi.S Even if routine is often a dominating factor - and in this regard one can never repeat too often that the attitude of society towards women has scarcely aided their intellectual and spiritual progress 6. it
ns true none the less that, precisely because of their faith in the dharma and their conviction of the value of the path they are following, they succeed in acting rightly. Some of their number have attained a loftly spiritual level through their faith and firm convictions, coupled with heroic virtues. The description that follows, which summarizes the teaching concerning ascetics and which treats together, for they are inseparable, the various aspects of belief, knowledge and action, is as regards action, an account of the life undertaken by the ́sādhvis; if this were the only aspect to be taken into consideration, quite a number of them could well have presented what follows in a very similar manner.
Guides on the path
We are referring here to the treatises that have guided our synthesis and constitute its supporting pillars. One of the most important tasks of the sădhvis is svādhyāya: the reflective, meditative reading of Scripture and the major doctrinal texts. Making a personal svādhyāya my starting-point and having received counsel from several sādhvis as regards the selection of texts. I have tried to transmit the essence of the doctrine. My guides have been the following:
5 As we shall see in Part III, the personality of the guruņi is of great importance.
6 Cf. P 87 ff.
7 Cf. P 571 ff. for accounts of several unusual lives.

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1. For the composition of the Part and the presentation of the doctrine: - The Tattvārtha-sútra, followed without exception by both Digambaras and Svetāmbaras, and the commentary thereon, the Savārthasiddhi,
- The Dravyasaṁgraha, a treatise which is of brief compass but very compact and of remarkable consistency.8
2. For the spirit which has guided the writing of this Part:
· The Pravacanasāra and the Samayasăra. In connection with these two important treatises I readily acknowledge that I owe to Aryikā Sri Jñānamati my discovery of Acārya Kundakunda as the Master par excellence; I have followed him very closely because of his profundity of thought issuing from his experience, his clarity and his sure grasp of the teaching. Himself a sage of the Digambara persuasion, Kundakunda is no prisoner of compartmentalised sectarianism, he finds his place within the spititual treasury of humanity. Moreover, he is accepted by all the Jainas and, during these last years, several Svetāmbara sādhvis have been studying him.
For the more specific subjects:
- The Anagāradharmāmsta for the avaśyakas, the daily duties.
- The Acārānga-sūtra and the Daśavaikālika-sūtra for the mahāvratas, the great vows.
8 I have known the Dravyasaṁgraha since my stay in Ghatkopar in 1971 when I was following the courses of Sramani Vidyapitha (cf. P 467). This work of Siddhānta Cakravartin Nemicandra (cf. P 224) was written towards the end of the Xth c. for Cāmundarāya, a minister of King Rājamalla, this same minister was the one who caused the statue of Bahubali to be set up at Sravana Belgola. This text was translated into Hindi (in verse and prose) by Aryikā Jñanamati in 1977.

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265
- The Dhyānaśataka the Tattvānuśāsana and the Yogaśāstra 10 for dhyāna, mental concentration.
For numerous references on the various subjects:
- The Sthânănga-sutra, the Sūtrakặtānga-sutra, the Uttarādhyayanasūtra and the Karmagrantha, the Mülācara.
Out of all these texts, certain ones belong to the Digambara tradition, others to the Svetāmbara tradition; thcir origin is of little importance; what interests us is the possibility of apprehending through these Sūtras and treatises the depth and boundless wealth of the sages' teaching, which constitutes a guide for the sadhvis, the āryikās and all those who take interest in religious traditions.
3. Some guidelines for the study
To make the doctrine more easily accessible and the voice of the sādhvis more audible we must follow a certain method, an approach which aims above all at securing ready comprehension. This means that, in order to grasp belter from the inside the nature of a spiritual journey that is guided by an elaborate and sirmly-based body of teaching, there must be some landmarks or points of reference which are of importance for the whole and help to sustain a constant effort of reflection.
Words and notions
The Jaing dharma, despite its originality, has its roots in the Indian soil which has produced a variety of ancient traditions with features in common as well as divergencies. Each of these traditions is based on
9 Sadhvi Rājimati, who is herself the author of studies upon the subject, introduced me to the Dhyānašataka of Acārya Jinabhadra in the course of our discussions at Sri Dūmgaragadha in 1975.
10 The Yogaśästra of Ācārya Hemacandra was composed for King Kumărapăla in the XIIth c. These two treatises, the Dravsam and the Y Sas, which were intended respectively for a minister and for a sovereign, give us the benefit of a clear and complete synthesis of the teaching.

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a well-defined doctrine expressed in a specific language. The words used to transmit the doctrinal teaching are often common to several traditions, but they have taken on within each a special connotation. Without entering into philological details, we may simply say that in the two following Parts the original meanings, or meanings, of the most important words is indicated and then the ideà expressed by this word within the dharma. These words are loaded with meaning, they are the symbols, sap, roots, essence, if one may so express it, of the doctrine. They are never abstract, for, though not entities in themselves, they are linked to other words by a whole network of internal communications and it is precisely because of these close associations. That we are enabled to grasp the fundamental notions those which belong to a whole, to a thought-structure. As one advances further and further along the path, one finds that only a few words are left, all of which express one notion: that which is, the Supreme Reality.
Texts and their contexts
The quoting of texts gives us direct contact; through them we are gripped, so to speak, by the sages and acquire a certain rootedness in the dharma; these quotations are not isolated phenomena, they spring from the bedrock of the doctrine. The texts quoted from part of a vast contextual tapestry woven out of innumerable texts, to which allusion is made in the many reference-notes. Selection cannot but be somewhat subjective and arbitrary; in place of the texts chosen one could well have cited others. However, in the present study certain criteria underlie the choice of texts quoted and references supplied. Those quoted are:
Certain texts which serve as articles of faith for the sadhvis and others which express their vows or comment upon these same vows.
Those which belong to the most ancient Agamas; in this regard care is always taken to go back to the origins.
Those which best transmit the spirit or quintessence of the dharma; in this regard Kundakunda is the great Master.

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Within all these texts is to be discerned a harmony, for they complement each other, each one expounding some particular aspect. Finally, the translation of the texts and the introductions there to, being based on the original, take their inspiration from the translations and commentaries of the ācāryas, munis, sadhvis and ǎryikās of today. This is very important, for they know better than anyone the vital intrinsic value of the texts, such as is infinitely beyond the mere words, an thus in their translations and explanations they transmit all that they themselves have assimilated of the commentaries of the sages of the past.
We may remark at this point that the Agamas used by the sadhvis are concerned primarily with rules of life. They do also contain elements of the doctrine, but these are little explained and only rarely sytematised. For this reason, we follow here certain genuine treatises which, though not included in the śruta, are nevertheless recognised as possessing great authority, precisely because their authors had drunk deep of the Agamas. Furthermore, by following systematically certain treatises, by studying them and meditating upon specific texts, we perform our own svādhyāya and thus participate forthwith in the primordial task of the sadhvis ' life, for by means of svadhyāya based on faith in the Scriptures one acquires that right knowledge which moulds one's life.11
267
11 This Part sets forth the doctrinal basis and explains how action must be in conformity with it. In Part III we shall see in detail the translation into action of this basis in all its implications, in the life of the sadhvis and āryikās. Everything hangs together.

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Chapter 1
At the starting-point, a vista of the path:
The ratnatraya, the Three Jewels
samyak-darśana samyak-jñāna samyak-căritra mokṣā-mārgaḥ
right vision, right knowledge, right conduct (constitute) the path leading to Liberation. 12
Jaina doctrine used the term ratnatraya, the Three Jewels, for these three distinct and yet inseparable aspects of the spiritual path leading to mokşa.13 Before attempting to define ratnatraya we must first adopt a fundamentally Jaina perspective by taking cognisance of the two nayas or points of view, complementary angles of vision: vyavahāra and niscaya. Vyavahära, a word often used in contemporary parlance, means: conduct, comportment, in the sense of: way of being, behaviour towards persons and things, that which comprises the uninterrupted flow of action in everyday life. Niscaya means: certainty, exact knowledge, and also, decision, determination. The word implies something absolute. Starting from these normal and agreed definitions, the ācāryas, at least certain ones among them, have imparted to each of these words particular shades of meaning in its own particular context. Thus: vyavahāra denotes the way of conceiving and regarding substances according to distinctions, aspects, modalities, forms and anything else which may be an object
12 samyag-darśana-jñāna-caritrāņi mokşa-mārgaḥ. TS 1,1.
13 Cf. US XXVIII, 2 where tapas (austerity) is added to the Three Jewels; in point of fact tapas, both external and internal, is one of the virtues leading to nirjară, the disintegration and elimination of karman. We may add that justification for adding tapas to the Three Jewels resides in the fact that only the human being can attain Liberation - and that precisely because of his capacity to practise austerity of which the loftiest form is dhyana, mental concentration; cf. P 367 ff.

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of analysis for the senses and intellect and, thence, a way of living in accordance with philosophical and spiritual values; while niscaya is the authentic attitude, the one thing needful, that which pierces through the envelope of temporality and goes straight to the essence of that which is under consideration, beyond all form and appearance. Through niscaya the substance is apprehended in its pure essential selfhood, without distinction, and in this apprehension the one apprehending and that which is apprehended or, we may say, the knower and the known are only one. This way of approach applies, first and foremost, to the jiva (ātman) in its ultimate Reality and leads, if one may so express it, to a movement of enstasy. Niścaya is also called by Acarya Kundakunda: śuddha-naya and paramartha-naya.14 These two ways of viewing, vyavahāra and niscaya, are inextricably itertwined for one desirous of attaining realisation of the ätman; that is to say, one must advance by stages and, in the beginning at least, one cannot dispense with an analytical approach before arriving at the threshold of being. 15 Those who are content to remain on the level of the empirical, the palpable, the thinkable and the discursive do not go beyond the level of vyavahāra. Only those who search for the purest ultimate, that is to say, the sages, succeed in viewing everything in the light of niscaya.16
269
A - Ratnatraya: The Three Jewels
These are Three Jewels which comprise in fact just one. The Scriptures insist that they cannot be separated, that one cannot possess one of them without possessing the others. Studying them one by one,
14 Cf. e.g. SamSa 11; 12; 14; 141; ibid., 8; 43; paramartha can also denote the Supreme Reality, cf. e.g. SamSa 151; 152.
15 Ibid., 8.

16
Ibid., 11-12. For a study on the subject, cf. JSK II, pp. 551-568. We are going to encounter these two angles of vision frequently in the DravSam and the SamSa. Generally there is first a consideration of some object according to vyavahara and then according to niscaya, but certain texts reverse this order, e.g. Drav Sam 7.

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while keeping the others in our consciouness, let us try fairly briefly to understand the meaning of each. We may note first that, in order to stress the unity that exists between them, the word samyak, meaning: beneficial, right, just, exact, perfect, is ascribed to each of the jewels.
i) Samyak-darśana
Darśana is the act of seeing, vision in the sense of a penetration inwards, to the heart, the innermost, of that which eye contemplates. The word, according to context, is translated: perception or intuition. This apprehension of reality is a comprehensive one.17 Right vision here means: faith, the adherence of one's mind, one's being, to that which the siddhānta, the doctrine, declares to be reality. This is welldefined in the Tattvārtha-sútra: "samyak-darśana [is] śraddhā (faith) in tattvārtha (the real, the true)", 18 which in the doctrine denotes: dravya (substance), something-as-it-truly-is. This right vision or perception may be the spontaneous fruit of an innate disposition of heart or it may be acquired through study. 19
Darśana, together with jñāna (knowledge), constitutes what the doctrine calls upayoga, a word which is very important, but difficult to define. Upayoga means 'consciousness' in the sense of an awareness, the awakening of a person's being to his own state, with certain shades of meaning according to the different contexts in which it is used; it is the nature itself of the jiva (ātman).20 Four types of darśana upayoga exist:
17 jam sāmaņņam gahanaṁ bhāvānam ņeva kattumāyāram
avisesidūņa atthe daṁsaņamidi bhaņņaye samaye. DravSam 43.
18 tattvārthaśraddhānām samyagdarśanam. TS 1, 2; cf. DravSam 41.
19 Cf. TS 1, 3.
20 Cf. P 284 ff. Lit. the word means usage, application, use. The word is made up of the prefix upa: near, towards, with, and yoga which, in the doctrine, refers to the threefold activity of body, speech and mind (P 302 n. 65). By upayoga is to be understood that capacity for knowledge, that condition of consciousness, which is inherent to the atman which, according to circumstances and by means of the sense-organs, directs itself towards (or

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1. Stūlabhadra and his seven sisters sädbyis, Kalpa-sútra
Main Education International

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fr
Jain Education Internatioita
2. Bahubali with Brämi and Sundari, Kalpa-sútra

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3. Samanarmalai, Mahāvira
III
4. Śravana Belgoļa, Indragiri, the rock of the siddhas
5. Samariarmalai, the line of carvings and epigraphs in the rock

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6. Sädhvis, painting of a vijñaptipatra, by Sälivähana

7. Jesalamera, Temples

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9. Abu Road, caranapadukā of Sadhvi Sunanda Sri
in the samādhi-mandira
सामोअरिहंता P Ü TFEN . Äva Rose, campanada or su सामोसारिया सामाजकमाया मोलोरमबसाNis. Namas
8. Namaskāra-mantra
10. Dilli, image of Sadhvi Vicaksana Śri
11. Satruijaya Sadhvis descending
For Private & Personal Use On the Holy Mountainainelibrary.org

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12. Āryikā Śri Jñānamati Mātāji (Digambara)
13. Mahasati Śri Tarulată (Sthānakavāsi)
15. Sādhvi Nirmalā Śri (Mūrtipājaka, Tapāgacct
14. Pātras, Mūrtipujaka sädhvis
16. Rajoharana and pătra, Sthanakavāsi sadhv

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TIT
LILLE
TITOL
MAT
LARNA
17. Aştamangalas, embroidery
18. Mathurā, āyāgapata

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19. Jina in kāyotsarga For Private & Personal use only

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cakşur-darśana, visual perception;
acakşur-darśana, non-visual perception, that is, perception through the other sense-organs;
avadhi-darśana, perception, vision, direct intuition of a limited sort such as is directed towards material things only, or clarivoyance;
kevala-darśana, all -embracing, direct vision, omniscience such as is brought to bear upon all substances and their various modifications.21
Darśana and jñāna are interdependent, that is to say, darśana is the initial apprehension of substances in a general way, while jñāna is the apprehension of them in a second movement and thus in their particularities. This is why, with ordinary people, darśana always i precedes iñana, but in the case of the omniscient, at least according to certain texts, these two activities occur simultaneously.22
ii) Samyak-jñāna
The Tattvärtha-sútra, though it defines in detail all the possible forms of jñāna, gives in no single sūtra a definition of right knowledge; however, the Dravyasamgraha says this:
constitutes an effort towards) a particular form of activity such as manifests itself in one, two or three ways, through the operation of body, speech, mind. Sukhlal TS, p. 80 refers to "cognitive operation." Upayoga is a psychic function inseparable from labdhi (TS II, 18). Labdhi means, lit.: acquisition, gain. It is the capacity of some sensory or mental activity to evidence itself, while upayoga is the conscious actualisation of this activity, an actualisation productive of modifications in the jiva. Labdhi also significs the acquisition, thanks to an ever-alert lucidity, of greater and greater purity of spirit and conduct as bad karmas are progressively eliminated; cf. P.S. Jaini, 1979, pp. 142-143; JSK III, pp. 424-429.
21 Cf. DravSam 4; 'TS II, 9.
22 Cf. DravSam 44; TS I, 29.

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samyak-jñāna: the grasp of the nature of the ātman and other (substances) in their every aspect, free from doubt, error or aberration; (there are] various types of samyak-jñāna.23
There follows an exposition of great clarity which verifies what has gone before: samyak-darśana is to believe in the substance, more precisely in the seven categories of substances, taught by the doctrine, while samyak-jñāna is to apprehend the åtman and other substances in their natural properties.
What are the different types of jñāna? They number five, of which two are indirect, that is, they require an intermediary: mati, sensory knowledge, which is acquired through both the senses and mental activity; śruta, knowledge acquired through study of the Scriptures or, to be more exact, through the hearing of the message of the doctrine; this type of knowledge is grounded solely in mental activity, though it is preceded by sensory knowledge.24
The three other sorts of knowledge are direct, without intermediary:
avadhi, clarivoyance; manaḥparyaya, telepathy; kevala, omniscience.25
23 saṁsaya vimoha vibbhama vivajjiyaṁ appaparasarūvassa
gahanar sammam ņāņam sāyāram aneyabheyaṁ ca. DravSam 42. The question here is of subtle forms of ignorance very similar to one another which may affect right knowledge in different ways: vimoha here has the meaning of viparyaya (vibhrama) means uncertainty, confusion, lack of clarity.
24 Cf. TS 1, 20.
25 Cf. TS I, 9. indirect knowledge (perception) or parokşa; direct knowledge (perception) or pratyakşa; cf. TSI, 11-12; US XXVIII, 4.

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Two of these types of direct knowledge, namely, clairvoyance and omniscience, correspond to the two direct types of vision or perception mentioned above, We may note, without going here into all the intricacies of these forms of jñāna, that, taking into our purview the essential factor of karman, we shall discover that jñāna, as also darśana, varies in degree of purity according to the quantity of karman that obscures it.
We must stress at this point the importance of śruta-jñāna, the knowledge of Scripture;26 śruta-jñāna, an aspect of samyak-jñāna, is inextricably woven into the life-pattern of the sādhvis and äryikās and constitutes an important part of the vision of the path to be followed.
Śruta-jñāna is the solid framework upon which assimilation of the doctrine rests. This naturally involves study and a conscious, meditative, profound knowledge; the fact of learning by heart a large number of Sütras does not render them less well understood; on the contrary, the absorption of the words and their sounds and the identification of the person with the text recited have a helpful effect, provided always that the effort of memory is accompanied by an effort of reflection, 27 We may add that the pravacanas, spiritual discourses that the sādhvis give to śrāvakas and śrāvikās, always take their inspiration from the Scriptures, which fact presupposes that they are well-acquainted with them and have assimilated them themselves in order to transmit to those who 'hear' with their ears and their minds the teaching of Mahāvira, the acăryas and other sages.28 This being the case, this present study is based on these same Scriptures, those which are the guides of the ascetics, though it is recognised that this is only one aspect of jñāna and that the study of the texts must blend harmoniously with right belief and right conduct.
26 Cf. ADH JII, 1-3; 5-7.
27 Cf. svadhyāya P 490 ff.
28 Two chief types of śruta-jñāna are distinguished: angapravişta or the knowledge of the contents of the 12 Angas; and angabāhya, which is a quite different knowledge of the doctrine, based on the works of the sages.

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We do not intend here to embark on a technical study of śrutajñāna,29 but to extract the essential, that is to say, that which moulds the life of the ascetics even though in itself this is only a stage that needs to be transcended. Here are some passages of Acārya Kundakunda which explain these ideas:
The one whose attention [is] fixed on one sole object (is) a śramana; this state of concentration (comes into being] through an exact knowledge of categories; [it is) through study of the Agamas that this exact knowledge is obtained), which is why the assiduous study of the Āgamas is primordial. 30
The śramaņa who does not know the Āgamas knows neither the ātman nor the other (categories]; not knowing the catagories, how can the bhikṣu destroy karman231
And here is a rare pearl:
The eyes of the Saints:32 the Āgamas, the eyes of all living beings: the senses, the eyes of the gods: clairvoyance, and the eyes of the siddhas:33 on all sides. 34
29 Certain texts expound the subtle aspects of śruta-jñāna, Nandis 37-44 enumerates 14; KarmGI, 7 enumerates 20.
30 eyaggagado samaņo eyaggam nicchidassa atthesu
ņicchitti agamado agamacetthā tado jethā.PSa III, 32, This trans. is not a literal one; it is based on the commentaries and endeavours to convey the meaning of this y..; attha (artha) here means padārtha or the categories which constitute reality; cf. next chapter.
31 agamahiņo samaņo nevappāņam paraṁ viyaņādi
avijāņaṁto athe khavedi kammāņi kidha bhikkhu. PSa III 33.
32 The ascetics.
33 Those who have attained obsolute perfection.
agamacakkhu sāhū imdiyacakkhuni savvabhūdāni devă ya chicakkhů siddhă puņa savvado cakkhu. PSa III, 34.

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This is a reference to the different degrees of knowledge. One can easily grasp the importance of śruta-jñāna for ascetics, because by means of it they "see", it constitutes their faculty of right and penetrating insight. Nevertheless, adds Ācārya Kundakunda - and here one observe the close connection between darśana and cānitra, the third Jewel - the study of the Agamas is not enough: if one does not have faith in the Reality, if one has not renounced all, one will not attain nirvāņa.35 This is made clear also in the following passages of which the essential is voiced by the mystics of all religious traditions:
Again, the one (who has) the slightest attachment to his own body or to anything else, even if he knows all the Āgamas, cannot attain Liberation.36
And with regard to the attainment of this goal:
That man has only the outward appearance of a śramana, (even though] he has self-mastery, perform penitence and knows the Sūtras, if he has no faith in the doctrine taught by the jinas, of which the ātman (is the most important category.37
The practice of asceticism and extensive and profound knowledge are nothing if, above all else, one does not have faith in the reality of the atman.
iii) Samyak-căritra
This third Jewel, right conduct, takes for granted certain factors: the existence of the human person, his freedom of action and of decision, his insertion in society, his membership of the Jaina
35 Cf. PSa III, 37.
36 paramāņupamāṇam và mucchā dehādiesu jassa puņo
vijjadi jadi so siddhiṁ na lahadi savvāgamadharo vi. PSa III, 39.
37 na havadi samņo tti mado samjamatavasuttasampajutto vi
jadi saddahadi ņa atthe adapadhāṇe jiņakkhāde. PSa III, 64.

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community, his acceptance of the siddhānta, the complete and perfect orthodoxy of this community, and a determination to live according to its norms. One grasps immediately the importance of this Jewel, which is emphasised by the fact that it comes last of the three. It is not possible, in fact to stay in the realm of pure abstraction; the most sublime concepts must be incarnated in the whole person. We shall see how the mechanism of karman involves every faculty and it is the entire human person that is engaged in a sustained effort towards purification. This effort, which undergirds the least intention, the slightest action, is directed towards samyak-caritra. However, there can be no right action without a seeing, without belief or knowledge and, reciprocally, unless they are actualised in everyday life, samyakdarśana and samyak-jñāna are mere sterile abstractions.38 We must always keep in mind that we are on the path which leads to nirvāņa, for the attainment of which the ātman must needs be liberated from matter. Now this Liberation concerns the whole of the human personality. 39 This is to say that:
The n ost perfect form of samyak-cārtra taught by the jinas [is] the stoppage by the knower of both external and internal actions, in order to destroy the causes of samsāra 40
A brief analysis of this passage reveals that the one who sets forth on the path of right conduct must have a certain degree of jñāna, which presupposes a like degree of darśana. The aim of samyakcārtra is to transcend saṁsāra, the cycle of successive existences in time, and the means of achieving this is to follow the teaching of the
38 Cf. US XXVIII, 29-30, where samyaktva: perfection probably means samyak-darśana.
39 Cf. AS I, 4, 4 to which Muni Nathamala gives the title: samyak-căritra; cf. Ayaro, pp. 163-167; 171-173.
40 bahirabbhamtarakiriyāroho bhavakāranappaņāsattham
ņāņissa jam jiņuttaṁ tam paramaṁ sammacărittaṁ. DravSam 46; The knower or jñānin is the one who is already on the road towards perfection.

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jinas on the means one must employ to control, master and finally stop all forms of external and internal activities which tarnish the ätman.41
We return now, after this brief account of each of the Three Jewels, to the ideas mentioned at the start: vyavahāra and niscaya. Here our special interest, because we desire to understand the essential nature of the Jewels which lead to mokșa, is in niscaya, without, of course, ignoring vyavahāra, for the two form a pair together.42 Ācārya Kundakunda, at the beginning of his admirable treatise the Samayasăra,43 makes a clear distinction between what he calls svasamaya, the atman in its pure and essential being, that is to say, the real, and para-samaya, all that is other than atman; he says, furthermore, that the jiva which is grounded in the Three Jewels is sva-samaya, while all that is conditioned by material karman is parasamaya.44 One may also, to be more precise, say that, according to vyavahāra, the Three Jewels are the cause of mokṣa but in reality, according to niscaya, it is the ātman who possesses the Three that is the cause of moksa. 45 Kundakunda further affirms that the one who possesses right vision knows the nature of the knower, which is to say
41 A large portion of this study will be devoted to the means leading to samyak-caritra, means which the sādhvis must use, not as ends in themselves, but as guides, while using also those which lead to the attainment of the two other Jewels. 42 The Sūtras, which act as guides for the ascetics, though emphasising strongly niscaya, go at length into the vyavahāra aspect also. This is to be expected, but all these minute regulations must never make us lose sight of the essential. ADh consecrates a whole ch. to each of the Three Jewels, maintaining a good equilibrium between the two aspects; cf. AD II-IV.
43 Samaya means: doctrine, which is then identified with the atman; samayasära: the quintessence of the atman.
44 Cf. SamSa 2.
45 Cf. DravSam 39; and:
rayaņattayam ņa vattai appānaí muyattu annadaviyamhi tamhă tattiyamaio hodi hu mokkhassa karanam ādā. DravSam 40; cf. SamSa 7; 16.

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that the ātman is the nature of the knower, 46 or the ātman is the knower,47 liberated from doubt and from fear. 48 In an outpouring of purest faith he says:
The one who has tender devotion towards the Three Jewels, the path (which leads) to mokşa, must be regarded as the perfect believer, being confirmed in tender devotion (towards the way].49
The ātman who, mounted on the chariot of knowledge, proceeds on pleasant paths, proclaiming the Jaina teaching, must be regarded as the perfect believer. 50
Belief in the nine-categories: right vision, the sure and certain knowledge of these categories: right knowledge, liberation of the self from all forms of attachment: right conduct, this is certainly the path to Liberation.51
Let one know that jñāna (is to know the Ācāranga
46 evam sammājtthi appāņaṁ munadi jāņagasahăvam
udayaṁ kammavivāgaṁ ca muadi taccarii viyāņamto. SamSa 200; cf. also PSa I, 35: jo jāņadi so ņāņam..."The one who knows [is] knowledge."
47 Cf. SamSa 6.
sammāditthi jivá ņissamkā homti ņibbhayā teņa sattabhayavippamukka jamhā tamhå du ņissaṁkā. SamSa 228.
49 jo kunadi vacchalattam tiņhe sādhūņa mokkhamaggammi
so vacchalabhāvajudo sammăditthi muneyavvo. SamSa 235; vacchala (vätsalya): tenderness, affection, the love of parents for their children.
50 vijjārahamārudho maņorahapahesu bhamai jo cedă
so jiņaņānapahāvi sammādithi muncyavvo. Sam Sa 236.
51 jivādisaddahanam sammattam tesimadhigamo ņāņam
rāgādi pariharanam caranam eso du mokkhapaho. Sam Sa 155.

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and the other [Āgamas), darśana (is to believe in] the jiva and the other categories), caritra (is to refrain from harming] the six types of living beings; this is called vyavahära. S2
He goes on, however:
According to niscaya, my ātman [is] knowledge, my åtman (is) faith and conduct, my åtman (is) renunciation, my ätman [is] the cessation of karman and concentration.53
We find ourselves, thus, on the path with this clear vision and with certitude that the essential to be known and to purify, which is at one and the same time that through which we know, see and believe and also the locus of purification, is the atman.54
B - Dravya: Substance
This word has a very important place in the doctrine. Dravya in a Jaina context, always has the meaning of substance.55 At the
52 ayārādiņāņam jivādidamsanaṁ ca viņņeyam
chajjivanikāyam ca tahā bhanai carittam tu vavahäro. SamSa 276; cf. DS IV, 4-10 where these 6 types are described.
33 ada khu majjha ņāņaṁ ādā me damsaņas carittam ca
ādā paccakkhānan adā me samvare jogo. SamSa 277.
54 Cf. YSas IV, 1-3 where Acārya Hemacandra, several centuries after Ācārya Kundakunda, says exactly the same thing.
55 Dravya is probably derived from dru, dāru, wood. This interesting analogy is given: just as the carpenter and craftsman work on wood, impart to it different forms without the wood being changed in what pertains to its nature, so likewise dravya is modified by internal and external causes which do not affect it in what pertains to its underlying base, its substratum; cf. JSK

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beginning of this chapter we saw that samyak-darśana means to adhere to reality, believe in this substance as it truly is, while the word used for substance is tattvārtha. How is this to be understood? The answer is fairly simple: the concepts sat, tattva, tattvārtha, padārtha, dravya all mean: reality, substance, existence; no distinction is made between these terms. Reality is substance and vice versa. 56 The word dravya is much the most frequently used. The notions essential to dravya are given in the Tattvārtha-sútra:
"The proper sign of dravya (substance) [is] sat (existence, the fact of being)."57 "Substance [is] itself existence" says Kundakunda.58 Existence is characterised by "coming into being, disappearence and immutability."59
These three characteristics may appear contradictory, but they are not so, for that which is essential to substance is its immutability, the other
II, p. 452. The fundamental characteristic of dravya is, precisely, its quality of being dhruva, stable, constant, immovable, in other words, its immutability. Since dru generally means: to flow, the other aspect of dravya has also been noted in this etymology: change, becoming.
56 Cf. Mehta, 1971, pp. 60-63.
57 sat dravyalaksaņam. TS V, 29; laksana: characteristic, differentia.
58 ....davvam sayaṁ satta. ..PSa II, 13.
59 utpāda-vyaya-dhrauvya-yukkam sat. TS V, 30; utpäda, a coming into being, indicates that substance is constantly acquiring new modes, due to vyaya, the disappearance of old modes; but throughout these continual changes, the immovable foundation, be-ing, persists. For example, out of a lump of clay the craftsman fashions a jug; utpada, the coming-into-being of the jug happens through vyaya, the disappearance of the lump as such; but dhrauvya, the immutability of the clay-substance, persists. There is no coming-into-being without some disappearance and both are impossible without the permanence of the substance; cf. PSa II, 8; 11; 18.

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attributes being modalities subject to time.60 Furthermore: That which is permanent and imperishable: the essential nature [of dravya].61
Again, dravya is defined as: "The qualities and modes."62 The guņas (qualities or attributes) belong to each substance and this is what distinguishes the substances one from another, while the paryāyas, modes, are the particular modifications particular to each substance.63 Dravya, as such, is different from both qualities and modes, but at the same time it is these guņas (characteristics) 'which cause such or such a substance to be what it is. Dravya and guna arc always in association, for example, matter as a substance is associated with taste, colour and smell, which are its attributes, while the paryayas, particular modes, are not invariably linked in their particularities to some substance, for they change, are renewed, are the manner of being of a substance at a given moment, in certain particular circumstances. For example, a porcelain cup is green, its colour is a guna, an attribute of the dravya porcelain, while green is a paryāya or particular mode of colour. Tomorrow the cup may be painted red, while the porcelain persists, as does also colour as such, but it has changed.
This particular approach in which each object possesses multiple aspects is called anekāntavăda: it includes in its embrace unity, difference, the universal, the particular, change, permanence, substance and its modes. Anekāntavāda is also termed syādvāda, the
60 Cf. PSa II, 27-28 where this point is clearly explained.
61 tadbhāvāvyayaṁ nityam. TS V, 31; P$a II, 11
62 guna-paryāyavat dravyam. TS V, 38; cf. PSa I, 87; II, 1; US XXVIII, 5-6. Mode: paryāya can also mean repetition, periodic return, like that of the seasons.
63 Cf. PSa I, 10; II, 22.

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doctrine of syat or theory of a plurality of perspectives.64 For example, the jug exists, it is made of clay baked in the kiln, but presents also certain other features. This is to say that it is because an object is anckantātmaka, that it possesses different characteristics, that one can consider it in one or other of its aspects; anekāntavāda and syādvāda are interdependent.65 This is just a very brief and general outline, such as will provide a basis or point of reference for a further study of different substances and in particular of jiva (ātman), the lifeprinciple.
282
We may note furthermore that the two major categories of dravya are: jiva-dravya or substance possessing life and consciousness66 and ajiva-dravya, or non-living, un-conscious substance. Now we know that:
"That which proceeds from the attributes of a substance is identical [to that substance]."67 One may therefore have both knowledge and certitude that all that is produced by jiva has life and consciousness and that all that is produced from ajiva has neither life nor consciousness.
In the Jaina context this is a basic datum, for the whole of human effort is directed precisely towards knowing both jīva and ajiva in order to liberate jiva [the ātman] from ajiva, all that is foreign to its nature, i.e. matter.68
64 Syat means: perhaps, but in this context it means: from a particular point of view, according to one or other aspect; cf. PSa II, 23.
65 Cf. Mehta, 1971, pp. 168-170.
66
Consciousness, used here in the sense of: awareness, a being-conscious-of, and not in a moral sense.
67 daviyam jam uppajjai guṇehim tam tehim...SamSa 308.
68 It is impossible to overemphasise the fact that knowing is indispensable, that the effort towards samyak-jñāna must be constant and sustained, because the one who does not recognise jiva and ajiva cannot claim to have selfcontrol; cf. DS IV, 23, 12.

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jiva living substance (the life-principle, principle of
vitality, characterised by consciousness) ajiva non-living (non-conscious) substance, åsrava penetration (of the jiva by karmic matter, good
and bad], bandha servitude [of the jiva), saṁvara cessation (of karmic penetration), nirjară elimination (which is progressive and consists in
the destruction of karmic matter), mokşa (the complete] liberation (of the jiva from all
karmic matter, good and bad alike; all this, taken
together, constitutes): tattva reality (substance, that-which-is].1
Here, presented in an extremely concise manner, in a sequence of rigorous logic, are what are termed the seven categories that constitute tattva, reality. Endeavouring to follow this same logic we shall first turn our attention briefly to the first four categories and everything appertaining to them; the remaining three will be studied later.2
1 jiva-ajiva-asrava-bandha-samvara-nirjara-mokṣāḥ tattvam. TS I, 4; certain texts give 9 categories, adding: punya, merit and pāpa, offence; cf. SamSa 13; US XXVIII, 14. DravSam gives 7 categories including punya and pāpa and lists jiva and ajiva separately; TS VI, 3 lists punya and pāpa along with asrava.
2 We follow closely the TS, despite the fact that it introduces bandha later,
fter the mahavratas, while we place it after asrava in order to make the sequence more easily comprehensible; it is important, furthermore, to respect the order given by TS I, 4, namely: bandha follows assava and precedes samvara.

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Before addressing the task of defining the various aspects appertaining to each of these categories we must not lose sight of the fact that we have here a very ancient tradition, one of the most ancient that has been preserved without major alteration to our own day. This fundamentally cosmic concept of the universe and of beings, these continuous debates on the part of the sages concerning the struggle between spirit and matter, this consciousness of the extraordinary vitality which invests all things, of the connaturality of man with innumerable jivas both visible and invisible, of the capacity for purity and absolute perfection within each of them, are so many component parts of the teaching and reveal its origins. In them we have an inheritance, a unique and inestimably valuable "gist", the more so in that, despite the dust-covered manuscripts in the bhandāras and unidentified ruins and inscriptions, this heritage is in our own day and age a still lively and living tradition.
All the notions that we are going to study are indissociable from the life of the sādhvis and āryikās. Let us recall darśana-jñāna-căritra, that these notions must not only be believed and known, but also lived out in all their practical and direct implications. We shall understand the better the meaning of the ascetic life and all it comprises and shall comprehend the better the depth and subtleties of the daily recited texts in proportion to our grasp of the concepts underlying the doctrine. Now the first pre-requisite for an inner grasp of the essence of this doctrine is to lay aside from the start every other category, concept and way of thought and to plunge forthwith into the Jaina context.
A - Jiva (Ātman): Living, conscious substance
There is inherently no essential difference between these two words; some texts use now the one, now the other, sometimes within the same verse, other texts use only one of the two, but
3 Cf. e.g. SamSa I, which is consecrated in its entirety to jiva, but where ātman is just as much the object of reflection. It appears that jiva has been a specifically Jaina term, the one in general use, but ātman (ayā) is already found in AS I; cf. e.g. AS I, 1, 3-5; 1, 5,5,5. It is possible that åtman was borrowed from the other systems. There is also to be found, but in rather late

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commentators sometimes add the other in brackets. However, one may also say that jiva is, in certain texts and contexts, a more generic term, indicating rather the animate, incarnate being. Atman, the Self, would accordingly be more precisely that potentiality and possibility inherent in human nature of knowing the life-principle and its inmost essence and, by knowing and itself becoming identified with this knowledge, of travelling towards its own plenitude.4
Before considering jiva, it is important to take note of this point: jiva, in whatever guise or place, always possesses in potentiality the ananta-catustayas, that is, the four capacities that the siddha, the perfected one, possesses in plenitude: infinite vision, infinite knowledge, infinite bliss, infinite power. It is simply through the association of the jiva with matter-body, through activities resulting in karman, that these perfections are to varying degrees affected, veiled. We now proceed to follow the more important doctrinal texts, which describe both that which is inherent or intrinsic to jiva (ātman) and also the path which leads to its dissociation from karmic matter, to the destruction of this same karmic matter and to its becoming in full measure that which it is.
It is useful first of all to state clearly and briefly the properties of
jiva:
The jiva (is living), conscious, sormless, capable of action, [it has] the same dimension as the body it inhabits (which is determined by its nāma-karman), it reaps (the fruits both good and bad of its karman). (it is) subject to sarsāra, [it is potentially) siddha, [it possesses the ability to] move upwards in a natural manner (after reaching Liberation].5
texts, the word paramātman to denote the perfectly realised ātman, that of the siddha.
4 In order to avoid over-simplification in the realm of the imperceptible we must retain in our minds both terms, preserving, of course, in cach quotation the one chosen by the author.
jivo uvaogamao amutti katta sadehaparimāņo

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The verses which follow in the DravSam enlarge upon these properties. Let us take them one by one:
Jiva - "living"
286
According to vyavahāra, the jiva [possesses] the four prāṇas: indriyas [the senses], bala [strength], ayu [life], āṇa-prāṇa [breathing] in the three times [past, present, future]; and according to niscaya, [it is] cetană [consciousness].6
Jiva "conscious"
Upayoga is the capacity of consciousness, an idea we have already defined in connection with darśana and jñāna.7 It is the essential constituent of the jiva (atman): "atman upayogātmā", says Kundakunda; it is that through which the jiva is conscious of its own being and through which it experiences beings and things. Cetanā (citta) mentioned in the preceding verse seems to correspond to the undifferentiated state of upayoga, but sometimes these words appear to convey the same notion. We may add, to avoid separating off the several aspects one from another, that it is, so to speak, due to the
bhottā saṁsărattho siddho so vissasoddhagai. DravSam 2; TS II, 1 gives as being characteristic of the jiva such qualities as result from its association (in varying degrees of closeness) with karman.
6 tikkāle cadupāṇā imdiya balamāu āṇapāņo ya
vavahārā so jivo nicayanayado du cedaṇā jassa. DravSam 3; cf. PSa II, 54-55.
7
Cf. DravSam 4; TS II, 8-9; Upadhye translates by: "The manifestation of consciousness" and defines it as: "It is a condition of the soul which is an embodiment of consciousness"; cf. PSa, index, p. 417. One may also, according to the context, say that we have here a question of conscious attention.
8 appā uvaogappā. . . PSa II, 63.
9 Cf. e.g. SamSa, 49, where cetana is said to be the characteristic of the jiva.

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veiling of the upayoga by karmic matter that the other powers and faculties are also themselves veiled. 10
Furthermore, the Tattvārtha-sūtra gives, as a property belonging to the jiva (ātman): bhavya, the capacity for Liberation, and abhavya, the lack of that same capacity for Liberation 11 The brief commentary on this text does not permit us to know for certain whether abhavya is an absolute, irremediable and eternal. The idea as such does not appear in the ancient Sutras. Kundakunda speaks of it as a wellestablished belief; he does not state the initial cause but affirms that a jiva (ātman) characterised by abhavya does not believe in mokşa, it is incapable of freeing itself from the clutches of matter and thus will never acquire right vision and right knowledge, even if, moreover, it knows the Scriptures and follows the path of asceticism; Kundakunda compares it to a snake which, even if it drinks sweetened milk, remains poisonous. 12
Jiva - "formless"
It is both amūrti (without form) and also murti (possessing a concrete appearance), that is to say that according to niscaya, the jiva is not possessed of any form, while according to vyavahära, the jiva occupies a material body which of necessity involves colour, taste, smell and touch.13
10 Enlarging on the effects of karmic matter, Kundakunda reaffirms: jiva (ätman) whose nature is upayoga; cf. SamSa 36; 57; 89-90; 94-95.
11 Cf. TS II, 7; the other substances do not possess this property.
12 Cf. PSa I, 62; SamSa 273-274; 317; cf. also P.S. Jaini, 1977, where the author mentions: "the remarkable concurrence between the Jains and the Buddhists on the concept of bhavya and abhavya..."
13 vanna rasa pamca gamdha do phásă attha niccaya jive
no samti amutti tado vavahārā mutti bamdhado. DravSam 7; cf. PSa I. 55; II, 38-40.

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Jiva - "capable of acting"
It is kartā (the originator of its actions). From the perspective of vyavahāra, the jiva is the origin of acts which produce material and thus non-conscious type of karman, of which the effect is to darken knowledge; from the perspective of imperfect niscaya, it is the origin of acts which produce a conscious type of karman which is thus imprinted on the psyche, while, from the perspective of perfect niścaya, it is the origi of activities of rare degree of purity such as presuppose a state conducive to the Three Jewels.14
Jiva - "reaping the fruits of its karmas" (good and bad)
According to vyavahăra, the jiva (ātman) reaps the fruits of its material karman such as pleasure or suffering; according to niscaya, it enjoys a state of pure unalterable consciousness. 15
Jiva - when embodied is "determined by its năma-karman"
The jiva, though immaterial in itself, occupies, according to vyavahāra, a body; this body is determined by nama-karman, that is to say that particular state of the body assumed by the jiva corresponds with one of the four conditions of existence. The assumption of a body in such or such a condition of existence is the consequence of good and bad karmas accumulated in previous lives. 16 According to vyavahăra the body adopted by the jiva has the exact dimension of that jiva's karmic body; according to niscaya, there is no limit to the space a jiva may assume. 17
14 puggalakammădiņam katta vavahārado du niccayado
cedanakammāņādā suddhanaya suddhabhāvāņam. DravSam 8.
15 vavahāra suhadukkham puggalakammaphalam pabhumjedi
adā niccayanayado cedanabhāvam khu ādassa. DravSam 9; cf. PSa II, 31
33.
16 Cf. TS VIII 4; 11; P 301 ff.; 306 ff.
17 aņugurudehapamāṇo uvasaṁhārappasapapdo cedā

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Jiva - "Subject to samsāra", to the temporal 18
Jivas that are subject to the earthly state are of two sorts: trasa, those that move, and sthāvara, those which are motionless. 19 Among the latter type are put: the Earth (terrestrial body), Water (watery body), Vegetables (with a vegetable body); these are classed together as motionless bodies possessing one single sense, that of touch. Moving bodies include beings possessing two, three, four or five senses, the last-named being human beings.20 Among those jivas that possess five senses, a distinction is made between those which possess intelligence, the reasoning faculty and faculties of judgement and discrimination and those which do not possess these faculties.21 These distinctions are made in accordance with vyavahāra; but according to niścaya all jivas are pure, that is, they are endowed with pure existence and have only one nature; there is no distinction between them 22
asamuhado vavahārā ņiccayaņayado asaṁkhadeso vă. DravSam 10; cf. TS V, 15-16.
18 Saṁsāra means: go, wander hither and thither; the word denotes at the same time both the cycle of temporal existence, its ever-ceaseless flow until Liberation is achieved, and also the world, in the sense of worldly life with all its family and social bonds, thus a state of servitude opposed to that of the ascetic life; the phenomenal world.
19 SkrS I, 11; 7-8.
20 Cf. AS I, 8, 1, 11-13; DravSam 11; TS II, 12-14; PSa II, 90; it must be added that both divine and infernal beings are likewise subject to saṁsāra and their existence is likewise temporal. US XXXVI, 48-247 gives all details concerning each category of beings, their various types, names, descriptions,
etc.
21 Cf. DravSam 12.
22 magganagunathanehi ya caudasahi havaṁti taha asudhanaya
viņņeya sarisari savve suddhā hu suddhaņayā. DravSam 13.

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Jiva - "the potential siddha with ability to proceed naturally towards the heights"
Each jiva is "on the way" towards being a siddha and when it attains this state everything is very simple. Liberared as it is from all its karmas, it is deterred no longer from realising to the full its four capacities; relieved of the weight of matter, it leaps upwards to the summit of the universe 23
The nine properties of the jiva having been described in some detail, certain facts need still to be given concerning the different gatis or states of existence. These number four: infernal existence, infrahuman existence (of being of the animal and vegetable worlds), human existence, celestial existence.24 How, according to vyavahāra, may one acquire a knowledge of the jiva and the other categories? The Tattvartha-sútra in reply gives several discursive methods, each of which have their own approach and validity. The choice of the one or the other depends on the point of view of the one studying the question. The most popular method makes use of pramāna and naya. Etymologically, pramāņa means evidence, proof, a notion which is based on certainty; naya means method, conduct. In the context that concerns us, it is declared that pramāņa is a comprehension or knowledge that includes all the elements of a particular substance, while naya considers one aspect of a particular feature of this
23 Cf. DravSam 14; TS X, 6-7; P 401.
24 Cf. TS II, 6; III-IV where these states and the cosmography of each of these worlds are described in detail. On the whole it seems that there is more preoccupation with describing the world below than the world of the gods, probably with a view to instilling in the faithful the fear of sin, to removing their ignorance, keeping them on the right path and inculcating in them a lively appreciation of the virtues; cf. e.g. SkrS I, 5; US XIX, 47-74. This tendency is still present. Certain sādhvis showed me pictures of the pains of hell drawn or painted by themselves for use in the villages in the course of their teaching sessions with an audience composed for the main part of illiterate persons. These pictures depict in crude detail the penalties awaiting those who eat meat, drink alcohol, are unfaithful spouses, etc.

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substance.25 According to niscaya, one knows that the knower of the jiva (ätman) is the atman itself and that the way par excellence to know the ätman is dhyāna. 26
To conclude this short explanation, we shall quote certain texts that speak of the atman. The Acaränga-sūtra transmits to us the concern of the first sages. It starts by an affirmation of the existence of the ätman27 then, further on, says concisely that
The atman [is] the knower [and] the knower [is] the atman; that through which one knows [is] the atman.28
The Uttaradhyayana-sūtra contains a passage that is both concrete and profound:
My atman [is] the river Vaitarani, my atman [is] the thorny Śalmali, my atman [is] the cow Kamadugha, my ātman [is] the Forest of Joy.29
291
25 Cf. TS I, 6; cf. 7-8 where other methods leading to knowledge of the substance are indicated, e.g.: description, consideration of place, duration,
etc.
26 Cf. P 373 ff.
27 Cf. AS I, 1, 1-5.
28
je āyā se viņņāyā, je veņṇāyā se āyā
jeņa vijäṇati se āyā. AS I, 5,5,5; Muni Nathamala has described very well in his commentaries the profundity of this passage and the preceding one; cf. Ayaro pp. 222-223; 52-55.
29
appå nadi veyaraņi appă me kūḍaśāmali
appå kåmaduha dheņū appā me naṁdaṇaṁ vaṇam. US XX, 36. The śälmali: "silk-cotton tree', any of various tropical trees (family Bombacacea, the silk-cotton family) with palmate leaves and large fruits with the seeds enveloped by silk-cotton." Webster's Seventh New Collegiate Dictionary, it is described in US XIX, 52 as being covered with very sharp thorns. Nandanavana is the 2nd forest near Mt Meru (the intermediate world), where are to be found, at the four cardinal points: the abodes of the gods, guardians of the universe (Soma, Yama, Varuna, Kubera), where the

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The atman makes and unmakes its (own) pleasures and sorrows, the atman (is) its [own] friend as regards its good deeds, the ātman (is) its (own) enemy as regards its evil deeds.30
The connection between these two verses is, moreover, clear: Vaitarani, the river of caustic acid and Sälmali, the thorny tree, are associated with hell, while the cow Kāmadughā who fulfils all desires and Nandanavana, the Forest of Joy are associated with pleasure. It is the ātman, the originator of deeds good and bad, who travels the path leading to hell or to the happiness of the divine beings.
This passage reflects accurately the type of teaching often given by the sadhvis to the śråvakas and śrāvikås ensnared in the trap of worldly activities, worldly possessions and riches of all sorts. There is a need for concrete admonitions, to avoid missing the mark by aiming too high. Mokșa and nirvāṇa together constitute the ultimate goal of the atman; let us therefore, begin by knowing the ātman in our own deeds, by exarıining them carefully, in the knowledge that in the near future our Ei emy or our Friend will carry us off to hell or to the gods, both states being, moreover, transitory, but likely to be of fairly long duration!
We cannot refrain from quoting once again Ācārya Kundakunda whose Samayasāra is a study of the atman and comprises both a vision of and knowe!dge of the atman continuous praise to the atman, in short, an experience of the atman:
Concerning one who does penance and who makes vows but is not centred upon the Supreme Reality, those who know all things say that such penitence and such vows (are those) of a child.31
afore-named pass their time in enjoyable pursuits; 4 temples dedicated to the jinas; and, beyond the temples, certain goddesses; cf. JSK III, pp. 466-467; P 674 ff.
30 appā kattā vikatta ya dukkhåņa ya suhāņa ya
appå mittamamittaṁ ca duppatthiya supatthio. US XX, 37.
31 paramatthammiya athido jo kunadi tavam vadam ca dhārayadi

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293
B - Ajiva: Non-living, non-conscious substance
ajivakāya dharma adharma ākāśa pudgala
the bodies of non-living substances (are] movenient, repose, space, matter. 32
i) Pudgala
Matter is distinguished from the three other categories by form, which includes: touch, taste, smell, colour33 The characteristics of matter, its different modes are:
Sound (word), union, slightness, massiveness [breadth, bulk], shape [stature], separation, obscurity, shadow [image], warmth [of the sun), shining (of the moon).34
tam savvam bălatavam bālavadam viņti savvahnu. SamSa 152; paramattha (paramärtha): Supreme Reality; cf. also PSa I, 27; II, 67-68; SamSa 3-4; 7; 9; 14-16; 31-32; 69; 71; 75; 82-86; 92-98; 101-102; 104; 115; 124-125; 183; 185-189; 200; 269; 277; and YSas XII, 7-8; 54.
32 ajivakäyā-dharma-adharma-ākāśa-pudgalāḥ. TS V, 1; kāya: body, or astikāya: that which exists with bodily form, this latter being called: pradeśa, or unity of space; in this context, kāya denotes a conglomeration of unities of space. The ideas of movement and repose are denoted by dharma and adharma, not to be confused with the word dharma used in a religious context. Other texts, cf. DravSam 15; US XXVIII, 7 add: kala, time, though the TS, while including it under ajiva, treats it separately, for reasons that are connected directly with kāya.
33 Cf. TS V, 23; also DravSam 15. "The word 'pudgala' has two parts: 'pud' and 'gala'. The first part 'pud' means 'to combine' and the second part 'gala' means 'to dissociate'. Hence the etymological meaning of the word 'pudgala' is: that substance which undergoes modifications by combinations and dissociations. This process of combination and dissociation does not occur in the other substances." Mehta, 1971, p. 114.
34 saddo baṁdho suhamo thūlo samthāṇabhedatamachāyā
ujjodādavasahiyā puggaladavvassa paijāyā. DravSam 16 (TS V, 24); US XXVIII, 12-13.

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We may here take note that bandha, union, is either natural or induced by human effort, including the union of a living substance with a nonliving, that is, jiva and karman. Matter is divided into: skandhas, molecules, and anus, atoms. 35
ii-iii) Dharma-adharma
Movement and repose are immaterial substances that permit the movement and repose of the jivas. On account of their not possessing life, of their being non-material, these substances do not occupy a defined, limited space, but fill the entire universe.36 They play their part with detachment, i.e., with impassiveness; they are not themselves the cause of movement or repose on the part of the jivas and matter, they do not meddle in these substances, so to say, but they facilitate the forward movement or its cessation:
In the same way as water assists the movement of the fish, so too dharma (assists the movement) of the pudgala and the jiva; it (dharma] does not move the immobile (jiva and pudgala).37
The comparison given for adharma is that of the shadow which permits repose and cessation of movement to the weary traveller. 38 iv) Ākāša
35 Cf. TS V, 25-28.
36 Cf. TS V, 13.
37 gaipariņayāņa dhammo puggalajivāņa gamaņasahayari
toyam jaha machāņaṁ acchaṁtā ņeva so nei. DravSam 17.
38 thāņajudāņa adhammo puggalajivāņa thanasahayāri
chảya jaha pahiyānam gacchaṁtā neva so dharai. DravSam 18; cf. TS V. 17.

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Space is that which gives all substances the possibility of assuming their proper places.39 Here it is necessary to make a distinction between the subtle notion of: lokākāśa, the space that can be perceived within the limits occupied by other substances both material and immaterial, namely, what is termed the universe and: alokākāśa, the space that is not perceived, from which the other substances are absent and where the ākāśa exists alone in its totality and to eternity; this is that which is non-universe, namely, empty space.40
v) Kāla
Among the ajivas, kāla, time, is in a class on its own.41 From the viewpoint of vyavahāra, time is that which permits parivartana, change, and pariņāma, modification in the other substances; from the viewpoint of niscaya, kāla is identical to vartanā, the minute, imperceptible, continual change within the interior of a substance, which permits a slow and gradual transformation. It is this factor which permits substances to continue in existence, while at the same time undergoing a slow and ceaseless transformation.42 Time as such is like an uninterrupted, eternal, unbounded flow, but in so far as it is associated with given substances - and it is this that enables them to follow their own existential course - it also is affected by successive modifications.43
By way of contrast to other substances which are astikāya, kāla is anastikāya (without a bodily form), it consists of particles that are so
39 Cf. DravSam 19.
40 Cf. DravSam 20; TS V, 12; US XXXVI, 7-8; with reference to PSa II, 41-42, Upadhye, ibid., p. 398, n. 3, explains: "The experience of this empty space is possible for the omniscient, since our ordinary experience is always relative. And since omniscience is capable of comprehending even empty space, there is no propriety of calling empty space as a mere theoretical abstraction: thus the Jaina authors accept the possibility of empty space.'
41 Cf. TS V, 39.
42 Cf. DravSam 21; TS V, 22.
43 CF. US XXXVI, 9.

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many separate units, each occupying a pradeśa (unit of space) and together forming one single pradeśa, while the other substances, including the jiva, contain innumerable pradeśas that intermingle.44 The Dravyasamgraha gives this frequently cited comparison: precious stones heaped together form a mass of precious stones, each one nonetheless remaining what it is; in the same way, each region of the universe possesses a unit of time different from the rest; so, the regions being innumerable, kāla is an infinite dravya and kālāņu, each unit of time, is an independent dravya.45
C - Karman: A highly subtle form of matter
Up to this point we have described the essential attributes of what may be called the pure state; now we are going to observe them, within the human person, in the clutches of an external element which bids fair, under different guises, if not to destroy them utterly, at least to tarnish their absolute purity, becloud them to a greater or lesser extent. The element that is here operating is karman, which is of immense importance.46 In the sutra with which this chapter commences the word karman does not appear; in fact, after ajiva comes asrava, which signifies the penetration of the jiva by karmic matter. Before studying in more detail the modes of operation of asrava and its direct repercussions upon the jiva, let us try to elaborate further the idea of karman. According to Jaina doctrine, karman is an extremely subtle form of material substance; it is raja, a very fine dust.47 So karman, as a material substance, belongs to the pudgala category of ajiva. Pudgala, like everything else that is ajiva, is an acetana-dravya, a non-conscious substance. We know, furthermore, that jiva is essentially cetana-dravya, i.e., living and conscious
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44 Cf. PSa II, 43; TS V, 8-9.
45 Cf. DravSam 22-25; TS V, 40
46 Cf. § A where this idea has already been mentioned. Karman means action, either ritual action or a conscious, voluntary act. In Jaina doctrine, yoga denotes action and karman is the consequence of yoga; cf. § D.
47 Cf. PSa II, 95-96.

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substance. At first sight, one is struck by this basic difference and fundamental contrast between cetana-dravya and acetana-dravya. It is difficult to see how these two substances are going to enter into relationship, relationship so close that each will modify the other for it is a well-established belief that jiva and karman are, from all eternity, closely linked.48 Thus we must now, in a very general way, try to make clear the process through which the original purity of the jiva is obscured in each of its four perfections by this truly material substance, karmic dust.
Before going into details concerning this process, we may note that this subject has been a constant preoccupation for Jaina sages and philosophers of all ages, and that already in the most ancient Agamas the idea of karman is present as a fundamental hypothesis, though it is not explicitly elaborated, or only partially so.49 The elaboration of this theme will later become extremely detailed. It is explained in numerous texts: the Tattvārtha-sūtra gives a brief, but comprehensive introduction on this subject, 50 and Acārya Kundakunda made a special study and exposition of the philosophical basis of this doctrine 51 Nemicandra, in the karmakānda, the second part of his Gommațasāra, makes a detailed study of it, of which the Dravyasaṁgraha, in a noteworthy synthesis, delivers the essential. At a later date the Karmagrantha, a major work attributed to Devendra Sūri, further completes the study of this theme;52 among other shorter but no less
48 Cf. SamSa 89; KarmG I, Introd.
49 Cf. e.g. AS I, 1, 5-6; 1, 3,1,3-4; I, 4, 2, 1; Dixit, 1978: "The karma doctrine in a primitive form" p. 9 and pp. 16; 20; 39. The Şatkhandāgama discusses bandha in detail. Cf. US XXXII which is both detailed and comprehensive
50 Pt. Sukhlal calls it: "The entire Karma-śāstra"; cf. TS Introd., pp. 89-90.
51 The SamSa is a profound, somewhat laboured, account of certain categories of which clearly jiva (ätman) and karman are fundamental ingredients. The PSa expresses in brief compass the same ideas.
32 A work in Prakrit of the XIIIth c. Certain sādhvis study it and one of them. Mahasati Lalità Bãi, has recently translated the karm into Gujarati.

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classical texts, we may mention the Karma-prakrti of Abhayacandra Siddhānta Cakravartin, where the author describes in detail the different types of karmas related to the guṇasthānas, the several stages of spiritual progress. 53
For our study of this progressive association of jiva-karman, we shall try to follow the main lines of Kundakunda's rigorous treatment of the subject as given in the third chapter of the Samayasāra. A jiva, in itself, in its pure and unalloyed state, does not modify karmic matter nor, however, is it non-karmic matter.54 Amộtacandra in his commentary upon the Samayasāra, gives the example of a poiter fashioning an earthenware jug. In this operation, the clay is the upādāna-kāraṇa, the substantial cause, and the potter is the nimittakāraṇa, the external cause, the agent who fashions the jug. This, applied in the domain which is of interest to us, means: the substantiai cause, the upādāna-kārana, of modifications in the particular karman and modifications in the particular jiva is pudgala, matter in the form of particles; but how are we to explain the nimitta-kāraņa? Who is the potter the external agent? Not, certainly, the jiva, living, conscious, immaterial substance. On the other hand, pudgala cannot be the kartā, the agent of psychic modifications in the jiva. However, if the jiva and the pudgala, two absolutely antithetical substances, cannot be brought into relationship to each other by a process of material causality, any identity between the two being impossible, they can never the less be related through instrumental causality. This is to say that the modifications undergone by each are the result of their mutual conditioning, each of the substances being the substantial cause of its own modifications. Although each operates within its own substance, the two do indirectly condition each other, and the nimitta-kāraṇa, the
53 A Sanskrit work of the XIIIth c. It is clear that, in amplifying and commenting upon it, the authors have introduced ideas and subtleties that were not in the ancient texts. Though some effort of clarification was doubtless necessary, nevertheless the fact remains that the elaboration of structures and the piling up of them one upon another result in a certain heaviness, while the proliferation of classifications renders the whole inassimilable to most readers.
54
Cf. Sam Sa 75

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instrumental cause, the agent, is, precisely, the result of this conditioning. 55 This becomes clearer when we introduce the following distinctions: according to the doctrine, two different aspects of karman are to be noted: dravya-karman which consists of material particles and bhāva-karman, i.e., the psychic modifications caused in the jiva. Dravya-karman, being pudgala (matter), is acetana-dravya (non-conscious); in this instance, the upādāna-kāraṇa is karmic matter corresponding to the earthenware jug, whereas the bhava-karman is imprinted on the jiva in the same way as the jug is imprinted on the imagination of the potter, and thus produces modifications in the jiva; here the upādāna-kāraṇa, is the jīva. Originally, however, the jiva is the direct cause of the bhava-karman and the bhava-karman in its turn is the cause of the dravya-karman; this means that the jiva invites through certain bhāvas (attitudes) an invasion of its being by dravyakarman, karmic matter. There are, therefore, two sorts of karman, each having its own upādāna-kāraṇa, or different substantial cause.56
If we are to consider these data in the light of niscaya and vyavahāra, we may say that according to niscaya, the jiva is the agent which produces transformations and modifications within its own consciousness,57 while according to vyavahāra it is the cause productive of karmic matter and hence of modifications in the pudgala. However, Kundakunda explains clearly that this mode of expression according to vyavahāra is purely figurative, for it is the impure jiva, and thus the empirical non-real jiva, which causes the production of karmic matter, while the real jiva is only the instrumental cause of these impure, temporal experiences. 58
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We must now proceed in a more concrete fashion to introduce the concept of body, the visible, palpable body, the clothing, as we might
55 Cf. SamSa 80-82 and comm. thereon.
56 Cf. SamSa 87 and comm. thereon; Drav Sam 8 and comm.
57 kuvvam sabhävamādā havadi hi kattā sagassa bhävassa. . .PSa II, 92.
58 Cf. SamSa 83-108.

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say, of the jiva on account of its connection with karmic matter, the body being formed of particles of matter. How are we to explain this connection? It is impossible to conceive that the jiva, by its own intrinsic power, could bring about the transformation of the pudgala out of original particles, since the jiva is substantially cetana and the pudgala is acetana, wherefore it is pudgala which of its own nature is capable of transformation and it is this process of the selftransformation of matter that results in the formation of different types of karmas. At the same time, for this to be possible, it is conceded that the impure empirical jiva is in fact capable of undergoing psychological modifications when it is under the influence of karmic matter. Here it is the jiva which is ignorant of its own real nature and tends to identify itself with objects foreign to its nature that is under consideration.59
Kundakunda concludes his exposition with two verses in which he explains the quintessence of the teaching:
According to the point of view adopted, the jiva [is] linked with and also not-linked with karman; beyond every point of view it is to be termed samayasăra (jiva in its essential nature).60
59 Cf. SamSa 120-141; PSa II, 77. We may here note that the teaching recognises 5 types of śarira, body: i) Audārika: the organic body of human beings, animals and vegetables, such as we observe. ii) Vaikriyika: the subtle body of celestial and infernal beings and of certain human beings possessed of supernatural powers; this can be transformed at will. i) Ahāraka: subtle body formed of particles of meritorious karmas; this type of body is possessed, according to tradition, by certain munis called caturdaśapurvins, i.e., knowing the 14 Pürvas (cf.. P 143); they are ablc, thanks to this body, to move at will through space for purely spiritual purposes. iv) Taijasa: luminous body, composed of fire; it effects the digestion of food. v) Kārmaņa: extremely subtle form of body which remains with the jiva after the end and destruction of the audārika body. These types of body, composed in each case of karmic particles, are classified according to progressive degrees of subtlety and their possession by a given jiva depends upon its nāma-karman, cf. § A; PSa II, 79; TS II, 36-49.
60 kammam baddhamabaddhaṁ jive edam tu jāņa ņayapakkham
pakkhātikkaṁto puņa bhannadi jo so samayasāro. SamSa 142.

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[The śruta-jñānin) recognises only two points of view; when he has realised his essential nature, he [is] beyond the relativity of this discrimination.61
This brief account of karman serves to indicate its great importance, an importance that is clearly discernible not only in numerous doctrinal treatises, but also in many literary works in various local languages, as also in iconography. Karman crops us always and everywhere in its many different forms and guises. 62
The highest form of ascetic practice is by definition, directed towards one single unique goal: that of realising the jiva in its original purity and, to this end, of striving to disconnect it from the karmas which are the cause of its opacity, that is, for a start, from this material body. 63 We shall see in the following pages the way in which this karman infiltrates and penetrates the faculties of the jiva and, later, what methods are to be employed to dissociate the jiva from its karman.
D - Asrava: The invasion of the jiva by karmic matter
The word äsrava denotes a state of flux, the flowing of some substance or the act of invasion, penetration by some substance. This word is used to express the action of karmic matter upon the jiva.
61 doňhavi nayāņa bhanidam jāņai navarim tu samayapaờibaddho
na du nayapakkham ginhadi kimcivi nayapakkhaparihiņo. SamSa 143; lit. beyond every point of view, all trace is lost of any point of view. The śruta-jñānin is the one who, thanks to assiduous study of the Scriptures, is capable of understanding the jiva according to both vyavahāra and niścaya, but he has not yet experienced the essence of the jiva.
62 Cf. TS II, 1.
63 To give a very concrete example, we may mention Sadhvi Śri Bālū, called "videha ki sädhikā," the one who follows the spiritual path without a body. The biography of this sadhvi relates how, during the last years of her carthly life, she became more and more conscous that the atman and the deha (body) are totally incompatible. Thence arose her zeal to expend her every effort on becoming ever more intensely aware of this reality.

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Before studying its mode of penetration, the conditions which favorise it and the consequences thereof, we must first make this point clear: asrava is of two types: bhāva-āsrava, i.e., the mental and psychical attitudes and activities that conduce towards the penetration of karmic matter and dravya-asrava, the actual penetration of the jiva by karmic matter.64 Thus, for asrava to happen, there must be some activity. All activity, according to the doctrine, is termed yoga, 65 and is threefold, being caused by vibrations proceeding from the body, from speech and from the mind. 66
From the viewpoint of niscaya, it is clear that in itself all activity is harmful, because it produces karman and tarnishes the jiva; for this reason the ideal state towards which one must strive is that of the ayogin, the one who performs no activity. However, according to vyavahāra there is a distinction between good, virtuous and meritorious activities and bad ones. The first are the cause of punya, merit, while the second are the cause of pāpa, sin.67 Every activity,
64 Cf. DravSam 29; cf. also ADh II, 36-37; SamSa V.
65 Cf. TS, 1-2; VIII, 1. Yoga means in the first place: yoking, that which is joined, coupled, united; thence it comes to mean also: method, action, coordinated activity and thence: philosophical system, a disciplinary technique aimed at the unification and co-ordination of bodily and mental activities in order to reach Liberation. In Jaina doctrine it usually denotes: a subtle activity, vibration; but it can also refer to a disciplinary method, e.g., the Yogaśāstra of Hemacandra.
66 Mind: ananas. This word generally refers in a very broad sense to the inner organ, seat of the intellectual activities and also of the sentiments, emotions, sensations and will. It can therefore on occasion mean: intellect, understanding, thought, imagination, consciousness, will, heart. According to the doctrine, when the activities of manas are mentioned, the reference is to mental activities.
67 Cf. TS VI, 3; cf. also SthS 676-677; ADH II, 40; DravSam 38; PSa I, 77; II, 89; SamSa IV, 263-264. The SkrSahas a whole passage consecrated to a detailed study of the 13 activities of which 12 are associated with sin and cause an increase in bad karmas while the 13th group comprises activities performed by a śramaņa, very slight and unavoidable deeds devoid of passion; cf. II, 2, 1-24; the following passage (25-65) describes in realistic

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bodily, mental and verbal may therefore produce either good and meritorious types of karman such as contribute to temporal well-being and towards a future life in one of the higher forms of existence or bad types of karman, the source of sin and misery, such as leads to a future life in a lower state of existence.
Whether the yoga is good or bad is determined by the goodness or badness, in varying degrees, of the mental attitude and intention. 68 It is at this point that the kaṣāyas or passions, as they are commonly called, which have an important place in the doctrine, enter the arena as the determining factor as regards the quality of the asrava. Thus two types of asrava are distinguished: that of persons acting under the influence of the passions, i.e., those who are sakaṣāya, and that of persons libcrated from the clutch of the passions, i.e., those who are akasāya.69
The word kasăya can have several closely connected meanings: it denotes an astringent; it is synonymous with rāga, colour, the colour red, a tincture or hue; thence it has been used to denote emotions of greater or less intensity, affective feelings, states of mind which lead to inner or outer violence, to vehement desires, attachments and errors. These sentiments and emotions give rise in the atman to: kaşa, scraping, friction; their effect is: karşaņa, a tugging, twisting, churning up of the atman. The result of this attack and grip upon the ätman is to render it: kaluşa, impure, soiled, and thus to bring about: śleşa, the ātman-karman amalgam.70 Thus kaşāya refers to all that produces a profound effect upon the ātman, does violence to it, makes inroads upon it, irritates it, squeczes it, tinges it, colours it, tarnishes its purity - all of which metaphors point to important factors contributing to the penetration of the atman by karman. We may note
detail men's violent activities, highlighting by contrast (69-73) the virtuous activities of the śramaņas.
68 Cf. TS VI, 6.
69 Cf. Ibid., 4.
70 Cf. JSK II, p. 35.

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that in the ancient Agamas the word is not used, but each of its manifestations is mentioned by name: krodha, anger, etc.71 The authors have invariably translated kaşaya by: passion, a generic word used to denote a violent emotion. In a number of languages, following the Greek, this word originally bore the meaning of sussering. Other languages as, for example, classical Latin were accustomed to express this type of affective state by words such as: agitation, confusion, tumult.
Because karmic dust adheres to the jiva from all eternity and because, surthermore, this same invisible, extremely fine karmic dust in its primary state fills the universe, the infiltration of karmic molecules into the jiva will be occasioned by yogas, or vibrations, caused by one or other of the passions, cven if their influence is very slight. Thercaster, according to the nature of such passionate activity, karmic matter will assume the form of fixed karman. The activity of a person who is akaṣāya, totally purified from all forms of attachment, produces no karman; this state is enjoyed only by the omniscient.
The passions number four: krodha (anger), māna (pride), māyā (deceitfulness), Jobha (covetousness), in all of which the degree of intensity may be greater or less. 72 These passions operate through the five senses, these senses being, not the cause of the passions, but doors which can permit them a free course. 73
71 Cf. Dixit, 1978, pp. 7; 15.
72 On the subject of the kaşayas in general, cf. AS 1, 3, 4, 1; 4; DS VIII, 3639; SkrS I, 1, 2, 12; 1, 4, 12; 2, 2, 29; 6, 26; SthS 249; 708; US IX, 54; cf. also KarmG I, 17-20; Karmapraksti 40; YSas I, 6-23. certain texts speak of nokaşayas, 9 passions, though the above mentioned 4 are classed as the major passions.
73 Cf. TS VI, 5; the TS here develops the theme further by mentioning other harmful yogas that involve the jiva in a mass of karmic matter, to be purified from which a large number of existences will be necessitated. Contrariwise, the akaṣāya jiva is already on the road towards mokșa. Re victory over the senses, cf. YSas IV, 24-33.

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Although the yogas and kaṣāyas are the principal elements producing asrava, certain texts add three further factors:74 mithyatva or mithyādarśana, false belief, error, avirati, lack of renunciation, lack of self-control; pramăda, negligence, carelessness, a lack of vigilance in one's behaviour, a tendency against which the ascetics must constantly struggle.75 These three asrava-producing factors are connected with the yogas and kaşāyas and it is important to be aware of them in order to avoid bringing about asrava. 76
The type of asrava predominant in the life of a living being will determine to what category of beings he will automatically belong when his material body perishes. 77 The ăsravas and thus the four corresponding states of existence will each depend upon the nature and degree of intensity of the actions performed. These states are: the life of the regions below, animal and vegetable life, human life, life in the heavenly regions. Life in the regions below is destined for those in whose activities violence, cruelty and excessive attachments have predominated. 78 Animal or vegetable life is consequent upon
74 Cf. Sths 418a and DravSam 30; SamSa 109; 157-159, 161-163; in TS VIII, 1 these 5 elements are listed as causing bandha, which comes to the same thing.
75 The US devotes to this a whole chapter entitled: pramādasthāna, the state of negligence, in which the ascetics are warned against the slippery path which may lead them to the clutches of the passions and engulf them in the mire of karman; cf. XXXII, numerous passages exhort them to vigilance; cf. IV, 1; 6-8; X, 1-4; 26-30; 33-34.
76 These activities belong to the category bhāva-āsrava.
77 C1. Sths 373. Furthermore, the condition of life is said to depend on the nama-karmas which are aspects of the bandha; cf. PSa II, 25; 61. Asrava and bandha are indissolubly linked and for this reason the TS reverts time and again to these states of life in a specific, one might even say, personal manner by introducing the năma-karmas.
78 Cf. TS VI, 15; cf. TS III, 1-6 for a description of the infernal regions and also SkrS 1,5, chs 1 & 2; II, 2, 66-68; US XIX, 47-74 and KarmG III, 4-8.

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behaviour characterised by deceit, lack of truthfulness and trickery.79 Human life is the lot of those who have lived peaceable lives, characterised by respect for others and goodness of heart, and have manifested only slight attachments.80 Life in the heavenlies belongs to those who have led a disciplined though not wholly detached life, whose virtuous conduct has been imposed upon them by circumstances and not by choise - there is thus a meritorious but involuntary asrava - and whose austerities have been excessive or injudicious;81 this state is reserved for those also who have achieved right belief. They will find their abode in the highest realm of all, that of the devas. 82
E - Bandha: The state of servitude of the jiva
Asrava, the penetration of the jiva by karmic matter, is just the beginning of an elaborate process of which the second phase is termed bandha: the state of servitude to which the jiva is reduced on account of this element foreign to its nature. The penetration of karmic matter, its invasion and installation, so to speak, in the jiva are operations of great delicacy which mask themselves and achieve their task without it being possible to define them with precision. It is for this reason that certain texts place under äsrava aspects that other texts place under bandha without, however, implying any difference in the doctrine.
What are the causes of this bondage? The same as those we mentioned in connection with asrava, namely: yogas and kaşāyas. 83
79 Cf. TS VI, 16.
80 Cf. ibid., 17-18; it is to be noted that these dispositions are the opposite of those which lead to hell; cf. also KarnG III, 9.
81 Cf. TS VI, 20.
82 Cf. ibid., 21; cf. TS IV on the subject of celestial beings and also: SkrS II, 2, 74 and Karm III, 10-11.
83 cf. TS VIII, 2.

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With reference to bandha we must observe the same distinctions as for ásrava: the state of consciousness in the jiva that permits the penetration of karmic matter is the bhāva-bandha while the condition of servitude of the jiva on account of this matter is the dravyabandha.84
With regard to the effects, transformations and modifications produced in the jiva by this bandha, we may say that they depend upon four factors: praksti, the nature of the particular karman; sthiti, its duration (temporal), anubhava (anubhāga), the degree of intensity of its effectiveness; pradeśa, the number of points in space occupied by the karman. Its praksti and pradeśa depend upon the yogas in question, i.e., on the activities of thought, word and body, while the sthiti and anubhava depend upon the kaşāyas, on their greater or lesser degree of intensity. 85
Prakrti-bandha operates in eight different ways: 86
- jñānāvarana-karman: it beclouds knowledge;
darśanāvarana-karman: it obscures vision; - vedaniya-karman: it arouses sensations of pleasure and pain; - mohaniya-karman: it gives rise to error, deviation, in matters of
faith or conduct; • ayu-karman: it determines the duration of life in one of the states of existence;87 • năma-karman: it determines to which of the states of life a being belongs and produces its bodily specifications; 88
84 Cf. DravSam 32.
85 Cf. ibid., 33; TS VIII, 3.
86 Cf. TS VIII, 4; TS VIII, 6-13 for particulars of each of these types of karman; cf. also TS VI, 10 for jñānadarśanāvaraņa.
87 Cf. SamSa 248-249.
88 One of the functions of nama-karman is to determine the physical constitution of beings. One of the aspects of this physical constitution is

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- gotra-karman: it determines family, background, social class;
- antarāya-karman: it inhibits the abilities of the jiva; in this context, we must understand that this inhibition affects generosity of giving, the acquisition of wcalih, enjoyment of same, cfforts made; i.e., this type of karman prevents these four capacities.89 Karman of types jñānāvarana, darśanāvarana, mohaniya, antarāya are ghātiya, destructive of the four infinitics of the jiva; 90 the other four types of karman are aghātiya, non-destructive.91
Each of these eight types of karman is subdivided into several categories. 92 Here the concept of anubhava must be introduced. By means of anubhava the jiva experiences to a higher or less high degree of intensity either pleasure or pain according to the nature of the meritorious or bad karmas that has reached its vipāka, its maturity93. This maturation may be slow or less slow, depending upon the degree of intensity of the passions; moreover, cach coming to fruition happens vithin a given karman, each one proceeding independently according to its sort; for example, the maturation of jñānāvaraņakamman concerns only jñāna and has no influence on the maturing
samhanana, the bony structure; this structure may be more perfect, solid and strong, or less so; 6 degrees are distinguished. Later on we shall see that the quality of this structure has a great importance for the practice of mental concentration; cf. P 374; 642.
89 Cf. TS VIII, 13.
90 Cf. P 285; 394.
91 Both facets of this idea are explained in the TS, although the words ghätiya and aghātiya are not mentioned; cf. DravSam, comm. on vs. 38 and
50.
92 Cf. TS VIII, 5-13; Mehta, 1971, ch. VIII; concerning the duration of the different types of karman, cf. TS VIII, 14-20.
93 Cf. TS VIII, 21.

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process of mohaniya-karman.94 Once matured, the karman will simply be shed and disappear.95 It must be understood that karman may mature and fall away in accordance with its own natural cycle, but equally it may disengage itself long before the conclusion of its cycle. Here the importance of asceticism enters in: through the renunciation involved in asceticism - partial renunciation of activity, complete renunciation of the passions - the aim is, precisely, to hasten the process of elimination of every sort of karman.96
To complete this account of the various notions attached to bandha we must add two more: that of the six lesyās and that of the fourteen guṇasthānas.
309
a) Lesyas: Colorations of the jiva
Leśya is used to denote a coloration of the jiva which varies in accordance with the nature of the karman that affects it. Hence again we must make a distinction between bhäva-lesya which corresponds to the psychological modifications produced by the asrava in the jiva and dravya-lesya which is the coloration of the jiva by karmic matter. These lesyās are of six types, each designated by its own colour. Thus there are black, blue, grey, red, yellow and white leśyas. The three first correspond with bad karmas produced by passions whose intensity diminishes with the vividness of the hue: a black lesya is the sign of a passionate state that is far more violent than that evidenced by a grey lesya. The following three lesya correspond with progressively better karmas, while the white lesya is the leśya of perfection. The lesyās are dependent upon the karmic matter in
23.
94 Cf. ibid., 22.
95 pakke phalammi padide jaha na phalam bajjhade puno vimțe
jivassa kammabhāve paḍide na punodayamuvei. SamSa 168; cf. TS VIII,

96 Cf. P 367 ff. On the subject of bandha, cf. also ADh II, 38-39; PSa I, 84; II, 25-26; 57; 61; 82; 85; SamSa 70; 105; US XXXIII and KarmG I, 1-2; 9; 27; 31; 35; 52; 61; Karmaprakṛti 3-189.

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question and are subject to the same modifications as this matter as regards degree of manifestation and duration. 97
b) Gunasthānas: Successive stages of the spiritual journey
The guṇasthānas are the stages to be covered on the path leading to Liberation. This type of structured advance has probably been worked out in the course of centuries with the aim of precision; it is not found in the Agamas except in the Satkhandāgama98 and is not mentioned or explained in the Tattvårtha-sútra. By way of contrast, the far more recent texts such as the Karmagrantha accord it an important position. Each of these stages is called by a name that indicates the nature of the karmic dust which shrouds the faculties of the jiva and its degree of intensity; since it is by these stages that one journeys towards Deliverance, each one in turn marks a diminution of the passions and hence of karman and heralds an advance on the path. The fourteen gunasthānas are: 99 1. Mithyåtva, defective vision, a state of blindness, of erroneous beliefs, of lack of respect towards the arhats and spiritual masters.
2. Sāsvādana (sāsādana), a brief fall subsequent to a beginning on the way of right faith, occasioned by some passion.
3. Miśra or mixture, a state of instability and indecisiveness between the true and the false.
4. Avirata-samyak-drsti, a state of right vision, with relaxation, however, of renunciation so that advance is impeded 100
97 They are: "as it were, the reflection of karman on the soul..." Jacobi SBE XLV. p. 196, n. 2; cf. also US XXXIV, a detailed study of this subject: TS II, 6; III, 3; IV, 20-22; and KarmaG III, 21-22; 24; IV, 13; 23.
98 The Șaļkhandagama in the section called jivasthāna makes a study of 14 jivasamāsas, degrees of spiritual advancement, which correspond with the progressive destruction of karmas.
99 Cf. DravSam 13 and comm.; KarmG II, 2 and comm.
100 Mithyātva can be of 5 sorts, avirata of 7 sorts.

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311
5. Desa-virata, partial renunciation; this is the stage of fervent śrāvakas and śrāvikās and of the Digambara äryikås.101
6. Pramatta-samyata, a state of commitment to renunciation, that of the ascetics, not devoid, however, of lapses.
7. Apramatta-samyata, renunciation with no relapse, a state of collectedness and dharma-dhyāna.
8. Nivịtti-apūrvakarana-bådara, well-nigh perfect control of the passions, intense recollectedness and first degree of śukla-dhyāna. 102
9.10. Anivstti-bādara-samparāya and sūkşma-samparāya, stages of progressively more perfect control of the passions.
11. Upaśānta-kaṣāya-vitarāga, a state of absolute detachment, perfect mastery of the passions; nevertheless some regression is as yet inevitable in that karman is not totally eliminated.
12. Kșina-kasāya-vitarăga, the final stage in which, the passions being annihilated, the jiva is firmly established on the path of final Libcration.
13. Sayoga-kevalin, annihilation of the four destructive sorts of karman, the state of kevala-jñāna; only the corporal activities remain, and non-destructive sorts of karman.103 14. Ayoga-kevalin, an extremely brief stage when all activity is suppressed. It is the stage preceding Liberation. 104
101 Cf. P 640 sf.
102 For dharma-dhyāna; śukla-dhyāna cf. P 376; 381.
103 Cf. P 392 ff
104 Cf. 7 B P000.

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These stages have been thought out in a careful and consistent manner and an acquaintance with them can be of help to progress on the path. However it is clear that the majority of them concern the as yet in
ure jivas and are regarded from the viewpoint of vyavahāra. They correspond to different degrees of darkness of the jiva, due to mohaniya-karman, the karman that gives rise to error and illusion; on account of their association with karman these stages are not connatural to the jiva, for in reality and from the viewpoint of niscaya, all jivas in thcir essence are perfectly pure. 105
To sum up, we may say: āsrava, or the penetration of the jiva by karmic matter, is the dominant factor in the jiva-karman relationship and the state of bandha, as a result of this āsrava, comes about owing to psychological factors precipitated by the said äsrava. Certain psychic phenomena occur, cach corresponding to the sort of karman that has evoked it. It is the empirical jiva that experiences the effects of the ăsrava and bandha, whilst the real jiva is unaffected by this type of experience. The doctrinal texts lay great emphasis on those types of karnan which becloud each of the Three Jewels; they stress those types of karman which tarnish vision and knowledge, for căritra, conduct, can only be right if vision, faith and knowledge are so also. At the same time practical, concrete and positive steps are prescribed in order to aid the jiva towards self-purification and to assist in the destruction of karman. This is what we are now going to study.
105 Cf. SamSa 56; 68 (DravSam 13).

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Chapter 3
The first steps on the path: The avaśyakas, the daily duties
The six different āvasyakas [are:]
sāmāyika, [the vow to] renounce all blameworthy action [sāmāyika being a state of life],
caturviṁśatistava, the hymn of praise to the twenty-four tirthankaras,
vandana, the reverential saluation [addressed to the Upadhyaya, the Pravartini, the Guruņi, the Sadhvis, in order of seniority],
pratikramaņa, the act of repentance for faults and negligences [committed consciously or unconsciously] and the rite of general confession,
pratyākhyāna, the promise to perform particular acts of
renunciation for a specified length of time,
kayotsarga, the act of renunciation of one's own body [through an attitude which combines bodily immobility and mental concentration].1
Acarya, the
These spiritual activities are classed as punyas and are considered both virtuous and meritorious, for they are a strong defence against the passions. Each in its own way produces good karmas and prevents asrava2 and thus, if practised with conviction and sincerity,
1 sāmāyikaṁ-caturviṁśatistavaḥ-vandanā-pratikramaṇam
pratyäkhyānaṁ-kāyotsargaḥ ca āvaśyakasya ṣaḍbhedaḥ. ADh VIII, 17. The Digambara tradition, to which the ADh belongs, puts pratyākhyāna before käyotsarga, while the Śvctambara tradition inverses the order; this is of little importance, the basic doctrine and the attitudes inspired thereby being exactly the same; cf. also MA I, 22; VII, 15; US XXIX, 8-13.
2 Cf. ADH VIII, 1-15.

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contributes to the reduction of karmic matter and its disassociation from the jiva. The regular observance of them constitutes in itself a sign that a start has been made on the right path, while for ascetics it is the sign of a definite pledge; indeed, the chief act in the rite of dikṣā is the taking of the vow of samayika for life, a vow which is renewed twice a day.3 Sāmāyika is at one and the same time a state of life and the primordial āvasyaka.
314
The word avaśyaka means: necessary, obligatory, indispensable, inevitable, that from which one cannot exempt oneself. In this context it refers to spiritual observances which are obligatory for all Jainas, because they constitute the implementation and practice in daily life of essential features of the doctrine. Since the first stage on the way towards purification is non-subjection to the passions, the sages consider the meaning of avaśyaka from this perspective: the one who is not under the domination of the vasyas (the senses) is a-vasya, stable, and he does not give in to cravings and impulses. His actions are avaśyaka, those of someone who possesses self-control.4
In terms of vyavahāra and niścaya the following aspects must be taken into consideration for each avaśyaka: nāma, name; sthāpanā, structure; dravya, consistence; kṣetra, place; kāla, time; bhāva, attitude. What is of supreme importance is the fundamental attitude, that is to say, the basic dispositions and uprightness of intention of the person pledged to this path. This attitude is manifested in concrete ways in daily life before or after certain actions and also at prescribed specific moments. There is thus the vidhi, the rite of the avaśyakas, which takes place morning and evening in accordance with an
3 This applies to the Śvetāmbara sädhvis; the Digambara āryikās observe the rite of sämäyika 3 times a day; cf. P 661 ff. śrävakas and śrāvikās make this vow for a limited period.
4 Cf. ADH VIII, 16; MA VII, 14.
5 Cf. Anus 149 and ADh VIII, 18-70.

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315
established order for the recitation of the sūtras, accompanied by appropriate gestures.
The āvaśyakas form one harmonious whole in which each contributes towards the attainment of the Three Jewels.
A - Sāmāyika: Renunciation of all blameworthy action
The root sama- expresses the idea of harmony, equality, smoothness, the absence of unevennesses, homogeneity. Sāmāyika is the state in which one is pledged to renounce evil, master and subjugate the passions, to regard with equanimity each and every being, thing or happening, to look upon them serenely, impartially, without variability of mood, without getting upset or overcome.
Master, what fruits accrue to the jiva from såmāyika? Through sāmāyika, the jiva abstains from all reprehensible activity.?
The vow of sämāyika is very simple, it is a life-promise:
- to renounce all reprehensible action, whether of the mind, of speech or of the body;
- to refrain from causing others to do such actions;
- to refrain from approving such actions. 8
6 We now introduce each of the avasyakas with some observations on the corresponding rite among the Svetāmbara sādhvis. In Part III we shall see how they are integrated into the daily life of the sādhvis and äryikās. Part IV contains the principal sutras of this rite.
?
sämāieņam bhamte! jive kim janayai? sāmāieņaṁ sāvajjajogaviraim jaņayai. US XXIX, 8.
8 Cf. AS I, 8, 4, 8, where Mahāvira maintains sāmāyika at the time of begging for food.

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The vow concludes with a brief formula, common to certain other āvaśyakas also, expressing comprehensive repentance for all faults, denunciation of the same and renunciation of whatever in the ātman has committed any blameworthy act.
Much emphasis has been laid upon the predominant aspect of equality, similarity, unity in the concept of sämāyika. To consider it in more detail, let us look at its different aspects:
i) Nāma-sāmāyika
Whether one's own name is uttered with affection and respect by friends or in an insulting tone by foes, one must evince neither attachment towards well-wishers nor anger towards those who wish one ill. Words of whatever sort must have no effect upon the jiva (atman).
ii) Sthāpanå-sāmāyika
The shape or appearance of objects, as, for example, of a statue of an arhat, whether it be beautiful or ugly, must evoke no feelings of pleasure or aversion, for one must not identify oneself with an
object.10
iii) Dravya-sāmāyika
Whatever the nature of substances may be, whether of gold or of clay, one must regard them as "other" substances, independent of the jiva, that is, with a detached look, one that attaches no more importance to the one than to the other.
9 Cf. III P 700; 702; 706, 707.
10 Sthāpanā: establishment, erection, in particular of an image; here the word denotes that which is stable in an object.

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iv) Kṣetra-sāmāyika
No adverse sentiment should be evoked, whether one is in a royal palace or a wild jungle, for the one and only real "place" is the jiva; all the rest are neither pleasant or unpleasant.
v) Kāla-sāmāyika
The seasons, whether the period of scorching heat or the rains or the cold of winter, should have no effect whatever on the jiva. Here we must introduce the following subtle idea: kāla (time) possesses neither shape, smell, taste nor touch and it is a distortion of kala due to matter when we attribute such to the seasons; the jiva which is formless has no relationship with these manifestations of matter.
vi) Bhāva-sāmāyika
317
The jiva (atman) is eternal, pure consciousness; all that is transient, namely, impression, feelings, everything to which psychic manifestations give rise, cannot touch it. According to niscaya, no manifestations of this sort, such as life (the one limited to the body), death, profit, loss, happiness, suffering, friendships, enmities, affect the jiva. Wherefore the attitude towards all other jivas, to whatever category they belong, whether they be persons, animals, or plants, should be one of friendship and respect; this is the loftiest form of sāmāyika.11
B - Caturviṁśatistava: Praise of the twenty-four tirthankaras
This expression is made up of two words: caturviṁśati, twenty four, and stava, praise. It refers to the supreme hymn of praise to the tirthankaras.12

11 For these 5 aspects, cf. ADh VIII, 19-36; for the characteristics of sāmāyika, cf. MA VII, 20-25. As regards virtue in conduct, cf. AnuS 144; for sāmāyika as an obligatory duty, cf. Sth$ 206; 530; as the supreme form of self-control, cf. SthS 428; as the highest of the 5 sorts of conduct, cf. TS IX, 18; US XXVIII, 32.
12 Cf. P 69 ff.; 701.

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Master, what fruits accrue to the jiva from the caturviṁśatistava? Through the caturviṁśatistava the jiva obtains purity of belief. 13
318
Right darśana is confirmed and increases, not only proportionately to the devotion, recollectedness and sincerity which accompany the praise offered to the tirthankaras, for this is in itself a holy and meritorious action, but above all as one goes beyond what each one was in the history of the tradition to emulate what each one is and remains eternally in nirvana.14
At the beginning of the hymn one addresses all the arhats who have transmitted the light of knowledge, established the tirtha, the ford of the dharma, all the jinas who have been victorious over rāga and dvesa, attachment and aversion. Next, each tirthankara is named and saluted; then follows a eulogy of their spiritual struggles and victories, along with the expression of a strong desire to imitate them. The hymn concludes with a brief passage of praise to those who are purer than the luminaries of the moon, more brilliant than the luminaries of the sun and deep like the ocean.
The caturviṁśatistava is a form of bhakti which includes the six aspects mentioned in connection with sāmāyika:
i) Nāma
The Name of each of the tirthankaras constitutes in itself a cosmic chant, expressive of the character of each. In a spate of ardent devotion a thousand and one epithets have been found to glorify the tirthankaras, each title indicating one aspect of their spiritual
13 cauvisatthaenam bhamte! jive kim janayai? cauvisatthaeṇaṁ damsaṇavisohim jaṇayai. US XXIX, 9.
14 A very large number of hymns bave been composed in praise of the tirthankaras, certain ones to the 24 and a greater number still to one or another, generally to Adinatha or to Mahāvira; Śanthinātha, Neminātha and Pārsvanatha come next in the number of hymns addressed to them. However, only the recitation of this hymn of the AvaS is obligatory.

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prowess.15 However, the Name as such is only a support, the staff, as it were, of the pilgrim. Gradually the Name must be abandoned, in order that one may discover in the case of each arhat the siddha fixed firm in the state beyond every Name.
ii) Sthapana-stava
This comprises all that the architecture, sculpture, and iconography of every age have bequeathed to us and that is held in veneration. These, however, are the work of human hands and can be seen and touched. They are merely aids towards interior veneration.
iii) Dravya-stava
This comprises all that reflects the person of each tirthankara, his physical appearance with all its particular features, his family and social background, to all of which factors tradition attaches great importance, because they impart a certain joy, that joy that comes from contemplating a human being who has attained perfection of body, faculties and behaviour.
iv) Kṣetra-stava
Here are included the kingdoms, towns, villages, or mountains where, according to tradition, the major events of the earthly life of each tirthankara took place: his birth, dikṣā, kevala-jñāna, entry into nirvāṇa. These places popular faith has made centres of pilgrimage.
v) Käla-stava
This refers to the epoch in which tradition places cach of these
events.
vi) Bhāva-stava
15 Cf. ADH VIII, 39. Devotion, if truly alive, does not stay satisfied with the contents of tradition; fresh strains of praise are always being added; for example, Āryikā Jñanamati, during the course of these last years, has composed several hymns.

319

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This is a eulogy of kevala-jñāna, of that state of pure knowledge which the tirthankaras reached thanks to their outstanding courage, which made of them vitaragas, those who have renounced all attachments, jinendras, those who have mastered their senses and jinas, victorious ones. Bhāva-stava is the most perfect form of praise. 16
This praise of the tirthankaras repeated several times a day is like a purificatory and strengthening bath. The repetition of these Names together with spiritual concentration upon their virtues gives spontaneous rise to a desire to follow their teaching and their example. The devotee feels imbued with the courage which inspired them and reinforced in a pure faith, with an unshakeable conviction that through the imitation of their virtues he or she is following the right path which leads to Liberation.17
C- Vandana: Salutation to the religious superiors
Having sung the praises of the tirthankaras one addresses with profound respect those men and women on this earth who are pledged to follow them, in the first place those who bear authority in the samgha: one's Acārya, Upadhyaya, Pravartini, Guruņi and each Sadhvi in order of seniority, according to her date of dikṣä.
Vandana means: respectful salutation, sign of reverence, humility, obedience. This salutation is also called dvādaśāvarta-vandana or the vandana of the twelve ävartas; avarta refers to a circular movement from right to left with palms joined in front of the face, a gesture which expresses veneration.18 In a group of sadhvis, vandana during
16 Cf. ADH VIII, 37-45, where mention is made of all these aspects.
17 In the daily rite caturviṁśatistava is closely linked to käyotsarga; cf. P
710 ff.
18
Nowadays in practice the rite is simplified and the sadhvis do not perform the 12 avartas.

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321
the rite of the avaśyakas is addressed either to the ācārya or to the guruni, the spiritual mother; this varies according to communities. 19
Master, what fruits accrue to the jiva [from the practice of] vandana? Through (the practice of) vandana the jiva destroys such karmas (as determine birth in) an inferior social milieu and acquires (such karmas as determine birth in) a noble family; (such a jiva) is loved by all, its behests are respected, it arouses
favourable sentiments (towards itself].20 The text of this āvaśyaka is a compilation characterised by exquisite moderation; one can distinguish four parts:21
- Permission to approach the guruņi; this permission being granted, the sādhvi touches the right foot of the guruņi with her forehead and hands.22
- Then the sādhvi respectfully asks her the following questions:
has she passed a good day (or night)? is her inner pilgrimage proceeding well?
19 i) The Mūrtipūjaka sādhvis perform the great vandana only to the acārya. Moreover, since at the time of this rite, they are on their own, they have always one or several sthāpanācāryas in their midst, as a symbol of the presence of the ācārya ( III P 481), and they group themselves around them for the rite. ii) The Sthānakavāsi sādhvis perform this vandana to the acārya, when present, and also to the guruņi. iii) The Terapanthi sădhvis turn to face the place where the acārya is located and address to him the lesser vandana; they next do the same to the leading sādhvi in the group (they do not have a guruņi); cf. P 429.
20 vamdaņaeņaṁ bhaṁte! jive kim jaņayai? vamdaņaeņam niyāgoyam kammaṁ khavei, uccāgoyam nibaṁdhai, sohaggam ca ņam appadihayam aņāphalań nivvattei, dāhiņabhāvam ca ņam jaņayai. US XXIX,10.
21 The word guruņi may replace ācārya where indicated.
22 In the case of the ācārya these tokens of respect are expressed in the mind only; the sädhvis do not touch the fect cither of the acārya or of a muni.

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is she in good health, with the senses well-controlled and the spirit free?
Then follows the request for pardon for the faults of the day (or night); no specific personal fault is mentioned, but a general sincere repentance for all faults is expressed.
At this point, with the request for pardon, the second aspect of vandana comes to the fore, that aspect that stresses the nature of the faults from which one must be purified, lesser faults involving a greater or less great degree of culpability, infringements of the rules of less or more importance due more particularly to negligence which is recognised as the fault against which one must guard oneself in order to avoid the slippery downward path of evil. These faults have various names.
Atikrama is an inclination or tendency to evil, however slight it be.
Vyatikrama denotes a certain, even though minimal, consent to evil.
Āśātana is lack of respect or deference towards the guruni and other sadhvis. It is especially from this type of fault, imperfection and negligence that one must purify oneself during the vandana, āśātanā can adopt different guises, hence the request for pardon for duşkṛtas, blameworthy acts of thought, word and deed, due to the four passions.
Aticăra, i.e., even the slightest violation or transgression of the vows by some minor infidelity.23
These notions relate to slight offences where the will is only slightly or even not at all involved; the important point in this context where all is centred upon the purification of one's being and on respect towards all other beings, is equally the actual fault - because of its repercussions both on the person who commits it and also on other
23 Cf. SramanS, pp. 287-290; no order of gravity of faults is followed within
any one sutra.

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beings - and also the degree of consent to a blameworthy act. Even if the offence is slight in itself, its effect is always harmful.
The sūtra concludes, like the one on sāmāyika, by an energetic condemnation of faults. What all commentators stress in connection with vandana is the idea of vinaya, humble submission, obedience.24
In the course of the rite, the sădhvis frequently perform the laghuguruvandana, or small vandana, while reciting the corresponding sūtra. This sūtra is not included in the Avaśyaka-sūtra but, along with certain other added sūtras, it forms an integral part of the rite.25 It is addressed to the guruņi and elder sādhvis. Outside this rite and in addition, the sādhvis perform this vandana individually each time they ask permission for something important from the guruni; for normal requests they join the palms, inclining the head.
As regards the six different aspects: nāma, sthāpanā, etc. we must understand the term vandana in the broad sense of respectful homage addressed to the holy men and women of the past, to the sages from the beginning until our own days; reflection on these aspects will be similar to that made already on the subject of the caturviņśatistava.26 The importance of bhāva-vandana, which the sūtra itself expresses very well, must be emphasised, comprising as it does an attitude and disposition of filial respect towards the ācārya, the spiritual mother
24 Cf. ADh VIII, 47-48; MA VII, 83-86; P 486; 701.
25 Cf. P 710 ff. for the laghu-guruvandana one makes 3 åvartas (Sthanakavāsis, Terapanthis) or places the hands together (Mūrtipūjakas), then performs the pañcăriga-nămaskara, the prostration of the 5 members (i.e. hands, knees and forehead touching the ground), reciting the while the sutra (which differs according to the sampradayas), this movement being repeated three times. This lesser vandana is the most common, being performed by the sadhvis on occasions other than that of the site of the avaśyakas for the ācārya and for munis. The śrāvakas and śrāvikās (Sthānakavāsi, Terāpanthi) perform it for the acārya, for munis and sådhvis, but the Murtipūjakas perform this triple vandana only for the ācārya and for munis.
26 Cf. ADH VIII, 46; 49.

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and the elder sādhvis, because they are already well-advanced on the path and it is they who transmit the teaching of Mahāvira.
D - Pratikramana: Repentance for and ritual confession of faults
The fourth ăvaśyaka possesses one specific function, namely purification. When combined with the other āvaśyakas, it subsumes, so to speak, the whole lot so efficiently that the morning and evening rite incorporating all the avaśyakas is commonly termed pratikramana.
The etymology of the word clearly indicates the function of this āvasyaka: prati, backwards, return, and kramana, walk; it means to make a walk back, come back, return, in this instance to return to the state which preceded that of impurity due to offences committed. Each āvasyaka, it is true, has to a different degree a purifying effect, but pratikramaņa exercises a direct role in purification, through the contents of its numerous sūtras, in proportion to the conviction with which they are recited.
The sūtras take as their theme the specific faults for which repentance is being expressed. This is a community rite, a shared general confession for all the faults that can be committed, especially through negligence, inattention and weakness.27 It is to be distinguished from the alocană, personal confession to a guruņi (or to the ācārya), which is always followed by a prāyaścitta; reparation to be made in the form of a penance prescribed by the guruņi (or ācārya)28
Master, what fruits accrue to the jiva from pratikramana? Through pratikramanna the jiva makes reparation for lapses
27 Cf. P 112-113 for the rite of pratikramaņa at the time of Pārsvanātha and from the time of Mahāvira onwards i.e. our own epoch.
28 The alocană and the prāyaścittas do not figure in the list of avaśyakas; however, two of the avasyakas, namely, pratikramana and kayotsarga, are also considered as being expiatory. Furthermore, pratikramana requires the same sincerity of intention as the alocană; cf. MA II, 56-58; P 369 ff.; 514 ff.

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from the vows,29 and thus it halts äsrava, [it reverts to] irreproachable conduct, [it observes] with vigilance the eight pravacana-mātās [the mothers: guptis, samitis],30 [it is in] perfect [control of the senses], it dwells in profound absorption.31
While in the text of the rite the three other avaśyakas are each contained in a single sutra, the portion of the rite dealing with pratikramaṇa contains a large number of sūtras expounding multifarious obligations. Pratikramaņa is not only a revision of life leading to a state of penitence, but also a summary of the doctrine. The whole is both of vast scope and highly detailed; it is an elaborate formal ritual, whose basic structure is remarkably harmonious.32
325
As for the nature of possible offences, certain ones are described by the same words as those used in the performance of vandana: aticăra, duşkṛta; but as each sutra deals with different aspects of conduct and of the teaching, these offences according to context have their own particular nuance of meaning. Mention is also made of khandana and viradhana which signify a conscious infringement of some vow; it appears that khaṇḍana is a lesser infringement than virādhanā,33 and in the iryapathika-sūtra which treats of comings and goings virādhanā denotes minor faults against the vow of ahimsā.34
29 "Lapses" for chidda (chidra), hole, opening, breach, default.
30 The samitis and guptis are connected with samvara, the cessation of
karmic flow.
31 padikkamaṇeņam bhamte! jive kim janayai? padikkamaṇeṇam vayachiddaim pihei. pihiyavayachidde puna jive niruddhasave asabalacaritte atthasu pavayaṇamāyāsu uvautte apuhatte suppaṇihie viharai. US XXIX, 11.
32 Cf. P 703 ff. for the structure of the rite of pratikramana and P 713.
33 Cf. SramanS, p. 51.
34 Ibid. pp. 54-66; cf. P 706.

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Out of the six aspects of pratikramaņa, it suffices to mention: kālapratikramaṇa, the moments during a day, a year or a life-time when pratikramana is obligatory. Generally, seven kala-pratikramaņas are distinguised.
daivasika: of the day, to be performed each evening;
rātrika: of the night, to be performed each morning;
iryäpathika: after goings and comings in the outside world;35
pākṣika: each fortnight;
căturmāsika: every four months;
samvatsarika: of the preceding year;
uttamartha: the final pratikramaṇa, that which precedes the Great Departure.
326
With the exception of the iryapathika which consists in a single sūtra, the remaining pratikramaņas are composed of sūtras belonging to the daily rite, each one containing certain variations.36
The aim of these pratikramaņas performed at regular intervals is to sustain fervour, avoid carelessness and, by means of this interior discipline, help towards purification.37 The essential throughout is bhava-pratikramaṇa, the attitude of sincere penitence. The rite is of
35 Ir: go, move; irya: the movment from place to place of the itinerant ascetic and iryapatha, the path of the ascetic, hence: the precept which aims at not hurting any living being in one's comings and goings.
36 Cf. ADH VIII, 57; MA VII, 116.
37 Cf. SamSa 383; TS IX, 22 where alocană and pratikramaṇa are mentioned as forms of inner asceticism preparatory to dhyana; cf. P 369 ff.

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great importance, because it conduces to a common renewal and the maintenance of this attitude as a community.38 38
E- Käyotsarga: Renunciation of attachment to one's own body
The four preceding avaśyakas were laying special stress on the question of inner attitude, while at the same time taking into consideration the totality of the human being and in particular the body; this last, being matter, and thus a constant source, through the sense-organs and their activities, of karmic penetration, must be mastered. It is the body, furthermore, that, through gestures and appropriate postures such as express and reflect the right inner orientation, performs the rites.
327
The fifth avaśyaka, kāyotsarga, stresses in first place the specific bodily attitude conducive to inner purification, to concentration, in a word, to a consciousness of the jiva (ātman) -kāya (the body, matter) duality.39
39
The inner attitude adopted in kayaotsarga corresponds to that which the sages call: renunciation of all mamatva-bhāva, that is, the basic disposition which renounces all forms of possession, of making things one's own, of appropriating them; this, if adopted with an absolute rigourousness which pushes non-possession to an extreme, means renunciation and abandonment of the body.40 We must now study the meaning, nature and various aspects and implications of this type of renunciation and also see how kayotsarga is closely linked with the other avaśyakas and spiritual activities.
38 For nama-pratikramaṇa etc., cf. ADh VIII, 57-61; MA I, 26.
39 As we mentioned at the beginning, the Digambara tradition lists kayotsarga as last of the avaśyakas; here we are following the order given by the AvaS.
40 Cf. MA I, 28.

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The etymology of the term is simple and straightforward: kāya, body; utsarga, abandonment.41 How is kayotsarga to be practised? Either in the jinamudră posture, i.e., standing, immobile, heels a little apart in such a way that the legs do not touch each other, the arms hanging loosely at a small distance from the body, the gaze fixed on the tip of the nose,42 or in the seated posture43 called padmāsana or paryaṇkäsana.4 1.44 However, no particular äsana is obligatory; the important point is to adopt a position favourable to concentration45. Kayotsarga can also be practised in the prone position, during respose or in the case of physical fatigue.
46
328
41 Utsarga has slightly different shades of meaning according to context and means also: throw back, set to one side, omit, free.
42 Cf. ADH VIII, 70.
43 pralambita-bhuja-dvandvam ūdharva sthasyäsyāsitasya vā
sthānaṁ kāyānapckṣaṁ yat kāyotsargaḥ sa kirtitaḥ. YSas IV, 133.
44 Padmasana or paryankäsana: the legs crossed, so that each foot, with sole upturned, rests upon the opposite thigh; in this posture the palm of the right hand rests on that of the left hand. This terminology is well-established among certain authors and archaeologists; cf. e.g. Bhattacharya, 1974, pp. 138-139; U.P. Shah, 1955, p. 57, However, other authors consider padmasana and paryankāsana to be two different postures; cf. ADh VIII 83 and comm.; JSK I p. 295; YSas IV, 125; 129.
45 Cf. Ysas IV, 134; the sadhvis, during their spiritual exercises, are generally seated in the posture called sukhāsana, "like a tailor"; cf. Rājimati, 1974, p. 55. During kayotsarga the Mūrtipūjaka sadhvis place the back of each hand on the corresponding knee, while among the other sädhvis the palm of the right hand rests on that of the left hand.
46 Cf. US XXX, 36 where the prone posture is mentioned, though there it is a question of vyutsarga, one of the forms of inner asceticism (cf. P 369 ff.) which is in fact the same as kāyotsarga. We may observe that vyutsarga is an incorrect translation of the Prakrit viussaga which should be translated by vyavasarga (cf. Jacobi, SBE XLV, p. 179, n. 1); cf. also Kāyotsargaśataka 1510.

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329
Corresponding to this immobile bodily posture is dhyāna, mental concentration; kāyotsarga of short duration is accompanied by silent recitation of the Nāmaskāra-mantra and concludes with that of the caturvimśatistava. Simultaneously, i.e. with the body motionless and the spirit held by the recitation of the mantra, one may, though it is not obligatory, match one's rhythmic ucсhvāsa, or respiratory movement, to the recitation. The recitation of the Namaskara-mantra takes three ucchvāsas.47 Certain texts give precise instruction concerning the number of ucсhvāsas to take for the different pratikramaņas of the year and for the daily activities in which kāyotsarga is obligatory;48 for example, after relieving oneself,49 on return from begging one's food,50 after vihāra.51 In addition to the times prescribed, one may practise it freely for longer or shorter periods, according to the times devoted to dhyāna. The one goes along with the other.
Master, what fruits accrue to the jiva from kāyotsarga?Through kāyotsarga the jiva is purified from faults past and present [requiring] expiation. Purified by this expiation, the jiva, like a man relieved of the burden he has been carrying, peaceable and absorbed in praiseworthy mental concentration, abides in a state
of joy.52 The rite proper to kāyotsarga is to be found in the great Rite of the āvaśyakas and is inserted at certain moments in the other avaśyakas.
47 Cf. Jñānāmati, 1976, pp. 45-46.
48 Cf. ADH VIII, 72-73 and Kailasacandra ADh, Introd., table p. 24; MA VII, 159-164.
49 Cf. utsarga, P 359 ff.
50 Cf. P 496 ff.
51 Cf. P 533 ff. kāyotsarga also constitutes an expiation (P 514 ff.)
32 kaussaggeņas bhaṁte! jive kim janayai? kāussaggeņaṁ tiya
paļuppanna pāyacchittas visohei. visuddhapāyacchitte ya jive nivvuyahiyae ohariyabharu vya bhāravahe pasatthajhāņovagae suhamsuhenam viharai. US XXIX, 12; cf. also XXVI, 39; 41-43.

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For example, one performs a kāyotsarga during the sāmāyika.53 The particular rite for käyotsarga consists of diverse sutras such as the sāmāyika-sūtra and of two brief sūtras specific to itself; the first sūtra gives the reasons necessitating käyotsarga. The second sutra, in a list of exceptions, mentions all involuntary movements, such as breathing, coughing, yawning, etc. which do not invalidate kayotsarga. It ends with a promise to rest silent and motionless, concentrated and in a state of renunciation of the body (at least for the time it takes to repeat one time the Nāmaskāra-mantra).54
As for the six aspects: nāma, sthāpanā, etc., the first four are concerned with the state of culpability from which kāyotsarga purifies and delivers the jiva. Kāla-kāyotsarga indicates the pariticular times when käyotsarga should be performed, while bhava-kāyotsarga is the interior disposition that leads to renunciation, abandonment of the body, of matter, of sin, in order to achieve, little by little, in silent motionlessness and a state of concentration, the highest possible degree of awareness of the jiva (ātman),55
It must be added that Jaina sculpture and iconography, both so rich, have immortalised kayotsarga. A great number of the most ancient images of the arhats depict them standing in the jinamudră posture. Among the best known, we may mention those of Elapura. Others, moreover, depict them seated in the dhyanamudrā or yogamudrā (padmāsana or paryańkāsana) posture, or again in that of ardhaparyankāsana (ardha-padmāsana), the half-paryaṁkāsana.56
53 Cf. P 712.
54 Cf. P 708; 714.
55 Cf, MA VII, 151.
56 In the ardha-paryankāsana the right foot rests on the left thigh and the left foot under the right leg; this posture is found in most of the sculptures of the South; cf. Sundara Rajan, 1975, paper no. 13, figs. 5; 11; 16; 21-23; 26-27; 29; 30-32; 34; U.P. Shah, 1975, paper no. 26, figs. 10; 19; 35; 56 and the other figs. for padmāsana and jinamudra. Another form of ardhaparyankāsana is the posture in which the left leg is bent and the other leg

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F- Pratyākhyāna: Abstinence for a limited period
The word means: rejection, refusal, denial, denegation, disapprobation. According to the doctrine, it indicates that rejection or refusal which leads to vitarāga, which is the state of one who is non-attached, who is free from desires.
Pratyākhyāna consists in the daily promise to reject in future any form of attachement, though it also deals with specific questions of attitude and behaviour. Although this promise is in itself comprehensive and has a bearing on all that constitutes pleasure or enjoyment of any sort, renunciation in fact and in practice consists primarily in abstinence form eating and drinking for a pre-determined period. We can perceive now the link between the āvaśyakas; sāmāyika is a vow for life, renewed daily, to abstain from all evil; it is a perpetual state, and thus is the here and now, the present. Pratikramana is, by means of repentance, the purification which cleanses past stains; it is a state relating to both past and present. Kāyotsarga quictens, leads within; it relates to the present and also to the future, for its beneficial action goes beyond the present moment, Pratyākhyāna, however is always of the future; it forestalls, anticipates, goes direct to the source of the evil which śamāyika rejects, that is, to the cravings of body and mind and to enjoyments in general which lead to attachement.
Master, what fruits accrue to the jiva from pratyākhyāna? Through Pratyākhyāna the jiva blocks the entrance agaisnt āsrava.57
hanging down, a posture frequently depicted for the yakșas and yaksis; cf. e.g. Sundara Rajan, ibid; figs. 9; 33.
57 paccakkhāņeņaṁ bhaste! jive kim janayai? paccakkhāņeņań
asavadārāim niruṁbhai. US XXIX, 13.

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This is clear and to the point and there is no need to seek any further effects thereof, for once the flow of karmic matter is contained, controlled, stemmed, no other darkening of the jiva can occur.
The texts of the pratyākhyāna-sūtras are brief. They comprise ten sūtras which specify: the nature of renunciation, its duration, possible exceptions; cach pratyākhyāna refers to abstinence from certain foods and drinks.58
The sādhvis make a promise to abide by complete pratyākhyāna, that is to say, abstinence from food or drink, including water, from before sundown till just before dawn and before dawn they renew this promise until one muhurta (48 minutes) after sunrise.59 In addition to this promise which is common to all and which is inserted in the ritual, the guruņi gives the sādhvis such or such a pratyākhyāna to observe personally and each individual sādhvi may ask permission from her to observe a pratyākhyāna for a longer or shorter period.
The carrying into effect of these specified fasts belongs to vyavahāra; as regards niscaya, it is once again Acārya Kundakunda who offers a penetrating explanation:
Knowledge of the atman (results in] renunciation of all inclinations, which are thereby recognised as being other than the ātman; this is why in reality this knowledge must be deemed to be pratyākhyāna. 60
58 Cf. ADH VIII, 65-69; MA I, 27; VII, 140-146.
59 Cf. P 708-709. The pre-sunset pratyākhyāna is not necessarily inserted in the great Rite of the avasyakas which may happen at a later hour. The predawn pratyākhyāna is generally part of the morning rite. The äryikās, after their one daily meal, make a promise of total abstinence from food and drink until their meal the following day; cf. P 068 ff.
60 ņānam savve bhāve paccakkhädi ya paretti ņādūņa
tamhä paccakkhānam nänam niyamā munedavvam. SamSa 34; the ātman is not explicitly mentioned, but is understood. Inclination: bhāva; this word, which is used to describe both mental and psychic activities, has a vast range of meanings; cf. SamSa 384.

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This knowledge is in fact kevala-jñāna, omniscience in all its power. As the karmic veil which darkens knowledge gradually becomes less thick, the jiva purified, discerns and recognises forthwith all that is foreign to its nature and spontaneously detaches itself therefrom. The avaśyakas and the rite embodying them are only props, temporary aids that must be used and then transcended.

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The final commitment: The mahāvratas, the five Great Vows
vrata the vow is one of] virati abstention from: himsă [all] harmful activity [aggressiveness, violence), ansta [all] lack of truthfulness, steya [all] appropriation to oneself of things that are not given, abrahma (all) sexual activity, parigraha (all forms of] possessive attachment.1
The term vrata implies a choice, a determined act of the will. It is a promise made for a spiritual purpose. 2
1 hiṁsā-ançta-steya-abrahma-parigrahebhyo-viratiḥ vratam. TS VII, 1.
2The word is very commonly used in all the religious traditions. It comes from the root vs which can mean: to cover, protect, surround, enclose, or sometimes: choose. Kane, 1958, vol. V, Part I, p. 5, gives the following explanation concerning the meaning of vrata in the Rg Veda, a meaning which has been adopted by most of the other traditions: "I derive the word from the root 'vr' (to choose). From this root comes the word 'vara'(bridegroom who is chosen from among several men by a maiden or her guardian), which occurs in Rg. IX, 101.14 and X.85.8 and 9. Choosing involves willing or volition on the part of the person choosing. Hence 'vr' also means 'to will'. Therefore, when the word vrata is derived from 'vş' with the suffix 'ta', the meaning of vrata can be 'what is willed' or simply 'will'. The will of a person in power or authority is a command or law unto others. Devotees believe that gods have laid down certain commands to be followed by themselves as well as by all beings. Thus comes the sense of 'law or ordinance'. A command of a superior imposes and implies corresponding duty to obey. When commands are obeyed or duties are performed in the same way for long, they become the patterns of obligations i.e. customs or practices. When persons believe or feel that they must perform certain acts as ordained by gods, then arises the sense of religious worship or duty. If a man imposes upon himself certain restrictions as to his

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In our own particular context what characterises the vrata is virati, abstention from certain types of activities, attitudes and external or internal reactions such as constitute major obstacles to the purification of the atman. The vrata is a means of which the end is the purification of the ātman.
335
The early Agamas make mention of these reprehensible types of activity, unworthy of the sages, but do not indicate that avoidance of them is a primary obligation.3 Later on, when the ācāryas made a vrata of these five forms of renunciation, an obligation absolutely binding upon the ascetics, they rightly imputed primordial importance to ahimsa, the vow par excellence. The other forms of abstention are closely linked to ahimsā, indeed they are inseparable from it, safeguarding it, as one might say,4 and each of them is considered a vrata in its own right. On account of their importance, one calls these vratas the five mahāvratas, Great Vows.5 The mahāvratas betoken a decisive and permanent commitment to the way of asceticism; indeed, it is only a certain length of time after her dikṣa when she makes the vow of sāmāyika for life, that the new sadhvi pronounces the mahāvratas which constitute a profession of perfect adherence to the doctrine. It is through this profession that the sadhvi is fully integrated into the community of ascetics.6
behaviour or food to win the favour of gods, that becomes a sacred vow or religious observance. Thus the several meanings of the word 'vrata', which I derive from the root 'vr', are command or law, obedience or duty, religious or moral practices, religious worship or observance, sacred or solemn vow or undertaking, then any vow or pattern of conduct."
Cf. c.g. SkrS I, 3,4,8; I, 9, 10; cf. Dixit, 1978, pp. 7; 15; 19; US XII, 41.
3
4 Pujyapāda in his comm. on TS VII, I explains this clearly; cf. also JSK I, pp. 224-227; TS Sukhlal, pp. 258-278.

5 The śrävakas and śrāvikās take the aṇuvratas or little vows; these are of the same character as the Great Vows, but observance of them does not demand the same radical renunciation; cf. TS VII, 2.
6 Cf. P 465.

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The mahāvratas, like the avaśyakas, form part of the vinuous and meritorous activities which halt karmic penetration. In the same way as sāmāyika, the mahāvratas pledge one to a state of life, that state that is the starting-point for any progress on the way. They mark the start of the long march towards moksa and herein lies their extreme importance. The Acārānga-sūtra II deals with them in detail, giving them a formal structure which other texts develop, preserving the same basic contents, though with certain variations as regards expression. Together the mahāvratas form a whole, of which ahiṁsā is the foundation-stone, the pillar of samyak-cāritra,8 while each individually rests upon secondary pillars which are called bhāvanās 9
According to vyavahāra, each mahāvrata has a bearing upon certain acts of body, speech and mind, but every act is posterior to some intention, bhāva, interior disposition, orientation of mind or being, and this is niscaya; on occasion the intention may not issue in action. Each mahāvrata contains two aspects: that which one must not do or be (negative aspect) which prompts the opposite act, attitude or intention (positive aspect). To go straight to the heart of each mahāvrata, we refer to each by the word which best expresses the corresponding attitude: ahiṁsā, satya, asteya, brahmacarya, aparigraha.
7 CF. AS II, 15 (i-v); ADH IV, 19-150; IS IV, 11-17; VI, 8-20; MA I, 5-9; V, 92-97; SS 389a; YSas I, 19-24. In these texts the words used to denote each of the mahāvratas vary, although the meaning is the same. The DS and SthS refer to them in this way: prānātipata-mrsavāda-adattádāna-maithunaparigraha-viramaņa. ADh IV, 19 gives: cură for asteya and YSas I, 19; sünşta for satya
8 Cf. YSas I, 18.
9 The word generally means: reflection, consideration, meditation; here it is a question of practical counsels that one must bind oneself to observe, which presupposes some previous reflection on the subject. Certain texts treat, first, each mahāvrata and then its bhāvanās, e.g. the ADh and the AS which we are following: others deal with them separately, e.g. MA V, 140-144; TS VII, 38; YSas 1, 25-33.

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A - Ahimsa: Abstention from all harmful activity
In order to grasp the importance of this concept in Jaina doctrine a concept that is not one of abstract speculation, but is deeply involved in real-life situations, penetrating all spheres of human and social existence - we must return to the origins, to the dawn of an era when the continent was covered with jungle and when men, animals and plants lived in constant contact with each other.
The awareness at one and the same time of cosmic vitality and of the fact that to strike beings, harm them, destroy them, is the gravest possible offence and thus that the dharma consists above all in respecting all living beings and harming none of them, is very clear in the ancient texts. Acārāriga-sūtra I an Sūtrakrtânga-sūtra I, which are addressed to the ascetics, revert often and insistently to āramba, a synonym for himsā,l0 which, together with parigraha, possessive attachment, are the two major sins, closely linked to one another and to the passions.11 The injunction against all forms of violence, a rule to which no exception is to be made, is set forth clearly and in detail and is made the subject of commentary:
...One must neither kill, nor rule over, nor subject to oneself, nor
cause to suffer, nor attack violently any sort of living being. 12 Mahāvira had observed and examined closely the earth, water, fire, wind, plants and moving creatures; through his own acute perceptions he had grasped that they are all living and he took pains not to harm them. 13 Among rules of conduct he assigned first place to ahissa.14
10 Cf. e.g. AS I, 1, 2-7; 2, 1, 3; 3, 4, 1; 4; SkrS I, 1, 1-6; 7,5-9; 9, 2-9; 11, 912; Dixit, 1978, p. 5: "Aramba and Parigraha: the worst sins"; "The sixfold objects of Aramba" p. 6 and pp. 14-15; cf. also DS VI, 26-45; VIII, 2-18; X, 1-4.
11 Cf. e.g. ASI, 2, 6, 1-2; SkrS I, 9, 10-11.
12 ...savve pāņā savve bhūtā savve jivā savve sattā na hamtavvā, ņa
ajjāveyavvă, na parighetavvā, ņa paritāveyavvā, ņa uddaveyavvā. AS I, 4, 1,1, to quote just one ex, setting forth this idea.
13 Ibid., 1, 8, 1, 11-12

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But, one must surely query, why this extreme attention not to destroy, hurt or harm all that lives? It is first and foremost to avoid any passionate or possessive intention or emotion on the part of the ascetic. Ahimsa is closely linked to aparigraha and to samyama, which is to say that renunciation of possession or domination is the outward expression of diligent, active and perfect self-control.15 By samyama one avoids the impurities consequent upon karmic penetration and the atman proceeds on its way towards perfect knowledge.16 At the same time one knows that life is dear to all beings, they fear suffering and dread their own destruction, for which reason to kill is a very grave offence from which a nirgrantha must
14 Cf. DS VI, 8.
15 Ibid., samyama: act of retaining, constraint, restriction, bridle, control, particularly control of the senses.
16 This strong emphasis on the primacy of the principle of ahimsa and the stress laid by the Jainas from the first on vegetarianism is not confined to them alone; certain Upanisads mention respect for all life and the Mahabharata and the Puranas are very explicit in this regard; cf. Kane, 1962, vol. V, Part II, pp. 944-947. But the underlying reason for respect for all life is not the same as in the Jaina dharma: "The Chandogya Up. III.17 considers that tapas, charity, straight forwardness, ahimsa and speaking the truth are the 'fee' (of the symbolic sacrifice). The same Up. (VIII.15.1) emphasizes that the wise man who has attained correct knowledge does not cause any injury to bhūtas except in the case of sacred rites and reaches the world of brahma and does not return to samsara. It appears that the causes that led on to the giving up of flesh at least by some people were many, the foremost being the metaphysical conception that one Supreme Entity pervades the whole universe, that all life was one, and that even the meanest insect was a manifestation of the divine Essence and that philosophical truths would not dawn upon the man who was not restrained, free from crude appetites and had not universal kindliness and sympathy. Another motive for the insistence on ahimsa was probably the idea of defilement caused by eating flesh, Śankha asks people to give up flesh, wine, onions and galic because the body is built up on the food eaten." Kane, 1974, vol II, Part II, pp. 775-776; cf. also Dumont, 1966, 65 "Sur le' histoire du végétarisme".

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abstain.17 One knows further that violence excites hatred, 18 but that respect for all beings is the essence of wisdom,19 for the sage is conscious of the evil, the terrible pain caused by violence and he turns away from it, 20 he realises that equanimity towards both friends and foes and abstention from all harmful activity are very difficult to achieve, but that therein lies his chosen path.21 He must maintain towards all that benevolence that causes him to identify himself with them, to the point of considering each to be as himself:
Bad karman has no hold on him who identifies himself with all beings, who regards each one with the same look, who has
stopped the karmic flow and masters his senses.22 The verse which follows this passage explains that knowledge comes first and compassion flows from it.23 Here a process is discernible: 'the fact of respecting all beings, of "considering the six categories of living beings as himself"24 is the sign of non-assumption of possession of these beings, of mastery of the passions, whence comes the stoppage of the flow of karmic matter, which in turn presupposes knowledge. Everything holds together, one cannot isolate ahimsă from the rest of the doctrine and thus from praxis, nor make of it an absolute; however, it is in fact given a primordial importance.
17 Cf. AS I, 2, 3, 4; DS VI, 10; SkrS I, 7, 19; 11,9; US VI, 6.
18 Cf. SkrS I, 1, 1, 3.
19 Ibid., I, 11, 10.
20 lbid., 1 10,21.
21 Cf. US XIX, 25.
22 savvabhuy'appabhūyassa sammam bhūyāim päsao
pihiyāsavassa damtassa pāvam kammam na bardhai. DS IV, 23, 9.
23 padhamaṁ nāņam tao dayā evaṁ citthai savvasamjae...DS IV, 23, 10.
24 ...attasame mannejja chappi kae. . DS X, 5.

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According to the most ancient texts, the basic principles of this wisdom would seem to have been formulated as a result of the prevailing conditions of life, at a time when men had an acute awareness of life and of a certain connaturality between themselves and the cosmos. Furthermore, they needed to defend themselves against natural phenomena, wild animals, enemies. They lived in surroundings where the bloody sacrifice of animal victims was practised and it was with the precise aim of overcoming all these manifestations of violence that they laid stress upon a rigorous asceticism, in which mastery of the passions was connected first and foremost with non-violence, non-cruelty, non-aggressiveness and nonpossession. Later on, in elaborating the doctrine of karman, they automatically associated the two concepts of ahimsă and aparigraha with the stoppage of the karmic flow.25
Once we have located ourselves in the context which gave rise to this injunction, we can attempt to analyse the signification attached to the vow, its character and implications. The etymology of the word, like that moreover of each of the mahāvratas, indicates its content unambiguously and completely: a-hiṁsā, or absence of hiṁsā, is, in concrete situations, to abstain from killing, destroying, hitting, assaulting, harming, hurting in any conceivable way, whether it be a question of bodily, mental or verbal activity. 26 Consequently, the vow of ahiṁsā is a very positive undertaking to maintain respectful behaviour towards all beings. It is clear that the vow applies essentially to voluntary and intentional forms of hiṁsā, such as are excited by the passions.27 There are, of course, a number of natural acts, such as walking, that involve a certain sort of involuntary hiṁsā and with regard to these constant vigilance is enjoined.
25 Although asrava is already mentioned in ASI, it is en passant; no doctrine on the subject is expounded; cf. AS I, 4, 2, 1.
26 Prāņātipāta, used instead of himsă in certain texts, describes well violence inflicted on the prāņa, the breath of life, the living being.
27 Cf. TS VII, 13; and also AD IV, 19-35; AS II, 15 (i), 1-5; MA 1, 5; V, 92; YSas I, 20.

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By this vow, and the same goes for each of the others, one pledges oneself not only to abstain from all action that is harmful to beings, but also not to cause others to harm them nor approve and encourage violence. We have here therefore, in this radical threefold renunciation the affirmation of a state, way of behaviour and spirit that influences the whole of life.
Master, the first great vow [is that of] abstention from acts harmful to living beings. Master, I renounce all harmful acts towards living beings great or small, moving or unmoving. I will not harm any living being, I will not be the cause of others harming them not will I approve any such act. For all my life long I will perform (none) of the three sorts [of harmful activities), of mind, speech and body; I will not be the cause (of any such act], I will not approve of them, I condemn them, I repudiate my ātman [in regard to all the reprchensible deeds it has done). Master, I take to myself this first Great Vow; 10 abstain from all harmful behaviour towards all living beings.28
This act of renunciation having been persormed by way of a scal upon a way of life, we must now discover how the implications of the vow are to be concretely lived out day by day and it is here that the bhāvanās find thcir place, like props helping one to stay faithful to the initial undertaking. These five bhāvanās are:
28 padhame bhaste! mahavvac pāņāivāyão veramaņań. savvam bhamte! pāņāivāyam paccakkhāmi, se suhumam vă bayaram vă tasaṁ vā thāvaram vă, neva sayam pane sivācjjä, nev' annehim pāņe aivāyāvejjā, pāņc aivayamte vi anne na samanujānejijā. jāvajjivāc tiviham tivihenar, māņenaṁ vāyāe kácnam, na karemi na kāravemi karestam pi annam na samaņujāņāmi, tassa bhamte! padikkamāmi nimdāmi garahāmi appāņam vosirâmi. padhame bhamte! mahavvae uvatthio mi savvāho pāņaivāyāo veramanań. DS IV, 11; one notes that the second part: "For all my life. . . {reprehensible deeds it has done]" belongs also to sāmāyika, AvaS 2, P 700. The texts of the other mahāvratas have exactly the same structure, the points relevant to each one being clearly set forth.

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Control of words and thoughts, vigilance in movements, in the way in which one handles objects and in which one scrutinises
food and drink (before accepting them].29 In the context of the sādhvis' life each of these has a very precise meaning. 30
The vow of ahińsă involves radical consequences that impart to the life of the sādhvis a very particular character.
- Fire contains jivas and is a source of destruction; the wood or charcoal used often contain living beings; so, one never lights a fire or does any cooking. Furthermore, when one goes in search of food, one never announces one's presence, one accepts only a small amount of food from that which the hosts have prepared for themselves.31
- Water contains jivas, so, one never takes a bath and one only drinks boiled water. 32 - The carth swarms with jivas, so, one does not wear sandals for fear of striking, crushing or trampling undersoot living beings, insects or plants, and one always goes barefoot.
29 vāk-manogupti-iriya-ādānaniksepaņasamiti-alokitapānabhojanäni pañca. TS VII, 4; cf. ADh IV, 34; MA V, 140; TS IX 5; YSas I, 26; P 353.
30 Cf. P 496 ff.; 529 ff.
31 Cf. DS VIII, 8; X, 4; US XXXV, 10-12.
32 Cf. DS VI, 60-62; X, 2. The sādhvis beg for water just as they do for food and only accept boiled water. At first sight one is tempted to object that the śråvikās who boil this water are committing a fault involving himsā. Infact, however, this is not so, for during some 8 hrs after the water is boiled, no organism can develop, whereas in unboiled water living organisms are constantly doing so. Hence one imbibes infinitely more living organisms if one drinks unboiled water than if one drinks boiled water; cf. Baid, 1980, pp. 104-105. The sādhvis keep boiled water in the upăśraya for about 8 hrs and then renew it. The Murtipujaka sadhvis who keep the water overnight put in it a pinch of lime with the precise aim of preventing the development of any organism.

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All means of locomotion involve in their use a certain sort of violence; hence one uses no means of locomotion, one always proceeds from place to place on foot, thus reducing to a minimum movement that might damage the carth and all its inhabitants.

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Before concluding this subject we must indicate briefly the approach of Acarya Bhiksu (Bhikhana), the founder of the Terapanthis, who laid particular stress on the close relationship between ahimsa and samyama. He posed with perspicacity the question: what is the ultimate goal of ahimsā, ātma-śuddhi, the purification of the atman or jiva-rakṣā, the protection of the jivas? His reply is clear and unequivocal: atma-śuddhi is the true goal of ahimsā, because ahimsa and samyama are inseparable and jiva-rakṣā is only the consequence of saṁyama; to make jiva-rakṣā the goal of ahimsa is to view things according to vyavahara. In his commentaries he explains that to make an effort to help others, to succour them, entail often a certain attachment, obliges one to enter into all sorts of considerations and to let oneself be drawn into complex situations which, with their psychological and emotional aspects, deflect one from self-mastery and renunciation. Furthermore, the help that one endeavours to bring is not always a benefit for those to whom it is directed. Acarya Bhiksu gives, among several others, this illustration: late one night in a village, near to a house of ill-fame, three munis were meditating upon the Scriptures: Three men came along to pass that way and the munis, speculating within themselves, asked: "Who are you? Where are you going at an hour like this?" The men hesitated to reply. "It is a bad thing they thought to lie to munis; on the other hand, if we tell them the truth, they are going to know that we are going to go to a prostitute's house." The munis, struck by their honesty, encouraged them to repent, to subjugate their passions and give up this relationship, which they proceeded to do. Meanwhile, the prostitute, seeing that they did not appear, sallied forth to look for them and, when she found them implored them to follow her, but they refused. She threatened to throw herself down a well, but they remained adamant. She then committed suicide by jumping into the well. The moral of this story is that, even if the counsels of the munis were a benefit for the three men, they were at the same time the cause of an act of terrible violence.

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In the same way, Ācārya Bhikṣu considered that dāna, any sort of gist - this being of concern to śråvakas and śrāvikās in particular - must be confined to ascetics and renunciates, for this is pure giving, this is the dharma. Indiscriminate giving is not exempt from an element of attachment, of self-interest or of the passions and thus results in the accretion of bad karmas. Ācārya Bhikṣu used to say that he did not forbid the practice of dāna, but he indicated those to whom one should give.
Next, what is dayă, compassion? Compassion is, essentially, abhaya-dāna, the gift one gives to the jivas by not frightening them or filling them with fear, not distressing or tormenting them; and this is precisely what ahimsă is from the point of view of atma-śuddhi.33 This approach may at first sight seem too radical and idealistic, nevertheless, it is very right and proper, for it goes below the psychological and emotional level to the level of sheer being. However, it must be understood and practised with discrimination, in accordance with increasing clarity of vision; one must not lay claim to detachment 100 quickly and this attitude, if adopted prematurely, could give rise to harshness and a certain type of egoism.
To sum up what has been said, we may add that it is important to practise the multi-facetted discipline inculcated by this vow, without losing sight of niscaya, the essential, namely, that equanimity which is specially connected with samyama and which aims at avoiding activities that are harmful to beings, rather, according them, infinite respect. This attitude of mind will, in proportion as knowledge is purified, give rise to a desire that others should attain Liberation and supreme Happiness and therefore - in imitation of the tirthankaras - one will preach the way of Liberation to all, to instruct and enlighten them. The sādhvis must not only study the Scripture and the doctrine in order to acquire knowledge, but they must teach others. Now at the root of this concern to enlighten others, we find ahimsă in its positive aspect.
33 Cl. Yuvācārya Mahaprajña, 1979, chs. 4-5; cf. P 247 ff.

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B - Satya: Abstention from all untruthfulness
The second mahāvrata is a prolongation of the first. It is a form of ahiṁsā vis-a-vis the real, the authentic, the true, the acceptable particularly with regard to words, language, the manner in which one communicates with others. Language, however, is only the outward expression of sentiments, of an inner attitude. When enumerating the mahāvratas, the Tattvārtha-sūtra gives ansta-virati as second and goes on to explain ansta as being asat.34 To renounce anrta is to renounce all that is false, crooked, deceitful; it is to renounce asat, the non-rcal; this is its negative aspect, while its positive aspect is to be situated in sat, that which is, that which exists, the real; this is the meaning of satya; reality, veracity, authenticity.35
Through this vow one makes a pledge for life to renounce all lying speech, all that is lacking in truthfulness, whether it is conveyed through bodily gesture, speech or mental attitude. One promises to make every endeavour to be truthful.36 The special components of satya, which are the theme of the five bhāvanās, are:
Renunciation of anger, covetousness, fear, idle talk and [a
resolve) to be circumspect in one's speech.37 The passions incite to lying speech, whereas authentic speech must be as concise as a sūtra.38 To this aspect of renunciation of all that is
34 Cf. TS VII, 1; 14.
35 Other texts speak of mrsavāda-viramana: renunciation of lying words. Hemacandra mentions: sunsta, the acceptable and the true in specch, in opposition to ansta; cf. YSas I, 21.
36 Cf. DS IV, 12.
37 krodha-lobha-bhirutva-hāsyapratyākhyānany-anuvicibhāṣaṇar ca pañca.
TS VII, 5.
38 Cf. ADh IV, 45 where the word sutra is mentioned: cf. also AS II, 15 (ii); DS VI, 12; US XIX, 26; YŞas I, 27.

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inauthentic there corresponds the very positive aspect of self-mastery, moderation, serious-mindedness.
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So far, despite the solid framework that these considerations provide for this second mahāvrata, we have been speaking in a general way. We must now describe in brief the essence of the teaching imparted to the sadhvis on this subject in numerous texts. The Daśavaikalika-sūtra has a chapter entitled: vākya-śuddhi, purity of speech.39 Before proceeding to a few texts, we must stress this point: satya always implies an element of benevolence, of kindness, goodnaturedness, amiability; words spoken must be priya, friendly. Satya does not mean only to refrain from lying and deceit and to say things as one perceives them to be; it is something deeper, more subtle, with the attainment of sat, neither more or less, as its goal - sat, the essence of being, to which one addresses oneself and which one approaches with respect. One must avoid hurtful words40 As to the rest of the rules and considerations upon this subject, here is the following brief but comprehensive synthesis:
[A muni] must not speak unless he is requested to do so; he must not interrupt another speaking, he must not slander, he must guard himself from deceitful lies. On no occasion should he use hurtful language such as expresses hostility or arouses a reaction of anger in the one to whom he is speaking; [A muni], being master of himself, must speak of what he has himself seen, with moderation, without hesitation or ill-humour, with depth, clarity, conciseness [and] thorough understanding.41
39 Cf. DS VII.
40 Ibid., VI, 11-12; VII, 11-13; cf also AS II, 4, 2, 1-2; US I, 15.
41 appucchio na bhāsejjā bhāsamāṇassa aṁtarā
pitthimamsam na khācjjā, māyāmosaṁ vivajjae. DS VIII, 46. appattiyam jeņa siyā, āsu kuppejja vā paro
savvaso tam na bhāsejjā bhāsaṁ ahiyagāmiņim. DS VIII, 47. dittham miyam asaṁdiddhaṁ paḍipunņam viyam jiyam. ayampira-maṇuvviggam bhāsam nisira attavam. DS VIII, 48; cf. also ADH IV, 36-47; AS II, 4; DS VIII, 49; MA I, 6 V, 93; US I, 8-14; XXIV, 910; SthS 741 enumerates 10 sorts of satya, 10 sorts of mṛṣāvāda and 10 sorts of satyamṛṣă i.e. language in which there is a mixture of truth and falsehood.

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What is important and frequently re-iterated in the Sūtras is the need in all circumstances for a sense of moderation, the avoidance of all forms of exaggeration, vanity, deceit, wordiness, vulgarity, lack of consideration for others. Hemacandra has expressed very clearly the deep meaning of this mahāvrata:
Friendly, kind and genuine is termed the vow of sūnsta; disagreeable and unkind speech (is) not genuine even [if it is)
true. 42
This means that, even if the spoken word adheres to the facts, is just in itself, it is not a genuine word, for it lacks the expression and inner attitude of friendly benevolence which is a sign of harmony within.
According to niscaya, the jiva (ātman) is the supreme and sole Reality; all forms of criticism or appreciation concerning both beings and things, even if correct, are only very relative, have no value and are even harmful if, in pronouncing them, one impairs anyone's peace of mind, one's own or that of the one with whom one is speaking. For speech to be truly genuine it must be priya and pathya (or hita): friendly, benevolent and salutary.
C - Asteya: Abstention from stealing
The third mahāvrata concerns renunciation of covetousness, that type of covetousness that impels one to appropriate to oneself things that belong to others, without their consent. It also implies ahiṁsā, for this sort of appropriation always involves, in varying degrees and according to the nature of the object, a certain form of violence. Asteya is to renounce adattā-dāna, any object that is not given. The text of this mahăvrata indicates clearly that it is a question of renouncing, wherever one may be and in whatever circumstances, the appropriation to oneself of anything whatever that has not been given and that this applies to objects both insignificant and significant, living or inert.43
42 priyaṁ pathyaṁ vacaḥ tathyaṁ sünţta vratam ucyate
tat tathyam api no tathyam apriyam ca ahitaṁ ca yat. YSas I, 21.
43 Cf. AS II, 15 (iii); DS IV, 13; VI, 13-14; cf. also ADH IV, 48-58; MA 1, 7; V, 94; SkrS I, 5, 1, 4; 10, 2. TS VII, 15; US XIX, 27.

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Hemacandra, in defining this vow, stresses that form of inward hiṁsā that the man who appropriates to himself some object that is not his own inflicts upon himself.44 In reality, the man who takes some object always does so under the influence of one passion or another. He loses his self-control and opens the door to karmic penetration.
The five bhāvanas mentioned by the Tattvārtha-sūtra indicate the type of life and conduct favourable to the faithful adherence to this vow. As covetousness is generally the result of an attraction felt at the sight of seductive objects, the texts counsel retreat, solitude - a solitude not only as regards the place chosen, but also as regards one's own solitary way of life. It is also recommended that one should be peaceable, reserved, not cause trouble for others, be watchful concerning the purity of food and not quarrel with the members of the community.45
Other texts emphasis the necessity of an attitude of submission, obedience, respectful dependence, an attitude which affirms that in very truth one possesses nothing, that nothing is one's due, that even knowledge is not a personal possession, but is transmitted, taught by the guru from whom one humbly asks for teaching. Even as regards needed objects, one must first ask permission before taking them for one's use and one must not become attached to them.46 One must always show the food for which one has gone in search before consuming same, in order to avoid eating what may be forbidden or helping oneself to too large a quantity.47 In the very close-knit community-life of the sādhvis, if it is a fervent group, one does
44 anādānam adattasyāsteya vratam udiritam
båhyā prāņā nmmām artho harata tam hatā hite. YSas I, 22.
45 sūnyágāra-vimocitāvāsa-paroparodhākaraṇa-bhaikșaśudhi
sadharmāvisaṁvādāḥ pañca. TS VII, 6; cf. ADh IV, 56.
46 Cf. ADH IV, 57 and comm.; MA V, 142; YSas 1, 28-29.
47 Cf. AS II, 15 (iii), 2; cf. P 496 ff.

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nothing and uses nothing without first asking the guruņi's permission, even when it is a question of fasting.
Asteya, then, is to make use of nothing, even in thought, without having asked for it. This is an unvarying mental disposition, which leaves the jiva detached from all superfluity, free from all covetousness and thus more deeply conscious of its own being.
D - Brahmacarya: Abstention from all sexual activity
Ahimsă extends its influence into all the spheres of human life; it must penetrate the farthest reaches, control the most natural, the most indomitable forces. Brahmacarya is the renunciation of a-brahma, sexual activity.48 Abrahma has the same meaning as maithuna, the sexual act of mithuna, coupling.49 Brahmācārya is the mahā vrata by which one pledges to renounce all sexual activity. This type of activity has, indeed, a passionate violent aspect and leads to attachment, arouscs further desires which may well lead in turn to thefis, quarrels or other types of behaviour that stop progress towards Liberation and are incompatible with the ascetic life.50 One must abstain from maithuna, which is associated in a very direct fashion with pudgala, matter. The ascetics are protected by their rules against
48 The origination of this word is explained by the fact that in the Vedic tradition continence was strictly enjoined upon the young man who was spending several years with his master studying the Vedas, after which he returned to his own home and got married. Brahmacarya was the term used for the state of life proper to the student of the Vedas or of brahman, a word which also signifies the Absolute, and thus, as this state required continence, the word brahmacarya stayed in use as a synonym for chastity. The ancient Jaina texts usually refer to: maithuna-virati, renunciation of copulation.
49 Cf. TS Sukhlal, pp. 275-276; TS VII, 16. 50 Cf. DS IV, 14. The vow refers primarily to the human couple; however, these texts also mention the possibility of infringements of the vow on account of animals or gods of the opposite sex. Therefore one will keep away from animals and from the contemplation of certain statues and representations of gods and goddesses. Cf. also AD IV, 59-103; DS VI, 1516; MA I, 8; V, 95; US XIX, 28; YSas 1, 23.

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onslaughts of bodily abrahma, but there always remains the possibility of subtle infiltrations of the passions through words and thoughts. Most of the texts on this subject provide proof of a delicate knowledge of psychology on the part of their authors, who excel in the art of unmasking all possible and imaginable ruses. We might add that these texts have been edited by men ascetics for their disiples and colleagues, of whom the chief enemy, source of all stumbling and slipping on the path, is womankind.51
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To avoid falling into various snares, to guard against negligence and loss of fervour, to be capable of struggling and conquering, to remain rooted in this attitude of detachment and not to succumb to sense attractions which present themselves not infrequently in crafty guises, there is the help and solid tower of defence of the bhāvanās. We must not forget that the sadhvis live an itinerant life; it is true that a strict discipline is conducive to interior stability, but they are to be found none the less on the roads and highways, in densely populated cities, in daily contact with the world. The rules were formulated at a time when life was more simple, more tranquil and if these rules are still valid today in regard to what is essential, yet the manner in which they are to be kept must be adapted in accordance with place and circumstance.
The bhāvanās of brahmacarya comprise five sorts of renunciation: To renounce listening to provocative tales about women, contemplating the beauty of their bodies, recalling to mind past sexual pleasures, consuming inflammatory drinks and foodstuffs and wearing finery.5
52
Certain texts replace the last bhavana by this other one: to abstain from using an asana or bed, rug or mat, that may have been used by a
51 Cf. AS I, 2, 4, 3; 5, 4, 4-5; 8, 1, 16; DS VIII, 53-57; SkrS I, 4, 1.
52 striragakathāśravaṇa-tanmanoharanganirikṣaṇa-pūrvaratānusmaraṇavṛṣyestarasa-svaśarirasaṁskāra-tyāgāḥ pañca. TS VII, 7; cf. ADh IV, 101, MA V, 143; US XVI.

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woman, a eunuch or some female animal.53 The texts giving the rules on this subject are repetitive, for great is the danger run by munis in the vicinity of women, as great as that of a mouse in the vicinity of a cat, and, corresponding to this immense danger there is an unparalleled glory awaiting the one who resists feminine charms, who is detached therefrom, for he has surmounted a major obstacle to which all other obstacles are mere trifles!54 In order to give the śramaņas a distaste for women once for all, the example is given of a muni who was seduced and whose life was rendered impossible by his seducer who treated him exactly like a slave.55
The direct consequences of brahmacarya are radical ones and are branded upon the life-style of the sādhvis. Their clothing is plain and simple, modest, white in colour. They wear no jewellery, not even a watch, nor do they use scent, oil or any unguent. They veil their heads and twice a year undergo keśa-luñchana, the plucking out of the hair as a sign of renunciation of every type of vanity or attention paid to the body. 56 Except in exceptional cases, the sādhvis live in groups of not less than three. As to their relationship with munis and with men in general, although they practise hospitality of a very simple sort at certain hours of the day, always as a group, they do not receive men guests aster dusk.57 They do not even go alone to confession in front of their ācārya; at the time of confession one sādhvi is alwalys accompanied by an appointed and discreet second.
Brahmacarya consists in laying aside all disorderly imaginings, all vanity, all self-seeking, it is to have that straight-forward outlook
33 Cf. AS II, 15 (iv); YSa 1, 30-31; in these texts, when applying them to the sadhvis, one inserts the masculine sex instcad.
54 Cf. US XXXII, 13-18; one recalls the prowess of Sthūlabhadra, P 133.
134.
55 Cf. SkrS I, 4, 2.
56 Cf. P 547. 57 Cf. P 538.

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which sees in the members of the other sex one's own family members, a father, a brother, a son,58 in order to concentrate the mind on the essential, namely, the purification of the ātman 59
E - Aparigraha: Renunciation of possessive attachment
The fisth mahāvrata might well have been placed fourth after asteya of which it is an extension; however, as it expresses a renunciation that is no less than total, it is the last-named. It both summarises and completes all the other vows. Parigraha expresses the idea of taking hold, taking possession of, being attached to, 60 and aparigraha expresses that of releasing hold, dispossessing oneself of something. Two other words in common use are even more full of meaning: mamatva for parigraha, literally, that which is mine, that which is in my possession, belongs to me. The ascetic must free himself, empty himself of his 'me', and follow the path towards nirmamatva or a-mamatva:
For this reason, having understood that the ātman is by nature the knower, I renounce all possessive attachment and I embrace non-possession.61
58 Cf. MA 1, 8 addressed to munis, where one says "mother, sister, daughter."
39 Ācārya Bhikṣu edited in 1841 a small treatise in Māravādi poetry: Sila ki nava bāda, inspired by an earlier text of Jinaharsa. Sila: brahmacarya; bāda: means of protection, that is to say "The 9 disciplines of brahmacarya." This text, composed in the local language and comprising a synthesis of the principal passages of the US on this subject, can be sung to a melody, recitation by heart being thus facilitated. This is an example of the way in which one can acquaint oneself with the dharma by assimilating under a simple and easy form its various facets and precepts.
60 Cf. TS VII, 17; as mentioned previously in connection with ahiṁsā, ASI and SkrS I emphasise strongly ärambha (hissă) and parigraha; cf. e.g. ASI, 2, 3, 1-4; 2, 6, 1-2; 5, 2, 4-5; 5, 3; 7,3, 1 and SkrS I, 1, 1, 1-6; 9, 2-9; 7, 2328. 61 tamhā taha jāņitta appāņam jāņagaṁ sabhāvaņa
parivajjāmi mamattim uvathido ņimmamattammi. PSa II, 108; cf. II, 98; III 39.

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The second word used for aparigraha is ākiñcanya, total stripping, a letting go, poverty. This word goes right to the very core of the state of asceticism, a stripping off of externals being only an outward sign of an interior stripping.62
The wording of the vow expresses complete renunciation of all forms of attachment, whether the object possessed is of great value or of little, living or inert.63 Attachment under one guise or another, in varying degrees and according to circumstances, is always aroused by the passions. Now the passions are engendered by the senses and, since there is not realm of life to which aparigraha does not apply, the bhāvanās will clearly relate to the five senses. We have here a question of maintaining an attitude of detachment towards all impressions received through the sense-organs, whether pleasant or unpleasant, soothing or irritating. Whatever the impression may be, one must be on one's guard not to allow oneself to be swayed by rāga, excessive pleasure, or by dveṣa, aversion bordering on hatred.64 The bhāvanās guide one towards detachment from impressions recorded by the body, but it is necessary to go further and renounce any attachment whatever to the body itself.65
62
However, we may well say, the sadhvis lead the life of a human being in community, in contact with society; they are, no doubt, separated off to a certain extent by their commitment, but how is such absolute renunciation, even that of the body itself, to be reconciled with this human community life with its needs, even if they be
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Cf. Adh IV, 104 and comm.
63 The 5th vow, as regards its subject-matter, is similar to the 3rd; cf. AS II, 15 (v); DS IV, 15; cf. also ADh IV, 104-148; DS VI, 17-21; MA I, 9; V, 96; US XIX, 29; Ysas I, 24.
64 manojña-amanojña-indriyaviṣaya-rāga-dveṣa-varjanāni-pañca. TS VII, 8; cf. ADH IV, 148; YSas I, 32-33.

65 Cf. DS VI, 21; PSa III, 24; III, 39 (P 275); one sees here the link with kayotsarga.

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reduced to a minimum? The answer is that we must view aparigraha in the context of the sādhvis life-style, where all is envisaged as taking place within the caturvidhasamgha in accordance with the basic doctrine and with an ever-present vision of the goal to be attained. 66 The śrāvakas and śrāvikās play an important part, enabling the sādhvis to live both a life of detachment and also a life in contact with society. We may take as just one aspect of this, the question of a dwelling. The sădhvis do not possess a fixed abode of any sort, even as a group, but the samgha - and here the various communities may vary - puts at their disposal either subsidiary buildings of temples or upāśrayas, which are places where the śrāvakas and śrāvikás betake themselves for their spiritual exercises, or even dwellings belonging to the śrāvakas in the case of the Terāpanthis who have neither temples nor upăśrayas. Thus, as regards this matter of a lodgement, aparigraha consists in being anagāri, without a house; next, is means at each step of the way to ask permission from the local śrāvakas to lodge in an upāśraya or some other spot, to fix with their consent the number of days one will stay there and not to borrow books from the library of the local samgha except by permission. As one passes through villages where there is no Jaina community it may involve requesting hospitality from the inhabitants.67 The foregoing has to do with vyavahāra which may be valueless without niscaya, for the leading of a wandering life is not an end in itself; rather to be anagări is to strive towards a state of total dis-possession and interior stripping. Acārya Kundakunda with his penetrating insight expresses it thus: the jiva (ātman) is knowledge, in the sense of fullness of consciousness of being;68 everything else, the body, objects etc., is foreign to it; the one and only 'possession of the jiva (ātman) is the jiva (ātman) itself. Aparigraha is to have no desire for or attachment to anything that is not the jiva and thus it is even to have no desire for the dharma if dharma is understood in the sense of punya which, though belonging to those categories of activities that are meritorious and virtuous, does not form an integral part of the jiva. He who has knowledge knows
66 Cf. Part III for the putting into practice of the doctrine in daily life.
67 Cf. AS II, 7. 68 ...ņāņam aham ekko...PSa II, 99.

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the dharma, but he does not possess the dharma. In the same way the jñānin does not get attached to adharma (sin), he desires neither food nor drink nor anything whatever. He is altogether free, without attachment.69
355
As a conclusion to this introduction to the mahāvratas,70 we have yet to consider four bhāvanās and to define the true vratin, the one who adheres to his vows in all their implications. The four bhāvanās are the direct consequences of ahimsa, but are of such universal application, so concrete and so positive, that they reflect also all the mahāvratas, summing them up in a powerful manner, embodying and at the same time going beyond the doctrine, while presenting always a joyful, welcoming appearance. These are:
Maitri: friendly benevolence towards all beings, along with the sincere desire that they should be purified from sin and freed from suffering and that they should reach Liberation.
Pramoda: the joy experienced from contact with those who are already well-advanced on the path. This consists both in rejoicing in their holiness and surrounding them with respect and affection, while putting oneself at their service.
Karuṇā: sympathy for the despised, the suffering, the hungry, those afflicted in any way and a desire to help towards the alleviation of their sufferings.

69 Cf. SamSa 207-216.
70 We may add that DS IV, 16 gives a 6th mahāvrata: ratri-bhojanaviramaņa, abstention from food after dusk, which in fact comes under the heading of ahimsa and is an unquestioned duty for the sadhvis. One must in this regard go back in imagination to a time when electricity did not exist - and indeed to this day in many villages it is not yet available. When there is only a flickering lamp, insects congregate around it the more easily and can be destroyed or fall into the food; furthermore, in the near-darkness one may easily accept and consume impure food-stuffs. The sadhvis take their last light meal before sunset, while the aryikäs in any case consume only one meal a day in the morning.

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Madhyastha: a calm and indifferent attitude towards the wicked, those who are insulting or scornful towards the dharma.71
356
And who is the vratin? It is he (or she) who is niśśalya, without thorns, or darts, such as deceitfulness, greed for pleasure, faulty vision.72 Great importance is attached to these salyas, for how can the ascetic walk or make progress on the path while some thorn or other is buried in his flesh? He cannot go forward until he has removed these salyas. Even after pronouncing the mahāvratas, one is an ascetic only in name so long as these thorns are still there.73
We are now better positioned to understand the invisible link between the mahāvratas and the avaśyakas and how, beginning with this binding commitment, one may set forth on the path, adhering to one's original vision, that of the Three Jewels.7
74
71 Cf. TS VII, 11; YSas IV, 117-122; these bhāvanās are given in the section on dhyana, where they are called "the elixir of dhyana". Let us bear in mind that the bhāvanās are at one and the same time subjects for reflection and counsels to follow, the props, so to speak, of the mahāvratas.
72 Cf. TS VII, 18.
73 This is of prime importance and as it is always possible to allow one thorn or another to penetrate the atman, the rite of pratikramaņa should play its part in their extraction. It contains a śalya-sūtra and one of the aims of kayotsarga is to protect one from these thorns.
74 N.B. 3 of the mahāvratas: satya, brahmacarya, aparigraha belong also to the 10 śramaṇa-dharmas introduced in the following ch.

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Chapter 5
Samvara and Nirjarā: The stoppage and dissociation of karman
samvara: asravanirodha, the stoppage of the karmic flow [is effected by means of]: gupti, control, samiti, vigilance, dharma, virtuous conduct, anuprekṣā, reflection, parişaha-jaya, victory over afflictions, căritra, right conduct, and by means of tapas, austerity, [is also brought about] nirjarā, the dissociation (of karman).'
These three sütras summarise succinctly the contents of this chapter. At this point we need to remind ourselves of the seven categories of tattva, essential for right vision. Up to this point we have studied asrava, the penetration of the jiva by karmic matter, and bandha, the servitude of the jiva brought about by this matter. This impure substance, this dust must be both stopped and eliminated. The stoppage of any new flow of karmic matter is called samvara and the disintegration and dissolution of karman before it matures is called nirjarā.2
The process which ends in mokşa, the complete Liberation of the jiva from all karmas, is in the final analysis only possible thanks to the
asravanirodhaḥ sarvarah. sa gupti-samiti-dharma-anuprekşā-parişahajaya-cāritraiḥ. tapasā nirjară ca. TS IX, 1-3.
2 Cf. ADH II, 41-43; Sam Sa 190-192.

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conscious, willed, and persevering co-operation of the jiva. We know already that the avaśyakas allow entrance to the path leading to Liberation and that the mahāvratas betoken a definitive commitment to this path. But this is only the starting-point. Now we must begin to advance. This advance takes places progressively by successive stages; the two most important stages are saṁvara and nirjară, nirjarā being already the threshold of mokṣa.
A - Samvara: The stoppage of karmic flow
By what means is this asrava restrained, what sort of bridle, powerful or less powerful, is applied, so that it is prevented from invading the jiva? Samvara, this stoppage, this blockage, comes about through a psychic modification, a change of consciousness. This is termed bhava-samvara and is followed automatically by a modification in the karmic matter termed dravya-saṁvara.3 What are the potent factors that have the power to instigate bhava-saṁvara? Those mentioned in the sutra, viz. the guptis, samitis, etc. Before studying the different causes and aspects of samvara, we must note this point. Tapas (austerity, penitence) can give rise to samvara and is invariably the cause of nirjară; for this reason we first study the various factors that bring about saṁvara and will go on to study tapas and its relation to nirjarā, knowing that tapas can also conduce towards samvara.
The different means conducive to samvara are generally put into six categories which are then subdivided according to the particular features of each.4
3 Cf. DravSam 34; YSas IV, 79-85.
4 Cf. DravSam 35, where vrata heads the list of bhāva-saṁvaras; as the mahāvratas are characterised as virtuous activities, the state that they together constitute, if they are faithfully observed, contributes towards samvara; cf. SthS 418b; 427c; 709c, where there are fewer subdivisions, but the same attitude.

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359
a) The guptis: The three types of control
The word gupti means protection; the three guptis refer to perfect control of the three yogas, namely, the activities of the mind, of speech and of the body. This mastery of the yogas affords protection against the passions and their consequences. Granted that it is impossible totally to avoid all forms of activity, one must exercise constant care to avoid that which may, in one activity or another, be the cause of himsā.
b) The samitis: The five forms of vigilance
The word samiti means: walk or correct movement. It describes more particularly the first samiti? and, more generally, it means: extreme attentiveness, with reference always to ahiṁsā. The five samitis are: i) Iryā-samiti: vigilance in one's comings and goings so as not to strike or crush living beings. 8
ii) Bhāṣā-samiti: vigilance in one's specch with avoidance of pride, falsehood, anything that might indicate doubt as to the doctrine, lack of discernment.
ii) Eșaņā-samiti: vigilance in the manner in which one requests and accepts the gift of food, drink and other necessary objects, making oneself conform to numerous detailed rules in this regard. 9 iv) Adāna-nikscpa-samiti: the care with which one handles necessary objects and the obscrvance of pratilckhanā i.e. the regular inspection
5 Cf. TS IX, 4 and also MA V, 134-137; Sths 126a; US XXIV, 19-26; YSas I, 41-44.
6 Cf. ADh IV, 154-161; sâmāyika ( P315).
7 CL. ADh p. 351, samiti: sam-iti or samyak-iti: walk or correct movement.
8 Cf. iryāpathika-sūtra , P 706; 533.
9 Cf. AvaS 18; P 534 ff.

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of these objects to remove from them dust and any trace of living beings. 10
v) Utsarga-samiti: attention to the manner in which one disposes of that which the body rejects, i.e. excrements, urine, mucus etc., in an isolated place where there are no living beings.
One observes thus that the guptis and samitis serve as supports for ahiṁsā. They have so great an importance in the life of the ascetics that tradition has called them "the eight mothers". It is they who give birth to the spiritual body, that of perfect conduct, and they nourish it, protect it and take care of its constant purification. 11
c) The dharmas: The ten duties of the ascetic
These consist in certain virtuous attitudes, formulated in detail, which together constitute what is usually called śramaņa-dharma, for the śramaņas and śramanis dedicate their lives to the dharma. The text says that each of these attitudes is uttama, lofty, superior, most excellent.12 They are:
i) Kșamā: patience, which upholds, endures, pardons.
ii) Mārdava: sweetness, kindliness, availability, modesty.
iii) Ārjava: sincerity, candour, integrity.
10 Cf. P 487 ff.
11 Cf. YSas 1,45; this, the usual interpretation is not unanimously accepted. Jacobi SBE XLV p. 129, n. 1 calls them "the eight articles of the creed"; Schubring, 1962, 173 "vessels (mätrā) of the teaching." This question should be studied. As the learned ascetics, both men and women, speak of weight mothers" (cf., following Hemacandra, Sadhvi Candanā, US, p. 251) we follow their interpretation. On the subject of the samitis, cf. AD IV, 162169; MA I, 10-15; V, 105-110; 121-128; SihS 457; TS IX, 5; US XXIV, 118; YSas 1, 35-40.
12 Cf. TS IX, 6.

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iv) Śauca: purity, generally understood in this context as absence of greed or covetousness.
13
v) Satya: veracity of speech, which means in this context, the manner in which one is to address oneself to those who desire to follow or are already engaged in the way of the ascetics, those with whom one should converse freely of spiritual things. 14
vi) Samyama: self-mastery, inner and outer discipline.1:
vii) Tapas: austerity, self-mortification, penitence - which has vast importance, for it gives rise to both samvara and nirjarā.16
361
15
viii) Tyaga: this word generally means: relinquishment, renunciation, but it can also mean: gift, liberality; both meanings are included here, particularly the second. But what gift can an ascetic offer? In what will his liberality consist? The gift he imparts is the gift of jñāna and other spiritual treasures, for those who possess no earthly goods possess the infinite wealth of knowledge.17
ix) Ākiñcanya: the attitude which renounces all forms of possession, even that of one's own body; this stripping-off of the ego fills the ascetic with joy and, denuded of all things, he begins to experience the jiva (ätman) in a luminous fashion.1
18

13 Cf. ADH VI, 24.
14 Cf. ADH VI, 35-36, where the subtle distinction is made between satya the 2nd mahāvrata, bhāṣā-samiti, and satya-dharma.
15 Cf. SthS 428; 5 sorts of samyama.
16 "Tapas or penance is a means of nirjarā in as much as it is a means of samvara." TS Sukhlal, p. 321.
17 Cf. ADH VI, 52-53.
18 Cf. Ibid., VI, 54.

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x) Brahmacarya: The state of life of the ascetic who, having made a vow of celibacy, lives with the guru or guruni and under obedience. 19
362
The ten aspects of the dharma are implicit in the way of life of the sādhvis, but it goes without saying that perfection is not vouchsafed along with the dikṣā and that the observance of each necessitates a sustained personal effort, aided by the study of Scripture, performance of the daily rituals, the community-life and also by anuprekṣā, personal reflection, the fourth means to saṁvara.
d) The anuprekṣās: The twelve sorts of reflection
These are also called bhāvanās and refer to a solid body of themes, which together form the essentials of the doctrine. Reflection, or discursive meditation upon these themes, is an effective means of combatting the passions, of freeing oneself from their grip, and thus of contributing towards the stoppage of karmic matter. These anuprekṣās
are:
i) Anitya-anuprekṣā: everything in the sphere of human relations and earthly goods is fleeting, transitory, subject to time.
ii) Asaraṇa-anuprekṣā: in this world there is no refuge for the jiva, it is unprotected.
iii) Samsara-anuprekṣā: the jiva is gripped in the ceaseless movement of the cycle of existence, an existence which is full of contradictions.
iv) Ekatva-anuprekṣā: solitude is a constituent part of the condition of the jiva who, alone, must rid itself of all forms of ignorance, and liberate itself, 20
19 Cf. Ibid., VI, 55.
20 A metaphysical solitude within a very close-knit community-life. Each sadhvi knows that she must by her own efforts work towards self-purification and Liberation, by imitating the tirthankaras and following their teaching. These latter are certainly an inspiration - and a powerful one at that - but they offer no direct supernatural aid. Each evening, before going to sleep, the sadhvis remind themselves of their solitariness (P 526 ff.).

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363
v) Anyatva-anuprckşā: literally, this means reflection on difference, which implies a distinction, the existence of two elements. Here the difference is between jiva (ātman) and pudgala, matter, the body.
vi) Aśucitva-anuprekṣā: the body is impure, ephemeral. 21
vii) Asrava-anuprekṣā: the senses are the windows through which the passions penetrate and assault the jiva, thus causing the influx of karmic matter.
viii) Saṁvara-anupreksā: right conduct, along with all virtuous activities it involves, is a solid barrage against ásrava.
ix) Nirjară-anuprckṣā: reflection on the nature of karman, on the required process leading to its cisintegration and elimination, on the cause of this elimination, namely, tapas, the voluntary cffort of mortification.
x) Loka-anuprekṣā: reflection on the structure of the universe and the three worlds which comprise it, on living and non-living substances.
xi) Bodhidurlabhatva-anuprekṣā: the extreme difficulty of reaching the state of bodhi, perfect knowledge. This reflection prevents an easy complacency, spiritual laziness, for the path is a narrow one.
xii) Dharmasvākhyātva-anuprckşā: the grateful remembrance of the immense benefit accruing to one in the Jaina dharma:
[The dharma is the kinsman of those who have no relatives, [The dharma is) the friend of those who are companionless, [The dharma is the Lord of those who are unprotected; the sole [and] tender [brother) of all: the dharma.22
21 Cf. The speech of Mallinātha to her suitors; P 100 ff.
22 abandhūnām asau bandhuḥ asakhinām asau sakhă
anāthânam asau nātho dharmo visvaikavatsalah. YSas IV, 100.

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The anupreksās help one not to be vague nor leave to one side the real. They offer a direction and a stimulant. When we examine them closely, we observe their very positive side, that of always leading the mind back to the essential.23
e) Parişaha-jaya: Victory over the twenty-two afflictions
Before considering tapas, voluntary austerity, we must first take a look at the parişahas, the daily sufferings and trials common to all human beings, which, whether in an acute or less acute form, persist and must be borne with courage and in remembrance of the jinas who won jaya, the victory, over them, never allowing themselves to be overcome by any of the following adversities:
i) Kșudhā: hunger.
ii) Trşā (pipāsā): thirst.
iii) Śita: cold.
iv) Uşna: hcat.
v) Daṁsamaśakas: insect-bites.
vi) Nagnatva: nakedness. 24
vii) Arati: lack of comforts and resultant discontent.
viii) Stri: woman (man, if the reference is to sādhvis) and the distractions occasioned by her.
ix) Caryā: the itinerant life with its attendant hardships.
x) Nişadyās: certain seated postures, when maintained for a long time.
23 Cf. on the subject of the anuprekṣās: ADH VI, 57-82; TS IX, 7; US XXIX, 22; Y Sas IV, 57-110.
24 This in the case of the Digambara munis.

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xi) Śayya: the hard bed, which will vary in different cases and in accordance with the seasons, such as: matting, straw, mud floor, cement floor, hard wooden bed.
xii) Ākroṣas: injuries, insults, assaults, hard words.
xiii) Vadhas: blows, ill-treatment, wounds.
xiv) Yacană: the quest for alms in the form of food, shelter, clothing, remedies, books and other necessary objects.
xv) Alabha: the refusal to give, which must sometimes be endured.
xvi) Roga: illness.
xvii) Tṛṇasparśa: literally, the touch of grass and thence more generally: the roughness or prickliness of thorns, brambles, gravel, straw or matting.25
xviii) Mala: dirtiness due to perspiration or dust.
365
xix) Satkāra-puraskāra: the feeling of frustration due to absence of honours, esteem and reward.
xx) Prajñā: wisdom, knowledgeability; the ascetic must not win glory through exceptional knowledgeability, and thus become vain and arrogant.
xxi) Ajñāna: ignorance, which prevails so long as one does not have perfect knowledge.
xxii) Adarśana: unenlightened, wavering faith, such as demands proofs and tangible results.26

25 Cf. ADH VI, 105; the Digambara munis sleep on straw even in the winter.
26 On the subject of the parisahas, cf. ADh VI, 83-112; AS I, 8, 2, 7-10; 1315; SkrS I, 3, 3; TS IX, 8-9; US II. Not all of these sufferings are undergone

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By surmounting with serenity these difficulties and sufferings, by transcending them, by winning over each a victory, the ascetic contributes to the stoppage of karmic matter and also to its rejection, for parişaha-jaya constitutes a form of tapas, non-voluntary, it is true, but accepted. We arrive at the sixth and last cause of saṁvara.
f) The caritras: The five kinds of right conduct
These five kinds of cäritra contribute to saṁvara and to samyakcāritra, perfect conduct.
i) Sāmāyika-căritra: daily conduct, in which the vow of sāmāyika continually finds expression.
ii) Chedopasthāpana-căritra: either a very great purity of faith in which error finds no place or the state of the ascetic who, on account of some infidelity to the vows, has been initiated afresh.27
iii) Parihäraviśuddhi-căritra: the process of purification through certain mortifications.
iv) Sūkşmasāmparāya-cārtra: the state in which the passions are mastered; only the slightest tendency towards covetousness remains.
v) Yathākhyāta-cāritra: the state in which there is a complete absence of the passions, called also: vitarăga-cāritra.28
by the ascetics; it all depends on their degree of spiritual advancement corresponding to the gunasthānas; cf. TS IX, 10-17.
27 Cf. JSK II, pp. 307-309; TS Sukhlal, p. 338. Certain ones consider that the great diksā is closely related to this form of conduct; that is to say that, during the time-lapse between the Ist dikş, and the great dikṣā, the new sādhvi may commit unavoidable faults due to her as yet little exercised attentiveness. From the great diksă onwards these faults are eliminated, she is definitely and finally establised in the state of perfection; cf. Mahāsati Umarāvakumvara, 1962, p. 118.
28 Cf. AnuS 144b; TS IX, 18; the guņasthānas 10 and 11 (P310 ff.).

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367
B - Nirjara: The dissociation of karman
Though the flow of karmic matter has been checked by a firm dyke that prevents it from penetrating, none the less the jiva's faculties are still obscured by an accumulation of karmas that have not yet reached maturity. When it has come to the end of its own development, each element of karman ripes and falls, detaching itself from the jiva just as a ripe fruit detaches itself from a tree.29 Nisjară means the wearing out of something, exhaustion, destruction. The word in this context means disintegration, dissociation, elimination, the disappearance of the various sorts of karman at different moments and under the influence of sundry factors. This dissociation can be self-induced after a long porcess, the karman ripening slowly, or it can be hastened by an effort of will which, if it is intense and sustained, leads to Liberation.
Nirjarā gives rise to a considerable change in the jiva, who is no longer subject to the servitude imposed by the bandha; even if the said jiva perceives and registers impressions as they present themselves, it experiences no feeling of pleasure or hatred. It is in a state in which they no longer have a hold on it, and this constitutes bhāva-nirjarā.30 The operation by means of which the jiva frees itself from karmic matter is the dravya-nirjarā.31
We reach now the next step in our study which takes in the different aspects of tapas, the chosen means of bringing about nirjarā. Tapas includes a certain number of forms of self-mortisication and penance: six bāhya-tapas or external austerities and six ábhyantaratapas or internal austcritics.32
29 Cf. SamSa 168 (P 309 n. 95).
30 Cf. SamSa 193-197; 218-219.
31 Cf. ADh 11, 42-43; DravSam 36; Y Sas IV, 86.
32 Cf. ADH VII, 4; TS IX, 19-20; UX XXX. Tapas has sundry meanings: heat, fire, fervour, torment, penitence, mortification, austerity. In Vedic literature, in the most ancient texts, the idea of warmth, in the sense of

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a) The bähya-tapas: The six forms of external austerities
These are called external because they consist in various types of bodily mortifications, but they possess no purificatory value if they are not the expression of an interior attitude. These austerities are:
i) Anaśana: temporary fast or one kept until the Great Departure.
ii) Avamaudarya: restriction of the quantity of food consumed for a pre-determined period.33
368
iii) Vṛttiparisaṁkhyānas: certain restrictions in regard to bhikṣācarya, the rules concerning the quest for food.
iv) Rasaparityaga: abstinence for a period from certain rich food stuffs, such as milk, clarified butter, curds.
v) Viviktaśayyasana: retreat to a solitary place, away from all that may disturb the mind and the senses.34
vi) Käyakleśa: certain bodily mortifications, for example:exposure to the heat of the sun or to cold, and the adoption of certain painful postures.
creative fervour, is always inferred. The word later took on the meaning of >urification, a purification achieved by some effort, where the element of ain is stressed, sometimes more and sometimes less. In the Jaina dharma, apas gathers together all these ideas and its role, whether it operates xternally or internally, whether it is undertaken voluntarily or involuntarily,
always to hinder the penetration of karmic matter and, above all, to ontribute towards its annihilation. The intense heat of tapas burns up arman (US XII, 44). We shall see how tapas can also refer to a ritual form f expiation and reparation for faults.
3 According to ADH VII, 22-25 and TS IX, 19 this type of tapas applies ly to food; US XXX, 14-24 extends its application to other realms.
1
Cf. brahmacarya, P 349 ff.

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369
Each form of tapas mentioned above corresponds to a different type of mortification. The sădhvis follow their own inclinations in the choice of such or such a form of austerity, taking into account their own physcial resistance and with the approval of the guruņi. When it is a question of a major fast, the ācārya is consulted and either grants permission or withholds it.35
b) The ābhyantara-tapas: The six forms of internal austerities
These comprise certain forms of renunciation or inner mortification. We have now reached the final stage in the process of purification, which does not however mean that one abandons external forms of mortification which have a valuable function. These inner austerities are:
i) Prāyaścitta: expiation of, reparation for faults committed. This demands not only an inner attitude which recognises and is sorry for such faults, but also certain penances in conformity with the prescriptions of the Cheda-sūtras. These forms of expiation are:
1. Alocană: the confession of one's faults to the guruņi or the ācārya, in accordance with the gravity of the offence.36
2. Pratikramana: the repentance which goes with confession and also with the avasyaka of the daily rite.
3. Alocană and pratikramana: confession and repentance.
4. Viveka: discrimination, referring in this context to the particular case when, through inattention or forgetfulness, certain forbidden or
35 Cf. P 609 ff. the case of Sadhvi Śri Ratnavati; re. bāhya-tapas, cf. AD VII, 5-32; AS I, 4, 3; 8, 1, 21; SthS 511a; US XXVIII, 34-35; XXX. 8-29; YSas, 89. We recall to mind the first Teräpanthi sādhvis who practised the mortification of endurance of cold, P 250 ff.
36 If the acārya is not available, it suffices to write to him and he replies by sending a message prescribing the penance to be performed; Cf. Sth$ 733a, where the 10 sorts of disingenuous confession are described.

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impure food may have been accepted. Immediately the ascetic realises the fact, the food must be taken back.
5. Vyutsarga or Kāyotsarga.
6. Tapas: one form or another of external mortification.
7. Cheda: the reduction, in accordance with the gravity of the fault committed, of the length of ascetic life counted to the ascetic from the moment of dikṣā; for example, a sadhvi who has been initiated six years can have this period reduced by one year and be deemed to have a seniority of only five years.
8. Upasthapana: a new consecration; after a serious offence the dikṣā is invalidated and the ascetic may be consecrated afresh.37
ii) Vinaya: the attitude of veneration with regard to jñāna, darśana, and caritra and of humble and respectful deference towards the ācārya, the guruni, one's seniors, both men and women.3
38
iii) Vaiyavṛtya: the sense of duty and spirit of service in regard to the ācārya, the guruni, and other members of the group, particularly the aged sădhvis.
iv) Svādhyāya: personal study of the Agamas. This is of extreme importance and in the course of it one must take the following aspects into account.
1. Vācană: the study of the meaning of words, singly and in their context.
37 For the prayaścittas, cf. ADh VII, 34-59; MA V, 164-166; SthS 733e; TS IX, 22; US XXX, 31 and P 506 ff.
38 Cf. DS IX where this last point is developed at length. Cf. for ii and iii: ADH VII, 60-81; MA V, 167-195; SthS 397a, b; TS IX, 23-24; US XXX, 3233.

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2. Pracchană: the questions which need to be addressed to competent persons, in order to assure oneself of the exact meaning of the text and clarify one's doubts.39
3. Anuprekșă: reflection on a text.
4. Āmnāya: repetition of the words of a text with due attention to correct pronunciation and to learning them by heart.40
5. Dharmopadeśa: discourse on the doctrine, on tradition or the lives of especially holy and venerable ascetics.41
v) Vyutsarga: renunciation, both inner and outer, of all forms of the possession, including that of the body. 42
vi) Dhyāna: mental concentration. This is a major feature of the doctrine that concerns the loftiest of all spiritual activities, which, if perfectly practised, brings about nirjarā and thus leads to mokșa.43 On account of its importance and because dhyāna has ofter been neglected during these last centuries, no less as an object of study than as regards its practice, and also because of the growing interest in our own day in this type of activity and methods which enable it, we are going to try in the following chapter to indicate the characteristics of
39 ADh stresses the importance of asking questions; cf. VII, 84-85.
40 The sādhvis, usually from the moment of dikṣā onwards and sometimes before when the period of probation is long, learn certain Agamas by heart, which, given their itinerant life, is extremely useful for them.
41 For svādhyāya, cf. ADH VII, 82-92; MA V, 196; SthS 465; TS IX, 25; US XXX, 34 and P 490 ff.
42 Cf. ADH VII, 93-102; TS IX, 26. Sths and US give dhyana before vyutsarga. Note that vyutsargal which is the same as kāyotsarga) is repeated twice: This is a form of inner asceticism which has also an expiatory function.
43 Cf.DhyanSat 96.

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dhyāna according to Jaina doctrine, making a synthesis of the essential points mentioned in several texts of different epochs.44
However, before starting this attempt, we must add one further point concerning samvara and nirjarā. In their way of explaining these two aspects of the doctrine there are numerous repetitions in these ancient texts which are addressed to communities of ascetics whose one and only aim is self-purification. The sages throughout the ages have sought, first, to indicate with the most refined degree of perspicacity the whole range of possible subtle infiltrations of karmic matter, then to show concrete and no less subtle ways of getting freed from this karmic matter. What is absolutely certain - and is straightforwardly affirmed - is that in all these types of austerities what matters is the intention. No austerity is an end in itself, but is a means of progress towards mokṣa.
44 In part III we shall see how all this is put into practice in the lives of centemporary sådhvis. For abhyantara-tapas, cf. ADh VII. 33-104; Sths 511b; TS IX, 20; US XXX, 30-37; YSas 90.

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Chapter 6
The highest form of tapas: Dhyāna, mental concentration
He who has purged the defilement of error 1 indifferent to the pleasures of the senses, all mental activity being suppressed, strengthened in his own nature, that one becomes absorbed in the atman. 4
Let us recollect from the start that the Three Jewels are experienced in the ātman and that therefore it is through the ātman that one reaches mokşa.In the course of a long pilgrimage, through a constant and sustained effort of purification directed solely towards freeing the ātman of all that is foreign to its nature, one comes slowly but surely to a more and more kcen and direct awareness of the ātman. According to vyavahāra, a method is necessary to arouse and direct this awareness, according to niscaya, the ātman has an un-mediated self-awareness, in a movement of enstasy.
1 Cf. moha: aberration, illusion, all that precludes right vision and right conduct.
2 Viratta (virakta): alienated, distant from, disaffected.
3 Mano ņirumbhitta (mano nirudhya): well-controlled mind or retention of thought; cf. Yoga-sūtra 2.
jo khavidamohakaluso visaya viratto mano nirumbhitta samavathido mahāve so appăņam havadi jhādā. PSa II, 104; lit. he becomes one who concentrates on the atman.
5 Cf. DravSam 39.

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Dhyana presents both these aspects: that of being a method and also a direct apprehension. We must study both, in accordance with what the texts of the doctrine impart to us. Without making a complete cleavage between the two and always keeping in sight the final goal, we shall see, first, the nature of dhyāna, next the different types thereof - dwelling more particularly on dharma-dhyāna - and finally some methods. As for the texts that we use as guides, these are: the Tattvārtha-sútra, the Dhyānaśataka and the Dravyasamgraha, which treat this subject more particularly from the philosophical and doctrinal point of view; a treatise adhering to the same basic doctrine as the ones just named, but more practical in its approach and with a clear explanation of the existential aspect of dhyāna, namely, the Tattvānuśāsana or Dhyānaśāstra; lastly, the description of a method given in the Yogaśāstra. These texts together present a remarkable harmony and complement one another.
a) The nature of dhyāna and the conditions required
for its practice
Dhyāna is defined as: ckāgra-cintă-nirodha. Cintă: thought, reflection; ckāgra: concentrated, sixed on one single object, exclusively directed towards this object. Therefore dhyāna is the retention of thought and its concentration upon a single object.
According to the doctrine, two additional elements must operate in this retention for it to be recognised as dhyāna: the physical make-up of the person concerned, which must be suitable for the practice of this exercise, and the duration of same.7 The physical constitution, which is bound up with nama-karman, must be excellent and robust: uttamasaṁhanana.8 As for the duration, it cannot be longer than one
6 The DhyanSat is attributed to Jinabhadra Gaņi, a Svetambara, of the end of the VIth c.; the Tativanu to Acārya Rāmasena, a Digambara of the end of the Xth c.
7 uttama-samhananasya-ekågracintanirodho dhynām-antarmuhūrtăt. TS IX,
27.
8 The 3 types of excellent physical constitution are: vajrarsabhanārāca: thunderbolt, bull, arrow; ardhavajrarsabhanårāca: half-thunderbolt-bull

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muhūrta (48 minutes). After this period of time the mind is no longer able to continue concentrating on the same object, but it can remain in a state of recollectedness and concentrate itself afresh on a succession of other objects. 9
b) The different types of dhyāna
The treatises are unanimous in recognising four types of dhyāna: ărta, painful; raudra, cruel, violent; dharma, that which takes its inspiration from the dharma; śukla, white, very pure. The two first types are productive of bad karmas, they defile the atman and deflect it from the path leading to Liberation. The two other types are productive of meritorious karmas and aid towards nirjarā,10
Each of these types of dhyana is subdivided into four different sorts. For our purposes it is sufficient to mention in brief the contents of the first two types; as for dharma-dhyāna, the one form of dhyāna that is of special interest to us just now, we must study it in detail. The two first stages of śukla-dhyāna demand a lofty degree of perfection and are therefore rarely attained, while the two last stages concern only the omniscient.
375
Ārta-dhyāna, a type of painful and agonised mental concentration, may spring from several sources. Affliction may be caused by the presence of some factor or disagreeable object of which one would like to rid oneself or by an absence, an unendurable separation, by a shooting physical pain with its psychical repercussions from which one longs to be free, by some unsatiated thirst for enjoyment. Ascetics who lack fervour or are negligent can fall prey to this type of dhyāna.11
arrow; and nārāca: arrow; cf. TS Sukhlal, p. 345, where samhanana is translated by "bone structure"; cf. also P 641 ff.
9 Cf. DhyanSat 3-4.
10 Cf ADH VII, 103; DhyanSat 5; SthS 247; TS IX, 27-44; US XXX, 35.
11 Cf. DhyanSat 6-10; TS IX, 30-34.

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Raudra-dhyāna is provoked by all that engenders violence, the urge to strike, to hurt, to kill; by lies, deceit, infidelity; by theft or covetousness, by excessive attachment, causing torment of soul, or anxiety with regard to one's possessions. This type of dhyana can be found among śrāvakas and śrāvikās who are still engrossed in attending to their possessions, but not among the ascetics, for each and every aspect of raudra-dhyāna is diametrically opposed to one of the four mahāvratas.12
c) Dharma-dhyāna: Concentration on important aspects of the doctrine
i) What is the dhyeya, the object upon which the mind is to fix its concentration?
It goes without saying that the dhyeya is some basic feature of the doctrine. Certain essential aspects of the dharma constitute the dhyeya: ǎjñā, apāya, vipāka, samsthāna:13
1. Ājñā: an order, commandment Here it is a question of the commandments given by the tirthankaras; the concentration must be directed towards the nature of these commandments, 14 and the reasons which make these injunctions difficult to grasp, of which one, for example, could well be the lack of masters.
15
2. Apaya: misfortunne, disaster, anything that engenders fear or destruction, which are the consequences of spiritual blindness. A salutary form of concentration, in that it serves to strengthen faith in the doctrine.1 16
12 Cf. DhyanSat 19-27; TS IX, 35.
13 Cf. TS IX, 36.
14 Cf. DhyanSat 45-46.
15 Ibid., 47-48.
16 Ibid., 50.

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3. Vipäka: the maturation, of the different karmas and its consequences. Concentration upon all aspects of both meritorious and destructive karmas, their nature, duration, etc. and upon their generative activities. 17
4. Saṁsthāna: structure, state, characteristics, composition. In the present context this refers to concentration upon all that constitutes the structure of the universe and hence upon the teaching of the doctrine upon dravya, substance.18
ii) How is dharma-dhyāna to be achieved?
To the preceding abstract and general considerations must now be added more existential and practical ones which indicate the requisite mental dispositions, the state of being towards which one must strive, and also a simple method of attaining it.
Since dhyāna consists essentially of mental concentration, one must endeavour to promote anything that can help the mind to become peaceful and concentrated, to lay aside all distractions, causes of agitation or attachment. The supremely important and indispensable mental disposition is one of inner detachment, that creative passivity in which, thanks to self-mastery, one remains calm, troubled neither by what is alluring nor by what is repugnant.19 We may say, with greater precision, that the one who already practises certain bhāvanās is in a state favourable to sustained concentration. In this connection the recommended bhāvanās are: jñāna, darśana, căritra and vairāgya, indifference or aversion towards the things of this world. 20 The
17 Ibid., 51.
18 Ibid., 52-54
19 Cf. DravSam 48; one recalls how Mahāvira stayed silent, recollected, concentrated in the midst of innumerable difficulties; cf. ASI, 8, 1,4-6; 8, 2, 12; 8,4,3; 7; 14-15. 20 Cf. DhyanSat 30-34; we know that bhāvanā can mean: reflection, or:an observance. It is possible that here both meanings are intended.

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ālambas, or supports upon which one should rely, are svādhyāya, the serious study of Scripture, and sāmāyika.21 Among external conditions favourable to dhyāna, the most important is solitude.22 There is no rigid rule as regards specific time and place, what counts being mastery of the three realms: body, speech and mind.23 No special posture is enjoined and one may practise dhyāna standing, seated or lying.24
24
378
Attempts have been made, in connection with the classification of the guṇasthānas,25 to pinpoint the states favourable to dharma-dhyāna, According to the Digambara tradition, ascetics who are between the fourth and seventh guṇasthānas are well-suited for dharma-dhyāna, while according to the Svetambara tradition it is those who are en route between the seventh and twelfth stages. 26 Opinions upon this point may vary, but it is unanimously agreed that:
The atman [which practises] tapas, mortification, lives out the vratas, the vows, [knows] the śruta, the Scripture, can harness the chariot of dhyāna. . .27
21 Ibid., 42-43; Haribhadra insists on the importance of relying on the Śāstras; cf. YB 221-226.
22 DhyanSat 35.
23 Ibid., 38; 41.
24 Ibid., 39; it is understood that one's interior disposition is one of kayotsarga; dhyāna and kāyotsarga always go together.
25 Cf. P310 ff.
26 Cf. TS Sukhlal, p. 352.
27 tavasudavadavaṁ cedā jjhāṇaraha dhuraṁdharo have jamahā... DravSam 57.

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It should be added that little by little, as one perseveres in the endeavour, concentration becomes more and more continuous, natural and spontaneous. One abides uninterruptedly in a state where one's inner mental dispositions are conducive to dharma-dhyāna.28 and, once one is confirmed in this state, an effort of concentration is no longer necessary, the ātman is already awakened to its own self, and this is niscaya-dhyāna.29
iii) The method above all others
Repeat the mantra) and concentrate upon (the mantra which] calls upon the parameșthins in thirty-five, sixteen, six, five, four, two or one syllables, and other (mantras) in accordance with the guru's teaching. 30
Mental concentration, on the Namaskāra-mantra above all or on some other mantra, is by far the most ancient, simple and usual method, the japa, the repetition and murmuration of the syllables, and the dhyāna taking place simultaneously.31 In order to maintain the dhyāna, a progression is recommended, namely, that one should concentrate progressively on fewer and fewer syllables. The fewer the syllables, the more intense and unified the concentration. These syllables, whether put together to form a word or pronounced singly, are decply meaningful; they symbolize the parameșthins. One can combine these syllables in different ways, provided, of course, that the combination makes sense. Thus, the sixteen syllables could be: arahamtā, siddhā, āyariyā, uvajjhāyā, sāhū, (arhat, siddha, ācārya,
28 Cf. DhyanSat 65; we shall see this in greater detail in the Tattvanu.
29 Cf. DravSam 55 and comm.
30 paņatisa sola chappana cadu dugamegam ca javaha jhãeha
parametthi vācayāṇam annam ca gurūvaeseņa. DravSam 49.
31 Cf. YB 382-385; P 478 (f.

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upādhyāya, sādhu); the two syllables could be: siddha.32 Here we are on the threshold of dharma-dhyāna, the slow and attentive repetition of the names of the parameşthins, accompanied by that deep devotion which enters into communion with all that each one represents.33 One may also concentrate upon other mantras as taught by the guru, for without a master one runs the risk of remaining vague and hazy.
Whatever method is chosen, it will provide an alamba, a useful or even indispensable prop, but for a limited time. The ultimate goal of the highest form of concentration of the realisation of the ātman by the ätman:
Make no effort, neither speak nor think, so that the atman, imperturbable, may be absorbed in the atman; this is without doubt the highest form of dhyāna.34
Ontologically, the ātman is, and has always been in the ātman, but the function of dhyāna is to conduce towards an awakening, a new consciousnes of this truth. Concentration such as has been described, by conducing towards the cessation of all that is alien, facilitates the absorption of the ātman in itself.
32 This sequence is suggested in the comm. on DravSam 49; cf. YSas VIII, 32-42.
33 Cf. DravSam 50-54. Iconography portrays each paramesthin on a lotuspetal, witht the arhat centrally placed, each one being given a symbolic colour, arhat: white; siddha: red; ācārya: yellow; upādhyaya: blue; sādhu: black. The portrayal of the parameșthins on a lotus is common to both traditions, but it is only the Svetāmbaras who accord them particular colours. Cf. U.P. Shah, 1975. pp. 63-64.
34 mā cithaha mā jampaha mā cimtaha kimvi jeņa hoi thiro
appă appammi rao iņameva paraṁ have jjhāņań. DravSam 56.

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d) Śukla-dhyāna: Very pure concentration
Dharma-dhyāna, which is already a lofty form of dhyāna, is simply preparatory to śukla-dhyāna, the purest form of all.35 Let us take a look at the first two stages of śukla-dhyāna. Both traditions agree that Sukla-dhyāna is attainable by those ascetics who have reached one of the stages preceding kevala-jñāna and who possess perfect knowledge of the Purvas, the most ancient texts of Scripture.36 These first two stages have this in common, but differ as follows:
At the first stage: the ascetic who is capable of practising this level still retains the three yogas; his mode of concentration is pṛthaktvavitarka-savicara, which means that, with reference to a given text of Scripture, his concentration upon a substance or on a mode of the said substance will take into its purview several points of view and there may also occur a shift from one text to another.37
381
At the second stage: the ascetic retains only one of the three yogas. His mode of concentration is ekatvavitarka-nirvicāra; now there is complete unity of being. His whole attention is fixed on one single mode of the substance and upon one single text. His being is unified, recollected in dhyana.38 As the ascetic has now only one activity, this means that he can easily practice dhyāna without the participation of manas, the mind, for mental activity is no longer necessary where one
35 A purity which shines like the brightness of the moon; cf. SkrS I, 6, 6.
36
Cf. DhyanSat 64; TS IX, 37. These texts, of course, except for a few fragments, have not been preserved (P 143); however, TS Sukhlal writes, p. 355: Thus when a performer of dhyana - in case he happens to be versed in the Purva-texts, then on the basis of such a text, otherwise on the basis of whatever scriptural text he is conversant with - takes up for consideration..."
37 Cf. DhyanSat 77-78; 83; TS IX, 39-40; 44.
38 Cf. DhyanSat 79-80; 83; TS IX, 39-40; 42.

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has reached a certain level of consciousness of being 39 As for the last two stages, they appertain to the state of the kevalin.
The results and fruits of the first two stages of sukla-dhyāna are the same, but there is a progression as regards the intensity of these results, meritorious karmas bringing about samvara and samvara nirjarā.40
The Dhyanaśataka gives some concrete and very vivid comparisons. Dhyana is compared to the water which washes the stains out of garments, the fire which removes rust from iron, the sun which dries up mud from the earth. Stain, rust and mud are like karmic matter.41 Again, dhyāna is likened to some medical treatment which heals a sick person, to a fire which, fanned by the wind, burns wood, to wind which disperses clouds.42 The ascetic who practises dhyāna sincerely and regularly comes gradually to that purified state of being, that constant recollectedness in which he is no longer affected by any sort of affliction caused by the passions, not by external factors such as cold or heat.43
e) The Tattvånuśåsana or Dhyanaśastra of Ācārya Råmasena
This work, of the Digambara tradition, is almost entirely devoted to dhyāna.44 It is not, certainly, the only text, nor the most ancient on
39 Strictly speaking, since we have defined dhyāna as mental concentration, we should add that from the 2nd stage of sukla-dhyāna onwards this definition is discarded
40 Cf. Dhyan Sat 93-94.
41 Ibid., 97-98.
42 Ibid., 100-102.
43 Ibid., 103-104.
44 Out of 259 padhyas, only the first 32 do not address themselves directly to dhyāna. This treatise probably dates from the end of the Xth c.; Ācārya

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this subject, but it ranks as a Šāstra, is systematic in its approach and is a precious guide. As regards doctrine, it is in agreement with the Tattvārtha-sūtra and the Dhyānaśataka, while as regards method it advocates the same as the Dravyasamgraha, but it develops at some length - and herein resides its orginality and its importance - Dravyasamgraha had indicated in brief, namely, the primordial foundation-stone undergirding dhyāna which is at the same time its final goal, namely the realisation of the ātman by means of the ātman in the atman. Furthermore, it contributes fresh and valuable elements to the method, with which it is important to acquaint ourselves, for they have passed into general usage.
Without making a detailed analysis of this treatise, we can indicate in outline those aspects which are of interest to us as being complementary to the preceding section. To begin with, we notice that the author of the Tattvānuśäsana affirms that no-one in our day and age has the physical constitution necessary for the practice of śukla-dhyāna, and therefore he devotes himself primarily to dharmadhyāna.45
Dharma-dhyāna is here studied from the viewpoints of both niscaya and vyavahāra. Niścaya-dhyāna is svarūpālambana, from älambana (the support) svarūpa (its own sorm), which is to say that the ātman in its essential purity is its own support. Vyavahāra-dhyāna is parălambana, here the support is other, and thus external. 46
Rāmasena was from Karņāțaka, as was also Nemicandra, the author of the DravSam. Among those texts that have an affinity with the Tattvanu,
Upadhye mentions two which are of interest to us: thc DravSam and the YSas of Heinacandra; cf. Tativanu Preface, pp. 13-14. P.J. Mukhtara, aster making a profound study of this important and little known text, published in 1963 a critical ed. with trans. in Hindi and comm.
45 Cf. Tativanu 35-36 comm.; however, at the end of the treatise he does expound, though briefly, śukla-dhyāna and mokșa, for, even if our epoch is not propitious for the realisation of either, every exposition of the doctrine must introduce them as being possible of realisation in some age to come; cf. P75 ff. utsarpiņi-avasarpiņi.
46 Cf. Talivanu 96-97.

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In vyavahāra-dhyāna the dhyeyas (that upon which one fixes one's concentration) are various: nāma, sthāpană, dravya, bhava.47 We are going to give particular consideration to nama-dhyeya, because of the new elements in the practice of dhyāna added here to those cited by the Dravyasamgraha and also because of its popularity. Of the other three dhyeyas we shall note simply the content.
i) Nama-dhyeya
384
Nāma means name, noun; in this context, however, näma means mantra. The text indicates several mantras and the new element is the mental image which is to accompany the recitation and concentration.48 Here is an example taken from the Namaskaramantra where the nama is of five syllables: a, si, ā, u, sā, standing respectively, for: arhat, siddha, ācārya, upadhyāya, sādhu. Simultaneously with the murmuration of the syllables, the mind becomes concentrated and the mental image forms. What is this image? The lotus of the heart possesses four petals; at the centre of the lotus the letter a (arhat) is to be seen and on the four petals si, ā, u, sā; all five syllables are luminous, and each one makes a pradakṣinā (circumambulation from left to right) as a sign of veneration for the parameṣthin it symbolises.49
ii) Sthapana-dhyeya
This consists in concentration on the mental icon of a jinendra. This icon may be kṛtima, non-natural, artificial, as, for example, an image or statue of Mahavira belonging to some well-known temple or akṛtima, original, that is to say, a mental image conforming to a
47
Ibid., 100. These ideas have already been introduced among the āvaś yakas.
48 Ibid., 101-108; among the range of mantras a special place is reserved for arham (for arhat), for hrim, the siddha-mantra for the 24 jinas, and for bijākṣara, the first syllable of a mantra.
49 Ibid., 102.

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description of Mahavira given in one of the Agamas.50 This representation simply serves to fix the attention. One must then go beyond the external form and concentrate on what the jinas in reality are.5 51
iii) Dravya-dhyeya
This consists in concentration on the doctrine in general and, in particular, upon dravya, substance.52
iv) Bhava-dhyeya
This refers to the consideration of the more specific aspects of a given substance.53
385
Till now the whole effort of concentration has been upheld by some support. Now we turn to a consideration of that dharma-dhyāna of which the content is already well-advanced, so that external supports are no longer required. This is niscaya-dhyāna or sva-ātmaālambana, whose sole alambana is the atman of the one who concentrates. 54 The Tattvānusāsana excels in describing this type of dhyāna. Here are some of the lines it follows:
This form of dhyana is based on the teaching of Scripture concerning the atman; each aspect of this teaching is spotlighted, in order to strength darśana and jñāna.55
-
50 Ibid., 109.
51 Cf. SamSa 28-29; P 317 ff.
52 Cf. Tattvanu 110-115 (similar to DhyanSat 52-54).
53 Ibid., 116.
54 Ibid., 141; 118; 135-138.
55 Ibid., 144-159.

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• It conduces to an advance in sva-saṁvedana, the experience of the first degree of awakening of the atman to itself, the inner vision of the ātman in which the knower and the known are one.56
- The fruit of this experience is ekāgrată: attention, the concentration of the mind on a single point, and thence the unified, recollected being; invisible, hidden, indescribable joy; an acute awareness of the atman in its essential unity,57 and of its utter difference from everything else.58 This rare experience, which is so difficult to fathom when one has not reached this stage, even if the sages endeavour to describe it, conduces towards saṁvara and nirjarā.59
After the description of niscaya-dhyāna, a method is proposed to the ascetic as an aid on the journey towards the ultimate goal - an interesting method, for it presents now elcments. It assists in the siddhi (perfecting) and nirmalikaraņa (purification) of the piņda or deha (the body).60 This perfecting and purification are brought about by successive dhāraņās, i.e. the concentration of the mind on the cosmic elements one by one: maruti (the wind), taijasi (fire), āpyā (the waters), combined with the use of a mantra.61 Other texts teach
56 vedyatvaṁ vedakatvaṁ ca yatsvasya svena yoginaḥ
tats va-saṁvedanam prāhuḥ atmano' nubhāvam drśam. Tautvanu 161; cf. 162-169; PSa I, 27.
57 tamevānubhavaṁ cāyam ekāgryam paramscchati
tathā'tmådhinam anandam eti vācām agocaram. Tattvanu 170; the word advaita is used to express this unity, cf. 174.
58 Ibid., 173; it is also mentioned that, as confirmation in direct knowledge of the ātman occurs, so and proportionately do extra-ordinary phenomena proper to samadhi, the final stage of concentration, manifest themselves, but they are not described; cf. 179
59 Ibid., 181-182.
60 Ibid., 183.
61 Ibid., 184-187.

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the same method, which is called pindastha, with five dhāraņās; they add the earth to the list of cosmic elements and, as a fifth dhăraņā, tattvabhū, the essential being, that is to say, the ātman.62
f) The Yogaśāstra of Ācārya Hemacandra
Ācārya Hemacandra, in certain chapters of the Yogaśāstra, gives a clear, simple and complete account of dhyāna.63 This text actually teaches us nothing new on the subject, but forms a synthesis of the preceding in an intelligible and concise language.64 Since Hemacandra does not add anything new to the other treatises, can we rightly talk of his 'teaching'? Yes, indeed, in this sense that he himself, an Acārya, has made this synthesis his own and has transmitted it in his Yogaśāstra. It is interesting to note that, on the one hand, Hemacandra has adopted the classifications of dhyāna given in the Uñānārņava of Acārya Subhacandra,65 and that, on the other, these classifications correspond basically and in their main divisions
62 Pinda can have several meanings such as: mass, lump, ball; food, body. The aim of pindastha-dhyāna is to purify the body by means of specific dhāraņās. The description of pindastha given in the Tattvanu is less elaborate and differs slightly from that given in other treatises, although the basic elements are the same. The question here arises from which earlier text has the Tattvanu borrowed? Can one perhaps discern the influence of the Jñānārņava of Ācārya Subhacandra who probably lived in the IXth c.? We must also take into the reckoning that Jainism must surely have been influenced, as regards certain methods of dhyāna and among them piņdastha, by the corresponding methods of tantric yoga; cf. Eliade, 1958, pp. 209-210. Without lingering longer upon these considerations, we may simply observe that these borrowings from other systems have been so well assimilated that they settle naturally into Jajna doctrine.
63 Cf. YSas VII-XI.
64 As regards the doctrine concerning dhyaha, YSas relies on the TS.
65 Cf. the preface of Muni Amaracandra to the Y Sas, pp. 50-52. Jñānamati, 1976, pp. 57-59, has given in her introd. to dhyāna the classifications of the Jñānārnava.

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to those given in the Tattvānuśāsana, but they are given different designations. 66 This point must be emphasised: while the Tattvānuśāsana expatiates at length on niscaya-dhyāna - dhyāna in its mystical aspect - the Yogaśāstra concentrates more particularly on the practical utilisation of mantras and the mental image accompanying each type of dhyāna.
The following is a brief account of pindastha-dhyāna according to the Yogaśāstra. This type of dhyāna involves five successive dhāraņās. The word dhāraṇā is used to describe the thrust or beam, so to speak, of concentration directed towards a given object, that attention which grasps hold of the dhyeya and takes possession of it, while dhyāna denotes rather the state of concentrated attention and thus concentration itself. The dhāraṇās in this instance are the four cosmic elements: earth, fire, wind (air), water, the fifth is the atman.67
i) Pärthiv.-dhāraṇā: dhāraņa of the earth
The ascetic imagines an ocean of milk, very calm, on which there is an immense lotus of a thousand petals, as vast as Jambūdvipa, the island of the Jambū. The pericarp of this lotus is as tall as Mount Meru; at the centre of the pericarp is a luminous throne upon which the ascetic is seated, bent on the eradication of his karmas. 68
66 Thus we have here a similar classification of dhyāna, but one using different terms: nāma-dhyeya corresponds to padastha-dhyāna (Taltvanu 101-108; YSas VIII); sthāpana-dhyeya to rūpastha-dhyāna (Tattvanu 109; YSas IX); niscaya-dhyeya to rūpātita-dhyāna (Tattvanu 141-187; YSas X). We may note that YSas X proposes to deal with rūpātita-dhyāna, i.e. dhyāna which is formless and niralamba, without support, but although it defines it and stresses its importance (YSas X, 1-6), it scarcely developes its various aspects at all.
67 Cf. YSas VII, 9.
68 lbid., VII, 10; cf. TS 111, 7-39; pindastha-dhyāna takes its inspiration from Jaina cosmography, Mt. Meru being at the centre of Jambūdvipa, lit. its

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389
ii) Āgncyi-dhåraņa: dhăraņā of fire
The ascetic imagines a lotus-flower of sixteen petals issuing from his navel. On the pericarp is inscribed the mahāmantra: arham, and on each of the petals the fourteen vowels of Sanskrit as well as the anusvāra ṁ and the visarga ḥ. He then pictures to himself, over his heart, a lotus-flower of eight petals, inverted, with the under-surface exposed. Each petal has one of the names of the eight karmas inscribed upon it. From the letter r of the mahāmantra smoke is issuing forth, then sparks and then flames that burn and consume the eight-petalled lotus. Here the ascetic must concentrate his attention on the importance and power of the mahāmantra which annihilates each and every karman. Next, it is the body of the ascetic which is consumed, before the fire subsides. 69
iii) Vāyavi-dhāraņā: dhāraņā of the wind, air
One pictures to oneself a strong wind, which scatters the ashes of the lotus and of the charred body and then calms down.70
iv) Väruņi-dhărana: dhåraņa of water
One pictures to oneself a sky covered with clouds, a great downpour, rain which washes away the accumulation of ashes. 71
v) Tattvabhū-dharanā: dharană of essential being
navel: merunabhiḥ (TS III, 9). The image of the lotus is one familiar to Jaina cosmography (TS III, 17-19); Cf. also P674ff.
69 Cf. YŞas VII, 13-18.
70 Ibid., VII, 19-20.
71 Ibid., VII, 21-22.

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The ascetic, whose seven constitutive elements and all karmas have been burned up, is now pure spirit, immaculate, shining like a full moon. Now he is capable of apprehending the omniscient ātman and of concentrating on the ātman-nirākāra, the formless ātman.72
Pindastha-dhyāna helps the mind to centre and purify itself. Through the destruction in imagination of the body, it confronts the mind with the twofold reality: on the one hand, karmic matter and the body - that which must be eliminated and annihilated, that from which one must free oneself - and, on the other, the ātman, pure consciousness of being, which is totally disconnected from matter and which must be full realised.
Dhyāna, the highest form of tapas, burns and annihilates karmic matter. It is based on a systematic method, which demands a sustained mental effort, an effort that is indispensable until the moment when a certain level of recollectedness, of awareness of the ātman, which corresponds always to the elimination of the karmic influx, is reached. At this higher level, dhyāna is spontaneous and goes beyond any form of mental effort. All the sages have had, to varying degrees, the experience of this awakening of consciousness. Some have tried to impart a glimpse of it, to give guidance to their fellow-ascetics. Kundakunda is in this too the master beyond all comparison, particularly in his Samayasāra; he was followed closely by other sages of later epochs. Certain major works should be mentioned:
- The Samādhisataka or Samādhitantra on absorption in the ātman, by Pūjyapăda.73
- The Paramātmaprakāśa or Light of the supreme ātman, that is to say, the knowledge of the ātman when it is purified by the fire of dhyāna.
72 Ibid., VII, 23-25.
73 Cf. P 224.

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This is an outburst of sustained mystical fervour, centred on the ātman, by Yogindu. 74
- The Yogasäraprabhịta, a treatise of the middle of the Xth century on the essential nature of yoga, meaning here mental concentration, by Amitagati.75
74 Cf. the long introd. by Upadhye.
15 The authors of these 3 works belong to the Digambara tradition.

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Chapter 7
The path on earth comes to an end and becomes a non-path
During the constellation uttaraphalguni Mahāvira attained the state of omniscience [and] of the highest form of vision, infinite, supreme, direct, unveiled, all-embracing, total; during the constellation svāti he attained the plenitude of nirvāṇa.1
The first two stages of śukla-dhyāna lead on to kevala-jñāna, mokṣa and nirvana. So soon as a being enjoys perfect knowledge, there is no possibility open to him of a return back, he is confirmed on the path leading to Liberation with absolute certitude. When this final stage of perfection is reached, is there anything more to be said or any further efforts to be made? No, there is no further effort to be made, one is already on another plane. What remains still to be defined, however, is the nature of kevala-jñāna - as far as it is possible to express that of which one has no experience, but of which one can have some presentiment in accordance with the guidance of the Scriptures.
The long, arid road followed up to this point now comes to an end. The state characterised by the load of glutinous matter adhering to it,
1 .hatthuttarähim aṇamte anuttare nivväghãe nirävarane kasine padipunne kevalavaranāṇadamsane samuppanne saiņā parinivvue bhayavam. KS 1; uttaraphalguni: name of the constellation with which the moon is in conjunction during the latter fortnight of vaisakha (April-May), when the moon is waxing (KS 120); sväti: the constellation with which the moon enters into conjunction during the 15th night of the dark fortnight of kärttika (Oct.-Nov.), when the moon is waning (KS 123). Here kevala-jñāna-kevaladarśana are named and described as one entity. The plenitude of nirvāṇa: parinirvāņa.

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by the persistent karmic dust which settles everywhere, now gives place to a state of lightness, of purity. All obscurity has disappeared, the thick veil has fallen. However, for the human being who still retains certain of his faculties, who still lives on this earth, there is still, even when he has reached the state of kevala-jñāna, one last purification necessary, but this is not, as in the case of the ascetic, the result of a series of personal efforts; it is of another sort. There comes then the moment supreme, that of the passing from the state of the kevalin to that of the siddha, a rapid and totally indescribable transition: this is mokșa and, instantaneously, mokṣa leads to nirvāņa. From mokṣa onwards there is no path. The ātman has finally left his mortal wrapping and this earth.
As we follow carefully this last stage and the state which follows we must bear in mind both the vision-beheld of the starting-point, ratnatraya, and the journey which leads by stages to total purification. Up here, from the vantage-point of this summit where the path ends, we can see more clearly, can grasp the meaning of this pilgrimage and can marvel at the consistence observable in the doctrine and in this explanatory sutra, which binds closely together the stages of the journey. We must also recall that these stages are not covered in a single life. Since we are living in the era of misfortune called avasarpiņi the descending phase during which, according to the doctrine, kevala-jñāna and thus also mokşa cannot be attained 2 why should we trouble ourselves, why try to understand a state which does not concern us, the more so since, for the understanding thereof, we have at our disposal only darkened minds and powers of seeing? The answer is simple: however unfavourable to right vision our circumstances may be, a little flame, a little light, still exists. The darkness is not total, desire for mokṣa and for nirvāṇa is certainly not extinguished, for ascetic life continues, the doctrine is studied. We are certainly able to grasp and to know according, that is, to the extent of our awakening, which is inseparable from samyak-căritra; and this knowledge will carry us forward towards the next epoch, when asceticism will be lived in greater perfection thanks to a better physical constitution with its more refined faculties. We can and we must devote ourselves to a study of the doctrine in its entirety and to
2 Cf. P 75 ff; we may recall that this notion is somewhat arbitrary.

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that embodiment of it to which a person may finally attain, even if this attainment is not possible for ourselves. Furthermore, in our epoch, in the Videha-kşetras of Jambūdvipa, there are some tirtharkaras and mokṣa is always possible.? Even if mokṣa occurs outside our kşetra, it is good and helpful to make enquiries as to its meaning. 4
Let us now enter into this new realm in a spirit of reverence and recollection, as one enters a sanctuary, where everything speaks to us of a state of transcending our own, a state in which there is no fissure, no cleavage; nevertheless, in order to grasp and apprehend it better, one must needs introduce some distinctions. These distinctions simply serve as necessary pointers for our mind, that we may endeavour to open ourselves to the experience of plenitude.
A - Kevala-jñāna: Omniscience
We know, on the one hand, that kevala-jñāna is the fifth, final and highest form of knowledge5 and, on the other, that each degree of jñāna depends on the greater or lesser degree of karmic dust that has accumulated. Kevala-jñāna corresponds with the disappearance of injurious karmic dust, thanks to saṁvara and nirjarā; in effect, by the stoppage of the karmic influx and by its elimination, the jiva is completely purified from all that which beclouded the anantacatuștayas, its capacities for infinity: infinite knowledge, infinite intuitive powers (or vision), infinite power and infinite bliss. The four types of destructive karman are annihilated: mohaniya, that of deceitfulness; jñānāvaraṇa, that of the obscuration of knowlege;
3 Cf. TS III, 10; 31; 37; P 76; 80 n.36; 676.
4 Leaving to one side the doctrinal interpretations put forward by the several traditions and the commentators, we give here simply what the doctrine teaches and the sadhvis believe and live out.
5 Cf. Nandis 1; SthS 463; US XXVIII, 4; and TS I, 9.
6 Cf. Sths 464; TS VIII, 6.
7ņaţthacadughāikammo daṁsaņa-suha-ņāņa-viriyamaio...DravSam 50.

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darśanāvarana, that of the obscuration of vision; antarāya, that which blocks and impedes generosity. 8 Only the four other types of karman remain: āyu, which determines the span of life; năma, which determines the name and milieu; gotra, which determines the social rank; vedaniya, which is the source of feelings of pleasure and pain." The jiva, now liberated from the four destructive karmas is a kevalin, an arhat. Within him, after a longer or shorter period of time, the four non-destructive forms of karman will mature and disappear, and this disappearance will signalise mokşa.10 Let us attempt now to grasp in its essentials the nature of kevala-jñāna and of the characteristics of the kevalin.
a) The nature of kevala-jñāna
No word can fully express its infinitude, fulness and perfection. The word omniscience conveys only a very approximate idea of it, since we are here in a realm that defies the intellect. The word kevala has various connotations: alone, isolated, complete, total, unconditioned, absolute, pure. Now, kevala-jñāna is all that, but to a degree that is beyond the limits of the intelligible. Not only is it that knowledge which is all-embracing and untainted, direct, unthwarted by any obstacle, unsullied by any imperfection, but also - and on account of this plenitude and purity - alone, isolated, self-supportive. This mode of knowledge is always accompanied by kevala-darśana, clarity of vision, intuition, perfect perception, which belongs to the same transcendental plane. Many texts couple together the two, 11 and even when kevala-darśana is not explicitly named, it is implicit every time when kevala-jñāna is under consideration, the two together
8 Cf. P 307-308.
9 Cf. TS VIII, 4.
10 Cf. TS X, 2.
11 Cf. DS IV, 23, 21; KS 1; DravSam 44.

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constituting upayoga, consciousness of being. 12 Upayoga is not differentiated from jñāna.13
Omniscience is all-embracing and total, that is to say, it knows in a single flash the substances and their attributes, 14 in every place15 and at every moment of the three times, past, present, and future. 16 It is totally disconnected from psychic states, which are dependent on the passions and result in bandha; in the case of the kevalin, the passions are non-existent. This state is achieved once for all, for the destructive forms of karman, like ripe fruits fallen to the ground, can never be reattached to the jiva. Let us proceed to try and grasp, even with our limited understanding, what the state of the kevalin is.
b) The kevalin, arhat or jina: The omniscient one
Since he is still clothed with a body and lives on this earth, the kevalin actualises in his own person the state called kevala-jñāna. Most of the qualities mentioned in his regard belong to the realm of the abstract; nevertheless they are attributes of a living being, the
12 Cf. TS II, 8-9; cf. P 270 n.20.
13 Cf. YB 428. The fundamental iwofold question in regard to omniscience, viz. Is a human being capable of omniscience? and how do we recognize the signs of omniscience? has been the subject of argument among the scholars of the different philosophical systems, certain ones rejecting all possibility of omniscience in human beings. Without entering into details and taking only the Jaina dharma as our subject of study in this regard, we must make clear that neither Kundakunda nor Umāsvāti and Pujyapada (the author and commentator of the TS) have sought to vindicate omniscience by a rational explanation. It was Samantabhadra who first endeavoured to prove the possibility of omniscience and, after him, Siddhasena; cf. Upadhye, PSa, Introd., p. 76 and n. 2. Later on, Haribhadra in YB 425-457 explained with clarity and force the Jaina position on the subject of kevala-jñāna.
14 sarvadravya-paryäyeșu kevalasya. TS 1, 29.
15 Cf. DS IV, 23, 22.
16 Cf. PSa I, 51.

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kevalin has made them his own. Without introducing divisions and sub-divisions or following a pre-established order, but rather bearing always in mind the essential unity which informs the state of the kevalin, we can, if not explain, at least indicate his characteristics.
In him sensory knowledge is entirely transcended; he retains all his sense-powers, but they are purified, impervious to any sort of attachment. Hence his plenitude of knowledge, of happiness, strength and vigour, a plenitude which is manifested in the palpable radiance of his person:
The destructive forms of karman having been reduced to nothingness, his sense-powers transcended, [he manifests] a strength that is unlimited and perfect, a plenitude of radiance an is transformed into [sheer] knowledge and happiness.17
397
He still experiences joy or pain, but they are no longer mediated through the imperfect senses, they are no longer felt.18 Those karmas that he has not yet eliminated follow the normal process leading to their maturations, but although he is aware of this, he does not experience it sensorally. He is as it were a passive spectator, detached from the process.
19
He knows all in a direct way, he grasps in their entirety both the general and the particular; he passes beyond the limits of sensory
17 pakkhiṇaghādikammo aṇaṁtavaravirio ahiyatejo
jado animdio so ṇāṇaṁ sokkhaṁ ca pariṇamadi. PSa I, 19. SamSa X is devoted entirely to the subject of pure knowledge; cf. US XXIX, 71.
18 sokkham vā puṇa dukkham kevalaṇāṇissa ṇatthi dehagadam
jamhā adimdiyattaṁ jādaṁ tamhā du taṁ ņeyaṁ. PSa I, 20; karman vedaniya, which gives rise to sensations, continues, but in an extremely sublte way, devoid of all passion.
19 Cf. SamSa 315.

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knowledge in its successive phases. 20 He knows all beings, all places, at every moment; nothing is hidden from him.21
Omniscience and happiness invariably co-exist, the latter being the expression of the harmony and plenitude of being enjoyed by the omniscient one.22 From among the kevalins, arhats, or jinas tirthańkaras appear at a given moment in the ascending cycle of time, being predestined to their mission as spiritual guides by their nāmakarman, a meritorious karman that they have gained thanks to certain conditions brought into being by their own inner attitudes of perfect adherence to the doctrine.23 The tirthankara is particularly wellendowed for guiding and instructing others, because, by virtue of his perfect knowledge, he is aware of everything, he penetrates the spirits and hearts of those whom he is addressing and his teaching is always efficacious.24
The kevalin is a perfect man, a model that surpasses all others, shining forth with the radiance of what are called the ten utkrstas, or excellences:
20 Cf. PSa I, 21-22.
21 ... arahā arahassa bhāgi, tam tam kālaṁ maṇavayaņakāyajoge vattamānāņam savvaloe savvajivānaṁ savvabhāve jānamāne pāsamāņe viharati. KS 121. This passage gives the remarkable description of the arhat Mahāvira; cf. SkrS I, 6.
22 Cf. PSa I, 59-60.
23 Cf. TS VI 24; VIII, 11.
24 Cf. YB 425-426; the other kevalins can continue teaching as long as any vocal activity remains in them. We have already observed how, according to the Digambara tradition, kevalins do not teach (only the tirtharkaras do so) nor do they take any nourishment; cf. P 140.

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excellence of knowledge, of vision, of conduct, of asceticism, of courage, of forebearance, of non-covetousness, of simplicity, of
goodness [and] sweetness, of lightness [and beauty].25 Confronted by such perfection, the gods are amazed and offer their homage 26
At this point we may well wonder: how does the kevalin practise dhyāna? The reply is no easy one, for we do not know this state from our own experience and therefore we can only make conjectures in accordance with the sequence of events taking place within the very process of Liberation. The best response is that of Acārya Kundakunda: "He centres himself on the supreme happiness."27 We must understand that in this context he means that the kevalin does not centre himself in any ordinary manner but that he experiences his own sublime state of being where knowledge is steeped in happiness.
Elsewhere explanations and systematic classifications have been advanced based on two considerations: on the one hand, on the fact that the destructive karmas no longer exist and therefore the sustained effort of asceticism, of which dhyāna is the highest form is not now necessary; on the other hand, one knows that the kevalin, so long as he dwells in his audārika, or organic body, is still yogin, in this sense that the three yogas, in their purest form still exist in him, or that at the least one of these activities continues right up till the moment of Liberation.28 There occurs within him a gradual diminution of the three yogas, first that of the mind, then that of speech and finally that of the body. The doctrinal texts are in general agreement in recognising that for the kevalin dhyāna no longer means mental
anuttare nâne, anuttare darsane, anuttare caritte, anuttare tave, anuttare vire, anuttarā khamti, anuttarā mutti anuttare ajjave, anuttare maddave, anuttare lāghave. Sths 763
26 Cf. YB 426.
27 ...jhādi aņakkho paraṁ sokkham. PSa II, 106; anakkha (anakşa): without sense organ.
28 Cf. P 381.

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concentration but, if one may express it so, bodily fixation,29 Moreover, when his āyu-karman, which determines his life-span, arrives at its term, his earthly stage will come to an end. The last of the three yogas is by this time extremely rarefied and now the third level of śukla-dhyāna is reached, called: sükşma-kriyā-apratipāti, a state in which only very slight bodily activities such as the respiratory movement remain; return is no longer possible to a state of less than perfection.30 Here we must pause, for we are already on the threshold of mokşa.
B - Mokşa: Liberation
When this stage has been reached, everything happens with lightning speed; the weight of matter is so slight that nothing impedes the flight of the atman in its urgency to arrive at long last at this final, definitive state.
What is mokşa? At one and the same time, a radical and for all time separation of the jiva from karman, and thus from the body, and also plenitude of being, these two aspects being interdependent.31
The rupture occurs on earth and with this rupture the path comes to an end. When we attempt to fathom the end of the process of Liberation in the kevalin, we find ourselves simultaneously in this world and beyond it, for it is impossible to isolate one from another the final moments of the transition.
a) The final break-through
The kevalin has already ceased all bodily activity, only the respiratory movement continuing within him. After a few moments
29 Cf. YSas XI, 11.
30 Cf. TS IX, 39-40; US XXIX, 72 says that this phenomenon lasts less than a muhurta; cf. also DhyanSat 81.
31 Cf. DravSam 37; these two aspects correspond to dravya-mokșa and bhava-moksa.

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even the respiration stops. Between the moment of this cessation and that in which the kevalin abandons both his body and this world, the time is so brief that it permits the utterance of just five syllables.32 At this same moment the last stage of Sukla-dhyana occurs, which is called vyuparata-kriya-anivarti, the state of absolute, irreversible immobility.33 The explanation of this rupture is not far to seek: it is due, at one and the same time, to the extinction of the four nondestructive karmas and to the complete cessation of the three yogas, the very slight remaining bodily activity being the last to disappear.34 Simultaneously, leaving behind its audārika, taijasa and kārmaṇa bodies, the atman springs upwards and reaches the loftiest heights of the universe.35 This spontaneous leap upwards belongs, as we know, to its nature, so that, when nothing any longer impedes it, it discovers once again its own natural lightness and follows its own natural 36 movement.
b) Full Realisation
In this same leap upwards, as the atman ascends, all karmic dust and heaviness is shed, together with all forms of yoga, and the result is total purity; the atman is realised in its plenitude. Now everything is of the utmost simplicity, for a unity of being has been achieved. We should of course recall to mind that, at the moment of mokṣa and in the immediately following eternal state of the siddha, there is no increase of jñāna or the other perfections, for from the moment when
401
32 Cf. DS IV, 23, 23-25; US XXIX, 72; YSas XI, 57; the syllables are: a, i, u, f, l.
33 Cf. TS IX, 39-40; cf. also DhyanSat 82; 89.
34 Cf. TS X, 2-4.
35
Ibid., X, 5; US XXIX, 73; YSas XI, 58. Re. the different bodies, cf. TS II, 36 and P 300 n. 59.
36 Cf. DravSam 2 (285); TS X, 6-8.

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the acetic attains the state of kevalin, since the four destructive karmas have now been annihilated, he possesses the four perfections in plenitude. Mokşa, by delivering the kevalin from matter, the body and karman, separates him entirely and for ever from all that constitutes form and permits him to rest in that state of pure consciousness that is proper to him, a state that is form-less. Atman is the cause of mokşa and moksa is attained in and through ātman.37 If one wished to express the essence of all asccticism, it could be summed up in one single word which embraces everything: ātma-dhyāna. Without ātma-dhyāna, the hope of reaching mokṣa will be in vain, but through ātma-dhyāna the ātman is transformed into paramātman.38 The word paramātman simply designates the same ātman, but the ātman in its plenitude, freed from the body. Acārya Kundakunda sheds a ray of light for us on the nature of this reality when he speaks of the realisation of the suddhātman, the ātman in total purity of being. How is this realisation possible? By laying hold upon 'aham', the 'I' in the core of its being, by means of prajñā, the faculty of knowing, of discernment. Just as through prajñā the rupture with matter is effected, so also through prajñā is the 'aham' realised; in other words, cetā, pure consciousness of being, when grasped by prajñā, is in truth aham; drstă, the seer, the one who has inner vision, when grasped by prajñā, is in truth aham; jnātā, the knower of inner reality, when grasped by prajñā, is in truth aham; aham and aham alone, identified here with the ātman, is. All the rest, all that constitutes the domain of the mental, of the affective, of thoughts, sentiments and impressions is other and does not belong to the essential aham.39
37 Cf. DravSam 39-40.
38 Cf. ADh IX, 29; Y Sas XII, 12.
39 kaha so ghippai appā paņņāe so u ghippae appa
jaha paņņāe vibhatto taha pannā eva ghittavvo. SamSa 296. paņņāe ghittavvo jo cedā so aham tu nicchayado avasesā je bhāvā te majjha pare tti ņāyavvä. SamSa 297. paņņāe ghittavvo jo datthā so aham...SamSa 298. paņņāe ghittavvo jo ņādā so ahaṁ. . . SamSa 299.

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Finally, as the road comes to an end and the journey is over, let us, berfore meeting the siddha in his eternal beatitude, pause an instant, cast a glance behind us, a glance that will take in this long, long pilgrimage, fraught with hardships. We shall descry clearly among the brambles, rocks and undergrowth, certain landmarks: ratnatraya, the mahávratas, tapas, dharma-dhyāna, śukla-dhyāna. We understand more clearly now the import of these landmarks and the sure intuition, the fruit of inner harmony, that has guided the arhats and ācāryas of the past. Viewed from the place where it comes to an end, this road no longer seems so inaccessible, and all the hardships encountered on the way now seem slight, compared to the plenitude of being and eternal joy to which, once they have been surmounted, they lead. 40
C - Nirvana: Eternal Bliss
At the moment of break-through, the ātman leaves the body, matter, this earth. Moksa lasts a few moments, after which the atman is in a final and eternal state. Nirvana is the state of the paramātman, once the break-through has occurred. Etymologically, nirvana means: extinguished, in the same sense as the flame of a lamp is extinguished. Here the reference is to the complete extinction of all karmas and of all suffering and, since in the context of Jainism this extinction leads to plenitude of being, the word denotes that state over which time has no longer any hold, a state which is beyond all contingency and, hence, constitutes eternal happiness. Nirvana has been the topic of scarcely any speculation: when these heights have been reached, what can be said or thought, for this state is beyond the range of any thought, word, imagination or description? One can only describe it as ineffable and venture a few stammering words. Let us simply go through what the Agamas and the ācāryas of the past have said with great sobriety in its regard. When the ascetic Keśi, the disciple of Pārsvanātha, questioned the ascetic Gautama, the disciple of Mahăvira, about the dhamma taught by his Master, the question of
40 Cf. DS III, 14-15.

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supreme bliss came, as we observe, at the end of the dialogue.41 Kesi
asks Gautama:
404
"O Muni! For beings who are suffering in body and in spirit do you know some peaceful place, a place of well-being, without tribulations?"42
Gautama replies:
"There exists, at the summit of the universe, an eternal place, difficult of access, where is neither old age, nor death, nor sickness.43
Nirvana [is this place] to which the great Sages attain; at the summit of the universe, [a place] without torments, without tribulations, [a place] of perfection, peace and well-being."44
Nirvāṇa is the supreme goal. is the quintessence of that towards which one is striving, once one has set forth on the way.45 It is averred that without mokṣa one cannot reach nirvāṇa 46 and, if one wants to pursue the idea still further, one calls it: paramanirvāṇa, that which is reached by the one who abides rootedly in the dharma;47 certain texts call it parinirvāṇa, the place reached by the perfect,
41 Cf. I 2.ff.
42 särira-māṇase dukkhe bajjhamāṇāṇa pāṇiṇaṁ
khemam sivam aṇābāhaṁ thāṇaṁ kiṁ sannasi muni! US XXIII, 80.
43 atthi egam dhuvam thāṇaṁ logaggammi durāruhaṁ jattha natthi jară maccũ vāhiņo veyaṇā taha. US XIII, 81.
44 nivvāṇaṁ ti abāhaṁ ti siddhi logaggameva ya
khemaṁ sivaṁ anābāhaṁ jaṁ caraṁti mahesino. US XXIII, 83.
45 Cf. PSa I, 5-6; 11; 82; II, 107; SamSa 151; 272; SkrS I, 1, 2, 27; 3, 4, 20; 6, 21; 24; US XIX, 98; XXI, 20.
46 Cf. US XXVIII, 30.
47 Ibid., III, 12.

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liberated ascetic.48 Sometimes it is not specifically named, but allusion to the boundless happiness of the siddhas allows it to be understood.49 When a text ventures to describe the happiness which reigns in what is called nirvāṇapura, the city of nirvāṇa,50 it uses once again words that impart the idea of the infinite, the unattainable, to indicate thus that these words are very inadequate and that one must "break the sense-barrier", if one is to have even a merely approximative notion of this incomprehensible happiness. It is said also that, like a merchant, the muni, on arrival in this city, exchanges the Three Jewels for this happiness which is "endless, untouched by affliction, natural to the state of the siddha, incomparable and imperishable."51
It is no easier to convey an idea of the siddha than of nirvāṇa, even if this word has been, is, and will be used continuously over the centuries, for the siddha is the parameșthin par excellence, one whose perfection is always extolled to gain encouragement to persevere in imitation of him and, equally, because the utterance of the word has always a beneficial and salutary effect. Siddha means: perfect, accomplished and, thence, he who has reached the heights of perfection, the eternally blessed. The Acārānga-sūtra has perhaps the most fitting approach, when it describes the ineffable reality of the paramātman state by a negative approach, that of apophatism, affirming that the siddha is totally beyond anything that men know; he is:
.neither long, nor small, nor round, nor triangular, nor quadrangular, nor circular, neither black, nor blue, nor red, nor yellow, nor white; nor sweet-smelling nor bad-smelling, nor
48 Ibid., XXIX, 41; 58; 73; XXXV, 21.
49 Ibid., XXIX, 38; XXXVI, 21.
50 Cf. DhyanSat 60.
Si tattha ya tirayaņaviņiogamaiyamegaṁtiyaṁ nirābāham
sábhāviyaṁ niruvamaṁ jaha sokkhaṁ akkhyaṁ uveřti. DhyanSat 61.

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bitter, nor sharp, nor astringent, nor acid, nor sweet, nor hard, nor soft nor heavy, nor light, nor cold, nor hot, nor smooth, nor rough; bodiless; he is not born over again; he [is] without contact (with matter); neither woman nor man, nor neutral (without sex]; he has perfect knowledge, he [is] conscious, but there is no comparison (possible between him and anything else); being without form, indescribable; he [is] neither sound nor form, nor odour, nor taste, nor touch, nor anything of this sort. Thus say 1.52
We have made an attempt to describe, or rather to imagine, the community of the siddhas 3 with the help of conjectures found in the doctrine. The place reserved for them at the summit of the universe is sometimes called işat-prāgbhārā, slightly inclined, which suggests the shape of an uptumed umbrella, but it is better known under the name siddha-loka.54 Eight characteristics are attributed to the siddhas and it is indicated that they possess the form of a man, without the meaning of this phrase being made clear.55 An attempt is also made to differentiate them in accordance with twelve aspects related to their
32 se na dihe, na hasse, ņa vatte, na taṁse, ņa caurasse, na parimamdale. na kinhe, na nile, na lohie, na hālidde, na sukkille. na subbhigamdhe, na durabhigamdhe. na titte, na kadue, na kasāe, na ambile, na mahure. ņa kakkhade, na maue, ņa garue, na lahue, na sie, na unhe, ņa şiddhe, na lukkhe. na kāū. na ruhe. na saṁge. na itthi, na purise, pa annahā parinne sanne.
a na vijjae, arūvi satta, apayassa payam patthi. se na sadde, na rūve, na gaṁdhe. ņa rase, na phäse, iccetāva. tti bemi. ASI, 5, 6, 4.
53 Cf. Aupapātika-sūtra 153-189; US XXXVI, 56-57; 64-68.
54 For a description of this place, cf. US XXXVI, 58-63; JSK III, p. 334335.
55 Cf. DravSam 51. According to AS I, 5, 6, 4 and US XXXVI, 67 they are arūpa, formless, that is to say, immaterial beings and thus without visible form; US XXXVI, 65 says that the dimension of the atman of any one of them is in accordance with that possessed by this same embodied atman before Liberation.

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place of origin and previous state of existence.56 From these indications we may conclude that the doctrine recognises in each siddha an entity which keeps its own personality, while at the same time having attained the highest perfection. Since they possess kevala-jñāna, the siddhas certainly are known to one another. Furthermore, the degree of perfection being in each one absolute, all possess it in like manner and thus there is no difference between them in regard to the plenitude they enjoy, a plenitude of life, knowledge and vision.57
Each ātman purified, detached, freed from all that was not proper to it, abides in that joy supreme which belongs to its true nature.58 This is a bliss beyond compare.59
56 Cf. TS X, 9.
57 Cf. US XXXVI, 67.
...svabhāvajam saukhyam. ..YSas XI, 61.
59 ....atulaṁ suhaṁ sampattā uvamā jassa natthi u. US XXXVI, 67.

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PART III
THE NEVER-ENDING PILGRIMAGE
Through knowledge, faith, right conduct, austerity, patience, freedom from cupidity, mayst thou grow (in perfection)!!
The life of the sădhvis is a never-ending pilgrimage. They go on foot from place to place, they make a stop here or there, for some days or some weeks, and then take the road again. This itinerant life is a sign of their inner pilgrimage, of which the goal, the sole goal, is nirvāṇa, while the means of reaching nirvāṇa is constant vigilance in a sustained effort to purify the atman. It is for the sake of this purification that the sādhvis are anagāris, homeless ones, with no fixed abode. This ceaseless pilgrimage is intended to help them to be free of all attachment and at the same time it enables them to become apostles of the dharma. Throughout the duration of their vihāras (journeys from place to place) the sādhvis lead amongst themselves a very close community life and also always enter into relationship with the samgha of the place where they are staying; however, each pursues her own inner pilgrimage in the solitude of her own ātman. The ācārya, the guruņi and the elder sådhvis act as guides and valued helps, but it is by personal effort that the lengthy and slow purificatory process is achieve. This effort is sustained by the example of the tirthankaras, above all by that of Mahāvira, and by the example of so many ascetics, both men and women.
nāņeņa daṁsaņeņaṁ ca caritteņa taveņa ya khaṁtie muttie vaddhamāņo bhavähi ya. US XXII, 26. After the diksā of Neminātha, Vasudeva or Krşņa, on leaving him, addresses to him these words of blessing; cf. P 103.

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1. The heritage of the past
The sadhvis of our own day and age are deeply-rooted in their tradition. Any approach, meeting or endeavour to know from the inside their manner of life presupposes that one has a knowledge of this religious tradition, which is based upon a solid groundwork of doctrine.2 Here in brief are some preliminary pointers for a meeting with contemporary sãdhvis.
In the foot steps of the vitarăgas, the passion-less, the desire-less
A vitarāga is that sage who, having renounced the world, is fully master of himself; he has subjugated all his passions, all desires, and pursues his earthly pilgrimage in perfect serenity. According to Jaina doctrine, a vitarāga is an arhat, an omniscient one whose karmas such as shroud the Three Jewels have been removed. One becomes a vitaräga only at the end of a long and painful journey. The sādhvis take their inspiration from Mahāvira, the supreme vitarăga.? They are potential vitarāgas, whose whole striving is directed towards that detachment which amounts to a total self-dispossession, in order to reach a state of perfect equanimity.
The major Sūtras
These stem directly from the teaching of Mahāvira and were transmitted orally and then committed to writing for the ascetics of all future generations. 4 They convey first and foremost a certain spirit, a spirit of renunciation and equanimity. It is impossible to insist too much on this foundation-stone, upon which rests the whole structure of Jaina asceticism. In tune with this orientation, rules have been drawn up. These are numerous, repetitive and highly detailed and it is
2 Parts I and II form a preparation for this Part III.
3 One recalls the beautiful passages of AS I, 8 (117 ff.) with their sober descriptions of all that Mahāvira endured before becoming a kevalin, a vitarăga.
4 Cf. P 141 ff.

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the sādhvis' duty to observe them. These rules are simply guides for both personal and community life. Some discipline must surely be followed, because, for the ascetic, negligence and carelessness are imajor hindrances which drag her on the road to perdition. In the long run, however, as the ascetic is gradually confirmed in the way of the vitarāgas, so, correspondingly, the rules are left behind. The major Sūtras which all sãdhvis know by heart - not by a mechanical
ion of the words but by the putting of these same words into practice in their lives - are: the Daśavaikālika and the Uttarādi nyayana and, in addition, the Acāränga for those who are permitted to read and study the Āgamas. 5 This Part, which presents the life of contemporary sādhvis, relies chiefly on these three Sūtras, though it gives some references also to the Sūtrakstānga, the Sthānānga and the Avaśyaka which is only concerned with the daily rite, not with the rules.
rep.
Here we must say a few words on the subject of the Cheda-Sutras; they contain highly repetitive lists of rules which follow no sytematic order, exceptions to these rules and various sorts of penance to be performed in cases of their infringement. These Sūtras add nothing, as regards the path to be followed, to the Daśavaikālika, the Uttarădhyayana and the Acārānga. As we are interested both in the basic principles of Jaina asceticism and in the life-style of contemporary sādhvis, we refer fairly frequently to the Cheda-Sūtras, at least in regard to what is still surviving vigorously in our day and we introduce them briefly in the section which deals with expiatory rites. 7 We must add, for it is an important point, that the Tapāgaccha sādhvis are forbidden to read these Sūtras and that the other sãdhvis, generally
5 Apart from the DS and the US, the Tapāgaccha sādhvis, who make up more than half of the total number of sadhvis, can, as a general rule, only study certain other Sūtras by special permission of the acārya and in conjunction with certain forms of abstinence. The majority of them know personally only the DS and the US. With regard to the other Sūtras, what they do know of them they have learnt by listening to munis' pravacanas and also through literature in the local language.
6 Cf. P 313 ff. for the teaching on obligations and Part IV for the rite.
? For these rules, exceptions and penances, of which quite a lot are not observed nowadays, cf. Deo, 1960.

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do not attach much importance to the study of these Sūtras, for the rules to be observed are transmitted orally by the guruņi from one generation to the next and it is the ācārya who assigns the penances for more serious offences. As regards the rules which apply to the āryikās, we shall use for the most part the book of Aryikā Jñānamati, who drew from the Mūlacāra, the Pravacanasāra, the Anagāradharmāmsta and other Digambara texts.8
The various communities
In our study of the development of decline of the saṁgha in each region, we have seen that the form of radical asceticisin peculiar to the Jaina dharma is extremely difficult to live out and that, exposed to the winds and currents of change in the various places and epochs, the original fervour sometimes considerably decreased. Compromises leading to a less rigorous ascetic practice have nearly always been related to some modification of the vow of aparigraha, which meant
that certain ascetics abandoned, either completely or periodically, the • itinerant life in favour of the stable life of the monastery. Stability
was favourable towards the acquisition and possession of land, goods and, money. This sort of material possession led in turn to more subtle, but no less disastrous, attachments such as the attribution of importance to reputation or honours, and once one is again embroiled in the affairs and intrigues of this world, it is more difficult, if not impossible, to adhere to the commitments made in one's vows with all their demands. This sort of relaxation of standards occurred among the Digambaras and Svetāmbaras, and in the various regions from North to South.
After long periods of decadence due principally to this resort to stability, there always came to the fore, in successive epochs, certain ascetics and also certain śrāvakas of great fervour, to inspire return to the strict observance, to set in motion a movement of renewal, even sometimes of reform. In our own day, after several attempts to return
8 Cf. P 630 ff.
9 Cf. P 167 ff.

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to the primitive ideal, the ascetics have, on the whole, returned to the itinerant life.
The sādhvis and äryikās followed the example of the ācāryas and munis, both in regard to stability and in regard to reform. On account of the internal structure and prevailing outlook of the samgha, it was never feasible for a movement to be launched by any of their number; however certain ones, from the beginning of the last century, have been courageous pioneers within their own group.
Among the Svetāmbaras the major differences revolve chiefly around worship. Thus there are two distinct groups: the Mūrtipūjakas who perform pūjă (temple-worship) and the Sthānakavāsis and Teräpanthis 10 who offer bhāva-pūjā (inner worship) in buildings set aside for their spiritual exercises. The majority of Mūrtipūjaka sādhvis belong to the Tapāgaccha, the remainder to the Kharataragaccha. 11 Apart from the question of bhāva-pūja addressed to the tirtharkaras, for which the Murtipūjaka sādhvis repair to the temple, while the Sthānakavāsis and Terāpanthis stay in their temporary lodging-place, there is not essential difference between them as to spirituality, doctrine, rules or rituals; there are simply particularities proper to each community. These which have a certain importance are indicated in the course of this Part.
Among the Digambaras, on account, probably, of the radical austerity of the munis' way of life and also on account of the decreasing number of members of the samgha, the laxity of life was for several centuries fairly general. It required all the ardent fervour and spiritual vigour of the great poet Banarasidasa, at the beginning of the XVIth century, to disturb the torpor of those who were comfortably installed in their monasteries and to set in motion a salutary awakening and renewal. 12 The munis and āryikās of today area a tiny minority, a minority which compels itself to live in
10 Cf. P 200; 247.
11 Cf. P 177.
12 P 171-172.

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accordance with the ideal traced by the first sages of their tradition. The way of life of the āryikās and the basic doctrinal difference which distinguishes them from the sadhvis, namely strimukti-nişedha, denial of Liberation to womankind, are dealt with in the last chapter of this Part.
2. An existential approach
We now follow closely the major Sūtras, relating them to our own contemporary context and using the translations and commentaries of both munis and sādhvis. In addition to these Sūtras, this part has also drawn inspiration from sundry writings of sadhvis and äryikās, but these texts and writings would alike remain very distant from us, if there had not been meetings with numerous sādhvis and some āryikās.
Coolness and burning hcat
This is the title of a joumal kept over a period of twenty-four years, very condensed and lively and with a deeply thoughtful content, by Mahāsati Šri Umarāvakumvara, when, with her group, she was making a lengthy vihậra of several years duration, walking on foot from the burning desert of Rājasthāna to the snow-clad heights of the Himālayas.13 The Mahāsati, in her preface, says that the ascetics are perpetual vagabonds. She compares the refreshing cool and beauty of certain regions and the heat, scorching wind and aridity of other regions to the spiritual climate of the ascetic's pilgrimage. She points out clearly that, in this pilgrimage, it is the burning heat, that of tapas, of that austerity which plays its part in the destruction of karman, that is predominant. This process of purification gives rise in those sädhvis who are zealous to a gradually increasing coolness, the refreshing coolness which characterises that spirit which is disengaged from matter. Another element of coolness on this arid path is the maternal affection of the guruņi.
The five chapters of this part indicate the different stages occurring in the life of the anagāris (homeless ones) from the dikşă
13 Cf. Umarävakusvara, 1962.

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(consecration) until the mahāprasthåna (Great Departure) and the daily activities of the śramaņis, those who labour for their own purification - contributing the while to that of others from before sunrise to after sunset. Although such an introduction to the life of the sādhvis is neither exhaustive nor very detailed, it may well give the impression that this life consists all day long in numerous observances, rites and varied practices. This is a feature common to all the monastic and ascetic traditions. One must, most certainly, have a knowledge of the observances, but it is above all necessary to grasp the spirit which inspires them and the goal towards which they tend. For, after all, what matters is niscaya-cāritra, action which is inspired by purely spiritual motives, the interiorisation of all the observances. 14
Fragrant blossoms on the way
Chapter six is based upon eleven biographical accounts of sõdhvis, dating from the middle of the last century to our own day. On the rough road of asceticism each biography, which is at one and the same time personal and linked with the life of the samgha, is like a sweetsmelling flower, fragrant with the perfume of the often heroic virtues of the particular sadhvi. Certain of these flowers were of short duration and remained hidden up until their final days. Others had long lives and yet others held important positions in the samgha, sometimes, even, in society at large. This delicate fragrance has not evaporated with the disappearance of the flower; 'it persists, even after long years. It is the fragrance of authentic sanctity which inspires and sustains other sadhvis. Through these biographies we get to know the sādhvis and their way of life in an existential, concrete and direct fashion and we grasp too how necessary are at the first stage of the path, observances, even those that seem highly restrictive, and how at a later stage, when the spirit is awakened and matured in wisdom, only the essentials are maintained.
A unique collaboration
Sadhvis of the various sampradāyas collaborated personally, intelligently, actively and directly in the shaping of this part. In the
14 Cf. SamSa 383-386.

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course of my numerous and frequent vihāras, in Rājasthāna, Dilli, Gujarāta, Mahārāștra, Mumbai and environs and 'Madras, I was always received amicably and with much kindliñess by the sādhvis, as also by those of their number who passed through Vārāṇasi when I was living there. Certain sădhvis in the course of our regular collequia replied to my questions in person, while others have continued to instruct me from a distance by writing their replies to my fresh requests for explanations. Several have procured documents for me, biographies in particular, or have had books sent to me through the kindness of śrāvakas. To indicate more fully what this study owes to each sādhvi, each guruņi, each community, many pages would be needed. 15 This friendly collaboration is unique in this sense that each sādhvi is unique. Like their elders whose Names are engraved in stone or inscribed on parchment, or whose memory is recalled by samādhimandiras 16 and images, so also each present-day sadhvi bears a Name, each strives to follow the spirit of the dharma, each is worthy of the deepest respect. Another aspect of this collaboration has been the active part played by the śrāvakas and śrāvikās of the local samghas. Several of them have helped me discover the whereabouts of the sādhvis or have offered me hospitality during my stay. A larger number of them have given me interesting pieces of information and, on occasion, documents. Moreover the few munis whom I have met have assisted me with wise adyice. This whole study, and especially. this Part, is the result of this collaboration on the part of the sadhviś and, with them, that of the caturvidhasamgha.
The whole of chapter seven, which is devoted to the āryikās, was written under the inspiration and guidance of Aryikā Jñānamati Mātāji, who not only wrote a book in answer to my questions, but was kind enough to furnish me with explanations and further comments upon it during my stays in Hastināpura. There also the brahmacārins and brahmacāniņis, śrāvakas and śrāvikās all joined with Mātāji, each in his or her own way, to render me assistance.
15 In the ns. of the following chs. the names are given of the sadhvis who contributed in a very particular way to the clarification of certain ideas and certain aspects of their life as sādhvis.
16 Cf. P 254 ff.

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3. The voice of the Sadhvis
In the course of one conversation, a learned guruni considered as liberal in her gaccha told me how grateful she was to Acārya Vinoba Bhave and his women disciples who, a few years back, launched a national movement, with local branches, called striśakti or the energy (power) of womankind. This movement is concerned with womankind who has for long centuries been relegated and confined to the house and permitted, except very exceptionally, no active part in social life.17 This movement sets out to help girls and women, especially in the rural areas, to become aware of their latent potential and then to help them take initiatives in their personal lives for the service of society at large, particularly in the struggle against the injustice to which so many women and children have been subjected. Strisakti is the sign of the start of a new era in which, little by little, women are beginning to assert themselves in all social spheres.
Just when this movement was taking birth, there was also coming into being among the sadhvis, thanks to certain ācāryas and gurunis and to some enlightened śrāvakas and śrāvikās, an awakening of consciousness of the necessity for more regular, deeper and broader studies both for the candidates for dikṣā and for the sadhvis. There had been, well before this period, certain heroic gurunis and sädhvis who, having themselves blazed the trail, were followed by their own disciples, but these were isolated cases. Now, however, for the past several years, we are witnessing a common effort towards openness in certain sampradayas, among the Kharataragaccha, Sthanakavāsi and Terapanthi sadhvis. The initiatives vary: In certain groups some sādhvis pursue higher studies and then teach their young companions under the direction of the guruni; in other groups, the vairaginis, or candidates for dikṣā, and several sadhvis are sent to a college for vairāginis and sädhvis.18 Among the Tapagaccha sadhvis, however,
17 Cf. P 87 ff.
18 Cf. P 466 ff. These initiatives are still very isolated ones. From an enquiry conducted among 100 sadhvis, most of them Sthānakavāsi, on the subject of the need for more advanced study the following replies may be noted: 60 were desirous of solid teaching and training; 17 also wanted to learn English well in order to be able to communicate with girls and women

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the most important group, there is so far very little inclination towards advanced study, although some sādhvis have understood the necessity of pursuing further study and instructing their disciples.
Furthermore, it has been established from fairly recent statistics that there are fewer and fewer young widows and more and more girls who request dikşă. In certain groupings a vairāgini is usually permitted dikṣā after a long period of probation of which a large portion if spent in study.
A śrāvaka who helped found the first Sthānakavāsi college for sådhvis told me that he was deeply desirous that the sădhvis should be enabled to organise themselves into a sort of federation with certain ones of their number at its head. This initiative, however, could only be authorised by agreement between all four branches of the samgha. For such a development it will be necessary to wait until the sādhvis of the various sampradāyas enjoy a certain autonomy within the samgha. For the moment courageous and intelligent guruņis are forging ahead, while still staying within the structures.
Will we ever see a sādhvi Upadhyāya or a sådhvi Ācārya? In the present situation such a thing would be unthikable and yet the Vyavahāra-sūtra indicates it as a possibility. However, it is laid down ; that a sådhvi can be elevated to the rank of Upadhyāya thirty years after her dikşă and a muni after three and that a sādhvi may be raised to the status of Ācārya sixty years after her dikṣā, a monk after five. 19 What proof of overbearing masculine superioity! However, even if this superiority continues and even if one cannot change the text of certain Ağamas, we may have recourse to the evidence: at the present time the number of sādhvis is more than twice that of munis and the number of well-educated sādhvis is growing fairly rapidly. One day it might well come about that sådhvis were the initiators of a spiritual renewal. This is exactly what Aryikā Jñanamati Mātāji has already brought about in a restricted group, where the monks pay her an even greater reverence in that she is self-educated, thanks to being endowed
who speak it fluently; 20 were satisfied with the prevailing state of affairs; 3 did not reply; cf. Bordiya, 1975, p.273.
19 Cf. VS VII, 19-20.

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with a lively and penetrating intelligence and an extraordinary capacity for concentration and perseverance.
The various communities 20
The major sampradāyas (sects) since the beginning of the Christian
era
A. Digambara Āryikās (sometimes called sådhvis) belonging to the Sarasvati gaccha (group): temple-worship for the śrāvakas and śrāvikās, veneration of images by the ascetics; several Acāryas.21
B. Svetämbara Sādhvis (sometimes called Āryas)
a) Mūrtipūjaka: temple-worship for the śrăvakas and śrāvikās, veneration of images by the ascetics. Divided (mụnis, sādhvis, śrāvakas, śråvikās) into two major gacchas:
i) The Tapăgaccha,22 very important, subdivided into smaller groups; several Acāryas.
ii) The Kharataragaccha formerly very important, now a minority group; one or two (?) Acāryas.
b) Sthanakavāsi; a sampradaya which was a reform out of the
Mürtipūjakas (Gujarăta, beginning of XVIII c.); no temples nor ; veneration of images; 13 texts of Scripture not recognised as | Agamas.
20 This table refers to the communities of ascetics with which we deal in this study and which include the majority fo the communities of sådhvis and äryikās.
21 For the other Digambara sampradayas, cf I P 172.
22 Tapāgaccha and Kharataragaccha are the titles of gacchas, but they are used in everyday speech to denote also the members of these same groups.

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419
Further divided into:
i) One Śramanasamgha headed by one single Acārya, assisted by munis; focus of unity for the ascetics of Rājasthāna and Panjāba.
ii) Some smaller local gacchas; several Acāryas. Sadhvis also called Mahäsatis.
c) Teräpanthi: a sampradaya (gana) which was a reform out of the
Sthânakavāsis (Răjasthāna, 2nd half of XVIII c). - no gaccha, - one single Acārya with supreme authority - one single Sádhvi Pramukhā under direct obedience to the
Acārya.

Page #448

Chapter 1.
The anagāris: The home-less ones
Who are they, these perpetual pilgrims?
Whence do they come? Where do they lodge during their halts?
Having left the family roof, the renouncing muni must recognise those bonds that hold men in thrall.!
A - They are recognised by these two signs:
the svetavastra: a white clothing the rajoharana: a small broom made of white wool.
Who are they?
Among the ascetics that cross one's path, in the villages or in the towns, one notices sometimes women clothed in white, their heads and shoulders swathed in a light veil, while under the left arm they clasp a small broom made of white wool. There are several other signs also by which sādhvis are distinguished, but they differ according to the various communities, while the clothing is common to them all; as for the rajoharana, it is an unfailing sign: they are never to be found without it.
1 gihavāsaṁ pariccajja pavvajjāmásio muņi
ime saṁge viyānejjā jehiṁ sajjarti māņavā. US XXXV, 2; bonds; sangas, family bonds, links with society, all that which enchains.

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421
The sādhvis are anagāri: without a house, or home. This is radical in its simplicity. To be home-less leaves it to be supposed that one must live somewhere and that one leads a very different sort of life from that of the majority of human beings, who for the most part do have a home.
Arising out of this fortuitous encounter, on the road or in a town, our curiosity and interest are aroused. We are told that these are Jaina sādhvis. Their appearance and in particular the rajoharana indicate that we are here in the presence of a tradition whose customs are far from ordinary. How do we know what a sădhvi is? In the first place by these external signs which distinguish her from other ascetics; each is the outward manifestation of a state of life, a path.
i) The svetavastra or svetāmbara: The white clothing
This is made of cotton and consists of three separate items: the sādā or calappatto: a very long full skirt, gathered at the waist, the kamcavo or kaṁcuka: a long blouse, with short sleeves or sleeveless and the pachedi: a light veil which covers the head and shoulders and extends to the waist; this is often called a cădara.3 This clothing is worn by all the sadhvis. As a general rule, each one possesses three skirts, three blouses and four veils, of which one is for the upăśraya, one for out of doors, a third for giving a pravacana (instruction) or being present at one. To these we must add a kambala, or white woolen shawl, in which they wrap themselves during winter. The Mūrtipūjaka sådhvis, whatever the season, always take with them, when they go out, a shawl with a red border, folded lengthwise on the left shoulder. In certain groups, the sādhvis wear white cotton pyjamas for the night, others simply change their clothing at nighttime. In our day, all the items of clothing are of lighter-weight or heavier-weight cotton and the shawls of wool. In the Agamas mention
2 .Cf. KS 114; 117; 155; 164; 195, where the arhats: Mahāvira, Neminātha, Pārsvanātha, Rşabha are said to be 'anagära'.
3 The names vary in the several communities, but the style of clothing is identical. In certain gacchas they wear undergarments also; cf. BrKS III, 12.

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The Unknown Pilgrims
·
is made of the five materials orginally permitted for the clothing of ascetics: wool, linen, hemp, cotton and the bark of trees.4 Four garments are designated for sädhvis, with even their measurements, but no exact details are given of their shape or precise use.5 We know that at a later period the number of permitted garments rose to eleven.6 The Acaranga-sūtra gives to the ascetics a formal injunction not to dye or bleach the garments which are given them; this would suggest that perhaps, at that epoch, white was not strictly enjoined.
ii) The rajoharana: The small broom of white wool
The sadhvis make this themselves by fixing long strands of very soft white wool in a special way round a stick of light-weight wood of which the end may be carved. In accordance with the differing customs of the communities, the handle is wrapped either in a fine white cloth or in a thicker material on which the aṣṭamangalas are embroidered in bright colours. Although nowadays the rajoharana is always made of sheepswool, other materials are in fact permitted and were probably used in days gone by. These are: camelshair, hemp and two sorts of grass, balvaja and muñja.9 These materials, like sheepswool, are soft and light and do not harbour living particles, these three characteristics being suitable for the rajoharaṇa, whose essential function is to permit the sadhvis to practise ahimsā as
4 Ibid. II, 29; SthS 446a.
5 Cf. AS II, 5, 1, 1 where silk is also metioned; SthS 246.
6
Cf. Deo, 1956, pp. 480-482 on Bṛhatkalpa-bhāṣya and Ogha-niryukti; Sen, 1975, pp. 165-167.
7 Cf. AS II, 5, 2, 5; cf. also P 534.
8 Cf. P 160 ff. the Murtipujaka sådhvis are the only ones to have the rajoharana with a carved handle wrapped in the aṣṭamangalas; sometimes the embroidered motifs are the 14 svapanas, the dreams of the Mother of one of the tirthankaras. They also have a little rajoharana for the night.
9 Cf. BrKS II, 30; SthS 446b.

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perfectly as possible. It is their faithful companion. They use it frequently and carefully to remove any insect. There is no need for an insect to be visible, for, with regularity and with a ritual gesture, they sweep the ground before seating themselves, in order to avoid striking or squashing any living being. 10 The rajoharana has been immortalised in stone, for example in certain of the Mathurā sculptures.11 In iconography the sadhvi is generally depicted holding the rajoharana.
423
iii) Mukhavastrikā or mukhapattikä: The small piece of cloth wor over the mouth
This is a rectangle of very fine cotton or of thin plastic material that the Sthanakavāsi and Terapanthi sadhvis wear over their mouths. This is held in position by two strings tied behind the ears and they only remove it at mealtimes. It is usually called a muhapatti and its function is to prevent the sadhvi swallowing insects while speaking or breathing. The Murtipujaka sädhvis do not wear the muhapatti, but when they are addressing a group or even conversing, they hold it before the mouth in their right hand. Its use dates from antiquity as it is mentioned in the Agamas and represented in sculpture.12
iv) Pātras: Bowls
These are used for begging alms, for food and drink. They may be calabashes or made of very light wood or, again, of earthenware.13 These are the only materials to be both light, easy to preserve in good condition and of modest appearance. Each sådhvi possesses a certain number of bowls of different sizes; they fit one inside another and are
10 Cf. NS V, 66-76 where the wrong usages of the rajoharana are mentioned with a matching penance.

11 Cf. U.P. Shah, 1975, paper No 6; figs. 17; 18; 20; 28 and ns. pp. 70-72; cf. also U.P. Shah, 1955, p. 114.
12 Cf. e.g. US XXVI, 23; U.P. Shah. 1975, paper No 6; fig. 28.
13 Cf. Sth$ 170.

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thus easily transportable. The pătras kept for food are of extremely light wood, while for drinking gourds are often used. As a general rule, the sādhvis keep their water in jugs belonging to the śrāvakas of the placce where they are sojourning. In order to preserve them properly and avoid any decomposition of foodstuffs, the pătras are varnished. The Tapāgacha sadhvis have pătras painted red on the outside with a black stripe and yellow on the inside. 14 Among the Kharataragaccha it is the other way round; they are painted black with a red stripe. The Sthānakavāsi and Terāpanthi sādhvis, on the whole, varnish their bowls without painting them.
When they are about to set out for gocari, the begging of food, the two appointed sādhvis place several pătras of differing sizes in a light piece of cloth that they proceed to knot at the four corners, making thus a sort of bag that they carry in the hand; as for gourds, they carry two, one on top of the other and both held by an elastic which acts as a handle.
The sādhvis have other pătras of plastic or aluminium which are used for their excrements at the time of sauca, the evacuation of bodily wastes. To be faithful to the utsarga-samiti,is they use these vessels at night and in the towns, where it is impossible to find a solitary spot in natural surroundings.
14 Having asked several sādhvis of sundry groups the reason for the red and black colouring, I was given 3 different and interesting replies: by one sādhvi at Ahmadābād: "The red symbolizes love, the block hatred; these two colours remind us that we must always control these passions." By a sādhvi in Rajasthāna: "Thanks to these bright colours we can always easily spot insects on the bowls." By a third at Mumbai: "The red symbolises the siddhas, the black the sādhus (allusion to the Namaskāra-mantra)".
15 Cf. P 359. The majority do not use a w.c.; cf. DasasS VIII, 69, where 3 matras or pătras are said to be permitted for utsarga-samiti during the monsoon. Here is one example of ahiṁsā pushed to an extreme and of rules which, being inherited from a far-distant age when the country was covered with jungle, are obsolete in our own day.

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v) The danda: The staff
The Murtipujaka sädhvis always carry a danda when they go out, a long staff of light wood, carved at the upper end, which they hold in their left hand.16 The Sthanakavāsi sådhvis only use such a staff when they are on vihara. This staff enables them to remove non-violently some obstacle on the road or dangerous reptile, in which latter case it is also a means of protection. The Terapanthi sadhvis, however, use no staff.
425
Among other objects which are not obligatory, but which the majority of sadhvis use, we must make mention of the mälä and pothis. The mālā is a rosary of one hundred and eight small beads, of wood, or, oftentimes, of thread or cotton, the beads being then replaced by knots. The sadhvis make their own and the mālā is used for japa, although it is not considered indispensable. 17 A pothi is a book; each sadhvi has several that she carries over her shoulder in a canvas bag, along with pencils, ball-point pen and note-books, when she goes on her journeys. Usually there is one alarm-clock for a group and, wherever they land, they are provided with any remedies required and necessary sewing-things. As their stops, at any rate those of a certain length of time, take place in the bosom of a samgha, the sādhvis have at their disposal in the various places, if not good libraries, at least a certain number of Sūtras, doctrinal texts in the local language and sometimes other books also for their study. To conclude our description let us bear in mind that the sadhvis always walk barefoot and that walking is their one method of locomotion. Sometimes a very sick or aged sadhvi is transported for a short distance in a palanquin, but all other methods of transport are forbidden. To walk barefoot and move from place to place on foot is common practice for a great number of ascetics. What is peculiar to the sadhvis is the reason underlying this mode of conduct, namely, ahiṁsä.

16 The carving here is of double significance, the five engraved lines representing the mahâvratas, and the slender point Mt Meru.
17 Cf. P 478.

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Now we have acquainted ourselves thus far with the sadhvis, let us attempt to clarify the way in which the sadhvis fit into the samgha, of which they are an integral part.
B- Caturvidhasamgha: The fourfold community
This expression refers to the Jaina community or brotherhood which is composed of munis, sadhvis, śrävakas and śrävikās. The term caturvidhasamgha is not found in the Agamas.18 In all probability after the nirvana of Mahavira, the pressing need was felt of some stable organisation, both to preserve the heritage of the already existing tradition and to strengthen links between the various members, living as they were in a pluralist society where struggles between the religious sects and political groups were sometimes violent. Looking back over a long period of history, one sees what a great contribution the caturvidhasamgha has made to the maintenance of a certain unity. It has permitted the continuity of the tradition, at least to a small extent, all over the country, and that through numerous vicissitudes.
The Unknown Pilgrims
Because of their situation of being anagari, the sadhvis form part of the local samgha wherever they find themselves in the course of their journeyings. This membership is temporary, no doubt, but operates in a very concrete fashion. The śrāvakas and śravikas of the localities where they stay welcome them, show them deference and expect much of them. They are there to help them and also, on occasion, to correct or criticise them. This interdependence has the disadvantage of taking away from the sadhvis a certain freedom, but it also has the immense advantage of forging links in a very spiritual fellowship which by no means overlooks practical questions as they arise. The sādhvis are the representatives of the living doctrine; being anagări within the samgha, they, together with the munis, are called to be its spiritual yeast.
The samgha refers to the general community, but in the various regions, under the influence of sundry ācāryas and doctrinal emphases, a number of separate units have come int being within the Jaina
18 Cf. I P 157 ff.

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caturvidhasamgha, each unit in turn constituting a minicaturyidhasamgha. We may take a quick look at the two types of unit to which reference has already been made, both of which are of ancient foundation but still in existence today.
a) The sampradayas: The sects
The word means "that which is transmitted by tradition"; thence it comes to denote different schools of doctrine, and is currently often used to denote a sect. It is a normal phenomenon that within a religious tradition different currents of thought should evidence themselves and that each such current should contribute some idea special to its own day and age, some interesting fresh interpretations, such as would enable the tradition to expand and adapt itself to new needs. Unfortunately, however, the sampradayas have developed a sectarian spirit, each claiming to possess a monopoly of interpretation of the teaching and condemning, or at least attacking and criticising the beliefs of other sects; hence divisions have arisen and sometimes veiled or open animosity. These divisions are the more obvious because for the last several centuries the Jainas have become a small and scattered minority; this fragmentation only serves to reinforce sectarian tendencies, for each sect often lives closed in on itself in the midst of a large Hindu majority. It should be added that even if such animosity is not at all general, yet there is often deep misunderstanding, ignorance and indifference in regard to the other sects. We have mentioned already the two major sampradayas, the Digambara and the Svetambara19 and also the smaller sampradayas among the śvetämbaras, namely the Mūrtipūjakas, Sthānakavāsis and Terapanthis.
19 Cf. P 138 ff.
b) The gacchas: The major groupings
A gaccha constitutes, within a sampradāya, a religious Society under the obedience of one or several âcāryas. Originally, the gacchas consisted of a restricted number of ascetics only. Later on, not only did these gacchas increase in size, but also, probably on account of local circumstances, śrāvakas and śrāvikās, while maintaining their

427

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own state of life, were incorporated into the various gacchas. At the present time the two major ancient gacchas of the Mürtipujaka tradition are the Tapāgaccha and the Kharataragaccha. The Tapăgaccha is by far the most important and has numerous local branches, while the Kharataragaccha, which was formerly very flourishing, is now very reduced in size. Among the minor gacchas we may make mention of the Añcalagaccha: and the Pärývacandragaccha.
The Sthānakavāsi sādhvis belong either to the Śramanasamgha which gathers together all the ascetics of Rājasthāna and Panjāba under the authority of one single ācārya, at present Ācārya Ananda Rși, or to one or other of the local gacchas of Gujarāta which are each headed by an ācārya.
Each gaccha is autonomous and independent.20 For the most part they do not encounter each other unless there is a local or national meeting involving all Jainas or on the occasion of a celebration in common, that of Mahăvira Jayanti, for example. Even within the membership of the Tàpāgaccha where sub-groups have been formed, the sădhxis of these different groups cannot, on the occasion of a meeting, partake of a meal together.
C - The Sramaņisargha: The community of Sāhvis
The sădhvis are members of the caturvidhasaṁgha, then, within that, of a sampradāya and, finally, of a gaccha, all of these being units of progressively smaller numbers to which belong also śrävakas and śrávikās under one common ācārya. However, they also form a separate group with an internal structure of its own. Generally, to whatever sampradaya and gaccha they belong, the sădhvis are divided among themselves into little groups of at least three members, though the members may be as many as ten or more. A group is called a mandala, mandali, or sometimes samüha. At the head of the group is the guruni appointed for life. It is the most senior sådhvi who, with the agreement of the acārya, succeeds the deceased guruņi. Among the Tapāgaccha sādhvis, where some groups contain a large number of
20 There is no important difference between the gacchas as regards interpretation of the doctrine or mode of life of the ascetics.

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429
members, a guruņi sometimes re-divides the sādhvis into distinct secondary groups and appoints a sādhvi to assume certain responsibilities as head of such a secondary group, which then takes its leave to go on vihāra, but still stays under obedience to the guruņi.
At the head of several groups, each of which has its guruni, is to be found a pravartini. Among the Mūrtipūjaka sādhvis, at least, such an office still exists, but the pravartini does not appear to wield any welldefined authority; it is, rather, an honorific title.21 The Sthānakavāsi sādhvis have, for some years already, abolished the office of pravartini.22
As for the Terapanthi sādhvis their organisation is different: one single sādhvi, the Sadhvi Pramukhā, heads the entire group. She is neither a pravartini nor a guruņi, for all authority is in the hands of the ācārya. Staying always in close proximity to this latter, acco
panied by about ten sådhvis who may change from time to time, she follows the acārya and his group of muris in all their vihāras. Thus she
ains in contact with him, is knowledgeable as regards all decisions affecting the gana and is consulted on all matters concerning the sādhvis, but she has no direct authority. As for the other sādhvis, they are divided into singhādas (small groups); the leading sādhvis in these groups, who are called agraganyās are not guruņis, for, on the one hand, it is the ācārya who is the ultimate authority upon whom each sadhvi depends and, on the other, an agraganyā is not necessarily
21 In the Cheda-sūtras allusion is quite often made to the office of pravartini, but her role is not defined. A nirgranthi who knows the Ācārakalpa (the Niśitha and other Agamas dealing with the rules of conduct and with punishments, cf. VS V, 16) is worthy of being nominated as pravartini. In the past there existed as well the post of gamini, the sādhvi at the head of a gana, and one also comes across the title mahattară which seems to correspond to the present-day guruņi. Cf. VS V, 13-14, where it is stated that a pravartini can choose and name her own successor; however, if this latter shows herself incapable of performing this function, then the sādhvis may choose another.
22 Formerly, the pravartini had an important role, as is emphasised in several biographies.

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appointed for life as head of the group. Each year, on the occasion of the great gathering which is held in the place where the ācārya at that moment is, numerous groups of sadhvis are present. Each group is required to meet the acarya every two or three years at least, as circumstances dictate. On their arrival the sadhvis present themselves before the ăcărya and perform the guruvandana, then, out of fidelity to the spirit of aparigraha, the agraganya hands back charge of her group to the acarya, along with the few books and other objects that the sādhvis have had at their disposal. Several days later, during an official gathering, the acarya assigns to each group its location for the following caturmāsya (rainy season). Generally he re-appoints the same agraganyas to the headship of their same groups; however, he may transfer some sadhvis from one group to another.
430
The sadhvis lead a sisterly community life around their guruni or agraganya, relating to one another in a simple way. The guruni fulfils the role of a mother or elder sister, according to her age, taking care of every aspect of the sadhvis' life. These links are those of a spiritual family in which the guruni is venerated on account of her knowledge of the Scriptures and of the doctrine, her life of renunciation and her wisdom. Nowhere is this daughterly veneration better expressed than in the guruvandana-sutra,23 and the laghu-guruvandana. Sometimes, for a young or orphan sädhvi, the guruni is doubly mother and very deep and strong bonds unite them to one another. Mahāsati Śri Hukamadevi has described very well this indissoluble unity in the biography of her guruņi, Mahāsati Śri Mohanadevi, who was a truly remarkable pravartini.24
Over the guruni and, if there is one, the pravartini, there is a higher authority in the person of the acarya, the upadhyaya or a venerable and senior muni appointed by the ācārya. The sadhvis consider the ācārya as their guru, the spiritual master to whom they address themselves for confession in the case of serious offence, for matters concerning the study of Scripture and other studies, for decisions relating to vihāras
23 Cf. P 320 ff.; 701.
24 Cf. Mahāsati Hukamadevi (undated), pp. 151-156; cf. P 618 ff.

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and location for the duration of the caturmasya, the admission of candidates for dikṣā and all other questions concerning their life. Usually the sadhvis go on vihara in one direction and the ăcărya in another, so that it is possible for several years to pass without a chance of their paths crossing; however, for necessary decision-making and for the preservation of a direct line of communication, meetings do take place more or less regularly at the requet of either the sadhvis or the ācārya.
431
Their way of life being essentially itinerant, the sädhvis are dependent upon local conditions and circumstances. No details of a situation can be foreseen. However, they can always make known their needs and intentions and the acarya decides accordingly. For example, in matters related to the study of the Agamas or the doctrine, of Sanskrit or Prakrit or preparation for an examination, is not necessarily the acarya who himself teaches the sadhvis, but is he who issues precise instructions as to place, teachers and subjects of study 25
The sadhvis are under the direction of their guruni, who is herself under the authority of the ācārya. Thus they are subject to superior masculine authority. The type of authority exercised by the ācārya or his delegate varies from person to person and in accordance with the different traditions of the sampradāyas and gacchas. Taking into consideration the whole body of sadhvis and avoiding gencralisation, we may say that the Sthanakavāsi sadhvis are liberal in outlook and more progressive in their approach to studies, as well as in an appreciation of the needs of our time and of the necessity of some response thereto; moreover, they enjoy a certain autonomy. The Terapanthi sadhvis, within the framework of their strict discipline, are, if not very open, at least well on the way to becoming so. Among the Mürtipujaka sädhvis, those of the Kharataragaccha, on account of their limited number and also the strong and lasting influence of their gurunis of the past, intelligent and zealous pioneers that they were,

25
At Ahmadābād, for example, was to be found in 1977 a group of Tapagaccha sadhvis from Panjaba, sent there by their ācārya for 2 years in order to study certain doctrinal texts in a pāṭhaśālā, school for sädhvis.

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have a certain degree of autonomy and are open-minded.26 As for the Tapagaccha sadhvis, a fair number are still under the tutelage of orthodox ācāryas and live in a society which is little favourable to the emancipation of women. However, from this gaccha have emerged certain remarkable sadhvis who must have braved innumerable difficulties before managing to do some study and acquire a certain independence, while still remaining in the gaccha.27 On the whole, the acaryas śravikās and śrāvakas, once they have overcome their initial hesitation, admire them. However, it takes exceptional courage to free oneself from secular prejudices and this courage is given only to a few outstanding sadhvis, who then inspire others with the same, so that little by little the number of liberal-minded ones increases.
A vairāgini, whether a grown woman or a girl, who feels herself called to the ascetic life, chooses the guruni whom she desires for guide. The candidate makes a longer or shorter probation in the group and, after being included in their number by the acarya and the samgha, she is consecrated through the ceremony of dikṣā. Henceforward and for the remainder of her life she forms part of the Śramanisaṁgha and the group which has received her. However, if there are valid reasons, the ācārya may permit her to change groups. 28 In the case of a serious offence, it can come about that a sadhvi is expelled from the gaccha;29 it is possible, then, for her to receive dikṣā anew, but she will have to recommence the stages of her life as an ascetic. In other cases, a sadhvi can freely request to leave the
26 Cf. P 571 ff.; 584 ff.
27 Sadhvi Mṛgavāti Śri and Sadhvi Nirmālā (P 557 ff.) are cases in point, to quote only 2 examples.
28 Cf. BrkS IV, 20, which gives factors which might favour a change of gana, which would correspond to the present-day gaccha; nowadays, changes, which are rather rare, take place within the same gaccha.
29 Cf. P 515; 519 ff.

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community after several years, if she reckons that she is not suited to the ascetic life.30
It is difficult to assess the total number of sadhvis, except in the case of the Terapanthis with their highly structured organisation and the Kharataragacchas whose number is very limited. Here are the findings of recent censuses:
Mūrtipujaka sadhvis
- Sthānakavāsi Sādhvis
3590 .1757 31
532 32
- Terapanthi sadhvis
Thus the total number of sadhvis comes to 5879.33
Whence do they come?
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D-Region and family background
The sadhvis, albeit anagări, have deep roots in the soil of one province or another; they speak its language and know its traditions and social set-up. They do not break with their family and friends, but they are now in a state of life different from theirs. They can see them, meet them, stay in their own native village or town, but they do not stay into the family house and their meetings are always of a spiritual character. The sadhvis are consecrated to a life of asceticism, self-purification and growth in knowledge, and their relatives and friends constitute a part of all those beings to whom they must teach the way of Liberation. In the biography of Sadhvi Vicaksana, there is a description of the warm and enthusiastic reception she received and

30 Up to date there have been few sädhvis who have asked to leave their samgha; there are more munis who have done so, these latter being, moreover, considerable fewer in total number than the sadhvis.
31 The above figures for Mūrtipūjaka and Sthanakavāsi sädhvis were furnished by Pt. Malvania (L.D. Institute, Ahmedabad) from an article by A. Nāhāta in Vijayananda, July 1982.
32 According to the census taken in căturmasya 1981.
33 The Digambara äryikās are not included here; cf. P 636 ff.

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the transports of joy shown by the inhabitants of Amaravati in Mahārāşțra where she had spent her childhood, when, yielding to their pressing and repeated invitation, she came to spend the months of căturmāsya in their midst after long years of absence. Moreover, at their earnest request, she was obliged to sojourn there for a second căturmäsya34 and, with her accustomed simplicity, even gave her consent to their celebrating her birthday which fell during the period, thus giving her compatriots a chance to make merry in a spiritual atmosphere.35
The sampradāyas, being of considerable size, usually contain sādhvis of several regions, 36 while the gacchas, being more restricted in size, contain a majority of sādhvis from one single region. It must be added that the śvetāmbara Jainas in particular belong for the most part to a commercial community; moreover villagers tend to migrate to the often distant towns, but they retain strong links with those who stay in the village where they were born and return there regularly to take a part in family ceremonies.37
The sampradāyas and gacchas, with regard to the various regions, are made up thus:
34 The very lively chapter which describes this sojourn is entitled: "In the native country", cf. Rāmapuriyā, 1966, pp. 339-348.
35
Ibid., chs. 89-92.
36 With the exception of the Terapanthi sădhvis, who come exclusively from Rājasthana.
37 Because of the extreme importance given to ahiṁsā, many professions were formerly forbidden to Jainas, and hence their choice was limited to: cloth and other businesses, the cotton industry, banking, work as jewellers, goldsmiths, booksellers. In our day, the younger generation no longer attach much importance to these restrictions and Jalnas are to be found in a number of previously forbidden professions, e.g. doctors, engineers, etc.

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• The Tapāgaccha sādhvis come for the most part from Gujarāta, especially Saurāșțra and Kaccha, though they also have several groups in Panjāba, in the districts of Ambala, Ludhiyānä and Amộtasara, most of these being sādhvis from refugee families from Pakistan, from the district of Lāhora.
- The Kharataragaccha sādhvis are for the most part from Rājasthāna.
- The Sthānakavāsi sādhvis are of more diverse origin: Gujarāta, Rājasthāna, Madhya Pradeśa, Mahārāștra, Panjāba. - The Terāpanthi sādhvis are all from Rājasthāna and in particular from Māravāda.
As for their social background, a fair number of the sādhvis come from villages and from the artisan or trading communities. A much smaller number of them come from towns, from a background of business, small industries and, more rarely, from the liberal professions. Their families are often part of a group of fervent Jainas, among whom the religious tradition is preserved, spiritual exercises are practised, particularly pratikramana and fasting and by whom the munis and sädhvis are revered and given an attentive hearing. Vocations to the state of vairāgini thus come into being and are nurtured for the most part in a propitious soil and favourable atmosphere.
E - Family circumstances
At this point we need to go back in imagination to the end of the last century in order to get a more precise idea of the various conditions within family life that were conducive to an urge towards vairágya, indifference towards the things of this world, and to an attraction for renunciation. Not infrequently the sole refuge, in a girl's or young woman's life was to adopt the state of vairāgiņi. These conditions, complex as they were on account of both historical and social factors, prevailed up to these last years and still do so in certain villages of Rājasthāna and Gujarāta.38 What is of particular interest to
38 Cf. P 87 ff. The sādhvis in the various biographies explain these factors very clearly.

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us here are the family and personal reasons which have prompted a girl or young woman or a woman of maturer age to embrace this state, despite the evident fact that in the village context family bonds are very close and there is little inclination for change and novelty.
It was customary in respectable families - and indeed this custom has not yet altogether disappeared to promise in marriage a young girl of less than marriageable age to a somewhat older boy of a family of the same caste.39 The two families used to put a seal on this bond by the exchange of gifts and even by a marriage-ceremony, the bridal pair being still children; after which, for the most part, they each lived in their own family until the girl reached puberty and the boy had started work. On account of the high level of mortality in the villages, mostly due to great epidemics of cholera or smallpox or to malaria, many young girls became widows before they had embarked on the conjugal state. In accordance with the contract drawn up with the family-in-law, the young girl had to go and live a dull and apparently useless and unproductive existences in the house of her parents-inlaw, where sometimes she simply fulfilled the role of a servant. This being the case, one can readily understand, particularly if she came
devout family, that the young widow often felt a lively urge towards vairāgya and considered the vairāgini state ideal, for it would give her the chance, within a close knit community life, to journey towards a sell-defined spiritual goal and to study. Such is the classic and quite usual case. In many cases the family by marriage objected, but had to give in face of the young widow's determination.
In the past another type of case was also current, that of a young widow with a small girl; the young woman would join a group of sādhvis and, not wishing to abandon her little girl, would take her along too. Thus the child grew up among the sądhvis, who thus became her new family, and often she stayed and received dikșă in her turn. In our own day also one meets a certain number of sādhvis who have followed in the footsteps of their young widowed mothers.
Certain widows, with the assistance of their families, reared their children and subsequently received diksā. Sometimes the mother and
39 The Jainas have their own caste-system.

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the last of the children, still quite a young man, conceived the same desire and then mother and son adopted the ascetic state together, she among the sādhvis and he among the munis.40
Sometimes dikṣā took place in fulfilment of a vow, as when, to give one example, a young widow had two children, out of which the boy was carried off by a virulent disease and the girl fell ill in her turn. The mother made a vow to receive dikșă along with her daughter, if this latter were restored to health, which in fact happened.41
Sometimes also it happens - and such cases are not rare - that, of a young couple, one or other partner, often the young wife, feels herself attracted to the way of asceticism after some years of married life. If there are no children it is simpler, though the husband and his family often oppose the young woman's desire and seek to deflect her from the course she has chosen.42 Frequently the young husband marries again.43 If one asks á sādhi why she did not choose this path before
40 For example, Sadhvi Bālū was initiated at the age of 43 with her son, Muni Nathamala, who was 10 years old. She had brought up the three other children and was waiting to depart till the youngest should have no further need of her; as it turned out, he too. felt called; cf. Surānā, 1972, pp. 8-15.'At Pālītāņā, in June 1973, a widow received dikşā along with her son and her daughter, both adolescents; cf. Kuśala Nirdeśa, July 1973, pp. 44-46. Mahasati Umarāvakumvara, a young widow of 15 years, received dikṣā with her recently widowed father. After the ceremony the new muni blessed the young sādhvi; cf. Umarāvakusvara, 1962, pp.5-6.
41 This was the case with Mahāsati Śri Kailasakaṁvara and her daughter Mahāsati Sri Kusumavati, who is now a guruņi.
42 Biographies of the sadhvis relate examples of this sort, one of the most characteristic being that of Sadhvi Sri Ratnavati (P 609 ff.).
43 In instances like this, it is not always easy to decide the fate of the children; I met one sādhvi who had brought her little girl with her, when she joined the sadhvis. Her husband remarried and came to look for the girl when she was old enough to do without her mother's attentions, for he did not fancy a second sādhvi.

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The Unknown Pilgrims
marriage, in most cases the reply is simple and straightforward: married very young as she was, it was only after attaining a certain maturity, often also after having listened to homilies given by a muni or a sādhvi, that she was literally seized irresistibly by an attraction towards vairāgya. Sometimes it is the young husband who hears this call; the young wife follows suit and asks for admission to the community of sādhvis.44 One also meets some sādhvis, whether widows or not, who receive dikṣā at a ripe age, followed by one or several of their adolescent daughters who regard the state of renunciation as the lostiest of ideals.45
There are also most certainly, and increasingly frequently, vocations among girls who, in the course of their studies and for various reasons, feel themselves attracted to the ascetic life.
It would certainly be incorrect 10 think that all the young widow sādhvis or widow's daughter sādhvis of earlier generations were lacking in fervour; very much to the contrary. However, social conditions do change and nowadays we are witnessing instances of more personal choice at a more nature age, independently of family circumstances.
To make the preceding more concrete we may take note of three sets of interesting and revealing statistics. The first concerns the Terāpanthi sādhvis. Under their founder and first Ācārya between the years 1764 and 1802, so one observes in the records, out of fifty-six sādhvis, all had been married very young, forty-nine were widows and seven had left their husbands to join the sādhvis. Under the second
44 Cf. the biography of Sadhvi Śri Lādāṁ. She was already desirous of . following her husband on the ascetic path, when the latter was speedily carried off by a disease. She persevered and received diksā (P 625 ff.). Räjimati also here comes to mind (P 103 ff.). I met in Mumbai a young couple from a very well-to-do background. They were both preparing for dikșa, leaving their little 4 year old girl in the hands of her grandparents.
45 At Ahmadābād in 1977 two sādhvi sisters (siblings) spoke to me of their sādhvi mother and muni father.

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Acarya, out of forty-four sadhvis, only one had not been married and three received dikṣa with their husbands.46
The second set of figures is contained in the oldest of the biographies relating to the sadhvis of our own day. It concerns a Kharataragaccha sadhvi, Sadhvi Punya, an intrepid pioneer in an age and social background characterised by obscurantism.47 She lived from 1858 to 1916. From a perusal of this life one can grasp the social conditions prevalent in that period and all the difficulties that she and her disciples had to surmount. The table of statistics resembles a genealogical tree, covering the years 1870 to 1960, where Sadhvi Punya is, as it were, the trunk of the tree and the disciples its numerous branches. Of each sadhvi the name taken at the time of her dikṣā is given, the name before dikṣā, the name of her father, the name of her husband, if any, her status before dikṣā (girl, widow, married), place and date of birth, place and date of dikṣā, the name of her guruni and whether the said sädhvi is alive or deceased (in which case the location of her Great Departure is also supplied).
439
From all this information one gleans the following facts:
- All these young sadhvis belonged, or belong, for some are still alive, to families of Rajasthāna, even if one or another was born elsewhere.
Out of 193 sädhvis recorded, 140 were young widows, 29 unmarried girls, 17 left their husbands to join the sadhvis. In the case of 7, their status before dikṣā proved unverifiable.
The average age of the majority, at the time of dikṣa, was between eighteen and twenty-five years. A small number were between twelve and eighteen years or, in the case of others, between twenty-five and fifty years.
Only from 1952 onwards, and thus fairly recently, does one note that there is a majority of unmarried girls and very few widows and one young woman who broke the marriage-bond. The age of the girls
46 Cf. Muni Navaratnamala, op. cit., cf. P 247 ff.
47 P 575 ff.

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The Unknown Pilgrims
is between fourteen and twenty-one years, with just one being ten years old at the time of her dikṣā.
The third set of figures comprises some recent statistics taken of the Sthānakayåsi sådhvis. Out of 100 sādhvis encounted, their status before dikşā was found to be as follows:
· 53-were unmarried girls, 16 married women. One had been abandoned by her husband and 30 were widows.48 - The average age at the time of dikşā: between ten and twenty
years. 49
Where do they stay during their halts?
F - The upāśraya: The refuge
Where do these sādhvis encounted on the road, with whom we have now a certain acquaintance, stay during their stop-overs? Their life may be itinerant, but it presupposes, between journeys, if not a stable dwelling, at least some form of shelter. This shelter is called an upāśraya, literally, a refuge, a shelter, and indeed an upăśraya is in very truth a place of refuge for the sādhvis. Taking into account local circumstances, the routes they intend to follow and the seasons, they stay in an upăśraya for periods which vary between a few days and a few weeks and in addition, every year, for the cāturmāsya. The word upāśraya is found in the Agamas, which proves that this name has a long history. 50 The Brhatkalpa-sútra expatiates on the type of modest
48 Cf. Bordiya, 1975, pp. 262-264; out of those who were married, the initiative to receive dikşå had come, in the case of six, from the husband and they had followed his example.
49 Ibid., p. 261.
50 Cf. AS II, 1, 2, 7, 1, 10,6; DS VII, 29; SthS 417a.

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The Homeless Ones
shelter suitable for the sadhvis and on the necessity of having at least a cilimilikă, a curtain, where there is no door to the room.51
441
An upăśraya belongs to the local samgha and is maintained by the śrāvakas and śravikās. The Mürtipujakas and Sthānakavāsis have upăśrayas, while the Terapanthis do not. These refuges present a certain variety of features, in accordance with the locality where they are situated and the importance numerically of the samgha. In certain large Jaina centres such as Ahmadābād there are upäśrayas exclusively for sadhvis, while in other localities there is one upäśraya only for all comers and, if a group of munis passes by when the sadhvis are in residence, the śravakas offer another dwelling to the munis. Quite frequently, the same building includes at least one room on the ground floor for śrāvakas and śrāvikās, which is used for meetings and as a place of retreat for spiritual purposes and in which munis and sadhvis give their courses of instruction. On the first or second floor rooms are reserved for munis or sadhvis in transit, if these do not have their own separate upāśrayas.
Among the Mūrtipūjakas, the upāśraya is often one of the appendages of the temple; sometimes, also, it forms part of a larger complex along with a dharmaśālā for the reception of travelling śrāvakas. The proximity of the temple, the place of worship, fosters spiritual endeavour. The whole compound constitutes a small and autonomous religious city. A local committee deals with the administration of it, while a secretary has there a permanent office and a watchman patrols the place night and day.
The Sthanakavasis have a similar administrative system, but as they do not have temples the buildings are less imposing.

To return, however, to the upăśraya, the refuge or shelter of sādhvis on pilgrimage; whatever its outer appearance, whether it is a simple building or part of the outhouses of a temple, its function and organisation are always the same. An upāśraya usually consists of several rooms, though it is not always in sufficiently secluded spot.
51 Cf, BrkS I, 14-15; 19; P 534 ff. for the various rules relating to upāśrayas.

i

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There is no furniture except beds of wood like low tables, arranged neatly against the four walls of the room. Sometimes, however, the sādhvis slcep on the floor. Their are a few books and often some book-rests for use in reading and study. In a corner the pātras are carefully arranged, along with one or more jugs of water and some buckets for the washing of clothes. In the winter there are some folded blankets for use at night. The sădhvis sit on the floor-level upon āsanas, small mats which are used by their visitors also. All these accessories belong to the upāśraya. In this same room or in an adjacent one, if two or three rooms are at their disposal, the sădhvis receive visitors. There are often men or women servants attached to the upăśraya, who sweep and wash the floor regularly. Everything is kept meticulously clean out of regard for ahiṁsā.
The Terāpanthis have no upăśrayas, for they aspire to the strict observance and urge a return to the original ideal, which adjured both temples and organised upāśrayas as being sources of worldly concerns, of a spirit of possessiveness and thus of greed and disputes. However, in a certain way this community is, thanks to its centralisation, excellently organised, in the first place by the acārya and then at the provincial and local levels; furthermore, on account of this organisation, the munis and sādhvis are by no means left to their own devices on their journeyings. With them it works out like this: the anuvrata-samitis or societies of lesser vows for śrāvakas and śrāvikās possess premises where travelling munis and sādhvis can lodge. During the monsoon months śrāvakas who own large properties place a house, an appartment or an annexe at the disposition of the sādhvis. The upāśraya in this case is not a permanent place belonging to the samgha.
Sometimes it happens in the course of a long pilgrimage that at one stop or another, in a village, or town, there is no Jaina samgha. In this case the sadhvis look for some suitable shelter where they may request hospitality. According to what is available, they may stay in a women's āśrama, a dharmaśālā, a school or a private house, even if the owners are not Jainas, provided that they are vegetarian, of good

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reputation and that they offer a suitable lodgement.52 Whatever lodging is given, the sādhvis must always preserve a certain aloofness from the family who provides the shelter and from the local inhabitants. Quite frequently, their route being determined in advance, śrāvakas of the region give them the names of hospitable persons; however, unforeseen events may always occur.
On occasion sādhvis may ask for hospitality at the upăśraya of another sampradāya or gaccha than their own, even for the duration of the cāturmāsya. As a general rule, the local Jainas are very happy to receive sādhvis, to whatever grouping they belong.53
In addition, there are some study-centres, but these are upāśrayas with a special function.54
As we come to the end of this chapter, let us look back for a moment: anagāri, śvctavastra, rajoharana, upăśraya. This notion and these elements conjures up a vocation, a particular way of life incorporated into the Jaina samgha and thus into human society. With a view to undersianding all the implications of this manner of life, we are now going to try to follow the sādhvis during all the stages of their spiritual pilgrimage, from dikşā to mahāprasthāna (Great Departure). Then we will follow them in their daily round from before sunrise until nightfall.
52 It has happened before now, in an isolated village, that Musulmans, seeing the sadhvis in difficulties, have shown them a place to lodge in a delapidated house; cf. Umarāvakusvara, 1962, p. 11.
53 I met in the suburbs of Mumbai some Mūrtipājaka sādhvis who were passing their cāturmāsya in an upaśraya belonging to Sthānakavāsis and others in Dilli who were making a halt in a Sthānakavāsi upaśraya. On occasion, though rarely, Terapanthi sādhvis stop with Sthanakavāsis. Sometimes sādhvis are received by Digambaras in the outhouses of a temple or in a dharmaśālā; cf. Umarăvakuri vara, 1962, pp. 121; 130-132. Nevertheless it sometimes also happens that they are refused hospitality; cf. ibid., pp. 132-133.
54 Cf. P 466 ff.

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Chapter 2.
Dikṣā: Consecration
The choice once for all of vairagya and entrance into the śramanisaṁgha
The sage, having taken upon himself the five great vows of ahimsā, satya, asteya, brahmacarya and aparigraha must follow the dharma taught by the Jina.1
A - Vairagya: Indifference towards worldly life
This is a word very often used by the sadhvis in their conversations, homilies, biographies and other writings.2 It expresses the foundation-stone, with its implications and consequences, upon which their life is built. Vairagya has both a highly negative and a highly positive aspect. When viewed negatively, vairagya means complete indifference towards all the pleasures of life, towards honours, money, ease, family ties, bonds of friendship. Other synonymous words, such as virakti, nirveda, are also frequently employed to indicate this characteristic of being asakta, non-attached. When viewed positively, this stripping off of all possessions, all attachments, all that comprises worldly life that life which, according to the doctrine, is engulfed in matter - leads to the one thing needful, namely, knowledge of and realisation of the ätman. Vairagya, in its essence, is the end-product of an impulse which gives rise to an unshakeable conviction that this radical Tife-option in the steps of the arhats is the best of all possible lives. It imparts indomitable courage, first to affirm this choice before family and society in the face of
-
1 ahimsă saccam ca ateṇayaṁ ca tatto ya baṁbhaṁ apariggahaṁ ca paḍivajjiyā pamca mahavvayāim carejja dhammam jiņadesiyam vidū. US XXI, 12.

Cf. e.g. the observations of Mahāsati Saralā, 1970, Part II, pp. 83-85.
2

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opposition and contradiction of various sorts and, once the commitment has been made, to persevere in spite of the harsh conditions involved in the ascetic life.
Though vairāgya is the word used in common speech and in literature written in any one of the local languages, the Scriptures for the most part employ the word pravrajyä, which denotes the state proper to the itinerant ascetic, that is, renunciation.
In order to investigate more deeply the meaning of this choice, let us study briefly the motives that may conduce towards renunciation and, once the choice has been made, the conditions that are required for a vairāgiņi to be accepted by the śramaņisaṁgha and the local samgha.
a) The motives
As far as one can trace back in the tradition, one finds an underlying notion of vairāgya present everywhere and the state of pravrajyā invariably presented as the lostiest of ideals. Examples of it abound and this much-venerated tradition passed down in a devout family, is not without influence on young spirits. Just to quo examples from among the more remarkable: Mallinātha demonstrated unequivocally the meaning of vairāgya in her encounter with the princes.3 Neminātha, struck forcibly by the deep meaningfulness of ahiṁsā and of the vision he caught of another life, decided to renounce everything and was followed in this by his betrothed, Rājimati4 Mahāvira waited till his parents were deceased before following the intuition that had already come to him." Prince Balasri-also, known by the name of Mțgāputra, son of Queen Mțgāvati, having received the vision of a different life, explained eloquently to his parents the
3 Cf. P 115 ff.
4 Cf. US XXII, 8-20; 29; P 103 ff.
5 Cf. AS II, 15, 17; KS 111.

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reasons for his choice. He listened to his parents objections and refuted them with a veritable apologia for vairagya.7
The Sthänānga-sūtra, which is addressed to the world at large, lists ten of the more normal, even prosaic, motives which may determine someone to embrace vairāgya: of his or her own choice, on an impulse of anger, on account of poor family circumstances, on the prompting of a dream, by reason of a promise recollected from a previous life (a recollection that may be provoked by one event or (another), on account of an illness, after receiving an insult, on Inspiration from the gods, out of affection for a son who is a muni8. Certain ones of these ten motives may, assuredly, give rise to renunciation or they may at least contribute towards an understanding of the futility of riches and of certain relationships, thus promoting an advance in the spiritual life.
The Unknown Pilgrims
In another passage, the same Sūtra gives four reasons for the adoption of this state: to have some security in life, to obtain heavenly pleasures, both these motives at once or for a disinterested motive only.
9
If we take into account family circumstances and the prevailing social conditions, we may say that for girls reared in the Jaina tradition there is no need to look for a secondary or accidental cause. Vairagya, which is basically inherent in this tradition, exerts its own imperious, absolute appeal. It is like a seed, we might say, implanted in every
7
6 Cf. US XIX, 9-23.
Ibid., 44-85.
8 dasavihā pavvajjā paņṇattā tam jahā-gāhā chamdā rosā parijuņņā suviņā paḍissuya ceva. sāriņiyā rogiņiyā, anāḍhiyā
devasanṇatti vocchāṇubaṁdhiyā. SthS 712a; cf. JSBSam III, pp. 251-252, where one example drawn form tradition is given of each case.
9
cauvvihä pavvajjā paņṇattā taṁ jaha-ihaloga-paḍibaddhā, paralogapaḍibaddha, duhaho logapaḍibaddha, apaḍibaddhā. SthS 355a; another motive might be the desire to be at the service of the guru; cf. SthS 157.

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fervent and enlightened Jaina. Its roots are embedded in a faith in the dharma that is both stable and unshakeable; however, the degrees of awareness of this deep impulse vary and only a small number responds fully to this calling. 10
It is not easy to analyse the different motives that may inspire a candidate. The young widows, who, even quite recently, tended to decide in favour of the state of vairāgiņi found themselves already, because of their widowhood, in a state of renunciation, but in one which lacked a goal, while the renunciation practised in the ascetic life, though humanly speaking far more radical, offered them an ideal to pursue. Certain of their number say that their widowed state helped them to realise the frailty of human relationships, that it freed them from family bonds. For them a veil was listed and they are now embarked on a surc path.
Frequently, whether in the case of girls, widows or young married women, the presence in the neighborhood of a group of sādhvis and their teachings provided the incentive to join them. Sometimes it was the words of some muni which struck them. For others, it was a sādhvi relative whom they admired and followed or perhaps a brother or cousin muni who fired their imagination. These meetings, examples or words became the dertermining factors, helping them to, awake to the fact that the life of this world is full of suffering, struggles and anguish and that its joys are transitory. As a result, the state of renunciation appeared the loftier, because it disengages the soul from worldly attachments and is advancing towards final Liberation.
At the beginning the motives are not always purely spiritual. For example, certain girls choose this state because, for family or financial reasons, they have scarcely any chance of getting married. Others are attracted because they desire to study. This does not mean that their intention is dishonourable and that they will not in the course of their training discover the more purely spiritual motives.
10 A study of several biographies is revealing in this regard.

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The Unknown Pilgrims
Finally, it is readily understandable, given the custom which still persists today in certain circles to promise in marriage a young girl to a young man whom she does not know and to a family in which a sometimes very hard life awaits her, particularly in the village setting, that certain ones prefer the ascetic life to marriage. Here again, this preference does not, in itself, manifest a lack of integrity. In making this choice they are conditioned by society.11
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Once the decision has been taken, the next necessity in the case of a certain number, as in that of Mrgaputra, is to explain it to their parents and convince them, which is sometimes a laborious, painful, storm-provoking task and demands veritable heroism on the part of `the vairāgini.
12
b) The implications
To set foot on the path of vairagya means to leave everything, renounce all and embrace pravrajya, the state of life of an ascetic which is also called: nişkramana, a word which denotes the act of
11 Recent statistics give the following data: i) Concerning the origin of an attraction to vairagya in the cases of 100 sadhvis interviewed: 21 attracted personally; 14 influenced by the prevailing atmosphere of the samgha; 19 attracted by a guruņi; 19 attracted by a sadhvi (most of them being at a distance from their families); 17 orphans who preferred the ascetic state to family life as they observed it; 5 attracted by its outward features, in particular by the pomp and ceremony of the dikṣā. ii) Concerning the determining motives for receiving dikṣā: 59 from purely spiritual motives; 11 from desire for growth in knowledge directed to a spiritual end; 10 from desire to be at the service of the samgha; 3 to free themselves from the bonds of marriage; 17 to find a refuge in society. iii) Concerning freedom of choice: 60 decided by personal choice (several having been obliged to overcome family opposition, 12 families being non-consenting and 19 definitely opposed); in the case of 24 the decision was taken by the parents, in the case of 10 by the family-in-law, in the case of 3 by a Court of Justice; for 3 the decision was due to various influences. Cf. Bordiya, 1975, pp. 265269; 275-277; 279-280.
12 Cf. the extraordinary case of Sadhvi Vicaksana (P 584 ff.)

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449
leaving, parting, going forth, disappearing.13 This point is wellconveyed in regard to Mļgaputra: when he had convinced his parents of the absolute necessity of vairāgya and when they had given their consent, "...as a serpent (sheds) its skin, so he abandoned (every form of] possessiveness."14
The first and very radical implication of this "stripping" is precisely the fact of being anagāri. This is just the outward, observable sign of an inner state which removes all karmic dust in order to reach at one and the same time both nudity of being and plenitude. 15
c) Conditions for admission into the samgha
The personal decision constitutes a beginning. Having received parental permission, which is obligatory, the candidate still has to be accepted by the local samgha. In this context samgha means the guruni who is in direct contact with the vairāgini, the sādhvis who belong to the same group, next the pravartini if there is one, the ācārya to whom the guruņi is responsible and the committee of the samgha of the candidate's native-place. This last-named must refer to one of the more important committees which administer the gaccha or sampradāya. The samgha of the place where the dikşā will take place is also consulted, for the committee of this samgha will be made responsible for the organisation of the order of service, the receptions, the preparation in general, the decoration, etc.16 Without going into
13 Cf. KS 111; US XXII, 21; 23
14 ....mamattar chimdai tahe mahānāgo vva kamcuyam. US XIX, 86.
15 This process is described in Part II.
16 Before her dikșa at Mulun (a suburb of Mumbai) on March 25th, 1976, a vairāgini belonging to Saurastra had to obtain the written permission of her parents. Next, the following were consulted by turn: the committee of the samgha to which the family belonged, and the mahāsamgha of Mumbai. This latter, consisting of the president and 2 śrāvakas appointed for the purpose, examined the vairāgini with care, asking her numerous questions. Not only is investigation made as to the freedom of choice and sincerity of

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questions of procedure, which in any case vary according to different sampradāyas and localities, we shall proceed to consider the conditions a vairăgini must fulfill in order to be accepted. She must be at least eight years old 17 and less than seventy and must be in good health; persons susfering from chronic maladies, the blind, crippled or enfeebled are not admitted. She must be of sound mind and have a certain capacity at least for study, must give evidence of a sociable nature and of being in good standing, that is, of having no outstanding debts nor being bound by a work-contract or any other liability.18 These conditions follow the norms of society and of good sense; they are necessary for a life that will be austere, lived in community and yet in contact with society, all these three being characteristics of the style of life that these vairăginis are preparing to adopt. In theory there is no restriction as regards caste or family background.19 \However, the sampradāyas and gacchas do have a tendency, more pronounced or less according to the various regions, to recruit their ascetics from within certain milicus.
the candidate but also as to her aptitudes, such as her intelligence, capacity for study, health, physical resistance, sociability. Finally the committee of Mulun was also consulted.
17 Cf. VS X, 20-21. But recently, in the concluding day (May 13, 1987) of the plenary session of the Sramana Samgha (branch of the Sthānakvāsis) meeting, at Pune, presided by Ācārya Ananda Rişi and attended by numerous munis and sädhvis, it has been announced that the young candidates will not be given dikşă before a five years period of studies in Jaina doctrine. This step will considerably restrict "bata-diksa dikṣā to children). As for the adults they will have to study the Jaina doctrine for a period of three years before receiving dikṣā.
18 Cf. JSB Sam V, pp. 406-409 (Pravacanasâroddhāra 108; 792) where more unusual cases are also proscribed: eunuchs, homosexuals and those still breast-feeding a child. Certain cases date back to an age gone by. Persons who are enemies of the king are rejected, as also those who may have been placed under constraint in the śramaņisamgha without their parents' knowledge
19 US XII gives the ex. of Harikesin Bala, a muni and sage, who came from a family of cāņdālas (untouchables).

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The sādhvis who receive the request of a vairāgiņi show considerable prudence, neither encouraging her in a facile way nor minimising the difficulties of the ascetic life. They are aware that, in certain cases, they must avoid giving the parents any occassion to suspect them of luring their daughter away. At the same time they knwo how to speak convincingly, how to show that theirs is the best of all lives and to inspire the young with enthusiasm for a high ideal.20 Except in cases where it is clear that the candidate does not possess the needed temperamental qualities or where the family is strongly opposed, the sădhvis permit a candidate to come and live for a while with them, after which a final decision will be taken.
B - The Vairāgini: The renunciate
A vairāgini is a candidate permitted to share the life of the sādhvis.! These latter call her by her name, but she has already abandoned this world, she has entered into a state which is admittedly still an intermediate one, but which is oriented towards a definitive commitment; she has left all in order to listen, learn, take a first step, prepare herself. At the same time, she has not pledged herself, she can retire when she wishes. She follows the sādhvis' rules except for the quest for food and she takes her meals with the local śråvakas.
This stage is a very important one, being that of preparation for dikṣā, and is characterised by a combination of two types of teaching, that of the guruņi and that of the Daśavaikälika-sútra.
a) The teaching of the guruņi
At every moment the guruņi is at hand to guide, instruct and train the vairāgiņi with matemal care. There is no prescribed time or limit for this period, which may last anything from several months to several years. Everything depends on the age, character, level of education - certain ones pursue courses of study or prepare for official examinations - and, above all, on the inner disposition of the vairāgiņi and on the guruņi, on her method of training and teaching. She refers
20 The biographies relate several interesting dialogues between a guruņi and a vairāgiņi.

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these matters to the ācārya but it is she, finally, upon whom this preparation and its duration depends.21
Nothing very specific remains to be added, for we have here a personal, stable, deep relationship which, though it touches all aspects of life, belongs to a higher sphere. Furthermore, in everything that appertains to the anagāri state, all practical details must be in conformity with a higher goal. Their underlying purpose and the manner in which each action is performed is all with a view to ahiṁsā. From this period onwards the guruņi may initiate her new disciple into the study of Prakrit, of which a certain basis is necessary for an understanding of the rite of the avasyakas and of the Agamas, she may also start her on the study of Sanskrit. It is not necessary that she does so herself, she may delegate the task to one of th sādhvis of the group, but all is done under her direction. If the vairāgini perserveres and joins the other disiciples, the relationship will deepen after her dikşă and will continue for as long as the guruņi lives. 22
b) The study of the Daśavaikälika-sūtra23
This is the Sūtra that the vairāgiņi is required to study, at least in part, before her dikșă. It is a sure guide, which will initiate her into the life, demands and spirituality of the śramaņis. Here is a brief outline of this Sūtra that a sādhvi must learn by heart and constantly recall by repetition, for it teaches samyak-căritra.
21 Among the Terapanthi sādhvis, it is the acārya who decides the duration of the probationary period.
22 Cf. the account of such a relationship in the biography of Mahasati Śri Pannadevi written by Mahasati Saralā, her disciple, in which she expresses deep filial devotion towards her guruņi (P 620 ff.; Appendix I).
23 Strictly speaking, a vairāgiņi is required to study chs. I-IV and to continue after dikşā; however, nowadays many vairāgiņis study the whole Sūtra and others also during their probation.

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The Daśavaikālika-sūtra which, in common with all the Sutras for ascetics, is addressed equally to sådhvis and to munis, is entirely composed of rules inspired by the doctrine and set in the very concrete context of daily life.24 In this Sūtra all the foundations are set forth in a readily accessible way. There are here no philosophical considerations nor stories inserted among the rules, as is the case in certain other Sütras. It is comprehensive, brief, precise, exactly what is needed for gaining familiarity with the doctrine and also a knowledge of the conduct and attitudes, both inner and outer, that are in conformity with it. It is not a systematic treatise and one finds in it many repetitions, but often, in these repetitions, one observes differing nuances of meaning.
It is made up of ten chapters and concludes with two cūlikās (appendices). Each of the chapters enlarges on different subjects:
- Chapter I introduces us straightaway to the dharma which is: ahiṁsā, saryama, tapas.
- Chapter II indicates the necessary basic dispositions: self-control, which is gained by transcending, mastering and sublimating desires.
- Chapter III gives an introduction to right conduct, to the exact rules which conduce towards self-mastery. We have here a practical application of II.
- Chapter IV deals with the ten sorts of jiva;25 then it proceeds to a consideration of the chief mahāvrata, ahiṁsā, followed by the other mahāvratas and corresponding rules of conduct.
- Chapter V indicates the proper behaviour and rules to be observed in regard to gocari, the quest for food. One must imitate the cow who
24 Although generally the masculine gender is used in the text, we give references in the feminine, for each of these sutras is addressed without distinction both to munis and their guru and to sādhvis and their guruņi.
25 Cf. P 284 ff.

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browses here and there or the bee who buzzes from flower to flower. We have here a direct application of ahińså, hence the length of the chapter which is divided into two parts, the one containing one hundred and the other fifty sūtras. All conceivable circumstances and the requisite corresponding attitudes are set forth. These rules must be well studied from the start, in order to know how to re-act in different situations.26
- Chapter VI explicates further what is meant by perfect conduct. This chapter is complementary to Chapters III, IV and V and leaves nothing open to doubt.
- Chapter VII deals with purity of speech. It consists of counsel in regard to satya, an important aspect of ahimsā, in the context throughout of both community life and of daily contacts with the outside world.
- Chapter VIII stresses once more right conduct, completing and at times repeating the preceding chapters.
- Chapter IX is entitled vinaya-samadhi and, on account of its importance, is divided into four sections. It deals with the respectful, well-disciplined and obedient attitude one should have towards one's guruņi, ācārya and elders, whatever, it is added, their omissions, failings, and weaknesses, for they are the depositaries of the doctrine as it is lived out in practice.27 These spiritual attitudes are indispensable to a capacity for learning, self-correction and selfpurification. Vinaya, respectful submission, the acceptance of discipline, is the taproot of the dharma 28 This is so important that the
26 Cf. P 496 ff.
27 Cf. DS IX, 1, 3. Samadhi, of which the meaning carries different inflections according to context, denotes that which is unified, gathered together, absorption. Here it refers to the sustained attention and diligence with which one must express one's respect for authority or for the seniors, and faithfulness to the rules upon this subject; US I or vinaya-śruta which is addressed to novices; SkrS I, 13; 11-17.
28 Cf. DS IX, 2, 2.

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impudent disciple who has no respect for his guru is issued a warning: he is like a man who flings himself in the fire, or teases a venomous snake or swallows some poison; without doubt, in all three cases, his life is in danger. The text pursues the comparison by saying that the danger is indeed so great for the arrogant disciple that he has no chance of being saved, for:
It may happen that the fire docs not burn, it may happen that the serpent docs not bite, it may happen that the mortal poison does not kill, [but) after an insult to the guru (there is] no mokşa.29
By way of contrast, it is said of those who are obedient disciples that their knowledge "grows like a well-watered tree,"30 Vinaya is the attitude with which the vairāgini listens rcspccifully to the guruņi's instruction, learns and knows the doctrine and thus remains on the right path.31 She is urged to be attentive to the words and gestures of the guruņi, to be prompt in her service and to treat with respect the members of the samgha who are senior to herself, even when they are younger in years.32 This chapter gives evidence of a delicate knowledge of psychology on its author's part; it is expressed with a certain charm that lightens, as it were, the austerity of its contents and renders them almost agreeable. It is of prime importance that the vairāgiņis and young sadhvis should assimilate the teaching of this
29 siyā hu se pāvaya no dahejjā āsiviso vā kuvio na bhakkhe
siya visam hälahalam na mare na yavi mokkho guruhilanae. DS IX. 1. 7. This appears excessive and could lead, in certain circumstances, to an abuse of authority, but there is here chiefly a question of imagery in language, which belongs in this case to another age than our own and is aiming at inculcating a sense of discipline.
30 ...tesim sikkhā pavaddhasti jalasitta iva pāyavā. DS IX, 2, 12. Cf. US I, 2; XI, 10-13 which speaks of the ascelic as being vinita and suvinita: modest, humble, having good manners.
31 Cf. DS IX, 1, 12-13; 2, 16; US XI, 4-5.
32 Seniority is reckoned from the date of dikşă. Cf. DS IX, 3, 1-3, where the 33 infringements of the rules of propriely, politeness and respect which the young muni must observe towards the ācārya are listed.

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Sūtra, that they should have from the start an attitude and disposition of flexibility and receptivity. Poetic images are not lacking: the guru (guruņi) is compared to the rising sun that sheds its rays on the country of Bhārata,33 stubbom disciples to wild horses or elephants or to a recalcitrant ox who can only be induced to pull forward the cart by lashes of the whip.34 Vinaya is described as the well-spring which gives rise to vaiyávrtya, service to the guruņi and elders. Now we know already that vaiyavrtya is one of the forms of interior tapas. 35
- Chapter X is entitled: sa bhikkhū, which means a true bhikṣu (or true bhikṣuni). It presents a synthesis of the other chapters. All the aspects of right conduct are reviewed in a type of litany in which, at the end of each verse, the word "sa bhikkhū" is repeated, recalling to mind the qualities of the true ascetic. 36 Stress is laid upon equanimity, self-control, respect for all beings, thoughtfulness, concentration, courage, the primacy of the spiritual; upon the subject of modesty it is said that the true ascetic is not conceited and takes no pride in his or her knowledge of the Scripture.
- Cūlikā 1 offers eighteen subjects of consideration to those ascetics who are tempted to return home. Here is material to cause them to think deeply before coming to a decision!
- Cūlikā 2 re-affirms the importance of one's behaviour in contacts with the outer world and in one's comings and goings; the necessity of self-examination on one's deeds and of svādhyāya.37 It concludes by
33 Cf. DS IX, 1, 14.
34 Ibid., 2, 5; 2, 19; cf. US I 3; XI, 6-9 for the avinita, impertinent, ascetic.
35 Cf. P 369 ff. ; also US XXIX, 4; 49; XXX, 33; YSa XII, 15-17.
36 Cf. US XV also called: sa bhikkhū, which is shorter but similar to DS X; and in the opposite sense, cf. US XVII entitled: pavasamaņijjam (pāpaśramaniyam), the sinful śramaņa.
37 Cf. DS cūlikā 2, 7.

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saying that "the atman must always be protected by perfect control of the senses."38
The Daśavaikālika-sūtra is not intended for study at the outset, only afterwards to be left to one side. It is the Sūtra which, more than any other, must be ceaselessly pondered, in order to live in the spirit thereof and to follow its rules.
At this point we are no more than on the threshold of vairāgya, a threshold which the vairāgiņi is now going to cross through dikşā.
C - Diksă-vidhi: The site of consecration
Dikṣā, consecration, is for the vairāgiņi a new birth. She abandons totally all that binds her to this world in order to enter, once and for all, upon the state of life of an anagari, home-less one, of a nirgranthi, one freed from attachments, of a śramaņi, one who works ceaselessly at her own purification. This state transcends the human realm called saṁsāra, which is vulnerable to the clutches of time and temporal factors. Through her dikṣā, the vairāgini transcends the temporal, contingent, and perishable; she is consecrated to a spiritual quest. There are no secondary goals or occupations of one sort or another to which she may devote herself within the framework of an ascetic life. No, there is absolutely no other commitment than the formal one to advance on the path that leads to the transtemporal, namely, mokşa and nirvana.
However, even though this consecration involves a radical separation it by no means leaves the new sādhvi isolated. Although all depends on her own personal effort, it is within a community-life that she is guided and sustained, that she struggles both to purify and train herself and also to guide others in her turn as gradually her faith in the doctrine is strengthened and her knowledge deepened. Each and every sādhvi must not only attend to her own spiritual progress, but must also act as yeast for the saṁgha - and thus for the other sådhvis, the
38 appā khalu sayayaṁ rakkhiyavvo savviņdiehim susamāhiehiṁ..DS cūlikā 2, 16.

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śrāvakas and śrāvikās - and be capable, in accordance with her capacities, of imparting some teaching. 39
Diksă is always both a personal and a community event. The profound joy experienced at dikşă is certainly that of the vairāgini, but it is also that of the samgha, for it now counts one more member dedicated to this highest of all states, to those transcendant values that each and every one is endeavouring to live by in accordance with their own state of life and with the means at their disposal. The diksā, or conscecration of a person who is already a member of the community, takes place in a rite that is very exact, sober, simple and meaningful, in the presence of numerous mêmbers. There are two dikṣās in succession marking two distinct stages, with an interval between them that may very from several days to several months. These are the bhagavatidikṣā and the mahädikşā.
a) The bhagavatidikşă: The Blessed Consecration
This is the ceremony of definitive consecration to the anagări state, which seals membership of the śramaņisamgha and separation from everything else. It constitutes a very solemn moment; the mahādikṣā only confirms and consolidates it. Hence the great importance attached to this first celebration.
The vidhi or rite of dikşă is essentially the same in all the sampradāyas, but the celebration may be invested, in different sampradāyas and localities, with having degrees of both solemnity and pageantry. The order of events in the rite, as here presented, is that found among the Sthānakavāsi sådhvis.40
Preparation
39 Cf. P 548 ff.
40 The description which follows is that of a dikşā which took place at Mulun on March 25th 1976; owing to the extreme kindness of Šri D.K. Khetani, Mahāsati Tarulatā and sådhvis of the group concerned, I was able to follow the ceremony very closely. Subsequently Mahasati Tarulată was kind enough to reply in writing to my supplementary questions.

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The place varies according to circumstances, all depending on the region where the group of sādhvis happens to be. A place in the area is chosen where the committee of the local saṁgha is willing to offer hospitality and which the ācārya can reach easily. Usually an astrologist is consulted and a śubha-muhurta or propitious moment - in this instance the date and the day - is selected. Often invitations are sent out, on which there is a photograph of the vairāgiņi accompanied by an elaborately or more simply worded notifiction; an announcement with photo is also inserted in the local paper.41 The vairāgiņi is permitted to spend several days with her family and to do the round of her relatives and friends.
The evening before the occasion arrives and the vairāgini prepares herself by a total fast until after the ceremony. While the guruņi, the sādhvis of the group and those who have come from neighbouring places busy themselves with preparations for the rite, the parents and committee-members of the local samgha see to the general preparations. Quite frequently, on the evening of the day before the dikṣā, there takes place an abhinandana, or welcome-gathering, to congratulate the vairāgiņi. This is an opportunity, especially in a city, for the members of the samgha to meet each other. Certain śrāvikās and śrăvakas make speeches in turn and then the vairāgiņi speaks to the assembly.
Often members of the samgha, whether they live near or far, arrive the previous day or in the morning of the day itself.42 A diksă is a great family festival. We read, for example, that in a town of Panjāba "the brothers and sisters (that is, of the spiritual family) numbered about ten thousand."43 Sometimes, the ācārya who is going to preside comes from the neighbourhood along with other monks; he can,
41 This is not obligatory and depends on the preference of the local samgha.
42 In February 1971, for the dikşā of Bharati, a disciple of Sadhvi Mrgavati, at Byculla, a district of Mumbai, an impressive number of śrāvakas and śråvikâs came all the way from Panjába, where Sadhvi Mrgavati is a wellknown personality, to be present at the ceremony.
43 Cf. Mahendrakumari, 1954, p. 59.

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however, delegate a muni or a sadhvi to replace him.44 No ācārya has the right to accept a candidate for dikṣā without the permission of her parents or without having consulted the samgha at various levels. However, the validity of the dikṣā depends on the ācārya's approval, he being the highest religious authority.
Procession 45
460
It is nine o'clock in the morning and the girl, wearing a magnificent silk sädi (säri), her long hair falling loose, her neck adorned with a gold chain and her arms covered with bracelets, is to be seen standing in a horse-drawn vehicle, a slowly-advancing open carriage. With a majestic gesture she flings grains of rice to right and to left.46 In the same carriage three young women from among her relatives, clothed in red, stand beside her. One holds a large brass jar decorated with a śvastika and filled with pure water that will be used for the tonsure, while of the other two one carries the vastras carefully wrapped and the other the rajoharaṇa and the pătras. A dense throng, quiet for the most part, follows the carriage and, on all floors of the houses bordering the route, spectators are to be seen, watching the procession go by. Perfect orderliness is ensured through the good offices of men, young people, women and girls wearing a green badge. They direct the people walking in the procession in such a way that at the entrance to the mandapa47 men take up their positions on one side and women on the other.
44 Cf. Hukarnadevi, p. 103 where the guruni is mentioned as presiding over a dikṣā.
45 Samyama-yātrā.
46 The grain of rice used for religious ceremonies, e.g. for pūjā in the temple, is called akṣata, lit. whole, undivided. It is a substance of good omen which does not disintegrate and its whiteness is a sign of purity.
47 Maṇḍapa: a huge rectangular-shaped tent which serves to accomodate a crowd and shield it from sun, rain or cold. The mandapa is also used for receiving wedding-guests, for meetings, political gatherings and conferences. The Sthanakavasis and Terapanthis celebrate dikṣās under a maṇḍapa, the Mūrtipujakas at a temple.

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Entrance into the mandapa and commencement of the rite
The ground is covered with large cotton rugs and the crowd sits down. At the far end, facing the main entrance and near the side entrance, there is a wide wooden platform, in the middle of which is seated the ācārya and several munis, while to the right of the ācārya on the same platform are about twenty sādhvis, these latter also seated.48 The vairāgiņi takes up her station standing on a small raised platform, facing the ācārya and flanked by the guruņi and two sādhvis, there is a loud-speaker close by.49 The ceremony begins.
- The vairāgiņi, to atone for any faults committed during her journey to the manďapa, recites the iryāpathika-sútra, followed by the kāyotsarga;50
- next, she recites the three mangala-sūtras,51
- she makes the guruvandana to the acārya;
- she addresses her parents and the whole assembled company in the words of the kşamā-yācanā, the request for pardon;
48 During ceremonis, meetings and conferences the ācārya, munis and sādhvis are always on a platform, if it is a sizeable gathering, and on a low rectangular table, if it is an ordinary smaller meeting, this to mark the difference of status between themselves and the śrávakas and śrāvikās. This is the only external sign of honour that they accept, all the rest, such as garlands and offerings of any kind, being forbidden.
49 The vairāgiņi uses a loud-speaker before donning the habit. Afterwards, a śrāvakas helps the audience to follow by explaining briefly the meaning of each part. Out of regard for ahińsă, munis and sādhvis do not on principle use a loud-speaker; however, this is not a hard and fast rule and certain ones do make use of it.
50 Cf. P 700; 709.
51 These are: marigala-sūtra; uttama-sūtra; sarana-sūtra; cf. P 703-704.

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and then addresses a brief speech to the congregation.52
The tonsure and clothing ceremony
This part of the rite happens outside the maṇḍapa. The vairāgiņi, accompanied by the three young women and followed by several sādhvis, leaves the maṇḍapa by the side-entrance and repairs to a room in a neighbouring house. Here the dis-possession starts: behind a curtain, the vairāgini, with the aid of a sadhvi, takes off her beautiful clothes in order to put on a simple green sädi. They then place around her neck a large square of green material stamped with the svastika.53 The barber arrives with all his equipment and one of the sadhvis proceeds to trace with kumkum a tilaka on his forehead.54 The rite of munda, that is, complete tonsure except for one small tuft, is begun, the barber utilising the water contained in the jar marked with a svastika. As the beautiful locks fall on to the green cloth, the young women dressed in red shed tears, but the future sädhvi is smiling. The hair is punctiliously gathered up. When the tonsure is completed, one of the sadhvis outlines on the bare head a large svastika with the kumkum. Then follows the rite of pañcamuṣṭi-luñcana, the pluckingout of five locks of hair by the guruņi and some sadhvis.55 Next, behind the curtain, the vairagini puts on the clothing of the śramaņis and the muhapatti is fixed in place. During the clothing she recites the Namaskara-mantra. The little procession then sets off again, this time from the room round to the main entrance of the mandapa, a guard of honour lining the path on either side.
462
52 This is entirely optional.
53 The green colour is not essential; like red, it is a propitious colour.
54 Kumkum: red powder; tilaka: a mark on the forehead with religious or decorative signification.
55
To imitate the tirthankaras and Rājimati, and as sign of austerity. Usually at the time of dikṣa the head is shaved and only 5 locks are plucked out; among the Terapantis there is no tonsure during the dikṣā, but there is keśa-luncana, the plucking-out of the hair. Cf. AS II, 15, 23; US XXII, 24; 30; P 547.

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The vow of perpetual sāmāyika and
the presentation of the insignia
Dikṣā: Consecration
The vairāgiņi returns to her place, accompanied by the guruņi and sādhvis and the rite continues with:
the performance of guruvandana to the ācārya;
the kṣetra-viśuddhi, interior purification:56 The recitation of a certain number of sutras belonging to the rite of samayika,57 followed by kayotsarga;
she asks permission from her parents for the last time to receive dikṣā. Her mother, before the ācārya and the whole samgha, replies in the affirmative;
-
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the ācārya bids her pronounce the vow. He pronounces slowly: "kareha, sāmāiyaṁ savvaṁ sāvajjaṁ jogaṁ paccakkheha" (Make [the vow] of sāmāyika and to renounce all blameworthy action);
·
she recites slowly word by word, after the ācārya: "karemi bharite! sāmāiyaṁ, savvaṁ sāvajjaṁ jogaṁ paccakkhāmi jāvajivāe . . ." (Master, I make [the vow of] sāmāyika, I renounce for life all blameworthy activity. . .);58
the ācārya recites the praṇipata-sūtra, a hymn of praise to the arhats,
56 As kṣetra means field, place, it is possible to understand this as referring also to the purification of the spot where the vairagini is standing.
57 Up to this moment the vairāgiņi is still a śrāvikā and thus recites the sutras which belong to the rite of sāmāyika as performed by śrāvikās. Among the sädhvis, however, the sāmāyika-sūtra is included in the rite of the ǎvasyakas.

58 Cf. P 315 ff.; 700. This is the section of the sutra which consecrates and formally binds the sadhvi and she repeats the words of the sutra after the ăcărya to its conclusion.

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the new sadhvi turns towards the assembly and recites the three mangala-sūtras; this is her first blessing, as it were, of the śrävakas and śrāvikās;
·
next, the ācārya presents her with the rajoharaṇa, reminding her of its meaning and use, and the other objects:
The Unknown Pilgrims
-
the pătras, a copy of the Avasyaka-sutra,59 the woolen shawl;
at this point in the ceremony the ācārya may also give a new name to the sadhvi. Among the Sthanakavāsis this is not a regular practice, but the Murtipūjaka sādhvis all take new names.
The rite concludes about midday and the happy crowd disperses. At the entrance to the mandapa small delicacies are distributed to all. The new sadhvi follows her group to the upăśraya.60. After several days they will take the road, for the dikṣā is followed by vihara, which is the normal condition of life of the anagāris. Up to the time of her mahādikṣā no difference is made between her and the other sadhvis, except in regard to meals, which she does not take in their company. She eats in the same room, but a little to one side.61
For a Terapanthi vairāgiņi the rite is the same, but the ceremony is simpler and reduced to essentials.62
59
It is not necessarily a copy of the AvaS; another Agama may be presented.
60
It is possible that, while remaining under obedience to the guruņi, she may become henceforward the disciple of another sadhvi of the group and if, later on, the group is divided into 2 or 3 smaller units, she will follow the one who is her guruņi.
61 She eats whatever she has acquired during the gocari, the quest for food. She is not permitted to offer any of this food or any water to the other sädhvis until her Great dikṣā has taken place.
62 According to a short essay written by Sadhvi Śri Candanābālā in 1975, the written permission of the parents, countersigned by leading members of the samgha, is read out during the dikṣā and the parents repeat their consent

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465
The dikşā of a Mūrtipūjaka vairāgiņi takes place in the temple, often amid great pomp and ceremony.63 An image of Mahåvira, made of precious metal, is carried in procession and erected in the place where the dikşä is taking place, as a symbol of fidelity to the tradition. The young sādhvi receives also the danda.
b) The mahădikşå: The Great Consecration
This may take place, according to the needs of each case, at an interval of either seven days or four months or six months after the diksā.64 Among the Sthānakavāsi sădhvis this is a ceremony that takes place withing the intimacy of the group in the upāśraya of the place where the group happens to be. The ācārya presides. The important parts of this rite are:
- the kşetra-viếuddhi, preparatory purification;65
orally. Before the pronouncing of the vow, the ācārya invites the vairāgiņi to reflect once again, to consider the austere life that awaits her and not to hesitate to withdraw, if she feels herself not strong enough for this type of life.
63 The dikşā is preceded by pūjās offered in the temple during the days just prior to the event; cf. Sajjana, 1960, pp. 70-76. I was able to be present in February 1971 in Mumbai at the dikşå of Bhārati, a disciple of Sadhvi Mļgavati, but the very dense throng did not permit me to follow the ceremony throughout.
64 During the period of time between the two dikşas the Mūrtipūjaka sādhvis are required each day to observe certain abstinences and to recite a certain number of rosaries and of caturviṁsatistavas followed by the kāyotsarga; cf. Sajjana, 1960, pp. 79-80.
65 Cf. P 710 ff. The Great dikșă confirms the sādhvi in the state of renunciation through the pronouncing of the Great Vows.

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The Unknown Pilgrims
the pronouncing of the five mahāvratas in accordance with the text of the Daśavaikālika-sutra, the words being repeated one by one after the ācārya.66
466
After the Great dikṣā the new sadhvi is a full member of the śramanisaṁgha. She starts her long pilgrimage in the steps of the arhats and all the sages.
D - Sikşǎ-kendras: Study-centres
The śikṣā-kendras are centres of study, the word study being here understood almost entirely in the sense of the Scriptures, the doctrine and philosophy along with related subjects, such as the study of Prakrit and Sanskrit. In order to practise svādhyāya and be capable of instructing others in the doctrine, the sadhvis must necessarily study; this is not an optional extra. The young sädhvis are taught by the guruni with the assistance, as and when required, of other sadhvis and under the close, or less close, supervision of the ācārya. This remains the normal practice, which is faithful to the tradition and still current today. Moreover, the gurunis endeavour to organise in such a way that the sadhvis can profit by the caturmāsya, the months of remaining stationary, to study under one or other ăcărya or muni who is on the spot or to have the benefit of lessons from a pandit. There are some isolated cases of a sadhvi studying and preparing for examinations privately, but initiatives of this sort are few and far between. For many years already the necessity has been felt for some organised centres where the sadhvis may receive regular instruction.67 These centres for anagāris contain features and ways of operating peculiar to themselves.
a) Pathaśālās: Schools
66 Cf. DS IV, 11-15; P 337 ff.
67 Out of 100 sädhvis questioned about their level of education before dikṣā: 4 had a college education; 7 had studied Sanskrit; 14 had a High school education; 56 (of village origin) up to the middle-school level; 19 (of whom several were of mature years) had scarcely been to school at all, having been prevented by family or social conditions, cf. Bordiya, 1975, pp. 272-273.

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Pāthaśālās, schools for sadhvis, are to be found chiefly among the Tapāgaccha sādhvis, in Gujarāta, the principal ones being at Ahmadābād and Pālitāņā. The sādhvis who follow the regular courses stay throughout in the town, but they can move from one upăśraya to another. At the upāśraya they continue to perform all their observances and go at fixed hours to follow their courses. Certain ones prepare for examinations, while others do not.68 Sometimes sādhvis come specially from distance to study in a pāthaśālā and, when their courses are over, return to their own areas.
b) Śramaņi Vidyāpitha: College for sådhvis
A Vidyāpisha is a "seat of knowledge", of study, a type of college; the vidyapitha of śramaņis is for sadhvis only. The initiative for this came from some Sthānakavāsi śrāvakas of Mumbai and environs who, after consulting some highly competent pandits, drew up with their help a programme of courses for a five-year period. 69 The vidyāpisha started in 1970 at Ghatkopar, an industriat quarter of Mumbai with a high percentage of Sthånakavāsis among the population. Sadhvis belonging to various gacchas of this sampradāya are sent there by their guruņis with the consent of the acārya. The Vidyapitha is at one and the same time an upāśraya and a study-centre, the courses taking place on the premises. The sådhvis observe all their rules, except that they are temporarily stationary, and sally forth daily in quest of food. Some vairāginis who are candidates for dikșă follow the same course's as the sădhvis. They live in another part of the same building, where they have their canteen. The sadhvis are of various ages, while the vairāginis for the most part are young. All belong to Gujarāta and their courses are in the Gujarāti language. All are required to follow the complete 5-year course and take the annual examinations.
68 At Ahmadābād, e.g., sādhvis attend regular classes on the 9 categories and on the Karmagrantha.
69 Śri D.K. Khetani, one of the founders of the Vidyapitha, gave me all this information during my stay in his home in February 1971, and during a brief visit in March 1976. In 1971 I was able to follow certain courses and talk daily with some of the sadhvis of the Vidyapitha, and in 1976 with the two pandits.

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The Unknown Pilgrims
The aim of the programme is to give a thorough kowledge of the Agamas and of the doctrine, some grounding in Prākrit, Sanskrit and Hindi and some knowledge of culture in general. There are five hours of classes per day, with individual study taking place in the evenings. During the two months' summer-vacation the sãdhvis depart on vihāra; thus, even during a period of sedentary life, they resume each year their itinerant existence. Two pandits reside in Ghātkopar and devote themselves to this teaching, aided by a lady professor. 70
The Principal of the Vidyapitha is a sādhvi and it is she who acts as guruni. When their courses are finished, some sādhvis prolong their stay for a certain period and themselves give courses of instruction, while others work on translations.
We may note three particular features of the Sramaņi Vidyapitha, this new institution for the anagăris:
- the five years of stability with a set programme to follow and examinations to take; - the great number of vairāgiņis among the students, already during these recent years, more than half the total number;71
- the study of several Agamas by all the sādhvis and vairāgiņis, wheareas, according to tradition, the ascetics used to study the Agamas only gradually, in a certain order and after dikşā.72
All this testifies to a great openness of spirit on the part of the founders, to a clear vision on their part of both present and future
70 The salaries of the professors, as well as the costs of the canteen for the vairāginis and the general expenditures, are undertaken by the central samgha of Mumbai. This has as constituent members 20 regional samghas, who contribute regular sums to cover expenses. Here we have a concrete example of interdependence within the caturvidhasamgha.
71 In 1976 there were 46 students of which 18 were sādhvis and 28 vairāginis
72 Cf. VS X, 24-38.

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needs and of a determination to contribute to the education and emancipation of women in all walks of life. The gurunis who have allowed their disciples to take part in this venture, especially at its beginning when all was in an embryonic state, have certainly given evidence of great courage. This bold initiative has encounted many obstacles in a very conservative environment, in which woman have often been kept in a position of inferiority. Now after some years and with the evidence before their eyes of clear and very positive results, even the previously reticent are beginning to admit the necessity and benefits of this enterprise. At the beginning of 1980 a second Śramaņi Vidyapitha was opened in the province of Kaccha.
This much, however, must be added: in accordance with the spirit of its founders, this Vidyapitha is open to all Svetāmbara sådhyis, all of whom do in fact follow the same Agamas, the same doctrine and the same rules. However, after long years of loss of contact between the autonomous sampradāyas and gacchas, it is undeniable that a number of secondary rules have brought about divergences in their manner of life. Above all, as regards nearly all the Tapāgaccha sādhvis, it is the ācāryas who still hesitate to allow them to study the majority of the Āgamas.73 Therefore, an inter-sampradaya-gaccha Śramaņi Vidyāpitha is unlikely in the immediate future. 74
c) Śri Pāramărthika Śikṣana Saṁstha:
Institute for spiritual training
The Terapanthis have a very similar institution, with, however its own special character. In 1948 the ācārya, with the agreement of the members of the samgha, decided that the vairāginis, who were to constitute a separate group, an itinerant group attached to that of the ācārya, should be given a training lasting a longer or shorter period. In 1971, when a project for a whole complex was coming into being to
73 Another difficulty would arise over the question of meals, for even within the Tapăgaccha the sadhvis of different groupings cannot take a meal together.
74 Up till now, over the ten-year period, only one Mūrtipūjaka sādhvi has followed courses at the Vidyapitha.

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The Unknown Pilgrims
include a centre of study and research, a centre of sadhana and a girls' college to be situated in the country just outside the little town of Lādanúṁ in Rājasthāna, the Saṁsthā for vairāgiņis acquired an adjacent properiy and became one of the organisms of this complex, independent as regards the group's manner of life, but affiliated for certain courses to the Brāhmi Vidyāpitha, the college for girls.
In the course of the years, the programme has been modified and broadened; at the present time the whole course lasts seven years, though the vairāginis do not all complete the entire course. Each year the ācārya decides that certain ones, though still studying, should be admitted to dikşand that certain others should be sent away. As regards its academic side, the curriculum and the syllabus of courses, and its library this institution has functioned since July 1977 under the direction of the Jaina Viśva Bhārati (research institute). The specific courses at the Saṁsthā are given by munis and pandits.
The Saṁsthā is intended for vairāgiņis only, but a few sădhvis living in their sikṣā-kendra follow the same courses and prepare for the same examinations under the direction of one of their number appointed by the ācārya.
In one of these well-built and spacious dwellings of Māravăda, the vairāginis lead their own community-life, which is neither that of a girls' boarding-school nor that of a sādhvis' study-centre. All is thought-out, foreseen and organised with a view to their future life as ascetics: character-formation, stress being laid on humility, selfcontrol, recollectedness, renunciation. Thus, as regards clothing, food and type of bed, there is a sobriety that is intentional, chosen and yet not excessive. A relaxed atmosphere is maintained, favourable to serious study in which an attempt is made to promote a harmonious blend of deep knowledge of the Scriptures and doctrine and an atmosphere of general culture, literary activity and openness to broad horizons. For example, the vairāginis go on a conducted tour each year to visit certain sites of historical, archaeological or geographical interest. The study of English is promoted and is obligatory, simply in order that the students should have access to certain works, in view of higher studies or further research. The vairāginis are organised into small groups, each with a leader who attends to practical matters, to their general activities and the maintenance of good co-ordination

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471
within the community. In the choice of group-leaders the matter of seniority or age is not taken into account; for example, a newcomer may be appointed. This is in order to help the vairāginis gradually to become detached from all questions of precedence or Honours and to progress towards modesty and self-forgetfulness.
This institution is always in process of becoming and airns at being open to the needs of our age. The vairāginis must prepare themselves to be confronted by now situations, unknown to their elders. Several new directiosn have been envisaged, such as, for example, the designation of certain of their number to study medicine, in order later on after their dikșă, to be at the service of the śramanisaṁgha or, again, the sending of some of the vairāginis, once their studies are completed, to other countries for a while, in order to make known the message of Mahāvira. These would return later to receive dikşā and would be replaced by others.
At the Samsthā, the days begin at four o'clock in the morning with spiritual exercises: āsanas (of yoga), dhyāna, then the guruvandana to the sādhvis of the Seva Kendra75 and to the munis. The greatest part of the day, except for household tasks, is devoted to study. In the evenings the vairāginis organise among themselves literary and cultural activities, group meetings and discussions. They keep up to date the community chronicle. After individual study and a time for reflection and dhyāna, the day ends at ten o'clock.
It goes without saying that they keep in contact constantly with the Ācārya and Sãdhvi Pramukhã and visit them as frequently as is feasible.
In 1972 the annual bulletin, which carries articles by the vairāginis and which is, for the samgha, a means of gaining information (about various activities, results of examinations et cetera) gave the following statistics: since 1948, 334 vairāginis had been admitted to the Samsthā; out of this number: - 215 had received dikṣā; - 74 were continuing their studies there;
75 Cf. P 565.

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The Unknown Pilgrims
- 44 had returned home; - 1 had departed this life.76
The śikṣā-kendras number only a few and serve only a small minority of sådhvis and vairāginis. This section is placed after the section upon dikṣā for, on the one hand, preparation for dikşā takes place, in the majority of cases, within the group under the direction of the guruņi and elder sādhvis; moreover, the sādhvis who do follow courses in these centres go there ordinarily some years after their dikṣā. However, their stays in these centres are of limited duration. The factor of real importance upon which the fabric of the sādhvis' life is, as it were, woven, is svādhyāya, one of the most important observances, performed daily. 77 These centres perform a very useful service in giving solid foundations for a knowledge of the Scriptures and doctrine. They play their part in helping the sādhvis who attend them to acquire a certain discipline and method of study, in awakening within them a taste for svădhyāya, which may in turn lead them to an awakening to spiritual realities such as transcends all intellectual knowledge. However, these centres remain means only. One encounters sãdhvis who have not attended these institutions, but who have a prosound knowledge of the Scriptures and have attained a certain depth of spiritual experience simply by adhering intelligently to their rule of life, to the practice of svādhyāya and to reflection, neglecting no opportunity of gaining instruction from masters, sages or their elders. In some very big groups which contains sādhvis capable of teaching, the guruņi prefers the studies to take place within the group. This is still the ideal and certain groups testify to its efficacy. 78
76 These facts were given to me during my meetings in November 1978 with Muni Sri Mahendrakumăra and Sri N. Jaina ('Jijñāsu'), professors at that time at the Samsthā to instruct the vairāginis; cf. also Šri Paramarthika Śikṣaṇa Saṁsthā, Lādanūḥ, bulletins 1974; 1976; 1977.
77 Cf. P 490 ff.
78 E.g. that of Mahasati Sri Pramodasudhā.

Page #501

Chapter 3.
The śramaņi: The worker
She strives for purification from before sunrise till after sunset
With senses perfectly controlled, the ascetic, compassionate towards all living beings, patient, master of himself, chaste, must observe [the dharma], having renounced all blameworthy action.1
Once she has received dikṣā, the sadhvi starts a new existence in which each moment of the day, even each gesture, belongs to one uninterrupted whole, a whole which is inspired by an internal vitality. Each specific aspect of this life is linked with every other by the thread of the dharma. The word anagāri denotes a life-style that is in decisive contrast to that of society as a whole. The anagäris are, moreover, śramanis. Śrama means toil, hard work, the trouble one takes in order to accomplish a task. The śramaņis work without respite at a task that is supremely difficult, at a unique task, that of their own purification. This daily labour starts well before dawn and only ceases well after sunset. We consider now the type of work that a śramaņi must perform in the course of a day, work, indeed, that demands relentless effort.
A- Sāmācāri: Right conduct
We recall that samyak-cāritra, right conduct, is one of the Three Jewels;2 we know also that, by the vow of sāmāyika and the mahāvratas, a sādhvi is already engaged on the path of perfection
1 savvehim bhūchim dayāņukampi khaṁtikkhame samjaya baṁbhayari sāvajja jogam parivajjayamto carejja bhikkhū susamāhi imdie. US XXI, 13.
2 Cf. P 275 ff.

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since she has renounced all blameworthy activity. Let us now see how these promises find concrete expression in her daily life.
a) The teaching of the Uttarådhyayana-sutra
i) The ten sämācāris, rules of right conduct:3
1. āvaśyaki: before leaving the upāśraya to go out and after the vandana to the guruņi, a sadhvi repeats: "āvassiyā, āvassiyā, āvassiyā," indicating thus that she is going to fulfil a duty;
2. naisedhiki: on her return to the upăśraya, she says: "nisihiyā, nisihiyā, nisihiyā", indicating that, the duty having been done, she has now nothing more to do with the outside world with all that that may represent in the way of attachments and faults;
3. áprcchanā: she asks permission from the guruņi or a senior sådhvi before undertaking any task whatever,
4. pratiprcchană: she asks permission concerning the duties others are to undertake;
5. chandanā: she invite the guruņi and other sădhvis to share the food she has been given or to use objects that she has at her disposal;
6. icchåkära: she offers spontaneously to do the task of another sådhvi or respectfully requests another sadhvi to replace her in some task that has been assigned to her;4
3 US XXVI, 1-7. It is not possible to render each of these words by a single English equivalent nor to limit oneself to the scarcely formulated explanation of the US; we must take into account the context and the practice as transmitted by tradition. The brief explanations given here are based on Mahasati Candanā's translation of the text into Hindi. We must also take note that, after the DS, the US is the Sutra that the new sādhvi must study and assimilate. This Sūtra will be our guide in this part.
4 Icchakāra refers to either one of these two intentions.

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475
7. mithyäkāra: she blames herself for her faults;
8. tathākāra: she accepts the instruction of the guruņi and of the ācārya;
9. abhyutthåna: she rises to her feet to salute and render service to the guruņi or any other person in authority;
10. upasampada: for a special reason, generally in order to be able to study with a competent guide, she leaves her own gaccha and lives in obedience to another guruņi or ācārya.S
ii) The activities of the four paurusis of the day
A Pauruşi (prahara) is a period of three hours. The activities of the four paurusis of the day are distributed thus: svādhyāya - dhyāna - bhikṣā - svādhyāya (the study of Scripture - mental concentration - the quest for food - the study of Scripture); each of these activities takes three hours. It is furthermore stated that pratilekhanã, the inspection of clothes and utensils, must take place after sunrise, during the first part of the first pauruși, and again at the end of the last paurusi.8
iii) The activities of the four paurusis of the night
These are: svādhyāya - dhyana - nidrā - svādhyāya (the study of Scripture - mental concentration - sleep - the study of Scripture).' It is
5 These cases are very rare. Cf. BrkS IV, 20-23; 26; Sths 749, where the 10 sāmācāris are simply enumerated; the order differs and instead of abhyutthāna the SthS gives nimantrana.
6 On the origing of the use of the term pauruși, cf. Candană US, pp. 444-445.
7 Cf. US XXVI, 11-12.
8 Ibid., 8 (21); 38.
9 Ibid., 17-18.

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very obvious that first place is accorded to svādhyāya, for to it are devoted twelve hours; next comes dhyāna with six hours, while bhikṣā or gocari (and the meal) is given three hours, as also is nidrā.10 We recall that these activities do not take place automatically, but that at the beginning of the day, after the guruvandana, one enquires forthwith whether there is any service one can render or whether one should devote oneself to svādhyāya.11 We have here a straightforward and austere rule of life, in which stress is laid upon the essentials; probably the śramanas and śramaņis of times past have lived it more or less to the letter.
b) Is the tradition still alive today?
Now let us observe how contemporary sādhvis adhere, at least in spirit, to the pauruși timetable, In practice their day includes more activities than those mentioned and...could they manage, we wonder, with just three hours of sleep? However, they do adhere to the same outlook and pattern, as the following outline will show:
1. From before dawn until sunrise: japa - dhyāna -āvasyaka(vidhi) (repetition of the Namaskāra-mantra or some other mantra-12 mental concentration - the rite of duties).13
2. From sunrise till just before noon: pratilekhanā-bhāvapūjā -jalapāna - svādhyāya - adhyayana or vihāra or pravacana (inspection
10 The avasyakas, duties, and the vihåra, regular removal from one place to the next, are not mentioned.
11 Cf. US XXVI, 9-10.
12 Japa may be practised at any hour of the day and night.
13 Cf. Part IV.

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of clothing - inner pūjā - tea (milk) - the study of Scripture - study or onward march or public instruction). 14
3. From the latter half of the morning till the beginning of the afternoon: gocari - bhojana - viśrama (quest for food - meal - rest).15
4. From the beginning of the afternoon till sunset: adhyayana - svādhyāya - adhyapana - jana-samparka or vihāra - pratilekhanā - gocari - bhojana (study - the study of Scripture - instruction given in private to the śrāvakas and śrāvikās -16 reception of visitors (if any) or onward march - inspection of clothing - quest for food - light meal).
5. From sunset till well into the night: avasyakas (vidhi) - svådhyāya or adhyayana - dhyāna or japa - saṁstāra-pauruși (rite of duties - study of Scripture or other study - mental concentration or the repetition of mantras - the hour of rest in which certain sūtras are recited).
The activities here enumerated are not all obligatory; those that are strictly obligatory are the rite of the āvaśyakas, pratilekhanā, svādhyāya, gocari and bhojana, while vihāra which takes place regularly, though at intervals which depend upon circumstances, is not only obligatory but constitutes the specific actualisation of the anagări
state.17
We will now attempt quite simply to follow a day's life as its hours unfold for a group of sadhvis in an upāśraya, while they are staying
14 One sädhvi gives a teaching on the dharma and the other sadhvis, the śrăvakas and śrávikās listen, or all the sādhvi go to listen to the homily of a muni.
15 The siesta is not obligatory.
16 This, as also the receiving of visitors, depends upon where they are making a halt.
17 These facts were given to me by several sādhvis belonging to different sampradāyas and gacchas and were later checked with Sadhvi Räjimati.

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there for a short while. Then we will follow them on vihāra, then during the cāturmasya, the four months of stability during the monsoon.
B - Japa: The repctition of Mantras
The daily work of the śramanis begins at about four in the morning, in the dark, since they do not use any form of light. Nowhere is it expressly stated that japa must be the first spiritual activity of the day nor that it is the most important; however, very often the day does start with japa, to which an important place is given. Japa is the threshold of dhyāna. 18 Whereas japa should be a threshold that one crosses in order to penetrate further in dhyāna, it happens not infrequently that one lingers on the threshold without proceeding further and this may continue one's whole life long. Japa is the most commonly practised form of spiritual activity among the sādhvis of today. 19
i) What is japa?
It is the repetition of certain syllables, usually those composing mantras well-known to tradition. The mantra or mantras may be either pronounced in a low voice or spoken in the mind. Linked with the utterance of the syllables is a corresponding mental concentration upon these same syllables. Onc may count the number of repetitions of the mantra upon one's fingers or with the help of a mālā. One must
18 Japa belongs, in fact, to the type of dhyāna called: padastha-dhyāna; but this latter is, as one might say, preliminary to dhyāna; cf. P 388 n. 66.
19 One hears it said sometimes that in our day and age of misfortune (P 76) the physical resistance requisite for concentration is lacking! What should above all else be emphasised and what, furthermore, a great number of sādhvis suffer from is the lack of training in regard to spiritual disciplines. Too often there has been a tendency to consider that it is sufficient that they should be resigned and docile. This is a fundamental error, for not only does one thus fail to help them to fulfil their vocation, but one deprives of the light of spiritual instruction those men and women who have a right to receive from the sadhvis counsels and teaching.

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select a silent, retired spot, and adopt a seated posture, generally that called śukhasana, 20 facing either East or North. To facilitate concentration, one may co-ordinate the pronouncing of the mantra with the respiratory movements.21 The most highly recommended and the most often chosen and repeated mantra is the Namaskāra-mantra, either the whole or in part.22 However, other mantras also are used, the essential function of japa is to promote concentration, this lastnamed being promoted by the utterance of the syllables which possess, through their resonance and content, a purificatory power. It goes without saying that one must be in the right frame of mind, not only as regards recollectedness but also as regards a deep faith. One may also repeat, with the aid of a mālā or navakaravāli, the one hundred and eight guņas, the virtues, characteristics and merits of the parameșthins. The one hundred and eight guņas are apportioned in this way: twelve for the arhats, eight for the siddhas, thirty-six for the ācāryas; twentyfive for the upādhyāyas twenty-seven for the sădhus. One mālā is made up of one hundred and eight beads, each symbolising a guņa.
The Terāpanthi sādhvis also use as a mantra the name of their founder ācārya or of his successors.23
When the repetition of a mantra or the guņas takes place with a mālā, this latter must be held between the fingers of the right hand, at the level of the heart, the eyes being closed or half-closed. As one proceeds in the repetition of the gunas or the mantra, one slides the beads of the rosary one by one between the third finger and the
20 Cf. P 328 & ns. for the different postures.
21 This same practice may be performed during kāyotsarga; P 329.
22 Cf. P 379 ff. on the method par excellence. Sadhvi Rājimati in her study Namaskara mahāmantra, 1977, develops the theme: japa, yoga, sādhana in connection with this mantra and explains in detail how to practise the mahamantra-japa; cf. Appendix I.
23 This was the assiduous practice of Sadhvi Bālū; cf. Surānā, 1972, pp. 17; 24.

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thumb.24 Japa may last a longer or shorter time; there is no exact ruling as to its duration, which depends on the activities or rituals which are to follow. For zealous sādhvis, japa is not confined to one particular moment during the day, but becomes as natural as breathing. Quite frequently, at the visiting-hour in the upăśraya, one observes one or other of the sãdhvis seated a little to one side. recollected, her rosary gliding between her fingers, her lips imperceptibly moving.
ii) Mauna: Silence
At this point it is fitting to speak of mauna, before the dawn of a new day, when all is still wrapped in the silence of the night. Mauna is one of the indispensable conditions for all forms of mental concentration. Mauna does not simply refer to an absence of words; it is a form of suddhi, of purification. Its effect permeats the whole being. It includes: kāya-mauna, vāņi-mauna, manas-mauna, that is, silence of the body, silence of the voice and silence of the mind. 25 It invades little by little each of these areas, penetrates and purifies them and, through citta-mauna, the silence of the conscience, unifies the whole person.26 Mauna is one form of interior tapas. By means of mauna, ekāgratā and thus dhyāna become possible. We recall that kāyotsarga not only depends upon mauna, but is in fact its most radical form.
It goes without saying that an upāśraya must be silent, not only in the early hours and at night-time, but all day long, except during visiting hours, which are usually in the early afternoon. An important portion of the day must be devoted to svādhyāya, which demands silence. However, one cannot claim that the upăśrayas are always completely silent. On occasion the location is scarcely propitious, if it
24 I owe this information to Mahāsati Śri Ujjvalakumāri.
25 Cf. Rājimati, 1974, pp. 117-119.
26 Citta, in the performance of ascetic disciplines, denotes conscience, a term which includes all parts of the psyche. The ascetic must endeavour to control her impressions, her imagination, her desires, etc.

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is situated in a noisy quarter of the town, and sometimes there is a certain lack of discipline among the sādhvis themselves, which is due precisely to the fact that there is no definite rule concerning mauna. In theory this lack of a ruling is justified, for mauna should be penetrating the whole of life, but some form of discipline is necessary and it is only when one has reached a certain spiritual maturity that one realises its importance and that it becomes a natural part of one's personality.
Certain sādhvis, attracted by this indispensable form of suddhi, remain in silence for long periods or even years, with the permission of their guruņi or the ācārya. They use writing in order to communicate with the group. However, this remains exceptional. On the other hand, it quite often happens that sādhvis select certain hours of the day in which to remain silent
iii) Sthāpanācārya: The symbol of the acārya
This symbol only exists among the Murtipūjaka sādhvis and the aim in its regard is to recall in a concrete way the existing bond with the five parameșthins, the present ācārya being in the same line. It consists of a small tripod made of light wood, usually of sandalwood. In the centre of the tripod, wrapped in a fine cloth, are five shells representing the five parameşthins. The tripod itself is covered by a beautiful white cloth, often embroidered, of the size of a handkerchief.27 The sthāpanācārya is the sign of the presence of the ācārya, through whom the tradition of the arhats is transmitted. During the rite of the avaśyakas and other spiritual activities, the sthāpanācārya is present among the sădhvis as a sign and a witness; it is always placed in front of the muni or sādhvi who is giving a pravacana.
27 Cf. U.P. Shah, 1955, pp. 113-114.

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C - Dhyana: Mental concentration
It is not laid down by any rule that dhyāna should necessarily follow japa; for one thing, japa is a part of dhyāna. All depends on the sādhvis themselves and on their guruni and also on the ācārya who can emphasise one point or another. One may well start the day with one of the forms of dharma-dhyāna and practise japa at other moments, for japa, like svādhyāya, is woven into the life of the sädhvis
Dhyāna presupposes that one has a solid and comprehensive knowledge of the general doctrine, of the teaching upon dhyāna in particular and the methods conducive to it. Dhyāna is not an avasyaka, although, even if then practised for a very limited period, it does constitute an inherent part of kāyotsarga, an important place is given to it in the sāmācāris and the ancient Agamas make mention of it.28 Dhyāna requires a calm and silent spot, for which reason the best moments for it are most often the early morning hours or late at night.
Few sādhvis, on the whole, have received a methodical training in this regard. The majority know the teaching of the Tattvärtha-sūtra, certain ones have studied the Dhyānaśataka, the Dravyasaṁgraha, the Yogaśāstra and even the Yoga-sūtra of Patañjali. However, relatively few practise dhyāna regularly, during specified periods of the day. Although so essential, it seems that during the course of the centuries the assiduous practice of dhyāna was almost lost. When one tries to analyse the reasons for this state of affairs, one comes across several factors.
The sādhvis, on account of their continual vihāras, are dispersed into small groups. The guruņi has not always been trained in this regard herself and is thus not capable of giving such a training to others. In the periods of căturmāsya, the sādhvis do not necessarily stay within easy reach of an acārya or of a muni who can guide them. It must also be recognised that the acăryas have often neglected to
28 Cf. e.g. AS I, 8,4, 14-15.

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initiate the sādhvis into this practice.29 In the course of the centuries what might be called a slippery path has led to the attachment of very great importance to mantras; now, although japa is at one and the same time both a preparation for and a constituent part of dhyāna, it can also deflect one from it.30 In a similar way great importance has been attached to all the external forms of tapas without much attention being given to interior tapas and to its most perfect expression, which is dhyāna.
Furthermore, the jungle and countryside of past centuries, favourable as they were to the state of recollectedness, have gradually given way to noisy towns and since the Jaina samgha is for the most part a trading community, certain upāśrayas for a number of practical reasons have been located right within the bazar area, which is scarcely conducive to the practice of spiritual exercises.
It cannot but be noted, also, that among those sādhvis who are very well instructed in their doctrine certain ones are scarcely aware of this lack; they themselves do not always feel the necessity of the practice of dhyāna.31 Up till now few have shown determination or interest in returning to the sources in this regard. However, there are some exceptions. 32
29 It is this lack which the Śramaņi Vidyāpitha and the Saṁsthā aim at remedying.
30 Cf. Rājimati, 1977, pp. 23-24.
31 One scholarly sādhvi, who had done advanced literary study, told me that she had no experience of dhyāna.
32 An interesting contribution in this aea has been made by Sadhvi Räjimati, who, on the basis of some serious study and her own personal experience, has written a treatise for the use of śrāvakas and śrāvikās, comprising a practical introduction to the disciplines of classical yoga from the Jaina perspective: Yoga ki prathama kirana, (1975), Ist vol. of a series she is envisaging. We must also mention the excellent initiative taken by Mahāsati Umarävakumvara (Arcana'), who collaborated with a muni and a pandit in producing an edition in Hindi of the Yogaśästra.

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Among the Terāpanthis, there has been for several years a very real effort in this direction. In May 1972 a group of sādhvis and munis, together with some śrăvakas and śrāvikās, took part in a sadhanā camp of a month's duration under the direction of Acārya Tulasi and Muni Nathamala.33 Sadhanā implies the notion of fulfilment, particularly when used in reference to the spiritual realm. It is more exact to say, at least in this context, that sādhanā comprises a number of spiritual and bodily disciplines which, if practised regularly and seriously, bring in their train a fulfilment of personhood and the harmonisation of all the faculties in a process which leads towards the goal peculiar to the dharma. This camp was organised in order to embark upon a practical training, an existential initiation, with the goal in mind of awakening a consciousness of being and of indicating a direction to follow. In this, dhyāna was given pride of place. At the end of this session, there was a free interchange between the participants and the thirty-six sādhvis present gave their impressions and made their own comments.34 It is extremely interesting to peruse the sincerely expressed Tuflections of each at a moment when their minds had been newly awakened. On the whole, dhyāna was for them a discovery; they now realised that a dimension had been lacking in their lives and felt themselves new beings. They understood that ekāgratā, concentration, must be practised for limited periods just in order that it may become a constant attitude underlying everything and may lead to a deeper and deeper awareness of being.35 The Terāpanthis always act in accordance with directives given by their ācārya and obeyed unitedly by all members; besides, once given the initial impetus, the
33 Cf. Muni Śricandra, 1973.
34 Ibid., pp. 189-196.
35 Several times thereafter some Terapanthi sādhvis have been participants in sessions of vipassanā, a method of concentration propounded by the Theravada school of Buddhism, organised by Śri Goenka, a master in this discipline. Some Kharataragaccha sădhvis have also participated in these sessions. We may make a careful note of this recent initiative, through which the essential values of one particular tradition are being re-discovered through a master of another, albeit closely-related, one.

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sādhvis, certainly those who followed the camp, continued in their efforts.
There are also, in the other sampradayas, sādhvis who are awake to the same reality and who both make the initial effort and also persist in it, but these are isolated cases, such as that of Sadhvi Ratnaprabhā Sri. For the last several years she has remained in meditation nightly from midnight to four in the morning, murmuring the Namaskāramantra and fasting three days out of four, a strict fast in which she only takes water. She explains in this regard that the choice of vairāgya implies the total purification of the ātman, which is brought about through dhyāna and tapas; that the simplest and most efficacious form of dhyāna is the repetition of the Namaskāra-mantra in recollectendess and silence, and that this concentration, if sustained, brings about in the heart, the mind and the body a gradual purification. When she is asked how, in this state of continuous fast, she can observe all the rules and walk throughout the vihāras, she replies smilingly: "In the strength of the ātman." 36
In the biographies the word dhyāna is used, but with no explanation. In collections of pravacanas given by sādhvis, dhyāna is mentioned quite frequently and brief explanations are given, though these latter indicate a certain lack of training and experience.
Some sādhvis have taken an interest in classical yoga and practise the recommended āsanas.37
What is quite certain is that many of the sādhvis would like to receive a grounding in this discipline of dhyana, which is basic to the ideal to which they aspire. It is to be hoped that some of the ācāryas and guruņis will launch an initiative towards renewal.
36 Met at Yeola in Mahārāştra in March, 1975.
37 Although BrkS V, 23-33 forbids the practice by sādhvis of a number of āsanas, certain ones of them have, in our day, disregarded these prohibitions, which are in any case unjustified.

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D- Avaśyaka-vidhi: The rite of daily duties
Before dawn, or just when the day begins to break, all is still wrapped in a great silence at the upăśraya; the sadhvis are performing, either singly or together, the vidhi or rite of the avaśyakas by reciting the sutras mentally, by heart, and by making the appropriate gestures.38
486
In the evening, after sunset, the same vidhi takes place; the sutras, apart from a few words, are exactly the same, the difference between the vidhi of the dawn and that of the evening being the outward, community aspect of the second.39 This time the sadhvis are grouped around their guruni and they take it in turn to repeat the sutras aloud, by heart and in Prakrit. The gestures are performed together and vary among the sampradāyas.
Certain dosas, or faults, may be committed during the observance of the avaśyakas, arising out of inattention, negligence or other more serious causes.40 In connection with the vandana, the causes of such dosas may be deep-seated, such as lack of respect towards the guruni and ācārya, haughtiness of manner, lack of faith which prevents one perceiving the value of the vandana, contemptuousness which issues in an attitude of disrespect, and disingenuousness that drives one to curry favour with the guruni. There are also less weighty faults that reveal a certain carelessness very disastrous to the ascetic life. These
38 The Mürtipüjāka sädhvis perform this rite separately, the Sthanakavāsis together; cf. P 313 ff. for the meaning of the avaśyakas and Part IV for the sūtras composing the rite and for its structure.
39 During the dawn-time vidhi, the sutras can also be recited aloud, but silence is favourable to recollectedness.
40 Sramans gives a list of 32 doșas in regard to the vandana and 19 doșas in regard to käyotsarga.

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latter evidence themselves through a slovenly appearance and inattentivenesss in the performance of this vidhi. 41
With regard to kayotsarga, the doșas all come from a certain nonchalance, like leaning against the wall, turning the head or eyes, all proof of a lack of basic courage, which has repercussions on bodily posture and prevents true utsarga (detachment) from the käya (body)42 It goes without saying that one must confess these dosas to the guruņi, at least when one is concious of them, by simply telling her during the day the fault committed - there is no special formula used for alocană (confession) - after which the guruni indicates the prayaścitta, the specific penance to be performed.
E - Pratilekhanā-vidhi: The inspection of clothing and utensils
Now the sun is up and light is flooding into the upāśraya. It is now and only now that the sadhvis can perform the pratilekhanā-vidhi. Of course, when we consider the etymology of this word, it appears obvious that the act that it denotes requires light and that, since the sadhvis, except exceptionally (as, example, for study), do not use electricity or any other artificial light, it is necessary in the morning to await the sunrise before undertaking the pratilekhanā-vidhi, which is performed again at the end of the afternoon before sunset. Pratilekhana or pratilekha means: inspection, search, observation, viewing, investigation.43 On account of their vow of ahimsă, the sādhvis, twice a day, carry out a minute inspection of their vastras, muhapatti, rajoharaṇa, pātras, granthas (books), sayyā (bedding) and anything else that they use.44
41 Cf. SramanS, pp. 426-431. We must bear in mind that the lesser vandana is performed often during the day and not solely during the rite of the āvaśyakas.
42 Ibid., pp. 416-418.
43 Nirikṣaṇa (inspection, look), avaloka (observation, glance), nirupana (investigation, examination) are all words which express each of them, one particular aspect of the pratilekhana; cf. AS I, 8, 1, 12.
Cf. US XXVI, 22-23.
44
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The pratilekhană applies also to places, that is to say, to the spot one occupies in the upăśraya and to the one where one deposits one's excrements.45 The purpose of this pratilekhanā is to detect any living being that is in the clothing and elsewhere, to place them carefully to one side, avoiding thus hurting or squashing them. This vidhi must be performed with very great attentiveness; one must proceed in an orderly manner, without haste, avoiding abrupt movements, casualness, absent-mindedness.46 Each sādhvi undertakes it at a moment suitable to herself, there are no fixed times for it. All this is in view of ahińsă and its practice requires ekāgratā, concentration solely upon the matter in hand, by dint of following certain rules as to the folding of garments and the way one holds them while shaking out the dust;47 one must not converse at the same time, give a pratyākhyanā (to a sādhvi) or, still less, teach or study. 48
When one muhurta (48-minute period) has passed since sunrise, then the sadhyis, having recited the Namaskāra-mantra, may drink some water. They are bound by two pratyākhyānas not to take food or drink, even water, from before sunset until after this muhūrta.49
45 Cf. DS VIII, 17-18.
46 Cf. SthS 503, where a list is given of 6 sorts of pratilekhanā-pramāda (negligences in the performance of pratilekhanā) and 6 sorts of pratilekhanaapramāda (conscientious performances of the same).
47 Cf. US XXVI, 24-28; 30-31.
48 paờilehaņaṁ kuņaṁto mihokaham kuņai janavakahaṁ vä
dei va paccakkhāņaí vãei sayam padicchai vā. US XXVI, 29.
49 Cf. Sram pp. 302-303 (P 331 ff.; 708 ff). Even in the event of serious illness, a sādhvi may not drink at night; certain ones, though not all, are allowed to receive injections (at night).

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F - Bhāva-püja: Inner pūja
This, an expression of pure bhakti, is to be distinguished from dravya-püjā, in which the bhakti, although primarily interior, expresses itself by the offering and use of dravya, pure substances: flowers, fruit, incense, grains of rice, sandalwood paste. Dravya-pājā is offered in the temple and is of concern only to the mūrtipūjāka śrāvakas and śrāvikā. From their dikşå onwards the sādhvis, being now consecrated totally to a life of interiority, have renounced the use of material substances, even for a pūjā. The expression bhāva-pūjā as such is not found in the Agamas; however, praise to the arhats is mentioned in very clear terms as being conducive to a realisation of the Three Jewels and thus to attainment of mokṣa or, at the least, of the kalpas or vimānas, the dwellings of the celestial beings.50 We know, moreover, that praise is one of the āvaśyakas, an obligation performed through the recitation of the caturviṁsatistava.51 Among the Mūrtipūjaka sādhvis, bhāva-pūjā means interior silent worship offered in the temple in front of the murtis, the images of the tirthankaras, early in the morning and often, also, at the end of the afternoon. This is not obligatory, but all do in fact repair to the temple, singly or as a group, at the most favourable hours, that is to say, when the temple is in silence. Bhāva-pūjā, in contrast to japa, follows no special technique; it is an outpouring of spontaneous personal devotion.52 The fact of being in a temple, in a sanctuary where everything is conducive to worship of the tirthankaras, is a help towards recollection and the upsurge of sentiments of praise from the innermost soul, of admiration and respect for those who through their life and words have taught the dharma. This inner pūjā is not only an
50 Cf. US XXIX, 14; for kalpa and vimāna cf. TS IV, 16-17.
51 Cf. IP 69 ff.; 317 ff.; 701.
32 Furthermore, the one does not prevent the other. It is quite possible to spend this moment in the temple telling one's rosary-beads. As regards certain gestures and bodily postures enjoined upon the Mürtipujaka sādhvis when they go to the temple for bhava-pājā, these are in fact very similar to those of the aryikās when they recite the sāmāyika in the temple; 662 ff.

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aid to perseverance but also excites a desire to imitate them. Also its effect is purificatory.
The Sthanakavāsi and Terapanthi sadhvis perform bhāva-pūjā at the upasraya or wherever they are; the absence of a sanctuary does not in any way diminish the fervour of their bhakti.
Even if bhāva-pūjā takes place in inner silence its bhakti-elements is for all that not checked. This is not an exercise imposed from without, nor is there any limit to the expression of praise. It can also be expressed audibly at any time of the day, through song, poetry or improvisation. Quite a number of sadhvis come from villages where the local tradition, both religious and popular, is still very much alive. In their own homes, since childhood, they have heard hymns of praise sung or recited, and they spontaneously use them.53
G - Svadhyāya: Meditative study of Scripture
Starting at daybreak and thereafter for a large part of the day, the sādhvis, principal activity is svādhyāya, which is the means through which they stay faithful to their tradition. 54
a) Svādhyāya: Meditative study of Scripture
Sva-adhyaya, the study and repetition to oneself of the śruta that has been transmitted and preserved in Scripture, constitutes one of the forms of inner tapas and thus brings about nirjarā.55 In those who practise svadhyāya, the karman jñānāvaraṇa which obscures
53 Cf. e.g. the Bhaktamara-stotram (P 98 n. 16). also the wonderful poems of Muni Anandaghana of Gujarāta (XVIIth c.). The majority of sadhvis possess a large repertory of poems, almost always ones expressing devotion to the arhats or to the dharma under its multiplicity of forms.
54 We may recall that the US proposes 12 hours out of 24 for svādhyāya.
55 Cf. P 369 ff. In its practical outworking, svädhyāya involves the use of doctrinal works interpreting the Agamas, of which the authority is recognised by tradition.

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knowledge is destroyed and they advance towards samyak-jñāna. 56 This is the final effect of svādhyāya within the person who studies, repeats and inwardly assimilates the Agamas and, since such a one is a member of the samgha, svādhyāya has also a salutary effect on the community. It is thanks to svādhyāya that the munis and sadhvis are able to teach their juniors and also the śrāvakas and śrāvikās.57 A further benefit accruing from svādhyāya is that it permits the preservation of the Sūtras without alteration and interruption from one age to the next. 58
Svădhyāya requires interior calm and a certain disposition of the mind; it necessitates a sustained and systematic effort, due cognizance being taken of the five fcatures proper to it.59 Here the importance of the memory cannot be over-emphasised. Through the repetition, often aloud, of the Agamas, not only do the sădhvis assimilate their contents, but are themselves penetrated by the sound, so that little by little, according to the capacity of each, they become themselves as it were living Agamas, preserving and transmitting the message of the Scripture.60
On account of the quietness and effort it demands, certain moments of the day and of the night are not propitious for svādhyāya. The practice of it is also forbidden during cosmic phenomena. The following are not propitious:
56 sajjhāeņaṁ bhamte! jive kim jaņayai? sajjhāenam nāņāvaranijjam
kammaṁ khavei. US XXIX, 18; cf. also DS VIII, 41; 62; cūlika 2,7.
57 Cf. P 551 ff.
58 Cf. Sths 468, where the reasons are given for which the Sütras must be studied.
59 For these 5 features: vacană; pracchanā; anuprekṣā; amnāya; dharmopadeśa, cf. P 371.
60 Mahāsati Tarulatā wrote to me that often sādhvis (Sthănakavasi) know by heart 17 or 18 Săstras. Šāstras in this context means the Agamas and other later texts dealing with the doctrine.

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- The four saṁdhyās: dawn, midday, twilight, midnight.61
- The four mahotsavas (great festivals), in this connection the pūrņimās, full-moon periods: āṣādha-pūrņima (June-July), āśvinapārņimā(September-October),kārttika-pārņimă (October-November), caitra-pūrņimā (March-April).62
- The four mahāpratipadās, the day following each of these pārņimãs. 63
• Atmospheric phenomena of a disturbing variety, which take place in the antariksa (the sky), such as thunder, lightnings, mist, dust-storm et cetera. 64
All that is connected with the audārika, that is, the human body in general and other bodies. This obstructs svādhyāya, at least within a given radius, for example, in the proximity of a smaśāna, a cremationground.65 Eclipses of moon and sun are included in the audārika.66
61 Cf. Sths 285b; saṁdhya mcans union, a joining, particularly referring to light. Svādhyāya is not permitted during the hours immediately preceding or following each of the saṁdhyas. The sādhvis affirm that this cosmic phenomenon has a repercussion upon human beings, being vaguely disturbing and thus hindering the concentration demanded by svādhyāya. It would be interesting to study this question. It must also be added that during the stu-kāla, the menstrual period, the sādhvis, on account of the impurity associated with this biological phenomenon, must not touch the texts of Scripture, but they may recall them by repetition. Other reading is, however, permitted.
62 Cf. SramanS p. 425.
63 Cf. Sths 285a.
64 Ibid., 714a.
65 Cf. SthS 714b; SramanS pp. 424-425.
66
Ibid.

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Svădhyāya has the same importance for all the various sampradāyas and gacchas. The sole reason for the existence of the study-centres mentioned in the preceding chapter is to give an intelligent knowledge of the Scriptures. This is their foremost goal. The Sthānakavāsi and Terāpanthi sādhvis are permitted to study all the Agamas in turn.67 Among the Mūrtipūjākas, the Kharataragaccha sādhvis have permission to study the Agamas so long as they observe the yoga-udvahana the while, which is to say that during the period of study of an Agama they must daily observe a form of pratyākhyāna68 and be guided by an ācārya or an upādhyāya, or, in their absence, by a well-qualified muni who has at least twenty years of ascetic life to his credit.69 As for the Cheda-sūtras, they normally do not study them, except for some special reason. Among the Tapāgaccha sādhvis, only the study of a limited number of Agamas is allowed, from among those dealing with the ascetic life. All the rest are forbidden to them. In the păthaśālās they often study texts that are important and indispensable for a knowledge of the doctrine. Nevertheless, these are not Agamas. To elucidate the situation, the sādhvis proffer the following explanation: to study the Agamas, for example the Kalpasūtra which narrates the life of Mahāvira and the other tirthankaras, one must be capable of observing certain severe and lengthy forms of tapas; so, "We" they say, "have not the necessary physical resistance. It is only the munis who can study all the Sūtras."70
67 Some of these, though only a very small number, study in addition some of the commentaries on the Agamas: bhāsyas, niryuktis, curņis, vritis (P 144); the others quite often know the stories contained in these commentaries for they belong to oral tradition in the local languages.
68 These pratyākhyānas are: either the ācāmla (āyambila), a form of fast or abstinence, comprising one single meal a day in which no form of fat is present; this normally consists of boiled rice or an other boiled cereal (AvaS 101); or nirvikstika (nivviiya), abstinence from the 10 vikstis, rich foodstuffs, namely, milk, curds, fresh butter, clarified butter, oil, raw sugar-cane, fried food (as regards the other vikrtis i.e. alcohol, meat, honey, the sadhvis always abstain from them.
69 This information was given me by Sādhvi Hemaprabhā.
70 I was told this by several Tapāgaccha sadhvis.

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In actual fact this prohibition and the rigid outlook it illustrates are scarcely justifiable and emanate chiefly from the ācāryas. It is enough, they think, that the sadhvis should have renounced all and should be acquainted with the principal rules of conduct. Af for the Cheda-sutras which deal in detail with the possible infringements of these rules and with the prayaścittas, forms of expiation and reparation, the Tapagaccha sadhvis are strictly forbidden to read them, for, as one muni said: "That would give them bad thoughts, along with a notion of possible faults of which at present they are ignorant and that would do them harm." This opinion cannot be said to be well-founded, for the Sthanakavāsi and Terapanthi sadhvis who read and study with discernment these same Sūtras are quite as fervent as the Tapagaccha sadhvis.71 To say, as one sadhvi did: "As the ācāryas know the Cheda-sūtras, that is sufficient" is not a convincing reply; at the most this subservience imparts to them a certain security. It is laid down, moreover, that the ascetics must always be in the company of someone who knows the Agamas.72 Does this mean, however, that it is reckoned to suffice for the sädhvis to be in the proximity of an acārya or a muni?
b) Adhyayana: General studies
The question here is of study, or reading, in a more general sense. For the sadhvis, study of this kind has usually a bearing upon what can contribute to svādhyāya, namely, study of the doctrine, of Jaina philosophy and that of other systems,73 study of Sanskrit and Prakrit, and literary studies. In many of the groups sådhvis study for examinations in these subjects, certain ones receiving help from a
71 It must be emphasised that the sadhvis need to have reached a certain maturity and also to be guided in this type of reading, which is in fact precisely the role of the guruni and senior sädhvis.
72 Cf. VS VI, 12-14.
73 Mahasati Mohanadevi studied jyotiṣa-śästra, astrology; cf. Hukamadevi, p. 86.

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competent senior sādhvi and others from a pandit.74 Some sādhvis take a wider range of studies and prepare for examinations of Hindi literary societies or for college or university examinations. They study at the upāśraya and present themselves as private students. In this case they refrain from frequent vihāras, but move often from one upāśraya to another within some large city. Certain ones, just a few, pursue higher studies and prepare doctoral theses on doctrinal, philosophical or literary subjects.75
Scanning the whole scene and bearing in mind the average sādhvi from the point of view of her personal development and fulfilment, vocation and well-defined role within the samgha, we may put forward this remark: it seems desirable that the vairāginis should receive a solid, general education before dikṣā; then, that as sādhvis they should devote themselves as much as possible, in their own setting, to study of the Agamas, of the doctrine, of Jaina history, literature and iconography. Those who have done advanced study in
74 Certain pandits receive renumeration from the śrāvakas, others are unpaid.
75 In March 1977, 5 Sthänakavāsi sādhvis were working upon the following theses: - Mahāsati Tarulatā: "A comparative study of Kabir and Anandaghana,
Banārasidāsa and Srimad Rājacandra", a literary and spiritual treatise in
Hindi. - Mahasati Dharınaśila: "Navatativa", Jaina philosophy, in Marāțhi - Mahāsati Muktiprabhā: "A comparative study on yoga according to
Patanjali and Jaina doctrine", doctrine, in Hindi. - Mahäsati Divyaprabhā: "Arihaṁta", doctrine, in Hindi. - Mahāsati Anupamã: "A study on Hindi Jaina literature", literature and
history, in Hindi. (Information concerning these theses given to me by Mahāsâti Tarulatā). In January 1980, at Pune, 3 sādhvis were working
upon the following theses in Hindi: - Mahāsati Jñānaprabha: "Jiva tattva", doctrine. . Mahäsati Priyadarsanā: "Dhyana in the Jaina tradition". doctrine. - Mahāsati Kiraņaprabhā: "A study on the doctrine of karman", doctrine.

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Prākrit or Sanskrit would render a very great service to all by translating numerous valuable works into local languages. 76
Centres such as the Śramaņi Vidyapitha and the Saṁsthă are very useful for the laying of foundations. Later on, as svādhyāya continues, there is a vast unexplored field which should be of interest to the sādhvis. In a world that is becoming increasingly pluralistic, it would be good to encourage at least certain ones of them to get to know and to study other religious and monastic cultures and traditions.
H - Gocari: The quest for food
Gocari denotes the way in which the go, the cow, browses quietly in the meadows; she browses tufts of grass here and there without harming or destroying the pasture. Thus also do the sādhvis when thcy go in search of food. Although other words are also employed for this action, gocari has remained the most commonly used. 77 It is said of Mahāvira: "Once entered into a village or town, he solicited food prepared for another". 78 This is of great importance and is a characteristic of gocari: just as the cow as she goes along browses upon the grass that presents itself in fromt of her, so also the sādhvis, presenting temselves at the door of several houses accept in
76 As example to be followed we may cite: the trans. into Hindi of the Prakrit grammar of Pt. B.J. Dośi: Prākstamārgopadeśikā by Sadhvi Suvratā, 1968; the trans. into Hindi of the Uttaradhyayana-sūtra by Sādhvi Candànă, 1972; more recently, the scholarly and excellent work of Sãdhvi Samghamitra: Jaina dharma ke prabhāvaka ācārya, 1979. We must also take note of the collaboration of some sādhvis in the ongoing preparation of a Jaina encyclopedia at the Jaina Viśva Bhārati.
77 The other words in current usage are: gocara-caryā; bhikṣa-caryā;
sā, which means the act of asking for alns, which does not reser only to food but to everything else as well; however, food being a daily necessity, bhikṣā-caryā has very often the same meaning as gocari.
78 gåmam pavise şayaraṁ vå, ghisamese kadam paratthāe...AS I, 8, 4, 9. By this it is to be understood that he used to accept only a little of this food; cf. ibid., 10-13; 8, 1, 18-19.

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simplicity, from each, a small quantity of the meal prepared for the family, without incurring harm to anybody.
Why gocari? The main reason is ahiṁsā.79 As, however, human beings must needs nourish themselves, bhaktapāna-gaveşaņā, the quest for food and drink, is justified for sundry reasons as follows:
To alleviate) the pain (caused by hunger), to serve (the guruņi and the elders), to be capable of due attentiveness in one's comings and goings, (to attain) self-mastery, to retain oneself in
life, to reflect on the dharma. 80 These reasons are founded upon good sense and are directed towards the ideal being pursued. One must make the effort to ask for food and drink out of faithfulness to the state of life one has embraced; otherwise, weakness will engender negligence, an incapacity to concentrate and may also cause embarrassment to others. However, there are cases and circumstances in which one can dispense with food without committing a fault. These dispensations, of course, will have received the approval of the guruņi or ācārya. One may abstain from food:
In case of illness, calamity, to preserve one's chastity, out of compassion for living beings, as an act of penitence (a fast) or with a view to abandoning the body.81
The rules concerning gocari are extremely elaborate. A whole series of facts and possible circumstances are mentioned, with an indication of the correct attitude to be adopted in each such case or a similar one. It is not necessary to cite all these rules, which are in any case not set out in an orderly fashion and are often repetitive. Our task
79 Cf. DS VIII, 8; US XXXV, 10-11.
80 veyaņa veyāvacce iriyatthae ya saṁjamatthae
taha pāņavattiyāe chattham puna dhammacimtãe. US XXVI, 33.
81 ayaľke uvasagge titikkhayā bambhaceraguttisu
pāņidaya-tavaheuṁ sarira voccheyaņatthāe. US XXVI, 35; The final abandonment of the body is a religious action that takes place in accordance with a prescribed ritual; of. P 566 ff.

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is to disengage the motivation behind these rules and to get to know the concrete areas in which they apply.82
i) Mädhukari, the activity of the bee:
Just as the bee gathers the nectar from the tree's blossoms and imbides sufficient without exhausting the flower,83 so, free in this world, these holy Śramaņas content themselves with seeking their food and necessities like [bees) flitting among the
flowers. 84
"We provide for our subsistence and no-one suffers harm" [they say). Like the bees among the flowers, so they go (among the houses, accepting) from what is available. 85
Enlightened, they go, free, as is the bee, from all bonds of attachment, contenting themselves with various sorts of food, masters of themselves; they are called Saints. 86
ii) Pindaişaņa: cșaņā (the quest) for pinda (food). The cow which browses pcaccably in the meadows and the bee which gathers the nectar from the slowers are living examples that the sādhvis must
82 Cf. DS V, which goes into great detail upon this subject.
83 jahă dumassa pupphesu bhamaro āviyai rasam
na ya puppham kilāmci so ya piņci appayam. DS I, 2.
84 cmee samaņā mutlā je loc samti sāhuņo
vihamgamă va puppiesu dana-bhattesane rayä DS I, 3.
85
vayam ca vittim labbhårno na ya koi uvahammai ahägadesu riyamte pupphesu bhamarā jahā. DS I, 4.
86 mahukārasamā buddhā je bhavanti aņissiya
nāņāpimdarayā daṁta teņa vuccarti săhuno. DSI, 5; enlightened: buddhā, wise. Just as the bee gathers nectar from one flower after another, so they accept a small quantity of the family's prepared food in different houses, collecting in this way a variety of foodstuffs.

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imitate. But life lived in constant contact with the society of humankind presents not a few complexities and, in order to attempt to preserve the freedom of the cow and the bee, it is necessary to follow certain rules laid down by the ācāryas, rules that are aimed above all else at teaching the practical application of ahiṁsā, which demands good sense, sound judgement, discretion and wisdom.
a) Setting out and deportment on the way
Fairly early in the morning, the sādhvis set out in search of tea or milk; then, at about eleven o'clock, they go out again in quest of their principal meal and towards five o'clock or later, according to the season, in quest of a light meal which must be consumed before sundown.87 If it is raining or hailing at the hour of gocari, one abandons the attempt. 88 For a medium-sized group, two sādhvis set out together, while for a small-sized group one sādhvi of mature years may sally forth alone. 89 The sādhvis who are going out on quest divide between them the bowls and gourds and, before leaving the upāśraya, they approach the guruņi to perform the vandana and then repeat the words: "āvassiyā, āvassiyā, avassiyā." They depart in silence and, except in case of necessity, they do not converse on their way.
Both on the outward and return journey they must:
- oblige themselves to maintain calm and inner detachment (this being the supremely important basic attitude.); 90
87 It is important to set out on time in order to avoid disturbing the mistresses of the houses at inconvenient hours; cf. DS V, 2, 4-5. It is strictly forbidden to take a mcal after sunset; cf. BrkS V. 6-10.
88 Cf. DS V, 1, 8.
89 In theory and according to Biks V, 16 a sādhvi must never go out alone, even for gocari.
90 Cf. DS V, 1, 1-2.

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- walk with a measured, controlled step; keep the eyes fixed on the ground in order to avoid any roughnesses or muddy patches on the path; avoid striking anything with the foot or walking on living
plants; 91
- shun streets and districts of ill repute;92 avoid passing too close to anything that might agitate or stir the passions: a dog, a cow suckling her calf, a bull, a horse, an elephant, children at play, places where quarrels are rife;93
- attend carefully to maintaining discretion, glance neither to right or left when passing near houses; 94
- if they have prior knowledge of the local population, they must avoid presenting themselves at the door of houses where they would tend to evoke malevolence;95
- on arrival on the threshold of a house, they must go straight to the kitchen, not displease the inhabitants by making a tour of the whole dwelling for no good reasom, nor traverse the rooms; have good sense, good manners, respect the local customs, act with discretion; 96
91 Ibid., 1, 3-7.
92 Ibid., 1, 9-11, where the munis are cautioned against districts harbouring prostitutes; even if the danger is less for sādhvis, they too must abstain from passing through these areas.
93 Ibid., 1, 12.
94 Ibid., 1, 15.
95 Ibid., 1, 17.
96 Ibid., 1, 24-26.

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- have an energetic bearing, neither stopping, sitting down or leaning against anything; not chat with one or an other;97
- if they have relatives or family members in the place, they may by all means go to their house, so long as they do not make any exception in regard to them or warn them in advance of their coming:98
- if other ascetics or beggars are repairing to the same house, they must not hasten to overtake them and be served before them, but must "stand to one side and present themselves after their departure.99 They must:
- make no difference between the dwellings of the rich and those of the less fortunate, what matters being that the food should be pure; 100
- above all, pay attention to the spirit of detachment, not worrying about the food, what it is like, whether in such or such a house it is appetising, etc.; 101
• respond to everyone with equanimity, whatever reception they receive, and show no displeasure if they are refused alms.102
The Mūrtipūjaka sādhvis utter the words:" dharma-labha" ("Flourish in the dharma!") 103 at the entrance to a house as a blessing upon their hosts.
97 Ibid., 2, 8-9.
98 Cf. AS II, 1,4, 4.
99 DS V, 2, 10-13.
100 Ibid., 2, 25.
101 Ibid., 2, 26-27.
102 Ibid., 2, 28. 103 Or "May the dharma bring you gain!"

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b) What food is to be refused and when
The rules prescribing the refusal of certain types of food, in certain circumstances, are numerous and somewhat unintelligible if taken out of context. Here are certain ones which secm important from the point of view of ahimsā. We need to remember that the śrävakas and śrāvikās are committed to the same observances as the ascetics, but to a lesser degree. Gocari demands attentiveness on both sides: on the part of the mistress of the house or another family member who is presenting the alms and on that of the sādhvis who are receiving this offering. The sādhvis are not bound by any formal obligation to accept food exclusively from the hands of Jainas. They are permitted, and this happens in the course of a vihāra in isolated villages, to accept food offered by anyone, provided that that food is pure - according to the standards set by the doctrine - and that the family in question is vegetarian. 104 One must refuse food in the following cases:
- when the mistress of the house, through clumsiness, lets fall to the ground part of what she is offering; the rest of the same plate is then rendered unacceptable;105
- if the afore-mentioned walks on plants, seeds or insects, the sădhvis must withdraw and go elsewhere, for this heedless manner proves the state of inner being of the person; 106 - if she washes her hands or the serving-spoon or the dish in which she is placing the food with unboiled water, water being a living substance, the food must be refused;107
104 Cf. AS II, 1, 2, 2.
105 Cf. DS V, 1, 28.
106 Ibid., 1, 29; cf. also 30-31, where numerous subtle points are mentioned in connection with the manner of giving.
107 Ibid., 1,32.

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if her hands, the serving-spoon or the dish are dirty or contaminated by any substance which is raw, living and thus not classified as pure food, it must be refused;108
if the food contains particles of flowers, seeds, plants, it is to be refused; nor are vegetables such as onion or edible tubers such as potatoes to be accepted. Sugar-cane, cereals, raw vegetables and certain fresh fruits and fruit-juices must be refused; 109
if one discovers that the food in question has been prepared for beggars or the poor, one must decline it, as one would be taking a portion that belongs to them;110
503
in the same way, if the food has been prepared or specially purchased for those who are coming in quest of it, it must be categorically refused;111
during vihāras one must on no account accept food in the house of the host who is providing hospitality nor eat from his dishes;1
112
-
if the mistress of the house is busy putting wood on the fire, or if the food she offers is in a pan on the fire, it must be refused.113
108 Ibid., 33-35.
109 Ibid., 1, 70; 2, 18-24; AS II, 1, 8, 1.
110 Cf, DS V, 1, 51-52.
111 Ibid., 1, 53-55; VI, 48-49.
112 Cf. AS II, 2, 3, 4; DS VI, 50-52.
113 Cf. DS V, 1, 63-64; fire being both itself a living substance and also destructive of beings, it is to be avoided.

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- lastly, great importance is attached to the purity of water and of one's fluid intake. 114 The sādhvis drink only boiled water, of which Jaina families always keep a good supply, as they observe the same rules as the ascetics; apart from water, they may drink boiled milk, tea, coffee, rice-water and other non-alcoholic drinks such as contain no living substance.
Moreover, if they are offered no food at all, the sādhvis must accept the fact with serenity. 115
Those who go in quest of food must take into account the fasts and abstinences being oberved by their companions. Certain ones, for example, have renounced for life all viktis: milk, curds, fresh butter,
etc. 116
c) The return to the upāśraya and the meal
On returning from gocari to the upāśraya, the sādhvis wipe their feet and say "nisihiyā, nisihiyā, nisihiyā"; after performing the vandana to the guruņi, they show her what they have collected, deposit the pătras and then recite the iryāpathika-sutra, in order to purify themselves from all the faults they may have committed in their goings and comings, followed by the gocaracaryā-sūtra recited during kāyotsarga, and by alocană, confession of the faults committed during the gocari; the guruņi then prescribes a prāyaścitta, penance.117
114 Cf. AS II, 1,7,7; 6, 2, 1-2. DS V, 1, 75-81.
115 Cf. DS V, 2, 6.
116 Cf. P 493; 544
117 Cf. DS V, 1, 87-92; the gocaracarya-sútra is also part of the pratikramaņa; recitation of it can expunge faults, both voluntary and involuntary, committed during the gocari. The dosas, possible errors in this domain, number 47; they are catalogued in this way: i) in connection with gaveşana the quest for food: 16 udgama-dosas on the part of the śrāvikā, 16 utpādana-dosas on the part of the sadhvis; ii) in connection with grahaņaisanā, the acceptance of food: 10 dosas on the part of the sadhvis and śrävikā, committed in common; iii) in connection with paribhogaişaņā: 5

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Next the sadhvis assemble in a circle, seated on the ground with their guruņi in the centre, each with her pătras, the guruņi helps herself and shares the food out among the members of the group. The sādhvis are permitted to converse during the meal. This terminated, each one washes her pătras and wipes them carefully.
Scripture exhorts the ascetics not to dwell in thought or in speech on the quality of the food, whether it is appetising or not, savoury or tasteless, salty or sugary, etc.; the essential thing is that it should be pure.118 One must abstain from highly-spiced and stimulating foods;119 and if one has harvested nothing today, one must not be sad, for perhaps one will receive something tomorrow.120 All that has been brought back must be consumed, because no food is kept in the upāśraya.
We must comprehend what it means when, all one's life long, one never eats a dish of one's own choosing and to one's own taste, when one is faced sometimes with a very peculiar mixture and when one always consumes it cold;121 when one depends entirely upon others, on their benevolence, and must make the daily effort of gocari. However, when a sadhvi has acquired sufficient experience to know exactly how to behave, what she can accept and what she must refuse, when the right attitude becomes spontaneous and her judgement has become sound, then the practice of gocari can unquestionably
doșas on the part of the sadhvis in the taking of their meal; cf. SramanS pp. 431-435; US XXIV, 12.
118 Cf. DS V, 1,97-99; 2, 1; US XXXV, 17.
119 Cf. US XXXII, 10-11.
120 Cf. AS 1, 2, 5, 3; US II, 28-31.
121 When a sick sadhvi needs to have a warm drink, one of the sadhvis designated for gocari brings it back to her immediately and then sets out again.

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contribute greatly to acquiring freedom of spirit and detachment. Moreover, the deep reason underlying it being ahiṁsā, it is not enough to have renounce for oneself the preparation of food. One must still be concerned for other people and, like the bee, gather from here and there without harming anyone.
I - Priyaścittas: Expiations
Prāyaścittas are one of the principal forms of inner tapas; they contribute towards saṁvara and nirjarā.122 They correspond to the violation, whether conscious or less conscious, serious or less serious, of numerous rules such as are only understandable in the context of an ascetic life lived in daily contact with society. These very precise rules of life, dating from another day and age, set forth meticulously not only the observances which must be performed, but also all possible forms of infringements, as well as exceptions dictated by good sense in accordance with circumstances.
All the exigences of the ascetic life are, in fact, examined, and examined in detail, in the Sūtras: Acārānga, Sūtrakstānga, Daśavaikālika and Uttarādhyayana. These Agamas transmit a spirit and indicate a path. However, community-life and relations with society at large necessitate precise details and, as one might say, a certain casuistry.123 This is the function performed by the Chedasūtras, which deal with both the many and multifarious rules and with the expiations or penances attached to breaches of these rules. 124
122 Cf. P 369 ff.
123 Cf. Dixit, 1978, pp. 8-9: "Monastic Jurisprudence: not yet formulated."
124 Here we shall only give a brief introduction to the Cheda-sütras and an outline of their contents, particularly that portion which is still observed in contemporary practice.' References to these Sutras are given in the other section, of this ch. There are some good studies on this vast subject; cf. Caillat, 1975; Deo, 1960; Dixit, 1978: "The four Old Chedasūtras", pp. 4253; JSBI "Chedasūtra", pp. 215-298.

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The majority of the rules are formulated with a view to the common life, decency and polite conduct, while at the same time they are directed towards fidelity to the mahāvratas. On the whole, the fact that strikes one during an attentive study of these rules is their constant concern that the vows of ahimsă, aparigraha and brahmacarya in all their ramifications should not be infringed. For example, great attention is given to all that concerns food and the respect due to superiors and elders. There is a cautioning against disputes - between sādhvis or between sādhvis and people outside - and an insistence upon the correction of difficult characters such as sow disunion in the group. In the same way, the importance is stressed of sincerity, especially during the ālocana.
These rules, no doubt, are the work of the ācāryas of different epochs, which explains the repetitions and the disorderly presentation of them. These ācāryas have attempted to give guide-lines for the harmonious organisation of a community whose goal is Liberation, in accordance with a specified doctrine and by means of a rigorous asceticism. This asceticism requires strong discipline operating within a solid structure, a discipline maintained by guardians appointed for the task and by a hierarchy competent to give guidance for the way.
Everything in these rules conduces to the full development of each member of the group: the weak, the lazy, those with evil tendencies, all have the possibility of self-correction and reform, without impeding the progress of the more virtuous. The ācāryas, without weakening the demands of asceticism, show themselves to be both understanding and moderate. In these rules there is nothing harsh, inhuman or excessive.
The Cheda-sútras, on account of their antiquity, provide a certain historical and social interest, but the lack of method in the way they are strung together and the ofttimes obsolete character of their contents render them somewhat impractical for our day. For this reason a great number of contemporary ācāryas have recourse to the Jitakalpa for penances to prescribe for their penitents. 125
125 The guruņis have a basic knowledge of the more important rules contained in the DS and in the US. With regard to the minor rules deriving from them and the punishments to be assigned when these rules are

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So far as the sădhvis are concerned, they speak only of what they personally know and observe: the ālocană and the two prāyaścittas which form part of the avasyakas, that is, the pratikramana and the kāyotsarga, and the various forms of tapas, particularly fasting. As for the three last penalties which are reserved for serious cases and even go so far as to decree a sādhvi's dismissal, these remain very exceptional and probably only a very few sādhvis have had occasion to know of such cases.
a) The Chcda-sütras: Codes of rules and punishments
i) The Dašaśrutaskanda
This Sūtra makes no mention of the prāyaścittas.
- The first three chapters deal with reprehensible conduct, with vices and faults, with infringements of the mahāvratas and with the whole gamut of improprieties in behaviour, such as insolence, arrogance, disrespect towards authority.
- Chapter IV, gami-sampadā, enumerates the qualities that are indispensable for the spiritual master, head of a gana, in order to maintain harmony, discipline and faithfulness to the ideal.
- Chapter VII deals with the various rules of conduct.
· Chapter VIII gives the rules to be observed during the rainy season. 126
This Sūtra refers more frequently to the doctrine than the other Cheda-sūtras; it is not made up of rules alone, but speaks also of the progress which should take place in the practice of asceticism, both by describing possible obstacles to advance and by giving a brief account of the successive stages leading to Liberation.
contravened, they have a certain notion transmitted through oral tradition from guruņi to disciples. For graver misdemeanours, they refer to the ācārya.
126 It corresponds to the last part of the KS; cf. P 541 ff.

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- Chapter IX gives thirty concrete examples of the factors producing mohaniya-karman, the karman of delusion which obscures darśana and cartra.
- Chapter V, cittasamādhisthāna, sets forth the different levels of knowledge to which the ascetic must aspire. The śrāvakas are also included in this advance towards perfection. One whole chapter, upāsaka-pratimā, is consecrated to them.
Except in regard to the rules for the cãturmāsya, the nirgranthis are not explicitly mentioned after the nirgranthas. However, it is implicitly understood that these rules apply to them.

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ii) The Bșhatkalpa-sūtra and the Vyavahāra-sūtra
These complement each other, though they are by no means systematic. They give rules of conduct and, on occasion, the prāyaścittas which correspond to lapses in regard to these rules or their infringement to a greater or lesser degree 127
In these two treatises the nirgranthis are frequently mentioned after the nirgranthas in connection with rules common to both or when the nature of the relationship between the two groups is being defined. Certain passages describe rules proper to the nirgranthis.128 In actual fact, they are very similar to those which apply to the nirgranthas. They add nothing of special note on the subject of discipline, but are concerned primarily with questions related to their life in society, laying down strict rules for the proctection of nirgranthis and always placing them in the final resort under the protection of an ācārya or some other ascetic.
These Cheda-sūtras revert frequently to the practical implications of samiti, vigilance,129 laying particular stress upon; iryā-samiti, vigilance in the way one moves and proceeds from place to place;:30 eșaņā-samiti, vigilance in the way in which one solicits and receives
127 "Thus Kalpa mostly takes up problems that a monk faces in connection with his dealing with society at large - that is to say, problems arising in connection with his moving about, his begging for alms, and the like; on the other hand, Vyavahāra mostly takes up problems that a monk faces in connection with settling the question of status within the church authority, those arising in connection with the award of punishment of an erring monk, and the like." Dixit, 1978, p. 45; cf. Sadhvi Yasodhară, 1981, article on the Vyavahára.
128 Cf. Brks 1, 4; 12; 14; 23; 30; 50; 11, 11; III, 2-3; IV, 14; V, 2; 4; 13-42; VS V.
129 Cf. P 359.
130 Cf. Brks I, 37; 46-52; IV, 34-35; P 533.

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alms, that is, food131 and other things of which one has need. 132 Bhaşă-samiti, vigilance in regard to language, is also of great importance; one must avoid, for example, addressing oneself to disreputable persons who might arouse the passions, whereas it is appropriate to converse with those who are circumspect and peaceable. 133
In addition to those concerning samiti in its various forms, a heterogeneous collection of other rules is given:
- On the type of candidate suitable for dikşā and those who should be refused. 134
- On the avoidance and pacification of quarrels.135
- On correct conduct towards ascetics who are in quarantine, expiating a fault. 136 If one such is ill, one must look after him; no-one should be dismissed while suffering from an illness. 137
131 Ahāra-eșaņā (BrkS I, 1-5; II, 8-10; 14-18; IV, 16-17; 19; V, 6-12; 52).
132 Vastra-eșaņā, quest for clothing (ibid., I, 45; II, 29; III, 13; 16-17). Vastra-pătra-rajoharana-eșaņā, quest for clothing, bowls, rajoharana (ibid., I 40-43). Sayya-eșană, quest for bedding (ibid., III, 24-27). Upåśraya-eşaņā, quest for lodging (ibid., I, 12-13; 21-35; II, 11-12; IV, 36-38). Sthāna-eșaņā, all that appertains to the stopping-place and the duration of time to be spent there (ibid., III, 28-32; i, 6-10); cf.P 534 ff.
133 Brks IV, 10-11; VI, 1.
134 Ibid., IV, 4; VS X, 22-23
135 Cf. Brks I, 36.
136 Cf. VS I, 19-22; II, 27-30.
137 Ibid., II, 5-17.

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. On the correct observance of the rules of precedence.138
- On favourable and unfavourable conditions for svādhyāya.139
- How to dispose of the body of an ascetic whose death takes place unexpectedly at night or in the course of a vihāra.140
- A number of organisational rules: for example, the procedure to be followed in the case of a change of gana141 conditions to be met when one takes up office, 142 or when one is re-admitted to the gana after having left it.143
- Detailed directives concerning certain very severe types of austerity; 144 on the study of the Āgamas by progressive stages.145
Such rules as apply specifically to the nirgranthis are concerned for the most part with the vow of brahmacarya; they enjoin prudent precautions, good sense that sees to it that they are not placed in dangerous or difficult situations, their daily contacts with local society being a constant factor.146 It is also carefully stipulated what type of
138
Ibid., IV, 24-32.
139 lbid., VII, 14-18.
140 Cf. Brks IV, 29; VS VII, 21.
141 Cf. Brks IV, 20-28.
142 Cf. VS III, 1-10.
143 Ibid., I, 23-32.
144 Ibid., X, 1.
145 Ibid., X, 24-38.
146 Cf. Brks V, 13-44.

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relationship is to exist between the nirgranthis and the nirgranthas.147 Other rules deal with official positions and responsibilities: it is stated that sădhvis may be raised to the rank of Upadhyāya or Ācārya,148 that a nirgranthi may in a particualr case, when a muni is not available, give dikşă to a candidate and that this latter then becomes, not her disciple, but the disciple of an acārya. 149
iii) The Nisitha-sūtra
This voluminous treatise of twenty chapters, containing between them one thousand four hundred and five verses, constitutes a great conglomeration of rules, some important and the rest secondary. The Niśitha, unlike the BỊhatkalpa and the Vyavahāra, gives for each infringement of the rules a corresponding prāyaścitta. 150 More precisely, the infringements of the rules are arranged in groups in order of gravity. Each group is allocated one separate chapter and for each group thus formed one particular prāyaścitta is prescribed. As all these infringements are haphazardly presented, one finds in each chapter a great variety of breaches of rules of most varied types, but the prāyaścitta is in each case the same.
iv) The Mahānisitha-sūtra
This Sūtra, as we possess it, is certainly of late composition and can hardly be classified as an Agama. It deals primarily with alocană, certain prāyaścittas, karman and various other subjects. 151
v) The Jitakalpa-sútra
147 Ibid., III, 1-2; VI 3-6.
148 Cf. VS VII, 19-20.
149 Ibid., VII, 9.
150 Cf. Dixit, 1978, pp. 44-47.
151 Cf. JSBI, pp. 291-292.

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This does not belong to the group made up of the four ancient Cheda-sutras. It is composed by Jinabhadra Gani.152 Brief and systematic, it deals solely with the ten prayaścittas. Not only is it considered with the same respect as a Cheda-sūtra, but it also constitutes a sure and useful guide which contemporary ācāryas frequently consult.
b) The prayaścittas: The ten types of expiation
The ten prayaścittas listed in the Jiiakalpa-sūtra had been formulated at a much earlier period. The Sthānāṁga-sūtra enumerates, successively, three, then six, then eight and finally ten prayaścittas.153 These ten prayaścittas are:
ǎlocană, confession; pratikramaṇa, repentance; ubhaya, confession and repentance; viveka, discernment; vyutsarga, renunciation of ownership of the body; tapas, austerities; cheda, partial removal of seniority; mula, loss of seniority of rank; anavasthāpya, temporary expulsion; pārāñcika, expulsion.154 The first seven have already been mentioned in connection with inner tapas. 155 Parihara, the temporary isolation of the guilty party, which has an important place in the ancient Cheda-sūtras, is not mentioned in the Jitakalpa. As all these texts were composed in differing epochs, a certain overlapping has come about and sometimes a certain confusion in regard to the nature of each of the prayaścittas, their practical application and their number. Nevertheless, one can extract from the whole certain essential features of the ascetic life.
152 The author of the Visesävasyaka-bhäṣya and the Dhyanaśataka (P 374 ff), probably of the VIth c.
153 Cf. SthS 196; 489; 605; 733e.
154 Cf.Jitakalpa 4.
155 Cf. P 369 ff.; TS IX, 22 mentions 9 prayaścittas and, in the place of müla and anavasthäpya, gives parihāra and upasthāpana; cf. US XXX, 31.

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- Alocanā, pratikramaṇa and ubhaya are concerned above all with an inner attitude and are vital elements in any proper expiation of guilt.
Viveka is simply a faculty of discernment operating in a particular situation: when through lack of attention one has accepted impure food, one must return it as soon as one is aware of the fact.
515
Vyutsarga (kayotsarga) and tapas form part of the ascetic discipline, while at the same time acting as prāyaścittas.
Parihara, cheda, mūla, anavasthāpya, pārāñcika, involve either temporary isolation from the group, or partial or complete curtailment of seniority in the ascetic life, or even expulsion, temporary or permanent, from the community. They are, specifically and exclusively, types of penalty for specified faults, committed in given circumstances. These five prayaścittas, except mūla, are frequently mentioned in the Cheda-sutras. Mula does not seem to have been often used; it is a comprehensive form of cheda, in which the ascetic not only loses his rank within the saṁgha, but must be consecrated by a new dikṣā. This prayaścitta is in fact very similar to the anavasthäpya, at least in regard to the 'recommencement' of the ascetic life, with this difference that the mula does not banish the ascetic from his or her group, whereas the anavasthāpya decrees temporary banishment. 156
The following will serve as a short introduction which seeks to pick out at least some landmarks in a vast landscape of texts on this subject. We must start by saying that these penalties concern different persons and situations and the prescriptions laid down in the texts cannot be applied strictly to the letter. Taking into consideration the circumstances and the resistance, both physical and psychic, of their disciples, the acarya and the guruņi must, while following the directives of the Sūtras, give evidence of a good understanding of the persons in their charge, as each case requires. Except in cases of very
156 The reasons justifying the imposition of mula seem only to have been precisely formulated at a late date and relate primarily to serious infringements of one of the mahavratas; cf. Deo, 1956, p. 377.

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serious faults which call for the expulsion of the offender, the ācārya can temper the harshness of the prāyaścittas.
i) The prayaścittas, as properly defined, are always preceded by alocană and pratikramaņa
1. The act of alocană is distasteful and difficult to perform. It demands faith in the dharma, sincerity towards oneself and others, courage to confess one's fault and accept the penance given.157 Great importance is very properly attached to the qualities which the one who has the authority to hear confessions must possess. Not only must this person be capable of helping the disciples and of assigning the prāyaścittas wisely, but she must also be discreet and not gossip. 158
As an aid towards sincere and straightforward confession and to avoid slipping, even unconsciously, into subtle tendencies that camouflage the truth, one is cautioned against affectation and a whole range of deceitful arts, the principal ones being:
· exciting the compassion of the one hearing the confession or to select a less severe person from among the ascetics who are entitled to hear confessions;
- confessing only those faults which have been noticed by the ācārya or guruņi;
- confessing only one's more serious faults or, on the other hand, one's less serious;
- whispering one's faults in such a way that they are unintelligible to the person listening;
- or uttering them in a very loud voice; .
- confessing the same fault on successive occasions to several åcåryas or other munis appointed for the task;
157 Cf. SthS 604b where the necessary conditions for a truly sincere confession are indicated.
158 Ibid., 604a.

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- making one's confession to an ācārya whom one knows to have committed the same fault, hoping thus to be given a lighter penalty.159
Alocană must not be a routine and merely formal act. It must be accompanied by nindă, an inner attitude of self-reproach and of loathing for the faults committed, and also by garhā, the naming and condemnation of one's own faults in front of the acārya, the guruņi or the members of the community; in short, one must acknowledge one's culpability before others. 160 Now, this is certainly not easy and one can only come to it by stages. It is necessary to unmask complications, ruses which involve insincerity. As an example to be shunned, the hypocritical ascetic is described, who out of vanity and lack of fervour finds many good reasons for not making his confession. The opposite case is also cited, of the one who thinks up reasons for making a confession and giving an appearance of nindă and garhā, while in fact this is all dissimulation, for his intentions are not upright; in the depths of his heart he is refusing viếuddhi, purification.161
The Vyavahāra-sútra affirms that the nirgranthis may make their confession to one of their own number who is adjudged worthy of the responsibility. 162 The sãdhvis of today say that they confess spontaneously to the guruņi when necessary, without using any particular formula. For serious offences the sădhvis communicate with the ācārya. If he is at a distance, they write to him and he stipulates the prāyaścitta in his reply,
2. Pratikramaņa denotes the inner attitude of sincere regret for faults committed, their condemnation, along with a determination to
159 Ibid., 733b.
160 C. US XXIX, 5-7.
161 Cf. Sths 168.
162 Cf. VS V, 19; this must be a sādhvi of high moral stature who knows the rules concerning the expiation of faults. This applies in an exceptional case, when the person authorised to hear confessions is absent.

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revert to one's previous state, before the occurrence of the fault.163 It constitutes at one and the same time an åvaśyaka and a preparation for the prāyaścitta. Pratikramana as an inner attitude is indispensable to all sincere confession; in reality, the acknowledgement of a fault, the condemnation of it and the spontaneous accompanying desire to expiate it is already in itself a form of expiation.
As for ubhaya (which includes both confession and repentance), this is listed as a prāyaścitta, but it is simply a confirmation of the truth that alocană-pratikramanā go hand in hand. 164
ii) Vyutsarga and tapas, both of which are constituent parts of the ascetic life, are also prāyaścittas
1. Vyutsarga or kåyotsarga, the fifth āvašyaka, is an expression of the attitude of inner radical detachment that goes as far as to renounce all bodily activity in a gesture of disavowal of ownership for a limited period, an attitude which is also essential for dhyāna. On account of the value accruing from this detachment as practised in immobility, vyutsarga is performed several times during the rite of the avasyakas and in the course of important activities such as, for example, on return from gocari. Its intrinsic value makes it, furthermore, an ideal prāyaścitta.
2. Tapas under its two forms, upavāsa (fasting) and avamodarikā (abstinence), is a concrete and efficacious means of purification. Fasting and abstinence are the prāyaścittas par excellence and are by far the most commonly employed. 165 Their role is of great
163 Cf. P 324 ff.; 705.
164 Cf. P 370. also for viveka.
165 Upavāsa, on account of its purificatory function, is presented in its various forms, each carefully elaborated. Thus the types of upavāsa have greatly multiplied in number; cf. Deo, 1956, pp. 189-198, for a description of different sorts of fast according to the Angas and the Müla-sútra, p. 251 ditto according to the Cheda-sūtras and niryuktis; pp. 375 and 419 for the later period; cf. also Sths 511a US XXX, 9-24.

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importance, for they contribute to saṁvara and to nisjară; hence the obligation to practise pratyakhyāna as a form of tapas. However, no sādhvi who is fervent and well-instructed in the doctrine confines herself to what is obligatory; rather, she chooses voluntarily, for periods of longer or shorter time and of more frequency or less, to observe certain fasts or abstinences, with the permission of the guruņi, or in the case of a longer and more comprehensive fast, of the ăcărya. 166
iii) The prāyaścittas in the Brhatkalpasūtra
and the Vyavahāra-sutra
They are four in number: parihāra; cheda; anavasthāpya;pārāñcika.
1. Parihāra is the relegation or isolation of an ascetic within the community for a pre-determined period. This measure aims at giving the culprit, cut off from his group, an opportunity for salutary reflection, repentance and restoration. It will also make an impression on the other members, stimulate their zeal, encourage them to guard against all forms of carelessness and remind them that their life is subject to a certain type of discipline. 167 This parihåra can last one four or six months. 168 Generally it is said to be either anudghātika or udghātika, which commentators later on termed guru (heavy) or laghu (light). Laghu refers to an alleviation of the penalty, that is to say, that its duration may be shortened by a certain number of days and also that the number of fasts to be observed may be reduced by decision of the ācārya. Guru implies that the penalty must be paid without remission, thus for the whole period prescribed. Serious offences, such as infringements of the vow of brahmacarya or the taking of food at night must be expiated by a guru-prāyaścitta.169 The isolation of the
166 Cf. P 597 ff.; 609 ff. the examples of Sádhvis Candrayaśā and Ratnavati.
167 Sths 428 defines parihara as: viśuddhi-samyama.
168 Cf. Deo, 1960, p. 44.
169 Cf. Brks IV, 1; Sths 201; VS VI, 16-17.

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culprit is total and the other members are pledged to respect the rules concerning the sort of relationship they are to have with a pàrihārika. This latter, in addition to the silent retreat to which he has been sentenced, must also undergo a severe fast. However the ācārya or his delegate remains in contact with him and sees to his needs, if his suffering requires it.170 A laghu-parihāra of four months is decreed for the expiation of serious faults in connection with food.171
2. Cheda means a cutting-off. It means the retrenchment of a certain number of days' seniority in the ascetic life, which dates from the Great dikṣā. The minimum number of days is five. It is assigned for lesser faults and is rarely mentioned. 172
3. Anavasthāpya is a form of prāyaścitta only used when the ascetic has committed a serious offence. He is reduced to the state of śrāvaka, which means that his commitment dating from the time of dikşā is rendered invalid and his connection with the community is completely severed until such time as he has expiated his offence and been re-instated by a new dikṣā.173 Grave infringements of the vows of asteya and ahiṁsā - more precisely, stealing from one's own companions or from those of another sect, resorting to blows, striking another with the fist, a staff or by any other means - must be expiated by anavasthāpya.174
170 Cf. Brks IV, 31-33.
171 Ibid., IV, 16-17.
172 Ibid. V, 5: a cheda of 5 days and 5 nights is inflicted upon the ascetic who changes gana before expiating a fault; VS III, 2: similarly, a cheda or a parihara upon the one who decides to start a new gaṇa without the necessary permission; VS V, 11-12: a cheda or parihāra is decreed for sādhvis who, after the Great Departure of their guruņi, while on vihära, have not nominated someone to replace her.
173 Deo, 1956, p.237 defines anavasthāpya as "temporary excommunication".
174 Cf. Brks IV, 3; Sths 201.

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4. Pārāñcika means expulsion, once and for all, from the samgha. This is the penalty, not simply for one or several serious offences of some specific sort, but - and above all - for something far deeper: dispositions of heart and mind that are imcompatible with the ascetic state and diametrically opposed to the spirit which should invest this state.175 It is stated that characters whose basic dispositions have an inclination towards evil or perversity, those who are negligent, temperamentally lazy and lacking in zeal for their duties and those who have homosexual tendencies cannot continue as members of the community.176 However, the final decision is left to the ācārya's discretion. Theoretically, the guilty party can, after expiating his or her fault, request re-admission. It is clearly laid down, however, that the expiatory measures anavasthāpya and pārāñcika are only valid and that the culprit may only be permitted a new dikşă if he has abandoned the clothing of an ascetic and adopted once again ordinary garments. 177
iv) Prāyaścittas in the Niśitha-sútra
This Sūtra speaks of four degrees of parihåra in accordance with the gravity of the offence: guru-parihāra, consisting of one month; laghu-parihāra, also of one month; guru-parihāra of four months; laghu-parihāra, also of four months. Parihara is the only type of penance mentioned in this Sūtra.
175 We recall the severity of the first Ācārya of the Terapanthis and the reasons considered worthy of the penalty of dismissal; cf. P 247 ff.
176 Cf. BrkS IV, 2; SthS 201; carelessness is an insidious evil, which corrodes the life of the ascetic and leads to downfall; cf. US XXXII. SthS 398b gives five reasons justifying pårāñcika: a tendency to sow seeds of discord in the kula or gana; a tendency to violent confrontation with the other members of the group; a habit of picking upon the omissions and carelessnesses of others in order to attack them; the asking of questions at random without discernment and discretion.
177 Cf. VS II, 18-23.

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Here are a few examples taken from each of the groups of parihāras:
- Guru-parihāra of one month; for having smelt flowers or other plants; this act, though appearing innocuous, can give rise to a slight form of hiṁsā.178
- Laghu-parihāra of one month; for having made, kept and used a rajoharana-stick of green wood, of bamboo or a type of reed, for having decorated, painted, kept and used a rajoharana-stick of green wood. ..;179 for having thrown away vastras, pătras, dandas or other objects before they were completely useless; 180 for having used a rajoharana of which the stick was too long or too short or for having failed to use the rajoharaṇa properly;181 for having made use of the living root of a tree in the practice of kāyotsarga, svādhyāya or any other activity.182 All these infringements involve a subtle element of hiṁsā. These examples show to what degree of exactitude the slightest violation of ahiṁsā is foreseen, how the gravity of each act is evaluated according to a scale, so that for having climbed a tree that is alive the penalty is more severe: laghu-parihāra of four months, 183 - Guru-parhāra of four months: from among the various violations of the mahāvratas particular importance is attached to all forms of violation of brahmacarya. All possible and subtle forms of
178 Cf. NS I, 10.
179 Ibid., V, 25-33.
180 lbid., V, 63-65.
181 Ibid., V, 66-76.
182 Ibid., V, 1-11.
183 Ibid., XII, 10. These texts very often make mention of the ascetic man (or woman) who commits a reprehensible deed or approves it (sātijjati); this latter through passivity or complicity encourages a blameworthy ation and must therefore be punished in the same way as the culprit.

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extravagrant imagination that can come to the surface in the course of a relationship between a nirgrantha and a nirgranthi are described realistically and in detail, as are also examples of weaknesses of the flesh and wrongdoings provoked by an attraction for the opposite sex, all of these being misdemeanours that must be punished with no remission. 184 It was probably with the intention of preventing sensual proclivities that prohibitions with regard to all that concerns care of the body have proliferated. Every slip down this slippery slope is punished by the laghu-parihara of one month only for minor offences or by the guru-parihāra for offences such as those against brahmacarya, when the offender has succumbed in a serious way.185 Among the list of other infringements to which the same guru-parihara is to be meted out, one notices: anything that may affect the harmony of the community-life, such as lack of docility in one's attitude to the guru (guruņi); 186 careless behaviour, lack of proper attentiveness to sick members.187
- Laghu-parihāra of four months: for subtle forms of deceit or vanity, for example, for causing others to attend to one's needs when one is in good health;188 for asserting that one is capable of being an ācārya;189 or for arrogance of spirit, which evidences itself in showing lack of respect for the doctrine, belittling the dharma and praising
adharma. 190
184 Ibid., VI; VII; VIII, 11.
185 Ibid., III, 16-67; XI, 11-63.
186 Ibid., X, 1-4.
187 Ibid., X, 40-43.
188 Ibid., XIII, 39-42.
189 Ibid., XVII, 135 190 Ibid., XI, 9-10.

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v) Prayascittas in the Jitakalpa-sútra
This text introduces little that is new. Its virtue is to present in a systematic and concrete manner what was present already elsewhere in a very unorganised way. This Sūtra enumerates the ten prāyaścittas and then, taking each in turn, gives a list of the type of faults that are to be expiated by each prāyaścitta.191 It is noteworthy that the section on tapas is by far the most detailed. This is on account of the intrinsic importance of tapas, the frequence of the choice of this prayaścitta in practice and the great variety of occasions on which it is assigned. In the section devoted to tapas, mention is made of the aticāras, offences committed in respect to jñāna and darśana as well as in respect to each of the mahāvratas. Nowadays, the most commonly assigned prāyaścittas are different forms of tapas and kāyotsarga. 192
J - Vividha caryås: Various occupations
During the course of the day the sădhvis have various occupations, appropriate to their particular group, to their geographical location and to the season of the year, these occupations, which may be either personal or community ones, are not strictly speaking spiritual or intellectual, but practical or artistic. 193 Even these activities, including the most ordinary, have a special meaning for the sādhvis. They all bear the mark of ahimså.
The washing of linen
191 Thus ālocană: Jitakalpa 5-8; pratikramaņa, 9-12; ubhaya: 13-15; viveka: 16-17: vyutsarga: 18-22: tapas: 23-79: cheda: 80-82: müla anavasthāpya: 87-93; părăñcika: 94-102.
192 Most of the refs. given in this section I have checked with Sadhvi Hemaprabha and Mahasati Tarulată.
193 Caryā, in contemporary parlance, denotes that which must be done, work; and also the performance of rites and observances. Thanks to their consecration, the sādhvis regard each act as having a spiritual connotation and as being part of the ongoing world-wide purificatory process. Cf. P 524 ff. for certain more specialised spiritual and intellectual activities.

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The frequency with which the linen is washed varies with the sampradāyas and with the seasons. In certain groups it is washed twice a month, in others only once; there is no strict ruling. They all use boiled water and soap for the task and must select a place to spread out the linen where it will not be soiled by dust or mud. 194
Sowing and mending
Although these activities are reduced to a minimum, given the simplicity of their clothing, they are done when necessity arises. The Terāpanthi sādhvis also undertake the mending of the munis' clothing.
The making of the rajoharana
When the rajoharaṇa is worn out, the sādhvis abandon this indispensable companion for a new one. They make it themselves out of the purest of white wools. The Mürtipūjakas embroider on theirs the aștamangalas. 195
The making of mālās
These are made with white cotton or with wooden beads.
The varnishing of the pătras
During the dry season the pătras are coated regularly with a layer of special very light varnish. This operation is very necessary, because the pătras, being made of wood, may deteriorate, may rot through much contach with food or may get covered with mould. The regular upkecp serves to keep them in good condition, clean and unstained, without danger of spoiling.
194 Cf. AS II, 5, 1, 19-23.
195 Cf. P 164 ff. This embroidery they very often do during the stu-kāla, the menstrual period when they are not allowed to touch the Agamas; during this same period they may sew, mend and wash.

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Arts and crafts
Up till the present such activities have been undertaken almost exclusively by the Terapanthi sadhvis and it would be a very happy new turn of events if the other sådhvis were similarly inspired. These occupations must, of course, respect ahimsa and serve a useful purpose. The most common are: the copying of manuscripts, the illustration in colour on loose sheets of certain passages of the Sūtras, which help bring home in a concrete way the teaching given to the śrāvakas and śrāvikās, especially in the villages; the making of spectacle-frames and of small painted wooden bowls used at mealtime, of which the inner surfaces are delicately inscribed with passages from the Sūtras. It is unquestionable that these types of work, done as they are with exquisite finesse, help the sadhvis to develop their talents, to exercise concentration and to be useful to the samgha. As for the primary materials involved, wool, cotton, paint, paper, etc., this is supplied by the śravakas of the place where the sādhvis are temporarily lodging.
K- Samstara-pauruși: The period of rest
About one hour before sundown the sadhvis perform the pratilekhanā as in the morning. Next, two of them set out on gocari; when these two have returned, the whole group takes a light meal, followed by pratyākhyāna, the promise to take no more food or drink till sunrise the next morning. 196 A little later the rite of the avaśyakas takes place, which is performed jointly and aloud and lasts for one full hour, 197
The Unknown Pilgrims
After this rite, the sadhvis still have a long moment for dhyāna, svādhyāya or adhyayana. Towards ten o'clock they reach rest-time, saṁstāra-pauruși; saṁstāra denotes the couch or pallet of dry grass,
196 Cf. P 709.
197 Cf. P 710 ff.

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The Śramani: The Worker
straw or wood.198 Before settling down to sleep, which they sometimes do together and sometimes separately, for certain ones stay awake, the Murtipūjaka sädhvis, after performing the laghu-vandana and reciting the sāmāyika-sūtra, recite the saṁstara-pauruși-sūtras. 199 These are sixteen short, deeply meaningful sūtras, a sort of profession of faith through re-affirmation of belief in the doctrine. In this way, during the hours of repose, the sadhvis remain in this same spirit of devotion to those essential values which will most surely lead them onwards towards Liberation.
Sleep is a temporary departure from the scene which might well turn into the Great Departure, for who knows whether she will wake up the next morning? Each evening the sadhvis must be in the right frame of mind for departure, that of aparigraha, seeking refuge and protection in the dharma.
The sixteen sūtras form a remarkable synthesis:
- permission is requested from the guruni to perform this rite before going to sleep;
this latter indicates the posture in which the body should take
repose;
and proceeds to exhort the ascetics to reflect deeply;
then follows praise to the arhats, the siddhas, the sadhus, and to the dharma taught by the kevalins - these comprising the four refuges; the sädhvis then make an act of mental renunciation of the body and all its activities;
-
-
-
527
they renounce the eighteen papasthānas, activities which produce bad karmas;
198
The term samstara is also used, by an extension of meaning, for the period of complete fast which preceds the Great Departure, when a sadhvi has chosen, of her own free will, to terminate this earthly existence; saṁstāra still denotes a bed or couch, but now no longer that of temporal sleep but that of the final sleep of this present bodily sheath; cf. P 566 ff.
199 In the sampradayas where these sutras are not recited, one must go to rest in the frame of mind that they express.

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- they recall ekatva and anitya-bhāvanā. A sadhvi is well aware that
she is alone, dependent on no-one; the eternal Reality is the atman,
all the rest is anitya, transient and perishable;200 - they ask pardon from all living beings, harbouring hate towards no
one, and they grant pardon to all; - there follows a very short pratikramana for faults committed through the three yogas, and, finaliy, the Namaskāra-mantra.201
These sūtras express in brief the sum total of a sādhvi's belief, the goal towards which day after day she courageously journeys. She falls asleep free from attachments, at peace with all living beings, still praising the parameşthins, the invisible links uniting the members of the samgha, who have taught and transmitted the dharma and whose message is addressed to all living beings.
200 Cf. AS I, 3, 3, 4; 7,6, 1; SkrS I, 13, 18; P 362 ff.
201 Cf. SramanS, pp. 342-349; Pañcapratikramana-sutra, pp. 257-272, where the sūtras are the same, though arranged in a slightly different order.

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Chapter 4.
Pravrajyā: The itinerant life
The eight-month continuous pilgrimage and
the pause during the monsoon
The ascetic must pursue his path, unaffected [by any adversity); he must endure everything both the agreeable and the disagreeable, manifesting no desire for anything (in any way), taking notice of neither honours nor blame.
A - Vihara: Continual journeying from place to place
The sādhvis remain in an upāśraya for a period which may last from a few days to several weeks and sometimes even some months.2 For the anagāris, the shift or change of place is a spiritual activity the same as any other. Vihāră is the expression of the pilgrim life: walking for several or more hours, staying somewhere for a limited
1 uvehamāņo u parivvaejjā piyamappiyam savva titikkhaejja
na savva savvatthabhiroyaejjā na yāvi pūyaṁ garahaṁ ca samjae. US XXI, 15.
2 Cf. BrkS I, 8-9 where it is said that the nirgranthis may stay for 2 months of winter or 2 months of summer in a city or market-town, surrounded by some form of enclosure (walls or a natural enclosue, such as a river or mountains), so that all the dwellings are on the inside of this enclosure. They may stay in a city or market-town of which some of the houses are within the enclosure and others outside it. The nirgranthis may stay 2 months within the enclosure of such a city or market-town and 2 months outside it. A stay may be prolonged for reasons of study or illness. If one is obliged to stay in the same town, one changes upăśraya. Sadhvi Vicakṣaṇa, for example, was obliged to remain in Dilli for several years, her mother, Sadhvi Vijñāna Śri, being paralysed. They regularly changed upåśraya, along with her whole group, and stayed in different districts of the city; cf. P 561 ff.

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time, starting off afresh, a pilgrim life whose deepest meaning is to be found in the state of aparigraha which it embodies. Scripture gives a wonderful description of Mahāvirä on unceasing pilgrimage, lodging in very ordinary places or even under a tree. He endured storms, insect bites, meeting with animals, contumely, injuries, mockery, misunderstendings. He let himself be taken for a ne'er-do-well, a vagabond, a parasite. Silent and recollected, he pursued his path..4
Vihara is the outward sign of an inner pilgrimage. The numerous rules in its regard, highly detailed and often wearisome as they are, have a validity and justification of their own, both for each individual śramani and also for the preservation of harmony in the common life with regard to the sought goal: nirvana.
The sådhvis participate also in pilgrimages: to Satruñjaya, to Holy Mount Abů to Pāvāpuri, the place where Mahāvira attained nirvana, to Sammedaśikhara where Pārsvanātha and other tirthařkaras are said to have attained nirvāṇa, to Hastināpura. They may either go on their own initiative or in response to the invitation of an important group of pilgrims. 5 Whatever their destination, whether they are passing through countryside, villages or towns, it is their attitude, both interior
3 Cf. AS I, 8, 2, 1-3 (P 117 ff.).
4 Ibid., 1, 8, 2, 4-16; 1, 8, 3, 3-4.
3 In March 1972, a group of about 400 pilgrims arrived in Vārāṇasi, having started out from Sikamdrābād (Andhra Pradeśa) at the beginning of November. They were on their way to Sammedaśikhara (Bihāra), where, according to tradition, Pärśvanātha and numerous tirthankaras attained nirvāṇa, and were hoping to arrive at the beginning of May. They had invited some munis and sadhvis to accompany them as guides. There were 3 acaryas, about 30 munis and about 40 sādhvis with Sadhvi Sarvodaya Śri at their head. Other sādhvis were to join them en route. The majority of the pilgrims were walking on foot, though a bus was conveying those who were too tired or too elderly. A small booklet, the pilgrim's guide, indicated the spirit and goal of the pilgrimage, the vows to be observed, e.g., a single meal a day (if possible), and the spiritual exercises to be perforemd, such as a daily instruction-session on the Bhagavati-sutra.

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531
and exterior, that matters, an attitude which must express fidelity to the vows they have undertaken.
It is assuredly not easy for śramaņis consecrated to a purely spiritual quest to go out every day for gocari, to move regularly from one place to the next, to find themselves in the intervening period on the roads among the crowds. No doubt the activities of gocari and vihāra give them the opportunity to live out ahimsă, aparigraha and sarnyama; but the śramanas and śramanis of ancient times used to lead a more solitary and retired life. The Sūtras were not written for the modern age with its large industrial, overpopulated and noisy cities. Many of the rules need and would profit by some form of adaptation, However, when we consider them in their totality, we find that the majority are characterised by wisdom and good sense. Even nowadays they can act as a strength and stay, if one does not lose sight of the spirit that invests them. The vihāra is always a group-activity, performed with the guruni. If the sådhvis are numerous, they form several groups with one of their number in each group placed in charge.7 No vihāra takes place without a certain amount of organisation and forethought. One must act with due consideration for the various localities and circumstances, needs and requests of the samngha. If they are to traverse a region, the sādhvis must foresee several months in advance where, by mutual agreement with the ācārya and the local samgha, they will go to spend the căturmäsya. Often, the sădhvis are invited to a particular place and sometimes must choose between several invitations; generally, certain śrāvakas are given the task of conveying the official invitation of their samgha,
6 A sadhvi may not stay alone either during the vihāra or at the upaśraya, nor may she go out alone at night; cf. Brks V, 15-18; VS V, 2; 5. This is, chiefly, a matter of prudence, for within society there is a widespread belief that a woman is by no means insured against disrespect or assaults upon her modesty, far from it. Therefore it is necessary to avoid exposing the sadhvis to possible dangers.
7 At Mumbai, in March 1975, I met a group of sadhvis, detached from the large-sized group of Pune. They had come to Mumbai for an operation upon one of their number who, though already out of hospital, still needed nursing and medical care. When these were no longer necessary, they were to return to Pune.

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The Unknown Pilgrims
after which the sadhvis' itinerary and its successive stages will be settled with a view to the place chosen for the căturmäsya,consideration being given to the place where there are local sarnghas, which would render possible a halt in an upāśraya or elsewhere and meetings with śrávakas and śrāvikās. These latter are delighted at the arrival of sadhvis in their midst. The news spreads very quickly, the more so because the great majority of the Jaina community is engaged in commerce and as a religious community is very well organised. The śrävakas telephone one another to announce the news. Very often, when sådhvis arrive in a town where the samgha is of considerable size, many śrāvakas and śrāvikās come out to welcome them and escort them in procession as far as the upāśraya.8 In the same way, when they leave the town for their next stage, they accompany them for a certain distance. When they have a long journey to make before they reach the place where they are to sojoum during the cãturmāsya, a śrävaka of that district very often comes to meet them and gives them exact instructions as to the road to take and the upăśrayas or lodging-places at the various stages on the way. When at certain halting-places, the local samgha belongs to a different sampradaya from that of the sādhvis, they are nearly always received hospitably. If, as does happen on occasion, there is no Jaina family at one of their halts, the sådhvis have recommended to them in advance an äśrama, house or school where they will find hospitality. 10
8 Cf. in ch.6 the arrival of Sadhvi Punya at Gväliyara (Sajjana, 1960, pp. 367-371); of Mahāsati Mohanadevi at Jammü; at Rävalapiņdi (Hukamadevi, pp. 120; 123); of Sadhvi Vicakşaņa at Amaravati (Rāmapuriya, 1966, pp. 339-348).
9 A guide for munis and sådhvis has recently been published: vihāra mārga darśana, giving exact details about possible routes, the distances between towns, with names of villages, the number of houses, upāśrayas and refuges. This very useful guide goes so far as to supply commonly used phrases in the principal regional-languages.
10 Cf. P 440 ff.

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On a long journey en route for the place where they will spend the căturmasya, when they may be faced by all possible sorts of unforeseen circumstances, such as sickness, epidemic, floods, cyclones, uprisings, riots, strikes, or famine, it is impossible always to anticipate. One must stop here longer, change route, take quick decisions there, re-act to sudden crises. 11 When there is a risk of some variety, śrāvakas escort the sadhvis for part of their journey. 12
These, then, are the most important aspects of vihāra. Even if certain stipulations in its regard are not now fulfilled to the letter because, in the course of this tradition's long history, the cosmic and human framework within which it operates has greatly changed, nevertheless one can discern the spirit of it running through like a thread, a master-sutra which ensures continuity.
a) İryă: The ascetic on the road
533
This walk is under the banner of ahimsa.13 As one walks, one must pay the utmost attention not to crush or strike the foot against any living being. In the first place, vihāra only takes place by day, precisely so that one may see where one is walking.14 Generally the sādhvis set out after sunrise and walk until about ten o'clock in the
11 Sometimes it is necessary to change routes at the last minute; e.g. in 1935 Mahāsati Canda was getting ready to leave with her disciples for Malera Kotla in Panjaba when 2 members of that district came to ask her to go elsewhere. The tension between Hindus and Musalmans having worsened, the frequent riots were presenting a very real danger. Mahāsati simultaneously received the directive and invitation of an Upadhyaya to proceed to Ludhiyānā and stay there for the cãturmāsya; cf. Mahendrakumari, 1954, p. 63.
12 Cf. e.g. the vivid description of the vihāras of Mahāsati Umarāvakuṁvara and her companions in the Himalaya, in Jammu and Kāśmira, where difficulties abounded; Umaravakuṁvara, 1962, pp. 53-111.
13 Cf. irya-samiti (P 359); AS I, 8, 1, 20.
14 Cf. BrkS I, 46.

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The Unknown Pilgrims
morning in order to avoid the scorching heat. Just as in gocari, vihāra takes place in silence, with no stopping by the way out of curiosity or to chat with passers-by.15 Sometimes, in order to reach their destination in a single day, the sādhvis halt for gocari and continue immediately. If it rains they look for some shelter, if one can be found; if not, they go on walking. If they reach the bank of a river which must be crossed by boat or a place which is flooded on every side, they may take a boat. They must stay calm, not get excited or berate the boatman if his craft is in poor condition. 16 Whatever the dangers and circumstances may be, they must do their utmost to maintain self-control, to act prudently, to hurt no-one through speech or deeds. On arrival at the upāśraya or other lodging-place, they recite the iryāpathika-sūtra to purify themselves from any taint of himsă incurred during the walk.17
b) Eşaņā: The search for a lodging, clothing, bowls
In days gone by, on arriving in a village or town, the munis and sådhvi had to set about finding shelter, a temporary dwelling. The Agamas sometimes use the word upăśraya, sometimes the word śayyā (couch, bed) to denote a lodging-place, meaning thereby a place of rest for the night and, indicating thus the transitory aspect of the stay. They simply requested permission to lie down and sleep between two vihāras. Once the upăśraya was found, they had still, in addition to the gocari, to procure whatever vastras (clothing) they needed and also pātras (bowls). Eșaņā, the search for a lodging, clothing and bowls has been made the subject of numerous rules. In our own day, the saṁghas being well-organised, there is almost always at least one upăśraya in a local samgha and the sadhvis scarcely have the need to search for a refuge. However, there are some villages or mountainplaces without upăśrayas, and sometimes the only upăśraya is already occupied by passing munis. In both these cases the sādhvis must
15 Cf. US XXVII, 17.
16 Cf. AS II, 3, 1, 13-21; 2, 1-13, where the river-crossings of śramaņas or śramaņis are graphically described.
17 Cf. P 706.

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Pravrajya: The Itinerant Life
request hospitality elsewhere, bearing in mind the rules on the subject. As for vastras and pătras, it is easier than in the past to procure them, but one is in no way absolved from observing the rules.
i) Sayya: The dwelling and the place to sleep
The Acaranga-sūtra lists in a precise, detailed and judicious .manner all the factors and circumstances to consider before deciding upon a dwelling and asking the proprietor for permission to occupy it on a temporary basis. One must not accept:
- a dwelling which, on account of its location, would involve one in committing acts of hiṁså, if, for example, there were stocks there of vegetables, fruits or grains or if access to the house were difficult, entailing climbing up a ladder or using other perilous means to reach it, or if the room available were to contain a large amount of water or be used for making a fire;
535
- a room which may have been carefully prepared in advance, and whitewashed to receive the sådhvis;
- a centrally situated room, in the middle of the comings and goings of those living there, too little to one side, where in spite of oneself one would be entangled in family intrigues and would have no independence or possibility of withdrawal.18
The Bṛhatkalpa-sūtra gives both similar and complementary directives to guide the sadhvis:
18 Cf. AS II, 2, 1; II, 2, 3, 1-17. Even if the sadhvis are on their own in a house, they must see to it that they are sheltered from the eyes of the inquisitive. At Yeola, a small market-town in Mahārāṣṭra, I met in March 1975 a group of sadhvis who had been unable to lodge in an upāśraya where some munis were already in residence. The śrāvakas had put at their disposal a small one-roomed house with a verandah facing the street. At meal-times when the sadhvis never accept outsiders they would pull across a large curtain which divided the room in two.

-

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The Unknown Pilgrims
- one may not lodge in a house situated in the middle of the bazar
area:19
• in a house located at the entrance to a crowded and noisy lane; or near the crossroads of several such lanes;
- in a house where there is a shop:20
- in a room without a door, unless it is feasible to arrange a curtain;21
- also to be avoided are rooms adorned with mural paintings;22
- all dwellings where there is a continuous to-ing and fro-ing day and night, places containing many passages and a mixed population, such as shelters for pilgrims, inns; equally to be shunned are rooms open to the four winds or giving upon a corridor or, again, a shelter constructed on a tree-trunk or open to the sky.23 The aim of all these directives is to protect the sādhvis.
The sayyā properly so-called, that is, the bed or couch, may be made of hard wood, dried grass, hay, peacock feathers or straw.24 In the upāśrayas the sādhvis sleep upon narrow bed-tables of wood,
19 Of the upáśrayas of today, certain ones, in Dilli for example, are right in the middle of a bazar. These upāśrayas are often very ancient and date back to an epoch when cities were less populous. They none the less provide, in accordance with the rules, a safe lodging, but it is true that their surroundings are noisy and thus scarcely favourable to concentration.
20 Cf. Brks I, 12.
21 Ibid., I, 14.
22 Ibid., I, 21; the themes painted may give rise to distractions or awaken memories.
23 Ibid., II, 11.
24 Cf. AS II, 2, 3, 18.

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Pravrajya: The Itinerant Life
537
which they use to write on during the day, unless they have been provided with small low writing-desks.
ii) Vastras: Garments
The sādhvis may, with the permission of the guruni acquire new garments when their own are worn out, except during the cāturmāsya.25 These garments are outward signs of the ascetic state:
- they may be made only of certain materials, preferably cotton;26 - all that is luxurious, elegant, embroidered, dyed, trimmed with fur or brocade, is inadmissible;27
- a sādhvi may not accept a garment that has been bought or made specially for her;28
- she must not, while passing through a house on gocari, expressly request the mistress of the house for a garment, but if she needs one she may ask for some material, referring the matter to the guruņi saying that she will hand it over to her, that this latter shall decide whether to give it to her or to another sadhvi or to retum it.29 These rules endorse an attitude of non-possession, of renunciation of one's own will and personal preferences.
25 Cf. Brks III, 16-17; this rule obtains also for pătras and other objects.
26 Cf. AS II, 5, 1, 16.
27 Ibid., 11, 5, 1,4.5.
28 Ibid., II, 5, 1, 3.
29 Cf. Brks III, 13.

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The Unknown Pilgrims
iii) The pătras: The bowls
In the same way as garments wear out, so bowls too need to be replaced.30 These pātras may be:
- of light wood or of earthenware, or gourds;
- the sādhvis may not accept pătras of metal, iron pewter, lead, brass, silver, gold, mother-of-pearl, ivory, horn, stone, leather; all these are costly and impure;31
- before accepting or requesting a pătra, which must not have been either bought or made for her, a sadhvi must examine it carefully to assure herself that it contains no living particles;
- she may request and accept a pătra that is not new, provided that it is clean;
- if the śrāvikå who is presenting the pătra wants to offer it containing food or drink, the sādhvi must decline it.32
c) Jana-samparka: Relationships with those around
These day-to-day relationships, which are simple and unaffected, possess a two-fold character: in the first place, they are of a spiritual sort, for, from her dikşă onwards, a sādhvi is nirgranthi, un-attached. She has renounced definitively the concerns, works, way of life and diversions of the majority of humanity. At the same time and on account of their being anagāri, the sādhvis must also speak of practical matters, address themselves to people, request from them hospitality, food and what is strictly necessary.
30 Cf. P 525.
31 Cf. AS II, 6, 1, 1-2. 32 Ibid., II, 6, 1, 4-12.

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539
Persons in close relatedness to the sadhvis include: the ācārya and the munis, the śrāvakas and śråvikås. The bond with the acārya and the munis is close, even if, due to their itinerant life, they scarcely ever see them; these are links of spiritual paternity and fraternity. The śråvakas and śrävikäs possess this same bond with the sădhvis, but to a lesser degree.
Relationship with the munis
There are certain basic rules of conduct in this regard, starting from which each sampradaya and gaccha treat these realtionships with varying degrees of strictness or flexibility. These main rules are:
- munis are forbidden to stay in an upăśraya where sădhvis are in residence, and vice-versa; 33
- a sådhvi and a muni are forbidden to be alone in one another's company, and this applies to the acārya and even on the occasion of alocană; however, there are exceptions;
- in extreme situations and for the duration of such a situation, munis and sādhvis are permitted to stay in the same dwelling. Such cases are set forth in a detailed way: if, travelling in the same district both parties arrive near a forest which they do not have time to traverse before nightfall; or if they arrive simultaneously in an isolated place where they are unable to find two separate shelters; or, again, if they are endangered because of the presence of brigands in the neighbourhood so that the sădhvis have need of protection;34
- the acārya may visit the upāśraya of the sādhvis for spiritual purposes and also for setting practical concerns.35
33 Cf. Brks III, 1-2. In case of necessity, a brief visit may be paid from either side, just long enough to deliver a message, without the messenger sitting down in the upāśraya.
34 Cf. SthS 417.
35 Deo. 1956, pp. 380-381, where 20 reasons that justify these visits are listed.

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Here, too, is an example which shows that the sages of old who drew up these rules knew how to be both humane and flexible in their approach: if a muni gets a thorn in his foot that he does not manage to extract nor do his companions, if such exist, succeed in doing so and if a passing sådhvi offers to assist, then he may accept her help;36 so too if a muni has an insect in his eye;37 and, reciprocally, a muni may offer assistance to a sādhvi in similar circumstances. 38
As regards the norms of behaviour and customs enjoined by the sampradayas and acāryas in connection with these relationships, it can be said that generally at any rate the Tapāgacchas are particularly strict; the sādhvis are allowed only to be present at the munis' pravacanas and just to perform the vandana when they meet. Relations are more fraternal among the Terăpanthis. For example, munis may give courses of instruction to sådhvis. By virtue of the fact that this sect is very centralised and well-organised at every level, news is communicated regularly and the sādhvis know where such or such a muni is to be found and the tasks upon which they are severally engaged, and the same applies in the opposite direction.
Relationships with the śrävakas and Srāvikās
Once the fact is recognised that the sadhvis are not only nirgranthis but also śramaņis who have at heart the spiritual welfare of the members of the saṁgha, relationships can be straightforward and profound.39 However, in a community one must take into account the possibilities of each and the degree of maturity of the average member. One cannot expect perfect and immediate comprehension between the two sides. The sãdhvis need a certain period of training
36 Cf. Brks VI, 3.
37 Ibid., VI, 4.
38 Ibid., VI 5-6.
39 Cf. P 548 ff. and ch.6 for the part played by the sadhvis in the samgha; here it is primarily relationships in the course of vihāras that are being envisaged.

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541
before they can acquire good judgement, wisdom and discernment, qualities that are of the utmost importance in a guruņi. The sādhvis learn little by little to assimilate and live out in practice the teaching of the Scriptures on speech and the way one should speak, a teaching that they must apply at the time of gocari and in other daily contacts with the śrävakas and śrāvikās.40 During their halts in the upăśrayas, the sādhvi must avoid all that would excite quarrels.41 Rather, their presence, words or actions must pacify the quarrelsome. As they go from one place to another, they must avoid being the retailers of idle tales and gossip.
It must be added that, from diksă onwards, the sadhvis consider their relatives and friends as śrăvakas and śrāvikās, well-known ones of course, and this gives them the possibility, if they are receptive, to help them on the spiritual path.42
B - Paryusaņā: The place of retreat
When the monsoon is just starting, the groups of sādhvis, scattered throughout the various regions, make their way towards the place which they have chosen for their paryusaņā,43 their place of retreat during the cāturmāsya (the four months). Each year this period marks a new stage in their life. In the first place it is a time of stability, favoring svādhyāya, dhyāna, adhyayana, stress being laid throughout on upavāsa (fasting), while simultaneously they are readily available to śrāvakas and śrávikås for personal talks, regular courses of teaching, public or private, in accordance with the customs of the
40 Cf. AS II, 4, 1; DS VII (P 344 ff.).
41 Cf. DS culikā 2,5.
42 One sädhvi told me that she had gone to spend several days in the village of her birth in order to belp her mother prepare herself for the Great Departure.
43 Nowadays called varṣā-vāsa: the monsoon-dwelling.

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different gacchas.44 For the members of the samgha căturmāsya is the peak-period of the year, the period of spiritual renewal. It starts one month and twenty days after the beginning of the monsoon; it is the period which lasts from aşādha-pūmima to kärttika-purnimă (from the full moon which appears in mid-July to that of about mid-November). The period of the paryuşaņā was established, so tradition maintains, by Mahāvira himself. Why did he choose aşadha-purņimā? Because at that time of year house-holders have finished their tasks of housemaintenance and have taken in hand all necessary precautions for the rainy season, the thorough cleaning of every corner of the house, whitewashing, renewal of thatch or tiles, clearance of gutters to carry off the water, etc.45 The śramaņis are thus able to stay in clean and renovated houses. 46
Two important factors have had considerable influence on the rules of conduct drawn up for the paryuşaņā: the question of stability and the wetness of the season. Without entering into all the details, we shall try to pick out the most essential of the rules and discern their implications, taking the paryusaņākalpa as our guide.47
44 The śrāvakas customarily call the period of 8 to 10 days preceding the samvatsari, the 1st day of the Jaina New Year, paryuşaņā. This period extends from the 13th day of the dark fortnight of bhādra (August. September) to the 4th day of the bright fortnight of the same month - days of fervent devotion, of attending readings of the Sūtras, especially the Kalpasutra. The day of the samvatsari after pratikramana, the members of the samgha ask pardon from one another and also send cards with the traditional words of pardon printed on them to their friends and acquaintances, even to those who are not Jainas.
45 Cf. DasasS VIII, 1.
46 Nowadays most of the upăśrayas are solid buildings made of stone, in which the repair-work consists simply of cleaning and whitewashing.
47 Chapter VIII of the Dasass which corresponds to the last part of the KS; Mahāvira probably imparted this rule of life at Rājagļha, when surrounded by a throng of śramanas, śramanis, śrávakas and śråvikās; cf. DasasS VIII, 77.

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543
a) Avagraha-ksetra: Spatial limits of the area of residence
In this context the expression refers to the boundary-lines within which the sådhvis may move about during the căturmasya: - they are permitted, in the neighbourhood of the upaśraya, to cover a distance of five kośas (about sixteen kilometres), but no further,48
- within these boundary-lines they are free to come and go for gocari;
- they may change from one upăśraya to another, if necessary; in fact, they are permitted to have three upāśrayas, three refuges, in which by turns they may sojourn;49
- for some weighty reason, in a case of illness, for example, when a remedy for a sādhvi must be procured, two or three of her companions may travel a distance not exceeding four or five yojanas (about fifty kilometres) and may spend a night on the way. However, their errand once accomplished, they must return the selfsame day to the upāśraya of the paryusanā.50
b) Bhikṣā-carya: The search for food
The highly detailed rules concerning gocari are modified during this time of retreat, when the stationary life is favourable to tapas as a whole and in particular to vpavāsa (fasting) and when movement is rendered more difficult on account of the rains.
48 Cf. DasasS VIII, 8-11; if there is a river within the avagraha-kşetra and no bridge by which to cross it, then the area is more restricted.
49 Ibid., VIII, 73; this is simply a precautionary measure of particular relevance to villages where in the monsoon there is a proliferation of insects and every sort of vegetation. The sādhvis therefore are given the possibility of changing residence, if that which they are occupying does not permit them to carry out the vow of ahimsa as perfectly as possible during this season.
50 Ibid., VIII, 75.

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Upavāsa has a purificatory effect which is conducive to enhanced spiritual perception: the ātman frees itself from matter and the effort of concentration required for svādhyāya and dhyāna is facilitated.
The rain, falling plentifully or less plentifully depending upon the various regions, awakens life everywhere. After the scorching summer there is new birth everywhere, rapid growth everywhere. The monsoon is also destructive: rivers overflow their channels, floods cause terrible havoc, the roads are muddy and impassable. All these changes brought about by the rain have a considerable impact on the life of the sādhvis. They must redouble their attention every time that they go out. Here are the principal rules concerning the food prescribed for them and the special features of gocari during the paryusaņā.
- Those sãdhvis who are in good health must abstain from the five vikstis: milk, curds, clarified butter, oil and raw sugar-cane.51
- Weak or sick sādhvis may take the vikstis; those who go out in search of food must take instructions from the patient and from the
guruņi.52
- During these four months the sădhvis take, in prinicple, only one meal per day, but, if there are valid reasons, supplementary gocaris are permitted.53
- Certain sādhvis only take a meal every second day, others every third day. Certain ones fast for a longer period. In these cases there are special rules to be oberved when the fast in broken. Those who go out on gocari must take everything into consideration and accept only
51 Ibid., VIII, 16: khira, dahi, sappi, tilla, guda; KS 237 adds: navaniya, mahu, majja, masa, i.e. fresh butter, honey, liquor, meat; these foodstuffs are considered impure, for they are the product of a viksti, an internal alteration of substance.
52 Ibid., VIII, 17.
53 Ibid., VIII, 19-24.

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what it is suitable to consume after a prolonged abstinence from food.54
To avoid over-familiarity with the families of śravakas, a sadhvi must refrain, at the time of gocari, from asking for any object that she does not see in the house, for, to give her pleasure, the śravaka might contrive to obtain it or might even steal it.55
545
-
- For the same reason, the houses close to the upäśraya must not be visited too often; it is even laid down that one should not present oneself for gocari at any house closer to the upăśraya than the seventh.56
- When the rain is very heavy and continuous, the sadhvis must avoid going out for gocari. When caught in a downpour on their outward or homeward journey, they may take refuge in a house or in a shelter of some sort or even at the foot of a tree. If they are in a house and are offered something to eat, they may accept, provided that the dish has been prepared before their arrival. If the rain continues, they may take food in their place of refuge, but return before sunset.57
-
In a locality where there are munis close by, it can happen that a muni and a sadhvi, caught in a storm of rain, look for shelter. In this case, then, it is stated that one munis and one sädhvi must not stay alone together in the refuge they have chanced to find, nor one muni and two sadhvis or vice versa, nor even two munis and two sadhvis, nor, again, śrāvakas and sādhvis; but if there is a fifth person or if all the doors of the shelter are open, then they may remain together.58
54 Ibid., VIII, 25-34.
55 Ibid., VIII, 18.
56 Ibid., VIII, 36.
57 Ibid., VIII, 39-44.
58 Ibid., VIII, 45-47; nowadays these cases are very rare, except in very remote villages or on the occasion of a flood.

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c) The aşțasūkşmas: The eight categories of minute beings
Sūkşma means: the infinitely small. According to the doctrine, there are eight categories of beings that are so minute as to be impeceptible; these are: minute living beings with two sense organs; fungus of three types, namely, lichen, mildew, moss; grains; sprouts and seeds; flowers; eggs of insects or reptiles; habitats of insects, such as antheaps or wasps' nests; particles of humidity such as morningdew, hoar-frost, mist, hailstones. 59
The sādhvis must know the existence of these eight categories of minute living beings and be very attentive, in the course of their journeying, not to damage any of them. It is true that the iryāpathikasūtra, that they recite after they have been out of doors and during the two daily pratikramanas, purifies them from faults committed against these infinitesimally small beings. The pratilekhană in this season when the atmosphere is humid demands greater attention than during the rest of the year. 60
59 Ibid. VIII, 50-58; the 8 categories of sükşma are: pāņa, panaga, bia, hariya, puppha, amda, leņa, sineha; within the categories: lichens, grains, seeds, minute-sized flowers, there are, in each category, 5 different species colour-wise: black, blue, red, yellow, white. We read in the biography of Mahasati Mohanadevi that during a vihāra she paused with her group underneath a tree on account of the mist. A young man happened to pass that way. He was the son of a Jaina father and Musulman mother. Conversation began between him and the Mahāsati, who started by explaining to him the living properties of mist and went on to enocurage the young man, who felt himself drawn to the Jaina dharma, though the samgha of Syālakota was not willing to receive him. The large-hearted Mahāsati restored his confidene and told him of a muni who would receive him with open arms. When she arrived at the town, she sent for two śrāvakas, requesting them as true disciples of Mahavira to welcome this young man; cf. Hukamadevi pp. 135-141.
60 Cf. DasaS VIII, 67-68.

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d) Keśa-luñicana: The pulling out of the hair
Luñcana (the pulling out) of the keśa (hair) must always be done at the beginning of the paryuṣaṇā. In theory this is a literal pulling out of the hair; however, the possibility of using scissors or a razor is not excluded, though it appears that this is exceptional and applies only to sick ascetics.61 The second kesa-luñcana takes place usually in the spring and is not strictly obligatory.
e) Kṣamā-yācana: The request for pardon
During this period of retreat, devotion and fasting, special attention must be directed towards peace and good relations within the group. This is essential so that each may, without agitation, be a śramani working for her own purification. For this it is necessary to maintain oneself in the attitude inspired by ahimsa. The sadhvis are exhorted, at the beginning of the paryuṣaṇā, to avoid vexatious behaviour, disputes, quarrels and all that might engender bhāva-hiṁsā, inner violence. It is even said that if, after being warned, a sådhvi shows herself to be refractory in the maintenance of a good atmosphere, she must be expelled from the group.
62
Kṣamā-yācanā is the humble request for mutual pardon. If during the course of the caturmasya dissensions do take place, then let the one side and the other request and grant pardon. Let all be both givers and receivers of peace; it is only in calm and in peace that one can proceed on the true path.63
It is the attitude of submission to the guruni, of aparigraha of one's own will, that pre-disposes towards tranquillity. One does nothing without first asking permission, whether it is a question of vikṛti
61 Cf. DasasS VIII, 70, and comm. pp. 128-129.
62 Ibid., VIII, 71; cf. also DS X, 10; 18; US XVII, 12.
63 Ibid., VIII, 72.
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foodstuffs of which one feels the need or of some medical treatment or of very severe forms of penance or total fast till the last breath.64
It is affirmed that ascetics who follow these rules of conduct and teach them to others reach perfection, true wisdom, Liberation, nirvāna, some of them in this life and others after several lives. 65
After these four months one must take to the road again, unless the conditions do not permit, for example, if the area is still affected by a late monsoon, in which case offences against ahiṁsā would be unavoidable.66
C - Viśvamitrās: Friends to all
By taking life-long vows of ahiṁsā and aparigraha a sadhvi pledges herself to regard all jivas with infinite respect, to possess nothing, to be without attachment of any sort. It is precisely because she is a n.sgranthi that her vow of ahińsă is considerably re-inforced. In her daily contacts with the jivas, she must not be influenced by any egot stical intention, any selfish interest, any desire to possess or dominate. Ahińsă does not derive simply from a negative attitude: abstention form violence, hatred, anger, desire. It is also a positive orientation towards respectfulness, towards a disinterested and sincere friendship bent on the welfare of others. In the sphere of right vision and right conduct, the sole intention of a nirgranthi in her contact with all beings is the desire for their final Liberation.
64 Ibid. VIII, 62-65.
65 Ibid., VIII, 76.
66 Cf. AS II, 3, 1, 4; similarly, dikṣā can only be received after the căturmāsya.

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549
Visvamitrās means, literally, universal friends. At first sight this expression may appear to involve a contradiction, for to be a mitrā, friend, presupposes a bond, an attachment. Have we not seen in fact that their incessant effort is directed towards freeing themselves from every bandha?67 Does not this study impress upon us at every moment that the ideal of a sādhvi is to be nirgranthi?
Here we must in imagination take up our stance alongside one who, through dikṣā, a voluntary act undertaken in full knowledge of its meaning, has renounced all connections and repudiated the grip of the temporal; she still lives, however, in a perishable body, though she is already in a state of life that transcends saṁsāra. Now, it is for this very reason that she is truly and authentically viśvamitră, a universal friend. For the nirgranthis, the whole world is their family, each jiva is a bandhu, a friend. The desire that all jivas should be freed and should reach nirvana must not stay in the realm of intention, but must be manifested in a concrete way. To be a śramani involves in the first place a work of personal purification, but also an effort to help others, to give support to their own efforts, a help which will be the more efficacious just because it is more disinterested. How can the śādhvis, without losing sight of the Three Jewels, help the śrāvakas, śrāvikas and all jivas? Through their teaching, in public or in private, a teaching which concentrates on Scripture and the doctrine as transmitted by tradition. Through this activity, which in itself, being a prolongation of svădhyāya, earns them merit, they contribute to an awakening, or to a keener degree of awakening, in the minds of those who listen attentively to them, of upayoga, the faculty of understanding and awareness, an understanding that must always be accompanied by right vision and perfect conduct.68
The most effective teaching of the sădhvis is that which they give through the testimony of their life. They incarnate the ideal in which
67 Cf. P 306 ff.
68 Cf. P 268 ff. No doubt the more directly doctrinal teaching has been given during the course of the centuries, and is still more usually given by the munis. However, the śādhvis have in the past and still do supplement this same teaching in their own way, which should not be belittled and which has more impact than one might believe from the outside.

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every Jaina believes and towards which he strives. In the midst of a world dominated by power, money and the passions, they are a constant reminder of spiritual values. In the course of meetings, during vihāras and the paryusaņā, they are called upon without prior preparation to give direct teaching of a very varied sort, adapted to the requirements of different persons, places and circumstances. We know already that at the upāśraya, generally in the early afternoon, they are available to receive callers. They are consulted on many subjects, ranging from questions concerning the practice of spiritual exercises or some vow to be made to matters concerning confession, some family problem or some decision that must be taken. They are there to listen, to give advice, and their counsel, if not always followed, is at least held in high regard. It goes without saying that the suggestions they make are in line with samyak-căritra. It is naturally mothers of families and girls who consult them the most, but many fathers and young people in general also seek counsel from them.69
It can be said that in the course of the centuries the sādhvis, together with the munis but in a less obvious way, have been the pillars of the samgha. If their role has been overshadowed - and that on account of the secondary place officially assigned to women in society - it has been none the less an effective one and remains so.
Side by side with this type of personal instruction, they give also a broader and more public type of instruction in various ways, sometimes through gatherings and homilies, sometimes through their writings or, again, through the holiday-camps that they organise. Whichever of these forms the teaching takes, if the initiative comes from a śādhvi or group of śădhvis, the practical realisation of the project happens with both the assent and the collaboration of the saṁgha: it is always, to a greater or lesser extent, according to each case, a community undertaking.
69 I know one śrāvaka who owes his vocation as a brahmacārin to the wise counsel of a śädhvi who continues as his spiritual guide.

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551
a) Pravacanas: Teaching on the dharma
This word so familiar to all Jainas denotes all that is expressed through speech, and thus: lecture, homily, or address, that explains or comments upon the Scriptures or the doctrine, basing itself always upon tradition. There is a very great variety of pravacanas to be found in the different sampradāyas and among different šādhvis and audiences. Generally, the Tapāgaccha śādhvis, particularly in Gujarăta, do not give instruction in public; they must confine themselves to talks in the upăśraya and to groups of śrāvikås. The Kharataragaccha, Sthānakavāsi and Terāpanthi sādhvis give instruction in the form of public lectures addressed to all: men, women, Jainas and members of other religious traditions. 70
Pravacanas must have a well-defined aim. Eight categories of subjects to be treated are distinguished, within which a great latitude is possible; these subjects are concerned with: - everything that is related to peace, to ahiṁsā; - to renunciation of sin; - victory over the passions; - inner peace; - purity of intention; - simplicity; the struggle against pride and vanity; - goodness, forbearance; - non-possession, freedom of spirit in regard to goods and wealth of every kind. 71
70 Cf. P 591 ff. on the appeal of sadhvi Vicakşaņa, a remarkable example of ecumenism. Šādhvi Sajjana (1960, p. 88) writes that: "the munis and sadhvis give to the teaching upon the doctrine the importance of an obligation". During the sojourn in their midst of a learned śådhvi well-known for her oratorical gists, the śrāvakas of the place sometimes get printed and circulated invitation-cards to the pravacanas.
71 ....saṁtis, viratim, uvasamam, ņivvāṇam, soyaviyar, ajjaviyam,
maddhaviyam, lāghaviyaṁ. ..AS I, 6, 5, 3 and Nathamala comm. pp. 261-262; Sramans, pp. 412-413.

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The sādhvis do not confine themselves to the abstract, preaching a very lofty ideal far removed from daily life. They speak in very
te terms, attacking evil at its roots and in all its forms. They are remarkable for their forthright denunciation of abuses, injustices, corruption, fraud, greed, covetousness, love of money, evils all of them that can corrode any society and, more particularly, a community that is composed for the great part of business-men, industrialists and bankers. They have all the more freedom to speak and to speak in no uncertain terms because they themselves are anagāri, perpetually on vihāra, possessing nothing. They endeavour to pull out the tares and sow good seed. Then they depart, time scarcely permitting them either to incur hostility or arouse lasting attachments. They are particularly set on unmasking all forms of hypocrisy, for they know well that in this world many dishonest people pass themselves off as being sincere.73 At the same time, they must preach without harshness, without wounding. 74 It is very difficult to keep a happy mean. However, when the sādhvis live out their ideal, their attitude and their words are attuned to the essentials of the dharma and there is not so much need for them to reflect in advance on how they should express themselves. During the paryuşaņā, when the pravacanas happen daily, they sometimes choose to comment on a Sūtra. In this way the oral tradition is carried on, through which one learns to know the doctrine by listening to the wise, those men and women who, within the samgha, have the mission of transmitting it to others.75
72 Several biographies give evidence of changes of heart among the audience; cf. e.g. Hukamadevi, p. 266. One observes that the guruņis were always reluctant to stay too long in one place, even if the śravikas were eager to retain them.
73 Cf. DS VII, 48.
74 Ibid., VII, 11.
1 In well-organised centres the sråvakas or srāvikas have collected the pravacanas of certain sādhvis and published them, with the aim of preserving them, deepening their own undertanding of them and leaving them to posterity; cf. e.g. the collected pravacanas of Mahāsatis Ujjvalakumări; Umarāvakusvara; Sadhvi Vicaksana. At Bikānera, during the căturmasya of 1975, at a camp on the dharma, Sadhvi Hemaprabhā, a disciple of Sadhvi

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553
Here a question arises. Since the sādhvis are natives of different areas and travel from North to South and from East to West, in what language do they address their audience? The Svetāmbaras are established chiefly in Gujarāta, Rājasthāna, Madhya Pradeśa and Panjāba, and they are to be found in other regions also, though coming originally from these afore-mentioned States. All speak their own mother tongue and Hindi. Many of the sādhvis know Hindi and, except in Gujarāta, they generally address their hearers in Hindi. Certain ones of them, if they stay long enough in the same area, study its language and, if it seems more appropriate for those present, they give their pravacanas in the local language.
b) Dharma-granthas: Religious works
The pravacana may be by far the most common way of passing on the teaching, but the written word is also used and is beginning to be frequently used in certain gacchas. Moreover, writing, for those sādhvis who possess literary or poetic gifts, is a continuation of svādhyāya. They pass on to others their knowledge, their own insights and reflections, prompted by an eager desire to enlighten, guide and encourage those men and women who will read their writings. These works are of four different types:
Dharma-granthas: Doctrinal works
These are books and writings on the subject of spirituality and doctrine, the two being inseparable. These wirtings are as yet few in number and up to this present time the Tapāgaccha sādhvis, just as in regard to publicly delivered pravacanas, have received little encouragement to write. By way of contrast, the other sādhvis do so gladly, so far as their own possibilities permit. The writing of a
Vicakşaņa, gave during her course of regular pravacanas a systematic exposition of the doctrine, subsequently published in book form: Śri jaina dharma praveśikā, a dharma-grantha of 168 pp. of which 4,400 copies were printed; cf. Appendix I.
In certain sampradāyas the sādhvi who is giving the pravacana is seated on a long low table with the other sādhvis on either side. In others, only the sadhvi who is speaking sits on the low table. The pravacanas are not necessarly given by the guruņi.

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grantha is the task of the sādhvi author; all the selling of the book, is the affair of the saṁgha. It is of small importance in what place or successive places the sădhvi does her writing; when the moment comes, a śrāvaka or a śrāvikā or a group of them takes charge of all the practical questions. For a samgha it is accounted a joy and an honour when a sādhvi writes a worthwhile book. 76 In this category of dharma-granthas are also included articles and contributions of sādhvis, regular or less regular, 10 a montly revue, the mouthpiece of their gaccha, and also collections of pravacanas.
Unquestionably, the itinerant life does not lend itself to authorship.77 The period of the paryusaņā is more favourable, but then there are pravacanas to give and visitors to receive, to each of which one must be readily available. Furthermore, fasting, even though it resines the spirit and is instrumental in its awakening, can also lessen a person's physical resistance. Finally, this period is very short. Moreover, it is necessary to be able to consult documents and have access to librarics.
Jivana-caritras: Biographies
We are referring here to biographies of sādhvis. These are as yet rare and it takes a long time to discover them.78 Most of them narrate the life of a pravartini or guruņi and are written by a sādhvi disciple or by a śrāvikā. Others describe the extraordinary spiritual achievement of some sādhvi. The majority of these biographies are written after their heroine's Departure, though a few are still alive. These biographies, written as they are unaffectedly and with great devotion
76 It is impossible here to go fully into the content, structure, and style of some of the dharma-granthas, this being the task of a critical and thus specialised study; cf. Appendix I.
77 Sadhvi Rājimati told me it took her several years to produce her book: Yoga ki prathama kirana, the 1st vol. of a series on Yoga; she possesses t documents for the other vols., but would need several months of stability to complete the task; cf. Appendix I.
78 Cf. ch.6.

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and coming out of the actual milieu of the śramanis, are most interesting and, indeed, are highly valuable documents. The authors are not seeking either renown or honours, they are not writing for a larger public. They are simply performing with fervour an act of devotion and desire to present to their contemporaries and to posterity examples to imitate. Through these lives, we know many true to life characteristics and events observed on the spot, which reveal not only the arduous life of the sadhvis and the incredible difficulties they encounter, but also the different circles in which they move, from that of the simple village in the arid desert to that of the princely family of a large city.
Kavyas: Poctic compositions
The sadhvis, especially those from Rājasthāna, have a vast repertoire of poetry. They embellish their pravacanas with passages from poems and songs that they know by heart. This natural faculty prompts certain ones of them to compose their own poems. Up till now these poetic compositions have scarcely been known at all outside the group where they originated; however, a few collections have now been published.79 These poems speak of the dharma and only the dharma, but, as their mode of expression comes from a poetic inspiration, they are able to touch the heart and to convince more easily than the dharma-granthas or in a different way.
Anuvādas: Translations
Translation is another intellectual activity of contemporary sadhvis, translation of the Agamas or doctrinal texts from Prakrit or Sanskrit into the vernaculars. This very specialised task, hitherto undertaken only by scholarly monks, is beginning to be of interest to a few able sādhvis. This is an important work, firstly for the sadhvis who can greatly profit from these translations and also for the śravakas and śrāvikās.80
79 Cf. e.g. Saragama of Sadhvi Kanakaprabhā; Jalati maśāla of Sādhvi Mañjulā.
80 This subject has been already introduced P 494 ff.

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c) Mahilasamghas: Women's associations
Enlightened guruņis of all sampradāyas have always been concerned for the development and emancipation of women.81 In spite of their itinerant life, several of them have taken part in the establishment of permanent organisations which have contributed, and still do, to the religious and general education of women and girls:
Mahilā Satsangas: Women's spiritual associations
These are groups for śrāvikās whose aim, a purely spiritual one, is directed towards knowledge of the dharma, meditation upon it, the performance of the rites, the singing of bhajanas (hymns of praise), the organisation of conferences, the publication of books and other activities of the local samgha. This type of association which takes place in small groups encourages friendly relations, maintains fervour and stimulates a desire for knowledge. The sādhvis' part is to awaken interest in these societies, to help in establishing them during the căturmāsya and to provide fresh momentum during their halts. We read, for example, in the life of Sādhvi Vicakṣaṇa how, while sojourning in Madrās during the cāturmāsya of 1967, she helped with the formation of such groups in the different quarters of the town.82
Kanya Vidyālayas : Schools for girls
The pioneers have always been conscious of the fact that sound and enlightened teaching is necessary for young and adolescent girls. In our own day, many prejudices have melted away and, at least in the towns, more and more girls are attending schools and colleges. In
81 This is very striking in the biographies.
82 Cf. Ramapuriya, 1966, pp. 414-422. Her influence was so powerful that, when I was meeting with some śrāvakas in Madrās in 1972, they were often speaking with enthusiasm of the solid foundations laid by Sadhvi Vicaksana. Mahāsati Mohanadevi did likewise in Panjāba and in Dilli; cf. Hukamadevi, pp. 187; 256-258; cf. also Umarăvakuravara, 1962, pp. 52-53, where it is said that during her sojourn at Mukeriyān in Panjāba, a Mahilā Mandala for women and a Svādhyāya Mandala for men were organised.

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557
1927, when Mahāsati Mohanadevi, in reply to some śrāvakas of Dilli who were wishing to commemorate the cāturmāsya that she had spent among them by a concrete gift and one that would last, replied that the most precious gift of all was vidya-dāna, the gift of knowledge, understanding and science, and that her request was that they should found a girls' school where not only would various ordinary subjects be taught but where the pupils would also be given a training in their own culture and Jaina tradition, this was an extremely novel proposal! She insisted greatly on the necessity of such institutions for the development of womankind and that of society at large.83 The śrāvakas applied themselves to the task, the school was founded and still exists today84
Kanya Siviras : Camps for young and older girls
Here we have an innovation of our own day. Sivira means a camp or a tent used in a camp, the word, until these last years, being used only in connection originally with the king's army and then, simply, with the army. Fairly recently, however, youth camps or camps for students or other groupings, have begun to take place frequently. Sadhvi Nirmalā,85 struck by the prevailing lopsidedness in favour of far-ranging and all-absorbing profane studies in contrast to a poor range of religious studies, especially those of a tradition whose adherents are a tiny minority - this state of affairs being aggravated by
83 Cf. Hukamadevi, pp. 149-150.
84 Mahāsati was very concerned to alert the śrāvakas to the crying needs of the day, particularly as regards education, culture and religion. Later on, in Jammū, she inspired a śrāvaka who was at that time a minister of the king to found a Jaina Vidyālaya, where, as in Dilli, general instruction was combined with the teaching of the Jaina dharma; ibid., pp. 222-223. Similarly, mention is made (cf. Umarāvakumvara, 1962, pp. 25-26) of the founding, in the same spirit and with the same intention, in Rājasthāna and Jammū, of Brāhmi Mahila Mandalas, associations of young women and girls for the study of literature with prepartion for a series of examinations; the name Brāhmi was chosen in memory of the erudite daughter of Ādinātha.
85 She belongs to the Tapāgaccha of Gujarāta; cf. P 255.

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the surrounding climate of the modern 'secularised' age - had the idea, with the co-operation of the sadhvis of her group and the śrávakas of the local samghas, of organising some śiviras for one month of the summer vacation. In these camps they endeavour to impart to young and older Jaina girls the basic tenets of the doctrine in an atmosphere of study, retreat and discipline, though leisure pursuits are not excluded.
Between 1966 and 1972 Sadhvi Nirmalā has organised thirteen such camps, the first ones in Gujarāta and subsequently in Rājasthāna. 86 Well before these camps came into being, some sādhvis had become interested, especially during hte căturmāsya, in the spiritual training of children.87 The Kanya Siviras are the continuation of this tradition. The participants often number more than a hundred, of all ages, from the primary school level to that of college. All live in. Sadhvi Nirmalā is firm in this regard, in order to avoid comings and goings and distractions of any sort. The programme is a harmonious blend of study of the dharma, an initiation into reflective thought, mental concentration and the practice of the chief rites, sāmāyika and pratikramana, in an atmosphere of devotion, musical accompaniment and singing. The camp ends with an examination. Quite a few girls attend the camp several years in succession.
Sadhvi Nirmală aims at giving a solid well-thought-out training suitable for our day and age and at arousing in the girls thereby a sense of belonging to a well-defined, rich and lively tradition. She transmits to them the essentials of the doctrine, a synthesis of the vast culture from which it springs. Later on, on return to their families, they are able to build on these foundations, continue to study and live in this same spirit, go beyond the routine of family obscrvances and affirm their own identity in the world of the school.88
86 From 1966 to 1970 at Ahmadābād and Bhāvanagara, then in the chief cities of Rajasthāna: Jayapura, Jodhapura, Udayapura and other places
87 Mahāsati Mohanadevi, e.g., had started some Bāla Satsangas, devotional classes for children; cf. Hukamadevi, pp. 179-180; 187. 88 I have not had the opportunity of visiting one of these Kanyà Śiviras, but in February 1975 Sādhvi Nirmala convened at Jodhapura, where she then was, a follow-up mccting of 3 days for those girls who had taken part in the

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Pravrajyā: The Itinerant Life
559
These camps are very dependent upon the material resources of the local samgha and upon its collaboration in the practical matters of organisation. After each camp, a fairly voluminous commemorative brochure with numerous photos is published. 89 Certain of the participants write articles and this brochure is an effective means of publicizing the Kanyā Siviras, their aim and its fulfilment in practice, among the members, both near and far, of the Tapāgaccha.
Other sādhvis, among the Kharataragacchas, have also organised camps, in particular sādhvi Maniprabha Sri.
The making known of the dharma to all beings with an infinite respect for each one docs not happen by itself. One must have had time to root oneself firmly in the tradition, to assimilate the message of the arhats, to have matured through dhyāna and svădhyāya, to have been purified through the practice of tapas:
The ascetic, possessing right vision, knowing the Āgamas, having compassion for all beings, must preach, propagate and proclaim the dharma in all directions. 90
The ascetic, preaching the dharma after much reflection,,(must do so] without prejudice either towards himself, or towards anyone at all or towards the categories of beings...(And when he is empty of self, in friendship with all,) ...the great ascetic, like an island never submerged by the waters, becomes the place
summer camp in that city. I was able to attend the day-long meetings. The difference between this and the summer camp, in addition to the shorter duration, was that the participants returned to their own homes in the evenings.
89 Cf. Kanya-Śivira: Jodhapura 1974; Sirohi 1975; Udayapura 1976; Jodhapura 1979.
90 oe samiyadaṁsaņe. dayaṁ logassa jāņittä päiņam padiņas dāhiņam
udinaṁ äikkhe vibhae kitte veyavi. ASI, 6, 5, 2; cf. SKS I, 13, 19.

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of refuge for all living things carried along by the waves (of sarsāra].91
aņuvii bhikku dhammamāikkhamāņe-ņo attaņām āsāejjā. ņo paraṁ āsāejjā, ņo aņņāim panaim bhūyäis jivāim sattāim āsāejjā. ... vujhamāņāņam pāņānaṁ bhūyāņam jivānaṁ sattānam jahā se dive asamdine, evam se bhavai saranaṁ mahāmuni AŞ I, 6, 5, 4.

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Chapter 5.
Antimâ Suddhi: The final purification
An unavoidable halt by the way: The atman withdraws from the bodily sheath
As long as he the ascetic]is not weighed down by old age, as long as sickness does not increase,
as long as his senses do not lose their keenness, he must follow the dharma.1
One of the conditions for receiving dikṣā is good health, a wellbalanced physique, the physical resistance necessary if one is to lead a hard ascetic life, void of all comforts, in which fasts are frequent, and which demands constant interior disicipline. The sadhvis, in the same way as all human beings, must face illness, old age, the decline of strength and powers of endurance, until finally they leave this world.
Given their type of itinerant life and the rules that derive from it, the sadhvis find themselves impelled by sickness and old age to adopt certain modifications and adaptations which vary according to the requirements of the case and the decision of each sampradaya. At the same time they make every endeavour to safeguard fidelity to the spirit of the mahāvratas.
A-Roga: Illness
The Agamas contain little that is explicit on this subject. The few references, gleaned from here and there, indicate briefly that physical ills and pains are in all likehood due to excesses - too lengthy vigils, too much sleep, too long distances covered to failures in attention
J
1
jarā jāva na pilei vähi jāva na viḍdhai
jāvimdiyā na hayaṁti tāva dhammaṁ samāyare. DS VIII,35.

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and carelessness in regards to food, or again to a lack of control over the passions.2
Ascetic discipline demands that one should not pay too much attention to one's maladies; however, it is stipulated that one must treat the sufferers kindly, put oneself at their service, procure for them such food as is suitable.? Massage and the use of various ointments, balms, liniments, powders and medicinal herbs are permitted to the sick. 4
Generally, the concern is to preserve a proper balance between ahimsă and käyotsarga; on the one hand, one must avoid for oneself and for others anything that is violent or causes suffering, and neglect an illness or a wound may be a form of hiṁsā; on the other hand, is it not necessary to proceed towards kāyotsarga, the abandonment of the body? At this point the wisdom and spirit of discemment and long experience of the ācārya or guruņi or the senior sādhvis have a decisive importance. No sādhvi may take an initiative alone, but she may certainly express, with daughterly respect, her feelings in the matter and the guruni, with maternal care, having regard both to the physical strength of her disciple and to the question of the purification of the atman, must decide over the advisability or not of following some treatment or consulting a doctor. There are no strict rules, common to all; all depends on the cases in question."
Reading the biographies of sădhvis, one notices that the attitude regarding the care of the sick was different at the beginning of this century from what it is today. In this, as in many other matters, the
2 Cf. Sths 667.
3 Vaiyávrtya: service or nursing-care for those who are undergoing severe penances and the suffering. The first-named may become very enfeebled and the second are handicapped by their illness; cf. SkrS I,3,3, 20.
4 Cf. Brks V, 48-49.
5 A sadhvi may, in the case of a serious or chronic illness, such as prevents her being faithful to her vows, request permission to end her life by samlekhanā; cf. P 566 ff.

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Antimă Śuddhi: The Final Purification
sādhvis who are in constant contact with society at large, tend to follow the customs of the day, while at the same time pursuing their ascetic life. In olden days the sädhvis were inclined to put up with suffering and illness without paying much heed to it and to walk in a heroic manner to the end, without complaint. They sought relief hardly at all, the illness was all part of the process of purification and, though not ill-treating the body, they let it disintegrate little by little and fulfil its course as a bodily sheath, which is material and thus perishable in kind. In our own day, for the most part, the sadhvis are not only cared for and visit the doctor, but they may also enter hospital, follow a course of treatment there and even undergo an operation. After a stay in hospital or an operation, they must expiate by the appropriate prāyaścittas all the faults against ahimsa that they have incurred.7
563
Going on from these few general considerations, let us see how things work out during the vihāras. If a sadhvi is ill for a short while, the group prolongs its stay, waiting for her to be well again. If the illness requires a lengthy treatment in some given place, then there are several possibilities from which to choose as the particular case suggests: in a sizeable group the sadhvis divide up, the greater number depart on vihara with the guruni, while several sådhvis remain behind with the invalid. This smaller group often remains on the spot, changing, if possible, their upāśraya from time to time to another in the same locality; or again, the sick sadhvi is left in the care of some śrāvikā till her recovery. Sometimes there are cases of some chronic illness which prevents a sadhvi moving from place to place.
6 One notices, e.g., a difference in this regard between the biography of Sadhvi Punya (1858-1916) and that of our contemporary, Sadhvi Vicakṣaṇa. Now, both belonged to the same gaccha and both were zealous sadhvis, but the epoch was different; cf. P 575 ff.; 584 ff.
7
The Terapanthis are on the whole strict and little in favour of surgical operations; in certain cases a sadhvi may, after an operation, receive a new dikṣā.

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Usually in this case the sădhvi remains in an upăśraya and menibers of the group take tums in staying at her side. 8
A sadhvi who is temporarilly indisposed or is suffering from some chronic ailment leads a sedentary life; no vihăra, no gocari. If she is unable to walk, then, when the time comes to move on, she is transported in a sedan-chair or palanquin. She must oftentimes atone by means of prāyaścittas for the infringements of the rules occasioned by her sickness. If her condition permits, she can devote more time to svădhyāya.
As for the expenses incurred to pay for treatments, these are left to the goodwill and generoisty of the doctors, śrävakas and śrāvikās. Here again, all depends on places and circumstances. It may happen that a sadhvi falls seriously ill in an area where there is no Jaina samgha, the guruņi is then obliged with all speed to consult the doctor of the local hospital and afterwards she will take steps to inform the ācārya and the nearest śrāvakas.
B - Vrddhăvasthă: Old age
There is little to be said as regards the practical arrangements for this state, for old age is a form of chronic ailment. When vigour has diminished and resistance become less, the physical faculties experience a slowing-down, a sort of loss of momentum. Vihāra and gocari are only possible occasionally or are not now possible at all. An aged sådhvi stays in an upāśraya and serveral sådhvis take turns in remaining at her side. She is now the highly-respected senior and the sådhvis are glad to put themselves at her service and alleviate her infirmities. This diminishment of her physical potential and some lessening of keenness in the senses are not necessarily accompanied by a spiritual regression, indeed to the contrary. A sadhvi who has reached a great age stays among her companions as a living testimony to that pilgrimage which is ever directed towards the ideal that all are seeking. She is an encouragement and a stimulant for the young. Even if she can no longer read, even if her memory is failing, she can
8 At Ahmadnagara Mahāsati Ujjvalakumări, suffering from a severe eyedisease stayed for several years in the upăśraya.

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Antima Suddhi: The Final Purification
always and ceaselessly repeat with conviction the Namaskāra-mantra, give counsel to the others, a counsel that bears the mark of a maturity acquired in the course of her long experience. She lives already in that final simplicity which is unifying, peaceful, serene, the culmination of the ascetic life.9
The Terapanthi sädhvis have at Lăḍanūṁ, ever since their foundation, a Seva Kendra, or service-centre, for aged and sick sădhvis, an institution that is unique among the śramaņis. Each year, turn and turn about, a group of sådhvi volunteers is attached to this
centre.
565
The Seva Kendra is a large house in the middle of a vast courtyard, in a quiet part of this small town. On the ground floor there is a large hall for pravacanas, with spacious verandas where the rite of the åvasyakas takes place at the end of the day. The vairāginis of the Samstha come for the vandana. The sadhvis reside on the first floor. In 1978, they numbered twenty-two sadhvis, the majority of them aged and one blind. The sadhvis who waited upon them numbered ten. All had been taken into consideration ahead of time by the ācārya, so that the aged sådhvis might have healthy and manageable living conditions, without abandoning their ascetic practice. Each has a place of her own in which to take rest, where she can also keep a few objects on a shelf; certain ones have a small cell, others share a larger one. They take their meals on a large veranda. In accordance with their physical possibilities and capacities they keep themselves occupied. The volunteer sadhvis spend their days with them, and go on gocari for them, but sleep in separate rooms.
As the Seva Kendra is, since the beginning of the gana, the one and only permanent centre and since the Terapanthis keep up to date without fail a sort of chronicle, their precious archives are kept in that place. They are consevered in metal cupboards and are carefully
9 Mention must be made at this point of Mahāsati Śri Pannādevi, who has been residing for the last several years in a Dilli upāśraya. She is an example of a śramani who, at more than 90 years, is nearing the end of a long life in great serenity of spirit, which radiates to all, in the midst of a few of her disciples who hold her in reverence and respect; cf. P 620 ff.

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wrapped in cloth. Despite the scorching dust-storms of summer, these archives are in a perfect state of preservation. From time to time, sadhvi volunteers come for the pratilekhana of the manuscripts and inspect and dust them carefully. They constitute a great treasurehouse of historic documents going back over more than two hundred
years!10
C - Mahāprasthāna: The Great Departure
It may happen at any age, at any time, at any place.11 However, unless struck down, as if by lightning, by some grave illness or accident, one may usually foresee the approach of this Departure. The śrăvakas and śråvikās spare no pains in their efforts to prolong the life that is precious to the samngha. They summon one or more doctors and procure the remedies. 12 If the sick or aged sådhvi is no longer fully conscious, the other sådhvis are at her side to aid and uphold her. The śramani, who all her life has been exerting herself, working at her own purification, must continue this effort up to the very end. She can, if she has the strength, choose certain forms of pratyakhyāna, but what matters most of all is the inner cleansing from every trace of fault, so as to depart in rectitude of heart and intention. She makes a final ālocană and recites the pratikramana-sutra and other sūtras. She may renew her commitment by repeating the formula of the mahāvratas, reaffirm her faith in the dharma taught by the arhats by saying once again the Namaskāra-mantra. When the sādhvi, already on the threshold of departure, is too weak to pronounce these sūtras distinctly, another sadhvi utters them in an audible voice s may unite herself to the act or perhaps murmur them under her breath.
10 Cf. P 246 ff.
11 Tradition distinguishes 2 types of death: bāla-maraņa, that of those who have no reasoning-powers, are puerile, ignorant; and: pandita-maraņa, that of the sages; cf. US V, 2-3.
12 Cf. e.g. Hukamadevi, pp. 319-321.

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Antimā Śuddhi: The Final Purification
Every effort is made to help her to stay alert, conscious of the ideal she has taken for her own, right up to the last breath.13
Once the sadhvi has breathed her last, then it is the śrävakas and śrävikäs who, duly forwarned, attend forthwith to the mortal remains. The body, clothed in the garb of a sädhvi,is generally placed in a seated position within a niche-shaped structure made of fine wood; only the back part is enclosed, the three other sides being open so that the crowd can see the body. This "niche" is shaped like a cupola resting on decorated archs and pillars, which in turn are mounted on wooden supports carried by four men on the shoulder.14 The body may also be in a lying position.15 During the procession, the crowd, manifesting both grief and reverence, is close-packed right up to the place where the rite of cremation is to take place. The biographers of Sadhvi Ratnavati call this final procession 'nirvāṇa-yātrā'16 It is an important day for the local saṁgha, a special festival-day, that of the performance of the last rites in honour of a 'Śramani', 'Nirgranthi', 'Sadhvi' 'Mahāsati'.
567
This type of mahāprasthāna is by far the most usual and is the normal way of concluding earthly existence, simply waiting for the vital breath to cease. However, it is not the only way. If there are weighty reasons, a sadhvi may, with the consent of the ācārya and her
13 I have not personally been present on such an occasion. These details were given me by Mahāsati Ujjavalakumāri. In the biography of Sadhvi Punya we read how she expressed the desire that someone should read her the US; weak and breathless but still clear in her mind, she mentioned to the śrāvakas, who were asking her who would take her place, the name of the one who should succeed her as pravartini; cf. Sajjana, 1960, pp. 405-406
14 Cf. the photos in the biographies of Sadhvis Ratnavati, Bălū and Candrayaśā.
15 Cf. the photos in the biography of Mahāsati Canda.
16 The procession of nirvana; cf. Śricandra, 1966, the 2 photos following pp. 96-97. The sadhvis do not take part in the procession. When the body leaves the upåśraya, they say: "O worshipper of the Three Jewels, abandon this illusory body!" (This among the Sthanakavāsis).

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guruņi, decide herself to advance the moment of the Great Departure by a total and absolute fast. Such cases, though very rare, constitute a continuation of a very ancient tradition. The motives differ: an illness, perhaps, or some infirmity that is a permanent hindrance to the life of an anagari.17 In the most frequent cases, when the end is approaching and it is clear that illness or old age are not likely to llow longer time to live, the sãdhvis elect to pass their last days in a supreme act of self-purification, knowing full well what will be the final issue.18 Finally, there are cases when, without having specifically chosen to do so, a sādhvi fades away as a consequence of lengthy, repeated fasts. She had not envisaged a long, terminal fast, nor in this case is the mahāprasthāna due to sickness or old age, but rather to a burning zeal for self-purification. 19
This type of total purification by a fast which leads inevitably to the Great Departure is usually called by tradition saṁlekhană. Samlekhanā means, literally, emaciation, both of the body, in this context, and the passions. The essential features of samlekhană are:
- dravya-saṁlekhaná or anaśana, fasting; the abstinence from all food and drink, including water, is called: bhakta-pratyākhyāna-maraņa (the pratyākhyāna from food up to death) or caturvidhanasana (lifelong quadruple fast);
- bhāva-saṁlekhană, total renunciation, that is, freedom from the clutches of the passions and self-mastery with consequent interior peace;
17 In extreme cases, where there are only two alternatives, the serious infringement of a vow or death, death is to be chosen; cf. AS I, 7, 4, 2; and Nathamala, Āyāro, p. 314.
18 Cf. AS 1, 7, 6,3; US XXXV, 20.
19 For these last two instances, we have the example of 2young sädhvis, Sadhvis Ratnavati and Candrayaśā; cf. P 609 ff.; 597 ff.

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Antima Suddhi: The Final Purification
- śarīra-sthirikarana, control of the body and the maintenance of it in a posture conducive to concentration.20
The rite of samlekhanā begins with confession; this must take place in a calm, sequestered spot, free from plants and other beings that could provoke himsā. Pilgrimage-places are always advocated.21 If the sadhvi in question has sufficient strength, she seats herself on the ground itself or on a saṁstāra (stone platform) in one of the correct postures for concentration. If she is too weak, she may sit or lie down on a saṁstāra of straw or dry grass, facing the East or the North. She then recites the praṇipăta-sūtra, praise to the siddhas and arhats and a short salutation to her ācārya. Then follows the promise of total pratyākhyāna, that is to say, of final renunciation for ever of all activity contrary to the Three Jewels, to the mahāvratas, etc. Finally, renunciation of all food, all drink, and finally of the body itself. This is ultimate käyotsarga.
22
569
Samlekhană, according to certain texts, is the conclusion of a period of twelve years' or of one year's or of six months' partial fasts, observed sytematically and ending in mahāprasthāna.23
Whatever may be the motivation for saṁlekhanā and the minor differences in the observance of this rite, the important point is this: we have here a religious act of the highest significance for the sadhvi who undertakes it.24 This final fast, which is accompanied by a
20 Cf. Nathamala, Āyāro, ns. 17 and 20; pp. 314-316; AS I, 7, 8 where samlekhana is described under slightly differing forms.
21 Cf. Ysas III, 149. There comes to mind the large number of samlekhanās on the part of munis and aryikās performed at Śravana Belgola between the VIIth and XIIth c.; cf. P 216 ff.
22 Cf. Amolaka Ṛși, 1968, pp. 683-688; also Prakirṇaka VI "saṁstāraka"; X "maraṇasamādhi" (JSBI, pp. 355; 361-362).
23 Cf. US XXXVI, 249-254.
24 It is permitted not only to ascetics, but also to śrāvakas and śrāvikās to opt for samlekhanä; cf. TS VII, 22; YSas III, 148-154.

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corresponding inner state of mind and which is the outcome of a free choice and unflagging effort, is and ultimate form of purification which helps the spirit concentrate upon the sole Reality, the atman, casting aside the body, attachments and passions, affirming the while an unshakeable conviction that the kåya is nothing more than a material and perishable vehicle, which, through its association with the atman, has obscured right vision because of all the karmas it has collected. In a supreme act, the sådhvi must strive to reach the highest possible level of upayoga (awareness of being), a level which she will inherit in her next life and which will thrust her forward, if she perseveres in the path of the dharma and of asceticism, towards the goal of final Liberation from all karmas, towards her real atman, towards nirvāņa.

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Chapter 6.
Sugandha: Sweet fragrance
The ascetic who is fervent in the practice of austerity, whose spirit is directed towards mokṣā1
who is well-established in patience and self-mastery, victorious over afflictions, will readily attain the happy state [which leads to mokṣa].2
After following a long trail that has permitted us by successive stages to gain insight into how the doctrine is put into practice in the life of the śramanis, we find ourselves offered at the end of this vihāra a gift, one that represents the quintessence of all that we have discovered up till now. A sugandha, a fragrant, delicate, light perfume is emitted from a bunch of flowers of varied hue, flowers of the desert, of the fields, of the countryside or of the towns. These flowers are the authentic biographies of contemporary sadhvis who, though often concealed from the eyes of the world and of the learned, charm with their pleasing fragrance those who approach them with the same faith and simplicity as inspired the sadhvis who lived them and those who wrote them It is precisely because these biographies make no pretensions, aiming only to edify, and because they were composed spontaneously as a token of daughterly or sisterly affection that they are most precious documents and "pearls of great price". Their value is also due to the fact that each of them was written within the bosom of a sampradaya or gaccha for the members of these same communities. The language and verbal expressions used are those of. a given milieu. It was in this same milieu that one of the group stood head and shoulders above the rest, inspired thought and reflection, kindled hearts, aroused enthusiasm, reawakened dormant faith, re
1 Ujjumai (rjumate) can be interpreted in 2 ways: a spirit inclined towards mokṣā; or straight, honest; cf. Atmārama, DS, pp. 137-138.
2 tavoguṇapahāṇassa ujjumai-khaṁti-samjaṁarayassa parisahe jiņamtassa sulahā soggai tārisagassa. DS IV, 23, 27.

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activated a rigid formalism, caused secular prejudices to disappear, in short, brought about an awakening or a revival. It is testimony to events such as these that the biographies seek to pass on. As in all hagiography within all the religions and monastic traditions, there is no doubt a certain idealisation, to a greater or lesser degree, which mainly consists in extolling only the virtues and remaining silent concerning their opposites, but that may be taken for granted, for is one not writing in praise of a heroine, to set her up as an example? Sometimes there is an element of the miraculous, but that also has its own authentic value, for the sādhvi authoress is sincere, she is expressing her devotion, her daughterly love, and she is enthralled by her model.
We refrain from giving in these pages an appreciation of these biographies as literature. The following pages attempt to convey accurately each of these lives, by means in each instance of a synthesis, for certain of these biographies are voluminous, highly detailed and even repetitive. Each flower is unique: its shape, colour and scent. It is this unique character of each one within her own group, among her peers and in her own day and age, that must be revealed. In this way it is possible to encounter each one in a personal, direct and enchanting way.
Through these different testimonies we can discern certain tendencies and characteristics common to all, which show us clearly the foundation upon which their lives were built as well as their impact upon the society in which they were living. We know already that the importance given to tapas has always been predominant in all the communities, although it may have been regarded only as means to an end. For this reason the general opinion has been - and this is observable even in our own day - that the sădhvis must above all else be tapasvinis, renunciates, with perfect self-mastery, all the rest, adhyayana, svādhyāya, dhyāna, only concerning them to a certain extent as decreed by the ācārya. However, already at the end of the last century, starting with the least recent of the biographies, that of Sadhvi Punya, we can see taking place among the sādhvis slowly but surely an awakening, both to their own specific ideal and to the role which they should perform in the samgha and in society. These texts introduce us to the very heart of their daily life and we can see for ourselves how much all that they have read and studied in the Sūtras

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573
demands from them of wisdom, good sense and discernment as to how it must be applied when they are confronted with difficult and unforeseen situations in a particular historical, sociological and geographical context.3 We realise the more clearly how many sādhvis have lived and live today a heroic existence, usually without knowing it, and how they have been and still are true disciples of Mahavira.
Another remarkable element in these writings is that of bhakti. Saints of all ages and traditions attract a following, each in his or her own way and in accordance with his or her special charism, but within the Jaina dharma there are ontological and doctrinal reasons which gives ground for a veneration of holy men and women in their own lifetime. On the one hand, fervent sādhvis represent that ideal towards which all śrávakas and śrāvikās must strive and, on the other, the fact that belief in a God, Lord, loving Father and Saviour, does not exist coupled with the fact that one must journey alone on an arid path, naturally inclines towards a profound devotion for those who, having shed their '
me', are already in communion with all living beings, welcome them, love them, instruct them and, as one might put it, help them to save themselves. Nothing is more revealing or more touching than the eulogistic poems composed in honour of or to the memory of a sādhvi by different members of the samgha. This veneration is always expressed with great sobriety in this sense that it is attuned to the life of ascetic discipline, for even if sådhvis have been a focus of attention and inspiration for multitudes of people, these same multitudes can offer them in return absolutely nothing of a tangible sort, neither flowers, nor incense, nor money, nothing whatsoever.5
3 In the sections which follow no cross-references, on the whole, have been made to those chapters of this part that deal with daily activities, because these are presumed to be known already and we thus avoid overloading these testimonies.
4 Here we have an example in Sadhvi Vicakşaņa to whom during her lifetime an image was erected in a temple in Dilli. This, of course, does not detract at all from the devotion accorded to the tirtharkaras, but they have already attained nirvana, while the sādhvis are living and are still engaged in the struggle. 5 The sādhvis accept no gift for themselves personally, apart from what is strictly necessary and in accordance with the rules concerning eșaņā.

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Those who are attracted by their example or touched by their words can respond only by promising them to fast, to purify their life and their intentions, to be honest, give to the poor and to be faithful to the aņuvratas and to the practice of pratikramaņa. This veneration for a holy person involves, if it is to be sincere, a look within, a desire for purification, some practical resolutions concerning one's own life.
The following selection presents a certain variety as regards the historical setting, place of origin, social milieu, gacchas and sampradāyas to which these sädhvis belonged. As regards their dates of birth, the period which is of interest to us goes from 1858 up to our own day. The majority of them ara natives of Rājasthāna, the rest are from Gujarāta, Madhya Pradeśa and Dilli. They belong to all the sampradāyas of the Svetāmbaras and to their two principal gacchas. As to their family background, we may note that out of eleven sādhvis: - three were young childless widows; - one was a widow of mature years who reared her children before embracing the ascetic life; - two left their husbands in order to receive dikşā; - two were the daughters of widows who followed their mother and received dikșă with her; - two received dikşā as young girls and were neither widows nor orphans; - one received dikṣā as an adolescent; - three of them, originally of Hindu families, embraced the Jaina dharma.
The first three sections and the fifth each give a resumé of a particular biography.? The fourth section is not based on a biography
However, they do suggest to the śrävakas institutions and other beneficiaries suitable for their offerings.
6 Biographies of sadhvis are still very few and far between and it took me several years to discover the 11 biographies mentioned here. It must be stressed that each community is part of a closed group, which usually knows nothing of the publications of another community. 7 The titles of these sections are those of the original biographies.

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but on a collection of pravacanas from which the personality of the sādhvi who delivered them stands out very clearly. The sixth section is a brief compilation of the lives of six sadhvis. Together they form a single whole in which may be observed a great diversity operating within a life that is common to all,8 Each flower exhales its own sweetness and the bouquet in which all the scents unite and mingle gives forth a fragrant perfume.
A - Punya Jivana Jyoti
The radiant life of Sādhvi Punya Śri
-575
The arid desert soil of Rajasthāna, its extremes of climate, have nurtured in its inhabitants endurance in face of all trials, a spirit of chivalry, deep-rooted faith and lively piety. It was in a small village called Girāsara, in the district of Jesalamera, a fortress-city of the desert well known for its temples whose subsidiary buildings house so many ancient manuscripts, that in 1858 Pannākumāri was born. Pannā means emerald, the precious stone; kumāri, girl, virgin, princess. Pannākumārī was indeed destined to be a jewel in the history of the Kharataragaccha of the Mūrtipūjakas. She was not, certainly, the first sadhvi of this gaccha and of this region, for many others had preceded her. We recall that the first Terapanthi sadhvis, all of Rajasthāna, received dikṣā in 1764 and that their first Pramukha did likewise in 1840.10 What makes the biography of Sadhvi Punya a precious document is that, on the one hand, it is the most ancient and the most complete biography existing today and, on the other, it recounts the life of a pioneer whose spiritual progeny are still alive. Furthermore, the author, Sadhvi Sajjana, our contemporary, herself also a native of Rājasthāna, possesses literary gifts which render the text very lively and allow us to penetrate straightaway into the "feel" of that day and

8 These biographies are in Hindi, except that of Sadhvi Candrayaśa, the text of which is published both in Gujarāti and English. The majority of these books contain several hundred pp. each.
9 Cf. P 176 ff.; 186 ff.
10 Cf. P 247 ff.

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age, of the places mentioned and of the inner life of the sādhvis of which she herself has experience. Sadhvi Sajjana did not know Sādhvi Punya personally, but from the testimonies of other sādhvis and of the śrāvakas and śrāvikās who did and thanks to her belonging to the same gaccha, she succeeds in conveying a life-like portrait of her heroine, while at the same time she adds here and there her own reflections which are by no means lacking in interest.
In this life we find a unity, a determination, a tenacious will directed from the earliest age towards an ideal to be pursued, a deep insight into her own milieu, coupled with a desire to escape from obscurantist orthodoxy and to remedy the evils that stem therefrom. It is not possible to single out the different aspects which go to make up the unity apparent within this life; everything hangs together. Moreover, the biography does not adhere to a well-defined pattern; its narration follows the facts, the events, a certain internal order, the one, in fact, that constitutes the life of the sādhvis. From the whole we can pick out certain characteristics that highlight Sadhvi Punya for us as Daughter of the Desert, a fervent Sādhvi, a Guruņi and Pioneer.
A Daugter of the Desert 11
Pannākumāri, so it seemed, began to show very early on an attraction for spiritual things and even a predilection for vairāgya. In her childhood, instead of playing at ordinary games with her companions, she led them to imitate the sādhvis whom she had encountered and thus they played at gocari or at delivering pravacanas. Pannā willingly accompanied her mother to the temple and in her company lcarned the rudiments of sämáyika and pratikramana. During this same period a śrāvaka exerted a powerful influence upon her, which further strengthened these initial impulses. This śrāvakas was a palmist. After studying the lines on Pannā's hand, he predicted that she would become a famous and influential sădhvi. Thereafter he taught her the elements of the doctrine, explaining to her that this saṁsāra is merely misery and suffering and that earthly enjoyments lead to nāraka, the world below. The state of existence
11 Cf. Sajjana, 1960, chs. 9-16

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proper to this world below, though terrible, is not an eternal one.12 However, popular belief attaches to it considerable importance and this belief is supported by the ascetics who play upon this fear in exhorting the śrāvakas and śrāvikās to adhere faithfully to the doctrine and the austere practices it enjoins. The śravaka, acting no doubt in good faith, succeeded in convincing the small girl who was already predisposed towards such a belief that vairagya represented the most perfect of all states of life. The seed was sown!
Here we must pause a few moments to consider the social conditions of that day in Rajasthana and in the country as a whole, conditions which were inherited from a long previous age and of which we have already spoken. Sādhvi Sajjana writes that the marriage of young girls at a tender age is to be explained by two factors: firstly, the influence exercised upon the minority Jaina community by texts of the Hindu Scriptures which were negative towards womankind 13 and, secondly, the custom prevalent among the kings and princes of that day of obtaining for their harem, often by force, a large number of young and older girls, a practice which was not confined only to Musulman princes. In the face of the allpowerfulness of the local sovereigns, one can well understand that parents were eager to give away their young daughters in marriage in order to protect them. This state of affairs was such in Rājasthāna that it was not uncommon for parents to promise a daughter in marriage from the moment she was born, sealing thus a firm alliance with an honourable family.14
1577
The father of Pannā found for her a bridegroom when she was twelve years old. When she discovered about the negotiations in progress for her marriage, she expressed firmly to her mother her desire to become a sadhvi and begged that she should not be bound by
12 Cf. TS III, 1-6.
13 Cf. P 88 ff.
14 Cf. Sajjana, 1960, p. 25.

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The Unknou
marriage to another family.15 Her mother referred the matter to her father, who attached to it no importance. Pannā was obliged to submit to the will of her parents. After the celebration of the marriage she went, as was the custom, to live with her parents-in-law, but, lo and behold, just eighteen days after the marriage, the young husband was carried off by cholera, that terrible scourge of a malady that was causing havoc at that time. Sādhvi Sajjana heads the paragraph relating this sudden event with the title: "The incomparable gain wrought by a thunderbolt."16 Pannā, now a young widow, found herself free to follow her calling. This, however, was to take time; she had to convince both parents and parents-in-law of the sincerity of her desire and also to gain permission from the sādhvis for admission to their samgha. Being a widow, she was able to live either with her own parents or in her family by marriage. Her native village was scarcely likely to offer her the possibility of meeting any sādhvis, so she elected to stay with her parents-in-law in the small town of Phalodi. Her elder sister was also living at Phalodi, so she saw her frequently and hoped to obtain her moral support. Pannā began to visit the sādhvis assiduously and so frequently that her mother-in-law was disquieted. One day she begged the guruņi to accept her and this latter encouraged her to reflcct well on the hardships of the ascetic life and to obtain the consent of her two families. Pannā thought that the quickest and most effective way open to her was to fast. 17 When she returned to the house, she remained in meditation in one corner. When the meal-time came round and her mother-in-law called her, she replied: "I will not eat until I have permission to receive dikṣā." Her mother and father-in-law tried in vain to dissuade her from fasting,
15 Jaina tradition considers that awakening to spiritual realities does not necessarily co-incide with physical growth: what counts is the state of awareness of the atman and children from eight years of age onwards are permitted to receive dikṣā. Recently, in one branch of the Sthānakavāsis some restriction has been put to children diksa (P 601 n. 52).
16 Sajjana, ibid., p. 30.
17 Later, when she herself had become a guruņi, without explicitly recommending this method to a young girl in an identical situation, she nevertheless conveyed to her that, if other methods failed, that one was "never-failing"; ibid., p. 151.

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and counselled her, in view of her youthfulness, to wait before speaking further of dikṣā. Nothing persuaded her. The parents-in-law in great consternation, informed her parents, who arrived the following day, when Panna was pursuing her fast and the news was spreading throughout the village. Her father, touched to the quick, after trying in vain to reason with her, resigned himself to the prospect of granting the desired permission. Before them all, he declared that, having given her in marriage against her will and having now been defeated by this so sudden widowhood, he could no longer oppose her desire. The other family-members unanimously agreed, and, to Panna's great joy, they left her free to rejoing the sãdhvis.
Four years after the marriage, Pannă received dikṣā and became Sadhvi Punya. Punya means well-being, virtue, merit, that which is!. propitious, pleasant, beautiful, purifying.
The perseverance shown by Sadhvi Punya before dikṣā is not, particularly in the Jaina milieu of Rājasthāna, anything very extraordinary, as other biographies, with slightly differing details, prove and contemporary sädhvis say that they too came up against the same family resistance. Sadhvi Punya gives us in all simplicity the testimony of a Daughter of the Desert reared in the Jaina tradition.
A fervent Sådhvi, Guruņi, Pioneer
After her description of the dikṣā, Sādhvi Sajjana accords a position of prime importance - which is as it should be to the question of vihara and we find ourselves, along with the group to which the young Sadhvi Punya belongs, on the rocky or sandy roads, in the burning heat of summer and also in the icy cold of winter, for the cold can be so intense that it gives rise to a sharp sensation in the feet "like that of a scorpion-sting."18
18 Ibid.,
In the course of the vihara, one was obliged not only to endure a harsh climate, but also to face epidemics of cholera or plague, which were common in those days and did not spare the sadhvis. At Jayapura
pp.
579
145-146.

-

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two young sădhvis were carried off by cholera, another at Nāgaura.19 Some time later, when the group was at Indaura, plague began to decimate the population. The sādhvis followed the śrāvakas who went for refuge to Ujjayini.20 Another time they were overtaken suddenly by plague in Jayapura. When the inhabitants fled from the town, the sādhvis remained, for the căturmāsya was not yet over.21
On the subject of vihāra, Sadhvi Sajjana has developed an important point in the chapter entitled: "Arrival in the land of her birth",22 The ascetic life does not remove love for one's native land, indeed, to the contrary. Having renounced all, a sādhvi's disposition is one of maitri, friendship for every_being. Moreover, within this universal friendship, the land of one's birth holds pride of place. There is a sna, a debt, that each one owes to the prthvi-kāya, the "body of the land" which has supported and nourished the sādhvi since her birth; there is also a ima towards one's family and the local inhabitants. A sadhvi continues to be one of theirs. She owes it to herself to guide them, give them the joy of her presence, which is for them a blessing. Sadhvi Pur.ya returned to her native village a few years after her dikşā and spent there one month. The inhabitants received her with enthusiasm, proud to welcome the little Pannā of days gone by. By her presence and her words she re-kindled their faith and enlightened their minds; it became the occasion of a renewal. It was then also, it is said, that she sowed the sced of vairāgya in the heart of her young brother who later on became Muni Trailokyasagara.
Subsequently, when she had become pravartini, Sādhvi Punya turned her attention towards the most remote villages of the desert, where the inhabitants, receiving no visits at all, or very few, from ascetics; were living in such ignorance of their tradition as to neglect completely their local temple. Nor did her ardour stop there, for she
19 Ibid., pp. 240-242.
20 Ibid., pp. 325-327.
21 Ibid., pp. 388-389.
22 Ibid., ch. 22.

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emboldened herself to cross the borders of Rajasthāna and pass through the villages fo Madhya Pradeśa; thus we find her at Ujjayini, Bhopala, Indaura.23 At Gväliyara she was received in triumph. An influential śravaka, who had on several occasions implored her to come and spend the caturmasya in that town, organised things on a grand scale when she arrived with her group of twenty-nine sädhvis. A procession, the first of its kind within living memory, was waiting to welcome the sadhvis at the entrance to the town: at its head was the royal elephant, followed by a hundred or so horses caparisoned with gold and silver, the children of the nobility riding in carriages, on foot a concourse of men with the local notables at the front, while here and there in the procession several bands were playing their music. Sadhvi Punya, her disciples and the group of women brought up the rear.24 Of this last group there was one special feature: one could hear its singing but could not see it. The women of that time were living in strict seclusion and they were advancing now within a huge moving
tent.
On her arrival in the town, Sadhvi Punya organised daily pravacanas attended by eager crowds; sometimes she herself taught and sometimes she delegated the task to one or other of the sadhvis. When the king and the royal family evidenced a desire to have the darśana of Sadhvi Punya and her disciples, these latter repaired to the court. Sadhvi Punya even gave a pravacana, seated, in accordance with custom, on a low wooden table, while the audience, including the king and queen, were seated on the ground on carpets. It is said that the king and other members of the royal family, touched by her words, pledged themselves to abstain from meat on the occasion of ekadasi, the eleventh day of each fortnight of the lunar month.25
She had the gift of communicating her knowledge, rendering it accessible to all in a way that carried conviciton, that conviction which characterised her pravacanas, and she furthermore bore witness
23 Ibid., ch. 37.
24 Ibid., ch. 40.
25 Ibid., ch. 41.
581

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in her life to what she taught through her words. It is not surprising that Sadhvi Punya attracted the crowds and inspired numerous vocations to the ascetic life, for many requested to follow her. Throughout this biography, dikşā succeeds dikşā. To give just two examples: the first concerns a household in which the husband and wife, who were already of a certain age with children well-established in life, agreed to separate, persuaded to this course by the words of Sādhvi Punya, cach took steps to receive dikşā.26 The second is the case of a gifted woman who had made a happy marriage; after encountering Sādhvi Punya, bcing unable to resist the attraction of vairāgya, she wrote to her husband, who was travelling on business, to obtain his permission to receive dikṣā. The husband, in consternation, tried in vain to dissuade her, but finally gave his consent on condition that she find for him a new bride, which she immediately did. Furthermore, when the husband re-married, his wife made a gift of her jewels to the bride and departed joyfully to receive dikṣā. She became Sādhvi Suvarna Śri, one of the luminaries of the gaccha and succeeded Sādhvi Punya as pravartini after this latter's Great Departure.27
Sādhvi Punya very soon grasped, in an age when girls had no chance to study and when the sādhvis had scarcely any possibility of going beyond a very elementary knowledge of the doctrine, the importance of serious, regular study. With the utmost tenacity she both studied herself and helped the sādhvis to educate themselves.
The periods of căturmäsya were devoted to study, with the limited means that were at their disposal in a society that was still very tightly closed. Grasping the necessity of knowing Prākrit and Sanskrit in order to be able to understand the Sūtras in their original texts, she studied the chief elements of these two languages and taught them to her disciples. 28 The impetus was given; thereafter, the Kharataragaccha sādhvis were fired with this same zeal for svādhyāya and adhyayana.
26 Ibid., pp. 121-124.
27 Ibid., pp. 138-143
28 Ibid., ch. 19.

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583
Fired by this same zeal which took in all the aspects of asceticism, Sādhvi Punya attached also great importance to tapas, the means of personal purification. Her example and her teaching captivated the sādhvis, śrāvakas and śrāvikās wherever she went. We know that the căturmāsya is the favourable period for fasting and the other forms of tapas. The biography abounds in details concerning the fasts undertaken by Sadhvi Punya and her disciples during each căturmāsya. Tapas is the fire which burns, destroys, purifies. Sadhvi Punya, thanks to her regular fasts, was considered to have attained a high degree of purification. Because she was herself free from attachments, she was available to all. Her ātman, fully awakened because fully purified, was extremely sensitive to persons and situations; she was able to give counsel and direction with remarkable wisdom.
At Jayapura, at the age of sixty-two, when her vital breath was diminishing, Sadhvi Punya, fully lucid in mind, blessed her disciples and then addressed to them once again a few words: she exhorted them to maintain among themselves a sisterly understanding, not to allow themselves to sink into indifference in the course of their earthly pilgrimage, to persevere in renunciation, to put themselves at the service of the aged sādhvis and to give to Sadhvi Suvarna, their new pravartini, the same filial obcdience that they had had towards herself. She asked pardon from all with all her heart, if certain of her words had perhaps appeared harsh, or if her manner had offended them.29 Two days later, while preparing for the Great Departure by a total fast, her ātman left this world.
Sādhvi Sajjana avows, at the end of the biography, that she feels little satisfied with what she has attempted to write, to pass on to others. How to communicate the message of so holy, deep and radiant a life? Then, to fill in the gaps and make up for deficiencies, she brings together, in one final chapter, as in a shining cluster of rays, the outstanding qualities of Sādhvi Punya: docility, deference towards the elders and to authority; a simplicity totally free from pride which enabled her to exercise her functions as pravartini with complete
29 Ibid., pp. 407-409.

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naturalness, a naturalness which blended perfectly with an unremitting perseverance; patient endurance in the face of so many difficulties and complex situations; a goodness and compassion which made of her a fervent sādhvi, a capable and much-loved guruņi and a pioneer who imparted a decisive new impetus not only to the sādhvis, but to the whole gaccha.30
In order to immortalise the testimony of the life of Sadhvi Punya the saṁgha of Jayapura crected a samadhi-mandira in her memory 31
B-Jaina Kokila
The Jaina cuckoo, Sadhvi Vicaksaņa Śri
Sādhvi Vicakşana known far and wide by the name jaina kokilā, the Jaina cuckoo,32 is also, by reason of her lineage, a Daughter of the Desert. She possesses all the characteristics of her race. Mowever, while continuing the line of valiant sădhvis who followed in the wake of Sādhvi Punya, she belongs to another generation. Through her the tradition is continued but, at the same time, she is in her own person a sign of openness, of renewal.
Sadhvi Vicaksana was born into a Kharataragaccha Jaina family in 1912, four years after the Great Departure of Sadhvi Punya. On her mother's side, the new pravartini, Sadhvi Suvarna,33 was her kinswoman. She received dikşā before marriage, which at that time was still an uncommon occurrence. She is still in our midst and is one
30 Ibid., ch. 44.
31 Cf. P 254.
32 kokilä: the female cuckoo.
33 Cf. P 255.

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585
of the two pravartinis of her gaccha.34 This biography, unlike most of the others, was not written by a sādhvi but by a śrāvika, Bhaṁvara Bāi Rāmapuriyā, who, ever since she became a widow at the age of thirteen, has been living at close quarters to the sādhvis.35
How Dākhi became Sādhvi Vicakşaņa or an amazing struggle in the name of vairāgya 36
Jethi Bai was born at Amarāvati, a town of Mahārāștra, into a family whose origins were in the district of Jodhapura. Like the majority of Māravādis settled in other regions or overseas for business or professional reasons, the parents of Jethi Bāi had family members in their native village to which they frequently returned. The horoscope of the child revealed, so it was said, an unusual degree of courage and predicted that she would become an ascetic of great renown. In the meantime, she was an affectionate, friendly and
nt child. They called her Dākhi, from drāksā, bunch of grapes. In accordance with the custom of the day, she was affianced in childhood and up to the age of cight she knew the life of a happy family. The sudden death of her father was a terrible shock for her, for not only did she now lack his parental affection, but she began to ask the reason for her father's being so abruptly snatched from her. 'Life changed for her. Having neither brothers nor sisters, she remained alone with her mother, a young widow who was obliged to yield to the customs of her community. After many enquiries, this latter managed to trace the whereabouts of her cousin Sadhvi Suvarana and, taking Dākhi with her, stayed with her several times. Thus Dākhi came into contact with the sădhvis whom she proceeded to astonish by the liveliness of her intelligence. The mother of Dākhi had decided to receive dikşā when her daughter married the young man to whom she
34 I met her in Dilli in 1972 and 1975; she gave me the biography of Sadhvi Punya and also her own, as well as a collection of her pravacanas: The Voice of Vicakşaņa.
35 It is fairly rare for a biography of a sādhvi to be written in her life-time. There are two further instances, the biographies of Mahāsati Pannādevi and of Mahāsati Yaśakusvara, both Sthānakavāsis.
36 Cf. Rāmapuriya, 1966, chs. 2-5; 10-20.

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had been betrothed. This, however, was not Dākhi's desire. She felt an attraction for the ascetic life and to fulfil this aspiration, she carried on a tenacious struggle with her paternal grandfather, who loved her dearly and refused to give his consent to the dikşă. The young man's family, perturbed and unhappy, also applied pressure. Dākhi struggled alone with a grandfather whom, at the same time, she loved - alone, for neither could her mother or the sādhvis help her in any way, for the grandfather would have accused them of bringing influence to bear upon the child. The story of this struggle follows.
At the outsct, Dākhi tried to obtain her grandfather's permission for the engagement to be broken off and for herself to be admitted to dikṣā among the sādhvis. The grandfather would hear nothing of it; he even employed several stratagems to lure Dākhi into the family of her betrothed and celebrate the marriage. For her part, Sādhvi Suvarna, showing considerable wisdom, had not yet fully decided to accept Dākhi. Over and above the question of her tender years, she considered that so gistcd a child ought to be encouraged to study, in order later on to become an expert on Jainism who would instruct not only members of the saingha but would go as a missionary all over the world. Such was her vision. Funhermore, she was not one to admit to dikšā whoever presented herself. However, Dākhi succeeded in persuading the guruņi to accept her as a disciple and, after several converations not without strain on both sides, the grandfather yielded.
The double dikşă of Rūpāmadevi and her daughter Dākhi was due to take place at Pipāda, the city of Dākhi's parents' birth,where the grandfather and other members of the family were living. The entire local samgha was rejoicing in the making of preparations. According to the tradition, in the days preceding the dikṣā, relatives and friends invite the vairāgini to a meal. On one of these days Dåkhi was leaving the house of a relative, mounted on a pony, with musicians going ahead and hymn-singing women and girls following behind. All of a sudden the grandfather appcarcd, ordered Dākhi to dismount from the pony and to follow him to his house. Preparations were at a standstill, the joy was extinguished and gave place to a great anxiety, fear and uncertainty. What had happened? This: the grandfather, who was already highly perturbed, had met a friend who began to remonstrate with him very severely, reproaching him for his lack of concern, for his weaknes towards Dākhi, his only.grand-daughter, whom he was

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587
allowing to go off for a life of austerity; could he not show some strength of character and forestall Dākhi now while there was still time? Surely he could, the more so as he had only granted permission with the utmost reluctance.
Now started the second phase: Dåkhi was kept at home and forbidden to go out to visit the temple or the upāśraya. Dākhi replied that she would obey, that, as she was being forbidden to go to the temple, she would fast. This, then, is what she did. In the evening of the first day of the fast, her grandfather, softened at heart, offered her a cup of milk, but Dākhi refused. Softened still further, the grandfather gave her permission to attend the temple, but re-affirmed stoutly that he would never give his consent to her receiving dikşā and that Dākhi must needs get married. To this she replied that she would not disobcy, so, said she, she would wait for dikşă but would never on any account marry! Confrontations of this sort continued for one week. The grandfather, realising his powerlessness to persuade Dākhi and despairing of the assair, lodged an appeal with the civil authorities. He informed them that the sādhvis had brought pressure to bear upon his thirteen-year-old grand-daughter and were desirous of admitting her to dikşā against the will of her guardian (himself); that they should be so good as to help him prevent Dākhi from joining the sādhvis. A thakuraa type of magistrate of the district, was appointed to study the case and administer justice. He sent for Dākhi and questioned her at length, even threatening her with his rifle. She did no allow herself to be intimidated and responded to everything with astonishing clarity and determination. Meanwhile, the grandfather was sending telegrams to two of his grandsons to come at once to his aid. While the magistrate, highly embarrassed by this disficult case, was considering what verdict he should give to the grandfather, everybody was trying to dissuade Dākhi, but all to no avail.
Next day, at the Court of Justice, the courtroom was packed and a heavy silence reigned in the assembly; each one was anxiously awaiting the verdict. Just as, so they say, when a camel sinks to the ground, one never knows in which direction he will flop - on account of the movement he must make to balance himself - so the anxious eyes of all were fixed on the magistrate's face; towards which side would he lean? With conviction he then declared "that no-one had put pressure upon Dākhi, that, having cross-examined her, he was

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persuaded that she was sincere, knew very well what she was doing and was capable of following the path she had chosen, that in times past other cases also had been known of young persons being called to the ascetic life. Therefore, he enjoined the grandfather to oppose Dākhi's desire no longer, but to leave her free in the name of the dharma." Immediately the heavy silence was broken, cries of joy burst forth on all sides and the crowd became jubilant. Morever, at Pipāda, the preparations were resumed. There was, however, one shadow cast over the general rejoicing. When Dākhi wanted to receive the blessing of her grandfather, she could not find him, for he had fled to another village. Finally, after all these painful contretemps, the mother and the daughter received dikşā; Rūpāmadevi became Sādhvi Vijñāna Sri and Dākhi, Sādhvi Vicakṣaṇa Sri, vicakşaņa meaning the one who is clearsighted, wise, intelligent, who has discernment
Here are some of the replies given by Dākhi to those who were harassing her:
Her grandfather wanted her to attend the wedding-ceremony of a relative at Amarāvati, thinking that, once she was on the spot, he would come to some agreement with the bridegroom's family to convince her of the necessity of marriage. Now Dākhi, foreseeing this stratagem, refused to follow her mother to Amarāvati and remained with the sādhvis at Agarā. When the grandfather saw his daughter-in-law arriving unaccompanied, he despatched a telegram to the upăśraya saying that Dākhi's mother was very ill, that her daughter must come at once and he even sent a man to fetch her. Here again Dākhi suspected a ruse and very firmly declined to go with her grandfather's messenger and, having told him that all this was simply a scheme to lure her away and marry her off, she added: "I have no need of a mortal spouse; here (at the upăśraya) there is an immortal spouse who will never abandon me. Sadhvi Suvarana can set her seal to such a union."37 Later on, she was to use the same turn of speech to the magistrate: "...I have no desire for a mortal spouse, but for one who is not self-regarding and is immortal."38 In a Jaina context, where
37 Ibid., p. 54.
38
Ibid., p. 81.

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belief in God and a relation of Love with his Person do not exist, these words, especially on the lips of a young girl, appear mysterious. We can conclude that Dākhi wished to refer in these therms to that deep spiritual reality that she had sensed in her contact with the sādhvis.
Here, now, are her chief replies in her dialogue with the magistrate: Thakura: "Do you really, my child, desire to embrace the ascetic life?"
Dākhi: "Yes, sir."
Thākura: "Why?"
Dakhi: "It is an inner call."
Thakura: "Why do you not wish to marry?"
Dākhi: "I have no desire for it."
Thakura: "Do you know what the ascetic life means?"
Dākhi: "Without a knowledge of the ascetic life it is not
possible to experience its attraction. I do know what is meant by both life in the world and by asceticism."
Thākura: "Is not obcdicnce to one's parents also part of the
dharma?"
Dākhi: "Yes, indeed, but if it is clear that one's parents' demands are
an obstacle to the full realisation of human life and of the ātman, respectfully to oppose these demands is not contrary to the dharma."
Thākura: "Do you sce, my child, what is in front of you?"
Dākhi: "Yes, it is a rislc."
Thākura: (10 test her) "Leave aside all these arguments of yours
and do as your grandfather tells you. If not, I'm going to use this rillc." - and with that he grasped the rifle.

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Dākhi: "If it is your duty to do so, use the risle. I have no fear of
death, one must die some day. It's all the same, whether I die today from a gunshot or tomorrow from some illness. It is a great thing to die for one's ideal."
The formative years with Sadhvi Suvarna 39
After the dikṣā, the young Sādhvi Vicakṣaṇa became a disciple of Sādhvi Jatana Sri. Her two first căturmăsyas were spent in Rājasthāna, at Badalū and at Jayapura where she gave evidence of her capacity for study. Then, to her great joy, she was summoned to Dilli to the side of the pravartini, Sadhvi Suvarana. She stayed there until the latter's Great Departure, that is to say, about seven years. These years of training were thus passed under the direction of a remarkable guruņi. Sādhvi Suvarana continued in the same line as Sādhvi Punya. She inherited all that the great pioneer had brought into being and was able to discern wisely how, at one and the same time, both to consolidate and deepen the inheritance and also to make further advances. She attached prime importance to dhyāna, svādhyāya and adhyayana. She was herself the example and also the inspiration of her disciples. For her, dhyāna did not consist solely in a technique that one followed for a limited time; dhyāna was, as it were, the breathing of her whole being. Her depth of contemplation, people say, was most striking. She habitually remained for six to seven hours in deep concentration, in which japa alternated with long moments of silence. Whoever her interlocutor might be, she brooked no idle talk. During the last years of her life, her concentration intensified and she was used to remain thus silent and absorbed for about twelve hours. Her favourite, because very short, mantra was arham (arhat).
Thanks to her openness of spirit she was able, even in her own day, to impart fresh impetus to the sādhvis' studies, as being a necessary aid to svādhyāya. She laid great stress on more thorough study of the Agamas; during the life-time of Sādhvi Punya, she had already obtained permission from this latter for pandits to instruct the sadhvis, which thing until then had never taken place. In her far-sighted way, she reckoned that times were changing. From the turn of the century
39 Ibid., ch. 6.

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she was envisioning what others are nowadays attempting to introduce, namely, and very specially, that candidates for dikşā should not be admitted straightaway, but that a type of gurukula should be set up, a permanent centre of studies with good instructors, where a solid character-training and serious doctrinal teaching should be given over a period of several years. After which, only those candidates who felt the attraction of vairāgya would receive dikṣā, while the others would form an advance-guard whose members would go forth to preach the doctrine, even outside the country. Sadhvi Suvarna was very much in advance of her time; even though her vision was not completely fulfilled in her life-time, she succeeded in imparting to her disciples a sense of the essential values of their life and now, long years afterwards, we are observing in the śramaņisaṁgha the very movement that she foresaw.
After the Great Departure of Sádhvi Suvarna in 1932, Sadhvi Vicakṣaṇa was decply moved. This was, in addition to the death of her father during her childhood, a second bereavement, the rupture with a very beloved and venerated guruņi. Now, under the profound influence of her spiritual mother, this youthful and ardent sādhvi is going, in her turn, to become a living flame, an inspiration for her own disciples, for the gaccha, for the Jaina samgha and for any whose lives she will touch.
Viśvamitrā: The universal Friend40
After the years of training in Dilli, Sadhvi Vicaksana began her vihāras up and down the country. We find her in the North, in the West, in the Centre and in the South. Her ardour is diminished by no obstacle or difficulty. She has, however, a delicate constitution and suffers from malaria and, after a while, from a heart condition that obliges her to remain stationary for two years; later on, on account of a fall, she hurt her ribs and must receive attention. Each time, with simplicity of heart, she agrees to see the doctor and follow the prescribed treatment. She accepts also, temporarily, the hospitality of the śrāvakas.
40 Ibid., chs. 24; 27; 38; 49; 59-60; 72-73; 76; 79-84; 88; 97; 98; 100; 104.

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They have called her: jaina kokilā, the Jaina cuckoo, on account of her melodious voice, the sincerity and convincingness of her words, which, like the cuckoo's song, have enchanted all hearts. Of what does Sadhvi Vicakşana spcak? Why do the crowds flock to hear her? The answer is simple: her language is direct, without pomposity or the slightest affectation; she goes straight to the essentials. It is her deep sincerity, her love for all living beings and the clarity with which she expresses herself that not only captivate all hearts, but transforms them, removing both barriers and prejudices and lessening or even completely obliterating all enmities. On reading her biography, one is struck by the way in which, simultaneously, she resembles a fresh breeze and a blazing fire. A fresh breeze, for in her presence one feels uplifted; a blazing fire, for her ardent words act like a purifying fire.
Sādhvi Vicakşaņa prcaches ahimsā, respect for all beings, an inner attitude which is expressed in concrete form by karunā, compassion and maitri, friendship. The words and expressions that occur frequently in the biography and which convey so well the living message of Sadhvi Vicaksana are: viśvamaitri, universal friendship; aikya, unity; samanvaya, universal harmony; samghathana, meeting, assembly, togetherness; hệdayaparivartana, change of heart, conversion. This clear-sighted sādhvi, thoroughly aware of the accumulation of dissensions, hypocrisy, and schisms that has come about in the name of the dharma, says both powerfully and persuasively: let us leave aside all sectarianism, all doctrinal quarrelling, all ill-will and let us live out the dharma in friendship with all. In a spontaneous way she leads her hearers back to the source, to the message of Mahāvira. She knows the Agamas very thoroughly and well knows how to extract their nectar and put it into present-day language, adapted to her audience.41 With the gift that she has of being present to cach person, she enjoys an immense popularity and is the object of true veneration. This, however, does not affect her in the least, she is nirgranthi, free from attachments.
She addresses herself first and foremost to the Jainas, so little united among themselves; when she arrives in some place, her presence constitutes a unifying factor between the several
41 Ibid., pp. 112-113.

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communities, of which one may be affecting indifference, another being positively hostile, towards the rest. Her pravacanas, furthermore, are for all human beings without exception; here and
ere Hindus and Musulmans alike come to listen to her, through her they come to know the Jaina dharma for the first time or to see it in a fresh light. Let us consider a few particular passages or actual happenings that may help us to grasp her influence. In the presence of Digambaras, Sādhvi Vicakşaņa, herself a Svetāmbara, attacks neither party, but rather seeks that which may unite them. At Hastināpura, a pilgrimage-place venerated by both traditions, but where the Digambaras are more numerous and more firmly entrenched, she broached the subject of the principal causes of dispute between them: can women attain mokșa? Do the kevalins take nourishment or not? The Digambaras answer both questions in the negative, the Svetāmbaras in the affirmative. Addressing the whole assembly, she told them: "Brethren, a man all of whose karmas were destroyed would not even so attain mokṣā, is not this what nowadays you and I believe? Then, why this question on the subject of women? It is surely stupid to vitiate the present on account of differences void of substance (for today)..." Then she went on to say: "Do we not believe, you and I, that the ātman is neither male nor female, that it is subject to no change and that male-ness and female-ness are due to the mode of karman relative to the body? But is mokṣā attained in the ātman or in the body?..." In the same vein, she said: "Do the kevalins take nourishment or not? Does that rcally affect the state of kevalajñāna? Iñāna appertains to the atman; nourishment is for the body. It is of little concern to us whether the kevalins take nourishment or not. Our aim is to believe in the state of being of the kevalin and to strive towards it. These useless quarrels are damaging and lead nowhere."42 Thus she exhorts them all, as disciples of Mahāvira, to drop these scholastic disputes inherited from the past, to come to a brotherly understanding and demonstrate viśvamaitri, instead of reviling one another and becoming thus the laughing-stock of all.
When she passed through Bikānera, an important settlement in the desert, she attended the pravacanas of a Tapāgaccha ācārya. When she was getting ready to leave with her group, the ācārya prevented
42 Ibid., ch. 24.

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her, requesting her to remain in order to celebrate with them, in several day's time, the svarga-jayanti, the anniversary of the Great Departure, of a much-venerated ācārya. Here was an event rare indeed, as her biographer remarks: a Tapāgaccha ācārya asking a Kharataragaccha sådhvi to delay her vihāra for a celebration in common! The day of the jayanti, the acārya requested Sadhvi Vicakṣaṇa to precede him in addressing the assembly. She did so in all simplicity. She spoke of unity, of meeting one another, and gave this example: "Look at the water-melon; from the outside it appears to be divided into slices, but once the skin is removed, one round ball only remains, without divisions..., in the same way, regarded from the outside, we are of different gacchas: Tapă , Kharatara and others, but on the inside are we not all the spiritual descendants of Mahāvira? If, in meeting thus together, we do not renounce the spirit of division, our meeting has no meaning." The ācārya, very happy and touched at heart, invited the gathering to respond favourably to the appeal launched by Sādhvi Vicakşana.
It was on her initiative, during her stay at Ratalāma in Räjasthana that the various religious communities celebrated together Krsnajanma-utsava, the anniversary of the Birth of Krsna, a national festival. The civil authorities undertook the organisation of this festival on a grand scale. A gathering of about seven thousand persons listened with joy and evident interest to the various speeches. Sadhvi Vicakṣaṇa spoke last. With an exquisite mastery of her subject, the Bhagavad Gitā, of which she quoted number of verses from memory, she expounded faithfully the message of Krşna, pointing out its similarities to that of Mahāvira and showing that the spiritual path of the Vaisnavites and that of the Jainas contain certain essential elements in common. Later on, at Amaravati on the occasion of the celebration of this same festival, she again joined the Vaişnavites 43
In Gujarāta, where the Tapāgacchas are in the majority, the atmosphere is far from favourable towards the giving of pravacanas by sādhvis in public; Sādhvi Vicakṣaṇa, without affronting anyone, gave
43 The Jainas, as is known, have adopted sri Krşņa and Sri Rāma; they have 'Jainified' them and made them into mahāpurușas, heroes of their own tradition. Sādhvi Vicaksana did not on this occasion speak in terms of this transposition, but took her inspiration solely from the Bhagavad Gitā.

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her pravacanas there as elsewhere - since her gaccha permits this. All flocked to listen to her and in this way she helped lessen a stubborn prejudice against women.
Her charism being such, delegations from all regions, from towns and villages alike, come to find her months in advance to beg her to come and spend the cäturmāsya with them. It's one never-ending procession! She is sometimes highly embarrassed, for she must choose, decide, decline...Sometimes, to make sure that she will pass the căturmāsya in a particular place, the inhabitants thereof take advantage of her passing through on vihāra to hold her as prisoner until she promises to remain. At Indaura, a number of śrāvakas of all sampradāyas went on telling her for three whole days: "We will not let you leave!" Now she was meant to be passing the cāturmāsya in a village. She endeavoured, but in vain, to explain. A delegation of śrāvakas set off for Ujjayini to request permission from the ācārya, who to the immense joy of all acquiesced and they retained her at Indaura!
It is not difficult to see that, especially during the căturmāsya, the local saṁgha is very busy; they must continually receive crowds of visitors, provide lodging for śrāvakas and śrāvikās. We read how at Ratalāma, for example, they set to well in advance in order to foresee every possible need: a paņdāla (marquee) for the daily pravacanas, houses available for accommodating travellers, the requisite foodstuffs and personnel to feed all that crowd. 44
How to describe the reception given to Sadhvi Vicaksana in her ancestral home, Pipada, and the place of her birth, Amaravati, when she returned there forty-two years after her dikṣā? A delirium of joy! They took advantage of her stay to celebrate her birthday on a grand scale, for several days. Invitations were sent out to every member of the local saṁgha, scattered though they were in various places. came. With her usual simplicity, she, an ascetic, an anagāri, let it all happen. It was a unique opportunity for one and all to rejoice, to fraternise, to experience renewal: songs, poems, speeches, gifts,
44 Cf. Ibid., p. 279.

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everything was one long demonstration of fidelity to the dharma. In her speech of thanks, she said: "I am only a humble servant of this saṁgha. I am not worthy of so many honours. All that I am today I owe to my guruņi Suvarana.'45 Then, addressing herself to this community composed for the most part of well-to-do businessmen, she told them that so much devotion and so many honours directed towards her person and so much expenditure would only truly and properly be addressed to her and accepted by her when, in full awareness of the suffering of those who surrounded them and of the prevailing injustices of society, they would all unite to alleviate the ills of this society and particularly those of children. She spoke with such sincerity, there was such a depth of compassion within her, she was so eloquent that on the spot, stirred simply by her presence among them, the assembly decided to open a fund called 'The Suvarma Mutual Aid Fund' and generous gifts began to flow in. In a quarter of an hour they had already collected seven thousand rupees!
We have here, in an era when there is much talk of ecumenism, encounter, dialogue, peace, understanding between peoples, nations and religions, the testimony of a courageous, fervent, open-hearted, clear-thinking, compassionate and humble sădhvi. She does not devoie much time to expounding theories or discussing doctrines - although she is very well-informed - she has an open attitude towards those men and women whom she is addressing. She is what in simple language she sets sorth and it is this authenticity that touches hearts and opens up minds. Her presence creates communion, incites fresh enthusiasm and pre-disposes towards viśvamaitrA6
45 Ibid., p. 385.
46 This section was written a little while before the Great Departure of Sādhvi Vicakşaņa on April 18th 1980 at Jayapura. Suffering though she was, for more than one year, from a serious illness, she never failed to impress all who met her by her thoughfulness for others and her complete disregard of her own suffering. The cuckoo's outward call may now be silent, but her inner call continues to inspire.

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C-Tapasvini Sadhvi Candrayaśa śri
Zeal for tapas
The short life of Sādhvi Candrayaśā- she left this world at the age of twenty-four - differs from those described in the foregoing biographies in many ways. This sādhvi was from Gujarāta and belonged to the Tapăgaccha. She was never betrothed or married, but herself choose the ascetic life in her adolescence. She exercised no particular functions within her group and we have in her regard just one shon biography.47 The very ancient tradition of the Tapāgaccha sets out, as its name indicates, to inculcate the great importance of tapas. It is also well-known that this gaccha is very flourishing in Gujarāta, that it contains acāryas many and powerful, as well as considerable number of munis. The impact of the acāryas and munis and the pressure of the surrounding Jaina community, numerically important and conservative in its approach, are factors conducing towards the infrequent appearance of the Tapāgaccha sādhvis in public. Their training is aimed above all at making of them ascetics vowed to total renunciation, purification by means of tapas in the form of fasts being stressed. Except for a few rare exceptions, they write very little. It is against the Tapāgaccha backdrop that a glimpse of the life of Sādhvi Candrayaśă is shown to us.
Her life was very simple, orientated, since her dikṣā and even prior to it, towards one particular goal, a life typical of a zealous śramaņi whose sole task is to work at her self-purification. There have been and there still are Tapāgaccha and other sādhvis equally zealous. If
47 Biography in English written by Sri V.G. Nair, 1969. A few years later another biography, also brief, was written in Gujarati by Sadhvi Sarvodāya Śri (her guruņi) and Sadhvi Vācamyamā Śri. It look me years to procure a copy of this biography. The Jaina Centre in Madrās which published the English text did not reply to letters and several Tapāgaccha śrāvakas whom I consulted did not know to whom I should address myself. Finally, at Ahamadābād, during the cãturmāsya of 1977, when I was visiting an upaśraya, a sădhvi happened to tell me that she was a disciple of Sādhvi Sarvodāya. She gave me her address in Bijāpura and in October I received the biography in the two languages.

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Sadhvi Candrayaśā has suddenly emerged from obscurity, it is because her ardour for tapas carried her off suddenly, while she was still young. She has become well-known because of her mahāprasthāna which so stirred the hearts of the crowds in Madrās who accompanied her at the time of her last pilgrimage that after her death her radiance, her influence, became visible even tangible. The one who certainly never gave a pravacana to a congregation has preached silently to thousands of persons through the example of her short life, which was consumed in the fire of tapas and totally purified in an awakening of the self to the supreme Reality: the atman.
The stages of her life were as follows. Sādhvi Candrayaśā came originally from Cambay, the ancient Stambhatirtha in Gujarāta, wellknown for its numerous Jaina temples. Here the samgha is firmly established. Her elder sister was already a sadhvi. At the age of thirteen, she expressed her desire to join the group of the guruņi Sarvodaya, who accepted her as a vairāgini and kept her on probation for about two years. Immediately after her dikṣā, when she received the name of Candrayaśā, the splendour of the moon, she evinced an unusual degree of ardour for tapas: rigorous repeated fasts and different form of pratyākhyāna.48 These fasts were only one of the expression of her zcal for the ascetic life. Her svādhyāya consisted in the regular repetition of a considerable number of sūtras that she knew by heart, her dhyāna was reinforced by very frequent japa and by numerous hours of silence.49 Her fasts, we are told, in no way diminished her energy, she followed all the observances of her group without showing any fatigue and she was prompt to help and care for the other sādhvis. She spent successive căturmāsyas in several districts of Mumbai, in Mahārāstra and then in the town of Bijāpura in the northern part of Karnātaka. In 1968 the group proceeded in the direction of Madrās, a distance of about nine hundred kilometres. At the beginning of this căturmāsya in Madrās, Sadhvi Candrayaśā undertook a fast of thirty days and, as several of her companions were also fasting, a zeal for fasting spread among the śrāvakas and śrāvikās
48 After several years, she was advised to write a diary describing her spiritual pilgrimage.
49 Cf., Nair, 1969, pp. 5-6.

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who were visiting the upāśraya.50 When this fast-period was coming to an end, she asked for and received permission to continue until the forty-fifth day. She was showing no fatigue and was even going from place to place in the town for the vandana to the ācārya and munis. The forty-sixth day in the morning, she consented to take a little liquid nourishment. During the day she seemed well and was already proposing to undertake an even longer fast during the next cāturmäsya. Then all of a sudden, towards the end of the afternoon, she fell ill and expressed a desire to see the ācārya, and, while the sādhvis, realising the seriousness of her condition, were singing the Namaskāra-mantra, she peacefully passed away. 51
The news spread rapidly; śrāvakas, śrāvikās and very many others made their way to the upāśaya to have the darśana of Sadhvi Candrayśā. Observing the pressure of the throngs, some students took it upon themselves to ensure orderliness. The money-offerings given in her memory were distributed to the poor. The next day, at half-past twelve, an endless procession followed her body. The cortege reached its destination at a distance of several kilometres from the upāśraya towards five o'clock. The civil authorities of Madrās had put at the samgha's disposal fisteen vehicles to transport mourners and wood for the cremation and had deputed for the occasion four hundred policemen who, together with the six hundred volunteers, maintained good order. Reporters from the better-known daily newspapers and photographers were also in attendance. It was truly an event in which the whole town participated.
Then the body which Sadhvi Candrayaśā had mastered and purified with the whole of her energy in order to set free from it the atman, that body which was now the object of so much veneration, was placed on the pyre of sandal-wood. The quantity of this precious wood, presented as a gift by the śrāvakas, was such - about three tons in weight, they say - that the fire burned all night long, illumining the whole area and diffusing the sweet fragrance of sandal-wood.
50 Ibid., p. 13.
51 Ibid., p. 15.

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Sādhvi Candrayaśā had not chosen to terminate her life by saṁlekhană (or saṁstăra), which is the culmination of an absolute fast. She was young and zealous with the consent of her guruņi, she was endeavouring to live out in every detail and stage by stage, the ideal set forth in the doctrine, namely, the purification of the deha, the body, with a view to its final separation from the ātman. To reach this goal, she used the means prescribed: faithful adherence to the rules, dhyāna, svādhyāya, and fasting, to which, in accordance with the tradition of her gaccha, she attached particular importance.
Thc pcoplc of Madrās, greatly impressed and deeply moved, thus venerated with enthusiasm a young saint who had evidenced extraordinary zeal for spiritual values. It was this life-testimony, bearing, as it did, the mark of the Absolute, that attracted in her train people of all ages, all beliefs and all social strata. By her faithful adherence to her ideal, Sãdhvi Candrayaśā awoke in everybody's consciousness, in differing degrees of course, an awareness of the ātman, of that Reality which is simultaneously both transcendent and immanent.
D - Ujjvala Vāņi
The pravacanas of Mahāsati Sri Ujjvalakumari
Mahāsati Ujjvalakumāri likewise was originally from Gujarāta and belonged to the Sthănakavāsis. Her memory is still very vivid among those who knew her, for she left this world only in 1976 at the age of around fifty-seven. As a child, she lived with her mother, a young widow and schoolmistress, in a suburb of Mumbai. When the young girl was no more than ten, they came into contact with Mahāsati Rājakumari. The young woman, attracted by the teaching of this guruņi, decided to become her disciple and her daughter followed suit. For several years they shared the life of the sādhvis who took good care to instruct them and in 1934 both received dikṣā at Karamālă in Mahārāștra. The mother became Mahāsati Sri Candanabālā and the

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daughter, who was in her sixteenth year, Mahāsati śri Ujjvalakumāri.52 Ujjvala means splendour, radiance, brilliant light.
Among the Sthånakavāsis, as a general rule, sādhvis are encouraged to study, both for the sake of their own spiritual progress and also to equip them to give pravacanas. Mahāsati studied a lot in her youth, systematically and with the help of masters. Never, however, did she stop extending her knowledge, her range of learning. She pursued her studies all her life. In addition to everything that concerns Jaina doctrine, she knew classical Indian philosophy, she had a vast knowledge of literature, she was interested in other religions and could without the slightest difficulty quote a passage from the
Upanisads, the Bhagavad Gitā, the Purāņas, the Buddhist Scriptures or - the Gospels. Nor did she limit herself to the writings of times past, for
she had learnt several modern languages. The sciences did not escape her interest either, for, without undertaking any particular course of scientific study, she was able, thanks to her reading, to follow the progress of contemporary science.
She had a wide open spirit, a lively intelligence, an insatiable desire to study, to know, to deepen her knowledge. She did not content herself with mere book-knowledge, but, rather, took a keen interest in all aspects of a subject, in people and in situations at the level of experience. Her vast range of knowledge, her wise judgement and the harmonious way in which she had assimilated all she knew gave her a remarkable breadth of vision and generosity of spirit which evidenced
$2 These details were given me by Mahasati herself at Ahmadnagara in 1971. Later, in 1974, in Pune, Sri K. Munot told me that he had been opposed to this dikṣā, as the young girl was highly intelligent and his intention was to remove her from the influene of the sādhvis and help her to pursue higher studies. This is in fact mentioned in the Preface to Ujjvala Vani, 1965, pp. v-vii. Moreover, it is expressly noted that the dikşå should have taken place at Pune when the candidate was forteen years old, but that the 'Youth League' of the town, disapproving of this practice, appealed to the Court of Justice. A magistrate questioned the girl and, in the face of her determined resolution, was left in no doubt about her will in the matter. However, he decreed that she should await the decision of the conference of munis at Ajamera. The members of the conference fixed a minimal age of 16 for admission to diksā and thus the candidate waited for twwo more years.

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themselves in a straightforward and spontaneous fashion. One was immediately at ease with Mahāsati. She was eager to help, inform, guide; she replied to questions, procured documents and unfailingly saw to it that letters were duly answered.
602
She was greatly helped, from a few years after her dikșă until she was of mature years, by her learned guru, Muni Śri Mohana Ruci. Her attitude towards him was one of profound, daughterly devotion and she consulted him often. For long years she was obliged to lead a sedentary life on account of a serious eye condition. She lived at the upāśraya of Ahmadnagara, the town where Muni Mohana Ruci, already advanced in years, was permanently residing.
As long as her health permitted, she gave numerous pravacanas, particularly in Mumbai, where she was well known. In her capacity as pravartini for a long period, she encouraged her disciples to study and kept those who were studying at her side in order to give them guidance.53
Why Ujjvala Vāņi?
In 1948 one of the Mumbai samghas made arrangements to collect and then publish the pravacanas that Mahāsati had given during the căturmãsya when she was twenty-nine years old. The śrāvakas thought that this course of instruction, put into one book, would be readily accessible to many readers. This collection is called: Ujjvala Vāṇī, the voice of Ujjvala. Even though the written text cannot convey the voice, the intonation of the spoken word, the warmth of conviction and physical presence of her person, it nevertheless does communicate to us the spirit of Mahāsati. This collection is all the more valuable and interesting in that it dates from the period which followed Independence, a period when the sadhvis were still confined to the strict orthodoxy of a conservative grouping. Mahāsati Ujjvalakumāri, even in those days, was not the one and only sadhvi to
53 During my stay at Ahmadnagara in 1971 she had 27 sädhvis under her direction; they were divided into 5 groups, out of which 4 were on vihara and I remained with her at the upăśraya, this last-named being composed of students.

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speak out boldly. Certain sādhvis in other regions had preceded her and others have followed.
Why then study Ujjvala Vāņi? Because Ujjvala Vāni is believed to be the only collection of pravacanas of a sādhvi of that period; because it transmits to us the ever-living and contemporary message of an exceptional sadhvi, who was in direct contact with those who cared about essential values, more particularly with Gandhiji;54 because the character and content of these pravacanas testify to the mission of the sādhvis, they demonstrate how, by acquiring a firm grounding of knowledge, they can succeed in communicating it to their contemporaries; and, finally, because, having known Mahāsati and stayed with her, how could one not, as a sign of gratitude for her so friendly welcome and ready understanding and as a sign of respect and devotion to her memory, try to make her known, how could one not try, however imperfectly, to make her voice heard?
The inspiration conveyed by Ujjvala Vāņi
All those who knew her recall unanimously how impressed they were by Mahāsati's breadth of spirit. Her eagerness for knowledge and the wide range of her culture were of enormous help to her, but she also must have been fortified by an uncommon degree of courage to have expressed as she did revolutionary ideas such as were bound to upset the sectarianism, rigidity and sterile conservatism of one type of Jaina milieu. We have to realise the audacity and strength of conviction this required on the part of a young sādhvi, as well as her concern to enlighten others and free them from every fetter. She knew how to captivate her audience, not only by the thoroughness of her knowledge in many spheres and the clarity of her exposition, but also by her remarkable capacity for touching upon all domains, religious, moral, cultural, social. Mahāsati lived for the most part in Mumbai; she was addressing groups of its citizens, most of them engaged in commerce, not always honest in their transactions nor mindful of the
54 During one of Gandhiji's stays in Mumbai, in September 1944, when he had come to meet Jinnah, the founder-to-be of Pakistan, he held with Mahasati daily conversations for 19 days, conversations concerning religion, society and politics. These are published in a booklet entitiled: Gandhi Ujjvala vārtālāpa.

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prevailing social injustice. Mahāsati, with her very real oratorical gifts, knew how to speak fearlessly in picturesque, yet also concrete and exact terms. Nearly always she would recount a story taken from one or other of the religious traditions and then, with the utmost skill, would guide her hearers towards the essential, would cause them to reflect, knowing on every occasion just how to distill the spiritual message of her talks without being dogmatic, abstract or boring.
Her pravacanas were grounded in the doctrine, but doctrine must not be a dead-letter affair. She raised her voice against the sterility, the uselessness, of certain practises divorced from real life. She was daring enough to attack at its root all hypocrisy, egoism of every type, those crying injustices which most people tend to tolerate. She insisted on the need to purify motives and actions and spoke out against the exploitation of the poor. She was always exhorting her audience to respect those whom society, out of blindness, habitually oppresses, insults and despises. She begged people to come to their aid, to welcome them, love them. It is in this, she would say, that the dharma consists, it is in this way that one lives out ahiṁsā. Mahāsati, through her own person and through her words, was a great encouragement and powerful inspiration to women of all walks of life and, in particular, to girls to whom she imparted fresh incentive and the conviction that, despite so many obstacles, they must get themselves educated and thus be able to advance.
Sometimes, it is true - and notably in the course of some of her references to western-culture - Mahāsati's observations could be wide of the mark. She expressed somewhat erroneous opinions, oversimplified, and had recourse to clichés. This was due chiefly to the prejudices of the age and to her lack of information and firsthand knowledge of this subject, her opinion being based on rather sketchy reading. It is unfortunate that she did not have an opportunity to meet any experts in this very broad domain. However, considering the misieu to which she belonged, it is truly remarkable that she had taken thé trouble to acquire information. Moreover, she invariably maintained a benevolent outlook.

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Uijvala Våni, a brief survey
The series of pravacanas opens with the following topics, each topic being the subject of one talk: - Victory over the passions. - The importance of good company and good reading. - How to perfect and enhance one's life. - The spirit of service.
She then broaches the important subject of the aņuvratas or small vows, the same in content as the mahāvratas of the ascetics,but implemented to a lesser degree.
- Ahimsā: Mahāsati points out that, before being attentive in relation to insects, one must first be attentive in relation to human beings; that to lie is also a form of himsă and she goes on to say: "None of you, surely, would eat mutton, even if you were offered a considerable sum of money, and yet would you not be willing to lie for a very small sum? Certainly this is proof that you attach importance only to the outer aspect of ahimsa." She then continues by indicating in concrete terms what is meant by inner ahiṁsā. She lays great stress on the way men and women servants should be treated: not to demand from them extra hours of work, to give proper remuneration to them, to look to their work-conditions and to see that they receive medical help. Shel insists on the positive aspects of ahiṁsā.55
- Satya: to this, because it is of vital consequence, she attaches such importance that three pravacanas are devoted thereto. She begins by drawing attention to the fact that satya is a constitutive dimension of the human person. By means of several examples she reminds her hearers that satya is not restricted to one compartment; it issues from the mind, from speech and from action. Satya is quite as essential as prāņa, the breath of life, 56
55 Ujjvala Vāņi, 1965, (pravacanas of 1948) ch.7.
56 Ibid., chs. 8-10.

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- Asteya: it is not enough, she says, to refrain from purloining the possessions of others, to refrain from stealing; asteya goes much further it consists as well in not amassing things, keeping more than one needs. All superfluity is a form of steya.57 She knows very well whom she is addressing!
- Brahmacarya: after mentioning the two aspects, the positive and the negative, the mastery of all the senses and healthy work which channels all the energies, she lays great stress on the dignity of manual work. Having followed closely all the activities of Gandhiji, she narrates a few episodes of his life. Then, turning to the men of her audience, she draws their attention to this anomaly: a woman must remain faithful to her husband all her life and a widow is not permitted to re-marry, but a widower may always remarry, why this difference? \This injustice?58
- Aparigraha: on the subject, Mahāsati has so much to say that she devotes to it four pravacanas. Her speech is direct and emphatic, for the spirit of possessiveness, the thirst for money and the accumulation of riches are the root causes of spiritual backsliding and of an enormous amount of social injustice. The more riches one accumulates, the more sins one piles up. She insists over and over again that aparigraha consists in not considering oneself the depositary or guardian of money; rather, having seen to the needs of one's own family members, one must ütilise the surplus to relieve the sufferings of others. Addressing herself to the śrāvikās, she says: "Certain ones of you undertake regular fasts, yet harldy any tangible. spiritual results of them are to be seen. Why is this so? Because you are not detached in spirit. So, while fasting, get rid of any surplus sādis and other things that you keep in your cupboards..." The spirit of possession, she says does not operate solely in relation to money and goods; it has subtle ramifications and is also at the root of intransigent sectarianism, that fury with which each one blindly defends his sect, his guru, his
57 Ibid., ch. 11.
58 Ibid., cf. 12.

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doctrine, his party, his province, all of this being a form of avarice and greed. She directs her hearers' attention towards the eternal riches: faith, right conduct, the study of the Scriptures, study in general, detachment, compassion, broad-mindedness.59
-
What is the purpose of the aṇuvratas? To help one reach immortality. The subject is developed at length with the help of concrete examples and specific directions for attaining the goal in everyday life. When dealing with tapas, she stresses first and foremost its inner expression. 60
During this time of câturmāsya several festivals take place, notably that which celebrates Independence and that of the paryuṣaṇā. On the anniversary of Independence, Mahāsati asks whether people are aware that the political independence acquired a year ago should carry with it an acute sense of the accompanying responsibilities, courage to act, to make changes, to bring about reforms? Have people grasped all the implications of this freedom? Should they not resolutely confront and tackle all the social, religious and educational problems? She strongly condemns the spirit of casteism, its inhuman rigidity, the affront to human dignity and human rights that this system involves. She then reminds her hearers what personal independence and liberty really
mean.
This series of thirty pravacanas was intended to prepare the śrāvakas and śrāvikās for spiritual renewal on the occasion of the feast of samvatsari, the first day of the Jaina new year. By way of follow-up, the next series treats of various subjects, such as:
The dharma and Science.
The dharma and society.
Jaina culture and Buddhist culture.
The dharma for today.
-
20
On the path of progress.
The goal of life.
607
59 Ibid., chs. 13-16.
60 Ibid., chs. 22-26; 29.

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The strength of unity.
The dharma not to be regarded as an elegant heirloom.61 In enlarging on the theme"Self-sufficiency", she stresses once again the way in which servants should be treated. Hiṁsā, she says, is not merely a question of wounding, killing, causing blood to flow, but it is also to make use of others for one's own advantage, to turn them into slaves, into sweated labour. Let the Jainas first abolish among themselves this form of slavery and lighten the burdens of others by labouring themselves!62
608
-
Khadi and the Jaina dharma: acting as a mouth piece for Gandhiji, she sets forth very clearly, from the Jaina point of view, the advantages of khādi, handwoven cloth. On the one hand, this type of weaving avoids himsă which is unavoidable in cloth mills, and on the other hand it provides a livelihood for large numbers of persons and especially for village women who can take up weaving as a homecraft. She exhorts the whole Jains community to encourage this group of artisans and to wear khadi themselves.63
The Unknown Pilgrims
On the potential of women and their duty in society: she reminds her hearers of the worship addressed to the goddesses Saravati, Lakṣmi and Kāli, personnifying respectively knowledge, wealth and energy; that, within Indian culture, moreover, womankind has not always been relegated to a back seat. She raises her voice against a certain masculine mentality that considers woman to be inferior. What is this strength" of which men speak? If strength means physical strength, woman, it is true, possesses less than man, but if
63
61 Cf. Ujjvala Vāņi, 1951, chs. 1-7; 10.
62 Ibid., ch. 13.
Two remarks here: firstly, it is well-known that of the great industrialists, owners of important textile factories, especially in Gujarāta, several are Jainas; secondly, after more than thirty years of independence, during which a strong boost has been administered to industry, it is now recognised that the rural population and the craftsmen have been neglected. Thus there is now, though somewhat on the late side, a reversion to certain forms of handcraft and handwcaving is also being encouraged anew.

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strength denotes spiritual and moral strength, then it must be admitted that in this regard woman is superior to man. If, furthermore, man has a powerful brain, he does not equal woman in depth of feeling. In the heart of woman there are vast reservoirs of love, affection and compassion seldom possessed by man. She goes on to expound clearly what that feminine potential is that man and society in general cannot do without. She speaks with fervour of the movement launched by Gandhi in favour of women. She does not encourage women to a purely external imitation of men, but implores society to set women free from the heavy chains with which it had shackled them in order to maintain masculine domination. She encourages women to have the courage and tenacity to contribute themselves to their own emancipation.64
Mahăsati Ujjvalakumāri, on account of her state of health, was unable to continue to teach large crowds of people, exhort them, convert them, but at the 'upāśraya in her retirement she went on teaching the sādhvis and imparting to all the many persons who came 10 consult her a taste for knowledge. Her personal influence was striking and the number of people or institutions in need who have benefitted from gifts or from kindly interest on the part of śrăvakas and śrāvikās counselled by Mahāsati is beyond telling. She was irresistible. In her presence parigraha was softened, for Mahāsati communicated to others her own altruístic outlook.
E - Ratna Rasmi
The extraordinary fast of Sadhvi Sri Ratnavati
Ratna means jewel and raśmi, a ray of light, splendour; thus ratnaraśmi means the splendour of the jewel. This jewel is a young Terāpanthi sadhvi called Ratnavati.65 Unlike Sadhvi Candrayšā, she did not have a burning zeal for tapas, she was of delicate health, sick already for several years, and was living painfully but courageously
64 Cl. Ujjvala Vāņi, 1951, ch. 23.
65 Lit. resembling a jewel.

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the ascetic life when, suddenly, a change took place in her. She felt inspired to undertake the total fast which leads to mahāprasthāna. In the course of this fast, which lasted twenty-two days, her insight into spiritual realities intensified and on October 23, 1964, the Jewel left this world, but its splendour remains. She was thirty years of age and had been a sādhvi for thirteen years.
The book is not, properly speaking, a biography. It is a collection of eye-witness accounts, written by several munis and sādhvis and by the brother of Sãdhvi Ratnavati, to which are added some poems extolling different aspects of this extraordinary case.66 Each short study is a personal one, which seeks to explain this event and give it its rightful place in the Jaina tradition. As we read these accounts of the events and the reflections arising therefrom, we can observe the successive stages of a rapid ascent.
From childhood to dikşă
Sādhvi Ratnavati was born in Rajasthāna into a well-to-do and devoted Terāpanthi family. She did not attend school, but studied at home, in particular Sanskrit. When still very young, she evidenced an attraction for the ascetic life and even requested her parents' permission to receive dikşă. Her father, alarmed by this request, hastened to get her married when she reached the age of thirteen. The young bride allowed the ceremony to take place, but a few days later she declared firmly that she could not remain in this state of life one day longer and, to annul the alliance contracted against her will, took a vow of virginity. The two families, much concerned about this state of affairs, attempted to dissuage her and lure her from her purpose, but in vain. About two years after the marriage, seeing her determination, the parents requested the ācārya to accept her. To her great joy she was admitted to the ranks of the vairāginis of the Samsthā.67 There
66 We recall how one of the chief characteristics of the Terāpanthis is to have one single ācārya. This tends to result in a highly compact organisation and community participation in the preceedings of and happenings within the gaņa.
67 Cf. P 469 ff.

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she pursued her studies for two years and at the age of_seventeen reccived dikṣā.68
From dikşā to anaśana
After her dikşā she studied the doctrine and learnt several Agamas by heart. She began, moreover, to evidence great fervour for the ascetic life. She possessed, so they say, a lively spirit and a literary bent and wrote furthermore a collection of poems. However, after a few years her health deteriorated and it seemed that this way of life was too harsh for her physical constitution. As one malady after another laid her low, she unfailingly endured these trials with great fortitude and patience. This sickly condition, which prevented her from concentrating, studying or serving her elders and which did not permit her to undertake any form of tapas, lasted about eight years. She was gradually experiencing during this time a growing revulsion against food and medicaments. Thereupon, being aware of the doctrinal teaching and thus knowing that in a case of incurable illness such as renders impossible the practice of asceticism, anaśana, the type of sast termed caturvidha, a total fast unto mahāprasthāna, is permitted, she decided to request permission to undertake this fast with a view 10 total self-purification.69 At that time she was in the small town of Byāvara in Rājasthāna.
An extraordinary anaśana: resultant manifestations
In making this Girm resolve, Sadhvi Ratnavati knew that she must first obtain the permission and blessing of thc ācārya and thercaster rely solely on the strength of the atman. Now it was the period of the cāturmāsya. The acārya was staying in the same arca, but he could not move anywhere. It was possible, however, to contact him quickly and he replied that the Icader of the group, Sadhvi Sri Kūmām, must first put Sadhvi Ratnavati to the test, after which, if her resolution
68 Cf. Śricandra, 1966, pp. 21-23.
69 Ibid., pp. 32-34.

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remained unshakeable, he would feel free to accord her permission to undertake the great fast. Several days later, in accord with Sadhvi Kūmām, he gave his consent. One sādhvi of the same group, Sri Phulakumāri, who remained constantly at Sādhvi Ratnavati's side, kept a record of the most striking moments of the fast and of its effects. These manifestations reveal an increasingly rarefied awakening and consciousness of being, in proportion as progressive detachment from the body took place. To this awakening correponded a progressive inner purification and, at the same time, a confirmation of will and intention. Other sadhvis have undertaken this fast during the final days of their lives, but the extraordinary feature of this particular case was the state of extreme lucidity and vigour observable in a sādhvi who had hitherto been weakened by successive illnesses, a vigour which mustered together all her now purified faculties. It was because of this heightened awareness and this mental vigour that the fast lasted an exceptional length of time and that it communicated a radiance and a message to all who thronged around her. Sädhvi Phūlakumāri took notes on the spot, as the situation unroled, of the stages of this final advance. Here is a resume of this existential eyewitness account. 70
Dhyāna assumes an essential role
From the very outset of the fast, Sādhvi Ratnavati began to finu herself capable of sustained mental concentration she grasped forthwith the importance of dhyāna, which up till then, as she herself avowed, she had hardly recognised. She said that she felt the power of the ātman stirring within her.
Alocană
On the seventh day of the fast, she experienced a need for inner 'stripping', for clarification, and expressed a desire for full and frank confession to the sādhvis of her group. These latter were struck by the simplicity and honesty with which she addressed each one, recognising her faults and asking for pardon.
70 Ibid., chs. 2 and 3 of the second part for what follows.

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The acārya expresses his faith and confidence: jubilation
On the eight day, the ācārya, who was being kept regularly informed, sent a message, after mature reflection, to say that: "if the inner flow was slowing strongly, it should not be curbed; that he had total faith in her resolve and that Sādhvi Kümām, being on the spot, should herself assess the firmness of her decision and permit this saṁstāra-pratyākhyāna."71Immediately she heard the words of the ācārya confirming her in this new path, her face became radiant and she exclaimed: "Today I am truly blest; for me this dawn is full of light. . ." Some sādhvis had attempted to dissuage her because of her youth and delicate health, Sādhvi Kūmām, upon whom fell the responsibility of the final decision, was still hesitating, but Sādhvi Ratnavati began to urge her. Then, without the shadow of a doubt and in front of all those present, Sādhvi Kūmāṁ, having invoked the parameşthins, gave to Sādhvi Ratnavati the desired permission. A little later, Sādhvi Ratnavati, who was continuing to express her joy, attributing it to the blessing of the ācārya which was imparting to her the necessary strength, spoke words of great gratitude to Sādhvi Kūmāṁ for the guidance she had given her since her dikṣā.
For eight days already the gold had been tested in the fire; it must now be still further purified.
Dhyāna intensifies
The longer the fast went on, the more intense became Sădhvi Ratnavati's capacity for concentration. She spent long periods absorbed in dhyāna, but since during the day visitors came and went, she pursued her dhyāna during the night also. This dhyāna was not limited to certain hours only when there was complete silence; all day long she kept her mind fixed on the essential. From members of her family who had come from a distance to see her she firmly requested that they should only speak with her of spiritual things. Having discovered the importance of dhyāna, she conceived a desire to guide others in this regard, but she recognised that she had not strength
71 Another expression for the great and total fast-to-Departure. One is impressed by the wisdom of the acārya who did not give immediate permission for the great fast.

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enough to do so; yet, according to the accounts of those present at the time, her vigour was scarcely abated. To see her and speak with her, one would never have thought that she had been fasting for such a long time.
The impact of her radiance
Sādhvi Ratnavati did no preaching through word of mouth, her very presence was enough; secing her thus continuing in this state of deep recoffcction, several of those who came to visit felt themselves drawn to dhyāna, certain ones pledged themselves to a life of chastity and others embarked on a fast.
She replied with brcvity, clarity, precision, wisdom and firmness to all those who put questions to her. Her replies made transparently clear her spiritual strength and her serene joy, which were due both to her having gone beyond the range of any contingency and to her certainty of being on the right path. Without letting herself be upset by trisling questions, or becoming impatient, she made short work of any useless or misplaced comments. The radiance of her person was such that the members of the different sampradāyas of the region all considered her as one of theirs.
Even thc sccptics are convinced
The news spread rapidly all over the district. Certain ones showed doubt, even hostility, and there began to be talk of suicide. The civil authorities arrived on the spot and a lady doctor was appointed to study the case at close quarters. However, at the sight of the happy countenance of Sadhvi Ratnavati, most of the sceptics held their peace and certain ones even considered themselves her defenders. The authorities came to the conclusion that it was not for the civil power to meddle in what concerned the Realisation of the atman.
The messages of the acārya
Being unable to come in person to speak with her and guide her, the ācārya, who was receiving regular bulletins through the śrāvakas, sent her several messages, messages that were brief and simple, in which he gave her his moral support for this extraordinary venture,

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telling her of his joy and pride, which were also, he assured her, those of the samgha and which redounded to the honour of the dharma. In spite of the distance he assures her that whoever has unshakeable faith in the guru remains always in the heart of the guru; now, he knows how much confidence she has in him and he reminds her, moreover, of the help that she is receiving from Sādhvi Kūmām. These messages were for her a source of joy and courage and she said that this unity with the ācārya was imparting to her the energy which was upholding her.
Maháprasthana
On the morning of the twenty-second day of this fast, the ātman of Sādhvi Ratnavati abandoned her body which, after being a handicap to her for so many years and an obstacle to her spiritual progress, had become the very instrument of this rapid final advance. In the history of the Terāpanthis this was a striking event, for never had a saṁstāra been seen to last so long and to be lived out with such lucidity and in so heightened a state of awareness. We are told that a fervent throng of about five thousand persons accompanied the body on its last journey, uttering joyful acclamations, cries of victory in honour of the tirtharkaras and of this humble śramani who had shown indomitable courage and so strong a faith in the dharma.
It would be quite improper to try to analyse that which defies all analysis. One can simply gather together respectfully certain ones of Sādhvi Ratnavati's replies that give one a glimpse of a state of being, of an experience. To the question put by several people: "Why this fast?", she replied that it was to awaken the ātman. To another question: "Was it an urge towards tapas that first of all made its presence felt in you or did you first acquire knowledge". The nature of this knowledge and the degree thereof is not made clear either in the question or the reply. These short dialogues, which took place in highly unusual circumstances, constituted a break-through into the existential, they resembled neither a discussion nor an investigation. Yet her attitude and words during this final period give the impression that she had, during the years of illness, pondered, matured, penetrated into the meaning of the Scriptures and that a slow inner development had been taking place within her which culminated in this decision to

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undertake the total fast which led her to full awareness of her own being.
616
She went on insisting on the inward joy that accompanied such an experience. She said that if this joy were lacking, then there was really and truly no tapas, seeing that, in itself, tapas is simply an efficacious method for bringing about the stoppage and destruction of karman and, thus, the Liberation of the atman. To one sadhvi who asked whether she was experiencing the awakening of the atman, she replied in all simplicity: "On this subject I can only remain silent."
F - Satsanga
In holy company
The five sădhvis mentioned above have introduced us to the setting in which their life was lived, they have allowed us to share in their personal pilgrimages, within the samgha. Each represents a crystallisation, as it were, of certain values which, while being specifically Jaina as regards their doctrinal formulation, also belong to humanity as a whole. There are many other sadhvis who have lived or are still striving faithfully to live the ascetic life, without, however, attracting any attention. Each one is part of a whole in which each member has her place. This whole, this great assemblage is called the satsanga, the society, community of those men and women who have chosen to follow the good, who have directed their steps towards what is true and helpful.72 The sadhvisamgha is a constituent part of the universal satsanga, in which the corporate belonging to a spiritual family is not outward and visible, but is very real, going beyond all religion and all nationhood. Here are a few additional life-testimonies of sadhvis who have departed from us and of others who are still with us. They invite us to enter into realtionship with them, to be in their holy company.
72 The meaning of satsanga is not restricted to the groups composed of
ascetics.

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Mahāsati śrî Candā 73
She came of the noble lineage of the Rājapūtas, famous knights in the history of Rājasthāna. Her family was residing in Agarā and it was there that she was born in 1876. Her mother liked to go and listen to the pravacanas of munis and sādhvis and took her along with her. When she was about seven years of age, Mahasati Sri Pannādevi (of the Sthānakavåsis) noticed the child's precocious intelligence and her attraction for spiritual things and sensed in her a far from ordinary budding personality. She requested her mother to leave her with her so that she could teach her Jaina doctrine and make a sādhvi of her. The little girl, realising what it was all about, supported the request and her mother devotedly offered her daughter to the guruņi. At the age of twelve, she received dikṣā.
In addition to pursuing her studies, she began from the age of fourteen to give pravacanas. The influence of her talks was such that she won over śrāvakas, it is said, in a way that very well known munis failed to do. She was only twenty-eight years old when her guruņi left this world, having named her guruni in her place and having ch her not to put herself under the direction of another sādhvi, for she was bequeathing to her a spiritual heritage that she in turn must pass on to her own disciples. This bereavement was a terrible trial for Mahāsati, who remained alone with one very young sādhvi. During many long years she experienced isolation and troubles of every type. A Mūripūjaka muni offered to receive her, her mother besought her to return home, but she satly refused both the one and the other. She tried several times 10 find her place in a group of sādhvis, but without success. Finally, cleven years after the departure of her guruņi, she succeeded in putting herself under the obedience of the guruņi Mahāsati Sri Rājimati who, later on, became pravartini.
When we scan the list of căturmāsyas spent here and there by Mahāsati Candā, we observe that she made long journeys, through towns and villages of Panjāba, Jammu and the regions around Mumbai, Dilli, Agarā. But the Panjāba above all was her field of activity and it was in this province, of which the grievous partition
73 Cf. Mahendrakumāri, 1954, "jivana-khanda."

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took place a few years before her Great Departure, that her words were most fruitful. She knew just how to convince, to touch hearts, transform lives, inflame youthful hearts with zeal for vairagya, with all the resultant family struggles! She was also well able, in this region where the different religious sects have always found a fertile soil, to reply to questions, discuss, explain the Jaina position. At her sessions one could hear veritable dharmopadeśas, discourses on the dharma, in a company which included knowledgeable members of other Jaina communities, the Aryasamāja, the school of Vedanta, Sikhism and Islam. They say that sometimes the members of other traditions present at her pravacanas exceeded in number the Jainas. She had also a great concern for social questions and endeavoured to play her part in raising the status of women in the society of her day. 74
618
For the last days of Mahāsati Canda, her sadhvi biographer, with deep filial love and profound grief, takes the reader in imagination to the upāśraya at Ludhiyānā where, still fully lucid in mind, this remarkable guruņi and valiant daughter of Rājapūtana, long since become a disciple of Mahavira, is preparing herself for mahāprasthāna after sixty-nine years of vairagya, years that were oftentimes very hard and sometimes heroic, years during which she brought light into the world by her presence, a gently, radiant light, that of Canda, the Moon!75
Mahāsati Śri Mohanadevi 76
74 The pravacanas constitute a lengthy, separate section of the book. They were collected and edited by 2 śravakas. A 3rd section, śraddhāñjali, is made up of 38 eulogies in poetry and prose composed in honour of Mahāsati by various authors: 12 munis, 4 sadhvis, 4 śrāvikās and 18 śrāvakas.
75 There are several different but similar words for the moon: cânda, candra, candramă, and also: śaśi, śaśi.
76 This sub-section relies on the admirable bigraphy written by her disciple, Mahāsati Śri Hukamadevi, in a spirit of great devotion to the one who had been to her both guruni and veritable mother; cf. several refs. to this biography in the other sections. Mahāsati Hukamadevi sent to me excellent replies to a questionaire addressed to sadhvis. I was expecting to meet her in

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A contemporary of Mahāsati Candă, she belonged to a wealthy family in Dilli. Little Mohanadevi was the great pet of her whole family; in contemporary language mohana means enchantment, charm, seduction; devi, goddess, queen, princess.77 Married as a child, she was widowed while still very young. When she announced her intention of receiving dikṣā, her parents-in-law, who were greatly attached to her, found what they thought to be a sure méthod of retaining her. They adopted a baby boy a few months old and entrusted to her care. In an obedient way, she reared this adopted son with great care and affection, but, when the child was eleven, she renewed her petition, saying that now he could well manage without her. This tenacity was a source of vexation to her parents-in-law, who even so did not allow themselves to be convinced. She then proceeded to take action. She cut her hair, put on sädhvi's clothing and remained in seclusion in her room till she should be permitted to receive dikṣā.
A fervent ascetic, she became, first, a highly-valued guruni and then pravartini. Through her teaching, she became very well-known and highly appreciated, especially in Panjāba. Not only did she struggle against ignorance in general, but she strove with determination to help women and girls to free themselves, by means of education, from the social fetters with which they were bound. To enlighten and awaken by the spoken word was not enough for her. With her practical and realistic turn of mind, she inspired the formation of groups and saw to it herself that concrete decisions should be without delay taken, decisions that would set the younger generations on the path towards a progressive evolution. She had an acute sense of the omissions and defects of her own day and pertinaciously set herself to make up for them all in view of a near future; she knew that she would not see the results of her unceasing
619
Dilli in October 1978, when a śravaka wrote to me in September that she had passed away in August.
77 We recall that, as a general rule, there is no change of name among the Sthanakavāsis at the time of dikṣā.

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toil, but she had the moral certitude that she had done her utmost to aid, encourage and support the śrāvikās, and for her that sufficed. 78
Mahāsati Sri Pannādevi
In one of the densely-populated quarters of Dilli, on the first floor of an old house, is what is called the sthiravāsa, the permanent dwelling. Here, for the last several years, resides Mahasati Pannādevi with some of her disciples who take turns in waiting upon her. Mahāsati must be about nincty years of age and, like Mahäsatis Candā and Mohanadevi, belongs to the Panjābi branch of the Sthānakavāsis. Like them also, in their footsteps and with similar zeal, she has covered in her journeyings those same regions. Mahāsati is frail, alert, joyful and of a modest spirit.79 For her eightieih birthday, one of her disciples, Mahāsati Saralā, with the encouragement of the samgha, wrote her biography. 80
Mahāsati Pannādevi is a daughter of the ksatriyas of Rājasthāna, a cavalierly warrior class. From her childhood onwards she was in contact with Jainas and sādhvis and showed signs of a precocious intelligence and determination. On her own re-iterated request, she received dikṣā when she was in her tenth year. The pravartini of that day, a highly capable person, saw herself to the education of her young disciple. Mahāsati was outstanding for her indomitable courage and valour throughout numerous vicissitudes, a courage that was inherited from her forbcars and strengthened by her own unshakcable faith, that in its turn was enlightened by her knowledge of the Jaina dharma of which she was a tireless preacher.
78 Cf. P 456 ff. on the subject of the Mahilā Satsangas and Kanyā Vidyalayas that were staricd on Sādhvi Vicaksana and Mahasati Mohanadevi's initiative.
79 I met Mahāsati two times, in 1975 and 1977.
80 This sub-section draws upon Parts II and III of Saralā, 1970; cf. Appendix

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Her pravacanas, of which a selection is given in the biography, are based upon a thorough knowledge of the doctrine which she had the art of explaining in a concrete fashion, appropriately to the actual conditions of life of her listeners. Certain subjets were particularly dear to her and she reverted to them often, especially to ahimsa. She struggled ceaselessly for the emancipation of womankind from cruel and restrictive traditions and showed a lively interest in social service and aid for the poor and despised.
Service to others - it was this that Mahāsati herself performed for the pravartini who was her spiritual guide and then for the pravartini who succeeded. She was always at the service of her sadhvi disciples, whom she guided with maternal and enlightened care. She was intent that they should be abreast of their day and age, open, well-instructed. While giving pride of place to the study of the Scriptures and the doctrine, she always encouraged also broader studies: philosophy, psychology, new trends of thought. In this she was a pioneer and her present day disciples prove the wisdom of her views. As for the śrävikäs in the greater part of the Panjaba where devotion is fervent and Taith firm, they very quickly adopt modern notions in practical affairs, but do not have an innate urge for reflective thinking and philosophical study. Mahāsati endeavoured to guide them in this to them somewhat unfamiliar domain. She alerted their minds and fostered within them the spirit of service to the disinherited, inspiring them with karuņā.
621
One day Mahasati Saralā asked her to give to her disciples a mantra, with the help of which they might be worthy of their guruņi and continue her work. Mahāsati Pannādevi turned towards her, gazed at her seriously and asked: "What is your name?"
The disciple, taken by surprise, replied in a law voice: "Sarala".
The guruni replied: "Sarala! That is my guru-mantra. Your name is Sarală; I myself am saralā, in spirit. That is the most important gurumantra: to be sarala, simple. She who is simple, whose spirit is not crooked, whose heart is free of all craftiness, hypocrisy, deceit, whose words are sincere, this Sarală is loved by all and respected by all."
-

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Mahāsati Sri Yaśakumvara 81
In a well-watered village of Madhya Pradeśa a girl called Jānaki was returning to her bonher's house, carrying a vessel of water on her head. Suddenly she stopped, in order to listen attentively to some words of a muni who, hard by, was giving a pravacana. The vessel of water was heavy, Janaki could not linger, but she decided to go the next day to listen to the muni. Till that moment, she had never had any contact with Jainas, this was her first encounter. She acquired a taste for pravacanas. After several days she asked the muni to give her dikṣā. He replied that it was possible, but only with the permission of her parents, and that if she was fully decided, she should not wait long before making her commitment. Straightway, Jänaki set to put her plan into action. Now, this was extremely difficult, for Jānaki came from a very well-to-do family of the Hindu sect known as vairāgi-sādhus, though in Tact a number of its members are not sādhus. She had had a pampered childhood and then the death of her father had ruined thc family's fortunes. She was married off at the age of five and lived in her family by marriage.
Many pages would be needed to describe the incredible struggle Jānaki was obliged to undertake, with her own mother as well as with her husband and parents-in-law, a struggle that was the more painful because she was alone, not being as yet a member of the Jaina samgha. The struggle ended in Jānaki's favour, for a śrāvaka, impressed by her courage and determination, invited her to come and receive dikșă in his village, assuring her of his protection. To avoid any violent intervention on the part of the family-in-law, the procession was flanked on either side by armed soldiers. All passed off peaccably and Janaki became Mahāsati Yaśakumvara, yasa mcaning glory, honour, splendour, praise and kumvara being an alternative to kumari. All this took place in 1937 and Mahāsati Yasakusvara, an admirable and much-loved guruņi is still among us.
After dikşā she continued her struggle on other fronts. Attacked by tuberculosis, she showed extraordinary moral strength. When the doctors had lost hope and the sădhvis were filled with consternation,
81 This sub-section draws from Āryā Premakumvara, 1973.

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623
she comforted them and assured them that she would survive. Everybody's courage was restored and little by little, thanks to her own powers of endurance and to a new treatment, she was healed. Hardly was she fully recovered than her guruni fell ill and an urgent operation for cancer was necessary. The group, which was at that time in a village, procecdcd slowly to the city of Ajamera. Arrived there, the sādhvis know no-one, nor did they know to whom they should address themselves, as this detour had not been foreseen. At the time of gocari a śrăvaka took the trouble to ask: where did they come from? Where were they staying? When Mahāsati explained the situatin, the śrāvaka showed them the upāśraya and informed his son, who had a friend who was a doctor. The guruņi was obliged to stay several months in the hospital. During these months, Mahāsaii's life was very difficult; the hospital was a long way away and often it was she who went three times a day on gocari to get milk and other nourishment to take to the invalid.
Mahasati is especially characterised by her shining, invincible confidence in the dharma, a confidence which upholds her and gives her an unusual strength of character. She is convinced that the spiritual comes first and, whatever the circumstances, she remains centred on the essential. She bclicves in the unifying power of dhyāna and it is from this state of constant concentratedness that she draws her strength.
Mahāsati is attentive to both individuals and situations and, wherever she passes, she brings good. Her presence is beneficient not only to hearts and minds but also to bodies. Her disciple, Mahāsati Sri Premakumvara, who writes the biography, reports that in several places Mahāsati has performed healings. It is very possible that the absolute faith of the sick person in the spiritual power of this sramani vanquishes the sickness. Mahāsati sceks no popularity, she simply allows one and another to come to her and, with her immense compassion, comforts and soothes.
And what are we to say of the effect of her pravacanas in certain isolated villages of Rājasthāna, where enmities between fellow-Jainas have split the community and where often for years no muni or sādhvi has passed through to bring about a renewal? Mahāsati Yaśakumvara arrives, gives clear and definite teaching, listens, counsels, reconciles.

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All come to hear her, whatever their religion or caste. They say that Mahāsati has invincible faith in the Namaskāra-mantra to which, whatever the situation, she has recourse. By her ardent devotion to the parameshins and her intelligent interpretation of their teaching, she follows faithfully the path they have traced.
Sadhvi Sri Bālū 82
Bālū means beloved. Sādhvi Sri Bālū was a true Mother and the book which is dedicated to her begins with the poem of a muni addressing "the Mother". The mother of three children, she became a widow after the birth of the third. Belonging as she did to a fervent Terāpanthi family, she would have like, after the death of her husband, to receive dikşā but desired first to bring up the little last -born. When, on a certain day when he was ten year old, he made clear to her his own attraction to the state of vairāgya, she felt herself free. The mother aged forty-three and the son aged ten received dikşā together, becoming Sādhvi Sri Bālū and Muni Sri Nathamala. As an ascetic she became the Mother of all alike: mụnis, sādhvis, śrāvakas, śrāvikās. On this point the testimonies of one and all, after her Departure, are unanimous.83
Since she was already a person of mature years when she embraced the ascetic life, her fervour, her strong faith and her innate feel for the dharma helped her to make rapid progress on the path of renunciation. She did not have responsibility for a group and did not often give pravacanas, but imparted teaching chiefly through her presence and also through her counsel which was full of wisdom and good sense. Her speech was direct and sometimes blunt, owing to her zeal for the dharma, but her heart was large and benevolent. Her life was totally consistent and she lived her asceticism to the full. People were impressed by her glowing faith which expressed itself in veneration towards the ācāryas: the founder of the Terāpanthis, the ācārya who had given her dikşā and the present one. She was always vigilant,
82 This sub-section draws upon Surānā, 1972.
83 Each has contributed his or has testimony or reflections: 8 munis, 12 sādhvis, 15 śrăvakas and śrāvikās; the poems are by 4 munis, 12 sådhvis, 6 śrávakas and śrāvikās.

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never allowed herself any form of slackness, and taught the young that jñāna does not consist in words, but first and foremost in the judicious use of time, precious time that must not be wasted but must be used for the maintenance of a constant state of concentration. She furthered her tapas through fasting and mauna (silence); as regards svādhyāya, having little formal education, she had studied by heart, and would often repeat, sundry passages of the Sūtras.
During the last five years of her carthly pilgrimage, from the age of seventy-nine to cighty-four, she was constantly ill. At this age when physical strength diminshes, Sadhvi Bālu, assailed by piercing pains, not only patiently endured the suffering but transcended it in a state of great lucidity. She did not wish to undertake the absolute fast, for she said that her way was to live ever more and more devotedly until her last breath, just staying among the sadhvis. The sadhvi who had the special charge of caring for her during these years said that she was a true "artist", who knew how to mould hearts and spirits through the simple maxims she used to utter.
625
She lived with intensity a Jaina form of samadhi: bheda-jñāna or state of full awareness, recognition of the essential difference between atman and deha, the body. Muni Nathamala had taught her this form of japa: ātman bhinna, śarīra bhinna. She repeated this with such conviction that after a while she spoke of her body, which gave her such pain, as being bhinna, other, distinct. She had reached, there is no doubt, a very high degree of the awakened state, which enabled her, while still conscious of the suffering, to rise above it. Sädhvi Bālū remained conscious and in the same state of fervour till her Great Departure which, on such an occasion, is called samadhi-maraṇa, bodily death in the state of samādhi.
Sadhvi Śri Lādām 84
84 This sub-section draws upon Samṁghamitra, 1973.

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The Unknown Pilgrims
The title of the book is very suggestive: "The drop of water which became the River Gangā."83 This "drop", from a little town of Rājasthāna with a strong Terapanthi Jaina population, grew up in accordance with the tradition of that milieu. Three years after her marriage, when Lādāṁ, or beloved one, was about fourteen years old, her life began to take on a different orientation. Her husband, who was about eighteen years old, began to feel a strong attraction to the ascetic life; he would like to receive dikṣā. He told her this desire and she professed herself ready to follow him. However, the young man, the only son of his parents, still had a duty towards his family members and was obliged to wait for some years. Life was continuing with the prospect of dikşā at some future date, when a sudden illness carried off the young husband; Lādām at that time was eighteen years of age. Although she was much loved-by her family by marriage, she did not want to postpone any longer the fulfilment of their joint decision. She expressed to the ācārya her desire to become a sādhvi. This latter advised her to wait a while and prepare herself by studying; she had also certain eye troubles that caused him to hesitate. Obediently, she undertook an intensive svādhyāya.
At last, after another four years, she, together with her young brother Tulasi, received dikṣā, an older brother, Muni Sri Campaka, having preceded them on the path. The drop lost itself in the śramānisamgha with eagerness. In 1936 her younger brother was nominated as the ācārya's successor and she herself as agrani, leader of a group.86 In 1946, Ācārya Śri Tulasi appointed her Sâdhvi Pramukhā, at the head of all the sădhvis; for twenty-four years she fulfilled the role of Mother with wisdom, firmness and true goodness, a great-hearted Mother, a Mother whose heart was as vast as the River Gangā.
Sādhvi Lādār was a simple unassuming person who, especially at first, found it painful to be thrust into the foreground. She forebade
85 The editor, Sadhvi Samghamitrā, has arranged the contents of this book to excellent effect: a detailed and lively biographical section; a collection of letters; essays by 38 munis, sādhvis,śrävakas and śrāvikās; a short account of a colloquy with Sadhvi Sri Lādām and a selection of her maxims.
86 Agrani or agraganyā; cf. P 429.

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627
the sādhvis to call her "Mahāsaliji" and declined to use a raised stool, sitting herself on the ground with the other sådhvis. This, however, crcated cmbarrassment, for the śrāvakas and śrāvikās who came for the vandana did not know which was the Sādhvi Pramukhã. In short, one day a śrāvaka mentioned the matter to the acārya, who summoned Sadhvi Lādāṁ and enjoined her firmly to receive her visitors seāted upon a low wooden table as was proper. Her biographer quotes a passage from the Sihānānga-sūtra which compares persons to four sorts of fruit: the coconut, the plum, the acreca-nut and the grape. The coconut is hard on the outside and tender inside; the plum, tender on the outside and hard within; the arcca-nut in hard both outside and inside, while the grape is tender both outside and in. She remarks that Sādhvi Pramukhā could be, according to the dissering requirements of people and circumstances, the coconut, the areca-nut or the grape, but certainly never the plum!
To be at the head of four hundred sādhvis, during a time of renewal and under the vigorous leadership of Ācārya Tulasi, was no easy task. Sādhvi Lādām had come to maturity in a family setting and deepened that maturity through the practice of asceticism. She had profound wisdom and great organising ability. She knew how to change and how to direct others intelligently towards the full realisation of their own potential. She attached great-importance to study. Before becoming Prainukhā, she had already pleaded with the ācārya for more advanced study for sādhvis. She encouraged Sanskrit studies and literary composition, having herself "the heart of a poet". Svădhyāya gave her immense joy. She acted as a stimulant to the sādhvis by herself knowing an impressive number of texts and constantly recalling them to mind. Svādhyāya, to her, was tantamount to breathing. She had a horror of idleness and helped the sādhvis to develop certain forms of arts and crafts compatible with their life-aim: the copying of texts, the painting of miniatures, drawing, painting," sewing.
She participated whole-heartedly, with the ācārya, in a great movement of new freedom and of struggle against the narrow and stifling orthodoxy and certain customs in regard to women current in the society of Rājasthāna. She addressed herself straight to the śrāvikās, by taking a personal interest in their spiritual instruction.

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The last three years of Sadhvi Pramukhā's life were subject to a double, trial: that of sickness and that of the absence of the acarya, who was at a distance in the South. This latter and Muni Campaka sent a number of letters to their sister during her final year, to which she duly replied.87 These letters, of which several are written in poetic form, are the expression of fraternal bonds rendered the stronger because of the sharing of all three in a common ideal and were written at a time when the sister, already on the threshold of the Great Departure, was nearing the end of a long spiritual journey and her struggle against acute physical pain. Sadhvi Pramukha had one desire and only one, namely, to have once more the darśana and benediction of the acarya. He himself was eager to come, but his mission retained him in the South. In February 1970, when news from Rājasthāna arrived describing the rapidly deteriorating state of Sadhvi Lāḍāṁ, Ācārya Tulasi despatched from Haidarābād Sadhvi Samghamitra, entrusting to her two written messages, one for Sadhvi Pramukha, the other for the samgha of the North, along with a lengthy missive from Muni Campaka. The ācārya enjoined the messenger to give full and detailed news to the invalid; he was making plans to take to the road again in a northerly direction before long and hoped to see her again. Sadhvi Samgnamitra set out with a group of seven sadhvis. In thirty-three days they covered about eight hundred kilometres, stopping by night wherever they could find shelter, in the jungle, in some hut or school or village-hall, or in some, delapidated house. It was truly an extraordinary vihara. The thought of the joy, hope and comfort that their message would bring gave them the strength to walk steadily on. But when they were already in Rajasthāna, within a few days' walk of their goal, a telegram announced to them the mahāprasthāna of Sadhvi Pramukha. This was a very hard blow for them and their energy flagged: After their arrival at Bidāsara, where everyone was impatiently awaiting their arrival, Sadhvi Samghamitra read to the assembled company the message of the acarya to Sadhvi Pramukhā.
628
87 These letters number 27 and are dated between April and September 1969: 10 letters of Acarya Tulasi to Sadhvi Lāḍām, 9 letters of Muni Campaka, 8 letters of Sadhvi Lāḍāṁ to Acārya Tulasi.

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Finally, here are some of the "drips of ambrosia", words full of wisdom, vigour, clarity and affection, uttered in spontaneous fashion by Sadhvi Pramukha. Each one is a veritable maxim:88
"A truly affectionate attitude is the first step on the ladder of successful community life." (8)
"It is the atman which conveys to the other shore of the ocean of existence, which is why the atman is truly the guru, the ätman is truly the Lord." (12)
"Fear is at the root of sin." (22)
"Simplicity of heart and spirit fashions the beauty of life." (23) "Receive every circumstance with a smile." (38) "Change effected with discernment is called Life; stability devoid of discernment is called ossified tradition." (44) "Śraddhā, faith, is ambrosia; śraddha is heaven; in the pursuit of samyama, śraddha is the breath of life." (74)89
"To recognise one's faults in simplicity of heart, this is the most perfect form of prayaścitta." (83)
629
"At the same time as you study from books, learn also to mould your life; otherwise knowledge will itself become a burden to you." (89)
"Wherever you find yourself, do your utmost to make the place pleasant."(92)
"If you want to harvest fruit, you must first water the seed." (101)
88 This section of the biography gives 101 maxims noted by the sadhvis during the course of personal conversations or teaching-sessions. They are not classified according to themes. The nos given here correspond to those in the book.
89 Samyama must be understood here in the broader sense, viz. the the dharma to be followed in its totality.

way of

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Chapter 7.
Aryikās: The Digambara Sādhvis
A small minority leads a life of absolute aparigraha
of the ascetic who has grasped very thoroughly the essence of the doctrine, (the teaching) of the Scriptures, (who is) confirmed in self-mastery and in austerity, non-attached, the same both in pleasure and pain, it is said that he (cnjoys) pure consicousness of the self.1
The word digambara, clothed in space, indicates in an unambiguous manner the radical non-possession professed by the ascetics who have chosen this path. Although the epithet digambara designates specifically the one for whom outward nudity is the sign of a state of life, a token of inward nudity, the other members of this sampradāya, that is to say, the āryikās, śrāvakas and śrāvikās, are also called digambara in this sense, that all bclieve in the necessity of bodily nudity for the attainment of mokşa.2
The Digambara ascetics pursue an ideal in which samyama, selfcontrol, and aparigraha, non-possession pushed to an extreme, are strongly accentuated, so that as a result and from the start there is a striving towards a radical and total purification such as ensures a state whereof mastery of the passions and complete detachment are constitutive elements. This docs not imply that the one embracing this form of asçcticism is forth with a persected being, but it does imply
1 suvididapayatthasutto samjamatavasamjudo vigadarāgo
samaņo samasuhadukkho bhanido suddhovаogo tti. PSa I, 14.
2 We recall that this tradition maintains that women are not capable of attaining Liberation in this life, but the adoption of the ascetic life is not denied to them.

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631
that his inner disposition is such as to favour the destruction of karmic matter and conduce towards the purification of the atman.? It cannot be repeated too often that aparigraha is first and foremost an inner attitude and that, once pledged to the path of renunciation, the ascetic must maintain a persistent effort towards constant purification, by listening, above all, to the words of the guru, by being humble and obedient and by studying the Sūtras.4
The äryikās arc anagări, nirgranthi, śramaņi, but in regard, to the external features of this way of life, more radical in approach than the Svetāmbara sådhvis. The āryikās are permitted a bare minimum for the maintenance of life. Furthermore, the two tradition's have developed separately during the course of the centuries and, even if the doctrine is common to both despite certain divergences (of which the most important, concerns, precisely, the Liberation of womankind) and the duties are identical and the rite and means employed to fulfil these duties basically alike, nevertheless the āryikās, on account of
ossessing different-though very similar in their essential content - Scriptures, constitute within the Jaina sangha a homogeneous and distinct group. This group is cxceedingly small, due to a number of factors some of which are spiritual and some historical, a minority group of which scant mention is made and of whose existence many people are unaware. The āryikās, however, form a well-organised community which faithfully follows the tradition and merits our full attention.
In the light of the basic elements of asceticism according to Jaina doctrine and of all that we already know about the sādhvis, we are now going to consider the way of life of the āryikās in regard to its special features and their implementation in daily living. Here there is no question of making some sort of classification of differences in the vidhis or rituals observed by the aryikās and the sădhvis, but simply of recognising what shape or form the most important vidhis assume for
3 Part II contains a fair number of Digambara texts, particularly those of Acārya Kundakunda, so there is no need to insert reference again here.
4 uvayaraṇam jinamagge liṁgam jahajādarūvamidi bhanida
guruvayaņam pi ya viņao suttajhayanam ca nidditthaṁ PSa III, 25; PSa III expatiates at length and in detail on the nature of this effort.

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the āryikās, without lingering over secondary details. Nor most definitely is there any question of attempting to assess which of the two saṁghas is the more faithful to the tcachings of the tirthańkras, or more advanced or more spiritual. The observance of a very strict external austerity is not necessarily a sign of interior aparigraha nor of a higher level of consciousness. Drawing as they do upon a common doctrine, the essential for each of the āryikās and sādhvis is fidelity to her vows in the setting of her own tradition, through which she journeys towards full realisation of the Three Jewels.
This chapter endeavours to transmit the teaching given to me by Aryika Jñānamati Mātāji at Hastināpura. Mātāji wrote in fact a book entitled Aryikā in response to a questionaire sent to several sādhvis. During my first stay at Hastināpura one of her brahmacārin disciples read aloud the manuscript in the presence of Mātāji and I was able to interrupt him in order to ask for explanations. Later on, when I myself had studied the text with careful attention and written out a long list of questions, we discussed, during a second stay at Hastinapura, each of these questions; at the same time I was able to take part in the daily rites of sāmāyika and pratikramana and to be present at the āhāra-vidhi. This chapter, therefore, assumes a personal character because it is based on the direct teaching of Mātāji. This
5 With the exception of the ahāra-vidhi (P 668 ff), which is very different from gocari, we do not indicate, in the case of a given vidhi, what differentiates the two sampradayas, but simply describe what this vidhi means for the āryikās, knowing, of course, that it assumes a slightly different form among the sadhvis. By referring back to the corresponding chapters and sections one can easily observe wherein the difference lies.
6 In March, 1976.
7 In March, 1977. Subsequently I paid a brief visit to Mātāji in January, 1978. I must add that, although the sadhvis have been unfailingly welcoming and kindly and have made a great contribution to this study, certain ones of them in a very positive and perceptive manner, Mātāji has not only shown lively interest in instructing me personally, but has even taken the trouble to write Aryik, and explain it to me. She has also with the utmost simplicity allowed me to live during my stays in close contact with herself and the aryikas of Hastinapura.

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teaching of Mātāji, as also her writings, is always grounded in the Scriptures and in tradition. In this chapter, therefore, we refer to her as a competent authority and as a contemporary aryikā who transmits to us her own fully orthodox tradition.
The number of äryikās is very limited, Mătāji for some years now for health reasons hardly ever goes out of Hastināpura, but nevertheless she is not only remarkably well-versed in the doctrine, but herself writes and translates with untiring zeal. These are all factors facilitating a direct contact on the spot with this tradition, whereas, to have a thorough knowledge of the sadhvis, one must take into the reckoning not only the different sampradāyas, gacchas and other institutions, but also a large number of groups scattered up and down the country. One must meet them, stay close to them in order to succeed in discovering in what the life of a sādhvi consists and the special features proper to cach grouping. It is also necessary to establish contact with certain learned gurunis and sādhvis and with others who are in the vanguard of progress, in order to have a general view of the whole and neglect none; now this nécessitates regular meetings and frequent travelling as well as the exchange of letters.
Keeping in mind, then, that we are already familiar with the basic tenets common to the two traditions, such as vairāgya, the vow of sāmāyika and the mahāvratas, we can procecd now to explore the milieu of the āryikās.
A - They are recognisable by these three signs:
the śvetavastra: a white garment the piccikā: a small broom made of peacock-feathers the kamandalu: a gourd
The aryikās whom one may sometimes encounter on the roads or in the street of a large city can easily be recognised by these three signs.
i) Svetavastra: The white garment
The garment is all of one piece: a sādi (sāri) of fairly thick white cotton, about eight metres in length. The āryikās wrap themselves in

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their sådi in such a way it envelopes them completely. They have only two sădis, the one they are wearing and another to change into. Every day, in the morning, before going to the temple and then to the āhāra, their sole meal, they must change garments on account of the extreme purity necessary for anything connected with food. Often a śrāvikā undertakes the washing of the spare sādi. The āryikās also may perform this task, but only with boiled water, no more than will fill their kamandalu and without the use of soap. They have neither shawl nor blanket. They always go barefoot, clasping the picchikā under their right arm and holding the kamandalu in their left hand.
ii) Picchika: The small broom made of peacock-feathers
This is the rajoharana of the āryikās, an inseparable companion. The picchikā is made of peacock feathers, which are gathered up each year during the month of kārttika, when the peacocks shed their feathers. The aryikās then fashion new picchikās and at the end of the cāturmāsya, the ācārya gives a new one to each. The picchika possesses some unique characteristics: dust does not adhere to it, but rather slips off it; it is affected neither by water nor humidity, it is so soft that even if it grazes the eyes, this touch produces no pain; it is beautiful, truly beautiful, with its colours and reflections and, finally, it is very lightweight and uncumbersome. The picchikā is the symbol of ahiṁsā; with so soft and so light an instrument it is impossible to hurt anything or anybody and its nature is such that it cannot harbour any insect. During the performance of the vandana and other vidhis, the āryikās hold the picchikå between the palms of their joined
hands. 10
8 Cf. Jñānamati, 1976, pp. 26-27.
9 Ibid., pp. 29-30
10 Ibid., pp. 53-54.

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iii) Kamandalu: The gourd
This is a gourd made of coconut or of wood. 11 It is filled with pure water which the āryikās use for bodily ablutions. When they go to the temple for să măyika or other vidhis and before entering a room for their meal, they leave the kamandalu at the door.
The kamandalu is the one and only pátra possessed by the āryikās. To take their meal they use the pāņi-pātra, their cupped hands forming the añjali (a hollow) which serves as a pătra both for food and for drink.
Where do these āryikās dwell during their halts?
How is their samgha organised?
a) Vasatikästhāna: The dwelling-place
The Digambaras do not maintain upăśrayas for the ascetics. The äryikās, between vihāras and during the cāturmāsya, live in a room within the precincts of the temple or, if there is no temple within range, they may stay in a secluded room or in a house put at their disposal by some family. They call this temporary shelter a vasatikāsthāna, or dwelling-place. Among the Digambaras are certain sampradāyas and gacchas whose members, for the most part, go to the temple for worship. 12This worship, which is very elaborate, uses an ornate and expressive form of bhakti. The äryikās stay, when possible, in the precincts of a temple, because they go at regular intervals to the temple to perform certain ones of their spiritual exercises. It is thus necessary to be near at hand and, during the monsoon, to reside on the spot avoids much coming and going.
In the vasatikāsthāna there are mats which the āryikās use for sitting on during the day and for sleeping on at night. In the winter
11 Ibid., p. 16.
12 Cf. P 172 & ns.

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they sleep on straw. They may also use wooden boards for resting and small low desks for writing.
b) Aryikåsarhgha: The community of Āryikas
The internal organisation of the samgha is the same as that of the sādhvis, with this difference however, that there is an intermediate category between the śrāvikās and the āryikās, namely, the kşullikās.13
During their vihāras, the āryikās take nothing along with them except the picchikā and the kamandalu; books, mats and other necessary objects are always conveyed to the next place by śrávakas. These last-named have, in fact, themselves determined the route to be followed, the vasatikāsthāna and other details. 14Because of their small number, there is a very close relationship between the aryikās and the śrāvakas and śrāvikās, who have only very exceptionally had the chance of having aryikäs in their midst.
The āryikās receive a solid training in asceticism and in the study of the Scriptures, the doctrine, Prākrit and Sanskrit, from their own guruņi, also called gamini; sometimes also, though this depends on prevailing conditions in the different places, they are helped by the ācārya or by a pandit. They do not, properly speaking, go in for śikṣākendras. However, they are permitted to give pravacanas and certain ones write or do translation-work.
i) Conditions of admission
These are the same as for the sădhvis.15 However, to the general conditions which ensure that a person is a fit subject for leading a
13 The äryikās have been mentioned frequently in Part I in connection with documents concerning them, which are found in various regions. We recall also that several Satis are venerated by both traditions; cf. P 256.
14 Cf. Jñānamati, 1976, p. 31.
15 Cf. P 449 ff.

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rigorous ascetic life, the Digambaras add a further stipulation; the candidate must belong to one of the three castes: brāhmaṇa, kșatriya, or vaisya. They do not admit to dikṣā persons belonging to the caste of the südras or candālas. 16
ii) The kşullikās
The word (feminine of kşullaka) means: small, miniscule.17 Kșullikās can be attached to a group of āryikās under the same guruņi and the same ācārya. In this case they stay permanently with the
kās. Alternatively, they may form a separate group which stays close to the acārya the whole time, following him in his vihāras. The kşullikās thus never form an independent group. In the case of some, this state of life is permanent, in the case of others temporary, lasting for one or more years, aster which the kşullikā becomes an āryikā. The kşullikās are consecrated to this way of life by a special form of dikṣā, on which occasion a new name is given. They differ from the āryikās in practising a less strict asceticism and in undertaking vows of less radical content. They adhere to the eleven pratimās, the stages of spiritual life pescribed for the śrāvikās, the perfect observance of which bring one as far as the fifth gunasthāna. 18These pratimās are:
16 Cf. PSa III, 25, 15* (interpolated v.); Kailasacandra, ADh, Introd;, p. 17. Mātāji told me that a girl who was considered to be of illegitimate birth cannot be admitted among the āryikās, but can be so among the kşullikās.
17 The samgha of Digambara munis includes members who are kşullakas.
18 Spiritual stage; cf. P 310 ff. Theoretically, there is no difference between an årvikå, ksullik, and a srávikā in regard to the stage or level to which they can attain, which is the 5th gunasthāna and no further. However, in actual fact, when all these subtle distinctions are taken into consideration, it transpires that a kşullika is in process of becoming, as regards her way of life, a perfected śråvikā, which does not mean that, in becoming a kşullikā, she has responded perfectly to all the requirements of the pratimās, but that her state of life, if she is faithful, will lead her to this degree of perfection. On account of the mahāvratas by which an āryika is bound (one of which aparigraha, is partial because of her wearing clothing), she is in a state of life superior to that of the kşullika; she is pledged to live the life of asceticism to perfection and is thus, if we may so express it, already far closer to a perfect

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1. Darśana-pratimā, knowledge of the doctrine and faith, therein
renunciation of the passions, devotion to the parameşthins.
2. Vrata-pratimă, observance of the five anuvratas, the three
gunavratas (which are subsidiary to these anuvratas) and the four śikṣā-vratas, i.e., various rules of the ascetic life, including certain fasts.
3. Sāmāyika-pratimă, observance of the rite of sāmāyika.
4. Poşadha-pratimă, the observance of fasts on aştami, the eighth day of the lunar fortnight and on calurdasi, the fourteenth day of the lunar month.
5. Sacittatyāga-pratimā, the taking of only very pure foodstuffs.
6. Rātribhuktavirata-pratimă, abstinence from food in the evening.
7. Brahmacarya-pratimā, complete continence.
8. Arambhatyāga-pratimā, renunciation of all professional and social activity, commerce, agriculture, etc.
9. Parigrahatyāga-pratimā, renuciation of all forms of possession:
goods, properties.
10. Anumatityāga-pratimā, renunciation of participation in family,
professional and social activitics, in anything of a worldly sort.
11. Uddistatyāga-pratimā, renunciation of the family abode in favour of an ascetic life in dependence upon a group of ascetics living from alms, cither one formed around the acārya or a group of ăryikās. 19
realisation of the 5th gunasthāna, so long, of course, as she is faithful to the demands of her promises. These promises constitute the 28 mūlaguņas; cf. diksā, P 653 ff.
19 Cf. Jñanamati, 1976, pp. 65-66; one observes that certain pratimas are repetitious of the aņuvratas.

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Relaxations in the rules of austerity followed by the āryikās, when applicd to the kşullikās, are as follows:
- they have an extra garment, a blouse or cădara (a cotton scarf);
- they use for their meals a pātra, their own or one belonging to the śrāvakas;
- they are permitted to cut their hair every two, three or four months instead of it being plucked out;
- they are permitted to wear sandals for walking and to use a bus or other means of locomotion for their movement from place to place. In all other respects they follow the same rules of life as the āryikās. 20
When a kşullikā by means of a new dikşă becomes an āryikā, she must change her ācārya, if the one upon whom she is dependent has no āryikā in his group, and take her place in a new group. She either keeps her name or receives a fresh one.
On account of the austerity required in this state of life, certain girls who do not have strong enough constitutions to become kşullikās ask to be received as brahmacāninis; these retain their virginity and observe the pratimās, but in a more partial manner than do the kşullikās. Some of them arc attached to a group of kşullikās, others to a group of äryikās, cither living with the group or in their own homes, as circumstances dictate.
iii) The samgha today
The āryikās are natives of Madhya Pradeśa (the district of Sāgara), of Uuara Pradeśa, with one single āryikā coming from Karṇataka, from Sravana Belgola itself. The kşullikās come mostly from Māhārastra and Karnataka. The āryikās and kşullikās of today belong 10 the Sarasvatigaccha which has direct links with Acārya Kundakunda.
20 Ibid., p. 67. Kșullika Sri Guņamati replied in writing to some of my questions,

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According to the list compiled during the cãturmāsya of August, 1977, the aryikās, divided into several groups, were reckoned to number sixty-two and the kṣullikās twenty-three.21 However, it is possible that some names, very few probably, were omitted from the list.
640
In the family of Jaina ascetics, the aryikās and kṣullikās form a tiny minority. In this small but fervent group there exists, however, a very real community spirit. They endeavour to live in a spirit of concord and harmony with one another, encouraging each other in the pursuit of a common ideal and attending carefully to the needs of the sick and the suffering.22
c) Strimukti-niṣedha: The exclusion of Womankind from Liberation
From the start of our study we have mentioned this belief peculiar to the Digambaras, a belief that they justify by their own interpretation of certain doctrinal points, in introducing which we have briefly stated the Digambara point of view.23 As we proceed to consider now the way of life of the aryikās, we need to review some of these ideas, give the Digambara interpretation of certain ancient and other later texts and the refutation of some of the arguments put forward. We are not proposing to submit a detailed analysis of the texts, but simply a few facts concerning the bases of this belief concerning the arÿikās. This is, indeed, precisely what is of interest to ourselves: to have at least some depth of comprehension of that which moulds their life. We should stress once again that this exclusion24is only temporary, being connected with the female body; mokṣa will be the end-product of a future life.
21 Cf. Samyagjñāna, August 1977.
22 Cf. Jñamati, 1976, p.77; for further information, ibid., pp.75-76; cf. PSa III, 52-53.
23
Cf. c.g.
P 140; 311.
24 Nişedha: obstacle, prohibition, debarring, deprivation, exclusion.

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i) Some basic notions
These are inextricably connected with that of karman and are interdependent.
1. Veda or linga, that is, the sign and also sex in human beings.
The doctrine rcgogniscs three genders: feminine, masculine and ncuter or scx-less. 25Within the composite human being a distinction is made between bhāva-voda, which refers to the inner disposition and psychological state of a person of a particular sex, and dravya-voda, the physical constitution of this same person. While the bhāva-veda can change and be modified in the course of an existence proportionally as the capacity for self-mastery increases, the dravya-veda is unchanging during the existence of this same jiva.26 These vedas are not due to the game of chance, but depend upon well-defined factors, namely darśanamohaniya-karman and nāma-karman.
2. Darśanamohaniya-karman, that is, karmas inherited from a former lise that obscure right vision; these it is that determine the bhāva-veda, the psychic composition, of a person.27
3. Nāma-karman, also inherited from a previous lise. This, which may be more mcritorious or less in accordance with disserent cases, determines a person's physique.28
25 CC. TS II, 52; ncuter or sex-less: a-linga, without sign, neither masculine nor scmininc, or again na-pumsaka, not masculine, impotent, esseminate. Infernal beings and those spontancously generated are all of neuter gender, their birth in this state being due to unmeritorious karmas; cf. TS II, 50.
26 Cf. JSK III, p. 590) and pp. 590-596 for a general study of the question.
27 CT. TS VIII, 9; P 307.
28 Cf. TS VIII, 11; TS Sukhlal, pp. 308-312.

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4. Samhanana-nama, which, among the numerous types of nama-karman determines the bony structure of a person. This physical feature is of major importance for the practice of dhyāna, for only a person who possesses an uttama-saṁhanana, an outstandingly good bone-structure, is by nature apt for śukladhyana, the loftiest form of concentration. It is well-known that dhyāna is indispensable for nirjara, the dissociation and elimination of karmas and thus for Liberation. These ideas form part of Jaina doctrine common to both traditions and we shall go on to see how the Digambaras have interpreted them in a way that is unfavourable towards womankind.
642
ii) The Digambara point of view
No important treatise dealing with the question of strimukti exists, but in their commentaries on the doctrine the acaryas of several epochs have treated this suject. Not all have submitted the same aspects to examination or treated them in the same way. However, the conclusion of all is identical.
1. The Aṣṭaprabhṛta of Acārya Kundakunda
This text contains just a few verses, probably among the most ancient on the subject.29 We have here certain reasons, succinctly expressed without any explanation - as to why women are incapable of reaching Liberation.30
- Āryikās wear a garment and retain it during their meal.
-
- According to the Law of the jinas there is no mokṣa without nudity being first espoused.
29 Kundakunda's dates remain uncertain. The authors place him between the IInd and Vth c. A.D.
30 There are almost identical vs. in the PSa, but these vs. have been interpolated and one cannot be sure that they are Kundakunda's; cf. PSa III, 24, 7* - 14*.

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- Very minute living organisms are to be found in the vagina of a woman, between the breasts, on the navel, beneath the armpits, all of which constitutes an obstacle to the ascetic life.
- If women are purified by right vision and practise austerity, they are free from sin,31
- Their spirit is wayward, by temperament they are unstable, they have their monthly periods32 and are prone to doubt. For these reasons they are not fit subjects for dhyāna.33
643
2. Notes, furnished by Mātāji, indicating the position put forward in certain later texts
Dravya-nāris or female bodies of the karma-bhūmi do not possess any one of the three outstandingly good types of bone
structure.
Women wear clothing and thus cannot attain perfection or Liberation.34
-
The same affirmation is made as regards the bone-structure. Hence women cannot possess the capacity for mental concentration necessary for śukla-dhyāna, the purest form of concentration. 35
31 PSa III, 24, 13* adds that even if, in addition, they know the Scriptures, they cannot succeed in destroying completely all their karmas.
32 This physiological function, in that it could have perturbating effects upon the psyche, might tend to be an obstacle to self-mastery.
33 Cf. Aṣṭaprabhṛta 22-26.
34 Jñānamati, 1976, p. 62, based upon the Acarasāra II, 86, a text of Viranandi of the X-XIth c.
35
Cf. Jñanamati, ibid., p. 63, based upon the Gommațasara I, 32, a text of Nemicandra (P 224.).

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- Dravya-stris or female bodies cannot be liberated, for, because women wear clothing their self-mastery is not perfect,their vows therefore are also only imperfectly and partially fulfilled and they can only succeed in reaching some of the guṇasthānas.36
644
However, there are certain cases in which a person with a dravya-puruşa, a man's body, may possess the bhāva-veda of a woman, that is to say, his inner disposition is that of a woman. Now such a person may well pass through the fourteen guṇasthānas and be liberated, thanks to his male body, while in the opposite case, that of a person possessing a dravya-stri, a woman's body, and a man's bhava-veda, she will only reach the fifth guṇasthāna and will not be liberated in her present life. However, if she has, with this woman's body, embraced the ascetic life and followed the path of the dharma, she will be reborn with a man's body, will go in her next life to a period of enjoyment with the gods, then, returning to the earth in a man's body and practising asceticism, will thereafter be speedily liberate .37
3. The reflections of Śri Prabhācandra 38
- Although limited in content, they seek to vindicate themselves by proffering certain explanations:
- If one considers prakarsa, excellence, superiority, preeminence, to be necessary for reaching Liberation, one can say
36 Cf. Jñānamati, ibid., based upon the Dhavalā I, 1, 93, a text of Virasena, IXth c.; the Dhavala is a very claborate commentary on the Satkhaṇḍāgama, the most ancient of the Digambara texts and one of the two recognised as Āgamas, the 2nd being the Kaṣayaprabhṛta; cf. P 149 ff.
37 Cf. Jñānamati, ibid., PP.
63-64.
38
A Digambara muni of the Xth-XIth c., author of several works including the Prameyakamalamārttaṇḍa, a text of logic thought to have been written at Dhārā in Madhya Pradeśa, (JSK III, pp. 139-140), of which one part, several pp. in length, is entitled "Strimukti-vicāra" 'upon which we are here drawing, however giving only the main ideas.

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that it is māyā, deceit, duplicity and certainly not excellence - understood here in the sense of outstanding virtues that is clearly evidenced in the Agamas in connection with women.
If one considers samyama, self-control, what can be said in regard to women except that their form of samyama is saccla or savastra, that is to say, cannot be dissociated from the wearing of clothing. Hence their capacity for self-control is the same as that of the śravikās. For in no text of Scripture is it affirmed that womankind may practise self-mastery in the state of bodily nudity. Therefore, if one were to permit her this nudity, one would undermining ascetic discipline and committing a sin.39
-
One attains mokṣa through a total inner and outer detachinent. Now, clothing is the sign of a certain attachment to the body. If one justifies the wearing of clothing by affirming that it avoids himsa towards insects who are attracted by bodily warmth, this is not a valid argument, for one would then be condemning nudity in the name of ahimsa. Furthermore, the wearing of clothing does not in fact prevent himsă, for minute living beings which one may damage or squash may penetrate into the said clothing.40 In using clothing, in washing, drying and repairing it, one is the cause of himsă and of some form of attachment as well. Moreover, if one takes into consideration only the aspect of ahimsa one should cease walking for the sake of protecting living beings.
-
39 He too mentions the necessity of an excellent bone-structure.
40 Cf. P 546 for the aṣṭasukṣmas.
645
To return to the question of samyama, the munis use the picchika, the kamaṇḍalu and books. Can one say that these constitute possessions? Certainly not, for these objects are used in order to avoid himsã, they are not, like clothing, the sign of an attachment to the body. These are upakaraņas, aids which are upakāri, salutary; they contribute towards the realisation of the Three Jewels, while clothing is an adhikaraṇa a support, a possession.

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iii) Refutation of this thesis
Supporters of the Liberation of women have not let these arguments go unanswered. Here are two replies, coming from different epochs:
1. The Strimuktiprakarana or treatise upon, discussion of, the subject of Liberation of womankind. This is a brief and wellargued treatise. The author, according to most experts, was probably Acārya Sākatāyana, the celebrated grammarian, who was also called Pályakiri, of the Yāpaniya sect.41 The following are the chief points raised in this treatise in refutation of the arguments of the Digambaras.
- It is by way of the Three Jewels that one attains mokșa. Nowhere in the Agamas is it stated that women are unable to realise these Three Jewels.
- There is no solid reason for saying that in women, just as in the devas - who are capable of experiencing only enjoymentthere is an incapacity for samyama.
- Women know the teaching of the jinas, they believe in it and endeavour to live lives in conformity with it. To affirm that they cannot be liberated is contrary to the teaching of the Agamas.
41 For the Yāpaniyas, cf. P 215. They conceded that womankind could attain Liberation. Säkațāyana probably belonged to the VIIth c. For further information about him, this particular treatise and his other treatise, Kevalibhukti, cf. Premi, 1942, pp. 22-55; 157-158; 166-167; 542. Actually, although this topic of dissension had existed for several centuries, it had received scarcely any systematic treatment until the appearance of this text, which in all likelihood happened on account of the necessity of the Yāpaniyas and Digambaras adopting some stance in its regard; cf. Malvania (Nyāyāvataravārtika-vrtti, 1949, p. 332). However, doubt has been thrown both on whether Sākațāyana belonged to the Yāpaniyas and also on whether the celebrated grammarian and the author of the two treatises are one and the same person; cf. Birwe, 1969, pp. 15-21 (Introd. to the Vyakaranam of Śākațāyana).

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Women are capable in fact of perfect self-mastery.
-
In the same way as munis utilise certain objects which are a help towards samyama, the picchikā, the kamaṇḍalu and books, so too women ascetics, in order to practise saṁyama, cover themselves with a garment. What is to blame in that? If one considers that there is in this a manifestation of the spirit of possessiveness, then one should say the same about munis also.
-
Clothing, it is said, is the cause of sins of himsă; minute living beings insinuate themselves into it; one washes it, wears it, mends it. This reasoning is not valid. Munis, in that they move around, sit down, and speak do not avoid any less the sins of himsā.
-
Women, say some, are less worthy of reverence than men. However, this cannot be claimed to be an obstacle to Liberation. The ganadharas, too, were less worthy of reverence than the tirthankaras. Neverthless, they attained Liberation.
647
- Women, people say, have weak characters. Now, this goes against Scripture. Do we not have the examples of Brahmi, Sundari, Räjimati, Candana and other ganinis, who received dikṣā and were persons of outstanding character, venerated by one and all? And in our own days we see numerous exemplary āryikās up and down the country and, apart from the āryikás, do we not have examples of holy women of noble character such as Sita? Do we not also know of heroic women who, abandoning the easy court-life and severing family-ties, received dikṣā and led lives of irreproachable virtue?
-
And how let us consider bhāva-veda and dravya-yeda. The more important, clearly, is bhava-veda; in spiritual endeavour dravya-veda is secondary and is subordinated to bhāva-veda. Furthermore, to say that one can have a dravya-purușa and a bhava-stri, a masculine body and a feminine psyche, or vice versa, is nonsense. Such anomalies would lead to aberrations. Women who have a bhava-puruşa would feel themselves attracted to women with a bhāva-stri and in the same way men

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who have a bhāva-stri to men with a bhāva-purusa. There would then be unions between persons of the same sex.
- This must be well-emphasised: on account of their nudity, sunis always risk feeling an attraction for women and this is why the Agamas have decreed that these latter should be clothed. The reverse also is true and the same rule ought to be observed by the munis, for the nudity of men may also be a cause of excitment for women. Hence to deny the possibility of Liberation to women on account of their clothing is another invalid argument and there are no grounds for speaking of their lesser capacity for samyama or for affirming that they can reach no further than the fisih of the fourteen guṇasthānas.
- It is certain that what matters is the bhāva-veda, while the dravya-veda is secondary. Now a secondary reason is never an obstacle to an authentic proof. Therefore, there is no wellestablished and convincing rcason to exclude womankind from Liberation on account of her physical constitution. Women have exactly the same right to Liberation as men and there is no text in the Agamas that teaches that womankind has less aptitude for Liberation; this is the truth.
2. The arguments of Ratnaprabhāsūri 42
- Like the author of the Strimuktiprakaraņa, this ācārya presents a refutation that is both consistent and, furthermore, on similar lines - it could not be otherwise - but with a few slightly different emphases:
- It is said that a woman cannot be liberated because, like the eunuch, she is weaker than a man, she is inferior to him. Now, what are the causes of her "incapacity"? Not that she cannot realise the Three Jewels, for she is quite capable of doing so.
42 A Śvetāmbara muni of the XIlth c; his arguments, of which we give here only a brief resume, are to be found in Part III of his work, the Ratnākarāvatārikā, in a passage entitled: "Strimuktidveșiņaṁ digambarāņaṁ khandanam" or: Refutation of the Digambara hostility towards the Liberation of womankind."

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If one says that this incapacity is due to the wearing of clothing, one is maintaining that clothing is the cause of an attachment. Why should clothing be reckoned a "possession"? Because it touches the body? Because it provides a certain pleasure? The touching of the body is not a form of possession; one has frequent contact with the earth, but is it said that one experiences an attachment for the earth? There is no pleasure in wearing a garment. In the Scripture it is required that a woman should wear clothing because the complete renunciation that nudity involves is not possible for her. However, in order to attain mokṣa, woman renounces fully her own body. Why should she not renounce clothing? In our day and age, one does in fact come across some yoginis who have abandoned all clothing.
- Clothing, in the same way as the picchika, the kamaṇḍalu and books, is a dharma-upakaraṇa, a useful object helpful for selfcontrol, and not a possession. Moreover, clothing is upakāri, beneficial and salutary, for the good reason that at the sight of a naked woman men would tend to lose all self-cotnrol.
- Furthermore, when one says that the wearing of clothing is a sign of an attachment, one is mistaken. Munis, because they dwell in certain villages and houses for a while, may easily get attached to these places or dwellings. Thus, there is no valid reason for saying that women have not the necessary capacity for realising the Three Jewels and that they are weaker than
men.
649
-
The argument that women are not venerated and therefore cannot be Liberated is quite untenable. Venerated by whom? By the acaryas or by ordinary people? The aryikās, true, are not saluted by the ācāryas, but nor do the ācāryas salute their muni disciples; in that case Liberation would be denied to all these munis.
- Women are capable of devoting themselves to the arduous study of the Agamas and of understanding their content.

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The affirmation that man possesses superior power - is this claim put forward on spiritual or purely external physical grounds? Women also can give evidence of a high degree of inner perfection, which is what counts as regards attaining mokṣa. External power is not necessary. Therefore the assertion that women cannot be tirthankaras has no foundation in truth.
650
-
-
Women receive dikṣā, this being permitted by the Sastras; they observe the rule of keśa-luñcana, the plucking out of the hair; they use the dharma-upakaraṇa: the picchikā, the kamaṇḍalu and books; all the signs appertaining to ascetics are observable in them. Then how can one say that they are not worthy to receive dikṣā? And since they do in fact receive dikṣā, how can one say that they are precluded from Liberation?
As this whole chapter is devoted to the aryikās, the following few observations in the form of reflections or of queries which would benefit from full and careful replies are presented with the Digambara tradition in mind.
Wherefore the evidence gleaned from the Agamas and from elsewhere all goes to prove the statement: the Liberation of womankind is a reality.43
After studying these few texts, we may consider afresh the question of the obligatoriness of complete physical nudity for attaining mokṣa, a question which is advanced in the name of that perfect self-mastery which goes hand in hand with the elimination of karmic matter. Not only, we note, are women debarred from Liberation but also all men who wear clothing, including the Svetämbara munis.
43 Among other ācāryas who rebutted the opinions of the Digambaras and defended the right of womankind to Liberation we must include Dharmasagara of the XVIth c; cf. Winternitz, 1977, p. 593. Cf. also P.S. Jaini, 1984, a short paper which brings together the arguments from both
sects.

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And if nudity is indispensable for reaching nirvāṇa, why are women forced to wear a garment?44 The reasons given can hardly be said to be based on the doctrine.
-
-
As for the far-reaching assertion that women are only capable of a very imperfect degree of self-mastery, no solid doctrinal reason for this is given. Jaina history, experience and tradition - as the authors of the above refutations have declared - often testify to the contrary.
Not only do the majority of arguments put forward lack any real basis, but certain interpretations seem to contradict each other, for after all the whole proposition hinges upon this one point: the major importance attached to the physical constitution, which leads to the imposition of a limit upon spiritual progress on the pretext that a person's dravya-veda cannot change in the course of a life-time.
651
Thus the physical constitution is averred to be the major obstacle to Liberation, but no criteria are given in accordance with which women are adjudged not to possess any of the three bone-structures which are excellent for and indispensable to perfect concentration.
- Now how are we to explain the fact that so profoundly spiritual a tradition, one that is entirely orientated towards interiority and the realisation of the atman, accords to dravya-veda a much greater importance than it does to bhava-veda? Is there not here a contradition?
=
When one has a quick look at the place occupied by the aryikās in their own tradition,45one observes that the Digambaras also speak of the cãturvidhasangha; so they, in practice, do assign a unique place to the aryikās which is not that of the śravikās. They do recognise, therefore, that the aryikās belong to the family of the ascetics.
44 N.B. Aśādhara (the author of the Adh) says that in the last hours of her earthly life a woman may divest herself of all clothing; cf. Sāgāradharmāmṛta VIII, 38 (quoted by Williams, 1963, p. 169 n. 2).
45 Cf. the various documents concerning the aryikās in Part I.

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- The ǎryikās, no less than the Svetambara sadhvis, have always been the object of respect and veneration on the part of the samgha. Documents in their regard testify to the holiness of their lives. At Devagadha we may also see images of aryikās in dhyanamudră, which proves that they are recognised as being capable of mental concentration.46
652
- It may be said that, on the whole, the samgha is little preoccupied with doctrinal subtleties, that hostility towards womankind has not contaminated the śravakas and śravikās nor the wearing of clothing by āryikās prevented them from considering them models worthy of imitation.
- Furthermore, in the course of this introduction to the way of life of the aryikās, we are going to see, as Mātāji explains, that the rules are the same as those of the munis, except that the former are clothed, they take their meal seated47 and certain postures are forbidden them. 48 The aryikās receive the same dikṣā as the munis, but on account of their wearing of clothing their mahāvratas are considered partial, in that their vow of aparigraha is not all-inclusive. Therefore it is affirmed that this dikṣa and these vows amount only to an upacāra,49 a practice, custom or semblance. In all this there remains a fair degree of ambiguity and the Digambaras should explain their position on this question with greater clarity.
- For the aryikās of our own day their position forms part of a wellestablished system of belief. Since they are permitted to embrace the
46 It is true that they are said to be incapable of advancing as far as śukladhyāna, but it is not denied that they can develop a certain capacity for concentration. It is interesting to note that so far no image of this sort depicting Śvetämbara sadhvis is known.
47 The Digambara munis take their meal standing.
48 These same postures are also forbidden to sädhvis.
49 Cf. Jñānamati, 1976, p. 26; JSK III,
p.

597.

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653
ascetic life, they are able to do so with complete generosity, and in their view persection demands, precisely, the wearing of their own dress; to abandon it would be to commit a grave fault. From the moment, as Mātāji says, when they start to follow their rule of life, their conduct is honourable, their commitment fully valid. No one, not even the ācārya, imposes upon them any interdict in regard to their training and spiritual cndeavour. They may study the texts of the sages of their tradition and translate them, in the same way as the munis do.50 Mātāji is the first to have translated from Sanskrit into Hindi an important text of logic, the first part (which in itself comprises a voluminous tome of 445 pp.) of the Aștasahastri of Ācārya Vidiyānanda. Those who have the capacity can give pravacanas, which testisies, on the one hand, to their knowledge of the doctrine and their ability to expound it and, on the other, to the confidence which they cnjoy within the saṁgha.
B - Dikṣā-vidhi: The rite of Consecration
Dikṣā has exactly the same import as regards life-commitment, to whichever sampradāya the vairāgiņi belongs. However, the rite differs. The rite proper to each sampradāya embodies in its structure and contents the special features of the ideal followed within a specific community. A vairāgini who requests admission as an äryikā knows, but as yet only from outside, what the demands of this way of life are. From the moment the dikşă commences, she is led step by step along the new path that she is desirous of following; each act, each word, each gesture, each hymn of praise, each promise is a token of her entry once and for all into the samgha of the aryikās. Omitting repetition of certain essential features already described and elements common to both traditions, let us try to observe the successive moments experienced by a vairāgini who, by the rite of dikṣā, is being consecrated as an äryikā.51
50 The Tapăgaccha sādhvis, as is known, do not enjoy the same latitude in regard to these pursuits. However, they are not debarred from Liberation; cf. P 493-494.
51 Cf. Dharma-dhyāna-dipaka, pp. 376-386; Jñānamati, 1976, pp. 14-17.

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Before following this vidhi, we must make mention of one tenet proper to Digambara spirituality, which affects the structure and form of expression of the generality of Digambara rites. For the Digambaras, the temple is the place of worship, a worship which is at one and the same time both sober and very rich: sober, because it is based upon the teaching of the tirtharkaras and thus has a strong tendency towards austerity, and rich on account of the deep, upsurging bhakti that is always just bencath the surface. This bhakti is more than a personal form of devotion, it is an integral part of the rites of the samgha which are common to all. The vidhis of dikṣā, the āvasyakas and various occasions of pūjā contain a certain number of texts which are actually termed bhaktis, preceded by the name which qualifics them. Each bhakti is a different hymn of praise and is addressed not only to the arhats but to all the major elements of the dharma. The bhaktis are composed in Sanskrit and vary in the number of verses they contain, the shortest having five and the longest sixty. Each is preceded by kāyotsarga and followed by alocanā, a text in Prākrit in which contrition is expressed for faults committed in connection with the subject of the particular bhakti one has just recited and, more importantly, in one way or another faith is somehow reaffirmed in the particular aspect of the doctrine that the bhakti in question is extolling. 52
These bhaktis are inserted in the various vidhis obligatory for the āryikās and in each case form part of the order of the rite. They are called:
siddhabhakti, in praise of the siddhas;
śrutabhakti, in praise of Scripture;
cāritrabhakti, in praise of right conduct;
yogibhakti, in praise of the ascetics;
32 There exist also simplified forms of these bhaktis, i.e., for the same subject there is also a laghu-bhakti (little bhakti), e.g. laghu siddhabhakti; this is in Prakrit and forms part of the rite of pratikramana.

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ācāryabhakti, in praise of the perfect ācārya;
pañcagurubhakti and pañcamahāgurubhakti,53 in praise of the parameṣthins;
655
tirthankarabhakti, in praise of the tirthankaras;
śāntibhakti, in praise of the tirthankara Śāntinātha;
samādhibhakti, in praise of the state of perfection of the jinas;
nirvāṇabhakti, in praise of the places where Mahāvira, Adinātha and other tirthankaras attained nirvāṇa;
caityabhakti, in praise of the sanctuaries where the tirthankaras are venerated - sanctuaries of stone and marble and also those constructed mentally by fervent devotion;
nandiśvarabhakti, in praise of the sanctuaries of the fifty-two mountains of the island of Nandiśvara where the tirthankaras are venerated;54
virabhakti, in praise of Mahavira.55
53 This text in Prakrit was probably composed by Kundakunda; it belongs to the rite of samayika.
54 The island Nandiśvara is the 8th island of the in-betweeen world; it has 52 mountains, upon each of which is erected a temple. A realm of enjoyment frequented by the gods. At certain periods of the year, when the tirthankaras are being celebrated, the gods repair to the temples on these mountains, while here below, simultaneously, men vencrate these temples in honour of the tirthankaras; cf. SthS 307 and JSK II, p. 503; U.P. Shah, 1955, ch. 11.

55 Cf. Jñanamati, 1976, pp. 54-55, where the distribution of the various bhaktis among 13 important vidhis is shown. We indicate here the type of rites performed by the aryikās. Most of these Sanskrit bhaktis are attributed to Pujyapada. For the texts, cf. Daśabhaktyādisaṁgraha; Dharma-dhyanadipaka; Sāmāyika;Sāmāyika-bhāṣya. Furthermore, there exist several bhaktis in Präkrit attributed to Kundakunda; cf. Upadhye, PSa, Introd.,
pp. 25-27.

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In addition to the bhaktis, there are two other elements which play a considerable part in the Digambara form of worship: the offering of a great variety of pūjās and the utilisation of mantras.56
656
As for the text of the rite of dikṣa, this is the same for an āryikā as for a muni, but the vows of an aryikā, which are, so far as she is concerned, absolute, receive a lower rating, according to Digambara belief, in the hierarchy of values; in comparison with the vows of a muni they are of a lower degree. For this reason, it is always an ācārya who presides over the dikṣā of an ǎryikā, while a gaṇini is not authorised to do so.
Here is the order of proceedings in the rite of dikṣā.
Preparation
After residing for a while with the ganini, the vairāgiņi must obtain the permission of the ācārya and of her family. Next, a subha-muhūrta, propitious day, is chosen for the ceremony. The preparations for it may last for several days. In a temple where a siddha-cakra is to be found,57 a pūjā is offered, such as that of caritra-suddhi, for purification, which may last a week or that of ratnatraya, the Three Jewels. It is performed by the śrāvakas and śrāvikās and the vairāgiņi
56 The subject of mantras is too vast and too complex to be considered here, for it requires a separate study; cf. Namaskara-mantra ( P 33); JSK III, pp. 256-258; P 379 ff. As for the various pūjās, the aryikās and kṣullikās, like the sädhvis, offer inner worship and take no direct part in the temple pūjās, but they encourage the performance of them and may be present, in an attitude of recollection, during a pūjā that is taking place.
57 The siddha-cakra is a yantra (diagram) in honour of the parameșthins; among the Digambaras it is commonly called the nava-devatā; in addition to the parameṣthins the following are also venerated: caitya, the statue of a jina; caityalaya, the temple; dharma-cakra, the Wheel of the Law; śruta, the Scripture; cf. U.P. Shah, 1955, pp. 97-103.

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takes part.58 Before the pūjā, the vairāgiņi may also make a pilgrimage. In accordance with her means, she offers to a muni or to several munis or aryikās the căturvidhadāna, the fourfold gift comprising food, shelter, pure medicine and books.
The dikṣā takes place in the morning under a big mandapa or at the temple. After a ritual bath, the vairāgini is ready to put on silk clothes and be escorted in procession as far as the mandapa.59 On arrival, a śrāvika makes the outline of a svastika with saffron-coloured grains of rice on a low table that she then covers with a new white cloth. The ăcărya recites the siddhabhakti.
Commencement of the rite
1. The vairagini asks pardon for her offences from her family and the whole assembly.
657
2. She then offers pūjā to the image of the jinendra which has been erected in the maṇḍapa. Next, holding the śriphala (one or more fruits) in her hand, she approaches the ācārya, begging him to guide her in this saṁsāra-paribhramana or earthly voyage and to be for her the karṇadhāra, the boatman in the barque of căritra. The ācārya, in his reply recalls to mind the obligations imposed upon the aryikās, to which the vairāgini in turn replies that she accepts them. Then the ācārya, addressing the munis, the aryikās, her parents and the whole assembly, asks: "Is she to be admitted to dikṣā?" All respond joyously in the affirmative.
3. The ganini seats the vairagini on the low table, facing either towards the East or the North, and sits down herself beside her. The acarya recites certain mantras, while at the same time
58 In the North the śrävakas and śrāvikās themselves offer the pūjā, as pūjā is regarded as community-worship; in the South, it is offered by pūjāris, officiating priests.
59 The texts do not say when the vairagini changes her ordinary garments for the clothing of the ascetics. Mātāji, when consulted by letter, replied that "the vairāgiņi receives dikṣa clothed in white."

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mixing some ash and some camphor together in a pătra;60 then he repeats other mantras, while the ganini proceeds to the keśaluñcana.61 Next he recites the siddhabhakti and the yogibhakti followed by the santimantra.
658
The rite proper
1. The ācārya (or the ganini), using grains of saffron rice and cloves, makes the bijākṣara Śri on the vairāgini's forehead and then makes the same sign with sandal-paste ont the palm of each of her hands. 62 Next, into the hands of the vairāgiņi as she places them in the position of the añjali (cupped hands), he deposits tandula,śriphala, nāriyala, that is, rice-grains, pieces of fruit and coconut. He recites the siddhabhakti, the caritrabhakti, the yogibhakti and then receives her vow of commitment to the twenty-eight mulaguṇas which constitute the obligations of each and every ascetic, namely, the five mahāvratas, the five samitis, the control of the senses, the six āvasyakas, the kesa - luñcana, the state of nudity, abstention from taking a bath, sleeping on the ground, abstention from brushing the teeth, the taking of meals
60 The ashes to absorb the drops of blood at the moment of the hair being torn out, the camphor for its soothing and healing effect.
61 Among the aryikās, the performance of keśa-luñcana every two months is considered utkṛṣta, excellent; every three months, madhyama, average, ordinary; every four months, adhama, inferior; cf. ADh IX,86.Some times the keśa-luñcana of an åryikā is made an opportunity for the śravikās of the place to get together and renew their fervour in the celebration of this rite; cf. e.g. Samyagjñāna, July, 1975: for the occasion of the keśa-luñcana of Āryikā Abhayamati at Panagara (Madhya Pradeśa), the śrävikās in several of the surrounding localities organised groups for svädhyāya and circles for the study of the dharma.
62 Bijākṣara: bija, seed, grain; akṣara, syllable, letter; the bijākṣara is the 1st syllable of a mantra, in this instance Śri. Śri means a burst of light, splendour, glory, wealth, dignity, the goddess Lakshmi; it is a syllable of good omen, one which conveys happiness.

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659
in a standing posture and the taking of only one meal a day.63 The text makes clear that these vows are being taken and received in the presence of the five parameşthins and expresses the eamest wish that they may remain deeply embedded in the heart of the new äryikā.
The ācārya recites the śäntibhakti, after which follows what is called sodasasaṁskāra-āropana, the inculcations of the sixteen saṁskåras; these comprise the essential features of the doctrine and the obligations of the ascetic life which complete the mūlaguņas: the Three Jewels, the inner and outer forms of tapas, etc.
2. The acārya reads the gurvāvali, the list of the line of acăryas of the Sarasvatigaccha, the Mülasamgha and the Senagana starting from Ācārya Kundakunda; next, the new åryikā, the latest arrival, receive a new name. Henceforward the members of the saṁngha will address her as "Mātāji", Mother. Then each of the following objects is presented to her, symbols of her new status, with an appropriate mantra: the piochika, a Săstra, both of which she receives, one after the other, into her outstretched hands, and finally the kamandalu, which she holds in her left hand.
3. The new āryikā recites the acăryabhakti and salutes the ācārya with a deep bow; then the munis and äryikās sit down. The śrāvakas and śrāvikās come forward bearing some fruit and salute the new āryikā. The acārya or a muni or āryikā addresses the assembly, explaining and extolling the greatness of renunciation.
63 vadasamidimdiyarodho locāvassayamacelamaṇhānar
khidisayanamadamtavaņas thidibhoyaṇamegabhatta ca. PSa III, 8; ADH IX, 84-85. This text is recited during the daily pratikramaņa; although it relates directly to the munis, it is not modified for the åryikās, but it is recognised that nudity and the taking of the meal standing are not permitted in their case; cf. Jñänamati, 1976, pp.25-27. Seeing that the åryikās obey Scripture in having only two garments and in taking their meal seated, they do thus observe all the mülagunas,

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4. Celebration of the ratnatraya pūjā: the new äryikā recites the fortnightly pratikramana and the final vratas are enjoined upon her, which are usually certain types of tapas. The ācārya enjoins one vrata or another upon each of the śravakas or śrāvikās who have taken part in the rite of dikṣā.
660
Now that the consecration of the new aryika has been accomplished, the ǎryikās can salute her with the vandana. To conclude the ceremony, the ācārya recites the siddhabhakti, the yogibhakti, the śāntibhakti and, finally the samadhibhakti.
The day of her dikṣā is for the new āryikā a day of fast. The following morning, when the acarya, followed by the aryikās, leaves the temple, an invitation is extended to and accepted by each for the āhāra, the meal. The new äryikā arrives last; the śravakas who receive her consider this offering of theirs a very meritorious deed.
C- Āryika-caryās: Observances practised by the Aryikās
The activities of the aryikās are characterised invariably by aparigraha, a deep bhakti and an extreme regard for purity in connection with food. On account of the fact that they take only one meal a day, receiving it into the paṇi-patra (their hands), and have only two garments that they change daily, they have more time for svädhyāya. Pratilekhanā, among the āryikās, is limited to the use of the picchikā. However, three times a day, morning, noon and in the evening, they perform in addition a supplementary vidhi which is called both sāmāyika and devavandana, for it combines both aspects; this vidhi lasts on each occasion for one muhūrta (48 min.). The various caryās of one day, from well before sunrise until the first hours of the night, are apportioned as follows:
1. From just before dawn until about ten o'clock in the morning: dhyāna - svādhyāya - pratikramaṇa - sāmāyika(devavandana) svādhyāya - āhāra - pratyākhyāna.

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2. From about noon until just before sunset: sâmåyika (devavandana)-svādhyāya-adhyayana-pravacana-pratikramaņa.
3. From after sunset until well into the night: sāmāyika-dhyānasvādhyāya.64
As the rite of āhāra does not oblige them to go from house to house and as the number of äryikās competent to give pravacanas is small, their contacts with the exterior are thereby limited, although the śrāvakas and sravikas come frequently to salute them and consult them. Very exceptionally and when it is a question of giving spiritual help to a member of the local samgha, the āryikās may, though always two or more together and during daylight, pay a visit to a family outside the time of āhāra.65
The avaśyakas, svādhyāya, the ritual for åhåra and the prayascittas, though based on the Jaina doctrine common to all the sampradāyas, exhibit as practised by the āryikās some special features which possess an internal harmony and impart to their life its own style and character. Avoiding repetition of the basic ideas which are the underlying inspiration of each of the vidhis, let us endeavour to discem these characteristics.
a) Āvašyaka-vidhi: The rite of duties
According to the prescribed numberical order pratyākhyāna comes before kāyotsarga. Among the āryikās a special feature of their vidhis is the recitation of the appropriate bhaktis in each of them, especially during sämāyika or devavandana. In addition to this recitation of bhaktis, the vidhis, taken as a whole, are decidedly elaborate. 66
64 All these words are already familiar (P 476 ff.); cf. Jñānamati, 1976, pp. 27-29.
65 Ibid., p. 25.
66 This subsection draws upon Sāmāyika (pp. 7-24) edited by Mātāji and containing the rite of sāmāyika as practised by the aryikas; Jñanamati, 1976, pp. 39-47. I regularly took part in these rites during my stays in Hastināpura in 1976 and 1977 with the help of Dharma-dhyāna-dipaka.

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Before we examine the structure of sāmāyika, we take note that the recitation of each text is accompanied by mudrās, that is, by certain gestures and bodily postures. At regular intervals, reverence for the jinas is expressed by means of avartas (or āvartanas) and sironatis performed in a standing posture facing the image or icon.67 The avarta is a circular movement of the joined hands from right to left at faceheight.68 The sironati is an inclination of the head with joined hands. The mudrās number four:
1. Jinamudrā, the standing posture adopted for kāyotsarga.
2. Yogamudrā, the seated posture adopted for kāyotsarga which can be that of padmāsana or paryankāsana; during jinamudrā and yogamudrā, the picchikā is deposited on the ground.
3. Vandanamudrā, a standing posture, the hands being joined at breast-height in mukulita, that is to say, half-open, holding the picchikā; this is the mudrā employed for the bhaktis.
4. Muktāśuktimudrā, identical to vandanamudrā, except that the hands are placed together in such a way that the palms and fingers are touching. This is the mudrā used in the Namaskāra-mantra, in sāmāyika and caturvimšatistava.69
i) Sāmāyika (devavandana)
Although this rite contains the text of sāmāyika, it concentrates more on praise to the tirthańkaras, for which reason it is commonly called devavandana, deva being used here with the meaning of
67 Cf. ADh VIII, 85-90; if sämāyika does not take place in the temple, but in the place where the āryikās are residing, they perform the same gestures facing the East, even in the absence of any statue.
68 Cf. P 320; 323.
69 Cf. Jñānamati, 1976, pp. 39-40.

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arhat.70 Sāmāyika is a community rite, but, if there is a valid reason for doing so, an āryikā may perform it alone. As often as possible it takes place in the temple. Before penetrating within, the āryikās wash their hands and feet and then, repeating in a low voice the word "nisahi, nisahi, nisahi,71 they enter the sanctuary. After a praņāma, salutation to the image of the jinendra, they make three pradakşiņās, circumambulations of the temple from left to right, reciting the while a hymn of praise in vandanamudră and saluting each of the cardinal points with three avartas and one śironati.
The vidhi then proceeds in this way:
- recitation of the iryāpatha-śuddhi, standing or seated;72
- kāyotsarga in the jinamudră posture, during which they recite mentally nine japas of the Namaskāra-mantra accompanied by twentyseven ucсhvāsas, respiratory movements;73.
- recitation of the ālocanā of the iryāpatha in paryankāsana;
- pañcărga-namaskāra;74
- three ävartas, one sironati;
70 Re. devas, cf. P 203 ff.
71 The aryikās repeat "nisahi" 3 times when they arrive at the temple, on entering the vasatikāsthāna, and similarly "asahi" 3 times on leaving these places; nisahi in order to request permission to enter from the gods, spirits and yaksas who inhabit them, and asahi, permission to leave; cf. AD VIII, 132-133; Jñānamati, 1976, p. 47; JSK I, p. 218.
72 The text is essentially the same as AvaS 16 (P 706).
73 Each kāyotsarga is performed in this way.
74 The prostration of the five members (P 323). Before each prostration the ground must be swept with the picchikā.

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- Namaskāra-mantra and recitation of the text of sămāyika,75 in muktāśuktimudrā;
- three avartas, one śironati;
- kāyotsarga;
- pañcānga-namaskāra;
- three avartas, one sironati;
- caturviṁsatistava in muktāśuktimudrā;76
- three avartas, one śironati;
- three pradakșiņās;
- caityabhakti sung, in vandanamudrā;
- ālocană of the caityabhakti in paryarkasana;
- pañcănga-namaskāra;
- three avartas, one sironati;
- sāmāyika-sūtra;
- three avartas, one śironati;
- kāyotsarga;
- pañcānga-namaskāra;
- three avartas, one sironati;
75 Prākrit text in which is included Avas 2, the most important section which contains the vow; cf. P 315 ff.; 700.
76 The text is exactly the same as AvaS 3-9; cf. P69 ff.; 701.

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- caturviṁśatistava;
- three avartas, one sironati;
- pañcamahāgurubhakti, sung in vandanamudrā;
- alocană (of the preceding bhakti);
· pañcānga-namaskāra;
- three avartas, one sironati;
- sāmāyika-sutra;
- three ävartas, one sironati;
- kāyotsarga;
- pañcānga-namaskāra;
- three avartas, one sironati;
- caturviṁśatistava;
- three avartas, one śironati;
- laghu-samādhibhakti;
- alocană (of the preceding bhakti);
- dhyāna.
We have here a harmony between the texts, recited or sung, and the gestures, postures and bodily demeanour, with the performance of kāyotsarga introducing a short regular cessation of all movement for a few moments of dhyāna.
This very comprehensive rite contains four āvaśyakas: the iryāpatha-śuddhi (the pratikramana related to comings and goings); the vow of sâmāyika and the caturviņšatistava, each being repeated

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three times; kāyotsarga; and to these avasyakas are added the three bhaktis, each followed by the corresponding alocanā.
ii) Vandana
When the acārya is close by, then usually three times a day, after morning sämāyika, the mid-day såmáyika and the pratikramana at the end of the afternoon, the āryikās sally forth for the acărya-vandana. They sit, with the ganini in front, at a certain distance from the ācārya, in the posture called gavāsana, the asana of the cow, that is, with legs folded to one side, holding the picchikā in their joined hands, and they bend forward to touch their foreheads to the ground. They recite the laghu-siddhabhakti and the laghu-ācāryabhakti; if the acārya is particularly well-versed in the Scriptures, they recite also the siddhabhakti, the śrutabhakti and the acāryabhakti. When the āryikās are on their own, then both before and after the principal vidhis, the vandana is addressed first to the ganini, then to each äryikā in order of seniority as regards the date of dikṣā. The posture is the same as in the vandana addressed to the ācārya, except that they simply say "vandāmi", "I salute", without reciting any bhakti.77
iii) Pratikramana
The texts expressing repentance for faults committed are long and detailed; this vidhi includes also sāmāyika, kāyotsarga, caturvimśatistava, as well as four bhaktis, namely, laghu-siddhabhakti, virabhakti, tirthankarabhakti and laghu-samadhibhakti. Virabhakti and tirtharkarabhakti are two beautiful hymns of praise to the arhats.78
77 Cf. ADh IX, 31; Jñānamati, 1976, pp. 41-42.
78 Cf. ADh IX, 11; 52-56; Dharma-dhyana-dipaka, pp. 241-269. There is no basic difference between this and the AvaS as regards the nature itself of pratikramaņa. As regards the frequency of its performance, it is a question of twice a day, at fortnightly intervals etc. and is the same as for the sădhvis; cf. IP 324 ff.

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iv) Pratyakhyāna
In the morning, at the conclusion of the ahāra, the one meal per day, each āryikā recites mentally the siddhabhakti and takes a promise not to take food or drink until the same hour the following day. She then goes to the acārya or to the ganini for pratikramana in regard solely to faults committed during the meal, recites the laghusiddhabhakti and the yogibhakti and renews her promise to take nothing till next day, followed by the vandana. She may also ask permission to undertake some additional form of austerity. 79
b) Svădhyāya-vidhi: The rite in regard to Scripture-study
After washing their hands and feet with pure water and sweeping the ground, the books and the little desk with the picchikā, the äryikās sit down in paryankāsana and recite the laghu-śrutabhakti, followed by kāyotsarga and vandana to the ganini. At the end of the svådhyaya they recite the laghu-śrutabhakti, followed by kāyotsarga.80
Svādhyāya consists of personal study, and pondering, but in the rule of life of the āryikās this study takes place simultaneously for all. The study of the texts of the doctrine and related works differs in accordance with the capacity of each. For contemporary āryikås there are no restrictions as regards Scriptures-study. 81 All depends upon the aptitude, level of knowledge and greater or lesser capacity of each. The gaņini guides the āryikās and gives them what explanations are necessary. 82
79 Cf. Jñānamati, 1976, p. 44.
80 Ibid., pp. 27; 49-53.
81 Ibid., pp. 50-51.
82 With their acute feeling for ritual purity, the Digambaras impose an even greater strictness upon the āryikās at the time of their monthly periods than do the Svetämbaras upon the sadhvis. Not only is an åryikå forbidden to touch any dharma-grantha, but she is even relegated to a room outside the temple precincts and takes no part in the performance of any of the rites, reciting them alone mentally. If she is able to fast, she does so and, if she is

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c) Ahǎra-vidhi: The rite in regard to meal
Ähāra means food. This rite is the outward expression of an extreme form of ahiṁsā, aparigraha and tapas. The āryikās may accept only natural food of the purest sort. They have no bowl other than the pāṇi-pātra, their hands, and take food and drink only once a day.8
83
668
The āhāra-vidhi is a veritable liturgy, a ligurgy both cosmic and human in which all the elements are included, in which the celebrants are the aryikās. In this vidhi there is truly actualised a profound intercommunion between the two parties for a single end.
i) Navadhābhakti, the bhakti containing nine parts:84
1. Nimantraṇa, the invitation. In orthodox Digambara families the food is prepared with the utmost care; the wheat is ground at home and only water from a well or from a spring is used. If possible, cows are kept or at the least a careful watch is kept on the purity of the milk, and curds are prepared at home, etc.
In the middle of the morning, at about ten o'clock, the āryikās, having changed their sadi, proceed to the temple for devadarśana, a simple and brief bhāva-pūjā addressed to the arhats. During this time the śrāvikas of the place have prepared their meal. Knowing as they do that some āryikās are in their neighbourhood or in their village and the hour at which they
not strong enough, she must take nothing but nirasa, dry, tasteless food. She is permitted, however, to read books other than dharma-granthas and newspapers. She keeps total silence and touches no-one. At the end of the period she purifies herself with warm water, with the help of a śravika, after which the ganini assigns her a prayaścitta. Āryikās and sädhvis alike greatly deplore this type of ostracism.
83 This sub-section draws upon Jñānamati, 1976, pp. 31-38.
84 Bhakti in this context has the meaning of a ritual performed with great devotion; none of the bhakti texts previously mentioned are recited.

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emerge from the temple, several śråvikās from two or three families, according to the number of āryikās, stand in front of their doors with a platter containing some fruit and, when the áryikās pass by, led by the gaṇini, the śrāvikās beg them to come and take the mcal in their home, calling out: Mātaji! Vandāmi, vandāmi, vandāmi, atra tiştha tiștha" (Mātaji, I salute (you), I salute (you), I salute (you), stay, stay here). Each äryikā advances towards the śrāvikā representing the family she has chosen and this śrāvikā then makes the pradakşiņā three times round the āryikā.85 She next escorts her to her house. 86 There all proceeds in accordance with a prescribed and meaningful ritual.
2. Uccasthāna, the raised scat. The sravikā ushers the äryikā to a small bench, upon which the åryikā then seats herself; the word "raised" simply points to the fact that in a śrāvaka's house the āryikās are given a position of honour and do not sit upon the ground. Several members of the family are present and assist the mistress of the house in the performance of this ritual which is considered highly beneficial for all.
3. Carana-prakṣālana, the washing of the feet. A śrāvikā washes the āryikā's sect with warm water.87
4. Astadravya-pūjā, the pūjă of the eight substances. On a small bench a śrāvikā places in offering, while reciting certain mantras: jala, water, candana, sandalwood; akşatas, grains of rice; puspas, flowers; naivedya, a cooked offering in the form of a type of fritter; dipa, light (a lighted oil lamp); dhūpa, incense; phala, fruit.
85 Here we have another sign of the deep veneration felt for the aryikās.
86 Each áryikā is invited by a different family and there are often more invitations than äryikās, but the next day such families as have not been chosen can renew their invitation.
87 Frequently, the śrāvikās who are present dip their right hands into this water and touch their foreheads with it, the water which has cleansed 'the feet of a muni or an aryikā being considered very holy.

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5. Namaskāra, the salutation. The śrāvikā greets the āryikā by joining her hands and inclining the head.
6. Mana-vacana-kāya-śuddhi, purity of mind, speech and body. The śrāvikās urge the āryikā to accept the meal which has been prepared in this state of threefold purity.88
7. Ahāra-jala-śuddhi, purity of the food and water.89
ii) Bhojana, the meal itself:
A śrāvikā pours water over the hands of the aryikā, who then, after a moment of recollection in which she recites the siddhabhakti, eats and drinks from the añjali what the śrāvikās place therein, making a sign with her head when she has consumed enough of a dish or of milk or water.90 During the meal, and only at that particular time, an āryikā is permitted to take a remedy, which must be a natural one and pure and thus ayurvedic. At the end of the meal the äryikä again washes her hands and recites inwardly the siddhabhakti. Then follows pratyākhyāna, the promise to abstain from eating and drinking until the following morning. After this, for a few moments, she converses with her hosts in a happy family atmosphere. Finally, they fill her kamandalu with hot water and often several members of the family accompany her as far as the vasatikāsthāna, one of them carrying the kamandalu.
88 It is not enough that the food should be pure; the primary necessity is that those who offer it should be themselves pure, i.e., faithful to the observances enjoined by the anuvratas. They have not prepared this meal for ascetics but for their family and they have invited the aryikās to accept it without knowing whether they will accord them this honour.
89 Cf. ADH V, 66-69.
90 The āryikā maintains silence during the ineal, but, as she cannot consume all that is offered to her, a śrāvikā points in turn to each of the dishes placed on a big round tray and the aryikā makes a sign with her head to indicate whether she accepts or declines.

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The āryikās' āhāra and sādhvis' gocari stem from the same concepts of ahimsa and aparigraha; however, the two vidhis, both aiming at bringing about an identical inner attitude, present certain differences:
- the äryikās respond to an invitation and do not request alms in the form of food, whereas the sådhvis glean, so to speak, seeking here and there;
- the āryikās take one single meal a day and it is only during this meal that they may take a remedy. The sădhvis are permitted one full meal and two light ones and may drink water and take remedies from after sunrise until sunset;
- the āryikās have only the pāņi-pātra by way of a utensil; the sădhvis have their wooden pātras;
- the äryikās always eat in silence; the sādhvis are allowed to talk.
- the āryikās take their meal in the house of a śrāvaka and in the presence of the whole family; the sādhvis, even if they are lodging in a śrăvaka's house, must not ask their host for food and must always eat their meal together and separately, with no-one else present;
- the āryikās are extremely meticulous as regards the purity of the food, the sādhvis less so. Although the context of their lives may differ, the faults to be avoided, in regard to ähāra are similar in both sampradāyas91
In spite of their strict rules the āryikās may accept a meal offered by Svetāmbara śrāvakas or even by brāhmaṇas, provided that the food is pure, that the hosts have a true devotion to the tirthařkaras and take no food after sunset. From other categories of persons they may accept fruit, pure water and milk.
91 Cf. Jñanamati, 1976, pp. 33-36.

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d) Ratriyoga: Enclosure at nightfall
When the ācārya and some munis are close by, the āryikās join them for the recitation of the pratikramana of the end of the day and then, after the vandana to the acārya, the āryikās return to their vasatikāsthāna. If the pratikramana, which is followed by a very brief vidhi called rātriyoga incorporating a promise to stay in the vasatikāsthāna during the night, followed by the yogibhakti and kāyotsarga.92 This does not, however, prevent the äryikās from going to the temple for the evening sāmāyika when they are staying within the precincts, always closed at night, of the temple.
e) Prāyaścittas: Expiations
The prāyaścittas are essentially the same in both traditions. 93 Each āryikā goes to the acārya for alocană, but never alone, and, when the ācārya is at a distance, except in the case of a grave fault, the gamini hears the confessions and assigns the penances. The imposing number of Cheda-sūtras is reduced in this tradition to the Prayascittagrantha.94 This grantha is in the keeping of the ācārya but those ganinis who are authorised to assign penances also have a copy. For ordinary minor faults there is no prescribed formula; after avowal of the fault has been made, the ganini decrees a penance which may be some form of fast, the recitation of the Namaskāra-mantra or another. When a graver fault is involved, the penitent must recite also the siddhabhakti and the căritrabhakti.95
92 Cf. ADh IX, 11;40.
93 Ibid., VII, 38-59.
94 Cf. P 508 ff. it may be noted that nowadays, in actual fact, the majority of Svetambara äcaryās use for the most part the Jitakalpa-sutra, which is the equivalent of the Prayaściita-grantha and thus it amounts to the same thing.
95 Details provided by Mātaji.

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D - Triloka Sodha Samsthāna: The Institute of Cosmographical Research
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Jaina cosmography depicts the universe as comprising trilokas, three worlds, namely, the lower, intermediate and higher worlds.96 During the course of the centuries the study of this cosmography has been neglected and the major texts upon which it is based are little known. In order to fill this gap, Mātāji, who is obliged to spend the greater part of the year at Hastinapura, has established a Sodha Samsthāna, an institute of research into the subject of the trilokas. It is not possible to enter here into the study of this vast and complex subject, but mention at least must be made of Mātāji's original initiative. She devotes herself to research into the manuscripts and to translation-work, in order to make the cosmographical texts accessible to the śrāvakas and śrāvikās and at the same time, with a view to rendering this cosmography more intelligible, more palpable, as one might say, she has embarked upon a vast project in the shape of a concrete representation of what, in the intermediate world, the earthly world where dwells humankind, is called Jambudvipa (the island of Jambu or red-apple-tree) and Meruparvata (Mount Meru) in the centre of this same island.
a) Why Hastinapura?
This place, situated to the Northeast of Dilli, combines a number of features that make it particularly appropriate for such an enterprise. It is a tirthasthāna, a place of pilgrimage. There, according to tradition, three tirthankaras were not only born, but also received dikṣā and attained kevala-jñāna. These are Santinatha, Kunthunatha and Aranatha, the sixteenth, seventeenth and eighteenth tirthankaras.9 Within this immense, quiet jungle the Digambaras have large tracts of
97

96 Cf. TS III; IV. For a detailed description of the trilokas, cf. JSK III, pp. 443-509.
97 Cf. Jñānamati, 1974d, pp. 23-40.

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land and a beautiful ancient temple. In its precincts are to be found many well-lit cells for wayfaring munis and áryikās. 98
Mātāji, accompanied by several äryikās, spends long months at Hastināpura, working incessantly at her writings. She often goes to that part of the jungle where the construction-works depicting Jambūdvipa and Meruparvata are going on, in order to issue instructions. On the same spot an administrator takes care of all the practical questions; he receives in his office the pilgrims' gifts of money and sells the various publications of Mātāji. These construction works and publications are rendered possible thanks to the contributions made by the śrāvakas of Dilli and the surrounding district formed into a committee. The proximity of the capital and the frequent arrival of numerous pilgrims are factors favourising intelligent and efficient organisation and also the necessary material help. It is a Dilli architect who, according to plans drawn up by Mātāji, has put the work in hand, employing local masons and workmen.99
Two young brahmacárins and several brahmacāriņis are permanently in residence, all being under the spiritual direction of Mātāji. The brahmacărins deal with all matters connected with Mātāji's publications.
b) Jambūdvipa, Meruparvata: Jambū Island, Mount Meru
The intermediate world, according to Jaina cosmography, is made up of a great number of concentric continents, each one separated
98 On the same property are to be found a large dharmaśalā for the reception of pilgrims with an immense well in its central courtyard; a gurukula, boarding-school for boys; and, on the surrounding estate, a temple dedicated to Mahävira and 24 small shrines, dotted around and dedicated to each of the tirthankaras. The Svetambaras have also a beautiful temple and a dharmaśală of recent construction, situated on the other side of the road which leads to the entrance of the Diganbaras dornain.
99 Lately, on April 28, 1985 we read, in The Hindu, that the Defence Minister, Mr. P.V. Narasimha Rao, inagurated the Jambu Dvipa Jñana Jyoti complex, stressing the need for peace and non-viclence in a strife-torn world.

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from the next by an ocean. .100 In the middle of these continents and oceans is to be found the island of the Jambu and, in the centre thereof, Mount Meru. 101 The island takes its name from the vast jambu (tree), situated near the summit of Mount Meru. This everlasting tree is of earth. 102 The island is divided into seven kṣetras, regions running crosswise: Bharata, Haimavata, Hari, Videha, Ramyaka, Hairaṇyavata and Airāvata. These regions are separated from each other by six chains of mountains. 103 At the summit of each of these mountains there is a lake and, in the middle of each lake, a lotus-flower with this particular feature, namely, that each lake and each lotus is double the one before in size. 104 At the heart of each of the six lotuses is a palace in which resides a nymph: Śri, Hri, Dhṛti, Kirti, Buddhi and Laksmi.105 Out of the afore-mentioned six lakes flow rivers, two for each region, fourteen in all,106the rivers of Bharata being the Ganga and the Sindhu with their numerous tributaries. 107 Bharata-kṣetra is divided int six khandas (parts); one ārya-khaṇḍa, a land where dwell men capable of pursuing a spiritual quest and five mleccha-khaṇḍas, countries of barbarians;108 we belong to the arya-khaṇḍa. Bharata, Airavata and Videha are karma
100 Cf. TS III, 7.
101 Known in the texts under the name of Mamdara; it has also 14 other names; cf. PPN, pp. 539-540.
102 Cf. TS III, 9.
103 Ibid., III, 10-11.
104 Ibid., III, 14; 17-18.
105 Ibid., III, 19.
106 Ibid., III, 20
107 Ibid., III, 23.
108 Ibid., III, 36.

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bhūmis, lands of toil and endeavour in which men can attain Liberation. The types of activities pursued in the karma-bhūmis may be characterised by good or evil, either quality being possible in the highest degree, and include all normal human occupations.109 Videhakşetras are not subject to ascending and descending cycles and tirthankaras dwell there permanently. In that kṣetra, kevala-jñāna and mokṣa are always possible. 110. As for the other kṣetras, they are bhoga-bhūmis, places of enjoyments, where Liberation is not possible.111
676
Mount Meru is situated in Videha-kṣetra and is surrounded by four forests, each forest having a caityālaya (temple) at each of four cardinal points. To the South of Mount Meru is found a great tree, the salmali; moreover, the two trees, the jambu and the śalmali, each have a temple within their branches.112
The total number of temples on the island is seventy-eight, each containing images of the tirthankaras.113
This general and abbreviated description will suffice to give an idea of the scope and complexity of the enterprise and the difficulty met in its realisation. However, Mātāji, who is fully convinced of the usefulness of the project and well-conversant with the exact details of this cosmography, is at hand to enlighten, direct and inspire all concerned. Thus in this jungle, in the midst of flowerbeds, Mount Meru rears its head to the height of about twenty-two metres.
109 Cf. JSK III, pp. 245-246; TS III, 37.
110 Cf. JSK III, p. 551; TS III, 31; P 76; 80 n.36.
111 Cf. JSK III, p. 246.
112 Cf. JSK III, pp. 474-475. For a description of Jambudvipa, cf. also SthS,
301-305.
113 These temples, situated on the different mountains, are "eternal", that is, there is no question here of temples and images fashioned by men's hands.

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Jambūdvipa and Meruparvata represent, for Mātāji, something much more than a visible reproduction of Jaina cosmography, interesting and pleasant to visit. This is first and foremost a place of worship. Mātāji has composed a beautiful text in Sanskrit and Hindi to be used in the pūjā to the jinas of the sanctuaries of Jambūdvipa, as well as Sri Jambūdvipastuti in praise of Jambūdvipa and Trailokyacaityavandana, that is, vandana to the sanctuaries of the trilokas. 114 Herein is an appeal and exhortation addressed to all visiting Jainas to study and become better acquainted with their tradition and their doctrine.
c) Vira Jñānodaya Granthamālā: The "Mahăvira" series of
books for the increase of knowledge
The name of the publicatiors-centre, an integral part of the Institute of cosmography, is in itself suggestive; vira, for Mahāvira; jñānaudaya, udaya meaning rise or increase of, in this instance, jñāna; granthamālā, series of books. Here a continuous production of books and translations, dealing with the various complementary aspects of the dharma and addressed to differing readerships according to their level of knowledge and their age-group, certainly makes for jñānaudaya. These publications are the fruit of Mātāji's personal work, assisted by the two brahmacārins, Moticandra and Ravindrakumāra. These publications include: - translations of philosophical and doctrinal works; - works on cosmographical and doctrinal subjects; - works concerning;
- the avaśyakas, - the āryikās, - the munis, - the history of Hastināpura;
- bhakti texts: Mātāji's own poetic compositions, some in Sanskrit, others in Hindi addressed to the tirthankaras, to Bāhubali, to Jambūdvipa;
114 For these hymns, cf. Sāmāyika, pp. 77-81; 82-94.

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- a series of booklets for children, a simple presentation of the doctrine with imaginative and inspiring illustrations;
- a monthly review for grown-ups, which Mataji edits and of which she herself writes most of the articles. 115 Her aim is to help towards right knowledge and the articles, presented in accordance with a harmonious over-all design, conduce to this end.
A brief look at the contents of the Granthamālā reveals this: Mātāji, with the utmost simplicity, puts at the service of the saṁgha her vast store of knowledge and her extraordinary ability to approach a wide variety of subjects, probe them in depth and transmit them to others in a clear and accessible form. She communicates to them her own intense zeal for study and teaching and her fervent bhakti.
Their total number is small, but nevertheless we must make mention of two other learned ǎryikās: Āryikā Viśuddhamati, who has translated the Trilokasara, an important cosmographical treatise, and Āryikā Supärśvamati, well-known for her pravacanas.
E- Āryikā Śrī Jñānamati Mātāji
So far no biography of Mätāji has been written. Certain persons would have liked to do so, but she has always refused. Recently a śrāvaka, a poet of Jhansi, wrote, in her honour a long poem of one hundred and twenty-eight verses in Hindi: Śri Jñanamati jīvana darśana,116 in which there is a eulogy commemorating her life and her
work.
Mātāji shuns publicity. She pursues her task ardently, living her life in accordance with the stricth obervance of the Digambaras, caring nothing for honours nor for making a name for herself. She is truly called 'Jñānamati' and 'Śramani', as being one for whom the daily acquisition, enlargement and deepening of knowledge is the supreme
115 The review contains about 40 pp. For further details of these publications, cf. Appendix I and Bibliography.
116 S. Jaina, 1976.

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task and it is this knowledge that she spontaneously and ceaselessly communicates to others, more by her life and her writings than by word of mouth. For her, knowing and teaching are one and the same thing. She is aware of the ignorance of a large number of śrāvakas and śrāvikās - ignorance of their doctrine and tradition, due for the most part 10 a number of historical and social factors. It is against this obscure force of incrtia, productive of many errors, that one must struggle, and the best way of doing so is to place kowledge within people's reach. To this Mätāji is consecrating her life, for how can the average srāvaka or śrāvikā be required to set to on the study of Prākrit and Sanskrit and endeavour to understand by themselves rather unintelligible ancient texts without some preliminary introduction, without a sure guide? Mātāji is this guide, who translates, explains, comments, and composes in the vernacular, while at the same time rearousing fervour, inspiring devotion and always emphasising the importance of its expression in worship. Let us first take a look at the stages of Mātāji's life and then attempt to have, as it were, her darśana.
How Mainā became Kșullikā Viramati and subsequently Aryika Jñånamati and drew in her wake a part of her own family
Mainā mcans starling, the beautiful song bird. This name was given in 1934 to a little girl, the eldest of thirteen, born to a fervent Jaina family of the village of Țikaitanagara, in the district of Bārābanki, Uttara Pradeśa.117 Mainā soon gave evidence of precocious gifts for study and a strong inclination towards all that concerns the dharma, but she was obliged to interrupt her studies at the age of eleven in order to assist her mother. Nevertheless, she continued to study as much as was possible and at the age of eighteen, feeling an irresistible attraction towards vairāgya - and one should hear the fervour with which Mätāji speaks of vairāgya! - Mainā escaped from the family-house to become an anagāri. For reasons of health, she joined the group of kşullikās of Acārya Sri Desabhūşana who gave her the name Viramali. She applied herself courageously to the tasks of a śramaņi and at the end of three years she asked for admittance to the dikṣā of the aryikās. She was assigned to the group
117 For these paragraphs we are drawing upon the very brief notifications given in several prefaces to the writings and filling in the gaps with information gathered from our conversations at Hastinapura.

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of Ācārya Virasāgara and received the new name of Jñānamati. From the moment she jointed the kşullikās, she showed unusual eagerness for study, combined with great fervour in the performance of spiritual exercises. How did Mātāji gain, and so rapidly, a good knowledge of Prākrit, Sanskrit, the doctrine? Was she helped in this by the two successive ācāryās? "Very little" she says, "they scarcely had time enough". By a pandit? Mātāji replies that at Jayapura a pandit did help her for some months in the study of Sanskrit; but, she adds,"I wanted to cover the ground quickly and he did not like that very much, so I continued alone". Since then she has acquired a solid groundwork of knowledge from her svādhyāya. Her predilection is for Sanskrit and it is in Sanskrit poetry that she best conveys her transports of bhakti. Her preferred subjects of study are that philosophy which leads to realisation of the ātman, cosmography and grammar, particularly Sanskrit grammar.
During her time as a kşullikä and as a still youthful äryikā, she passed the căturmāsya in different towns of Rājasthāna, of which she remains very fond, for, she says, "In Rājasthāna people have a fervour, a faith, a persistence like nowhere else." Then, with four other äryikās, Mātāji undertook an immense tour of five years' duration. Starting form Rājasthāna, they set out in the direction of Bangāla, passing successive cãturmäsyas at Kalikata, Haidarābād, Sravana Belgola, Solapura, Sanăvada (Madhya Pradeśa) and, once again, in Rājasthāna. Wherever she passed, Mātāji incited zeal for study and wrote and published books."
Over the years Mātāji has drawn after her several of her own family-members. First, one of her sisters embraced the ascetic life, becoming Aryikā Abhayamali; then another, not having the necessary physical constitution to be admitted to dikṣā, became Brahmacāriņi Malti; next a young brother, Brahmacārin Ravindrakumāra. When all her children were reared, their mother joined the ascetics and is now Āryikā Ratnamati; finally, two other sisters followed their example, Brahmacāriņis Trišală and Madhuri, while the last up to date to follow this path is a niece, Brahmacăriņi Mañju.
With the exception of Āryikā Abhayamati, the members of this family of ascetics remain, for the most part, at Hastināpura. Since 1972, Mātāji has had to stop going on vihāra for a great portion of the

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year and has devoted herself to the important above-mentioned tasks. After two years in Dilli, she now resides pemanently, since 1975, at Hastinapura, except for a few brief sojourns in the neighbouring villages. On the one hand, the place is highly suitable for her work and, on the other, her presence there gives the pilgrims the privilege and joy of having her darśana. As a general rule, Måtāji does not give pravacanas to the pilgrims, except on rare occasions, but when she is in a village she is available to the inhabitants for one hour during the morning and two hours in the afternoon. The rest of the time she continues her tasks.
"The life of an åryikā consists in dhyāna and svadhyāya"
This is Mātāji's dictum, spoken with simplicity and conviction: this is what shc herself lives out completely without letting herself be distracted by a hundred and one secondary concerns. She goes straight to the essential with a penctrating intuition, sound judgement and few words. She has a keen sense of the ascesis of time. · At Hastināpura all is organised with a view to the mission to be accomplished, in which all collaborate, earnestly but without tension. Mātāji gives time to her disciples in a wise and judicious manner.
Dhyāna and svădhyāya, the two are inseparable. Mātāji tells how after her dikṣā as a kşullikā she used to prolong the period of dhyāna which follows sāmāyika. But her companinons did not understand and even smiled at this, so for a while, out of timidity, she stopped the practice. However, as soon as she had more confidence, she felt herself impelled to place no limit on her dhyāna, particularly that type known as pindastha-dhyāna.118She says that in this state time is transcended and one hour, or two, pass unnoticed. She adds that, although one cannot judge others, especially in this domain, the āryikās on the whole have received little training in those disciplines and methods that are of help to dhyāna. Mātāji is giving her attention to this question and would like to organise sessions on dhyāna for the āryikās, brahmacārins, brahmacāniņis and śrāvikās.
118 Cf. P 387 ff.

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The most striking feature of Mātāji is the unity that exists between her life and her work. This intellectual work, of whatever kind, is for her nothing other than uninterrupted svādhyāya and evidences this very special characteristic - and in this she continues the tradition of the sages - that svādhyāya does not involve a retreat from the world or the acquisition of knowledge for its own sake. For her, there is no cleavage between her own personal self-realisation and that of others. Thanks to her own deep study and reflection, into the midst of which, at regular intervals, the community rites are inserted, and also thanks to the purificatory effect of asceticism, Mātāji has most certainly a direct and high-level awareness of the supreme Reality, the ātman. It is forthis reason that she is able to reach all beings. We are touching here on the ontological reality of essential unity. Absorbed as she ceaselessly is in study and in the translation of doctrinal texts, Mātāji's own compositions, each of which contains a note of originality, are just the overflow of a synthesis realised in her own person. These poems, these translations, these collctions of materials for worship, these studies in cosmography and their concrete expression in brick and cement, these children's books and this monthly review combine to help, guide and lead human beings, as many as possible, to samyakjñāna.
Mātāji has many interests and an openness of spirit, but she is totally gripped by and absorbed in the Digambara tradition and preeminently concerned to transmit it to others, which in itslef is an enormous task. Within this tradition her particular interest is in those values which, just because they are truly spiritual, are also universal. However, the tradition through which these values are transmitted has become, during the course of the centuries, overloaded with certain subsidiary and sectarian practices and tendencies; furthermore, its close confinement within an, at time, fierce orthodoxy has often made it impenetrable, if not hostile, to other interpretations or to salutary changes. This fact Mātāji does not always realise. She is even on occasion somewhat militant, in this sense that she is fully persuaded that the orthodox Digambara tradition is superior to others and that it maintains a rigorous fidelity to the teaching of the tirtharkaras, which teaching, she believes, must be revitalised. This naturally leads to a certain critical and negative attitude towards the other sampradāyas. Mātāji's criticisms come from a sincere heart, one that is firmly determined 10 uphold what she believes to be the pure and original

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dharma, that men have gradually altered through their ignorance and cowardice. She considers, very reasonably, that the Scriptures and the works of the first ācāryās are still available to recall us to the right path. So let us study them, she argues, and come out of our century old ignorance. And Mātāji devotes all her energies to enlightening her disciples, the śrāvakas, śrāvikās and whoever comes to meet her.

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Chapter 8.
Cintās: Reflections
In the preceding pages I have tried to put forward a synthesis of the immensely rich cultural and doctrinal heritage bequeathed to the sādhvis. They comprise a study in depth of the tradition, doctrine and life of the ascetics, a study that has been both a personal one and one that has been inspired and guided by the sādhvis themselves. As in every religious, ascetic tradition, the sădhvis must follow an ideal which is very demanding. This ideal presents certain highly particular features that we have described, each of which constitutes for the sādhvis a belief to which they are bound to adhere, even if, not infrequently, they are somewhat vague about the bases of these beliefs - not through laziness or ill-will on their part, but because on the whole their training remains fairly elementary. Now these beliefs give rise to numerous rules drawn up in order to help the ascetics put their ideal into practice. One recognises, of course, that these rules constitute the solid staff upon which to lean during the journey towards Liberation, but they are only means. So what is important is to discern those ones which are inspired by the essential spirit of the dharma, and thus to distinguish between those that are essential and those that are less so. One knows also that these rules have been conceived and formulated in a far distant age, in a given context. Without minimising in any way the radical asceticism taught by the doctrine, an asceticism which demands a transcendence of the ordinary state of human life, and at the same time recognising that certain ones of these rules are, in our own days, obsolete, I am going to try now to share some of the reflections that have ripened during the course of my study of the Scriptures and my encounters with the sădhvis. These reflections will be presented under three licadings: questions, hopes and, thirdly, a statement of the contribution the Jaina dharma can make to contemporary spirituality.

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These considerations are not new; they have been already developed in several chapters where they came up in regard to the doctrine or daily life being studied. Here they are expressed in a few succinct phrases which bring together doctrine and praxis. Moreover the reflections that follow are neither judgmental nor critical in the pejorative sense of the word. It is a question, rather, of an awareness, a formulation in words of what several sădhvis think and say and what quite a number of others confusedly feel. It is to this last-named fairly large group that these reflections are addressed. It must be added that, with varying slight differences, they could also be applied to communities of women ascetics belonging to other traditions, for the community of sādhvis presents characteristics common to all communities of ascetics.
a) Praśnas: Some questions
Before stating these questions we must recall to mind two important and interconnected factors. Firstly, the Jainas are a tiny scattered minority. To preserve their own identity they must evidence a certain rigidity. Secondly, it is their belonging to the caturvidhasamgha that constitutes their identity; the four components together form a community of ascetics. Even if the śrāvakas and śrāvikās remain in the world, they are none the less constrained, if they are faithful to the dharma, to practise a certain aseticism and are closely bound up with the munis and sådhvis. The munis and above all, out of their number, the acāryas - are fairly independent; the sādhvis, except for a few avant-garde groups, have scarcely any autonomy; they are subject to the authority of the acārya and to the strict and vigilant surveillance of the śrávakas and śrāvikās. A these two last-named groups, certain ones are cpposed to any change in the life-style of the ascetics for this life-style is for them the living expression of the dharma. They fear that the slightest modification therein may result in the disintegration of this dharma; hence their severity in regard to the ascetics, especially the sādhvis. We may note in passing that we have here a universal sociological phenomenon. Those "outside" are often more conservative than those "inside".
- Do the sadhvis fully appreciate the treasure their dharma comprises?

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Not seldom their appreciation comes from head-learning rather than life-experience. It is fragmentary, static. They have not always been helped to grasp and discover their dharma in depth.
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- Does not a certain passive acceptance of the traditional teaching play a part, in the long run, in deflecting the sädhvis from the original ideal?
This type of passivity does indeed give rise to ignorance and constitutes an obstacle to spiritual progress. In this regard, it is essential that the gurunis should prove themselves equal to their task.
-
Does their manner of life, as it is lived out by the majority, help the sādhvis to realise their ideal?
This life, in which the sole activity is spiritual activity, is one which is very difficult to realise to the full. It demands a most unusual degree of zeal, a wide-open and active intelligence and an innate feeling for spiritual things; is necessary also to receive 'sound guidance at the start of the way. Now this, as things are at present, is only possible for a minority. For the others, the life is often fairly monotonous. In certain cases the common life lacks harmony just because its goal has disappeared from sight, and sometimes there is frequent quarrelling. The gurunis' task is to attend to the training of their disciples and the preservation of good mutual understanding. It should be clearly understood that the sadhvis do not all have the same spiritual awareness nor the same intellectual capacities, and that all are not competent to pursue courses of study, to write or give spiritual teaching to others. Here we may mention again the example of the Terapanthi sadhvis, who make good use of their time in the creation of works of art and in handcrafts. Although statistics, particularly in this domain, give only an approximate idea of the reality of the situation, yet they are revealing. A few years ago, to the question: "Are you satisfied with the style of life you live today?" 60 out of 100 sädhvis replied that they desired changes to be made in successive stages, while 13 desired radical changes of adaptation to our day and age. Thus 73 testified to a need for far-reaching renewal. Similarly, in
1 Cf. Bordiya, 1975, p. 275.

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reply to the question: "Do you desire changes in your own daily life?" 65 sădhvis out of 100 said that they were in favour of progressive change and 15 that they wanted minor changes; thus 80 of the total number were feeling the need of some change in their daily life.2
- Is an enlightened practice of asceticism compatible with the full flowering of the individual's personhood?
Asceticism is not, in itself, incompatible with the full flowering of lone's personhood. All depends on the inner dispositions of each one and, to a very great extent, on the training received, the atmosphere prevailing in the group, and its spiritual fervour. When the sadhvis are absolutely convinced of the value of their ideal and faithful in its pursuit, they exemplify, like Sadhvi Vicakṣaṇa, for instance, a life lived in the purest spiritual joy.
- Do not certain of the practices, in themselves secondary in importance, appear anachronistic in our day?
Yes, certainly, and discernment is essential. Up till now, those sādhvis who, being aware of these anachronisms, have abandoned certain practices are considered "liberal", admired by a minority and criticised by a large number of people who remain obstinately attached 10 the letter of the doctrine.
- Should not the preparation for college and university examinations take place, preferably, bcsore dikṣā?
A fairly broad general cducation is indispensable, but it should be the same for all and should have been acquired, if possible, before dikṣā. Preparation for state examinations after dikşā deflects the sādhvis somewhat from their central objective; furthermore, it creates differences between them. Those who have successfully taken these examinations tend sometimes to evidence a certain superiority and flaunt their qualifications. After dikṣā, studies should be mainly orientated towards knowledge of the Scriptures, the doctrine and theltradition.
2 Ibid., p. 280.

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Should not the sadhvis, one of whose tasks is to teach the way of Liberation to all members of the dharma and to all living beings, be pātras (vessels, receptacles) of the teaching and be so in the social context of today?
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This is of the greatest importance. The sadhvis are pillars of the dharma and must know how to express it in contemporary language, in openness of spirit towards their hearers.
Would it not be desirable to undertake a new study upon the subject of strimukti, the Liberation of womankind?
Such a study is all the more necessary because the Digambara scholars themselves hold divergent views on this question.
Does not the organisation, as it is today, lend itself, in certain gacchas, to a certain type of sectarianism, a withdrawal into oneself within a closed group?
This withdrawal is easily observable in some gacchas and it contributes neither to the full flowering of the individual person nor to his or her spiritual advance nor to the on-going development of the dharma.
- Might not the sadhvis be able to create some independent samghas, directed by some of their own number and open to all the gacchas? Would not such samghas, formed out of the same restricted groups as exist today, promote a fraternal exchange between their members?
Many sadhvis suffer on account of their enclosure within the confines of a group. Though remaining under the spiritual direction of an acarya, which is indispensable, at least until a certain stage has been reached, certain ones of them do have aspirations towards broader pastures, towards encounters with other groups. Do not all belong to the spiritual family of Mahavira? Several among them are capable of inspiring and directing their companions, but up till this present their influence is limited to their own group, on account of the lack of communication existing between the communities. The rigidity of their structures and the weight of secular prejudices combine to prevent any awareness of the mutual ignorance now prevailing

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between the communities being other than very feeble at present in the case of the majority of sadhvis. Now, in order that a desire for unity should exist, it is necessary that there should come into being, firstly, an awareness of the existent ignorance, mutual indifference and, sometimes animosity and, next, the realisation that this failure in understanding makes for sterility and furthermore that division is opposed to the spirit of the dharma.
b) Āśās: Hopes in anticipation of a renewal
Each of these hopes corresponds to a point queried above. It does not suffice to dislodge prejudices; one must also be able to visualize a renewal and have an unshakeable hope that it will come about.
- Hope that the sādhvis, receiving an initiation into svādhyāya and dhyāna, will thus assimilate the essence of the dharma and that, through them, its uniquc clements will be more universally known, so that it will thus play its part in the spiritual renewal of humankind.
- Hope that the gurunis, following the example of the heroic pioneers, may succeed in combining harmoniously knowledge and praxis and may never relax their efforts to train their disciples with wisdom and maternal sollicitude. Meetings between guruņis and conferences bringing them together would be a desirable dvelopment.
- Hope that the sādhvis together with their gurunis may succeed in introducing, by successive stages, salutary changes in their way of life.
- Hope that the sādhvis may be brought to a full flowering of their own beings by a return to the essentials of the spirit of the dharma. To help them in this, it would be necessary, not only that the gurunis be true spiritual mothers, but that the upăśrayas be conducive to recollectedness.
- Hope that the sādhvis may know how to distinguish between the spirit and the letter of the dharma and rid themselves of what is of secondary importance and mercly burdensome.

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- Hope that the vairāgiņis, the candidates for dikṣā, may all receive, as happens already in certain groups, a solid training in character and understanding and a general education such as will help them become enlightened sādhvis, well able to devote themselves to the study of their own tradition in all its aspects and also to that of other religious traditions.
- Hope that the sādhvis, adapting themselves to the needs of their own day, may be able to transmit to all the message of the dharma. The sādhvis, who are in constant contach with society, must not only be knowledgeable themselves about the burning questions regarding justice on a nationwide scale (such as the abolition of untouchability and the amelioration of conditions of life among aboriginal peoples, with due respect for their own customs) but also help the śrävakas and śrāvikās to act justly themselves in their own personal lives and to take an active part in the movements for justice. This is, indeed, the spirit of the dharma: the mutual assistance of all beings. The Jaina community has members throughout the world and, among them, there are those who return periodically to their native land and come to pay respects to the sădhvis. Such śrāvakas and śrāvikās will emerge from these conversations strengthened and enlightened, when the sādhvis; having transcended the narrow confines of their own group, open and receptive to everything that concerns humanity, know both how to listen to those men and women who speak to them of social conditions in Africa, Asia or Europe and also how to impart to them wise counsel.
- Hope that a study of strimukti may shed fresh light on the question and that such a study may bring together in the same spirit of careful research both Digambara and Svctāmbara schools of thought.
- Hope that in this our own day the rigid structure of the various gacchas and the secondary groups formed within certain of the gacchas may give place to an openhcaredness towards gacchas other than one's own and that meetings conducive to positive exchanges of view may take place.
3 Cf. TS IV, 21. On this theme the fervent words of Mahāsati Ujjvalakumāri spring to mind.

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- Hope that the sādhvis may be able to combine to organise a movement of renewal and may take an interest also in the other ascetic religious traditions (as certain of them have evidenced a desire to do). Asier a study in depth of the other traditions, Hinduism, Buddhism, Islām, Christianity, the sadhvis will be ready to encounter members of these traditions. These encounters, to be authentic, must lead to exchanges of a spiritual sort and such exchanges will surely bring about a positive and mutually enriching collaboration.
c) Ratnas: The jewels
We now come to the jewels which comprise the gifts which the Jaina dharma offers to all the ascetics, indeed, to all of humankind:
- Ādhyātmika, the primary of the spiritual, which is the primordial value, over and above everything else. What is of importance is the antariktā, the interiority whose roots are embedded in svădhyāya, the meditative study of Scripture.
- Tapas, the purificatory value of austerity of which the lofties form is dhyāna, mental concentration, that brings about the unification of the whole being
- Ahimsă, the power that resides in self-mastery combined with an appreciation of cosmic reality, which leads to respect for all beings in one's personal life and in the life of a community and nation.
- Aparigraha, a challenge to the spirit of possession on all its guises.
- Virya, heroic courage in the pursuit of the ideal. - Vihāra, the outward sign of the human condition, of life on pilgrimage: be-ing, ontologically speaking, is fixed nowhere.
- Jñana-dana, the gift of knowledge to all living beings through pravacanas, instruction-sessions on the Scriptures - a unique feature in the history of universal women's monasticism.

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PART IV
COSMIC AND PURIFICATORY RITE
From early on in this study we have been put directly in touch with the way of worship proper to the Jaina dharma through the Namaskāra-mantral and the Caturvimśatistava. This worship in its very essence is centred upon the purification of the atman and the separation of the same from karmic matter. It takes its inspiration from the examples of the parameşthins, both past and present, and from the dharma that they taught and teach to all living beings. The Digambara and Mūrtipūjaka śrāvakas and śrāvikās perform both forms of worship: dravya, the external form, by participation in the pājā, and bhāva, internal worship. All adherents of the reformed sampradayas, on the other hand, perform only the latter form of worship, the internal, that is the avaśyaka-vidhi, the rite of duties.2 The sădhvis are required to perform this rite twice a day.
After a brief look at the history of the dharma, a study of the successive stages leading to nirvāna and a description of the way of life of the sādhvis and áryikās, we can now more easily approach this rite. We are already familiar with the doctrinal bases of thé avaśyakas and the central place that from time immemorial the said āvaśyakas occupy in the life of the ascetics, both as rites and, in the case of certain ones of them, as expiations. In spite of a few inevitable
1 At the beginning of the 1st ávaśyaka it is termed pañcanamaskāramangala-sūtra (AvaS 1); for the sake of simplification we are calling it, in this Part which deals with the avasyakas, the Namaskāra-sutra.
Oddy as IUIU
2 The śrävakas and śrāvikās of all sam āyas follow on the whole the same rite as the munis and sadhvis. The chief differences are as follows: they take the vow of sämāyika for a limited period; on each occasion in the sutras that mention is made of the mahavratas, they must substitute for that term the word aņuvratas, liule vows; furthermore, they do not recite the śramana-sútras which are reserved for the ascetics.

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repetitions, this last Part is limited in its scope to the rite, presenting the major sūtras, the pillars, as it were,3 and outlining the order of this rite as followed by the Sthanakavāsi sādhvis.4 No explanatory words can replace direct contact with the sutras as they are read, re-read, studied and meditated. They are rendered correspondingly more intelligible, the more one has already assimilated the doctrine they contain and grasped their importance for the sadhvis.
Before turning our attention to the more important sūtras and the over-all sequence of events within the rite, we may take note of a few facts concerning it, its special features and the structuring of this Part.
1. The rite
693
Dharma-kryia, sacred action, ritual, is an integral part of worship. For the Jaina ascetics, the avaśyaka-vidhi is the embodiment of worship. As its name indicates, its performance is obligatory. Moreover, it is a community rite and is to be performed in a given place, the upāśraya or some other place of shelter, and at a specified hour, namely, before sunrise and at sunset or later. This place of worship is necessary for śṛamanis who are perpetual pilgrims on this earth, so that the moments consecrated to this rite are pauses in the
3 This subject which in itself is very vast would necessitate extensive treatment. Here, to preserve harmony with the other Parts, we limit ourselves to what is essential.
4 The principal differences between this rite and that observed by the Mūrtipūjaka sādhvis will be indicated. As for the rite followed by the āryikās, the rite of sāmāyika, which is peculiar to them, has already been given (P 662 ff.). As regards the other avaśyakas, the content of the principal sutras is identical, except for a few variants, to that of the sutras recited by the Svetambaras. The differences are confined to the secondary sutras and to the order followed.
5 Bhava-puja, the interiorised veneration of the tirthankaras, is one of the ingredients of bhakti; japa, the repetition of a mantra, is one of the ingredients of both bhakti and dhyana. These two spiritual activities are personal and not strictly obligatory. They express the essence of the worship but are not integral parts of the rite.

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course of this pilgrimage. However, the rite transcends both the place and the time, which are part of the human condition, for, from the first, one is centred on the ātman, as being the Sole Reality, and one is projected outside time. The gestures, the pañcānga-namaskāra, (the prostration of the five members) the recitation of sutras and the recitation or singing of hymns - all this is in the realm of human expression and emanates from the mind, the heart and the senses. These gestures, together with the recitation and the right intention that animates them, all converge in seeking one goal, one sole end: the purification of the atman and its liberation from matter. No external object deflects from this end, all is characterised by a profound sobriety. In the performance of this action, which is rendered doubly sacred through the end towards which it is directed and the recitation of the accompanying sūtras, it is the inner attitudes that are of supreme importance: faith in the dharma, the spirit of reverence towards the tirthařkaras, the ācārya and the guruņi and sincere repentance for all faults and negligences. Without these inner attitudes, the rite is simply an empty and dry piece of ritualism.
Here we must make an important distinction between the lack of proper inner attitudes, such as nullifies the effects of the rite, and repetition, which is an integral part of every rite. The repetition of the sūtras by heart and the accompanying gestures performed twice a day their whole life long create a second person, so to say, in each sādhvi, a person whose mind and body - so soon as she pronounces aloud or mentally the first syllables of the sūtras or makes a prostration - are drawn spontaneously into a universe within. In this universe - except at the moments devoted to kåyotsarga which are always accompanied by dhyāna - reflexive thought and awareness of the self and of the sacred action in all its minutiae come into play very little or not at all. The sūtras and the accompanying gestures are integrated into the person, merge, as it were, with the person; the sădhvi identified with the rite. Moreover, if she is fervent, if she believes deeply in the dharma and in the indispensability of the rite, and if she comes to it with upright intention, the regular repetition of this sacred action constitutes an immensely valuable renewal. Such repetition is necessary for as long as the ātman stays in the human condition, for it is impossible to attain the final goal in one attempt. The all-important vow of sāmāyika is constantly renewed until the fervent sādhvi becomes firmly rooted, so to speak, in sāmāyika, in equanimity.

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The rite is at one and the same time both immanent and transcendent; immanent, because it takes place through and within the ātman of the person in its present as yet impure state and, by association with this ātman, through and in the cosmos; transcendent, in regard to its goal, the Liberation of the atman. The means employed to reach this goal are also transcendent: veneration for the arhats who enjoy eternal bliss, for the ācārya, the guruņi, the senior sādhvis, for that which in them is already purified and for those spiritual values already present in them that escape the clutches of time. 6
Every rite belongs to a tradition and bears its stamp. It conveys those who perform it, both men and women, towards the goal by recognised means, tried and accepted by the sages. Thus the rite of the āvaśyakas presents these two aspects, its specifically cosmic character and its purificatory effect.
The specifically cosmic character
Rites always have cosmic associations, because they take place in a particular place and in time. The rite of the avaśyakas, owing to the doctrine which gives shape to it, has a specifically cosmic aspect, intimately linked to the person performing it. On account of the vow of ahimsā and with a view to saṁyama, self-mastery, all animate beings down to the ant, the earth, water, the vegetable kingdom including moss and lichen are regularly mentioned in this rite. The sādhvis express sincere repentance for having, through negligence, struck, crushed or killed any of these lesser living beings. At the end of the sūtras of repentance, they ask pardon from all living beings and affirm their friendship for all.
As for the vow of sämāvika, it is a solemn promise for life not to perform any reprehensible or blameworthy activity, nor to provoke, or approve in others such activities. Now it is clear that these activities
6 For a more comprehensive study of hte cosmological aspect of worship, the philosophy underlying symbolic ritual and the theology of ritual action, cf. Panikkar, 1970, pp. 110-113; also 1977.

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are above all those which are harmful to beings, those which infringe the vow of ahimsa. During this rite, the whole cosmos, in its infinitely vast dimensions and down to the smallest of its living particles, is present. It is regularly evoked and one finds oneself in imagination in the immense temple of nature.
The purifying effect
In consonance with the end-purpose of this rite, each of the six āvasyakas which compose it contributes to the purification of the ätman from all tarnish due to karmic dust.
-
The rite starts with the kṣetra-viśuddhi, the purification of the area, the place (of the performance of the rite), of the mind and body of the worshipper.
696
-
Next comes the renewal of the vow of sāmāyika, not to commit any blameworthy action in mind, speech and body, the condemnation of reprehensible actions committed in the past, and the sutra concludes with this resolution: "I abandon my atman [in regard to anything reprehensible it has done]" - which means that by virtue of renewing her vow and repudiating past faults, the sadhvi is divesting herself of her impure ätman just as one divests oneself of a garment.
- Caturviṁśatistava, a hymn of praise, assists the process of purification through the utterance of the Names of the tirthankaras and a sincere desire to imitate them.
Vandana expresses penitence for failures in respect and deference towards authority and for any action or attitude contrary to the rule of life of the śramanis. It purifies from these faults that are incompatible with the pursuit of a spiritual goal, for the undisciplined, arrogant or unsubmissive ascetic is on the path leading to perdition. The sutra concludes, as docs that of sāmāyika, by an act of abandonment of the impure atman.
7 Cf. DS IX (P 454 ff.).

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- Pratikramaņa, the rite of repentance for and ritual confession of faults, reviews in detail all the obligations incumbent upon ascetics. The chief sūtras conclude with this wish: "May my offence (due to these failures and infringements) not redound (upon me]!"This means: "May my ātman be purified from all the karmic dust it has accumulated!" This corresponds well with the etymology of the word pratikramaņa: return, return to the state existing before the fault was committed.
- Kāyotsarga, the temporary abandonment of all bodily activity, accompanied by mental concentration, comprises the supreme purification from all forms of possessive attachment. This act of dispossession is always connected with dhyāna and the prop and stay of dhyāna is the Namaskāra-sutra.8 Kāyotsarga concludes with a recitation of the caturvimśatistava. There is a far-reaching connection between this radical type of aparigraha and concentration upon the parameșthins, followed by the hymn of praise.
- Pratyakhyāna is a type of purification in anticipation, comprising as it does the promise of total abstinence for the hours which are to follow. This fast, a form of external tapas, must be matched by an inner intention to avoid all forms of impurity.
It is very evident that this rite, by means of each of the avasyakas, contributes to the purification, firstly, of the mind, through the renewal of the vow, through sincere repentance and through dhyāna: to the pruification of speech, through the utterance and repetition of the sūtras and the hymn of praise, to the purification of the body, through each gesture, posture and prostration and above all through kāyotsarga and pratyākhyāna. This threefold purification, constantly renewed, leads the ascetics to an ever keener awareness of the essence of the ātman which is cetanā, pure consciousness of being.
8 I.e. during this rite; outside the rite the support may be any other mantra. We may recall that, by their very nature, pratikramaņa and kāyotsarga are also forms of expiation.
9 Pratyakhyana may, by definition, refer to various different types of renunciation, but in actual fact, at least in the course of this rite, it refers to abstinence.

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2. The internal harmony of the avasyakas
The āvasyakas form a whole and follow an orderly pattem, an inner sequence of spiritual growth corresponding to a progressively more complete purification of the ātman.
- The renewal of the principal vow, that of sāmāyika, is given pride of place. It reaffirms a total definitive commitment, in accordance with a well-defined aim and aspiration: renunciation of all blameworthy or harmful activity. After the renewal of this vow, one is free to address the tirtharikaras.
- The caturvimśatistava may only be recited by ascetics who are worthy followers of the jinas, by disciples who are faithful followers of the dharma.
- Next comes vandana, for it is the ācāryas and guruņis who continue to transmit the message of the kevalins, to teach the doctrine and guide the ascetics.
- Pratikramaņa demands an unfcigned sincerity, a sustained effort of attention and concentration - in this all the doctrine and its demands are recalled to mind - with a view to expressing desire for a return, a veritable conversion. The three preceding ăvaśyakas are instrumental in producing the necessary dispositions as just described.
- Kāyotsarga is, in its radical simplicity, the end-product, as it were, of pratikramana. Already it is the new ätman that is centring itself in this total abandonment and concentration.
- Pratyākhyāna comes last, because it prolongs the effort of the other āvaśyakas and looks to the future. 10
10 The Digambaras place kāyotsarga last, which appears reasonable in that it is the avasyaka par excellence. It is noteworthy that in fact, as we are going to see, the sutras belonging to one avaśyaka recur in the following āvasyakas; however, each āvaśyaka comprises a rite within the longer rite and follows the prescribed order.

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3. Outline of part IV
With a view both to providing a direct contact with the main sūtras and also to following the successive stages of the rite, this part is divided into two sections:
The main sutras
These are the pillars which uphold each of the āvaśyakas. Certain āvaśyakas such as the caturviņśatistava and the vandana contain only one sūtra, while pratikramaņa is made up of numerous sūtras. Among the sutras recited during pratikramana, the mangala-sūtras, short stanzas of praise, the all-embracing sūtra of repentance, the sutra which concerns movement from one place to another and the final sūtra which requests pardon from all beings, express perfectly both the meaning of pratikramana and its effects. The other sūtras simply make more explicit the comprehensive, all-embracing sutra.
The sādhvis, whichever their sampradāya or gaccha, all recite these more important sūtras, which belong to the Avašyaka- sūtra and form the essential portion of that which, in our own day, continues a very ancient tradition. Any differences between the communities as regards the way they observe the rite have to do with the inner ordering of its parts and the number, greater or less, of sūtras and secondary hymns recited, certain ones of which do not belong to the Avaśyaka-sūtra.
Successive stages of the site
We give the order followed by the Sthầnakavāsi sādhvis.11 The Terăpanthi sādhvis follow a very similar one. It is, therefore, except
11 I have chosen for practical reasons the ritual order observed among the Sthănakavāsis. On the one hand, the śramana-sútra of Muni Amaracandra and the samāyika-sūtra of Jñana Muni, both of them Sthānakavāsis, are valuable guides and, on the other, in the course of my own numerous vihāras, I have had the opportunity of being present at the performance of the rite by the Sthānakavāsis more frequently than by the Mūrtipujakas. In addition, Mahāsati Tarulată who spent two caturmäsyas at Madrās where I was able to

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for a few minor variations, the order followed by almost half the number of sādhvis. Among the Murtipūjāka sādhvis, the order is rather different and follows, with no important changes, the order described in the Avaśyaka-cūrņi.12
A - The main sūtras
1. First āvaśyaka: sāmāyika The sămāyika-sútra: sūtra of equanimity
"Master, I make [the vow of) sāmāyika, I renounce all blame worthy activity;13 my whole life long, I will do (none) of the three sorts [of blameworthy activities), of mind, speech and body; I will not incite others to do them, nor will I approve them. 14 Master, I repent (of past faults], I abhor them, I condemn them, I abjure my åtman (as regards all reprehensible action it has committed)."15
consult her, has herself put into writing the order of rite observed by her own gaccha which forms a part of the Sthānakavāsis.
12 Cf. Sukhlal, 1921. In the course of Part III the main differences between the three Svetāmbara traditions have been indicated. In this section, those which concern the rite in question receive further mention.
13 Sāvajjaṁ jogam (sävadyam yogam): the reprehensible activities that create bad karmas, those which produce rāga, vehement desire or dveșa, hatred. This vow, renewed morning and evening, attests vigilance in a constant effort towards purification, an effort which will lead to radical change, as the state of impurity due to faults committed is replaced by a state of total purity.
14 1.e.: when others commit such faults, I will reprove them.
15 karemi bharte! sāmāiyam, savvas sāvajjam jogam paccakkhāmi
jāvajjivāe, livihaṁ tiviheņaṁ, maņeņam vāyāe kāenań, na karemi na kāravemi karemtam pi annaṁ na samanujäņāmi, tassa bharte! padikkamāmi

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2. Second avaśyaka: caturvirśatistava
The caturviṁsatistava: praise to the twenty-four tirtharkaras
"I will praise the luminaries of the universe, the victorious, the founders of the dharma-tirtha, the arhats, the twenty-four omniscient ones. I salute with reverence Rşabha, Ajita, Sambhava, Abhinandana and Sumati, Padmaprabha, Supārsva and the jina Candraprabha. I salute with reverence Suvidhi (Puspadanta), Sitala, Sreyāmsa and Vāsupujya, Vimala and the jina Ananta, Dharma and Santi. I salute with reverence Kunthu, Ara, Malli, Munisuvrata and Nami, Aristanemi, Pārśva and Vardhamana.
Having praised them,(who are]free from[karmic) dust[and] tarnish, liberated from old age and death, the twenty-four excellent and victorious ones, the tirthankaras - may they show themselves favourable towards me!
May these supreme siddhas, being praised, saluted with reverence and honoured throughout the universe, accord me perfect well-being; the well-being of right vision andthe highest form of concentration! May the siddhas, purer than the lunar stars and more luminous than the solar stars, as deep as the vast ocean, grant me Liberation!"16
3. Third āvaśyaka: vandana
The guruvandana-sūtra: sūtra of salutation to the acārya and the guruņi
"Compassionate Śramana, having renounced (all blameworthy activity), I desire to salute you, paying full attention. 17 [Let it be so!]
nimdāmi garahāmi appāņaṁ vosirāmi. Avas 2. The postures adopted for the recitation of the sūtra are as follows: first of all, the right knee touches the ground while the left knce is bent, and the hands clasped on this same knee; then, at the moment when the vow is to be pronounced, the sādhvi makes a kneeling prostration for the pañcănga-namaskāra.
16 For the text (AvaS 3-9) and related ns., cf. the same hymn (P 69 ff.).
17 This respectful ritual salutation, which is recited with the appropriate gestures, is addressed to the ācārya. The Mürtipūjaka sădhvis recite it in his

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Permit me to approach you. 18 [I so permit). Abandoning (all sinful activity). I touch your feet with my body (the forehead or the right hand).19 Pardon me for the inconvenience (thus caused). Has the day passed with [physical] well-being, without fatigue? [(It has passed) thus.] Does your spiritual journey (pursue its course?) (And yours, does it also pursue its course?] Are your senses well-mastered?20 [Yes.) Compassionate Śramana, I ask pardon for the transgressions of the day. (I too ask pardon.) I repent (of my faults concerning) the āvaśyakas. Compassionate Sramana, for all lack of integrity, for all faults committed at any time, of mind, speech and body, due to anger, pride, dishonesty or covetousness, for all pretence, for all negligence in regard to the ten dharmas,21 for all such offences caused today by lack of respect,22 I am heartily sorry, I abhor them, I condemn them, I
presence or in front of the sthapanācārya. The Sthānakavāsi sadhvis address it also to the guruņi. The Terapanthi sādhvis facing the particular place in which the ācārya is located, recite the sutra of the lesser guruvandana, then this same sutra to the leading sādhvi of the group and to the other sādhvis. The Murtipūjāka sådhvis recite the lesser guruvandana as salutation to the guruņi The responses of the ācārya (or guruņi) are given in brackets, for they do not figure in the AvaS and are not spoken nowadays.
18 Lit. "Allow me to penetrate a certain distance within the avagraha (space occupied by the guruņi).
19 The sādhvis, adopting the ūkadū posture, i.e. that of the cowherd milking his cow, pronounce each syllable of each word slowly and emphatically, with heads bent and hands joined: "a-ho-ka-yam..." The sādhvis touch the right foot of the guruņi, but when it is a question of the acārya, the touch, which is a gesture of respect, takes place internally.
20 As before and maintaining the same posture, each syllable is pronounced slowly and deliberately: "ja -tta - bhe..."
21 Cf. P 360 ff.
22 Lit. caused by one or other of the 33 āśātanās, failures with regard to proper respect, deference; cf. DasasS III, 2.

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abjure my ātman [as regards all reprehensible action it has commited]23
4. Fourth āvaśyaka: pratikramaņa 24
The mangala-sūtra: sūtra of Happiness
"The four [are) mangala,25
the arhats [are) mangala,
23 icchāmi khamāsamano! vamdium javanijjäc nisihiyae (chaṁdeņaṁ) anujāņaha me miuggaham, [anujāņāmi] nisihi, ahokāyaḥ kāyasamphāsaḥ, khamaņijjo bhe kilāmo, appakilamtāņam bahusubheņa bhe divaso vaikkaṁto? (taha tti) jattă bhe? (tubbham pi vattai?) javanijjam ca bhe? (evam) khāmemi khamāsamaņo! devasiyaṁ vaikkamaṁ (aham api khāmemi] avassiyāe padikkamāmi khamāsamaņāņam devasiyāe asāyaṇāe tittis' aņņayarāe jam kimci micchãe maņadukkadae vayadukkaņāe kāyadukkade kohãe māņãe mayac lobhāc savvakäliyae savvamicchovayārãe savvadhammāikkamaņāc ăsāyaṇãe jo me aiyāro kao tassa khamāsamaņo! padikkamāmi nimdāmi garahāmi appāņam vosirāmi. AvaS 10.
There is a correspondence between the structure of the sūtra and the inner attitude and gestures: i) the vandana proper; ii) the brief dialogue in which the disciple enquires about the physical and spiritual condition of the ācārya (or guruņi) and vice versa, a dialogue in which, despite the underlying note of austerity, the body is not despised; iii) repentance, expressed by a request for pardon for all faults due to lack of proper regard for the acārya (the guruņi and the seniors). This sincere expression of penitence purifies the intention. The gestures vary from one community to another; cf. SramanS; pp. 274-301 for the details of this elaborate rite, which is simplified in our day; cf. also II P320 ff.
24 The 4th āvaśyaka is made up of a large number of sutras (cf. P 713); only the chief ones are given here.
25 Mangala: happiness, felicity, a blessing, a propitious sign, good omens.
ur constitute supreme mangala, they procure happiness in this sense, that they have taught the path to Liberation. To pronounce their Names has a beneficial effect.

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the siddhas (are) mangala,
the sādhus [are) mangala,
the dharma taught by the kevalins [is] mangala." 26
The uttama-sūtra, sūtra of Excellence
"The four [are) the most excellent27 in the universe,
the arhats (are) the most excellent in the universe,
the siddhas (are) the most excellent in the universe, the sadhus [are) the most excellent in the universe, the dharma taught by the kevalins [is] the most excellent in the universe. "28
The sarana-sutra: sūtra of Refuge
"I take refuge29 in the four,
I take refuge in the arhats
26 cattāri mangalam - arahaṁtā maṁgalam, siddha mamgalam,
sāhū maṁgalar, kevalipannatto dhammo maṁgalaṁ. AvaS 12.
27 Uttama: the highest, the supreme, the best, the most excellent; it is on account of their excellence, though they possess that excellence in varying degrees, that the four are mangala.
28 cattāri loguttamā - arahasta loguttamā siddhā loguttamā,
sāhū loguttamä, kevalipannatto dhammo loguttamo. AvaS 13.
29 Or: I find my refuge. . .; sarana, shelter, refuge, habitation, that which ensures protection. The four inspire, they are guides, ramparts, shelters which provide absolute certitude and unshakeable belief that the dharma is the good path.

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I take refuge in the siddhas
I take refuge in the sădhus
I take refuge in the dharma taught by the kevalins." 30
The sarkşipta-pratikramana-sútra: sūtra of general repetance
"I desire to repent of the transgressions that I have committed during the day, 3 lby my body, by my speech, in my mind, (deeds) contrary to the Agamas, contrary to the path,32 contrary to the rules of conduct, unworthy of a śramaņa, directing of the mind towards evil,33 evil thoughts, evil conduct, undesirable, reprehensible; (such as affect) knowledge, belief, conduct, knowledge of Scripture, 34 equanimity; from all infringement, all transgression 35 of the three forms of control,36 [of the mastery of the four passions,37 the five Great
30 cattāri saranam pavajjāmi - araharte saranaṁ pavvajjāmi,
siddhe saranam pavajjāmi, sāhū saranaṁ pavajjāmi, kevalipannattaṁ dhammam saraṇam pavajjāmi. Avas 14.
31 During the night, if it is being recited in the morning rite. All the duties of the ascetics are indicated in condensed form in this sutra; the following ones review specific features of the vows and doctrine.
32 The one indicated by Scripture and tradition.
33 A reference, in particular, to ārtha-dhyāna, painful concentration; cf. P 375.
34 Śruta; cf. P 130; 273.
35 Khamdaņa. . Virāhaņā (khandana. .. virādhanā): a khandana appears to be a slighter infringement than a viradhana. These faults are not very grave, they are not irremediable infringements such as make null and void the vows; cf. P 324 ff.
36 The gupti.
37 Kasāyas.

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Vows, 38 (the protection of the) six categories of living beings,39the seven rules concerning the alms of food,40 the eight Mothers (three types of control, five types of vigilance],41 the nine ramparts of chastity,42 the performance of the ten duties of Śramaņas,43 may my fault (due to these infringements and transgressions) reap (for me) no
reward!"44
The iryapathika-sútra: sūtra of vigilance in movement from one place to another
"I desire to repent of the offences (I have committed during] my comings and goings, by treading upon living beings, seeds, by
38 Mahāvratas.
Cf. P 289.
40 Piņdaişaņās.
41 Pravacana-mātās.
42 Cf. SthS 663.
43 The ten dharmas.
44 icchāmi paddkkamium jo me devasio aiyāro kao kāio vaio maṇasio ussutto ummaggo akappo akaranijjo dujjhão duvviciṁtio aņāyāro aņicchiyavvo asamaņapāuggo, nāņe damsaņe caritte sue sämāie, tinham guttiņam, cauņhaṁ kasayāṇam, pamcanham mahavvayāṇam, chanham jivanikāyānaṁ sattanham pimdesaņāņam, attahanham pavayanamāūņań, navanham bambhaceraguttiņań, dasavihe samanadhamme sāmaņānań jogāņam jam khaṁdiyaṁ jaṁ virāhiyam tassa micchā mi dukkadam. Avas 15. Sincere contrition destroys, annihilates both the fault and its consequences. Each pratikramana performed in full sincerity constitutes a return to the state which existed before the fault was committed. It is noteworthy that this sūtra contains: condemnation of the faults, specification of those commilments to which they relate and repentance, which is the expression of a firm resolution to become cleansed from all trace of impurity.

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walking upon plants, by trampling underfoot dew, an antheap, moss, water, earth, a spider's web; whatever jivas possessing one sense, two senses, three senses, four senses, and five senses I have damaged, having hurt them [by a blow of the foot), covered them (with dust), slaughtered theme [by crushinghem against the ground), squashing them together, touching them, making them suffer, overwhelming them with fatigue, frightening them, shifting them from one place to another, taking their life from them,45 may my fault (due to these infringements and negligences) reap (for me) no reward!"46
The kşamă-maitri-sūtra: sūtra of pardon and friendship
"I ask pardon from all living beings and may all grant me pardon!47 I profess friendship for all living beings (and harbour no] enmity for any."48
The antima-mangala-sūtra: last sūtra of Happiness
"Thus, having made a true confession, having pronounced my faults blameworthy, having condemned them and, loathed them, my
45 Throughout this passage there is an element of wretchedness, of suffering.
46 icchāmi padikkamiuṁ iriyāvahiyae virähaņāe gamaņāgamaņe pānakkamane biyakkamane hariyakkamaņe osä-uttimga-paņaga- daga-mattimakkaņāsastāņā-samkamaņe, je me jivā virāhiya egimdiyā beimdiya teiṁdiyă caurisdiyā paṁcimdiya abhihayā vattiyā lesiyä samghaiya samghattiyā pariyaviyā kilāmiyā uddaviya thāņão thăņas saskāmiyā jiviyão vavaroviyā tassa micchă mi dukkadań. Ava16. This sūtra lays stress upon the vigilance and self-control required in order not to harm any living being; for irya and aştasükşma, cf. P 533; 706; 546.
47 For all the faults committed by them of which I may have been the cause.
48 khámemi savva jive, savve jiva khamaṁtu me
metti me savvabhūesu, veraṁ majjham na keņai. AvaS 32.

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repentance (covering) the three activities (of mind, speech and body), I salute with reverence the twenty-four jinas."49
5. Fifth avaśyaka: kāyotsarga
The kāyotsarga-pratijña-sutra: sūtra containing the promise of
kayotsarga
"For the uplift [of the atman), as a form of reparation, for purification, to avoid the thorns (the three sorts of tarnish, namely, falsity, a craving for enjoyments and erroneous belief],50 and for the destruction of bad karmas, I abandon my body [all bodily activity]."51
6. Sixth avasyaka: pratyākhyāna
The Namaskārasahita-sútra: sutra (of total abstinence] accompanied by the recitation of the Namaskāra-sūtra
"From sunrise [for the duration of one muhurta ending with the
49 evamaham āloiya nimdiya garahiya digumchiyaṁ sammam tiviheņa
padikkarto vamdāmi jine cauvvisam. AvaS 33. A brief synthesis of all the sūtras that make up the 4th avasyaka. The confession is global in its scope and ritual in character, but it is the inner attitude, the sincerity of the repentance that is important. This repentance has to do with 3 types of yoga: mental, vocal and bodily activities. It contributes towards the elimination of the karmas produced by these same activities. One concl auspicious note by venerating the jinas
50 Māyā, nidāna, mithya-darśana; cf. TS VII, 18; P 356.
31 tassuttarikaranenaṁ pāyacchittakaraņeņam visohikaranenam
visallikaraņeņam pavāņaṁ kammāņam nigghāyanathãe thâmi
käussaggam. AvaS 36. The 2nd sutra specific to this avaśyaka is that concerning the ākāras, the exceptions. In this sūtra one enumerates the slight and inevitable bodily activities such as breathing, coughing, yawning, etc. which have no effect upon kāyotsarga. One then promises to remain motionless, concentrated, forduration of one recitation of the Namaskāra-sútra (Avas 37). Upon the subject of the postures and obligatory observances of kāyotsarga, cf. P 327 ff.

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recitation of the Namaskāra-sūtra,52 I abstain 53 from the four types of nutriments: cooked foods; liquids; fresh and dried fruits or other snacks; betelnut, cardamom and other spices;54 excepting involuntarily or by dire constraint, 55 I renounce [these foodstuffs and any form of drink]."56
The divasacarima-sutra: sutra (of total abstinence) from sunset to sunrise
"I (promise) that for the last part of the days7 I abstain from the four types of nutriments..."
32 The muhurta: 48 mins is not mentioned in the text, but is understood; the fast is broken after the recitation of the Namaskāra-sútra.
53 Paccakkhămi: I refuse, I reject; here it refers to abstinence from food and drink, including water.
54 Betelnut and cardamom are astringent spices that help digestion and purify the mouth; if they are offered to the sādhvis, they may accept them.
55 Exception are only countenanced if they are involuntary or inevitable; e.g. in the case of a sudden downpour of rain, if one imbibes a few drops; this is not considered to break the fast.
36 sūre uggae ņamokkārasahitam paccakkāti cauvviham pi āhāram asaņam panāṁ khāimam sāimam annath' anábhogenaṁ sahasākārenaṁ vosirati. Avas 96. The original text uses the 3rd person, but the sūtra is recited at sunrise by the guruņi and each sādhvi replies: "vosiråmi", I renounce.
57 Cf. Ava$ 103. Divasacarima: the last part of the day or of one's life; cf. SramanS pp. 332-333; here it is a question of the promise of total abstinence during the night (P 331 in). It is only these two forms of pratyākhyāna that are obligatory for the sādhvis.

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B - The order of the rite
The rite is performed morning and evening according to a fixed order 10 which there are numerous variants in accordance with the practice of the different communities. The order given here is that followed by the Sthānakavāsi sādhvis.58 The main rite is preceded by a lesser preliminary rite, called the kşetra-visuddhi, the purification of mind and body. 59
1. Kşctra-visuddhi
i) The laghu-guruvandana-sútra (to request permission to perform the kşctra-viếuddhi).60
ii) The Namaskāra-sútra.
iii) The laghu-guruvandana-sutra.
58 This text of the order followed in the rite of the avaśyakas was given to me by Mahāsati Tarulată of the Gondelgaccha in Gujarāta. Mahăsati gave me the necessary explanations in Madrās in December 1979 and October
1980. The sadhvis, either standing or seated on the ground (a which sútra is being recited), facing either North or East, form a semi-circle around the guruņi, who is either standing or seated on a wooden stool at practically ground level. As the rite proceeds, the guruņi makes the same gestures as the rest of the group, including the standing posture, pañcănganamaskara, but she remains seated when the sādhvis salute her with the guruvandana. All the sūtras are recited by heart by one sadhvi, taken up by a second and thus recited in rotation.
59 Kșetra: a field, place, region; here, the "field" is the body wherein the atman dwells. The purification extends to the włole person. This explanation was given me by Mahāsati Tarulatā; it could also be interpreted as applying to the place where the rite is being performed, cf. Śrāvaka Pratikramaņa-sūtra, p. 32.
60 This refers to the much-used short guruvandana. If the guruņi is absent, permission is requested from Sri Simandhara, the tirtharkara of Videhakşetra, which is closest to our own continent; cf. P 76; 80; 676.

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iv) The iryāpathika-sūtra.61
v) Kāyotsarga (during which each one examines briefly her behaviour during her comings and goings, while mentally reciting the iryāpathika-sutra, 62 followed by the Namaskāra-sūtra repeated thrice).
vi) The caturviṁsatistava.63 Then the same sūtras are repeated from the beginning. 64
vii) Käyotsarga (with an examination of one's behaviour during comings and goings, of one's study of Scripture and of the inspection of clothing, while mentally reciting the iryāpathika-sūtra and the kälapratilekhanā-sūtra,65 followed by the Namaskāra-sūtra repeated thrice).
viii) The caturvirśatistava.
xi) The pranipāta-sútra.66
x) This purificatory-rite being terminated, the great rite of the ăvaśyakas begins. The sādhvis address the guruņi in the laghuguruvandana-sūtra and next address the senior sādhvis similarly in
61 The 4th āvaśyaka (P 706).
62 In the morning, one examines oneself on one's thoughts of the preceding evening and of the night and on one's dreams. We may recall that kāyotsarga always starts with 2 particular sūtras (P 708).
63 N.B. Kāyotsarga is always followed by the caturvimśatistava.
64 I.e. from i to vi above.
65 The kāla-pratilekhană-sūtra belongs to pratikramaņa; it refers both to kāla, the time reserved for svādhyāya, and to pratilekhaņā.
66 The sūtra of prostration and reverential salutation, a hymn of praise to the tirtharkaras; it does not belong to the AvaS.

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turn, to request permission to perform the parts of the rite appertaining to the first three āvaśayakas.67
2. Sāmāyika-vidhi
i) The Namaskāra-sūtra.
ii) The laghu-guruvandana-sutra.
iii) Vandana to the arhats, the siddhas, the kevalins, to the ācārya (or ācāryas), to the munis and sādhvis of the gaccha.68
iv) A sütra (expressing desire of repentance and expiation of faults by means of kāyotsarga).69
v) The Namaskāra-sūtra.
vi) The sāmāyika-sūtra 70
vii) The saṁkșipta-pratikramaņa-sūtra.71
viii) Kāyotsarga (with examination of conscience in regard to the mahāvrat as, the samitis, the guptis, followed by the Namaskāra-sūtra repeated thrice).
67 In certain gacchas, one requests permission for the performance of each āvasyaka. According to the order followed here, one asks this permission separately only before the 4th, 5th and 6th avasyakas.
68 This vandana-sútra does not belong to the AvaS.
69 This sūtra does not belong to the AvaS.
70 The 1st avasyaka (P 700).
71 The 4th āvaśyaka (P 705).

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3. Caturvirhšatistava-vidhi
A recitation of the hymn.72
4. Guruvandana-vidhi
Recitation of the sūtra twice accompanied by the appropriate gestures73 and followed by the laghu-guruvandana-sutra, to request permission to perform the rite of pratikramaņa.
5. Pratikramaņa-vidhi
i-ix) The aticăra-ālocană-sūtras, the sūtras constituting the confession of faults (nine sūtras concerning the essentials of the doctrine and of conduct: iñana, darśana, mahāvratas, etc).74
x) The saṁkșipta-pratikramana-sūtra.
xi) The Namaskāra-sūtra.
xii-xxxiv) The sāmāyika-sūtra, followed by twenty-two sūtras.75
72 The 2nd avaśyaka (P 701).
73 The 3rd āvaśyaka (P 701). The guruņi employs the same gestures as the sādhvis, but she addresses this vandana to Śri Simandhara.
74 The sūtras express repentance for faults and negligences, they do not belong to the AvaS; cf. SramanS pp. 395-404.
75 These sūtras are also called the śramaņa-sutras; cf. 4th avasyaka (P 703707) for the first 5 sūtras. These śramaņa-sūtras give a succinct resumé of each of the obligations incumbent upon the ascetics and of the aspects of the doctrine set forth in the all-embracing sutra (P 705). The recitation of these sūtras stimulates an awareness of faults committed and inspires contrition; cf. AvaS 17-26. So soon as they are purified in this way from their faults, the sādhvis re-affirm their faith in the dharma, and with renewed fervour promise fidelity to all the demands of the state of renunciation; cf. Avas 2731. In the final sūtras, they ask pardon from all living beings and salute once again the tirtharkaras (P 707).

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xxxv) The guruvandana-sūtra (repeated twice).
xxxvi) The laghu-guruvandana-sūtra (to request permission to perform the rite of kāyotsarga).
6. Kayotsarga-vidhi
i) The Namaskāra-sūtra.
ii) The sāmāyika-sutra.
iii) The saṁkşipta-pratikramaņa-sūtra.
iv) Kāyotsarga (with reflection upon the sixteen aspects of dharmadhyāna.76 followed by the Namaskāra-sūtra repeated thrice).
v) The caturvimšalistava.
vi) The guruvandana-sūtra (repeated twice).
vii) The laghu-guruvandana-sūtra (to request permission to perform the rite of pratyākhyāna).
7. Pratyākhyāna-vidhi
The divasacarima-sūtra ( a promise made by the whole community to maintain total abstinence from sunset to sunrise. The guruņi utters the sūtra and each sādhvi replies: "vosirāmi", I renounce). 77
76 These aspects are enumcrated in the Aupapātika-sūtra 30 (ref. given by Mahāsati Tarulatā from a different edition to that cited in the bibliography).
77 Cf. the 6th avaśyaka (P 707); for the other types of pratyākhyāna, cf. AvaS 96-104. We may take special note of the one called abhigraha (AvaS 104), which vows not to accept nourishment except when certain conditions have been fulfilled; this was rendered famous through Mahāvira and his encounter with Candanā (P 124); this form of pratyākhyāna is sometimes, though very rarely, practised by certain ascetics.

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8. End of the rite
i) The pranipata-sūtra (repeated thrice).
ii) The laghu-guruvandana-sūtra.
iii) Kṣamāpanā: each sadhvi in turn approaches the guruni and then the elders in order of seniority, in order to salute them and ask for pardon.78 This request for pardon is mutual: to each one requesting pardon, the guruni and sadhvis respond: "I also request pardon."
715
When the rite is concluded,79 some sadhvis pursue their svädhyāya by recalling to mind what they have read or meditated upon during the day (generally they do not light a lamp), while others practise japa or dhyāna.
78 The brief formulation makes mention of: avinaya, abhakti, āśātană viz. lack of modesty (or discipline), lack of deference and filial devotion, lack of respect. It does not belong to the AvaS.

79
In addition to the major sūtras and numerous secondary sūtras concerned with repentance, the Mūrtipūjaka sadhvis recite some sutras of praise: to the pilgrimage-places, to images of the jinas, to the temples of the three worlds; to the sadhus; to Pārsvanatha; to the vitarāgas; a four-part hymn of praise is addressed: i) to the five tirthankaras: Adinatha, Śantinätha, Neminatha, Pārsvanatha and Mahavira; ii) to all the tirtharikaras; iii) to śruta-jñāna; iv) to Sarasvati. Another hymn of praise is addressed, first, to Mahavira and then to all the jinas, to the Agamas and to śruta-devi. Yet another is addressed to śruta-jñāna another to the siddhas, another to śruta-devată; cf. Pañcapratikramaṇa-sūtra, sūtras and stutis 12; 14; 15; 17; 18; 20; 21; 22; 23; 37. During the guruvandana, when pronouncing the syllables "a-ho-kāyam...", the sadhvis touch their rajoharaņas and place them to their foreheads (ibid., p. 247, ns. 2; 3). On pronouncing the syllables: "ja-tta-bhe..." they touch the sthāpanācārya with both hands and then put them to their foreheads (ibid., pp. 115-116).

Page #744

APPENDICES
I - Samikṣā Review of works and articles written by Sadhvis
A - Review of works
The works selected are classified here according to their types. Each is analysed briefly as regards its particular, internal structure and contents. 1
1. General introduction to the doctrine
Sri jaina dharma praveśika (Introduction to the Jaina dharma)2 ✓ Sādhvi Hemaprabhā Sri
This book is a collection of talks on the doctrine, given by Sadhvi Hemaprabhā during a course of instruction in the dharma arranged for young men and girls during the rainy season. The aim of the course was to give a solid groundwork of knowledge to Jaina men and girl students, who receive some general information in the colleges but have scarcely any opportunity really to study their own dharma.
The book is very well thought out and clearly presented. It starts with a Preface, which describes the place occupied by the Jaina dharma within Indian culture and indicates its important and unique attributes. The goal to be attained is clearly defined. Thereafter, the following 22 chapters present in turn different aspects of the dactrine, defining them concisely and lucidly. The value of the book consists not only in the clarity of its explanations, but in the harmonious way
1 The works reviewed here are in Hindi and comprise together 2, 464 pp. There are also a certain number of works in Gujarāti composed by Sadhvis. I have met personally these Sadhvi authors (except Mahasati Humarăvakumvara); three of them - Sadhvis Hemaprabhā and Räjimati and. Āryikā Jñānamati have contributed to this study. The bibliographical refs. of works and artieles reviewed in this appendix are given in full in the bibliography.
2 Calcutta, 1976; 168 pp.

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in which she links together the doctrinal concepts, tenets of belief, and the praxis which devolves from them. Sädhvi Hemaprabhā has transmitted flawlessly the classical teaching concerning the Three Jewels and has placed it within the grasp of youthful contemporary auditors desirous of understanding their own spiritual way and of conforming thereto their conduct. The study and assimilation of the basic elements presented in this guide will permit all those who so desire to deepen their grasp of certain features of the teaching.
2. Study on a particular doctrinal subject
Yoga ki prathama kirana (First ray of light upon yoga)3
Sādhvi Sri Rājimati
This is a little treatise on yoga for the use of śrāvakas and śrāvikās. Here it is a question of Jaina yoga, that is to say, of a discipline which takes the form of progressive purifications of both body and mind, such as conduce towards spiritual progress along the path indicated by Jaina doctrine. In her words of explanation Sadhvi Rājimati takes as her starting-point a text of Acārya Tulasi, Mananuśāsanam, with which she combines certain ideas and practices found in the Yogasútra of Patanjali and in Hatha-Yoga. The book, in accordance with its declared aim, is divided into 7 chapters, each one dealing with one type of purification; purification of food, of the body in general, of the senses, of the breathing, of speech, of mental processes, while the last chapter, in a sort of recapitulation, gives some precise directives on the subject of exercises, both physical and spiritual, to be performed each day over a period of three years.
A perusal of this treatise is enough to make one realise that Sadhvi Rājimati has not only studied these subjects very profoundly, but also that she is herself totally and resolutely engaged to the spiritual quest that she describes. She is never superficial; no clichés are to be found here. She aims at being accessible and intelligible to beginners. She explains, encourages, counsels, to the point of being, at times, somewhat repetitive. Her style is clear and, to lighten the weight of technical terms, she uses paraphrases and concrete examples. She
3 Jayapura, 1974; 210 pp.

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never loses sight of either the corner-stones or the demands of the doctrine and Jaina asceticism, while at the same time introducing en passant certain ideas of the Yoga-sūtra and recommending some postures and respiratory practices borrowed from Hatha-Yoga. This much having been said, let us now consider a few of the characteristics of this treatise:
Its composition and structure: at first sight, the Table of Contents gives the impression that we have here a full and well-balanced study, which, on the whole, it certainly is. However, here and there, one notes certain inconsistencies. It is difficult to see, for example, why references to a subject such as dhyāna are dispersed here and there over several chapters (pp. 125-135; 145-148; 153; 155-160); dhārana, moreover, should have been given before dhyāna, since the reference here is to the Yoga-sūtra. One finds, in the last two chapters, repetitions of what has already been mentioned.
The incorporations of other systems: we have here a bold, original and positive initiative Sadhvi Räjimati gives evidence of careful discrimination. However, she does not always succeed and one has sometimes the impression of an attempted juxtaposition that could lead to confusion.
The explanations of thc idcas involved: asana, mudrā, cakra and other terms are preciscly defined and the numerous illustrations are a help to comprehension; no references are supplied, however, for the texts quoted.
From the technical point of view: taken as a whole, the book is a little disorderly. There are no notes and the text would be less heavy if certain explanations and references had been given at the foot of the page. One also regrets the absence of a bibliography
With a view to the fact that this treatise is destined for śrāvakas and śrävikäs as an aid to their spiritual progress, one may say that, despite repetitions and a certain lack of over-all planning, this book does attain its objective and that this enterprising attempt, difficult of realisation, testifics to the profound concem of Sådhvi Räjimati to succour, to enlighten and to guide.

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Namaskara mahamantra: sadhana ke aloka mein (The great Namaskāra-mantra and the spiritual quest)4
Sadhvi Sri Rājimati
As in the preceding work, we find here in Sadhvi Rājimati the same profound insight into her subject and the same eagerness to place spiritual riches within the grasp of śrävakas and śrāvikās. We have here, as the title indicates, an unveiling of the whole potential hidden within the Namaskāra-mantra, with the aim of helping people on the path of Liberation. At the outset, 23 brief chapters are devoted to a general study of the mantra, its power, the vital role of the words, its influence on the one reciting it, particularly in regard to the physical well-being it imparts. Our attention is next turned to the Namaskaramantra and its unique role in the spiritual quest, the Liberation of the atman. After a detailed analysis of cach syllable, the importance of the basic elements stressed by this mantra and the types of siddhis, specific perfections, to which it gives rise, are clearly stated. Finally, different methods employed in the recitation of this mantra, in order to promote a calm spirit, sustained concentration and recollectedness, are enumerated. The presentation of these methods is followed by a commentary on each of the Names of the parameșthins and by another on the twenty-four tirtharikaras. The last chapter of all is made up of eleven selected short stories, culled from tradition, in which the marvellous power of the Namaskāra-mantra is attested. The book ends with three beautiful poctic songs in homage and praise to the paramesthins.
3. A study on onc aspect of the tradition
Jaina dharma ke prabhāvaka ācārya (The illustrious Acāryas of the Jaina dharma)
Sadhvi Sri Sarghamiträ
4 Patană, 1977; 100 pp.
13 Lādanūm, 1979; 432 pp.

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This is a very serious study of the great ācāryas of the spiritual lineage of Mahāvira, from the most ancient times to our own day. The book is divided into two parts. The first, which is quite brief, is a retrospective survey of the epoch in which each ācārya lived. The second, which deals direcily with the ācāryas using the surest available sources of tradition, is divided into three lengthy chapters:
- Chapter 1: the ācāryas of the time of the Agamas, which was the age of oral transmission, of the first written commentaries and the final version of thcm, a period taking us up to Acārya Ksamāśramana (VIth c.).
- Chapter 2: the eminent ācāryas of the Golden Age, authors of various valuable works (up to the XVth c.).
- Chapter 3: thc ācāryas of a new era (from the XVth c. to our own day.).
One hundred and twenty ācāryas are presented, together with the various documents which concern them. Each is denoted by a highly expressive cpithet which precedes his name and conveys to us straightaway a lively ideas of his personality. A biographical note, longer or shorter as the case may be, helps place the ācārya in the context of his own day, discern his role in the samgha and his influence upon his contemporaries, while a brief review, clear and as complete as possible, gives us information about the written works of the ācārya in question. In chapters 1 and 2, at the end of each review, one finds, whenever reference has been made to a passage in a particular text, the original, in Prakrit or Sanskrit, of this said text.
The book concludes with two appendices. Appendix 1 gives in two columns the name of each acārya and references to the sources upon which the study concerning him is based. Appendix 2 consists of a bibliography, arranged in alphabetical order, of the works consulted. In this, it is regrettable that the dates of the publications mentioned are not given.
Sådhvi Sarnghamitrā has, with the utmost care, accomplished an immense task, of great importance and usefulness for seekers of knowledge. This type of study, can well be set alongside the works of

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721
eminent ācāryas. Let us hope that other Sādhvis also may feel themselves called to undertake, with the same degree of competence, works of this kind on other aspects of the tradition.
4. A collection of pravacanas, teachings concerning the
doctrine
Arcană aura aloka (On veneration and vision)6
Mahāsati Śri Umarăvakumvara
This volume contains 21 carefully elaborated pravacanas delivered during one monsoon period. Here various subjects are discussed which form a coherent whole, the aim being, during this lengthy retreat-period, to re-awaken the zeal of her hearers, to help them to deepen their knowledge of the doctrine, to cause them to reflect and to bring about a salutary renewal in their lives. Mahāsati Umarävakumvara is well-known for her erudition and for her indefatigable zeal in travelling all over the North-west and Northern regions, eloquently imparting solid teaching to the Jainas of the towns and villages through which she and her companions pass.
The collection is of interest, as much from the point of view of its arrangement of contents, its presentation and style as for the spirit which animates it.?
Arrangement, presentation and style: it must be borne in mind that although the pravacanas were originally spoken, the collection is now a written text. It is very well produced and follows a fairly systematic order without becoming dull and dry, quite, in fact, to the contrary,
6 Vijayanagara (Rājasthāna), 1970; 388 pp.
7 Arcanā: adoration, veneration, the homage due to the divine and to one's superiors; äloka: view, vision, Jight; the author does not comment upon the title of the book. This title, seemingly, expresses at one and the same time veneration of the dharma and the penetrating vision of this same dharma imparted by knowledge; moreover, if the author is thinking here in terms of light, the meaning is the same, for the vision one has of spiritual things itself constitutes a type of light.

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Behind the words, one can feel the warmth and persuasiveness characteristic of pravacanas. Each subject taken up and developed forms part of a whole which introduces us to progressively deeper reflections and considerations. The style is that of a very learned, thoughtful person, who knows how to express herself in a readily understandable, concrete and undogmatic fashion. One is struck on reading this collection of pravacansa, by the number of quotations belonging to other traditions and cultures: the śruti, the Bhagavad Gitā, Mahābhārata, Rāmāyaṇa, Purăņa, bhakti pocms (of both North and South), the Dhammapada and Buddhist tradition, Sikh Scriptures, poems in Urdu and Persian, quotations from the Greek philosophers, from the Bible and from the Islamic tradition; historical reminiscences from the history of India, England, America and France, quotations from English, French and American authors, among them two names which one would hardly expect to find in a religious discourse, those of Voltaire and Victor Hugo!
A brief analysis of this astonishing variety of quotations leads us to conclude that the author has read widely, that she is well able to make her talks lively and to help her audience become receptive and enlarge its horizons. However, even if Mahāsati is very well read, it is certain, judging from the choice of certain quotations, that she has not been able to assimilate, for lack of the necessary masters, the religious and cultural traditions of other countries. She quotes and makes observations out of context, without ever giving references, not infrequently manifesting a certain rather unfavourable prejudice, simply through ignorance, towards the tradition or culture in question. What is grievous, and even painful, is that a Sadhvi should
8 To quote examples would take us too far from our present purpose. Given the brevity of the judgements delivered out of context, it would be necessary, for a proper assessment, to give a survey of the context in question, together
ces, and then to show that the opinion expressed in this book is far too hasty because of a fundamental ignorance of the relevant facts, situations, peoples and religions. One could make a similar observation concerning quotations not originating in Indian culture that the author has gleaned at random from her reading and thus torn from their context. To refer to other traditions is, in itself, excellent, but it is necessary first to have assimilated that of which one speaks. In this collection, the author would have been wiscr to limit herself - outside the Jaina tradition - to

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so totally ignore the Christian ascetic tradition with its very deep spirituality, just because she has never had access to it. This shows how the religions have lived in isolation from each other and in mutual ignorance.
The spirit which animates these pravacanas: it is characterised by great openness. Mahāsati Umarāvakuṁvara knows well how to yoke together the essential of some doctrinal teaching and its practical application in contemporary life and society, with both of which she is very well acquainted. She points frequently to all that gives rise to attachment and shows how, by progressive purification, one may achieve the destruction of all karmas and the Liberation of the atman. She chooses her words skilfully so as not to wound, but is intransigent in her opposition to injustice, corruption, a narrow and sectarian spirit and all superficiality. She warmly encourages her hearers to manifest tolerance and respect for all human beings and to model themselves in accordance with the teaching of the dharma, which, in its essence, inculcates universal benevolence.
5. Biography
Sadhana patha ki amara sådhikā
(An unceasing pilgrim on the path to Realisation)9 Mahāsati Śri Sarală 10
a few texts from a religion or culture well known to herself. The phenomenon of atheism, to which allusion is made several times (e.g. pp. 113; 123) is depicted either in caricature or in some cliché devoid of all metaphysical content. Now an ascetic who is well-acquainted with philosophy and Jaina doctrine, should be well able to grasp the origin of this phenomenon and its implications. As for the person described as "atheist", the author depicts him as a reckless libertine, either intellectual or artisitic or any other. Even if, in order to shake the torpor of certain śrāvakas, it is good to remind them that a life of material enjoyments is an obstacle to spiritual growth, one should not use at random the words "atheism" "atheist" without previously giving at least some idea of the reality they convey.
9
Dilli, 1970; 323 pp.
10 With the collaboration of Mahāsati Śri Candanā.
723

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724
The Unknown Pilgrims
Mahāsati Pannādevi, the heroine of this biography, is already known to us. Here we will make a brief study of the contents of this book, written by a learned Sadhvi and fervent disciple of Mahăsati Pannadevi.
The contents of the book: it is composed of 4 parts. - Part I extols the capacity of womankind for the spiritual life and sketches briefly the lives of remarkable women who were adherents of the Vedic, Jaina and Buddhist traditions.
- Part II narrates the life-stories of those Sådhvis who were the spiritual Mothers of Mahāsati Pannādevi, who is the subject of this detailed biography. The last chapter of this part gives brief biographical notes and an excellent photograph of each of the eleven present disciples of Mahāsati. Next comes a list of her căturmäsyas with a large double page entitled "A sweet-perfumed garden", the genealogical tree of the spiritual descendents of Mahāsati Sri Parvati, the pravartini of the heroine. Each Sadhvi - and they number many - is represented by a slower-petal. The whole drawing is a marvel of delicacy and precision.
- Part III speaks of the more important themes that Mahāsati Pannadevi has developed untiringly during her pravacanas (attended by the author).
- Part IV is a series of eulogies addressed to Mahāsati Pannādevi, written by numerous munis, some sãdhvis and some śrāvikās. The book ends with a list of donators, both men and women, who have contributed to the cost of its publication. This biography is, without doubt, the work of its author, but it is also that of the saṁgha, each member taking part in his own way.
The style is pleasing, lively and poetic; Mahāsati Saralā is gripped by her subject and treats it with a sure knowledge of her tradition and with a profound and filial devotion towards her guruņi, with many small added touches and with regard for harmony. She has conveyed very well the feel of the Sadhvi milieu in which she herself lives. Here and there, in the course of the chapters, one comes upon some repetitions, which might have been avoided if the book had been structured a little differently; moreover, the needed references are not

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725
always given in regard to the subjects treated. However this tribute of filial affection has been written for the edification of members of the saṁgha and nor for any academic goal.
If the book is taken as a whole, it is Part I that stands out as leaving most to be desired. Agreed, it is only a sort of prologue to the biography proper, yet it could have been written with greater consideration of the given facts of history. It would thus have sufficed to recall in a few pages the heritage bequeathed by tradition, together with the names of the Satis (Candană, Mrgāvati and others) which are well-known to all, and then careful research would have enabled the author to introduce some Sadhvis and äryikās of different regions, little known outside their own group. Even if such documents are rare, the simple fact of naming these saintly women is deeply meaningful, for it is a sign that they have existed and have followed the ideal shared by all the ascetics.
6. Biography of a muni, an introduction to his written words
and explanatory notes on his poems
Srimad Dcvacandra padya piyūşa v (The nectar of the poetry of Srimad Devacandra)11
Sadhvi Hemaprabhā Śri
A request was made to Sădhvi Hemaprabhã by certain members of the Kharataragaccha to write a short biography of the distinguished muni Śrimad Devacandra, together with an introduction to this numerous written works and explanatory notes on his poems. Srimad Devacandra was born in Bikānera, Rajasthāna, in 1689 and lived till 1755. He was a great sage, a scholar and a poet and his influence was enormous both upon his own age and upon the centuries which followed
Sadhvi Hemaprabhå has succeeded perfectly in the task entrusted to her. She has managed in clear and expressive language to render the muni and his epoch living and close, by dint of immersing herself in the personality of this eminent spiritual muni, this poet who welcomed
11 Jodhapura, 1977; 283 pp.

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all, was the friend of all and whose sole desire, while himself advancing on the path of asceticism and true knowledge, was to draw others in his wake. He was very well instructed in the doctrine and had the gift, in his discourses, his writings and, above all, in his poems and songs, of bringing it within the reach of all. In love with his dharma, he radiated spiritual joy and, as a wandering troubadour, sang its praises by praising the tirthankaras. He was thus a channel of the purest of pure Jaina bhakti.
726
Sadhvi Hemaprabha has made good use of the available documents manuscripts and inscriptions - and, with a very balanced sense of history, has given an overall picture of the epoch in which this muni lived. The most significant facts of Devacandra's life are recounted soberly and with discretion in regard to personal comment. Sadhvi Hemaprabha is well able, with careful discernment, to insert commentary of a suitable sort which will guide and be of interest to her readers, neither over-emphasising her points nor giving useless repetitions.
The biography is followed by a presentation of each of the works, both in prose and poetry, of the sage. We have here a penetrating analysis both of the content of these works and of their style. Sadhvi Hemaprabhǎ excels in the presentation of poetic works, being herself carried away by the beauty of the author's spiritual songs, which convey vividly the joy of the atman. She explains, with delicacy, what this bhakti truly is, the necessity of it and its influence upon the faithful. The mother-tongue of Devacandra was Rājasthāni, but he had sojourned a long while in Gujarāta and was familiar with its language. His poctic compositions are in Rajasthani or archaic Hindi, in which words of local dialects are intermingled. Several of his poems were composed to be sung to rägas (modes) of classical music.
The numerous poems given in this work - they occupy 192 pages - are arranged in five sections according to the subjects they treat. In the case of the majority, Sadhvi Hemaprabha gives, in notes at the foot of the page, the meaning of words of local dialects as they occur.
The life, works and poems of Śrimad Devacanda transcend the bounds of his own gaccha. Indeed, welcoming as he was to munis and śrāvakas of all communities, he has left us a treasure which belongs

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727
not only to the Jaina dharma but to the spirituality of every age. Sadhvi Hemaprabhā, as one of his faithful disciples, has accomplished with understanding, intelligence and fervent devotion a very worthwhile work.
7. Translation of an Agama
Uttarādhyayana-sūtra 12
Sadhvi Sri Candanā
Until these last years, it was only munis who translated the Agamas and wrote commentaries upon them. In addition to this excellent translation into Hindi made by Mahasati Candanā, Sādhvis have latterly also translated certain Agamas and other important texts into Gujarāti.
The text studied here is presented as follows: - A lengthy introduction of a detailed scholarly type by Muni Śri Vijaya.
- Each chapter of the Agama is preceded by a short introduction, followed by the text. Each page is divided into two: on one side are the verscs of the original in Präkrit and on the other, opposite each verse, a translation of it into Hindi.
- At the end of the book come the tippanas, annotations, i.e., explanations based on the classical commentaries, classified according to chapters. However - and this is the one lack in this translation - it is regrettable that there are no cross-refereces to explanations given at the end of the work. This omission makes the book less convenient.
The translation is faithful to the original text, concise, but furnishing an expanded meaning of the word when the text is too brief. However, it is sometimes a little too literal, in that it often gives the Sanskrit word corresponding to the Prākrit which makes for a
12 Āgarā, 1972: 480 pp.

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certain rigidity, in that these words belong to a very specialised vocabulary, whereas one would have preferred the meaning to have been transmitted through some simpler and more commonly used Hindi expression. This, however, is only a minor detail.
8. A brief review of the writings and translations of
Āryikā Śri Jñānamati
Of all contemporary Jaina women ascetics, it is Mātāji who has written and translated the most, and her productive flow is far from exhausted. Her intense intellectual activity, the expression of her no less intense spiritual life, extends into all spheres in which she hopes to be able to enlighten the śrāvakas and śrāvikās, help them to understand the doctrine and perform with devotion the rituals and the worship. In thc November 1977 number of Samyagjñāna, the monthly review published by Mātāji, there is the following list of her publications:
1. Hindi commentaries upon Sanskrit doctrinal treatises: 8.
2. Translations of prākrit poctic texts into Hindi poetry (among them
the bhaktis of the daily ritc): 18.
3. Composition in Hindi on doctrinal subjects: 30.
4. Hymns of praise composed in Sanskrit: 30.
5. Hymns of praise composed in Hindi: 30. 6. Compositions in Kannada (2 hymns of praise and a short treatise):
3. 7. At the present time Mātāji is working upon 2 Hindi commen-taries
on doctrinal works and also a grammar. 13
13 When this English translation was already completed, I received from the Digambara Jaina Institute of Cosmographic Research, Hastināpura, Mātāji's "List of Publications" for 1988. Their number amounts of 88: translations of major texts of doctrine with their commentaries, books, booklets. And Mātāji, imperturbable, carries on with her work.

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729
It is not possible to give here a critical rcvicw of all thcsc writings and translations; on the other hand, an analysis of one of these works would give little idea of the others. After studying cight of them, each one representative of a different type of writing, I can say that:
- the commentaries and doctrinal works are, fundamentally, perfectly faithful to the original texts and use clear and expressive language;
- the same applics to the translations;
- the hymns of praisc, both Sanskrit and Hindi, are spontaneous outpourings, expressing profound conviction and devotion; they are the jewels of her cntirc output.
Nevertheless, it must be said that certain of these works, from the technical and scientific points of vicw, present some deficiencies. It would be tcdious to make of these a detailed list, but it is not difficult to find the reason for what, from the outside, may seem a certain negligence. Mātāji works alone and herself writes all her manuscripts. She possesses the original texts and the pricipal commentaries upon them, but the library at her disposal is very limited. The two young disciples who help in the publication process have a good basic knowledge of the doctrine, are very devoted and, allowance being made for local conditions, do a good job. However, they do not have either the knowledge or technical experience necessary for this type of work. One could wish that Mātāji might have one or two competent pandits to help her, a better-equipped library and collaborators with specialist knowledge of the publishing side - this with the aim of producing her works as perscctly as possible. Mātāji, with whom I shared these observations, is of the same mind, but this poses considerable practical problems: what pandit could be found willing to devote himself to this close collaboration and how could a salary be assured? Furthermore, to acquire a thorough technical training would require a long apprenticeship in a specialised institution.
This important problem is not new and arises in an ascetic milieu which, as such, is a world of its own, a little removed from society. In all the religious traditions, there has always been this sort of nonrelation between learned monks and scholarly academics. These are two worlds apart, two different milieus, which have, nevertheless, a

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The Unknown Pilgrims
great deal in common as regards the subjects of interest to them and the works they undertake. It is essentially their manner of life that keeps them apart, although, in our own day and to a small extent everywhere, a rapprochement, even sometimes a true collaboration, is observable.
730
B - Review of articles
Certain gacchas and samghas who publish a monthly magazine ask sādhvis from time to time to write an article. These articles are short, are written for the śrävakas and śrāvikās and, for the most part, deal either with doctrinal subjects or questions of behaviour.
Here is a recapitulation of the subjects treated in 16 articles. To make for easy reading and to capture and hold the interest of their readers, it frequently so happens that the sadhvis recount a story from which a lesson is taken, in order, for instance, to demonstrate the futility of attempting to amass riches for a distant future14 or to show up the hypocrisy of a social or family group in which people treat with contempt an honest but poor family and then proceed to load it with honours in an obsequious fashion, when it becomes rich.15
Certain articles aim at helping the śravakas and śrāvikās to find and retain peace in a family or professional setting beset by worries, one in which attachment in all its forms often proves irresistible. This peace comes into being through aparigraha16 through strength of character; hence the necessity, especially in our day and age of one's conduct being rooted in a genuine spiritual life.17 One of these articles consists in an exhortation on the subject of giving; to whom should one give? Instead of making so many donations to temples, let us first of all be
14
Sadhvi Aśoka; Oct. 1973, pp. 44-45.
15 Sadhvi Maniprabha; Nov.-Dec. 1973, pp. 14-16.
16 Ibid., Aug. 1973, pp. 10-12.,
17 Sadhvi Sajjana; Nov.-Dec. 1973, pp. 9-10.

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Appendices
generous towards those people who are in need and let us help them. Then comes this very apt remark: the poor oftentimes give spontaneously the little that they have, while the rich give only from their superfluity or even show themselves to be miserly.18 Other articles treat more specifically the dharma as a whole or a particular aspect of the doctrine, for instance:
- The importance, parallel to the study of secular subjects, of the study of the dharma which leads to knowledge and wisdom, and contributes to a joy which is both deep and lasting.19
-
The role of the guru, a beautiful and poetic meditation.20
-
The twelve sorts of reflection mentioned in the Tattvärtha-sūtra, explained here in an excellent commentary with the help of examples.21
731
A synthesis of the various truths concerning the path leading to Liberation. It stresses the absolute necessity of perfect knowledge and imitation of the vitarāgas.22
On the occasion of the 2500th Anniversary of Mahavira's attainment of nirvāṇa, quite a large number of Sadhvis wrote articles. Among many others was one upon Bhagavan Mahavira and ahiṁsā. The article is very well thought out. After a brief reminder of the life of Mahavira, the subject of ahimsa is taken up through the quotation of some passages out of the Agamas and, using a very practical approach, the Sadhvi emphasises respect for others, the consideration
18 Sadhvi Maṇiprabhã; March 1974, pp. 15-16.
19 Sadhvi Manohara; Oct. 1973, pp. 18-21.
20 Sadhvi Sudarśana; Jan. 1974, pp. 27-28.
21 Sadhvi Nirmalakaṁvara; March 1975, pp. 13-19.
22 Sadhvi Maniprabha; Oct. 1973, pp. 15-17; 21.

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The Unknown Pilgrims
that is their due, and peace. The article concludes with a strong appeal to readers to follow in this our day the tcaching of Mahāvira.23
In the same way, for the celebration of the Anniversary of Ācārya Virasāgara's birth, several āryikās put into writing, each in her own way, their daughterely homage: the Acārya ocean of peace and serenity, the supreme Guru of transparent purity, a Saint who was a jewel among the ascetics, lastly, a song of praise composed in verse brings to a conclusion what is called "the Great Golden Anniversary Celebration."24
In one of these magazines it is recounted how some Sadhvis got permission to enter a prison and how one of them was permitted to address the prisoners. It was the day of the great festival of the Binhday of Sri Krsna. The text of her talk is given. It evidences a deep understanding of human nature and a fraternal sympathy. The sādhvi speaks chicfly about the positive aspect of imprisonment which should be a period of purification, about anticipation of a return to normal life and the great importance of work. She speaks also of compassion and refers to the example shown by Christ. Her remarks about evil and sin are very apposite, particularly her observations about prevailing social conditions.25
The articles are very similar in content to the pravacanas, their aim being the same, it is a question here of using written language to help and encourage rellcction. A reading of these articles makes it quite clear that the sadhvis on the whole, or at least those belonging to certain groups, are making a contribution to the reviews published by the saghas which form a bond between all their members, both near and far. They express themselves in terms that are sufficiently concrete and understandable, so as to instruct, enlighten and guide.
23 Sadhvi Priyadarśanā; 1976, pp. 45-48.
24 Āryikās: Jñānamati, Supärívamati, Jinamati, Suprabhāmati,
Abhayamali; July 1976, pp. 15-17; 22-29; 65.
25 Sadhvi Mainasundari; Oct. 1974.

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Appendices
733
On occasion they are somewhat dogmatic in approach and pessimistic about present-day conditions of life, but quite exceptional gifts are needed to be able to transmit in contemporary language the essence of the doctrine and awaken people's spirits. In this regard the mind turns to Mahāsati Ujjvalakumāri and Sadhvi Vicaksaņa, who did indeed possess these gifts. Nowadays it is their disciples, as well as other sādhvis and äryikās, who are pursuing this immense necessary and difficult task.

Page #762

734
The Unknown Pilgrims
II - List of names of towns, regions and states
Here only those names occuring in the study are given of which the orthography differs from that commonly employed today.
Āgarā
Agra
Ahmadābåd
Ahmedabad
Ahmadnagara
Ahmadnagar
Ajamera
Ajmer
Alamodā
Almora
Amarăvati (Amraoti)
Amravati
Amrtasara
Amritsar
Andhra Pradeśa
Andhra Pradesh
Ārkkāļu (Arcatus, Arkāt)
Arcot
Aruņācala Pradeśa
Arunachal Pradesh
Bangāla
Bengal
Bhāvanagara
Bhavnagar
Bhopāla (Bhūpala)
Bhopal
Bhrgukaccha
Broach
Bihāra
Bihar
Bijāpura
Bijapur
1 Cf. Technical Notc P 24 ff.

Page #763

Appendices
735
Bikānera
Bikaner
Citrakūta (Chitor) 2
Chitorgarh (Chittaurgarh)
Devagadha
Deogarh
Dhāravära
Dharwar
Dilli
Delhi
Dvāravati(Dvāraka)
Dwarka
Elāpura (Eluru, Ellore)
Ellora
Girinagara
Girnar
Gujarāta
Gujarat
Gvāliyara
Gwalior
Haidarābād
Hyderabad
Hastināpura
Hastinapur
Himăcala Pradeśa
Himachal Pradesh
Honnūru (Honnore, Hannur,
Honnavar)
Honavar
Indaura (Indora)
Indore
Jayapura
Jaipur
Jālandhara
Jullundur
Jesalamera
Jaisalmer
2
There is also a Citrakuta (Chitrakuta) in Westen U.P.

Page #764

736
The Unknown Pilgrims
Jodhapura
Jodhpur
Kaccha
Kutch
Karnataka
Karnataka
Kāśmira
Kashmir
Kērala
Kerala
Kolhāpura
Kolhapur
Lāhaura (Lahūra)
Lahore
Ludhiyānā
Ludhiana
Lādanum
Ladnun
Madhya Pradeśa
Madhya Pradesh
Manipura
Manipur
Māravāda (region of Jodhapura,
Bikānera)
Marwar
Mevāda (region of Udayapura)
Mewar
Mumbai
Bombay
Nāgaraköyil
Nagercoil
Nāgaura
Nagaur
Nepāla
Nepal
Orisa
Orissa
Panjāba
Panjab, punjab

Page #765

Appendices
737
Paścima Bangāla
West Bengal
Pāțaliputra (Pațanā)
Patna
Pāțaņa
Patan
Rājagļha
Rajgir
Rājasthāna
Rajasthan
Rävalapindi
Rawalpindi
Sikamdrābād
Secunderabad
Śolāpura
Sholapur
Soratūru
Shirhatti
Śri Dūmgaragadha
Sridungargarh
Śrinagara
Srinagar
Cambay
Stambhatirtha (Khambhāta, Khambāyata)
Sürata
Surat
Syālakota
Sialkot
Udayapura
Udaipur
Ujjayini
Ujjain
Uttara Pradeśa
Uttar Pradesh

Page #766

BIBLIOGRAPHY
Only works to which reference is made in the notes are listed here. The following points should be borne in mind.
1. One of the aims of this work is to be of use for a thorough study of the Jaina tradition. This being the case, in order to facilitate a knowledge of the Agamas and doctrinal works - the various editions of which present divergences as regards the internal arrangement and sequence of the texts - I have followed this principle: the original of the texts given in the notes is taken from the first edition of the original mentioned in this bibliography, but, to enable interested readers who know neither Präkrit or Sanskrit to place these texts in their correct context, all the references given in the notes (whether of a text quoted or a mere reference) are those of the first English or Hindi (if there is no English) translation mentioned in this bibliography. The other original texts and translations mentioned thereafter have also been consulted. For example:
All the quotations in the original of the AS are taken from the edition produced by Muni Nathamala; and all the references to this Agama, as regards its content, are also based on this edition.
However, the numbering of these quotations and references follows that given in the edition of Jacobi SBE, vol. XXII. In this way readers will have no difficulty in finding a quoted text, or references and their context, in the English translation.
Mention of the edition produced by Muni Jambūvijaya is an indication that it has been consulted.
It should be noted that certain editions give the original Prakrit along with Sanskrit and English translations (e.g. DravSam; DS; SamSa) or the origingal Sanskrit along with a Hindi translation (e.g. Adh, of which there is no English translation). Sometimes, also, the edition gives the original Präkrit along with a Sanskrit translation (e.g.

Page #767

Bibliography
MA; I have not consulted the Hindi translation). In these three cases the numbering of the texts quoted and of the references is both that of the original and of the one or more translations.
2. A large proportion of the texts of the Agamas and of the doctrine has been published, with a Hindi translation, by Hindi-speaking editors; moreover, numerous contemporary works are in Hindi, including all those of Sadhvi authorship. Therefore, with a view to preserving uniformity among the references in the bibliography, these latter have all - except in the case of English or French works - been given in English.
3. We have supplied, for each text and publication, full references according to the spelling of the edition consulted.
AA
Agama Anuyoga Prakāśana, Samderav (Rajasthan).
Aspects Aspects of Jaina Art and Architecture, editors U.P.SHAH & M.A.Dhaky, published by Gujarat State Committee for the Celebration of 2,500th Anniversary of Bhagavan Mahāvira Nirvāṇa, Ahmedabad, 1975.
Adarśa Sahitya Samgha Prakāśana, Churu (Rajasthan).
739
DS
Abbreviations
ASS
BJ Bharatiya Jñanapiṭha Prakāśana, Varanasi, Delhi.
DJTSS Digambara Jaina Triloka Śodha Samsthāna, Hastinapur.
Dictionnaire de Spiritualité, publié sous la direction de M. VILLER sj, assisté de F. CAVALLERA et de J. DE GUIBERT sj, avec le concours d'un grand nombre de collaborateurs, Paris, Beauchesne.
Encyclopaedia of Religion and Ethics, edited by
ERE

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740
The Unknown Pilgrims
J. HASTINGS with the assistance of J.A. SELBIE and L.H. GRAY, Edinburgh, T. & T. Clark.
JVB
Jaina Viśva Bhārati, Ladnun.
JSSS
Jaina Samskặti Samrakyaka Samgha, Sholapur.
KusN
Kušala Nirdeśa (monthly review of the Kharataragaccha), Śri Jinadattasüri Seva Saṁgha, Calcutta.
L.D. Institute
Lālabhãi Dalapatabhāi Institute of Indology, Ahmedabad.
Motilal B
Motilal Banarsidass, Delhi.
SJ
Sanmati Jñānapisha, Agra.
SMJV
Śri Mahāvira Jaina Vidyālaya, Bombay.
I - Texts in Prakrit, Sanskrit, Tamil:
original, commentaries and translations.1
Acårănga-sūtra (Āyāro), Prākrit with Hindi tr. and comm. by Muni NATHAMALA, JVB, 1975:
- Präkrit with niryukti of BHADRABĀHU and comm. of SILANKA edited by Acārya Sāgarānanda and re-edited by Muni Jambūvijaya, Motilal B, 1978;
- English tr. by H. JACOBI, SBE vol. XXII, Motilal B, 2nd reprint, 1968.
1 When the name of the publishing house is not given in abbreviated form, one of the following words have been omitted: Prakāśana (publication); Samiti, Mandala, Samgha (society); Kāryālaya (office); Jaina..

Page #769

Bibliography
Anagāradharmāmṛta, Sanskrit, of Pandita ĀŚĀDHARA edited with Jñanadipikā, Sanskrit comm. and Hindi tr. by Pt. KAILASACANDRA Śāstri, BJ, 1977.
Anuyogadvāra-sūtra (Anuogaddāra), Prakrit, ed. Muni Kanhaiyālāla, AA, 1977.
Aṣṭaprabhṛta (Aṭṭhapāhuḍa), Prakrit, of KUNDAKUNDA, Bombay, Digambara Päramärthika Trust, 1971.
Atharva Veda Samhita, English tr. by W.D. WHITNEY, Motilal B, 1962.
741
Aupapātika-sūtra (Uvavāiya), Prākrit, ed. N.G. Suru, Pune, 1931.
Āvasyaka-sūtra (Āvassaya), Prākrit, eds. Muni Punyavijaya & Pt. A.M. Bhojaka, SMJV, 1977;
Prakrit with Hindi tr. and comm.:
a) Pañcapratikramaṇa, Pt. SUKHLAL, Agra, Ātmānanda Pustaka, 1921.
b) Pañcapratikramana-sūtra, ed. S.N. Śāha, Bombay, Jaina Sahitya Vikasa, 1968
c) Sāmāyika-sūtra, JÑĀNA Muni, Ludhiana, Acārya Śrī Ātmārāma Prakāśanālaya, 1961.
d) Śramaṇa-sūtra, Muni AMARACANDRA, SJ, 1956.
e) Śrāvakapratikramaṇa-sūtra, VIJAYA Muni, SJ, 1976.
For the avaśyakas of the Digambaras we have used the following texts:
a) Daśabhaktyādisaṁgraha, Sanskrit, Präkrit with Hindi comm. by Pt. L.R. JAINA, Kota (Rajasthan), Śri Agravăla Digambara Samāja, undated.

Page #770

742
The Unknown Pilgrims
b) Dharma-dhyāna-dipaka, Prākrit, Sanskrit (a complete set of the
various rituals), Sholapur, Acārya Kumthusāgara Granthamālā, 1968.
c) Sāmāyika, Prakrit, Sanskrit with Hindi tr. and annotations by
Āryika JNANAMATI, Tikaitnagar (U.P.), R. Jaina, 1972.
d) Sāmāyika-bhāşya, Prākrit, Sanskrit with annotations in Hindi,
ed. Āryikā Jñānamati, Sholapur, 1969.
e) Yati-pratikramana, Prākrit, Sanskrit with Hindi tr. by Pt. P.
SONI Śāstri, Śri Mahāviraji (Rajasthan), Ācārya Säntisāgara Siddhānta Prakāśini Samsthā, 1966.
Bhaktāmara-stotram, Sanskrit, of MĀNATUNGA, Hindi tr. and anno
tations by AMẶTALĀLA Šāstri, Varanasi, Rājavidyāmandira, 1969.
Bphatkalpa-sūtra (Kappa), Prākrit with Hindi tr. and annotations by
Muni KANHAIYĀLĀLA, AA, 1977.
Cilappatikāram, Tamil of ILĻANKO AȚIKAĻ, edited with comm.
by U.V. Swaminathaiyar, Madras, Swaminathaiyar Library, 9th edn., 1978;
- English tr. and annotations by V.R. RAMACANDRA DIKSHITAR,
Madras, South India Saiva Siddhānta Works, 2nd edn., 1978.
Daśāśrutaskandha-sūtra (Ayaradasā), Prākrit with Hindi tr. and
annotations by Muni KANHAIYĀLĀLA, AA, 1977.
Daśavaikālika-sūtra (Dasaveyāliya), Präkrit, eds. Muni Punyavijaya &
Pt. A.M. Bhojaka, SMJV, 1977:
- Prākrit with Sanskrit text and Hindi tr. and comm. by Ācārya
ATMĀRĀMA, Lahore, Jaina Šāstramālā, 1946.
- Präkrit with Sanskrit text and English tr. by K.C. LALWANI,
Motilal B, 1973;

Page #771

Bibliography
743
- Prākrit with English tr. by W. SCHUBRING, Wiesbaden, Franz
Steiner Verlag GMBH, 1977.
Dhyānaśataka (Jhāņajjhayana), Prākrit, JINABHADRA, edited, with
the comm. of HARIBHADRA, tr. and annotations by S.K. RAMACHANDRA RAO, Madras, Oriental Research Trust, 1971.
- Prākrit, Hindi and English tr. by Muni DULAHARĀJA, ASS, 1972.
Dravyasamgraha, Prākrit, of NEMICANDRA with Sanskrit text,
comm. and English tr. by S.C. GHOSAL, Arrah, Sacred Books of the Jainas, vol. I, 1917;
- Prākrit with Hindi tr. and annotations býðryikā JÑANAMATI,
DJTSS, 1976.
Jitakalpa-sūtra (Jiyakappa), Prākrit with svopajña-bhāşya, ed. Muni
Punyavijaya, Ahmedabad, B.K. Modi, 1937.
Jñātādharmakathāḥ-sūtra (Nāyādhammakahão), Prakrit, edited with
Hindi tr. by Pt. S. BHĀRILLA, Pathardi (Ahmadnagar), Sthānakavāsi Parikṣā Board, 1964.
Kalpa-sutra (Kappa), Prākrit, edited with Hindi tr. by Mahopadhyaya
VINAYA SAGAR English tr. by M. LATH, Jaipur, Prākit Bhārati, 1977;
- Prākrit with English tr. by K.C. LALWANI, Motilal B, 1979;
- English tr. by H. JACOBI, SBE vol. XXII, Motilal B, 2nd reprint,
1968.
Karmagrantha, Prakrit, of DEVENDRA, with Hindi tr. and comm. by
Pt. SUKHLAL (parts 1; III), Agra, Atmānanda Pustaka, 1918, 1919;
- Prākrit with Hindi tr. and comm. by Muni MIŚRIMALA (Parts II;
IV), Beawar (Rajasthan), Śri Marudharakesari Sāhitya, 1975, 1976.

Page #772

744
The Unknown Pilgrims
Karmaprakrti, Sanskrit, of ABHAYACANDRA, edited with Hindi tr.
by G.C. JAIN, BJ, 1968.
Kāyotsargaśataka, Prākrit, selection and Hindi tr. by Muni
DULAHARĀJA, ASS, 1976.
Mūlācāra, Prākrit, of VATTAKERA with Sanskrit tr., Bombay, Mānikacandra Digambara Granthamālā, 1921-1924.
Nandi-sūtra (Nardi), Prākrit, ed. Muni Kanhaiyālāla, AA, 1977.
Niśitha-sūtra (Nisiha), Prākrit, ed. Muni Nathamala, Calcutta, Āgama
Sāhitya, 1967;
- Prākrit with bhāşya and cummi of JINADĀSA, ed. Muni Amacandra
and Muni Kanhaiyālāla, Introd. - essay by Pt. D.D. Malvania, vol. III, SJ, 1958.
Nyāyāvatāravārtika-vrtti, Sanskrit, of SĀNTI Sūri, edited with
annotations by Pt. D.D. Malvania, Bombay, Bhāratiya Vidyā Bhavana, 1949.
Paramātmaprakāśa (Paramappayasu), Apabraṁsa, of
YOGINDUDEVA with Sanskrit comm. of BRAHMADEVA, Hindi tr. by DAULATARĀMA, edited with critical introd. by A.N. Upadhye, Agas, Śrimad Rajacandra Aśrama, 1973.
Parisistaparva, Sanskrit, of HEMACANDRA, ed. H. Jacobi, Calcutta,
Asiatic Society, 1891.
Prabhāvakacarita, Sanskrit, of PRABHĀCANDRA, critical edition
with annotations by Muni Jinavijaya, Ahmedabad, Sancalaka Singhi Granthamālā, 1940.
Prākrtamārgopadeśika, (see Sadhvi SUVRATĀ (P 760).
Prameyakamalamārttanda, Sanskrit, of PRABHĀCANDRA, ed. Pt. Mahendra Kumāra Šāstrī, Bombay, 2nd edn., 1941.

Page #773

Bibliography
745
Pravacanasāra (Pavayanasāra), Prākrit, of KUNDAKUNDA, with
Sanskrit comm. by AMRTACANDRA & JAYASENA, Hindi comm. by PĀŅDE HEMARĀJA, introd. English tr. by A.N. UPADHYE (ed.), Agas, Srimad Rajacandra Aśrama, 1964.
Pravacanasāroddhåra, Präkrit, of NEMICANDRA with comm. by
SIDDHASENA, Bombay, Devacandra Lālabhai Pustakoddhāra, 1915.
Ratnākarāvatārikā, Sanskrit, of RATNAPRABHĀ (Part III) being the
comm. on the Pramananayatattvåloka by DEVASURI, with Gujarāti tr. ed. Pt. D.D. Malvania, L.D. Institute no. 24, 1969.
Samādhitantra and Istopadeśa, Sanskrit, of PŪJYAPĀDA with Hindi
tr. by Aryika JNANAMATĪ, DJTSS, 1976.
Samayasāra, Prakrit, of KUNDAKUNDA with Sanskrit text, English
tr. and comm. according to AMRTACANDRA by A. CHAKRAVARTI, BJ, 1971;
- Prākrit and Hindi tr. by Muni VIDYĀNANDA, Delhi, Sri
Kundakunda Bhārati, 1978;
- Prākrit and English tr. by J.L. JAINI, Lucknow, Sacred Books of the
Jainas, vol. VIII, 1930.
Sarvärthasiddhi, Sanskrit, of PŪJYAPĀDA (with the text of the
Tattvārtha-sūtra of UMĀSVĀTI), and Hindi tr. by Pt. PHŪLACANDRA (ed.), BJ, 1971;
- English tr. (with the text of the TS) by S.A. JAIN, Calcutta, Vira
Śāsana, 1960.
Şatkhandãgama, Prakrit, of PUSPANDANTA & BHUTABALĪ with
Hindi tr., ed. S. Sāha, Phaltana, Śrutabhandara & Granthaprakāśana, 1965.
Satprarupaņā-sūtra (Saskhandāgama Part I, ch. 1), Prākrit, of
PUSPANDANTA, with Hindi tr, and annotations by Pt.

Page #774

746
The Unknown Pilgrims
KAILĀSACANDRA Śāstri, Varanasi, Ganesaprasāda Varņi Granthamålå, 1971.
Sthânănga-sūtra (Thāņaṁga), Prakrit, with Hindi tr. and annotations
by Muni KANHAIYĀLĀLĀ, AA, 1972.
Strimuktiprakarana, Kevalibhuktiprakaraṇa, Sanskrit of
SĀKAȚĀYANA (reprint from the Jaina Sāhitya Samsodhaka, vol. 2, part 4, Poona) in SĀKAȚĂYANA - Vyakaraṇam, introd.
by R.Birwe, BJ, 1971. Sukhasāgara (Srimadbhågavata), Hindi tr. by Pts. JOKHŪRĀMA &
JAGANNĀTHAPRASĀDA, Lucknow, Tejakumāra Book Depot, 1965.
Sūtrakrtānga-sūtra (Suyagadarga), Prākrit with niryukti of
BHADRABĀHU and comm. of ŚĪLĀNKA, edited by Ācārya Sāgarānanda and re-edited by Muni Jambūvijaya, Motilal B, 1978;
- English tr. by H. JACOBI, SBE vol. XLV, Motilal B, 2nd reprint,
1968.
Tattvānuśāsana (Dhyānaśāstra), Sanskrit, of RĀMASENA, edited with
Hindi tr. and comm. by Pt. J. MUKHTĀRA, Delhi, Virasevā, 1963.
Tattvārtha-sūtra, Sanskrit, of UMĀSVĀTI, with English tr. by K.K.
DIXIT of the Hindi comm. by Pt. SUKHLAL, L.D. Institute no. 44, 1974.
Tirukkural, Tamil, with English tr. by G.U. POPE, W.H. DREW, J.
LAZARUS, F.W. ELLIS, Madras, South India Śaiva Siddhānta Works, 6th edn., 1979.
Trisastišalākāpuruşacaritra, Sanskrit, of HEMACANDRA, edited by
Muni Caranavijaya, Bhavnagar, Jaina Atmānanda Sabhā, 1933; - English tr. by H.M. JOHNSON, Baroda, Oriental Institute, 1931
1962.

Page #775

Bibliography
747
Upamitibhavaprapañcākathā, Sanskrit, of SIDDHARŞI, edited by P.
Peterson and continued by H. Jacobi, Calcutta, Asiatic Society, 1899-1908.
Uttaradhyayana-sūtra (Uttarajjhayana), Prākrit, ed. Muni Punyavijaya
& Pt. A.M. Bhojaka, SMJV, 1977;
- Prākrit with Sanskrit text, Hindi tr. and comm. by Ācārya
ĀTMĀRĀMA, Lahore, Jaina Šāstramālā, 1941;
- Prākrit with Hindi tr. and annotations by Sadhvi CANDANĀ, Agra,
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Višeşavasyaka-bhâsya, Sanskrit, of JINABHADRA with auto-comm.,
Part II, ed. Pt. D.D. Malvania, L.D. Institute no 14, 1968.
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MALADHĀRI HEMACANDRA, Varanasi, Śāha H.B., 1916.
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Muni KANHAIYĀLĀLA, AA, 1980.
Yogabindu, Sanskrit, of HARIBHADRA, with English tr. and
annotations by K.K. DIXIT, L.D. Institute no 19, 1968
Yogasāraprābhịta, Sanskrit, of AMITAGATI, with Hindi comm. by
Pt. J. MUKHTARA, BJ, 1968.
Yogaśāstra, Sanskrit, of HEMACANDRA, with Hindi tr. by Pt. S.
BHARILLA and introd. by Muni Amaracandra, Delhi, R.Jauhari & K. Jaina, 1963.
Yoga-sútra of PATANJALI, translated by J.H. WOODS with comm.
of VYĀSA and VĂCASPATI MIŚRA, Cambridge (Mass.) · Harvard Univ. Press, 2nd edn., 1927.

Page #776

748
The Unknown Pilgrims
II - Epigraphy and ancient manuscripts
Ācārya BHIKŞU, sila ki nava bāda, Mārvādi, introd., Hindi tr, and annotations by S. RĀMAPURIYĀ, Calcutta, Svetămbara Teräpanthi Mahăsabhā, 1961.
BÜHLER, G.,Specimens of Jaina Sculptures from Mathurā, Epigraphia Indica, vol. II, Calcutta, 1894; - Further Jaina Inscriptions from Mathurā, Epigraphia Indica, vol. II, 1894;
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GUÉRINOT A., Répertoire d'épigraphie jaina, Paris, E. Leroux, 1908.
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Muni JAYANTAVIJAYA, Šri Arbuda prācina jaina lekhasarndoha, vol. II, Ujjain, Śri Vijayadharmasūri Granthamālā, 1937.
JOHARAPURKAR V.P., Bhattāraka sampradāya, JSSS, 1958;
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LÜDERS H., A List of Brāhmi Inscriptions from Early Times to about A.D. 400, Epigraphia Indica, vol. X, Appendix, Calcutta, 1912.
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Muni PUNYAVIJAYA, Jesalmer Collection, New Catalogue of Sanskrit and Präkrit Manuscripts, L.D. Institute no 36, 1972.
RAMESH K.V., Jaina Epigraphs in Tamil, Appendix, A. CHAKRAVARTI Jaina Literature in Tamil, BJ, 1974.

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749
VENKATARAMAYYA M., Samanarmalai Inscriptions in T.S. SRIPAL Samanarmalai Selvām, Calcutta, Vira Śāsana, 1954.
III - Modern Studies: English, French, Hindi
ADHAV S.M., Pandita Ramabai, Madras, Christian Literature Society, 1979.
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CAILLAT C., Atonements in the Ancient Ritual of the Jaina Monks, L.D. Institute no 49, 1975.

Page #778

The Unknown Pilgrims
CHAKRAVARTI A., Jaina Literature in Tamil, BJ, revised edn.,
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DEO S.B., History of Jaina Monachism from Inscriptions and Literature, Poona, Deccan College Dissertation Series: 17, 1956;
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DESAI P.B., Jainism in South India and Some Jaina Epigraphs, JSSS, 1957.
DEVA K., "Jaina Art and Architecture under the Candella-s", Aspects, 1975, pp. 257-268.
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DIXIT K.K., Early Jainism, L.D. Institute no. 64, 1978.
DUMONT L., Homo Hierarchicus, Paris, Gallimard, 1966.
ELIADE M., Yoga Immortality and Freedom, London, Routlege & Kegan Paul, 1958.
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GROVE Ph. B., (ed.) Webster's Seventh New Collegiate Dictionary, Springfield (Mass.), G & C Merriam Cie, 1965.
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JAIN J.P., Jainism the Oldest Living Religion, Varanasi, Sanmati Publications, 1951.
JAIN K.C., Jainism in Rajasthan, JSSS, 1963.
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JAIN R.K., Kavivara Banārasidasa, BJ, 1966.
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Acarya MAHAPRAJÑA, Bhikṣu vicāra darśana, ASS, 1979.
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Bibliography
SETTAR S., "The Classical Kannada Literature and the Digambara Jaina Iconography", Aspects, 1975, pp. 25-48.
SHAH C.J., Jainism in North India, London, Longmans, Green & Co, 1932.
755
SHAH U.P., Studies in Jain Art, Varanasi, Jaina Cultural Research Society, 1955.
"Evolution of Jaina Iconography & Symbolism", Aspects, 1975, pp. 49-74.
"Jaina Bronzes - A Brief Survey", Aspects, pp. 269-298.
"Cognizances on the Images of Tirthankaras", Jain Journal, XVI, July 1981, Calcutta, pp. 1-6.
SINGH R.B.P., Jainism in Early Medieval Karnataka, Motilal B, 1975.
SMITH V.A., Jain Stupa and Other Antiquities from Mathurā, Varanasi, Indological Book House, reprint, 1969.
SOMPURA P.O. & DHAKY M.A., "The Jaina Architecture and Iconography in the Vastusastras of Western India", Aspects, 1975, pp. 13-19.
Muni ŚRICANDRA & Muni KIŚANALĀLA (eds.), Jāgarikā, JVB, 1973.
SRINIVASAN K.R., "Jaina Art and Architecture Under the Gangas of Talakad", Aspects, 1975, pp. 161-184.
SRIPAL T.S., "Nayanar Temple", Jain Journal, VII, July 1972, Calcutta pp. 6-8.
THAPAR R., A History of India, vol I, Penguin Book, England, reprint, 1981

Page #784

756
The Unknown Pilgrims
UPADHYE A.N., "More Light on the Yāpaniya Sangha a Jaina Sect", Annals of the Bhandarkar Oriental Rescarch Institute, vol. IV, Poona, 1974, pp. 9-22.
VASANTHARAJ M.D., "Bhadrabāhusvāmi and Samrat Chandragupta", Gommateshvara Pratişthăpana Sahasrăbdi Commemoration vol., Mysore, 1981, pp. 105-115.
WILLIAMS R., Jaina Yoga: A Survey of the Mediaeval Srāvakacāras, London, Oxford Univ. Press, 1963.
WINTERNITZ M., History of Indian Literature, vol. II, New Delhi, Oriental Books Reprint Corporation, 2nd reprint, 1977.
WOOLNER A.C., Introduction to Prākrit, Varanasi, R.S. Panna Lal & Co., 2nd edn., 1928.
IV - Written works, articles and biographics of contemporary
sådhvis and äryikās 2
Āryikā ABHAYAMATI, "Svarņa jayanti mahotsava", Samyagjñāna, July 1976, Hastinapur, p. 65.
Sādhvi AŚOKA, "Båvisavim pidhi ki cintā", KusN, Oct. 1973, pp. 4445.
Sādhvi HEMAPRABHĀ, Śri jaina dharma praveśikā, Calcutta, H. Lūņiyă, 1976;
- Srimad Devacandra padya-piyūṣa, Biography of Devacandra, with a collection of his poems and annotations, Jodhpur, S. Bhansāli, 1977.
2 This bibliography is not exhaustive, it contain the writings to which reference is made in the study. Those marked with an asterick have been consulted but do not figure in the notes. Some of these biographies have not been written by sādhvis, but it is useful to include mention of them here. Except when otherwise indicated, these writings are in Hindi.

Page #785

Bibliography
757
Mahāsati HUKAMADEVI, Mahāsati Śri Mohanadevi, Delhi, Mahāsati Sri Mohanadevi Śikṣaṇa, undated.
JAINA S., "Āryikāraina Śri jñānamati jivana darśana" (poembiography of Āryikā Jñānamati), DJTSS, 1976.
Āryikā JINAMATI, "Dvividha sanga rahita paramaguruve namaḥ", Samyagjñāna, July 1976, Hastināpur, pp. 27-28.
Āryikā JÑANAMATĪ3
i) Various Works:
- Aștasahastri of VIDYANANDA, Sanskrit. Hindi tr. by --, 1972;
- Jaina Jyotirloka, 1973;
- Nyayasāra, 1974a;
- Trilokabhāskara, 1974b;
- Jambūdvipa, 1974c;
- Aitihāsika tirtha Hastināpura, 1974d;
- Bhagavān Mahāvira kaise banc*, 1974e;
- Tirthankara Mahāvira aura dharmatirtha*, 1974f;
- Băla vikāsa, a series of 4 booklets for children, 1974-1976;
- Āryikā, 1976;
3 Except where otherwise indicated, all the writings are published by DJTSS, Hastinapur. For the complete list, cf. Samyagjñāna, Sept. 1981; cf. also P 673 ff. For mention of translations by Aryika Jñānamati, cf. section 1 of this bibliography.

Page #786

758
The Unknown Pilgrims
- "Praśānta murti Ācārya Virasāgara", Samyagjñāna, July 1976, Hastināpur, pp. 15-17;
- Vrata vidhi evar pājā, 1977;
- Digambara muni, 1981. ii) Hymns of praise
- Śrī Bāhubali stotram*, Sanskrit, and Hindi tr., Sholapur, 1966;
- Gitā Bāhubali caritra*, Hyderabad, 1966;
- Bhakti-sumanāvali*, Sanskrit and Hindi, Sholapur, 1966;
- Jina stavanamālā*, a collection of hymns (several composed by Aryika Jñānamati), Sanskrit and Hindi, Jaipur, S. Jaina, 1969;
- Śri Vira jina stuti*, 1974h;
- Jambūdvipa mandala vidhāna pājana, 1974i; - Átmā ki khoja, 1975.
iii) The Spiritual Life Review
Samyagjñāna (monthly), edited by Āryikā Jñānamati since 1974.
Sadhvi KANAKAPRABHĂ, Saragama, poems, ASS, 1972.
Aryā MAHENDRAKUMĀRĪ, Candra-jyoti (biography of Mahāsati Candã with a collection of her pravacanas), ed. K. Căvală, Ludhiana, Śri Jaina Šāstramālā, 1954.
Sadhvi MAINĀSUNDARI, Durlabha anga catustaya*, Jaipur, Samyagjñāna Pracăraka, 1971;
- "Jail sajā ke liye nahim, sudhāra ke liye hai", Jinavāņi, Oct. 1974, Jaipur

Page #787

Bibliography
759
Sadhvi MAŅIPRABHĀ, śānti patha*, a collection of pravacanas, Bombay, S.N.D. Goliyā, 1981.
- "Šānti ki khoja", KusN, Aug. 1973, pp. 10-12;
- "Aba calo ghara ki ora", KusN, Oct. 1973, pp. 15-17; 21;
- "Kaha dùngā", KusN, Nov.-Dec. 1973, pp.14-16;
- "Dāna ki bhāvanā" KusN, March 1974, pp. 15-16. Sādhvi MAÑJULĀ, Jalati Mašala, poems, ASS, undated;
- "The Identity of Rsabha and Siva" English tr. (from the original Hindi) in Jaina Journal, II, Jan. 1968, Calcutta, pp. 133-137.
Sădhvi MANOHARA, "Jñāna, śikšā aura śivira-śikṣaṇa se jivanasarjana", KusN, Oct. 1973, pp. 18-21; - "Hama aura hamārā dharma", KusN, Nov.-Dec. 1973, pp. 30-33.
NAIR V.G., Tapasvini Chandrayasha Shri, Madrās, Jaina Sangh, 1969.
Sadhvi NIRMALAKAŃVARA, "Bhāvana bhavanāśini", Jinavāņi, March 1975, Jaipur, pp. 13-19.
Āryā PREMAKUNVARA, Virāta vyaktitva (biography of Mahāsati Yasakusvara) Shahapura (U.P.), L. Būnliyā, 1973.
Sadhvi PRIYADARŠANĀ, "Bhagavān Mahavira aura unaki ahiṁsā", Atmānanda Souvenir Vol., 1976, Ambala, pp. 45-48.
Sadhvi RĀJĪMATI, Patha aura pathika*, ASS, 1961;
- Yoga ki prathama kirana, Jaipur, Śrimati Bh. Surāņā, 1974. - Namaskāra mahāmantra, Patna, G. Dhādevā, 1977;
4 On the cover of the book is found a list of the writings of Sādhvi Räjimati up till 1974.

Page #788

760
The Unknown Pilgrims
- Padayātrā, eka jhalaka*, Rajabiraj (Bihar), J.J. Cauradiyā, 1979.
RĀMAPURIYĀ Bh., Jaina kokilă, (biography of Sadhvi Vicaksaņa), Jaipur, Punya Suvarņa Jñānapisha, 1966.
Sādhvi SAJJANA, Punya jivana jyoti, (biograpy of Sådhvi Punya), Jaipur, Punya Suvarna Jñānapițha, 1960; - "Parvădhirāja paryūṣana kā ārādhana"*, KusN, Aug. 1973, pp. 7-9;
- "Sukha śānti ki khoja mein", KusN, Nov.-Dec. 1973, pp. 9-10.
Sadhvi SAMGHAMITRĀ, Būnda bana gayi Gangă (biography of Sadhvi Lādāṁ) ASS, 1973;
- Jaina dharma ke prabhāvaka ācārya, JVB, 1979.
Mahāsati SARALĀ with the collaboration of Mahasati CANDANĀ, Sadhana patha ki amara sådhika, (biography of Mahāšati Pannādevi), Delhi, Jaina Mahila Samiti, 1970.)
Muni ŚRICANDRA (ed.), Ratna-raśmi, (a collection of essays and testimonies concerning Sadhvi Ratnavati), Shri Dungargarh, 1966.
Sādhvi SUDARŠANĀ, "Mănavată ki kuñji", KusN, Jan. 1974, pp. 27
28.
Āryikā SUPĀRÁVAMATI, "Guruvarya Ācārya Śri Virasāgara", Samyagjñāna, July, 1976, Hastināpur, pp. 22-26.
Āryikā SUPRABHĀMATİ, "Sädhuratna Ācārya Sri Virasāgara", Samyagjñāna, July 1976, Hastināpur, pp. 28-29.
SURĀNĀ R. (ed.), Vidcha ki sādhikā, Sadhvi Sri Băluji (a collection of testimonies and poems), Padihara (Rajasthan), 1972.
Sādhvi SUVRATĀ, Hindi tr. of the Prākritamärgopadesikā, Prākrit grammar in Gujarāti of Pl. B.J. DOSI, Motilal B, 1968.

Page #789

Bibliography
761
Mahāsati UJJVALAKUMĀRI, Ujjvala vaņi, a collection of pravacanas. Part 2, SJ, 1951;
- Same title, a second collection of pravacanas, English tr. by A.S. GOPANI, Bombay, G.D. Daftary, R.S. Shah & R.K.Kothari, 1965;
- Gandhi-Ujjvala vārtālāpa, conversations between Mahātma Gandhi and Mahāsati Vijvalakumāri, Bombay, Svāśraya Prakāśana, 2nd edn., 1957.
Mahāsati UMARĀVAKUNVARA, Hima aura ätapa, Beawer, T. Boharā, 1962;
- Upāsaka aura upăsanā*, Beawar, P. Caupadā, 1969;
· Arcană aura aloka, a collection of pravacanas, Vijaynagar (Ajmer), Śri Vardhamana Sthānakavāsi Samgha, 1970;
- Jivana saṁdhya ki sādhană (ed.)*, Beawar, A Modi, 2nd end., 1973.
Sadhvi VICAKŞAŅA, The Voice of Vicakşaņa, a collection of pravacanas translated into English and edited by G. JAIN, Madras, 1968.
Sadhvi YAŚODHARĀ, "Vyavahära:eka paryaveksaņa", Tulasiprajñā, March 1981, Ladnun, JVB, pp. 41-56.
Specialised reviews
Kanya Śivira 5
Ed. Śri Bhairubāga Pārsvanātha Tirtha, Jodhpur, 1974.
Ed. Bāmaṇavadāji Mahātirtha, Sirohi, 1975.
Ed. Śri Svetāmbara Mūrtipūjaka Śri Saṁgha, Udaipur, 1976.
5 Cf. P 557 ff.

Page #790

762
The Unknown Pilgrims
Ed. Jodhpur (see above), 1979.
Śrī Pāramārtika Siksana Samstha6 bulletin edited by the members of the Samsthā, Ladnun, (Rajasthan), 1974; 1975-76; 1976-77. V - Christian Monasticism
A - Texts and translations
AUGUSTIN (Saint), Oeuvres complètes, t. III, L. Guérin, Paris, 1865.
BERNARD Sr. Odile Benedicte, Vie de Synclétique, traduit du grec, Spiritualité orientale 9, Bellefontaine, 1972.
FIEY J.M., "Une hymne nestorienne sur les saintes femmes", Analecta Bollandiana, t.84, fasc.1-2, Bruxelles, 1966, pp. 77-110.
GORCE D., Vie de Mélanie, texte grec, introd. tr. et notes, Sources chrétiennes 90, Paris, Ed. du Cerf, 1962.
GRÉGOIRE DE NYSSE (Saint), Traité de la Virginité, texte grec, introd. tr. et notes par M. AUBINEAU, Sources chrétiennes 119, Paris, Ed. du Cerf. 1966.
EVAGRE LE PONTIQUE, Le Traité de l'Oraison, tr. et comm. dans Les leçons d'un contemplatif par I. HAUSHERR, Paris, Beauchesne, 1960.
LEFORT L.T., Les vies coptes de Saint Pachôme et de ses premiers successeurs, traduit du copte, Bibliothèque du Muséon 16, Louvain, 1943.
JÉROME (Saint), Selected Letters of - English tr. by F.A. WRIGHT, London, William Heinemann, 2nd edn., 1954.
PALLADIUS, The Lausiac History, translated and annotated by R.T. MEYER, London, Longmans, Green & Co, 1965.
6 Cf. P 469 ff.

Page #791

Bibliography
763
PHILON D'ALEXANDRIE, De vita contemplativa, introd. et tr. par F. DUMAS et P. MIQUEL, Paris, Ed. du Cerf, 1963.
B - Contemporary studies
AUBINEAU M., "Les écrits de Saint Athanase sur la virginité", Revue d'ascétique et de mystique, t.31, 1955, pp. 140-173.
BAGATTI B., The Church from the Gentiles in Palestine History and Archaeology, English tr. by E, HOADE, Jerusalem, Franciscan Printing Press, 1971.
BARDY G., "Athanase (Saint)", DS, t, I, 1936, col. 1047-1052;
- "Césaire (Saint)", DS t. II, 1953, col. 420-429.
BOUYER L., La spiritualité du Nouveau Testament et des Pères, Paris, Aubier, 1960.
BOYER CH., "Augustin (Saint)", DS t.I, 1936, col.1101-1130.
CABROL F., "Monasticism", ERE, vol. 8, 1967, pp. 781-797.
CHANTRAINE P., Dictionnaire étymologique de la langue grecque. Histoire des mots, Paris, Klincksieck, 1968.
FIEY J.M., "Cénobitisme féminin ancien", Orient Syrien, vol.X, Paris, 1965, pp. 281-306.
HAUSHERR I., Direction spirituelle en Orient autrefois, (0.C.A. no 144), Roma, Pont. Institutum Orientalium Studiorum, 1945;
-Solitude et vie contemplative d'après l'hésychasme, Spiritualité orientale 3, Bellefontaine, 1971.
JARGY S., "Les fils et les filles du Pacte dans la littérature monastique syriaque", (0.C.P. vol.17), Roma, Pont. Institutum Orientalium Studiorum, 1951, pp. 304-320.

Page #792

764
The Unknown Pilgrims
JOMBART E. & VILLER M.M "Cloture", DS, t.II, 1953, col.9791007.
LECLERQ J., "Vie monastique masculine et vie monastique féminine", Lettre de Ligugé 149, Ligugé, 1971, pp. 3-9.
MÄHLER M., "Benoît(Saint) et Bénédictins, DS, t.I, 1936, col. 14351438.
MERTON Th., "The Face:Tertullien and Cyprian on Virgins", Cistercian Studies, Chimay, pp. 334-342.
MOFFAT J., "Therapeutae", ERE, vol. 12,-1967, pp. 315-319.
OLPHE-GAILLARD M., "Ascese, Ascétisme", DS, t.I, 1936, col.
936-960.
PIERIS A., "Western Christianity and Asian Buddhism: A Theological Reading of Historical Encounters", Diologue, vol. VII, no 2, Colombo, 1980, pp. 49-85.
PUNIET de P., "Benoît (Saint) et Bénédictins", DS, t.I, 1936, col. 1388-1409.
QUASTEN J., Patrology, vol.II, Utrecht-Antwerp, Spectrum, 1964.
QUÉRÉ-JAULMES F., La Femme.Les grands textes des Pères de l'Eglise, choisis et présentés par - Paris, Ed. du Centurion, 1968.
SCHMITZ Ph., "Benoît (Saint) et Bénédictins", DS, t.I, 1936, col. 1371-1388.
VILLER M. & OLPHE-GAILLARD M., "Ascèse, Ascétisme", DS, t.I, 1936, col.960-977.
VOOBUS A., History of Asceticism in the Syrian Orient, vol.I, Louvain, (C.S.C.O. vol.184), Univ. de Louvain, 1958.

Page #793

Index of Āgamas and
Texts of Doctrine
707(n.46)
59(n.59) 707(n.48) 708(n.49) 708(n.51) 709(n.56)
96
Acirằnga-sutra I, 1, 1, 1 1, 1, 2, 7 1, 3, 1,2 1, 3, 1, 2 I, 4, 1, 1 I, 5, 2,5 I, 5, 5,5 I, 5, 6, 4 1, 6, 5,2 1, 6, 5,3 1, 6, 5,4 1, 7,3, 1 1, 7, 6,2 I, 8, 2,2 1, 8, 2, 3 1, 8, 2, 4 1, 8, 4,9
130 (n.75) 61(n.70) 58 (n.52) 61 (n.73) 337(n.12) 59(n.62) 291(n.28) 406(n.52) 559(n.90) 551(n.71) 560(n.91)
57(n.50) 58(n.55) 118(n.43) 118(n.44) 119(n.45) 496(n.78)
Bșhatkalpa-sūtra I, 2
58(n.54)
Daśāśrutaskandha-sutra VIII, 16
544(n.51) VIII, 50
546(n.59)
Anagăradharmāmsta IV, 19
336(n.7) VI, 35-36 361(n.14) VIII, 17
313(n.1)
Aupapātika-sūtra
Daśavaikālika-sutra 1, 2
498(n.83) I, 3
498(n.84) I, 4
498(n.85) 1,5
498(n.86) IV, 1
130(n.75) IV, 11
341(n.28) IV, 16
355(n. 70) IV, 23,9 339(n.22) IV, 23, 10 339(n.23) IV, 23, 27 571(n.2) VIII, 35
561(n.1) VIII, 46
346(n.41) VIII, 47
346(n.41) VIII, 48
346(n. 41) IX, 1,7
455(n.29) IX, 2, 12 455(n.30) X, 5
339(n.24) cūlikā 2, 16 457(n.38)
161(n.74)
Āvasyaka-sūtra
33(n.1) 700(n.15)
70(n.6) 703(n.23) 704(n.26) 704(n.28) 705(n.30) 706(n.44)
12

Page #794

766
The Unknown Pilgrims
Dhyānašataka 61
405(n.51)
208 221 223 (9) 237
108(n.7) 136(n.1) 136(n.2) 544(n.51)
Dravyasaṁgraha
285(n.5) 286(n.6) 287(n.13) 288(n.14) 288(n.15) 288(n.17) 289(n.22) 293(n.34) 294(n.37) 294(n.38) 358(n.4) 277(n.45) 272(n.23) 270(n.17) 276(n.40) 379(n.30) 394(n.7) 380(n.34) 378(n.27)
Pravacanasāra I, 14 I, 19 1, 20 1,92 II, 13 II, 63 II, 92 II, 99 II, 104 II, 106 II, 108 III, 8 III, 25 III, 32 III, 33 III, 34 III, 39
630(n.1) 397(n.17) 397(n.18)
78(n.34) 280(n.58) 286(n.8) 299(n.57) 354(n.68) 373(n.4) 399(n.27) 352(n.61) 659(n.63) 631(n.4) 274(n.30) 274(n.31) 274(n.34) 275(n.36) 275(n.37)
III. 64
Jñátädharmakathah VIII
102(n.26)
Pravacanasārodhara 16
71(n.9)
kalpa-sūtra
121 133 134 135 136 156 157 166
392(n.1) 398(n.21) 107(n.3) 108(n.4) 158(n.60) 158(n.60) 107(n.1) 107(n.2) 94(n.3) 93(n.2) 108(n.5) 108(n.6)
Sanayasăra 34 142 143 151 152 155 168 200 228 235 236
332(n.60) 300(n.60) 301(n.61) 258(n.1) 292(n.31) 278(n.51) 309(n.95) 278(n.46) 278(n.48) 278(n.49) 278(n.50)
197 201
204

Page #795

Index of Āgamas and Texts of Doctrines
767
Upamitibhavaprapañcākatha Prasasti (dernier v.) 184(n.136)
276 277 296 297 298 299 308
279(n.52) 279(n.53) 402(n.39) 402(n.39) 402(n.39) 402(n.39) 282(n.67)
Sthānānga-sutra
355a 389a
130(n.75) 446(n.9) 336(n.7) 446(n.8) 346(n.41) 399(n.25)
712a
741 763
Tattvānušāsana 161 170 174
386(n.56) 386(n.57) 386(n.57)
Tattvārtha-sūtra I, 1 1, 2 1,4 I, 29 V, 1 V, 29 V, 30 V, 31 V, 38 VII, 1 VII, 4
Uttarādhyayana-sūtra XIV, 41
127(n.65) XIV, 44
128(n.66) XIV, 48
128(n.67) XIX, 86
449(n.14) XX, 36
291(n.29) XX, 37
292(n.30) XXI, 1-2 158(n.60) XXI, 12
444(n.1) XXI, 13
473(n.1) XXI, 15
529(n.1) XXII, 26
408(n.1) XXII, 29
104(n.33) XXII, 37
105(n.36) XXII, 44
105(n.39) XXII, 45
105(n.40) XXII, 46
106(n.41) XXII, 47
106(n.42) XXII, 48
106(n.43) XXIII, 23 112(n.21) XXIII, 26 113(n.22) XXIII, 29 113(n.24) XXIII, 32 114(n.26) XXIII, 33 114(n.27) XXIII, 80 404(n.42) XXIII, 81 404(n.43) XXIII, 83 404(n.44) XXVI,29 488(n.48) XXVI, 33 497(n.80) XXVI, 35 497(n.81) XXIX, 8
315(n.7) XXIX, 9
318(n.13) XXIX, 10 321(n.20) XXIX, 11 325(n.31) XXIX, 12 329(n.52) XXIX, 13 331(n.57) XXIX, 18 491(n.56)
268(n.12) 270(n.18) 283(n.1) 396(n.14) 293(n.32) 280(n.57) 280(n.59) 281(n.61) 281(n.62) 334(n.1) 342(n.29) 345(n.37) 348(n.45) 350(n.52) 353(n.64) 357(n. 1) 374(n.7)
VII, 5
VII, 6
VII, 7
VII, 8 IX, 1-3 IX, 27

Page #796

768
XXXV, 2 XXXVI, 67
Yogaśastra I, 19
I, 21
I, 22
IV, 100
IV, 133 XI, 61

The Unknown Pilgrims
420(n.1) 407(n.59)
336(n.7)
347(n.42)
348(n.44)
363(n.22) 328(n.43) 407(n.58)

Page #797

Index of Sanskrit and Prākrit Words
abhavya (see bhavya), 287 abhigraha,(see
pratyākhyāna), 124, 714 abhinandana, 459 abhojya, 194 abhyutthāna, 475 abrahma (v.maithuna), 334,
349 ācāmla (āyambila), 493 ācārya, 34, 197, 204, 313, 320,
384 acetana (see cetana), 300 adharma (see dharma) repose,
293, 294 adhikaraṇa, 645 adhyapana, 477 adhyātmika, 691 adhyayana, 476, 477, 494ff.,
526, 541, 572, 582,590 advaita, 386 Āgama(see Sūtra), 18, 74, 91,
96, 120, 139, 140, 142-153, 182, 191ff., 201, 230, 251, 266, 267, 274, 275, 297, 335, 385, 403, 417, 421, 423, 426, 431, 440, 452, 464, 468, 482, 489, 491, 493,494, 512, 513, 525, 534, 559, 561, 590, 592, 611, 646 -digambara, 149ff.
-śvetāmbara, 142ff. agāra, 59
sa--, 79
aghātiya (karman) 308 agraganyā (agraņi), 429, 626 agrantha(see nirgrantha, nirgranthi), 57 aham, 402 ahāra, 634, 660
-vidhi, 632, 668ff. ahiṁsā, 77, 191, 209, 234,
235, 238, 248, 325, 335ff., 345, 347, 349, 355, 359, 422, 425, 434, 444, 445, 452ff., 461, 487, 488, 497, 499, 502, 506, 507,520, 522, 524,526,531, 533, 543, 547, 548, 551, 562, 592, 604, 621, 634, 645, 668, 691,695
-dharma, 229 aikya, 592 ajiva (see jiva), 282, 293, 295,
296 -dravya, 282
-kāya, 293 ājñā, 376 ākāra, 708 åkāśa, 293 ff;
aloka--, 295
loka--, 295 ākiñcanya, 353, 361 äkrośa, 365 akşara, 658 aksata, 460, 669 alābha, 365 alamba, 378, 380

Page #798

770
nir--, 388 ålambana, 383, 385 para--, 383
The Unknown Pilgrims
sva-atman--, 385 svårupa--, 383
ǎlocană, 324, 326, 369, 370, 487, 504, 507, 514ff., 539,
566, 612, 672
aṁḍa, 546
ǎmnāya, 371
amṛta, 67, 79
anagåra, 59, 110, 421
anagări, 57, 59, 63, 65, 170, 244, 354, 408, 413, 420ff., 443, 449, 452, 457, 458, 464, 466, 468, 473, 477, 529, 568, 595, 631, 679 aṇakkha(anakṣa), 399 ananta-catuṣṭaya, 285, 394 āṇa-prāṇa, 286 aṇāriya, 194
anasana (bhaktapratyākhyāna), 251, 368, 568, 611ff. caturvidha--, 568, 611
anātmavāda, 14
anavasthäpya, 514, 515, 519,
520, 521
anekāntātmaka, 14, 282 anekāntavāda (see syādvāda), 11, 281, 282 angabahya, 273 angapraviṣṭa, 273 anivṛtti-bādara-samparāya, 311
añjali, 635, 658, 670 anṛta, 334, 345
--virati, 345
antariksa, 492
antariktā, 691 antevasini(śiśini), 163 aņu, 294

anubhava (anubhāga, of karman), 307, 308 anudghātika (guru, heavy), 519 anuprekşa (see bhāvanā), 357, 362-364, 371
anitya--, 362
anyatva--, 363
aśaraṇa--, 362 asrava--, 363
aśucitva--, 363
bodhidurlabhatva--, 363 dharmasvākhyātva--, 363
ekatva--, 362
loka--, 363
nirjarā--, 363 samsara--, 362 samvara--, 363 anusvāra, 389
anuvada, 555
aparigraha, 140, 221, 338, 340, 352ff., 411, 430, 444, 507, 527, 531, 547, 606, 630,
652, 660, 668, 691 --bhāvanā, 353 apaya, 376
apramatta-samyata, 311 apṛcchanā, 474
apsară, 207
ārādhana, 217, 218
arahaṁtā (arhat), 379
ārambha (see himsā), 337 arati, 364
arbuda, 186
arham, 384, 389, 590 arhat, 33, 34, 57, 63, 72, 77, 80, 93, 96, 107, 115, 158, 162, 163, 167, 195, 201204, 206, 207, 211, 213, 227, 230, 235, 254, 261, 310, 316, 319, 330, 384,

Page #799

Index of Sanskrit and Präknit Words
771
-Suddhi, 343, 344 -văda, 14(see anātma-vāda),
14
395, 398, 403, 409, 421, 466, 479, 481, 490, 527,
559,566, 590, 663ff. ārjava, 360 āruggalārogya), 70 arūpa, 406 ārya, 59, 136, āryā, 57, 59 äryikā, 57, 59,94 107, 120,
204, 244, 630ff. åśā, 689ff. āşādha, 210
-pūrnimā, 492, 542 asahi, 663 asakta, 444 āsana, 328, 471, 485
ardha-padma (ardhaparyańka)--, 330 gava--, 666 padma (paryanka)--, 328, 330, 663 sukha--, 328, 479
(small rug, mat), 350, 442 asat, 345 aśātană, 322, 702, 715 āśrama, 442, 532 ásrava(see anuprekṣā), 283,
296,301ff., 309, 312, 313, 325, 331, 340, 357, 358 bhāva--, 302, 305 dravya--, 302
-nirodha (sarvara), 357 aștami, 638 asteya, 336, 347ff., 352, 444,
520, 606
--bhāvanā, 348 āśvina-pūrņimā, 492 aticāra, 322, 325, 524
-alocană-sutra, 713 atikrama, 322 atma (ātman)
-vidyā, 94 ätman (jiva), 7, 11, 14, 16,
34ff., 57, 63, 77, 78, 105, 171, 190, 204, 218, 258ff., 269, 272, 274ff., 284ff., 303, 332, 335, 338, 341, 352, 356, 373, 375, 379, 380ff., 390, 391, 393, 400408. 444. 457.485. 528. 562, 570, 578, 583, 589, 593, 598, 599, 611ff., 625, 629, 631, 651, 680, 694 -nirākāra, 390
suddha--, 402 attha(artha), 274 avagraha, 702 avaloka, 487 avamaudarya (avamodarikā),
368 avamodarikā (avamaudarya),
518 ävarta (ävartana), 320, 323,
662ff. avasarpiņi (see utsarpiņi),
75ff., 98, 111, 393 åvassiya, 474, 499 āvaśyaka, 80, 313ff., 324, 336,
358, 384,482, 489, 508, 518, 692, -vidhi (rite), 264, 314, 329, 331, 452, 463, 476, 477, 481, 486ff., 526, 565,
661ff., 692ff. āvaśyaki, 474 avinaya, 715 avirata, 311
-samyak-dtşti, 310

Page #800

772
The Unknown Pilgrims
avirati, 305 aya (atman), 284 āyāgapața, 32 158ff. āyariyă (ācārya), 379 äyu, 286
bala, 286 balvaja, 422 bandha, 283, 294, 305, 306ff.,
312, 367, 396, 549 bhāva--, 307 dravya--, 307
prakti--, 307 bandhu, 549 bhādra (bhädrapada), 180,
209, 221, 542 bhadrāsana, 161 bhagavān, 74 bhajana, 556 bhakti, 791F., 195, 261, 489,
490, 573, 635, 654ff., 680, 693ff. a--, 715 ācārya--, 655, 659, 666, (laghu), 666 caitya--, 655, 664 cārtra--, 654, 658, 672 laghu--, 654 nandiśvara--, 655 navadhā--, 668 nirvāṇa--,655 pancaguru (mahāguru)--, 655,665 samadhi--,655, 660, (laghu), 665 śānti--, 655, 659, 600 siddha--, 654, 657ff., 666, 667,670, 672, (laghu), 666, 667
śruta--, 654, 666, (laghu), 667 tirthankara--, 655, 666 vira--, 655, 666
yogi--, 654, 658, 660, 667 bhandāra, 176, 189, 213, 222,
255, 284 grantha--, 176 jñāna--, 176, 181, 189
śāstra--, 176 bhāșya, 144,493 bhatta, 167 bhattārikā, 238 bhāva, 299, 314, 332, 336 Dhāvanā (see anuprekșă,
mahāvrata), 336, 341-342, 355, 377 anitya--, 528
ekatva--, 528 bhavya(see abhavya), 287 bhikkhủ (sa), 456 bhikṣā, 58, 475, 476, 496
--carya (gocari), 496, 543ff. bhikṣu, 58, 74, 274, 456 bhikṣuņi, 57, 58, 63, 90, 456 bhinna, 625
åtma--, 625
śarira--, 625 bhoga (see sambhoga), 156
--bhūmi, 75, 76, 676 bhojana, 477, 670 bhmngåra, 161 bhūtas (living beings), 338 bia, 546 bija, 658, bijākṣara, 384,658 bodhi(see anupreksä), 363 bohi (bodhi), 70 brahma, 338 brahmacăriņ, 415, 550, 632,
674,681

Page #801

Index of Sanskrit and Prākrit Words
773
brahmacāriņi, 415, 639, 674,
681
brahmacarya, 349ff., 362, 444,
507,512,519,523, 606
--bhāvanā, 350 brāhmaṇa, 74, 127, 182, 193,
236, 238, 637, 671 brāhmi (script), 99, 131, 163,
226
caitra, 115, 199
-pūrimā, 492 caitya, 80, 159, 177, 656
-väsi, 177
-výkşa, 159, 162 caityālaya, 656, 676 calapatto, 421 cāmara, 72
-dhara, 72 candă (candrå, candra, candramā), 125,618 căndăla, 450, 637 candana, 123, 213, 669 căraņa (see ddhi), 235 carana (foot),
-pădukā, 31, 174, 254, 256
-prakṣālana, 669 căritra, 275, 279, 284, 312,
357,366, 377, 393, 657 chedopasthāpana--, 366 niscaya--, 414 parihāravisuddhi--, 366 sămāyika--, 366 samyak--, 275ff., 336, 452, 473, 550 sükşmasamparāya--, 366
yathākhyāta (vitarăga), 366 caryā, 364, 524
äryikā--,660ff. vividh,--, 524
caturdaśapūrvin, 300 caturdaši, 638 cāturmāsya, 17, 253, 430, 440,
443, 466, 478, 509, 531ff., 537, 541, 543, 547, 548, 556ff., 580ff., 590, 595,
598, 607, 611, 617, 635 caturmukha, 163 caturvimśatistava, 34, 69ff.,
80, 313, 317ff., 323, 329, 465, 489, 664ff., 692, 696, 701 bhāva--, 319 dravya--, 319 kåla--, 319 kşetra--, 319 nāma--, 318 sthāpanā--, 319 --sūtra, 69, 701
--vidhi (rite), 713 cetana(see acetana), 300 cetanā (see upayoga), 286, 697 chandanā, 474 chatra, 162 cheda, 370, 514, 515, 519, 520 chidda (chidra), 325 cilimilikā, 441 cintā, 374,684 citta (cetană), 286
--Samādhisthăna, 509 cūlā, 187 cúlikā, 453,456 cură, 336 cūrņa, 192 cūrņi, 144, 192, 195, 196, 197,
493
dahi, 544 darśamasaka, 364 dāna, 248, 344

Page #802

774
abhaya--, 344
adattā--, 347
caturvidha--, 657 danḍa, 32, 425, 465, 522 darpaṇa, 161
darśana, 125, 270ff., 275, 279, 284, 286, 377, 385, 524,
581, 599, 628, 681 a--, 365
acakṣu--, 271
avadhi--, 271
cakṣu--, 271
kevala--, 271, 395 mithya--(mithyātva), 305
samyak--, 70, 270ff., 276 --upayoga, 270
dāru (dru), 279, 280 davva (dravya), 105 dayā, 248, 344
deha(see kaya, sarira), 600,
625
deśa-virata, 311
deva, 70, 203, 204, 306, 646
--darśana, 668
--vandana (see sāmāyikavidhi)
devată (deity) nava--, 656
The Unknown Pilgrims
śruta--, 205, 715
devi, 204, 619
śāsana--(yakṣi), 204
Śruta--, 715
vidya--, 205
dhāraṇā, 387, 388 ågneyi--, 389
ǎpyā--, 386
maruti--, 386
pārthivi--, 389
taijasi--, 386 tattvabhū--, 387, 389

vāruņi--, 389 vảyavi--, 389 dharma (see anuprekṣā), 34, 35, 37, 61, 77ff., 85, 90, 91, 95, 97, 102, 106, 109, 112ff., 122-124, 127, 130ff., 137, 151, 190ff., 198, 213-215, 219, 222ff., 237, 251, 254, 259, 261ff., 337, 344, 354, 356, 357, 360, 363, 396, 403, 408, 411, 415, 443, 453, 454, 473, 477, 484, 497, 516, 523, 555, 556, 566, 570, 573, 588, 589, 592, 604, 607, 615, 623, 624, 683, 692.
a-- (lack of respect for), 523 --cakra, 158, 159, 656 căturyǎma--, 112
--grantha, 553, 555, 667 --kriyā, 693
--lābha, 501
--putra, 181
--śālā, 441, 442, 443, 674
satya--, 361
Śramaṇa--, 356, 360ff., 706 --tirtha, 69, 77
--vid, 61
(movement, see adharma), 293, 294
dharmopadeśa, 371, 618 dhrauvya, 280 dhruva, 280
dhūpa, 669
dhvaja (see stambha), 159, 160, 162
dhyāna, 36, 77, 119, 265, 268, 291, 326, 356, 373ff., 399, 475ff., 480ff., 490, 518,

Page #803

Index of Sanskrit and Präkrit Words
775
526,541, 544, 559,572, 590, 598, 612f., 623, 642, 643, 665, 681ff., 689, 691, 693 ārta--, 375, 705 ātma--, 402 dharma--, 374, 375ff., 383, 403, 714 niścaya--, 379, 383, 385, 386,388 padastha--, 388, 478 pindastha--, 387 raudra--, 375 rūpastha--, 388 rūpātita--, 388 śukla--, 311, 375, 381ff., 392, 403, 643, 652
vyavahāra--, 383, 384 dhyeya, 376, 384,388
bhāva--, 384, 385-387 dravya--, 384,385 nāma--, 384, 388 niścaya--, 385, 388
sthāpanā--, 384, 385, 388 digambara, 139, 630 dikṣā, 62, 99, 100, 102, 125, 126, 133, 137, 168, 177, 179, 187, 197, 201, 208, 210, 221, 249-256, 261, 314, 319, 320, 335, 362, 366, 370, 371, 408, 413, 416, 417,431, 436ff., 444ff., 455ff., 467, 468, 470ff., 489, 495, 511, 513, 515, 520, 521, 538, 541, 548, 549, 561, 574, 575, 578ff., 595,597, 600, 610, 617, 619ff., 637, 647, 650, 652, 679, 687
bhāgavati--, 458 mahā--, 458, 464, 465ff., --vidhi, 458ff., 653ff.,
dipa, 669 dipävali, 120 divā, 202 divākara, 202 divasacarima-sútra, 709 divyadhvani, 129 dosa, 486, 487,504
udgama--, 504
utpādana--, 504 drākṣā, 585 dravya (sce padārtha, sat, taltva, taltvānha), 270, 279ff.,
296, 314, 377, 385, 489 acetana--, 296, 299
cetana--, 296 drsta, 402 duhşamā, 75
--duhşamă, 75
--susamā, 75, 111, 115 duśkrta, 325 dveșa, 34, 353
ekādaśi, 581 ekágra, 374 ekāgratā, 386, 480, 484,488 ekatvavitarka-nirvicăra, 381 eśaņā (see samiti), 498,534ff.,
573 ahāra--, 511 bhaktapāna--,497 grahaņa--, 504 paribhoga--, 504 pinda--, 498, 706 sayyā--, 511 sthānā--, 511 upäśraya--, 511 vastra--, 511 pātra, rajoharaña--, 511

Page #804

776
The Unknown Pilgrims
gupti (see samiti), 179, 325,
357ff., 705 guru (heavy, see anudghātika),
519 --kula, 591, 674 --mandira (samādhimandira), 255, 256
-Vandana (see vandana) guruni, 189, 313, 320 gurvāvali, 152, 659
gaccha, 130, 174, 177, 210,
246, 247, 255, 416ff., 421, 427ff., 443, 450, 467, 469, 475, 477,539, 542, 554, 563, 571 ff., 584, 594,597,
633, 688, 690 gana, 93, 107, 108, 129-130,
156, 166, 176, 178, 239, 241, 246, 248, 250ff., 253, 419, 429, 512, 520, 521, 565, 610 --dhara, 93, 107, 108, 129,
141, 261, 647 gandhika, 165 gani, 508
--sampadā, 508 gamini, 178, 181, 189, 429,
636, 647, 656ff., 667, 672 garhā, 517 gāthā, 185 gati, 290 ghantā, 207 ghātiya (karman), 308 go, 496 gocara-caryā, 496
--sutra, 504, 505 gocari (bhikṣā-caryā), 424,
453.464. 476.477.496ff.. 518, 526, 531, 534, 537, 541,543, 564, 576, 623,
632, 671 grantha (knot), 57,
(Scripture), 487,554, 672 --
mālā, 677, (script), 243 grhasta (gļhapati), 157 guda, 544 guņa, 281, 479
mūla--, 658ff., --sthāna, 310ff., 366, 378, 637,644, 648
hadha, 105 haniya, 546 himsă (see ārambha), 334, 337,
340, 341, 348, 359, 522, 534, 535, 562, 569, 605, 608, 645, 647
bhāvā--, 547 hita (pathya, priya), 347 hțdaya-parivartana, 592 hriṁ, 384
icchākāra, 474 indriya, 286 iryä(see samiti), 533ff.
--patha, 326, 663 --patha-śuddhi, 663 -pathika-sūtra, 326, 461,
504, 534, 546, 706 işat-prägbhārā (siddha-loka),
406
jala, 669 jalapāna, 476 jambū, 675ff., jana-samparka, 477,538 janma-utsava (krşna), 594 japa, 379, 425, 476ff., 483,
489, 625, 663, 693 mahāmantra--, 479

Page #805

Index of Sanskrit and Prakrit Words
777
jaya, 364 jayanti, 594 jina, 63, 70, 73, 77, 96, 97,
115, 119, 208, 235, 275ff., 384,385, 444, 642, 646, 662, 715
--kalpin, 63 jinendra, 320, 384, 657 jiva (ātman), 12, 16, 269ff.,
277, 279, 282ff., 294ff., 306ff., 321, 324ff., 342, 344, 347, 349, 354ff., 367, 394ff., 453, 548, 549, 641 dravya--, 282 --rakṣā, 343 --samāsa, 310
--sthāna, 310 jivana-carita, 554 jñāna, 12, 270, 271ff., 278,
284, 286, 361, 378, 386, 401, 524, 625 a--, 365 avadhi--, 272 bheda--, 625 --dāna, 37, 691 kevala--, 119, 190, 272, 311, 319, 320, 333, 381, 392, 393, 394ff., 407,593676 manahparyaya--, 272 mati--, 272 samyak--, 271ff., 276, 282, 491, 682 śruta--, 272-275, 715
--udaya, 677 jñānin, 61, 276, 355
śruta--, 301, jñātā, 402
--anu 296 --pratilekhana-sūtra, 711
stu--, 492, 525 kalasa (pūrņa-kumbha), 161,
162 kaluşa, 303 kalpa (vimāna), 489 kamandalu, 199, 206, 633ff.,
645, 647ff., 659, 670
kambala, 421 kamcavo (karcuka), 421 kara, 202 kāraņa (cause), 298
nimitta--, 298
upädāna--, 298, 299 karma-bhūmi (ārya-khaņda),
75, 76, 676 karman(karma), 34, 61, 74, 75,
106, 118, 126, 236, 259, 268, 271ff., 285ff., 294, 296ff., 304ff., 321, 339, 340, 357, 367, 375, 377, 382, 389, 390, 396ff., 409, 513, 527, 570, 593 antarāya--,308, 395 àyu--, 307, 395, 400 bhāva--, 299 darśanamohaniya--, 641 darśanīvaraña--, 307, 308, 394 dravya--, 299 gotra--, 308, 395 jñānāvarana--, 307, 308, 394, 490 mohaniya--, 307, 308, 312, 394, 509 nāma--, 285, 288, 305, 307, 374, 395, 398, 641 tirtharkara-nāma--, 74 vedaniya--, 307, 395, 397
kāla, 295, 296, 314

Page #806

778
karṇadhāra, 657 kartā, 298
kārttika, 119, 120, 209, 392, 634
The Unknown Pilgrims
--pūrṇima, 17, 492, 542 karṣaṇa, 303
karuņā, 355, 592, 621 kaşa, 303
kaṣāya, 303ff., 705 a--, 303, 304 no--, 304
sa--, 303
kathā, 184
kävya, 555
kāya (see deha, sarira), 293, 327,487
anasti--, 295
asti--, 293, 295
--kleśa, 368 pṛthvi--, 580
kayotsarga (vyutsarga), 32, 36, 72, 99, 163, 219, 313, 324, 327ff., 353, 378, 461, 463, 465, 479, 482, 504, 508, 522, 524, 562, 663, 697 bhāva--, 330 kāla--, 330 --pratijñā-sūtra, 708 sthāpanā--, 330
--vidhi (rite), 330, 714
kesa, 547
keśa-luncana (see luñcana),
351, 462, 547, 650 adhama--, 658 madhyama--, 658 utkṛṣta--, 658
kevala (see jñāna), 34, 395 --vrkṣa, 72 kevali-bhukti, 140

kevalin, 12, 34, 73, 80, 119, 120, 125, 129, 133, 140, 141, 382, 393, 395, 396ff., 402, 409, 527, 593
ayoga--, 311, 399 sayoga--, 311 śruta--, 130, 141, 145 khamḍana (khandana), 705 khandana, 325, 705
khanda, 675
ǎrya-- (karma-bhūmi), 675 mleccha--, 675
kharatara, 177
khira, 544
kokilă, 584, 592 kosa, 543
kramaṇa, 324
kṛtajñatā, 18 kṛtima, 384 a--, 384 krodha, 304 kṣamā, 360
--maitri-sūtra, 707 --yacanã, 461, 547 kṣamāpanā, 715
kṣatriya, 122, 194, 620, 637 kṣetra, 314, 394, 463 avagraha--, 543
--viśuddhi, 463, 465, 696, vidhi (rite), 710ff., ksiņa-kaṣāya-vitarāga, 311 kṣudhā, 364
kṣullaka, 637 kṣullikā, 637ff.,
kula, 130, 156, 166, 521 kumāri, 575, kumvara, 622
--kanyā, 250
kumkum, 462
labdhi, 271

Page #807

Index of Sanskrit and Prākrit Words
779
laghu (udghătika), 519 lalāța-phalaka, 219 lāñchana, 71ff., 159 Icna, 546 leśyā, 309ff.,
bhāva--, 309
dravya--, 309 linga (veda), 62, 114, 641
a-- (na-puṁsaka), 641
grha--, 62 lobha, 304 loka (scc anuprckṣā)
tri--, 673
ürdhva--, 17 luñcana (sce keśa-luñcana),
547 pañcamuști--, 462
mādhukari, 498 mādhyastha, 356 māgha, 178, 208, 248 mahäbhiseka, 199,
mahāmastakābhișeka, 220 mahāprasthāna, 174, 250, 414,
443, 566ff., 598, 610ff.,
618, 628 mahāpratipadā, 492 mahattarā, 178, 181, 189, 429 mahotsava, 492 mahu, 544 maithuna (see abrahma), 349
--virali, 349 maitri, 355, 580, 592
viśva--, 592, 593, 596 majja, 544 mala, 365 mālā (navakaravāli), 36, 198,
425, 479, 525 mamatva, 352
a--, 352
--bhāva, 327
nir--, 352 māna, 304 manas, 302, 381 mānastambha (stambha), 160 mandala (mandali, samüha),
428 mañợapa, 460, 461, 462, 464,
657 mangala, 160, 256
aşta- "(māngalika), 32, 35, 72, 159ff., 422, 525
--sutra, 461, 464, 703,
antima, 707 māngalika, 80, 160
--sūtra, 80 mantra, 35ff., 73, 168, 208,
329, 379, 384, 387, 388, 476ff., 483, 590, 621, 656 guru--, 621 mahā--, 389 Namaskāra--(pañcanamaskāra-mangala-sūtra), 31, 33ff., 73, 124, 162, 210, 329, 330, 379, 384,424, 462, 476, 479, 485, 488, 528, 565, 566, 623, 662ff., 672, 692, 697ff., śānti--, 658
siddha--, 384 maraņa (death)
bāla--,566 bhaktapratyākhyāna--- (see samlekhana), 568 pandita-4, 252, 566
samādhi--, 252, 569,625 mārdava, 360 māryadā-mahotsava, 248 masa, 544 matha, 167

Page #808

780
The Unknown Pilgrims
muhúrta, 332, 375, 488, 660
subha--, 459, 656 mukulita, 662 müla, 143, 514, 515 munda, 462 muni, 61, 62, 74, 204 muñja, 422 mūrti, 198, 254, 287, 489
a--,287 caubisi--, 198
mati (mati), 216 mātra (pātra), 360, 424 matsya, 161 mauna, 480ff., 625
citta--, 480 kāya--, 480 manas--, 480
vāņi--, 480 māyā, 304, 645 merunabhiḥ, 389 mina-yugala, 162 miśra, 310 mithuna, 349 mithyākāra, 475 mithyātva, 305, 310 mitrā, 549
viśva--, 548, 549, 591 moha, 373 mohana, 619 mohanaghara, 101 mokṣa, 62, 63, 157, 180, 185,
204, 215, 268, 277, 278, 283, 287, 292, 336, 338, 371ff., 400ff., 455, 457, 489, 571, 593, 630, 642ff., 676 bhāva--, 400
dravya--, 400 mộşāvādā, 346
--viramana, 345 mudrā, 662ff.,
dhyāna--, 72, 163, 206, 330, 652 jina--, 328, 330, 662, 663 kāyotsarga-., 95 muktāśukti--, 662ff., vandana--, 662ff.,
yoga--, 330, 662 muhapatti (mukhavastrikā, mukhapattikā), 423, 462, 487
nagnatva, 364 naisedhiki, 474 naivedya, 669 nāma, 314 namas, 33 namaskära, 33, 670
pancānga--, 323, 663ff., 694,701
--sahita-sútra, 708 nandyāvarta, 71, 161, 162 nåraka, 576 nāriyala, 658 nātha, 73 navaniya, 544 naya, 11, 268, 290
dravya--, 14 dravyārthika--, 14 paramartha--, 269 paryāya--, 14
śuddha--, 269 nidrā, 475, 476 nimantrana, 668 nindā, 517 nirasa, 668 nirgrantha, 58, 108, 192, 196,
232, 338, 509, 510, 513,
523, nirgranthi, 57, 58, 64, 192,
196, 197,429, 457, 509ff.,

Page #809

Index of Sanskrit and Prākrit Words
781
padārtha (see dravya), 274,
280 padhya (verse), 382 pădukā (caranapādukā), 174 pāņa, 546 paņaga, 546 paņatihara (prajñaptidharā),
166
517,523, 529,538, 540,
548, 549, 592, 631 nirikșana, 487 nirjarā (see anupreksā), 268,
283, 357, 367ff., 375, 382, 386, 394, 490, 506, 519, 642 bhāva--, 367
dravya--, 367 nirmalikarana, 386 nicodha, 374 nirūpana, 487 nirvāna, 7, 11, 34, 70, 78, 80,
98, 120, 128ff., 258, 260, 261, 275, 276, 292, 319, 392, 393, 403ff., 408, 457, 530, 548, 549, 570, 573, 651, 692 parama--, 404 pari--, 392, 404 --pura, 7, 405
--yātrā, 567 nirvatanā, 165 nirveda (see vairāgya), 444 nirvikstika (nivviiya), 493 niryukti, 144, 145, 493 nişadyā, 364 nisahi, 663 niscaya (see vyavahāra),
268ff., 277, 286ff., 290, 295, 299, 302, 312, 314,
332, 336, 344, 347, 373 nişedha, 640 nişidikā(see samadhi-mandira),
175, 199, 254 nisihiyā, 474, 504 niskramana, 448 nivstti-apūrvakaraña-bādara,
311
paņatidhānita(dhäritaprajñapti),
166 pannā, 575 pāpa, 283, 302 paramārtha, 258, 269, 293
| paramattha, 258, 293 pāramārthika, 11 parameșthin, 33, 35, 79, 379,
380, 384, 405,479, 481, 528, 613, 624, 655, 659,
692 parampară, 84 pārāñcika, 514, 515,519, 521 parigraha, 334, 337, 352 parihāra, 514, 515, 519
guru--, 519, 521ff.
laghu--, 519, 521ff. pariharika, 520 pariņāma, 295 parişaha, 364
--jaya, 357, 364-366 parivartana, 295 parokşa, 272 paryāya, 281 paryusaņā, 541ff., 550, 552,
554, 607
--kalpa, 542 pāthaśālā, 190, 431, 466, 493 pathya (hita, priya), 347 pātra, 31, 32, 137, 237, 423,
441, 460, 464, 487,504,

Page #810

782
505, 522, 525, 534, 538, 635, 639, 688
pāņi--, 635, 660
patta (pitha), 167, 177
--āvali, 177, 200 -dhara, 177
pauruşi (prahara), 475, 476 phala (śri), 657, 658, 670 phalguna, 174, 175, 200, 208, 256
The Unknown Pilgrims
picchikā, 198, 206, 633, 634ff., 645, 647ff., 659
pinda (dcha), 386, 498 pitha (patta), 167 pracchană, 371 pradakṣiņā, 384, 663ff., pradeśa, 293, 295, 296, of
karman, 307
prahara (pauruși), 475 prajña, 365, 402
prakarsa, 644
prakṛti (of karman), 307
pramāda, 305
--sthāna, 305
pramāṇa, 290
pramatta-samyata, 311 pramoda, 355
prāṇa, 286, 340, 605
praṇāma, 663
prāṇātipāta, 340
prāņi pāta-sūtra, 463, 569, 715 prasasti, 183
praśna, 685ff. prati, 324
pratikramana, 313, 324ff., 331, 369, 435, 508, 514ff., 528, 542, 546, 558, 697 căturmāsika--, 326 daivasika--, 326 iryapathika--, 326

kāla--, 326
nama--, 327
pākṣika--, 326 rätrika--, 326
samvatsarika--, 326 --sūtra, 326, 566, 703ff., samksipta--, 705
uttamartha--, 326
-vidhi (rite), 356, 574, 632, 660, 666, 713
pratilckhana (pratilekha), 359, 475ff., 487ff, 526, 546, 566, 660
--apramāda, 488
--pramāda, 488 --vidhi (rite), 487 pratimă, 637ff.,
anumatityāga--, 638 arambhatyāga--, 638 brahmacarya--, 638 darśana--, 638
poṣadha--, 638
parigrahatyāga--, 638 ratribhuktavirata--, 638
sāmāyika--, 638
sacittatyāga--, 638 uddiṣṭatyāga--, 638
upāsaka--, 509
vrata--, 638
(statue), 163; 241 pratipṛcchana, 474 pratiṣṭhā-mahotsava, 256 pratyakhyāna, 313, 331ff., 488, 493, 519, 526, 566, 569, 598, 667, 670, 697 bhakta--(see anaśana), 568 --sutra, 332, 708 --vidhi (rite), 714 pratyakṣa, 272

Page #811

Index of Sanskrit and Präkrit Words
783
raja, 296 rajoharana, 32, 137, 160,
420ff., 443, 460, 464, 487,
522, 525 rāsa, 209 rasaparityāga, 368 rasmi, 609 ratna, 609, 691 ratnatraya (triratna), 160,
268ff., 393, 403 rātri-bhojana-viramana, 355 rātriyoga, 672 raudra,375 riddhi (see cāraņa), 235 sma, 580 roga, 365, 561
pravacana (vyākhyāna), 12,
273, 421, 476, 485, 540, 551ff., 565, 575, 576,581, 593, 595, 600ff., 617, 620ff., 636, 653, 691
--māta, 325, 706 pravartini, 125, 178, 189, 197,
255, 313, 429, 430, 449, 554,567, 582ff., 590, 602,
617,619ff. pravrajyä, 445, 529ff. prāyaścitta, 192, 193, 324, 369,
487,494, 505, 506ff., 563, 564, 629, 672
guru--, 519 prthaktvavitarka-savicăra, 381 priya, 346, 347 pudgala, 293, 294, 296, 298,
299, 349 pūjā, 81, 195, 208, 412, 460,
465, 489, 656ff. bhāva--, 412, 476, 489ff., 692, 693 dravya--, 489, 692, aștadravya-, 669
rathnatraya--, 656, 660 punya, 283, 302, 313, 354, 579 puppha, 546 purisādāniya, 111 pūrņa-kumbha, 162 pūrnimā, 492 puruşa (man)
bhāva-, 644, 647 dravya--, 644, 647
mahā--, 219, 594 puruşotama, 106 puşpa, 669 pușpikā, 181
sacela (savastra), 235 sadhachari (śrāddhachari), 165 sādhānā, 470, 479, 483, 484 sādhu, 34, 35, 59, 187, 384,
424, 479,527 sādhvi, 34, 57, 59, 181, 313,
320 sāhū (sådhu), 380 saka (era), 218 sẵkhá, 130, 136, 156, 166, 176,
198, 208, 209 śālmali, 291, 676 śalya, 356: māyā, mithya
darśana, nidānam, 708 nis-- (see vratin), 356
--sutra, 356 sāmācāri, 473ff., 482 samādhi, 217, 218, 386, 454,
625 --mandira (see nişidikā),
247, 254ff., 415 samanvaya, 592 samavasarana, 72
rāga, 34, 303, 353

Page #812

784
The Unknown Pilgrims
samaya, 277
para--, 277 --sāra, 277, 300
sva--, 277 sāmāyika, 313ff., 323, 330,
331, 335, 336, 366, 378, 463ff., 473,558, 576, 633, 635, 692, 694, 696 bhāva--, 317 dravya--, 316 kāla--, 317 kşetra--, 317 nāma--, 316 sthāpanā--, 316 --sütra, 330, 463, 527, 700 --vidhi (rite), 632, 712,
devanandana, 660, 662ff. sambhoga, 156 saṁdhyā, 492 samgha, 14, 63, 74, 81, 87, 90,
91, 129, 133, 138, 139, 141, 151, 156, 168, 171, 182, 196, 200, 211ff., 218, 222, 225, 227, 239, 241, 243, 245ff., 254, 261, 320, 354, 408, 412, 414, 415, 425ff., 441ff., 449, 455, 457, 459, 464, 468,483, 491, 495, 515, 521ff., 540ff., 564, 566, 572, 573, 586, 614, 622, 688 āryika--, 63, 636ff. caturvarņa--, 158 caturvidha--, 63, 157ff., 187, 188, 254, 354, 415, 426ff., 468, 651, 685
mahā--, 449 mahilā--, 556 muni--, 637 sādhvi--,578, 616
śramani--, 63, 428ff., 444, 445, 450, 458,460, 474,
591, 626 samghathana, 592 saṁhanana, 308
ardhavajrarṣabhanārāca--, 374 nāma--, 642 nārāca--, 374 uttama--, 374, 642
vajrarṣabhanārāca--, 374 samiti (see gupti), 325, 357ff.,
510 ādăna-nikṣepa--, 359 bhāṣā--,359, 511 eșaņā--, 359, 510 iryā--, 359, 510 utsarga--, 360, 510
(society) asuvrata--, 442 samlekhanā (bhakta -
pratyākhyāna- marana), 37, 214, 251, 562, 568ff., 600 bhāva--, 568
dravya--, 568 sampradāya, 151, 201, 248,
333, 414, 416ff., 427ff., 442, 449, 458, 467, 469, 477.484.486, 525, 532, 539ff., 561, 571, 574, 630,
633, 682 saṁsāra (see anupreksā), 80,
183, 185, 276, 285, 289, 338, 457,549, 560, 576
--paribhramana, 657 saṁskāra (see āryikā:dikṣā
vidhi), 659
-āropaņa (șođașa), 659 samistāra, 527, 569, 600
--pauruși, 477, 526, sütras, 527

Page #813

Index of Sanskrit and Prākrit Words
785
-pratyākhyāna, 613 samsthāna, 377 samvara (sce anupreksā), 382,
357, 372, 382, 386, 394, 506, 519 bhāva--, 358
dravya--, 358 saṁvat (vikrama), 174 samvatsari, 542, 607 samyak, 270 samyaktva, 276 samyama, 77, 140, 338, 343,
344, 361, 453,531, 629, 630, 645ff., 695 viếuddhi--(parihāra), 519
--yātrā, 460 sanga, 420 sanyāsana, 217, 218 sappi, 544 saralā, 621 sarana, 704
--sūtra, 461, 704 śarira (see deha, kāya), 300
āhāraka--, 300 audārika--, 300, 399, 401, 492 kārmana--, 300, 401 sthirikarana--, 569 taijasa--, 300, 401
vaikriyika--, 300 śasi, śasi (cānda), 618 Sāstra, 182, 383, 491, 650, 659
jyotişa--, 494 sāsvādana (sāsādana), 310 sat (see dravya), 280, 346 sati (mahāsati),57, 61 satkāra-puraskāra, 365 satsanga, 616ff.,
mahilā--, 556
satya, 236, 336, 345ff., 361,
444, 454, 605 satyamțşā, 346 śauca, 361, 424 sāvā, sāvaga (śrāvaka), 157 sāvikā (śrāvikā), 158 śayyā, 365, 487, 534, 535ff. siddha, 31, 33, 34, 62, 70, 80,
167, 230,261, 274, 285, 289, 290, 319, 380, 393, 401, 403ff., 424, 479, 527, 569
--cakra, 656 --loka (isat-prāgbhārā), 406 siddhānta, 11, 141, 270, 276 siddhi, 386 śikṣā-kendra, 466, 470, 472,
636 siņeha, 546 sironati, 662ff. śiśini (antevasini), 163, 165,
166, śişyāni, 199, śishyinti,
221 sita, 364
--parişaha,250 śivira, 557, 558
kanyā--, 557 skambha, 160 skandha, 294 ślesa, 303 śmaśāna, 492 śraddhā, 270, 629 śraddhāñjali, 618 śrama, 473 śramaņa, 7, 60, 74, 93, 94, 107,
108, 120, 124, 157, 167, 168, 194, 274, 275, 302, 303, 476, 531,534, 542 -upāsaka (śrāvaka), 97, 157 samaņa-uvāsagā, 157

Page #814

786
The Unknown Pilgrims
--upāsika (śrāvikā), 97, 157 samaņa-uvāsiya, 158
--sútra, 692 śramaņi, 7, 57, 64, 94, 106,
360, 452, 457, 462, 467, 473ff., 530ff., 540, 542, 547, 549, 555, 565, 566, 571,597, 615, 631, 679,
693 śravaka, 34, 63, 204 śrāvana, 208 śrāvika, 34, 63, 204, 213 śreșthin, 165 śri (bijākṣara), 658 śrivatsa, 71, 161 śruta, 80, 130, 139, 141, 261,
267,378, 656, 705 stambha (mānastambha), 160,
205 stava, 317
bhava--, 320 steya, 334, 605 sthāna, 201
ucca--, 669 sthāpanā, 206, 314, 316
-âcărya, 188, 321, 481, 702 sthāvara, 289 sthavira, 136, 137 sthiti (of karman), 307 stri (nāri), 364
--bhāva, 644, 647 dravya--, 643ff. --mukti, 140, 141, 642, 688, 690, niședha, 413, 640ff.
--sakti, 416 stūpa, 159, 162 śuddhi (viśuddhi), 480, 481
āhāra--, 670 antimă--, 561ff. cāritra--, 656
jala--, 669 kāya-, 670 mana--, 670 vacana-- 670
vākya--, 346 śūdra, 194, 637 sugandha, 571ff. śukla, 375 śuklapakṣa (śudi), 174 sūksma, 546
așta--, 546 --kriyā-apratipāti, 400
--samparāya, 311 sūnsta, 336, 345, 347 supratişthā, 162 sūri, 177 sūrya, 125 suşamā, 75
--duḥşamā, 75, 98
--susama, 75 Sūtra (see Agama), 141 svādhyāya, 263, 267, 370, 378,
456, 472, 475ff., 490ff., 522, 526, 541, 544, 549, 553, 559, 564, 572, 582, 598,624ff., 660, 680ff., 689, 691
--vidhi (rite) 667 svapna, 422 svarūpa, 383 sva-samvedana, 386 svastika, 71, 161, 162, 460,
462 svati, 392 svetavastra (svetāmbara), 139,
420, 421 syādvāda (see anekāntavāda),
11, 14, 281, 282, 512 syāt, 282

Page #815

taijasi (see dhāraṇā) tanḍula, 658 tapā, 177
tapas, 77, 180, 250, 251, 253, 268, 357ff., 378, 390, 403, 453, 456, 483, 485, 494, 508, 514, 519, 524, 559, 583, 597ff., 607, 609ff., 625,668, 691
abhyantara--, 368, 369ff., 480, 490, 506 bahya--, 368, 369
tapasvini, 250, 572
tathākāra, 475
tattva (see dravya), 280, 283ff., 357
tattvabhū, 387
tattvärtha (see dravya), 270, 280
tikā, 144 tilaka, 462
tilla, 544
Index of Sanskrit and Prakrit Words
tippani, 184
tirtha, 74, 318
mahā--, 190
--giri, 217
--sthāna, 673 tirthankara, 34, 35, 62, 70ff.,
86, 87, 93, 96, 97, 100ff., 108ff., 119, 125, 137, 151, 159, 161, 163, 191, 194, 204, 226, 241, 256, 313, 318, 344, 362, 376, 394, 398, 408, 412, 422, 462, 489, 494, 530, 573, 615, 632,647, 650, 654, 662, 673, 676, 682 trasa, 289 tṛṇasparśa, 365

triratna (ratnatraya), 159, 160,
162
tṛṣa (pipāsā), 364 tyäga, 361
ubhaya, 514, 515, 518 ucchvāsa, 329, 663
udaya, 677
udghātika (laghu, light), 519 ujjumai (rjumate), 571
ujjvala, 601
ūkaḍū, 702
upacara, 652
787
upadhyāya, 34, 204, 206, 313, 320, 384, 430, 479, 493 upakaraṇa, 645
dharma--, 649, 650
upakāri, 645, 649 upāsaka, 158
upasampadă, 475 upaśānta-kaṣāya-vitarāga, 311 upăśraya, 125, 132, 137, 176, 188, 201, 248, 354, 421, 440ff., 464ff., 474, 477, 480ff., 495, 499, 504, 505, 529, 532ff., 541ff., 563ff., 587, 588, 599, 602, 618, 622, 635, 689, 693 upasthapana, 370 upavāsa (tapas), 518, 541, 543, 544
upayoga (see cetană),270,271, 286, 287, 396, 549, 570 uṣṇa, 364
utkṛṣṭa, 398 uptāda, 280
utsarga (see samiti), 328, 360, 487 utsarpiņi (sce avasarpiņi), 75ff. uttama, 360, 704

Page #816

788
The Unknown Pilgrims
--sutra, 461, 704 uttarāphalguni, 392 uvajjhāyā (upādhyāya), 379
vasatikāsthāna, 635, 670 vastra (ambara), 421, 460, 487,
522, 534, 537
sveta--, 420ff., 443, 633 vaśya, 314
a--, 314 Veda (linga), 641
bhāva--, 641, 644, 647, 648,
651
vācaka, 164 vācanā, 370 vacchala (vātsalya), 278 vadha, 365 vairāgi-sādhu, 622 vairāgiņi, 416, 417, 432, 435,
436, 445ff., 457, 459, 461ff., 467, 470, 495, 565,
586, 598, 610, 6541f., 690 vairāgya (see virakti), 61, 253,
378, 435, 436, 444f., 485, 576ff., 591, 617,624, 633,
679 vaišākha, 119, 199, 210, 392 vaiśya (farmer, merchant), 637 vaiyāvrtya, 370, 456, 562 vandana (guruvandana), 35,
168, 313, 320rf., 430, 461, 463, 474, 476,486, 499, 540, 565, 599, 626, 634, 666, 696 ācārya--, 666 bhāva--, 323 dvādaśavarta--, 320 laghu (small)--, 323, 487, 527, sūtra, 323, 430, 713ff. nama--, 323 sthāpanā--, 323 --sutra, 701-703
--vidhi (rite), 713 varddhamānaka. 161 vartanā, 295 vāsa (demeure)
sthira--, 620
varșa--, 541 vasati (vasahi),186
dravya--, 641, 647, 648,
651 vicaksaņa, 588 vidhi, 486, 631, 634 vidhimārga, 177 vidyā (knowledge, learning)
--dāna, 557 --dhara, 207
--pitha, 467, 468 vidyālaya (kanyā), 557 vihāra, 193, 247, 253, 329,
413, 415, 425, 429ff., 464, 468, 476, 477, 482, 485, 495, 512, 520, 529ff., 550, 552, 563, 564, 571, 579, 580, 595, 628, 635ff., 680,
691 vijñaptipatra, 31 viksti, 493, 504, 544, vimāna (kalpa), 489 vimoha, 272 vinaya, 323, 370, 454ff.
a--, 715 --samādhi, 454
--śruta, 454 vinita, 455
a--, 456
su--, 455 vipāka, 308, 377 viparaya (vibhrama), 272 vira, 74

Page #817

Index of Sanskrit and Präkrit Words
789
vyutsarga (kāyotsarga), 328,
370, 371, 514, 515, 518
virādhanā,325, 326, 705 virāhaņā (virädhanā), 705 virakti (see vairāgya), 444 virali, 334, 335 viratta (virakta), 373 virya, 691 visarga, 389 viśiştādvaita, 222 viśrama, 477 viśuddhi (suddhi), 517 vitarăga, 320, 331, 409, 715 viussaga (vyavasarga), 329 viveka, 370, 514, 515 viviktaśayyāsana, 368 vrata, 334, 335,
anu--, 335, 574, 605, 607, 638, 670, 692 guņa--, 638 mahă--, 168, 221, 264, 283, 334f., 358, 403, 425, 453, 465, 473, 508, 515,524, 561, 569, 633, 652, 692, 705 ravi (ravivāra)--, 210
śikṣā--, 638 vratin, 355, 356 víddhāvasthā, 564ff. vřkșa, 204 vrtti, 144, 493 vsttiparisamkhyāna, 368 vyajana, 162 vyākhyāna (pravacana), 251 vyatikrama, 322 vyavahāra (see niścaya),
268ff., 277, 279, 286ff., 295, 299, 302, 312, 314,
332, 336, 343, 373 vyāvahārika, 11, 268ff. vyaya, 280 vyuparata-kriyā-anivarti, 401
yācanā, 365 yakșa, 72, 204, 211, 227, 331 yakși (śāsana-devi), 72, 204,
211, 227, 236, 331 yantra, 208,656
kalikuņda--, 208 yaśa, 622 yatini, 57, 60 yoga (activity), 270, 302 ff.,
359, 381, 399, 400, 401, 528, 707 ,(method of
concentration), 479, 485 yogin, 399
a--, 302
mahā--, 219 yogini, 649 yojana, 543 yūpa, 160

Page #818

Page #819

ain Education International
For Parat
N. Shäntä, of French origin, is settled in India for more than 40 years where she works for Prof. R. Panikkar in the field of Religion and Philosophy. Besides, her field of study and research is about the Women Monastic Traditions in Asia. She is presently doing a study on Buddhist Women Monasteries in Himalayan Countries.
One opens only with great respect such a book that reveals a rare harmonious combination of spiritual experience and rigorous scholarship, of heart and mind."
11
Armand Veilleux, in Aide Intermonastère.
"... There is much information in this book that has been unavailble to Western readers... She is the first Western author to pay adequate attention to the fundamental need always to distinguish among the four major sects of the Jainas." John Cort, Harward University, in Journal of Asian Studies
ISBN: 81-7030-535-7
elibrary.org

Page #820
SRI SATGURU PUBLICATIONS A Division of INDIAN BOOKS CENTRE, 40/5. Shakti Nagar, Delhi 110X007 INDIA