Jaina Community a Social Survey

Author(s): Vilas Sangve
Publisher: Popular Book Depot Bombay
Catalog link: https://jainqq.org/explore/007019/1

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JAINA COMMUNITY
A Social Survey
VILAS A. SANGAVE
Popular Library
of Indian Sociology and Social Thought
Popular Prakashan Bombay

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JAINA COMMUNITY
VILAS A. SANGAVE
The Jaina community is one of the ancient communities of India and from hoary antiquity to the present day, it is spread throughout the length and breadth of India. Jainism has its own vast sacred literature, distinct philosophy and outlook on life and special ethical rules of conduct based on the fundamental principle of Ahimsa. Jainas have contributed a great deal to the development of art and architecture, logic and philosophy, language and literature, education and learning. Jaina community thus occupies an important place among the religious communities in India,
This volume is the second revised edition of the first comprehensive and systematic study of the social institutions, customs and manners prevalent among the Jainas. It deals with various aspects of Jaina community such as its sects, sub-sects, castes and sub-castes, marriage and position of women, philosophy and ethics, rites and rituals, customs and manners. It outlines the outstanding features of Jaina religion and its distinctive ethical rules of conduct. It also presents for the first time a critical account of the history and achievements of the Jainas. The book discusses the present pressing problems before the Jaina community and especially its relations with the Hindus. The whole account is properly documented by considerable statistical data and other relevant information which have been brought uptodate in this revised edition.
Although Jainalogy has vast literature on religion and philosophy, a sociological account of the Jaina community, however, was not available so far. This volume recording the sociological history of the Jainas is, therefore, an invaluable contribution and will be found very useful.
Rs. 120.00

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JAINA COMMUNITY
A SOCIAL SURVEY
Popular Library
of Indian Sociology and Social Thought
Popular Prakashan Bombay

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POPULAR LIBRARY OF INDIAN SOCIOLOGY
AND SOCIAL THOUGHT
Volumes Published : 1. Ghurye, G. S. : Caste and Race in India 2. Sangave, Vilas A. : Jaina Community: A Social Survey

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JAINA COMMUNITY
A SOCIAL SURVEY
VILAS ADINATH SANGAVE
BOMBAY POPULAR PRAKASHAN

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POPULAR PRAKASHAN PRIVATE LTD. 35 C Tardeo Road, Popular Press Bldg.,
Bombay 400 034
1980 by VILAS ADINATH SANGAVE
First Edition, 1959 Second Revised Edition, 1980
(3021)
PRINTED IN INDIA
BY Y. S. RANDIVE AT MAHARASHTRA SAHAKARI MUDRANALAYA, 915/1, SHIVAJINAGAR, PUNE 411 004 AND PUBLISHED BY RAMDAS G. BHATKAL FOR POPULAR PRAKASHAN PRIVATE LIMITED, 35C TARDEO ROAD, BOMBAY 400 034.

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DEDICATED
TO MY 'GURU' Dr. G. S. GHURYE

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PREFACE TO THE SECOND EDITION
It is really gratifying to note that the first edition of Jaina Community: A Social Survey published in 1959 was received well by Sociologists, Jainologists and Orientalists from India and foreign countries like Germany, Russia, England. America and Japan. This research publication which was the first of its kind on the Sociology of Jainism was recommended by many universities for post-graduate studies in Sociology, was widely quoted by various reputed scholars from different countries, was regarded as a standard reference book on Jainas in India and was greatly helpful in furthering research in the new field of Jainology undertaken by Eastern and Western scholars. As a result the book, within a few years of its publication, became out of print and there was a persistent demand from all quarters to make it available.
Accordingly, the book was completely revised in 1973 and was brought uptodate on the basis of the population data published by the Government of India in their 1971 Census Reports. It was also planned to publish this second revised edition of the book during 1974-75, i. e., during Lord Mahavira's 2500th Nirvana Mahotsava Year. But for several reasons the printing work dragged on. I am happy that at last the work is completed and this second revised edition is now being published.
I am further pleased to find that the second edition of Jaina Community: A Social Survey is being published by the same publishers, viz., Popular Prakashan, Bombay as the second volume in the series entitled "Popular Library of Indian Sociology and Social Thought". I am indeed grateful to Shri Sadanand Bhatkal and Shri Ramdas Bhatkal, Directors of Popular Prakashan, Bombay for the inclusion of this book in this series and for their encouraging and continuous co-operation during the last 25 years.
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viii
Jaina Community-A Social Survey
I am also grateful to the Director of Higher Education, Maharashtra State, Pune, and the Principal, Rajaram College, Kolhapur for the facilities provided to use the very well-equipped Rajaram College Library. My thanks are also due to the Maharashtra Sahakari Mudranalaya, Pune for their neat printing work.
Department of Sociology Shivaji University, Kolhapur. January 26, 1980.
Vilas Adinath Sangave

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PREFACE TO THE FIRST EDITION
The Jaina community is one of the very ancient communities of India, and from hoary antiquity to the present day, it is scattered throughout the length and breadth of India. Jainism being an independent religion its followers have got their own and vast sacred literature, distinct philosophy and outlook on life, and special ethical rules of conduct based on the fundamental principle of Ahimsā. Though the Jainas constitute a small community they have contributed a great deal to the development of art and architecture, logic and philosophy, languages and literature, education and learning, charitable and public institutions and political, material and spiritual welfare of
people of different regions of India. Apart from these contributions, which seem to be substantial in relation to the meagre number of its members, the Jaina community is known for another reason. After the decline of Buddhism in India, the Jainas remained as the only representatives of śramana culture in India and hence we find that there are significant differences between Jainas and Hindus in their religious practices and social customs and manners. In spite of these basic differences the Jainas have for many centuries maintained very close relations with the Hindus and this continued intimate relationship is a distinguishing feature of the minority community of Jainas in India.
It is, therefore, obvious that the Jaina community occupies an important place among the religious communities in India. But a systematic study of the social institutions, customs and manners prevalent among the Jainas was not carried out even though there was adequate information available about their religion and philosophy due to the publication of their sacred books in different languages and the researches carried out by Western ind Indian scholars in Jainology in recent years. With

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Jaina Community-A Social Survey
a view to meeting this need a sociological research project entitled Jaina Community-A Social Survey' was undertaken by me in July, 1944 and the Thesis based on it was submitted to the University of Bombay in April 1950. The Thesis was approved by the University in October 1950 for the degree of Ph. D. in Sociology and the same Thesis is now published here. No substantial alteration has been made in the Thesis while presenting it in a book form as there has been no significant change in social conditions of the Jainas during the last nine years. Only the 1951 Census Report furnished some additional information about the Jaina population and an account based on it has been given in Appendix A, added to the book
It may be pointed out here that the names of Provinces and States used in this book refer to the old British Provinces and Indian States and not to the present States which have been formed after Reorganisation of States in 1956. The use of old names was inevitable because the Census Reports have been based on the old arrangement of Provinces and States and the census figures about Jaina population according to reorganised States are not available. It is needless to add that the term “India” used in Census Reports upto 1941 and used while discussing the conditions of Jainas in the past, refers to India before Partition.
I had the good fortune and a rare privilege to carry out my research work for a period of six years under Dr. G. S. Ghurye, M. A., Ph. D. (Cantab), Professor and Head of the Department of Sociology, University of Bombay, Bombay. Without his inspiring contact, constant supervision, thought-provoking discussions and unusual knack of exacting rigorous work from his students, it would not have been possible for me to present a scientific account, the first of its kind, of social conditions prevailing among the Jainas in India. Words fail to express my deep sense of gratitude to him for the able guidance given to me and for the personal interest he has been taking in my career as a teacher of Sociology.
I am highly indebted to the well-known authority on Jainology, Prof. Dr. A.N. Upadhye. M. A., D. LITT., Kolhapur, for every kind of help he so readily gave to me during the preparation of the Thesis and also in the publication of this book. I am also indebted to Pandit Nathuramji Premi, Bombay, Muni Jinavijayaji, Ahmedabad,

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Preface to the First Edition
xi
Pandit Sukhalalji Sanghavi, Ahmedabad, Dr. Hiralal Jain, Muzaffarpur, Shri Kamta Prasad Jain, Aliganj and Pandit Dalasukhaji Malavaniya, Banaras, the research scholars of long standing in Jainology, for their encouragement and help extended to me from time to time.
The extensive bibliography given at the end of the book will show the names of authors I have consulted in the course of my studies and I hereby express my sincere gratitude to them. My thanks are due also to the prominent Jaina leaders and the editors of Jaina newspapers for extending their whole-hearted support to carry out a "Social Survey of Jaina Community" on scientific lines and to the persons who so readily sent their replies to the Questionnaire (see Appendix B) issued in this connection. I am also grateful to the authorities of Seth H. G. Jain Boarding, Bombay, for the facilities given by them.
I acknowledge my indebtedness to the University of Bombay for the grant-in-aid received by me from the University towards the cost of publication of this book.
I must offer my thanks to Shri V. Y. Jathar, General Manager of Samyukta Karnatak Press, Hubli, for the neat printing work executed by him and to Shri Krishna Potdar, Proprietor of Shrinivas & Co., Dharwar, for providing blocks used in this book.
I would be failing in my duty if I forget to offer my sincere thanks to my several friends who rendered to me timely help in one form or another.
Rajaram College, Kolhapur. January 26, 1959.
Vilas Adinath Sangave

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DIACRITICAL MARKS ADOPTED IN THIS BOOK
ñ †
# Ñ
; ai
5
a
dh
:
h
h
xiii

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A. P.
A. S.
A. Su.
B. G.
C. H. I.
C. P.
Cul. H. I.
D. S.
E. R. E.
ABBREVIATIONS USED IN THIS BOOK
G. S.
I. A.
I. C.
I. H. Q.
J. A.
J. B. B. R. A. S.
J. G.
J. H.
J. R. A. S.
J. S. B.
J. U. B.
K. S.
M. D. J. G.
M. T. C.
N. I. A.
Ādi Purāṇa Ātmānuśāsana
Āchārānga Sūtra
Bombay Gazetteer
Cambridge History of India
Central Provinces
Cultural Heritage of India
Dravyasangraha
Encyclopaedia of Religion and Ethics, Edited by Hastings (14th Edition)
Gommaṭasāra
Indian Antiquary
Indian Culture
Indian Historical Quarterly
Jaina Antiquary
Journal of the Bombay Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society
Jaina Gazette
Jaina Hitaishi
Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society
Jaina Siddhanta Bhaskara
Journal of the University of Bombay
Kalpa Sūtra
Māṇikachanda Digambara Jaina Granthamālā, Bombay.
Mysore Tribes and Castes
New Indian Antiquary
Xiv

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Abbreviations used in this Book
N. S. N. v. P.S. Pn. S. R. S. S. B. E. S. B. J. S. D. S. S. T.C. B. T. C: C. P. T.C. N. D. T.C. N. W. P.
Niyamasāra Nitivākyāmrtam Purushārthasiddhyupāya Pañchāstikāyasāia Ratnakarandaśrāvakāchāra Sacred Books of the East Sacred Books of the Jainas Sāgāradharmāmộtam Samayasāra Tribes and Castes of Bombay Tribes and Castes of Central Provinces Tribes and Castes of Nizam's Dominions Tribes and Castes of North Western
Provinces and Oudh Tribes and Castes of Southern India Tattvārthādhigama Sūtra Trishashthisalākāpurushacharitam Trivarnikāchāra United Provinces Uttarādhyayana Sūtra Vikrama Samvat
.T.C. S. I.
T. S. T. S. P. C. T. V. A. U. P. U.S.
V.S.

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Preface to the Second Edition
Preface to the First Edition
Diacritical marks adopted in this Book Abbreviations used in this Book
CONTENTS
II
1. Total and Growth of Jaina Population
2. Regional Distribution of Jaina Population
3. Rural-Urban Distribution of Jaina Population
4. Sex Distribution of Jaina Population
5. Age Distribution of Jaina Population
6. Fertility and Longevity of the Jainas
7. Distribution of Jaina Population by Civil Condition
III
CHAPTER 1
IV
POPULATION
Appendices
I Statement showing the number per 10,000 of the population who are Jainas at the Censuses from 1881 to 1941.
...
...
...
...
xvii
...
Statement showing distribution of Jaina Population 1971 Census.
M
Statement showing distribution of Jaina Population among the former British Provinces and Indian States according to Censuses from 1911 to 1941
Statement showing distribution and percentage increase of Jaina Population (1951, 1961 and 1971 Censuses)
སྦྲོ ཡྰ་ Č:
xiii
xiv
16
16
18
22
24
26
32
33
34
35

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xviii
Jaina Community- A Social Survey
36
VI
VII
VIII
Statement showing the Districts having more than two percentage of Jaina Population to the total population of the District (1971 Census) ... Statement showing districtwise density of Jaina Population (arranged in descending order) 1971 Census. Statement showing distribution of Urban Population of Jainas. 1971 Census. Statement showing distribution of Rural Population of Jainas. 1971 Census. .. Statement showing number per 10,000 of the Jaina Population who live in towns according to Census Reports from 1901 to 1941. Statement showing Sex distribution of Jaina Population. 1971 Census. ... Statement showing the Mean Ages by Sex for the different Provinces and States and for Religions according to 1931 Census. Statement showing Age distribution of 10,000 of each Sex in the Jaina Community in the Bombay Presidency from 1881 to 1931. ... Statemert showing distribution by Main Age-periods and Civil Condition of 10,000 of each Sex' and Religion in the Bombay Presidency according to 1931 Census. Statement showing distribution of Jaina Population in the Bombay Presidency by Civil Condition of 1,000 of each Sex and main age-period from 1881-1931.
XI
XII
XI17
XIV
•
...
...
45
CHAPTER 2 RELIGIOUS DIVISIONS IN THE JAINA COMMUNITY 1. Early History of Jaina Religion 2. The Great Schism 3. The Two Main Sects 4. The Major and Minor Sub-Sects 5. Rise of Sections and Sub-Sections 6. Attempts of Reconciliation ...

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XIX
Contents
CHAPTER 3 SOCIAL DIVISIONS IN THE JAINA COMMUNITY 1. Introduction 2. Jaina Conception of Varņas or Classes 3. Some Important Things about Jaina Castes
Jaina Caste System
Jaina Castes in the North 6. Jaina Castes in the Deccan 7. Jaina Castes in the South
1
II
III
IV
VI
Appendices Námes of ( 84 castes in the Jaina Community with places of their origin.
.... 108 Names of 84 castes in the Jaina Community as given by Mr. P. D. Jain ...
... 111 'Names of 84 castes in the Jaina Community as given by Prof. H. H. Wilson.
... 113 Names of 84 castes in the Jaina Community from Gujarat ...
... 115 Names of castes in the Jaina Community from the Deccan. ...
. ... 117 Names of castes with their population figures as given by All India Digambara Jaina Directory, 1914. ... !
... 119 Names of castes and sub-castes in Gujarātba with their population figures as given by Svetāmbara Jaina Directory, 1909. ...
... 122 Names of Digambara Jaina castes and sub-castes with their population according to Provinces, 1914.
... 124 Names of gotras found among Agaravāla Jainas as given by various authors.
... 131 Names of gotras found in the Śrimåla caste of Jainas.
... 132 A list showing gotras, dynasties, places of origin and family deities found in the Khandelavāla caste..
... 134
VII
VIII
IX
XI

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Jaina Community—A Social Survey
CHAPTER 4 MARRIAGE AND POSITION OF WOMAN 1. What is Marriage ? . . ...
137 2. The Object of Marriage
138 3. Normality of Marriage
141 . 4. Forms of Marriage
142 5. Qualifications of Parties to the Union 6. Age of Marriage ..... ...
... 146 7. Choice of Partners , ...
... 147 8. Marriage Preliminaries and Ceremonies
... 156 9. Consummation of Marriage ...
... 162 10. Polygyny 11. Dissolution of Wedlock ....
... 165 12. The Position of Woman
145
163
-
167
CHAPTER 5 JAINA ETHICS AND MISCELLANEOUS CUSTOMS,
AND MANNERS
198
200
204
1. Introductory 2. Meaning of Jainism 3. Fundamental Principles of Jainism 4. Jaina Philosophy ... 5. The Theory of Karma 6. Moksha Mārga or Way to Salvation 7. Jaina Ethics 8. Criticism of Jaina Ethics ... 9. Jaina Worship 10. Festivals and Fasts 11. Jaina Superstitions 12. Jaina Samskāras 13. Jaina Tirthakshetras or Places of Pilgrimage 14. Occupations and Professions ... 15. Food and Drink ...
217

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Contents
16. Dress and Ornaments 17. Language and Literature 18. Jaina Institutions
CHAPTER 6 THE WORKING MODEL
239
294 295
:::::::::::::
296 296 299 300 300 302 304 305 308 309
310
1. Introduction 2. Names and Surnames 3. Occupations and Professions ... 4. Sects and Sub-sects 5. Gotra ... 6. Sangha, Gaņa, Gachchha and sākhā 7. The Castes and Sub-Castes ... 8. Population and Distribution of Castes
9. Inter-relations of Castes ... ·10. Hierarchical Organisation of Castes 11. Caste Panchāyatas 12. Caste Feasts 13. Jaina and Hindu Castes ... 14. Rules of Endogamy and Exogamy 15. Castes and Charitable Institutions 16. Choice of Occupation ... 17. Caste and Education ... 18. Religious Sanction to Castes 19. Institution of Bhattāraka ... 20. Origin of Castes ... 21. Jainas in Ascetic Stage 22. Religious Disabilities 23. Widow Remarriage 24. Polygyny ... 25. Number of Criminals 26. Castes and Social Reform 27. Castes and Temples 28. The Family Deity 29. Migration of Families
"!!:::::::::
:::::::::::::
312 ...' 314 ... 314
316 317 322 323 324 325 326 327 327 328 329 331

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Xxii Jaina Community-A Social Survey 332 333 335 30. Distinguished Personalities in Families 31. Family Organisation 32. Inter-marriages ... 33. Jaina Festivals ... 34. Jaina Rites 35. Jaina Samskaras ... 36. Jaina Language 37. Sacred Thread ... 38. Jaina Priests 39. Jaina Fasts 40. Death Ceremonies 41. Religious Education 42. Worship of Hindu Deities ... 43. Problem of Widows 44. Jaina Culture ... 45. General CHAPTER 7 RETROSPECT 1. The Historical Background ... 2. Achievements of Jainas ... 3. Reasons for Survival of Jainas ... 4. Causes of Decline of Jainism ... 5. Present Problems and the Way Out ::::::::::::::: 335 337 338 340 341 342 343 344. 346 347 * 348 349 350 359 368 377 385 388 407 415 CHAPTER 8 EPILOGUE Appendix A : Copy of the Questionnaire issued Bibliography : (a) Works in English, Hindi, Gujarati and Marathi (6) Works in Sanskrit and Prakrit (c) Articles (d) Journals Index ... ...

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JAINA COMMUNITY
A SOCIAL SURVEY

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CHAPTER 1 -
POPULATION
1. TOTAL AND GROWTH OF JAINA POPULATION
The population of Jainas in India according to the 1971 Census is only 26,04,646 in the total population of India of 54,79,49,809. The distribution of population of India as per Census of India,
1971 among the major religious communities and their percentage : to total population is given in Table 1.1
Table 1
Serial No.
Major Religious
Communities
Population
Percentage to total
population
Hindus Muslims Christians Sikhs Buddhists Jainas
45,32,92,086 6,14,17,934 1,42,23,382 1,03,78,797
39,12,325 26,04,646
82.72 11.21 2.60 1.89 0.70 0.47
6.
From the above table it is evident that from the point of view of population the Jaina community is the smallest among the six major religious communities of India. Since the Jaina population is only about 26 lakhs, the Jainas are only 0.47 per cent in the total population of India. It means that out of every 10,000 persons in India only 47 are Jainas.
In fact this figure of 26 lakhs of Jaina population in 1971 is much larger than the corresponding figures recorded in the last ten Census Reports of India. The total Jaina population
J...1

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Jaina Community—A Social Survey
figures as per Census Reports of India from 1881 to 1971 are given in Table 2.
Table 2
Census Year
Total Jaina Population in India
1881 1891 1901 1911 1921 1931 1941 1951 1961 1971
12,21,896 14,16,177 13,34,039 12,48,182 11,78,596 12,52,105 14,49,286 16,18,406 20,27,248 26,04,646
From the above table it could be seen that even though the Jaina population of 1971 shows a considerable increase over the Jaina population of 1881, still the increase has not been continuous throughout these years. On the contrary we find that during the decade of 1881 to 1891 there was a slight increase in Jaina population followed by a decline in Jaina population from 1891 to 1921 and that in general there has been a steady and continuous increase in Jaina population from 1931 to 1971. These variations in terms of percentage increase or decrease during each decade over the last 90 years are given in Table 3.
Table 3
Decade
Percentage Increase or Decrease in
Jaina Population
1881 – 1891 1891 - 1901 1901 – 1911 1911 — 1921 1921 – 1931 1931 -- 1941 1941 - 1951 1951 — 1961 1961 - 1971
+ 15.9 - 5.8 - 6.4 - 5.6 + 6.2 + 15.8 + 11.7 + 25.3 + 28.5

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Population
These figures of total Jaina population do not, however, portray the real demographic situation about the Jainas since in the census records all Jainas are not enumerated as Jainas for
3
different reasons. Even though Jainism is a distinct religion and not a sect of Hinduism, still it is a fact that in the past many Jainas used to regard themselves as Hindus and were also regarded by others as Hindus. That is why specific instructions were issued to the census enumerators that "the Jainas should be entered as Jainas and not as Hindus, even though they themselves regard themselves as such. Hence on some occasions more and on others less Jainas were incorrectly returned as Hindus. At the same time the converse case of Hindus being returned as Jainas in census records did not possibly occur. Thus this fact that the Jainas regard themselves and are regarded as Hindus necessarily vitiates the census figures and obscures the increase or decrease of the Jaina population from census to census. Again, as a part of the programme of non-cooperation movement launched by Mahatma Gandhi, the Jainas boycotted the census operations of 1931. Naturally this affected to a very large extent the figures about Jainas in the Census Report of 1931. Due to these reasons incorrect enumeration has always remained as a dominant factor in the census figures of Jainas. But the situation is showing definite improvement as a result of change in the attitude of the Jainas towards themselves. The tendency among the Jainas to regard themselves as Hindus was very prominently noticeable among' the Jainas from the beginning of this century and that is why there was a continuous decline in the Jaina population during the decades from 1891 to 1921. This tendency has been largely overcome by various methods adopted during the last fifty years by the Jainas with a view to reorganizing their community. This is clearly visible from the census figures of 1941 and 1951. After Independence there has been a great religious awakening among the Jainas and nowadays the Jainas definitely regard themselves as Jainas and not as Hindus. This situation is clearly reflected in the census figures of 1961 and 1971. During 1951 to 1961 the Jaina population increased by 25.26 per cent and in the next decade of 1961 to 1971 it registered an increase of 28.48 per cent. In spite of this increase during the last few decades, the Jainas are still sceptical about the reliability of census figures pertaining to them as they
55

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Jaina Community--A Social Survey
believe that the census enumerators do not, for political and other reasons, correctly record the religion of the Jainas even though the census authorities have issued instructions to the census enumerators “to record the religion as actually returned by a respondent ".2
Taking the census figures as they stand, it can be safely stated that the Jaina population has been steadily increasing during the last fifty years and that this increase has been quite noticeable in the last two decades of 1951 to 1961 and 1961 to 1971. The percentage increase of Jainas during 1961 to 1971 compares very favourably with the corresponding increase in the other religious communities as given in Table 4.3
Table 4
Major Religious
Communities
Percentage Increase
1961-1971
Hindus Muslims Christians Sikhs Buddhists Jainas
23.69 30.85 32-60 32:28 17.20 28.48
From these figures it is evident that the percentage increase of the Jainas during 1961-71 was less than that of the Christians, the Sikhs and the Muslims, but it was more than that of the Buddhists and the Hindus.
Regarding the steady increase in Jaina population it may be further noted that this increase is not at all due to the conversion of persons of other faiths to Jainism as proselytising activities are practically conspicuous by their absence among the Jainas during the last many centuries.
It is true that the population of Jainas in 1971 ( 26,04,646 ) increased by 113.6 per cent over the Jaina population in 1881 (12,21,896 ), but still we find that at present the proportion of Jaina population to total population of India is less than what it was in 1881 or in 1891. The proportion of Jainas per 10,000 of the total population in India during the last 10 censuses is given in Table 5.4

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Population
Table 5
Year
Number per 10,000 of the population who are Jainas
48
1881 1891 1901 1911 1921 1931 1941 1951 1961 1971
From the above table it is clear that the Jaina community now stands at 0.47 per cent of the total population of India instead of 0.48 per cent in 1881 and 0.49 per cent in 1891. In other words per 10,000 of the total population of India, the proportion of Jainas was 48 in 1881, 49 in 1891 and 47 in 1971. It means that during the last 10 censuses the proportion of Jainas to the total population has not improved but has actually declined to some extent. In fact this total decline was more marked at the 4 censuses from 1911 to 1941. Taking into consideration the more or less settled nature of the Jaina community, the rate at which the Jaina population declined during this period was quite alarming. That is why the social demographers' and the census authorities of that period discussed the problem and tried to give some causes for it. “This (gradual decrease ) is probably due in part to the practice of child marriage and the prohibition of widow remarriage, and partly also to the small size of the community, which attracting as it does no adherents from outside, cannot increase at the same rate as much larger ones. Dr. Guha suggests with some force that the Jainas have a lowered fertility and an increased infant mortality rate on account of their division into small endogamous groups, some of which in Ahmedabad do not exceed 500 souls.''S The relative significance of these causes for the relative decline of Jaina population will be discussed at a greater length later on. But it can, however, be mentioned here that since many of these causes still hold good for the Jaina community even to the present

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Jaina Community-A Social Survey
day, it is obvious that unless strenuous efforts are made by the Jainas to remove these causes, their proportion to general population will not appreciably increase.
2. REGIONAL DISTRIBUTION OF JAINA POPULATION
The Jaina community is spread all over India right from Kashmir to Kerala and from Gujarat to Nagaland. The total Jaina population and the percentage distribution of Jaina population according to 1971 census and the percentage of the Jaina population to the total population, according to 1961 and 1971 censuses, in the States and Union Territories are given in Appendix II.? From this Appendix it is evident that even though the Jainas have dispersed over the entire country, they show signs of concentration in certain States only. The percentage distribution, in the descending order, of the Jaina population in States and Union Territories as per 1971 Census is given in Table 6.
From Table 6 it is clear that the Jainas are concentrated largely in the Western Region of India. The Maharashtra State has got the maximum population of the Jainas among the different States and Union Territories of India and this State accounts for more than one-fourth (i. e., 27.02 per cent) of the total population of the Jainas. Maharashtra is followed by Rajasthan (19.72 per cent), Gujarat ( 17.34 per cent) and Madhya Pradesh (13.25 per cent) and these four States account for more than three-fourths (i. e. 77.33 per cent) of the total population of the Jainas. The States of Mysore (8.40 per cent) and Uttar Pradesh (4.79 per cent ) stand next in importance from the point of view of concentration of the Jaina population. Thus in these six States 90.52 per cent of the Jainas are concentrated and the rest 9.48 per cent of the Jainas are scattered over the remaining 23 States and Union Territories of India.
This distribution of the Jaina population brings out one fact clearly that the Jainas are concentrated in the Hindu dominated areas and are very sparsely populated in the areas dominated by the Muslims. Jainism is more near to Hinduism than to any other prominent religion in India and this might have resulted in the Jainas choosing the Hindus as their neighbours.
A very remarkable feature of the distribution of the Jaina population is the practical dearth of the Jainas in the Eastern Region

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Population
.
7
Table 6
Sr. No.
.
State/Union Territory
Percentage Distribution of
Jaina population
Toimitvorio o si
27.02 19.72 17:34 13.25 : 8.40
4.79 1.94 1.58 1.24 1.20 0.97 0.82
13.
0.52
14. 15.
Maharashtra Rajasthan Gujarat Madhya Pradesh Mysore Uttar Pradesh Delhi Tamil Nadu West Bengal Haryana Bihar Punjab · Andhra Pradesh Assam Orissa Kerala Manipur Jammu & Kashmir Chandigarh Nagaland Himachal Pradesh Goa, Daman & Diu Tripura Dadra & Nagar Haveli Meghalaya Pondicherry Arunachala Pradesh Andaman Islands Laccadive Islands
16.
17.
0.25 0.13 0.05 0.04 0.04 0.02 0.02 0.02 0.01 0.01 0.01
0.01 Negligible Negligible
25.
26.
27.
of India, comprising the States of Bihar, Orissa and West Bengal where the Jaina religion had its origin, and which had come under the direct spell of Lord Mahavira. It is really surprising to note that the Jainas are most scarce in Bihar where Lord Mahavira lived, preached and flourished. Similarly, it is strange to find

Page #34

Jaina Community-A Social Survey
that there are very few Jainas in Orissa where the caves of Udayagiri and Khandagiri bear witness to its early popularity in the early centuries of the Christian era. The same is the case with West Bengal as there are practically no Jainas among the indigenous inhabitants of West Bengal. The continued predominance of the Jaina population in the past in the Eastern Region of India could be seen from the Saraka of West Bengal, Chhota Nagpur and Orissa who are the Hinduised remnants of the early Jaina people to whom local legends ascribe the ruined temples, defaced images, and even the abandoned copper mines of that part of Bengal. Their name is a variant of Sravaka, (Sanskrit hearer), the designation of the Jaina laity.8 But it seems that the Jaina religion was not in a position to wield a continuous hold on the population and later on with the advent of Muslim predominance in that part of the country even the lay Jainas had no course open but to migrate to other areas and especially to the Western areas.
8
-
The relative absence of the Jainas in Tamil Nadu and Andhra Pradesh and their comparative insignificance in Southern parts of Mysore are other noteworthy features in the distribution of the Jaina population. The Jainas reigned supreme in South India for a considerable period and there are ample evidences to show that in every walk of life their influence was felt by all people. In many places of South India, the Jaina religion was the State religion and numerous villages and towns seem to have been occupied by Jainas only, as can be seen from the names of villages or places like Samana-halli', or the village of the Sramanas, Śravana-Belgola' or the white pond of the Śramanas and 'Savanūr', Savanadurga' etc. But now only the temples and the colossal statues of Gommateshwar bear witness to its great popularity in the past. This sudden disappearance of the Jaina population from the land where they had a continuous hold for a very long time can, it seems, be attributed to the vigorous persecutionist policy followed by the non-Jainas against the Jainas.
6
Even though the Jaina population is concentrated mainly in the States of the Western Region of India, it is pertinent to note that the Jainas form a very small proportion of the total population of the respective States. The States and Union Territories in which 0.25 per cent or more of the population is made up of the Jainas, as per 1971 census, are given in Table 7.

Page #35

Population
Table 7
Sr. No.
State/Union Territory
Percentage of Jaina population
to total population
citronsol
Rajasthan Gujarat Maharashtra Delhi Madhya Pradesh Mysore Dadra & Nagar Haveli Chandigarh Haryana
1.99 1.69 1.40 1.24 0.83 0.75 0.41 0.39 0.31
From the above table it will be noticed that only in the States and Union Territories of Rajasthan, Gujarat, Maharashtra, Delhi, Madhya Pradesh and Mysore the percentage of the Jaina population to total population is more than the corresponding percentage of 0.47 for India as a whole. Even in these States and Union Territories we find that the percentage of the Jaina population to' total population of the respective State and Union Territory shows a great variation during the last two Censuses of 1961 and 1971. The increase in Maharashtra was from 1.23 per cent to 1.40 per cent, in Delhi from 1.11 per cent to 1.24 per cent, in Madhya Pradesh from 0.77 per cent to 0.83 per cent and in 0.74 per cent to 0.75 per cent and the decline in Rajasthan was from 2:03 per cent to 1.99 per cent, in Gujarat from 1.99 per cent to 1.69 per cent and in Chandigarh from 0.86 per cent to 0.39 per cent.
From the statement20 showing the distribution of the Jaina population into States and Union Territories of India at the last three Censuses of 1951, 1961 and 1971 and the percentage increase of the Jaina population during the last two decades of 1951-61 an 1961-71, it will be noticed that the regional distribution pattern of the Jaina population does not show any change during this period and that the Jaina population reveals a steady increase in all States and Union Territories except in the States of Jammu and Kashmir and Punjab and in the Union Territory of Chandigarh. The percentage increase, during the last two decades, of

Page #36

10
Jaina Community-A Social Survey
the population of the Jainas from the States where they are mostly concentrated is given in Table 8.
Table 8
Sr.
State
No.
Percentage Increase of Jaina
Population during the decade 1951 to 1961 1961 to 1971
+
+
1. Gujarat . Madhya Pradesh 3. Maharashtra 4. Mysore 5. Rajasthan 6. Uttar Pradesh
+ 9.31 + 36.73 + 43.86 + 24.66 + 13.80 + 24.93
+ 10.21 + 39.24 + 44.88 + 25.52 + 25:43 + 2.15
From the above table it is clear that in Maharashtra State, which has got the maximum number of Jainas in India, the Jaina population registered the highest increase of 43.86 per cent and 44.88 per cent during the two decades of 1951 to 1961 and 1961 to 1971 respectively. The State of Madhya Pradesh comes next in order in this respect and its corresponding figures are 36.73 per cent and 39.24 per cent. These figures for the States of Maharashtra and Madhya Pradesh compare most favourably with the figures of 25.26 per cent and 28.48 per cent increase in the Jaina population in India as a whole during the decades of 1951 to 1961 and 1961 to 1971 respectively. 11
Apart from the State-wise distribution of the Jaina population it is interesting to consider the district-wise distribution of the Jaina population in India. Since the small population of the Jainas is scattered over all parts of India, we find that there is not a single district in the country in which the Jainas form even 10 per cent of the population of that district. Only in two districts, viz., Kutch (6.72 per cent ) in Gujarat and Jalor (5.20 per cent ) in Rajasthan, the proportion of the Jaina population to the total population of the district exceeds 5 per cent. If we go down to the level of 2 per cent, we find that there are in all 29 districts in India in which at least 2 per cent of the population is made up of the Jainas. The statement showing the names of these 29 districts arranged in order of the percentage of the Jaina population of the

Page #37

Population
11
district to the total population of the district is given in Appendix V. The statement also gives the rural and urban distribution of the Jaina population in each of these 29 districts. It means that only in these 29 districts in India there is some concentration of Jainas because in India as a whole the proportion of the Jaina population to the total population is only 0.47 per cent. Thus these 29 districts matter most from the point of view of the study of the concentration of the Jaina population in India. The Statewise break-up of these 29 districts is given in Table 9.
Table 9
3r. No.
State
Number and Names of Districts
1.
Rajasthan
2. Madhya Pradesh
3. Gujarat
12. Jalor, Pali, Sirohi, Udaipur, Bika
ner, Barmer, Ajmer, Churu, Bhilwara, Chittaurgarh, Tonk,
and Jodhpur. 7. Sagar, Ratlam, Damoh, Indore,
Mandsaur, Guņa and Ujjain. 6. Kutch, Ahmedabad, Surendra
nagar, Bhavnagar, Jamnagar,
and Banas-Kantha. 3. Kolhapur, Greater Bombay and
Sangli. 1. Belgaum.
4. Maharashtra
5. Mysore
Regarding the location of these districts it is very pertinent to note that these are situated in the Western Region of the country and that not only many of these districts in each State are contiguous but most of these districts from the adjoining States also are contiguous. These districts, on the basis of their contiguity in each State, can be divided into specific groups as given in Table 10.
From the Table 10 it will be seen that Group No. I of Rajasthan is a formidable Group of 10 districts comprising 3,29,425 Jainas. The other Groups having more than one lakh of Jainas are (i) Group I of Maharashtra ( 2,44,721 Jainas ), (ii) Group IV of Gujarat (1,71,414 Jainas ), (iii) Group II of Maharashtra (1.52,721 Jainas ) and Group I of Mysore (1.10.135 Jainas ). Further it is interesting to find that in the 3 adjoining States of

Page #38

Jaina Community-A Social Survey
Table 10
State
District
Sr. No. 1
Group No. 3
Jaina population of the District
2
5
1.
Rajasthan
1. Jalor 2. Barmer 3. Jodhpur 4. Pali 5. Sirohi 6. Udaipur 7. Chittaurgarh 8. Bhilwara 9. Tonk 10. Ajmer
34,751 25,218 24,669 44,596 19,197 78,507 23,406 26,911 14,917 37,253
Total of Group I
3,29,425
II
1. Bikaner 2. Churu
22,266 25,786
Total of Group 11
48,052
1
2. Madhya
Pradesh
1. Mandsaur 2. Ratlam 3. Ujjain 4. Indore
23,531 18,992 17,380 26,135
Total of Group I
86,038
1. Sagar 2. Damoh 3. Guna
37,017 15,105 15,904
Total of Group II
68,026.

Page #39

Population
Sr.
No.
1
State
4.
2
3. Gujarat
Group
No.
3
I
II
III
IV
Maharashtra I
5. Mysore
Table 10 (Contd.)
II
I
District
4
Kutch
Jaina population
of the District
1.
57,107
1. Banas-Kantha
31,755
1. Jamnagar
29,952
1. Bhavnagar
39,143
2. Surendranagar
28,224
3. Ahmedabad
1,04,047
Total of Group IV 1,71,414
1. Greater
Bombay
5
2,44,721
93,264
1. Kolhapur 2. Sangli
59,457
Total of Group II 1,52,721
1. Belgaum
1,10,135
Rajasthan, Madhya Pradesh and Gujarat, Group I of (Southern) Rajasthan, Group I of (Western) Madhya Pradesh and Group II of (Northern) Gujarat are contiguous to each other. These 3 contiguous Groups from 3 States could be considered to form a regional pocket of the Jainas in the Western area and could be conveniently termed as the Western Pocket. Similarly in the 2 adjoining States of Maharashtra and Mysore, Group II of (Southern) Maharashtra and Group I of (Northern) Mysore are contiguous to each other. These 2 contiguous Groups from 2 States of Maharashtra and Mysore could be considered to form a regional pocket of the Jainas in the Southern Area and could be conveniently termed as the Southern Pocket. Between these two pockets, the Southern Pocket is of great significance from the point of view of concentration of a considerable number of Jaina population in a limited area as it covers 2,62,855 Jaina persons
13

Page #40

14
Jaina Community-A Social Survey
from only 3 districts compared to the Western Pocket which covers 4,47,218 Jaina persons from 15 districts. Thus the Southern Pocket of Kolhapur, Sangli and Belgaum Districts stands out as a unique geographical area in the context of the distribution of the Jaina population in India.
The three districts in the Southern Pocket are also significant from different aspects of Jaina population like the total population of the district, the proportion of rural population, and the density of population. The districts having more than 50,000 Jaina population are given in Table 11.
Table 11
Sr.
District
State
No.
Jaina population of
the District
nini
Greater Bombay Belgaum Ahmedabad Kolhapur Udaipur Sangli Kutch
Maharashtra Mysore Gujarat Maharashtra Rajasthan Maharashtra Gujarat
2,44,721 1,10,135 1,04,047
93,264 78,507 59,457 57,107
From the above table it is evident that the district of Greater Bombay has got the maximum number of Jaina population compared to any district in India. But since Bombay is a big metropolitan city and the financial capital of India, the large majority of Jainas in Bombay are not indigenous persons but are mainly migrants from other parts of India. The situation in Ahmedabad district is not much different from that of Greater Bombay district. Out of 1,04,047 Jaina population of Ahmedabad district, 97,641 Jainas reside in the urban areas-and mostly in Ahmedabad City-and only 6,406 Jainas reside in the rural areas of the district. Compared to these two districts, the districts of Belgaum, Kolhapur and Sangli stand out prominently from the point of view of the total Jaina population in a district.
Regarding the proportion of rural Jaina population in a district also, the three districts of Belgaum, Kolhapur and Sangli compare most favourably with other districts. The districts

Page #41

Population
15.
in
having more than 25,000 rural Jaina population are given Table 12.
Table 12
District
State
Rural Jaina population
of the District
Belgaum Kolhapur Udaipur Sangli Kutch Pali Jalor
Mysore Maharashtra Rajasthan Maharashtra Gujarat Rajasthan Rajasthan
90,702 72,859 55,790 44,776 44,476 32,195 29,877
From the above table it is clear that the Belgaum district has got the maximum number of rural Jaina population in a district.. In the total Jaina population of 1,10,135 in the Belgaum district, only 19,433 Jainas reside in the urban areas and 90,702 Jainas reside in the rural areas of the district. The same is the case of Kolhapur district which stands next to Belgaum district in this respect. The rural-urban composition of the Jainas in Kolhapur district is 72,859 to 20,405. This unusually high proportion of rural Jaina population in a district is not found elsewhere in India.
From the point of view of the density of Jaina population in a district also, the three districts of Kolhapur, Belgaum and Sangli are practically topmost in India. From the statement12 showing the districtwise density of Jaina population arranged in the descending order as per 1971 Census it will be noticed that the Greater Bombay District has got the maximum density (i. e., 405.84 per: sq. km.) of Jaina population in India. But this district is a separate category by itself as Greater Bombay is an entirely urban district and it is obvious that in a metropolitan centre like Bombay the density of population is bound to be unusually high. Ahmedabad district stands next to Bombay in the density of Jaina population (viz., 11.95 per sq. km.) but there is a great preponderance of urban Jaina population in this district due to the important commercial and industrial City of Ahmedabad. The Jaina

Page #42

16
Jaina Community-A Social Survey
population of Ahmedabad City alone is 86,318 out of 1,04,047 Jaina population of Ahmedabad District. The districts of Kolhapur (11:57 per sq. km.), Belgaum (8.21 per sq. km.) and Sangli (6.94 per sq. km.) come next in the districtwise density of Jaina population but they stand out very prominently compared to the other districts in India. The districts of Greater Bombay and Ahmedabad could not be compared with these three districts as the former districts are essentially urban in character. The districts of Kolhapur, Belgaum and Sangli are not urban-dominated districts but still the density of Jaina population is very high compared to the other districts which show more concentration of Jaina population and especially to the districts of Kutch, Jalor and Pali which show more percentage of the Jaina population to the total population of the district concerned.13 In fact there is a difference of only 0.38 in the density of the Jaina population between Ahmedabad district (11.95 per sq. km.) and Kolhapur district (11:57 per sq. km.). The combined - density of the Jaina population in the three districts of Kolhapur, Belgaum and Sangli works out as 8.75 per sq. km. and this is practically double the density of the Jaina population in Udaipur district which comes next to Sangli district in this respect. Thus the intense concentration of the Jaina population in the Southern Pocket consisting of the three districts of Kolhapur, Sangli and Belgaum is a unique feature in the distribution of the Jaina population in India.
The various features of the distribution of the Jaina population in India will be evident from the accompanying map of India.
3. RURAL-URBAN DISTRIBUTION OF JAINA POPULATION
The Jainas are essentially urban dwellers. This is the only religious community in India whose total numbers in urban areas exceeds their number in rural areas.14 Out of 26,04,646 total population of Jainas in India as per 1971 Census, 15,58,240 Jainas reside in urban areas and 10,46,406 Jainas reside in rural areas. It means that the percentage of urban and rural population among the Jainas is 59.83 and 40.17 respectively. These figures for all religions in India are 19.90 and 80.10 respectively.
The urban character of the Jaina population can be noticed

Page #43

Population
17
from another point of view. The Jainas in India form only 0.47 per cent of the total population of the country. But the Jainas constitute 1.43 per cent of the urban population and only 0.24 per cent of the rural population of the country.
The Jainas are not only more urbanised persons but their preference to live in urban areas is continuously increasing in this century. The figures showing the percentage of Jainas residing in the urban areas at the last seven Census Reports are given in Table 13.
Table 13
Census Year
Percentage of urban Jaina population
1901 1911
1921
1931 1941 1951 1961 1971
30.0 29.6 33.9 34.6
41.4 not available
53.9 59.8
From the above table it is evident that the percentage of urban Jaina population has doubled during the last 70 years and that there is an increasing tendency among the Jainas to prefer to reside in urban areas than in rural areas.
Further, the urban character of Jaina population is not uniform over different States and Union Territories of India. From the statements showing the distribution of Urban15 and Rural16 population of Jainas as per 1971 Census, it will be clear that the Jainas are more urban in the areas where they are few in number and more rural in the areas where they are comparatively large in number. That is why the proportion of the Jainas living in the urban areas is 99.39 per cent in Jammu and Kashmir, 99.20 per cent in Nagaland, 98.32 per cent in Pondicherry, 91.97 per cent in Punjab, 86.08 per cent in Andhra Pradesh, 82.00 per cent in West Bengal and 81.29 per cent in Goa, Daman and Diu. It is obvious that there is a very sparse population of the Jainas
J...2

Page #44

18
Jaina Community---A Social Survey
in these States and Union Territories, 17 Similarly, the proportion of the Jainas living in the rural areas is 65.91 per cent in Mysore, 53.54 per cent in Rajasthan, 37.74 per cent in Madhya Pradesh, 36.44 per cent in Maharashtra and 33.74 per cent in Gujarat as these are the States where the Jaina population is mostly concentrated.18
Thus the preference of the Jainas to live in urban areas is their characteristic feature. This is due to the fact that in any region with a pronounced majority of one religion it will be found that persons not of that religion are mainly to be seen in the towns. A Parsi or a Christian, unless by an accident brought up in a village, will not find himself at home in rural conditions. This type, of phenomenon is common all over the world. Everywhere the country is homogeneous and native, the town heterogeneous and cosmopolitan. All minorities thus find their way to and flourish in towns and that is why the Jaina community is essentially urban in character.
4. SEX DISTRIBUTION OF JAINA POPULATION
The sex composition of the Jainas reveals a clear deficiency of females. There are only 940 females per 1000 males in the Jaina community. The sex-ratio among the Jainas during th last eight Censuses is given in Table 14..
Table 14
Census Year
Number of females per
1,000 males
1901 1911 1921 1931 1941 1951 1961 1971
929 940 931 940 930 927 924 940
From the above table it will be seen that the proportion of females to males in the Jaina community has been varying and that the proportion of females continuously declined from 1931

Page #45

Population
19
onwards upto 1961. The proportion of females to males became the lowest, 924, in 1961 and it registered a rise to 940 in 1971. In this connection it may be mentioned that no definite tendency is conclusively revealed by these figures and that the alternate variation in figures at many censuses seems to be the result of incorrect enumeration of females among the Jainas during the census operations.
The proportion of females to males in the major religious communities in India as per 1971 Census is given in Table 15.
Table 15
Religious Community
Number of females per
1,000 males
Christians Buddhists Jainas Hindus ALL Muslims Sikhs
986 962 940 930 930 922 859
From the above table it will be noticed that the proportion of females to males among the Jainas is less compared to that among the Christians and the Buddhists but it is more compared to the Sikhs, the Muslims and the Hindus.
Further even among the Jainas there is a wide variation in their sex composition from State to State. From the statement19 howing sex distribution among the Jaina population of different States and Union Territories of India as per 1971 Census it will be seen that the proportion of females to males is largely greater than the average (940) in Pondicherry ( 1026 ), Gujarat ( 1021 ), Rajasthan (1010), Andaman and Nicobar Islands (1000) and Jammu and Kashmir (993) and the proportion is much smaller than the average (940) in Tripura. ( 349), Arunachala Pradesh (392), Nagaland (555) and Dadra and Nagar Haveli (586). This difference is mainly due to the fact that the proportion of females to males among the Jainas is generally more among the States ( like Gujarat and Rajasthan ) where they are mostly concentrated and it is generally less among the States and Union Terri

Page #46

20
Jaina Community-A Social Survey
tories (likę Tripura and Arunachala Pradesh) where they are very. sparsely populated and are settled there temporarily for business purposes.
There are various causes which contribute to the deficiency of females, viz. (i) concealment of females, (ii) excess of males at birth, (iii) female infanticide, (iv) neglect of female children, (v) higher female mortality and (vi) religious conversion of males. It is very difficult to say which of these factors are responsible for creating disparity among males and females in the Jaina community. The Jaina population being literate and intelligent would not indulge in concealing the females at the time of the census. Since the exact figures of sex of children at birth are not available we cannot say whether there is any excess of males at birth in the Jaina community. The Jainas are sufficiently advanced and as such there could not be any possibility of practising female infanticide by them. It is true that in a society where the female children are considered to be a burden, they are liable to be neglected. But this neglect perhaps arises out of the economic condition of parents and as economic condition of the Jaina community is comparatively good, there are very less chances of females being neglected. Female mortality is different at various age-periods. The death rate among females is higher than that of males in the 5-10 years age-group. This is due to the neglect of female children which varies to some extent with economic circumstances and, as said above, female mortality on this account must be low in the Jaina community. A study of specific death rate shows that after the age of 5, only in the 40 and over agegroups, the female death rate is lower than that of male. This means that the female death rate is higher in age-period 5-40. If the female ratio for any community is declining it might be due to the fact that the mortality amongst women aged between 5 and 40 might be more than offsetting the female superiority in the age groups 1 to 5 years and over 60 years. There is every probability that female death rate between the age-period 5-40 might be higher in the Jaina community as many Jaina females are married at an early age and are called upon to bear children too early and possibly too often. But, due to the lack of figures of female death rate at various age-periods it is difficult to pronounce to what extent the high female mortality is responsible for the deficiency of females in the Jaina community. No religious conversion

Page #47

Population
is resorted to by the Jaina community and we should not, on this account, assume the excess of males among the Jainas.
Community
With all these factors operating to reduce the number of females, the female wastage in the Jaina community had been considerably low as compared with that in other communities. Table 16 given below shows the female ratio in the first year of life as compared to that at all ages censused in 1931, indicating the comparative wastage of female life from whatever causes.20
Table 16
1
Sikh
Muslim
INDIA
Hindu
Christian
Parsi
Jaina.
Tribal
Females per 1000 males (of population returned by age)
Aged 0-1
2
947
999
1013
1017
1002
981
972
1045
All ages
3
784
904
941
953
952
940
941
1009
21
Variation per cent between Columns
2 & 3
4
- 17.2
9.5
7.1
6.3
5.0
4.2
3.2
3.4
-
J
Further, it is generally recognised that the ratio of females to males increases inversely with social standing among the Hindus.21 This was well illustrated by figures in the former Bombay Presidency (in 1931) where the whole Hindu population was divided up according to education and social status into advanced, intermediate, backward and depressed classes. For the advanced classes, the ratio of women to men was 878 per 1000, for intermediate classes it was 935 per 1000, for the aboriginal tribes it was 956 per 1000, for other backward classes it was 953 per 1000, while for the depressed classes it rose to 982 per 1000 males. The Jainas (excepting Chaturtha, Panchama and Shetwal castes thereof) were put under advanced class in the former Bombay Presidency at that time. It would be interesting to note the ratio of females to males in each of the various castes in the Jaina community and to verify whether the connection that the ratio of females

Page #48

Jaina Community--A Social Survey
to males varies inversely according to social status is true also in the case of several castes of the Jaina community. The population figures of several castes in the Jaina community are not readily available and special efforts will have to be made to ascertain the sex composition of various castes in the Jaina community.
5. AGE DISTRIBUTION OF JAINA POPULATION According to Sundbarg a normal population has about onehalf of its total between the ages of 15-50 and the proportion of those above that age-group to those below it indicates whether the population is increasing, decreasing or stationary.22 The youngest of the three population groups must be double the eldest if the population is to continue to grow, just short of that point it may be stationary and if the elder continues to exceed the younger, the population must be regressive or decreasing. These Sundbarg's categories need readjustment before they can be satisfactorily applied to the Indian conditions as the epidemics and other causes affect the elder population more in this country and the average age is lower than what it is in other countries. The distribution of the Jaina population according to Sundbarg's categories, as per 1931 Census, was as given in Table 17.
Table 17
Percentage of Jaina population aged
Year
.0—15 yrs.
15—50 yrs.
50 yrs. and above
1931 1921 1911
36.7 35.5 33.6
51.7 51.6 53.9
11.6 12.9 12:5
This clearly shows that the Jaina community was progressive at that time. Figures for the age distribution of the population based on religion have not been made available since 1941 Census Report.
Even though the Jaina community was progressive in this respect in 1931, it was the least progressive when compared with the other communities in India. The population of different communities arranged in order of progressiveness as determined from the 1931 Census23 returns is given in Table 18.

Page #49

Population
Table 18
Community
Percentage of population aged 15—50 yrs.
50 yrs. and above
0--15 yrs.
43.9
42.9
Tribal Muslim Christian Jew Hindu Sikh Jaina Parsi24
41.7 37.7 39.2 39.5 36.7 27.2
47.8 49.3 49.2 53.6 50.9 48.2 51.7 56.7
8.3 8.5 9.1 8.7
9.9 12.3 11.6 16.1
It would be interesting to see the age distribution of the Jaina and other communities. This is required not because there is any inherent connection between a man's religious belief and the number of years he lives. But in the social conditions of India religion is a real cleavage of peoples. It is due to the fact that in the social organization of Indian life each religion is associated with several customs and practices of its own which have a very important effect upon age. From the age distribution25 of all communities in the Bombay Presidency in 1931 given in Appendix XI, it is evident that there was very little difference in the age groupings of Hindus and Muslims, either for males or females. Jainas had fewer persons in the age-groups from 0-20 years than had either Hindus or Muslims. On the other hand, Jainas had more persons in the ages above 40. In this respect, the Jainas resembled the Zoroastrians who exhibited in an extreme form a lopsidedness in age distribution. Upto the age 20, the Jaina distribution was the same as that of the Christian. This tendency in the Jaina community to have less persons in the agegroup 0-20 years and more in the age-group above 40 years as compared with other communities was observed all over India as could be seen from the mean age of the Jainas which was higher than that of the Hindus, Muslims and other people. This is evident from the statement26 showing mean ages by sex for all religions according to the 1931 Census.27 Moreover, the above tendency appeared to be persistent in the Jaina community as would be clear from the statement28 showing age distribution of

Page #50

Jaina Community-A Social Survey
10,000 persons of each sex in the Jaina community in the Bombay Presidency from *1881–1931.29
6. FERTILITY AND LONGEVITY OF THE JAINAS
As an indication of comparative fertility, the proportion borne by children of 0-10 years' age-group to married females of 15-40 years age-group can be examined. Such figures for different religious communities were available upto 1931 Census Report. The figures for some communities, as stated in 1931 Census Report, 30 are given in Table 19.
Table 19
Community
Number of children aged 0-10
Number of , married women aged 15-40
No. of children aged 0-10 to
each married woman aged 15-40
Tribal Christian Sikh Muslim Jaina Hindu Parsi
24,43,237 17,60,983 11,94,247 2,29,72,076 . 3,19,953. 6,61,77,624
19,404
12,47,270 9,08,570
6,21,095 1,28,70,165
1,95,063 4,03,78,332
12,142
1.96 1.94 1.92 1.78 1.64 1.64 1.60
Even though the fertility of Jaina women was low as compared with that of Christian, Sikh and Muslim women, it did show some signs of improvement as seen from Table 2031 given below :
Table 20
Year
Number of
children aged 0-10
Number of married women aged 15-40
No. of children aged 0-10 to each married woman aged 15-40
1931 1921 1911
3,19,953 2,79,748 2,93,714
1,95,063 1,71,458 1,96,754
1.64 1.63 1.49
Similarly the proportion of persons aged 60 and over to those aged 15 to 40 is an indication of comparative longevity. Such figures32 for some communities according to 1931 Census are given in Table 21 in the ascending order of comparative longevity.

Page #51

25
Population
Table 21
Community
Sex
.
Number aged 60 and over
Number aged
15—40
-
Percentage of Col. 3 to 4
1
2
5
Tribal
M
Hindu
Muslim
1,23,846 1,39,208 47,82,296 50,44,122 15,47,638 12,77,130
28,276 30,340 1,47,828 1,06,023
3,957 3,730
14,55,660
15,29,419 5,00,89,524 4,83,54,902 1,61,79,065 1,50,11,484
2,66,275 2,46,619 9,63,229 7,19,448
24,150 - 23,348
8.5 9.1
9.5 10.4 9.6 8.5 10.6 12:3 15.3 14.7 16.4 16.0
Jaina
Sikh
Parsi
F
The comparison of these figures of fertility and longevity suggests that fertility and longevity, though not quite in inverse ratio, approach such a position. Moreover, from the figures of longevity given above, it would be seen that only among the Tribal, Hindu and Jaina communities the longevity was more among females than what was among males and that the difference was more marked among the Jainas. The longevity figures of Jaina males and females from 1911 to 1931, as per 1931 Census, are given in Table 22.
Table 22
Year
Sex
Number aged 60 and over
Number aged 15 to 40
4
Percentage of Col. 3 to 4
5
3
1931
1921
28,276 30,340 31,498 35,499 29,747 35,177
2,66,275 2,46,619 2,51,201 2,25,803 2,79,635 2,53,854
10.6 12.3 12.5 15.7 19.6 13.9
1911

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26
Jaina Community-A Social Survey
From the above table it could be noticed that no definite conclusions or tendencies could be drawn from them except the fact that the marked difference between the longevity of males and females remained unaltered. 7. DISTRIBUTION OF JAINA POPULATION BY CIVIL CONDITION
Information regarding the distribution of the Jaina population according to the three well-known categories of civil condition, viz. unmarried, married and widowed, was used to be supplied through the Census Reports upto 1931. This information was very useful in realising the correct position in different communities about the various aspects of marriage like the age of marriage, the proportion of the widowed, etc. Such information has not been made available since the Census Reports of 1941 and hence it becomes very difficult to draw definite conclusions regarding the distribution of population by civil condition applicable to the present time. But in the case of the Jaina community the information about civil condition upto 1931 serves a useful purpose in the sense that it is the only source which gives a proper picture about the nature and extent of civil condition among the Jainas till 1931. On this basis we can have some idea in the matter pertaining to the Jainas at present as there has been no appreciable change in the marital practices of the Jainas during the last forty years.
The distribution of 1,000 of each sex of various communities according to their civil condition as per 1931 Census is given in Table 23.
Table 23 Community Sex Unmarried Married
Widowed INDIA
476 470
54 388 505
157 Hindu
463 480
57 324 507
169 Jaina
503 337 442
221 Sikh
550 370
80 411 475
114 Muslim
500 456
44 358 513
129
M
415
82

Page #53

Population
27
From the above table it would be seen that the Hindus, except the Muslims, had got the highest number of females married and the lowest number of females unmarried. The Jainas had fewer unmarried females except the Hindus, fewer married females and more widowed, both male and female, than the general figures. The proportion of unmarried females was nearly the same in the Hindu and Jaina communities, but the difference was more prominent in the disparate proportion of married females and wido on account of the high proportion of widows amongst the Jainas. This unusually high proportion of widowed, especially among the females, seemed to be the predominant feature of the Jaina community upto 1931 as could be seen from the statement given in Table 24
Table 24
Unit
Year
Sex
Unmarried Married
Widowed
INDIA
1931
82 221 101
1921
M F M F M F M F
503
337 : 507
327 493 301 473 299
415 442 392 420 418 446 436 470
253
1911
89 253
1901
91
231
Bombay. 1931
M
71
F
472 327 480 307
1921
F
1911
M
466
457 471 434 456 452 474 470 499 480
202
86 237
82 245
76 229
61 215
1901
.:
281 454 272 459 269
F M F
1891
M
516
Rajasthan
1931
M
390
93
517 E 321
432
247

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Jaina Community-A Social Survey
From the above table it would be seen that the proportion of widows had continued to increase upto 1921 and it suddenly fell in 1931. This did not mean that the situation had improved but it was the result of comparatively greater increase in the proportion of married persons due to the fear of the Child Marriage Restraint Act, popularly known as the Sharada Act. The child marriage seemed to be quite common among the Jainas as would be evident from the statement given in Table 25 below showing the number of females per 1000 aged 0-15 who were returned as married for the six decades upto 1931.
Table 25
-
Community
Married females aged a 15 per 1000 females of that age
1881 1891 1901 1911 1921 1931
186
184
131 .
123
Hindu Muslim Jaina Sikh Christian
208 153 189 120 33
193 141 172 143 37
130
170 199 111186 117, 125 72 32 43
88
101 38
37
From the statement33 showing the distribution by main age-periods of the 10,000 unmarried, married and widowed in the five main religions and all religions together for 1931 in the Bombay Presidency, it would be seen that the Jainas had 497 females per 10,000 married under 5 years of age, Hindus had 360, Christians 294, Muslims 166 and Zoroastrians 36. In the 5–10 years agegroup, Hindus had 2,498 females married, Jainas 1,925, Christians 1,085, Muslims 985 and Zoroastrians 67. Between the ages 10–15, Hindus had 4,613 females married, Jainas 3,998, Muslims 2,637, Christians 1,756 and Zoroastrians 185. Thus it would be clear that the Jainas had the highest number of infant girls married and that both Hindus and Jainas had very high figures for marriages of girls under the age of 15.
Again, from the same statement it would be seen that the highest proportion of married persons was found for all religions in the 40-60 age-group for males (8,094 per 10,000) and in the 15-20 age-group for females (8,604 per 10,000). In the case of Jainas the highest proportion of married persons was found in the

Page #55

Population
29
20-40 age-group for males (7,421 per 10,000 ) and in the 15-20 agegroup for females (8,650 per 10,000 ).
Further, from the above statement it would be clear that the difference in the proportion of males and females in the last age-group in respect of civil conditions was considerable in the various communities. Of 10,000 males aged 60 and over, 866 Zoroastrians were unmarried, 496 Christians, 331 Jainas and 297 Muslims as against only 186 Hindus. Of widows aged 60 years and over, there were 8,954 per 10,000 amongst Jainas, 8,434 amongst Hindus, 8,037 amongst Muslims, 7,605 amongst Christians and, 6,308 amongst Zoroastrians. In every community the majority of males in the 60 and over age-group were married, and the majority of the females were widows. The disproportion between the married men and widowers in the last age group was least in the case of Jainas, who had 5,497 married males as against 4,172 widowers.
Apart from the fact that the Jainas were an early marrying community one could expect that due to the impact of western ideas, there would not have been married persons upto the age of 10. But from the statement, 34 showing the distribution of Jaina population in the Bombay Presidency by civil condition of 1,000 of each sex and main age-periods from 1881 to 1931, it would be seen that there were persons married as well as widowed in the early age-groups and moreover their number had not been appreciably reduced as was expected in the case of the Jaina community which was considered to be more advanced, well-placed in the economic life and having a high proportion of literate population. Further, in respect of the proportion of widows it would be seen that the Jainas continued to top the list of widows. In Rajputana, where the Jaina population is mostly concentrated, there were 247 widows per 1,000 females. This means that out of four females one female was necessarily a widow. There is not much chan in this regard in recent times. Due to this unusually high proportion of widows, who are effectively debarred from marrying again, the sex composition of the community becomes very unbalanced. The ban on widow remarriage considerably reduces the proportion of females in the reproductive period. Obviously this situation very adversely affects the rate of increase in the Jaina population as compared to the rate of increase in population of

Page #56

30
Jaina Community-A Social Survey
other communities. Along with the sex ratio the practice of religious conversion also serves as a contributive factor in affecting the rate of increase in population of a community. For example, the rate of increase in population of Christian community is highly influenced by the inclusion of converts in the community. In the case of Jainas there is no possibility of increase in the population due to the factor of additions of newcomers to their religion as the practice of religious conversion is never resorted by the Jainas. On the contrary there are indications of Jainas being converted to other religions. Thus, if conversion is not practised, the removal of ban on widow remarriage appears to be the most pressing and urgent need for the growth of Jaina population.
1.
NOTES
Census of India, 1971: Series 1- India : Paper 2 of 1972 on "Religion", p. iii.
2. Census of India, 1971 Series 1 - India : Paper 2 of 1972 on " Religion", p. xiii.
3. Census of India, 1971: Series 1 - India: Paper 2 of 1972 on "Religion", p. iii.
4. Also vide Appendix I "The Statement showing the number per 10,000 of the population who are Jainas at the Censuses from 1881 to 1941 ". 5. Census of India, 1931, Vol. I, Part I, p. 389.
6. Vide Chapter 7.
7. The position of regional distribution of Jaina population before Independence is given in Appendix III. This Appendix shows the distribution of Jaina population among the former British Provinces and Indian States according to Censuses from 1911 to 1941. From this Appendix III it would be seen that during pre-Independence period the Jainas had preferred Indian States to British Provinces as their permanent abodes. According to 1941 figures, 60 per cent of the Jainas lived in Indian States and only 40 per cent were in the British Provinces. The corresponding figures for 1901 Census stood at 64 per cent and 36 per cent respectively.
8. Census of India, 1901, Vol. I, Part I, p. 523.
9. Vide Appendix II.
10. Vide Appendix IV. 11. Vide Appendix IV. 12. Vide Appendix VI.

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Population
31
13. Vide Appendix V. 14. Census of India, 1971 : Series 1 – India; Paper 2 of 1972 on
“ Religion”, p. 23. 15. Vide Appendix VII. 16. Vide Appendix VIII. Also vide Appendix IX. “The Statement show
ing number per 1,000 of the Jaina population who live in towns
according to Census Reports from 1901 to 1941." 17. Vide Appendix II and IV. 18. Vide Appendix II and IV. 19. Vide Appendix X.
Vide Census of India, 1931, Vol. I, Part I, p. 206. Such figures are not
available in the subsequent censuses. 21. Census of India, 1931, Vol. I, Part I, p. 198.
Census of India, 1931, Vol. I, Part I, p. 87. 23. Census of India, 1931, Vol. I, Part I, p. 57. 24. The Parsi population is stationary. 25. Census Report, Bombay Presidency, 1931, Part I, p. 88. 26. Vide Appendix XI. 27. Census of India, 1931, Vol. I, Part I, p. 90. 28. Vide Appendix XII. 29. Census Report, Bombay Presidency, 1931, Part I, p. 102. 30. Census of India, 1931, Vol. I, Part I, p. 89. 31. Ibid. 32. Censis of India, 1931, Vol. I, Part I, p. 89. 33. Vide Appendix XIII. 34. Vide Appendix XIV.

Page #58

32
APPENDIX I
Statement showing the number per 10,000 of the population who are Jainas at the Censuses from 1881 to 1941
Province or State
INDIA
Provinces
Madras
Bombay
Bengal
U. P. Punjab Bihar
C. P. & Berar Assam
Ajmer-Merwara Coorg
Delhi
Panth Piploda
States and Agencies
Baroda
Central India
Deccan
Gwalior
Hyderabad
Kashmir &
Feudatories
Mysore
Rajputana
Western India
1. Includes Sind. 2. Includes Delhi.
Number per 10,000 of the population who are Jainas.
1881
1891
1901
1931 1941
48
23
ཝཱནྡྷ:i:8:༠
¥སྶཎྜརྞྞསམྦྷཏཿ :: 8 : :ཙ སསེནྣཱ
ུསལཝཊྛཾ་བནྡྷུ༤༠::
–ཧྨ ཀྑུ ༞ ཀྑུཔྤ॰ ::
:: ༔༈༙ ::༠
8:: :
ཨྰཿ : ::
ཨི༅ ;
8 ུ ྣ
132
18
212
55
528
6
140
214
54
26
375
49
22
8
1271
1
18
212
1
52
2
497
7
140
208
87
24
Jaina Community-A Social Survey
2
2.7
338
45
21
7
1231
1
18
212
1
56
3
418
6
247
18
1
25
349
1911
.
40
19
7
1081
1
16
20a
1
50
3
405
6
114
214
16
1
30
316
564
1921
37
18
6
1111
ឌ៩៩ ៨នី : ដង្ហើĪ : ៖ ៤ ៖ – – 5 6
372
2.
36.
17
7
111 127
2
14
15
1
50
3
348
5
84
101
198
76
128
15
និង ឌ ២៨ ជន៍ឥនី៖ មេគឺដី១៖– ៨០ ៦ ទី១៦ ៥
2
45
268
509
323
76

Page #59

Population
33
APPENDIX II
Statement showing distribution of Jaina Population 1971 Census
State/Union Territory
Jaina population
Percentage Percentage of Jaina distribution population to total of Jaina
population population
1961 1971.
4 5
26,04,646
100.00
0.46
0.47
0.62 0.50
16,108 12,917 25,185 4,51,578
31,173
0.97
626
02
INDIA ,
States 1. Andhra Pradesh 2. Assam 3. Bihar 4. Gujarat 5. Haryana 6. Himachal Pradesh 7. Jammu & Kashmir 8. Kerala 9. Madhya Pradesh 10. Maharashtra 11. Manipur 12. Meghalaya 13. Mysore 14. Nagaland 15. Orissa 16. Punjab 17. Rajasthan ,18. Tamil Nadu 19. Tripura 20. Uttar Pradesh 21. West Bengal
Union Territories 1. Andaman & Nicobar
Islands 2. Arunachal Pradesh 3. Chandigarh 4. Dadra & Nagar Haveli 5. Delhi 6. Goa, Daman & Diu 7. Laccadive, Minicoy &
Amindivi Islands 8. Pondicherry
1,150
3,336 3,45,211 7,03,664 1,408
268 2,18,862
627 6,521 21,383 5,13,548 41,097
375 1,24,728 32,203
17.34 1.20 0.02 0.04 0.13 13.25 27.02 0.05 0.01 8.40 0.02 0.25 0.82 19.72
1.58 0.01 4.79 1.24
0.03 0.08 0.04 1.99 0.34 0.02 0.04 0.02 0.77 1.23 0.10 0.02 0.74 0.07 0.01 0.19 2.03 0.09 0.02 0.17 0.08
0.04 0.09 0.04 1.69 0.31 0.02 0.02 0.02 0.83 1.40 0.13 0.03 0.75 0.12 0.03 0.16 1.99 0.10 0.02 0.14 0.07
14 39
1,016
303 50,513
556
0.00 0.00 0.04 0.01 1.94 0.02
0.01 N. A. 0.86 0.21 1.11 0.01
0.39 0.41 1.24 0.06
237
0.01
0.02
0.05
J...3

Page #60

34
Jaina Community-A Social Survey
APPENDIX III
Statement showing distribution of Jaina Population among the former British Provinces and Indian States according to Censuses from
1911 to 1941
Province or State
1911
1921
1932
1941
12,48,182 4,58,578
29,995 2,10,725
6,206 75,427 ; 39,637
4,282 70,258 2,398
11,78,596 4,55,855
25,493 2,12,867 12, 863 67,887 34,432
4,213 68,286
3,397
12,52, 105 4,53,569
31,206 1,98,670
9,167 67,954 35,284
3,626 77,895
2,636
14,49,286 5,78,372
30,136 2,66,231
11,126 1,02,768 38,233
4,602 84,593 6,639
98
158 1,349 20,302
1,534 18,422
108 1,144 19,497
- 139 3,687 18,827
10 97
17 202 4,098
32
83 5,345
INDIA Provinces Madras Bombay Bengal U. P. Punjab Bihar C. P. & Berar Assam N. W. F. P. Orissa Sind Ajmer-Merwara Andaman-Nicobar Baluchistan Coorg Delhi Panth-Piploda States and Agencies Assam Baluchistan Baroda Bengal Central India Chhatisgarh Cochin Deccan (& Kolhapur) Gujarat Gwalior Hyderabad Kashmir & Feudatories Mysore N. W. F. P. Orissa Punjab Punjab Hill Rajputana Sikkim Travancore U. P. Western India Madras
34 11,287
62 8,70,914
201
7,89,604
110
7,22,741
106
7,98,536
107
48,408
43,462 87,471
576
43,223
506 44,431
502
50,268
101
210
21,026
345 17,630
38,906 18,584
529 20,732
45,079 21,543
597 29,613
46,866
582 57,374 2,158
355 84,226
5,540 52,714 24,853
910 32,858
1
99 6,844
449 3,41,788
7,448
7,138 3,32,397
6,889 2,79,722
408
3,00,748
7
41
62
308
224
214
210
150
2,03,626
31
2,12,796
21

Page #61

Population
35
APPENDIX IV
Statement showing distribution and percentage increase of Jaina Population
(1951, 1961 and 1971 Censuses )
State/Union
Territory
1951
1961
1971
Percentage increase - 1951 to 1961 to
1961 1971
150
INDIA
16,18,406 20,27,248 26,04,646 + 25.26 + 28.48 States 1. Andhra Pradesh 4,891 9,012 16,108 + 84.26 + 78.74 2. Assam
4,169 9,339 12,917 +124.01 + 38.31 3. Bihar
8,165
17,598 25,185 +115.53 + 43.11 4. Gujarat
3,74,867 4,09,754 4,51,578 + 9.31 + 10.21 5. Haryana
25,844
+ 20.62 6. Himachal Pradesh
463 626 +1261.76 + 35.21 7. Jammu & Kashmir
1,427 1 ,150 -- -- 19.41 • 8. Kerala
1,398 2,967 3,336 +112.23 + 12.44 9. Madhya Pradesh 1,81,328 2,47,927 3,45,211 + 36.73 + 39.24
10. Maharashtra 3,37,593 4,85,672 7,03,664 + 43.86 + 44.88 - 11. Manipur
778 1,408 +418.67 + 80.98 12. Meghalaya
129
- +107.75 13. Mysore
1,39,873 1,74,366 2,18,862 + 24.66 + 25.52 14. Nagaland
76
263 627 +246.05 +138.40 15. Orissa
1,248 2,295 6,521 + 83.89 +184.14 16. Punjab
45,096 21,507 21,383 – 52.31 - 0.58 17. Rajasthan
3,59,772 4,09,417 5,13,548 + 13.80 + 25.43 18. Tamil Nadu 22,165 28,350 41,097 + 27.90 + 44.96 19. Tripura
36 : 195 375 +441.67 + 92.31 20. Uttar Pradesh 97,744 1,22,108 1,24,728 + 24.93 + 2.15 21. West Bengal 19,607 26,940 32,203 + 37.40 + 19.54
Union Territories 1. Andaman & Nicobar Islands
3
14 + 200.00 + 366.67 2. Arunachal Pradesh
N. A.
39
-. N. A. 3. Chandigarh
1,035 1,016
- - 1.84 4. Dadra & Nagar Haveli
120 303
- +152.50 5. 'Delhi
20,174 29,595 50,513 + 46.70 + 70.68 6. Goa, Daman & Diu
- +717.65 7. Laccadive, Minicoy
& Amindivi Islands 8. Pondicherry
8111
556
.-.
=
68 76
556 237.
=
+21481.

Page #62

-
6
APPENDIX V - Statement showing the Districts having more than two percentage of Jaina Population to the total population of the District (1971
Census ) Sr. District
State Jaina Population of the District Total
Percentage of Jaina No.
Population of population to total Rural Urban Total the District population of the
District 1 2
5 1. Kutch Gujarat 44,476 12,631 57,107 8,49,769
6.72 2. Jalor · Rajasthan 29,877 4,874 34,751 6,67,950
5.20 3. Pali Rajasthan 32,195 12,401 44,596 9,70,002
4.60 4. Kolhapur Maharashtra 72,859 20,405 93,264 20,48,049
4.55 Belgaum Mysore 90,702 19,433 1,10,135 24,23,342
4.55 6. Sirohi Rajasthan 11,201 7,996 19,197 4.23,815
4.53 7. 'Udaipur Rajasthan 55,790 22,717 78,507 18,03,680
4.35 8, Greater Bombay Maharashtra
2,44,721 2,44,721 59,70,575
4.10 9. Bikaner Rajasthan 4,035 18,231 22,266 5,73,149
3.88 10. Sangli Maharashtra 44,776 14,681 59,457 15,39,820
3.86 11. Ahmedabad Gujarat 6,406 97,641 1,04,047 29,10,307
3.57 12. Sagar Madhya Pradesh 18,662 18,355 37,017 10,62,291
3.49 13. Surendranagar Gujarat 5,667 22,557 28,224 8,45,454
3.34 14. Barmer Rajasthan 16,126 9,092 25,218 7,74,805
3.25 15. Ajmer Rajasthan 13,588 23,665 37,253 11,47,729
3.25 16. Ratlam Madhya Pradesh 4,092 14,900 18,992 6,26,534
3.03 17. Churu Rajasthan 2,414 23,372 25,786 8,74,439
2.95 18. Bhavnagar Gujarat 10,139 29,004 39,143 14,05,285
2.79 19. Jamnagar Gujarat 14,599 15,353 29,952 11,11,343
2.70 20. Damoh Madhya Pradesh 10,643 4,462 15,105 5,73,263
2.64 21. Indore Madhya Pradesh
1,508 24,627 26,135 10,25,150
2.55 22. Bhilwara
Rajasthan 20,606 6,305 26,911 10,54,890
2.55 Banas Kantha Gujarat 20,802 10,953 31,755 12,65,383
2.51 Chittaurgarh Rajasthan 12,623 10,783 23,406 9,44,981
2.48 Mandsaur Madhya Pradesh 11,563 - 11,968 23,531 9,61,522
2.45 Tonk - - Rajasthan 9,078 5,839 14,917 6,25,830
2.38 Jodhpur Rajasthan 7,101 17,568 24,669 11,52,712
2.14 28. Guna Madhya Pradesh 6,190 .. . 9,714 15,904 7,83,748
2.03 29. Ujjain Madhya Pradesh 3,440 13,940 17,380 8,62,516
2.02
Jaina Community-A Social Survey

Page #63

Population
APPENDIX VI Statement showing districtwise density of Jaina Population
(arranged in descending order). 1971 Census
Sr.
District
State
District area in sq. km.
Jaina population of the district
Density of Jaina population per sq. km.
No.::
1. Greater Bombay Maharashtra 2. Ahmedabad Gujarat 3. Kolhapur
Maharashtra 4. Belgaum
Mysore 5. Sangli
Maharashtra 6. Udaipur
Rajasthan 7. Ajmer
Rajasthan 8. Ratlam
M. P. 9. Sirohi
Rajasthan 10. Indore
M. P. 11. Sagar
M. P. 12. Pali
Rajasthan 13. Bhavnagar Gujarat 14. Jalor
Rajasthan 15. Ujjain
M. P. 16. Surendranagar Gujarat 17. Bhilwara
Rajasthan 18. Banaskantha Gujarat 19. Mandsaur
M. P. 20. Chittaurgarh Rajasthan 21. Jamnagar
Gujarat 22. Damoh
M. P. 23. Tonk
Rajasthan 24. Churu
Rajasthan 25. Guna
M. P. 26. Kutch
Gujarat 27. Jodhpur
Rajasthan 28. Barmer
Rajasthan 29. Bikaner
Rajasthan
603 8,707 8,059 13,410
8,563 17,267 8,479 4,859 5,135 3,910 10,246 12,391 11,155 10,640
6,081 10,488 10,450 12,702
9,726 10,858 14,125 7,301 7,200 16,829 11,017 45,612 22,860 28,387 27,231
2,44,721 1,04,047
93,264 1,10,135
59,457 78,507 37,253 18,992 19,197 26,135 37,017 44,596 39,143 34,751 17,380 28,224 26,911 31,755 23,531 23,406 29,952 15,105 14,917 25,786 15,904 57,107 24,669 25,218 22,268
405.84
11.95 11.57 8.21 6.94 4.55 4.39 3.91 3.74 3.68 3.61 3.60 3.51 3.27 2.86 2.69 2.58 2.50 2.45 2.16
2.12
2.07 2.07 1.53 1.44 1.25 1.08 0.89 0.82

Page #64

38
Jaina Community-A Social Survey
APPENDIX VIII Statement showing distribution of Urban Population of Jainas. 1971 Census
-
State/Union Territory
Total population
Urban population Males Females
Percentage
of urban Total population
to total population
7,39,362 15,58,240
59.83
5,944 3,110
8,160 1,47,051 10,471
163 573
879
INDIA
26,04,646 8,18,878 States 1. Andhra Pradesh 16,108 7,921 2. Assam
12,917 5,112 3. Bihar
25,185 9,432 4. Gujarat
4,51,578 1,52,145 5. Haryana
31,173 11,091 6. Himachal Pradesh 626 198 7. Jammu & Kashmir 1,150 570 8. Kerala
3,336 1,090 9. Madhya Pradesh 3,45,211 1,12,769 10. Maharashtra 7,03,664 2,39,659 11. Manipur
1,408
571 12. Meghalaya
268
74 13. Mysore
2,18,862 40,361 14. Nagaland
627
400 15. Orissa
6,521 2,053 16. Punjab
21,383 10,181 17. , Rajasthan
5,13,548 1,20,924 18. Tamil Nadu
41,097 15,806 19. Tripura
375105 20. Uttar Pradesh 1,24,728 46,161 21. West Bengal 32,203 15,171
Union Territories 1. Andaman & Nicobar Islands
2 2. Arunachal Pradesh
19 3. Chandigarh
1,016
542 4. Dadra & Nagar Haveli
303 5. Delhi
50,513 26,162 6. Goa, Daman & Diu
556 1 244 Laccadive, Minicoy
& Amindivi Islands 8. Pondicherry
115
1,02,176 2,07,609
419
47 34,266
222 1,781
9,484 1,17,646 12,682
55 40,935 11,237
13,865 86.08
63.65
69.85 2,99,196 66.26 21,562 69.17
361 57.67 1,143 99.39
1,969 59.02 2,14,945 62.26 4,47,268 +63.56
990 70.31
121 45.15 74,627 34.09
622 99.20 3,834 · 58.79 19,665 91.97 2,38,570 46.46 28,488 69.32
160 42.67 87,096 69.83 26,408 82.00
14
5
35.71
39
11
30 1,016
76.92 100.00
474
23
23,638
49,800
98.59
208
452
81.29
237
118
.
233
98.32

Page #65

Population
APPENDIX VIII
Statement showing distribution of Rural Population of Jainas. 1971 Census
Rural population
Males Females Total
State/Union Territory
INDIA
States
1. Andhra Pradesh
2.
3.
4. Gujarat
5. Haryana
6. Himachal
Pradesh
7. Jammu &
Kashmir
Assam
Bihar
8. Kerala
9. Madhya Pradesh Maharashtra
10.
11: Manipur
12. Meghalaya
13. Mysore
14. Nagaland
15. Orissa
16. Punjab
17. Rajasthan 18. Tamil Nadu
19. Tripura
20. Uttar Pradesh 21. West Bengal
Union Territories
1. Andaman &
Nicobar Islands
2. Arunachal Pradesh
3. Chandigarh
4. Dadra & Nagar
Haveli
5. Delhi
6. Goa, Daman & Diu
Total population
8. Pondicherry
26,04,646 5,23,992 5,22,414 10,46,406
7. Laccadive, Minicoy
& Amindivi Islands
16,108
12,917
25,185
4,51,578
31,173
626
1
1,150
3,336
3,45,211
7,03,664
1,408
268
2,18,862
627
6,521
21,383
5,13,548
41,097
375
1,24,728
32,203
14
39
1,016
303 50,513
556
237
1,171
2,701
4,012
71,331
4,972
139
7
708
67,646
1,31,177
198
88 73,459 3 1,364
898 1,34,487 6,184
173 19,462
3,183
5
9
191
362
60
12
1,072
1,994
3,581
81,051
4,639
126
659
62,620
1,25,219
220
59 70,776 2 1,323
820 1,40,491 6,425
42 18,170 2,612
4
112
351
44
12
1,52,382
9,611
2,243 13.92
4,695
36.35
7,593 30.15
33.74
30.83
265
1,367 1,30,266
2,56,396
418
147 1,44,235 5 2,687
1,718
2,74,978 12,609
215 37,632 5,795
Percentage of rural population to total population
40.17
104
42.33
4
9
64.29
9 23.08
40.98
37.74
36.44
29.69
54.85
65.91
0.80
41.21
8.03
53.54
30.68
57.33
30.17
18.00
303 100.00
713
1.41
39
18.71
1.68

Page #66

до
Jaina Community-A Social Survey
APPENDIX IX Statement showing number per 1,000 of the Jaina Population who live in
towns according to Census Reports from 1901 to 1941
Province or State
1941
1931
1921
1911
1901
414 489 215
339 398
164
471
INDIA Provinces Madras Bombay Bengal U. P. Punjab Bihar C. P. & Berar
346 373229 3221 616 458 613 4963 321
296 354 106 3691 592 397 533
4191 650 397 530 3128 297
794 483 770 520 405
300 316
81 316 545 271. 5432
3784
255 - C.P.260
Berar 349
444
334
2333
342 1000
750
309
-
463
340
333 1000 602
706 954 365 940
857
529 203 822 302 764
283 900
670 Not given
262 973
331 844
499 875
421 711
406 609
388 351 240
435
363
311
•
302
583 1000
1000
206
Assam N. W. F. P. Orissa Sind Ajmer-Merwara Baluchistan Coorg: Delhi States and Agencies Assam Baluchistan Baroda Bengal Central India Chhattisgarh Cochin Deccan
(& Kolhapur ) Gujarat Gwalior Hyderabad Kashmir and
Feudatories Madras Mysore Orissa Punjab Punjab Hill Rajputana Travancore U. P. Western India Bihar & Orissa States Bombay State C. P. State Punjab State Agency
710
420 348
285
268
995
994 1000 311
977 927
1000 252
507
464
508
882 1000
276 1000 566 782 340 1000 833 397
308 1000 579 375
280 1000 589
235 1000 578
3
132
228
50 306 464
495
399
488
1. Includes Sind. 2. Includes N. W. F. P. 3. Includes Orissa.

Page #67

Population
41.
APPENDIX X Statement showing Sex distribution of Jaina Population. 1971 Census
State/Union Territory
Total
Males
Females
No. of females per 1000 males
INDIA
26,04,646
13,42,870
12,61,776
940
7 71 653
873 1,021
940
7,016 5,104 11,741 2,28,102 15,110
289 573 1,538 1,64,796 3,32,828
9,092 7,813 13,444 2,23,476 16,063
337 577 1,798 1,80,415 3,70,836
769
857 993
States 1. Andhra Pradesh 2. Assam 3. Bihar 4. Gujarat 5. Haryana - 6. Himachal Pradesh 7. Jammu & Kashmir 8. Kerala 9. Madhya Pradesh 10. Maharashtra 11. Manipur 12. Meghalaya 13. Mysore 14. Nagaland 15. Orissa 16. Punjab 17. Rajasthan 18. Tamil Nadu 19. Tripura 20. Uttar Pradesh 21. West Bengal
855
16,108 12,917 25,185 4,51,578 31,173
626 1,150
3,336 3,45,211 7,03,664 1,408
268 2,18,862
627 6,521 21,383 5,13,548 41,097
375 1,24,728
32,203
162
639 106
913 897 830 654 922 555 908 930
1,13,820
403 3,417 11,079 2,55,411 21,990
278 65,623 18,354
1,05,042
224 3,104 10,304 2,58,137
19,107
1,010
97
869 349 901 754
59,105 13,849
14
39
1,000
392 874
1,016
11 474
542
Union Territories 1. Andaman &
Nicobar Islands 2. Arunachal Pradesh 3. Chandigarh 4. Dadra & Nagar
Haveli 5. Delhi 6. Goa, Daman & Diu 7. Laccadive, Minicoy
& Amindivi Islands 8. Pondicherry
191
303 50,513
556
112 23,989
586 904
26,524
304
556
829
304 7
252 120
237
1,026
1,026

Page #68

APPENDIX XÍ Statement showing the Mean Ages by Sex for the different Provinces and States and for Religions according to 1931 Census.
Province/State
All Religions
Hindu
..
Jaina
Muslim
Males
Females
Males
Females
5
Males
Females
Males
Females
1
22.8 23.5 21.6
23.5 23.7 23.9
-
23.3 23.6 22.2
-
24.6 25.8
24.5 26.1
22.4 23.9 22.0
21.5 22.8 20.1
20.0
23.2 23.8 27.7 25.2 23.3 23.0 23.4 23.7 25.0 24.4 24.4 22.6
23.4
24.0
22.6
23.0
21.7 23.6 22.8 23.8 23.2 22.2 24.3 21.8
24.9 25.0
24.3
23.7 25.0
24.2
23.3
Coorg
24.2
-- 24.4 24.5 24.0
22.4 24.4 21.9
27.3
27.3
24.4 23.1 23.2
21.8 23.0 22.5
INDIA Ajmer-Marwara Assam Baluchistan Bengal Bihar & Orissa Bombay C. P. & Berar Delhi Madras N. W. F. P. Punjab (including
Agency) U. P. Baroda Central India Agency Gwalior State Hyderabad State Jammu & Kashmir Cochin State Travancore State Mysore State Rajaputana Agency Western India State Agency
23.1 24.5 23.6 23.2
24.7 *24.1 23.7 23.3 24.4
23.4 * 24.3 23.6 23.3 24.2
25.2 26.1 26.0
25.8 25.7 23.7
23.2
24.3 24.5 23.7 23.3 23.4 23.5 23.6 23.7 23.0 25.1 23.5
22.6
23.8 23.8 24.0 24.3 24.2 23.6 23.5 23.0 22.2 23.9 23.5
22.7 23.3 23.9 23.2 23.2 22.9 22.5 22.5 21.6 21.9 22.7
23.1 24.1
24.0
21.5
26.9 23.9 23.3 24.7 23.6
22.8 24.4 23.4
25.2 24.6 23.3 23.8 23.5
Jaina Community-A Social Survey
25.5 24.8
24.6 25.8
22.6
22.8
-Figures not available or unimportant. * Brahmanic Hindus only.

Page #69

APPENDIX XII Statement showing age distribution of 10,000 of each Sex in the Jaina Community in the Bombay Presidency from 1881 to 1931.
Population
. 1931
1921 1921 1911 1901
1891 Male Female Male Female Male Female Male Female Male Female
2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11
Age
1881 Male Female
12 13
a_5
1199
1525
955
1184
1025
1265
973
1137
1074
1314
1004
1205
1151
5–10
1233
1147
1333
1014
1178
1137
124910701211
1211
1102
10-15
1123
1199
1101
1172
1014
1230
1125
1111
956
1249
1085
973933
904
815
979
823
908793
945
795904
768
34293134
15—20 2040 40-60
3592
3221
3610
3322
3479
3281
35263273
3558
3342
1766
1800
1708 417
1586 483
1735 468
1721 625
1750 450
1794 604
1829 444
1809 606
1798 476
1785 666
60 & above
418
589

Page #70

APPENDIX XIII Statement showing distribution by Main Age-periods and Civil Condition of 10,000 of each Sex and Religion in the Bombay
Presidency according to 1931 Census.
"** Sex
Age- Period
All Religions Hindu
Muslim
Jaina
Zoroastrian Christian UM WUM W U M W U M W U M W UMW 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20
1
2
48
54
a 5 Males
Females 5-10 Males
Females 10—15 Males
Females 15—20 Males
Females 20—40 Males
Females 40—60 Males
Females 60 & Males above Females
9835 1587 9822 1717 9885 111 4 9857 132 11 9951 49 - 9821 163 16 9667 323 10 8629360 11 9828 166 6 9488 497 15 9964 36 - 9687 294 19 9324 65818 9249 731 20 9587 400 13 9625 359 16 9913 87 - 9311 649 40 7758 2192 50 7446 2498 56 8993 985 22 8005 1925 70 9928 67 5 8878 1085 8638 1325
37 9168 806 26 9214 756 30 9844 156 - 8954 998 4212 5687 101 5275 4613 112 7308 2637 55 5874 3998 128 9810 185 5 8190 1756 5487 4392 121 5091 4788 121 6758 3114 128 6363 3514 123 9387 604 9 7538 2382 80 1086 8604 310 842 8830 328 1750 8006 244 950 8650 400 8127 1726 57 4407 5459 134 1660 7893447 1351 8225 424 2568 6868 564 2061 7421 518 5252 4620 128 3476 6304 220 263 8436 1301 211 8415 1374 344 8621 1035 129 8092 1779 3536 6032432 1286 7820 894 313 8094 1593 254 8159 1587 495 7831 1674 519 7401 2080 1246 8050 704 789 8333878 111 4612 5277 101 4495 5404 111 5102 4787 57 3696 6247 966 6142 2892 443 51694388 2 14 6415 3371 186 6452 3362 297 6246 3457 .331 5497 4172 866 5945 3189 496 7024 2480 9 0 1561 8349 83 1483 8434 95 1868 8037 99 947 8954 350 3282 6368 389 2006 7605
Jaina Community-A Social Survey
Note : U - Unmarried. M-Married.
W-Widowed.

Page #71

Statement showing distribution of Jaina Population in the Bombay Presidency by Civil Condition of 1,000 of each Sex and main age
period from 1881-1931. 1931 1921 1911 1901 1891
1881 Age-periods
M
M F M F M F
M 4 7 .8
10 11
pulation
M
472
281
459
936
307 966
327 949 801 587 95
962
843
961 820
272 970 807 565
480 988 979 925 724 225 63
962) 758
921
454 988 971 871 609 185
545
466 980 974
900 .667 213 64 44
990 964 845 596
439 45
337 18
636 206
71
17
In
203
820 563 199 64 47
52
8
60
60 41
33
10
38
54
1
434
474
499
480
457 13
470 12
516
10
37
29
11 21
37 1
10 35
36
7
130
26
, 456
31 145 427 877
173
Unmarried All ages 0- 5 5-10 10-15 15-20 20—40 40—60 60 & above Married
All ages 0- 5 510 10—15 15-20 20-40 4060 60 & above Widowed All ages 0- 5 5-10 10-15 15-20 20-40 40-60 60 & above
76
530
471
50 192 400 865 809 369 95
238 601
634
18 69 260 699
352
91 314
897
940
742
768
715
182 403 903 804 423 170
763
121 370 749 762 530
148 393 754 789 612
172 431 749 777 611
705
370
947 813 417 116
740 550
839 450 105
372 106
579
714 538
85
202
86
237
245
229
215
!
7
12
4
.
16
29
16
52
38
16
12
31 58 227 624 910
65
55 187 573
52
13
28 40
19 178
215 232 620 895 443 888 418 Note : M- Males. F- Females.
625
11 43 151 347
222
35 183 580 883
156 546 894
159
178 410
417
825
342

Page #72

CHAPTER 2
RELIGIOUS DIVISIONS IN THE JAINA COMMUNITY
1. EARLY HISTORY OF JAINA RELIGION
'Jainism is a religion propounded by Jina, i..e., one who has conquered the worldly passions and Jainas are the followers of Jina. According to the Jaina tradition Lord Rshabhadeva was the first Jina of the present age who was born in very primitive times when people were illiterate and did not know any art. It is believed that Rshabhadeva was the first person to initiate the people into various arts and crafts like cooking, writing, making pottery, painting and sculpture and to establish the social institutions like marriage, family, Varna or class, education, etc. He taught the people how to behave in society, introduced social customs and manners and showed the way of performing religious practices. He was also known as the first Tirthankara, i. e., one who guides the people to attain liberation. Rshabhadeva was followed by 23 Tirthankaras and they tried to reform the society and preach the religion as handed over to them from the times of Rshabhadeva.
"
Even though, according to the above tradition, the Jainas claim to have a hoary antiquity, it should be remembered that so far no historical evidence has been brought forward to establish beyond doubt the real existence of the first 22 Tirthankaras. The last two Tirthankaras, viz., Pārsvanatha, the 23rd, and Mahāvīra, the 24th, are proved as historical personages. There are various literary evidences in the Jaina and Buddhist texts which presuppose the existence of a Nirgrantha Order headed by Parsvanatha before the advent of Mahāvīra and, therefore, it can be said that there is much truth in the Jaina tradition that Mahāvīra was no more than promulgator of an older Nirgrantha Order.2

Page #73

Religious Divisions in the Jaina Community
Pārsvanātha flourished towards the end of the ninth century B, C., i, e., 250 years before Mahāvīra. He was a religious teacher of great eminence and had to fight against the Brahmanic tyranny of caste system and the preponderance of himsä' (i. e. killing ) of animals in Vedic sacrifices which was gradually filtering into the East from the Western part of India. He, therefore, threw open the doors of his religion to all persons without any distinction of caste, creed or sex. Both males and females could enter the Order of Pārsvanätha on the basis of equality. He preached the four great vows, i.e., ' Ahimsā” (i.e. non-injury), 'Satya’ (i.e. truth);
Asteya' (i.e. abstinence from stealing and Aparigraha' (i.e. non-attachment to worldly things ) and emphasised the necessity of observing strict asceticism as a means for the attainment of salvation. Moreover, Pārsvanātha divided the followers of Jaina religion into four categories according to sex and the strictness with which the members practise the injunctions laid down by the Jaina religion, viz., (i) Yatis or Sädhus or Munis, i. e., male ascetics; (ii) Arjikās or Sadhvīs, i. e., female ascetics; (iii) Śrāvakas, i.e., male laity and (iv) Śrāvikās, i. e., female laity. This foundation of four orders in the community with their leaders to look after and supervise the conduct of members comprising the order shows that there was a pretty good arrangement to govern and organise the Jaina community from the earliest times. In fact, this is one of the important reasons put forward for the survival of Jainism in India as against its rival Buddhism.3
After Parsvanatha, Mahāvīra became the leader of the Jaina Church. The religion preached by Mahāvīra was substantially the same as preached by his predecessor Pārsvanātha. It is said that Mahavira added ' Brahmacharya' (i.e., chastity, perhaps already included in Aparigraha) as the fifth great vow to the four great vows already preached by Pārsvanātha 4. Mahā vira continued further the practice of fourfold division of the community and it is stated that at the time of his death there were 14000 Yatis, 36,000 Sadhvīs, 1,59,000 Śrāvakas and 3,18,000 Srā vikās.5 Mahāvīra had in all eleven Ganadharas. They were all religious teachers wellversed in Jaina scriptures. After the nirvana of Mahāvīra, the fifth Ganadhara Sudharman became the head of the Jaina Church, others either having attained salvation or 'Kevalinship’ (i. e. omniscience ) before the death of Mahāvīta. Sudharman is said

Page #74

48
Jaina Community-A Social Survey
to have narrated the Jaina Canon to his disciple Jambusvāmi in the manner he had heard from his Master. The Nirgrantha Śramanas of the present time are all spiritual descendants of the monk Arya Sudharman, the rest of the Ganadharas having left no descendants.
From the history of Jaina religion upto Mahāvīra it appears that sects and sub-sects had not arisen till that time. But later on, we find that various schisms arose in the Jaina community as a result of which Jainism was divided into several sects and sub-sects. There were various reasons which contributed to the splitting of Jainism in small sects and sub-sects. In the first place it may be mentioned that during the lifetime of Mahā vīra the spread of Jainism was limited and Jainism did not seem generally to have crossed the boundaries of the kingdoms of Anga and Magadha, comprising modern Bihar, Orissa and Western Bengal, where the Teacher mainly lived and concentrated his attention, but after the death of Mahāvīra, his successors and followers succeeded to a large extent in popularising the faith throughout the length and breadth of India, so that it did not fail to enlist for a long period the support of kings as well as of commoners. As the number of adherents to the Jaina religion fast increased and as they were scattered practically in all parts of the country, the Ganadharas and religious pontiffs must have found it very difficult to look after and organise their followers. Naturally, different conditions, customs, manners and ways of life prevailing in different parts of the country in different periods might have influenced in giving rise to various religious practices which might have ultimately resulted in creating factions among the followers of Jainism. Secondly, the religious doctrines, principles and tenets as they were enunciated and taught by Mahāvīra were not committed to writing during the lifetime of Mahāvīra or immediately after his death. The religious teachings of Mahāvīra were memorised by his immediate successors and they were thus handed down from one generation to another till they were canonised at the Council of Pātaliputra in the early part of the 3rd century B.C. By this time much water had flown down the Ganges and what was canonised was not acceptable to all, who vigorously maintained that the canon did not contain the actual teachings of Mahāvīra. Again, there was the question of interpreting what had been

Page #75

Religious Divisions in the Jaina Community
canonised. As time passed on, differences of opinion regarding the interpretation of many doctrines arose and those who differed established a separate school of thought and formed themselves into a sect or sub-sect. Thirdly, it may be maintained that sects and sub-sects arise as a direct result of the revolt against the actions and policy of ruling priests or heads of the Church. Those who are at the helm of religious affairs are likely to swerve from their prescribed path and debase themselves or they are likely to be too strict in maintaining and preserving the religious practices in a manner they think it proper, without taking into account the needs of the changing conditions. In both the cases natural indignation is bound to occur on the part of the thinking population and there should not be any surprise if his accumulated indignation and discontent take a turn in formulating and organising a separate sect. Martin Luther revolted against the highhanded policy of Popes and Priests in the Christain religion and founded the section of Protestants in that religion.
2. THE GREAT SCHISM The history of the Jaina Church is full of references to the various schisms that had taken place from time to time and some of these schisms contributed to the rise of sects and sub-sects in the Jaina religion. There is no unity of opinion on the manner and nature of such schisms. According to Śvetāmbaras, there were eight schisms, of which the first was caused by Mahāvīra's son-inlaw, Jamāli; and eighth, occurring in 83 A. D., gave rise to the Digambara sect. But the Digambaras seem to be ignorant of the earlier schisms. As the first seven schisms were comparatively unimportant, we may deal with only the eighth schism which ultimately split the community into two rival sects. In this connection it should be remembered that in order to prove the antiquity of their sect, both the sects have put forward their own theories regarding the origin of the other secto. As regards the origin of the Digambara sect, it is ascribed by the Svetāmbaras to, Siva-bhūti,10 who started the heretical sect of the Bhotikas in 83 A. D. This report is denied by the Digambaras; they maintain that they have preserved the original practices, but that, under the 8th successor of Mahāvīra, Bhadrabāhu, a sect with laxer principles arose, and that this sect, which was called that of the
J...4

Page #76

Jaina Community-A Social Survey
Ardha-phalakas, developed into the present sect of Svetambaras in 80 A. D.11 Recent researches in Jaina history tend to prove the real existence of Ardhaphalaka sect and to consider the Ardhaphalakas as forerunners of the Svetambaras.12
50
Really speaking, one cannot arrive at any definite conclusion from all these mutually conflicting traditions, and hence, it is almost impossible to fix an exact date for this great, schism in the Jaina community. The main point of difference between the two sects was the question of considering whether the practice of nudity was an absolute necessity for achieving salvation. Taking into consideration these facts it seems probable that the separation of the sections of the Jaina Church took place gradually, an individual development going on in both the groups living at a great distance from one another, and that they became aware of their mutual difference about the end of the 1st century A. D.13 In view of this it can safely be asserted that the origin of the two sects cannot be attributed to any specific incident14 which instantly divided the community into two opposite camps.
3. THE TWO MAIN SECTS
It is now necessary to see what is the exact difference between these two sects. Literally Digambara means 'sky-clad' and Svetambara means 'white-robed', i. e., the monks of the Digambaras are naked while those of the Svetambaras wear white clothes. In fact there is very little difference between the two branches as regards the essentials of doctrine. For example, the most authoritative book of the Digambaras, viz., Tattvärthadhigama Sutra by Umasvati, is one of the standard books also of the Svetambaraș. However, there are some major as well as minor tenets on which the two sections are opposed to one another. The and major points of difference between the Digambaras Śvetām baras are as follows:
(i) While the Digambaras believe that a monk who owns any property, i. e., wears clothes, cannot attain salvation : the Svetambaras assert that the practice of complete nudity is not essential to attain liberation.
(ii) The Digambaras hold the view that woman is not entitled to Moksha in this life. On the contrary the Svetambaras believe that women can reach Nirvana in this life.

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(iii) According to the Digambaras, once a saint had attained
* Kevala Jñāna'i. e. omniscience, needed no food, but could sustain life without eating. This view is not acceptable
to the Svetāmbaras.
Leaving aside the trivial differences in rituals, customs and mannersis, the following are some of the minor points on which the two sects do not agree : (i) The Digambaras maintain that the embryo of Mahāvīra,
the last Tirthankara, was not removed from the womb of Devanandā, a Brahmin lady, to that of Trisalā or Priyakariņi,
a Kshatriya lady, as the Svetāmbaras contend. (ii) The Digambaras believe in the complete disappearance of
the ancient sacred literature of the Jainas and as such disown
the canonical books of the Svetāmbaras. (iii) The Digambaras assert that Mahāvīra never married but
according to the Svetāmbaras Mahāvīra married Yasodā and · had a daughter from her by name Anojjā or Priyadarśanā. (iv) The Svetambaras consider Mallinātha, the 19th Tirthan
kara, as a female but the Digambaras state that Mallinātha
was a male. (v) According to Digambaras, the Tirthankaras must be 're
presented as nude and unadorned, and with downcast eyes. This need not be so according to Svetāmbaras.16
4. THE MAJOR AND MINOR SUB-SECTS The division of the Jaina Church into two sects mentioned above was only the beginning of splitting the religion into various sects. Each of the two great divisions again got sub-divided into different major and minor sub-sects according to the difference in acknowledging or interpreting the religious texts.17 These major and minor sub-sects 'gradually sprang up for the most part on account of different interpretations the pontiffs put on the canonical texts from time to time. The Digambaras are divided into following sub-sects : (a) Major sub-sects :
(i) Bisapanthi. (ii) Terāpanthi. (iii) Taranapanthi or Samaiyāpanthi.

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(6) Minor sub-sects :
(i) Gumānapanthi.
(ii) Totāpanthi. The Bīsapanthis worship the idols with flowers, fruits and sweatmeats. In their temples they keep the idols of Kshetrapāla, Bhairava and other deities along with the idols of Tirthankaras. They perform “Ārati' (i. e., waving lights over the idol) and offer sweatmeats (i. e., Prasada) in the temple even at night. While worshipping they sit and do not stand. They consider Bhattārakas (i. e., ascetics below the order of Yatis or monks ) as their religious teachers (i.e., Dharma-gurus), and heads of the religion (i. e.. Achāryas.)
Terapanthis worship the idols not with flowers, fruits and other green vegetables ( known as Sachitta things ), but with sacred rice called ' Akshata', cloves, sandal, almond, dry cocoanuts, dates, etc. 18. In their temples they do not maintain the idols of Kshetrapāla, Bhairava and other deities. They neither perform
Arati’ nor offer sweatmeats in the temple. While worshipping they stand and do not sit. They do not treat Bhattārakas as their religious teachers or heads. The last characteristic of Terā panthis, i. e., non-recognition of the Bhattāraka system, is the main and important difference from Bisapanthīs. From this it is clear that the Terapanthis appear to be reformers. They oppose to various religious practices, as according to them these are not real Jaina religious practices. Digambara Terā panthis have no connection with Śvetambara Terapanthis. Among the Digambaras Bispanthis and Terāpanthīs are so proud of their practices that they do not visit the temples of other Panthas or sects. B.sapanthis are more in Rajasthan and Gujarat and Terā panthis in Rajasthan, U. P. and M. P.19 Terapantha arose in 1683 V. S. as a revolt against the loose conduct of Bhattarakas and now it claims practically two-third members of the Digambara sect as its followers. Terapantha had performed a valuable task of rescuing Digambara sect from the clutches of Bhattārakas and hence the Terāpanthis occupy a peculiar position in the Digambara Jaina community.2)
The sub-sect Tāraṇapantha is known after its founder Tarana Svāmī or Tarana Tarana Svāmī. This sub-sect is also called Samai

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yapantha because its followers worship Samaya, i. e., sacred books. The population of Taraṇapanthis is nearly 40,000 and they are mainly found in Bundelkhand, Madhya Pradesh, former Central Indian States and some parts of Khandesha District. Members from the following six castes, viz., Paravāra, Asaiti, Golalare, Charanagare, Ajudhyābāsī and Dosakhe Paravāra, are the followers of this sub-sect. Taranasvā mī (1505-1552 V. S.) founded the sub-sect in the latter part of the 16th century of the Vikrama Era. He died at Malharagarh, in former Gwalior State, and this is the central place of pilgrimage of Taranapanthis. They do not worship the idols but they do worship their own sacred books. Even though at present there are six castes among the Taraṇapanthis, they were really against the caste distinctions. Taraṇasvami was looking with equanimity towards all persons and in fact he threw open the doors of his subsect to Muslims and low caste people. Ruiramana, one of the main disciples of Taraṇasvami, was a Muslim. Further, Taranapanthis gave more importance to spiritual values and the study of sacred literature. That is why we find a complete absence of outward religious practices among them. These three main traits of Taraṇapanthis, viz., hatred of idol-worship, ban on caste distinctions and removal of outward religious practices, were evolved as a revolt against the religious practices and beliefs then prevailing in the Digambara Jaina Church and it appears that Taraṇasvāmī might have formulated these principles under the direct influence of Islamic doctrines and teachings of Lonkäsaha, the founder of non-idolatrous sub-sect among the Svētāmbaras.21
Gumānapanthis and Totapanthis are not so important and very little is known about them. Gumanapantha fluorished of late in the 18th century A. D. and was so called from the name of its founder Gumana Rāma.
In the Digambara sect, in recent years, a new sub-sect known as Kānaji Pantha, consisting of the followers of Kanaji Svāmi, is being formed. Kānaji Svāmi, a Svetambara Sthanakvāsī by birth, has largely succeeded in popularising the old sacred texts of the great Digambara saint Acharya Kunda-kunda of South India. But Kanaji Svāmi's efforts, while interpreting Acharya Kunda-kunda's writings, to give more prominence to Nischayanaya (i.e., realistic view point) in preference to Vyavahāranaya (i. e.,

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practical view point) are not approved by the Digambaras in general as they consider that both the view points are of equal importance. However, the influence of Kanaji Svāmī is steadily increasing and Sonagadha town in Gujarat has become the central place of varied religious activities of Kānaji-panthis.22
Like Digambaras, the Svetambaras are also split up into following sub-sects :
(i) Pujerā or Mūrtipūjaka or Derāvāsi or Mandiramārgi.
(ii) Dhundiyā or Bistolā or Sthānakavāsi or Sadhumārgi. . (iii) Terapanthi.
The original stock is now known as Murtipujaka-Svetambaras as they are the thorough worshippers of idols. They offer fruits, flowers and saffron etc. to their idols and adorn them with rich clothes and ornaments. Their ascetics cover their mouth with strips of cloth while speaking, otherwise they keep them in their hands. Again their ascetics have no objection to wearing yellow clothes.
The Sthānakavasis do not believe in idol-worship at all. Their ascetics cover their mouths with strips of cloth for all the time and they do not use the cloth of yellow or any other colour (of course, except white ). The Sthānakavāsīs arose not directly from the Svetambaras but as reformers of an older reforming sect, viz., Lonkā sect. The Lonkā sect was founded in about 1474 A. D. by Lonkasaha, a rich and well-read merchant of Ahmedabad, and the main principle of this sect was not to practise idol-worship.23 Later on, some of the members of the Lorkā sect disapproved of the lives of their ascetics, declaring that they lived less strictly than Mahāvīra would have wished. A Lonkā sect layman, Viraji of Surat, received initiation as a Yati and won great admiration on account of the strictness of his life. Many pepole of the Lonkā sect joined this reformer and they took the name of Sthā nakavā si (i. e. those who do not live in temples but in Apăsara ) whilst their enemies called them Dhundhiyā (i. e. Searchers. This title has grown to be quite an honourable one )24. Except on the crucial point of idol worship, Sthānakavāsīs do not differ much from other Svetāmbara Jainas25 and nowadays they invariably call themselves as Svetambara Sthanakavāsis.26
It is interesting to note that the two non-idolatrous subsects -Taranapanthis among Digambaras and Sthanakavāsis among Śvetāṁbaras-came very late in the history of the Jaina Church

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55
and to some extent it can safely be said that the Muhammedan influence on the religious mind of India was greatly responsible for their rise. In this connection Mrs. S. Stevenson observes : “If one effect of the Muhammedan conquest, however, was to drive many of the Jainas into closer union with their fellow idolworshippers in the face of iconoclasts, another effect was to drive others away from idolatry altogether. No oriental could hear a fellow oriental's passionate out-cry against idolatry without doubts as to the rightousness of the practice entering his mind. Naturally enough it is in Ahmedabad, the city of Gujerat that. was most under Muhammedan influence, that we can first tr the stirring of these doubts. About 1452 A. D.27 the Lonkā sect, the first of the non-idolatrous Jaina sects, arose and was followed by the Dhundhiyā or. Sthānakavāsi sect about 1653 A. D., dates which coincide strikingly with the Lutherian and Puritan movements in Europe.” 28
The foundation of Terapanthi sub-sect was laid by Svāmī Bhikkhanaji Mahārāja in V.S. 1817. He was formerly a Sthānakavāsi and when he perceived some difference in the religious practices of
began to convert the people to his own views. As he laid stress on the thirteen religious principles, viz., five Mahā vratas, five Samitis and three Guptis, his sub-sect was known as the Terapanthi sub-sect.29 About 150 male ascetics, 300 female ascetics and one lakh ordinary laymen are the followers of Terapanthi sub-sect. Terapanthis are non-idolatrous and are very finely organised by their. Achārya (i.e. religious head) and every year on the 7th day of the bright half of the month of Māgha a festival known as “ Maryādā Mahotsava' is celebrated when all ascetics and lay disciples, male and female, meet together and discuss the various problems of Terā panthīs. The penance of Terapanthis is considered to be very severe.30
The Terapantha is known for its disciplined organisation characterised by one Acharya (i.e., religious head ), one code of conduct and one line of thought. The Terāpanthis are considered reformists as they emphasise simplicity in religion. For example, the Terāpanthīs do not even construct monasteries for their monks, who inhabit a part of the house which the householders build for themselves.31 Recently their religious head, Acharya Tulsi, has started the Aņuvrata movement which attempts

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to' utilise the spiritual doctrines of the Jainas for moral uplift of the masses.32
5. RISE OF SECTIONS AND SUB-SECTIONS Apart from the splitting of the Jaina Church into various sects and sub-sects, we find that every main sect was further divided into several sections and sub-sections like Samgha, Gana, Gachchha and Sakhā. In the Digambara sect, there arose al number of Samghas, viz., Müla (i, e., original ) Samgha, and others like Drāvida Samgha, Kāshthā Samgha, Māthura Samgha, etc. The Mūla Samgha was further split up into four small Samghas for very trivial reasons. On this subject the following stanzas occur in the “Nītisāra ', a work of Indranamdin :
अहंदली गुरुश्चक्रे संघसंघट्टनं परम् ॥ ६ ॥ सिंहसंघो नंदिसंघः सेनसंघो महाप्रभः ।
देवसंघ इति स्पष्टं स्थानस्थितिविशेषतः ॥७॥ The Guru Arhadbalin effected the excellent organisation of Samghas : the Simha Sam gha, the Nam di Sam gha, the famous Sena Samgha and the Deva Samgha were well-known as they were distinguished by the places of their establishment. Thus those who used to keep their rainy season's retreat in the den of a lion formed into a Simha Samgha, those in the lower part of a tree of the Namdi species, Namdi Samgha, those urider the bushes, Sena Samgha and those in the house of a courtesan named Devadattā, Deva Samgha. Further, in the Samghas there were small sections like Ganas and Gachchhas, e. g., the Namdi Samgha had Balātkāra Gana and Pārijāta Gachchha.
Even though there were sections and sub-sections among the Digambaras, really there was no difference in them regarding religious practices and beliefs and it should be remembered that this fact was impressed on lay disciples. In this connection 'Nitisāra' observes that :
गणगच्छादयस्तेभ्यो जातास्ते परसौख्यदाः । न तत्र भेदः कोऽप्यस्ति प्रव्रज्यादिषु कर्मसु ॥ ८ ॥ चतुःसंघे नरो यस्तु कुरुते भेदभावनाम् । स सम्यगदर्शनातीतः संसारे संचरत्यरम् ॥ १२॥ न तत्र प्रतिमाभेदो न प्रायश्चित्तकर्मणः । नाचारवाचनापद्यवाचनासु विशेषतः ॥ १३ ॥

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The Gaṇas, Gachchhas and others that have arisen from them, are the grantors of eternal bliss. There is between them no difference whatever in their monastic and other practices. If a man imagines any difference in the four Sam ghas, he has travelled beyond the truth and is gone completely into the world. In them ther: is no difference of images nor of penitential observances, nor is there any distinction in their rules and readings.33
A number of Gachchhas came into being in the Svetambara sect also. They originated from the different Jaina teachers, who assumed themselves as heads of their own Gachchhas, alleging differences in religious practices and holding different interpretations of the texts of the Sutras, i.e., holy scriptures. The literature of Svetambara sect has preserved the list of the Suris or hierarchs, right from Arya Sudharman, Mahavira's successor as head of Jaina Church, noting down the important events during their time. Therein, we find that after Udyotana Sūrī, his eighty-four disciples started eighty-four Gachchhas as all of them were 'created Acharyas34 by him. This happened in 937 A. D. at a place named Teli near the famous Mount Abu. The following is a list of the names of the Gachchhas35 commonly found and most of them have become now extinct.
1. Agama
2. Anchala
3. Anpuri
4. Bagheravāla 5. Baherha
6. Bāpanā
7. Barhgachha 8. Baroḍiyā 9. Belia
10. Bharuyachha
11. Bhaṭanera 12. Bahavaharsha 13. Bhavemdra
14. Bhavarā ja 15. Bhimapalli
16. Bhimasena
17. Bhinmala
$
18. Bidyadhara
19. Bijaya
20. Birejivāla 21. Boresimgha
22. Bramhana
23. Chitourha
24. Chitravāla
25. Dashiya 26. Dekacharha 27. Dhamdhusha 28. Dharmaghosha 29. Dobamdanika 30. Dokarha 31. Gachhapāla 32. Gaṇadhara 33. Gamgesara 34. Ghamghodharā
35. Ghoghera 36. Ghoshavāla
57
37. Gubela
38. Guptaubā 39. Hamsaraka 40. Jalori 41. Jam gorha 42. Javaharaka
43. Jheramtiyā 44. Jīrāvala 45. Chhapara 46. Kachhela 47. Kamalakalaśa 48. Kamboja 49. Kamdobiya 50. Kapurasimgha 51. Kattakapura

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52. Kavala 53. Khambhyata 54. Kharatara 55. Koramtavāla 56. Koshipura 57. Krshnarshi 58. Kuchora 59. Kutubapura 60. Lumpaka 61. Madhukara 62. Mamdaliya 63. Mandharana 64. Mandovara 65. Manghosha 66. Maladhora 67. Masena 68. Māthura 69. Muhasorarha 70. Muram davāla 71. Nadola 72. Nagadraha
73. Nagarakața 74. Nagaravāla 75. Nāgemdra 76. Nagori 77. Nāgapura 78. Nanavāla 79. Narhiya 80. Jithara 81. Nigama 82. Palanapura 83. Pallikiya 84. Pallivāla 85. Pañchabahali 86. Pārsvachandra 87. Pippalaka 88. Purnatalla 89. Pūrima 90. Rāmasena 91. Rangavijaya 92. Revati 93. Rudrapalliya
94. Sāgara 95. Sañchara 96. Samderaka 97. Sañjata 98. Sarasvati 99. Śaravāla 100. Särdhapunamiya 101. Sevantara 102. Siddhamta 103. Siddhapura 104. Soratha 105. Surana 106. Tanavāla 107. Tapā 108. Thambhana 109. Trengaliyā. 110. Tirbhaviya 111. Upakeśa 112. Ustavāla 113. Utabiya.36
Like Mūrtipūjaka Śvetāmbaras, the Sthanakavāsi Svetāmbaras also have been sub-divided into 32 Gachchhas.37
6. ATTEMPTS OF RECONCILIATION From the above discussion it will be seen that the Jaina Church which was one and undivided at the time of Mahāvīra has now been split up into sects, sub-sects, Samghas, Gaņas, Gachchhas, etc. Apart from the religious divisions existing at present there might have been other divisions in the past. Such divisions must have flourished in the past but it appears that they could not survive upto the present day for want of followers or some other reasons. As an instance the name of 'Yapaniya' or 'Yāpya’ Samgha can be cited. This Samgha was established by Sri Kalasa Acharya at Kalyāna town in Gulbarga District in Karnataka. Like Svetämbaras, it recognised the existence of sacred books and believed that women could attain salvation and saints could take food after attaining omniscience; but at the same time it was, like

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Digambaras, against using clothes and it followed the rules and regulations of Digam bara ascetics38. Neither its literature39 nor any of its followers is existing today. It appears that this Sam gha was a connecting link between the Digambaras and Svetambaras or probably it was a solution to iron out the differences between the two sects. But this solution was not, it seems, accepted by the people and as such it had to remain as a separate Samgha and vanish within a short period for want of following. 40 Afterwards no attempt worth the name was made in the long history of the Jaina Church to cement the outstanding differences between the sects and among the sub-sects within a sect. On the contrary it is a pity that more importance was attached to small differences of practice and this ultimately gave rise to various Samghas, Gachachhas, etc. The main difference between the Mula Samgha and Kashtha Samgha of Digambaras lies in the fact that while the ascetics of the former use the bunch of peacock feathers for warding off insects, those of the latter use a tuft of cow's tail's hair. There was a third section which did away with the use of a bunch or tuft and hence it was called 'Niḥpichchhika Samgha.' Even though the differences were meagre, the Mula Sam gha declared the other two Sam ghas as Jainābhasa, i. e., false Jaina Samghas. Exactly on the same lines various Gachchhas like Kharatara, Anchala, Paurṇimiyaka, Kaṭuka, etc. arose among the Śvetämbaras due to little differences and there was practically constant rivalry among them. Books like Kupakshakausikasahasrakiraṇa, Tapomatakuṭṭana, Añchalamatadalana, indicate this spirit of rivalry.41 Thus it will be found that there is nothing like unity in the Jaina Church but on the contrary there is a vivid tendency to magnify the differences and to split up the Jaina Church into small sections spread all over India. Moreover there was not during the last 2000 years even a single powerful personality in the Jaina community who could iron out the differences between the two main sects which insist more on their mutual differences. It goes without saying that this unusually large number of religious sections or divisions in a small Jaina community can hardly serve as an incentive for unity in that community.

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NOTES
1. Law B. C. : Mahavira: His Life and Teachings, p. 1. Indian historians now recognise that some predecessors of Lord Parsvanatha had historical existence, vide Bool-Chand: Lord Mahavira, pp. 14-15. 2. (i) Jain J. C. Life in Ancient India as depicted in Jain Canons, p. 22. (ii) For archaeological evidence regarding Lord Rshabhadeva's historicity vide Jain, K. P.: The Religion of Tirthankaras, pp. 45-47.
:
3. Vide Chapter 7.
4. Sen, A. C. Schools and Sects in Jaina Literature, p. 43
5. (i) Barodia : History and Literature of Jainism, p. 40.
(ii) Diwakar, R. R. (Ed.): Bihar through the Ages, p. 127. 6. Jain J. C. : Op. Cit., p. 25.
7. (i) Jacobi H.
Encyclopedia of Religion and Ethics, Vol. 7, p. 474. (ii) Glasenapp: Jainism, pp. 354-356.
8. For description of these 7 Schisms vide :
(i) Vaidya P. L.: Jaina Dharma āni Vangmaya, pp. 51-54. (ii) Kapadia H. R.: Jaina Religion & Literature, Vol. I. pp. 35-38. (iii) Sen, A. C. Schools & Sects in Jaina Literature, pp. 43-45. (iv) Jain, Hiralal Bharatiya Sanskriti Men Jaina Dharma kā Yogadāna, pp. 30-31.
(v) Gopani, A. S.: "Heretic of Jainism", Munshi Indological Felicitation Volume, pp. 205-210.
9. (i) Vide Nahar, P. C.: A note on the Svetambara and Digambara Sects, Indian Antiquary, Vol. LVIII, pp. 167-168. (ii) Jain K. P. : A further note on the Svetambara and Digambara Sects-Indian Antiquary, Vol. LIX, pp. 151-154. (iii) Nahar P. C.: Antiquity of the Jaina Sects-Indian Antiquary, Vol. LXI, pp. 121-126. (iv) Jain C. R. Origin of Svetambara Sect in Change of Heart, pp. 96-105. 10. For the story of Sivabhuti vide S. Stevensen: Heart of Jainism, p. 79. 11. Jacobi H: Encyclopedia of Religion and Ethics, Vol. 4, p. 704. 12. (i) Jain K. P. Samkshipta Jaina Itihāsa, Vol. II, part II pp. 76-77. (ii) Jain K. P. :" Ardhaphalaka-Sampradaya ", J. S. B., December 1941, pp. 63-66.
13. Jacobi H: Encyclopedia of Religion and Ethics, Vol. 7, p. 473. 14. (i) Vide the article "On the Sravakas or Jainas" by Major Delamaine in Transactions of the R. A. S. of Great Britain and Ireland, Vol I, (1827), p. 416.
(ii) Schubring, W. : The Doctrine of the Jains, pp. 50-51.
15. Vide (i) Lt. Col. William Miles: "On the Jainas of Gujarath and Marwar". Transactions of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Ireland, Vol. III (1835), pp. 335-371.
(ii) Wilson: Works by H. H. Wilson, I, p. 340.

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16. (i) It is asserted that in the beginning both the Digambaras and the
Svetāmbaras used to have common temples and idols and that from the 7th or 8th century of the Vikram era only the practice of having separate temples and idols of the Digambaras and svetāmbaras came into vogue as the Svetāmbaras from that time began to adorn the idols Vide Jain Hiralal : op. cit., pp. 44-45. (ii) In this connection I am informed by Prof. Dalasukha Malavaniya that in the beginning the idols worshipped by Svetāmbaras used to be made like those worshipped by Digambaras. But later on this practice gave rise to quarrels between Digambaras and Svetāmbaras over the possession of temples. Hence, with a view to put an end to such incessant troublesome quarrels, Svetāmbaras began, probably from the
12th or 13th century A. D., to put on clothes on their idols. 17. Mehta, M. L. : Jaina Culture, pp. 19-20. 18. Vide Indian Antiquary, Vol XXXI (1902), pp. 66-67. 19. Dr. Glasenapp : Jainism, pp. 366-67. 20. Nathuram Premi : Jaina Hitaishi, vol. 7. pp. 3-8. 21. For detailed and critical account of Taranapantha vide. Nathuram
Premi : Jaina Hitaishi, vol. 8. pp. 90-303, 549-557; Vol. 9. pp. 33-38; 198-206 and 532-539. Also vide Ranwaka K. C. : "Santa TaranaTāraņa aura Unakā Tāraṇa Pantha ", Mahāvīra Jayanti Smārikā,
1962, pp. 212-213. 22. Nahata, Agarchand : " Jaina Dharma men Sampradāyonkā udbhava
aura vikasa ", Jaina Jagat, Silver Jubilee Volume, p. 172. 23. (i). For information about personality of Lonkāśaha and the spread
of Lońkā sect vide, Bhanwarlal Nahata : "Lonkāśāha aura usake Anuyāyī,” Shrimat Rājendrasūri Smāraka Grantha, pp. 470-477. (ii) For a masterly and detailed account of Lonkāśāha and his preachings vide Malvania, Dalsukha: “Lonkāśāha aura unaki Vicharadharā," Gurudeva Sri Ratnamuni Smriti-Grantha. pp. 365-383. Vide S. Stevenson : Heart of Jainism p. 88. There is another version regarding the meaning of Dhundhiyā. “They are so called because its followers were persecuted by the orthodox and compelled to take refuge in ruins ( Dhunda)". Vide M. Millett: Some Modern Jaina Sects--Hindu Antipathy to Jainas ", Indian Anti
quary, Vol. XXV (1896), p. 147. 25. Vide Encyclopedia of Religion and Ethics, Vol. 12, p. 124. 26. For the masterly account of the Sthānakavāsi sub-sect vide Muni Sri.
Sushila Kumaraji : "Sthānakavāsi Jaina Dharma ka Samkshipta Itihasa". Svarna Jayanti Grantha (Akhila Bharatiya Svet&mbra Stha
nakavāsi Jaina Conference, Delhi), pp. 25-62. 27. There is a slight difference in date. At another place the writer gives
the date as 1474 A. D.
24.

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8. S. Stevenson : Heart of Jainism, p. 19.
Sometimes another interpretation of the term Terāpantha is given by its followers." Terā means yours and Pantha means path; in other words, it means "Oh! Lord Mahavira ! it is Thy path.” vide Shroff, M.M.:
Jainism and the Modern Thought, p. 37. 30. (i) Vide Chopra, C. : A Short History of the Terapanthi Sect of the
Svetambara Jainas and its Tenets, pp. 1-11 and 17-26. (ii) History of Osavālas, pp. 234-236. (iii) Nathamal, Muni: Jaina Darśana-Manana aura Mīmānsā, pp.
73-74. 31. Bhargava Dayanand : “Reformistic Trends in Jainism ", Jain Bharati
Research Volume, pp. 59-61. 32. For detailed information about the Anuvrata movement vide Muni Sri
Nagarajaji : Aņuvrata Jivana-Darsana (in Hindi ). 33. A. F. R. Hoernle : “ Three further Pattāvalis of the Digambaras. " Indian
Antiquary, Vol. XXI (1892), pp. 57-84. 34. For the names of these 84 Acharyas vide Vidhipaksha (Añchala )
Gachchhīya Mhoti Pattavali, pp. 70-74. 35. For the names of 84 Gachchhas please see the following:- .
(i) Marathi Encyclopedia : Article on Jainism, Vol. 14, p. 32 (ii) Buhler : On the Indian Sect of the Jains, pp. 78-79. (iii) Vidhipaksha (Añchala ) Gachchhīya Mhoti Pattāvali, pp. 70-74. (iv) Rāmalālaji : Mahājana-Vamsa-Muktāvali, pp. 115-116.
It is interesting to note that these lists do not agree in various respects. 36. Nahar and Ghosh : Epitome of Jainism, pp. 668-670. It is regretted
that the original source does not use diacritical marks for the names of Gachchhas. Some of these Gachchhas have published a detailed account of their Acharyas and activities vide Vinayasagara (Ed.): Kharatara
Gachchha Kā Itihāsa. 37. (i) Jaina-Jagat, Vol. 8, No. 8, p. 13.
(ii) Vira', dated the 15th March 1947. 38. Kapadia, H. R. : Jaina Religion and Literature, Vol. I, Part I, pp. 43-44. 39. It may, however, be noted that Sakatayana alias Pālyakīrti is described
as a Yapaniya, and three works, namely, a Sanskrit grammar, a treatise on Strīmukti and another on Kevalibhukti are attributed to him. It is suggested that many Achāryas belonged to Yapaniya Sangha and that among them Umāsvāti, Sivācharya, Sakatāyana, Svayambhu, Tribhuvan Svayambhu and Vadiraja were very prominent Acharyas. Vide Pathak, Nathulal : “Jaina Dharmaka Yapanīya Sampradaya aura usake
Pramukha Achārya,” Mahāvīra Jayanti Smārikā, 1970, pp. 53-56. 41. Nathuram Premi : Jaina Religion and Its Sects.
Atmānanda Birth Centenary Commemoration Volume, pp. 197-201.
40.

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CHAPTER 3
SOCIAL DIVISIONS IN THE JAINA COMMUNITY
1. INTRODUCTION Just as there is an unusually large number of divisions in the religious sphere of a small Jaina community, we witness the same phenomenon, possibly in an aggravated form, in the social sphere of that community. We have seen that these religious divisions have created rival sections and sub-sections in the community to such an extent that sectarian feelings get an upper hand and make their adherents to forget the important fact that the Jaina Church was one and undivided up to the time of Lord Mahā vīra. Further. we have noticed that various sub-sects arose very late in the history of the Jaina Church and that in many cases their rise was inevitable in the sense that they were created with a view to meet the demands of the changing conditions in different parts of the country and to correct the laxity in the religious practices of several religious heads and pontiffs. Moreover, the influence of teachings of other important religions on the religious practices and behaviour of the Jainas was but natural and cannot be over-looked; and in this connection we find that the Islamic doctrines were more or less responsible for creating the non-idolatrous sub-sections in the two main sects of the Jaina Church. It is proposed in this Chapter to show the manner in which the Jaina community was divided and sub-divided in the social field.
2. JAINA CONCEPTION OF VARNAS OR CLASSES During the Vedic period (2000 B. C. to 300 B. C.) Pārsvanātha was the first person to launch a successful attack against the religious beliefs and practices of Brahmanism and the same policy was vigorously followed by Mahāvīra. The latter succeeded in getting a large number of followers whom he organised into a compact

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social order quite distinct from that of the Brahmanic social order of the Vedic period.
The Vedic society was composed of four classes, viz., Brāhmaṇa, Rājanya, "Vaisya and Sūdra. They are said to have come from the mouth, the arms, the thighs and the feet of the Creator. The particular limbs ascribed as the origins of these divisions and the order in which they are mentioned probably indicate their status in the society of the time. The fact that the four classes are described as of divine origin could be taken as a sufficient indication that they were of long duration and very well defined.1 Not only the four classes were distinct and separate, but they were also affected by the spirit of rivalry among themselves. Even in early Rgvedic times the Brahmanical profession had begun to set up claims of superiority or sacredness for itself and accordingly we find that different rules were prescribed for different classes. Thus the Śatapatha Brāhmaṇa lays down different modes of address for the four castes, differing in degrees of politeness, as ēhi, agachchha, adrava and adhava. The Taittirīya Brāhmaṇa recommends the spring season to the Brahmins for the performance of sacrifices, the summer to the Kshatriyas, and the autumn to the Vaisyas. The Atharva Veda proclaims in the strongest language sin, peril and ruinous consequences of insulting Brahmins and robbing them of their property. This inordinate extension of the pretensions and prerogatives of the sacerdotal class naturally created cleavages in the society. The Kshatriyas were assigned a position next to Brahmins, and Vaisyas and Sūdras were comparatively neglected.
The Rgvedic people, including the Brahmins, were fond of meat-eating and practically all the important ceremonies and sacrifices were attended with the slaughter of animals. The principle of ' Ahimsā' or pon-injury to animals was then unknown to the Rshis or ascetics. Offerings of flesh were frequently made to the gods, and the worshippers, including the priests, ate the offerings. The meat of cows and bulls does not seem to have been excluded. It was a custom to entertain a distinguished guest with the meat of a bull or a barren cow. At the wedding ceremonies oxen were slain, evidently for the feeding of the invited guests. From the Brāhmaṇas we learn that the sage Agastya slaughtered one hundered bulls at a sacrifice. In fact, the sacrifice of cows and bulls. was

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not only optional as in the case of the arrival of a guest, the Ashtaka sacrifices offerd to the Fathers, and marriage, but compulsory on certain occasions and ceremonies. At Śrāddhas, or periodical oblations to the manes, the sacrifice of cows is recommended, as subtsances like rice, barley, sesamum, fruits, etc. keep the manes satisfied for a month, the flesh of goats for six months, while beef satisfies them for a yeat.3 Meat was almost compulsory at the Annaprāśana (or first feeding with solid food) ceremony of a child and from then till death and cremation, sacrificing of animals was necessary on most of the ceremonial occasions of life.
65
In the latter part of the Vedic period women had practically been reduced to the status of Sudras. Like the latter, they were debarred from the right of initiation and investment with the sacred thread. They were considered to have no business with sacred texts. In many passages we find that woman and Śūdra were bracketed together. The sight of women was considered as inauspicious and people were asked to avoid seeing women, Śūdras, dead bodies, etc.4 From this it appears that woman had practically no place in the religious life of the society and as such she was neglected and degraded by the people.
Thus the Vedic society was class-ridden in the sense that unusual importance was given to the Brahmin class to the detriment of other classes and nobody was allowed to change his class. People widely indulged in meat-eating and the sacrificial rites were the main religious rites. Women were completely excluded from the religious field. Against these glaring draw-backs of the Vedic society, so far as the historical period is concerned, Pārsvanātha and Mahāvīra had to fight. They recognised the division of society into four classes but based them on activities and not on. birth. They gave full freedom to one and all, including women and Šūdras, to observe religious practices and admitted them into their religious order.5 They launched an attack against meat-eating and the performance of sacrificial rites. In this connection Dr. N. K. Dutt observes: "Animal sacrifice had been of so long standing among the Aryans and such was the respect for the authority of the Vedas which made it obligatory to sacrifice with flesh offerings, that the abolition of sacrifices, even of cows, became a very slow process, affecting only a very small minority, the intellectual section of the people, and might not have succeeded at all if Jainism and
J...5

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Buddhism had not over-whelmed the country and the mass of the people with the teachings of Ahimsā and inefficacy of sacrificial rites.". The doors of Jainism were thrown open to all and equal opportunity was given to everybody to practise religion according to his capacity. Those who followed religion as house-holders were known as Śrāvakas and Śrāvikās and those who observed it fully by leaving their houses were called as Sādhus and Sadhvis.
After Pārsvanātha and Mahāvīra, various Jaina Achāryas made no distinction whatsoever among people in the matter of following religion and conceived that the Varna system, that is, the division of society into four Varnas or classes, is based upon differences in professions. In their view birth played no part in determining the class or Varna of a particular person. As regards the division of the society into four Varnas Jinasena Achārya states in the following manner :
मनुष्यजातिरेकैव जातिनामोदयोद्भवा । वृत्तिभेदा हि तभेदात् चातुर्विध्यमिहाभुते ॥ ब्राह्मणा व्रतसंस्कारात् क्षत्रियाः शस्त्रधारणात् ।
वणिजोऽर्थार्जनान्न्यायात् शूद्रा न्यग्वृत्तिसंश्रयात् ॥ The whole mankind came into existence due to the rise of Jāti Nāma-Karma; and the mankind was divided into four categories of Brāhmaṇa, Kshatriya, Vaisya and Sūdra according to the differences in the vocations they followed for their livelihood. Those who observed · Vratas ' (i. e., religious injuctions to a greater degree) were known as Brāhmanas, those who carried weapons as Kshatriyas, those who acquired wealth by just means as Vaisyas and those who maintained by resorting to low professions as Sūdras.
In the same way Acharya Ravishena asserts that it is not birth but activities that determine one's class in the society.
Efqsiniferati a 71aqtai sairiai ब्राह्मण्यं गुणयोगेन न तु तद्योनिसंभवात् ॥ a न जातिर्गर्हिता काचिद् गुणाः कल्याणकारणम् ।
for व्रतस्थमपि चाण्डालं तं देवा ब्राह्मणं विदुः ॥ चातुर्वण्य यथान्यच्च चाण्डालादिविशेषणम् ।
सर्वमाचारभेदेन प्रसिद्धिं भुवने गतम् ॥ The Bramaņahood of best ascetics as well as of ordinary people is considered on their actions and not on their birth in the Brāhmaṇa

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class. No class has been despised. The actions alone lead to good prosperity. Gods regard a Chändāla, i. e., an outcast, as a Brāhmaṇa if he follows religious mode of life. The epithets ou classes and Chāņdāla which are applied to mankind are famous in this world due to the difference in their ways of life.
Acharya Amitagati attaches no importance to birth and considers one's mode of life as the determinant of one's class.
आचारमात्रभेदेन जातीनां भेदकल्पनम् । न जातिर्ब्राह्मणस्यास्ति नियता क्वापि तात्त्विकी ॥ ब्राह्मणक्षत्रियादीनां चतुर्णामपि तत्त्वतः । एकैव मानुषी जातिराचारेण विभज्यते ॥ शीलवन्तो गताः स्वर्ग नीचजातिभवा अपि । कुलीना नरकं प्राप्ताः शीलसंयमनाशिनः ॥ गुणैः संपद्यते जातिगुणध्वंसैविपद्यते। । यतस्ततो बुधैः कार्यों गुणेष्वेवादरः परः ॥ जातिमात्रमदः कार्यों न नीचत्वप्रवेशकः ।
उच्चत्वदायकः सद्भिः कार्यः शीलसमादरः॥ The idea of differentiation of classes comes in only because of differences in the ways of life. No single class has been settled as that of the true or real Brahmin class. Really there is only one class of four divisions, viz., Brāhmanas, Kshatriyas, Vaisyas and Sūdras and that is the class of human beings. They have been divided because of differences in the ways of life. People of good conduct had attained heaven even though they were born in low families and on the contrary men devoid of good conduct and restraint had gone to hell in spite of the fact that they had taken birth in high families. A class is formed by following a particular mode of life and it perishes when that mode is left and that is why wise people should respect ways of life only. The good people should not have pride in any class as it leads to degradation but they should observe good conduct which might give them high position.
It is clear that the Jaina religion as such is not concerned in dividing the society into classes. The division was effected by the people with a view to facilitate their living:11 The classes were not hereditary but they were based on the ways of life. It naturally follows that as a class is composed of persons observing a particular mode of life, if that mode is changed å person has automatically

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to change his class. There was no restriction to change the class. On the contrary it was for each person to decide in what class to enter. Jainism has enjoined upon a person to perform fifty-three rites (i. e., Kriyās) in his life and among those the 18th rite is that of Varņa-lābha, i. e., getting into a class.12 After completing his education and marriage ceremony, a person should approach some leading members of the class and request them to admit him into their class. The leaders also reciprocate his wishes and allow him to get into their class. Thus admitted he attains the same status as that of the others. 13 . This is what is known as Varnalābha Kriya.
From the above discussion it will be seen that the society as envisaged by Pārsvanātha, Mahāvīra and other Achāryas was a society wherein classes were not watertight compartments and complete freedom was granted to the people to change to the class of their own aptitude. The society was not divided into distinct separate sections and no differentiation was made in the status of the classes. All were considered as different ways of life and utmost importance was attached to individual character and mode of behaviour. There was no room for anybody to feel that he was neglected or degraded as he was free enough to follow any profession he liked and he could observe all religious rites and practices along with others. It is important to note that Brahmana, Kshatriya, Vaisya and Sudra were the main divisions and nowhere in ancient literature even a mention has been made of the castes existing as at present in the Jaina community. The caste system is a comparatively later development in the Jaina community and it appears that the castes might have arisen from the former four classes.14 It is stated that the persistent Brahmanical tendency to give a hereditary character to occupational distinctions by birthright led to the formation of castes and castes within castes. Even though the early records of the Jainas, along with those of the Buddhists, reveal a powerful movement of thought counteracting this rapidly increasing tendency,15 still it is a fact that later on the Jainas formed in their community a large number of castes and sub-castes.
We now turn to the discussion of castes in the Jaina community.
3. SOME IMPORTANT THINGS ABOUT JAINA CASTES At the outset we should remember some important things

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Social Divisions in the Jaina Community
about castes in the Jaina community. In the first place, the cxact number of Jaina castes is not available. Proverbially it is said that there are eighty-four castes in the Jaina community. As regards the number 84 it is believed that once a rich Jaina of Padmavati town invited at his place members of the Jaina community from all places to consider the possibility of establishing one VaisyaMahasabhā (i. e., Central Association of Traders) and in response to this invitation Jaina representatives from 84 places participated in the function. From that time representatives of different places were considered as belonging to different castes and as the representatives came from 84 places there became 84 castes in the Jania com munity. The names of these castes and the places from which they originated are given in Appendix 1.16 There is another list of 84 original castes in the Jaina community and they are entered in Appendix II.17 If we compare the names of castes included in the two Appendices, it will be found that the first 26 caste names are common to both and the remaining names of castes in the one are not found in the other. This means that the number 84 cannot be relied upon. Moreover these two lists are not exhaustive. There is a prayer in the name of 84 castes known as 'Chavaryāmsi Jñati-Jayamala '18 and many of the caste names mentioned in this prayer are not found in the lists given either in Appendix I or Appendix II, for example, Kumbada, Rohinivāla, Vayadā, Bhatera, Ayavāla, Mahalavāla, Saharu, etc. Again a list of names of 84 Jaina castes is given by Prof. H. H. Wilson19 (Appendix III) and it will be noticed that many of the castes from this list are not · found in the lists mentioned above.20 Further, it is believed that
in the original 84 castes in the Jaina community as a whole, other groups of Jainas were admitted as 'separate castes according to circumstances in different provinces, and in this way some provinces came to have their own 84 Jaina Castes. The Appendix IV and Appendix V give the names21 of Jaina castes from Gujaratha and Deccan respectively. Similarly a long list of Jaina castes in Gujaratha and Marwar is given by Lt. Col. William Miles.22 All this shows that several castes arose in the Jaina community in various parts of the country.
Secondly, apart from exclusive Jaina castes (i. e. castes in which all members are Jainas ) we find that there are Jaina sections or divisions in several Hindu castes. These are mainly occupational

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Jaina Community–A Sccial Survey
castes some members of which happen to follow the Jaina religion and as such they form into distinct groups or sub-castes in those
tes. It cannot be definitely said whether these small sections were converted to Jainism or they continued to follow the Jaina religion while the rest of the caste members changed their religion. In any case it appears that these sections are of sufficiently long standing and they have a fixed mode of behaviour with other sections of the same caste. Among the Devāmgas, also known as Hatakaras, Koshtīs or Sālis, there are 33 endogamous divisions of which the 10th is a Jaina division.23 Jaina Guravas, an endogamous division of Guravas, resemble local Brahmins in matters of religion and custom. They abstain from flesh and liquor and do not take food and water from any Hindu caste, even from Brahmins. They are mainly servants in village 'temples which, though dedicated to Brahmanic gods, have still by their sides broken remains of Jaina images. This, and the fact that most of the temple land grants date from a time when Jainism was the state religion, support the theory that the Jaina Guravas are probably Jaina temple servants who have come under the influence partly of Limgāyata religion and partly of Brahmanism. They are found mainly in Malvan Taluka of the Ratnagiri District.24 In the north Gujarātha a few Mālīs are Jainas and form a separate division of Jaina Mālis.25 In the Uttar Pradesh there are Jaina sections among Rajputs and Unai or Unaya caste.26 According to the 1911 census there are more than 125 Hindu and other castes among whom there are Jaina followers.27 Thus we find Agaravālas among Jainas, Hindus, Sikhs, Buddhists and Mussalmans. Moreover some Jaina castes completely merge into Hindus and consider themselves as Hindus. There was a sub-caste of Jaina Kalāras in the former Central Provinces, but they are said to have gone to Hinduism.28 " * Thirdly, as a small Jaina community is divided into more than 100 castes, we find that each caste forms a very small group. Excepting a few castes like Osavāla, Śrīmāla, Agaravāla, Khandelavāla, Saitavāla, Paravāra, Chaturtha, and Pañchama, the rest claim -a meagie strength. Since all these small castes are endogamous, many have necessarily to remain unmarried and as such their population is fastly declining. There are nearly sixty castes whose population is less than one hundred. There are seventeen castes which are on the way of being wiped out. The population of

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'Disavala' caste according to 1901 census was 971, it fell to 355 in 1911 and by this time it might have possibly ceased to exist. There was Kukekari caste in Berar but now there is not even a single person belonging to that caste. The same is the story of "Bañjārā' caste.29 It seems that this is the reason why many castes mentioned in the lists are not found at present. There are, no doubt, new castes which are not found in the lists mentioned above and their rise in recent times is explained by the fact that as the practice of re-admitting ex-communicated members into the caste after some sort of fine or penance has fallen into disuse, such out-cast persons, finding no other way, join together and form into a separate group." Ladava or Pancha Śrīmālis, Chau Sake Paravaras are instances in point.
30
71
"
Fourthly, along with the decline of population of Jaina castes we find the assimilation of one caste into another. Various causes can be attributed to the assimilation of one caste into another but the main reason seems to be to save the persons of declining castes from joining another religion. The present Athasake Paravara caste might be a combination of two castes, viz., Ashta-Sākhā and Paravara. The Ashta-Sakha caste is not existing at present but there are historical evidences which go to show the prior existence of that caste. It is likely that for some reason both the castes might have mixed together and formed a new caste of AshtaSakha Paravāra. 31 In the year 1906 of Vikrama Era the Simhapura caste was incorporated into the Narasimhapura caste.32 Seeing the declining population of " Bījavargi caste, the Khandelavālas their incorporated them into own caste. At times non-Jainas were converted to Jainism and assimilated into another caste. When members of Padmavati Poravala? caste found that Vaishnava Brahmins were not ready to perform their marriage rites, they converted Gauda Brahmins to Jainism and maintained close relationships with them, by resorting to inter-dining and inter-marrying with them. Recently there was a proposal of incorporating Buḍhela' caste into 'Padmavati Poravāla caste. Some scholars think that in the social history of the Jaina community But there might have been many instances of such assimilation.33 at present the assimilation is not resorted to. On the contrary any such proposal is resented. The move of assimilating Pañchabisās into Golalares was turned down.34
even
,
6
99

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Fifthly, Jaina religion as such does not recognise the castes in the Jaina community. They were not found in the Jaina community from the very beginning. They are comparatively of a recent growth. If they were existing, they would have been mentioned by the Jaina Achāryas in their biographical or other works. But it is a fact that no mention is made of them by the Jaina Acharyas. The Jaina books do not give more importance to them than to consider them as a social practice. The castes are therefore not ancient at all; and it is most likely that they might have been formed during the last one thousand years.35 This is the view of Digambara Jainas. In response to a question whether the castes following the Jaina religion are according to the Jaina sacred books or not, when they were formed, Svāmi Atmananda, a Śvetāmbara Jaina ascetic, declared that the Jaina castes were organised by the Jaina Acharyas of their own accord and that they were not found formerly at all.36 The Sthanakavāsi Jaina ascetics also made it clear that the caste-system was not sanctioned by the Jaina religion.37 In this connection Mrs. N. R. Guseva asserts that “judging from the traditions which have come down from record of mouth and the works of Jaina literature, a numberless subsects and castes. arose mainly in the medieval period, commencing from the second half of the 1st millennium.”38
Sitxhly, it is interesting to note that only a few castes like Osavala, Poravada, Humbada, Narasimgapura and Nemā are common to both the Digambaras and the Śvetambaras. There are as many as 87 castes and sub-castes recorded among the Digambaras39 and 38 among the Svetambaras40. When a small community is divided into several sections, naturally the latter are composed of a very few members. According to the Digambara Jaina Directory, out of 87 castes there are 41 whose population is less than 500. 12 whose population is between 500 and 1000, 20 whose population is between 1000 and 5000 and there are only 15 castes whose population is more than 5000. There are some castes whose population is merely 2, 3, 4, 8, 16, 20, etc. The same is the case with the Svetāmbaras. Excepting the castes of Śrīmāla, Osavāla, Poravāda, Nīmā, Bhāvasāra and Bhojaka, all the remaining castes have a population less than 500 in Gujaratha, where the Svetām
baras are mainly concentrated, and there are several castes whose · population is merely 1, 2, 3, 4, 7, 9, 10, 15, 16, 21, etc. The names

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73
of castes and sub-castes, with their population figures as given by the Digambaras and Svetām baras are entered in Appendices VI and VII respectively. As many castes in the Jaina community are engaged in commercial activities, they are spread over a wide area, especially in big commercial towns and ports." In cities like Bombay, Calcutta, Delhi, Nagpur, etc., nearly fifty Jaina castes can be easily found. As regards the names of different castcs found in each Province, Appendix VIII gives the names of the Digambara Jaina castes with their population according to Provinces.41 Even though castes have spread over a wide area, yet there are different places where different castes have been concentrated. Thus Grimālis will be found mainly in Gujaratha and Kathiawar, Osavala in Gujaratha and Marwar, Khandelavālas in Marwar and Malavā, Agaravāla in the U. P. and Delhi, Humbadas in Marwar, Paravāras in Bundelakhanda, Saitavāla in the former C. P. and Berar, Chaturthas and Pañchamas in Karnātaka
former Deccan States. This is the reason how they could keep up their identity up till now.
4. JAINA CASTE SYSTEM
We have seen that the caste-system among the Jainas is a social, and not religious, institution. Jainism does not recognise castes as such and at the same time the Jaina books do not specifically obstruct the observance of caste rules by the members of the Jaina community. The attitude of Jainism towards caste is that it is one of the social practices, unconnected with religion, observed by people, and it was none of its business to regulate the working of the caste system. Naturally the Jainas evolved a caste system of their own which is more or less similar to the caste system found in the Hindu society. This was bound to occur sooner or later because the Jainas were surrounded on all sides by the Hindu, and at times they were recruited from the Hindus, and as such they could not escape from copying the most important characteristic of the Hindu society, viz., its caste system. Practically all noteworthy features of the caste system among the Hindus. found a place, to more or less extent, in the caste system among the Jainas. It is therefore necessary to see what are the prominent features of the Hindu caste system and to what extent they are: discernible in the Jaina caste system.

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- Uptil now many efforts have been made by various scholars to give a workable definition of caste with a view to present its all remarkable aspects. But the system is such a peculiar and complex thing that no satisfactory definition, it seems, is possible and no unanimity on the subject could be expected. Senart states that a caste is a close corporation, exclusive and in theory, at any rate, rigorously hereditary. It is equipped with a certain traditional and independent organisation, including a chief and a council; meeting on occasions in assemblies endowed with more or less full authority. Often united in the celebration of certain festivals, it is further bound together by a common occupation and by the practice of common customs which relate more particularly to marriage, food and questions of ceremonial pollution. Finally, it rules its members by the exercise of a jurisdiction the extent of which is fairly wide and which by the sanction of certain penalties, especially of exclusion, either absolute or revocable, from the group, succeeds in enforcing the authority of the community. 42 According to Sir H. Risley, a caste may be defined as a collection of families or groups of families bearing a common name; claiming common descent from a mythical ancestor, human or divine; and regarded by those who are competent to give opinion as forming a single homogeneous community. The name generally denotes or is associated with a specific occupation. A caste is almost invariably endogamous in the sense that a member of the large circle denoted by the common name may not marry outside that circle, but within the circle there are usually a number of smaller circles each of which is also endogamous.43 Sir E. A. Gait observes that the main characteristics of a caste are the belief in a common origin held by all the members and the possession of the traditional occupation. It may be defined as an endogamous group or collection of such groups bearing a common name, having the same traditional occupation, claiming descent from the same source, and commonly regarded as forming a single homogeneous community. 44 Dr. S. V. Ketkar considers caste as a social group having two characteristics (i) membership is confined to those who are born of members and includes all persons so born; (ii) the members are forbidden by an inexorable social law to marry outside the group. Each one of such groups has a special name by which it is called. Several of such small aggregates are grouped

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together under a common name, while these larger groups are but sub-divisions of groups still larger which have independent names. 45. Without attempting to make a comprehensive definition Dr. N. K. Dutt states that the most apparent features of the present day caste system are that the members of the different castes cannot have matrimonial connections with any but persons of their own caste; that there are restrictions, though not so rigid as in the matter of marriage, about a member of one caste eating and drinking with that of a different caste; that in many cases there are fixed occupations for different castes; that there is some hierarchical gradation among the castes, the most recognised position being that of the Brahmanas at the top; that birth alone decides a man's connection with his caste for life, unless expelled for violation of caste rules, and that transition from one caste to another, high or low, is not possible. The prestige of the Brāhmaṇa class is the corner-stone of the whole organisation.46 Taking into account the views expressed by various scholars, the outstanding features of the Hindu society when it was ruled by the social philosophy of caste, unaffected by the modern ideas of rights and duties, are discerned by Dr. G. S. Ghurye to be six, viz., (1) Segmental division of society; (ii) Hierarchy; (iii) Restrictions on feeding and social inter-course; (iv) Civil and religious disabilities and privileges of the different sections ; (v) Lack of choice of occupation; and (vi) Restrictions on marriage. 47
By segmental division of society it is meant that a society is divided into a number of social groups known as castes. Unlike other social associations, membership of a caste depends not on social position or calling or wealth or aptitude for a particular art etc. but on birth alone. A person automatically becomes a member of a caste when he is born in it. These castes have regular standing councils known as Pañchāyatas for dealing with offences committed by their, members. Such offences cover a wide range of subjects like behaving against the established religious practices, violating marriage rules, refusing to act up to caste-customs, nonpayment of debt, etc. Punishment is meted out to defaulters and it generally consists of ex-communication, temporary or permanent, or fine or both. As far as these matters are concerned members of a caste cease to be members of the community of which they form a part. Thus in this caste-bound society, community-feeling is

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restricted as the members owe moral allegiance first to the caste and then to the community. It is but natural that due to diversities in laws administered by different castes, different moral standards are set up in various castes, and distinct segments are formed in a community. We find the same process in the Jaina community. The community is divided into a large number of castes, each having its own Panchayata regulating the life of its members according to its established rules and pratices.48 There is a vast difference in the moral standards adopted by various castes. Generally speaking while the Jaina castes in the North did not allow widow remarriage, some of those in the Deccan allowed and practised it. There are particularly different rules and regulations for each caste regarding birth, marriage, death and other. ceremonies. Whether it is a question of marriage or of disposal of dead, the help of caste fellows alone is sought. In this way what is known as a cultural gulf is formed between the castes. Srimali, Agaravālas, Paravāras, Saitavālas and others differ very widely in their caste customs. Thus the Jaina castes have created segmental divisions in the Jaina community.
One of the principal characteristics of caste society among the Hindus is the hierarchy of the groups. The Hindu castes can be arranged in a more or less definite order of social precedence with Brahmins as the head of the hierarchy. The highest position given to the Brahmin caste is considered as the corner stone of the caste organisation in the Hindu society. It was against this supremacy of Brahmins, Jainism, as we have seen, rose in revolt and therefore in the Jaina community we find that even though there are numerous castes, no prominent position is assigned to any caste, not even to the Jaina Brahmanas. As the highest rung of the ladder is not fixed, naturally the question of arranging castes in an order of social precedence does not arise. All castes are treated on a footing of equality by the community and no differentiation is accepted between castes as regards social prestigc. But among some Jaina castes we find a feeling of superiority over other castes or particular divisions of a caste due to differences in moral standards, social practices, customs and manners. Thus the castes which do not allow widow marriage consider themselves as superior to those which allow and practise widow marriage. In some castes like Srimālis, Poravadas, Humbadas and others there are

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subdivisions like Visā, Dasā, Pāñcha and Adhichā; and these are treated in a descending order of social respectability. Among the six castes of Terāpanthis, the Charanā gare caste is considered respectable as many religious and learned men happened to be from this caste.49 Similarly in the former Nizam's Dominions Śrāvagis are regarded as superior in rank to the Poravadas because of the great regard the former entertain for animal life.50 In a small Lamechú caste there are two divisions, viz. Uñcha and Nichā which suggest that a sense of high and low is present in them.51 There are three divisions of the Jainas in the North Kanara District, viz., the Chaturthas, the Țagara-Bogāras, and the Priests. But the Chaturthas and Panchamas hold along from the Țagara-Bogāras, whom they look upon as inferiors though they do not differ from them in religion.52 It should be remembered that all these are trivial and individual differences mainly found within caste or between a few castes and there is nothing like even a faint plea of arrangement of castes as a whole according to social precedence in the Jaina community.
Among the Hindu castes there are minute rules as to what sort of food or drink can be accepted by a person and from what castes. For this purpose all food is divided into two classes., * Kachchā' and 'Pakkā', the former being any food in the cooking of which water has been used, and the latter all food cooked in clarified butter without the addition of water. In general a man of higher caste cannot accept ‘Kachcha' food from one of the lower, though the latter may regale himself with similar food offered .by a member of one of the castes accepted to be higher than his own.53 These restrictions, strictly speaking, have no place in the Jaina community for the simple reason that in it there is no hierarchical organisation of castes and as such there is no ban on dining with any other member of the Jaina community irrespective of his caste. Recently Svāmī Atmānanda declared that as Jainism considers all its followers as equals there should be no objection in taking food from any Jaina and in fact this was practiced in the past.54 From the inscription at Sravana-Belago!a in Mysore it appears that even though there were several castes, only a slight difference existed in reality between them in the 14th century of our era.55 But later on, the Jainas, possibly due to the influence of the Hindus with whom they were closely in touch, introduced

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restrictions on feeding as a result of which inter-dining is prohibited in many castes.56 Even now when caste feasts are given members from other castes are generally not invited.
Along with the restrictions on feeding there are also restrictions on social inter-course based on the plea of transmission of impurity by even the touch of a low caste person. Believing in this idea certain inhibitions were put by Hindus on Sūdras and other low caste people. Theoretically, the touch of a member of any caste lower than one's own defiles a person of the higher caste. This belief was not copied by Jainas from Hindu and in the Jaina community there are no restrictions whatsoever as regards social inter-course between members of several castes. This might possibly be due to the fact that majority of the Jainas consider themselves as Vaisyas and there are practically no Sūdras among Jainas.
When once the castes were graded according to degrees of respectability certain restrictions, social as well as religious, were put on, and certain privileges were granted to different castes in the society. Amongst Hindus we find that some low castes are segregated and made to stay outside the villages. At times castes have been allotted distinct quarters of the village and called by the name of the caste, for example, Brāhmņa-alī, Sonāra-alī, etc. This tendency is not marked among Jainas. When Jainas were populous in the past it is not known whether they reserved some localities for particular castes among them. Most probably they must not have done this because castes are comparatively of a recent growth among them; and they do not accept the hierarchical order. However from the ancient Jaina literature it appears that some groups of people were despised and isolated from the civilised castes of the people. Amongst them are mentioned the peacock-tamers, acrobates, hunters, pole-dancers, fishermen, cobblers, etc.57 These names suggest that the despised people were mainly flesheaters and as such they might have been isolated from the rest.
The religious disabilities among Hindus centred round in denying some religious rites to certain castes. The Vedic ritual was meant for high castes and the Puranic for low castes. The Sūdras were not allowed to study the most sacred literature. The innermost recesses of temples were reserved only for the Brahmins and no caste could employ any other prieşts than the Brahmins.

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In spite of the fact that Jainism allows any person to follow the Jaina religion and to observe its religious practices, in reality we find that many persons have been debarred from practising certain religious rites. In some castes which have been divided into Visās and Dasās, at certain places the latter are not allowed even at present to perform worship in the temples. The ascetics decline to take food at the hands of people who practise widow remarriage. According to the Digambara sect the Sūdra cannot give food to the Jaina ascetics, they are not entitled to Moksha (i. e. liberation ), they cannot become ascetics of high order and they are possibly not allowed to worship.58
Considering the importance attached to the Brahmins and the prominent position they occupied in the Hindu society, many privileges were granted to them. They were made to be respected by others, exempted from capital punishment and paying taxes, allowed to use some services free of charges, could get their lands assessed at distinctly lower rates and could avail themselves of lenient treatment when imprisoned. Even though the superiority of the Brahmins over other people is not recognised by the Jainas and generally the primary position is supposed to be assigned to the Kshatriyas instead of the Brahmins, the latter were still held in respect and esteem by the people. King Bharata is said to have fed them daily and distinguished them from others by putting the mark of Kaikiņī-jewel on their person. They were receiving gifts from the kings. Other people also gave away charity to them Besides, the Brahmins enjoyed certain other privileges, such as immunity from paying taxes and capital punishment.59
Along with civil and religious restrictions there were restrictions on the choice of occupations. Members of a particular caste were not allowed to follow any calling they liked. Occupations were considered as hereditary and it was not proper for a person to abandon his occupation in favour of another, even though the latter may be more profitable. Like castes occupations were also graded as high and low and naturally members of high castes were barred from following low occupations for fear of degradation of the whole caste. It was not only the moral restraint and the social check of one's caste-fellows that acted as a restraint on the choice of one's occupation, but also the restrictions put by other castes, which did not allow members other than those of

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their own caste to follow their callings.60 We have seen that the Jaina castes were named mainly after the places of their origin. Srimalis were so called because they came from Srimāla; Osavalas from Osia, Agaravālas from Agroha, Khandelavālas from Khāndeka, etc. In the circumstances no particular occupation can be assigned to these castes as hereditary occupation. The Jaina castes were not occupational in character. Members of a castes were allowed complete freedom to follow any occupation they liked. Later on when some members of a caste followed a particular occupation, divisions or sub-castes named after that occupation were formed in that caste. Among Dasā Śrīmālīs there is a division by name
Chanā pahua 61 which suggests that its members might be following in the past the occupation of selling grains and parched rice. Moreover, there are a few castes among the Śvetāmbaras which are known after their occupations, viz., Kandvi (sweet-meat sellers), Sutāra (carpenter ), Darji (tailor ), Modha-ghañchi ( oil-crusher ), Kachhiā ( vegetable dealer ), etc
One of the important restrictions observed by members of a caste is regarding the extent to which the members are allowed to contract their matrimonial alliances. For this purpose generally a caste is divided into smaller groups known as sub-castes and members were enjoined to choose their partners from their own sub-castes. This is what is known as the rule of endogamy and if this rule is violated expulsion from the membership of the group is generally the penalty which the offending parties have to suffer. Thus the Brahmins from Mahārāshtra are divided into Desastha, Konkanastha, Karhādā, etc. Brahmins and as a rule a Desastha person cannot marry a Konkanastha lady and so on. Among the Jainas the castes are endogamous where there are no subdivisions in the caste. Saitavalas, Chaturthas, Pañchamas, Khandelavalas, etc. marry among themselves. In other castes there are subdivisions which are treated as endogamous groups. Practically every important Jaina caste in the Gujaratha is divided into Visā and Dasā and some are even further sub-divided. Thus the Srimälis are divided into Visā Śrīmālīs, Dasā Śrimālis and Lādavā śrīmālis. Among the Visa Śrīmālīs there are seven minor divisions and among the Dasā Śrīmālis there are three. The three main divisions with their sub-divisions do not inter-marry.62 Further, among the Visā and Dasā śrīmālis territorial limits have been put for
Am divided into me are event the Gujarhous group

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contracting matrimonial alliances. To illustrate, in the constitution of the Visā Srimāli sub-caste from Saurāshtra (i. e., mainly from Junagadha, Dhoraji, Vanathali, and Jetapura Talukas) it is laid down that their members should keep matrimonial relations with the Visā śrīmālīs living up to Bhavanagar, Veraval, Porbunder, Jamanagar and Mangrol and not beyond this limit even though the other party may be a Visā Śrīmālī. Moreover a bridegroom from Bhavanagar and other places must be below 25 years, a condition which is not applicable to the bridegrooms from proper Saurashtra.63
From the above discussion it will noticed that excepting a few features of the Hindu caste system all other features were more or less present in the Jaina caste-system. Among the Jainas the castes were not arranged in a hierarchical order of respectability, no restrictions were put on social inter-course between different caste members and there was no lack of choice of occupation. In all other respects we can perceive and gauge the influence of the Hindus on the Jaina caste system. The caste system is deeply rooted in the social organisation of the Jainas and in consequence a small Jaina community spread throughout the length and breadth of India is divided and sub-divided into water-tight compartments. So long as the rules of endogamy are going to be observed by the Jainas, these segmental divisions will perpetuate, a cultural gulf will be created between them and caste and sub-caste feeling instead of community feeling will be prominent. All the drawbacks of caste-system are present among the Jainas. Social effects of this system are described later on. It will suffice for the present to state that caste system exists in the Jaina community in a more or less old form and all its important features are discernible even now.
The number of castes in the Jaina community is so large that their investigation in detail will form a separate subject matter for research. 'Therefore the general information about some important Jaina castes in all parts of India is given below.
5. JAINA CASTES IN THE NORTH (1) Agaravāla or Agravāla
The Agaravāla is one of the most important castes of Digam bara Jainas. The Agravālas are found mainly in the United
J...6

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Provinces, the Punjab, Rajputana and Malwa. There are Agaravālas among Hindus also and are mostly Vaishnavas.64 As the Vaishnavas are vegetarians and in custom and manners agree with Jaina Agaravālas, inter-marriage between the two sections of Agaravālas is allowed and the wife adopted the religion of her husband. In this connection Mr. Risley observes that “Owing perhaps, to this uniformity of practice in matters of diet, these differences of religious belief do not operate as a bar to, intermarriage, and when a marriage takes place between persons of different religions, the standard Hindu ritual is observed. When husband and wife belong to different sects, the wife is formally admitted into her husband's sect and must in future have her own food cooked separately when staying in her mother's house."65
There are various explanations regarding the origin of Agaravālas and they do not agree on all points. 66 Generally it is believed that Agaravālas are the descendants of King Agra Sena of Champavati in North India. He had 18 sons who were married to 18 daughters of a Nāga (i. e., Scythian ) King. When Agra Sena died his 18 sons established a town Agrohā in the Punjab and they were called Agravālas from that time after their father. After the names of 18 sons, 18 gotras or exogamous sections were formed. For some reason the last gotra is considered as a half gotra and thus there are 17 gotras among Agaravalas. There are considerable differences in the enumeration of these gotras. Messrs Crooke, 67 Rişley,68 Sherring, 69 P.D. Jain?o and Rāmalālajā?1 give different lists. As the names given by Mr. Risley and Mr. Bhāratendu Harischandra, the author of the History of Agaravālas, correspond to each other they are given below and the rest will be found in Appendix IX: (1) Garga, (2) Goila, (3) Gāvāla, (4) Batsila, (5) Kāsila, (6) Simghala, (7) Mamgala, ( 8 ) Bhaddala, (9) Tingala, ( 10 ) Airana, (11) Tairana, (12) Thingala, (13) Tittala, ( 14) Mittala, (15) Tundala, ( 16 ) Tāyala, ( 17 ) Gobhila, (17}) Goina.
Agaravālas again have the divisions of Dasā and Visā, the 'tens' and the twenties' like other Baniyā castes. One account of their origin is that when the daughters of Nāga king married the sons of King Agra Sena, they each brought a hand maid with them and their descendants are the Dasās.72 A third division has now come into existence in Madhya Pradesh, known as the Pañcha'

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"
or Fives'; these are apparently of still more doubtful origin than the Dasas.73 All these sections do not inter-dine or inter-marry. But if a man of the Visa, and Dasa cannot obtain a wife from his own group he will sometimes marry in a lower group.
Agaravalas are considered to be converted to Jainism by Śrī Lohacharyaji between 27 and 77 years of Vikram Era. They were originally Kshatriyas but after taking to commercial activities they are regarded as Vaisyas. They are one of the most respectable and enterprising of mercantile tribes. They are bankers, money-lenders and land-holders. The greatness of Agroha, their original settlement, is commemorated in the legend told by Dr. Buchanan that when any firm failed in the city, each of the others contributed a brick and five rupees which formed a stock sufficient for the merchant to recommence trade with advantage.7 Two of Akbar's famous ministers are said to have been Agaravalas, viz., Toḍara Malla, who first introduced an assessment of land revenue based on the measurement and survey of land, and Madhusaha, who introduced Madhusāhi' pice.75
74
(ii) Osavala:
Osavala is one of the well-known castes of Jainas.76 Osavalas are concentrated in Rajasthan, Malwa, Gujaratha and Kutch. Being adventurous they will be found in every important city of India. There are Osavālas among the Hindus also, but Osavālas are mostly Jainas and that too Śvetāmbara Jainas. Even though marriages between the Jaina and Hindu Osavalas are allowed by custom, they are not popular, and marriages are generally contracted among Jaina Osavālas only.
The name Osavala is derived from the town of Osiya or Osiyanagara in Marwar. According to one traditional legend77 of their origin the Raja of Osiyanagara had no son and obtained one through the promise of a Jaina ascetic. The people then drove the ascetic from the town, feeling that the Raja would become a Jaina; but Osadevi, the guardian goddess of the place, told the ascetic, Śrī Ratnaprabha Sūri, to convert the Rājā by a miracle. So she took a small hank (puni) of cotton and passed it along the back of the saint, when it immediately became a snake and bit Jayachanda, the son of the Rājā, in the toe, while he was asleep beside his wife. Every means was tried to save his life, but he died.

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As his corpse was about to be burnt, the ascetic sent one of his disciples and stopped the cremation. Then the Rājā came with the body of his son and stood with hands clasped before the saint. He ordered that it was to be taken back to the place where the prince had been bitten, and that the princess was to lie down beside it as before. At night the snake returned and licked the bite, when the prince was restored to life. Then the Rājā, with all his court and people, adopted the Jaina religion and those who were thus converted were known as Osavālas. Another version of Osavālas' origin is that the Śrīmāla King Desala allowed none but millionaires to live inside his city walls. One of the lucky citizens, a śrīmāli Baniyā named Ruada, had a brother named Sāada, whose fortune did not come upto the Chief's standard of wealth. Sāada asked his brother to help him to make up the required million; but as he met with no encouragement he and Jayachanda, a discontented son of the king of Srimāla, and many Śrīmālīs, Rajputs and others left Śrīmāla and settling in the town of Mandovada, called it Osa or the frontier. Among the settlers were Śrīmālī Baniyas, Bhatti, Chohāna, Gheloța, Goda, Gohila, Paramāra, Rāthoda and Thara Rajputs, all devout worshippers of Siva. Ratna Sūrī, a Jaina ascetic, by working miracles, converted Jayachanda, their king, and all the settlers and calling them Osavālas, formed them into one caste. The first story is believed to have happened in the 400th year before Vikrama Era and the second in 222 of Vikrama Era. But recent researches in the origin of Osavālas do not accept these dates and now it is stated and generally accepted that the Osavāla caste was formed probably between 500 to 1000 years of Vikrama Era.79
According to Col. James Tod Osavālas are all of pure Rajput descent, of no single tribe, but chiefly Pañvāras, Solankis and Bhat 5.80 From the legends mentioned above and the fact that thers dead-quarters are in Rajaputana, it may safely be asserted that the Osavālas are of Rajput origin.81 When these Rajputs were converted they were divided into 18 gotras or exogamous sections, viz. 1. Tātahada, 2. Bāfaņā, 3. Karnāta, 4. Balaharā, 5. Morāksha, 6. Kūlahața, 7. Birahața, 8. Śrīśrīmāla, 9. Śreshthi, 10. Suchintī, 11. Aichaņānga (or Adityanāma ), 12. Bhūri for Bhatevarā), 13. Bhādra, 14. Chichața, 15. Kumbhata, 16. Dindū, 17. Kanoja, 18. Laghu-Śreshthi. Later on due

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to further additions made to Osavālas by conversion, the original 18 gotras were split up into 498 sub-gotras and afterwards the number was still more expanded. It is believed that there are -1444 gotras or sub-gotras among Osavālas. From the lists of available gotra names we can find certain principles on which they were formed. Some gotras were named after birds and animals (viz., Sīyāla, Kāga, Garuda, Hirana, Bakarā, etc.), some after places of residence (viz, Rāmapuriyā, Chitaudā, Bhopālā, Pāțani, etc.), some after professions (viz., Bhandārī, Kothārī, Khajāñchi, Kānungā, Daftarī, etc.) and some after occupations ( viz., Ghiyā, Teliyā, Kesariyā, Gāndhī, Sarāfa, etc. ).82 It seems that some gotras are prevalent in certain localities and some in other localities. The names of 84 gotras found among Osavālas of the U. P. are given by Crooke, W.83
Like other Baniyā castes Osavālas are divided into Visā and Dasā. The common story84 of the origin of the division is that an Osavāla widow, contrary to the rule against widow marriages, lived with a Jaina priest and had two sons by him. The sons grew rich and hit upon the following plan for forcing their castefellows to overlook their illegitimate descent. At the town of Raya, they made grand preparations for a dinner and asked the Osavālas, who, not knowing that the hosts were of illegitimate birth, attended the party in large numbers. A widow told her son the history of the men who were giving the feast. And he went before the assembled Osavālas and beggcd of them to allow his mother to remarry. They askcd why he had come there to make his request and he told them the story of the birth of the two brothers who had invited them to dinner. On hearing that their hosts were outcasts there was a sudden confusion among the guests. Those who had touched the food became the followers of the two brothers and came to be called Dasās, while those who had not touched the food and remained pure were called Visās. The use of Visa and Dasā as names of caste sub-divisions is common. The terms seem to mean Visā or twenty in the score, i. e., pure blood, and Dasā, or ten in score, i. e., half-caste.
Along with Visa and Dasā there are other divisions like Pañchā, Adhaiyā, etc. according to, it appears, the purity of their lineage and there are different restrictions in different places regarding inter-marriage and inter-dining between these divisions. Generally

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'speaking these are hypergamous divisions. The Pañchā sub-caste permits the remarriage of widows and those degraded from Pañcha are taken into Adhaiyā. Moreover difference of religion or sect is no bar to marriage among Osavālas, as, for example, a Digambari Osavāla can marry a Svetāmbarī girl, or a Jaina Osavāla boy can marry a Vaishṇava Osavāla girl or vice versa. Further Osavālas can marry with other good Baniyā sub-castes so long as both the parties are Jainas. Thus in Bombay, Dasā Osavālas intermarry with the Dasā groups of Srimāli and Poravāda Baniyās.85
Osavāla is the most prominent trading caste in Rajasthan. As they are derived from the Rajput stock, there were several generals of repute among Osavālas up to advent of the British in India.86 They have also frequently held high offices, such as Divāna or Minister and Pay-master in former Rajaputana states.87
Jodhpur, which is their strong-hold, there were nearly 100 Osavāla ministers in the last 450 years. By their statesmanship and valour they helped various kingdoms loyally and faithfully in the days of prosperity as well as in the times of decline. The history of Jodhpur, Bikaner, Udaipur, Indore, Kishengarh States, among others, stands as testimony for their unswerving devotion to public duty.88 The following description of an Osavāla Jaina by Col. Tod deserves reproduction. “Ram Singh Mehta (an Osvāla Jaina Maha jana) was a fine specimen of the non-militant class of these countries, and although he had seldom passed the boundaries of Mevar, no country could produce a better specimen of a courteous gentleman; his figure tall, deportment easy, features regular and handsome, complexion fair with a fine slightly curbed beard and mustachios jet black.......... He is of the Jaina faith and of the tribe of Osi, which now reckons 1,00,000 families all of Rajput origin, and descended from the Agnikula stock. "89
(iii) śrīmāli :
Śrimāli is a well-known caste of Jaina Baniyās. Śrimālis are concentrated in Gujarat, Kathiavar and Rajasthan. They are found among Hindus also but they are mostly Jainas and especially Śvetāmbara Jainas. According to the Śvetāmbara Jaina Directory Srimālis claim the largest number of members among the castes following the Svetämbara sect.

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The name Śrīmālī is derived from Śrīmāla (modern Bhinmāla) a place situated in Rajputana on the border line of Marwar. Two accounts are told about the origin of this caste. According to one, about 400 years before Vikrama Era Acharya Svayamprabha Suri converted a large number of the Hindu families to Jainism at Śrīmāla. Other Acharyas thereafter converted more families and grouped them with the former converts. This process went on for a considerable time and the persons so converted were formed into the Śrīmāla caste.90 According to another mythical account, at Śrīmāla Lord Vishnu created, to please Lakshmi, 90,000 Baniyās to maintain 45,000 Brahmins. The Baniyas were created out of her garland, according to one account, and out of his thigh according to another.91 Of the two stories the first seems to be more plausible. Later on 135 gotras or exogamous sections were formed the names of which are given in Appendix X.92
The Śrīmālis are divided into Visās, Dasas and Laḍavās. About the origin of the Visas and Dasas three stories are told. According to one, those Śrīmālis who had first settled after wandering through four quarters (Vidiśā) were called Visa and those who settled after wandering the four directions (Diśā) were called Dasā. 93 According to another story, those Śrīmalis who sprang from the right side of Mahalakshmi's garland were called Visas and those from the left Dasas. According to a third, the Visas or twenties came to be so called because they are twice as high as Dasās or tens. The Laḍavā Śrīmālīs were so called because they lived in the old Lața Desa or South Gujaratha. Visā Śrīmālīs are mainly Jainas and Dasā Śrīmālīs Vaishnavas. Among the Visa Śrīmālis there are seven minor divisions, viz., (i) Ahamadābādīs, (ii) Kaṭhāriyas, (iii) Palhaṇapuriyās, (iv) Pāṭaṇīs, (v) Sorathiyās, (vi) Talabadas and (vii) Tharadiyās; and among the Dasā Śrīmālīs there are three, viz., (i) Horasaṭha, (ii) Chaṇāpahua and (iii) Idadiyā. The Ladavā Śrīmālis have no minor divisions. The three main divisions with their sub-divisions eat together but do not intermarry. In some parts Dasā Śrīmāli Jainas marry with Dasa Śrīmāli Vaishnvas or with Dasa Osavāla and Dasā Poravāḍa Jainas.94
Because of their great number among Svetambaras, Śrīmālis occupy a prominent position. They are great merchant princes and take a keen interest in social activities.

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(iv) Poravāda :
Poravāda is one of the important castes of Baniyā Jainas. Poravādas are found mainly in Marwar, Gujarātha, Kathiawar and Cutch. There are Poravādas among the Hindus and the relations between the Hindu Poravādas (known as Mesri Por vādas ) and the Jaina Poravādas (known as Śrāvaka Poravādas ) are cordial. Among the Jainas they are found in both the sects, viz., Digambaras and Śvetāmbaras but they are mostly Śvetāmbaras.
As regards their origin it is stated that they were formerly people of Gujjara tribe who came into India along with King Kanishka and settled in Eastern Rajputana. Under the orders of King Kanishka they migrated in large numbers for the protection of Śrīmāla town in Marwar and stayed in the eastern part of Śrīmāla town. As they were living on the eastern side of the town they were named as Prāgvāta% or Poravāda. Sometimes they are wrongly called as Poravāla like Osavāla, Agaravāla, Khaņdelavāla, etc. It is also contended that the word Poravāda is derived from * Prāgvatapura' a place on the banks of the Ganges 7 or from Parevā (Padmāvatī Nagara) town.98 The Poravādas are divided into 24 gotras or exogamous sections, viz., 1. Chaudharī, 2. Kālā, 3. Dhanaghada, 4. Ratanāvata, 5. Dhanyautyā, 6. Majāvaryā, 7. Davakarā, 8. Bhādalyā, 9. Sethyā, 10. Kāmalyā, 11. Udhiyā, 12. Barkhanda, 13. Bhūta, 14. Pharakyā, 15. Labheparyā, 16. Maņdāvaryā, 17. Muniyāñ, 18. Ghāñtyā, 19. Galiyā, 20. Bhesautā, 21. Naveparyā, 22. Dānagadh, 23. Mahatā, 24. Kharadyā.99
In the beginning there were three sections among Poravādas, viz., (i) Pure Poravādas, (ii) Sorathiyā Poravādas and (iii) Kapola Poravādas.100 Later on the Poravādas were divided into Visā, Dasā and Pāñchā Poravādas according to the degree of respectability. The Visa and Dasā divisions were constituted from the days of Vastupala and Tejapāla in the 13th century A. D. and the same story like that of division of Osavālas is told. Vastupāla and Tejapāla were sons of a Poravāda father who had married a young Śrīmālī widow. Those who dined with Vastupāla and Tejapāla were known as Dasā and those who refused to dine with them as Visā.101 Visā Poravādas are mainly Jainas and Dasā Poravādas mainly Vaishnavas. Visā and Dasā Poravādas eat

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together but do not intermarry. Dasā Poravādas have begun to marry with Dasā Srimālis and Dasā Osavālas but the old practice of inter-dining and inter-marriage between Jaina and Vaishộava Poravādas has of late fallen into disuse.102 Along with religious awakening this might possibly be due to the fact that while Vaishnava Poravādas live mainly in Gujaratha, Jaina Poravādas are in Cutch, Kathiawar, Marwar and Gujaratha. Further, the Poravādas are sub-divided according to their places of residence, e. g., in Gujaratha they are known as Suratī, Ahamadābādi, Bharuchi, Kapadavañjī, etc. and in Kathiawar as Bhāvanagarī, Jāmanagarī, Mangroli, Porabandari, etc. and there are hardly any relations between them. Practically all these divisions are found in Bombay City but there also they live as separate groups. Widow remarriage is not practised at present but it seems that it was allowed in the past, for Asaraja married Kumāradevī, a young widow, from whom he had two sons, viz., Vastupāla and Tejapāla. Poravādas claim to have produced very capable persons most prominent among them are Vimala Šāha and Vastupāla and Tejapāla, the wellknown ministers of King Vīra Dhavala in the 13th century A. D. (v) Khanđelavāla :
Khandelavāla is another important caste of the Jainas. 103 Khandelavēlas are found among the Hindus also but they are mostly Jainas. They are all Digambara Jainas and it is peculiar that practically there are no Śvetāmbaras among Khaņdelavālas. They are spread in Rajasthan, Malwa, Maharashtra, Uttar Pradesh, Madhya Pradesh and Bihar but more than three-fourths are concentrated in Rajputana and Malwa.
Khandelavālas take their name from Khandela, a capital town in Jaipur territory, ruled by king Khaņdelagira of Chauhāņa dynasty. There were 84 towns under the sovereignty of Khandela and they were governed by Rajputs of various dynasties like Süryavamsa, Somavaņģa, Hemavamsa, etc. In the year 1 of Vikrama Era cholera broke out in a virulent form and with a view to subside it the King, under the influence of Brahmins, performed human sacrifice in which a Jaina ascetic was sacrificed. The epidemic, instead of lessening, grew in intensity. At that time a Jaina ascetic by name Jinasena Acharya was on his tour in that province and the King enquired from him the reason of epidemic. The ascetic

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replied that it was due to sacrificing a Jaina ascetic and advised him to accept Jainism. Accordingly the King and the inhabitants of all 84 places embraced Jainism. Jinasena Achārya formed a caste of them, named it as Khandelavāla after the capital town Khaņdela and created 84 gotras out of 84 towns. A list of these gotras, towns, dynasties and their family deities will be found in Appendix XI.104 According to another account there were four brothers who were soldiers. One day they went out hunting and killed a favourite deer belonging to a hermit. He was about to destroy them by curse, when they promised to abandon soldiering and hunting. From them the present Khaņdelavālas are descended.105
From the above account it appears that Khandelavālas were originally Kshatriyas but later on became Vaisyas by taking to commercial activities. They form an important section of Digambara Jainas. It is interesting to note that like other Baniyā castes they are not divided into Visā and Dasā sections. They are big bankers, commercial magnates and land-holders.
(vi) Paravāra :
Paravāra is one of the well-known castes among the Jainas. Paravāras are found among the Hindus also but they are mostly Jainąs. They are mainly Digambara Jainas and practically there are no Svetāmbara Paravāras. They are spread over a wide area, viz. the Madhya Pradesh, Uttar Pradesh, Rajasthan, Malwa, Bihar and Bombay but they are concentrated in Madhya Pradesh where more than half of their population resides. Even in Madhya Pradesh Paravāras are found almost entirely in Sagar, Damoha and Jabalpur Districts.
The origin of the Paravāras and of their name is not known, but there is some reason to suppose that they are from Rajputana. It seems likely that the Paravāras may be identical with Poravādas in which case they belong to Rajputana.106
Among the Paravāras Charanāgare or Samaiya form a separate sectarian Jaina group. The Charanāgares reside principally in the Damoha and Chhindawara Districts of Madhya Pradesh. Charanāgare is one of the six castes following Täranapantha or Samaiyapantha, a sub-sect of Digambaras. Charanāgares were formerly giving their daughters in marriage to Paravāras but this practice

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is said to have stopped. Like other Baniyā sub-castes Charanāgares are divided into Visā and Dasā. Inter-marriage between the two sections occasionally occurs and the Dasā will take food from the Visā section, but the latter will not reciprocate except at caste feasts.107
The Paravāras themselves are divided into two endogamous sections, viz., Atha Sake Paravāras and Chau Sake Paravāras. The former will not permit the marriage of persons related more nearly than eight degrees, while the latter permit it after four degrees. The Atha Sake have the higher position and if one of them marries a Chau Sake he is degraded to that group. Besides this the Paravāras have an inferior division called Binaikiyā, which consists of the offspring of irregular unions and of widows who have remarried. Persons who have committed a caste-offence and cannot pay the fine imposed on them for it also are relegated to this sub-caste of Paravaras. There is a village by name Binaika in the Sagar District but it is not known whether Binaikiyās are called after that place. What stigma is attached to Dasās in other castes, the same is implied by the name Binaikiyā. To use an honourable word this sub-caste is also known as Laharisena or Laghuśreņi. The Binaikiyās themselves are distributed into four groups of varying degrees of respectability of which two are well-known, viz., Purāne Binaikiyās and Naye Binaikiyās. There are nearly 250 families in Purāne Binaikiyās and it cannot be said when they were degraded from Paravāras and had to form this sub-caste. Unlike Purāne Binaikiyās, the Naye Binaikiyās have more than 2000 families and every year its number
creases by absorbing degraded people not only from Chau Sake · Paravāras and Purane Binaikiyās but also from castes like Sunāvāra, Golāpūraba, etc. In this way Naye Binaikiyās are rapidly increasing in strength and along with it are gaining social estimation. Now they are not specifically looked down upon. Formerly they were not allowed to enter the temples but of late they have constructed their own temples. If this process continues, it can be hoped that Binaikiyas will be assimilated with Paravāras in not too distant a future. On the contrary, Paravāras will have to request the Binaikiyas to enter in their fold because in view of their increasing strength and absence of former social stigma the Binaikiyās are recently asserting that they keep with Paravāras relations only of Pakkī and not of Kāchhi. 108

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(vii) Humbaḍa or Hummaḍa:
Humbaḍas are found both among the Jainas and the Hindus but they are mostly Jainas. There are Digambara as well as Svetambara Jaina Hummaḍas but they are principally Digambaras. They are spread only in Rajasthan, Malwa, Gujarat and some districts of the Deccan.
66
As regards their origin it is stated that when, the incessant quarrels between Bhupatisimha and Bhavanisimha, the two princes of Pataṇa, were set at right by a famous Jaina ascetic Manatunga Acharya, Bhupatisimha was pleased with the Acharya and waiving his claim over the throne became his devotee. He once said to his guru Hun Bada Hun" (a) and from that time his 'guru' named his caste as Humbada. Humbadas are divided into the following 18 exogamous gotras: 1. Kheraja, 2. Kamaleśvara, 3. Kākaḍeśvara, 4. Utreśvara, 5. Matreśvara, 6. Bhimesvara, 7. Bhadresvara, 8. Visvesvara, 9. Sankheśvara, 10. Gangesvara, 11. Ambesvara 12. Mamanesvara, 13. Someśvara, 14. Rajiyāṇa, 15 Lalitesvara, 16. Rngesvara, 17. Kasyapeśvara, 18. Budhesvara.109 According to another account they are said to take their name from Humada, the guru or spiritual head who established the caste. They are also called Vagadiya, from the Vagada or wild country including Dungarpur, Partapgarh and Sagvad in Rajaputana where considerable members are still settled.110
The Humbaḍas, like other Baniya castes, are divided into Visā and Dasā. The sub-caste Dasa Hummaḍa was formed, like that of Binaikiyās, by people who were degraded or outcasted from the Hummada caste. But steadily the strength of Dasa Hummadas increased and now they are ten times more than Visa Hummadas. The Dasas amassed wealth, built temples, rose in social estimation; and now in consequence there is very little difference between the Visa and Dasa Hummaḍas. Inter-dining is allowed and recently instances of inter-marriage between the two sections have occurred. This is a fine example of how a degraded section regains its social position.
6. JAINA CASTES IN THE DECCAN
The important Jaina castes described above are mainly found in the Northern India, including Gujarat, Kathiawar and upper districts of Madhya Pradesh. These castes nowadays are found in the

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Deccan and South India, but they have migrated there from the North for commercial purposes. The Jaina castes in the Deccan differ in many respects from those in the North. In the first place, there are only four main castes in the Deccan, viz., Saitavāla, Chaturtha, Pañchma and Bogara, and three small castes, viz., Upadhyāya,111 Kambhoja 112 and Harada. 113 In the North we find a large number of big and small castes. The major castes have been already described and among the small castes a mention may be made of Golāpūraba, 114 Golālāre,115 Asāthi, 116 Ajudhyābāsi, 117 Nemā,118 Narasipura,119 Jaisavāla,120 Lohiya,121 Pallivāla,122 etc. Secondly, many castes in the North have their counterparts in other communities. Thus Agaravālas, Osavālas, Srimālis, etc. are found among the Hindus also. But in the Deccan the names of the Jaina castes are not found in other communities. There are no Saitavālas, Chaturthas or Pañchamas among the Hindus. Thirdly, while in the North in some Jaina castes Digambara and Svetāmbara divisions are found, in the Deccan there are no such divisions as the members of the Jaina castes in the Deccan belong to the Digambarasect only. We find that Osavālas Srimālis, Poravādas, etc. are in Digambaras as well as in Svetāmbaras but there are no Saitavālas, Chaturthas, or Pañchamasin Svetāmbaras. Fourthly, we have seen that a large number of Northern castes have been divided into Visās and Dasās and sometimes further into Pañchās and Adhäiyas, but it will be noticed that in the Deccan castes there are no such divisions. It will be remembered that the Visa and Dasā divisions arose mainly on the point of widow remarriage; and those who practised widow remarriage were relegated to the Dasā section. No necessity of dividing the castes on the basis of allowing or not of widow re-marriage was felt in the Deccan.123 This is the main point of difference between the Northern and the Deccan Jaina castes. Fifthly, it can be mentioned that while Jainas in the North are rich and follow commercial activities on a big scale, those in the Deccan are comparatively poor and are mostly agriculturists and petty traders. Sixthly, Jaina castes in the Deccan have their own Jaina priests, and they do not employ the Hindu Brahmins for ceremonial purposes as is done by many Jaina castes in the North.124 Seventhly, each of the four castes in the Deccan has its own Bhattāraka or religious head or Svami who has final power to fine or excommunicate any

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caste member.125 The general information about the important Jaina castes in the Deccan is given below. (i). Šetavāla or Saitavāla :
Setavālas are spread over a wide area, viz., Southern Districts of the former Central Provinces, Berar, Hyderabad State and Bombay Presidency. As they speak Marāthī, they are concentrated in the Marāthī speaking Districts of the above Provinces.,
Another name for Setavāla is Svahitavāla or Sahitavāla.126 It is said that the Svahitavālas are divided into two sub-castes, viz., (i) Svahitavāla and (ii) Śetavāla, based on the difference of occupation. The latter weave bodice cloth, and are cloth merchants, shop-keepers and money-lenders. The former are tailors.127 These distinctions are not observed now and all are termed as Śetavālas.
As regards their origin many accounts are told. According to one account the Setavālas are considered as the descendants of the Kshatriyas who came to the Deccan for the protection of the Jaina sages and places of pilgrimage from fiercer sort of people, whose leaders were called Bhairavas. The places where the sages resided and where religion was specially practised were called Kshetras or holy places. The people who had been entrusted with the sacred duty of protecting religion and religious places came to be called Kshetrapālas or protectors of holy places. The Prākrit form of the Sanskrit word Kshetrafāla is Chhettavāla from which the Marāthī word Šetavāla is derived 128 From this it appears that the Setavālas came from the North and settled in the Deccan. Mr. Russel also mentions that Saitavāla is one of the castes which came into the Central Provinces from Rajputanā.129 As regards Setavālas in the Bombay Province it is stated that they seem to have come from Marwar in search of work, though when they came is not known. They have many rustic customs and ways, but signs remain which support their claim to have a strain of Kshatriya blood.130 According to another account, the Setavālas appear to have been originally a body of hundred families excommunicated for some ulknown reason; and now forming a caste by themselves. They were formerly knowi Satavālas or the hundred families. 131 This seems to be wrong for obvious reasons. According to the third, the word Śetavāla is derived from a Marāthī word 'Seta' i.e., a farm, and Setavālas are those who subsist on farming.

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There are supposed to be many gotras among Setavālas but the names of 44 gotras only are available , viz., Bahu;. Abhayakumāra; Sahasrabāhu; Maghava; Vijayamitra; Mahābāhu; Bhūvallabha; Hariketu; Vijaya; Dhanapati; Simharatha; Vidyāśakti; Supratishtha; Meghavāhana; Pșthvīpāla; Vajradanta; Ratnāyudha; Anantavijaya; Dharma; Prajñāpāla; Yugandhara; Lokapāla; Harischandra; Suryaputra; Yasapāla; Minaketu; Surendra-datta; Puņdarīka; Dhanaratha; Dhātrivāhana; Susheņa; Subhachandra; Pūrvabāhu; Manimālā; Jitasatru; Vajrāyudha; Satyasruti; Jayandhara; Narmadā; Vimalavāhana; Surakirti; Vimalakīrti; Srisheņa and Chakrāyudha.132 But these gotras are not taken into account for purposes of marriage. Śetavālas regulate their marriages by family surnames and inter-marriages within the same section are avoided.133 Widows are allowed to marry and divorce is recognised. Both widows and divorced wives marry by inferior rites, in which the garments of the bridal couple are knotted together and a feast is furnished to the relatives.134 Šetavālas have their own Bhattāraka or religious head by name Viśālakīrti at Latur, a place in the Osmanabad District. Minor caste disputes are generally settled by caste Panchayatas but graver ones are referred to the Bhattaraka in which case his decision is final. Formerly some members of this caste were excommunicated and were known as Vādodakara Setavālas, but they have been recently admitted into the main caste. As compared with other Jaina castes, Setavālas are financially very poor and as such do not get respect from other castes.
(ii) Chaturtha :
According to the All India Digambara Jaina Directory, the Chaturtha caste is the first among the Digamabara Jaina castes in respect of its numerical strength. There are nearly 70,000 Chaturthas and unlike other castes, Chaturthas are not spread over a wide area but they are mainly concentrated in the Northern Karnataka and Southern Mahārāshtra.
It is not known how the word Chaturtha is derived. Many conjectures have been put forward. According to one story, in the Jainas there were formerly four divisions: Brahmins, Kshatriyas, Vaisyas and Sūdras. The Jaina Kshatriyas have disappeared but the Jaina Brahmins, Vaiśyas and Sūdras remain. Jaina Śūdras are also called Jaina Chaturthas, that is, the fourth estate.135 According to

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another, Chaturthas are originally 'Charodas' of the Goanese Native Christians who have three caste divisions.136 Thirdly, it is stated that Chaturthas are the same as Šetavālas on the ground that the same Prakrit word Chhettavāla becomes Śetavāla in Marathi and Chhattaru or Chattaru, i.e., Chaturtha in the Kannada language.137 Fourthly, it is considered that Chaturtha denotes Kshatriyas as the Sanskrit word Kshatriya or Kshatra or Kshatra takes the form of Kshatraru or Chattaru, i. e., Chaturtha, in Kannada.138
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.
The Chaturthas are mostly agriculturists and therefore live in villages. This is the only caste among the Jainas which follows agriculture as the main occupation. Except some of the larger land-holders, who keep farm servants, the others, with the help of their women, do all sorts of field work with their own hands. They are the hardest working husbandmen, making use of every advantage of soil and situation. Strict Jainas object to tillage because of the loss of life which it cannot help causing. Yet they do not carry their objection to the length of refusing to have social relations with the Jaina husbandmen.139 Widow remarriage is allowed and practised among the poorer families. Marriage is regulated by family surnames. The religious teacher or Bhaṭṭāraka by name Jinasena of Chaturthas has his headquarters at Nandani near Kolhapur.14
140
(iii) Panchama :
The Pañchama is one of the important castes in the Deccan. In population it stands next to the Chaturtha caste in the Deccan. Panchamas are spread over the Kannada speaking Districts of Bombay, former Mysore, Madras and Hyderabad Dominion but about ths of them are concentrated in the Northern Karnāṭaka and Southern Mahārāshtra.
Many interpretations are given for the meaning of word Panchama and the origin of Panchama caste. It is asserted that the word Panchama was used by the Vedic Brahmins during the 9th and 15th centuries A. D. to denote the Digambara Jainas in the Deccan as outside the pale of Chaturvarṇa, i.e., four Varnas. Jainas also accepted this appellation and called themselves as Pañchama. During this time there were no distinctions of castes among Jainas. Later on during the 16th Century castes like Chaturtha, Šetavāla and Bogara arose from the Pañchamas, and they were mainly

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created by the then Bhattārakas with a view to have continuous following for them. And for this purpose restrictions on inter-dining and inter-marriage among the four castes were put on by the Bhattārakas. 141 According to another account Panchamas are the fifth or the lowest class of Jainas whom all who marry widows have to join.142 It is maintained that with a view to avoid this degrading position Pañchama Jainas joined Virasaivism and formed a group of Pañchamasālī Lingāyatas, who have a higher position among Lingāyatas. Lingāyatas belong to two main divisions, laymen and clergy. The clergy who are generally called Jangamas, are divided into two classes, the Viraktas, who are unmarried and the Gurusthalas who are married. The 31 divisions of lay Lingayatas may be arranged under three groups, (i) 4 classes of True or Pure Lingāyatas, (ii) 16 classes of Affiliated Lingayatas and (üi) 11 classes of Half Lingayatas. The four classes of Pure or Original Lingayatas are Dhulapavadas, Šilavantas, Banajigas and Pañchamasālīs. Thus we find that Pañchamasālīs were assigned a place among True Lingayatas. Moreover, in this connection it is stated that the resemblance between the Jaina and the Lingāyata rules about eating and drinking, about tenderness for life, and about the non-return of the spirits of the dead suggest that many Lingayatas represent converts from Jainism. This view finds support in the fact that the strength of the Lingayatas is in Banajiga class who were formerly chiefly Jainas, and that the Pañchamas or Pañchamasālīs, another leading branch of the Lingayatas, appear to take their name from and to represent the fifth or lowest class of Jainas, a despised community to which all widow-marrying Jainas are degraded. It was natural that Pañchamas should take to a religion that did not hold widow-marriage an offence.143
The economic condition of Pañchamas is bit better than that of either Setavālas or Chaturthas. Some Pañchamas are agricul turists no doubt, but many are patty merchants and traders dealing chiefly in jewellery, cotton, cloth and grain. Compared with other Hindu castes in the Deccan, Setavālas, Chaturthas and Pañchamas lagged behind in education, economic position and social uplift in general, and that is why they were included in the Intermediate Castes by the Bombay Government. As a class they are orderly and law-abiding and seldom appear in criminal courts. For more than a thousand years Jainism was either a State religion or enjoyed a
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pre-eminent position in the State. During these years Jainas proved their merit in every walk of life. 144 Even now inspite of political changes many are hereditary village and district officers. 145 The Teacher or Guru of Pañchamas is Lakshmisena Svāmi and he lives in Kolhapur.146 There are no sub-divisions among Pañchamas and marriages are regulated by family surnames. (iv) Bogāra :
In Kannada language Bogāra means one who deals in brass or copper vessels. In Marāthī language the same meaning is conveyed by the word Kasāra. Thus Bogāras are known as Kasāras in Maharashtra. The Käsāras are found among Hindus also and they are known as Hindu or Tvashtā Kāsāras in contrast to Jaina Kasāras. Bogāras are spread over Kannada speaking areas of Maharashtra, Karnatak, Tamil Nadu, and Andhra Pradesh.
Bógāras claim to have originally been Kshatriyas, but were doomed by their patron goddess Kālikā to the low occupation of a Kasāra. Marriages are governed by exogamous sections of family names which are mostly of the territorial and titular type. A man is prohibited from marrying outside the sub-caste, or inside the exogamous section, to which he belongs. He may marry the daughter of his maternal uncle, paternal aunt or elder sister. He could formerly marry two sisters. In some cases widows are allowed to marry again, and divorce is permitted on the ground of the wife's unchastity, barrenness or ill-temper. Divorced wives remarry by the same rites as widows. 147
. It is an enterprising caste and mostly controls the trade of bangles and brass and copper vessels in the Karnataka, their Teacher or Guru lives at Malakheda in Karnātak State. 148 From the Kalikā-purāna' written by Devendra Kirti, the Bogāra Guru of Malakheda, it appears that this caste was not found before the 17th century A. D. 149 There seems to be a section of Bogāras known as. Tagara-Bogāras in the North Kanara District.150 (v} Upādhyā ya :
The Upadhyāya is a caste of Jaina priests. Such a caste is not found in the North as the Northern Jainas themselves perform religious ceremonies or employ Brahmins for that purpose. The Upadhyāya caste is therefore found only in the Deccan and Southern India.

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To every Jaina temple one or more priests or Upadhyāyas are attached. The priests constitute an hereditary religious class who are expected to know the various religious ceremonies, to serve the temples and to conduct marriages of Jainas according to Jaina ritual. Priests are supported by the Jaina community by allowing them to take the rice and other offerings, cloth and money presents which are made to the gods and goddesses. Priests are usually chosen from among the learned Pañchamas or Chaturthas subject to the recognition of their principal Svāmis or head priests called *Pattacharya Svāmīs'. A layman by learning the profession can become a priest; and a priest can, if he so desires, give up his profession and become a layman. But marriages between priests and laymen cannot take place.151 There is no objection for a Jaina priest to eat food from any of the other Jaina caste fellows. But he cannot have inter-marriage relations with them. Jaina priests give their daughters in marriage to no one but priests and do not accept girls from any other caste. When the other Jaina castes in the Deccan allow and practice widow-marriage, it is neither allowed nor practised by Upadhyāyas. 152
Besides the temple priests every village which has a considerable number of Jainas has an hereditary village priest called 'Grāmopadhyaya' who conducts their ceremonies and is paid either in cash or in grain. These village priests, who are married and in whose families the office of priest is hereditary, are under a high priest called 'Dharmādhikārī', i. e., religious head, or ascetic by whom they are appointed and who has power to turn out any priest who breaks religious rules or caste customs. The village priest keeps a register of all marriages and thread-girdings in the village and the high priest whose head-quarters are at Nāndani about 18 miles east of Kolhapur and whose authority extends over all Kolhapur Jainas, makes a yearly circuit for gathering contributions, or sen
agent to collect subscriptions from the persons named in the village priests' lists. The office of high priest is selective. The high priest chooses his successor from among his favourite disciples.153
It should be remembered that like priestly caste among Hindus no high position is assigned to the Jaina Upadhyayas, and the latter mix freely with other caste-fellows even taking food at their hands. It has not been enjoined upon laymen to give presents to Upadhyāyas.

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Jaina Community-A Social Survey 9. JAINA CASTES IN THE SOUTH When we go to South India we find that there are no indigenous Śvetāṁbaras. The Svetāmbaras living in the South have come from the North and generally Northern Jainas, whether Digambara or Śvetambara, do not keep intimate social relations with indigenous Jaina members of the South. The indigenous Jainas of South are all Digambara Jainas. We will now turn to the social divisions existing among Digambara Jainas of Mysore and of Madras.
The social divisions among Jainas of Mysore are practically the same as those of Deccan and Karnātaka with the only exception of Setavāla caste. But the remaining four castes, viz., Chaturtha, Pañchama, Bogāra and Upādhyāya are arranged in the manner of Hindu Varna system. The four divisions of Jainas are stated as follows (i) Indras or priests, who are Brāhmaṇas (Karnātaka,
Drāvida or Kaula), (ii) Bogāras, who are Kshatriyas and who engage them
selves as traders in vessels, Pañchamas, who are Vaisyas and are of good conduct,
observing the moral tenets, and (iv) Chaturthas, who are styled Sat-sūdras (good Sūdras)
and are mostly cultivators. These four castes are said to correspond to the four main castes of the Hindus. The members of first caste call themselves Jaina Brāhmaṇas, study the Jaina scriptures and become 'Archakas', or priests. They are styled Indras. The priesthood is hereditary and co-exists with family-life, that is, Grhasthāśrama. The priests live on the offerings made to temple gods and goddesses and income from their teaching. They preside over all auspicious and inauspicious ceremonies. There are astronomers and astrologers among them. They form an intermediate class between the Yatis or ascetics and the Śrāvakas or laymen. Though they may eat with laymen, they do not inter-marry with them. The priests find it difficult to get suitable brides for their sons and they therefore pay a brideprice.154 There is another important difference between priests and laymen. The former practise the ‘makkalsantāna', i. e., the inheritance through the sons and the latter "aļiya -santāna', i.e., the inheritance through the nephews. 155

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To the south of Madras the Jainas have four sub-divisions, 156 viz., the ordinary laymen and the three priestly classes. Of the latter, the most numerous are the Archakas. They do worship in the temples. An ordinary layman cannot become an Archaka; it is a class apait. An Archaka can, however, rise to the next higher stage of the priestly classes, and become what is called an Annama or Anuvrati, who is allowed to marry but has to live according to certain special rules of conduct. These Annamas can again rise to the highest of the three classes, and become Munis or monks who lead a celibate life apart from the world. There is also a sisterhood of nuns, called 'Aryānganais' who are sometimes maidens, and sometimes women who have left their husbands (with their permission) but must in either case take a vow of chastity. The monks and nuns are maintained at the cost of the rest of the community.
The laymen among the Jainas will not inter-marry, though they will dine, with the Archakas and the latter consequently have the gseatest trouble in procuring brides for their sons. Otherwise there are no marriage sub-divisions among the community, all Jainas south of Madras freely inter-marry. Widows are not allowed to remarry.
! There is a high priest at Sittāmur in the South Arcot District. This high priest, who is called 'Mathādhipati', is elected by representatives from the chief Jaina villages. The high priest has supreme authority over all Jainas south of Madras, but not over those of Mysore or South Kanara with whom the former have no relations. He travels round in a palanquin with a suite of followers to the chief centres,-his expenses being paid by the communities he visits-settles caste disputes and fines and excommunicates the erring. His control over his people is very real.
As regards the three classes of priests it should be remembered that the last two classes, viz. Anuvratis and Munis, are open to all Digambara Jainas according to their scriptures irrespective of the fact whether they stay in the North or in the South. When we exclude these two classes, there remain only two divisions, viz., those of priests and laymen, among the Jainas south of Madras. It is worthy to note that there are no sub-divisions among the laymen like those in the Mysore, Deccan or North. In this respect and the fact that they do not allow widow-marriage they differ from the Jainas of the Deccan.

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NOTES 1. Ghurye, G. S. : Caste and Race in India, pp. 40-41. 2. Dutt, N. K. : Origin and Growth of Caste in India, pp. 86-87. 3. Ibid., pp. 64-65 and 191-194. 4. Ibid, pp. 233-34. 5. Bool Chand : Lord Mahāvira, pp. 4-5. 6. Dutt, N. K. : op. cit., p. 204. 7. Ādi Purāņa, Parva 38, 45-46. 8. Padma Purāņa, Prava XI, 200, 203 and 205. 9. Dharma-pariksha : Parichcheda XVII; 24-25, 31-33. 10. For a similar denouncement of the division of society into four classes
based on birth and for the necessity of considering all people on the
same level see Varāngacharita, XXV, 2-11. 11. Phulachandra : Varna, Jāt, aura Dharma, p. 186. 12. Adi Purāna, Parva 38, Stanzas 55-62 and Parva 39, Stanzas 61-71.
Also see Chapter V, Section 12. 13. Adi Purāņa, Parva 39, Stanza 71.
_ इत्युक्त्वैन समाश्वास्य वर्णलाभेन युंजते।
विधिवत् सोऽपि तं लब्ध्वा याति तत्समकक्षताम् ॥ . 14. Jaini, J. L. : Jaina Law, p. 9. 15. Law, B. C. : India as Depicted in Early Texts of Buddhism and Jainism,
p. 143. 16. Vide (i) Yati Sripalchandraji : Jaina Sampradaya Siksha, pp. 686-87.
and (ii) Rāmalalajī : Mahā jana-Vamsa-muktāvali, pp. 164-165. 17. Jain, P. D. : Vijātiya Vivaha Mimāṁsā, p. 35. 18. From Dharmasārasangraha or Daśalakshanādipujā. 19. Wilson : Works by Wilson, Vol. I, p. 345. 20. Recently 2 more lists of 84 castes in the Jaina community have been
found in the Jain temples of North India. By making a comparative study of these 2 lists and the 5 tists mentioned above, it is revealed that the names of as many as 357 castes prevalent among the Jainas are mentioned in at least 2 of these 7 different lists. Vide Polyaka, Bhanwarlal: "Bhārat ki Jaina Jatiyal", Babu Chhotelal Jaina Smriti Grantha, pp
259-262. 1. Vide Yati śrīpālachandrajī : Jaina Sampradayasikshā, p. 617. 22. Vide “On the Jains of Gujaratha and Marwar,” Transactions of Royal
Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Ireland, Vol. III, 1835, pp. 335-371. 23. Enthoven, R. E. : T. C. B., Vol. 1, p. 303. 4. Enthoven, R. E.: T. C. B., Vol. II, pp. 22 and 33-34.

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Vai Tuu,
25. Ibid., p. 426. 26. W. Crooke : T. C. N. W. P., Vol. IV, pp. 221-223 and 428. 27. Census of India, 1911, Vol. II. 28. Russel, R. V. : T. C. C. P., Vol. I, p. 225. 29. Jain, P. D. : Vijātiya Vivāha Mimāṁsā, p. 49. 30. J. H., Vol. IX, p. 415. 31. (i) Jain K. P. : 'Ashta-sakha Upajati', Jain Antiquary, March 1938, p. 246.
(ii) Jain, K. P. : Prāchina Jaina Lekha Sangraha, Part I, p. 79. 32. Jain P. D. : Vijātiya Vivāha Mimāṁsā, p. 37. 33. J. H., Vol. IX; pp. 415-417; 549-550. 34. J. H., Vol. IX, p. 419. 35. (i) J. H., Vol. IX, p. 413 and Vol. XI,'p. 627; (ii) Jain, P.D. : Vijātiya
Vivāha Mimāṁsā, p. 40; (iii) Jain Hiralal : Jaina Itihasa-ki Purva Pithikā aura Hamārā Abhyutthāna, Part II, p. 42; (iv) Phulachandra:
Varna, Jāti aura Dharma, p. 165. 36. J. H., Vol. XI, pp. 383-84. 37. 'Jaina Jagat,' Vol. VIII, No. 14, p. 1, 38. Guseva, N. R. : Jainism, pp. 70-71. 39. Vide Digambara Jaina Directory. 40. Vide Svetārbara Jaina Directory.
Such figures for Svetambaras are not available. 42. Senart, E. : Caste in India, p. 20. 43. Risley, H. H. : People of India, p. 68. 44. Gait, E. A. : Encyclopedia of Religion and Ethics, Vol. 3, p. 234. 45. Ketkar, S. V. : History of Caste in India, p. 15. 46. Dutt, N. K. : Origin and Growth of Caste in India, p. 3. 47. Ghurye, G. S. : Caste and Race in India, p. 2.
Glassenapp, H. V. : Jainism, pp. 326-327. 49. J. H., Vol. VIII, p. 290. 50. Hassan : T. C. N. D., Vol. I, p. 260. 51. J. H., Vol. IX, p. 483. 52. B. G., Vol. 25, Part I, 229-30. 53. Ghurye, G, S. : Caste and Race in India, p. 7. 54. J. H., Vol. XI, pp. 383-84. 55. Maj. Delamaire : "On the Shravacs or Jains'; Transactions of Royal
Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Ireland, Vol. I, 1827, p. 413. 56. (i) Jain, P. D. : Vijātiya Vivāha Mimāṁsā, p. 35. (ii) Dr. B. Hamilton : "On the Shravacs or Jains'. Transactions of
Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Ireland, Vol. I, 1827 p. 531.

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57. Jain, J. C. : Life in Ancient India, p. 145. 58. J. H., Vol. XII, p. 453. 59. Jain, J. C. : Life in Ancient India, pp. 141-142. 60. Ghurye, G. S. : Caste and Race in India, p. 16. 61. B. G., Vol. IX, Part I, pp. 97-98. 62. Enthoven, R. E. :T. C. B., Vol. III, p. 438. 63. Śri Saurāshțra Visā Śrimāli Jhātino Dhāro', p. 39. . . 63a. See Chapter 7, Section 5 (c). 64. Jain, J. L. : Jaina Law, p. 17. 65. Risley, H., H. : Tribes and Castes of Bengal, Vol. I, p. 7.' 66. (i) Rāmalālajī: Mahā jana-vamsa-muktavali, pp. 132-136.
(ii) Jain, P. D. : Vijātiya Vivāha Mimāṁsā, pp. 22-25. (iii) Jain, K. P. : Sankshipta Jaina Itihāsa, Vol. II, Part II, p. 82. (iv) Crooke, W: 1. C. N. W. P., Vol. I, pp. 14-16.
(v) Jaina Siddhānta Bhāskara, Vel. I, No. 4, pp. 127-128. 67. Crooke, W.: T. C. N. W. P., Vol. I, p. 16. 68. Risley, H.: Tribes and Castes of Bengal, Vol. I, p. 5. 69. Sherring, M. A. : Hindu Tribes & Castes, Vol. I, pp. 286-287. 70. Jain P. D. : Vijātiya Vivāha Mimārsā, pp. 22-25. 71. Rāmalālajī: Mahājana-vamśa-muktāvali, p. 137. 72. Crooke, W.: T. C. N. W. P., Vol. I, pp. 14-26. 73. Russell, R. V. : T. C. C. P., Vol. II, pp. 136-39. 74. (i) Crooke, W.: T. C. N. W. P., Vol. I, p. 26.
(ii) Jain, B. L. : Agravāla Itihāsa, p. 21. 75. (i) Jaina Siddhānta Bhāskara; Vol. I, r. 128. (ii) For the contributions made by the Agaravālas for the progress of
Jainism, vide Jain Parmanand : "Agravāloňkā Jaina Dharma-men
Yogadana," Babu Chhotelala Jain Smriti Grantha, pp. 161-172. 76. It is stated that the 'Osavāla' caste was also known as 'Upakeśa' casto
in Rajasthan, vide Nahar, P. C. : Jain Inscriptions, Jaisalmer, Part III,
p. 25. .77. (i) Jñanasundarajī : Jaina Jāti Mahodaya, Chapter IV, Appx. I.
(ii) Crooke, W.: T. C. N. W. P., Vol. IV, pp 97-98.
(iii) Śrīpālachandraji : Jaina Sampradāya Sikshā, pp. 607-620. 78. (i) B. G., Vol. IX, Part I, p. 97.
(ii) Barodia, U. D. : History and Literature of Jainism, p. 50.

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79. History of Osavālas, pp. 18-19. 80. Tod. Col. J. : Annals and Antiquities of Rajasthan, Vol. II, p. 210. 81. Russel, R. V. : T. C. C. P., Vol. II, p. 155. 82. (i) Jñanasundarajī : Jaina Jāti Mahodaya, Chapter IV, Appendix I,
pp. 35, 54-60. (ii) Rāmalālaji : Mahājāna-vamsa-muktāvali, pp. 140-146. (iii) Śrīpālachandraji : Jaina Sampradaya Siksha, pp. 620 and 656-661.
(iv) History of Osavālas, p. 24. 83. Crooke, W.: T. C. N. W. P., Vol. IV, p. 99. 84. B. G., Vol. XVI, p. 45. 85. B. G., Vol. XVI, p. 45. 86. Jain, K. P. : Sankshipta Jaina Itihāsa, Vol. II, Pt. II, p. 84. 87. Bhattāchārya, J. N. : Hindu Castes and Sects, p. 207. 88. (i) History of Osavālas, Appendix, p. 2 and pp. 39-129 for the part
played by Osavālas in the Political and Military field. (ii) For a short description of the splendid role played by the Jainas
especially Osavālas in the history of the Rajputana vide Tank,
U, S. : Jaina Historical Studies. 89. Col. Tod; op. cit., Vol. II, p. 765. 90. Jnanasundarajī : Jaina Jāti Mahodaya, Chapter IV, Appendix II,
pp. 92-100. 91. Doshi, C. M. : Dasā Shrimāli Jaina Baniyās of Kathiavar, pp. 41-42. 92. Rāmalālaji : Mahā jana-vamśa-muktāvali, pp. 109-110. 93. Doshi, C. M. : Dasā Śrimāli Jaina Baniyās of Kathiavar, p. 54. 94. B. G., Vol. IX, Part I, pp. 97-98. 95. Dalal, C. M. Poravāda Vaņikone Itihāsa, pp. 7-11. 96. It appears that the word Prägvata was commonly used to denote the
caste from 13th to 15th century of Vikrama Era, Vide Jinavijaya Muni:
Jaina-Pustaka-Prasasti-Sangraha, pp. 24, 43, 44, 46, 47, 70, 114 and 141. 97. Jñanasundarjī : op. cit. Chapt. IV, Appendix II. 98. Rāmalālaji : op. cit; p. 111, 99. Sripalachandraji : op. cit., p. 668. 100. Jñanasundaraji : op. cit, Chapt. IV, Appendix II. 101. Rāmalālaji : op. cit., p. 164.
For a full story vide Doshi, C. M. : op. cit., pp. 56-62. 102. B. G., Vol. IX, Part 1, pp. 96-97. 103. Khandelavāla caste is also known as 'Srāvagi' or 'Sarāvagi'. 104. (i) Śrīpālachandraji : op. cit., pp. 675-680.
(ii) Rāmalālajī: op. cit., pp. 118-121. (iii) Jain, P. D. : op. cit., pp. 12-17. (iv) Jain, K. P. : op. cit., p. 83.

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105. (i) Crooke, W. : op. cit., Vol. III, p. 225; (ii) It is reported that the
first reference to Khandelavāla caste is found on the idol of the Sanghiji Jaina Temple at Jaipur constructed in 1193 A. D. From this it is suggested that the Khaņdelavalac aste must have been formed, along with other Jaina castes, between 8th & 12th century A. D. vide Jain, Kailash Chandra : "Digambara Khandelavala Jati aura
usake Gotra," Mahāvira Jayanti Smārikā, 1970, pp. 101-102. 106. Russel, R. V. : op. cit., Vol. II, p. 157. 107. Russel, R. V. : op. cit., Vol. II, pp. 142-43. 108. J. H., Vol. VII, pp. 26-28. 109. Rāmalāljī : op. cit., pp. 112-114. 110. Enthoven, R. E. :T. C. B., Vol. III, p. 442. 111. B. G., Vol. XXII, p. 117. 112. Hassan : T. C. N. D., Vol. I, pp. 265-267. 113. Hassan : T. C. N. D., Vol. I, pp. 259-263. 114. Russell, R. V. : T. C. C. P., Vol. II, pp. 147-148. 115. Crooke, W.: T. C. N. W. P., Vol. II, p. 422. 116. Russell, R. V. : T. C. C. P., Vol. II, p. 142. 117. Russell, R. V. : T. C. C. P., Vol. II, pp. 140-141. 118. (i) Russell, R. V. :T. C. C. P., Vo. II, pp. 154-155.
(ii) Enthoven, R. E. : T. C. B., Vo. II, p. 429. 119. B. G., Vol. IX, Part I, p. 73. 120. Crooke, W.: T. C. N. W. P., Vol. III, pp. 12-13. 121. Crooke, W.: T. C. N. W. P., Vol. III, p. 386. 122. Crooke, W. : T. C. N. W. P., Vol. IV, pp. 109-110. 123. See (i) 'Pragati āņi Jinavijaya,' dated 14-12-1931; (ii) 'Jain Jagat',
Vol. VIII, No. 5, p. 27. 124. B. G., Vol. XXII, p. 117. 125. (i) B. G., Vol. XXI, p. 103; (ii) B. G., Vol. XXIV, p. 146. 126. Manuscript No. 1149 at Balātkāragana Temple at Kāranjā (Berar). 127. Hassan : T. C. N. D., Vol. I, p. 261. 128. (i) L. A. Phaltane : 'A Light on Ancient Jaina History', J. G., Vol.
28, p. 189. (ii) 'Pragati āņi Jinavijaya,' Vol. 46, No. 3. 129. Russell, R. V. : T. C. C. P., Vol. II, p. 119. 130. B. G., Vol. XVII, p. 99. 131. B. G., Vol. XXII, p. 117. 132. Phaltane, L. A. : Setvāla Jaina Lokāfichi Mahiti, pp. 2-4. 133. B. G., Vol. XVII, p. 99. 134. Hassan : T. C. N. D., Vol. I, p. 263. 135. B. G., Vol. XXII, p. 117.

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136. Enthoven, R. E. : T. C. B., Vol. II., p. 83. 137. Phaltane, L. A. : 'Jaina Dharmāchi Prachina Avasthā,' 'Pragati āņ
Jinavijaya,' Vol. 46, No. 3. 138. Kudale B. D. : 'Dakshiņetīla Chāra Potajāti'; 'Pragati āņi Jinavijaya',
Vol. 45, No. 24. 139. B. G., Vol. XXIV, p. 135. 140. B. G., Vol. XXI, p. 103, mentions the name of place as Kurundavad
which is not correct. 141. Kudale, B. D. : 'Dakshiņetīla Chāra Potajāti," ‘Pragati āņi Jinavijaya.
Vol. 45, Nos, 23 and 24. 142. B. G., Vol. XXII, p. 117. 143. B. G., Vol. XXIV, pp. 102-103 and 107. 144. For achievements of Jainas in the South, vide Chapter 7. 145. B. G., Vol. XXIV, p. 135. 146. B. G., Vol. XXI, p. 103. 147. Hassan : T. C. N. D., Vol. I, pp. 263-264 148, B. G., Vol. XXI, p. 103. 149. B. D. Kudale : 'Dakshiņetīla Chāra Potajāti', 'Pragati āņi Jinavijaya'; • Vol. 45, No. 24. 150. B.G., Vol. XXV, pp. 229-230. 151. Some priests are Chaturtha and majority Panchama in Karnataka and
round about. The Chaturtha priests, at present, can have marriagos
with other nonpriestly Chaturthas. 152. Bombay Gazetteers, Vol. XXII, p. 117; Vol. XXIII, p. 281; Vol. XXIV,
pp. 135 and 144; Vol XXV, pp. 229-231. 153. B. G., Vol. XXIV, p. 136. 154. Tyer, L. K. A. : M. T. C., Vol. III, pp. 402-403. 155. Thurston, E.: T. C. S. I., Vol. II, p. 426. 156. Ibid., pp 428-434.

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Jaina Community-A Social Survey APPENDIX I
Names of 84 castes in the Jaina Community with places of their origin.
Sr. No.
Name of Caste
Place of Origin
1. Śrimāla 2. Śrīśrīmāla 3. Agaravāla 4. Osavāla 5. Katanerā 6. Kapula 7. Khadāyatā 8. Khandelavā la
Chaturtha 10. Chītauda 11. Jāyalavāla 12. Jaisavāla 13. Dhūñsara 14. Dasaurā 15. Nāgara 16. Narasinghapura 17. Pallivala 18. Paravāra 19. Panchama 20. Bagheravāla 21. Badanaurā 22. Medatavāla
3. Lavechū 24. Lāda 25. Harasaurā 26.
Hūmada 27. Śrīkhanda 28. Sriguru 29. Śrīgauda 30. Ajamerā 31. Ajaudhiyā 32. Adāliyā 33. Avakathavāla
Bhinamāla. Hastināpura. Agaroha. Osiyā. Katanera. Nagrakota. Khandavā. Khandelā. Charaṇapura. Chitaudagadha. Jāvala. Jaisalagadha. Dhākalapura. Dasaura. Nāgarachāla. Narasinghapura. Pali. Para-nagara. Pañchama-nagara. Bagherā. Badanaura. Medatā. Lāvā-nagara. Lañvāgadha. Harasaura. Sādavādā. Śrīnagara. Abhūnā Daulai. Siddhapura. Ajmera. Ayodhyā. Adanapura. Āmbera Abhānagara.
..

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Social Divisions in the Jaina Community
Sr. No.
Name of Caste
34. Kaṭhāḍā
35. Kakasthana
36. Kankariyā
37. Kharavā 38. Khemavala
39. Gangaraḍā 40. Gahilavāla 41. Gaulavā la
42. Gogavāra
43. Gindoḍiyā 44. Chakauḍa
45. Chorandiya
46. Jālorā
47. Jambusarā
48. Tintauda
49. Tantauriyā 50. Dhavalakaushți
51. Dhakaḍa
52. Naraṇagaresā
53. Nemā
54. Navāñbharā
55. Nägindrä
56.
Nathachalla
57. Nachhela
58. Nautiya
59. Paukarā
50. Pauravāra
51. Pausarā
52. Baramākā
53. Vidiyādā
54. Baugāra
55. Bhavanage 56. Bhungaḍavāra
57. Maheśvari 58. Māthuriyā
Place of Origin
Khāṭū. Vālakūṇḍā.
Karauli.
Kheravā.
Khema-nagara.
Gangarāḍa.
Gauhilagaḍha. Gaulagadha.
Gogā.
Gindoḍa Devagaḍha. Raṇathambhachakāvā
Gaḍa Malhārī.
Chavaṇḍiyā.
Sauvanagadha Jālaura. Jambu-nagara.
Tintauda. Tantera-nagara.
Dhaulapura.
Dhakagaḍha.
Narāṇapura.
Harischandrapuri.
Navasarapura. Nägindra-nagara.
Sirohi.
Nāḍolai.
Nausalagadha.
Pokaraji.
Pārevā.
Pausara-nagara.
Brahmapura.
Vidiyāda.
Vilasapuri. Bhavanagara.
Bhurapura.
Didavāne.
Mathurā.
109

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Sr. No.
Name of Caisto
Place of Origir
69. Mauda 70. Māndaliya 71. Rājapurā 72. Rājiyā 73. Halada 74. Häkariya 75. Sambharā 76. Sadauiya 77. Saredavāla 78. Saurathavāla 79. Setavāla 80. Sauhitavāla
Surandra 82. Saunaiya 83. Sauraņdiya
Siddhapura Pātana. Māņdalagadha. Rājapura. Rajagadha. Halada-nagara. . Hakagadha Nalavara. Sambhara. Hingaladagadha. Sadadī. Girahāra. Sītapura. Sauhita. Surandrapura Avanti. Saunagadha. Sivagirāņā.

Page #137

Social Divisions in the Jaina Community
111
APPENDIX
II
Names of 84 castes in the Jaina Community as given by Mr. P. D. Jain
Name of Caste
Name of Caste
1. Śrīmāla 2. Śrīśrīmāla 3. Agaravāla 4. Osavāla 5. Kathanera 6. Kapolā 7. Khadāyatā 8. Khaņdelavāla 9. Chaturtha 10. Chitorā 11. Jayalavāla. 12. Jaisavāla 13. Dusare 14. Dasorā 15. Nāgariya 16. Narasimhapurā 17. Pallīvāla 18. Paravāra 19. Pañchama 20. Bagheravāla 2.1. Badanera 22. Medhatavāla 23. Lamechu 24. Lāda 25. Harasora 26. Humada 27. Dhūdhatavālà 28. Pukaravāla 29. Magalavāla 30. Dosāvāla 31. Karavāla 32. Rāyakavā la
33. Achitavāla 34. Śrimāli 35. Nānāvāla 36. Kāralala 37. Gurūvāla 38. Athasamaya Paravāra 39. Mūrivāra 40. Padmavati-puravāla 41. Sārațhiā Poravāra 42. Diśārā Poravāra 43. Māli Poravāra 44. Jāngarā Poravāla 45. Anadorā 46. Haradorā 47. Sohorā 48. Națerā 49. Saņdora 50. Jalaharā 51. Lambūsarā 52. Majhavārā 53. Sāchora 54. Golāpūraba 55. Golalare 56. Golasinghāre 57. Baraiya 58. Serahiyā 59. Karahiya 60. Karanasiya 61. Gahapā tāyā 62. Khadabada 63. Nārāyaṇa 64. Dedhu

Page #138

112
Jaina Community-A Social Survey
APPENDIX II (continued)
Name of Caste
Name of Caste
65.
66. 67.
Basākamakomațī Akanā Yavapada Jeharānā Mādāhādā Ghanorā Kānthada Gangarāni Bajava Ghadi
75. Niva 76. Dhāraka 77. Sahelava 78. Bhatanā gara 79. Godha 80. Śrīgodha 81. Kajapuri 82. Nāgadaha 83. Ayodhyāpārva 84. Dedhagraha
70.
73. 74.

Page #139

Social Divisions in the Jaina Community
113
APPENDIX
III
Names of 84 castes in the Jaina Community as given by Prof. H. H. Wilson.
Sr.
Sr.
No.
Name of Caste
No.
Name of Caste
1. Khandelavāla 2. Poravāla 3. Agaravāla 4. Jaisavāla 5. Barihiya 6. Golā la 7. Gajapūrvi 8. Śrīmāla 9. Vañsavāla, or Osavāla 10. Poravāra' 11. Pallivāla 12. Danderavāla 13. Himmāragujarati 14. Baramorā 15. Kharava 16. Labechū 17. Khandoya 18. Kathanorā 19. Kabaliya 20. Kapola . 21. Nadilā 22. Natila 23. Mothiya 24. Tattora 25. Bageravāla 26. Harasola i 27. Śrīguru 28. Jolura 29. Gahakhanduja 30. Choradiya 31. Bhungerivāla 32. Brahmatā
33. Beduja 34. Bahariya 35. Goguvāla 36. Andāluja 37. Gogayya 38. Mandakya 39. Pañchama 40. Somavam sibogāra 41. Chaturtha 42. Haradara 43. Dhaktha 44. Vaisya 45. Nāgadhāra 46. Pora 47. Surendra 48. Kadaya 49. Kahari 50. Soniya 51. Sorāthiya 52. Räjiya 53. Maya 54. Kammeha 55. Bhangela 56. Gangarda 57. Mārakeya 58. Moțavāla 59. Svetavāla 60. Chakkichapa 61. Khandarya 62. Narischya 63. Bimongai 64. Vikriya
J...8

Page #140

114
Jaina Community – A Social Survey
APPENDIX III (Continued)
Name of Caste
Sto.
Name of Caste
No.
65. Vidyavya 66. Berasāri 67. Ashtaki 68. Ashtadhāra 69. Pāvarābhi 70. Dhakkachāla 71. Bogosri 72. Naraya 73. Koraghāriya 74. Bamāriya
75. Sekasantānya 76. Anandi 77. Nāgora 78. Tattora 79. Pakhastya 80. Sachore 81. Jannorā 82. Nemilāra 83. Gundoriya 84. Dhavalijoti

Page #141

Social Divisions in the Jaina Community
Sr. No.
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
7.
8.
9.
10.
11.
12.
18.
∞ D L L L L L L L L L L
19.
20.
13.
14.
15.
16.
17. Khada yatā
Khātaravā la
Khichi
21.
22.
23.
25.
26.
Names of 84 castes in the Jaina Community from Gujarat
Name of Caste
27.
Śrīmāli Śriśrīmāla
Agaravala
Aneravala
29.
Adhavaraji
Architavala
Auravāla
Ausavala
Aṇḍaurā
Katheraväla
24. Naphāka
Kapola
Karavera
Kakaliya
Kājautīvāla Kauraṭavāla
Kamvauvala
Khandelava la
Gasaurā
Gujaravāla Gauyalaväla
Nägara Nagendrā
28. Nāghaurā
Chitaudā Chitravāla
30. 31.
Jāraulā
32. Jiraṇavā la
Narasinghapura
APPENDIX IV
1
Sr. No.
33.
34.
Name of Caste
62.
63.
64.
Jelavā la
Jemä
35.
36.
37.
38.
39.
40.
41.
42.
43.
44.
45.
46.
47.
48.
49.
Batīvara
50.
Baruri
51.
Baisa
52.
Vāgrīvā Vāvaravāla
53.
54. Vāmaṇavāla
55.
Vālamīvāla
56.
57.
58.
59.
60.
61.
Jam bū
Jhaliyārā Thākaravāla
Didu
Dindoriya Disañvāla
Teraudā
Tipaura
Dasarā
Doilavāla
Padamaurā
Palevāla
Pushkaravala
Panchamavala
Vähaurā
Veḍanaurā
Bhāgeravāla
Bhārījā
Bhungaravāla
Bhungada
Mānatavā la
Meḍatavāla
Māḍa
115

Page #142

116
Jaina Community — A Social Survey
APPENDIX IV (Continued )
Sr.
No.
Name of Caste
Sr. No.
Name of Caste Name o
5. 66. 67.
8. 69. 70. 71. 72. 73. 74.
Mehavada Mīhiriya Mangaurā Manda hula Mautha Māndaliya Medaura Lāda Lādisākā Lingāyata
75. 76. 77. 78. 79. 80.
Vāchadā Stavi Suraravala Sirakerā Sauni Soujataväla Sa raviya Souharavāla Sachaura : Harasaurā
83.

Page #143

Social Divisions in the Jaina Community
117
APPENDIX V
Names of castes in the Jaina Community from the Deccan
Sr.
No.
Name of Caste
Sr. No.
Name of Caste
33. 34. 35. 36. 37. 38.
39.
IU.
1. Hūmada
Khandelavā la Pouravāla Agravāla Jesavāla Paravāla Vagheravāla
Bavariya 9. Gailavādā
Gaulapura 11. Srimāla 12. Osavā la 13. • Medatavāla 14. Pallivāla 15. Gangeravāla
Khadayate Lavechū Vaisa
Nathachallä 20. Kharavā 21. Sadauiya
Katanera Kākariya Kapaula Harasaurā Dasaurā Nāchhelā Țantāre Harada
Jālaurā 1. Śrīguru 2. Nautiyā
16. 17. 18.
40. 41. 42. 43. 44. 45. 46. 47. 48. 49. 50. 51. 52. 53. 54. 55. 56. 57. 58.
Chauradiyā Bhungadavāla Dhäkada Vaugārā Gaugavāra Lāda Avakathavāla Vidiyādi Brahmāka Sāredavāla Māņdaliya Adaliya Svarindra Māyā Ashtavāra Chaturtha Pañchama Vapuchhavāra Hakariya Kandoiyā Saunaiya Rajiya Vadelā Matiya Setavāra Chakkachapā Khandavarata Narasiya Bhavanageha Karavastana Anande Nāgauri
27.
59.
61.
30.
62. 63. 64.

Page #144

118
Jaina Community - A Social Survey
APPENDIX V (Continucd )
Sr.
Name of Caste
Name of Caste
No.
65. 66.
68.
70. 71. 72.
i 74.
5. 76.
7. 78.
Takachāla Saradiya Kamäiya Pausarā Bhākariya Vadvaiyā Nemā Astaki Käregarāyā Narāyā Maudamāndaliya Janaurā Pahāsaya Chakauda
79. 80. 81. 82. 83. 84. 85. 86. 87. 88. 89. 90. 1.
Vahadā Dhañvala Pavārachhiya , Bāgaraurā Taraudā Gindaudiya Pitadi Bagheravāla Būdhela Katanerā Singāra Narasinghapurā Mahatā

Page #145

Social Divisions in the Jaina Community
119
APPENDIX VI
The names of castes with their population figures as given by
All India Digambara Jaina Directory, 1914
Name of Caste
Population
64,726 67,121 11,089 41,996 11,591
9
1,277
4,272 5,282
3,685
702
45 772
16
1. Khandelavāla 2. Agravāla 3. Jaisavāla 4. Paravāra 5. Padmavati Paravāra 6. Paravāra Dasā 7. Paravāra Chosake 8. Pallivāla 9. Golālāre 10. Binaikyā 11. Nutana Jaina 12. Osavāla
13. Osavāla-Bisa • 14. Gangeravāla 15. Badele 16. Baraiyyā 17. Phatehápuriyā 18. Digambara Jaina 19. Poravāla 20. Budhele 21. Lohiyā 22. Golasinghāre 23. Khairoba 24. Lamechū 25. Golāpūrva 26. Golapūrva (, Pañchavise ) 27. Charanāgare 28. Dhakada 29. Katanerā 30. Poravāda 31. Poravāda (Jāngadā ) 32. Poravada Jangādā Visā
1,584
135 1,167
115 566 602 629 1,750
1,977
10,640
194 1,987 1,272 699
285 1,756
540

Page #146

120
Jaina Community - A Social Survey APPENDIX VI (Continued)
Sr.
No.
Name of Caste
Population
33 9,987 4,324
299 293 385 62 705 1,107
467 18,079
2,555 32,556 69,285
501
80
33. Dhavala Jaina 34. Kāsāra 35. Bagheravāla 36. Ayodhyāvāsi ( Taranapanthi ) 37. Ayodhyāvāsi 38. Lāda Jaina 39. Krishnapakshi 40. Kambhoja 41. Samaiyya 42. Asāti 43. Dasā Hūmada 44. Bisa Hūmada 45. Pañchama 46. Chaturtha 47. Badanere 48. Pāpadivāla 49. Bhavasā gara .. 50. Nemā 51. Narasimhapurā Bisā 52. Narasimhapurā Dasā 53. Gurjara 54. Saitavāla 55. Mevādā 56. Mevādä Dasā 57. Nāgadā Bisā 58. Nāgadā Dasā 59. Chitodā Dasă
Caitoda Bisa 61. Srimāla 62. Śrimāla Dasā 63. Selavāra 64. Śrāvaka 65. Sādara Jaina 66. Bogāra 67. Vaisya Jajna
.
263 4,472 2,593
15 20,889 2,158
2 2,654
877 306 551 738
42 433 8,467 11,241 2,431
242

Page #147

Social Divisions in the Jaina Community
121
APPENDIX VI (Continued )
Sr. No.
Name of Caste
Population
15
87 9,772
160
25 40
240 236
68. Indra Jaina 69. Purohita 70. Kshatriya Jaina 71. Jaina Digambara 72. Tagara 73. Chaughale 74. Miśra Jaina 75. Samkavāla 76. Khurasāle 77. Haradara 78. Upadhyaya 79. Thagara-Bogāra 80. Brāhmana Jaina 81. 'Gāndhi 82. Nai Jaina 83. Badhai Jaina 81. Pokarā Jaina Anyadharmi 85. Sukara Jaina 86. Mahesei 87. Anyadharmi
1,216
53
704

Page #148

122
Jaina Community — A Social Survey
APPENDIX VII
The names of castes and sub-castes in Gujarātha with their population
figures as given by Svetāmbara Jaina Directory, 1909
No.
Name of Caste
Population
No.
44,509 22,751
1,302
19,010
6,281 11,931 2,764 1,092
10
112
12
72
1. Śrīmāli Visa 2. Śrīmālī Daśā 3. Srimāli Ladavā 4. Shrimālī Māravādi 5. Poravāda Visā 6. Poravāda Daśā 7. Osavāla Visā 8. Osavāla Dasā 9. Nīmā Visa 10. Nīmā Daśā 11. Hummada Visa 12. Hummada Dasa 13. Diśāvāla Daśā 14. Vāgadīyā Visā 15. Narasingapurā Daśā 16. Modha Māndlīyā Daśā 17. Bhāvasāra 18. Bhojaka 19. Kaņabī Pātīdāra 20. Sāļavī 21. Sāņdesarā 22. Pāņde 23. Rajaputa 24. Mahātmā 25. Pāñchā 26. Sutāra 27. Māru
1,060
789
452
21
16 15

Page #149

Social Divisions in the Jaina Community
123
APPENDIX VII (Continued)
St.
Name of Caste
Population
28. Daraji 29. Luvānā 30. Kāchhīyā 31. Brāhmaṇa 32. Modha Ghāñchi 33. Rāvaļa 34. Bhramabhāta 35. Kandoi 36. Khatri 37. Luvāra 38. Koļi

Page #150

124
Sr. No.
APPENDIX VIII
Names of Digambara Jaina castes and sub-castes with their population according to Provinces (1914)
13. Baraiya
14. Badele
15. Budhele
16. Lohiya
1. Khaṇḍelavāla
2. Agravala
3. Jaisavāla
4. Pallīvāla
5. Osavāla
6. Gangeravāla
7. Poravāla
8. Paravara
9. Padmavati Paravāra
10. Lamechu
11. Golāpūrva
12. Golālāre
17. Golasinghāre
18. Kharauvā
19. Binaikiyā
Jaina Community -A Social Survey
Name of Caste
20. Phatahapuriyā 21. Brāhmaṇa Jaina
22. Nutan Jaina 23. Digambara Jaina
United Provinces
Total
Population
3,562
27,652
3,300
3,752
18
136
115
9.545
8,744
1,622
718
2,095
59
16
558
550
329
980
6
135
15
3
28
63,966

Page #151

Social Divisions in the Jaina Community
125
APPENDIX VIII ( Continued)
Name of Caste
Population
Bengal-Bihar
1,308 1,731
134
30
1. Khandelavāla 2. Agravāla 3. Paravāra 4. Padmāvāti Paravāra 5. Pallivāla 6. Jaisavāla 7. Mevādā Visa 8. Hummada Dasa 9. Golasingāre 10. Golälare 11. Lamechū 12. · Baraiya 13. Kharauvā
Total
3 673
Rajaputana-Malwa
53,132 13,503 5,912
94
452 122
1. Khandelavāla 2. Agravāla 3. Jaisavāla 4. Jaisavāla Dasa 5. Pallīvāla 6. Osavāla 7. Saitavāla 8. Bagheravāla 9. Srimāla 10. Śrīmāla Dasa 11. Paravāra 12. Chavsake Paravāra 13. Padmavati Paravāra 14. Lamechū 15. Golāpūrva
3,492 660
42
8,681
729 2,297
100
376

Page #152

126
Sr. No.
16. Golaläre
17. Baraiyā
18. Humada Daśā
Name of Caste
APPENDIX VIII (Continued)
19. Humaḍa Viśā 20. Kaṭanerā
21. Charanagare
22. Jangaḍā Poravāḍa
23. Samaiyā
24. Asātī
25. Lohiya 26. Golasingare
27. Kharauvā
28. Ayodhyāvāsi 29. Chittoḍā Dasā
30. Chittoda Visā
31. Mevāḍā
32. Gujara
33. Narasimhapura
34. Narasimhapura Dasā
35. Narasimhapura Visā
36. Nāgadā Dasā
37. Nāgadā Visā
38. Selavāra
Jaina Community-A Social Survey
39. Binaikiyā 40. Lāḍa
41. Nemā
42. Nai Jaina
43. Badhai Jaina
44. Pokarā Jaina 45. Brāhmaṇa Jaina 46. Sunara Jaina 47. Maheśri Jaina 48. Jaina
Total
Population
1,565
1,512
10,639
846
635
170
1,239
194
254
52
258
720
194
274
551
85
15
1,527
1,592.
4,374
897
2,654
433
452
5
53
4
3
2
10
8
16
3
1,19,293

Page #153

Social Divisions in the Jaina Community
127
APPENDIX VIII (Continued)
Sr.
Name of Caste
Population
No.
Punjab
616
23,246
1. Khandelavāla 2. Agravāla 3. Budhelā 4. Padmavati Paravāra 5. Jaisavāla 6. Osavāla 7. Paravāra
353 203 179 10
Total
24,615
Central Provinces
1,293 393 86
57
1. Khaņdelavāla 2. Agravāla 3. Jaisavāla 4. Pallīvāla 5. Gangeravāla 6. Setavāla 7. Bagheravāla 8. Pāpadīvāla 9. Paravāra 10. Chausake Paravāra 11. Padmavati Paravāra 12. Lamechu 13. Golāpūrva
14. Goląlāre . 15. Hūmada Dasā
16. Kațanerā 17. Badanerā 18. Charanāgare 19. Dhākada 20. Poravāda 21. Poravāda Jāngadā Visā
636 9,112 741
8 23,519
548 146 218 9,476 1,900
45
61
501
1,777 1,110 277
540

Page #154

128
Jaina Community - A Social Survey
APPENDIX VIII (Continued)
Sr.
No.
Name of Caste
Population
517 303
913
194 213
22
18 24 208
22. Poravada Jangadā 23. Kasara 24. Samaiyyā 25. Pañchavise Golāpūrva 26. Asāti 27. Chaturtha 28. Pañchama 29. Golsinghāre 30. Ayodhyāvāsi Tāraṇapanthi 31. Ayodhyāvāsī 32. Krishnapakshi 33. Kamboja 34. Gāndhi 35. Bhāvasāgara 36. Binaikiya 37. Nema 38. Lāda 39. Dhavala
20
-
27 3,225
263
194
33
Total
58,864
Bombay
1. Khaņdelavāla 2. Agravāla 3. Jaisavāla 4. Osavāla 5. Paravāra
Chaughale 7. Padmavati Paravāra 8. Hummada Dasā 9. Hummada Visā 10. Osavāla Visā 11. Kathanerā 12. Charanāgare 13. Bagheravāla
4,814
596 1,068 383 48 160
12 7,392 1,709
45
.
40 91

Page #155

Social Divisions in the Jaina Community
129
APPENDIX VIII (Continued)
No.
Name of Caste
.
Population
59
40
11,771
9,631 68,432 24,553 1,216 479
1,591 1,432
162
198
14. Srimāla . 15. Samkavāla 16. Saitavāla 17. Kāsāra 18. Chaturtha 19. Pañchama 20. Upadhyaya 21. Mevadā Visā 22. Mevada Dasa 23. Mevada 24. Bogāra 25. Dhākada 26. Digambara Jaina 27. Srāvaka 28. Chitaudā 29. Golapurva 30. Jaina Brahmana 31. Binaikiya 32. Sādara 33. Narasimhapurā Dasā 34. Lamechū 35. Poravāda .36. Lāda : 37. Golalare 38. Kamboja 39. Thagara Bogāra 40. Narasimhapurā 41. Khurasale 42. Mišra Jaina 43. Tagara 44. Jaina 45. Harada
1,007
191
620
53
98 240
25
263 236
Total
1,38,957

Page #156

130
Jaina Community - A Social Survey
APPENDIX VIII (Continued)
Sr.
.
No.
Name of Caste
Population
Madras-Mysore
9,481 7,985 661
831
115
53
5
1. Khandelavāla, 2. Digambara Jaina 3. Panchama 4. Jaina Brāhmaṇa 5. Chaturtha : 6. Jaisavāla 7. Käsāra 8. Saitavāla .. 9. Paravāra 10. Srimāli :
1. Padmāvati Paravāra 12. Srāvaka 13. Bogāra 14. Vaisya Jaina 15. Indra Jaina 16. Purohita Brahmana 17. Kshatriya Jaina 18. Sādara Jaina 19. Anyadharmi
59 19.
9 8,397
999 242 11
15
87 ::. 11,235
70
Total
41,216

Page #157

Social Divisions in the Jaina Community
131
APPENDIX IX
Names of Gotras' found among Agaravāla Jainas
as given by various authors.
Names of Gotras given by
ST
Crooke
Sherring
Jain, P.D.
Rāmalālaji
1. Garga 2. Gobhila 3. Gautama 4, Maitreya 5. Jaimini 6. Saingala 7. Vāsala
Garga Gobhila Garavāla Batsila Käsila Simhala Mangala
Gara Goyala Singala Mangala Tāyala Taralo Kasala
Bhadala
Vañsala
8. Aurana 9. Kausika
Garga Goila Kachchhala Kausala Vrndala Dhālana Śrngala or Singhala Jaitrala or Jindala Mantrila or Mitralal Tungala Tayala Vamsala Kansala Tāngala Mangala' Airiņa
Tingala
Airana
10. Kaśyapa 11. Tandeya 12. Māndavya 13. Vasishtha 14. Mudgala 15. Dhānyāsha 16. Dhelana or
Dhauma 17. Taitariya 17. Nagendra
Eraña Tāyala Terana · Thingala
Tittila Nitala Tundala
Therana Sintala Mintala Jhindhala Kindhala Kachhila Harahara
.
Goila or Goina Madhukula' . Vachchhila Bindala Gavadhara or
Gavana

Page #158

132
Jaina Community - A Social Survey
APPENDIX X
Names of Gotras ' found in the Śrimāla caste of Jainas.
Sr.
Sr.
Name of Gotra
Name of Gotra
No
1. Kaţāriya 2. Kahundhiya 3. Katha 4. Kälera 5. Kadaiye 6. Kurādika 7. Käla 8. Kuthāriye 9. Kūkada 10. Kaudiya 11. Kaukagadha 12. Kambotiya 13. Khagala 14. Khäreda 15. Khaura 16. Khauchadiya 17. Khausadiya 18. Gadaudaghā 19. Galakate 20. Gapatāniyā 21. Gadaiya 22. Gilāhala 23. Gindodiya 24. Gūjariya
Gujara Ghevariya
Ghaughadiya 28. Charada 29. Chẳndi 30. Chugala 31. Chadiya 32. Chanderivāla 33. Chhakkadiya
34. Chhaliyā 35. Jalakata 36. Jūņda 37. Jūndībala 38. Jañta 39. Jhamachūra 40. Tänka 41. Tankariya 42. Țingada 43. Dahara 44. Dagada 45. Dungariya 46. Dhaura 47. Dhaudha 48. Tavala 49. Tādiya 50. Turakya 51. Dusaja 52. Dhanaliya 53. Dhūvanā 54. Dhūpada 55. Dhyadhiya 56. Tävi 57. Narata 58. Dakshaṇata 59. Nāchana 60. Nandarivala 61. Nivahatiya 62. Niraduma 63. Nivahediyā 64. Parimāna 65. Pachausalīya 66. Padavādiya
25.
26. 27.

Page #159

Social Divisions in the Jaina Community
133
APPENDIX X (Continued)
No.
Name of Gotra
Name of Gotra
67. Paseraņa 68. Panchobhū 69. Panchāsiya 70. Patani 71. Papadagota 72. Pūrabiya 73. Phalavadhiyā 74. Phāphù 75. Phophaliya 76. Phūsapāņa 77. Bahāpuriya 78. Barada 79. Badaliya: 80. Bandūbi 81. Bañhakate 82. Baisaza 83. Bārīgota 84. Bayada 85. Vimatálaka 86. Vichada 87. Bauhaliya 88. Bhadrasavāla 89. Bhändiya 90. Bhālodi 91. Bhūbara 92. Bhaņdāriyā 93. Bhādūngā 94. Bhothā , 95. Mahimabalal 96. Mauthiya 97. Maradulā 98. Mahataniya 19. Mahakule 100. Marahati
101. Mathuriyā 102. Masuriya 103. Madhalapuri . 104. Mälavi 105. Marumahatā 106. Mandotiya 107. Mūsala 108. Mogā 109. Mürari 110. Mundādiya 111. Rädika 112. Rankibāna 113. Rīhālīma 114. Lavāhalā 115. Ladārūpa 116. Sagaripa 117. Ladavālā 118. Sāgiya 119. Sambhadati 120. Sidhūda 121. Sudrādā 122.Sohū 123. Saudhiya 124. Hādīgana 125. Hedāū 126. Hidaurayā 127. Argarīpa 128. Akođūpada 129. Ubarā 130. Bohara 131. Sängariya 132. Palahota 133. Ghūghariya 134. Kūnchaliya

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APPENDIX XI.
A List showing Gotras, Dynasties, Places of Origin and
Family Deities found in the Khandelavāla Caste.
Gotra
Rajaputa Dynasty
Place of Origin
Family Deity
Chakreśvari -
Āmā
1. Säha
Chauhāna Khandelo 2. Pātani Tanvara Padhani 3. Pāpadivāla Chauhāna Papadi 4. Dausā Rāthauda
Dausā : 5. Sethi
Soma
Sethāniyo 6. Bhausā Chaụhāna Bhausāni 7. Gaudhā Gaudhada Gaudhāni 8. Chandūvāda Chandela Chandūvāda 9. Mauthyā Thīmara Mauthyā 10. Ajamerā Gauda Ajameryo 11. Daraďaudya Chauhāna Daradauda 12. Gadaiya Chauhāna Gadayau 13. Pāhādya Chauhāna Pāhādī 14. BhuĨcha Surya
Bhūñchhada Vaja Hema
Vajāņi - 16. Vajjama- Hema
Vajamāsi hārāya 17. Rāūkā Soma
Rāloli 18. Pataudyā Tanvara Pātodi 19. Gagavāla Kachhāvā Gagavāni 20. Padyadā Chauhāna Pādani 21. Sauni Saulankhi Sauhani Vilala
Thimara Sauma Vilālā 23. Viralālā Kuruvamsi Chhoti Vilāli 24. Vinyāyakyā Gahalauta Vinyāyaki - 25. Vāńkivāla Mauhila Vārkali
Chakreśvarī: Jamāya Chakreśvari: Nāndani Mātani : Mātani Aurala Nāndani ; Chakreśvari ::: Chakreśvari Chakreśvari : Amana Amana Mauhani
Aurala Padmāvati Jamavāya Chakreśvari Amana ? Aurala Sautala Vethi Jīni

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Social Divisions in the Jaina Community
135
.
APPENDIX XI ( Continued)
4
5
26. Kāsalāvāla 27. Pāpalā. 28. Saugā ņī 29. Jāñjhadya 30. Katāryā 31. Vaida 32. Taugya 33. Bohorā 34. Kālā 35. Chhāvadya 36. Laugyā 37. Luhāàyà. 38. Bhandasālī 39. Dagadavata 40. Chaudhari 41. Pautalyā 42. Gindaudyā 43. Sākhūnyā -44. Anaupadyā . 45. Nigautyā
46. Pangulya 47. Bhūlānya 48. Pitalyā 49. Banamāli 50. Aradaka 51. Rāvatyā 52. Maudi 53. Kaukana-
rājya 54. Jugarājyā 55. Mülarajya
Mauhila. Kāmsalī Jīņi Saudbā Pāpalī
Amana Suryavamsi Saugāņi Kanhādi Kachhāvā Jāñjhari Jamavāya Kachhāvā Katāryā Jamavāya Sauradi Vadavāsā Amani Pañvāra Țaugāni Pavadi Saudhā Bohori Sautali Kuruvamsi Kulavādi Sauhani Chauhāna Chhāvadyā Aurala Sūryavamsi Lagānī Amani Maurațhyā Luhädyā Lausila Saulankhi Bhandasāli: Amaņi : . Saulankhi Daradauda Amani Tañvara Chaudhatya Padmavati Gahalauta Pautala
Padmāvati Saudhā ! Ginhaudi Śrīdevi : Saudhā Sākhūni Siravarāya Chandelā Anaupadi Mātani Gauda Nāgauti Nandani Chauhāna Pāngulyo Chakreśvarī Chauhāna: Bhūlāni Chakreśvari : Chauhāna Pitalyo Chakreśvarī Chauhāna. Banamala Chakreśvari Chauhāna Aradaka Chakreśvari Thīmarasauma Rãvatyau Autala Thimarasauma Maudahasi Laurala Kuruvamsi Kaukaņarājyā Saunala
Kuruvamsi Kuruvamsi
Jugarājyā Mūlarājyā
Saunala Saunala

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Jaina Community - A Social Survey APPENDIX XI (Continued)
1
2
3
S
Chhāhadyā Saunala Dukada Hemā Gautada Hemā Kulabhāni Hemā Vaurakhandi Hemā
56. Chhahadya Kuruvamsi 57. Dukadā Dūjāla 58. Gauti Dūjāla 59. Kulabhänyā Dūjāla 60. Vaura- Dūjāla
khandya
Sarapatya Mauhila 62. Chiraďakya Chauhāna 63. Nigardyā. Gauda 64. Nirapaulyā Gauda 65. Saravadyā Gauda 66. Kadavadā Gauda 67. · Sambharya Chauhāna 68. Haladyā Mauhila 69. Saumagasā Gahalauta 70. Bambā Saudhā 71. Chauvānyā Chauhāna 72. Rājahamsa Saudhā. 73. Ahankāryā Saudhā 74. Bhūsāvadyā Kuruvamsi 75. Maulasarā Saudhā 76. Bhāngadā Khimara 77. Lauhadyā Maurathā 78. Khetrapalyā Dujala 79. Rājabhada Sānkhalā 80. Bhuñvālyā Kachhāvā 81. Jalavānyā Kachhāvā 82. Vedālyā Thīmara 83. Lāthīvāla Saudhā 84. Nirapālya Sorață
:
Sarapati Chiradaki Nivagada Nirapala Saravadya Kadavagari Sambharyo Haralauda Saumada Bambali Chauvaratyā Rajahamsa Ahankara Bhasavadyā Maulasara Bhāngada Lauhata Khetrpālyau Räjabhadarā Bhuñvāla Jalavāni Vanavaudā Laţavada Nipati
Jīnadevi Chakreśvari Nāndani Nāndani Nāndani Nandani Chakreśvari Jānidhayādā Chauthi . Sikharaya Chakreśvari Sikharaya Sikhanya Saunala Sikharāya Aurala Lausalaghiya Hemā Sarasvati Jamavāya Jamavāya Aurala Sridevi Amani

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CHAPTER 4
MARRIAGE AND POSITION OF WOMAN
1. WHAT IS MARRIAGE?
It is a significant fact about man that when he wants to act, he does so in co-operation with others and not individually. He always tries to associate with others while performing a particular act and he has to act from the very beginning of his life for the satisfaction of his elemental needs or impulses. By elemental impulses we mean those impulses which are original in human nature, in the sense that there are no peoples known to have failed to take account of them. Such impulsions are hunger, love, vanity and fear1 and for their realisation man has evolved different massive social institutions. The social institutions of marriage and family arise out of the efforts made by mankind to adjust their activities with a view to satisfy their primordial appetite for sex-love. The institution of marriage thus tries to regulate the sexual acts of persons living in a group. The control of sex-impulse is the primary function performed by the institution of marriage. But marriage is something more than a regulated sexual behaviour. It is quite different from ordinary sexual union in the sense that marriage is more or less durable, it is recognised by custom or law, it requires some formality to celebrate the union and it gives rise to certain rights and duties both in the case of the parties entering the union and in the case of the children born of it.2 As the marriage determines the exact nature of relations of the parties constituting a union, it not only regulates their sexual relations but also settles the problems of descent, inheritance and succession which arise out of marital union. Some times, the latter function is considered more significant than the mere regulation of sexual behaviour.3 Because of these characteristics of marriage which distinguish it effectively from ordinary sexual union, the institution of marriage occupies an important place in the life of a society.

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The institution of marriage is based on sex-impluse. This sex-impulse is universal among all sorts of people, its intensity has got immense range and it is continuous with the people unlike animals. Because of these qualities it is quite essential to regulate sex-impulse in the interests of individual and society. As the satisfaction of sex-impulse is attended with good as well as bad results, it cannot be left unchecked on the ground that it is a natural urge. Taking into account the necessity of societal control on the free play of sex-impulse mankind has evolved many ways to achieve that aim. It is proposed in this Chapter to discuss the methods adopted by the Jaina community to control the elemental impulse of love.
2. THE OBJECT OF MARRIAGE.. 3. The object of marriage in Jaina community is definitely not the securing of satisfaction derived from sexual acts alone, though it may form a small part of the object. The main purpose of marriage is best explained by Pandita Asadharaji in the following manner ?
afqafaazi zfát magasafah I
देवादिसत्कृतिं चेच्छन् सत्कन्यां यत्नतो वरेत् ॥a A person should marry a girl endowed with good virtues if he wishes to have legitimate children, to get unperterbed sexual satisfaction, to enhance the conduct and prosperity of the family and to honour God, preceptor and other revered things. It is pertinent to note that in these objectives put before a married person, the first place has been given to be getting children and a subordinate position has been assigned to securing sexual pleasure. With a view to give more prominence to this aim of marriage,
Acharya Jinasena has ordained that संतानार्थमृतावेव कामसेवां मियो ya* i: e. one should indulge in sex activity for the specific purpose of getting children and that too during the ovulation period. He has reiterated the same purpose in the following stanzas :
त्वामादिपुरुषं दृष्ट्वा लोकोप्येवं प्रवर्तताम् । महतां मार्गवर्तिन्यः प्रजाः सुप्रजसो ह्यमूः॥ ततः कलत्रमत्रेष्टं परिणेतुं मनः कुरु । प्रजासंततिरेवं हि नोच्छेत्स्यति विदांवर ॥

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139 प्रजासंतत्यविच्छेदे तनुते धर्मसंततिः। मनुष्व मानवं धर्म ततो देवेममच्युत ।। । देवेमं गृहिणां धर्म विद्धि दारपरिग्रहम् ।
संतानरक्षणे यत्नः कार्यों हि गृहमेधिनाम् ।। This shows that it is the duty of householders to get married. The householders should strive to beget children and to protect them. Due to marriage continuity of the society is maintained and the Rule of Law, ( Dharma ) is spread. The society is composed of individuals and the society will expand when there will be an increase in the number of individuals comprising that community. That is why the main aim of marriage is to get legitimate children out of the wedlock.
Thus among the Jainas, the main purpose of marriage is to maintain the continuity of human race by getting legitimate children. Here the institution of marriage is viewed clearly in its social aspect. There is no religious motive whatsoever in the contracting of marriage as such. The necessity of marriage arises to provide a legitimate outlet to sexual feelings and to maintain the continuity of human race. Both purposes are served by regulating the sexual behaviour of people through the institution of marriage. is why among the Jainas, like Hindus, Viväha or marriage is generally considered as obligatory for every person and it is included in the garīrasamskāras (i. e. sacraments sanctifying the body) through which every man and woman must pass at the proper age and time..
Though Jainas and Hindus regard marriage as obligatory for every person, there is a great difference in their outlook in regarding so. While Jainas look at the problem from a purely social point of view, Hindus treat if from a religious point of view.? Among the Hindus marriage is made compulsory for every person because the birth of a son is said to enable one to obtain Moksha. Again, it is believed by Hindus that one's progeny is considerably connected with and instrumental to happiness both in this world as well as hereafter. Moreover, the birth of a son is conceived by Hindus to be specially contributory towards helping the father to execute his obligations due to the departed ancestors--one of the three debts or obligations which every Hindu is bound to discharge. A Hindu has to marry and to get a male child with a

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view to avoid eternal damnation in hell after his death. . According to Hindus, there is an intimate connection between marriage and the ultimate object in life, viz., Moksha. As marriage has something to do with the emancipation of soul, marriage and religion are very closely connected with one another in Hindu society. Thus, the institution of marriage among Hindus loses its entirely social character, gets mixed up with religious behaviour of the people and becomes a religious act as such.
In the Jaina religion, on the contrary, marriage is not treated as a religious duty but is considered as a purely social act. It is regarded more in the nature of a civil contract than of a religious ceremony. Its object is to maintain the continuity of human race and not to obtain salvation by securing male offspring. Marriages are entered into for purely practical reasons and religion has nothing to order in this respect. It is not ordained in Jaina religion to marry for emancipation of soul. Marriage is not concerned with life hereafter. When no offerings are to be made to the forefathers, the question of discharging obligations due to departed ancestors does not arise. Jaina-scriptures do not lay down elaborate rules and regulations regarding marriage. Marriage is completely based on customs of people designed to adjust the life of persons in this world as it is not concerned with the happiness of persons hereafter. If marriage among Jainas would have been based on their Āgamas (i. e., basic religious books ), it would have been practically the same throughout many centuries and there would not have been a great diversity of customs regarding various aspects of marriage throughout the country. Since marriage practices of Jainas differ to a considerable extent, it is clear that the institution of marriage is based on local customs and not on holy scriptures. 10 From this it need not be inferred that the Jaina holy books do not refer to marriage at all. They do discuss the subject of marriage but in this respect their basic stand is that a lawful wife is necessary for a man for the successful completion of his house-holder's life. They do not prescribe any rules regarding the matters like her age, qualifications, gotra, caste, race, etc., as these are based on local customs. There is practically little relation between marriage customs and Jaina scriptures. It is true that sometimes we notice that in Jaina books while narrating particular events, references are made and opinions

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given on the marriage customs connected with the events. But we cannot accept such opinions as applicable for all places and times since such opinions were given by taking into account marriage customs prevailing at that time.11 This means that marriage customs referred to in Jaina books are not binding on Jainas for all time to come and they are free to devise their own customs according to local conditions.
In Hinduism there is a direct connection between marriage and religion. In Jainism, however, there is an indirect connection between marriage, like any other custom, and religion. For Jainas the ultimate object in life is the attainment of Moksha, i. e., liberation of soul from worldly bondage. The best way, according to Jainism, to achieve this aim is to perform right action along with right faith and right knowledge. 12 The right action includes proper channelising of sexual practices with a view to lead an useful life which serves as a stepping stone for getting salvation. M over, religion depends for its existence on the number of its followers.13 The strength of the followers can be rightfully maintained through the procreation of legitimate children. Taking into account these considerations it can be stated that the object of marriage in Jainism is twofold, viz., (1) to give a legitimate outlet to sexual feelings so that the human being may rightly live a useful life, enjoying the fruits of Dharma, Artha and Kāma, and thus be entitled to attain the great object - the Moksha; and (2) to promote the cause of Dharma ( Law ) by generating righteous and chivalrous sons and daughters. It is a duty of the householder to be contented with his own life and to contrive for the continuance of the human race. 14
3. NORMALITY OF MARRIAGE Though marriage, according to Jainas, is more in the nature of a civil contract than of a religious ceremony, it is enjoined upon every person to effect that contract. The Jaina philosophy no doubt gives more importance to the policy of renunciation. The strict observation of celibacy throughout whole life is definitely more valued than indulgence in sensual pleasures. But it would be a mistake to suppose from this that Jainism is against marriage. Persons who lead a complete celebate life are highly appreciated, yet those who cannot follow that path are not denounced. There

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are many people who cannot practise the strict life of renunciation and such persons are advised to get married as the next best course. That is why marriage has been included in the Sarīrasamskāras (i. e. sacraments that sanctify the body) through which every Jaina must pass at the proper age and time. This arrangement, if not the fear of eternal damnation, as in the case of Hindus, makes it obligatory for every Jaina to get married. Moreover, it is enjoined upon every householder to give of his own accord his daughters in marriage before they attain puberty. Further, it has been ordained that those persons who will keep their grownup daughters in their homes without marrying them would fall from religion.15 In view of these injunctions parents rush in to contract the marriages of their children and as a result we find that in the Jaina community child marriage was the order of the day until a few years ago.
4. FORMS OF MARRIAGE The term 'forms of marriage' is generally applied to denote the various types of marriage unions according to the number of partners entering the union. Such accepted forms of marriage are four in number, viz., monogamy, polygyny, polyandry and group-marriage. But in the Jaina community, as in the Hindu community, the forms of marriage are devised according to the method of contracting a marriage union. The forms of marriage are divided into eight categories, viz., the Brāhma, the Daiva, the Arsha, the Prājāpatya, the Asura, the Gandharva, the Rākshasa and the Paisācha. 16 The main features of these forms are as follows :
(i) The Brāhma ('or Brāhmya ) form : In this form of marriage the daughter is given by the father to a bridegroom, who is learned and well-behaved, after calling him ( to one's place ) and decorating him as well as the bride with valuable ornaments.17
(ii) The Daiva form : The marrying of one's daughter at the conclusion of a big Pūjā or ceremonious worship of the holy Tirthankara to the Director of ceremonies who has officiated at the Pujā is termed as Daiva marriage. Here the daughter is given as a gift to the bridegroom.18

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(iii) The Arsha form :
Here the father gives his daughter in marriage to the bridegroom, after accepting from him a small gift of a suit or two of the wearing apparel or a cow and a bull. The gift is received by the father in accordance with requirements of Dharma and the marriage ceremony is performed according to the prescribed mode.19 (iv) The Prajapatya form :
The giving away of the girl as a gift by the father with a mere blessing" You may together engage yourselves in the performance of Dharma" is the Prajapatya marriage.20. Probably in this form the bridegroom applies for the hand of the bride, and perhaps, it is also not necessary that he should be unmarried.21
(v) The Asura form :
Obtaining the bride by paying for her an adequate sum of money to her father and the like is the Asura marriage.22
(vi) The Gandharva form :
The union of the bride and the bridegroom due to their mutual, love and consent and without the permission of their parents and brothers is the Gandharva marriage.23
(vii) The Rakshasa form:
Carrying away by force after the killing (of parents, etc.), of a weeping and crying girl is the Rakshasa marriage.24
(viii) The Paisacha form:
Violating a senseless, helpless and sleeping girl and marrying her is the Paisacha form.25
Though forms of marriage have been divided into eight categories, all of them have not been approved as right types of marriages to be practised by the people. Out of these, the first four are termed Dharmya or Arya ( i. e., meritorious or approved) marriages and the last four are considered Adharmya or Papa (i. e., sinful) marriages.26 The first four are commended because such marriages are contracted with the mutual consent of the parents of the bride. and the bridgroom and the bride is given by her father as a gift to the bridegroom in accordance with the prescribed mode of marriage at the time. The last four forms of marriage are denounced for obvious reasons. In the Asura marriage money is actually

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Jaina Community - À Social Survey
paid to the bride's father. No doubt, in the Arsha form the bride's father receives something from the bridegroom but here the father does so according to the requirements of Dharma and not with a view to sell his daughter. The Gandharva marriage is contracted completely without the consent of the parents. The Rakshasa marriage involves the forcible abduction of a girl after committing acts of violence against the kinsmen of the bride. The Paisācha marriage intentionally perpetrates violence on a girl who is placed in a very helpless condition, and that is why sometimes it is considered as the worst of all marriages.27 As these four forms of marriage are sinful, no fixed mode is prescribed by Achāryas for contracting such marriages.28
There is a diffirence of opinion as regards the most prevalent form of marriage at present in the Jaina community. According to Achāradinakara, 29 the only form of marriage that can be practised at present is the Prājā patya marriage as the other three of the approved forms of marriage, viz., Brāhma, Daiva and Arsha cannot exist in the present Kali age.30 On the other hand, Mr. C. R. Jain thinks that nowadays only the Brāhma form of marriage can be said to be prevalent as the rest have all become obsolete. 31 Since the Daiva and Arsha forms of marriage are not definitely practised now, it matters little whether the most prevalent form of marriage is called as either Brāhma or Prājāpatya.
If we compare the forms of marriage as conceived by Jainas with those of Hindus, it would be found that not only the number and names of forms are exactly the same but they do not differ in their contents also. Yet there is a significant difference between their view-points regarding the consideration of lawful and unlawful forms of marriage. According to the Hindus, the (i) Brā (ii) Daiva, (ii) Arsha, (iv) Prājā patya, (vi) Gandharva and (vii) Rakshasa, are lawful marriages, while the remaining two forms, viz, (v) Asura and (viii) Paisācha are unlawful and should never be practised.32 The Jainas, on the other hand, recommend only the first four forms, viz., the (i) Brāhma, (ii) Daiva, (iii) Arsha, and (iv) Prājā patya, as approved forms of marriage.
In the approved forms of marriage the most important point to note is that the bride is always given by her father as a gift to the bridegroom. In the absence of the father the question arises regarding the competent person to give the maiden in marriage.

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In this connection a descending order of maiden's near relatives is fixed and it is enjoined on them to undertake, in the order given, the responsibility of contracting marriage. The specified order is as follows : The father, the grandfather, the brother, the uncle, a person of the same gotra, the preceptor, the maternal grandfather, and the maternal uncle. It is further made clear that in the absence of all these relatives who are asked to give a maiden in marriage, she may do Svayamvara, i. e.,choose her partner according to her own will; but this can be done only in the case of extreme trouble.33
5. QUALIFICATION OF PARTIĖS TO THE UNION
Various qualifications and disqualifications to be noted in the bride and bridegroom before the marriage is contracted are mentioned at a great length in Jaina books. It is stated that the following nine things should be marked in a bridegroom before giving a daughter to him in marriage, viz., caste, absence of disease, age, character, education, bodily stature, wealth, parents and members of the family. 34. In general the bridegroom should be gentle, healthy, of noble descent, endowed with long life and moral qualities and handsome.35 A person should not be accepted as a bridegroom if he is found wanting in some limbs, impotent, diseased, of bad family, full of vices, always sad and of a very low position.36
As regards the attributes of a bride it has been laid down that one should marry a girl who is of one's own caste, but not of the same gotra and who is endowed with indications of long life, excellent virtues and other accomplishments such as learning etc.37 Along with the caste, gotra and other accomplishments it should be seen that the girl suitable for marriage should be beautiful, younger and smaller than the bridegroom and coming from a family comprising many members.38 A long list of disqualifications pertaining to a girl has been given and it has been enjoined not to marry a maiden possessing all or some of these disqualifications.39 As a guiding principle it is stated that a maiden should be avoided like a tigress if she is sinful, diseased, unchaste, shameless or immodest, and having leucoderma.40
In the accomplishments to be found in the bride and bridegroom, it would be seen that, more prominence has been given to their family position and their individual character, especially
J...10

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their pre-marital sexual behaviour. The bride to be selected for marriage must, in the first instance, be pure. While denouncing pre-marital licence it has been laid down that it is better to marry a prostitute than to marry an unchaste maiden.41 This demand for virginity in the girl to be married is found among Hindus and others. It would be a double standard of morality if premarital chastity is expected only from the female side. This is avoided by prescribing the same rules for males also. It has been emphatically stated that the death of a maiden is preferable to giving her in a family of doubtful character. 43
146
6. AGE OF MARRIAGE
Rules regarding the proper age of marriage vary with different kinds of people. It is natural that age should be prescribed as the suitable age for marriage for both males and females when they get their sexual maturity. This is necessary because marriage partners have to undertake a life of sex-experience. Taking this fact into account the Jaina books prescribe that the consummation of marriage should take place soon after the marriage ceremony, 44 which means that the parties to marital union must have attained sexual maturity. As in Jaina literature we come across many instances of marriages contracted according to Gandharva or Svayamvara systems, it can be presumed that marriage partners were sufficiently grown up at the time of marriage.45 From the words' (i. e., having attained youth) occurring in Jaina books it can be seen that marriage is recommended only for grown-up ladies. In 'Pravachanasaroddhāra' it has been mentioned that the progeny born of a couple, wherein the mother's age is 16 years, and the father's 25 years, is bound to be strong. Moreover, it is the solemn duty of a father not to keep a grown-up daughter without marriage as it would mean falling from the path of religion.47 A popular saying in ancient India stated that, if after the attainment of puberty of a maiden, her guardians fail to arrange for her marriage, they go to hell.48 From this it appears that child-marriages as well as late marriages were denounced by Jainas. Of course opinions differed as to when males and females attained puberty. According to Somadeva a girl of 12 years and a boy of 16 years become competent for sexaction,49 and this can be regarded as the proper age of marriage recommended for adoption by the Jainas. In view of this we can
46

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safely say that the prevalence of child-marriage system among Jainas until recent times was not sanctioned by religion. The practice of child-marriages has at present become obsolete due to the effect of passing of Sarda Act and the general awakening among Jainas as a result of spread of modern education.
y As regards the proper difference of age between the two partners of marital union it has been specifically mentioned that if the bridegroom is older than the bride by two years, 'he is the best bridegroom; if he is older by 5 years, he is a good bridegroom or he can be tolerated and if he is older-by more than ten years, he is a worst bridegroom.50 It has been further stated that in any case the bride should not be more in age than the bridgroom as such a lady is regarded like the mother.51
7. CHOICE OF PARTNERS By choice of partners we mean the latitude of freedom given to the parties to the marital union to choose their partners. The choice of partners constitutes an important part in the institution of marriage.52 Complete liberty in the choice of partners is never given to the members who wish to enter the marital union. On the contrary rules and regulations are made with a view to limit the field from which the choice of partners can be effected. The broadest set of restrictions as to who shall or shall not marry whom concerns itself with prohibiting marriage without or within a given group, and thus prescribing endogamy (in-marriage ) or exogamy (out-marriage ).53 The endogamous rules forbid the members of a particular group to marry any one who is not a member of the group, and exogamous rules forbid the members of a particular group to marry any one who is a member of the group. These two sets of rules are by no means contradictory in so far as they refer to different groups.54 Let us see the nature and extent of endogamous and exogamous rules in the Jaina community.
In the Jaina community full freedom was given to the people in the choice of their partners from the very beginning. No restrictions regarding race, religion, caste, creed, etc. were placed. The choice was relegated to the sweet will of the people. In fact the most prevalent form of marriage was Svayamvara wherein the maiden selected her lover according to her own will, and there

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-
was no question whether the lover belonged to a high or a low family.55 Because of this latitude of freedom given in Svayamvara, it has been considered as the most ancient form in the sacred literature and it is regarded as the best among various forms of marriage.56
te
Due to the prevalence of Svayamvara form of marriage the field of selection was very wide. In the beginning Jaina community was divided into four Varnas, or classes, viz., Brahmanas, Kshatriyas, Vaisyas and Śūdras and it would be found from Jaina Purāņas that these classes did not create barriers in whatever way in the choice of partners. Marriages among the people of different Varnas have been divided into two categories, viz., Savarna Marriage and Asavarna Marriage. In the Savarna Marriage a member of a particular Varna marries within the same Varna. The Asavarna Marriage occurs when the parties belong to different Varnas. The Asavarna Marriage has been further divided into two sub-categories, viz., Anuloma and Pratiloma Marriage. In the Anuloma Marriage a bridegroom chooses his bride from a Varna which is lower than that of his own Varna; and in the Pratiloma Marriage the bridegroom belongs to a Varna lower than that of the bride. Though Savarna Marriage was generally preferred to Asavarna Marriage, still in Jaina literature we come across both the types of Asavarna Marriage along with the Savarna Marriage. Vasudeva, who was a Kshatriya, married a Brahmana girl Somasri by name. Though Sri Krshna was a Kshatriya he arranged the marriage of his brother Gajakumara with a Brahmin girl Somā. Gunavati, the daughter of a Kshatriya King Śrenika, was married to Dhanyakumāra, Vaisya of Ujjayani.57 Similarly, we hear of the minister Teyaliputta who married a goldsmith's daughter; Gayasukumala, a Kshatriya, was betrothed to a Brahmana girl; King Jayasattu married a painter's daughter, and Bhambhadatta married the girls from the Brahmana and the merchant families.58
The field of marriage was not limited to the followers of Jaina religion alone. The non-Jainas also were considered suitable for marriage purposes. When there was not much hostility between the followers of various religions in India, the marriages were freely contracted between them. There are many instances where marriages were contracted not only among the Jainas themselves,

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but also among parties, of which either was a non-Jaina or a convert to Jainism. Chelana, the daughter of a Jaina King Chetaka of Vaiśāli, was married to the Buddhist King Bimbisara, King Dhanasena of Kausambi followed the Vedic religion, but his queen Dhanasri professed Jainism. Vasumitra, the merchant, paid reverence to the Jaina preceptors; but his wife Dhanaśrī was a non-Jaina. The Jaina poet Dhananjaya and the famous Buddhist lexicographer Amarasimha had their wives from among Buddhists and Jainas respectively.59
Further, in ancient times marriages were contracted by Jainas with people, who were either not of the Aryan stock and were called Mlechchhas or who resided in foreign countries. Such marriages were contracted by persons occupying high positions and Jaina literature gives numerous examples of such marriages, Vasudeva married Jarā', the daughter of a Mlechchha, and their son Jaratkumāra later on took the vow of a Jaina ascetic. King Upasrenika, the father of King Śrenika of Rajagṛha married a Mlechchha maiden by name Tilakasundari. Emperor Chandragupta Maurya, who was a disciple of a Jaina ascetic Bhadrabahu, accepted the daughter of Seleukos, the King of Syria. King Bharata, the son of the first Jaina Tirthankara Adinatha, had a large number of Mlechchha wives.60 Salibhadra, a Jaina merchant, had been to foreign countries and was married to foreign ladies. Santinatha, the 16th Jaina Tirthankara, had many thousand Mlechchha wives.61 Jinadatta, the founder of the Santāra line in Mysore, is said to have married a Naga virgin.62 The prince Rājādhiraja of Cholas, who professed Jaina religion, is said to have bravely gone down into a cavern, and by his radiant beauty won the hand of noble daughter of the Naga race.
63
Besides these we find that among ancient Jainas it was not thought unnatural to marry a befitting girl from any position. There are many instances in the Jaina literature which testify to the fact that marriages were freely contracted with prostitues and with illegitimate children. Setha Charudatta, a merchant, was married to Vasantasena, a famous harlot. Prince Charuchandra, the son of King Amoghadarśana, accepted in marriage a prostitute by name Kāmapatākā.64 Nagakumāra had married Kinnari and Manohari, the two daughters of a prostitute Pañchasugandhini. Vasudeva accepted Priyangusundari whose father Aniputra

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was an illegitimate son of Silayudha and Rishidatta, an unmarried forest girl.65 The example of Dushyanta and Sakuntala is well
known.
150
From the above discussion it is clear that in the early stages of Jaina community the field of marriage was kept open for all. This was in fact due to conception of society as envisaged by Jaina Acharyas. The whole mankind was treated as one, unit and it was divided into four Varnas merely according to the differences in the avocations they followed for their livelihood.66 When there was no difference between man and man, it was but natural that full liberty was given to the Jainas in the field of choosing their partners.
This practice of complete freedom in respect of choice of partners did not hold the field continuously. Later on, new rules were formed to suit the changing conditions from time to time. In the first place though the Asavarna Marriage was allowed, the Pratiloma system of it was discarded and it was enjoined upon the Jainas to adopt the Anuloma system. Jinasenacharya recommended the Anuloma form in the specific manner as follows :शूद्रा शूद्रेण वोढव्या नान्या स्वां तां च नैगमः
वहेत्स्वां ते न्व राजन्यः स्वां द्विजन्मा कचिच्च ताः ॥ 67
A Sudra should marry the daughter of a Sudra and not of any other Varna. A Vaiśya can marry a daughter of Vaisya or Sudra; a Kshatriya of Kshatriya, Vaisya or Sudra; a Brahmin of Brahmin, Kshatriya, Vaisya or Sudra. In the same strain Somadevasuri states that
आनुलोम्येन चतुस्त्रिद्विवर्णाः कन्याभाजनाः ब्राह्मणक्षत्रियविशः । 68
According to the Anuloma manner Brāhmaṇa, Kshatriya and Vaisya can legitimately marry respectively the daughters from four, three and two Varņas. This shows that a person can marry a girl of a lower Varna but not of a higher Varṇa than that of his own. Thus, a Brahmaṇa can have wives from all the four Varnas, the Kshatriya from three, the Vaisya from two and the Sudra from only one, i. e., a woman of his own Varna. This marriage rule seems to have been widely practised by Jainas as it is evident from the sections of Jaina Law Books on partition pertaining to the question of division amongst the children of wives of different Varnas.69

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Even this freedom of marriage among the four Varnas was not allowed for a long time. Subsequently Sūdras were cast outside from the rest of the Varnas. The first three Varņas, viz., Brahmins, Kshatriyas and Vaisyas, were allowed the freedom of having inter-marriage and inter-dining relations among themselves and not with the Sūdras who were asked to have dining and marriage relations with Sūdras alone.70
We have already seen that the Jaina community was originally divided into four classes only, viz., Brāhmaṇa, Kshatriya, Vaisya and Sudra, and that the modern Jaina castes developed gradually out of these four classes.71 We have further noticed that the Hindu caste system considerably influenced the Jaina caste-system and that its prominent features are discernible in the Jaina community even now.72
The invariable characteristic of the caste system in India is its endogamous nature and its observance of certain rules restricting the choice of mates.73 It was but natural that these characteristics were accepted in toto by the Jaina castes when they were formed. Though there were a few instances of inter-marriages between different Jaina castes, 74 yet the general rule was to marry in one's own caste or sub-caste only. The same rule is adhered to even now. Along with this came in turn other restrictions which virtually limited the field of selection. According to the nature of restrictions limiting the field of selection, following types of endogamy are found in the Jaina community at present. (1) Caste or Sub-caste Endogamy :
The first restriction was that both the parties to the marital union must belong to the same caste.75 For marital purposes a sub-caste acts like a caste and the sub-caste virtually forms an endogamous group.76 Thus, castes like Saitavāla, Khandelavāla, Chaturtha, etc. which have no sub-divisions among them practise caste-endogamy. The Srimālī caste in Gujarātha has been divided into sub-castes and these sub-castes form their own endogamous groups.77 (2) Religious or Sectional Endogamy :
There are many castes in Jaina society which have got their counterparts in other societies. There are Agravālas, Srimālīs, Poravādas, etc. both among Hindus and Jainas and marital rela.
TI

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tions exist between them though they follow different religions. - It is explained that all such castes formerly followed Jainism and though later on some of their members embraced other religions, the former marital relations were continued. But nowadays this practice is looked down upon and responsible and prominent associations like All India Śvetambara Jaina Conference are advising people to contract marriages within the Jaina members of their caste.78 In the Paravāra caste some are the followers of Tāranapantha and the others of different sub-sects of Digambara sect. Formerly, Paravāras were contracting marriages among themselves irrespective of religious differences. Recently, this has stopped and Tāranapanthi and other Digambara Paravāras have formed their own endogamous groups. The same is the case with Tāraṇapanthi Golālāre and other Golālāre, i. e., Golālāre following other sub-sects of Digambara sect.29 This can be called as religious or sectional endogamy. (3) Place or Local Endogamy :
* When' members of a particular caste are spread over a wide area, their internal contact gets slackened as a result of which marriages are not freely contracted by the members of the same caste if they reside in distant places. This gives rise to place or local endogamy, Hummadas are dispersed in Rajasthāna, Gujaratha and Mahārāshtra and there are hardly any marital relations between them. Saitavālas are found in Vidarbha, Marathwādā and Western Mahārāshịra regions of the present Mahārāshtra State but each of these three regions has been practically formed into an endogamous group. Jainas residing in the Ahmedabad City do not give their daughters in marriage to the non-residents of Ahmedabad.80 In the constitution of Visā Srimāli sub-caste of Saurāshtra (i. e., mainly from Junagadh, Dhoraji. Vanthali an Jetpur Talukas) it has been laid down that their members should keep matrimonial relations with Visā Srimālis residing up to Bhavanagar, Veraval, Porbunder, Jamanagar, and Mangrol and not beyond this limit even though the other party may be a Visa Srimāli.81 (4) Factional or Group Endogamy :
Due to difference of opinion on certain questions factions arise within the members of a caste or a sub-caste and sometimes

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such factions are regarded as barriers for the purpose of contracting matrimonial alliances. This can be termed as factional or group endogamy. In the Hummada caste of Sholapur City there were, some years back, two groups led by important persons and generally there was absence of marriage relations between the groups. Over the question of accepting Bhattārakas as gurus, Saitavālas were split up into two groups and these groups, a few year back, were practically endogamous. In the Kaira District there are such endogamous groups among Svetāmbara Jainas. 8%
From these various types of endogamy existing at present in the Jaina community it is clear that the field of selection has been limited to a very great extent. The multiplicity of castes and subcastes, their distribution over a wide area, and their divisions into different religions and groups, have indeed resulted in creating a stage in which practically very little choice is left to the people in selecting their marriage partners.
According to the rules of exogamy a person cannot marry within the members of a particular group. There are several such exogamous groups within an endogamous group and people have to select their marriage partners from outside the exogamous group and within the endogamous group. The exogamous group is generally known as Gotra and it has been enjoined upon the Jainas not to marry a girl from the same Gotra. The Gotras of the bride and bridegroom should be different (at the time of marri This means that Sagotra Marriage, i. e., marriages between the members of the same Gotra, is forbidden and that is why Gotra forms one of the important considerations in contracting a marriage. Therefore, the following facts in respect of Jaina Gotras may be noted.
In the first place the exact number of Gotras prevailing in the Jaina community is not known. Generally they are considered to be 84 in number. 84 From the published and unpublished works Dr. A. N. Upadhye has compiled a list of 140 Jaina Gotras. 86 But these lists are not comprehensive in the sense that they do not mention the names of all Jaina Gotras known at present. There is a large number of such Gotras. The Agravalas have got 17 Gotras, Osavālas 1444, Khandelavalas 84, Srimālis 135, Poravadas 24, Hummadas 18, Saitavālas 44, etc. 88 It is said that in Mysore

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there are 130 Gotras among Jainas but only 24 are chiefly found to be in vogue at present.
$154
87
Secondly, there is no fixed rule among the Jainas regarding the number of Gotras to be avoided in contracting a marriage. This depends on customs prevailing in different castes. Among the Paravāras at some places 16 Gotras are avoided and at other places either 8 or 4 or only 2 Gotras are avoided. The Saitavalas are supposed to possess many Gotras of which the names of only 44 Gotras are available at present, but they regulate their marriages by the custom of family surnames, i. e., inter-marriages within the people having the same surname are avoided.89 Among the Padmavati Paravaras there are no Gotras at all and the question of avoiding Gotras does not arise.90
Thirdly, though Gotras refer to names of personages from mythological lists, the word 'Gotra' has sufficiently technical sense according to Jaina tradition. It has its place in the famous Karma Theory, and it occurs in the scriptures as one of the Eight Karmas. According to the scriptures, Gotra signifies the conduct of the soul coming down from generation to generation. There are distinctions of high and low Gotras according as the standard of conduct is high or low. It is this Karma that determines the high or low family for the birth of soul. This is, the technical meaning attached to the term 'Gotra' by Jaina authors. it is surprising to find that hundreds of Jaina Gotras prevalent in the Jaina community are quite different from the above meaning that there are no high or low Gotras and that people are not distinguished as high or low according to their Gotras.92
But
Fourthly, from the history of origin of these Gotras it will be' seen that they are not primordial, they were formed in different times for different reasons and likewise they might probably be discarded in future due to special reasons. There is no underlying principle in the formation of these Gotras. The Agravālas are descendants of Raja Agrasena but instead of following the Gotra of Agrasena, they instituted 18 new Gotras after the names of the princes.93 When the inhabitants of 84 towns were converted to Jainism by Jinasena Acharya, they were named as Khande avās and 84 new Gotras were created out of 84 towns. As the Gotras were named after the towns, the Khandelavalas of each town were formed into a separate new exogamous group.94 Śrī Ratnaprabha

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,
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Suri converted the Rajputs to Jainism, formed them into one ca of Osavālas and divided them into 18 Gotras. Later on, due to further additions made to Osavālas by conversion, original Gotras were split up and new Gotras were created. Out of these some were named after birds and animals, some after places of residence, some after professions, some after occupations, some after names of persons and some after specific reasons of valour, wisdom, etc. % It shows that creation of Gotras was artificial and that Gotras can be changed from time to time. In the circumstances persons cannot claim any considerable antiquity for a particular Gotra as Gotras are liable to be discarded, changed or newly created. :
The rules of exogamy are devised mainly with the purpose of prohibiting marriages between near relatives. The family constitutes a group of near relatives and it was ordained that members of a family should have marital relations outside the family. The word 'Gotra ' literally means 'an enclosure for cows' but gradually it came to mean a family. That is why Gotra was considered as a limit within which marriage relations were denounced. But later on, Gotra assumed different meanings and new rules cropped up to avoid many Gotras instead of one in contracting marriages. This resulted in effective encroachment on the freedom of choice of mates. By various types of endogamy the field for selection has already been restricted and with increase in the extent of exogamy the field has assumed a small dimension.
As regards marriage with near relatives following instructions have been given :
. सुतां पितृश्वसुश्चैव निजमातुलकन्यकाम् ।
स्वसारं निजभार्यायाः परिणेता न पापभाक् ॥ पुत्री मातृभगिन्याश्च स्वगोत्रजनिताऽपि वा।
श्वभूस्वसा तथैतासां वरीता पातकी स्मृतः ॥% It is stated that he who marries his paternal aunt's daughter, the daughter of his mother's brother, or his wife's sister commits no sin. But if he marries the daughter of his mother's sister, a girl of his own Gotra, or sister of the mother-in-law, he commits sin thereby.97 The fact that marriage with father's sister's daughter or mother's brother's daughter was allowed and that marriage with mother's sister's daughter or father's brother's daughter

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(i. e., a girl from the same Gotra ) was not allowed, shows that marriage between cross-cousins was prescribed but marriage between parallel cousins was forbidden. In actual practice this rule is controlled by local usage at the present time. That is why it has been laid down that marriage with maternal uncle's daughter is governed by the customs of the place and the time.98 Accordingly. the cross-cousin marriage is neither allowed nor practised by Jainas in the Northern India but in the Deccan and Karnāțaka the crosscousin marriage is not only allowed but preferred also. Moreover, among the Jainas in the Karnāțaka the maternal uncle-niece marriage is practised, i. e., the daughter is given to her maternal uncle. This is a unique feature of the marriage system of Karnāta only and it is obtainable in almost all the castes of Karnataka including the Jainas, the Brahmins and the Lingāyatas.99 Irrespective of these rules there are some examples, no doubt, of marriages between very near relatives but they are very few and far between. Devaki was married to her father's cousin-brother, Vasudeva. King Agrasena's grand-sons and grand-daughters married among themselves and their progeny is known as Agravālas.100 According to Jaina mythology, sister marriage was prevalent at the time of Usabha (i. e., Rshabha, the first Jaina Tirthankara), who married his own sister. There is another case of sister marriage when king Pupphaketu allowed his son to marry his own sister. 101 Further, it is interpreted that Lord Rshabha married his two daughters, Brāhmi and Sundarī, to his two sons, Bāhubali and Bharata, respectively.102
8. MARRIAGE PRELIMINARIES AND CEREMONIES
The institution of marriage, like any other social institution, develops out of restrictions imposed upon the conduct of people. These limitations restrict the freedom of people but they are necessary for the proper growth of societal life. Up till now we have examined the inhibitions concerning the who' of marriage, i. e., regulations determining who may or may not marry whom, It comprises the rules of endogamy and exogamy. Now we have to see the ‘how' of marriage which covers all the proceedings which initiate the status and culminate in the wedding and attendant ceremonies. Since the institution of marriage regulates the sexual behaviour and determines the questions of descent, inheritance

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and succession, the whole society is intimately concerned with all aspects of marriage. The societal interest is not over by prescribing rules regarding the choice of partners but it regulates the manner in which a bride is secured, the union is settled and the marriage ceremony is performed.
157
The ways of procuring a bride are generally divided into four categories, viz., marriage by capture, purchase, service and consent. - 103 A high value was attached to woman in the primitive times by reason of the fact that she served as a working force and a child-producer. Naturally, she became one of the chief forms of booty sought in predatory raids. This forcible seizure of woman is known as marriage by capture.104 It was the most prevalent method in ancient times and the Jainas could not be an exception to this. Among the Jainas the Rakshasa form of marriage was practised in which a weeping and crying girl is forcibly abducted possibly after a fight with her near relatives and this is nothing but marriage by capture. We have already noted that even though the Rakshasa form of marriage is practised by both Jainas and Hindus, the former, unlike the latter, do not approve it as a right type of marriage to be practised by the people.105 Marriage by exchange and purchase are better adjustments than marriage by capture. Marriages are arranged in exchange for giving one's own sister in marriage. We read about the marriage of Devadatta, who married the sister of Dhanadatta and in exchange gave his sister in marriage to him.106 Marriage by exchange is still practised on a very small scale in the Jaina community and it is not favoured as it goes against the interests of the girl.107 In marriage by purchase a wife is obtained for money paid to her father's family by the husband or his father. There are several instances which sufficiently testify to the prevalence of the practice of giving daughter in marriage in exchange of money. 108 Among the eight forms of marriage mentioned above there is an Asura form of marriage in which a bride is obtained by paying for her an adequate sum of money to her relatives. The Jaina Lawgivers do not approve this method as a right form of marriage to be practised by the people.10 At present marriage by purchase is resorted to by low class Jainas and in cases where it is difficult to secure a bride by ordinary methods. Along with the brideprice there is the custom of dowry in which something is given to
109

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the receivers of the bride. By a series of transitional practices wife-purchase passes into what looks very like husband-purchase. It then becomes a duty of a right-minded man, instead of collecting a price for daughter or sister, to exert himself to the utmost in providing her with the dowry which alone will make her marriage proper and honourable.110 There are several instances which show the prevalence of dowry system in Jaina community from ancient times. We hear of a King Vānārasī who gave away 1000 villages, 100 elephants, plenty of treasure, 1,00,00 soldiers and 10,000 horses to his son-in-law in marriage. 111 Though there has been a continuous propaganda against the dowrysystem in Jaina community, even now dowry is taken in one form or another. In the method of marriage by service a bride is obtained by the bridegroom after serving in her house for a prescribed period. This practice is observed by the people who are in low stages of civilisation. We do not find in Jaina literature any reference to marriage by service and it is not resorted to at all by the Jainas. In the case of marriage by consent the parties enter the marital union with their mutual consent. There is complete freedom given to both the parties in selecting their partners. In the Svayamvara form of marriage a young lady chooses her life-mate according to her sweet will and without any interference from the elders. We have already noted that because of this attitude of freedom given in Svayamvara, it has been considered by the Jaina Achāryas as the most ancient and best form of marriage. 112 This shows that more importance was given to the factor of consent in marriage in the Jaina community. Along with the consent of parties entering the union, there is a necessity of group-consent. Society has got interest in the sexual unions of its members and therefore consent of the group is usually given through the approval of its representatives. It is one of the important duties of Jaina caste pañchāyatas to approve the proposed marital unions of its members and the latter are enjoined, with penalty of excommunication, not to contract marriages without the previous consent of the caste panchāyatas.
Ceremonial surrounds all the events of life which seem important to men. Marriage is on all counts one of them and naturally elaborate rites are performed at the time of the marriage ceremony. At present, though the rites and customs of marriage

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among the Jainas vary according to the influences of the province in which they live, yet they can still be regarded as the same in their main features as in ancient times. Such features are betrothal, going of the bridegroom to the bride's place, visit to the Jaina temple and performance of worship by all relatives, placing garland by the bride round the bridegroom's neck on the appointed auspicious day and again performance of worship and rejoicings.113 Around these main features various rites and customs have grown up according to the conditions prevailing in different provinces. Hence marriage ceremony among the Jainas is not of the same kind throughout India. Still the Svetambara and Digambara Jaina Acharya have tried to give uniformity to the rites to be performed at the time of the marriage ceremony so far as their followers are concerned. In this way the prominent rites of marriage ceremony are practically the same among Svetāmbaras all over India and the same is true about the Digambaras also. According to Śvetambaras there are 16 main rites in their marriage ceremony as follows : 1. Mātskasthapana
2. Saptakulakarasthapana 3. Varaghodā no sāntimantra 4. Hastamelapa 5. Agnisthapana
6. Homa 7. Prathamābhisheka
Gotrochchara 9. Mandapavedipratishtha 10. Toraņapratishthā 11. Agnipradakshina
12. Kanyādāna 13. Vasakshepa
14. Dvitiyābhisheka 15. Karamochana
16. Āśirvāda114
For Digambaras the following twenty rites are prescribed as a part of their marriage ceremony, viz. : 1. Vāgdāna
2. Vināyakavidhana 3. Kankanabandhana
4. Gșhasamskāra 5. Toranavidhi
6. Vivāhavidhi 7. Parasparamukhāvalokana 8. Varamālā 9. Varapratijñā
10. Kanyadāna 11. Devaśāstragurupājā 12. Homāhuti 13. Granthibandhana. 14. Pāṇigrahana 15. Saptapadi
16. Punyāhavāchana 17. Santimantra
18. Ašīrvāda 19. Svagặhagamana
20. Jinagļhe Dhanārpana.115

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Even though these twenty items are included in the Digambara marriage ceremony, the following five are considered to be the main parts of the marriage ceremony, viz., Vāgdāna, Pradāna, Varana, Panipidana and Saptapadi.116 Vagdana is the engagement which takes place generally one month before the marriage ceremony. In this rite the bride's father makes an offer to the bridegroom's father in the presence of relatives and friends of both the parties and the latter accepts the offer. It constitutes an open pledge by both the parties. Pradana means the presentation of ornaments by the bridegroom's father to the bride sometime before the actual marriage ceremony. Varana is the Kanyādāna, i. e., the gift of the bride by her father. At the time of the marriage ceremony both the bridegroom and the bride's father ask permis: sion of the assembled persons to give their consent to the proposed. union. When the group consent is received, the Varana rite is completed. Panipidana or Panigrahana is the joining of the hands together of bride and bridegroom. In this rite the bride's father giving the right hand of the bride into the right hand of the bridegroom asks a promise from him that he would protect her by Dharma, Artha and Kāma and the bridegroom gives that promise. Saptapadi is the circum-ambulation of the sacred fire. The Saptapadi must necessarily be performed in the marriage ceremony, because unless the Saptapadi is performed, marriage cannot be said to be complete.117 The Saptapadi has been considered so essential that the girl assumes the title of wife only when all the seven rounds are completed.118 The Saptapadi is the culmi. nation of the marriage ceremony in the sense that even after Panipiḍana, i. e., joining of the hands, the Saptapadi has not takenplace and some defect is discovered in the bridegroom, the father of the girl can marry her to another person.119 When the bridal pair does the circum-ambulation of sacred fire seven times, each time both the bride and the bridegroom have to desire that they will attain in succession, the Saptaparamasthāna, i. e., the seven high states in life, viz., (1) Sajjātitva, good society; (2) Sadgr hasthatva, good household state; (3) Sadhutva, ascetic state; (4) Indratva, Indra state; (5) Chakravartitva, emperor state; (6) Jinavaratva, the state of Lord Jina, i. e., one who has conquered all enemies; and (7) Nirvana, complete salvation.120 Before the marriage ceremony is over, the husband was required to promise,

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as a part of the nuptial contract, that he would not engage in fun and frolic with other woman; that he would not visit immoral women's abodes; that he would not gamble; that he would provide for and protect the bride by earning an honourable living; that he would not oppose her visiting suitable and proper places, such as a place of pilgrimage, temple, etc.; that he would have no secrets from her; and, lastly, that he would not reveal her secrets to any one. The wife also was required to make the following seven promises : that she would respect and honour and serve his parents; that she would not disobey him (in all the really serious matters of life ); that she would refrain from bitter and harsh speech; that she would not be sullen or sulk when visited by Holy Men and Women; that she would not go to another man's house at night, nor get mixed up with a crowd of men, and that she would not go to the houses of drunkards and immoral persons. 121 Sometimes these promises are made after the sixth round and before the seventh round of the circum-ambulation of the sacred fire.122
Let us now compare the Jaina and Hindu rites and ceremonies performed at the 'vivāha ', i. e., actual marriage ceremony. (i) In describing the ceremonies and rituals connected with the 'vivāha', all the Hindu texts concerned refer to the bride as being given away by the father or her guardian in the family, who invites the bridegroom. The bridegroom goes to the bride's home where the vivāha' is to take place.123 The Jainas consider that a bride be given by her father to a bridegroom. It is in the nature of a gift or dāna. We have seen that the most prevalent forms of marriage among the Jainas at present are Brahma and Prājāpatya and in both these forms a bride is given as a gift to the bridegroom by her father.12 Further, marriage ceremony is to be performed by the Jainas at the bride's place and after the ceremony is over, the bride is brought by the bridegroom to his own house. 125
(ii) Among the Hindus, like the Jainas, there are variations in the observation of wedding rites with people of different regions and villages. Of these rites, the commonly accepted by all are as follows :- The Kanyadāna, the Vivāhahoma, the Panigrahana, the Agnipariņayana, the Aśmārohana, the Lājāhoma and the Saptapadi. . According to Hindu vivāha system a marriage is not regarded as complete unless and until the rites of Pāpigrahana
J...11

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and the Saptapadi are performed.126 Though the Jaina system of marriage varies from region to region, we have noted the commonly followed rites among the Svetāmbaras and Digambaras, and it may be observed that both the sections of Jainas regard the rites of Pānigrahana (or Hastamilāpa ) and Saptapadi (or Agnipradakshina ) as the indispensable rites in the marriage cere mony. Both the rites are meant to impress upon the minds of the bridal pair the ultimate aim of marriage. The spectacular observance of Saptapadi is something which participants cannot be expected to forget while they live. Here a physical fire is used as a symbol of an inner fire, the fire of renunciation, that sanctifies and makes holy. When the wedding couple go round the Sacred Fire, in circum-ambulation, they are required to impress it on their minds that not pleasure seeking, but salvation, through renunciation, is the ideal of life. The officiating Priest is required to address the bridal pair at this time and has to impress upon their minds that the aim of life is notthe wasting of it in the joys and thrills of sensegratification, but the burning up of the seed of sin by the Fire of Renunciation. 127
9. CONSUMMATION OF MARRIAGE
When the institution of marriage is designed to regulate the sexual behaviour of people, it is but natural that certain provision will have to be made regarding the time when that behaviour should be followed by the married couple. This freedom is not given to the couple before marriage even though betrothal has taken place. Strict virginity is expected from both the parties before the marriage and as such no elaborate restrictions are levied on their sexual freedom after the marriage ceremony. Generally the bridal pair is allowed to have the consummation of marriage within a week after the marriage ceremony. The Hindu texts enjoin on the newly wedded couple to observe strict celibacy for three days after gļha-praveśa, i. e., the last rite of the marriage. ceremony, is over and to mate on the fourth day after certain rites known as the foetus-laying rites are performed.128 Among the Svetāñbara Jainas, the newly married pair departs for consummation of marriage on the same day on which Asirvacha or Asīrvāda, i. e., the last marriage ceremony is performed.129 According to the Digambara Jainas, the bride and bridegroom should observe

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the vow of celibacy for seven days after the marriage ceremony; thereafter they should proceed on pilgrimage to some sacred place and then perform the honeymoon joyfully in their own place.130
10. POLYGYNY
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One of the important questions connected with the institution of marriage is the number of partners entering the union. Marriage need not necessarily be a two-partner marriage; it can be a manypartner marriage. Sometimes forms of marriage are devised according to the number of partners entering the union. In a Group Marriage there are many men and many women; in Polyandry, one woman and many men; in Polygyny, one man and many women; and in Monogamy, one man and one woman only. Group marriage is unknown to Jainas and even though polyandrous marriage is adopted by certain Hindu and other castes in some parts of India131 it is not found at all among the Jainas. Polygyny was allowed and practised in Jaina society. As a general rule in ancient times people were monogamous, and polygyny was a fashion among the rich and the ruling sections. The kings and princes considered it a privilege to have a crowded harem, which strengthened their political power by contracting numerous lut judicious matrimonial alliances. The rich people regarded plurality of wives as a proof of their wealth, reputation and social position. References to polygyny are numerous in the Jaina texts. In this connection the names of king Bharata,132 King Vikkamajasa, King Seniya and that of Gahavai Mahāsaya may be mentioned.133 Until very recently polygyny was the most widespread custom among Jainas134 and as a result there were many married females than married males and there was an unusually large proportion of widows in the Jaina society.135 The caste-pañchayatas which used to limit the freedom of its members in other respects, did not restrict the members from marrying and having many wives.136 Further, there is no religious injunction against the custom of plurality of wives. Under the Jaina Law a man may marry more than one wife, that is to say, he may marry again in the presence of one wife. 137 For doing so certain rules have been prescribed. It is ordained that one may marry a second time after ten years if the first wife is childless, after twelve years if she has only daughters, after 15 years if her children die after birth, and immediately

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if she is unlovable.138 At the same time certain consideration is shown to the first wife. Among the Jaina Baniyas of the former Central Province it was generally the rule that a man must obtain the consent of his first wife before taking a second one. In the absence of this precaution for her happiness, parents will refuse to give him their daughter.139 It has been prescribed that in the presence of a wife who is beautiful, fruitful, the cause of good luck, beloved and who joins in the performance of religious observances, one should not marry a second time.140 That the second wife is not viewed with regard will be seen from the fact that the first wife of a man is termed Dharmapatnī, the wife of status, or righteousness and the second wife Bhogapatnī, i. e., the wife of pleasure.141 This shows that more importance was attached to the first wife than the subsequent wives and that the monogamous marriage was preferred to the polygynous one. At present according to the Central Government legislation polygynous marriages among Jainas, as among Hindus, are strictly prohibited.
Though polygyny was allowed and practised by both Hindus and Jainas, there was a great difference in their outlook towards polygyny. From the point of view of the Hindu, beatitude, which is the main aim of man in this life, is obtainable through sons and grandsons and therefore a man should marry more than once in case the first marriage fails to promote its true object of begetting a male offspring.142 This main idea underlying the polygynous system among the Hindus is completely absent among the Jainas as the salvation, which is the main aim of a Jaina in this life, does not depend, according to Jainism, on having sons and grandsons. Hindus practised polygyny as it was sanctioned or ordained by religion; while in the practice of polygyny among the Jainas there was no religious motive at all. The religious clement in marriage and therefore the necessity of having a male issue were so strong among the Hindus that, besides adoption, they followed the practice of appointing a widow to a relative with a view to beget a son for the deceased. 143 To die without a son was regarded as a great spiritual calamity, and it was the sacred duty of a brother to see that a son was raised on his sister-in-law to perpetuate his brother's memory and to ensure him a seat in heaven.144 This custom of allowing a sonless widow to have a son from a near relative of her deceased husband was known as

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Niyoga (or levirate ). As male issues do not count at all for the salvation of a Jaina, it is obvious that the custom of Niyoga was not observed by the Jainas in ancient times.
| 11. DISSOLUTION OF WEDLOCK When the parties enter the marital union they do so with a view to remain in it for a considerable period of time. The marital relations are regarded more or less durable and this durability really distinguished marital relations from other ordinary sexual relations. The ideal of marriage in India is that the marital bond should of necessity be permanent and that the dissolution of wedlock should not be allowed. 145 Marriage means constant adjustment of relations between husband and wife and it is likely that the expected compatibility between the partners may not be realised in full or in part during the marital life. Though marriage is conceived as a permanent union, still after entering the union certain circumstances arise which go against the purpose of marriage and thus some provisions have to be made to dissolve the wedlock under specific conditions. The Jaina scriptures declare that if after the marriage has taken place either of the couple finds any defect in the other within the time prescribed for honeymoon and complains of it, then that marriage is null and void and the bride is free to marry again.146 Further, it has been ordained by the Jaina law-givers that a wife is allowed to marry another person under the following five circumstances and after taking the consent of the Caste Panchayata (i. e., elderly people ) and of the government, viz., if the husband becomes a sinner, or an ascetic, or an impotent person, if he dies, and if no information is available regarding his whereabouts. 147 Similarly, according to the Hindus there are five cases of legal necessity wherein the wife is allowed to marry a second husband; she may take a second husband, if the first is lost or dead or becomes an ascetic or is impotent or is expelled from the caste.148
Female chastity is the key-note of marriage in India and hence a woman is expected to preserve her chastity not only during the life-time of her husband but even after his death. That is why the marriage of widows was not generally favoured in ancient India.149 The remarriage of widows is in general not accepted by Hindus in their Smritis,150 and widow re-marriages disap

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peared almost completely from Hindu society from about A. D. 1,100.151 In earlier Jaina literature not a single instance of widowmarriage can be traced. But from the medieval times widowmarriage was allowed and practised by the Jainas in South India.152 In this connection Mr. C. R. Jain observes that153 though there is no instance to be found of widow-remarriage in the Jaina Purāņas, still no clear direction is found in the scriptures in the matter, either sanctioning or prohibiting such marriages. In the Trivarņikāchāra certain observances are made which suggest that there might have been in existence the practice of widowremarriage among Jainas. It is stated that a woman whose middle toe does not touch the ground, will not go to any third person after two; and that the girl whose Anāmikā, i. e., the toe next to the little toe, does not touch the ground, will devour two husbands.154 The Conference of Śvetambara Sthanakavāsi Jaina ascetics held on 7-4-1933 declared that Jaina religion is not concerned with the question of widow-remarriage and the caste customs determine whether to allow widow-remarriage or not.155 From these it can be concluded that the question concerning the validity of the re-marriage of a widow can only be decided according to the local custom. Among the Jainas of Gujarātha widow-remarriage is in general neither allowed nor practised at present. But during the 13th century it might have been generally observed as the King Asvarā ja was married to a child-widow, Kumāradevi, and out of this wedlock were born the two famous Gujaratha ministers, viz., Vastupāla and Tejapāla.156 Among the Jaina Baniyās of the M. P. the remarriage of widows is nominally prohibited, but frequently occurs, and remarried widows are relegated to the inferior social groups in each subcaste. 157 In the Hyderabad Dominion only some members of Saitavāla and Bogara castes allow widows to marry again and such marriages are attended by inferior
es. 158 It is learnt that in South Kanara one Bhattaraka, i. e., religious head of the Jainas, started the practice of widow-remarriage and now it is followed by some Jainas without any fear of ex-communication.159 In poorer sections of the Chaturtha, Panchama, Käsara and Saitavāla castes of Jainas in the Deccan widowremarriage is the prevalent custom.160 In the Southern India a Jaina woman marries only once in life and if her husband dies when she is young, she must remain a widow as long as she lives. 161

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The question of divorce is intimately connected with that of dissolution of wedlock. Divorce is the demand by one of the partners to the marital union to be allowed to break the bond of marriage. All things cannot be foreseen before marriage and there is considerable element of chance. Hence the demand to cut as under the marital tie is more commonly put forward when people do not find their mates in the relation that they had thought or imagined that they would be.162 As the possibility of marital relations getting strained always remains, it is the duty of social law-givers to make provision of divorce under specific conditions so that maximum of conjugal happiness could be ensured for every person. Though like early Christianity, Hinduism also held that the marriage union was indissoluble, still if we carefully examine the earlier Dharma-sastra literature, we find that divorces were permitted under certain well-defined circumstances. Kautilya, while giving detailed rules of divorce for the couples who found it impossible to live with each other, expressly declares that marriages consecrated according to the Brahma, Daiva, Arsha and Prajapatya forms cannot be dissolved at all.16 It has been noticed above that Hindus have given permission to a wife to re-marry under the five cases of legal necessity and it can be said that this permission clearly presupposes the possibility of divorce from the earlier marriage.164 As the same circumstances are prescribed by Jaina law-givers for remarriage of a woman, it appears that divorce was allowed by the Jainas under specific conditions. It should be remembered that as the Jaina religion is not concerned with marriage, like other customs connected with the institution of marriage, the rules regarding divorce are governed by local customs. It can be said that in general the custom of granting divorce is not observed under any circumstances by practically all Jaina castes except to a little extent by the castes of Bogara and Saitavala. Divorce is permitted among the Bogāras on the ground of the wife's unchastity, barrenness or ill-temper. Such divorced wives remarry by the same rites as widows. Divorce is recognised among the Saitavalas and divorced wives marry by inferior rites.165
167
12. THE POSITION OF WOMAN
The general attitude of men towards women was not consistent in its approach. In Jaina literature we come across several state

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ments which either denounce or praise the female sex. Naturally in each case a certain view is expressed about women after taking into account their actions in particular circumstances and accordingly a generalisation is made about their good or bad character and their healthy or evil influence and the extent to which freedom may be given to them in various sorts of activities. Thus it is said about the women that they are faithless, ungrataful, treacherous, untrustworthy and strict control must be kept over them. In the voice of Manu the Jaina texts state that a woman, when a child must be kept under the control of her father, when married under her husband and when a widow under her son; thus a woman is never allowed to live independently.166 In connection with the thoughts of a woman the Pārsvanātha Charitra of Bhāvadeva Sūrī says that 'the wise ones know how much sand there is in the Ganges, and how much water in the ocean, they know the dimensions of a great mountain, -- but the thoughts of a woman they cannot fathom'.167 Free and careless association with the inmates of the harem is considered to be a source of danger to the king. It is stated that the entrance of a king into the house of a woman is like the entrance of a frog into a serpant's hole.168 Several instances are given to illustrate how kings are sometimes assassinated by women with devices of their own.169 As regards the duty of men towards women the former are advised that it is always risky to educate the latter too much.170 Further, we are told that women may have freedom as much as they like in the discharge of their duties towards their husbands and children, but must not interfere in matters which properly belong to men's sphere, their minds being extremely fickle and superficial, like a drop of water on a lotus leaf. No one who accepts the participation of woman in activities other than domestic duties can thrive for long, being like a tree fallen into the current of a river. And it is under a man's control that a woman achieves her desired end, like a sword in the grip of a man.171 Acharya Amitagati's Subhashitaratnasandoha, which is considered important from the point of view of Jaina ethics, treats the female body as a sum of all impurity and hence in its opinion the woman is the treasury of all sufferings,' 'the bolt barring the city of heaven, the path to the dwelling of hell,' 'the axe for the pleasant grove of piety, the hoar-frost for the lotus of virtues, the root of the tree of sins,

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the soil for the creeper of deceit, ' etc.172 In contradiction to the above statements we also find that a woman is counted among fourteen jewels of a Chakravarti. Many stories of devoted and chaste wives are told. Women were highly regarded and it is prescribed that at the time of difficulty such as caused by water, fire, robbers or famine, a woman must be rescued first.173 While comparing the physical and intellectual qualities of men and women it has been declared in emphatic terms that women are superior to men in intellectual activity. 174 As regards the relative characteristics of women, Acharya Somadeva, as a practical thinker, gives his judgement in Nītivā kyāmrtam that women are neither good nor bad · they are, like the cream of milk, the source of poison as well as nectar, and that women have neither any innate merit nor blemish, but become just like their husbands, as rivers assume the character of the ocean when they are merged therein.175 This view is, it seems, more balanced and depicts the real position in society. In connection with the various harsh remarks made about women it should, however, be noted that such remarks do not find general acceptance in society and they are made with a view to blacken the character of women in order to warn the lustful monks to keep aloof from feminine charms that might overcome their reason.176 That is why remarks like “Striyo hi vishamam- visham”, i.e., women are indeed the worst of poisons, are made while advising the ascetics to abstain from the desire of women.177 Moreover the injunctions given to the Kings to avoid company of women should be considered in relation to what is called Rājarakshā or protection of Kings and they appear to be in kecping with the precautions against familiarity with women recommended as a measure of self-defence.178 With these ideas about women let us see their religious, social, political and legal position. Religious Status :,
We have already seen that the followers of Jaina religion have been divided into four categories, viz., Sadhus, Sadhvis, Srāvakas and Srāvikās. 179 Sadhvis are female ascetics who follow the five great vows in a very strict manner. This shows that complete freedom was given to women to enter the ascetic order. Female sex was no bar to the practice of asceticism. The Jaina Acharyas were extremely sympathetic in their attitude to women and admitted

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them freely into their order, no matter whether the candidates for admission were royal consorts, members of the aristocracy, and women belonging to the common run of society.180 It is but natural that many ladies availed themselves of this opportunity of achieving their salvation by entering into the ascetic order We read in the Kalpa Sūtra that 3.000 female ascetics realised the goal of emancipation under the inspiration of Neminātha. the 22nd Tirthankara, and later during the days of Pārsvanātha, the 23rd Tirthankara, as many as 20,000 nuns obtained the supreme state of liberation whereas only 1,000 male ascetics in the same time were entitled to that exalted position.181 The number of female ascetics gradually went on increasing and we find that in the time of Mahāvīra, the 24th Tīrthankara, the number of Sadhvis was 36,000.182 Though the 'females were given a place along with the males in the ascetic order of Jaina community, uniform rules were not imposed upon both the sexes during different stages of ascetic order. So far as the preparatory period of the monastic life was concerned, women were not denied any particular privilege enjoyed by men. Female and male ascetics had to follow the same rules of conduct in matters like begging, wandering, sleeping, offering prayers, etc.18 But in general we notice that nuns were placed under a more rigorous discipline than monks. They are prohibited to study the chapters of Mahāparijñā and Arunopapā ta and the Dșshțivāda. It is stated that the Dșshțivāda deals with the magical formulae and as women are not strong enough but fickle-minded, they are not allowed to study the above mentioned scripture. The climax is reached in the rules which lay down that a monk of 3 years' practice can become a teacher of a nun of 30 years' practice and a monk of 5 years' practice can become an Achārya of a nun of 60 years' practice.184 In this connection it may be observed that Jainism was not alone to place nuns under a more rigorous discipline than monks. Buddhism also levied strict restrictions on nuns as compared with the monks. Thus the admission of a new nun was to be sanctioned by a joint meeting of the monks and nuns; new monks, however, could be admitted without consulting the nuns at all. Nuns were to go out to beg only when led by an experienced matron. Further, it has been laid down that a nun, though 100 years old, must stand in reverence before a monk though he may be just initiated in the Church.185

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Though rigorous discipline was iniposed by Jainism, along with Buddhism, still all rules were, however, not followed in practice. According to rules nuns could under no circumstances preach to monks but we know that Sadhvi Rājīmati delivered a stirring sermon to Rathanemi, when the latter had lost self-control under the influence of tempting circumstances. 186 Thus we can say that the religious status of a Jaina woman was not inferior to that of a Jaina man. Jainism declared that womanhood was no to salvation. A woman could attain the highest religious state, i. e., Tīrthankarahood in exceptional circumstances; for the Jainas believe that very few women indeed have sufficient strength of mind and body to endure the hard life of an ascetic. They say that while not more than 20 women in the old days used to attain perfection, 108 males used to do so. Malli, although a woman, we are told, rose to the status of a Tirthankara. Further, we hear of a large number of women in the history of Jainas who distinguished themselves as teachers and preachers. 187
Social Status :
Religion and society are closely bound together in Indian life, and the former influences the social life of a people to a great extent. The religious independence given to Jaina woman had its repercussions in the social field also. Equality of opportunity accorded to women in the religious sphere was manifest in several social spheres of action. In ancient times almost in all patriarchal societies the birth of a girl was an unwelcome event and this gave rise to practices like the female infanticide and neglect of female children. The custom of infanticide of girls crept into some sections of Hindu society during the medieval period and at the time of the advent of the British rule in India the evil custom was confined to a microscopic minority in Hindu society.188 As the whole Jaina philosophy is based on the main principle of Ahi or non-injury to living beings, it could not be expected at all that female infanticide might have been practised in Jaina society at any time. Similarly, we do not find that female children were purposefully neglected even though they might have been regarded as a burden on the family. We have already seen that the female wastage in the Jaina community is considerably low as compared with the female wastage from whatever causes in other commu

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nities.189 According to Jaina Law the unmarried daughters and sisters are entitled to maintenance out of the family property and the expenditure on their marriage must be met from the same source. Further, in the absence of the father, the guardianship of the younger sisters upto the time of their marriage devolves on their elder brothers.190 The females were not only spiritually and physically not neglected, but in education also they were given equal treatment with the males from the very beginning. During the period of the ascendency of the Jainas in India, it is patent that the family, the church, the school and the state served as powerful agents for the spread of education among women.191 The first Tīrthankara, Lord Rshabhadeva, realised the utmost importance of imparting education to females and advised his two young daughters, Brāhmi and Sundari 'that “only when you would adorn yourself with education your life would be fruitful because just as a learned man is held in high esteem by educated persons, a learned lady also occupies the highest position in the female world.”:192 Both the girls were first initiated to writing by their father and later on with the help of teachers they studied all branches of knowledge to such an extent that they could be regarded as incarnations of Sarasvati, the Goddess of Learning.19 According to Jaina works a woman is expected to know 64 arts like dancing, painting, music, aesthetics, medicine, domestic science, etc. 194. As a result of this high type of education received by women, many women used to enter the teaching profession and to remain unmarried throughout the life in order to carry on their spiritual experiments unhampered. 195 The Jaina tradition has preserved the memory of Jayanti, a daughter of king Sahasrānika of Kausāṁbī, who remained unmarried out of her love for religion and philosophy. When Mahāvīra first visited Kausambī, she discussed with him several abstruse metaphysical questions and eventually became a nun.1% It is a fact that the cause of women's education in India suffered a good deal after about 300 B. c. on account of the new fashion of child marriage that then began to come into vogue.19 Accordingly, the female education among Jainas declined and at present the male literacy is five times than the female literacy in the Jaina community. Still the position of the Jaina females is decidedly better than that of the females as a whole in India and in the extent of literacy Jaina ladies stand next to Parsee, Jew and

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Christian ladies.198 The Jaina women not only kept up the pace of female education but at times made original contributions to literature. Along with men Jaina women also added to Kannada literature. The greatest name among them was Kānti who, along with Abhinava Pampa, was one of the gems that adorned the Court of Hoyasala King Ballala I (A. D. 1100-1106). She was a redoubtable orator and a poet who completed the unfinished poems of Abhinava Pampa in the open court of that ruler.199 Similarly, a Jaina lady Avvaiyāra, 'the Venerable Matron', was one of the most admired amongst the Tamil poets.200
Of all the important events in the life of a woman, marriage is the most singular one. When a woman enters the institution of marriage she is called upon, in course of time, to rear and bring up the next generation. This makes her condition more precarious and of necessity she had to depend for the time being on the help and co-operation of her partner. Inequality of sex is the most obvious fact, of the societal situation and the weaker sex has to adjust itself with the stronger one. The fate of a woman is, thereiore, determined by her position in various aspects of marriage. A well-devised marriage will give her the desired protection, otherwise there is every possibility that her life would be ruined. Marriage, thus, occupies an important place in the consideration of the social status of women. Though marriage, according to Jainas, is more in the nature of a civil contract and completely bereft of religious necessity, yet it was made obligatory for all persons, men and women, by the Jaina law-givers. Those who do not wish to follow the life of renunciation and asceticism from an early age were advised to get married. Marriage was made equally compulsory for both women and men. Out of the eight forms of marriage the most prevalent forms of marriage in Jaina community at present are the Brahma or Prajapatya. There is no marked distinction between these two forms of marriage and they can perhaps be considered one and the sane. It has been observed that this marriage is contracted without any exchange of money and the bride is given by her father as a gift to the bridegroom. To give away a daughter to the best available bridegroom out of sole regard for her happiness without receiving any consideration whatsoever recorded a marked ethical advance201 and definitely helped in making the status of both the parties equal. As regards

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the age of marriage in Jaina community we have noticed that in ancient times marriage was recommended only for grown-up persons; that the age-limit was lowered in medieval times and that at present adult marriage is the order of the day. In this respect it can be said that these are the very stages through which the Hindus also have passed.202 The part to be played by a bride in the settlement of her marriage depends on the age of the bride at the time of marriage. As the child-marriage was not favoured by Jaina law-givers, it could be maintained that the brides have a more or less effective voice, in the selection of their partners in life. That is why the Svayamvara form of marriage was considered as the ancient and the best form of marriage. 203 While determining the qualifications of parties to the marital union utmost care was taken to see that a bride was given to a person who was free from all sorts of bodily deformities and diseases and endowed with virtues and good family connections. In the married life sufficient importance is given to the wife for the valuable role she plays in bringing family happiness. A wife is regarded as the keystone of the arch of the happiness of the home. It is emphatically said that a compound of brick and mortar does not make a home but the wife who follows the family traditions constitutes a home.204 In the domestic sphere she wielded all powers and was regarded as 'the presiding mistress of the house. It will be noticed from Mahāpurāṇa, Śāntipurāṇa, Padmapurāṇa, Harivaṁśapurāṇa and other Purāṇas that when the queens used to visit the Durbars, the kings themselves used to welcome them by standing and to allow them to sit by their side on the thrones. 205 Even though polygyny was allowed, monogamy was the rule and polygyny the exception. As only a small, rich and ruling section of the society followed polygyny, there was no general deterioration in the position of a woman. With a view to counteract illicit relations complete fidelity between husband and wife was regarded as the ideal of married life and for 'that purpose at the time of entering the householder's stage both the husband and wife have to take a vow of not keeping extra. conjugal sexual relations.206 In spite of the various precautions, if the married life does not become successful, the dissolution of wedlock is permitted under specific circumstances and the wife is allowed to contract another marriage. This means that divorce was allowed under certain conditions. In fact the practices of divorce
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and widow remarriage were governed by local customs and to that extent the position of woman in this respect varied from place to place. When a woman becomes a widow, she is placed in a precarious condition and the treatment accorded to her has an important bearing on her social position. The lot of the widow helps to find out the attitude of society towards women as a class. The first question to be dealt in connection with a widow was whether she was allowed to survive her husband, or she was compelled to die with him. Hindus adopted the policy of sacrificing the wife at the husband's death right from 300 B. C. up to A. D. 1829 when
custom of sati was prohibited by law.207 Contrary to this we do not find any instance of self-immolation or the custom of sati in Jaina texts. There is only one stray reference in the Mahānisiha where a widowed daughter of a certain king wanted to perform sati, but she refrained from doing so as that custom was not in vogue in her father's family. 208 From the Epigraphia Carnatica we find that there were 41 cases of Satis during the period of A. D. 1400 to 1600 and out of these two belonged to the Jainas. This sho that some Jaiņas had by that time begun to feel that they ought not to lag behind the Hindus in this matter, 209 but it is clear that this feeling did not find general acceptance in the Jaina community as the number of Jaina satis was far low than that of Hindu satīs. Apart from self-immolation there were three courses open for widows in ancient times. They could either pass their remaining life in widowhood, or have some children by levirate (niyoga), or remarry regularly. The second course was not prescribed by the Jainas; the third course was regulated by local customs and in all probability was adopted by a very small section and, therefore, the first course, which was considered more honourable, was open to the Jaina widows. As the full religious freedom was allowed to females, widows could devote their time for their spiritual upliftment and thus carve out a respectable position for them in their family and in the minds of people in general. It will be presently shown that her legal position was better because she inherited the property of her deceased husband and hence could pass her widowhood without any serious economic difficulty. Further, Jaina widows were free from the ugly custom of tonsure followed by the Hindu widows from about A.D. 1200. Among Jainas only nuns are used to be shaved and

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it is suggested that this practice might have given rise to the custom of the tonsure of widows in the Hindu society.210 . The above discussion is sufficient for giving us a general idea of the social position of a Jaina woman. In conclusion it can be said that inspite of traditional practices of early marriage and widowhood persisting in the Jaina community, the granting of religious independence to women had very healthy reprecussions on their social status. Thus, they commanded voice in their family affairs and wielded uncommon influence in the shaping of their children's destiny. Moreover, they enjoyed many legal rights of inheritance and possession of property and had ample opportunity of managing their domestic business independently. 211 Political Status :
The question whether women were allowed to take part in political activities depends on the question whether women could come out in public and move freely in society. From the Jaina texts we find that women appeared in the public without any restriction. They could go out to visit their friends and relations. Many women are seen going to shrines for worship and gathering on the occasion of various festivals.212 There was nothing like Purdah system among ancient Jaina women.213 The Purdah system was generally adopted by the Hindu community after the advent of Muslim rule. This was more in vogue in the Northern than in the Southern India and now it is found only in some rich and aristocratic families especially in Rajputana. The same can be said about the Jaina community. Even at present the ladies of Osavāla caste necessarily observe the Purdah and "high position is accorded to families according to the strictness with which they follow the Purdah system.214
In ancient times women were never thought fit for any other sphere than the household life and the intricate questions of admini: stration and government were held to be beyond their comprehension.215 But it could be seen that in times of need women did rise to the occasion and held important positions in the political sphere from the very beginning.216 We find similar instances in the history of Jaina community also. In ancient Jaina texts we come across women dressed in man's attire, putting on armour, equipped with weapons, arms, shields, bows and arrows and there

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are examples when women actually fought battles.217 In the first quarter of the 10th century A.D. figures a remarkable Jaina woman administrator, Jakkiyabbe, and it is stated that she was skilled in ability for good government, and protected the Nāgarakhanda 70 (a name of a place).218 It is recorded that a Jaina lady Saviyabbe accompanied her husband on horse-back to the battlefield and fell fighting in the battle of Bagiyur.219 It appears from Epigraphia Carnatica that the office of Nādagauda, an important rural official, was held by a Jaina woman. An inscription dated A.D. 918 shows. that a Jaina widow was a Nādagauda and was distinguished for the skill and ability of her management. It states that though a woman she well protected her charge with pride in her own heroic bravery.220 In the 16th century A.D. when the Jaina queen Bhairavadevi, while ruling over the kingdom of Gerosoppe. was attacked by the neighbouring Saiva Saradāra, she faced the enemy bravely and defeated him in the battle.221
Legal Status :
Under the Jaina Law not only men but women also have always had their maintenance and property rights. A Jaina person's regard for the female sex does not admit of his sending out the female members of his family to work among men. All women fall in one of the two categories-daughters and wives. They are either born in the family, and are its daughters, or have been brought into it by marriage, in which case they are wives. Maintenance must always be provided for both classes of women by the male members of the family; and it must be adequate and ample.122 A woman is allowed to have her special property known as Strīdhana. Strīdhana thus denotes property over which a woman is allowed to have her own more or less absolute sway in normal times. According to Jaina Law the following kinds of property are termed Strīdhana. .. 1. The Adhyagnikệta (whatever is given in the presence of
the sacred fire) i.e. to say ornaments, etc. which are received
by a girl from her parents at the time of her marriage... 2. The Adhyāhavanika (that which is brought) is what the
young bride brings from her father's house in the presence
of her father and brothers. J..12

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3. The Pritidāna (given with affection) i.e. things given by
the father-in-law and the mother-in-law at the time of
marriage. 4. The Audāyika (or Saudāyika) i.e. whatever is received
after the marriage from the parents or the husband. 5. The Anvādheya comprising things received from the ladies
of her own or of the husband's house-hold at the time
of marriage.
Briefly put, whatever is received at the time of the marriage by the bride is all her Stridhana. And after the marriage all the clothes and ornaments given to her by her own people or the members of her father-in-law's family are also regarded as Strīdhana. The Stridhana is not liable to division at a partition, like the ancestral property and except during a famine or for religious necessities nobody can take the Strīdhana, not even the husband.223 Hindu jurists also have expressly declared that the husband has no right to lay his hands upon the Strīdhana of his wife except in times of great distress (with a view) to tide over the difficulty.224
As a daughter also, a Jaina woman enjoyed ample proprietory rights. If a man had only a daughter and other male issue was non-existent, that daughter became the sole owner of the wealth of her father. For the daughter, like a son, is one's own self. The mother's property also went to the daughter whether she was married or unmarried. In the event of her father's death, daughter as a uterine sister of her brothers was entitled to a fourth part of the share of each brother. The share of a married daughter, however, in the property of the father in the presence of her brothers was nothing. Whatever the father gave her at the time of marriage. that only belonged to her.225
According to Jaina Law on the death of a person without a son, his widow takes her property, as an absolute owner, whether it be divided or undivided. Further, she takes the husband's share as an absolute owner even if there be a son.226 Herein lies the important difference between the Hindu Law and the Jaina Law. In accordance with the Hindu Law the son inherits the property of his deceased father and the widow is shown no consideration at all. The right of the widow to inherit her husband's property is not recognised by Hindu jurists.227 On the contrary a Jaina

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widow becomes the direct heir to the property of her deceased husband regardless of the fact whether she has got a son or not. The cause for showing favour to a widow in preference to her son in Jaina Law is not far to seek. The soul of the law of Hindu inheritance is the ‘Pindadāna' or offering of oblations by sons to their manes. Son, therefore, is the most important legal entity in the Hindu jurisprudence. That is why in all Hindu law books, son has been accorded a prior position to his widowed mother. In fact, male descendants have been treated with greater favour than female ones throughout the legal literature of the Hindus. On the other hand, the presence or absence of a son does not make a Jaina person spiritually meritorious or otherwise. Many of the Jaina Tirthankaras were son-less and yet they attained to the highest and the most supreme status; and many people descended into hells although they had sons. It is not the teaching of Jainism that a person can benefit the soul of another after his death by his own actions and presents. This knocks away the spiritual basis upon which the high position of the first son rests in the Hindu theory. Thus the first son as such has no exclusive or first right of succession in the Jaina Law. This is why a Jaina widow is acknowledged even as a preferential heir to her own son and is given the absolute ownership of the property left by her deceased husband.228
Further, a Jaina widow, after acquiring the property of her husband, has more or less absolute and unrestricted power of enjoyment and disposition of that property. It has been stated that for her own maintenance as well as for making expenditure towards religious purposes and for the purposes of her community a widow has power to spend her husband's wealth and also to sell his property.229 She is at liberty to give her inherited property to any one she likes and cannot be stopped by any one except as regards the maintenance of small children. The son is left to amuse himself any way he pleases. This peculiarity of the Jaina Law is calculated to have a wonderful effect on the community. The son has got to please the mother, if he is to get anything from the paternal or maternal estate; for she excludes him from inheritance altogether except as an heir to herself. She is further empowered to make a a will, and may also dispose of her property, by nontestamentary gifts, in her life-time. The son has, thus, got to think for himself, and learn how to earn, and to acquire pleasing manners, to captivate

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the heart of the mother.230 This resulted in producing a very healthy effect on the character of sons. To invest the son with absolute ownership is to silence the mother's controlling voice effectively. The insignificant percentage of criminals among the Jainas,--the lowest as compared with other communities-is a glaring tribute to the wisdom of the Jaina Legislator.231
In short it can be maintained that so far as social and political position of woman was concerned, no material change occurred among Jaina women as compared with their Hindu sisters. As regards religious position of woman we can say with confidence that a yeoman service was rendered by Jaina Achāryas towards the suffering half of humanity by declaring open to it, all portals of the supreme spiritual domain and admitting it equally with the other half to the religious order for asceticism. In the sphere of law as well, they made definite contribution to the amelioration of the intolerable lot of bereaved widows who must have found some solace in the precepts of Jaina faith which gave them, to a certain extent, a place of honour and self-respect.232
NOTES i. Sumner and Kelles : Science of Society, Vol. I, p. 21. 2. Westermarck : History of Human Marriage, Vol. I, p. 26. 3. Rivers : Social Organisation, p. 37. 3a. S. D. II. 60: 4. Acharya Jinasena : Adi Purāņa, 38, 135. 5. Ibid., 15, 61-64. . 6. Nemichandra : Adipurānamen Pratipădita Bhārat, pp. 160-161.
7. Phulachandra : Varna, Jāti aur Dharma, pp. 186-190. .8. Valavalkar; Hindu Social Institutions, pp. 149-150.
9. Russel, R. V. : T. C. C. P. of India, Vol. I, pp. 225-226. 10. Jain, P. D. : Vijatiya-Vivāha Mimāṁsā, p. 77. 11: Mukhtar, J. K. : Vivāhakshetra Prakāśa, p. 16. .12. Vide Artigiagaa|TaIÊ HETANT: S. B. J., Vol. II, T. S., 1., 1 13. Vide. 9 TAY GF Qari 14: Jain K. P. : "Marriage in Jaina Literature," ]. H. Q, Vol. IV, p. 152. 15. Pt. Phattelalaji; Jaina Vivāha Paddhati, p. 2 175 2 1 Foies ragandataar 9147 acquaiquai. v a fingra SALATT 7tel: afit: STIGTEN Agur II 980

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16. Vide
यदा लोभादिना कन्यां गृहे रक्षेत्रजस्वलाम् । नोद्वहेच कुलस्थानां धर्मभ्रत्रः पदे पदे ॥ १३ ॥ ब्राह्मो दैवस्तथा चार्षः प्राजापत्यस्तथासुरः । गांधर्वो राक्षसश्चैव पैशाचश्चाष्टमोऽधर्मः ॥
T. V. A., XI, 70.
17. Vide (i) आच्छाद्य चार्हयित्वा च श्रुतशीलवते स्वयम् ।
आहूय दानं कन्याया ब्राह्मो धर्मः प्रकीर्तितः ॥ T. V. A., XI, 71. (ii) स ब्राह्म विवाहो यत्र वरायालंकृत्य कन्या प्रदीयते । N. V., 31, 4. 18. Vide ( i ) यज्ञे तु वितते सम्यक् जिनाचकर्म कुर्वते ।
अलंकृत्य सुतादानं दैवो धर्मः प्रचक्ष्यते ॥ T. V. A., XI, 72. स दैवो विवाहो यत्र यज्ञार्थमृत्विजः कन्याप्रदानमेव दक्षिणा ।
(ii)
N. V., 31, 5.
19. Vide (i)
एकं वस्त्रयुगं द्वे वा वरादादाय धर्मतः । कन्याप्रदानं विधिवदार्षो धर्मः स उच्यते ॥ (ii) गोमिथुनपुरःसरं कन्यादानादार्थः । N. V. 20. Vide (i) सहोभौ चरतां धर्ममिति तं चानुभाष्य तु । कन्याप्रदानमभ्यर्च्य प्राजापत्यो विधिः स्मृतः ॥ T. V. A., XI, 74. (ii) विनियोगेन कन्याप्रदानात्प्राजापत्यः । N. V., 31, 7.
21. Jaina C. 22. Vide ( i )
T. V. A., XI, 73.
31, 6.
R.: Jaina Law', p. 42.
ज्ञातिभ्यो द्रविणं दत्त्वा कन्यायै चैव शक्तितः । कन्यादानं यत्क्रियते चासुरोऽधर्म उच्यते ॥ (ii). पणबंधेन कन्याप्रदानादासुरः । N. V., 31, 10.
23. Vide (i) स्वेच्छयाऽन्योन्यसंयोगः कन्यायाश्च वरस्य च । गांधर्वः स तु विज्ञेयो मैथुन्यः कामसंभवः ॥
181
T. V. A., XI., 76. (ii) मातुः पितुः बंधूनां चाप्रामाण्यात् परस्परानुरागेण मिथः समवायाद् गांधर्वः । N. V., 31, 9.
24. Vide (i) हत्वा भित्त्वा च छित्त्वा च क्रोशन्तीं रुदती गृहात् ।
27. Jain C. R.: op. cit., p. 242.
28. Sri Jaina Samskāravidhi, p. 87.
T. V. A., XI, 75.
प्रसह्य कन्याहरणं राक्षसो विधिरुच्यते ॥ T. V. A., XI, 77. (ii) कन्यायाः प्रसह्यादानादू राक्षसः । N. V., 31, 12.
25. Vide (f) सुप्तां मत्तां प्रमत्तां वा रहो यत्रोपगच्छति । स पापिष्ठो विवाहानां पैशाचः कथितोऽष्टमः॥ (ii) सुप्तप्रमत्तकन्यादानात्पशाचः । N. V., 31, 11.
26. Vide (i) N. V., 31, 8 and 13. (ii) Jaina, C. R: Jain Law, p. 241.
29. It is an authoritative work of Śvetāmbara Jainas. 30. Sri Jaina Sariskāravidhi, p. 87.
T. V. A., XI,, 78

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36. Vide
31. Jain C. R. : 0p. cit., p. 43. 32. Valavalkar : op. cit., p. 152 33. Vide पिता पितामहो भ्राता पितृव्यो गोत्रिणो गुरुः ।
मातामहो मातुलो वा कन्याया बान्धवाः क्रमात् ॥ पित्रादिदात्रभावे तु कन्या कुर्यास्वयंवरम् ।
इत्येवं केचिदाचार्याः प्राहुमहति संकटे ॥ T. V. A., XI, 82-83. 34. Vide स्वाभिजात्यमरांगत्वं वयः शीलं श्रुतं वपुः।
लक्ष्मीः पक्षः परिवारो वरे नव गुणाः स्मृताः। Aai Purana, 62, 64. 35. Vide वरोऽपि गुणवान् श्रेष्ठो दीर्घायुर्व्याधिवर्जितः।
सुकुलो तु सदाचारी गृह्यतेऽसौ सुरूपकः ॥ T. V. A., XI, 4. अंगोपांगादिविकलं क्लीबे रोगिणि दुष्कुले। व्यसनार्तेषु तु पतिते नैव कन्यां प्रयच्छतु ॥
*Pt. Phattelalaji, op. cit., p. 2. 37. Vide
अन्यगोत्रभवां कन्यां नातंकां सुलक्षणाम् ।
आयुग्मती गुणाढ्यां च पितृ दत्तां वरेद्वरः ॥ T. V. A., XI, 3. 38. Vide
रूपवती स्वजातीया स्वतो लध्वन्यगोत्रजा।
भोक्तं भोजयितुं योग्या कन्या बहुकुटुम्बिनी ॥ T. V. A,, XI. 36. 39. N. V., 31, 14. 40. Vide कुष्टिनी पापिणी रुग्णां दुःशीलां च पातिगां। व्याघ्रीमिव च तां कन्यां दूरतः परिवर्जयेत् ॥
Pt. Phattelalaji, op. cit., p.2 41. Vide वरं वेश्यायाः परिग्रहो न अविशुद्धकन्यायाः परिग्रहः । N. V., 31. 24. 42. Valavalkar; op. cit., p. 153. 43. Vide वरं जन्मनाशः कन्यायाः न अकुलीनेषु अवक्षेपः । N. V:, 31, 25. 44. Sri Jaina Samskāravidhi, pp. 87-111. 45. Jain, K. P. : Marriage in Jaina Literature, I. H. Q., Vol. IV, p. 151.
5. Sri Jaina Saṁskāravidhi, pp. 83-87. 47. Pt. Phattelalaji, op. cit., p. 2. 48. Jain J. C. : Life in Ancient India, p. 155. 49. द्वादशवर्षा स्त्री षोडशवर्षः पुमान् प्राप्तव्यवहारौ भवतः ॥ १॥ N. V. 31, 1.
This opinion is considered to be influenced by the conditions prevailing in India during the Muslim Period. Vide Jaina, K.P.:
"Marriage in Jaina Literature," I. H. Q.,' Vol. IV., p. 151. 50. कन्यावर्षप्रमाणेन द्विवर्षाधिक उत्तमः।।
पंचवर्षाधिको मध्यो दशवर्षाधिकोऽधमः ॥ Phattelalaji, op. cit., p. 2 51. स्ववयसोऽधिकां वर्षेनतां वा शरीरतः।
गुरुपुत्रीं वरेन्नैव मातृवत्परिकीर्तिता ॥ T. V. A.,XI, 40.

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52. Kapadia, K. M. : Marriage and Family in India, p. 117. 53. Sumner and Keller : op. cit., Vol. III, p. 1568. 54. Rivers : Social Organisation, p. 40. 55. Vide ajadiat trall purtat arare al कुलीनमकुलीनं वा क्रमो नास्ति स्वयंवरे ॥
Harivamsa Purāņa, 31, 53. 56. Vide waigaisita aritsei sfarzig HuôA: 1
faquearerHTS ARET fè FRIQ:: Ādi Purāņa, 44, 32. 57. Mukhtar, J. K. : Vivāhakshetraprakāśa, pp. 164, 165. 58. Jain J. C. : op. cit, p. 155-156. For other examples see Jain, P. D.
op. cit., pp. 162-170. 59. Jaina, K. P. : “Marriage in Jaina Literature,” I. H. Q., Vol. IV, p. 148. 60. Mukhtar, J. K. : op. cit., p. 95-122. 61. Jaina, P. D. : op. cit., pp. 164 and 166.
2. Rice, B. L. : Mysore and Coorg from Inscriptions, p. 202. 63. Ibid. 64.' Mukhtar, J. K. : op. cit., pp. 22 and 25. 65. lbid, pp. 50, 122 and 135. 66.. See p. 66 ante. 67. Jinasenancharya: Adi Purāna, 16, 247. 68. Somadeva : N. V. 31, 2. 69. Jain, C. R. : Jain Law, pp. 60-64. 70. See TETR Farquiai jaaiz: HTFAH I
कर्तव्यं न च शूद्रैस्तु शूद्राणां शूद्रकैः सह ॥ · Medhāvi: Dharmasangraha Śrāvakachāra, 256 71. See p. 68 ante. 72. See p. 81 ante. 73. Hutton, J. H. : Caste in India, p. 56. 74. Jain, P.D. : op. cit., pp. 168-170. 75. Jain, C. R. : Jain Law, p. 38. 76. Hutton, J. H. : op. cit., p. 56. 77. Enthoven, R. E. ;T. C. B., Vol. III, p. 438. 78. Jaina Svetāmbara Directory, Vols. I & II, pp. 92 and 290-291. 79. J. H., Vol. VIII, p. 290. 80. Jaina Svetāmbara Directory, Vols. I & II, p. 290. 81. Sri Saurāshtra Visā Srimālinā Jātino Dhāro, p. 39. 82. Jaina Svetāmbara Directory, Vols. I and II, p. 327.

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83. Vide
Jaina Community-A Social Survey
(i) अन्य गोत्रभवां कन्यां नातंकां सुलक्षणाम् ।
आयुष्मतीं गुणाढ्यां च पितृदत्तां वरेद्वरः ॥ T. V. A., 31, 3. (ii) समविभावाभिजनयोः असमगोत्रयोश्च विवाहसंबंधः ।
N. V., XI, 20.
84. Hassan: T. C. N. D., p. 272.
85. Upadhye, A. N. : "Studies in Jaina Gotras", "Jaina Antiquary', Vol. II, pp. 65-69.
86. Vide Chapter 3
87. Iyer, L. K. A.: M. T. C., pp. 403-405.
88. J. H., Vol. VIII, pp. 107-112.
89. (i) Hassan: op. cit, p. 263.
(ii) B. G., Vol. XVII, p. 99. 90. J. H., Vol. VIII, pp. 107-112.
91. Upadhye, A. N. : "Studies in Jaina Gotras," Jaina Antiquary', Vol. II, pp. 61-62.
92. Mukhtar, J. K. op. cit., p. 149.
93. See page 82 ante.
94. See page 90 ante.
95. (i) See page 84 ante.
(ii) Mukhtar, J. K. op. cit., pp. 154-155.
96. T. V. A., XI, 37 and 38.
97. This custom of marrying maternal uncle's daughter was prevalent in ancient India in some of the royal families and certain ruling clans. Prince Siddhartha married Rahulamātā who was his maternal uncle's daughter, (Vide Law, B. C. : India as described in Early Texts of Buddhism and Jainism, p. 168). From this it may appear that this practice might have been observed by ancient Jainas also.
98. Video:
N. V., 31, 29.
99. (i) Desai, M. N.: Rural Karnataka, p. 196; (ii) Jain J. C. op. cit., p. 160.
100. Mukhthar J. K. : op. cit., pp. 94-95.
101. Jain J. C. op. cit., pp. 159-160.
102. T. S. P. C., Vol. I, pp. 154-155.
103. L. T. Hobhouse: Morals in Evolution, Vol. I, pp. 152-158.
104. Summer & Keller: Science of Society, Vol. III, pp. 1624-1625. See Section (4) of this Chapter 4.
105.
106. Jain, J. C. : op. cit., p. 161.
107. Vide Svetambara Jaina Directory, Vols. 1 and II, p. 132.
108. Jain, J. C. : op. cit., p. 156..
109. See Section (4) of this Chapter 4.

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185
110. Summer & Keller : 0p. cit., Vol. III, p. 1658. 11. Jain J. C. : op. cit., p. 157. 112. See page 147 ante. 113. Jain, K. P. : 'Marriage in Jaina Literature', I. H. Q., Vol. IV, p. 151. 114. See Jaina Saṁskāravidhi, p. 89 onwards. 115, Phattelalaji : op. cit., p. 3 onwards. 116. (i) वाग्दानं च प्रदानं च वरणं पाणिपीडनम् ।
सप्तपदीत पंचांगो विवाहः परिकीर्तितः ॥T. V. A., XI., 41.
(ii) Lalarama Shastri : Shodaśa Saṁskāra, pp. 95-114. 117. तावद्विवाहो नैव स्याद् यावत्सप्तपदी भवेत् ।
तस्मात्सप्तपदी कार्या विवाहे मुनिभिः स्मृता ॥ T. V. A., XI, 105. 118. यावत्प्रदक्षिणा न स्यात् सप्तमी तावदुच्यताम् ।
कन्येति नाना पश्चाच्च जायेति नामभागिनी ॥ Phattelalaji : op. cit., p. 31. 119. चतुर्थीमध्ये ज्ञायन्ते दोषा यदि वरस्य चेत् ।
दत्तामपि पुनर्दद्यात् पिताऽन्यस्मै विदुबुधाः ॥ T. V. A., XI; 174. 120. Kala, B. T. : Jaina Vivaha-Paddhati ani Lokachara, pp. 53-54. 121. Jain, C. R.:: Jain Culture, p. 23. 122. Kala, B. T. : op. cit., pp. 55-56. 123. Valavalkar, P. H. : op. cit., p. 163. 124. See page 144 ante. 125. (i) Phattelalji : op. cit., p. 37.
(ii) Jain, K. P. : op. cit., p. 152. 126. (i) Valavalkar, P. H. : op. cit., pp. 164-174%B
(ii) Kapadia K. M. : op. cit., p. 168. 127. Jain, C.R.: Jain Culture, pp. 21-22. 128. Valavalkar, P. H. : op. cit., pp. 172-173. 129. Śri Jaina Samskāravidhi, pp. 110-111. 130. पाणिग्रहणदीक्षायां नियुक्तं तद्वधूवरम् ।
'आसप्ताहं धरेब्रह्मव्रतं देवाग्निसाक्षिकम् । क्रान्त्वा स्वस्योचितां भूमि तीर्थभूमीविहृत्य च । स्वगृहं प्रविशेत् भूत्या परया तद्वधूवरम् ॥ विमुक्तकंकणं पश्चात्स्वगृहे शयनीयकम् । आधिशय्य तथा कालं भोगाजैरुपलालितम् ॥
adi-purana, 38, 131-133. 131. Census of India, 1931. Vol. I, Pt. I, p. 252. 132. Adi-Purana, 37, 35-36. 133. Jain, J. C. : 0p. cit., p. 161. 134. Vide Hassan : T. C. N. D., pp. 256-272. .

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135. Vide the figures given in Jaina svetāmbara Directory, Vols. I & II, pp.
230, 290, 522-527. 136. Dalal, C. M.: Poravāda Vanikono Itihāsa, p. 42. 137. Jain, C. R. : Jain Law, p. 45. 138. अप्रजां दशमे वर्षे स्त्रीप्रजां द्वादशे त्यजेत् ।
मृतप्रजां पंचदशे सद्यस्त्वप्रियवादिनीम् ॥ T. V. A., XI, 197. 139. Russel, R. V. : T. C. C. P., Vol. II, p. 123.
. 140. सुरूपां सुप्रजां चैव सुभगामात्मनः प्रियाम् ।
धर्मानुचारिणी भार्यो न त्यजेद्गृहसदूव्रती ॥ T. V. A., XI, 199. 141. Jain, C. R. : Jain Law, p. 216. 142. Valavalkar, P. H. : 0p. cit., p. 193. 143. Kapadia, K. M. : Hindu Kinship, p. 92. 144. Altekar, A.S. : Position of Woman in Hindu Civilisation, p. 169. 145. Kapadia, K. M. : Marriage and Family in India, p. 168. 146. T. V. A., XI, 171-173. 147. Phattelalaji : op. cit., p. 3. 148. नष्टे मृते प्रव्रजिते क्लीबे च पतिते पतौ। पंचस्वापत्सु नारीणां पतिरन्यो विधीयते ॥
quoted by Altekar, A. S. : op. cit., p. 99 149. Jain, J.C.: 0p. cit., p. 162. 150. Valavalkar, P. H. : 0p. cit., p. 190. 151. Altekar, A. S. : op. cit., p. 183. 152. (i) Jain, K. P.: 0p.cit., p. 152.
(ii) Enthoven, R. E. : T. C. B., Vol. II, pp. 90-92. 153. Jain, CR. : Jain Law, p. 43. 154. पादेऽपि मध्यमा यस्याः क्षितिं न स्पृशति यदि ।
द्वौ पूरुषावतिक्रम्य सा तृतीये न गच्छति ॥ यस्यास्त्वनामिका हस्वा तां विदुः कलहप्रियाम् ।
भूमिं न स्पृशते यस्याः खादते सा पतिद्वयम् । T. V.A., XI, 20 & 24. 155. Jaina Jagat, Vol. 8, No. 14, p. 1. 156. Dalal, C. M. : op. cit., p. 42. 157. Russell, R. V. : T.C. C. P., Vol. II, p. 123. 158. Hassan : T. C. N. D., pp. 256-272. 159. Vide J. H., Vol. 12, pp. 292-303. 160. Jaina Jagat, Vol. 8, No. 5, p. 27. 161. 'Asiatic Researches', Vol. IX, p. 251. 162. Sumner and Keller : op. cit., Vol. III, p. 1839. 163. Valavalkar, P. H. : op. cit., p. 190.

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164. Altekar, A. S. : op. cit., p. 99.
165. Hassan : T. C. N. D., pp. 256-272. 166. Jain, J. C. : op. cit., p. 152.
167. Winternitz : History of Indian Literature, Vol. II, p. 575. 168. Vide दर्दुरस्य सर्पगृहप्रवेश इव स्त्रीगृहप्रवेशो राज्ञः । N. V., 24, 31. 169. Handiqui, K. K. : Yasastilaka and Indian Culture, pp. 104-105.
170. Vide नातीव स्त्रियः व्युत्पादनीयाः स्वभावसुभगोऽपि शास्त्रोपदेशः स्त्रीषु, शस्त्रीषु पयोव इव विषमतां प्रतिपद्यते । N. V., 24, 43. 171. Handiqui, K. K. : op. cit., p. 105. Similar statements are made by the same author, Acharya Somadeva, in his Nitivākyāmrtam.
66
'अपत्यपोषणे गृहकर्मणि शरीरसंस्कारे ।
शयनावसरे स्त्रीणां स्वातंत्र्यं नान्यत्र । " 24, 39.
24, 41.
'स्त्रीवशपुरुषो नदीप्रवाहपतितपादप इव न चिरं नन्दति । 'पुरुषमुष्टिस्था स्त्री खड्गयष्टिरिव कमुत्सवं न जनयति । " 24, 42
66
66
172. Winternitz : op. cit, Vol. II, pp. 562-563.
173. Jain, J. C. op. cit., p. 154.
174, Handiqui, K. K. op. cit., p. 106.
175.
' सर्वाः त्रियः क्षीरोदवेला इव विषामृतस्थानम् ।'
""
6
न स्त्रीणां सहजो गुणो दोषो वास्ति
किन्तु नद्यः समुद्रमिव यादृशं गतिम्
आनुवन्ति तादृश्यो भवन्ति स्त्रियः । " 24, 10 and 25.
187
176. Jain, J. C.: op. cit., p. 153. 177. See कण्ठस्थः कालकूटोsपि शम्भोः किमपि नाकरोत् ।
सोऽपि दन्दह्यते स्त्रीभिः स्त्रियो हि विषमं विषम् ॥
S. B. J., Vol. VII, A. S., 135 and 129-131.
در
. 178. Handiqui, K. K. op. cit., p. 106.
179. See page 47 ante.
180. (i) Dasgupta : Jaina System of Education, p. 43; (ii) Diwakar, R. R. : Bihar Through the Ages, p. 127.
181. Jacobi, H. : S. B. E., XXII, Kalpa Sutra, VII.
182. See page 47 - ante.
183. Indra, M. A. : Status of Women in Ancient India, p. 303.
184. Jain, J. C. : op. cit., p. 153.
185. Altekar, A. S.: op. cit., p. 247.
186. Ibid, p. 248.
187. (i) Jaina, J. C. : op. cit, p. 154; (ii) Indra M. A. : op. cit., pp. 301-3021 (iii) Stevenson, S. : Heart of Jainism, p. 169; (iv) Saletore, B. A. : Medie val Jainism, Chap. V. Women as Defenders of the Faith; (v) Jain, K. P.: Some Historical Jain Kings and Heroes, Chap. 16, Jain Heroines; (vi) Law,

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B. C. : “Distinguished men and women in Jainism”, 'Indian Culture', Vol. II, pp. 669-684.
The Digambaras, however, do not share this belief. They maintain that a woman can reach moksha but not in this life. For that she will have to take rebirth as a man. Accordingly the Digambaras maintain that Mallinatha, the 19th Tirthankara, was a man and not a woman. For the reason why Digambaras definitely closed the doors of salvation against women please refer to Sharma : Jainism and Karnataka Culture,
p. 138. 188. Altekar, A. S. : 0p. cit., pp. 9-10. 189. See page 21 ante.. 190. Jain, C. R. : Jain Law, pp. 95 and 130. 191. Dasgupta : Jain System of Education, p. 58. 192. इदं वपुर्वयश्चेदमिदं शीलमनीदृशम् । विद्यया चेद्विभूष्येत सफलं जन्म वामिदम् ॥ विद्यावान्पुरुषो लोके सम्मतिं याति कोविदैः। नारी च तद्वती धत्ते स्त्रीसृष्टेरग्रिम
पदम् ॥ Adi Purana, XVI, 97-98. 193. (i) अथैनयोः पदज्ञानदीपिकाभिः प्रकाशिताः । कलाविद्याश्च निःशेषाः स्वयं
परिणतिं ययुः॥ इतोऽवधीतनिःशेषविद्ये ते गुर्वनुग्रहात् । वाग्देवतावतागय कन्ये पात्रत्वमीयतुः॥
Adi Purana, XVI, 116-117. (ii) T.S. P.C., Vol. I, p. 153. 194. Kapadia, H. R. : " Jain System of Education", 'Journal of University
of Bombay', Vol. 8, part 4, pp. 201-202. 195. Ibid. 196. Altekar, A. S. : op. cit., p. 15. 197. Ibid., p. 18. 198. See Chapter I. 199. (i) Saletore, B. A. : Medieval Jainism, p. 266; (ii) Sharma, S. R. : 0p.
cit., p. 101; (ii) Rice, E. P. : History of Kanarese Literature, p. 36. 200. Stevenson, S. : Heart of Jainism, p. 287. 201. Altekar, A. S. : 0p. cit., p. 56. 202. Ibid., pp. 62-75. 203. See pages 147-148 ante. 204. Vide (i) गृहं हि गृहिणीमाहुर्न कुड्यकटसंहतिम्। s. D., 2, 59.
(ii) गृहिणी गृहमुच्यते न पुनः कुड्यकटसंघातः। N. V., 31, 31. 205. See Jaina Mahiladarsa Pauranika Jaina Mahila Anka, Vol. 28, No. 1,
p. 6.
206. Mukhtar, J.K. : Vivahaka Uddesya, p. 6. This vow is known as Svadara
santosha or Svabhartssantushti. 207. Altekar, A. S. : pp. cit., pp. 140 and 166. 208. (i) Jain, J. C. : 0p. cit., p. 163; (ii) Jain, Premasuman: op. cit., p. 94.

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209. Altekar, A. S.: op. cit., p. 153. 210. Altekar, A. S. op. cit, p. 190. 211. Indra, M. A. : op. cit., p. 308.
212. Jain, J. C.: op. cit., p. 163.
213. Jain, Premasuman, op. cit., p. 96.
214. Vide Osavala Jatika Itihasa., Appendix, p. 7.
- 215. Indra, M. A.: op. cit., p. 178.
216. Altekar, A. S.: op. cit., pp. 218-228.
217. Jain, J. C. : op. cit., p. 163.
218. Saletore, B. A. Medieval Jainism, p. 155. 219. Hiralal Jaina-Silalekha-Samgraha, p. 146.
189
220. Epigraphia Carnatika, Vol. VII. p. 219.
221. (i) Jain, K. P.: Some Historical Jain Kings and Heroes, p. 104; (ii) Also Vide Sharavati Devi: "Karṇātakakī Prachīna Jaina Mahilayen", Bra. Pan. Chandabai Abhinandan Grantha, pp. 549-552.
222. Jain, C. R.: Jain Culture, p. 60.
223. (i) Jain, C. R.: Jain Law, pp. 47, 89-91; (ii) Jaini, J. L.: Jain Law, pp. 50-52.
224. Altekar, A. S. op. cit., p. 271.
225. (i) Indra, M. A. : op. cit., p. 309; (ii) Jaini, J. L.: Jain Law, pp. 35-37.
226. Jain, C. R.: op. cit., pp. 80-81.
227. Altekar. A. S.: op. cit., p. 300.
228. (i) Indra, M. A. : op. cit., p. 311; (ii) Jain, C. R.: Jain Law, pp. 19 20; (iii) Jaini, J. L., Jain Law, pp. 116-117.
229. Indra, M. A.: op. cit., p. 309.
230. Jain, C. R.: Jain Culture, pp. 59-60. 231. Jain, C. R.: Jain Law, p. 12.
"
.232. (i) Indra, M. A. : op. cit., p. 312; (ii) Jain, C. R.: Jain Culture, p. 33.

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CHAPTER 5
JAINA ETHICS AND MISCELLANEOUS CUSTOMS AND MANNERS
1. INTRODUCTORY
In this chapter we propose to discuss the religious life of Jainas with special reference to its social aspect. Religion and social behaviour are so closely bound together that social life, customs and manners of a community could not be properly understood unless we take into account the religious beliefs held by that community. Religion not only states the highest goal to be achieved by its followers but lays down elaborate rules of conduct by observance of which the desired objective may be reached without fail. Philosophy and ethics are two important and significant aspects of religion. There is always a close relation between these two aspects in the sense that philosophy determines the nature of ethics and ethics tries to accomplish the basic principles enunciated by philosophy. In view of this intimate inter-relation between philosophy and ethics, we will first state in brief the main outlines of Jaina philosophy before we discuss the Jaina ethics in detail.
2. MEANING OF JAINISM
Jainism is a religion propounded by a 'Jina'. Principles enunciated by a 'Jina' constitute Jainism. A 'Jina' is not a super-natural being nor an incarnation of an all powerful God. A 'Jina' means a conqueror, that is, one who has conquered the worldly passions by one's own strenuous efforts. Human beings are entitled to become 'Jinas' and as such 'Jinas' are persons of this world who have attained supreme knowledge, subjugated their passions and are free from any sort of attachment. Jainism is nothing but a set of principles preached by such persons. Hence Jainism is not an Apaurusheya religion, i.e., a religion propounded by a non-human being or

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based on a sacred book of non-human origin. On the contrary, it is a religion of purely human origin and it has emanated from the mouth of a dignitary who has secured the omniscience and self-control by his own personal efforts. In short, Jainism is the substance of preachings of dignitaries who have attained the state of Jinas'.1
3. FUNDAMENTAL PRINCIPLES OF JAINISM The fundametal principles of Jainism are considered to be as follows: (i) The first fundamental principle of Jainism is that man's
personality is dual, that is, material and spiritual. Jaina philosophy regards that every mundane soul is bound by subtle particles of matter known as Karma from the very beginning. It considers that just as gold is found in an alloyed form in the mines, in the same way mundane souls are found along with the Karma-bondage from time eternal.3 The impurity of the mundane soul
is thus treated as an existing condition. . . (ii) The second principle that man is not perfect is based on
the first. The imperfectness in man is attributed to the existence of Karma in his soul. The human soul is in a position to attain perfection and in that true and eternal state it is endowed with four characteristics, viz., Anantadarśana, Anantajnāna, Anantavīrya and Anantasukha, i.e., infinite perception or faith, infinite knowledge, infinite power and infinite bliss. : Even though man is not perfect," the third principle states that by his spiritual nature man can and must control his material nature. It is only after the entire subiugation of matter that the soul attains perfection, freedom and happiness. It is emphatically maintained that man will be able to sail across the ocean of births and achieve perfection through the control of senses
and thought. (iv) The last basic principle stresses that it is only each indi
vidual that can scientifically separate his own soul and the matter combined with it. The separation cannot be effected by any other person. This means that man

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himself, and he alone, is responsible for all that is good or bad in his life. He cannot absolve himself from the responsibility of experiencing the fruits of his actions. This principle distinguishes Jainism from other religions, e.g., Christianity, Islam and Hinduism. No God, nor His prophet or deputy or beloved can interfere with human life. The soul, and that alone, is directly and necessarily responsible for all that it does. God is regarded as completely unconcerned with creation of the universe or with any happening in the universe. The universe goes on of its own accord-Because of this attitude towards God Jainism is accused of being atheistic. It is true in the sense that Jainism does not attribute the creation of universe to God. But at the same time Jainism cannot be labelled as atheistic because it believes in Godhood, in innumerable gods, in Punya and Pāpa, i.e., merit and demerit, in religious practices, etc. According to Jainism the emancipated soul is considered as God.
4. JAINA PHILOSOPHY We have seen that every soul is capable of attaining perfection if it wilfully exerts in that direction. From time eternal the soul is bound with matter and it is the aim of every person to get the soul rid of matter so that soul can assume its true state. This spiritual emancipation requires the knowledge of the beatific condition and of the causes which stand in the way of its attainment. To find our these causes it is necessary to understand what are the existing elements or substances of nature and mode of their interaction. Jainism believes that the whole universe can be divided into two categories, viz., jīva., i.e., soul and ajīva, i.e. non-soul. These two exhaust between them all that exists in the universe and Jaina philosophy is based on the nature and interaction of these two elements. It can be said in short that the living and the non-living, by coming into contact with each other, forge certain energies which bring about birth, death and various experiences of life: this process could be stopped, and the energies already forged destroyed, by a course of displine leading to salavation. A close analysis of this brief statement shows that it involves seven propositions : firstly, that there is something called the living; secondly, that there is

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something called the non-living; thirdly, that the two come into contact with each other; fourthly, that the contact leads to the production of some energies; fifthly, that the process of contac could be stopped; sixthly, that the existing energies could also be exhausted; and lastly, that salvation could be achieved. These seven propositions are called the seven tattvas or realities by the Jainas. These tattvas are termed as follows:
193
1. Jīva (living substance),
2. Ajiva (matter or non-living substance),
3. Asrava (the influx of Karmic matter into the soul),
4. Bandha (bondage of soul by Karmic matter),
5. Samvara (the stopping of Aśrava),
6. Nirjara (the gradual removal of Karmic matter), and 7. Moksha (the attainment of perfect freedom).
It is clear that the first two of the tattyas deal with the nature and enumeration of the eternal substances of nature, and the remaining five with the interaction between these two substances, viz., spirit and matter. Much importance has been given to these tattvas as every would be aspirant for Moksha has to understand the nature of these tattvas. Out of these seven tattvas the substances are really two: soul and non-soul. Non-soul is all that is not soul, devoid of sentiency. Therefore the really sentient object is the soul. (1) Jiva :
There is an infinite number of souls; the whole world is literally filled with them. The souls are substances and as such are eternal. Their characteristic mark is intelligence, which can never be destroyed. The soul is ever all perfect, all powerful. By ignorance it identifies itself with matter and hence all its troubles and degradation. Souls are of two kinds: mundane (Samsārin) and liberated (Siddha or Mukta). Mundane souls are the embodied souls of living beings in the world and still subject to the Cycle of Birth; liberted souls will be embodied no more; they have accomplished absolute purity; they dwell in the state of perfection at the top of the universe and have no more to do with worldly affairs; they have reached Nirvana (Nirvṛtti or Mukti). In their pure condition they have four enjoyments; those of unlimited perception, perfect knowledge, infinite power and unbounded happiness. Metaphysically the
J... 13

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ference between the mundane and the liberated soul consists in
hat the former is permeated with subtle matter, while the latter is absolutely pure and free from any material alloy. In the impure state nine properties of the soul may be mentioned : (i) Jīvaḥ : It lived in the past, is living now and shall live
for ever. (ü) Upayogamayaḥ : It has perception and knowledge. (ii) Amūrti : It is immaterial, that is, has no touch, taste,
smell or colour. (iv) Kartā: It is the only responsible agent of all its actions. (v) Svadehaparāmāṇaḥ: It completely fills the body which
it occupies for example that of an ant or an elephant.. (vi) Bhoktā : It enjoys the fruits of all its Kamas. (vii) Samsārasthaḥ : It wanders in Samsāra.
(vii) Siddhaḥ : It can become in its perfect condition Siddha. - (ix). Urdhvagatih : It has the tendency to go 'upwards.
The mundane or embodied souls are living beings, the classification of which is a subject not only of theoretical but also of great practical interest to the Jainas. As their highest duty is not to injure any living beings, it becomes incumbent on them to know the various forms which life may assume. The mundane souls are of two kinds: (i) 'Samanaska' those who have a mind, i.e., the faculty of distinguishing right or wrong and (ii) 'Amanaska' those who have no mind.10
The mundane souls are of two kinds from another point of view:(A) Sthā vara, the immobile or one-sensed souls, that is, having only the sense of touch; and (b) Trāsa, the mobiles, many-sensed souls, that is, having a body with more than one sense. Mobil souls are those which being in fear have the capacity of moving away from the object of fear. Immobile souls do not have this capacity: The immobile or one-sensed souls are of five kinds:...(i) Prthvīkāya, i.e., earth-bodied;
(ii) Apkāya, i.e. water-bodied; (iii) Tejaḥkāya, i.e., fire-bodied; (iv) Vāyukāya, i.e., air-bodied; and (v) Vanaspatikāya, i.e., vegetable-bodied. This Jaina belief that 'nearly everything is possessed of a soul

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has been characterised as animistic or hylozoistic by some scholars and therefore they regarded Jainism as a very primitive religion. But a careful study of Jaina scriptures shows that Jainism is not an animistic faith. As Jainism makes a clear distinction between soul and non-soul, it cannot be labelled as animism in the sense that 'every-thing is possessed of a soul.' 11
There are in all five senses of touch, taste, smell, sight and hearing and therefore the mobile or many-sensed souls are classified accordingly into four classes: namely, intc (i) those which have first two senses of touch and taste,
for example, worms, etc. (ii) those which have first three senses of touch, taste and
smell, for example, ants, etc. (iii) those which have first four senses of touch, taste, smell
and sight, for example, bumble-bee, etc. (iv) those which have five senses of 'touch, taste, smell,
sight and hearing, for example, man, etc. Thus each class has one sense more than the one preceding it.12
From another point of view mundane beings are divided into four grades according to the place where they are born or their condition of existence. The forms of existence or 'Gatis' are of four kinds :
(i) Narakagati, that is, hellish form,
(ii) Tiryag-gati, that is, sub-human form, . (iii) Manushyagati, that is, human form, and
(iv) Devagati, that is, celestial form. Mundane beings are born in these four Gatis according to their merits or demerits. Jainism believes that for complete salvation, birth in the human form is essential and that those in other forms will attain salvation only after taking birth in the human form.13 (II) Ajīva :
Jaina philosophy starts with a perfect division of the universe into living and non-living substances, Jiva and Ajīva. The nonsoul substances are of five kinds, namely, Pudgala, matter; Dharma, medium of motion; Adharma, medium of rest; Akāśa, space; and Kāla, time. These six substances are called Dravyas in Jaina

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Philosophy. A Dravya has got three characteristics. First, Dravya has the quality of existence. Secondly, it has the quality of permanence through origination and destruction. Thirdly, it is the substratum of attributes and modes. The Dravya is thus uncreated and undestructible; its essential qualities remain the same and it is only its Paryā ya or mode or condition, that can and does change. Whatever is perceived by the senses, the sense organs themselves, the various kinds of bodies of Jivas, the mind, the Karmas, and the other material objects-all these are known as Pudgala or matter. Dharma is the principle of motion, the accompanying circumstance or cause which makes motion possible. Just as water itself, being indifferent or neutral, is the condition of movement of fishes, so Dharma, itself nonmotive, is the sine qua non of motion of Jīvas and Pudgalas. Dharma is coterminous with the universe and is one only unlike Jiva and Pudgala which are innumerable. Adharma or the principle of rest has all the characteristics associated with Dharma. But it is like the earth the sine qua non of rest for things in motion. What contains or accommodates completely all Jivas and Pudgalas and the remaining Dravyās in the universe is termed as Akāśa or space.14 That which is the cause or circumstance of the modification of the soul and other Dravyās is Kāla, that is, time. It is immaterial and it has the peculiar attribute of helping the modification of the other substances. Dharma, Adharma and Akāśa are each a single Dravya, whereas Jīva, Pudgala and Kāla are held to be innumerable Dravyas.45 (III) Aśrava ;
The third principle Aśrava signifies the influx of Karmic matter, into the constitution of the soul. Combination of Karmic matter with Jiva is due to Yoga. Yoga is the activity of mind, speech and body. Thus yoga is the channel of Aśrava. The physical matter which is actually drawn to the soul cannot be perceived by the senses as it is very fine.16 (IV) Bandha : .
When the Karmic matter enters the soul, both get imperceptibly mixed with each other. Bandha or bondage is the assimilation of matter which is fit to form Karmas by the soul as it is wassociated with passions. The union of spirit and matter does

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not imply a complete annihilation of their natural properties, but only a suspension of their functions, in varying degree, according to the quality and quantity of the material absorbed. Thus, the effect of the fusion of the spirit and matter is manifested in the form of a compound personality which partakes of the nature of both, without actually destroying either. The causes of Bandha are as follows:
1. Mithyā darśana, i. e., wrong belief or faith, 2. Avirati, i. e., Vowlessness or non-renunciation, 3. Pramāda, i. e., carelessness, 4. Kashāya, i. e., passions, and 5. Yoga, i. e., vibration in the soul through mind, speech
and body. This bondage is of four kinds according to (i) Prakrti, that is, nature of Karmic matter which has invested the soul; (ii) Sthiti, that is, duration of the attachment of Karmic matter to the soul; (iii) Anubhāga, that is, the intensity or the character — strong or mild - of the actual fruition of the Karmic matter; and (iv) Pradeśa, that is, the number of Karmic molecules which attach to the soul.17 (V) Samvara :
Effective states of desire and aversion, and activity of thought, speech or body are the conditions that attract Karmas, good and bad, towards the soul. When those conditions are removed there will be no Karmas approaching the Jīva; that is complete Samvara-a sori of protective wall shutting out all the Karmas is established round the self. Thus Samvara is the stoppage of inflow of Karmic matter into the soul. There are several ways through which the stoppage could be effected.18 (VI) Nirjarā : 1
Nirjarā means the falling away of Karmic matter from the soul. The soul will be rendered free by the automatic falling out of the Karmas when they become ripe. But this is a lengthy process. The falling away may be deliberately brought through the practice of austerities. Thus Nirjarā is of two kinds. The natural maturing of a Karma and its separation from the soul is called Savipāka Nirjarā. and inducing a Karma to leave the soul,

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Jaina Community-A Social Survey before it gets ripened by means of ascetic practices is called Avipāka Nirjárā.19 ( VII) Moksha :
Moksha or liberation is the freedom from all Karmic matter owing to the non-existence of the cause of bondage and the shedding of all the Karmas. Thus complete freedom of the soul from Karmic matter is called Moksha. It is attained when the soul and matter are separated from each other. The separation is effected when all the Karmas have left the soul, and no more Karmic matter can be attracted towards it.20
5. THE THEORY OF KARMA The first basic principle of Jainism states that mundane souls exist in the world from time eternal in association with matter. Of course, the character of the bondage is freely and constantly being changed; but the fact and condition of the bondage of the soul by matter persists through all these changes. This association leads to further contact and so the cycle goes on till the association is severed in such a manner as to avoid any fresh contact. The contact takes place in the following way: The soul is surrounded by a large volume of fine matter called Karma. When the soul tries to do anything, then instantly the surrounding particles of matter cling to it just as the particles of dust stick to the body besmeared with oil. Like water in milk these particles of matter get completely assimilated with soul and remain in this condition throughout life as well as in its migrations from one body to another. The connection of soul and matter is real; otherwise in a pure state the soul would have flown to the highest point in the universe as the soul is the lightest of all substances. As this connection or bondage is effected by the Karma or deed or activity of the soul, the subtle matter which combines with the soul is termed as Karma21. The Karma, then, is something material, which produces in the soul certain conditions, even as a medical pill, which when introduced into the body, produces therein manifold effects.22
The Karmas are divided into eight main divisions and 148 sub-divisions according to the nature of Karmic matter. The main eight Karmas are :

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(1) Iñānā varanīya, that is, the Knowledge-obscuring, (2) Darśanā varanīya, that is, the Conation-obscuring, (3) Vedanīya; that is, the Feeling. (4) Mohanīya, that is, the Deluding, (5) Āyu, that is, the Age, (6) Nāma, that is, the Body-making, (7) Gotra, that is, the Family-determining, (8) Antarā ya, that is, the Obstructive.
The first obscures the inborn right knowledge of the soul and thereby produces different degrees of knowledge. The second obscures the conation attribute of the soul. The third produces pleasure and pain and thereby obscures the bliss-nature of the soul. The fourth disturbs the right attitude of the soul with regard to faith, conduct, etc. and produces passions and various mental states. The fifth determines the length of life of an individual. The sixth assigns everything that is associated with personality, that is, the kind of body, senses, health and complexion and the like. The seventh determines the nationality, caste, family, social standing, etc. of an individual at birth. The eighth obstructs the inborn energy of the soul and thereby prevents the doing of a good action when there is a desire to do it.
The eight kinds of Karmas are divided into two main types the ghātiyā and the aghātiyā, that is, the destructive and nondestructive. The former comprises the Knowledge-obscuring, the Conation-obscuring, the Deluding and the Obstructive Karmas; and the latter comprises the remaining four. The reason for the distinction lies in the fact that while the former destroy the manifestations of the real attributes of the soul, the latter are mainly concerned with its environments, surroundings and bodies.3
The Theory of Karma is the keystone in the arch of Jaina ideology. It tries to explain the reasons lying behind or causes leading to effects. It maintains that every happening is the result of antecedent causes. As the soul is regarded as the doer of actions, really the soul is made responsible for all differences in people's conditions. Whatever actions are performed by the soul, it must bear the consequences thereof sooner or later. There is no way out of it. The responsibility of consequences cannot

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be shifted nor exemption from the consequences be given. The soul has to enjoy the fruits of the Karmas in this life or in subsequent lives. There is no salvation until the soul stops the influx of Karmas and gets rid of existing Karmas and this it will have to do by its own deliberate efforts without expecting any help from an outside agency. There is no use in asking the favour of God or His representative because Jainism neither invests Gods with the power of determining the consequences of the Karmas nor bestows on them the authority to forgive people from future consequences of past actions. Jainism denies both intermediation and forgiveness on the part of God; of what we have done we must bear the consequences. It is not fate, nor even predestination, but it is the ever continuous balancing of the different accounts that we keep with the forces of life. The Karmas constitute the Karmic body; and it drags the soul into various forms of existence till the Karmic body bids good-bye to the soul. This Karma Theory is an original and integral part of the Jaina system. As it lays full stress on individual action and completely denies the existence of divine dispensation, it is clear that the ethics and asceticism of the Jainas are the logical consequences of this Theory of Karma.24 In the words of Dr. Krause, “ Jainism does not torpify its followers by the terrors of Karma, nor does it make them languish in unhealthy, effiminate fatalism, as' many people think all Oriental religions do : but on the contrary, it trains t individual to become a true hero on the battlefield of self-conquest.”25
6. MOKSHA MĀRGA OR WAY TO SALVATION From the basic principles of Jainism, it is evident that the in herent powers of the soul are crippled by its association with Karmic matter and that is why we find every person in an imperfect state The real and everlasting happiness will be obtained by a person only when the Karmas are completely removed from the soul and Jainism firmly believes that even though man is imperfect at present, it is quite possible for him to rid himself of the Karmas by his own personal efforts without any help from an outside agency. The highest happiness is to escape from the Cycle of Births and Deaths and be a liberated soul, that is, to obtain Moksha. This world is full of sorrow and trouble and it is quite necessary to achieve the aim of transcendental bliss by a sure method. When

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the goal has been fixed the next question arises regarding the way how to achieve that objective. To this question Jainism has a definite answer. It emphatically states that Samyag-darśana, i. e., right belief, Samyag-jñāna, i. e., right knowledge and Samyagchāritra, i.e., right conduct together constitute the path to salvation.26 Right belief, right knowledge and right conduct are called Ratnatraya or the three jewels in Jaina works. These three are not different paths but form together a single path. These thres must be present together to constitute the path to salvation. Since all the three are emphasised equally, and since the Mokshatarga is impossible without the cumprehension of all the three, it is obvious that Jainism is not prepared to admit anyone of these three in isolation as means of salvation. There are religious schools in Hinduism which lay all' tue emphasis on Bhakti or faith, on Jñana or knowledge, on Karma or moral conduct. The Bhāgavatas mostly emphasize the bhakti aspect, the Advaita Vedāntins the jñāna aspect and tue Pūrva Mimāmsakas the karma aspect. But according to Jainisin no such one-sided emphasis can be accepted as the correct path.27 To attain liberation all the three must be simultaneously pursued. It is contended that to effect a cure of · a malady, faith in the efficacy of a medicine, kaowledge of its use, and actual taking of it: these three together are essoñitial , so also to get emancipation, faith in the efficacy of Jainism, its knowledge and actual practising of it : these three are quite indispensable.23 The path is compared to a ladder with its two side poles and the central rungs forming the steps. The side poles are right belief and right knowledge and the rungs or steps the gradual stages of right conduct. It is possible to ascend the ladder only when all the three are sound. The absence of one makes the ascent impossible. Thus a simultaneous pursuit of right belief, right knowledge and right conduct is enjoined upon the people. As the ethical code, both for the householders and the monks, is based on this path, let us see the characteristics of these three jewels which constitute that path.
(I) Right Belief : :
Of the three jewels, right belief comes first and forms the basis upon which the other two rest. One must, by all possible mea ns, first attain right belief or the basic conviction on the funda

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mentals; because only on its acquisition, knowledge and conduct become right. Right belief means true and firm conviction in the seven principles or tattvas of Jainism as they are and without any perverse notions. The belief that the Jaina Tirthankaras are the true Gods, the Jaina Šāstras the true Scripture, and the Jaina Saints the true Preceptors, is called right belief. Such right faith should have eight requirements (Aiiga) and should be free from the three types of superstitious ignorance and ihe eight kinds of pride or arrogance. The eight Airgas or requirements or pillars which support the right belief are :
(i) Niḥsankita, that is, freedom from doubt, (ii) Nishkāirkshita, that is, freedom from desire for worldly
comforts, (iii) Nirvichikitsita, that is, freedom from aversion to or
regard for the body, (iv) Amūąhadrshti, that is, freedom from inclination for
the wrong path, (v) Upagūhana, that is, redeeming the defects of işeffictive
believers, (vi) Sthitikarana, that is, sustaining souls in right convic
tions, (vii) Vātsalya, that is, loving regard for pious persons, and (viii) Prabhāvanā, that is, publishing the greatness of Jaina
doctrines. The three types of superstitious ignorance, wūdhas, from which a true believer must be free, are-(i) loka-mūdha, (ii) deva-mūdha and (iii) păshandhi-mūdha. The first refers to the superstition regarding attachment of sanctity to certain places of belief like; a bath in the Ganges will wash off the sins. The second accepts the efficacy of village gods and goddesses who are endowed with ordinary human qualities and attempts to propitiate them. The third shows regard for false ascetics and considers their teaching as gospel truth. Freedom from these three types of superstitions is the essential condition of right faith.
Along with these there must be freedom from eight kinds of pride. The eight kinds are :
Pride in (i) learning (jñāna), (ii) worship (Pūjā ), (iii)

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family (kula ), (iv) caste (jāti), (v) power (bala), (vi) affluence or accomplishments (rddhi), (vii) religious austerities (tapa ) and (viii) person ( vapu).
The Jaina works describe at length the glory of right faith and enumerate the benefits which can be accrued by a person possessing right faith. They go to the extent of declaring that asceticism without faith is definitely inferior to faith without asceticism and that even a low caste man possessing right faith can be considered as a divine being. The right faith is, in short, given precedence over right knowledge and conduct, because it acts as a pilot in guiding the soul towards Moksha.29 (II) Right Knowledge :
On attaining right belief it is considered desirable to strive after right knowledge. Although right belief and right knowledge are contemporaneous there is yet a clear relation of cause and effect between them, just as ihere is between a lamp and its light. Right knowledge is that which reveals the nature of things neither insufficiently, nor with exaggeration, nor falsely, but exactly as it is and that too with certainty. Such knowledge must be free from doubt, perversity and vagueness. Jainism insists that right knowledge cannot be attained, unless belief of any kind in its opposite, that is, in wrong knowledge is banished. Knowledge is of five kinds : (i) Mati-jñāna (Sense-knowledge):
Knowledge of the self and non-self by means of
the senses and the mind, (ii) Śruta-jñāna (Scriptural knowledge ) : .
Knowledge derived from the reading or hearing of
scriptures, (iii) Avadhi-jñāna ( Clairvoyant knowledge ) :
Knowledge of the distant time or place, (iv) Manahparyāya-jñāna (Mental knowledge ) :
Knowledge of the thoughts and feelings of others,
and
(v) Kevala-jñāna (Perfect knowledge or Omniscience) :
Full or perfect knowledge without the limitations of time and space, which is the soul's characteristic in its pure and undefiled condition.

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Jaina Community - A Social Survey Like right belief, right knowledge also has got eight pillars or requirements as follows:
(i ) Grantha : Correct use of the words, (ii) Artha : Full understanding of their meanings, (iii) Ubhaya : Combination of Grantha and Artha, (iv) Kāla : Observance of regularity and propriety of time, (v) Vinaya : Reverent attitude, (vi) Sopadhāna : Propriety of behaviour, (vii) Bahumāna : Zeal, and (viii) Aninhava : Without concealment of knowledge or of
its sources.30 (III) Right Conduct :
Right conduct includes the rules of discipline which restrain all censurable movements of speech, body and mind, weaken and destory all passionate activity and lead to non-attachment and purity. Right conduct presupposes the presence of right knowledge which presupposes right belief. Therefore, it is enjoined upon the persons who have secured right belief and right knowledge to observe the rules of right conduct as the destruction of Karmic matter can be accomplished only through the right conduct. Right conduct is of two kinds : Sakala, perfect or unqualified and Vikala, imperfect or qualified, and of these two kinds the unqualified is observed by ascetics who have renounced worldly ties and the qualified by layman still entangled in the world.31 As ethics is mainly concerned with the several rules of conduct prescribed both for layman and ascetics, let us see them in detail to grasp the proper meaning of Jaina Ethics.
7. JAINA ETHICS
The rules of conduct are always designed to achieve the main aim or object in life. The goal according to Jainism is to obtain. Moksha, that is, freedom from the continuous cycle of births and deaths. The soul achieves real and everlasting happiness only when it can escape from samsāra or transmigration of the soul whioh is always fraught with sorrows and trouble. The sole. reason of movement of soul from one life to another is the fact :

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that the soul is in contact with the Karmic matter from time eternal and the way to salvation lies in the destruction of Karmas. We have seen that the samvara of the asrayas and the nirjarā lead to Moksha. This means that the necessary conditions to gain Moksha are samvara and nirjara, that is, the stoppage of influx of Karmic matter and the falling away of existing Karmic matter from the soul. Thus samvara and nirjara are the two important milestones on the path to liberation and naturally the principles of right conduct by Jainas are shaped with a view to accomplish samvara and nirjara as early as possible. Therefore let us see the way chalked out by Jainas to attain samvara and nirjară.
205
(A) Way to Samvara:
Samvara is the stoppage of influx of Karmic matter into the soul and the stoppage is effected by:
(a) three kinds of Gupti, that is, control of mind, speech and body,
(b) five kinds of Samiti, that is, carefulness,
(c) ten kinds of Dharma, that is, observances or virtues, (d) twelve kinds of Anupreksha, that is, meditations or reflections,
(e) twenty-two kinds of Parishaha-jaya, that is, subdual of sufferings, and
(f) five kinds of Charitra, that is, conduct.32
(a) The three Guptis :- The three guptis are regulations with reference to controlling one's inner nature, that is, they are dictated by the principles of self-control. The first of them is Manogupti by which the minds to be controlled in the shape of giving room only to pure thoughts. The second Gupti is Väg-gupti, that is, regulation of speech and it consists in observing silence for a particular period or in speaking only as much as is absolutely necessary. The third is Kaya-gupti, that is, regulation of one's bodily activity.33
(b) The five Samitis are designed with a view to cultivate the habit of carefulness in accordance with the principle of noninjury. The Samitis are prescriptions for the regulation of the movements of the body and are as follows:

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(i) The Tryā Samiti aims at regulation of walking, so as
not to injure any living being. (ii) The Bhasha Samiti regulates the mode of speech with
a view to avoid the hurting of others' feelings by use
of offensive words. (iii) The Eshana Samiti regulates seeking or eating food
so as not to cause any injury to any living being. (iv) The Ādāna-Nikshepa Samiti regulates the actions of
taking or using, and of putting away, anything whatso
ever. v The Utsarga Samiti regulates the movements connected
with the answering of call of nature etc.; All the five Samitis, though they can be strictly observed only by ascetics, are of some influence also in the daily life of Śrāvakas or laymen. A devoted layman will, for example, avoid treading on growing plants, he will never leave a vessel filled with a liquid substance uncovered, nor will he ever use an open light, lest insects might rush into it and be killed.
Both the three Guptis and five Samitis are sometimes grouped together under the name of " Ashta-Pravachana-Mātā”, that is, “The Eight Mothers of the Creed ”, on account of their fundamental character.34
(c) The Ten observances or Dašalakshana Dharma are : (i) Uttama- Kshamā, i. e., Supreme forgiveness, (ii) Uttama-Mārdava, i. e., Supreme tenderness, (iii) Uttama-Ārjava, i. e., Supreme straight-forwardness or
honesty. (iv) Uttama-Gaucha, i. e., Supreme contentment or purity, (v) Uttama-Satya, i. e., Supreme truth, (vi) Uttama-Samyama, i. e., Supreme self-restraint, (vii) Uttama-Tapa, i. e., Supreme austerities, (viii) Uttama-Tyāga, i. e., Supreme renunciation,
(ix) Uttama-Akiñchanya, i. e., Supreme, non-attachment . .or not taking the non-self for one's own self, and
(x) Uttama-Brahmacharya, i. e., Supreme chastity.35 • (d) The twelve Anuprekshās or meditations or reflections should be mediated upon again and again. They are :

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(i) Anitya anuprekshā, i. e., everything is subject to change
or is transitory. (ii) Asarana anuprekshā, i. e. Unprotectiveness or help
lessness. The feeling that soul is unprotected from
fruition of Karmas, for example, death, etc. (iii) Samsāra anuprekshā, i. e., Mundaneness. Soul moves
in the cycle of existences and cannot attain true happiness
till it is cut of. · (iv) Ekatva anuprekshā, i. e., Loneliness. I am alone,
the doer of my actions and the enjoyer of the fruits
of them. (v)
Anyatva anuprekshā, i. e., Separateness. The world, my relation and friends, my body and mind, they are
all distinct and separate from my real self. (vi) Aśuchi anuprekshā, i. e., Impurity. The body is impure
and dirty. (vii) Āśrava anuprekshā, i. e., Inflow. The inflow of Karmas
is the cause of my mundane existence and it is the product
of passions. (viii) Samvara anuprekshā, i. e., Stoppage. The inflow of
Karma must be stopped. (ix). Nirjarā anuprekshā, i. e., Shedding. Karmic matter
must be shed from or shaken out of the soul. (x) Loka anuprekshā, i. e., Universe. The nature of the
universe and its constituent elements in all their vast variety proving the insignificance and miserable nothing
ness of man in time and space. (xi) Bodhi-durlabha anuprekshā, i. e., Rarity of religious
knowledge. It is difficult to attain right belief, know
ledge and conduct. (xii) Dharma anuprekshā, i. e., Reflection on the nature of
religious path as preached by the conquerors, namely,
the true nature of the three-fold path of liberation.36 Sometimes Anuprekshās are termed as Bhāvanās also.
(e) The twenty-two Sufferings : For the sake of non-falling off from the path of Liberation

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and for the shedding of Karmic matter, whatever hardships are undergone, are called the Parishahas or sufferings. They are :
( i ) Kshut, i. e., Hunger, (ii) Pipāsā i. e., Thirst, (iii) Šīta, i. e, Cold, (iv) Ushna i. e., Heat, (v) Damsamasaka, i. e., Insect bite. (vi) Nāgnya, i. e., Nakedness, (vii) Arati, i. e., Ennui or disaggreable surroundings, (viii) Stri, i, e., Sex-passion, ( ix ) Charyā, i. e., Walking too much, ( x ) Nishadyā, i. e., Continuous sitting in one posture, ( xi ) sayyā, i. e., Resting on hard earth, (xii) Akroša i. e., Abuse, (xiii) Vadha, i. e., Beating, (xiv) Yāchanā, i. e., Begging, ( xv ) Alabha, i. e., Disappointment from getting no
food, - (xvi) Roga, i. e., Disease,
(xvii) Trnasparśa, i. e., Thorn-pricks, (xviii) Mala, i. e., Bodily dirt and impurities, . (xix) Satkārapuraskāra, i. e., Disrespect shown by
men, 1 (xx) Prajna, i. e., Non-appreciation of learning, ( xxi) Ajñāna, i. e., Persistence of ignorance, (xxii) Adarsana, i. e., Slack-belief, for example on
failure to attain supernatural powers even after great piety and austerities to begin to doubt
the truth of Jainism and its teachings. These should be ever endured without any feeling of vexation, by one who desires to get rid of all cause for pain.37
(f) The five Chāritras : The five kinds of right conduct are :
(i) Sāmāyika, i. e., Equanimity, (ii) Chhedopasthā panā, i. e., Recovery of equanimity
after a fall from it, . (iii) Parihāra-Visuddhi, i. e. Pure and, absolute non
injury,

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(iv) Sukshma-Sāṁparāya, i. e., All but entire freedom from passion, and
(v) Yathakhyāta, i. e., Ideal and passionless conduct.38 (B) Way to Nirjarā :
The main way to Nirjara or shedding of Karmas is the observance of austerities which is included in the right conduct. The Jaina Scriptures distinguish twelve kinds of austerities, as the expedients of Nirjara, grouped together under two headings of Bahya Tapa, that is, external austerities and Abhyantara Tapa, that is, internal austerities.
The six External Austerities are:
(i) Anasana, i. e., Fasting,
(ii) Avamodarya, i. e., Eating less than one has appetite for, (iii) Vṛtti-parisankhyāna, i.e., Putting restrictions in regard to food, for example, to accept food only if a certain condition is fulfilled,
(iv) Rasa-parityaga, i.e. Daily renunciation one or more of six kinds of delicacies, namely, ghee, milk, curds, sugar, salt and oil.
(v)
(vi) Kayaklesa, i.e. Mortification of the body so long as the mind is not disturbed.
Vivikta-sayya sana, i.e., Sitting and sleeping in a lonely place, devoid of animate beings, and
The six Internal Austerities are :
(i) Prayaschitta, i.e., Expiation,
(ii) Vinaya i.e. Reverence,
(iii) Vaiyavṛtya, i.e., Service of the saints or worthy people, (iv) Svadhyaya, i.e., Study,
(v) Vyutsarga, i.e., Giving up attachment to the body, etc., (vi) Dhyana, i.e., Concentration of mind.39
Apart from the general instructions mentioned above for the shedding of Karmas, the definite rules of conduct have been prescribed for the followers of Jainism. All these rules are directed towards the main aim of achieving freedom of the soul from the Karmic matter. The rules of conduct have been so designed that J...14

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all members of the community will be in a position to follow them. Accordingly the rules of conduct have been divided into categories, namely, Sāgāradharma, that is, those prescribed for laymen and Anagā radharma, that is, those prescribed for ascetics. It is obvious that the rules for laity are less rigid than those for saints because the laymen have not renounced worldly activities for eking out their livelihood. Let us see in brief what the prescribed rules of conduct are.
(1) Rules of Conduct for Laymen The rules prescribed for laymen are divided into (A) Twelve. Vratas or vows, (B) Eleven Pratimās or stages in householder's life,
C). Six daily duties, and (D) Thirty-five rules of good conduct.
The layman begins with the avoidance of the five atichārus, i.e., short-comings of faith, namely,
(i) sankā, i.e., Doubt or scepticism, (ii) Kankshā, i.e., Desire of sense pleasures, (iii) Vichikitsā, i.e. Disgust of anything for example, with
a sick person. (iv) Anyadrshți-prašamsā, i.e. Thinking admiringly of wrong
believers, and (v) Anyadrshti-Samstava, i.e. Praising wrong believers.
This will enable a layman to observe the vows which marks the first stage of right conduct.40 (A) The Twelve Vows :
The main five vows of Jainas are as follows :: (i) Ahimsā, i.e., to be free from injury,
ii) Satya, i.e., to be free from falsehood, (iii) Asteya, i.e. to be free from theft, (iv) Brahmacharya, i.e. to be free from unchastity, and (v) Aparigraha, i.e., to be free from worldly attachment.
If these vows are very strictly observed they are known as Mahā vratas or great vows and naturally these are meant for the ascetics. Laymen, however, cannot observe the vows so strictly and therefore they are allowed to practise them so far as their conditions permit. The same vows when partially observed are termed

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as Anuyratas or small vows. For the fixing of these five vows in the mind, there are five kinds of Bhā vanās or attendant meditations for each of the vows and every Jaina is expected to think over them again and again. Further, he must meditate that the five faults meant to be avoided in the vows are pain personified and are of dangerous and censurable character in this as well as in the next world. Moreover, he must meditate upon the following four virtues which are based upon the observance of these five Vows :
(i) Maitrī, i.e., Friendship with all living beings, . (ii) Pramoda, i. e., Delight at the sight of beings, better
qualified or more advanced than ourselves on the
path of liberation, (iii) Karunya, i.e., Compassion for the afflicted and . . 1. (iv) Mādhyatha, i.e., Tolerance or indifference to those who
are uncivil or ill-behaved. Along with the five main vows or vratus, there are seven Sīlavratas or supplementary vows. Just as the encircling walls guard towns, so do supplementary vows protect Aņuvratas. Therefore in order to practise the main vratas or vows, the Silavratas also must be practised by the householders. "The supplementary vows are :
Digvrata, i.e., Taking a lifelong vow to limit his worldly activity to fixed points in all directions, Deśavrata, i.e., Taking a vow to limit the above also for a limited area, Anarthadanda-vrata, i.e., Taking a vow not to commit purposeless sins, Sāmāyika, i.e., Taking a vow to devote particular time everyday to contemplation of the self for ‘spiritual
advancement, (v) Proshadhopavāsa, i.e., Taking a vow to fast on four
days of the month, namely, the two 8th and the two
14th days of the fortnight, (vi) Upabhoga-paribhoga-parimāna, i.e., Taking a vow every
day limiting one's enjoyments of consumable and non-consumable things, and

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(vii) Atithi-sam vibhāga, i.e., Taking a vow to take one's
food only after feeding the ascetics, or in their absence,
the pious householders. : Out of these seven Silavratas, the first three are called Gunavratas or multiplicative Vows because they raise the value of the five main vows; and the remaining four are called sikshāyratas or disciplinary vows, because they are preparatory for the discipline of an ascetic life. Thus the five Anuvratas, the three Gundvratas and the four Sikshā vratas constitute the twelve vows of a layman. There are five atichāras, i.e., defects or partial transgressions for each of these twelve vows and they are to be avoided by, the observers of these vows. 42
In addition to the above twelve vows a householder is expected to practise in the last moment of his life the process of Sallekhana or peaceful death. Sallekhanā is described as the giving up of the body on the arrival of unavoidable calamity, distress, old age and disease, with a view to increase spiritual merit. This Sallekhanā is added to as an extra vow to the existing twelve vows of a householder. Like other vows, Sallekhanā has also got five partial transgressions which are to be avoided by a householder. 43
. The observance of the five anuvratas and refraining from the use of wine, flesh and honey are regarded as mūlagunas or the eight basic or primary virtues of a householder. For minimising injury to living beings, complete abstinence of wine, flesh and honey is advocated and every householder must necessarily possess these eight fundamental virtues.44
(B) The Eleven Pratimās :
The householder's life has been divided into eleven stages or pratimās. These pratimās form a series of duties and performances, the standard and duration of which rises periodically and which finally culminates in an attitude resembling monkhood. Thus the pratimās rise by degrees and every stage includes all the virtues practised in those preceeding it. The conception of eleven pratimas appears to be the best way of exhibiting the rules of conduct prescribed for the Jaina Laymen. The eleven pratimās are as follows: (i) Darśana pratimā, ie., Possesssing the perfect, intelligent
and well-reasoned faith in Jainism, that is, having a

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sound knowledge of its doctrines and their applications in life. Vrata pratimā, i.e. Keeping up the twelve vows and
the extra vow of Sallekhanā. (iii) Sāmā yika pratimā, i.e., Worshipping regularly, in general
for forty-two minutes, three times daily. Worship means self-contemplation and purifying one's ideas and
emotions. (iv) Proshadhopavāsa pratimā, i.e., Fasting regularly, as a
rule, twice a fortnight in each lunar month. Sachitta-tyāgapratimā, i.e., Refraining from eating uncooked vegetables, plucking fruits from a tree and the
like. (vi) Rātri-bhukta-tyāga pratimā, i.e., Abstaining from food
after sunset. (vii) Brahmacharya pratimā, i.e., Maintaining sexual
purity now assuming the stricter aspect of celibacy
and also not decorating one's person. (viii) Ārambha-tyāga pratimă. i. e., Abandonment of merely
worldly engagements and occupations. (ix) Parigraha-tyāga pratimā. i. e., Divesting oneself of
wealth by dividng one's property among one's heirs and training oneself generally to bear the hardships
incidental to a life of asceticism. (x) Anumati-tyāga pratimā. i. e., Increasing the rigour
of living in the direction of asceticism and refraining even from giving advice on matters relating to family
honour, business and the like. (xi) Uddishta-tyāga pratimā. i. e., After renunciation of
householder's life, retiring into forest and adopting the rules laid down for the guidance of ascetics.45
The householders are advised to ascend these stages step by step. Those who have attained the eleven stages are given special importance by the Digambara Jainaś while Svetāmbaras consider them like ascetics. 46

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(C) Six Daily Duties :
About the six daily duties of a layman there is a difference of opinion among different authors. According to one source they are :
(i) Deva-pujā, i. e., Worship of the God,
(ii) Gurupāsti, i. e., Worship of the preceptor, **(iii) Svādhyā ya, i. e., Study of scriptures, ,
(iv) Samyama, i. e., Practice of self-control, (v) Tapa, i. e., Practice of austerities, and (vi) Dāna, i. e., Giving gifts. 47 A second set of six Āvašyakas, that is, daily duties is as follows: (i) Sāmā yika, i. e., Meditation, (ii) Chaturvimsati-Jina-Stuti, i. e., Praise of the twenty four
Jinas or Gods who are the religious ideals of all Jainas, (iii) Vandanā, i. e., The ceremonial and humble greeting
of the spiritual teacher, (iv) Pratikramana, i. e., Repentance of all transgressions, (v) Kāyotsarga, i. e., Austerity performed by standing
motionless in a specific posture, and (vi) Pratyākhyāna, i. e., A formal vow taken in the presence
of a teacher with reference to any kind of restriction
or renunciation to be performed. 48 The main reason for the constant performance of these daily duties seems to keep up always the eagerness and enthusiasm of householders. 49
JIL
(D.)
Thirty-five Rules of Good Conduct :
The thirty-five rules of good conduct enjoined on a Jaina householder are, in brief, as follows :- He should follow some kind of business which is not of an ignoble nature and that too in a just and honest way. He should marry a person of like culture. He should avoid dangerous pursuits like gambling and others. He should control the enjoyments of sense pleasures. He should avoid places of difficulties and dangers. He should live in a country where he would get adequate protection. He should get the company of virtuous people like saints. His house should be in a decent locality. He should not dress extravagantly. His

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expenses should be in proportion to his income. He should follow the main regional customs if they do not go against the principles of Jainism. He should avoid undesirable habits. He should not libel or slander anybody. He should not keep the company of bad persons, must respect the parents, should not create unnecessary ill-feeling in the minds of others, should maintain his dependants, render service to the deserving persons, give up excessive eating and drinking, take proper medicine when required, avoid travelling in unprotected areas, live in peace with other persons, impress the lower people by his higher life, abstain from too much intimacy, establish relationships with right kind of people, try to achieve fourfold objectives of life, consider his strength before undertaking, anything attempt to rise higher and higher, do proper things at proper times, read everyday the scriptur give up obstinacy in all things, be partial to virtues and should develop critical attitude towards religion and get his doubts solved.50
As regards the rules of conduct for laymen it can be said in general that if the householder would carefully observe these rules of conduct, he would come into the possession of the following, twenty-one qualities which every true gentleman should possess. He would be serious in demeanour, clean as regards both his clothes and person, good tempered, popular, merciful, afraid of sinning, straightforward, wise, modest, -kind, moderate, gentle, careful in speech, sociable, cautious, studious, reverent both to old age and ancient customs, humble, grateful, benevolent, and attentive to business.51
(II) Rules of Conduct for Ascetics : When a layman consistently observes the rules of conduct prescribed for the householders and especially attains all Pratimās, he is qualified to become an ascetic. The admission into the order of monks is accompanied by the impressive ceremony known as Dikshā or initiation ceremony. This ceremony. makes the layman a member of the order of ascetics. The order of ascetics
ne of the two main orders in which Jaina community has been divided from the very beginning and the other order is that of laymen (including lay-women). There is a close connection between these two orders and the stage of a layman has been one preliminary and, in many cases, preparatory to the
(includin

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stage of monks. Because of this intimate relationship we find that the rules prescribed for laymen and ascetics do not differ in kind but in degree. The same rules of conduct observed by laymen are to be followed by ascetics with only difference that while laymen practise them partially or less rigorously, ascetics have to observe them fully and more rigorously. That is why we have seen that the main five vows of householders are known as Anuratas or small vows and the same become Mahā vratas or great vows when practised by ascetics. This is obvious because the ascetic stage signifies absolute renunciation of the world and the only objective in this stage is to concentrate energy on the attainment of Moksha. Asceticism is a higher course in spiritual training and it is in this stage real efforts are made for the stoppage of influx of Karmas and the shedding of existing Karmas with a view to attain Liberation. It is laid down that to attain Nirvāna a man must abandon all trammels, including his clothes. Only by a long course of fasting, self mortification, study and meditation, can he rid himself of Karma. and only by the most rigourous discipline can he prevent fresh Karma from entering his soul. Hence a monastic life is essential for salvation.52 Therefore very minute rules of conduct are prescribed for the ascetics and the latter have to observe them without any fault or transgression. We do not propose to go into the rules of conduct for ascetics. A detailed account of them would be found in the following works:
(i) Anagāradharmāmrtam written by Pandita Āsādharaji53, (ii) Achārānga-Sūtra translated by Dr. H. Jacobi,54 and (iii) Sanyāsa Dharma by Jain C. R.
The ascetics are divided into different classes according to the strictness with which they observe the rules for ascetic life and their standing or position in the order of monks.55 Ascetics who observe those rules in their strictest form, and without ever having recourse to exceptions, are called “Jinakalpī” sādhus and those who keep the ascetic prescriptions in a milder form are known as “Sthavirakalpī” Sadhus. 56 Further, the heads of the groups of saints are called Āchāryas, those who are in charge of instruction are termed as Upadhyā yas and the rest of the ascetics are known as mere Sädhus.57 There are different grades in ascetics according to the approved stages through which the rigour of ascetic life is

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increased. Thus among Digambaras the grades in the ascending order are Kshullaka, Aillaka and Nirgrantha and among Śvetāmbaras are Yatis, Sadhus and Achāryas. 58 It is prescribed that a Sädhu according to the Digambara texts, must posses the following twenty-eight mūla-gunas, that is, the basic or primary attributes or virtues, the rigour of which is increased stages by stages.
1 - 5. The five great vows, 6 - 10. The five Samitis, 11 - 15. Controlling of five senses, 16 --- 21. Six necessary observances,
22. . Pulling out the hair. 23. Nudity. 24. Non-bathing, 25. Sleeping on hard ground, 26. Refraining from cleansing the mouth, 27. Taking food standing, and
28. Eating not more than once a day. The above virtues are termed root-virtues, because in their absence other saintly virtues cannot be acquired.59
8. CRITICISM OF JAINA ETHICS An examination of an outline of Jaina ethics given above will bring out its certain outstanding features. In the first place, it will be seen that the whole course of Jaina ethics has been divided into stages and it is enjoined on every person to put into practice the rules of conduct step by step. The whole life of an individual, in some of the later works, has been divided into four Aśramas, that is, stages, namely,
(i) Brahmacharyu, i. e., the period of study, (ii) Grhastha, i. e., the period devoted to household life,
civic duties, and the like, (iii) Vānaprastha, i. e., the period of retirement from worldly
activities, and (iv) Sanyāsa, i. e., the period of absolute renunciation.
The first is the stage of study when the pupil must acquire knowledge, religious as well as secular, and build up a character that will rule supreme in after life. In this period he is to form

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the right convictions regarding the real nature of the soul and the world. After terminating his studies he enters the second stage. He is expected to marry and settle down to a pious householder's life. In this stage he tries to realise the first three of the four ideals or objectives in life, namely, Dharma (i. e. religious merit), Artha (i. e. wealth, position, worldly prosperity, etc. ), Kāma, (i. e. pleasure, and Moksha (i. e. salvation). But while realising dharma, artha, and kāma, he must subordinate artha and kama to dharma. The householder, who aspires for moksha in the long run, knows that it cannot be attained except by severe selfdiscipline of a type which is not attainable by him as a layman. He, therefore, only aspires to perfect himself in the first instance, in his own duties, so that he may reach sannyāsa in due course of time.60 Even though he is the main support of people in other three stages, he is to prepare himself bit by bit for entering the subsequent stages. In the third stage he retires from worldly activities, abandons efforts for attaining the ideals of artha and 'kāma and concentrates his attention on the first ideal of dharma. After successfully crossing the third stage an individual enters the fourth stage which is marked by a sense of absolute renunciation and in this stage he aspires for the last and important ideal of moksha.61 In this way we find that different rules of conduct are prescribed for different stages in life so that an individual may gradually attain the final aim in life. Even in one stage the rules of conduct are divided into several grades, for example, the eleven pratimās in the householder's stage. This makes the progress on spiritual path very easy and a person readily understands what his position is on that path. This scheme is intended for the protection of the individual in the sense that he is prepared step by step to achieve the real purpose in life.62 It should, however, be remembered that the householder's stage was given equal importance with the ascetic stage. For the gift of supernatural vision was vouchsafed even to a householder-to one who resided in his own house but conformed himself to the rule of religious life as laid down by the great teacher Mahāvīra. The gift of supernatural vision was no monopoly of any order or caste or sex.63
The second thing worth noting regarding the ethical code prescribed by the Jainas is the importance given to the five main Vows in the life not only of an ascetic but also of a householder.

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These five vows form the basis on which the superstructure of Jaina ethics has been raised. They give a definite outlook on life and create a particular type of mental attitude. The very essence of Jaina philosophy is transformed into action in the shane of observance of these five vows. Though the vows on their face appear to be mere abstentions from injury, falsehood, theft, unchastity and worldly attachments, their implications are really extensive and they permeate the entire social life of the community, Three things are enjoined in the matter of avoidance of the five faults of injury, falsehood, theft, etc. In the first place, he should not commit any fault personally, secondly, he should not incite others to commit such an act and thirdly, he should not even approve of it subsequent to its commission by others. Himsā or injury has been defined as hurting of the vitalities caused through want of proper care and caution. But the meaning is not limited to this definition alone. Piercing, binding, causing pain, overloading and starving or not feeding at proper times, are forms of himsā and as such must be avoided. Falsehood, in simple terms, is to speak hurtful words. But spreading false doctrines, revealing the secrets and deformities of others, backbiting, making false documents and breach of trust are all forms of falsehood and should be abstained from. Theft is to take anything which is not given. , Imparting instruction on the method of committing theft, receiving stolen property, evading the injunction of the law (for example, by selling things at inordinate prices ), adulteration, and keeping false weights and measures are all forms of theft and one must guard oneself against them. Unchastity is also of several forms. Matchmaking (i.e., bringing about marriages, as a hobby), unnatural gratification, indulging in voluptuous speech, and visiting immoral married and unmarried women are all forms of unchastity and should be avoided. The fault of parigraha or worldly attachments consists in desiring more than what is needed by an individual. Accumulating even necessary articles in large numbers, expressing wonder at the prosperity of another, excessive greed and changing the proportions of existing possessions are all forms of parigraha and should be discarded.64 The last vow is noteworthy as it indirectly aims at economic equalisation by peacefully preventing undue accumulation of capital in individual hands. It recommends that a householder should fix, beforehand, the limit

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of his maximum belongings, and should, in no case, exceed it. If he ever happens to earn more than that, he must spend it away in charities, the best and recognised forms of which are distribution of medicines, spread of knowledge, 'provision for saving the lives of people in danger, and feeding the hungry and the poor. Obviously, these vows are of a great social value as they accord a religious sanction to some of the most important public and private interests and rights which are, in modern times, safeguarded by the laws of the state.65 A due observance of them, for example, would save a man from application to him of almost any of the Sections of the Indian Penal Code.66 This is borne out by the fact that the proportion of jail-going ( for non-political reasons ) population in the Jaina community was definitely less than that of any other community in the former Bombay Presidency. 67
A charge is generally laid against the system of Jaina ethics to the effect that it fosters the self-centred attitude, and does not take care of the society and therefore social element in Jaina ethics is not strong. 68 It is true that the main aim of Jainism is to attain freedom from the transmigration of soul and the whole Jaina ethics has been based on this foundation. All rules of conduct are so designed as to secure the aim as early as possible. As there is no outside agency to help the individual in his efforts to secure salvation, it is natural that more importance was given to the individual. But this does not mean that ethics was confined individuals alone. On the contrary, the ethical code was evolved for the whole society.69 Jaina ethics took pains to provide for the welfare of both the society and the individual. It recognised the need for taking care of the society, and also aspired to bring the highest conceivable form of good within the individual's reach.70 The social aspect of individual's life was never ignored. An individual was never conceived as separated from the society and Social life.71 He was enjoined to achieve his goal while leading the worldly life which necessarily involves relations with other members of the society. All the Tirthařkaras, whom the Jainas Worship, did lead a social life and did attain salvation at the end. It is clear that social life was never considered as an impediment
e's spiritual progress if necessary precautions are taken. These precautions are included in the twelve Vows of a layman. These vows play a good part in the life of a single Jaina as well

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.
as that of the whole community. The layman who adopts the twelve Vows, or some of them, is left ample freedom to fulfil all his worldly duties, and to remain in fullest concordance with worldly propriety and etiquette even if he happens to occupy any responsible post which requires energetic and violent acting, in the interest of the state.72 Jaina ethical rules are meant for men of all positions—for kings, warriors, traders, artisans, agriculturists, and indeed for men and women in every walk of life. Do your duty and do it as humanely as you can-this, in brief, is the primary principle of Jainism.73 It is evident that social element in Jaina ethics is not neglected. Further, Jaina ethics includes the negative as well as positive rules of conduct. These prescribed rules of conduct are not limited for practising within the members of Jaina community. Jaina ethics embraces not only followers of Jainism but in a true sense all living beings. It is obvious that Jaina ethics tries to regulate the mutual relations of human beings and for that purpose twelve vows and ten meditations or reflections are laid down. Among them the five main vows are more important from the point of social relations. It is contended from a detailed analysis of the five main vows that Jaina ethics solves the individual problem of attaining spiritual merit and at the same time shows the way of solving all outstanding social and world problems.74
The third prominent fact about Jaina ethics is the utn.ost importance given to Ahimsā or avoidance of Himsā, that is, injury. The noble principle of Ahimsā has been recognised by practically all religions but Jainism alone preaches the full significance of · Ahimsa to such an extent that Jainism and Ahimsā have become synonymous terms. Jainas always say that “Ahimsā Paramo Dharmah”, that is, Ahimsā is the highest religion. The philosophy of Jainism and its rules of conduct are based on the foundations of Ahimsā which has been consistently followed to its logical conclusion. That is why among the five main vows first place has been given to the observance of Ahimsā. Ahiinsa is regarded as the principal vow and the other four vows are considered to be merely details of the first vow. Himsā has been defined as injury to the vitalities through passioned activity of mind, speech and body.75 The Jaina scriptures always maintain that the appearance of attachment and other passions is Himsā and their non-appearance is Ahimsā, because under the influence of passion, the person

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first injures the self, through the self, whether there is subsequently an injury caused to another being or not. Thus whatever is done under the influence of passion, that is through Pramāda Yoga meaning careless activity of mind, speech and body, and without any caution is included under Himsā.76 Wherever any wrong statement is made through Pramāda Yoga, it is certainly known as falsehood. As Pramāda Yoga, the chief cause of Himsā, is present in all such statements, Himsă occurs in falsehood also.77 The taking, by Pramāda Yoga, of objects which have not been given, is deemed as theft and that is Himsā because it is the cause of injury to the self in the form of a moral fall and to the person deprived of. There is no exclusivity between Himsā and theft. Himsā is inherent in thefts, for in taking what belongs to another, there is Pramāda Yoga. Thus all theft, like all falsehood, is included in Himsā.78 Indulgence in self-passion always brings about Himsā because it originates out of desire.79 Hence Abrahma or sexual impurity is a form of Himsā. Parigraha or possession of worldly goods is of two kinds, external and internal. The renunciation of Parigraha of both sorts is Ahimsā and their appropriation is Hinsă. Internal Parigraha, that is, the desire for worldly objects, prejudicially affects the purity of the soul, and this injury to the pure nature of the soul constitutes Himsa. External Parigraha, that is, the actual possession of worldly objects, creates attraction and love for them, which defiles purity of the soul and therefore amounts to Hiinsā.80 Thus it is evident that as Himsā is included in falsehood, theft, sexual impurity and possession of goods, all the main five vows of Jainas are based on the principle of Ahimsā. That is why it is enjoined upon every Jaina to avoid Himsā under any pretexts.81
The fourth important things connected with Jaina ethics is the question of its practicability.82 Jaina ethics lays down very elaborate rules of conduct — both for laymen and ascetics. As prescribed rules of conduct are described even to the minutest details, it is feared that it would be difficult to put them into practice. But from a close examination it will be seen that the fear is unfounded. It has already been noted that even though the rules of conduct are same for all people, they are to be followed stages by stages. Accordingly the Vows have been divided into two categories : Anuyratas or small vows and Mahā vratas or great vows. The

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householders have to practise the former and the ascetics the latter. Similar is the case with other observances. Moderation is the key-note of householders' life and severity of saintly discipline. The important hallmark of Jaina ethics is the fact that a graduated course is prescribed with a view to make it possible for every person to observe all rules of conduct by tolerably easy gradations. Further it is not enjoined upon a person to observe all rules of conduct pertaining to a particular stage in life. It has been specifically mentioned that the three-fold path of liberation, consisting of right belief, right knowledge and right conduct, is to be constantly followed according to one's capacity. It is always stressed that the severity of rules of conduct is to be adjusted after taking into account one's own status and capacity. It matters little whether the rules. are followed fully or partially and what is more important is the fact that one should not deviate from the path of liberation.83 This means that a person can take all the vows or can make a selection of some of them. The aspect of practicability of Jaina ethics. can be best explained by showing the way of observing the basic rule of conduct, namely, Ahimsā.84
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Ahimsa is abstention from Himsa. The renunciation of Himsa may be either complete or partial. The complete renunciation (known as Autsargiki Nivṛtti) is accomplished in nine ways, by self, through agent, or by approbation, and in each case through mind, body or speech. That which is not complete, is partial renunciation (known as Apavadiki Nivṛtti).85 For a householder it is not possible to practise complete renunciation, and therefore he is recommended to discharge his worldly responsibilities with the minimum injury to others. For giving more practical guidance in this matter Himsa has been analysed, according to the mental attitude of the individual, into four kinds, namely, Gṛharambhi or accidental, Udyami or occupational, Virodhi or protective, and Samkalpi or intentional. Gṛharambhi Himsa is that which is unavoidably committed in the performance of necessary domestic duties, such as preparation of food, keeping the things clean, construction of buildings, wells, etc. Himsa performed in the exercise of one's profession whether of a soldier, or an agriculturist, or a trader, or an industrialist is Udyami Himsa. Virodhi Himsa is that which is unavoidably committed in the defence of person

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and property against assailants and enemies. Samkalpi Himsa is that which is committed intentionally or knowingly, for example, hunting, offering sacrifices, killing for food, amusement or decoration, etc. One who has renounced the life of a householder certainly avoids all four kinds of Himsa. It is significant to note that it is enjoined upon a householder to abstain from Samkalpi Himsa or intentional injury and not from the accidental, occupational and protective Himsa as it is not possible to do so while living in the householder's stage. However, a householder has been advised to try his best to avoid as far as possible the first three kinds of injury as well and a householder has to make a steady progress in such an endeavour. Thus a householder's vow of Ahimsa means abstention from intentional hurting and it can be easily put into practice.8%
The last significant fact about Jaina ethics is the prescription of one ethical code to all people irrespective of their position and stage in life. The rules of conduct are exactly the same both for laymen and ascetics with the only obvious difference that while the former observe them partially the latter have to observe them strictly. The ascetic life is thus a continuation of householder's life and this has fostered intimate relationship between the two main divisions of the Jaina community. As the ascetics are not generally recruited directly from outside but are taken from the Sravakas or householders, a feeling of oneness is created so far as the spiritual enterprise of the people is concerned. Since spiritual upliftment was the main aim of people, common practices in spiritual enterprise brought the laymen and monks together and this was the prime factor in the survival of Jainism as compared with other religions. It cannot be doubted that this close union between the laymen and monks brought about by the similarity of their religious duties, differing not in kind, but in degree, has enabled Jainism to avoid fundamental changes within, and to resist dangers from without for more than two thousand years, while Buddhism, being less exacting as regards the laymen, underwent the most extraordinary evolutions and finally disappeared in the country of its origin.87 Thus the ethical code was in a way responsible for the continuity of Jaina community in India for such a long time inspite of oppositions from other faiths.
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9. JAINA WORSHIP (1) Objects of Worship :
Generally, the object of worship is the Being who is believed to have created this world and who is considered responsible for the happiness and sorrow in this world. Jainism does not believe in any creator of this world and hence the question of worshipping him does not arise. Further, in Jainism the individual soul is regarded responsible for its happiness or sorrow. Infinite happiness is the natural quality of the soul and every soul is capable of attaining that stage of happiness after making it free from the Karmic bondage. As the aim of every Jaina is to obtain that pure condition of the soul after completely conquering all the Karmas, naturally the objects of worship are those who have attained or are on the way of attaining the supreme purity of the soul endowed with the qualities of infinite perception, infinite knowledge, infinite happiness and infinite power. Such a person with infinite qualities is known as Jina and he serves as the ideal to be aimed at by all persons who desire to escape from the cycle of births and deaths. The beings who have attained that ideal or have considerably advanced on the way to that ideal are termed as Parameshthins, that is, supreme ones. There are five such Parameshthins and they are the objects of worship in Jainism.
The first one is known as the Siddha Parameshthin. An omniscient being who has conquered, samsāra, that is, the cycle of births and deaths, and has realised the true nature is called the Siddha Parameshthin. He represents the highest Being. Next ia order comes the Arhat (or Tirthankara) Parameshthin. This represents a lower stage than the Siddha Parameshthin, in as much as it is not the final stage in liberation. Arhats are embodied souls which have attained omniscience, but have not yet discarded the last vestments of human body. Nevertheless, in some respects, the stage of Arhat should be considered, from the human point of view, more important and therefore generally enumerated as the first, because it is in this stage of Arhat-hood that the Tirthankara reveals for the benefit of the world the path to salvation, and all the various scriptures describing such a path. There appeared twenty-four such Tirtharkaras in the modern world period. The remaining three Parameshthins are the Achārya Parameshthin, ...15

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Upādhyā ya Parameshthin and Sadhu Parameshthin. These three do not represent the stage of complete liberation from samsāra but nevertheless represent important stages towards that goal. Achārya Parameshthin is the head of saints and he wholeheartedly devotes himself to perform various duties regarding the propagation of religion. Next in rank comes the Upadhyā ya Parameshthin. His duties are much more modest. He has no authority to initiate people into Jaina religion or to organise Jaina Saigha, (that is, organisation). He is a teaching saint. The last comes the Sadhu Paraineshthins, that is, all those great souls who do not have any definite function either of authority or of instruction but still illustrate through their conduct the great path to salvation. All these five constitute the Pañcha Parameshthins, the five supreme ones, worshipped by Jainas 'as representing the ideal in life at different stages of realisation.88
Apart from Pañcha Parameshthins, which are the proper objects of worship, Jainas extend their reverence, if not worship, to other beings also. Along with human beings like Parameshthins Jainas worship spirits or superhuman beings but the latter are not accorded as much reverence as it is given to the former. Among superhuman beings foremost place is reserved for Yakshas and sāsanadevatās who attended on Tīrthankaras.89 The names of attendant spirits, both male and female, resemble names of Hindu gods or goddesses and some names are even common to both. At the time of worshipping Tirthankaras, their respective Yakshas and śasā nadevatās are also invoked. Jainas, especially Śvetämbaras, have their own sixteen goddesses of learning. Jainas revere Indras or kings of gods.90 Besides, they have a pantheon of their own, in which they reckon four classes of superhuman beings namely, Residential or Bhavanapatis, Peripatetic or Vyantaras, Stellar or Jyotishkas, and Heavenly or Vaimānikas. 91 Further, many Jainas according to local customs, allow the existence of Hindu gods and goddesses, worship them and sometimes keep their idols in Jaina temples.92 The Hindu gods who have here and there secured a share in Jaina worship are Ganesa, Skar Bhairava and Hanumāna.93 We get various accounts of Jaina reverence towards Hindu gods and goddesses in several District Gazetteers.94 Kshetrapāla, the god of cities, is worshipped in the same way as the Grāma-devatās are worshipped by the Hindus. 95.

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Among the Hindu goddesses six are more honoured by Jainas. They also revere Sarasvati, the Hindu goddess of learning and several Mātās. % It has to be remembered that in Jainism these deities have even different associations. Further, every caste and family has got its own caste-deity and family-deity and castedeity are at times found in Jaina temples.97 In general it can be said that in Svetambara temples we find far more evidence of the influence of Hinduism than in the Digambara temples.98 Lastly, sacred animals, trees, places, and emblems and temples, idols and scriptures are considered as worthy of reverence by Jainas. 99 Even though we find the custom of worshipping superhuman beings, and Hindu gods and goddesses prevalent among Jainas, it must be remembered that Jainism, really speaking, allows the worship only of Paraineshthins, that is, ideal human beings. The worship of Hindu gods and goddesses is certainly against the spirit of Jainism.100 Really speaking such gods are regarded as false gods in Jainism and right faith excludes belief in the existence or efficacy of such gods. It appears that Jainas might have started this practice in imitation of Hindus. But now-a-days with the spread of Jaina education and revival of interest and better understanding'in Jaina religion, faithful Jainas strongly oppose these irreligious practices.101 Even in past the Jaina Achāryas have emphatically. denounced the worship of non-Jaina deities and directed the attention of the Jainas to real and faultless gods of Jainism. 102
(II) Intention of Worship :
Jainas worship only those beings who have achieved salvation in this life by their own efforts or are on the way of liberation. Such human beings are known as Parameshthins and are worshipped by the Jainas as representing the ideal in life at different stages of realisation. We have seen that among the Pañcha Parameshthins, Tirthankaras are considered more important from human point of view because they reveal the path of salvation for the benefit of mankind. This Tīrthankara worship is undertaken only for spiritual reasons and not for getting any worldly benefit out of it. In fact, a Tīrthankara does not desire to be prayed at all, nor can he do any favour to his devotee, because he is not concerned with events in this world as he has left it for good. Since

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a Tirthankara is not endowed with the act of creation and regu. lation of this world, the question of asking favours in worldly matters does not arise. A Tirthankara is, therefore, worshipped as an ideal to be aimed at by all persons who desire salvation. Hence the intention of Jaina worship is very pure and it is undertaken with a view to spiritual advance in the direction of that ideal.103 The attitude of a Jaina devotee is best, expressed in the following stanza which is commonly repeated while performing Jaina worship:
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मोक्षमार्गस्य नेतारं भेत्तारं कर्मभूभृताम् ।
arar¿ fagaazaraj atè agyambad 11
"Him who is the leader of the path to Liberation, who is the crusher of mountains of Karmas, and who is the knower of all reality, Him I worship in order that I may realise those very qualities of His." Nothing is ever offered to Tirthankaras to obtain any boons from them. They are the model of Perfection for unemancipated beings, having been men themselves at one time in the past.104
But it is a fact that this ideology behind the Jaina worship is not accepted in its real sense by many Jainas. An ordinary Jaina is not satisfied with getting internal purity by worship. He considers a Tirthankara as a king, opens his heart before him and intensely desires to have his kind help in all his difficulties, small or great. When this element of favour by an outside agency is introduced, it is natural that Tirthankaras are worshipped in the same manner as Hindu gods are worshipped. While surrendering something to the Tirthankara, a corresponding favour is excepted in return.105 In many of the hymns composed in honour of Jina, the Jainas appeal to him with as much favour as the Brahmaṇa to his gods; and there are often expressions in them which ascribe to Jina a creative power. 106 A more favourable interpretation of these terms is possible and it is evident that such beliefs and practices are contrary to the real spirit of Jaina worship. They are considered to be result of false knowledge and as such true Jainas, who have obtained right faith, do not approve them.107
(III) The Manner of Worship :
According to Jainism knowledge may be derived by consider

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ing four aspects of the thing known, namely, nāma. sthāpanā, dravya, and bhāva or its name, representation, substance and nature. 108 Similarly from these four aspects, we get the four kinds of Tirthankara worship. Nāma-worship is uttering or hearing the name of a Tirthankara. Worshipping the material representation like picture, image, statue, etc. of a Tirthankara is Sthāpanā Worship. Dravya connotes the thing or person which is to become in the future and hence Dravya-worship means adoring the souls which are to become Tirthankaras in the future. Bhāva suggests the thing or person in its actual nature and therefore the type of reverence accorded to a Tirthankara, when he was living on this earth as an omniscient being, by his contemporaries, is known as Bhāva-Worship.109
i Among these four ways by which a Tirthankara can be worshipped, the second form namely idol-worship is more prevalent among the Jainas. Majority of Digambaras and Śvetāmbara are in favour of idol-worship but Tāranapanthis among the former and Sthānakavāsis among the latter strongly oppose it. It is needless here to enter into the merits and demerits of idol-worship advanced by the contending parties and into the controversy regarding the antiquity of image-worship among the Jainas. 110 We shall see in brief the manner of worship of both the sections, namely, those who practise and those who do not practise idolworship.
The idols are intended to give a view of the all knowing beings in their concentrated posture and they remind the people of their virtues. Idol-worship is thus not the worship of the stone or metal of which the images are made but of the virtues they represent. The Digambara and Svetāmbara idols differ in certain respects. The Digambara images are either in sitting or erect postures and the postures are called Padmāsana or Kayot-sarga respectively. The erect image has its feet close to each other, the hands left straight down and the half closed eyes pointed to the end of the nose. In the sitting attitude, the eyes are in same position but the feet are twined into each other and the up-turned palms of the hands are placed together in the centre of the folded feet. Neither cloth nor ornament has any place on the images. It is, in fact, an embodiment of a perfectly dispassionate mind in complete self-concentration.111 In contrast to the simple, unadorned

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Digambara figures, the Svetambara images are given staring glass eyes, are adorned with golden ornaments and jewels, and are represented as wearing loin clothes.112 The self-contemplation mood characteristic of Digambara images is thus absent in Svetambara images.113 The images of all Tirthankaras are practically of the same type and they can be identified only with the help of their respective Chinhas or cognizances which are always inscribed below the idols.114 The householder worships the images with eight classes of things while ascetics only offer salutations to them. The eight-fold worship is as follows :
(i) Jala Puja is bathing the image with water;
(ii) Chandana Puja is marking or sprinkling the idol with chandana, that is, sandal-wood paste and Kesara, that is, saffron;
(iii) Pushpa Puja is offering flowers before the image or garlanding it;
(iv) Dhupa Puja is waving of a lighted incense stick before the image or burning incense;
(v) Dipa Puja is keeping or waving up a light near the image;
(vi) Akshata Puja is offering rice in front;
(vii) Naivedya Puja is offering sweetmeats; and
(viii) Phala Puja is the offering of fruits and nuts of all kinds. 115
.
These eight types of worship need not be performed in any particular order and at times even some of them could be perfomed. There are different hymns to be sung in offering each of these things. The offering are called Nirmalya and they are not to be taken for use or eaten by the offerer, if not by any Jaina. It is said to be a great sin to do so.116
The idol-worshippers are known as Mandiramārgi, that is, those who go to temples for their spiritual upliftment and nonidol-worshippers are termed as Sadhumargi, that is, those who follow the saints for the same reason. The Sadhumärgis maintain that idol-worship has not been prescribed by the Tirthankaras, that the references of idol-worship in Jaina books are later interpolations, that idol-worship is against the Bhavana or spirit of Jaina religion and that it has been introduced in the Jaina religion by priests for their selfish ends.117 Since the Sadhumärgis abhor

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the very idea of idols, the question of a detailed ritual for their Worship does not arise. Instead they go to their religious houses and there perform their daily religious duties. The religious house of Sthānakavāsī Jainas is known as an Upāśraya or Upāsaro and the six Avaśyakas (i. e. daily duties ), namely, Sāmāyika, Chaturvimśati-Jinastuti, Vandanā, Pratikramana, Kā yotsarga and Pratyakhyāna, are performed there only.118 Among the Taranapanthis, the religious building is known as Chaityālaya which, according to them, means Granthālaya, that is, house of sacred books. The Taranapanthis visit the Chait yalaya and do their religious duties especially Sāmāyika, Jinastuti and Vandanā there.119 (IV) Places of Worship : (A) Temples :
The idol-worshippers necessarily require temples for perfor. ming their worship. Jainas have lavished an enormous amount of money on the construction of temples throughout India from ancient times. Among Jaina temples the most old are the cave temples. Near the cave temples are the caves meant for the monks to live and sleep in. The most famous of all Jaina caves and cave temples are those found at Udayagiri in Orissa, at Badami in the Bijapur District of Karnataka State (formerly in Bombay State) and at Ellora in the Aurangabad District of Maharashtra State. 120 But more beautiful than the cave temples are the ground temples. The best of such temples are often found in very remote spots, and it is suggested that they were built at times when the Jainas had to hide in such places to avoid Hindu persecution.121 Each temple has an open porch (mandapa), a closed hall of assembly (sabhā inandapa) and an inner shrine or cellc garbha-gļha) in which the idol is kept. In front of many Jaina temples we find pillars (mānastambhas) on which idols are placed. There is a considerable difference in the construction of Jaina temples in Northern and Southern India. 122 Temples are constructed out of donations and wherever Jainas are there we come across Jaina temples. The vast number of Jaina temples can be explained by the fact that the Jaina religion considers the construction of new temples or rebuilding of old, dilapidated temples as a meritorious act. The Jaina Achāryas in their literature glorify the act of building tem bles,123 and their religious-minded followers faithfully carry it

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out. In some places the number of Jaina temples is more than necessary and in many places several temples are constructed so near each other that temple-cities are formed. The most famous temple-cities are on Mount Abu in Rajputana, on mounts Giranāra and Satruñjaya in Kathiawar, at Kunthalagiri in Osmanabad District and at Sravanabelgola in Karnataka State. Temples are always cleanly maintained and they have become proverbial for their neatness.124 One gets a deep and calm impression when one enters a Jaina temple and sees the Jaina idol in a self-contemplation mood. In a temple there is the main idol of a particular Tirthankara and other idols of other Tirthankaras. In some temples are also placed images of Hindu gods and goddesses below the idol of the principal Tirthankara in the temple, in other niches or shrines or upper storeys.125. A temple priest or a pūjarī is appointed by the community. In the Digambara temples the pujārī is always a Jaina and in the Śvetām bara temples he is generally a Hindu, and is either a Mālī (gardener) or a Kanabi (farmer) or a Barota (bard) by caste. Further, in Svetambara temples the pujārī eats himself the offerings made to the idol while in Digambara temples the pujārī, if he is not a temple priest, leaves it for the temple servants. 126 The Jaina will ordinarily visit a temple and see the Tirthankara every morning before taking his food, and his wife often goes with him. If there is no temple in their own town or village, Jainas will go to another, provided that it is within a practicable distance.1 In the daily temple worship the image is bathed by the temple priest in milk and on special days in the five nectars or pañchamṛta. The priest repeats sacred verses, sandal paste is marked at certain places of the image and it is decked with flowers. 128
127
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(B) Upasrayas:
Upasrayas are separate buildings erected by each sect for their monks and nuns. Upasrayas are mostly two- storeyed buildings and there is no outstanding difference bewteen them and the houses of laymen. There is always a lecture hall in an Upasraya and it is here that the monks preach or explain sacred texts to laymen who come to visit them. In Upasraya alone monks and nuns give advice to their followers and accept or make them to do Pratikramana, that is, repentance of all transgressions. Upa

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śraya is the central place of the community and its construction and maintenance charges are borne by the laymen.129 As the Sthānakavāsis do not have temples, they perform their religious duties generally in Upāśrayas.130 (C) Chaityālayas :
Chaityālayas are the places where the religious duties are performed by Tāranapanthis, the followers of a non-idolatrous subsect of Digambaras. The meaning of Chaityālaya, according to them, is Granthālaya, that is, the library. In the middle of the Chaityālaya is erected a pulpit and on it the fourteen books of Taranasvāmi, the founder of Taranapantha, are placed. Since Tarapapanthis do not have temples, Chaityālaya serves as their central place. 131
10. FESTIVALS AND FASTS
Many festivals and fasts are observed by the Jainas. Festivals are performed to commemorate the important events of the past and the fasts are undertaken for self-purification. Both festivals and fasts are intended to divert the attention of laymen from their worldly activities to their ultimate goal. They serve to strengthen the devotion of laymen to spiritual uplift. Just as visits to the sacred places create a deep impression on the minds of people, similarly the observance of various festivals and fasts reminds the people of their main objective in life. The festivals and fasts: are observed mainly as religious ceremonies. According to Jaini'sm the religious ceremonies are to be performed at the proper time and place which are determined through the help of astronomy. The knowledge of astronomy is one of the principal accomplishments of a Jaina priest and it is the duty of a Jaina priest to ascertain the proper time and place for all religious ceremonies.132 The number of Jaina festivals and fasts is quite large and hence we shall describe in brief the most important of them. (i) Paryūshana or Daśalakshaņa Parva :
It has already been noticed that in Jaina religion more significance has been attached to the practice of austerities and tasting is one of the main ways of performing austerities. Various fasts have been prescribed for Jainas and among them the fast of Paryu

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shana is the most sacred. Even though both Digambaras and Śvetāṁbaras observe it with great enthusiasm there is a difference in the time and way in which they observe it.
According to Digambaras the Paryūshana lasts every year for ten days from the fifth to the fourteenth day (both days inclusive) of the bright half of the month of Bhadrapada.133 On the days early in the morning all people assemble in the temple and perform the eight-fold worship on a large scale. After the worship, on every day, one chapter out of the ten chapters of the Tattvārtha-Sūtra, the Bible of the Jainas, is read and explained to the people and further people are enlightened on the value of one of the ten Dharinas or reflections. Because special attention is devoted to the importance of Dasadharma, that is, ten reflections; during these ten days, the Paryūshana is also known as Dasalakshana Parva. In these days practically all men and women perform fast according to their capacity. A few observe fasts for all ten days without taking any food whatsoever, while many take food once a day during this period. The last day of Paryūshūna, known as Anantachaturdaśī, is considered as particularly sacred and is observed by performing special ceremonies. Generally on this day all people observe fast and spend their whole day in a temple.134
Among the Svetambaras, the Paryżshana begins with the twelfth of the dark half of Srāvana and ends with the fifth of the bright half of Bhadrapada. Thus it lasts for eight days. The special object with which they keep Paryūshana is to obtain pardon for the sins of the year. The people observe the fast with varying strictness. While some fast for the whole eight days, many fast on every other day (and eat specially dainty food on the alternate days ) and all fast on the last day. People go to the Upasrayas, where special services of reading scriptures and others are held for them, as often as they can, and some of them spend the whole day there. Further, for gaining special merit, people are enjoined to do Poshadha, that is, to behave like an ascetic for twenty-four hours while remaining in an Upāśraya. The last day of Paryūshana, known as Sain vatsarī, is the most solemn day of all. Apart from fasting, people greet each other and ask forgiveness for any injuries inflicted during the past year, and letters are written to friends at a distance asking their forgiveness also.135 In many towns, on the third day of the Paryūshaņa, the Svetām baras organise

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a procession in honour of the Kalpa-Sūtra 136 a scripture which they hold in great reverence. Lord Mahāvīra's birth-day is conventionally celebrated on the fifth day of Paryūshana even though it really falls, on the thirteenth day of the bright half of Chaitra. The Svetämbaras organise a cradle procession in honour of the day.137
The Jainas are specially zealous during Paryūshaņa to prevent any animal life being taken. In many places they have prevailed on respective local authorities to prohibit slaughter of animals during these days. In other places they try to stop, if necessary by payment of money, slaughter of animals at least on the last day. 133 (ii) Siddhachakra Pūjā or Saint-wheel Worship :
This is preformed only by Svetambara Jainas twice a year in Chaitra and Asvina and lasts for nine days beginning on the seventh and ending on the full-moon day. It ranks next in importance to Paryūshana.139 In every Śvetambara temple there is a Saintwheel, or Siddhachakra, - a little eight-sided plate made of either brass or silver with five tiny figures. These figures represent the Pañcha Parameshthins. Between the figures are written the names of the three jewels of the Jaina faith and also the word 'tapa', i. e., austerity. This plate, which thus bears on its surface a complete summary of Jainism , is regarded as of such importance that no Śvetāṁbara temple is without it. Once during the days of worship people take the Saint-wheel in procession out of the town and bathe it in water. This little pilgrimage is known as Jalayātrā.140 (iii) Ashtānhika :
The fast of Ashtānhika is regarded next in importance to Paryūshana. Only Digambaras observe this fast. It is performed thrice a year during the week beginning from the lunar eighth in the months of Kārtika, Phālguna and Ashādha. In these days, like in Paryūshana, the fast is observed with varying strictness,141 (iv) Malā vīra Jayanti :
The birth-day anniversary of Lord Māhavīra falls on the thirteenth day of the bright half of Chaitra and this is celebrated with great pomp and enthusiasm throughout India by all Jainas. Processions are taken, meetings are held and the message of Lord

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Mahavira is explained to Jainas and non-Jainas alike. In some states and provinces this day is declared as a public holiday. This is the only festival commonly celebrated by all sections of the Jaina community.
(v) Virasāsana Jayanti :
This is celebrated mainly by Digambara Jainas every year on the first day of the dark half of Sravana. The day is important because on this very day Lord Mahavira, after gaining omniscience delivered his first religious discourse on the Vipulachala mountain near Rajagṛha in the country of Magadha.142
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(vi) Śruta-Panchamī :
Śruta-panchami falls on the fifth day of the bright half of Jyeshtha. On this day, according to Digambaras, their two saints Pushpadanta and Bhutabali, completed the writing of the sacred book Shatkhandagama and it was then worshipped by all members of the Jaina community. In remembrance of that event every year on that day the Digambaras worship their sacred books and remove dust and insects from them.143 The Svetambaras do the same thing on the fifth day of the bright half of Kartika. They call this day as Jnana-panchami instead of Śruta-panchmi.144 The institution of this festival has been of incalculable use in preserving Jaina literature, for not only are the books worshipped but all the volumes in Jaina treasure-houses are supposed to be dusted, freed from insects and rearranged on this day.14
145
(vii) Days of Abstinence :
In addition to the special days like the above, many Svetāmbara Jainas observe as fasts, with more or less strictness, twelve days in every month. These days are the two second, the two fifth, the two eighth, the two eleventh, the two fourteenth and the bright and dark fifteenth of each month.146 The Digambaras, however, observe as fasts ten days in every month of the year, that is, the second, the fifth, the eighth, the eleventh and the fourtteenth days of both bright and dark halves of the month.147 Those who cannot do these throughout the year, do it only during Chaturmasa, that is, the four months of rain from Ashadha to Kartika.148 Less devout Jainas among the Svetambaras observe only five days of abstinence,. namely, the two eighth, the two fourteenth

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and the fifteenth of the bright half of the month,149 but among the Digambaras only four days, namely, the two eighth and the two fourteenth days, are observed.150 Moreover, four full-moon days during the year are observed as special fasts by the Svetāmbara Jainas. These full-moon days are in the months of Kārtika, Phālguna, Chaitra and Ashādha. People fast on these days, decorate their temples with lamps, and go to the temples to worship. The Kārtika and Chaitra full-moon days are considered more important and on these two days people try to go on pilgrimage to any sacred place, especially te hills of Satruñjaya in Kathiawar. If they cannot go, they still manage to acquire some merit by worshipping a map or photograph of Satruñjaya.151 (viii) The Bathing of Gommateśvara:
The bathing of Gommateśvara at Śravanabelgola in Karnataka State is one of the rare festivals of the Digamabara Jainas as it is done after an interval of so many years—generally after an interval of twelve years. The idol of Gommațeśvara (i.e. of Bahubali, the son of the first Tirthankara, Lord Rshbhanātha) was carved by about A.D. 983152 and it is regarded as one of the wonders of the world since nowhere else we come across such a fine, well proportioned, colossal statue of 57 feet in height carved out of one stone only. It is but natural that utmost importance is attached by the Digambara Jainas in visiting and seeing the bathing ceremony of the idol of Gommatesvara.153. (ix) Divāļī or Dipā valī · Apart from the festivals and fasts described above, which are observed only by the Jainas, there are other festivals which are observed by Jainas along with Hindus. Among such festivals that of Divāli is most important, as well as most sacred. But there is a difference in the reasons for observing this festival between the Jainas and the Hindus. According to Jainas when their last Tirthankara Lord Mahāvīra achieved Moksha or salvation in the early hours of the last day of the month of Aśvina in the year 527 B.C. the celestial and other beings who were present at that time worshipped him and instituted an illumination saying that “Since the light of intelligence is gone, let us make an illumination of material matter”. 154 From that time the followers of Mahāvīra celebrate every year the festival of lamps in honour of his achieving

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liberation. Their year, known as Vīra Nirvāṇa Samvat, also begins from this date. On this day early in the morning people visit the temple and worship the idol of Lord Mahāvīra with sweet balls known as Nirvāṇalādū. Because of the happy event of gaining salvation by their Lord, people prepare special sweet dishes on that and subsequent days. The other ceremonies like Lákshmipūjana and Bhāu-Bī ja attached to Divālī have no religious significance and are performed by the Jainas according to the local Hindu customs. (x) Rakshābandhana ::
Another great festival which is observed by the Jainas, especially by the Digambara Jainas, in common with the Hindus155, is that of Rakshābandhana. It teaches the spirit of affection towards the the co-religionists. The Jainas observe it on the full moon day of śrāvana because on this day their ascetic Vishṇukumāra saved through his own spiritual powers the lives of seven hundred Jaina monks from the clutches of human-sacrifice organised by Bali, the King of Hastināpura156. In honour of this event the Jainas every year on the day worship the great sage Vishnukumara and the seven hundred monks. The significance of this festival is that just as Vishņukumāra removed the danger over the Jaina community by his own efforts, similarly the Jainas should bear in mind that they should also try to protect in times of distress any aggression against their idols, temples, ascetics, institutions, etc. 157 (xi) Akshayat rtīyā :
Like Divālī and Rakshābandhana, the Akshayatrtīyā is also celebrated by both Hindus 158 and Jainas. Akshayatrtīyā falls on the third day of the bright half of Vuisūkha and it is considered as one of the most auspicious and sacred days by the Jainas. According to them on this day Lord Rshabhadeva, the fist Tirthankara, received in accordance with the religious ritual the food in the form of sugar-cane juice for the first time after his continuous fast of six months from the hands of śreyāmsa, the king of Hastināpura, and hence the sanctity of the day. On this day Lord Rshabhadeva is worshipped and his idol is bathed in sugar-cane juice. The celebration of this day is intended to inspire people to extend giftsof whatever value they might be to right persons and thus to secure merit for them in the way by which king Śreyāṁsa

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secured indestructible merit ( Akshaya Punya ) by giving gift of even sugar-cane juice to Lord Rshabhadeva.159
From the description of Jaina festivals and fasts it is evident that the Jainas have their own festivals and fasts160 and that some of them are peculiar to only certain sections of the community. Further, they observe some festivals in common with the Hindus but they attach different significance for their celebration. Again, in certain parts they have adopted the local Hindu festivals after giving them a new colouring to suit their religion. The Karnāṭaka Jainas, for example, worship on the Ganesa-Chaturthi day the sage Gautama under the name Ganādhipa instead of worshipping the Hindu god Ganapati and instead of worshipping Venkataramana like local Brahmins, they worship Bharatara ja, their ancient king. 161 In addition to these, the Jainas follow a number of Hindu festivals, like Dasarā, Makarasaiikrānta and others, which have no connection with their religion. This might be due to the close proximity between Jainas and Hindus. But it sould be noted that only the Hindu festivals are observed by the Jainas not with the view of gaining any religious merit but as a part of their social life with the Hindus. No doubt for some time past the Gujarath Jaina women were worshipping the goddess of small-pox on the Śītalā-saptami day along with the Hindu women,162 but such practices are being discontinued as they go against the Jaina religion. 163 At the same time it should not be lost sight of that the Hindu festivals and fasts which are mainly religious like Rūmanavami, Gokulāshtamī, Mchāśivarātra, etc. are not observed by the Jainas. It can therefore, be said in conclusion that the Hindu festivals with a distinctly religious tinge of their own are not celebrated by the true Jainas.
11. JAINA SUPERSTITIONS Along with the Hindus the Jainas also believe that there are superhuman beings who can influence the fate of individuals as well as of groups of individuals in good and bad manner. Jainas further contend that even though such beings have limited power and are governed by the doctrines of Karma, still they can exert good or bad influence on fate of human beings because of their ('superhuman beings') position which is the direct result of their actions in the past births. Naturally these superhuman beings cannot do anything to the liberated beings but they can, to some extent,

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extend happiness to, or inflict sorrow on, the ordinary beings. That is why, it is argued, human beings have to strive to please and secure favour from the superhuman beings. 164 Hence we find that most of the Jainas have a firm belief in magic and charms, and they pacify evil spirits, ghosts, and witches, in the same way as other Hindu castes do 165
The Jainas believe in spirit possession and call their family spirits 'pitrad' or fathers. Though they profess not to believe that infants are attacked by spirits they perform the ceremonies observed by Brahmanic Hindus in honour of Mothers Fifth and Sixth. When children suffer from 'Bālagraha', a form of convulsion, Jaina women think that it is the work of spirits. Jainas profess not to hold the ordinary Brahmanic belief that the first wife comes back and plagues the second wife. Still they hold in great terror Jākhins, that is, the ghosts of women who die with unfulfilled wishes. Among Jainas, as among other Hindus, Jākhins plague the living by attacking children with lingering diseases. When a child is wasting away Jaina parents make the Jakhin a vow that if the child recovers Jākhin's image shall be placed with their family gods. After the recovery of the child, the image is daily worshipped with the house gods with great reverence. This Jākhin worship is said to be common among the local Jainas. 166
In some places Jainas of all classes believe in sorcerers, witches, and soothsayers and consult them in cases of sickness or other misfortune. But they have no professional exorcists or charmers chiefly because their place is filled by the Jaina priests. When sickness is believed to be caused by spirit possession the priest is consulted. The priest tries various methods in succession. He gives the tirtha or holy water to the sick person to drink. He rubs angārā or ash on the brow of the sick person. He asks the members of his family to start Jakhin worship. He ties the täita or charmed casket round the sick person's arm or neck. Lastly, he starts anushthāna or god pleasing ceremony. When all remedies are of no avail Jainas sometimes take the sick to a holy place called Stavanidhi, and the sick or some relation on his behalf worships the spirit-scaring Brahmanidhi until the patient is cured. The Jainas profess to have no sacred pools, animals, or trees that have. a power of spirit-scaring.167 In certain places in South Kanara a regular worship of Bhūtas or devils is undertaken by the Jainas. 158

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Unlike most Brahmanic Hindus, Jainas do not believe that a woman in her monthly sickness is specially liable to spirit attacks. In their opinion a woman runs most risk of being possessed when she has just bathed and her colour is heightened by turmeric, when her hair is loose, and when she is gaily dressed, and happens to go to a lonely well or river bank at noon or sunset. Boys are also apt to be possessed when they are all well-dressed or fine looking or when they are unusually sharp and clever. 169
Orthodox Jainas who object to the early or direct form of spirit action believe in the more refined drshta or evil eye as a cause of sickness. According to the popular Jaina belief all eyes have not the blasting power of the evil eye. Various reasons are given for those who possess an evil eye. For example, it is believed that if at the time of cutting the child's naval any of the blood enters the child's eyes, their glance is sure to have a blasting or evil power.170 Further, they fear perfect happiness, and whenever they see it, they believe that an evil eye will harm the happy one through jealousy. It is considered that anything dark or bitter will avert this, and so, if new jewellery is worn, a black thread is tied on to it; if a new house is built, a black earthern vessel is placed outside; and if a beautiful child is taken out, its cheek is marked with a black smear. In the same way at a wedding a lemon is tied in the turban of the bridegroom and in the dress of the bride. so that something sour may safeguard the sweetness of their lot. When illness.occurs, it is also put down to the influence of an evil eye and to remove it a detailed process known as 'Najara bandhi is undergone. Again, another method of removing the influence of an evil eye from a sick person is to wave a loaf of millet bread round his head and then give it to a black dog; if the animal eats it, it is believed that the influence of the evil eye passes into the
dog. 171
Apart from the beliefs mentioned above Jainas in certain places have many other superstitions. On the fifth day of Śrāvana many Jaina women worship serpents, apparently to propitiate the spirits of their ancestors. In the days of plague or cholera offerings are made according to the advice of the Brāhmaṇa priests. During the epidemic of small-pox, Jaina women take certain vows before Šitalā Mātā, the goddess of small-pox. Again , Jaina women often go to Hindu or Jaina temples and promise to offer
J...16

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something if only a son may be born to them.172 Further, it is believed that the dreams can foretell the good or bad future and many examples are noted in Jaina literature where the dreams had suggested the occurrence of both the happy and unhappy events.173 Moreover, the Jainas have a faith in both the auspicious and inauspicious signs and the Jaina books give a long list of such signs especially to be noted at the time of starting on a journey. 174 Further, magic occupies an important place in the Jaina iterature. It ranges from the gross and crude practices to avert the Ivil eye for affording protection against malignant men and spirits eo the subtle process of discovering one's thoughts, or inducing a magic sleep, going through the air, causing invisibility and compeling obedience of human and divine beings, by means of the dreadful black art.175 The Jainas of Rajputana were considered as magicians and were supposed to have possessed supernatural skill. They were, therefore, known as Vidyavan or Magi (that is, the Man of Secrets) of Rajasthan.176 Similarly, a few Mysore Jainas are skilled magicians and others have attained yogic life. IThey also believe in the efficacy of the mantrams.177 It is stated that Manadeva, the spiritual, leader of Jainas, even suppressed the plague of Taxilla by composing the Santistotra which contained many mantras.
178
In this connection it should be noted that the superstitions mentioned above have no religious sanction at all. Jainism has never enjoined upon its followers to accept such beliefs because they go against its basic principle, namely, non-existence of divine grace. Jaina saints had visualised that the people, who are much after securing personal favour from gods, are prone to believe in and abide by such superstitions. According to Jainism Samyagdarsana or Right Faith is the primary condition expected in its followers. Right faith, as we have already noted, means a firm belief in the principle of Jainism. It is important to observe that among other things this right faith must be free from the three types of superstitious ignorance,179 and all superstitions described above come under these three categories of superstitious gnorance. Hence the true believers and followers of Jainism do not approve of these superstitions and the Bombay Gazetteer hias also admitted this fact.180 From the fact that the Jaina superstitions have no religious basis and that they are just like Hindu

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superstitions, it is evident that the Jainas might have adopted them from the Hindus.
12. JAINA SAMSKARAS The life of a Jaina layman is regulated by various ceremonies through which he has to pass right from his conception upto his death. These ceremonies are prescribed by religion with a view that a layman would lead a life in accordance with the religious principles and attain the main aim of final liberation. Since religion wants that the ceremonies should be performed at proper times, they are known as Saṁskāras or Sacraments. Such ceremonies are not uniform in the main sects of the Jainas and further many of them differ in their details from province to province. Without going deep into the differences we shall observe, in brief, their main features.
The two principal sects of the Jainas, namely the Digambaras and the Svetāmbaras, prescribe different ceremonies for their adherents even though their main aim is the same. According to the Digambaras, a śrā vaka, that is, a layman, has to pass through the fifty-three ceremonies mentioned in their sacred book Adi-purāņa.181 They are as follows : (1) Ādhāna or Garbhādhāna : i.e., conception-ceremony, is
performed before a woman conceives. When a woman attains puberty, she and her husband should go to the temple and perform worship in the prescribed manner. After this Ādhāna ceremony the pair should cohabit at night only for the sake of progeny and not for sexual
attachment. (2) Prīti : is performed in the third month after the con
ception. In this worship, music, etc. should be perform
·ed to keep the pregnant woman delightful. (3) Suprīli : The above ceremonies should be performed
in the fifth month after conception. (4) Dhrti : The same should be performed, in the seventh
month, for the sake of the child to be born. (5) Moda : It consists in the writing of the primary letters
37 fH 3TT 3 T on the body of the pregnant woman in the ninth month.

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(6) Priyodbhava: It consists in worship, etc., at the birth of a child.
(7) Namakarma: The child should be given a name on any auspicious day after twelve days from its birth. It should be done with due worship and the name should be one from the 1008 names of Jina.
(8) Bahiryana: After two, three or four months the child should be taken out of the house on a convenient auspicious day.
(9) Nishadya: Then the child should be made to sit after duly performing the worship.
(10) Annaprasana: It is feeding the child after doing worship in the eighth month or so.
(11) Vyushti: It is the first anniversary to be performed with worship as usual and with fasts.
(12) Kesavā pa: It is the ceremony of keeping hairs after shaving for the first time.
(13) Lipisankhyānasangraha: It means that in the fifth year the child should be taught to write at the hands of a learned layman after performing worship.
(14) Upanīti: It is the initiation ceremony and it is performed in a Jaina temple in the eighth year of the child. After this the child wears the sacred thread as a sign of having taken the five small vows and is known as a Brahmachārī or a celibate. Now he has to maintain himself on begging alms.
(15) Vratacharya: Leading a strict celibate and single life, the boy should keep the vows and should study various subjects from his teacher.
(16) Vratavatarana: It is to be performed in the 12th or 16th year after completing his studies. The boy should take leave of his preceptor and adopt any of the prescribed ways of livelihood. Now he need not be very strict in his life but will have to maintain celibacy till he gets married.
(17) Vivaha: On the advice of the teacher, the boy should be married to a girl from a good family in accordance

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with the prescribed rules. After marriage the pair should go on a pilgrimage for seven days and then should cohabit in the ovulation period only for the sake of
progeny. (18) Varnalābha : Uptil now the son was in the house of
his father. After worshipping God the father gives a part of his property to his son in the presence of other persons and asks his son to make a separate household
and to lead a good life. (19) Kulacharyā : He should now perform the six daily
duties of a householder. (20) Grhīšitā : Excellence in layman's duties should be attained
through wisdom, character, etc. with a view to become
superior to others. (21) Praśānti : Quietude should be got assigning family
affairs to the care of the sons. (22) Grhatyāga : When a person feels that he has satis
factorily fulfilled the duties of a householder, he should leave the house after handing over, in the presence of his friends, all his property to his sons, and advising
the eldest son to continue the family tradition. (23) Dikshādya : After leaving the house he should take up
to the pre-ascetie life. (24) Jinarūpatā : It consists in the throwing up of the clothes
and taking on the life of an ascetic without any bondage. (25) Maunādhyayanavrtti : Concentrated study should now
begin when there should be no talk on anything but study. Tirthakrdbhāvanā : After full study he should think again and again on the sixteen reflections of a Tirthan
kara. (27) Gurusthānābhyapagama : With the consent of his pre
ceptor he should accept the post of teaching ascetic
and begin to teach others. (28) Ganopagrahana : By his preaching and actions he should
try to protect all members of the Jaina community.

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(29) Svagurusthänava pti: After transferring all his duties to his worthy disciple, he should assume the position of an Acharya, i. e., the head of the ascetics.
(30) Niḥsangatvātmabhavana
Relying on his disciple he should devote his time to self-meditation only. (31) Yoganirvanasam prapti : By following supreme austerities he should concentrate only on the nature of the self (32) Yoganirvanasadhana: Discarding food and care of the body, he should aim at total concentration.
(33) Indropapada: After death he goes to the status of an Indra, i. e., the king of gods, by virtue of his merits. (34) Indrabhisheka: Gods then consecrate him as an Indra. (35 & 36) Vidhidana and Sukhodaya: Having ascended the throne of Indra, he enjoys the happiness in the heaven. (37) Indratyaga: He then abandons the pleasures of heaven. (38) Avatara: He descends down from the heaven to the earth to become a Tīrthankara.
(39) Hiranyajanmata: Then the soul enters the embryo of a lady who is to give birth to a Tirthankara.
(40) Mandarendrabhisheka : When he is born, Indra worships him on the Meru mountain.
(41) Gurupu jana: Indra worships this to be Tirthankara in childhood.
(42) Yauvaraiya
He gets the position of an heir-apparent
in his young age.
(43) Svara jya: He secures the power over whole empire. (44) Chakralabha: He acquires the chakra, that is, the nine stores and the fourteen jewels.
(45) Digvijaya: He starts for the conquest of the whole universe.
(46) Chakrabhisheka: The conquest is celebrated.
(47) Samrajya: He guides the subsidiary kings in their duties towards their subjects.
(48) Nishkranti: He then gives his empire to the eldest son and becomes an ascetic.

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(49) Yogasammaha : He gets the power due to omniscience
and austerities. (50) Arhantya : He attains the status of an Arhat. (51) Vihāra : The Arhat or Tirthankara preached the truth
to all people. (52) Yogatyāga : Then he draws the soul into itself. (53) Agranirvrti : Then he achieves final deliverance.
These fifty-three ceremonies describe the progress of a layman to Moksha or final liberation. But from the nature of the ceremonies it is clear that no individual in this age can possibly pass through all of them. The number of ceremonies for an ordinary householder will therefore have to be limited for practical purposes and we find that the Digambaras have tried to curtail them. But it is surprising that they have not arrived at a fixed number of ceremonies. The late Brahmachārī Sitalaprasādaji has prescribed182 for the householders the first twenty-six of the above mentioned fifty-three ceremonies and in addition that of Antyakarma, that is, death ceremony. Pandita Lālārāma Šāstrī in his book183 Shodaśa Samskāra (i. e. sixteen Sacraments) really prescribes in all eighteen ceremonies, namely, the first seventeen of the fiftythree ceremonies referred to above and the death ceremony.
The Svetāmbaras do not accept the ceremonies given by the Digambars. On the contrary they have evolved their own ceremonies. According to them layman has to pass through sixteen ceremonies prescribed in their sacred book Achāradinakara.184 The ceremonies, in brief, are as follows : 2 (1) Garbhādhāna : It is performed in the fifth month after.
conception. The Brāhmaṇa priest, who is specially
invited, chants sacred hymns and blesses the couple. • This is done with a view to ensure the protection of
the mother and the child in the embryo from various
kinds of fears. (2) Puinsavana : It is done in the eighth month after concep
tion with a desire to get a male issue. On any auspicious day very early in the morning the pregnant woman is made to sit under an open sky. The preceptor sprinkles holy water on her, chants 'mantras' or hymns

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and gives her blessing that she may have delivery without difficulty.
(3) Janma: This is the birth ceremony. When the child is born, its naval cord is cut, the mother and child are given a bath and the astrologer is asked to prepare its horoscope. The preceptor is called and he ties the amulet round the child's hand after chanting hymns to Goddess Ambika with an intention that she may protect the new-born child.
(4) Suryendudarsana: It means bowing to the sun and the moon. On the third day after the birth of the child, the preceptor, after due worship of the idol of Jina and the image of the sun, makes the mother and the child to bow down to the sun and at the same time recites mantras'. In the evening the same process is performed in connection with bowing down to the
moon.
(5) Kshirasana: On the same day the preceptor sprinkles the sanctified water on the child and then the mother's milk is given to the child. Through his mantras the preceptor blesses the child to the effect that it may be endowed with perfect health and long life.
(6) Shashthi: At night on the sixth day after the birth of the child, the preceptor worships the eight goddesses of protection (i. e., Rakshanadevi), namely, Brāhmaṇī, Maheśvari, Kaumāri, Vaishnavi, Varahi, Indrāni, Chamundā, and Tripura, and goddess Shashthi or Ambā. On the next day morning the preceptor sprinkles the sanctified water on the child and blesses it with 'mantras.' (7) Suchikarma: As the mother is considered to have become impure because of delivery, she is purified by the preceptor after the lapse of a certain period which varies according to classes. The Brahmins are purified after a period of ten days, the Kshatriyas twelve days, the Vaisyas sixteen days and the Sudras one month. This purification is known as Suchikarma.
(8) Namakarma: It means giving name. to the child. It is performed on the same day on which the 'Suchikarma'

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is performed; or sometimes it is performed on the second or third day after the Šuchikarma'. In the presence of all members of the family, the astrologer reads the child's horoscope prepared by him and the preceptor conducts the worship of vital planets. Then they all proceed to the Jaina temple where after the worship of Tirthankara a name is given to the child by its paternal aunt. Annaprāśana : It means the giving of food to the child for the first time. This is performed on any auspicious day during the sixth month in the case of a male child, and during the fifth month in the case of a female child. After the worship to be performed by the preceptor is over, the mother feeds the child from the food offered
to the family deity. (10) Karnavedha : This is piercing the lobes of ears of the
child when it becomes three, five or seven years old. At this time the preceptor duly performs the worship of Mātās or Hindu goddesses and chants certain
‘mantras.' (11) Kshaurakurma or Chūdā karma : Then on any auspici
ous day this tonsure ceremony is performed. The preceptor worships the Mātās and then the barber of the family shaves the child. In the case of the upper three classes a tuft of hair is kept on the crown of the head and in the case of a Sūdra the head is shaven
completely. (12) Upanayana : This initiation ceremony is allowed only
for the first three classes and that too at a specific time, namely, for the Brahmins during the eighth year, the Kshatriyas during the eleventh year and the Vaiśyas during the twelfth year. Sūdras are not entitled to have this ceremony. On an auspicious day the preceptor after performing the worship of a Jaina idol in front of the house, chants certain hymns and gives the sacred thread to the boy. Then he communicates three times the Pañcha Parameshthi Mantra' in the boy's ears and making him a Brahmachārī the preceptor teaches

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him the vows to be followed by him. At last boy is
required to go and beg from Jaina houses. (13) Vidyārambha : It means the commencement of study.
On an auspicious day the preceptor thrice recites the
mantra' of Sarasvati, the goddess of learning, into the right ear of the boy and then the pupil is taken in
a procession to his teacher. (14) Vivāha : This is the most important ceremony in the
life of a layman. We have already described in detail
the marriage ceremony in the previous chapter. (15) Vratāropa : This is the ceremony of taking vows and it
is considered specially significant because it is believed that a person acting according to vows is alone entitled to happiness in this world and to a good place in the next birth. Unlike the preceding ceremonies, this ceremony is performed by any Jaina ascetic. The ceremony consists of taking one or more of the twelve
vowes of a layman. (16) Antakarma : When a person is on the death-bed, he
offers final prayers, does repentance for the past misdeeds, distributes some amount in charity, leaves solid or liquid food on the verge of death and lastly dies with his mind contemplating the Pañcha Parameshthins. The dead body, after giving it a bath and wearing it new clothes, is taken to a cremation ground in a procession. The people return home from the cremation ground when the body is completely burnt. On the third day, after throwing the ashes into a river, all the relatives go to a temple and perform worship there. Then they all visit the Upāśraya where the ascetic lectures to them on the transitory nature of this worldly life and impresses on them the necessity of performing religious duties. The near relatives are considered unclean for
ten days and no days in honour of the dead are observed, Even though the Digambara and Śvetāmbara sacred books have given in detail the ceremonies to be performed by their followers it is a fact that all the ceremonies are not observed by the Jainas and that those ceremonies, which are observed, are not necessarily

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performed according to the strict rules laid down in the religious books. On the contrary, in many respects they resemble the corresponding Hindu ceremonies. The Jaina sacred books which prescribe these ceremonies are not very old. The Digambara's Adi-purāņa was written in the ninth century A. D.185 and Achāradinakara was written in Samvat year 1468. Thus as the ceremonies are prescribed sufficiently late, it is likely that the Jaina ceremonies might have been designed after the Hindu ceremonies. Whatever might be in theory, in practice at least the Jaina ceremonies look like the Hindu ceremonies.186 It is stated about the Deccan and Karnāțaka Jainas that of the sixteen sacraments, which are nearly the same as the sixteen Brāhmana sacraments, they perform threadgirding, marriage, puberty, and death, and that their rites do not differ from those performed by the Brahmins. 187 The same is said about the Gujarātha Jainas.188 Regarding the Dašā śrīmāli Jainas of Kathiawar, who form a bulk of the Jaina population, it has been remarked that many Jaina ceremonies are not perfo at all by them, and most of the ceremonies observed by them are in accordance with the Vedic rites.189 The domestic ceremonies, such as those of birth, marriage, death and so on, of the Jainas of Southern India resemble generally those of the Brāhmanas. 190 In spite of their revolt against Brahmanism, the Mysore Jainas observe many of the Brāhmana customs. 191 In respect of rules and customs, such as initiation, marriage and death, of the Jaina laity of Madhya Pradesh it is stated that there is comparatively little to distinguish the Jaina from the Hindus.192 . Thus it is clear that the Jaina ceremonies in general resemble the corresponding Hindu ceremonies in various parts of India.
In this connection it may be further noted that the Jaina ceremonies themselves are not practised in a uniform manner all over India. Though the Digambaras and the Svetambaras have different ceremonies, still neither the Digambars nor the Śvetāmbaras observe their own ceremonies in the same manner throughout India. There are obvious differences from province to province. As a rule the Jainas in South India wear a sacred thread. The sacred thread is worn by the Jainas in Mysore, 193 and in the Deccan194 after going through a detailed ceremony. In the south Arcot District in Tamilnadu though Jaina girls never wear a sacred thread, they are taught the threadwearing mantram,

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amid all the ceremonies usual in the case of boys, when they are about eight years old. 195 On the contrary, in the Gujarātha the Jainas do not wear a sacred thread at all. Therefore the question of thread-girding ceremony does not arise at all.196 And where the sacred thread is worn, the thread-girding ceremony is not considered essential. In Madhya Pradesh Jaina boys are invested with a sacred thread on the occasion of their wedding or at 21 or 22 if they are still unmarried at that age.197 As regards this great diversity in the practice of wearing sacred thread it is contended by Pandita Nāthūrāma Premi, the noted Jaina scholar, that this practice is not referred to at all in the old Jaina literature and is prescribed by later Jaina works with a view to stem the tide of widespread persecution of Jainas by the Saivas especially in the Karnātaka and Southern India.198 Whatever may be the reason, the fact is there that there is a great diversity in the practice of wearing a sacred thread among the Jainas from province to province. The same can be safely asserted in respect of another important ceremony, namely, that of marriage. There is indeed, little in common among the detailed marriage rites of Jainas of Mysore199, Deccan200, and Gujarātha.201 Even the marriage ceremony of all the Saitavāla Jainas, the members of one caste, is not similar. In many respects the Saitavāla Jainas of Ahmednagar District in Maharashtra202 and of Andhra Pradesh,203 differ from each other in their marriage ceremony. Like marriage the funeral ceremony also is not performed by the Jainas in the same fashion in all provinces.204 While in the Karnātaka no words are uttered in the funeral procession, in Gujaratha the words Rāma, Rāma are uttered. The Karnataka Jainas observe impurity for ten days but the Gujaratha Jainas from five to ten days. The Gujarātha Jainas neither perform memorial or Srāddha ceremony between the tenth and the thirteenth days nor do they keep monthly or yearly memorial days. But in the Karnāțaka, Srāddha ceremony is performed every month for one year.205 Though the keeping of days in memory of the dead is against the tenets of Jainism, yet many adhere to this rule and we find its traces in some places. The Bogāras of Andhra Pradesh206 and the Saitavālas of Ahmednagar District207 do observe Śrāddha ceremony like Karnāțaka Jainas. It appears that only Osavāla Jainas do not gather the ashes of the dead.208 Thus it is clear that there is no uniformity in the practice of Jaina ceremonies.

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13. JAINA TĪRTHAKSHETRAS OR PLACES OF PILGRIMAGE
All Hindus believe that visits to holy places will bring special merit to them and dispel their demerits. That is why they have been advised to make a pilgrimage to their sacred places known as Tīrthas. According to the Hindus a Tirtha is a place which is considered holy for certain specific reasons. The rivers near some famous temples have been attributed with the power of destroying demerit and gaining merit and such places are known as Tirthas. Similarly the place where a lady had gone as sati, i.e., had ascended the funeral pyre of her husband, is regarded as a Tirtha or holy place by the Hindus. But the Jainas do not accept these meanings as they go against their religious beliefs.209 The Jainas attribute only one meaning to the word Tirtha and that is the Tirtha is a place which shows the way how to cross the ocean of Samsāra. Just as an idol reminds us of the virtues and qualities of a great personage whom it represents, similarly a Tirtha reveals the nature of life led on this place by great personages. As Tīrthas are connected with the lives of great persons who have achieved liberation, it is natural that they are helpful in creating Atmajāgrtī, that is, self-enlightenment in the minds of people who visit them. That is why Jaina laymen have been advised to visit Tirthakshetras for purifying their faith in Jainism.210
The Jainas regard the following places as their Tirtha. kshetras : . (i) The places where the Tirthankaras were born, for example,
like Kundalapura which is the birth place of Lord Mahāvīra, Rājagļha, the birth place of the 20th Tirthankara Lord Munisuvrata, Vārāṇasi the birth place
of the 7th and 23rd Tirthankaras, Lord Supārsvanātha · and Lord Pārsvanātha, etc.
s where the Tirthankaras first renounced the Samsāra and initiated into a religious life, for example, Kampilā in Uttar Pradesh where the 13th Tirthankara
Lord Vimalanātha took to religious life, ect. (iii) the places where the Tīrthankaras practised great austeri
ties, for example, Prayāga for the austerities of the first Tirthankara Lord Rshabhanātha, etc.

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(iv) the places where the Tirthankaras achieved Kevalajñāna or omniscience, for example, Hastinapura where 16th, 17th and 18th Tirthankaras, namely, Lord Santinatha, Lord Kunthunatha and Lord Aranātha achieved omniscience, etc.
(v) the places where the Tirthankaras realised emancipation, for example, Sammedaśikhara, for salvation of twenty Tirhankaras, etc.
(vi) the places where the great ascetic lived and achieved liberation, for example, Satruñjaya in Kathiawar, Gajapantha, Mängitungi, Kunthalagiri in Maharashtra etc. (vii) the places famous for their beautiful temples or wonderful idols, for example, Abu mountain in Rajasthan, Śravanabelgola in Karnataka, etc.
The Jainas divide their Tirthakshetras into two broad categories, namely, the Siddhakshetras or Nirvanakshetras, that is, the places from where either the Tirthankaras or other great ascetics realised their liberation, and the Atisayakshetras, that is, the places which are sacred for other reasons.211 Thus the places mentioned under (v) and (vi) above come under the category of Siddhakshetras and the remaining under that of Atisayakshetras. At times the idols in certain places are believed to bestow great favours on their devotees. Hence such places are also considered as Atisayakshtras and their number is increasing even now. Recently Mahaviraji and Padmapuri in Rajasthan are added to this type of Atisayakshetras.212
The number of Jaina Tirthakshetras is great. Because of the downfall of Jainism, many Jaina Tirthas have been forgotten and not a few have been appropriated by other religionists. The Jaina idol of Lord Parsvanatha at the Badrinatha Tirtha has been turned by the Hindus into that of Badriviśāla and it is worshipped by the Hindus in that form.213 The Jainas maintain that the famous temple of Vithoba at Pandharapura in Maharashtra, the biggest place of pilgrimage of the Hindus, once belonged to the Jainas but the Brāhmaṇas forcibly converted their idol of Lord Neminatha, the 22nd Tirthankara, into that of the Hindu God Vithoba.214 The same plea is made by the Jainas regarding the Hindu temples of Ambabai and Vishnu at Kolhapur. Kolhapur is an Atisayakshetra of

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Jainas and their temples, according to them, have been converted by force into Hindu temples.215 In this way even though the Jainas had to lose their Tirthakshetras, still at present they have quite a large number of them which are situated in most lovely places throughout the length and breadth of India. The strength of Digambara Jaina Tirthakshetras is about one hundred and twentyfive216 all over India and the number of Svetambara Jaina Tirthakshetras may come to that figure.217
The rift between the Digambara and Svetambara is evident in the matter of Tirthakshetras also. There are few Tirthakshetras like Sammedasikhara, Pāvāpura, Giranāra, Satruñjaya, etc. which are accepted by both the sects. But there are many others which are accepted by either of the two sects. The Digambaras alone approve the Tīrthakshetras like Gajapantha, Kunthalagirī, Māngitungi, Badavāni, Śravanabe!go!a, etc. while Śvetāmbaras have their own Tirthakshetras like Abu mountain,. Sankheśvara, Kulfāka, etc. The division has not only stopped with this. In respect of the Tirthakshetras of common allegiance both the sects vociferously put forward their claims of ownership and right to worship according to their own rituals, and crores of rupees have been spent uptill now by them in legally establishing their respective claims. As a result in some places fixed time is allowed to both the sects to worship according to their own practices. Thus at the Tīrthakshetra of Antariksha Pārsvanātha at Shirpur in Akola district in Mahārashtra the Svetāmbaras have to worship from 6 a. m. to 9 a. m. and from 12 a.m. to 3p.m. and the Digambaras from 9 a.m. to 12 2.m. and from 3 p. m. to 6 p. m.218
As the Jaina Tīrthakshetras are famous for their beauty and grandeur all over India, we shall describe, in brief, only a few of the most outstanding Tirthckshetras. 219 (1) Sammeda śikhara :
It is the most ancient and sacred place of pilgrimage of all Jainas. Every true Jaina considers himself fortunate if he visits the place at least once in his life. The Sammeda śikhara mountain is situated in the Hazaribagh District of Bihar State. Excluding Lord Rshabhadeva, Vāsupujya, Neminātha and Mahāvīra, the remaining twenty Tirthankaras realised emancipation on this mountain. In honour of the twenty-third Tīrthankara, Lord Pārsvanātha,

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the place is known as “Pārasanātha Hills220 also. On the different summits of the mountain twenty temples containing the foot-prints of the twenty Tirthankaras have been erected to commemorate their memories. One has to travel nearly twenty miles to go round these temples. (2) Pāvā pura :
As the last Tirthankara Lord Mahavira attained liberation at Pavapura, it is the sacred place of all Jainas. It is situated in the Patna District of Bihar State. There is a tank in the place, in the midst of which stands the temple known as Jalamandira. The foot-prints of Lord Mahāvīra and those of his two disciples, namely, Gautamaśvāmī and Sudharmasvāmi, are inscribed there. Thousands of people assemble here on the last day of Aśvina, that is, the day on which Lord Mahāvīra attained emancipation.221 (3) Giranāra :
Giranāra is a group of hills situated in Kathiawar. On the peaks of hills several beautiful Jaina temples have been erected. Here, the twenty-second Tirthankara, Lord Neminātha, practised austerities, preached religion and attained Moksha. Pradyumnakumāra, Gajakumāra, Ganadhara Varadatta and innumerable ascetics attained liberation on this place. That is why it is the most sacred place for all Jainas. Moreover, the antiquity of the place is traced to the time of Lord Rshabhadeva, the first Tirthankara, and it was the scene of various imporatant events in the history of Jaina community.222 (4) Šatruñ jaya Hills :
Satruñjaya or Siddhagiri is a celebrated place of pilgrimage at Pāliţānā in Kathiawar (Gujarāth). On the hills there are nearly three and a half thousand Svetāṁbara Jaina temples and only one Digambara Jaina temple. That is why the Śvetāmbaras consider this as the most sacred of all sacred places. From here three Panduputras and several ascetics attained Moksha. This city of temples is considered by J. Burgess as without a match in the world.223 (5) Mount Abu :
The Mount Abu in Rajasthān is wellknown for the world famous Jaina temples at Dilwara. Col. Tod says that, “ Beyond

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controversy this is the most superb of all the temples in India and there is not an edifice besides the Taj Mahal, that can approach it." There are one Digambara and five Svetambara Jaina temples. Out of the five one was constructed by Vimala Saha, a merchant and banker of Gujaratha, at a cost of eighteen crores and fiftythree lacs of rupees in A. D. 1031. Another was constructed by Vastupala and Tejapāla, the brother ministers of King Viradhavala of Gujaratha, in A. D. 1231 at the cost of twelve crores and fiftythree lacs of rupees. These are built of white marble and are very widely known for delicacy of carving, beauty of details and magnificent ornamentation.224
(6) Sravanabelagola:
Śravanabelagola is the ancient and beautiful Tirthakshetra of Digambara Jainas and its importance can be gauged from the fact that it is known as "Jainabadri " or "Jaina Kasi " 225 It is situated in the Hassan District of Karnatak State. It comprises two hills, namely, Chandragiri and Vindhyagiri, and a white pond in between. As Śramanas or Jaina ascetics used to live in large numbers, the place was named as Śravanabelagola-or white pond of the Śramanas. The Emperor Chandragupta Maurya came here along with his preceptor Bhadrabahu, stayed here for many years as an ascetic and breathed his last according to the Jaina fashion, namely that of Sallekhana.226 On the Chandragiri mountain there are caves for the residence of ascetics and fourteen large temples. The foot-prints of Bhadrabahu Svāmi are kept in one of the caves. On the Vindhyagiri mountain there are in all ten temples and the exquisitely beautiful statue of Gommatesvara. In the words of Fergusson, " Nothing grandeur or more imposing exists anywhere out of Egypt and even there, no known statue surpasses it in height or excels it in the perfection of art it exhibits. "227 Thousands of Jaina pilgrims assemble here at the time of the grand festival of the bathing of the statue.228 The importance of Sravanabelagola is further enhanced by the existence of several ancient inscriptions of great historical value.229
From the above description it is evident that as Jainism attaches more value for going on a pilgrimage, various Tirthakshetras have been built and maintained by the Jainas. It is enjoined on every Jaina, whether a householder or an ascetic, to visit a Tirtha
J..17

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kshetra and he does gain merit even if he dies on the way.230 Those who are not in a position to go on pilgrimage can also get the benefit of pilgrimage, if they can render any help to persons who are on their way to Tirthakshetras. Moreover, it is said that persons going on a pilgrimage will gain additional merit if they will bear the expenses of their fellow-pilgrims. In Jaina literature we come across many examples where Jaina Kings or Ministers have led a sangha or a large group of people to the places of pilgrimage.231 Even now rich Jainas lead such Jaina sanghas to Tirthakshetras and in commemoration of this act they are given the honorific title of Sanghapati by the Jainas and Sanghavi, Sanghai, Sanghave or Sangave are the derivatives of this title.
14. OCCUPATIONS AND PROFESSIONS From the present state of Jainas it appears that a predominantly large majority of them is engaged in some kind of business. They are known as Baniyās or Vāniyās and are included under the Vaisyas. The predominance of Vaisyas is, historically speaking, a comparatively recent development because in ancient times Jainas were found in all classes and especially among the Kshatriyas. But due to various reasons the number of Jainas in other classes gradually dwindled and in consequence we now notice that the followers of Jainism are mainly Vaisyas.22 i
The very first rule of the thirty-five rules of conduct for laymen lays down that a person should follow some kind of business or profession in a just and honest way for the maintenance of his family. The only restriction he has to observe in the choice of his avocation is that it must not be of an ignoble or degrading nature in the sense that it should not involve wholesale destruction of life. The prohibited businesses are those of butchers, fishermen, brewers, wine-merchants, gun-makers and the like.233 The Jaina Scriptures mention fifteen varieties of business enterprises which involve great injury to living beings and hence the Jaina laymen are required to avoid them. They are such as those involving great use of fire, cutting of trees or plants, castrating bullocks, clearing of jungles by employment of fire, drying up lakes, rivers, etc. 234 This does not mean that a butcher or brewer cannot be a Jaina: he can be a Jaina but he will be in the vowless stage of soul's evolution.235

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It is generally believed that the main principle of Jainism, namely, Ahimsā or not hurting any living being, bars the Jainas from becoming the agriculturists or soldiers.236 But this is not the case. The first Tirthankara Lord Rshabhadeva asked the people to follow six kinds of professions for their maintenance and both the professions of an agriculturist and of a soldier were included in them. 37 Apart from this, we come across numerous references pertaining to agriculture in Jaina literature from which it could be seen that in general agriculture was not forbidden to Jainas. 38 At present the main occupation of the Jainas in Karnataka is that of agriculture. In regard to them it is stated that except some of the larger land holders who keep farm-servants the Jaina landholders, with the help of their women, do all parts of field work with their own hands. They are considered as the hardest working husbandmen who make use of every advantage of soil and situation.39 Even in Gujarātha where the Jainas are mainly traders and industrialists, there are some Jainas whose occupation is only agriculture.240 From the fact that even in the days of Lord Rshabha, the first Tirthankara, rules were made, among other things, regarding politics, warfare and archery241 shows that the Jainas were not averse to fighting as such. In the past many Jainas were in the fighting forces of the state as can be seen from a large number of Jaina generals and warriors,242 and even now some are employed in the defence forces of India. It has already been explained how the principle of Ahimsā does not come in the way of following any profession by á Jaina.243
The Jainas follow practically all sorts of avocations but they are mainly money-lenders, bankers, jewellers, cloth-merchants, grosers and recently industrialists. As they hold the key positions in all these occupations, it is no wonder that a large proportion of mercantile wealth of India passes through their hands. Apart from occupations, Jainas have taken to professions also. They are found mainly in legal, engineering, medical and teaching professions and nowadays many Jainas are holding important responsible positions in various departments of the Central and State Governments.
15. FOOD AND DRINK The Jainas are very particular regarding their food and drink.

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Since the ethical code of the Jainas is based on the main principle of Ahimsā, we find its thorough application in the matters of food and drink also. While dealing with the rules of conduct for a layman we have noticed that every householder is required to possess Ashta Mülcgunas or eight fundamental virtues which are the observance of the five anuyratas and abstinence from the use of flesh, wine and honey.244 The injunction against eating flesh of any living being is quite obvious. The Jainas do not take food which involves the slaughter of animals, fishes, birds, or anything that has five or less sense-organs. That is why they have to abstain from eating Kandamülas, that is, underground stems and roots like potatoes, onions, garlic, reddish, turnip, carrot, beetroot, etc. which are supposed to contain a multitude of small insects. Similarly, they must not eat fruits of Gular, Anjeer, Pipal, Pakar and Banyan which are the birth places of mobile beings.245 Further, it is necessary for a Jaina to take his meals during day-time because Himsa is inevitable when food is prepared or taken in the absence of sunlight.246 Therefore the Jainas have to renounce night-eating throughout the year and those who cannot do so all the time, at least do it during the Chā turmāsa or the four months of rainy season when there is a large growth of insects. Again, the Jainas are required to wipe most carefully anything that is to be used fo food, with a view to exclude as tenderly as possible any of the tiny living creatures which might be found in or on it. In the same way as a precautionary measure in avoiding injury to very small living beings, the Jainas have been enjoined to strain or filter water, milk, juice, or any liquid drink before use.247 It must be said to the credit of the Jainas that they do observe very scrupulously all these rules regarding food. It is the outstanding feature of Jainas throughout India that they are strictly vegetarians, never eat at night, and always use strained water. It is said that when a Jaina traveller wishes to quench his thirst at a tank or a stream, he covers his mouth with a cloth, stoops down, and thus drinks by suction. This cleanly custom is highly recommended for use
everywhere. 248
Along with flesh, wine and all kinds of intoxicants, or even stimulants, are prohibited. They are not considered necessary for the life and well-being of the body. Wine is the birth place

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of many beings which are generated in liquor and hence those who are addicted to wine, necessarily commit Himsā. Further, it is stated that wine stupifies the mind, one whose mind is stupified forgets piety; and the person who forgets piety commits Himsa without hesitation. Similarly, pride, fear, disgust, ridicule, ennui, grief, sex-passion, anger, etc. are all forms of Himsā and all these are concomitants of wine.249 Like wine, honey is also prohibited because it is considered that even the smallest drop of honey very often represents the death of bees. If one uses honey which has been obtained by some trick from honey-comb, or which has itself dropped down from it, one necessarily commits Himsā in this case also, because of the destruction of creatures of spontaneous birth born there.250 In the same strain the Jainas have been advised not to use stale butter as after a lapse of some time the butter becomes a birth-place of small beings due to extreme fermentation.231
As regards the question of food and drink one thing must be remembered. Jainism admits that only liberated souls are in a position to observe complete non-injury and that mundane souls have to commit Himsā for their maintenance as life thrives only on life. Though Himsā is unavoidable in the sustenance of life, Jainism, by rules of conduct, tries to limit it for essential purposes only. The rules of conduct never sanction injury, but they try to restrict it to the lowest possible minimum, by taking into account, the gradations of injured living beings. The higher the stage of development of the injured being is, (i. e., the closer it has approached the state of perfection), the heavier the sin of the injury committed is considered to be. Thus, from the practical point of view, the sin of hurting a plant is smaller than that of hurting an animal, the sin of hurting an animal is smaller than that on hurting a human being, etc. From this standpoint, it can be understood why Jainism forbids flesh-eating, and, on the other hand, objects' little to the eating of vegetables.252 Therefore, what is enjoined on Jainas is simply this : “Do not destroy life, unless it is absolutely necessary for the maintenance of a higher kind of life. "253
16. DRESS AND ORNAMENTS The Jainas are required to pursue the path of Ahimsă in the matter of dress also. They have not to wear the furs and the

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plumes that are obtained by torturing their owners — animals and birds.254 For the same reason the use of silken and woollen garments is prohibited for all Jainas.255 Here we can mark the difference between the Hindus and the Jainas. The Hindus do not consider silk as impure and they use silken garments at the time of worshipping or taking their meals. It is necessary for Jainas to restrict, the use of leather goods to the minimum. They have to avoid all leather articles meant for decoration, for example, tigerskin, deer-skin, etc. and are required to use substitutes for leather goods wherever it is possible, for example, belts, purses, straps for watches, etc. Where the use of leather goods is unavoidable they have to see that leather is procured from naturally dead animals and not from slaughtered animals.
One of the rules of conduct meant for laymen lays down that a Jaina should dress according to his means, and if he has
he means to dress extravagantly, still he should not do so.256 This means that Jainas should not care much for their dress with a view to look more beautiful. According to them the clothes should be sobre, though not sombre, and they should not 'aim at displaying bodily contour, to excite the passions of the beholder.257
At present there is no particular standard dress of Jainas all over India. They dress according to local customs and usages. The native Jainas of a region are hardly distinguishable in the matter of dress from the other people of their standard of living. Thus there is little in common in regard to dress among the Jainas of different regions. Many Jainas, especially from Māravāda and Gujarātha, have settled in other provinces for commercial reasons but they have not fully adopted the dresses of respective provinces where they have settled. But there is a marked tendency among such Jainas to use the dress of the province of their adoption, especially among those who have settled permanently there and have severed all their connections with their home province. Thus the Hummada Jainas of Mahārāshțra, who have practically no relations with Hummadas of Gujarātha or Māravāda, have adopted the Mahārāshtrian dress completely. It is natural that this tendency is more discernible in the case of men than that of women,
What applies to dress is also true in the case of ornaments.

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There are no particular ornaments of the Jainas. They wear the ornaments which are commonly used by the people of the region. As the Jainas are a comparatively rich community and as they deal in gold, jewels and precious stones, they put on various kinds of ornaments. Like other women, Jaina women also are more fond of ornaments than men. In ancient Jaina literature fourteen kinds of ornaments are mentioned. 258
17. LANGUAGE AND LITERATURE The Jainas have no particular language of their own like the Muslims, Sikhs and other minority community members. The Jainas always use the language of the region. As the Jainas are distributed throughout the length and breadth of India and are staying there for hundreds of years, they not only use various languages but have successfully contributed to the growth of these languages.259 Lord Māhavīra preached in Ardhamāgadhi language and many ancient sacred books are written in that language. Naturally Ardhamāgadhi is more dear to Jainas and to understand their. sacred texts, they learn that language. Later, many Jaina works were written in Sanskrit and therefore Jainas show equal respect to Sanskrit also. It is asserted that the Jaina literature was responsible for giving birth to the Hindi language and that the Jainas- have enriched it from time to time.260 Gujarātha is the stronghold of Jainas at present and even in the past they wielded an enormous influence on all activities of Gujaratha. Gujarātī, therefore, claims more Jaina adherents than any other language . and the Jainas have, in proportion to their number, taken a large share in enriching the language and literature of Guja Strangely enough Mahārāshtra does not figure prominently in the history of Jainism in India and as a result could not contribute much to Marāthī language. Marāthī Jaina literature is comparatively very recent and much of it is adopted from other languages.262 The Marāthī literature itself did not exist before the tenth century A. D. and in fact it is suggested that the main reason for no output of Marāthī literature before the 10th century A. D. is that Jainism was not strong in Mahārāshtra. If Jainism would have flourished in Mahārāshtra, it would have given an impetus to the Marāthi literature as it so ably did in case of Kannada literature.263 It may, however, be noted that the earliest compo

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sition in Marāțhi is found in the Jaina inscription on the Gommateśvara statue at Sravanabelagola.264 If there is any language for which the Jainas could be proud of it is the Kannada language. The history of Jainism in Southern India is primarily the history of that religion in Karnataka where it held sway for a contimuous period of not less than eleven centuries from the early days of Christian era. It was during the Golden Age of Jainism under the Gangas that Kannada literature got considerable patronage and impetus,265 and throughout this period and even afterwards the Jainas were predominant in enriching the Kannada language and literature by every possible means.265A The names of Jaina writers like Pampa, Ponna and Ranna have become immortal in Kannada literature. In the extant Jaina literature both published and unpublished in various regional languages, the Kannada Jaina literature by far occupies the foremost position. Jainism played a great part in the history of the Tāmil and Telugu land during the medieval period and here also, like in the Karnātaka, the Jainas did not lag behind in enriching the Tamil and Telugu literature. In this connection Dr. Saletore observes that, “ One of the best claims of Jainism at the hands of posterity is that it contributed to the literature of all the three provinces. The Jaina teachers as the intellectual custodians of the Andhradeśa, the Tāmil land, and Karnātaka most assiduously cultivated the vernaculars of the people, and wrote in them great works of abiding value to the country. Purism was the keynote of their compositions, although almost all the early Jaina writers were profound Sanskrit scholars. With them originated some of the most renowned classics in Tamil, Telugu and Kannada. It has been rightly opined that the Jainas gave to the Tāmil people their didactic
ssics like the Kural and the Nāladiyāra, major and minor Kavyas, and quite a number of other works as well. To the Andhradesa and Karnataka, among other precious gifts, the Jainas gave the Champu Kavyas or poems in a variety of composite metres interspersed with paragraphs in prose.” 266 Thus it will be evident that the Jainas have no language of their own but they have identified themselves completely to the language of the region where they reside. This identification has gone to such an extent that in the present demand of reorganization of states on the linguistic basis the Jainas are taking prominent part in their respective states.

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:
Further, being mainly a commercial community, the Jainas are linguists in the sense that they can successfully use more than one language.
Apart from the contributions of the Jainas to the literature in various regional languages, the Jainas possess a vast amount of their sacred literature written by their veteran Acharyas or teachers in the Sanskrit, Prakrit 267 and Apabhramsa 268 languages. There is a division in the sacred literature also. The Digambaras and the Svetambaras have their separate sacred books and there are very few books like Umāsvāti's Tattvārthādhigama-sūtra which are revered by both the sects. 269 In face of severe opposition from other religionists the Jainas have preserved with great care a considerable portion of their literature. Many of these works are still lying in the manuscipt form and comparatively a few of them have been published in the modern book form. Along with religion and ethics, the Jaina works deal with various kinds of subjects like grammar, prosody, glossary, mathematics, medicine, astrology, etc. The Jaina authors have used several forms of literature like prose, poetry, story, sūtra, etc. Further, it is maintained that the Jaina literature contains a huge amount of historical material dispersed in various kinds of works and that their thorough and scientific investigation will throw a new light on ancient Indian history. 270
18. JAINA INSTITUTIONS Though the Jaina community is a small community of twentysix lacs population which is spread throughout India and has been split up into various sects, sub-sects, castes, sub-castes, language groups, etc., still we find that the Jainas are conducting from the last so many years a good number of institutions for the benefit of both their community members and other people in general. Their institutions can be broadly divided into two categories, namely, charitable and other institutions meant for the Jainas and non-Jainas alike and institutions run exclusively for the upliftment and welfare of the Jainas. It is obvious that the Jainas are in a position to maintain a large number of institutions of both the types because they can afford to do so. By conducting the institutions of the first type they have secured good-will from others and through the institutions of the second type they have tried to

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protect their religion and stabilise their community for all these years. The Jainas are inclined to start charitable institutions for the benefit of all people irrespective of religion, caste or creed because Jainism has enjoined upon its followers to show compassion to all living beings and especially to the needy. Further, it is one of the six daily duties of a Jaina layman to give something in gift to others. The gifts have been classified into four kinds, namely, gifts of food, protection, medicine and learning to the people who require it. These are known as āhāra-dāna, abhayadana, aushādha-dāna and śāstra-dāna. Let us see some of the representative or typical institutions of both the types conducted by the Jaina community at present.
In the institutions of the first type the foremost place is secured by the Dharmaśālās or Rest Houses. Practically in every big town and at the places of pilgrimage we come across the rest houses built and maintained by the Jainas. All rest houses, with the exception of a very few ones, are made available to all people free of charge. Some of them have been equipped with utensils, beddings, etc. which are given to the travellers on a nominal hire charge. The exact number of Jaina rest houses in India is not available but their large number can be imagined from the fact that only in Gujarātha there are as many as two hundred and sixty-six rest houses run by the Svetāmbara Jainas.271 In giving shelter or protec
on, the Jainas do not distinguish between men or animals and they have extended their helping hand to animals also by maintaining what is known as Pāñ jcrāpoļas at several places. Various kinds of animals and birds are looked after in the Pāñjarā polas. Persons send their crippled or useless animals to the Pāñjarā polas and Sometimes animals are purchased with a view to save them from the clutches of butchers. The sick animals are given medicine and at certain, places veterinary doctors are also employed. Some Pāñ jarā poļas maintain insect-houses where insects collected from the streets are kept and neatly fed. 272 So far as Gujarātha is concerned there are sixty-five such Pāñjarā poļos.273 Along with other Hindus, the Jainas have established associations like Jīvadayā Jñanaprasāraka Mandala for the propagation of use of vegetarian food and for the prevention of slaughter of animals at the time of sacrifices.
Further, the Jainas try to alleviate the pains of suffering people

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by arranging to give medicine free or at nominal charges. For this purpose the Jainas have opened dispensaries and hospitals for the benefit of the general public. In majority of the cases the medical treatment given is Ayurvedic. Wherever the Jainas are concentrated in a good number and are in a good financial position, they open such dispensaries. For example, in Sholapur city only the Digambara Jainas conduct two free dispensaries and one wellequipped eye-hospital. This custom is of long standing and from some Jaina inscriptions it appears that the provision of medicine, along with food and learning, was made in the Jaina Mathas.27
274
267
Moreover, many educational institutions like schools, colleges and libraries are financed by the Jainas but are thrown open to the general public. Where they could not start them of their own accord, they help such projects by constructing buildings for them or by giving substantial donations to them. For other general purposes the Jainas have not lagged behind to give their support. The Jainas have contributed liberally and unsparingly to relieve mankind from famines.275 There is no humanitarian cause which does not get sympathetic help from the Jainas. For example, with a view to relieve distrees of the persons, irrespective of caste and creed, affected by natural calamities, famines, riots, epidemics, etc. and to render constructive help to them the Jainas of all sects and sub-sects established a special social work organization known as Bhagavan Mahāvīr Kalyāṇa Kendra, Bombay in 1968 and through this Kendra they have been carrying out various useful activities in Maharashtra, Gujarat, Pajasthan, Bihār, Karnāṭak and other parts of India.276
In the second category of Jaina institutions, those of a religious nature get prominence over those of social or educational character. In the Jaina institutions of a religious character the first place will have to be assigned to the Grantha-Bhāṇḍāras or Book-houses. The Jainas possess a very large number of books written on paper or on palm-leaves. These have been assiduously preserved by the Jainas for the last so many centuries. At the centres like Mūḍabidrī in South Kanara District, Kārañjā in Mahārashtra, Pātaṇa in Gujaratha and Jessalamīra in Rājputānā hundreds of books are preserved. Recently only catalogues of the manuscripts lying at these places have been published,277 and it is not

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known when these will be edited and published in book forms. Only in Gujarātha there are fifty-six Grantha-Bhāndāras of Svetāmbara Jainas,278 and in the whole of India their number must be sufficiently large because practically every big Jaina temple possesses a Grantha Bhāndāra.279
Though the Jainas have carefully preserved such a vast amount of literature, yet it must be admitted that they failed in their ultimate purpose of preserving the manuscript in the sense that for a long time they neither allowed the people to see them nor they got them published. In fact in early years of this century the Jainas vehemently opposed to the printing of their sacred books, did not allow to bring the printed books in temples and the persons responsible for printing such books were boycotted.230 Slowly they changed their ideas and with a view to propagate and popularise their literature they started their own institutions at various Jaina centres. The institutions like the Central Jaina Publishing House at Arrah in Eihar, the Mānikachanda Digambara Jaina Granthamālā, Bombay, Sri Jaina Ātmānanda Sabhā and Sri Jaina Dharma Prasāraka Sabhā, Bhavanagar, Agamodaya Samiti, Surat, Devachanda Lālabhāi Pustakoddhāraka Fund, Surat, and the Jaina Siddhānta Prakāšini Samstha, Calcutta did a great pioneering work in editing and publishing the important Jaina books, Realising the value of this work from the point of spread of Jainism. a host of Jaina institutions like publishing houses and libraries were started all over India. No other community of twenty-six lacs population would have given donations for publishing its literature such as done by the Jaina community. In spite of this the net result is not satisfactory. The original enthusiasm dwindled and due to absence of persistent endeavour, the former progress is not maintained at all.291 At present a few institutions like Singhi Jaina Granthamālā, Bombay, the Bhāratiya Jñānapītha, Delhi,and the Parishada Publishing House, Delhi are doing some good work in the field but in general it can be said still much remains to be done in this direction. It is stated that the numerous unknown manuscripts are lying in Grantha-Bhāndāras and if they are not edited and published by Jaina scholars, they are likely to be lost for ever.282
Just as the work of publishing Jaina books is considered as

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a religious act, in the same way the imparting of religious education is regarded as a religious duty. The sacred books would be of no avail if there are no persons who could understand them thoroughly. Thus with a view to prepare learned men well-versed in all branches of Jaina literature and to impart religious education to laymen, institutions like Pathaśālās or religious schools and Examination Boards were established by the Jainas at several places all over India. As the Digambaras and the Svetambaras have separate literature, they have their own Pathasalas and Examination Boards. Nowadays as people do not take much interest in religious education, such institutions are not thriving but still there are institutions like Śrī Syadvādā Digambara Jaina Mahavidyalaya, Vārāņasī, which impart higher religious education.
269
Another important Jaina institution of a mainly religious character is that of a Bhattaraka. The Bhattaraka is a religious preceptor of a Sangha or Gachchha, i. e., of a group of Jainas. The institution, which is found in the Digambara Jainas only, was established in the mediaeval period. It was first established at Delhi and later on at several places all over India. Some of the important places were Gwalior, Jaipur, and Dungarpura in Rajputānā; Iḍara and Sojitra in Gujaratha; Nagpur, Kārañjā, Latura, Nandani and Kolhapur in Maharashtra ; Muḍabidrī and Karakala in South Kanara District; Śravanabelgola in Karnāṭak, and Penugonda and Kañchi in South India. In some of the places even now we come across the Bhattarakas who are having a sufficient hold over their followers in spite of the fact that the institution as such is in a decadent condition. As regards the origin of the institution nothing definite is known. But it is maintained that when day by day the Digambara Jaina ascetics became lax in their conduct, the practice of nudity by Jainas was looked down upon by the Muslim rulers, and the community was on its way of disintegration due to uncertainty and insecurity prevailing at that time, the institution of Bhattarakas was constituted to save the religion and its followers from utter destruction. The Bhattaraka was placed above the laymen and below the ascetics. His duties were religious as well as social. He used to be the keeper of the conscience of the Jaina community within his local jurisdiction. He administered to all their wants, temporal and spiritual. He officiated, superintended, or directed the celebration of domestic

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rites like birth, marriage and death and he was their physician, astrologer, adviser and father-confessor. He also officiated to all the religious ceremonies, consecration of temples and images, worships, and devotional meetings and delivered religious discourses to all.283 Thus, the Bhattaraka served a very useful purpose. Through his own learning and behaviour and with the help of his trained disciples, he not only spread the message of Jainism but also unified the disintegrated Jaina community.284 Without the introduction of the Bhattārakas the Digambara sect would have hardly survived. But later on the institution degenerated to such an extent that instead of serving as a force of integration it hastened the disintegration of its adherents. The Bhattāraka became worldly minded, tried to amass wealth and to raise his position by means both fair' or foul, and utterly neglected his religious and social duties. Instead of catering to the needs of Jainas in general, he restricted his field of activity to a particular caste of Jainas only. As a result we find that in the Deccan each principal Jaina caste came to have a separate Bhattāraka who controlled the social and religious life of that caste, 235 Naturally, this widened the gulf between various Jaina castes. Further, many Digambara Jainas, seeing the perverted behaviour of the Bhattārakas, revolted against the very institution and founded what is known as the Terapantha sub-sect of the Digam bara sect in the latter part of the 17th century of the Vikrama Era. Thus on the issue of Bhattāraka the Digambara sect has been split up into two equal sections, the Bīsapanthis, who are the followers of the Bhattārakas and the Terā panthis who do not believe in the Bhattarakas. In recent years the condition of Bhattarakas has not improved at all and hence at present there is a question before the Digambara Jainas whether to discard the institution altogether or to retain it by giving it a new shape to suit the changed circumstances. The general opinicn seems to be in favour of retaining the institution because a religious preceptor is considered necessary to look after the spiritual life of the people. It is suggested that if the Bhattārakas, who are well-educated, who wish to renounce life after fulfilling their worldly desires, are appointed and recognised not as the heads of particular castes but as organisers, propagators and preceptors of the Digambara Jaina sect, then not only the Digambaras would be united by closing their rift between the Bīsa.

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panthis and Terapanthis but also they would be benefitted in the long run by diverting the large estates of the Bhattārakas to various social and religious purposes.236
The Jainas have started various institutions of a social character for the betterment of their community. In the first place, they have organised a large number of associations with a view to bring the members together and to solve several social problems. A majority of such associations are formed by the members of a particular caste or gachchha. The associations like Khandelavāla Jaina Mahāsabhā, Śetavāla Jaina Mahasabhā, etc. deal with the problems of their caste only. Sometimes the associations are confined to the particular caste or gachchha members hailing from a certain locality. Thus Sri Bombay Lokāgachchha Jaina Sangha is restricted to the followers of the Lokāgachchha residing in Bombay and the members must belong to the families hailing from Mangrola, Porabandara or Verā vala in Kathiawar. At times the associations like the Dakshina Bharat Jaina Sabhā, Mahārāshtrīya Jaina Sabhā, etc., are formed on a regional basis which are technically open to all Jainas of that region but in reality they are dominated and run by the members of one sect. Thus the Dakshina Bhārat Jaina Sabhā is predominantly of the Digambaras and the Mahārāshtriya Jaina Sabhā is of the Svetāmbaras. There are other regional associations like Mumbai Prantika Digambara Jaina Sabhā which are avowedly meant for the members of one sect only. Further, both the sects and practically all the subsects have their associations of an all-India character. Of these the All India Svetāmbara Jaina Conference and All India Svetāmbara Sthā nakavāsī Jaina Conference are well organised and have their headquarters at Bombay. The Digambaras have three, so to say, rival associations of an all-India character but in fact their field of activity is confined to Northern India only. There are a few noteworthy associations of a local character like Bombay Jaina Yuvaka Sangha and of an all-India character like Bhārata Jaina Mahamandala which embrace all sections and sub-sections of the Jaina community. All these small and big associations have tried and to a considerable extent succeeded in eradicating the irreligious and bad practices of their members. Mainly due to their efforts we see that the worship of Hindu gods has practically lessened, the observance of Hindu festivals like Holī and Sitala

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Saptami is discontinued, the performance of Śrāddha ceremony from religious motive is declining, and bad practices like brideprice, child-marriage, extra expenditure on ceremonies connected with pregnancy and death, beating the breasts while crying over the death of a person, etc. are going out of vogue. Further, they have created interest in the Jaina religion, history, literature, culture, etc. as a result of which it is found that generally people are marrying among the Jainas only and the marriage ceremonies are performed according to Jaina rites and that the Jainas are inclined to take religious education and to observe Jaina practices day by day. But these associations have not created a sense of one-ness among all Jainas. On the contrary they have fostered separatist tendencies. Practically all associations are confined to a caste or to a sect or. a subsect and those which are free to all persons irrespective of caste or sect are very few, without influence and have not as yet become popular.
Along with associations the Jainas also started newspapers or journals with a view to educate the people in the principles of Jainism, to safeguard Jainism from the attacks of other religionists and to solve the social problems confronting the society from time to time. These journals are mostly conducted by the Jaina associations and as such the traits of Jaina associations are clearly visible in Jaina journals also. There are caste and sub-càste journals like “Osavāla ”, “Osavāla Navayuvaka”, “Kachchi Dasā Osavāla Prakasa”, “Khandelavāla Hitechchhu", etc., sect and sub-sect journals like “Sthānakavāsī Jaina”, “Digambara Jaina ”, “Tāraņapantha Digambara Jaina”, etc.; regional journals like "Pragati āņi Jinavijaya,” “Jaina-Bandhu', the official organs of the Dakshina Bhārat Jaina Sabha and the Mahārāshtrīya Jaina Sabhā, etc.; and the all-India papers like “ Vīra”, “Jaina Sandesa” and “Jaina Gazette” (Hindi), the official organs of the three All India Digambara Jaina associations, “Jaina Prakāśa,” the organ of All-India Sthanakavāsi Jaina Conference, etc. A very few papers like “Jaina Gazette ” and “ Jaina Jagat,” which are the official organs of Bhārata Jaina Mahāmandala, are concerned with all Jainas. Again, “Jaina Mahiladarśa, ” “ ļaina Mahilā” and other papers are mainly devoted to the problems of Jaina women and are mostly conducted by Jaina ladies. The papers are published in English, Hinuī, Gujarāthī, Marāthi, and Kannada languages and many

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papers use two languages in the same issue or in the alternate issues. Magazines like “ Jaina Antiquary,” “Jaina Siddhanta Bhāskara,” and “Anekānta' are mainly devoted to research in Jainism and have established a good reputation. There are also orthodox papers like “Jaina Bodhaka ” and progressive ones like “Jaina Gazette ” (English). As all Jaina papers are considered as agencies for the propagation of Jaina religion, it will be seen that the Jaina community conducts a large number of papers hardly run by any other community of about twenty-five lacs population. There is a considerable infant mortality among Jaina papers and a very few papers are selfsupporting. As the papers have to depend on the charities for their existence, naturally they die out early. Among the existing Jaina papers the oldest is the “Jaina Bodhaka” (estd. in A. D. 1884). from Sholapur. The papers like “Jaina Divakara”(estd. in V.S. 1932), “Jaina Sudhārasa” (estd. in V.S.1933), etc. were started earlier than the “Jaina Bodhaka" but could not be continued. The exact number of the Jaina papers, past and present, is not known but it is estimated that before 1938 there were as many as one hundred and sixteen Jaina papers conducted for a short or long period and in 1938 the number of Jaina papers was sixty-five287. The number seems to have been increased now. The papers have no doubt created interest in the minds of the people regarding Jaina religion and helped to remove the bad social customs and irreligious practices. But they hardly maintain and put forward views concerning the undivided Jaina community. On the contrary, the sectional and caste papers foster narrow visions. The absence of broad outlook in the Jaina community can, to a large extent, be attributed to these sectarian papers.
Like members of other communities the Jainas have recently launched some co-operative institutions for their benefit. The main form of cooperation is in the field of housing. The cooperative housing societies exist in Bombay and Ahmedabad. Through them residential accommodation at moderate or cheap rates is offered to the Jainas. But such institutions are not open to all Jainas. The societies are restricted generally to the members of a particular sect or caste or at times only to the members coming from a particular locality. Thus the Pāțana Jaina Mandala in Bombay offers accommodation to the Jaina families hailing from J...18

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Patana only. Some years back the Jaina Sahakārī Bank was established in Bombay and the Bank is running a shop on cooperative basis. As compared with other communities the Jainas do not seem to take more interest in conducting co-operative institutions of various types on a large scale.
In the category of institutions started by the Jainas for their benefit the educational institutions receive considerable attention. Along with religious education, the secular education also is brought within the reach of all members of the Jaina community by various means.288 The Jainas prefer to impart to the students religious and secular education at the same time. For that purpose they have started residential schools and colleges known as Gurukulas where students are prepared for various university courses but at the same time care is taken that they lead a strictly religious life. This Gurukula system is becoming popular because the students trained by them remain religious minded throughout their ijfe and are in a position to maintain themselves. The Mahavira Brahmacharyasrama (or Gurukula) at Kārañia in Mahārashtra and the Yasovijayaji Jaina Gurukula at Palitānā in Gujaratha are notable institutions in this regard. The number of such Gurukulus is small as too much expenditure has to be incurred on them because a majority of the students is admitted without any charges. Where Gurukulas could not be established, Boarding Houses or Hostels have been started at practically all big places and centres of education throughout India. Here residential accommodation is given to the Jaina students free of rent or after paying nominal charges. The students residing in such hostels are free to join any institution for their education but they are compulsorily required to take some elementary religious education, for which provision is made by the authorities, and to lead a religious life, that is, to visit the temple daily, to refrain from eating at night and eating prohibited things, etc. The poor and deserving hostel students are sometimes given financial help in one form or another. With a view to accelerate the spread of education Funds are constituted to give scholarships or loans to deserving students wherever they may be. Generally the scholarship amount is given on the condition that the receiver has to refund it by instalments when he completes his education and is settled in life. In awarding the scholarships preference is shown to those who wish to prosecute higher studies

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in Jainism or desire to take specialised subjects. In giving scholar
ips it is necessarily seen that the student is religious minded. It can be said without any exaggeration that the spread of higher education among the Jainas is mainly due to the help rendered to them through the means mentioned above. Such institutions are really a boon to the poor students as they are helped in a critical > pericd of their life. But like other institutions these institutions
of an educational character also are purely sectarian. While the Mahāvīra Brahmacharyasrama is meant for the Digambaras, the Yasovijaya Jaina Gurukula is for the Švetāmbaras only. The Boarding Houses and Scholarship Funds are reserved for members of one or the other sect or sub-sect. In the case of scholarship funds even further divisions are made. The scholarships are Sometimes exclusively earmarked for students of a particular caste or sub-caste coming from a certain locality only. It is but natural that the separatist tendency is created in the minds of the students as they are made to feel that they belong to a certain section or sub-section. The Mahāvīra Jaina Vidyālaya of Bombay is probably the biggest Jaina institution giving residential accommodation and scholarships to the students, but it is exclusively reserved for the Mūstipujaka Svetāambara Jainas only. In educational centres like Bombay and Poona there are separate Boarding Houses for the Digambara, Šventāmbara, and Sthānakavāsi Jaina students and even though they are situated very near each other, still there is hardly any communication among them. As the students trained in this atmosphere become the active members in the community, it is no wonder that they perpetuate the same separatist policies. In Greater Bombay the population of Jainas is about two and a half lacs but there is hardly any educational institution which is open to all Jainas irrespective of sect or caste. Recently small beginnings have been made to start Boarding Houses giving accommodation to Jainas of all sects, e. g., “The United Jaina Home" in Bombay is open to all Jainas and in Värānasi “ The Parsvanātha Vidyāśrama " is open to Jainas and non-Jainas alike.

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7. (i)
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1. Kailasachandraji: Jainadharma, pp. 55-58.
2. Jaini, J. L.: Outlines of Jainism, pp. 1-4.
3. S. B. J., Vol. III, Pn. S., 27.
4. S. B. J., Vol. III, Pn. S., 157, 158 and 179.
5. Chararria - Aguilar, O. L. Traditional India, p. 79.
6. (i) Jaini, J. L.: Outlines of Jainism, pp. 4-5; (ii) Glasenapp: Jainism, pp. 218-226; (iii) Kailasachandraji: Jainadharma, pp. 101-119; (iv) H. Warren Jainism, Not Atheism; (v) Bhattacharya, H. : Divinity in Jainism, pp. 1-14, 24-25, 35 and 46; (vi) Varaiya, Gopaldas: "Sṛshti-Kartṛtva-mīmanisā", Guru Gopaldas Variaiya Smrti Granth, pp. 260-270.
NOTES
Dr. Jain Hiralal: The Cul. H. I., Vol. I, p. 224; (ii) H. Warren : Jainism, p. 51.
8. S. B. J., Vol. II., T. S., 1. 4.
9.
(i) S. B. J. Vol. I, D. S., 2; (ii) H. Jacobi; E. R. E. Vol. 7, p. 468. S. B. J., Vol. II, T. S., II, 11.
10.
11. Jain, J. C." The Conception of Soul in Jainism," I. H. Q., Vol. II, pp. 140-141.
16. (i)
17. (i)
18. (i)
12. (i) S. B. J., Vol. II, T. S., II, 12-15, 19 and 23; (ii) S. B. J., Vol V, G. S. Jīva Kāṇḍa, 73 and 75.
13. (i) S. B. J., Vol. II, T. S. II, 6; (ii) Glasenapp: Jainism, p. 218.
14.
In Jaina philosophy the term 'Akāśa' means space and not Ether as it is very often interpreted in other systems of Indian Philosophy. 15. (i) S. B. J., Vol. III, Pn. S., 9-10, 89-92, 93, 97; (ii) S. B. J., Vol. II T, S., Chapter V.
S. B. J., Vol. II, T. S., VI, 1 and 2; (ii) S. B. J., Vol. III, Pn. S., 155, S. B. J., Vol. II, T. S., VIII, 1-3; (ii) S. B. J., Vol. VIII, S. S., 173-177. S. B. J., Vol. II, T. S., IX, 1-2; (ii) S. B. J., Voi. III, Pn. S., 150.
19, (i) S. B. J., Vol. 11, T. S., VIII, 21 and 23, and IX, 3; (ii) S. B. J., Vol. IV. Pn. S., 157.
20, (i) S. B. J., Vol. II, T. S., X, 2; (ii) S. (iii) Also vide Kalghatagi, T. G.
B. J., Vol. VIII, S. S., 308-317; "The Conception of Moksha in Jain Philosophy," Mahavir Jayanti Smärikā, 1963, pp. 4-21.
21. (i) Glasenapp: Jainism, p. 160; (ii) Kailasachandraji: op. cit., p. 140; (iii) Glasenapp: Doctrine of Karman in Jain Philosophy, p. 3; (iv) Mehta, M. L. Outlines of Jaina Philosophy, Chap. VI.

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22. (i) For a comparative account of the doctrine of Karma according
to Hinduism, Buddhism and Jainism vide Law, B.C. : "The Doctrine of Karma", Prof. M. Hiriyanna Commemoration Volume, pp. 87-95; (ii) vide Jain, Goravala Khushal : “Jaina Karmayāda" (in Hindi),
Kashi Vidyapitha Rajat Jayanti Abhinandan Grantha, pp. 232-243. 23. (i) S. B. J., Vol. VI, G. S., Karma-kanda, 8-20; (ii) Jain, C.R.: Key of
Knowledge, p. 625 (iii) Tatia, Nathmal : Studies in Jaina Philosophy,
pp. 232-52. 24. (i) Kailaschandraji : op. cit., pp. 143-146; (ii) Jaini, J. L. : Outlines
of Jainism, pp. 28-29; (iii) H. Jacobi. : E. R. E., Vol. VII, pp. 470472; (iv) Gopani A. S. : "Characteristics of Jainism”, Bhāratīya
Vidyā, Vol. I, p. 177. 25. Krause, C. : Heritage of the Last Arhat, p. 7. 26. (i) S. B.J., Vol. II, T. S., I, 1; (ii) S. B. J., Vol. IV, P. S., 20. 27. A. Chakravarti : Cul. H. I., Vol. I, p. 195. 28. Gopani, A. S. : 'Characteristics of Jainism', Bhāratīya Vidyā, Vol. 1,
pp. 177-178. 29. (i) S. B. J., Vol. II, T. S., I., 2-4; (ii) S. B. J., Vol. IV, P. S., Chap. II;
(iii) R. S., Part I; (iv) S. B. J., Vol. VII, A. S., 10-15. 30. (i) S. B. J., Vol. I, D. S., 42; (ii) S. B. J., Vol. II, T. S., 1, 9, 14, 20, 23,
28-29; (iii) S. B. J., Vol. IV, P. S., 33, 34 and 36; (iv) R. S., 42. 31. (i) S. B. J., Vol. IV, P. S., 37-41; (ii) R. S., 50. 32. S. B. J., Vol. II, T. S., IX, 1 and 2. 33. (i) S. B. J., Vol. II, T. S., IX, 4; (ii) S. B. J., Vol. IV., P.S., 202; (iii)
S. B. J., Vol. IX., N. S., 66-68. 34. (i) S. B. J., Vol. II, T. S., IX, 4; (ii) S. B. J., Vol. IV, P. S., 203; (iii)
C. Krause.: An Interpretation of Jain Ethics, pp. 12-13; (iv)
Wilson : Works by H. H. Wilson, Vol. I, p. 318. 35. (i) S. B. J., Vol. II, T. S., IX, 6; (ii) S. B. J., Vol. IV, P. S. 204; (iii)
Schubring, W. : The Doctrines of the Jains, pp. 305-06. 36. (i) S. B. J., Vol. II, T. S. IX, 7; (ii) S. B. J., Vol. IV., P. S., 205; (iii)
Schubring, W.: op. cit., pp. 307-08. 37. (i) S. B. J., Vol II, T. S., IX, 8-9; (ii) S. B. J., Vol. IV, P. S., 206-209. 38. S. B. J., Vol. II, T. S. IX, 18. 39. (i) S. B. J., Vol. II, T.S., IX, 19-20; (ii) S.B.J., Vol. IV, P.S., 198-199;
For a detailed discussion of rules of expiation, see Jain, C. R. :
Jaina Penance. 40. (i) S. B. J., Vol. II, T. S., VII, 23; (ii) S. B. J., Vol. IV., P.S., 182; (iii)
Jain, C. R. : Practical Dharma, p. 48. 41. S. B. J., Vol. II, T. S., VII, 1-11.

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42. S. B. J., Vol. II, T. S., VII, 21 and 24-36. 43. (i) S. B. J., Vol. II, T. S., VII, 22 and 37; (ii) R. S., Chapter V; (iii)
Sharma, S. R. : Jainism and Karnatak Culture, pp. 192-194; (iv)
Jain, P. S. : Jaina Sodha aur Samikshā, pp. 24-35. 44. (i) R. S., 66; (ii) For a controversy regarding the nature and number
of mūlaguņas, please see, Jain, C. R. : Householder's Dharma,
pp. 77-85. 45. (i) Jaini, J. L. : Outlines of Jainism, pp. 67-70; (ii) Jain, C. R. : Practica
Dharma, pp. 51-52; (iii) For a slightly different order of stages vide
Glasenapp: Jainism, pp. 207-208. 46. Glasenapp : Jainism, p. 208. 47. (i) Warren : Jainism, pp. 93-96; (ii) S.B.J., Vol. IX, N. S., Introd. p. 7, (i) Glasenapp: Jainism, p. 419; (ii) Krause : An Interpretation of Jain
Ethics, pp. 33-35; (iii) S. B. J., Vol. IX, N. S., Introduction, p. 8 &
pp. 67-68; (iv) S. B. J., Vol. IV, P. S., 201. 49. Jain, C. R. : Practical Dharma, p. 53. 50. Warren : Jainism, pp. 74-88. 51. (i) Stevenson : Heart of Jainism, p. 224; (ii) Jain C. R. : Practical
Dharma, p. 54; (iii) Warren, H. : Jainism, pp. 137-139. 52. Basham, A. L. : The Wonder that was India, p. 292. 53. It is published by M. D. J. G. Bombay, as its Vol. No. XIV.. 1. The translation would be found in Vol. XXII of the S. B. E. (i) For detailed information about Jain church hierarchy, vide Deo,
S. B. : Jaina Monastic Jurisprudence, pp. 21-29; (ii) For detailed information about the Order of Nuns in the Jain Church vide Deo, S. B. : History of Jaina Monachism, pp. 465-511; (iii) For a brief account of the Order of the Nirgranthas vide Schubring Walter :
The Religion of the Jains, pp. 26-29. 56. Krause, C : An Interpretation of Jaina Ethics, p. 6. 57. Jain, C. R. : Sannyāsa Dharma, p. 21. 58. For a detailed description of the Svetāmbara grades of Sadhus, Vide
J. Burgess' article on "Papers on Satruñjaya and the Jainas”, Section
VII, I. A., Vol. XIII. 59. (i) Jain, C. R. : Sannyāsa Dharma, pp. 26-27; (ii) Bhargava Dayanand:
Jaina Ethics, pp. 147-179; (iii) Williams, R.: Jaina Yoga, pp. 50-55; (iv) For a vivid description about the recent memorable incident of practising Sallekhanā or peaceful death strictly according to rules laid down in the scriptures by the great Digambara Jaina Saint Acharya Säntisāgara Mahārāja in September 1955 at the sacred place Kunthalgiri in Maharashtra vide Divakara, S. C. : Religion and Peace, Chap. VIII, pp. 221-229.

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60. Jain, C. R.: What is Jainism? p. 139.
61. Jain, C. R. Sannyasa Dharma, pp. 14-16.
62. Jain, C. R.: Jain Culture, p. 10.
63. Law, B. C. Mahavira: His Life and Teachings, pp. 42-43.
64. S. B. J., Vol. II,
T. S., VII, 25-29.
65. (i) Hiralal Jain
Cul. H. I., Vol. I, p. 232; (ii) Upadhye, A. N.: "Jainas and Jainism", Prof. D. V. Potdar Commemoration Volume, p. 169. 66. (i) Latthe, A. B.: An Introduction to Jainism. pp. 65-69; (ii) Jain C. R.:
Jain Culture, p. 28.
67. Latthe, A. B. : An Introduction to Jainism. pp. 63-64.
68. (i) Stevenson, S.: Heart of Jainism, p. 297; (ii) Turner, R.: The Great Cultural Traditions, p. 397.
69. Sanghavi, S. Jaina Samskṛtika Hṛdaya, p. 15.
70. Jain, C. R.: Jain Culture, p. 5.
71. Sangani, K. C. Ethical Doctrines in Jainism, pp. 267-68.
72. Krause, C.
73. Smith, V. A.
Interpretation of Jain Ethics, pp. 21-22.
History of India, p. 53.
279
74. (i) Beniprasad World Problems and Jain Ethics, pp. 2-17; (ii) Divakar, S.: Jaina Sasana, pp. 370-390; (iii) Mehta, M. L.: Jaina Achara pp. 83-132
75. S. B. J., Vol. II, T. S., VII, 13.
प्रमत्तयोगात् प्राणव्यपरोपणं हिंसा ।
76. S. B. J., Vol. IV, P. S., 44 and 47.
77. Ibid. 91 and 99.
78. Ibid. 102 and 104.
79. Ibid. 109.
80. Ibid. 115, 118 and 119.
81. For a list of pretexts under which it is wrongly believed that Himsa is admissible, vide, S. B. J., Vol. IV, P. S., 79-90.
82. (i) Riencourt, A. D.: The Soul of India, p. 62; (ii) Zimmer, H.: Philosophies of India, p. 279.
83. S. B. J., Vol. IV, P. S., 20, 197, 200 and 209.
84. For importance of Jainism as a practical religion vide (a) Law, B. C.: "Fundamental Principles of Jainism", Acharya Vijaya-Vallabhashri Commemoration Volume, English section, pp.87-111; (b) Kailaśa Chandra: "Jaina Amna ya"(in Hindi), Kashi Vidyapitha Rajat Jayanti Abhinandan. Grantha, pp. 53-56; (c) Kalghatagi, T.G. : Jaina View of Life, pp. 161-171 85. S. B. J., Vol. IV., P. S., 76.
86. (i) S. B. J., Vol. IV., P. S., Introduction, pp. 25-30; (ii) Hiralal Jain: Cul. H. I., Vol. I, pp. 230-231.

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87. (i) Jacobi, H. : Jainism, E. R. E., Vol. VII, p. 470; (ii) Turner, R.,
Great Cultural Traditions, Vol. I, p. 397. 88. (i) Chakravarti, A: "Jainism”, Cul. H. I., Vol. I, pp. 191-194; (ii) Jaini,
J. L. : Outlines of Jainism, pp. 2-4; (iii) S. B. J., Vol. IX, N. S., 71-75; (iv) Jaini Padmanabha, S. : "The Concept of Arhat”, Acharya
Vijayavallabhashri Commemoration Volume, pp. 74-76. 89. (i) For a list of attendant spirits vide Buhler : Indian Sect of the Jainas,
pp. 66-71; (ii) also vide Desai, P. B.: “Yakshi Images in South
Indian Jainism”, Dr. Mirashi Felicitation Volume, pp. 344-348. 90. Glasenapp : Jainism, p. 372. 91. (i) Burgess, J : Papers on Satruñjaya and the Jains', I.A., Vol. II, p. 17;
(ii) Jacobi, H. : “Demons and Spirits (Jain)”, E. R. E., Vol. IV, p. 608; (iii) S. B. J., Vol. II, T.S., IV, 10-16; (iv) Sen, A.C.: "Some Cosmological Ideas of the Jains", I. H. Q, Vol. VIII, pp. 45-47; (v) For a full descritpion of the Jaina Gods, vide Jaini, J. L. :
Bright Ones in Jainism, pp. 3-15. 92. (i) Stevenson, S. : Notes on Modern Jainism, p. 94; (ii) B. G., Vol.
IX, Pt. I, p. III; (iii) Wilson : Works by H. H. Wilson, Vol. I, pp.
319-321. 93. (i) Glasenapp : Jainism, p. 374; (ii) History and Culture of Indian
People, Vol. II, p. 428. 94. Vide especially B. G., Vol. IX, XXII, XXIV. 95. (i) Hamilton, B.: “On the Srāvaks or Jains”, Transactions of R. A. S.
of Great Britain & Ireland, Vol. I, p. 531; (ii) Handiqui, K. K. :
Yaśastilaka & Indian Culture, p. 332. 96. Mātā is a type of Hindu goddess. For the importance given to the
Hindu Goddess Anbikā by the Jainas, see J.U. B., Vol. IX, Pt. II, p. 147 97. Glasenapp : Jainism, p. 373. 98. Stevenson, S. : Notes on Modern Jainism, p. 93.
99. Glasenapp, H. : Jainism, p. 373. 100. Sanghavi. S. : Jaina SamskȚtikā HỊdaya, pp. 10-11. 101. Glasenapp : Jainism, p. 374. 102. For example vide Varāngacharitam, XXV, 74-78. 103. Bhattacharya, H. : Divinity in Jainism, p. 45. 104. Jain C. R. : What is Jainism? p. 33. 105. For examples of belief in divine grace among Jainas, see Sharma, S.R.,
Jainism and Karnātaka Culture, pp. 142-146. 106. Buhler, J. G.: On the Indian Sect of the Jainas, p. 19. 107. Glasenapp : Jainism, p. 370.

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108. Jaini J. L. : Outlines of Jainism, p. 74. 109. Glasenapp : Jainism, p. 375. 110. For a detailed discussion, vide Glasenapp : Jainism, pp. 397-401. 111. Latthe, A. B. : An Introduction to Jainism, pp. 44-45. 112. Stevenson, S. : Notes on Modern Jainism, pp. 94-95. 113. Glasenapp : Jainism, p. 401. 114. For the main characteristics and different varieties of Jaina Images, .
vide, Bhattacharya, B. C. : Jain Iconography, Lahore, 1939. 115. For the significance of these eight articles used in worship, vide Jain,
K. P. : “Šāstrokta Jaina Pujā Vidhāna,” Digambara Jaina, Vol. XXII,
pp. 401-408. 116. (i) Stevenson, S. : Notes on Modern Joinism, pp. 103-105; (ii) Latthe,
A. B. : An Introduction to Jainism, p. 47. 117. Glasenapp : Jainism, p. 398. 118. Stevenson, S. : Notes on Modern Jainism, pp. 99-102. 119. J. H., Vol. VIII, pp. 290-303. 120. Fergusson, J.: History of Indian and Eastern Architecture, Vol. II, p. 9. 121. 'Russell, R. V. : T. C. C. P., Vol. I, p. 227. 122. Stevenson, S. : Heart of Jainism, p. 285. 123. For example see Varāngacharitam, XXII, 47. 124. Krause, C : An Interpretation of Jain Ethics, p. 15. 125. Enthoven, R. E. : T. C. B., Vol. III, p. 434. 126. Stevenson, S. : Notes on Modern Jainism, p. 95.
In this connection it is reported' by Prof. Dalasukh Matavaniya that among Svetāṁbaras also Bhojaka Brāhmaṇas are appointed as Pujārīs. at some places and that these Bhojaka priests are really Jainas though they are termed as Brāhmaṇas. The number of these Bhojaka Brāhmaṇas is very meagre and now they refuse to work as Pujārīs. That
is why other Hindus are kept as Pujārīs in Svetāṁbara temples. 127. Russel, R. V. : T. C. C. P., Vol. I, P. 229. 128. For a detailed account of Abhisheka (bathing of the idol) ceremony,
vide, Jain, C. R. : Change of Heart, pp. 134-142. 129. Glasenapp : Jainism, pp. 407-408. 130. Stevenson, S. : Notes on Modern Jainism, pp. 100-101. 131. J. H., Vol. VIII, pp. 290-303. 132. Das, S. R. : “The Jain School of Astronomy" I. H.Q., Vol. 8, pp. 35-36.

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133. The statements made by Mrs. Stevenson (Notes on Modern Jainism,
p. 107) and Mr. Enthoven, R. V. (T. C. B., Vol. III, p. 434) that paryū.
shaņa lasts for 15 days among the Diganbaras are not 'correct. 134. Kailashachandra : Jainadharma, pp. 310-311. 135. (i) Sushil Kumar, Muni : Jaina Dharma pp. 248-250 (ii) Among the
Digarbaras this is done on the first day of the dark half of Asvina,
vide Kailashachandra : Jainadharma, p. 310. 136. Kalpa Sūtra has been translated into English by Dr. H. Jacobi vide S.B.
E., Vol. XXII. 137. Stevenson, S.: “Festivals and Fasts (Jain)” E. R. E., Vol. V. pp. 875-877. 138. Stevenson, S. : Notes on Modern Jainism, p. 109. 139. Glasenapp : Jainism, p. 445. 140. Stevenson, S. : "Festivals and Fasts (Jain), E. R. E., Vol. V, p. 877..
The statement made by Stevenson that the worship lasts for eight days
is wrong. It lasts for nine days. 141. (i) Kailashachandra : Jainadharma, p. 312. (ii) Russell, R. V. :
T. C. C. P., Vol. I, 229-231. (iii) B. G., Vol. XXIV, p. 138. 142. Divakar, S. C. : Jaina-Sāsana, pp. 257-258. 143. Ibid., pp. 269-270. 144. (i) Kailashachandra : Jainadharma. p. 314; (ii) Also vide Bhattacharya,
B. C. : "The Goddesses of learning in Jainism", Malaviya Com
memoration Volume, pp. 291-303. 145. Stevenson, S. : “Festivals & Fasts (Jain),” E. R. E., Vol.' V. p. 8 146. Ibid, p. 878. 147 B. G., Vol. XXII, P. 118. 148. Russell, R. V. : T. C. C. P., Vol. I, pp. 229-231. 149. Stevenson, S. : “Festivals & Fasts (Jain)”, E. R. E., Vol. V, p. 878. 150. B. G., Vol. XXII, p. 118. 151. Stevenson, S. : “Festivals and Fasts (Jaina)”, E. R. E., Vol. V, pp. 877
878.
The statements made by Mrs. Stevenson that Digariibaras also observe these four full-moon fasts (vide Notes on Modern Jainism p. 109) and that Digambaras observe the two full-moon fasts in the months of Philguna
and Ashādha are not correct. 152. Rice, B. L. : Mysore and Coorg from Inscriptions, p. 47. 153. For a description of the whole bathing ceremony, vide Jain, H. : Jaina
Silalekha Sangraha, Intro. pp. 33-34. 154. Kalpa-Sūtra, S. B. E., Vol. XXII, p. 266.

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155. The Hindus observe this day as a Gala Day without any religious signi
ficance. See Gupte, B. A. : Hindu Holidays and Ceremonials, p. 173. 156. For a full story, vide Kailashachandraji : Jainadharma, pp. 317-320. 157. Divakara, S. C. : Jaina-Sāsana, p. 262. 158. On this day Hindus offer obtations to deceased parents, See Gupte,
B. A. : Hindu Holidays and Ceremonials, p. 5. 159. Divakara, S. C.: Jaina-Sāsana, pp. 265-269. 160. Wilson H. H. : Works by Wilson, Vol. I, p. 322. 161. B. G. Vol. XXII, p. 118. 162. Stevenson, S. : "Festivals & Fasts (Jain)”. E. R. E., Vol. V, p. 878. 163. Jaina Svetārbara Directory, Vols. I and II, pp. 93, 132-133, 290-291,
327-328, etc. 164. Glasenapp : Jainism. pp. 414-415. 165. Hassan : T. C. N. D., p. 269. 166. B. G., Vol. XXIV. p. 139. 167. (i) B. G., Vol. XXIV, p. 118; (ii) B. G. Vol. XXIV, p. 140. 168. Thurston, : T. C. S. 1., Vol. II, p. 427. 169. B. G., Vol. XXIV, p. 139. 170. B. G., Vol. XXIV, p. 139. 171. (i) Stevenson, S. : Heart of Jainism, pp. 264-266; (ii) Glasenạpp :
- Jainism, p. 417. 172. Stevenson, S. : Heart of Jainism, pp. 266-267. 173. Glasenapp : Jainism, pp. 418-419. 174. Śrīpālachandraji : Jaina Sampradāya Sikshā, pp. 751-756. 175. Kalipada Mitra: "Magic and Miracle in Jain Literature", J. H. Q.,
Vol. XV, p. 175. 176. Tod: Annals and Antiquities of Rajasthan, Vol. II, p. 602. 177. Iyer, L. K. A. : M. T. C., Vol. IV., P. 445. 178. Barodia, U. D. : History and Literature of Jainism, p. 63. 179. See page 202 ante. 180. B. G., Vol. XXIV, p. 139. 181. Adi Purāņa, XXXVIII, 55-62, and 70-312. 182. Vide Sītalaprasāda : Grhasthadharma, Bombay, 1913. 183. It is published by Jinavāṇī Prachāraka Karyālaya, Calcutta, 1924. 184. Vardhamānasūri : Achāradinakara.

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284
.
Jaina Community
Social Survey
:7.6B, Vol. pp.co
185. Winternitz : History of Indian Literature, Vol. II, p. 481. 186. (i) Colebrook : Miscellaneous Essays, Vol. II, p. 192. (ii) Wilson,
H. H. : Works by Wilson, Vol. I, p. 322. 187. Enthoven, R. E. : T. C. B., Vol. II, p. 86. 188. Enthoven, R. E. :T. C. B., Vol. II, pp. 431-433 & 435.. 189. Doshi, C. M. : Daśā Srimāli Jaina Banias of Kathiawar, Chapter VI. 190. Thurston.: T. C. S. I., Vol. II, pp. 427 & 433. 191. Iyer L. K. A., : M. T. C., Vol. III, p. 463. 192. Russell, R. V.: T. C. C. P., Vol. I, p. 225. 193. Iyer, L. K. A. : M. T. C., Vol. III, p. 421-427. 194. Enthoven, R. E. : T. C. B., Vol. II, pp. 86-87. 195. Thurston : T. C. S. I., Vol. II, pp. 433-434. 196. Enthoven, R. E. : T. C. B., Vol. III, p. 432. 197. Russell, R. V. : T. C. C. P., Vol. I, p. 225. 198. Nāthūrāma Premi : "Yajñopavīta & Jaina Dharma", J. H., Vol. XII,
pp. 143-147 and 242-243. 199. Iyer, L. K. A. : M. T. C., Vol. III, pp. 406-416. 200. Enthoven, R. E. : T. C. B., Vol. II, pp. 87-90. 201. Enthoven, R. E. : T. C. B., Vol. III, pp. 432-433. 202. B. G., Vol. XVII, pp. 101-102. 203. Hassan : T. C. N. D., pp. 261-263. 204. For views of Jainas and Hindus regarding the death and disposal of
the dead, vide Jacobi, H. : “Death and disposal of the Dead (Jain)",
E. R. E., Vol. IV, pp. 484-485. 205. B. G., Vol. IX, Part I, pp. 101-102 and Vol. XXIV, pp. 144-145. 206. Hassan : T. C. N. D., p. 265. 207. B. G., Vol. XVII., p. 103. 208. B. G., Vol. XVII, p. 82. 209. R. S., I, 22. 210 Vide. FT SET: ff TrectTracer franat i S. D., II, 84. 211. Nāthūrāma Premi : Jaina Sahitya aura Itihūsa, p. 186. 212. Divakara S. C., : Jaina-Sūsana, p. 248. 213. Kailashachandraji : Jainadharma , p. 321. 214. For detailed reasons, vide: (i) Rev. J. Stevenson : "On the Intermixt
of Buddhism with Brahmanism in the religion of the Hindus of the Deccan," J. R. A. S. of Great Britain and Ireland, Vol. VII, (1843), pp. 1-8; (ii) Thomas, E. : "The Early Faith of Asoka," J. R. A. S. of Great Britain & Ireland, Vol. IX, (1877), pp. 166-167; (iii) Chopade: Pandharapurachā Vithobā.

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Jur
215. Jain, K. P. : Jaina Tirtha aura Unaki Yātrā, p. 85. 216. Jain, K. P. : Jaina Tirtha aura Unaki Yātrā, p. 30. 217. Only in Gujarat Svetārbaras have sixteen Tīrthakshetras, vide Jaina
Svetūmbara Directory, Vols. I and II. 218. Kailasachandra : Jainadharma, p. 331. 219. For a detailed description of ancient Jaina sacred places, see, (i) Nāthu
rāma Premi : Jaina Sahitya aura Itihāsa, pp. 188-238 (ii) Jain, J. C. :
Bhāratakā Prāchin Jaina Tirtha (in Hindi) 220. For the description of the Parasanatha Hill vide Roy Choudhury, P. C. :
Jainism in Bihar. 221. Recently some scholars have begun to contend that the town Pāvāpura,
venerated by all Jainas, is not the real place of Mahāvīra's liberation. They have suggested other localities in this connection, e. g. (i) Dr. Rājabali Pandeya considers that Pavanagara must lie in the ruins of Sathiyañva-phājilanagara situated 9 miles away in south-eastern direction of Kusinagara, the place of Buddha's nirvana. (ii) Mr. Cunningham is of opinion that the modern Padarauna in Devariya district must be the real Pavā; (iii) Pandita Rāhula Sankstyāna regards Papaura (9937) near Ramakolā Station as the ancient Pāvā. These are all conjectures and it may be noted that so long as excavations are not carried out in Pāvāpura venerated by the Jainas, no definite opinion can be given in this controversy. For detailed discussion vide Rājabali Pandeya : "Bhagavāna Mahāvīra ki Nirvanabhūmi Pāvāki Sthiti", Sri Mahāvira
Commemoration Volume, vols. I & II, pp. 45-48... 222. Jain, K. P. : Jaina Tirtha aur Unaki Yātrā, pp. 99-106. 223. Nahar & Ghosh : Epitome of Jainism, p. 680. 224. Ibid., p. 685. 225. Jain, K. P. : Jaina Tirtha aur Unaki Yātrā, p. 61. 226. (i) Smith, V. A. : Early History of India, pp. 154 & 458; (ii) Rice, B.L. :
Mysore & Coorg from Inscriptions, pp. 4-8. 227. Fergusson : History of Indian & Eastern Architecture, Vol. II, p. 72. 228. Vide Page 237 ante. 229. (i) Jain Hiralal : Jaina Šilalekha-Sangraha, Intro. pp.54-112; (ii) For
its secular importance vide, Saletore, B. A. : “ Sravanabe!go!a
Its Secular Importance ", J. A., March, 1940. 230. S. D., II, 84 and VIII, 30, 31. 231. Glasenapp : Jainism, p. 451. 232. Nathurama Premi: “Jainadharma Palanevāle Vaiśya hi kyom?" J. H.,
Vol. XII, pp. 449-453.

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233. Warren H.: Jainism, p. 76.
234. Rampuria, S. C. Cult of Ahimsa, p. 22. 235. Jaini, J. L. Outlines of Jainism, p. 72. 236. Jacobi, H. : Jainism, E. R. E., Vol. VII, p. 473. 237. असिर्मषि: कृषिविद्या वाणिज्यं शिल्पमेव च ।
कर्माणीमानि षोढास्युः प्रजाजीवनहेतवे ।
A. P., XVI. 179.
238. Kapadia, H. R.: "Some references pertaining to agriculture in Jain Literature, I. H. Q., Vol. X, pp. 797-800.
239. B. G., Vol. XXIV, p. 135.
240. Jaina Svetumbara Directory, Vols. I & II, p. 526.
241. Kalipada Mitra: "A Jain View of the Origin of Institutions", I.C., Vol. V, p. 44.
242. (i) Saletore, B.A.: Medieval Jainism, pp. 101-153; (ii) Altekar, A. S.: Rashtrakutas and Their Times, pp. 99 and 316.
243. Vide page 223 ante.
244. Vide page 212 ante.
245. S. B. J., Vol. IV, P. S., 72.
246. S. B. J., Vol. IV, P. S., 129-134.
247. S. D., II, 14.
248. Dubois : Hindu Manners, Customs and Ceremonies, pp. 703-706.
249. S. B. J., Vol. IV, P. S., 62-64.
250. S. B. J., Vol. IV, P. S., 69-70.
251. (i) S. B. J., Vol. IV, P. S., 71; (ii) S. D., II, 12.
252. Krause, C. Heritage of the Last Arhat, p. 11.
253. Jaini, J. L.: Outlines of Jainism, p. 71.
254. Jain, C. R.: Jain Culture, p. 47.
255. Krause, C. Heritage of the Last Arhat, p. 9.
256 Warren, H. : Jainism, p. 81.
Jain Culture p. 49.
257. Jain, C. R. 258. Jain, J. C. Life in Ancient India as depicted in Jain Canons, p. 98. 259. Vaidya, P. L. Jaina Dharma āņi Vungmaya, pp. 77-78.
260.
Vide (i) Jaina, K. P. : Hindi Jaina Sahityaka Sankshipta Itihusa; (ii) Jain, P.S.: Hindi Jaina Bhakti Kavya aur Kavi; (iii) Tomar, R. : "Jaina-Sahitya ki Hindi Sahitya ko Dena", Abhinandana Grantha, pp. 464-467.
Premi

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261. Vide (1) Desai, M.D. : Jaina Sahityano Itihāsa; (ii) Desai M. D.:
Jaina Gurjara Kaviyo. 262. For a detailed list of Jaina literature in Marāthī, vide, Shah, R. N. :
"Marāthī men Jaina Sahitya aur Sahityika”, Premi Abhinandana Grantha,
pp. 530-537. 263. Altekar, A. S. : op. cit. pp. 412-413 264. For an authentic history of Jaina literature in Marathi vide Akkole, S. :
Prachin Marathi Jaina Sahitya, Chap II, pp. 15-117. 265. Sharma, S. R. : Jainism and Karnataka Culture, p. 92. 265A. Vide (i) Saletore, B. A. : Medieval Jainism, pp. 264-267; (ii) Bhujabal.
Shastri, K. : “Jaina Kannada Vangmaya,” J. S. B., December 1938; (iii) Rice, E. P. : History of Kanarese Litera
ture, Chapters II & III. 266. Saletore, B. A. : op. cit., pp. 262-63. 267. For contributiɔn of Jainas to the Prakrit language and literature vide,
Jain, J. C. : Präkrit Sahitya Kū Itihūs (in Hindi). 268. For contributicn of Jainas to the Apabhramśa language and literature
vide Jaina, Devendra Kumar: Apabhraméa Bhāṣā aur Sahitya (in Hindi) 269. · For a detailed description of Jaina sacred and other literature, vide, (i) Glasenapp : Jainism, Chapter III; (ii) Weber : "Sacred Litera
ture of the Jainas” translated by Dr. H. W. Smith, 1. A., Vols.
XVII, XVIII, XIX, XX and XXI. 270. Jain, K. P.: "Jaina Sāhitya mem Prāchina Aitihăsika Sāmagrī.” Premi
Abhinandana Grantha, pp. 455-463. 271. Jaina Svetārbara Directory, Vols. I and II, p. 522. 272. B. G., Vol. IV, pp. 114 and 115. 273. Jaina Svetūmbara Directory, Vcls. I & II, p. 522. 274. J. B. B. R. A. S., Vol X, p. 237. 275. Jhavery, M. B. : Historical Facts about Jainism, pp. 17-18. 276. Vide Report of Mahāvīra Kalyān Kendra, Bombay, 1970. 277. (i) Bhujabali Shastri: Kannada Prāntiya Tūd patriya Grantha-Suchi, (ii) Dalal and Gandhi : Descriptive Catalogues of Manuscripts in the
Jaina Bhāndūras at Jessalamira and Pāšana. 278. (i) Jaina Svetambara Directory, Vols I & II, p. 523; (ii) For the
Catalogue of books from Svetarbara Jaina Grantha-Bhāņdāras vide Jaing Grantha published by Jaina Svetārbara Conference, Bombay.

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279. For a detailed account of cultural significance of Jaina Granth-Bhāņdāras
vide Kasaliwal, K.O. : "Importance of the Jaina Grantha Bhandaras",
Mahāvir Jayanti Smīrikā, 1962, pp. 134-140. 280. Jain, P. D.: "Jaina Samāja ke Bīsavi Sadi ke Pramukha Andolana",
Premi-Abhinandana Grantha, p. 653. 281. Viae Virā dated 11-1-1947, p. 3. 282. (i) Vaidya, P. L. : Jaina Dharma āņi Vāngmya, p. 76; (ii) For a
detailed list of Jaina publication houses, libraries, book sellers, published books, authors, etc. vide “Mudrita-Jaina-Grantha
Namāvali." "283. J. G., Vol. XXVII, p. 31. 284. Joharapurkar, V. : Bhattāraka Sampradū ya, p. 7-17. 285. Vide p, 93 ante. 286. For a detailed and masterly account of the institution vide Nathurama
Premi : Bhattāraka; J. H., Vol. VII, Nos. 7-8, pp. 59-69, No. 9, pp.
13-24, Nos. 10-11, pp. 1-9, and Vol. VIII, No. 2, pp. 57-70. 287. Nahata, B.A. "Bhūtakālīna Jaina Samajika Patra," J. S. B, June 1938. 288. Vide Vīra, Sikshā Višeshānka, 1961, Vol. 36, pp. 37-41, 62-70 75-88.

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CHAPTER 6
THE WORKING MODEL
1. INTRODUCTION Jainism, being mainly concerned with the spiritual progress of the soul, naturally devoted more attention to the questions relating to the soul in all its aspects. According to Jainism, the utmost care of the soul must be taken by every body because it is firmly believed that the soul is in contact with the matter (i. e. Karma ) from the time immemorial and unless the soul is completely freed from the Karmic matter, it will not obtain its natural position. In its natural condition the soul possesses the four important attributes of infinite perception, infinite knowledge, infinite happiness and infinite power. To obtain this position is the aim of every true Jaina and it is the primary duty of Jainism to show clearly the way to achieve that position. The main burden of Jaina litera ture is to delineate the path of salvation in unambiguous terms so that anybody can follow the path with full conviction about its ultimate success. Since an enormous amount of emphasis was · laid on the question of the liberation of soul, it is but natural that the Jaina literature concentrated its attention more on this problem than on any other. If we casually notice the vast amount of secular and sacred Jaina literature, it will be manifest that the Jaina writers have, throughout these centuries, portrayed the philosophical side of their life very prominently as compared with the other sides. In the domain of serious literature the Jaina writers have produced far too many treatises upon the philosophical beliefs of their religion and hardly any good ones on its sociological and cultural aspects. Whenever Jaina writers felt persuaded to write on non-philosophical subjects, they turned to traditional and learned pursuits like the writing of books on grammar, prosody,
J...19

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astronomy, mathematics, or books of fiction, epics and stories, sometimes—but only sometimes and always indirectly and impliedly - embodying materials of a sociological character.1
From these circumstances it is clear that the material available in the various kinds of Jaina literature is comparatively very meagre for the purposes of a social survey of the Jaina community. For a full social survey of the Jaina community detailed information is required about the conditions relating to the social institutions like marriage, family, caste, religion, etc. and the miscellaneous social customs, and manners. Such a type of information is not readily found in Jaina literature. In the previous chapters an attempt has been made to utilise whatever information is readily available.
It is evident that for several reasons the information available in Jaina literature is quite insufficient for our purposes. The material is not only scanty but it is also scattered at different places. Generally a specific social problem is not dealt with in all its aspects. Many a time only stray references are made to social conditions prevailing at a particular time. Obviously, such references are applicable to certain parts of the country. Further, in many cases it appears that the information cited might have been obtained from indirect sources. As a cumulative effect of all these factors it goes very difficult to have a complete picture of the social conditions of the Jaina community. It is not that the information is of no use at all. It definitely serves the purpose of at least providing the rough back-ground existing in the past regarding various social conditions. What is needed is to supplement the information available in ancient Jaina literature by the information gathered in various ways in more recent times.
Of late, Social surveys of various communities have been carried out by communal or non-communal bodies. But uptil now no such survey has been made about the social conditions prevailing in the Jaina community at a particular time. When the Census Reports and District Gazetteers were compiled for the first time information regarding the social conditions of the Jainas in several parts of the country was collected. It can be asserted that the information so collected was not complete in many ways. As the Jainas formed a very small proportion of the total population

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of India and as they were scattered over practically all parts of India, it appears that much attention was not paid to note down and discuss their various institutions and customs and manners. Naturally little information is available on all these points. It has already been stated that formerly many Jainas regarded themselves as Hindus and hence it is likely that, in spite of instructions to the contrary, Jainas might have been included among Hindus by the census enumerators. Further, in the census operations of 1931, the Jainas, being more involved in the non-co-operation movement, did not purposefully furnish information about them. As the names of authorities from which the information was collected for the District Gazetteers are not mentioned, it is difficult to say anything about the authenticity of the sources of their information. Apart from these facts we have to rely upon the Census Reports and District Gazetteers, for at no cther place such a type of information is available and that is why they have been profusely refer. red to in previous chapters.
In recent years --- and especially after the compilation of District Gazetteers -- the Jainas have commenced to take more interest in their various social problems. With a view to tackle these problems and to suggest their solutions, they have written some books based on the information collected by them. Such books are mainly concerned with the problems of marriage and of giving rights to certain sections of the community which are considered low born and degraded by other sections. It must, however, be borne in mind that these books have been written with a particular aim in view. Leaving aside the propagandist aspect of them such books provide a fund of information on the social problems concerned. Moreover, the Jaina authors, especially the Jaina ascetics, have recently put in black and white the traditions and different sorts of available information regarding several castes and sub-castes found in the Jaina community. It is needless to add that these books furnish us with valuable information because these have been written by disinterested persons and that too without any ulterior motive. Further, with the rise of caste consciousness and the development of loyalty to the caste, many Jaina castes, in imitation of Hindu castes, arranged to get their histories written down either through the committees specially constituted for the purpose or by individual persons. Their

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main concern was to show the antiquity of their castes and to narrate the achievements of their important castemen. Such books do serve their purpose because investigation is carried with so much zeal that every available information is tried to be included. Again, in recent times the Jainas have started a large number of newspapers - especially weeklies and monthlies - devoted to the many-sided development of the community. But, it must be admitted that a majority of these journals is concerned with religious and philosophical questions. They hardly discuss any social problem in all its aspects and try to collect all available information on certain problems which clamour for solution. Excepting a few journals like Jaina Hitaishi, Jaina Antiquary, Anekānta and Jaina Gazette, no other possesses that broad outlook which is so essential to view the social problems in a comprehensive manner. It is but natural that the Jaina journals do not directly contribute to provide us all possible information on a particular question. Nevertheless, their value as indirect source of information for certain social conditions cannot be minimised. All these different types of Jaina works have, as far as possible, been consulted and made use of in the foregoing chapters.
On the basis of information secured from several types of works mentioned above an effort has been made to present the available information on some important social institutions, customs and manners in a systematic way. But it cannot be ignored that a large number of such works and especially the District Gazetteers were published during the last two decades of the 19th century and the first three decades of the 20th century and as such have become out of date to some extent. Due to the spread of education and the activities of various social organisations in the past few decades, there has been a consequent change in the social customs and manners of the Jainas. With a view to find out in what spheres and in what measure the changes have taken place it was undoubtedly necessary to note down the social conditions prevailing in the Jaina community at present. As a comparatively small community of Jainas has been spread over the length and breadth of India, it was not possible to get the requisite information personally. Therefore, a detailed questionnaires was prepared and its copies were sent to leading Jainas all over India. The scientific investigation of social conditions of Jainas was, I suppose, not under

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taken uptil now and it was thought necessary that an appeal should be made to the members of the Jaina community to furnish the requisite information. Accordingly, the questionnaire was fully endorsed by twelve influential and leading members of the Jaina community. These signatories to the endorsement were so chosen that they included not only the representatives of important Jaina associations and institutions from different parts of the country, but also the most learned and respected personalities of the community. Again, copies of the questionnaire were sent to the editors of various Jaina journals representing the views of different sects, sections, schools of thought and associations of the community with a request to give publicity to the scheme of a social survey of the Jaina community and to ask their readers to send their answers to the questionnaire as early as possible. It is gratifying to note that many journals, in their editorial comments expressed the necessity of having such a scientific survey of social conditions prevailing in the Jaina community at present and urged upon the members to send their replies as a part of their social duty. Some papers even translated and published the full text of the questionnaire and appealed to the Jaina leaders and associations of different places that realising the importance of such a survey from the point of view of Jaina society, they should arrange to get as large a number of replies as possible. In addition to this, I attended the annual sessions of some important Jaina associations and personally requested the members, after explaining the importance of the scheme, to answer the questionnaire. I also visited several places of Jaina centres, saw the leading members there, and extended to them the same request. Thus, more than one thousand copies were distributed to the educated and responsible members of the Jaina community all over India and as a result of appeals, requests and repeated reminders one hundred and fiftyfour replies were' received. Though the number of replies received is comparatively meagre, yet it serves our purpose because the replies are received from important sections of the community from practically every part of the country-right from Amritsar and Calcutta in the North to Tanjore and Trichonopoly in the South-and they are really valuable as many of them have come from very well educated persons occupying responsible positions in the society. Based on the information received from these

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replies a present-day picture of social conditions found in the Jaina community is given in this chapter.?
The questionnaire consists of fifty questions drawn with a view to elicit information on the different aspects of Jaina social life. The questions can be conveniently divided into four broad categories. The first six questions are meant to get general information about the persons answering the questionnaire. As the question numbers 7 to 28 deal with the social institutions of caste and marriage they form the second category. The institution of Bhattāraka is confined to certain castes among Jainas and hence the question about it has been included in this section only. The third category consists of question numbers 29 to 33 which are concerned with the institution of family. The remaining questions form the fourth category and they ask information about some miscellaneous social customs and manners as well as individual opinions on certain topics of social interest. In addition to the answers to these questions, the persons were requested to make special remarks, if any, regarding any matter of social importance.
2, NAMES AND SURNAMES The question numbers 1 and 2 are concerned with the full name and address of the person to whom the questionnaire was addressed. From the replies received it will be evident that the Jainas have no particular surnames which are common all over India and that their surnames differ in different provinces. In Western Indià or Gujarātha the surnames commonly found among the Jainas are Shah, Gandhi, Mehta, Doshi, Patel, Parikh, Sanghavi, Kapadia, Kothari, Vora, Zaveri, etc.; in Northern India they are Jain, Nahata, Daddha, Chopra, Singh, Kashlival, Gangaval, Sarupria, etc.; in Central India they are Jain, Singhai, Mogha, etc., in Hindi Districts and Mahajan, Junankar, Belokar, Vaidya, Chavare, etc., in Marāthi Districts; in Maharashtra and Karnataka they are Sangave, Chaugule, Magdum, Patil, Gunjal, Tukol, Upadhye, etc. and in South India they are Shetty, Jain, Shastri, Shaligrama, Chakravarti, etc. Further, the surnames and names of the Jainas of a particular region are generally like those current in that region. The names and surnames of Jainas like Kamata Prasada Jain from North India, Chimanlal Chikubhai Shah from Western India, Laxman Annaji

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Phaltane from Maharashtra, Tamanna Kuberappa Tukol from Karnāṭaka and Y.J.Padmarajiah from South India are in accordance with the general practices of the respective regions. In South India the common practice of writing a name of a person is in the order of first the name of the native place, then the name of his father and then his name. Accordingly, Y.J. Padmarajiah stands for Yelekyathanahalli Jinadattappa Padmarajiah. The Northern Indians observe the practice of not mentioning the father's name while writing their names. That is why the name Kamata Prasada Jain does not include father's name. Again, there are very few names which are peculiar to Jainas only and such names are the names of Jaina Gods, Saints and Goddesses like Adinatha,Ajitanātha, Padmanatha, Santinātha, Neminātha, Pārasanātha, Vardhamana, Mahāvīra, Bharata, Bahubali, Gautama and Padmavati. Along with these a large number of Hindu names like Sankara, Ganapata, Parasurama, Atmārāma, Sadāsiva, etc., are also commonly used by the Jainas. From the above facts it can be stated that in awarding and writing the names the Jainas follow the customs prevalent in the respective regions. Only in few cases the Jainas adopt peculiarly Jaina names as their names and 'Jain' as their surname. The absence of any difference in the nomenclature of Jainas and others, particularly Hindus, is obviously due to the reason that the Jainas are the permanent residents of their ragions from the very beginning. That is why Jainas from Gujaratha and Māravāḍa who have for some time settled in other regions for commercial purposes can be easily distinguished from the native Jainas from their names. Of course nowadays the difference in names (and not the surnames) between the native and the non-native Jainas of region is dwindling because there is a noticeable tendency among all Jainas to adopt modern, popular and national names such as Vasant, Vilas, Ramesh, Subhash, Bharat, Mandakini, Sarojini, Rajani, Prema, etc. If this tendency is accelerated it is likely that both the native and foreign Jainas of a region would come closer to each other and there will be only a slight difference between all Jainas and other residents of that region so far as the system of awarding names is concerned.
295
3. OCCUPATIONS AND PROFESSIONS
The question No. 3 dealt with the occupations and professions of the Jainas answering the questionnaire. Though the question

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naire was sent to persons following different avocations and professions, the persons in specific occupations and professions only have sent their replies. Out of 154 persons who have sent their replies, 47 are from the legal profession including pleaders, solicitors, barristers and Judges, 28 are from teaching profession including school teachers, college professors, Šāstrīs and research scholars, 25 are businessmen, 21 are doctors, 19 are in different services, mainly Government and business service, 5 are editors, 5 are social workers, 2 are landlords and 2 are engineers. From this it is evident that the well--educated persons in various lines have cared more to send their replies than the business men who by far form the largest proportion of Jaina population. Besides, it appears that the Jainas seem to prefer the legal, teaching and medical professions to other professions.
4. SECTS AND SUB-SECTS The question No. 4 asked the information about sect and sub-sect of the person concerned. Among 154 persons who have replied to the questionnaire,84 and 46 belong to the main Digambara and Śvetāmbara sects of Jainism respectively, while 22 and 2 belong to the Sthānakavāsī and Terā panthi sub-sects of the main Svetāmbara sect respectively. The replies of the Digambaras are by a great majority from the South India, Karnataka, Mahārashtra and Central India, while those of the Svetāmbaras are from Gujarātha and Bombay and those of the Sthānakavāsis are from Rajasthāna; and this is quite in accordance with the concentration of the main sects and sub-sects of Jainas in the different parts of India.
5. GOTRA
The question No. 5 was concerned with the Gotra or any other division which is considered for marriage purposes. From the replies received it is abundantly clear that there is a great divergence in the observance of the gotra system among the Digambara and Svetām bara Jainas. The names of gotras mentioned by the Digambara Jainas from the different parts of India are as follows : Western India and Bombay City :
Lākki, Atreya, Vāmulla, Kāšava, Nāgara, Bhärilla, Koņdala, and Hadasola.

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Northern India : ..
Kāšyapa, Jindala, Gārga, Pāțaņi, Gangavāla, Ajamerā,
Kamaleśvara, Kothiya and Thakura. Central India :
Kochhala, Bālamūra, Gohilla, Bajjhala, Bāsala, Kothiyā,
Raula, Chavare and Khatoda. Mahārāshtra and Karnātaka :
Pundarīka, Bhārgava, Vimalakīrti, Devālaya, Ubhayaketu, Buddheśvara, Kherajeśvara, Raziana and Uttareśvara. Southern Indiü :
Kāsyapa, Kūra, Supratishtha, Devadatta, Gautama, Srīvatsa .. and Satyakīrti.
Excepting the Kāšyapa gotra which is found in both Northern and Southern India , no other single gotra. is prevalent in more than one part of the country. Thus, Digambaras seem to possess different gotras in different parts of the country. Further, if we consider the relation of these gotras with the castes, it will be noticed that each gotra, except the Kasyapa gotra, is found in some particular castes only. The names of castes and the above mentioned gotras found therein are as follows: Hummada :
Läkki, Atreya, Kamalesvara, Buddhesvara, Kherajesvara, Uttaresvara and Raziana.
Kasava. Narasingapura : Nāgara and Hadasola. Kathanerā :
Kondala. Paravāra :
Vāmulla, Bharilla, Kochhala, Balamūra,
Gohilla, Bajjhala and Bāsala. Budhelānvayi :: Kāśyapa. Agravāla :
Jindala, Gārga and Goyala. Khandelavāla: Pāțani, Vaidya, Gangavāla and Ajamerā. Golāpūrva : Kothiya, Jaisavāla:
Thākura. Nevi :
Raula Bagheravala : Chavare and Khatoda. Šetavāla :
Pundarika.
Pallivāla :

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Panchama :
Bhārgava,, Vimalakīrti, Devālaya, Satyakīrti
and Gautama. Bogara :
Ubhayaketu and Supratishtha. Naināra :
Devadatta. Vaisya :
Kāśyapa and Srivatsa. Kshatriya :
Kaśyapa. Thus, the Kāśyapa gotra alone is found in three castes, namely, Budhelānvayi from Northern India, and Vaisya and Kshatriya castes from Southern India. We have already noted the names of gotras found in various Jaina castes and it will be observed that the names of gotras for example, in Agravāla and Khandelavāla castes, mentioned in the replies are already there'. Only in the case of gotras among Hummadas mentioned in the replies, the first two gotras, namely, Läkki and Atreya, are not traceable in the list of gotras already noted.10 These two gotras have been mentioned by two persons belonging to the Visa Hummada Mevādā caste from Gujaratha and it is not known how these two have come into the Hummadas. . In general these gotras are exogamous groups and as such have necessarily to be avoided in contracting marriages. But it appears that this gotra system is not prevalent in all Digambara Jaina
tes and in some cases even though it is existing, it is not considered for marriage purposes. It is stated that in the Bannore caste there are no gotras at all and that in the Setavāla caste the gotras are not given prominence in contracting marriages but their place is taken by the surnames. . As against a large number of gotras among the Digambaras, the Svetambaras have mentioned only a few gotras, namely,Kasyapa, Harischandra, Ambesara, Dhaddhā. Nāhatā, and Naulakha has been stated that there are no gotras in the Visā Srimala sub-caste and this may be the condition in other castes also. In any case the gotra rarely plays any role at all in fixing the marriages because only the caste and locality are taken into account. Sometimes at the most surnames are avoided in contracting marriages and this seems to be the practice among the Śvetāmbara Terāpanthi Osavālas. It has been specifically asserted on behalf of the Sthanakava si Jainas that there are no gotras among them. Like Svetambaras

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they observe the limitation of caste and locality only. But it appears that they do take into consideration the surnames like Mālavanīyā, Muthā, Khim vasarā, etc. for purposes of marriage.
6. SANGHA, GANA, GACHCHHA AND SAKHA . We have already noted11 that the Jaina community was undivided upto the first century A. D. and that later on it was split up into several religious divisions and sub-divisions. The Jaina community from the early times consisted of four sections, namely, Sadhus, Sadhvis, Śrāvakas and Śrāvikās, that is, Male Ascetics, Female Ascetics, Male Laity and Female Laity. Afterwards for various reasons the divisions of Sangha, Gana, Gachchha and Sakha and of Gachchha alone, arose among the Digambara and Svetam bara ascetics respectively and as a consequence the lay followers of these ascetics were also split up into such divisions. With aview to know whether the Jainas are still having such divisions or not and if so, to find out their names, the question number 6 regarding the Sangha, Gana, Gachchha and Sakha, was asked. From the replies it will be observed that nearly half of them do not mention anything at all and among the persons who do not know about their divisions the Digambaras form a larger proportion than the Svetambaras. Besides, it has been stated that there are no such divisions among the Digambaras at present. Further, there are many Digambaras who have mentioned either the Sangha or the Gana only. Hence it appears, that the religious divisions of Sangha, Gana, Gachchha and Sakha are not so prevalent among the Digambaras now as they were formerly. Nevertheless, the following names of these divisions have been mentioned by the Digambaras, Sangha : Mūla and Kashthā. Gana : Balātkāra, Sena, Vidyā and Desīya. Gachchha : Sarasvatī, Pustaka, Nanditata and Bharatī. Śākhā : Prathamānuyoga, Charaṇānuyoga and Prābhịtaka.
Thus Mr.śāntirāja Šāstrī from Mysore belongs to Müla Sangha, Deśiya Gana, Pustaka Gachchha and Charaṇānuyoga Śākhā. The most popular grouping of these divisions seems to be the Müla Sangha, Balātkāra Gana and Sarasvati Gachchha as this grouping is found among the Digambaras from different parts of India.

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The Svetāmbaras, excepting a few, have mentioned the following Gachchnas to which they belong: Tapā, Vijaya-Tapā, BrhatTapā, Lonkā, Añchala and Kharatara. The names of the Svetambara Gachchhas referred to in their books are one hundred and thirteen12 but it appears that only few are prevalent among the Śvetāmbaras at present. So far as Sthānakavāšīs are concerned it seems from their replies that a majority of them do not know Gachchha system. The names of two Gachchhas only have been mentioned by them, namely, Lorkā Gachchha and Upakesa Gachchha. On the contrary they have mentioned that they follow Limbadi Sampradaya and Bavīsa Sampradaya, the two comparatively new religious divisions, instead of the Gachchha system.
7. THE CASTES AND SUB-CASTES The questions from numbers 7 to 28 dealt with the institution of caste and allied matters. The question number 7 was concerned with the names of castes and sub-castes. We have already noted13 that the Jaina castes are many in number and this is also shown from the replies received. The 154 replies mention not less than 30 castes and sub-castes. If we co-relate the castes and sects, it will be found that the Digambaras possess a preponderantly large number of castes than the Svetāmbaras. Out of the above 30 castes as many as 23 are referred to by the Digambaras and only 7 by the Śvetāmbaras. Further, the Digambaras and Svetāmbaras have distinct castes of their own and excepting the Agravāla caste no other caste is common to both the sections. On the basis of the names of castes given by the Digambara and Svetämbara Jaina Directories we have already stated that only Osavāla, Poravāda, Hummada, Narasingpurā and Nema castes are found in both the sections14 and now the name of Agravāla caste will have to be added to this list.
8. POPULATION AND DISTRIBUTION OF CASTES The exact figures regarding the total population of Jaina castes and their distribution all over India are not available. As many Jaina castes have their organisations of an All India characterfor example, Akhila Bharatiya Paravāra Jaina Mahasabha, Akhila Bharatiya Saitavāla Jaina Mahasabhā, etc., it was thought that they might be having definite information on the above points. With a view to get this information the question No. 8 was asked.

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But unfortunately nobody has furnished exact information about the number and geographical distribution of his caste people. It appears that the caste organisations have not as yet paid any attention to this matter. However, from the replies, which did mention the approximate population of the castes concerned, it may be stated that only a few castes claim a strength of more than 50,000 and the rest are very small ones. The Osavāla, Śrīmālī and Poravada castes among the Svetämbaras and the Agravala, Khandelavāla, Paravāra, Hummaḍa, Chaturtha, Pañchama and Saitavāla castes among the Digambaras possess more than 50,000 members each. The remaining castes are small ones. There is a large numberof castes like Pallīvāla, Bagheravāla, Dhakaḍa and Narasingapurā among the Digam baras and Nema, Mesarī Bhāvasara and Bavanagāma Bhāvasara among the Svetām baras whose members number about 5,000 each. It is surprising to find that still there are Jaina castes having a population of less than 1,000. According to the statements of their own members the approximate population of castes like Bannore and Nevi among the Digam baras and Levä Pātīdāra among the Svetam baras is about 1,000 each and Budhelanvayi and Kaṭhanera among the Digambaras only about 900 and 300 respectively. Thus there is not only a large number of castes in a small community but also the strength of their members is very uneven in the sense that while there are only a few castes having a somewhat decent number of members, the many remaining castes possess an undoubtedly meagre number of population.
As regards the geographical distribution of the Jaina castes it can be said from the replies that even though representatives of many Jaina castes are found, for obvious reasons, in practically all big cities and commercial centres, still different castes are located in different parts of the country. In general the Svetambara castes are concentrated in Gujaratha, Kathiawar and Rajputana while the Digambara castes are spread all over India. Thus among the Svetām baras the castes like Śrīmālī, Osavāla, Poravāḍa, Nemā, Bhāvasara, Levā Pāṭīdāra, etc. are found mainly in Gujaratha, Kathiawar and Rajputana; among the Digambaras the castes like Agravala, Khandelavala, Jaisavala, and Buḍhelānvayi. are found mainly in the Uttar Pradesh and Rajputana; the Paravāra, Pallīvāla, Kaṭbanera, Golāpūrva, Bagheravala, Bannore, Nevi and Dhakada in the Madhya Pradesh; the Saitavala, Chaturtra,

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Pañchama and Bogāra in Mahārāshtra and Karnātaka; and the Upādhyāya, Vaiśya, Kshatriya and Naināra in South India.
9. INTER-RELATIONS OF CASTES As the Jaina community is divided into a large number of castes and sub-castes it is necessary to know the nature of relations among these castes especially with reference to inter-dining and inter-marriage. With this aim in view the question No.9 was asked and from the replies it appears that at present practically all Jaina castes can dine with all members of the Jaina community. Even though this freedom is given it is not regularly availed of. In general the sub-castes or castes have dining relations among themselves only. Thus the Jaisavālas and Khandelavalas among the Digambaras state that they practically do not dine with the other castes. Similarly, the Mesari Bhāvasarās and Bisa Agravālas among the Svetämbaras do not dine with even other castes of Jainas and the Levā Patīdāras have recently started to dine with other Baniya Jaina castes. This might be due to the fact that the marital relations are necessarily confined to members of their castes only. But there is a marked tendency to extend the dining relations to all Jainas. In this respect the Digambaras seem to be more conservative than the Svetāmbaras. Among the Digambaras the Hummada and Khandelavāla castes observed that they maintain dining relations with the Digambara Jainas and the Budhelanvāyī caste states that it has no objection to dine with the Visā Jainas. On the contrary, many Śvetām bara Jaina castes assert that they not only dine with all Jainas but also with all Baniyā castes some of which are not followers of Jainism. Further, a new development is seen in both the main sections of the Jainas. Formerly many castes were not dining with some castes mainly for the reason that the latter were observing the practice of widow-remarriage. Nowadays this is not followed. Thus the Nevīs among the Digambaras now dine with the Saitavālas and excepting some very few persons all the Srimālis among the Śvetāmbaras dine with the members of Patidāra and Bhāvasāra castes.
As regards the marital relations between the several castes and sub-castes of the Jainas it may be pointed out that in gerneral there is no inter-marriage between the persons belonging to different castes or to different sub-castes of the same caste. The

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caste or the sub-caste, as the case may be, is considered as a strict endogamous group. Thus even the very small castes like Kathanera, Budhelānvayi and Nevi among the Digambaras and the Levā Patidara and Mesari Bhāvasāra among the Śvetām baras do not maintain marital relations with the other Jaina castes. Along with the sub-caste a further restriction of geographical locality is generally taken into account. This is observed more meticulously by the Svetam baras than by the Digambaras. Among the Digambaras ti ere is no rule as such that the members of a particular subcaste residing in a certain locality alone should marry among themselves, but this is observed for all practical purposes because the members of a sub-caste are spread over a vast area. As the Dasā Hummadas and Visā Hummadas are found in Rājasthāna, Gujaratha and Mahārashtra naturally there are practically no marital relations between the Dasā or Visā Hummadas of these regions. The same is the case with the Saitavālas of the Western Mahārāshtra and those of Vidarbha. On the contrary it has been specifically laid down by the Svetāmbaras that marriages should be contracted between the persons of a sub-caste residing in a particular locality only. Such a locality is called a 'ghola' and along with the sub-caste the ghola' is also taken into account for the purpose of marital relations. This rule is strictly enforced; and at times a girl can be brought from outside the 'ghola' but in no case a girl can be given outside the ' ghola 'to which she belongs. Thus the Visa Śrimālīs of Gohilavāda ( which is a district in Kathiavāda ) or the Visā Osavālas of Cutch marry among themselves only. A further complication arises, in this arrangement because of the fact that the members of a sub-caste or a caste belong to different sects of the same religion or to different religions altogetner. In such cases marriages are freely contracted between the persons of a particular sub-caste and a' ghola' even though they are the followers of different sects or religions. In spite of this freedom, a preference is always given to a marriage between the persons of the same sect or religion. Thus the Dasā Srimālis of Zālāvāda - a district in Käthiavāda — are divided into the Murtipū jaka Svetām bara Jainas, Sthānakavāsī Śvetāmbara Jainas and Vaishnavas and irrespective of the fact that marriages can take place between the Zālāvādi Dasā śrīmālīs of any sect or religion, marriages between these members of one sect or religion are defini

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tely preferred. In this way, for example, the Zālāvāḍī Dasā Śrīmalī Sthanakavāsī Jainas form an endogamous group and nowadays there is a growing tendency to take sect or religion into account while settling the marriages. Moreover, it must be observed that recently very small beginnings have been made by both the Digambaras and the Svetam baras to ignore the barriers of caste and locality. No doubt this is restricted to a few castes only but it has got its value as a noticeable change for the better. It has been stated that the members of the Bannore caste in Vidarbha have started keeping marital relations with the members of the Bagheravala, Padmavati Poravala and Saitavala castes of the same region. In the Karnataka recently marriages take place among the members of the Chaturtna, Pañchama, Bogara and Harada castes. Similarly, it has been mentioned that among the Svetam baras inter-marriages have started between the Śrīmālis and the Osavālas.
10. HIERARCHICAL ORGANISATION OF CASTES
Among the Hindus castes are generally arranged in an hierarchical order so that some castes are superior to other castes. The question number 10 was asked so as to know whether the Jainas believe in hierarchy of caste organisation in their community. From the replies it is clear that not even a single person accepts the hierarchical organisation. It has been specifically stated that Jainism enjoins no caste system and therefore the question of arranging them in an order of respectability does not arise at all. Nevertheless, it is admitted that there is something like caste pride and due to it many castes consider themselves superior to others. In general the castes in which the practice of widow-remarriage is observed are considered inferior to other castes where that practice is not followed. That is why some of the Saitavalas, Chaturthas and Pañchamas among the Digambaras and the BhavaSāras among the Svetambaras are looked down upon. Further, there are many castes, especially in Gujaratha and Northern India, which have been divided into Visa or Bisa and Dasa or Dassa and the Visa (or pure) Jainas of every caste consider themselves better than the Dassa (or degenerated) Jainas who have been outcasted for some fault of theirs or their forefathers. Sometimes the castes are divided into Visā, Dasa, Pancha and Aḍhiya divisions

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and these are regarded to be in the descending order of respectability. This feature is common both for the Digambaras and the Svetambaras. Apart from this there are some Digambaras who regard Digambaras as superior and Svetambaras as inferior. Such views are held by some Svetambaras also. Thougn such views are found in the Jaina community they are not given much importance and it has been expressed by many persons that these things must be removed as early as possible.
11. CASTE PANCHAYATAS
Under the caste system generally every caste possesses a Panchayata or a Council of Elders to supervise and control the various relations of its members. The Panchayata has got its own constitution, is required to perform certain functions and is given some powers. With a view to know these facts about the caste Panchayatas among the Jainas the question number 11 was asked. From the replies it may be noted that the Panchayata seems to be the most common feature of a caste among the Jainas. It has, however, been reported that castes like Golapurva, Bannore, Bagheravāla, Bogāra and Vaisya are not having caste Panchayatas; but it appears that as their present population is small they might be having regular caste Panchayatas formerly because there are many castes at present possessing Panchayatas only in name.
Generally speaking there seems to be no constitution for these Panchayatas. These are all old organisations and are not formed now. They are of a hereditary character in the sense that in general the office-bearers as well as the members are succeeded by their sons. The Panchayata of a place consists of a general body and a small committee of a few members. All adult caste members or only eldest members of families of that place constitute the general body and the leading persons of the caste form the small committee. Sometimes both the general body and the small committee are presided over by an influential person known as Setha' in Gujaratha, Sarapancha in Mahārāshtra and Yajamana' in South India. The office of the 'Setha' is always hereditary and his opinion counts much in deciding the matters. In some places the caste-organisation is known by the name Sangha' instead of by Panchayata'. At times instead of having a separate Sangha' for each place, a Sangha' is formed
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to comprise a' Ghola', that is, a particular locality and therefore all places coming under the jurisdiction of that 'Ghola' have a common Sangha'. Further, it is stated that among the Cutchi Dasa Osavāla Murtipujaka Svetām bara Jainas there is a new casteorganisation known as 'Mahajana'. Every thirty adult members, including ladies, elect one representative and such elected representatives of Cutchi Dasa Osavāla Mūrtipujaka Śvetām bara Jainas residing in any part of India constitute the Central Mahajana. There are also provincial and local Maha janas which have to work under the direction of the Central Mahajana.
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The duties, which are enjoined upon the caste Panchayatas to perform, are not many. In general their duties can be divided into two broad categories, namely, religious and social. In the first category are included the duties like the repairs and maintenance of temples owned by the caste and making necessary arrangements for the celebration of various religious festivals. They are also required to see whether the important religious injunctions are strictly observed by their members. The social duties are concerned mainly with the settlement of caste-disputes arising especially out of various marriage restrictions imposed by the caste upon its members. All questions regarding marriage like the number and choice of partners, age of marriage, way of marriage-ceremony, widow-remarriage, divorce, adultery, etc. are dealt with by the Panchayata and this forms the main part of its duties.
There is no fixed rule regarding the ways of raising the funds required for the performance of the duties mentioned above. The funds are collected either through big grants or small voluntary contributions. At many places regular compulsory contribution: from members are not taken and where such contributions are evied they are nominal. The contributions vary from Re. 1/- to Rs. 5/- per family per year and only at a few places it is collected at the rate of Re. 1/- per married person. Another source of income is that of fines collected from its members but it seems that the amount so collected is generally very negligible.
As regards the powers of Panchayatas it can be said that they are empowered to inflict various sorts of punishments upon the defaulters. Generally they give repeated warnings and if the warnings fail they take recourse to fines which in many cases are symbo

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lic. Then the punishments of a religious nature are availed of. The defaulters are asked either to give donations to religious institutions, or to perform religious worship, or to go on a religious pilgrimage. Many a time the defaulters are ordered to give a special feast to all members of the caste. As a last resort the defaulters are outcasted. The excommunication may be either partial or complete. In the first case the defaulters are not allowed only to enter the temple and in the second the castemembers are asked not to dine and marry with the defaulters, Regarding the use of these powers a general charge is made against caste Pañchā. yatas to the effect that the punishments are given according to whims and in giving punishments discrimination is usually made between the rich and the poor. Naturally this could not be tolerated for a long time and due to the efforts of younger peop we find that the above powers were hardly used by many Pañchayatas during the last twentyfive years. At present in several places the caste Pañchāyatas have become defunct bodies and where they have got a semblance of existence they are not respected and cared by vast majority of their members.
As the social conditions have changed to a great extent, the Jainas are not satisfied with the working of caste Pañchāyatas during the last few decades. But at the same time they have not taken any action in the matter. They have neither reorganised the caste Pañchāyatas on modern lines nor have they abolished them and established new organisations in their places. With a view to ascertain the opinion of Jainas with reference to the problem of ending one way or the other this state of indecision, the question No. 12 was asked and from the replies it will be noticed that still the opinion is equally divided. While they accept the fact that it is undesirable to maintain the Pañchāyatas in the old form, they have, it seems, not, as yet, made up their minds regarding the new form the Pañchāyataş should assume. The persons in favour of abolition or reorganisation of caste Pañchāyatás are practically equal in number. Those in favour of abolition contend that the Pañchāyatas of the old rigid type cannot be welcomed because they tend to create a feeling of segregation from other Jaina castes in social affairs. Besides it is thought that the Panchāyatas will automatically cease to exist with the removal of marriage restrictions. In any case they wish that at every place there should be

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an organised or well-represented institution so that the Jainas may remain united. That is why they suggest that instead of organising the Jaina community on a caste-basis, the Jainas should be organised on an all-India basis with its regional, district, taluka, city or village branches and the social, religious, educational and other activities of community should be carried out by these institutions. However, there are a few persons who think that this arrangement should be applied to the Digambaras and Svetāmbaras separately. On the other hand, there are persons who believe that the caste-organisation cannot be removed so long as the caste system remains. They feel that as small units for self-amelioration, the Panchāyatas are useful bodies. Hence they suggest that the institution of Pañchāyatas should be retained in a new form. The hereditary character of the Pañcha yatas must be removed and they must be formed on an election basis so that learned and impartial men can control the affairs of the caste. Many persons think that the working of the Panchayatas could be regularised if they are given a legal form and so it is suggested that the Panchāyatas should be run as registered societies. Again, some propose that the castes or subcastes should organise themselves on a regional or on all-India basis. Thus it is suggested that the Dasā Śrīmali Jainas of Gujarātha should have one organisation and that instead of the Saitavāla caste Panchāyatas at various places, there should be only one organisation like All India Saitavāla Jaina Mahāsabhā.
12. CASTE FEASTS
It is a widespread custom among many castes to give feasts to their members on certain occasions. Jaina castes cannot be an exception to this. With a view to know whether caste dinners are given and if so, on what occasions, the question No. 13 was asked and from the replies it will be observed that it is customary with practically all Jaina castes to give dinners on specific occasions. The most common occasions are marriages, death and religious ceremonies. Among the religious ceremonies may be included the occasions like Paryūshana, that is, completion of the Paryūshana festival; Vratodyā pana, that is, conclusion of a religious vow; Pratishthā, that is, ceremonial installation of an idol in a temple; and Yatrā, that is, returning safely from a pilgrimage. The custom of Maranabhoja, that is, giving a dinner on the 12th or 13th day

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after the death of a person, though practised by many Jaina castes. all over India, is against the tenets of Jainism. That is why with the general awakening of Jainas in recent times the death feasts are not only becoming rare but also are completely discontinued by many castes, at several places. The popularity of caste feasts as such is dwindling and no regular caste feasts are given. When the feasts are given, nowadays there is a tendency to limit it to one friendly circle and relatives instead of inviting all members of the caste. Even this has stopped due to the introduction of rationing of food. Thus from the last few years the caste feasts are not given at all.
13. JAINA AND HINDU CASTES 1. As the Jainas, Hindus and others are living side by side in this country from the last so many centuries and as the proselytising activities were formerly carried on with zeal and vigour by Jainism, Hinduism or other religions, it is likely that certain social relations may exist between the Jaina community and other communities through the agency of some social institutions. To ascertain the nature of such relations coming under the system of castes question number 14 was asked, and from the replies it may be noted that among both Digambaras and Śvetāmbaras there are castes all over India which are found in other communities also but there are practically no relations, either of food or of marriage, with them. In North India the castes of Agravāla, Khandelavāla and Jaisavāla are found among the Hindus—and especially among · the Vaishnavas-but only Agravālas maintain inter-marital relations and the Jaina Khandelavālas and Jaisavālas have no relations at all with the Vaishnava Khandelavālas and Jaisavā las. It is stated that even the gotras of Hindu Khandelavālas are different from those of the Jaina Khandelavālas. In Madhya Pradesh Bagheravāla (or Lada ), Pallīvāla and Golāpūrva castes are seen among Vaishnava Hindus and Jainas but there is a complete absence of relation between them. In Western India the Dasā Śrīmālī caste is found among Śvetām bara and Sthānakavāsī sub-sects of Jainism and among Saiva, Vaishnava and Svāmīnārāyaṇa subsects of Hindusim, but it is mentioned that though forty years back marriages used to take place freely between the Dasā Srīmālīs irrespective of the sect to which they belonged, the position is not

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so at present. Now the Jaina Dasa Srīmālīs have no relations with Hindu Dasā Srīmālīs and among the former the Svetambaras and Sthanakavasis do not possess inter-marital relations. Similarly the Jaina Poravādas and Nemas have discontinued their practice which was current only 60 years back-of marrying with the Hindu Poravādas and Nemas respectively. It seems that only Jaina Levā Pātīdāras even now dine and marry with the Hindu Levā Pāṭidāras and that among the Jaina and non-Jaina members of the Bāvanagāma Bhāvasara caste, interdining and intermarital relations are kept without any restrictions. In South India like Pañchama Jainas there are Рañchamasālīs among the Lingayatas and Panchamas among the Hindus but the Jaina Panchamas have no relations with the other Panchamas. The same is the case with the Upadhyayas from the Jainas and the Hindu Brahmins. Similarly like Jaina Vaisyas there are Bantas among the Hindus of South Kanara but there are hardly any relations between them. It is stated that the Vellalas of Saiva sect of Hindus from Tanjore District were followers of Jainism upto the 10th century A. D. and now they have no relations with any Jainas of that District.
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14. RULES OF ENDOGAMY AND EXOGAMY
The question number 15 was concerned with the rules of endogamy and exogamy, their observance and the possible improvements therein. The rules of endogamy of the Jaina community at present, as revealed from the replies, are such that while contracting marriages the caste or sub-caste, the sect or sub-sect and the geographical locality are generally taken into consideration. This means that the persons belonging to the same sub-sect or sub-caste and geographical locality alone can have marital relations among themselves and their relations with outsiders are strictly forbidden. Thus, in general the Jainas observe the following forms of endogamy, namely, the caste or sub-caste endogamy, religious or sectional endogamy and local or place endogamy which in Gujaratha is known as Ghola. As regards the rules of exogamy it can be said that among the castes in which the gotra system exists, the gotras are necessarily avoided for the purpose of marriage. There is no fixed rule as to how many gotras are to be avoided and the number of gotras to be avoided differs from

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castet o caste. While the Paravāras avoid four gotras, the Khandelavālas avoid two or four gotras, and the Golapūrvas avoid any two gotras. A 'Sagotra' marriage is never approved. There are many castes among the Digambaras, Švetāṁbaras and Sthānakavāsīs where the gotra system is not prevalent. In such cases marriages are contracted outside one's own family. In many places the surnames are considered to denote families and as such marriages of persons bearing the same surname are not allowed. Further, there is no common rule regarding the degree of blood-relationship within which marriage is forbidden. While in the Karnataka marriage with a sister's daughter is not only allowed but also preferred, in North India this custom is not followed at all.
The above rules of endogamy and exogamy are generally observed by the members of the Jaina community. No doubt in recent times some cases have been reported where the rules of endogamy have been broken but no punishment was meted out to the defaulters. At times members are allowed to bring girls from outside but in no circumstance they can give their daughters outside their group. Though these lapses in the rules of endogamy are ignored, still such marriages are not favoured and are looked down.
As a result of the observance of caste, sect and local endogamy, the field for choice of partners becomes very limited and t between the castes is perpetuated. With a view to give more freedom in the selection of partners the question regarding inter-caste marriage was asked and from the replies it will be observed that, except ten persons, all the remaining are in favour of inter-caste marriages. But they are not agreed on the extent of such intercaste marriages. Some go to the limit of marrying with even non-Jainas but suggest that they should be invariably vegetarians. Those who do not go so far wish to point out that there should be no objection if Jainas marry with the Hindus of higher castęs. A great majority of persons approves of marriages among all Jainas irrespective of caste or sect but only after taking into consideration the language, education, economic conditions, ways of living, customs, 'manners, etc. of the partners. This means that they suggest the marriages of Jainas living in a linguistic region and having the same economic and cultural status. In this some do wish to make distinction between the main sects and think

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that the Digambaras and Svetām baras should marry among themselves only. As a step in this direction it is suggested that in the first instance there should be marriages between the sub-castes and then between the castes found in a particular locality. In this light it is pointed out that as a first step the Bagheravāla, Bannore, Gangeravala, Nevi, Dhakaḍa and Paravara castes of Digambara Jainas from Central India should combine for purposes of marriage.
Thus in general it appears that the Jainas seem to accept inter-caste marriages in the beginning among the various Digambara castes or among the various Svetambara castes of a region and not between the Digambara and Svetämbara castes.
15. CASTES AND CHARITABLE INSTITUTIONS
It is evident that the Jaina community has been divided into a large number of castes and sub-castes and that the latter have been further sub-divided on the basis of sect or sub-sect and locality. As these divisions and sub-divisions are generally endogamous groups, there are very few chances left for the various castes and sub-castes to have closer relations among themselves. This has created a gulf between the castes or sub-castes and it is necessary to find out whether there are other agencies which perpetuate and, if possible, widen the distance between these castes or sub-castes. That is why the question number 16 was asked to get information regarding the several types of charitable institutions which are exclusively reserved for the members of a particular caste or sub-caste. From the replies it will be noticed that the Jainas are conducting charitable institutions for the benefit of members of a certain caste or sub-caste who follow a particular sect or subsect and who reside in or come from some fixed locality. Among such institutions the foremost place will have to be accorded to the Scholarship Funds, Funds for the relief of the poor and the destitutes and Housing Societies and a secondary place to the Students' Boarding Houses, which are generaly reserved for members of a particular sect or sub-sect rather than for those of a caste or sub-caste.
Though the institutions of reserved type had been started by both the Digambara and Svetambara castes, like Cutchi Visā Osavala, Cutchi Dasa Osavāla, Visā Śrimāli, Dasā Śrimāli Svetām

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313. bara, Dasă Śrimāli Sthānakavāsi, Lāda Śrimāli,Visā Poravāda, Visā Nemā, Dasā Narasingapurā, Visā Mevādā, Bhāvasāra Bāva. nagāma, Jaisavāla, Bannore, Dhākada, Bagheravāla, Saitavāla, etc., it is not that all have served their purpose of helping their castemembers. From the replies it appears that the institutions which are said to have served their purpose mostly belong to the wealthy subcastes like Cutchi Visā Osavāla, Dasā Srimāli svetāmbara, Dasā. Śrimāli Sthānakavāsi and Visā Mevādā, while those which have hardly served their purpose seem invariably to have been managed by the small and comparatively very poor castes or subcastes like Lāda Srimāli, Dasā Narasingapurā, Bhāvasāra Bāvanagāma, Bannore, Dhākada, Bagheravāla and Saitavāla. The same can be said about the question whether such institutions create separatist tendencies in the community or not. The relatively well-off castes. assert that these institutions do not necessarily create separatist tendencies while the other castes state that they undoubtedly help to create separatism at least to some extent. In this connection it seems to be the general consensus of opinion that such institutions foster the already created separatist tendency in the Jaina community. This separatism has gone so deep that some persons wish to maintain that there is no harm if separatism is. perpetuated between the Digambaras and the Svetāmbaras.
Regarding the proposal of removing the reserved character of these institutions it appears from the replies that in general the persons approve the idea of throwing the institutions open to all Jainas if thereby its aims and objects are not lost sight of. Even though this is desirable, still it is vehemently argued that it is not a practical proposition for various reasons. In the first place, it is stated that the funds at the disposal of these institutions put together are not sufficient to meet the needs of all Jainas. Secondly, it is not practicable so long as the caste structure remains unchanged. In small endogamous castes people are related to one another in a distinct manner and there is a natural tendency to help one's relatives. That is why the rich people do not wish to give donations to members outside the caste. Thirdly, it is maintained that this can be done on the basis of reciprocity. The reciprocal relations are difficult to achieve because there are many castes which are not financially well. Fourthly, it is asserted that it is a matter for all Jainas to come together and to take a common

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decision. But it is a fact that sectarian distinctions are very deep
rooted and there is no possibility of abolishing them as there is - complete absence of religious toleration. Hence it is thought that there is no use in opening the institutions to all Jainas.
16. CHOICE OF OCCUPATION The lack of choice of occupations is one of the important features of Hindu caste system. Therein the occupations are considered as hereditary and the members are not allowed to follow an occupation which is not their own. With a view to know whether the Jaina castes also are occupational in character the question number 17 was asked and from the replies it can be observed that in general in the past members of a Jaina caste were not compelled to follow a particular occupation or profession. As the freedom of choice of occupations was given to the members, the Jaina castes could not be considered as occupational in character. Thus the Visā Śrimāli Jainas in the past were businessmen dealing in jewellery, precious stones, perfumery, cloth and other goods. Though some of them still continue their old trades a good many of them have gone to new lines like speculation in cotton, bullion and shares and even in American futures. Similarly, agriculture and business were the occupations of Visā Osavālas but now they have ceased to follow agriculture and seem to concentrate on business of precious stones, especially diamonds. Bāvanagāma Bhāvasāras appear to have gradually discontinued their former profession of dyeing clothes and now they are found in business as well as in service. In many Jaina castes the profession of banking was practised on a large scale but now they hardly follow that profession. But still there are a few castes which are in a large measure continuing their former main occupations even to the present day. Agriculture was and is the main occupation of Chaturtha, Vaisya and Bogāra castes. Along with agriculture the Bogāras are practising their former occupations of selling bangles and manufacturing and selling copper and bronze vessels. Thus at present there are no fixed occupations of particular castes and the Jainas, irrespective of the castes to which they belong, follow various types of occupations.
17. CASTE AND EDUCATION : The Jainas being mainly a commercial community it is natural that the standard of literacy, especially among males, is compara

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tively higher than that of other communities. But this cannot be said about the educational standard in general. Not only the educational standard is not advanced among the Jainas but also there is no common standard seen among the various Jaina castes. The disparity in educational standard among Jaina castes may perhaps be due to the fact that the number of Jaina castes is relatively very large and there is a noticeable tendency among several castes to help the members of their own caste only. With a view to ascertain the educational standard in regional and foreign languages attained by males or females of several Jaina castes the question number 18 was asked and from the replies it will be noted that the educational standard does not appear to be the same for all castes. In general it can be maintained that the Jaina castes from the Deccan and South India are educationally much more backward than the Jaina castes from the other parts of India. The educational standard of all Jaina castes in the Deccan like Saitavāla, Chaturtha, Pañchama and Bogāra is definitely low as compared with that of castes in the North like Śrimāla, Osavāla. Porąvāda, Agravāla, Khandelavāla, Paravāra, Bannore, etc. While in Northern India the males go generally upto the Matriculation and the females complete the primary education, in the Deccan and South India the males reach only the fourth standard vernacular and the females are almost absolutely blank. Further. even among the Jaina castes of Northern (including Central and Western ) India it will be noticed that the castes having a smaller population like Mesari Bhāvasāra, Bāvanagāma Bhāvasāra, Dasā Narasingapurā, Kathanerā, Nevi Dhākada and Bagheravāla are not educationally advanced like the other populous castes. It is pertinent to note that the castes which state that the education is continuously increasing among their caste members are all comparatively rich castes like Dasā Śrimāli svetāmbara, Dasā Śrimāli Sthānakavāsi, Agravāla, Khandelavāla, Paravāra and Hummada. This means that the existing disparity will be perpetuated, if not accentuated. To get an idea of existing disparity in the educational standard in both regional and foreign languages between the members of soine castes the following approximate figures are given as stated by them.15

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Caste or sub-caste
Visā Osavāla
Visā Srimāli
Chaturtha
Vaiśya ( Nāināra
Sex
Males
Females
Males
Females
Males
Females
Males Females
Jaina Community-A Social Survey
Some foreign language 10% 2%
20%
.5%
2%
Regional
language
90%
33%
80%
60
10
2 80%
10
0
nil
5%
nil
18. RELIGIOUS SANCTION TO CASTES
Caste system is a universal feature in the Jaina community. By this system the community has been divided and sub-divided into small sections and efforts are made to perpetuate these divisions and sub-divisions. When caste is rooted so much in the social organisation of Jainas, it is likely to give impression that the caste system as it exists at present might have been ordained by religion and it might have descended from very ancient times. With a view to ascertain the correctness of this impression, the question number 19 was asked and it will be observed from the replies that with eight exceptions all the rest maintain that there is no religious sanction to these castes. It is considered that the castes are purely social bodies which have come into existence due to the exigencies of time and due to close association with the Hindus. Jaina religion is essentially a religion for the individual's spiritual upliftment and as such it is argued that Jainism has nothing to do with social organisations like castes which are based on purely social rather than on spiritual or religious distinctions. As Jainism does not enjoin the caste system, naturally the latter did not exist in the ancient Jaina community. It has been very emphatically stated by eminent Jaina research scholars that the castes, which are found in the Jaina community at present, appear to have come into existence after the 10th century A. D. because the Jaina books prior to the 10th century A. D. do not at all refer to these castes. Thus in general it can be stated that these castes are not sanctioned by religion and they never existed in the ancient Jaina community in their present form. The few persons who do not agree with this general view do not quote authorities in support of their statements. Only three such authorities have been put forward and these are Jñati-Jayamālā, Jinasamhita and Trivarnika

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chāra. In the first only the names of eighty-four Jaina castes have been mentioned and by no means it can be treated as an ancient Jaina book. The second book is known as Indranandi Jinasamhitā and it is written by Achārya Vasunandi Indranandi. It appears that the book was composed sometime after the 10th century A. D. The third book, namely, Trivarņikāchāra, was, composed by Bhattāraka Somasena in 1611 A. D. 16 Both the Indranandi Jinasamhitā and Trivarnikāchāra are no doubt regarded as some of the chief Jaina Law Books but it must be remembered that they discuss Jaina Law pertaining to the four classes of society, namely, Brāhmaṇa, Kshatriya, Vaiśya and Sūdra and not pertaining to the castes as they exist today. Hence all the three authorities which are supposed to accord religious sanction to the castes and to prove their prevalence in the ancient Jaina community do not really do so.
19. INSTITUTION OF BHATTARAKA It has already been noted that the institution of Bhattāraka was started by Digambara Jainas as a measure against their continuous religious and social disintegration during the medieval period. As the practice of asceticism, according to the Digambara code of asceticism, was declining, it was necessary that an intermediate authority between the ascetics and lay followers should be insti. tuted to look after the religious and social needs of the people. Accordingly the system of Bhattārakas was constituted for mainly the religious divisions of the society like Sangha, Gaņa or Gachchha. Thus at Kārañajā in Berar there were three Bhattārakas each of Kashtha Sarigha, Balātkāra 6 aña and Sena Gaņa. Later on a Bhattāraka came to be intimately associated with a particular caste and he was given an important position in the organisation of that caste. In this way with the attachment of a new personage vested with authority a new development took place in the Jaina caste system which was absent in the Hindu caste system. With a view to realise the present day position of Bhattārakas within the caste organisation of Jainas, the question number 20 was asked. From the replies it will be observed that the institution of Bhattāraka is a peculiar feature of the Digambara Jainas only. But it has been stated that like Bhattāraka, there are Munis who are attached to various religious divisions of Sthānakavāsi Jainas known as Sarghādās like Limadi Sanghādā, Goņdala Sanghādā, Rajkot Sarghādā, etc. The Munis are appointed and removed by the

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Sanghadas. These Munis are not allowed to have any property and they do not exercise any control over the people or any authority over the Caste Panchayatas. This means that the Munis do not wield powers in the social field like the Bhattarakas and hence the Munis cannot, it appears, be regarded as counterparts. of the Bhattarakas among the Sthanakavāsī Jainas. Further. it is reported that among the Svetambaras there are at different places the seats of Yatis instead of Bhaṭṭarakas and that the pomp displayed by these Śvetambara Yatis was practically like that displayed by Digambara Bhaṭṭārakas.
318
It seems that among the Digambara Jainas also all castes. do not necessarily have Bhaṭṭārakas of their own. From the replies it will be observed that the Hummaḍa Mevāḍā, Narasingapura, Khandelavāla, Saitavāla, Chaturtha, Pañchama, Bogāra, Upadhyāya, Vaiśya and Kshatriya castes have their separate Bhaṭṭārakas while the Kathanera, Buḍhelā, Agravāla, Golāpūrva, Jaisavāla, Nevi and Hummaḍa (from Mahārāshtra) castes have no Bhaṭṭāraka system at all. Besides in some castes like Paravāra, Bannore, Dhakaḍa and Bagheravāla the Bhaṭṭaraka system was prevalent formerly but now it is extinct.
The central places of residence of the existing Bhattarakas of the castes mentioned above are as follows :
Name of the caste
(i) Hummaḍa Mevāḍā
(ii) Narasingapura (iii) Khaṇḍelavāla
(iv) Saitavala (v) Chaturtha
(vi) Pañchama
(vii) Bogāra
(viii) Upadhyaya (ix) Vaiśya and
(x) Kshatriya
Central places of residence of the Bhattaraka of that caste
Surat, Sojitra, Kalol, Narasinhapura and Dungarapura.
Surat, Sojitrā and Kesariyāji. Gwalior, Sonagira, Nāgora, Ajmera and Mahaviraji.
Latūra and Nagapūra.
Nandani, Kolhāpūra, Hosūra, Teradāla.
Kolhapura, Rayabāga, Hosurat and Humacha.
Hūmacha, Mysore, Śravanabelagola, Narasimharajapura. Muḍabidi, Karakala.
Mudabidri,, Kārakala, MelaSittamura, Śravanabelagola, Jinakanchi and Narasimharajapura.

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From the above statement it is evident that the central places. of residence of a Bhattāraka are those where the caste people, to. which he belongs, are concentrated most. Hence we find that at places, which were and are strongholds of Digambara Jainas, like: Surat, Sojitrā, Kolhāpūra, Hūmacha, Śrayanabelagola, Mūdabidri and Kārakala there remain at a time more than one Bhattāraka.
The principal duty of a Bhattāraka is Dharmarakshā, that is, protection of religion. The protection is to be achieved by repuls-- ing the attacks of other religionists and by making his people more religious-minded by means of preaching and educating the people. This means that he is concerned with the spiritual welfare of his people and as such he controls the affairs of his caste so far as religious matters are concerned. Along with the religious duty he has to perform a social duty also. The social duty consists in looking after the interests of his caste members. He has to help them in social matters by giving them advice or by cementing their quarrels or by regulating social relations, institutions, customs and manners according to the rules of conduct prescribed by the Jaina books from time to time. Thus the nature of his duties is spiritual as well as temporal. It has been stated that even though the Bhattārakas are saddled with responsible duties, they care more for their rights than for their duties.
In connection with the question of appointing a Bhattāraka there seems to be no fixed rule. In general the procedure is that of Sishya-parainparā in which the existing Bhattāraka always. selects his successor from his disciples. When the predecessor nominates his successor, the latter has to be installed by the people of the caste concerned. This practice is observed by the Hummada - Mevādā, Narasingapurā and Khandelavāla castes. There is another way of appointing a Bhattāraka. In this method the successor is chosen from among the disciples by the caste members through their representatives known as Pañchas. This is the common practice among the Saitavāla, Chaturtha, Pañchama, Upadhyāya, Bogāra, Vaisya and Kshatriya castes. In the case of Bhattārakas coming within the jurisdiction of the Mysore State, the consent of the Mysore Government in the matter has to be taken into account and it is reported that in fact the Mysore Government exercises more right in selection than the people. Once a Bhattāraka is appointed, he cannot be removed from his position

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even though he fails in his duties or misuses his authority. The cases of removal of a Bhattāraka are unheard of. At present only the Hummada Mevādā caste claims that it can remove its Bhattāraka while the other castes specifically mention that they cannot displace their Bhattārakas. This means that a Bhattāraka has to be tolerated by his followers.
A Bhattāraka is not required to lead the life of a strict ascetic. Though he has to remain celebate throughout his life and to live according to the religious principles, he has been allowed to possess property. Generally a Bhattāraka possesses both movable and imovable property and utilises it according to his own will. The property consists of contributions and gifts from his followers and sympathisers and grants from the State. It is gathered from the replies that the financial position of all Bhattarakas is sound. It has been stated that excepting the Saitavāla and Upādhyāya Bhattārakas, who possess very less amount of property, the remaining Bhattārakas individually hold property worth not less than rupees half a lac. It is mentioned that the approximate value of property with the Narasingapurā Bhattāraka is upto two lacs, with the Khandelavāla Bhattāraka more than one lac, with the Vaisya Bhattāraka nearly three and a half lacs and the annual income of the Chaturtha Bhattāraka is estimated at rupees 20,000 per year. The Hummada Mevādā, Pañchama and Bogāra Bhattarakas are said to possess much property.
As the Bhattārakas have been enjoined upon to look after the religious and social welfare of their people, they were endowed with powers to exercise some control over their members in certa matters like exacting contributions, enforcing decisions, etc. The position at present seems to be different with different Bhattārakas. The Saitavāla, Chaturtha, Pañchama, Bogāra, Vaisya and Kshatriya Bhattārakas still exercise some definite control over their followers. The Narasingapurā Bhattāraka has no strict control and the Hummaďa Mevādā, Khandelavāla and Upādhyāya Bhattārakas have ceased to wield any control at all over their members. Thus in general it appears that the controlling powers are not widely used by the existing Bhattarakas and though they take contributions from their followers, they do not disturb the daily ordinary life of their members.

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Whatever power the Bhattarakas are said to possess in theory, they are hardly exercised in practice. This is so because the Bhaṭṭārakas have ceased to command, due to their incompetence in various matters, the respect from the majority of their members. That is why their present position is stated to be very weak so far as the Saitavala, Chaturtha, Pañchama, Upadhyāya, Bogara, Vaisya and Kshatriya castes are concerned. In the remaining castes their position is quite ordinary and in fact they are considered to be a burden to the society as they live comfortably without attending properly to their duties. In general it can be maintained that at present excepting their few followers others do not take note of them.
The position of a Bhattaraka has also dwindled in another sphere. Formerly as a part of his duties, a Bhaṭṭāraka could control the working of the caste Panchayatas coming in his jurisdiction. But now this is not the position. A Bhattaraka wields no such authority among the Hummaḍa Mevāḍā, Narasingapurā and Khaṇḍelavala castes. While in the remaining castes, namely, Saitavala, Chaturtha, Pañchama, Upadhyaya, Bogāra, Vaisya and Kshatriya, the Bhattaraka is in theory considered as the supreme authority so far as the caste Panchayatas are concerned, yet in practice he is at present completely powerless. Thus it is clear that as a Bhattaraka has no control whatsoever either on individuals or on caste Panchayatas, his existing position is undoubtedly very precarious.
As regards the problem of reforming the institution of Bhaṭṭāraka there seem to be two different schools of thought. The first school maintains that the Bhaṭṭāraka system should be abolished altogether because in recent times practically all Bhaṭṭarakas have lamentably failed in the performance of even their ordinary duties. Some of the occupants were not sufficiently educated and moreover were devoid of character. Due to these reasons people have neither faith nor confidence in the institution. As a result the vast amount of property attached to the Bhattarakas is either lying idle or is being misused by interested persons. It is, therefore, suggested that instead of wasting such a large amount of property, the Bhaṭṭārakas should be removed for good, their properties should be looked after by Committees of Management specially organised for the purpose and the money should be regu
J...21

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larly utilised for social, religious, educational and economic activities of the people. On the other hand, the second school of thought does not wish to abolish the institution but proposes to reform it. It is thought that only right type of persons possessing Vidvattā and Charitrya, that is, learning and character, should be selected for the posts and to ensure this people must have a right to elect a Bhaṭṭārakas as well as to remove him for misconduct and dereliction of duties. Further, all the powers should not be vested in a Bhaṭṭaraka alone. A council of elderly people known as Committee of Management should be constituted to guide a Bhaṭṭāraka and to look after his property. With these provisions it is hoped that the institution will be of lasting benefit to the people. Between these schools of thought there seem to be more adherents for the second school of reform than for the first school of abolition. Some go even to the length of suggesting that there should be a Bhattaraka for all Jainas, irrespective of sect, in a locality instead. of for a particular caste only.
20. ORIGIN OF CASTES
Even though Jaina castes came into existence after the 10th century A. D., consistent history is not available about any caste. As a result information regarding the origin of a caste is shrouded in obscurity. It is not definitely known how the various castes and sub-castes have originated. Whatever information could be secured from available books has already been utilised while giving a short account of some of the important Jaina castes.17 With a view to find out whether additional information can be procured, the question number 21 was asked and from the replies it will be observed that a majority of persons do not know anything at all about the origin of their castes. Some maintain that the Jaina castes might have been formed in pure imitation of the Hindu castes, while others state that the Jaina castes might have arisen due to internal quarrels and differences in customs and manners. prevailing in different parts of the country. This seems to be correct because like Hindus the Jainas have come to possess a large number of castes and many of them are named after the names of places. No new information is available from the replies. about the origin of big castes like Osavāla, Śrīmāla, Poravāda, Agravāla and Khanḍelavala. However, a new interpretation is given regarding the origin of the Saitavala caste. It has been.
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mentioned that the Jainas who resided in Saurāshtra, i. e., Kathiawar, were called Saurāshtravālas who later came to be known as Sorathavala and Saitavāla. This does not seem to be plausible because in the first place the Saitavālas appear to be the native residents of the Marāthi speaking Districts of the former Bombay province, the Central Provinces and Berar and the Hyderabad State, and secondly if at all they would have come from outside, they might have come from the North and especially from Rajaputana as still we occasionally find them keeping marital relations with the Jainas of Rājasthāna. Further, as regards the origin of some small castes we get the following information. It has been mentioned that the Bhāvasāra (Bāvanagāma ) caste has been formed out of the persons outcasted by Osavāla and other Kshatriya castes. The Dhākada Jainas are said to have come from the Dhāka-gada State in Central India. About the Budhelā sub-caste it has been stated that the Budhelā sub-caste originated from Yadu Vamsa. The progeny of Jarat-kumāra lost the kingdom of Kalinga and came to Lamba-Kāñchana Deśa in the South where they adopted Vastrājivikā, that is, maintenance by trade, etc. Thence they migrated to Central India and Rajaputana and came to be known as Lamba-Kañchuka or Lamechū. Budhelās, who were a class or sub-gotra cf Lamechūs, effected social reform and formed a separate group with some members of other gotras.
21. JAINAS IN ASCETIC STAGE The Jaina community in the ancient past was composed of four parts, namely, Sādhus (i. e. male ascetics), Sadhvis (i. e. female ascetics ), Śrāvakas (i. e. male laity ), and Śrāvikās (i. e. female laity). Thus the ascetics and ordinary people formed two important divisions of the community and there has always been a close connection between these two divisions. The rules of ascetic life according to Jainism are very strict and gradually the number of people in the ascetic order of the community declined. The exact number of such people is not available and therefore to get a rough idea about it the question number 22 was asked. From the replies it appears that there are at present many ascetics, both male and female, in the Jaina community and that the number of ascetics among the Svetāmbaras is far greater than that among the Digambaras. In the Śvetāmbara sect all the three subsects, namely, Mūrtipūjaka, Sthānakavāsi and Terāpanthi, possess a

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Jaina Community-A Social Survey good number of ascetics. Among the Mūrtipūjaka Śvetāmbara castes it has been reported that among the castes like Visā Śrimāli, Dasā Srimāli, Visā Osvāla and Dasā Poravāda the number of people in the ascetic order ranges from 500 to 2000 in each caste. The same is said about the Dasā Śrimāli and Visā Osavāla castes from the Sthānakavāsi sub-sect. In the Terāpanthi sub-sect it is stated that there are nearly 600 male and female ascetics. On the contrary among the Digambara castes only the Chaturtha and Panchama castes claim, even according to their estimate, to have the number of ascetics up to one hundred. It has been mentioned that a few castes like Khandelavāla, Paravāra, Hummada, Saitavāla, Bogāra, Vaisya and Kshatriya have at least 50 ascetics, while the other castes like Jaisavāla, Narasingapurā, Kathanerā, Golāpūrva, Bannore, Dhākaļa, Nevi, Bagheravāla and Buļhelā hardly possess any ascetic at all. Further, it will be observed that among the Śvetāmbara ascetics the proportion of females seems to be greater than that of males. Thus it is reported that in the Sthānakavāsi Dasā Srimāli caste there are 400 male ascetics and 1500 female ascetics. It must be remembered that the ascetics do not belong to one caste alone. A member of any caste can become an ascetic and the ascetics of a particular sub-sect are respected equally by all castes of that sub-sect.
22. RELIGIOUS DISABILITIES The imposition of religious disabilities is one of the main characteristics of the Hindu caste system. By this restriction certain caste people are debarred from performing some religious rites, like worshipping the God from the innermost part of the temple or performing a ritual according to Vedic rites, etc. With a view to find out the position about this in the Jaina community at present the question number 23 was asked and from the replies it will be noted that no religious disabilities have been imposed on the castes as such. It is true that a particular type of people from some castes only are not given freedom to observe certain religious rites, but this does not mean that these castes, to which such people belong, are penalised as a whole. It appears that the religious disabilities of any kind are not found among the Svetāmbara castes at all and among the Digambara castes they are traceable in some few castes. Among the Digambara vastes of Northern India like Khandelavāla, Paravāra, Golā pūrva, etc. the outcasted

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people known as Dasā (or Dassā) or Lohadasājana or Laharisena are prohibited from performing Pūjā or worship in the temples and giving meals to ascetics. Such people are allowed to be contented with only Darśana, that is, seeing the idol. 18 Among the Digambara castes in the Deccan like the Saitavāla, Chaturtha and Bogāra only the remarried widows and their husbands are forbidden from giving meals to the ascetics. No other restrictions are put on such people. Some time back a few ascetics were reluctant to take meals from the Saitavalas but at present this is not observed at all by any ascetic.
23. WIDOW REMARRIAGE The status of a caste in a society is broadly determined on the question whether the practice of widow remarriage is preva. lent in that caste or not. Among the Hindu's the castes which allow and practise widow remarriage are put on the lower rungs of the ladder of their hierarchical organisation of castes. It has been already noted that even though the Jainas do not arrange their castes in the hierarchical order of respectability, yet many of them. look down upon the castes which follow the practice of widow remarriage. With a view to know whether there are any Jaina castes which allow and practise widow remarriage the question number 24 was asked and from the replies it will be obs5rved that the custom is in vogue in a few castes from the main sects and sub-sects of Jainas. Thus the Leva Pātidāra and Mesari Bhāvasāra castes of Svetāmbara Jainas, Bhāvasāra Bāvanagāma and Visā Osavāla (from Punjab), castes of Sthānkavāsi Jainas and the Saitavāla, Chaturtha, Pañchama, Bogāra and Kshatriya castes of Digambara Jainas openly allow their members to practise widow remarriage. But the extent to which it is actually availed of differs from caste to caste. Among the Svetāṁbaras, it is reported that the Levā Pātidāras practise it very freely while the Mesari Bhāvasāras observe it not so freely. The Bāvanagāma Bhāvasaras, irrespective of the fact whether they are Jainas or Hindus, not only regularly follow the custom of widow remarriage but also grant divorce. For the Sthānakavasi Visā Osavālas from Punjab there is neither a ban on, nor a condemnation of, the observance of widow remarriage. So far as the Digambaras aje. concerned it appears that the proportion of widow remarriage is more among the Saitavālas than what it is among the Chaturthas,

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Pañchamas, Bogāras, and Kshatriyas. Though these Digambara castes tolerate widow remarriage, yet the persons who practise it are more or less looked down upon. In this connection it is interesting to note that the Svetāṁbara and Sthānakavāsi castes which allow widow remarriage are definitely not as populous as the Digambara castes of that category and that such Digambara castes invariably pertain to the Deccan and South India. It is not known how among the Digambaras the majority of castes from the Deccan and South India came to adopt the policy of widow remarriage while even a single Digambara caste from the North did not allow it at all.
Further, it may be observed that among the Jainas of all sects prejudice against the practice of widow remarriage is slowly on the decline. The tendency is more noticeable among the Svetāmbaras and Sthānakavāsis. In their practically all important castes like Visa Srimāli, Dasā Srimāli, Visā Poravāda, Visā Osavāla, and Dasā Osavāla even though some instances of widow remarriage have since recently occurred, still it is reported that no action is taken against the defaulters. On the contrary it is stated that such remarriages, especially among the sthānakavāsis, are not looked down upon and specific efforts are being made to arrange and popularise such marriages through the establishment of the Jaina Widow Remarriage Association. Similarly in the Paravāra caste of Digambara Jainas the persons who have married the widows and have been outcasted for the purpose have formed a separate sub-caste of their own known as Laharisena and it is stated that as the Laharisenas are gaining in strength and prestige, prejudice against them is diminishing day by day.
24. POLYGYNY The question number 25 was concerned with the practice of polygyny in the Jaina community. From the replies it will be seen that the custom of having more than one wife was approved by practically all castes and was practised in the past to a great extent by many people, especially those who were rich. But at present even though polygyny is allowed, yet it is hardly practised. When it is practised, it is generally done so for a specific purpose. A man is allowed to have a second wife only in certain defined conditions. Thus in the Sthānakavāsi Dasā Srimāli caste a second wife is allowed, if there is no male issue from the first wife, after

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ten years of marriage. In the Svetāṁbara Visā Poravāļa caste a second wife is allowed after twelve years of marriage provided that there is no issue at all from the first wife. Among the Jaina and Hindu members of Bāvanagāma. Bhāvasāras a person can have, with the consent of the caste, more than one wife provided he has no male issue from his previous wives. With the general awakening in the community the custom of having many wives is fast disappearing and in many parts of the country it is strictly prohibited by state regulation. For example, in the Bombay Province the Prevention of Hindu Bigamous Marriage Act has been applied to the Jainas also. 18
25. NUMBER OF CRIMINALS It has already been remarked that the proper observance of rules prescribed by Jaina Ethics moulds the personality and character of a person in such a way that usually he becomes free from criminal tendencies. 19 That is why we find ordinarily that a very small proportion of Jainas, as compared with the other communities, figures in criminal cases. With a view to ascertain whether this position is maintained by the Jainas uptil now the question number 26 was asked and from the replies it will be observed that the habitual criminals are not found among the Jainas at all. It is true that ordinary criminals are there in many Jaina castes. But it is stated that every caste, whether Jaina or Hindu, bas got some ordinary criminals and that they are less among the Jainas than among the Hindus. No doubt it is reported that we come across Jainas who are found guilty of grave criminal offences like forgery and murder but it is pointed out that such cases are very rare and the guilty persons are not habitual criminals.
26. CASTES AND SOCIAL REFORM The Jaina community has been divided into an unusually large number of castes and sub.castes and these divisions serve as separate groups for various social relations. Since these groups are strictly endogamous they hardly come into intimate contact with one another. Further, these groups belong to various sects and sub-sects of Jainism and hence even for religious purposes they do not come together. It is a fact that the caste Pañchāyatas try to maintain their castes as separate entities by several means. In these circumstances the burden of eradicating anti-social customs

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from the society mainly falls on the caste Pañchāyatas and with a view to know whether this work is undertaken by the Pañchā vatas or not the question number 27 was asked. From the replies it will be noted that the number of caste Pañchāyatas who have not done anything in the matter appears to be far more than that of caste Pañchāyatas who have tried something in this connection. Only the Visā Hummada Mevādā, Narasingapurā, Budhelā, Golāpūrva, Jaisavāla, Paravāra and Agravāla castes of Digambaras, and the Dasā Srimāli and Mesari Bhāvasāra castes of Svetāṁbaras have made some attempts in this regard and it is reported that the efforts of the big castes like Paravāra and Agravāla were not successful. This means that broadly the Pañchāyatas of small castes alone are active in this field. The names of castes of all sects which did not strive in this direction are as follows : Visā Śrimālī, Osavāla, Poravāda, Nemā, Levā Pātidāra, Khandelavāla, Dasā Hummada, Kathanerā, Dhākada, Nevi, Bannore, Bagheravāla, Saitavāla, Chaturtha, Panchama and Bogāra. Among the antisocial practices the most glaring one was that of child marriage and it is mentioned that in this regard only two castes, namely, Visā Hummaďa Mevāda and Sthānakavāsi Dasā Srimāli, were successful. The other important anti-social custom of dowry. still holds the ground in many castes and it is stated that it has recently entered into the Paravāra caste. Incidentally it may be noted that the Visā and Dasā Srimāli, Dasā Poravāda, Visā Nemā and Mesari Bhāvasāra castes of Svetāṁbaras and the castes of Digambara Jainas in South India do not possess the system of giving dowry to the bridegroom. It has been mentioned that the work of social reform including the present one of removing the anti-social customs from the castes is being carried out with some success by the Jaina Associations of a regional or all India nature like All India Svetāmbara Jaina Conference, All India Sthānakavāsi Jaina Conference, Mahārāshtriya Jaina Sabhā, Dakshina Maharashtra Jaina Sabhā and Mysore Jaina Association.
27. CASTES AND TEMPLES The ancient Jaina community, being religious and comparatively wealthy , had, during the last so many centuries, constructed a large number of temples throughout the whole of India and the process of constructing new temples is being followed even to this day. The religious minded , rich and philanthropic Jainas usually

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direct their donations to the construction and maintenance of temples or Upāśrayas. Naturally property of some kind is attached to these temples and ordinarily it is more than what is required for its maintenance. Most of the temples are owned by various castes and sub castes and are managed by their Pañchāyatas. No doubt there are some temples which are owned and managed
dividually by wealthy persons. At certain places temples are not owned by castes but are a common property of the local Jaina residents irrespective of their castes and such temples are magaged through the Trustees appointed locally. But the number of such temples is very small. For various social purposes money is required and property is found attached to the temples. That is why to ascertain the number of temples owned by various caste Panchāyatas and to know whether the property attached to them is utilised for social purposes, the question number From the replies it may be observed that though the approximate number of temples cannot be gathered still it can be said that the castes possess an unusually large number of temples as compared with their population. The Kathanerā caste, the approximate population of which is estimated as only 300, possesses twelve temples. Further, the property attached to these temples varies widely from caste to caste. So far as the Digambaras are concerned it can be said in general that the temples belonging to many castes like Pallivāla. Narasingapurā. Dhākada, Nevi, Bannore. Kathanerā Saitavāla, Chaturtha, Pañchama, Bogāra, Vaisya, Kshatriya have practically no property as compared with the property attached to the temples owned by castes like Hummaļa, Paravāra, Khandelavāla and Agravăla.. The same might be the situation in the Svetmābara castes. Whether the property attached to a temple is meagre or big, it is a fact that it cannot be used for social purposes. The temple property is known as Devadravya and it is meant only for the upkeep, betterment and establishment of temples. Hence the property attached to any Jaina temple is at present not utilised for social purposes.
28. THE FAMILY DEITY The questions from numbers 29 to 33 are concerned with the family. Question number 29 related to the names of family deities. Theoretically the Jainas, unlike Hindus, do not possess the system of having a presiding deity for each family and worshipping it with

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the ulterior motive of avoiding evil influences and securing constant favours. This is so because the Jainas do not believe in the principle that the outside divine agency can help an individual in achieving his salvation, which is his ultimate aim in life. It has already been noted that the important theory of Karma in Jaina philosophy completely denies the existence of divine dispensation and lays full stress on individual action20. Even though the acceptance of a family deity is an irreligious practice according to Jainism still many Jainas have adopted it possibly through Hindus with whom they are associated for the last so many centuries. Not only the system of family deity has entered among the Jainas but also the Hindu gods and goddesses are considered by them as their family deities. At the same time it must be remembered that the orthodox Jainas never worship Hindu gods and goddesses as it is against the spirit of Jainism. Hence with a view to ascertain the present state of affairs in this regard the question number 29 was asked and from the replies it will be seen that nearly 25% of the persons who have sent their replies specifically declare that they have no system of family deity at all and such persons belong to all the main sects of Jainism. Among those who observe the system of family deity it may be noted that they have adopted both the Jaina and Hindu gods as their family deities. It can be stated that the practice of family deity appears to be more widespread among the Śvetāṁbaras and Sthānakavāsis than among the Digambaras and that in their family deities the proportion of Hindu gods and goddesses appears to be preponderantly more among the Svetāmbaras and Sthānakavāsis than among the Digam
as. The Jaina deities, which are commonly adopted as family deities by Jainas of all sects, are Ādinātha, Chandranātha, Vimalanātha, śāntinātha, Pārsvanātha, and Mahāvira; and the Jaina deities like Bāhubali, Padmāvati and Kshetrapāla, seem to be prevalent only among the Digambaras. The Hindu gods and goddesses who are regarded as family deities by the Jainas of different sects are as follows: Digambera Jainas : Bhairava, Khandobā, Brahmadeva and
Kālikā Devi. Svetārbara Jainas : Mahālakshmi, Chakreśvari, Būtamātā,
Ambikāmātā, Bherai Devi, Gotrijā, Chandikā and Nānamā.

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Sthanakarāsi Jainas : Sūrya, Ramana Devi, Būtamātā,
Diddhinātā, Bhañvalamātā, Kālikā
Devi, Osiyāmātā and Bhavāninātā. This shows that only a few deities like Kālikā Devi, Būtamātā and Ambikānātā are common in more than one sect while the many remaining deities appear to be peculiar to one sect or the other.
29. MIGRATION OF FAMILIES The Jainas being mainly a commercial community are scattered over the whole of India and as a consequence the Jaina families of different castes are situated at one place. With a view to understand the nature of migration of the Jaina families the qustion number 30 was asked and from the replies it will be seen that many Jaina families had migrated over long distances. It has already been noted that certain Jaina castes have been concentrated in particular localities only and therefore members of these castes found elsewhere must have migrated from their original places. Thus in Mahārāshtra only Saitavāla Jaina families seem to be the original residents and the remaining Jaina families seem to have settled in Mahārāshtra have migrated from other places or regions. The Śrimālis, Poravādas and Hummadas have come from Gujarātha, the Osavālas from Marwar, the Agravālas and Khandelavālas from the Uttar Pradesh, the Paravāras and Bagheravālas from the Madhya Pradesh, the Chaturthas, Pañchamas and Bogāras from Karnāțaka and the Upādhyāyas from Mysore and South India. Further, in this migration the Osavāla, Śrināla and Poravāļa Jaina families have taken a pre-eminently leading part and they are found in all important commercial centres throughout India and even in foreign countries. The significant feature about their migration is that even though they settle for generations in different parts of India. they still maintain their connections with their native places. Generally they possess some property at their native places and mostly keep marital relations with the castemen of their native places. Many a time it is customary for them to celebrate their marriages at their native places even though they might be residing in different parts of India. Thus it is reported by the Cutchi Visā Osavālas in Bombay City that as their occupation of agriculture could not support large families, they had to migrate to Bombay City. But even now they have their relatives and property in Cutch to which they pay visits very often. The native place of

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many of the Sthānakavāsi Osavala families residing in Poona City is reported as Jodhapur and it seems that they have not entirely severed their connections with Jodhapur.
30. DISTINGUISHED PERSONALITIES,IN FAMILIES
The Jaina community is one of the ancient communities in India having a glorious past. Jainas, in their capacity as rulers and administrators of various states in different parts of India, proved their mettle and consequently enjoyed an influential position. In this work a large number of Jaina families must have contributed their quota in one form or another; but the information of their contributions is not available. With a view to know the account of some distinguished personalities, if any, from each family, the question number 31 was asked and from the replies it will be observed that a large majority of them do not state any information at all. It is most probably due to the fact that the persons do not know much of their family history. It has been specifically stated by few persons that they have not maintained family records and this might be the case with the rest. Naturally in the absence of family records it is not possible to get an idea of the role played by prominent Jainas in various spheres of activities. Nevertheless, from whatever little information is available it will be seen that there were and are at present persons of eminence in some Jaina families. They are mainly industrial and business magnates, Ministers or Diwans and High Court Judges of States and Provinces, Presidents of Local Self-Government Bodies like Corporations, Municipalities, District Local Boards, etc. There are instances of Jaina persons who have showed proficiency on the battle fields. It has been reported that Mr. Dayāla Simha, the Prime Minister and Commander of Raja-Simhaji, the Mahārāṇā of Mevada, fought against the forces of Emperor Aurangazeb. Similarly, it has been mentioned that Mr. Kumāra Hegade of South Kanara District fought against Tippu Sultan. Again, from the replies it appears that certain families have continuously produced distinguished personalities. The most prominent among these are the Seth family of Ahmedabad and Doshi and Gandhi families of Sholapur. The Seth family is the Nagaraseth family of Ahmedabad at present. It has been reported that Seth Shantidas, one of their ancestors, was the Jeweller to the Mughal Emperor Akbar and received from the Emperor grants of several Jaina Tirthas or

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Places of pilgrimage like Sammeda śikbara, Pālitānā, etc. Due to this act his name is well-known among the Svetāmbara Jaipas. Another person from that family, Seth Khushalachand, saved the city of Ahmedabad from the Marāthā raids and in recognition of his services the Ahmedabad public gave him the right to collect Octroi duties on all articles coming to the Ahmedabad City from outside. The title of Nagaraseth was conferred upon him which is enjoyed at present by the head of the family. The said right of collecting Octroi duties was transferred to the Ahmedabad Municipality about hundred years ago in consideration of a capital sum of Rs. 2500/- per annum which is still paid by the Municipality and the said sum is still divided among the various members of the Nagaraseth's family. Another person, Rao Bahadur Seth Premabhai Himabhai established the well-known institution of Seth Anandji Kallianji for managing the affairs of several Jaina Tirthas. The institution is still existing and commands great respect among Mūrtipūjaka Svetāmbara Jainas. Seth Kasturbhai Lalabhai is the present president of Seth Anandji Kallianji. He is one of the biggest business magnates of Ahmedabad and is wellknown all over India. Similarly, the Doshi family of Sholapur had given eminent persons like Hirachand Nemachand Doshi and Ravaji Sakharama Doshi, who were most respected for their social and
hilanthropic activities. The most prominent member of the family, Mr. Walchand Hirachand Doshi, was one of the front rank industrialists of India and was wellknown all over India. Like Seth family, Gandhi family is the Nagarseth family of Sholapur City. Their firm known as Haribhai Devakarana was for a long time the leading business firm in Mahārāshtra from the days of Peshwas and their family, was traditionally known as Nagarseth family of Sholapur. 21
. 31. FAMILY ORGANISATION The joint family system was the prevalent form of family organisation in ancient and medieval India. But since the last few decades the joint family system is disintegrating and giving place to the separate family system. With a view to know whether this change has taken place in the Jaina community or not the question number 32 was asked. Out of 154 persons who have replied to the questionnarie, 81 are having separate family system

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and 73 are following joint family system. The number of persons per joint family varies from 3 to 69 and it seems, from available figures, that the average number of persons per joint family is more in south India than in other parts. The joint family is necessarily joint in property but not in residence. Out of the 73 joint families, there are only 32 whose members stay together. In such families, it is reported that there are, in some cases, as many as 25,34, 40, 60 and 69 members living under one roof. There are also joint families the members of which do not reside at one place but are spread usually at two or four places. In general it can be stated that the members of joint families from Gujarātha are spread at different distant places. Thus the members of a joint family from Gujarātha are found at places like Bombay, Karachi, Kanpur and Rajkot; Patan and Rangoon; Okha, Dhoraji, Jamnagar and Mithapur; Dhangdhra, Jafarabad and Poona; and Bombay, Baroda and Kolhapur. In other provinces the members of a joint family are ordinarily found at near places like Jaipur and Agra; Yavatamal and Amraoti; Satara and Sangli: Sholapur and Bombay; Gadag and Belgaum; and Dharwar and Bailhongal. This is due to the fact that the Jainas from Gujarātha are adventurous so far as commercial activities are concerned and hence the members of one joint family reside at different places for commercial purposes. On the contraiy it will be seen from the replies that the members of not even a single joint family from South India live at two places. Further, the Jaina joint family is not invariably joint in worship. When the parties to the marital union belong to the same sect or sub-sect, the family is necessarily joint in worship and the number of such families is greater. But there are cases where the religious afiliations of parties to the marital union are different. Especially among Osavālas, Srimālis and Poravādas we come across a Śvetāmbara Sthānakavāsi wife and a Vaishnavite or saivite or a Svetāmbara Terāpanthi or a Śvetāmbara mūrtipüjaka husband. In such cases it is reported that any one may follow the faith which appeals to him or her most, or which is desired by the husband. In these circumstances the family cannot remain joint in worship. But we have already noted that there is a growing tendency nowadays to observe religious endogamy and hence the feature of jointness in worship will in future appear in all joint families.

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32. INTER-MARRIAGES The rules of endogamy are very strict in Jaina community and they must be pressing very hard on the Jainas because the Jainas are scattered all over India and are divided and sub-divided into sects, sub-sects, castes and sub-castes. These rules perpetuate and increase the differences between the divisions and create segments in the society. One of the main ways of bringing the various segments close together is the practice of inter-marriage between them. With a view to know whether this practice is observed by some Jaina families at least—as the castes do not allow it—the question number 33 was asked. From the replies it will be noted that there are only 40 families whose members have contracted such marriages. The geographical distribution of these families is as follows-12 from Gujarātha, 7 from Bombay City, 5 from North India, 9 from Central India, 4 from Mahārāshtra and Karnātaka, and 3 from South India. This shows that though the tendency of inter-marriage is noticeable in all parts of India, yet it is more evident in the parts of India other than Mahārāshtra, Karnātaka and South India. Regarding these inter-marriages it may be noted that inter-caste and inter-sub-caste marriages come first, then the inter-provincial marriages and lastly the inter-sect and inter-religious marriages. Further, if we corelate the families wherein such marriages have taken place with their main sects, it will be seen that both the main sects, the Digambara and Svetāmbara, claim an 'equal number, that is 20, of the families on their side. It means that the tendency of intermarriages is observed, though in a small measure, in both the sects and in varying degrees in all different parts of India.
33. JAINA FESTIVALS The questions from number 34 onwards were concerned with miscellaneous customs and manners and personal views on certain matters. It has already been noted that the Jainas possess a large number of festivals of their own which are observed mainly as
ligious ceremonies.22 Along with the observance of their own festivals, many Jainas celebrate some of the Hindu festivals also. With a view to know the present position in this regard the question number 34 was asked and from the replies it will be noted that the Jainas observe most of the Jaina festivals and participate in some of the main Hindu festivals. There are, however, nearly 25% of

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the Jaina persons who specifically stated that they do not observe any Hindu festival at all. The names of Jaina festivals mentioned in the replies are as follows :Paryushana, Śrutapanchami. Divāli or Dipāvali, Akshayya Tștiyā, Mahāvira-Jayanti seem to be more popular with the Jainas. The following Hindu festivals are mentioned in the replies :- Holi, Dipāvali, or Divāli, Pādavā or Varshapratipadā, Dasarā, Ganesa-Chaturthi, Rakshā -bandhana, Makara Sankrānta, Sitalāsaptami, Durgāshtami, Pongala, Kathikai, Yugādi, Gauri and Navarātri. Of these Hindu festivals only Dasarā, Dipāvali and Holi are seen to be common with Jainas in different parts of India, whereas there are many Hindu festivals which appear to be celebrated by Jainas of some particular parts of the country only. Thus the Jainas in Gujarātha alone are said to follow Hindu festivals like Śitalā saptami, Durgāshtami, and the Jainas of South India celebrate Hindu festivals like Pongala, Kathikai, Yugādi, Gauri and Navarātri. This shows that Jainas have adopted customs which are most prevalent in particular parts of the country in which they reside. If we compare the names of Jaira and Hindu festivals given above, it will be seen that the two festivals, namely Dipāyali and Rakshābandhana, are common to both Jainas and Hindus. But it must be remembered that both the Dipāvali and Rakshābandhana are celebrated for different reasons by the Jainas and Hindus. Regarding the observance of Hindu festivals it has been specifically mentioned by many persons in their replies that it is customary for them to take part in some of the Hindu festivals only because they have to live in the midst of Hindus and moreover wherever they participate in any Hindu festival they do so without any religious motive whatsoever. Thus it is reported that in North India among Hindu festivals local Jainas observe Holi to some extent. The Jainas do not go to worship it; but participate in groupmeeting in which all embrace each other and offer Pānsupāri. The same is the case with other parts of India. No Hindu festival is observed with a religious rite. In fact the Jainas take part in a few Hindu festivals only and that too because of convention and long contact. It is stated by some Jaina persons that they do not observe a Hindu festival as such but on that day they eat some sweet things due to custom. Further, the practice of observing some Hindu festivals is confined to few particular Jaina families only. Thus it is made clear in the replies by those who observe Hindu festivals of Sitalāsaptami

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and Durgashtami that they do so because that custom is prevalent in their family only. It can therefore be said in general that some Jainas take part in a few Hindu festivals as social functions and not as Hindu festivals as such in their religious sense.
34. JAINA RITES
Jainism lays utmost stress on personal conduct. Every true Jaina is expected to strive to achieve the ultimate goal of life by observing the ethical code prescribed for him. That code contains the rites which a Jaina should perform every day.23 These rites are devised in such a manner that they try to maintain the interest of householders in religious practices. With a view to know whether the Jainas observe any rites or not the question number 35 was asked and from the replies it will be noted that with the exception of 25 persons the rest perform some rites at least. There are a few persons who are said to observe the six daily duties of a layman, namely, Deva-puja (i. e. worship of the God), Gurupāsti (i. e. worship of the preceptor), Svādhyāya (i. e. study of scriptures), Samyama (i. e. practice of self-control), Tapa (i. e. practice of austerities) and Dana (i. e. giving of gifts). There are some who maintain that they observe Ashtamulaguna, i. e., eight fundamental virtues of a householder. These virtues are the observances of the five aṇuvratas, namely Ahimsa (i. e. to avoid injury), Satya (i. e. truthfulness), Asteya (i. e. to be free from theft), Brahmacharya (i. e. chastity) and Aparigraha (i. e. to be free from worldly attachment),, and refraining from the use of wine, flesh and honey. The other rites which are mentioned in the replies are Darśana (i. e. seeing and saluting the God in a temple or in one's house), Sāmāyika (i. e. meditation), Pratikramana (i. e. repentance of all transgressions), Pratyakhyāna i. e. taking of a vow from a teacher regarding the imposition of some kind of restriction for a day), Prarthana (i. e. prayer), Rasaparityaga (i. e. abstinence from eating a particular kind of food on certain specific days. especially, on the 5th, 8th and 14th days of the bright and dark halves of a month ), Jalagālana (i. e. using filtered water), Ratribhojanatyaga (i. e. abstinence from eating after sunset), Japa (i. e. counting the beads after the chanting of the Namokarat Mantra) and Sandhyavandana (i. e. offering ceremonial prayers twice a day). It is interesting to note that the last rite, namely, Sandhyāvananā is mentioned only by the Jainas ...22

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from South India. Apart from the observance of Ashtamulagunas, whicn in fat includes Jalagalana and Ratribhojanatyaga, the most common rites seem to be Devadarśana, Devapuia, Sāmāyika and Svadhyāya.
35. JAINA SAṀSKARAS
The Jaina Acharyas or law givers have prescribed a number of ceremonies through which a layman should pass during his lifetime so that he can lead his life according to religious injunctions. These ceremonies which are supposed to have been approved by the religion are known as Samskaras or Sacraments. Every Jaina is required to go through them at proper age and time. While describing the Jaina samskaras it has already been noted that the Digambaras and the Svetambaras have their own Samskaras.25 With a view to ascertain how many of these Samskaras are performed by the Jainas at present, the question number 36 was asked. From the replies it will be seen that many Jainas have not answered this question and some state that they do not perform any Samskāra at all. This shows that many Jainas are ignorant about the Samskāras because even though they perform marriage and other ceremonies which come under the category of Samskaras, they do not seem to know that these ceremonies in fact are the Samskaras prescribed by their religion. Among those who have answered the question, very few persons only state the specific names of Samskaras which they perform, while all others mention that they perform all Jaina Samskaras Digambara or Svetambara Samskaras, as the case may be or only those which are current in the locality. Out of the sixteen Digambara and sixteen Svetaṁbara Samskaras the names of Sainskāras, which are stated to be usually observed by both the sections in different parts of the country, are as follows- Namakaraṇa, Upanayana, Vivaha and Antya or Marana.
The Vivaha Samskara or marriage ceremony is one of the most important Samskaras performed by the Jainas. Taking into account the significance attached to this Samskara, the Jaina Acharyas or law givers have prescribed a detailed ceremony for the purpose.26 With a view to know whether Jainas perform the marriage ceremony according to Jaina ritual - Digambara or Śvetambara. as the case may be - or not, the question number 37:

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was asked. Out of the 154 pereons, who have answered the questionnaire, 149 are married, 3 are unmarried and two have not given any information. Of the 149 married persons, 73 are married according to the Hindu ritual while 76 are married in accordance with the Jaina ritual. It means that nearly 50% of the Jaina married persons have gone through the Hindu ritual at the time of their marriage ceremonies. It is not only that the Hindu marriage ritual is not foreign to Jainas but no discrimination is made between the Jaina and Hindu ritual. Thus it has been stated by one person that while his first marriage was performed according to the Jaina ritial, the second was performed in accordance with the Hindu ritual. But it must be remembered that the persons who have sent their replies are mostly aged persons and their marriages, it seems, were performed more than fifteen years ago. Therefore their replies reflect the conditions existing at tha. time. But recently the conditions have changed and it has been specifically mentioned that now the Jaina ritual is much more generally observed than the Hindu ritual. The main reason for abandoning the Hindu ritual and accepting, in its plaee, the Jaina ritual can be ascribed to the fact that during recent years there has been a general awakening in the Jaina community as a result of which there is a marked tendency to observe Jaina ritual wherever it is available. That is why we find some persons clearly stating that when they were married nearly thirty years ago there was nothing like Jaina ritual in the sense that the people were ignorant about the existence and practice of Jaina ritual at the time of their marriages.
Further, if we take into account the main sect of these married persons, it will be noted that the custom of performing, marriage ceremony according to the Hindu ritual appears to be preponderantly more prevalent among the “vetāmbaras than amon, the Digambaras. Thus out of the 73 persons who are married according to the Hindu ritual, as many as 62 belong to the Svetambara sect and only 11 to the Digambara sect. Similarly, the number of Digambaras and Svetāmbaras among the 76 persons who are married in accordance with the Jaina ritual, is 69 and 7 respectively. In other wrods, out of the 80 Digambaras, 11 are married according to the Hindu ritual and 69 according to the Jaina ritual; and out of the 69 Śvetāmbaras, 62 are married in accordance with the Hindu ritual while 7 are married in accordance with the Jaina

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36. JAINA LANGUAGE The minority communities in India like Muslim, Sikh, Parsee, Jew and others either individually have a separate language of their own or a majority of members of each community can speak a common language. With a view to know whether the Jaina community, an ancient minority community in India, has got a language of its own which is used by a majority of its members even now, the question number 38 was asked and from the replies it will be seen that the Jaina community cannot claim any language as its own. The medium of expression of Jainas is the language of the locality where they reside and as the Jainas are spread all over India for the last so many centuries, they are found speaking the language of the province concerned. Thus the language of the Jainas in North India is Hindi, in Gujarātha it is Gujarāthi, in Mahārāshțra it is Marātni, in Karnātaka it is Kannada, and in South India it is either Tulu, Telugu or Tāmil.

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Further, the Jainas being mainly a commercial community know the languages of adjacent regions in addition to the language of the region in which they reside. Thus the Jainas from Gujarātha know Gujarāthi and Hindi or Marāthi, from North India Hindi and Urdū, from Central India Hindi and Gujarāthi or Marāthi, from Karnāțaka Kannada and Marāthi or Tamil, and from Mahārāshția Marāthi and Gujarāthi or Kannada. From this it appears that the Jainas residing in North India, Gujarātha and Central India know Hindi and a majoriry of Jainas is concentrated in these parts. It will be noted from the replies that many Jainas from Mahārāshtra, Karnataka and South India have stated that they know Hindi also. This means that, if constant efforts are made. Hindi can become a common language of the Jaina community. Moreover, most of the persons who have sent their replies are educated on modern lines and hence they know English also. Some of these persons are research scholars and naturally they, according to their own statement, can read, write and speak in six or seven languages out of the languages mentioned below :English, Hindi, Gujarāthi, Marāthī, Kannada. Bangāli, Puñjābi, Urdū, Tulu, Tāmil, Sanskrit. Ardhamāgadhi, Pāli, Persian, French and German.
37. SACRED THREAD It has already been noted that the custom of wearing a sacred thread is not prevalent among all Jainas in different parts of India and that wherever it is prevalent, there is a great diversity in the practice of wearing it.28 With a view to ascertain the present position in the matter the question number 39 was asked. From the replies it will be observed that the custom appears to be prevalent only among the Digambara Jainas. Not even a single Svetāṁbara Jaina is said to be observing this custom. Further, the custom is no doubt peculiar to Digambara Jainas but even among the Digambara Jainas it is widely observed in certain parts of the country only- especially in Mahārāshtra, Karnātaka and South India. All the important native Digambara Jaina castes of these parts, namely, Saitavāla, Chaturtha, Pañchama, Bogāra, Upādhyāya, Vaisya and Kshatriya, invariably observe this custom and even many members of the Hummada caste who are settled in these parts are also found observing the custom. The fact that the custom of wearing sacred thread among the Digambara Jainas

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is most prevalent in South India, Karnāṭaka and Mahārāshṭra than in other parts of India will be evident from the number of Digambara Jainas observing the custom out of the total number of Digambara Jainas who have sent their replies. Thus 12 persons out of 12 Digambara Jainas, who have forwarded their replies, from South India, 21 out of 27 from Mahārāshtra and Katnāṭaka, 9 out of 18 from Central India, 5 out of 11 from North India, and 2 out of 11 from Gujaratha are reported to be observing the custom. In Central, Northern and Western India the custom of wearing sacred thread does not seem to be confined to members of a particular Digambara Jaina caste. The members of castes like Paravara, Pallivāla, Agravāla, Khaṇḍelavāla, Hummaḍa, Bannore, Dhakaḍa and Bagheravāla are reported to be following the custom. But. the custom does not appear to be widespread in these castes as it is in the castes of South India, Karnataka and Maharashtra, mentioned above. As regards the significance of this custom there is no uniform opinion about it. The majority of Digambara Jainas considers that there is a definite religious motive in wearing a sacred thread. They regard the sacred thread as a symbol of Ratnatraya, that is, the three jewels of Jainism, namely, Right Faith, Right Knowledge and Right Conduct, and as a mark of Śrāvaka, that is, a Jaina layman. It means that one who wears it has to understand that one has to follow the right path of salvation by observing the six daily duties of a Jaina layman. It is also regarded as '27 Tattvarupa', that is, an embodiment of 27 Tattvas which are made of 7 Tattvas, 6 Dravyas, 9 Padarthas and 5 Astikayas. Some consider it as Dvijatichinha, that is, an indication of the twice-born. On the contrary, some Digambara Jainas consider that the wearing of sacred thread has no connection with the Jaina religion at all and a few go to the extent of declaring to the effect that they do not wear sacred thread because the custom is a part of Hindu culture.
38. JAINA PRIESTS
The question number 40 is concerned with the custom of using by the Jainas the services of a Brahmin priest at the time of performance of ceremonies like birth, initiation, marriage, etc. in their homes and at the time of doing daily 'Puja' or worship and Abhisheka' or anointing the idol of God in their temples. From the replies it will be observed that the custom of employing

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non-Jainas for the above purposes appears to be pre-ponderantly more prevalent among the Svetāmbaras than among the Digambaras. So far as the performance of ceremonies is concerned the Svetāmbara, including the sthānakavāsi, Jainas all over India invariably use the services of a Brahmin priest and in many cases the Brahmin priest is a hereditary family priest. However, the Svetāmbara Jainas do not seem to approve this custom as many of them have stated that they are compelled to employ Brahmin priests because the Jaina priests are not available. It has been mentioned by some that recently a start has been made to employ Jainas for this purpose. In this regard the Digambara Jainas from South India, Karnātaka, Mahārāshtra and Central India clearly stated that they employ Jaina priests only, while those from North India and Gujarātha stated that they generally employ Jaina priests and if they are not available , then alone Brahmin priests are called for the purpose. As regards the custom of employing Brahmins or other Hindus in the Jaina temples for performing duties like Pūjā and Abhisheka, it can be stated that the custom is found only among the “vetāṁbara Jainas all over India. In no part of India non-Jainas are employed for this purpose in the Digambara Jaina temples. It has been specifically mentioned by the Digambara Jainas from North India that if Jaina priest is not available, the Brahmin is employed for marriage purpose only and in temples only Jainas look after Pūjā and Abhisheka. The Sthānakavāsi Jainas have no temples and therefore the question of performing Pūjā or Abhisheka does not arise at all. It is reported by Svetāmbara Jainas from diflerent parts of India that they do employ Hindu persons in their temples for doing duties like Pūjā and Abhisheka.
39. JAINA FASTS Jainism lays great stress on the practice of austerities and the common method of practising austerities is the observance of fast. The important feature of the rules of conduct prescribed by Jaina Ethics consists in the fact that one is expected to observe them after taking into account one's own status and capacity.29 That is why it is likely that there might be a great diversity in the observance of fast. With a view to know whether fasts are observed by Jainas and if so, how many, the question pumber 41 was asked and from the replies it will be seen that there are various grada

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tions of persons observing the fast. Out of 154 persons who have sent their replies as many as 65 persons clearly state that they do not observe any fast at all. Among the 82 persons who are observing fast, 54 persons observe one fast in a year, 10 persons two to six fasts in Paryushana, 6 persons two or four fasts per month in Chaturmäsa or the four months of rainy season, and 12 persons two or four fasts per month throughout the year. This means that nearly 2/3 of the persons observing fast do so only once in a year and that day is the last day of Paryushana, known as Samvatsari (which falls on the fifth day of the bright half of the month of Bhadrapada) among the Svetambaras and Anantachaturdasi (which falls on the 14th day of the bright half of the month of Bhadrapada) among the Digambaras. Either Samvatsari or Ananta-chaturdasi is so commonly, observed because it is considered as the most sacred day of the year. The whole Paryushaṇa festival is given more importance than other festivals and hence, some perform two or more fasts during this festivals. Usually the first day and the last day of the Paryushana are observed as fasts. The four months of rainy season, known as Chaturmāsu, are selected for the special observance of religious practices and that is why it is advised that those who cannot perform religious practices for the whole year should at least perform them during Chaturmasa. Hence we find that some persons observe fast only in the months of rainy season. The regular fasts per month are observed on two days (i. e. the two fourteenth days of the bright and dark halves of a month) or on four days (i. e. the two eighth and the two fourteenth days of the bright and dark halves of a month). The fast, according to Jaina rules of conduct, is a full fast which means that even a drop of water is not to be taken in the mouth during that day. As this is very difficult to practise, some of the persons, who perform regular fasts per month, observe Ekāśana (or half-fast), that is, they take food and water only once during the day. Of course the full fast is more valued than the half fast and therefore when fast is performed, generally full fast is observed.30
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40. DEATH CERMONIES
The birth, marriage and death are the three important events in one's life and hence elaborate ceremonies are generally prescribed by various religions for the guidance of their followers. The

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Jainas have no doubt included Antyakarma or Death Ceremony in their Saṁskāras or Sacraments but, as it bas been already noted, 31 there is a great diversity in their performance of death ceremony. With a view to ascertain the present position regarding the observance of funeral rites in the Jaina community questions number 42 and number 43 were asked and from the replies it will be noted that the Jainas do not appear to give much importance to the observance of funeral rites. It has been stated that there is nothing particular about the death ceremony and no special rites are obserbed. In general it can be maintained that the Jaina funeral rites appear to resemble Hindu funeral rites so far as matters like taking the dead body in procession to the cremation ground and cremating the dead are concerned, but like Hindus, Jainas neither perform the Śrādha ceremony nor give Dāna or gifts to Brahmins. Apart from the cremation of the dead the Jainas are stated to observe rites like Sutaka, Puja and Maranabhoja but in these things the customs differ from region to region. A period of 10 to 13 days from the day of the death of a person is known as Sutaka and in this period the near relatives of the deceased are considered to be in the state of 'uncleanness'. It is reported that on the 13th day Suddhi or Purification is performed by shaving, bathing and putting on usual clothes. On that day all Jainas assemble to sympathise, and go to the temple and thence to the house of the deceased. In the observance of Puja or worship there is a diversity between the Svetāmbaras and the Digambaras. Among the Śvetāṁbaras immediately after the cremation of the dead, Pūjā is presented that is, articles of worship are given in temples. But among the Digambaras the Pujā or worship including Abhisheka ( or anointing of the idol of God) is not performed on the day of the death but on the 11th or 12th or 15th or 16th or 21st day after the death. Maraṇabhoja or death-dinner is the practice of giving feast to the caste members on the 12th or 13th day after the death and it is observed by many Svetāṁbara and Digambara Jaina castes like Srimāli, Osavāla, Poravāda, Bhāvasāra, Agravāla, Khandelavāla, Paravāra, Golāpūrva, Bannore, Hummada, Dbākada, Saitavāla, Chaturtha, Pañchama, Bogāra and Vaiśya. In this connection it has been already noted that the custom of giving death feasts is denounced for religious reasons as a result of which the death feasts are steadily going out of practice.32 Like Maraṇabhoja,

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Pindadāna, i. e. the custom of offering rice balls to the dead, is not prescribed by Jaina religion. However, it is reported by one Jaina person from Tanjore in South India that like Hindus Jainas from that place offer Pindas or rice balls to the dead on the cremation ground on the 16th day after the death. As this custom of Pindadāna is not reported at all from any other place, it can safely be said that the custom is found in one locality and in any case it is not wide-spread as the custom of Maraṇabhoja. As regards the custom of observing monthly or yearly day in memory of the dead it can be stated that even though the custom is against the tenets of Jainism, it is practised by Jainas all over India. But it must be remembered that the proportion of persons observing the custom is less than those who do not observe it. Thus out of 154 persons who have sent their replies, 93 persons do not observe the custom while 56 are found observing it. Among the 56 persons, 26 are Digambaras and 30 are Svetāmbaras and hence the practice of custom is not confined to one sect only. Generally the annual day is observed by doing some religious act like Pūiā or worship in the temples and Dāna or donations to religious and social insti. tutions. Only one person from Udaipur in Rajputana reports that on the annual day the Santi of the deceased is performed by offering food to children, to five Brahmins and to caste-fellows. It is also reported from Borsad in Gujarātha that on the annual day bread is given to the dogs. These two instances seem to reveal local practices only. It is mentioned that in the Bundelakhanda the day in memory of the dead is observed in the Pitrpaksha, that is, in the second fort-ntght of the month of Bhādrapada.
41. RELIGIOUS EDUCATION Jainism is a distinct religion having its own philosophy and the elaborate rules of conduct both for the laity and the ascetics. For putting the ethical code prescribed by Jainism into actual practice a firm faith in the teachings of Jainism is essential and easy method of clearly grasping the fundamental principles of Jainism and its various implications lies in taking regular religious education. The Jainas possess a vast amount of religious literature of their own in Sanskrit, Prakrit and various regional languages. With a view to know whether the study of Jaina literature is done or not and to consider what should be done in the matter in future, the question number 44 was asked. From the replies it will be

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seen that out of 154 persons, who have sent in their replies, 22 persons have not received any religious education at all, while 29 persons have taken sufficient religious education. The remaining persons have secured only an elementary understanding of the religious principles. This means that only a few persons are well versed in religious education. In this connection it may be noted that those who have a firm grounding in religious education are generally seen to be scrupulously practising things which are sanctioned by religion. Thus such persons are found celebrating all Jaina festivals and no Hindu festival, observing Jaina rites, Jaina Saṁskāras and regular and special Jaina fasts, consecrating marriage according to Jaina ritual, worshipping Jaina Gods and not Hindu Gods, and avoiding irreligious practices like performing Srāddha or keeping days in memory of the dead. As the observance of Jaina practices is accelerated by receiving more religious education, it is suggested, regarding the question of imparting religious education in future, by practically all persons that the religious education should be made compulsory to Jaina children. They think that it is essential to teach the fundamental principles of Jainism to children in their mother tongue without employing any force on them. It is advocated that the method of cramming religious books written in classical languages without a proper, understanding of them should be entirely avoided. Any way it is considered desirable that every Jaina should at least know the basic principles of his religion so that he will try to translate them into practice as far as possible.
42. WORSHIP OF HINDU DEITIES As a result of a close contact between the Hindus and Jainas for the last so many centuries, the former did influence the latter in several ways. Even in the religious field some Jainas imitated the Hindus and began to worship Hindu Gods and Goddesses even though such a worship was definitely denounced by Jaina religion. The Gazetteers have given a detailed information about the reverence shown by Jainas towards Hindu Gods and Goddesses33 With a view to ascertain the present position in this regard the question number 45 was asked and from the replies it will be seen that out of 154 persons from all over India 139 persons clearly state that they do not worship Hindu deities. Only 9 persons are reported to be observing the custom of worshipping Hindu

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deities. The Hindu influence seems to be more among the Svetāmbaras because of these 9 persons while 3 belong to the Digambara sect, six come from the Svetāmbara sect. The names of Hindu deities mentioned in this connection are Sankara, Vishnu, Sürya, Ganapati, Hanumāna, Mahāśakti, Mātā, Ambādevi, Lakshmi, Chāmundā, Durgā and Sitalā. It is stated by some that the Hindu deities are respected but not worshipped like Jaina Tirthařkaras. Similarly, it is mentioned by two businessmen that as traders accord. ing to custom they have to worship Ganeśa and Lakshmi on the day of Divāli but this does not mean that they worship them in true sense of the term all the year round. In the same way one person asserts that he has Śraddhā or faith in Hindu deities like Rāmachandra and Kộishna but he does not worship them. From these statements it is clear that there is not much of religious devotion in showing veneration to Hindu deities. If religious sentiments would have been attached to Hindu deities, worshipping them would not have been specifically pointed out by some that they were formerly worshipping the Hindu deities but now they have stopped that custom.
43. PROBLEM OF WIDOWS It has already been noted34 that according to the Census of India, 1931, of all communities in India the Jaina community possesses the highest proportion of widowed persons and this is more evident in the case of females. Out of five Jaina females one is necessarily a widow. This condition did prevail in the Jaina community during the last fifty years as will be seen from the Census Reports of 1901 and onwards. Thus how to improve the lot of an unusually large number of widows is a difficult problem clamouring for soultion before the Jaina community at present and with a view to ascertain the attitude of Jainas in this matter the question number 46 was asked. From the replies it will be observed that the opinion of Jainas on this question is sharply divided. Out of 154 persons as many as 105 persons categorically assert that remarriage of widows is the only effective solution. They think that prejudice against remarriage should be driven out. For this purpose it is suggested that remarriage should not be looked down upon, remarried ladies should not be outcasted, . and if possible, remarriage should be supported by law and moral force as it is done among Bobras. Remarriage, it is advocated,

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must be made compulsory by state legislation for young and childless widows and for others it may be left for them to decide. Generally it is thought that widows upto the age of 30 may be allowed to remarry if they so desire and to facilitate such marriages widowers must be asked to marry widows only. As the permission to remarry is likely to induce ladies to contract many such marriages, it is considered that a woman should be allowed to remarry only once. Even though remarriage is accepted as a desirable solution, it must be remembered in this connection that among the persons in favour of remarriage there is a section which regards remarriage as the second best solution. This section thinks that the best thing for a widow is to lead a social and religious life and if this is utterly impossible, then alone she may be allowed to remarry. That is why it is contended by them that system of remarriage should not be unnecessarily encouraged and there should be no direct propaganda in favour of it.
On the contrary, there are 34 persons who strongly and faithfully oppose to the very proposal of remarriage of widows. They sincerely feel that remarriage is not the only solution and think that the good treatment would solve the problem of widows. As a part of genial treatment they suggest that Asramas should be opened to house the widows, general, moral and religious education should be imparted to them and efforts should be made to make them as far as possible economically independent. They maintain that to lead a life strictly according to religious injuctions is the best course open for widows and it is thought that sufficient financial . help in widow-hood will, it is ardently hoped, enable them to lead a life of that type. They also suggest that if child marriages and old-marriages are completely stopped, the number of widows would be consequently reduced and the question of widow remarriage will not assume serious proportion at all.
44. JAINA CULTURE
It is an established fact that the Jaina community is one of the very ancient communities of India. The Jainas possess a distinct religion, a separate philosophy, a different ethical code, a set of peculiar beliefs, practices, customs and manners and a vast literature of their own. Though Jainas form a small minority at present, yet in the past they were not only numerous but also.

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enjoyed royal patronage for a long time in various parts of the country. Consequently the Jaina rules of conduct are in observance throughout the last so many centuries. But as the Jainas were and are living in close contact with the Hindus, both influenced each other in several ways to such an extent that the Jainas, being in minority, came to be regarded as a part of Hindus. Accordingly it was thought that the Jainas do not possess a way of life different from others, and especially from Hindus. Therefore with a view to know whether the Jainas think that there is anything like Jaina culture as distinct from other cultures in India, the question number 47 was asked. From the replies it will be seen that out of 154 persons while only 15 persons think that the Jaina culture is not separate from other cultures of India, there are 120 persons who forcefully assert that the Jaina culture is a separate entity altogether. The few persons belonging to the first school of thought consider that Jaina culture is a part of Hindu culture or they go a step further and say that Jaina culture is a part of Aryan culture which is built up by the Jainas, Buddhists and Hindus. But in saying so the persons of this category do admit that the Jaina culture is distinct to a certain extent, if not entirely distinct, from other cultures in India. On the contrary, the overwhelming majority of Jainas seem to side the second school of thought which categorically maintains that the finer thinking of Jaina philosophy of life differs greatly from others and therefore a truly Jaina conduct presents a different culture distinct in its outlook and far-reaching in its range. It cannot be denied, it is argued, that the features of Jaina culture are quite distinct from other cultures especially in matters like cutlook towards life and world, insistence on spiritual progress, and observance of Ahiinsa or creed of non-violence in all possible ways. The basic difference, it is stated, lies in the religious philosophy of Jainas and as religion moulds the entire way of life, the Jaina way of life automatically becomes separate from other ways of life.
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45. GENERAL
The small Jaina community which is spread all over India has been split up into several divisions based on sect, sub-sect, caste, sub-caste, language and locality. As efforts are made to perpetuate these divisions by establishing a large number of associations or institutions for the benefit of their members only, it is

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no wonder that these associations have created separatist tendencies in the community. The effective way to combat the separatist tendencies and to create the feeling of oneness among all members of the community is to conduct associations or institutions which are kept open to all Jainas irrespective of sect, subsect, caste, subcaste, language and locality. With a view to know whether there are any associations or institutions of this type in the Jaina community at present the question number 48 was asked. From the replies we get the names of following associations or institutions which are striving for the benefit of Jainas as a whole :
1. Those of an All-India Character : (1) All India Jaina Association which is known as Bhārata
Jaina Mahāmandala, Wardha. ' (2) Jaina Association of India, Bombay. (3) Jaina Young Men's Association, Bombay. (4) Akhila Bhāratiya Jaina Svayamsevaka Parishada,
Bombay.
II. Those of a Regional Character :
(1) Gwalior State Jaina Sabbā, Gwalior... (2) Mahārāshtriya Jaina Sabhā, Nasik. (3) Dakshiņa Mahārāshțra Jainā Sabha, Sangli. (4) Tāmilnāļa Jaina Association, Madras. (5) Mysore Jaina Association, Mysore.
II. Those of a Local Character :
(1) Jaina Yuvaka Sangha, Baroda. (2) Jaina Yuvaka Sangha, Bhadala. (3) Jaina Yuvaka Sangha, Bombay. (4) Bombay and Mangrol Jaina Sabhā, Bombay. (5) Jaina Sevā Samāja, Nathadvara. (6) Jaina Sevā Mandala, Nagpur. (7) Mabāvira Sangha, Bangalore. (8) Mahāvira Jaina Association, Tanjore. (9) Kārakal Jaina Sangha, Karakal.

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IV. Those devoted to Research and Literary Activities:
(1) Jaina Cultural Research Society, Banares.
(2) Central Provinces and Berar Jaina Research Institute, Yeotmal.
(3) Mahavira Jaina Research Institute, Madras. (4) Jaina Dharma-Prasaraka Sabha, Bhavanagar. (5) Atmananda Jaina Sabha, Bhavanagar.
V. Those started for specific purposes :
(1) Pārśvanatha Vidyaśrama, Banares, (2) S. A. Jaina College Society, Punjab. (3) Jaina Aśrama, Mahaviranagara. (4) Jaina Vidyarthi Asrama, Baroda.
(5) The Baroda Jaina Industrial Home for Ladies, Baroda. (6) Jaina Co-operative Bank Limited, Bombay. (7) D. N. Jaina Boarding, Jubbulpore. (8) Jaina Vidyavardhaka Sangha, Mudabidri.
VI. Those open to Jainas and Non-Jainas also :
(1) Chaturvidha Danaśālā, Sholapur.
(2) Sakhārama Nemachanda Jaina Aushadhalaya, Sholapur. (3) Jaina Eye-Hospital, Sholapur.
(4) Jaina Seva Samāja Dispensary, Palitana.
The names of associations given above are those which are mentioned in the replies. It is likely that many such associations might be in existence. In the sixth category of such associations or institutions may be included Rest Houses, Dispensaries, Colleges, Secondary and Primary Schools, Libraries and Reading Rooms. Even though the names of many such institutions have been given, it is doubtful how many of them might be functioning well. It is stated by some that they are eager to become the members of associations open to all Jainas but they are not aware of any such association. Such institutions, it is mentioned, remain in names and do not go ahead due to orthodox nature of Jainas. In any case, it is expressed that such institutions do not carry an intense propaganda and therefore their work lies unnoticed. Of the

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institutions mentioned above the following appear to be going on well with their activities :- Bhārata Jaina Mahāmandala, Wardha; Dakshina Mahārāshtra Jaina Sabhā, Sangli; Jaina Yuvaka Sangha, Bombay; Jaina Cultural Research Society, Banares; Jaina Dharma-Prasāraka Sabhā, Bhavnagar; Jaina Co-operative Bank Limited, Bombay and Jaina Eye-Hospital, Sholapur.
The question number 49 was concerned with the personal information regarding their educational and other qualifications and the distinctions obtained by them and by the members of their families in various fields. The information was necessary to know whether there are individuals and families of outstanding merit. From the replies it will be seen that among the Jainas at present there are many persons who have distinguished themselves as scholars, research workers, writers, dramatists, poets, literary critics, śāstris, editors, orators, engineers and social workers. A few examples of individual and family achievements are given below. In the Parikh family of Ahmedabad, Dr. K. M. Parikh is L. M. & S., and his first son is M. A.(Cantab ), second son F. R.C.S. (London), fourth son is at Cambridge for B. A., one daughter is G. A. of Women's University and another daughter is B. A. of Bombay University. In the Sheth family of Bombay we find that Mr. C. L. Sheth is a B. A., LL. B., Solicitor, his brother Mr. K. L. Sheth is B. E. (Bombay), B. Sc. (London), and A. M. I. C. E. (England ), and his another brother Mr. G. L. Sheth is B. Sc. ( Econ.) (London) and I. C. S. In the Badami family of Surat Mr. Surchandra Badami is a retired Judge of Small Causes Court, his one son Mr. P. S. Badami, is B. A., B. Sc., Bar-at-law having a throughout first class career and his another son, Dr. J. S. Badami, B. Sc. (Bombay), Ph. D. (London), D. I. C. (London) s first in the Bombay University in his Inter Science and B. Sc. Examinations and was a Bombay University Scholar in England for his Ph. D. In the Kasliwala family of Jaipur, Mr. N. C. Kasliwala. is M. A., LL. B., M. L. C., his one brother is an M. A. and another is a Doctor having degrees of M. D. and M. R. C. P. (London). At Jubbulpore Prof. K. C. Jaina and his son were the recipients of gold medals at their respective university examinations. In the field of literary activities there are several persons of outstanding merit. Two of them, namely, Mr. Kamta Prasada Jaina and Pandita Nathurama Premi, may be mentioned here. Mr. K. P. J...23

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Jaina from Aliganj (U. P.) has written about 50 books in Hindi and English on Jaina History and Comparative Religion and has contributed dozens of articles to English and Hindi Journals of repute like Indian Antiquary, New Indian Antiquary, Indian Culture, Indian Historical Quarterly, etc. He is the editor of Jaina Antiquary, Jaina Siddhanta Bhaskara, the important research journals, and of Vira, the Jaina Hindi Weekly. Pandita Nathurama Premi is a great research scholar who is respected for his learning and writings by all sections of the Jaina community. Through his efforts as an editor and a publisher many Jaina works in Sanskrit and Prakrit saw the light of the day and in the social field he has rendered a yeoman's service as the editor of Jaina Hitaishi', the magazine which probably, for the first time, strongly advocated revolutionary reforms in the Jaina community. Among the living Jaina research scholars who have rendered distinguished services to Jaina studies mention may be made of Prof. Dr. A. N. Upadhye, M. A., D. Litt., Kolhapur, Prof. Dr. Hiralal Jaina, M. A., LL. B., D. Litt., Nagpur, Pandit Jugal Kishora Mukhtyar, Sarsawa, Pandit Sukhalalji Sanghavi, Ahmedabad, and Muni Jinavijayaji, Bombay.
The Jainas being mainly a business community are likely to be engroseed in commercial activities. In the ancient and medieval period when the Jainas wielded political power, either as rulers or as ministers, they did contribute according to their mite to the progress of their country in various fields. With a view to ascertain whether there are active political and social workers in the Jaina community at present and whether according to Jainas their community has contributed in recent years towards the political, social and economic progress of India, the question number 50 was asked. From the replies it will be seen that out of 154 persons there are 38 persons who take active part in political activities and 46 persons in social activities. The 12 persons are reported to be taking active part in improving the conditions of their respective professions especially legal, medical and teaching professions. The 27 persons specifically state that they are not taking part in any public activity at present and in this category there are many Government servants and the persons who had done active public work formerly. This shows that the Jaina community seems to possess a good number of active public workers in various fields.

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As regards the contribution of the Jaina community towards the political, social and economic progress of India it is maintained in general that the Jainas have contributed much above their number, that is, more than can be expected from a minority community which is mainly of a commercial character. As compared with the contribution of other communities it is clearly stated that the Jaina contribution is proportionally larger than that of any other communiry except perhaps Parsees and in any case it is not lessthan that of Hindus generally. It is firmly believed that if the proportion of sacrifices and contribution is taken, then the incidence would be highest in the Jaina community. In the political field it is proudly claimed by the Jainas that the principles of Ahimsa: or non-violence and S ahishnutā or tolerance by the use of which as political weapons in Non-cooperation and Satyāgraha Movements under the superb leadership of Mahatma Gandhi the Indians achieved their long cherished aim of political independence from the yoke of the mighty British Empire are the well known gifts by the Jaina.community. Apart from this, in the long drawn out struggle for political freedom of the country, the Jainas liberally contributed, not as a community but in their individual capacities, man-power, financial resources and silent support and good wishes It is reported that in the Non-co-operation Movement of 1919 many Jainas left the Government service or abandoned the lega practice and in the 1942 struggle the places where Jaina students. lived together became the nerve centres of revolution. In supplying finance to national movements the contribution of Jainas, it is clearly mentioned, was greater as compared to their number in the country. Those who could not participate directly did contribute in an indirect manner. The Jainas are intensely national and they whole-heartedly supported the Indian National Congress. It must be remembered that even though they form a small minority community they never demanded for them specific rights like separate electorates or reservation of seats in Assemblies. In the social field also the Jainas have contributed both in direct and indirect ways. They were mainly responsible in establishing and conducting a lārgenumber of social and charitable institutes like rest houses, pāñjarā-- polas, dispensaries, maternity bomes, hospitals, colleges, secondary and primary schools, libraries and reading rooms. Such institutes are open alike to all Jainas and non-Jainas. Where the Jainas

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could not run such institutes they give substantial monetary help to them. It is a fact that many such institutes live on the money supplied by the Jaina community. Besides, among the eminent social workers in fields like spread of education or removal of untouchability the Jainas occupy an important place. To quote only one instance, the name of Mr. Bhaurao Patil, the founder -of Rayata Sikshana Samsthā, Satara may be mentioned. He
conducts 565 primary schools, 20 High Schools, 4 primary training colleges and one arts college. 26 Many of these are of a residential nature where students of all castes and creeds live and work together. The contribution of Jaina community is considered to be most prominent in the economic field. In modern industriali-sation, the place of Jainas is second only to that of Parsees in India. The names of leading business and industrial magnates of India like Sheth Kasturbhai Lalabhai and Sheth Ambalal Sarabhai of Ahmedabad, Sheth Walchand Hirachand, Sir Chunilal B. - Mehta, Sir Shantidas Ashukaran, Sheth Kantilal Ishwardas, and Sheth Punamachand Ghasilal of Bombay, Sir Sheth Hukumchand of Indore, Sir Bhagachandji Soni of Ajmer and Sheth Shanti Prasad Jain of Dalmia-Jain concerns of Calcutta, are, it is stated, sufficient to prove the Jaina contribution to Indian commercial and industrial advancement. Further the Jainas are for the last so many decades the prominent indigenous bankers having branches all over India and even abroad and in this capacity they have catered to the enormous financial needs and transactions of all people. Thus it can be said that the Jainas in their individual and collective capacities did make substantial and noteworthy contributions to political, social and especially to economic progress of India.
NOTES
1. Dr. Bool Chand : Jain Cultural Studies, p. 6.
(i) Jain, P. D. : Vijātiya Vivaha Mīmāmsā. (ii) Kothari, M. G.: Jāti, Varņa aur Vivāha. (iii) Mukhtyara, J. K. : Vivaha-Kshetra-Prakāśa. (iv) Mukhtyāra, J. K. : Vivāhakā Uddeśya. (v) Savyasachi : Jaina Dharma aur Vidhavā Vivāha.

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(vi) Sphulinga: Dassā Pūjādhikara-Vichara.
(vii) Mukhtyara, J. K. : Jinapūjadhikara-mīmāmsā. 3. (i) Yati śrīpālachandraji : Jaina Sampradāya Sikshā.
(ii) Muni Jñanasundaraji : Jaina Jāti Mahɔdaya, • (iii) Pandita Rāmalālaji : Mahājana Vamsa Muktavali. 4. (i) Osavāla Jātikā Itihāsa.
(ii) Jaina, B. L. : Agravāla Itihāsa.
(iii) Zammanalālaji, Lamechu Samājakā Sankshipta Parichaya. 5. A copy of the questionnaire will be found at the end of the Book-Appen
dix A. 6. Vide 'Prabuddha Jaina', Vol. IX, No. 2, dated the 15th May 1947. 7. This chapter was written in 1950. 8. Vide Chapter III. 9. Vide Appendix IX and Appendix XI attached to Chapter III. (Vide.
pages 131 and 134-136 ante). 10. Vide page 92 ante. 11. Vide Chapter II. 12. Vide pp. 57-58 ante. 13. Vide pp. 69 ante. 14. Vide Chapter III, p. 72 ante. 15. In the Post-Independence period there has been considerable improve
ment in the educational standards attained by the Jainas due to the Government policy of encouraging the spread of education. But it is evident that the disparity between the educational standards of different
Jaina castes still persists. 16. Jain, C. R. : Jain Law, pp. 3-6. 17. Yide Chapter III. 18. As a result of social agitation, it is now generally accepted that the Dasās
have got the right to perform pūjā in the temples and they freely exercise this right. Vide Jain, Rajendra Kumar : "Dassā Pujana Adhikāra",
Shri Tanasukha Rai Jaina Smriti Grantha, pp. 247-49. 19. Since the passing of Hindu Marriage Act in 1955 by the Government
of India the practice of monogamy has been made compulsory for the persons to whom the Act has been made applicable. As a result the practice of pulygyny has not been in vogue since 1955 among the Jainas
throughout India. 20. Vide page 220 ante. 21. Vide page 200 ante.

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23. See Chapter V, Section (10). .24. Vide page 214 ante. 25. . This is according to the Svetāṁbaras. The Digambaras, however,
observe only the 8th and 14th days of bright and dark halves of a month. :26. See Chapter V, Section (12). "27. See page 159 ante. 28. See pages 309-310 ante. 29. See pages 251-52. ante. 30. See page 223 ante. 31. It is reported that in Gujaratha the fast observed is of two types, viz.
Chovihāra Upavāsa and Tivihāra Upavāsa. In the former even taking of water is not allowed, while in the later it is permitted to take water
only. 32. See page 252 ante. 33. See page 309 ante. 34. See page 226 ante. 35. See page 27 ante. 6. After the death of Karmavira Shri Bhaurao Patil in 1959, the Rayata
Sikshaņa Samsthā, Satara continued the work of spread of education in rural areas on the lines laid down by him. In 1972-73 the Samsthā conducted 7 primary schools, 311 high schools, 7 primary training colleges, 19 graduate and post-graduate colleges and 74 students' hostels.

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CHAPTER 7
· RETROSPECT
1. THE HISTORICAL BACKGROUND
Jainism is a neglected branch of Indology. Eminent research scholars in different branches of Indology have paid very little sttention to Jainism. This was due to the fact that the original Jaina texts were not readily available to the research workers. As a result the opinion of early European scholars regarding the origin and growth of Jainism was divided. While one group consisting of E. Thomas, Stevenson, Colebrook and others thought that Jainism is older than Buddhism, yet the other group of orientalists like H. H. Wilson, Lassen and others held that Jainism was an offshoot of Buddhism because outwardly certain points were common to both and their land of origin and early activities was the same. The question whether Jainism was a precursor to Buddhism or not was settled for good in a scholarly manner by the researches of two great German Orientalists, namely, Bühler and Jacobi. It is now an established fact that Jainism is not a branch of Buddhism but is an independent religion and that it was flourishing in India when Lord Gautama Buddha founded his new religion.2.
Though the question of origin of Jainism has been finally settled, still the question regarding its antiquity has not as yet . been completely solved. Till recently Lord Mabāvira (599-527 B.C.), the 24th Tirthankara of Jainas, was regarded as the founder of Jainism. But taking into account recent researches in the field it has now been acknowledged by all that Lord Mahāvira's predecessor, viz., Lord Pārsvanātha, the 23rd Tirthankara of Jainas, was a historical personage belonging to the 8th century B. C. and that he is the real founder of Jaina religion.3 Thus the Jaina History is thought to commence from the 8th century B. C. But it is pertinent to note that this opinion is not shared by the Jainas. They hold that Lord Pārsvanātha and Lord Mahāvira are mere prophets of Jaina religion and that the real founder of Jainism is Lord Ķshabha, their first Tirthankara. Various reasons are vehemently put forward by the Jainas to prove the antiquity of

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the religion and to show that Lord Rshabha did found the Jaina religion in this age. In the first place the Jaina tradition firmly believes that the Jaina religion is eternal and in every age4 it is propounded by twenty-four Tirthankaras for the benefit of all beings. In the present age the twenty-four Tirthankaras did pieach Jainism and as in these twenty-four Tirthankaras Lord Rshabha was the first one, he is considered as the founder of Jainism. All ancient Jaina scriptures and Jainas of all sects accept this as a well established fact.5 Secondly, what is really remarkable about the Jaina tradition is the confirmation of it from non-Jaina sources, especially, Hindu and Buddhist sources. The Hindus, indeed, never disputed the fact that Jainism was founded by Lord Rshabha in this half-cycle and placed his time almost at what they conceived to be the commencement of the world. They acknowledged him as a divine person and counted him amongst their Avatāras, i. e., various incarnations of Lord Vishnu. They give the same parentage of Lord Rshabha as the Jainas do and they even agree that after the name of his son Bharata this country is known as Bhārata-Varsha.6 In the RgVeda we have clear references to Rshabha and Arishțanemi, two of the Jaina Tirthankaras? and the Yajur-Veda mentions the names of three Tirthankaras--Rshabha, Ajitanātha and Arishtanemi.
The sect of Vrātyas mentioned in the Atharva-Veda is said to signify the Jainas on the ground that the term Vrātya means the observer of vows or Vratas as distinguished from the performer of sacrifices, which applied to the Hindus at the time. Similarly in the same Veda it is supposed that the word Mahā Vrātya refers to Lord Rshabha.9 The story of Rshabha also occurs in the Vishnupurāna and Bhāgavatapurāna, where he figures as an Avatāra, i. e., incarnation of Nārāyana in an age prior to that of the ten avatāras of Vishnu. The story is exactly identical with the life history of Rshabha as given in the Jaina sacred lite, ature. 10 From the fact that Hindu tradition regards Lord Rshabha — and not Lord Mahāvira-along with Lord Gautama Buddha as an incarnation of God, it is argued that the Hindu tradition also from ancient times accepts Lord Rshabha as the founder of Jainism. Like Hindus, Buddhists also are said to believe in Lord Rshabha as the founder of Jainism on the grounds that in the Buddhist literature (i) Jainism is not shown as a new religion, (ii) Lord

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Mahāvira, the senior contemporary of Lord Gautama Buddha is described always as Niggantha Nātaputta and not as the founder of Jainism and (iii) the name of Lord Rshabha is mentioned along with that of Lord Mahāvira as an Āpta or a Tirthankara.11 Thirdly, from some historical references it is supposed that Lord Rshabha must be real founder of Jainism. In this connection Dr. Jacobi writes thus : “ There is nothing to prove that Pārsva was the founder of Jainism. Jaina tradition is unanimous in making Rshabha the first Tirthankara as its founder and there may be some thing historical in the tradition which makes him the first Tirthankara". 12 There is evidence to show that so far back as the first century B. C. there were people who were worshipping Rshabha Deva.13 It has been recorded that King Khāravela of Kalinga in his second invasion of Magadha in 161 B. C. brought back treasures from Magadha and in these treasures there was the statue of the first Jina (Ķshabha Deva ) which had been carried away from Kalinga three centuries earlier by king Nanda 1.14 This means that in the 5th century B. C. Lord Rshabha was worshipped and his statue was highly valued by his followers. From this it is argued that if Lord Mahāvira or Lord Pārsvanātha were the founders of Jainism, then their statues would have been worshipped by their. followers in the 5th century B. C., i. e., immediately after their time. But as we get in ancient inscriptions authentic historical references to the statues of Lord Rshabha it is thought that he must have been the founder of Jainism.15 Thus from these points of view the Jainas firmly assert that Lord Rshabha alone was responsible for preaching Jainism for the fist time in the present half cycle of time. 16
As the question of the antiquity of Jaina religion is connected with that of its founder, it is clear from the above that a hoary antiquity is assigned to the Jaina religion.17 It is supposed to be the oldest religion in India and in support of it, it is stated that the human statuettes found in the recent excavations at Mohenjo Daro and Harappa in Indus valley region aje Jaina relics and the figures carved on seals dug out from these places seem to resemble the Jaina Tirtnankaras,13 and especially the first Tithankara Lord Rshabha.19 In this connection Major J. G. R. Forlong writes that from unknown times there existed in India a highly organised Jaina religion from which later on developed Brahmanism and Buddhism and

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that Jainism was preached by twenty-two Tīrthñkaras before the Aryans reached the Ganges.20 In any case it is accepted by the Jainas that Jainism, the religion of Abjmsā, is as old as the Vedic religion, if not older. It is pointed out that throughout Vedic literature consisting of the Sambitās. the Brāhmaṇas and the Upanishadas, we find two currents of thought opposed to each other running parallel, sometimes the one becoming dominant, sometimes the other, one enjoining animal sacrifice in the Yajñas or sacrifices, and the other condemning it and the latter thought was always beld and propagated for the first time by the Jainas.21 Thus, according to Jairas, their history must begin at least from the Vedic times primarily in the eastern part of India. As the Jainas are spread all over India from ancient times they possess a long and continuous history of their own. Let us see, in brief, the state patronage received by Jainism and the important Jaina rulers in different parts of the country during the ancient and medieval times.
1. Jainism in East India
In the political history of India in ancient times East India figured more prominently than any other part of India and from the middle of the 7th century B. C. the kingdom of Magadha, the modern South Bihar, became the recognised political centre of India. As Lord Mahavira happened to belong to this part of the country, we find that many kings and people gave their support to Jainism. King Chetaka, the most eminent amongst the Lichchhavi princes and the ruler of Vaiśālī, the capital of Videha, was a great patron of Jainism and he gave his sister, princess Trišalā, in marriage to Siddhārtha, to whom Lord Mahāvira was born.22 As king Chetaka was related to Lord Mahāvira and as the Lichchhavis are often mentioned in the Jaina literature, it is supposed that practically all Lichchhavis were the followers of Jaina religion 23 In the Saisunāga dynasty (642-413 B. C.) Bimbisāra or Śreņika (582-554 B. C.) and Ajātasatru or Kuņika (554-527 B. C.) were the two important kings who extended their support to the Jaina religion.24 Both Bimbisāra and his son Ajātasatru were the near relatives of Lord Mahāvira, in whose contact they frequently came, and hence the Jainas believe that they did belong to the Jaina religion for a considerable period in their life time. The Nandas ( 413-32 2 B. C.) who were successors of Saiśunāgas

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in Magadha were, according to the inscriptions of Khāravela, the followers of the Jaina faith because the inscriptions speak of a King Nanda I who led a conquering.expedition into Kalinga and carried off an image of Ādi-Jira.25 Vincent Smith also asserts that the Nandas were Jainas.26 The Jaina tradition, which is ancient in origin and referred to in subsequent ages down to the present as well known, states that Chandragupta Maurya was a Jaina and that he abdicated the throne, joined the Jaina migration led by Bhadrabāhu to the South, became the chief disciple of Bhadrabāhu and died in a Jaipa way (i. e. by Sallekhanā) at Śravanabelgola after leading a life of a Jaina ascetic for 12 years. This tradition is nowadays accepted as true by famous historians like Rice27 and Smith.23 Regarding the early faith of Asoka some scholars are of opinion that he professed Jainism before his conversion. The famous edicts of Asoka are said to reveal this fact.29 According to Ain-i-Akbari Asoka was responsible for introducing Jainism into Kashmir and this is confirmed by the Rājatarangini, the Brahmanical history of Kashmir.3) Other reasons are also given in support of this belief.31 Samprati, the grandson and successor of Asoka is regarded as a Jaina Aśoka for his eminent patronage and efforts in spreading Jaina religion.32 .
Like Magadha, Kalinga or Orissa had been a Jaina stronghold from the very beginning. It is asserted that Jainism made its way to the South through Kalinga only. Lord Mabāvira visited Kalinga and preached Jainism to the people, who already belonged to the Jaina Sangha as organised by Lord Pārsvanātha. · In the second century B. C. Kalinga was the centre of a powerful empire ruled over by Khāravela, who was one of the greatest royal patrons of the Jaina faith.33 Even after Jainism lost the royal patronage it continued for a long time as a dominant religion and this is testified by Hiuen Tsiang (629 A. D.) when he says that in Kalinga among the unbelievers the most numerous are the Nirgranthas. "'34
Jainism had its influence in Bengal also. Hiuen Tsiang states that in Pundravardhana and Samatata, i.e., io Western and Eastern Bengal the naked ascetics called Nirgrantbas are most numerous.35 Even now Jaina ielics like inscriptions. idols, etc. are found in different parts of Bengal. It has been pointed out that the indigenous people of Western Bengal known as Sarāks are the Hindu

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ised remnants of the early Jaina people.36 In some parts of Bengal Jaina idols are worshipped by Hindus as the idols of Bhairava. In short, on religion, customs and manners of Bengal the influence of Jaina religion is quite visible even at present. 37 II. Jainism in South India
It is now an undisputed fact that Jainism entered into Karnātaka and South India during the days of Emperor Chandragupta Maurya when Bhadrabāhu, the distinguished leader of Jainas and the last of the Jaina saints known as Śrutakevalis, after predicting 1 twelve years famine and drought in the North, led the migratior of the Jaina Sangha to the South. Thus the Jaina history in the South commences from the 3rd Century B. C. as according to all Jair a authors the death of Bhadrabāhu took place at Sravanabelagola in 297 B. C.38 But in this connection it may be noted that some scholars consider this Bhadrabāhu tradition as the starting point of a revival and not commencement of Jaina activity in South India and hence regard him as the rejuvenator of the South Indian Jainism.39 It is argued that if South India would have been void of Jainas before Bhadrabāhu reached there, it is least conceivable that an Acharya of Bhadrabāhu's status would have led the Jaina Sangha to such a country and for the mere sake of Dharmarakshā (i. e. protection of religion). Again, various evidences are brought forward to prove the antiquity of the Jainas in the South and it is asserted that Jainism reached South India long before Śrutakevali Bhadrabāhu.40 In any case Jainism prevailed in South India from 3rd century B. C. and it continued as a popular faith during more than a thousand years of the Christian era and it is significant to note that up to the fourteenth century A. D. it played an important role in the history of Southern India. 41 The Ganga Kingdom was a virtual Creation of the famous Jaina saint Simhanandi and naturally practically all Ganga monarchs championed the cause of Jainism.42 The Kadamba rulers were essentially Brahmanical in religion. Yet the royal Kadamba family gave a few monarchs who were devout Jainas, and who were responsible for the gradual progress of that religion in Karnātaka. Eventually Jainism became a popular neligion in the Kadamba Empire.43 Duiing the reigns of early Chālukya princes, the Jaina religion was more prominent and many Jaina Achāryas were patronised by Chalukya Kings including Pulakesi (1.44 Many of the Rāshtrakūta Emperors

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and their feudatories and officers were staunch Jainas and hence the period of Rāshtrakūtas ( i. e. from 750 to 1000 A. D.) is considered as the most flourishing period in the history of Jainism in the Deccan.45 The Western Chālukyas, who regained their ascendency after the fall of Rāshtrakūtas, preferred to show the same liberal attitude to Jainism which the Gangas, the Kadambas and the Rāshtrakūtas had shown.46 Like the Ganga Kingdom in the 1st or 2nd cenrury A. D., the Hoyasaļa kingdom in 11th century A. D. owed its Creation to a Jaina saint Sudatta and many of the Hoysala monarchs and generals extended their patronage to Jainism and carefully looked after the interests of the Jainas.47 The Kalachūris of Kalyāna were Jainas and naturally in their time Jainism was the state creed.48 Th: Alupa Kings of Tuluva showed leanings towards Jainism and the inscriptions reveal that Jainism was patronised by these Kings.49 Thus from early ages various royal families came forward as champions of Jainism and it is no wonder if their example was followed by their feudatories. 50 Jainism was the state religion of the minor states of Punnata, of the Sāntaras the early Changālvas and the Kongālvas, as testified by their inscriptions.51 Similarly the Rattas of Saundatti and Belgaum and Śilāhāras of Kolhapur were Jainas by religion.52
In the far South, the Madras Presidency discloses traces of Jaina dominion almost everywhere and on many a roadside, a stone Tirthankara may be seen either standing or sitting crosslegged. 53 From the Sangama literature and other sources it is evident that Jainism flourished in the Tamil countıy from the earliest times reachable with our present means.54 Jaina epigraphs have been discovered in Anantpur, Bellary, Cuddapah, Guntui, Krishna, Kurnool, Nellore, North Arcot, South Kanara and Vizagapattam Districts of former Madras Province. These Jaina epigraphs and other Jaina relics clearly indicate the large vogue that Jainism once had in that part of the country.55 Thus the whole of South India comprising the Deccan, Karnāțaka, Andhra and Tāmilanādu was a great stronghold of Jainas, especially Digambara Jainas, for more than one thousand years. Apait from the provincial capitals, Śravanabelagoļa in Mysore State was the centre of their activities and it occupies the same position even up to the present day. Jainism, however, began to decline

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in the South from the 12th century due to the growing importance of Srivaishnavism and Virasaivism.56
III. Jainism in West India
. It has already been noted that at present the Jainas are concentrated most in the Western India, i. e., in Gujarātha and Kathiawar and Jainism had very close relations with this part of India. Here on the Mount Giranāra Lord Neminātha, the 22nd Tirthankara of the Jainas, attained salvation. Here, in the Council of Jaina Ascetics held at Valabhi in the year 993 after Lord Mahāvira, the Jaina canon was, for the first time, reduced to writing. Just as South India is the stronghold of Digambara Jainas, similarly, West India is the centre of activities of Svetāmbara Jainas.
Regarding the migration of Jainas to these pajts of India it is thought that the migration must have taken place by 300 B. C. from Eastern India. From the facts that the Jainas tell us something about the reigns of Chandragupta Maurya and his son Bindusāra but at the same time they have practically nothing to tell about the reigns of Asoka and his successors in the East and that the division of the Jaina Church into two great sects of the Digambaras and Śvetāṁbaras had probably begun after the reign of Chandragupta Maurya it is concluded that the Jainas were probably already at this time, i. e., 300 B. C., gradually losing their position in the kingdom of Magadha, and that they had begun their migration towards the Western part of India, where they settled and where they have retained their settlemets to the present day.57
Jainism flourished in Gujarātha during the days of Rāshtrakūta monarchs, many of whom were devout Jainas, and it received a further fillip at the hands of that veteran Jaina ruler Vanarāja of Chāvadā family. About 1100 A. D., Jainism gained a great ascendency when the Chalukya Kings Siddharāja and his successor Kumārapāla58 openly professed Jainism and encouraged the lite. rary and temple-building activities of the Jainas. During the days of Baghelas in the 13th century A. D. Jainism received patronage through the hands of Vastupāla and Tejapāla, the two famous Jaina ministers of the time.59 They were responsible for constructing the beautiful temple-cities at Satruñjaya, Giranāra and Abu. Afterwards even though Jainism did not receive the royal patrcpage as before, still it continued to hold its position and the numeri

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cal and financial strength of Jainas gave their religion a place of honour which is acknowledged even to this day.
IV
Jainism in North India
When by 300 B. C. the migration of Jainas began from Eastern India to different parts of the country one branch of them was firmly established in the North India from the middle of the second century B. C.60 What Śravanabelagola was to the Jainas of South, Mathurā, in the old kingdom of the Śūrasenas, was to the Jainas of North. The numerous inscriptions excavated in this city tell us about a wide-spread and firmly established Jaina community, strongly supported by pious lay devotees and very zealous in the consecration and worship of images and shrines dedicated to Mahāvira and his predecessors.61 As these inscriptions range from the 2nd century B. C. to the 5th century A. D. it is clear that Mathurā was a stronghold of Jainas for nearly a thousand years. Another centre of Jaiña activities in the North was Ujjain. It was the capital of Maurya Emperor Samprati who was known to Jainas as Jaina Asoka. Since we find several references to Ujjain in the Jaina literature, it seems that Ujjain might have played an important iole in the history of Jainism.62 The archaeological and other evidences brought to light from different parts of North and Central India establish the close relations of various rulers with Jainism.63 During the Mohammedan period Jainism could not get the royal and popular support as it used to receive before but it succeeded in holding its own without much trouble. The Jainas even could secure some concessions for their holy places and practices from the liberal minded Mughal Emperors like Akbar the Great and Jahangir. 64 During the Mohammedan period, however, the Jainas particularly increased in the native states of Rajaputana, where they came to occupy many important offices of the state including generalships and ministerships. As Col. Tod remarks, “The oíficers of the state and revenue are chiefly of the Jaina laity. The Chief Magistrate and assessors of justice in Udaipur and most of the towns of Rajasthan, are of this sect. ... The many ancient cities where this religion was fostered, have inscriptions which evince their prosperity in these countries, with whose history their own is interwoven. In fine, the necrological records of the Jainas bear witness to their having occupied a

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distinguished place in Rajput society; and the privileges they still enjoy, prove that they are not overlooked.66
Thus the Jainas continued to flourish in different parts of India during the ancient and medieval times. But afterwards the Jaitas began to decline. Before finding out the causes responsible for the downfall of Jainas, let us try to see the achievements of the Jainas in various fields of activities during the many centuries of their existence.
. 2. ACHIEVEMENTS OF JAINAS Perhaps the most creditable achievement of Jainas is in the field of literature. It has been already noticed that right from the Vedic period two different currents of thought and ways of life known as Biāhmaṇa culture and Śramana culture are prevalent in India.67 The Sramana culture is mainly represented by Jainas and Buddhists and of them Jainas were the first to propagate that culture. That is why from ancient times we have the Sramana literature besides the Brahmanic literature. The characteristic features of the Sramaņa literature are given as follows : st disregards the system of castes and Aśramas; its heroes are, as a rule, not gods and Rsbis, but kings or merchants or even Śūdras. The subjects of poetry taken up by it are not Brahmanic myths and legends, but popular tales, fairy stories, fables and parables. It likes to insist on the misery and sufferings of Sainsāra and it teaches a morality of compassion and Ahimsā, quite distinct from the ethics of Brahmanism with its ideals of the great sacrificer and generous supporter of the priests, and its strict adherence to the caste system. The authors of this sramana literature have contributed their full share to the religious, ethical, poetical, and scientific literature of ancient India. A close examination of the vast religious literature of the Jainas has been made by M. Winternitz in his “A History of Indian Literature.” 69 The Jainas were foremost in composing various kinds of narrative literature like Purānas, Charitras, Kathās, Prabandhas, etc. Besides a very extensive body of poetical narrative, the non-canonical literature of the Jainas consists partly of an immense number of commentaries and partly of independent works on dogma, ethics, and monastic discipline. They also compiled legends of saints and composed works on ecclesiastical history.70 Always fond of story-telling,

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the Jainas were good story-tellers themselves and have preserved. to us numerous Indian tales that otherwise would have been lost.71 Kāvyas and Mahākāvyas, too, of renowned merit have been composed by Jaina poets. Lyrical and didactic poetry also are well represented in the literature of the Jainas. Apart from these, most valuable contributions have been made by the Jainas to Indian scientific. and technical literature on various subjects like logic, philosophy, poetics, grammar, lexicography, astronomy, astrology, geography, matbematics and medicine.72 The Jainas have also paid special attention to the Arthaśāstra (or Politics ) which is considered to be “a worldly science" par excellence. Thus there is hardly any branch of science that has not been ably treated by Jainas.73
The literature of the Jainas is also very important from the point of view of the history of the Indian languages; for the Jainas always took care that their writings were accessible to considerable masses of the people. Hence the canonical writings and the earliest commentaries are written in Prakrit dialects and at a later period Sanskrit and various modern Indian languages were used by the Jainas.74 It is not an exaggeration when Wilson says that every province of Hindusthan can produce Jaina compositions, either in Sanskrit or its vernacular idiom.75 It has already been observed how the Jaipas have enriched various regional languages and especially Hindi, Gujarāthī, Kannada, Tamil and Telugu.76 Regard. ing the Jaina contribution to Kannada literature the great Kannada scholar R. Narasimhāchārya has remarked that “The earliest cultivators of the language were Jainas. The oldest works of any extent and value that have come down to us are all from the pen of the Jainas. The period of Jainas predominance in the literary field may justly be called the Augustan Age of Kannada literature. Jaina authors in Kannada are far more numerous than in Tamil. To name only a few, we have Pampa, Ponna, Ranna, Gunavarma, Nāgachandra, Nayasena, Nāgavarmā, Aggala, Nemichandra, Janna, Andayya, Bandhuvarma, and Madhura, authors whose works are admired as excellent specimens of poetic composition. It is only in Kannada that we have a Rāmāyana and a Bhārata based on the Jaina tradition in addition to the same works based on Brahmapical tradition. Besides Kāvyas written by Jaina authors we have numerous works by them dealing with subjects J...24

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such as grammar, rhetoric, prosody, mathematics, astrology, medicine, veterinary science, cookery and so forth. Altogether the number of Jaina authors in Kannada is nearly two hundred.”77 As the Jainas have produced their vast literature in these languages from very ancient times, the Jainas have certainly played a very important part in the development of the different languages of India. The medium of sacred writings and preachings of the Brahmins has all along been Sanskrit and of the Bauddhas Pāli. But the Jainas alone utilised the prevailing languages of the different places, besides Sanskrit, Prakrit and Apabhramśa, for their religious propaganda as well as for the preservation of knowledge.78 The Jainas thus occupy an important position in the history of the literature and civilisation of India.79
Along with literature the Jainas have always taken their due share in the development of the arts in the country. The Jainas have contributed their mite to enhance the glory of India in several branches of art and architecture. Compared with their number their contribution appears to be imposing. It must be remembered that Jainism did not create a special architecture of its own, for wherever the Jainas went they adopted the local building tradition. While in Northern India they followed the Vaishnava cult in build. ing, in Southern India they adhered to the 'Dravidian' type.80 The Stūpas of the Jainas are indistinguishable in form from those of the Buddhists and a Jaina curvilinear steeple is identical in outline with that of a Brahmanical temple.81 Even though the Jainas have not evolved a distinct Jaina style of architecture, yet it must be said to their credit that they have produced numerous and finest specimens of architecture in different parts of the country.82 More than any other sect in India the Jainas have displayed their intense love of the picturesque while selecting the sites for the construction of their sacred buildings like temples, temple-cities, cave temples, Stūpas, pillars and towers. They have erected their temples either on lovely hill-tops or in deep and secluded valleys.83 It has already been noted that as the Jaina religicn considers construction of temples as a meritorious act, the Jainas bave constructed an unusually large number of temples throughout India.84 Nearly 90 per cent of Jaina temples are the gifts of single wealthy individuals and as such the Jaina temples are distinguished for elaborate details and exquisite finish.85

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Of these innumerable Jaina temples, the two marble temples at Mount Abu in Rajasthan are considered as the most notable achievements of the Jainas in the domain of Art. The two temples are famous as unsurpassed models of Western or Gujarāti style of architecture which is characterised by a free use of columns carved with all imaginable richness, strut brackets, and exquisite marble ceilings with cusped pendants. The temples are known for the beauty and delicacy of the carving and for the richness of the design.86 As cousens remarks “the amount of beautiful ornamental detail spread over these temples in the minutely carved decoration of ceilings, pillars, doorways, panels and riches is simply marvellous; the crisp, thin transluent, shell-like treatment of the marble surpasses anything seen elsewhele and some of the designs are vertible dreams of beauty. The work is so delicate that ordinary chiselling would have been disastrous. It is said that much of it was produced by scraping the marble away, and that the masons were paid by the amount of marble dust so removed '.87 Again the Jaina temple at Rānapur in Mewar (which was built in 1440 A. D.) is the most complicated and extensive Jaina temple in India and the the most complete for the ritual of the sect. The temple covers altogether about 48,000 sq. ft. of ground and on the merits of its design Fergusson remarks that “The immerse numbei of parts in the building, and their general smallness, prevents its laying claim to anything like architectural grandeur; but their variety, their beauty of detailno two pillars in the whole building being exactly alike — the grace with which they are arranged, the tasteful admixture of domes of different heights with flat ceilings, and the mode in which the light in introduced, combine to produce an excellent effect. Indeed I know of no other building in India, of the same class that leaves so pleasing an impression, or affords so many hints for the graceful arrangement of columns in an interior."88 The other temples of such superb character are the temple of Pārsvanātha at Khajurāho in Bundelakhanda,89 the temple at Lakkundi in Karnāțaka, 90 the Jinanathapura Basti (j. e. temple near Sravanabelagola in Mysore,91 Seth Hathisingh's temple at Ahmedabad, 92 and the Hosa Basti at Mudabidri in South Kanara.93 It may be noted that the number of beautiful Jaina temples was considerably reduced during the Muslim period because the structure of Jaina temple was such that it could be easily converted into a mosque. The light columner style of the Jaina temples not only supplied materials

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more easily adopted to the purposes of Muslims, but furnished hints of which the Muslim architects were not slow to avail themselves. A mosque obtained in this way was, for convenience and beauty, unsurpassed by anything the Muslims afterwards erected from their own original designs. 94 Thus the great mosques of Ajmer, Delhi, Kanaujdhar and Ahmedabad are merely reconstructed temples of Hindus and Jainas. Further, the grouping together of their temples into what may be called “Cities of temples” is a peculiarity which the Jainas have practised to a greater extent than the followers of any other religion in India. Such notable temple-cities are found among other places, at Satruñjaya or Palitāņā and Giranāra in Gujarātha, at Sammeda śikhara in Bihar, at Sonāgiri in Bundelakhanda, at Muktāgiri in Vidarbha, at Kunthalagiri in the Deccan, at Śravanabelagola in Mysore' and at Mușabidri in South Kanara.% Again the Jainas also, like the Buddhists, built several cave temples cut in rocks from the early times. But in dimensions the Jaina cave temples were smaller than those of Buddhist ones because the Jaina religion prescribed individualistic and not congregational ritual.91 The most numerous cave temples are in the Udayagiri and Khandagiri Hills in Orissa.98 The picturesqueness of their forms, the character of their sculptures and architectural details combined with their great antiquity render them one of the most important groups of caves in India. These and those of Jupāgadha in Gujarātha belong to the second century B. C. while the others are of a later date of which the important ones are found at Aihole and Badāmi in Bijapur District, at Ankai and Pātana in Khandesh District, at Ellora and Osmanabad in Marathwada, at Chamāra Leņā near Nasik and at Kalugumalai in Tinnevelly District. Like the Buddhists Jainas also erected Stūpas, in honour of their saints, with their accessories of stone railings, decorated gateways, stone umbreilas, elaborate carved pillars and abundant statues. Early examples of these have discovered in the Kankāli mound near Mathurā and they are supposed to belong to the first century B. C.100
Another remarkable contribution of the Jainas in the field of architecture is the creation of many pillars or stambhas of pleasing design and singular grace which are found attached to many of their temples.101 Fergusson thinks that it may be owing to the tyloclastic propensities of the Muslims that these pillars are not

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found so frequently where they have held sway, as in the remoer parts of India; but, whether from this cause or not, they seem to be more frequent in Kanara and am.ong the Southern Jainas than in any other part of India. Fergusson further suggests that there may be some connection between these Jaina stambhas and the obelisks of the Egyptians.102 Regarding these Jaina pillars in Kanara Mr. Walhouse has remarked that “The whole capital and canopy are a wonder of light, elegant, highly decorated stone work, and nothing can surpass the stately grace of these beautiful pillars whose proportions and adaptation to surrounding scenery are always perfect, and whose richness of decoration never offends. ”103 According to Smith, in the whole range of Indian Ait there is nothing perhaps equal to these Kanaia pillars for good taste. 104 .
There is evidence to show that apart from pillars the Jainas, especially from Northern India, might have constructed a great number of towers dedicated to their Tirthankaras. There is such a tower which is still adorning Chitor in Mewar and it is considered as one of the best preserved monuments in India. This Jaina Tower at Chitor is a singularly elegant specimen of its class, about 75 feet in height and adorned with scuplture and mouldings from the base to the summit. The tower was constructed in the 12th century and was dedicated to Ādinātha, the first of the Jaina Tirthankaras, and nude figures of them are repeated some hundre of time on the face of the tower.105
The innumerable specimens of Jaina sculpture found in practi·cally all parts of India show that the Jainas enlisted the services
of sculptors from very ancient times. Their most common form of sculpture up to this day is modelling of images or statues of their Tirthankaras.106 But in giving shape to these figures no scope at all was given for the free play of imagination of individual sculptors as regular rules regarding the form and pose of statues of Tirthankaras had been prescribed by the Jaipa religion from the very beginning.107 Consequently practically all Jaina images pertain to one class and therefore Jaina images from any parts of the country cannot be distinguished from their style even though they belong to different ages altogether. It is significant to note that the Jaina images have been made of all substances and sizes and are almost always invariable in attitude, whether that be seated

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or standing. Small images are made of crystal, alabastor, soapstone, bloodstone, and various other precious and semiprecious materials; while the larger ones are carved from whatever kind of stone happens to be locally available.108 Updoubtedly the most remarkable of the Jaina statues are the celebrated colossi of Southern India, the largest free standing statues in Asia, which are three in number, situated respectively at Śravanabelagoļa in Mysore (constructed in 983 A. D. and 56. 1/2 feet in height), at Kārakala in South Kanara (constructed in 1432 A. D. and about 41 feet in height) and at Yeņūra or Venūra in South Kanara (constructed in 1604 A. D. and 35 feet in height). All three, being set on the top of eminences, are visible for miles around, and inspite of their formalism command respectful attention by their enormous mass and expression of dignified serenity. By all means these statues are among the most remarkable works of native art in the South of India.109
Regarding the unrivalled progress of the Jainas in decorative sculpture, as distinguished from individual statuary, Smith remarks that “The Jainas encouraged the work of a high order of excellence and beauty, employed to adorn with the utmost possible magnificence the pillared chambers which were their favourite form of architecture. Nothing in the world can surpass for rich-. ness and delicacy of detail the marble columns and ceilings of the Mount Abu temples and it would be easy to fill a large volume with illustrations of more or less similar exquisite work in many localities.110
Along with architecture and sculpture, the Jainas have contributed in a large measure to the development of the art of painting in India. The tradition of Jaina painting is as old as Buddhist painting and innumerable Jaina paintings of exquisite quality could be found on walls, palm-leaves, paper, clotb, wood etc. 111 The Jainas possess a very extensive treasure of manuscript paintings drawn in the Early Western Indian Style, sometimes called Gujarat' style or specifically " Jain 'style.112
As Jainism is an original system, quite distinct and independent from all others, the Jainas bave developed a separate philosophy which is regarded as a valuable contribution to the Indian philosophy.113 In philosophy the Jainas occupy a distinct position between the Brahmanic and Buddhist philosophical systems. This

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has been shown very clearly by H. Jacobi in his paper on The Metaphysics and Ethics of the Jainas."114 Regarding the problem of Being the three hold different opinions. The Vedāntins consider that underlying and upholding from within all things there is one absolute permanent Being, without change and with none other like it. On the contrary the Buddhists hold that all things are transitory. The Jainas, however, contend that Being is joined to production, continuation, destruction and they call their theory of multiple view points (anekāntavāda), in contradistinction to the theory of permanency (nityavāda) of the Vedantins, and to the theory of transitoriness (vināšavāda) of the Buddhists. The Jainas think that the existing things are permanent only as regards their substance, but their accidents or qualities originate and perish. The significance of this Jaipa theory of Being comes out more clearly when it is regarded in relation to the doctrines of Syādıāda and of the Nayas.115 According to the doctrine of Syādvāda any proposition about an existing thing must, somehow, reflect the manysidedness of Being, i. e., any metaphysical proposition is right from one point of view, and the contrary proposition is also right from another. The Nayas are ways of expressing the nature of things; all these ways of judgement are, according to the Jainas, one-sided, and they contain but a part of truth. The doctrine of the Nayas is, thus, the logical complement toʻthe Syādvāda which is an outcome of the theory of the manysidedness of Being. From this Jacobi affirms that the Jaina theory of Being is an indication of the commonsense view.
As the Jainas have evolved a philosopby of their own, they follow a distinct ethical code based on their philosophy. The Jaina ethics stands as a class by itself in the sense that it is the only system which is founded on the main principle of Ahimsā. It has already been noted how the principle of Ahimsā forms the basis of various rules of conduct prescribed for both the Jaina laymen and ascetics.116 Thus one of the significant contributions of the Jainas is the Ahimsā culture. If the Jainas are known for anything it is for the evolution of Ahimsā culture and it must be said to the credit of the Jainas that they practiced and propagated that culture from ancient times. The antiquity and continuity of Ahiisā culture is mainly due to the incessant efforts of the Jaina Achāryas. Naturally wherever the Jainas were in great numbers

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and wielded some influence they tried to spread Ahimsa culture among the masses. That is why we find that the provinces of Kai nāṭaka and Gujaratha, which are the strongholds of Jainas from the beginning, are mainly vegetarian. In fact it is admitted that as a result of the activities of the Jainas for the last so many centuries Ahimsa still forms the substratum of Indian character as a whole.117
376
Apart from the development of language and literature, art and architecture, and philosophy and ethics, the Jainas distinguished themselves in giving their unstinted support for the improvement of political and economic life in the country. The Jainas, especially in Southern and Western India, produced a large number of eminent and efficient monarchs, ministers and generals and thereby contributed to maintain and improve the political conditions of the people. Not only the ordinary Jainas but their saints or Acharyas also aided materially to create the proper political environment necessary for the resuscitation of the life in the country. It is considered that due to the keen interest taken by the Jaina gurus, i. e., preceptors in political affairs of the country, Jainism occupies an important place in the history of India. 118 The Jaina ascetics were never indifferent towards the secular affairs in general. We know from the account of Megasthenes that, in the 4th century B. C., the Sarmanes or Jaina ascetics who lived in the woods were frequently consulted by the kings through their messengers regarding the cause of things. 119 So far as Karnataka was concerned Jainism throughout its course of more than one thousand years was an example of a religion which showed that religious tenets were practised without sacrificing the political exigencies when the question of rejuvenating life in the country was at stake. That is why in Karnāṭaka we find that the Jaina Acharyas ceased to be merely exponents of dogmas and turned themselves into creators of kingdoms.120 It has already been noted that the Jaina Saints were virtually responsible for the founding of the Ganga Kingdom in the 2nd century A. D. and the Hoyasala kingdom in the 11th century A. D. 121
In fact the most creditable achievement of Jainas is their survi val from ancient times up to the present day. The Jainas and the Buddhists were the main representatives of Śramana culture in India and it is pertinent to note that while Buddhism disappeared from the land of its birth, though it survives in other parts of the

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world, Jainism is still a living faith in India though it never spread outside India with the exception perhaps of Ceylon. Let us see, in breif, the reasons responsible for the continuous survival of Jainas in India.
3. REASONS FOR SURVIVAL OF JAINAS Perhaps the most important reason which contributed to the continued existence of the Jaina community to the present day is the excellent organisation of the community. The significant part of the Jaina organisation is the fact that the laity has been made an integral part of the community. The community has been traditionally divided into four groups, viz., Sadhus or male ascetics, Sadhvis or female ascetics, Srāvakas or male laity and Śrāvikās or female laity, and these groups have been bound togehter by very close relations.122 The same Vratas or religious vows are prescribed for ascetics and laity with only difference that the ascetics have to observe them more scrupulously while the laity is allowed to follow them in a less severe manner. The laity is made completely responsible for the livelihood of the ascetics and to that extent the latter are dependent on the foi mer. From the beginning ascetics have controlled the religious life of the lay disciples and the lay disciples have kept a strict control over the character of the ascetics. That is why the ascetics are required to keep themselves entirely aloof from worldly matters and to rigorously maintain their high standard of ascetic life. If they fall short of their requirements they are likely to be removed from their positions.123 Instances of excommunication of Jaina Sadhus for the breach of .the rules of conduct are still common in Gujarātha and Rājasthan.124 As an ascetic is generally attached to a Gana or section and Gachchha or sub-section of Jainas and naturally persons belonging to a particular Gaņa or Gachchha can control the ascetics of their Gaņa or Gachchha. Thus, for example, the Tapā Gachchha ascetics are controlled by the Tapā Gachchha people. Recently many of these Gachchhas have written constitutions of their sections and in that they assert this right also. In the rules and regulations framed in 1941 of the Lokā Gachchha of Bombay City it has been specifically mentioned that, “If any of the ascetics or Sripujya (i. e. the head of a group of ascetics behaves against the tenets and customs of the Lokā Gachchha Sangha, the general body of members of the sangha shall have power to remove such ascetics.

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Jaina Community--A Social Survey or Śripūiya from his office ".125 In this connection H. Jacobi rightly remarks as follows. “It is evident that the lay part of the community were not regarded as outsiders, or only as friends and patrons of the Order, as seems to have been the case in early Buddhism; their position was, from the beginning, well defined by religious duties and privileges; the bond which united them to the Order of monks was an effective one. . . . . . . . It cannot be doubted that this close union between laymen and monks brought about by the similarity of their religious duties, differing not in kind, but in degree, had enabled Jainism to avoid fundamental changes within, and to resist dangers from without for more than two thousand years, while Buddhism, being less exacting as regards the laymen, underwent the most extraordinary evolutions and finally disappeared in the country of its origin."126
Another important reason for the survival of the Jaina comnity is its inflexible conservatism in holding fast to its original institutions and doctrines for the last so many centuries. The most important doctrines of the Jaina religion have remained practically unaltered up to this day and, although a number of the less vital rules concerning the life and practices of monks and laymen may have fallen into disuse or oblivion, there is no reason to doubt that the religious life of the Jaina community is now sub-. stantially the same as it was two thousand years ago. This strict adherence to religious prescriptions will also be evident from Jaina architecture and especially from Jaina sculpture, for the style of Jaina images has remained the same to such an extent that the Jaina images differing in age by a thousand years are almost indistinguishable in style. Thus an absolute refusal to admit changes has been considered as the strongest safeguard of the Jainas.127
The royal patronge which Jainism had received during the ancient and medieval periods in different parts of the country has undoubtedly helped the struggle of the Jaina community for its survival. The Karnātaka and Gujarātha continued to remain as strongholds of Jainas from the ancient times because many rulers, ministers and generals of renowned merit from Karnāțaka and Gujarātha were of Jaina religion. Apart from Jaina rulers many non-Jaina rulers also showed sympathetic attitude towards the Jaina religion. From the edicts of Rājasthan it will be seen that in compliance with the doctrines of Jainism orders were issued in

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some towns to stop the slaying of animals throughout the year and to suspend the revolutions of oil-mill and potter's wheel during the four months of the rainy season every year. 128 Several inscriptions from the South reveal the keen interest taken by non-Jaina rulers in facilitating the Jainas to observe their religion. Among these the most outstanding is the stone insrciption dated 1368 A. D. of the Vijayanagara monarch Bukka Raya I. When the Jainas of all districts appealed in a body for protection against their persecution by the Vaishnavas, the king after summoning the leaders of both sects before him declared that no difference could be made between them and ordained that they should each pursue their own religious practices with equal freedom.129
The varied activities of a large number of eminent Jaina saints contributed to the continuation of Jaina community for a long period because these activities produced a deep impression upon the general public regarding the sterling qualities of Jaina saints. They were mainly responsible for the spread of Jainism all over India. The chronicles of Ceylon attest that Jainism also spread in Ceylon.130 As regards the South India it can be maintained that the whole of it in ancient times was strewn with small groups of learned Jaina ascetics who were slowly but surely spreading their morals through the medium of their sacred literature composed in the various vernaculars of the country.131 These literary and missionary activities of the Jaina saints ultimately helped the Jainas in South India to strengthen their position for a long time in the face of Hindu revival. The important Jaina saints and writers from the South were Kunda Kunda, Umāsvāti, Samantabhadra, Pūjyapāda, Akalanka, Vidyānandin, Māņikyanandin, Prabhāchandra, Jinasena I, Gunabhadra, Somadeva, Pampa and Ranna.132 Of these illustrious persons Achārya Samantabhadra and Achārya Akalanka were the foremost in their zeal of spread of Jainism. Samantabhadia in the 2nd century A. D. toured all over India and defeated his opponents in the public disputations. Similarly Akalanka defeated the Buddhists in public disputation at Kāñchi in the 7th or 8th century A. D. in consequence of which they were banished to Ceylon.133 'Even in political matters the Jaina saints were taking keen interest and guiding the people whenever required. It has already been noted that the Gangas and the Hoyasalas were inspired to establish new kingdoms by the Jaina Āchāryas. Along

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Jaina Community--A Social Survey with the carrying of these scholastic, missionary and political activities, the Jaina Āchāryas tried ro excel in their personal accomplishments also. In a work called Pujyapādacharita the names of 37 arts and sciences mastered by Achārya Pūjyapāda are given. 134 In the 7th century A. D. the famous Chinese pilgrim Hiuen Tsiang had heard of old time that the Nirgranthas (i. e. the Jaina ascetics ) were skilled in divination.135 Naturally princes and people alike had a great regard for the Jaina saints in different parts of the country. Even the muslim emperors of Delhi honoured and showed reverence to the learned Jaina saints of North and South India. 136 Regarding the influence of Jaina saints in Rajasthāna Col. Tod remaiks that “To show the respect in which the high priests of the Jainas are held, the princes of Rajputana invariably advance outside the walls of their capital to receive and conduct them to it- a mark of respect paid only to princes. On the occasion of the high priest of the Khadataras137 passing though Udaipur, the Rānā received him with every distinction.'138 It is no wonder that the character and activities of such influential Jaina saints created an atmosphere which helped to lengthen the life of Jaina community.
A minority community for its continued existence has always to depend on the goodwill of the other people and that goodwill could be persistently secured by performing some benevolent activities. The Jainas did follow and are still following this path of attaining the goodwill of all people by various means like educating the masses and alleviating the pain and misery of people by conducting several types of charitable institutions. From the beginning the Jainas made it one of their cardinal principles to give the four gifts of food, protection, medicine and learning to the needy (āhāra-ubhaya—bhaishajya-śāstra-dāna )-- irrespective of caste and creed. According to some this was by far the most potent factor in the propagation of the Jaina religion.139 For this they established alm-houses, rest-houses, dispensaries and schools wherever they were concentrated in good numbers. It must be noted to the credit of the Jainas that they took a leading part in the education of the masses. Various relics show that formerly Jaina ascetics took a great share in teaching children in the Soutbern. countries, viz., Andhra, Tamil, Karnātaka, and Mahārāshțra.160. In this connection. Dr. Altekar rightly observes that before the

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381 beginning of the alphabet proper the children should be required to pay homage to Gaņeśa, by reciting the formula“ Śri Gaņeśāya Namah”, is natural in Hindu society, but that in the Deccan even today it should be followed by the Jaina formula “ Om Namah Siddham ” shows that the Jaina teachers of medieval age had so completely controlled the mass education that the Hindus continued to teach their children this originally Jaina formula even after the decline of Jainism.141 Even now the Jainas have rigorously maintained the tradition by giving freely these four types of gifts in all parts of India. In fact the Jainas never lag behind in liberally contributing to any national or philanthropic cause.
Another important factor which helped the continuation of the Jaina community is the cordial and intimate relations maintained by the Jainas with the Hindus. Formerly it was thought that Jainism was a branch either of Buddhism or of Hinduism. But now it is generally accepted that Jainism is a distinct religion and that it is as old as, if not older than, the Vedic religion of the Hindus. As Jainism, Hinduism and Buddhism, the three important ancient religions of India, are living side by side for the last so many centuries, it is natural that they have influenced one another in many respects.14? In matters like theories of rebirth and salvation, descriptions of heaven, earth and hell, and belief in the fact that the prophets of religion take birth according to prescribed rule, we find similarities in the three religions. Since the disappearance of Buddhism from India the Jainas and Hindus came more close to each other and that is why in social and religious life the Jainas on the whole do not appear to be much different from the Hindus. It has already been noted that in matters like superstitious beliefs and practices, religious festivals and fasts, occupations and professions, dress and ornaments, Saṁskāras Os sacraments and language and general outlook on life, there are various common things between the Jainas and Hindus, and especially the vegetarian Hindus. There are certain castes whose members are found in both the communities and to some extent marital relations are still maintained between the Jaina and Hindu sections of the same caste. From these things it should not be considered that the Jainas are a part of the Hindus or Jainism is a branch of Hinduism.143 In fact if we compare Jainism and Hinduism, we find.

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that the differences between them are very great and their agreement is in respect of a few particulars only concerning the ordinary mode of living. Even the ceremonies which appear to be similar are in reality different in respect of their purport if carefully studied. The sacred books of the Hindus like Vedas, Smṛtis, Purāṇas, etcare not accepted by the Jainas and the Hindus also do not recognise even a single scripture of the Jainas. While the Jainas regard the world as eternal, the Hindus hold it to have been made by a creator. In Jainism worship is not offered to an eternal and eternally pure God, but to those Great Ones who have realised their high ideal and attained to Godhood themselves; in Hinduism worship is performed of many forms of one God who is the creator and the ruler of the world. The significance of worship in Hinduism is also not the same as that in Jainism. In Jainism there is no offering of food and the like, nor is a prayer made to the deity for boons. In Hinduism the attainment of the object is by the will of certain divine beings who are to be propitiated.144 The animal sacrifices practised by the Hindus have no place in Jainism. The Hindus believe that Gods alone can attain salvation, while the Jainas consider that it is the right of human beings only. The Hindus regard Karma as an invisible power but the Jainas think it as a form of matter which can stick to the soul. In Jainismn there are various principles like Dharma, Adharma, Leshya, Ginasthāna, etc. which are not found in Hindu spiritual ideology.145 The Jaina Gods, temples, places of pilgrimage, holy days, fasts, festivals and rituals are quite different from those of the Hindus.146 While the Hindus consider marriage as a religious sacrament, the Jainas regard it as a civil contract. The begetting of male children is prescribed by Hinduism for the spiritual welfare of the people; but in Jainism the presence or absence of a son does not make any difference in the spiritual progress of a person. The peculiarly Hindu practices like Niyoga and Sati are not approved by the Jainas.147 Further a large number of Hindu religious practices, which are repugnant to Jainism, have been termed as Mudha or stupid customs and beliefs and the true Jainas are required to be absolutely free from them. They are sun-worship, bath during eclipses, giving away money on Sankranti days, the morning and evening ablutions, fire-worship, the worship of edifices, ceremonial bathing in rivers and the ocean, adoration of trees, stūpas, and sacred offerings of boiled rice, religious suicide by falling

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from a precipice, bowing at the tail of a cow and taking cow's urine, and the worship of jewels, conveyances, weapons, the earth and the mountains.148
From the facts mentioned above it is evident that there are several items of social and religious practices on which there are basic differences between the Jainas and the Hindus. It is pertinent to note that these differences are persisting even up to the present day. At the same time it will have to be admitted that there had been an infiltration of non-Jaina elements into Jaina social and religious usages. 149 It is not that the Jainas blindly accepted these non-Jaina elements. Perhaps the Jainas had to allow the infiltration of non-Jaina element as an adjustment to changed circumstances. Various reasons can be given as to why the Jainas knowingly permitted some of their members to follow obviously non-Jaina customs and manners. In the first place, new converts to Jainism could not be expected to discard their previous practices in toto and to observe all the Jaina practices at once. Some concession will have to be shown to them if the proselytising activities are to continue and the number of Jainas is to increase. In this way we find that the observance of some of the Hindu reli. gious practices referred to above was connived at by the Jainas even though it was repugnant to Jainism. In fact it was prescribed by Jaina Acharyas that "if a convert to Jainism cannot altogether renounce all his false beliefs, he ought to be given a mixed reception, but it is not advisable to discard him altogether. "150 Secondly, in times of calamity changes are sometimes effected in the religious practices to preserve religion and life and the Jainas had to follow the same course. In the past the Hindus committed many acts of oppression against the Jaina saints and householders. Under these circumstances the Jainas took the shelter of Brahmanical greed and began to employ the Brahmins for the performance of their 'social ceremonies, so as to preserve themselves in that way. The practice has continued and even today Brahmins are employed by some Jainas to assist in the performance of marriage and other ceremonies at various stages in certain parts of the country. In some Jaina temples Hindus are employed to peform daily Puja or worship. To soften and appease Brahmanical hatred interpolations embodying Brabmanical ritual appear to have been made in some of the Jaina books. Probably this was

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the only means left under the circumstances of preserving the Jaina religion and the Jaina community. Some of the Hindu gods were also given minor seats in the Jaina temples with a similar motive. They are termed Kshetrapala i. e. the Protectors of the place. Even at present the worship of non-Jaina gods and goddesses is indulged into by some Jainas.151 Thirdly, it was impossible for Jainism to remain unaffected by influences of local customs, beliefs and cults. As a small number of Jainas had to live amidst the non-Jainas, and especially among the Hindus, it is but natural for them to adopt the Hindu practices. That is why we find some Jainas observing the customs like wearing the sacred thread,152 participating in Hindu festivals, keeping day in memory of the dead, offering of rice-balls to the crows on the 10th day after the death, asking boons from the gods, believing in ghosts and spirits, worshipping non-Jaina deities, etc. Thus the Jainas, as a policy for survival, willingly accepted the infiltration of non-Jaina element in Jaina practices. But in doing so they made every attempt to maintain the purity of religious practices as far as possible. The Jaina Āchāryas, mainly with a view to maintain the continuity of the Jaina community in troubled times, did not oppose but on the contrary gave tacit sanction to the observance of local customs and manners by the Jainas. In this connection Somadeva, the most learned Jaina Acharya of medieval age in the South, observes in his Yasastilaka-Champu that
384
हि धर्मो गृहस्थानां लौकिकः पारलौकिकः । लोकाश्रयो भवेदाद्यः परः स्यादागमाश्रयः ॥ सर्व एव हि जैनानां प्रमाणं लौकिको विधिः । यत्र सम्यक्त्वहानिर्न यत्र न व्रतदूषणम् ।।
the religion of Jaina householders is of two varieties, Laukika, i. e., this-worldly, and Paralaukika, i. e. the other-worldly; the former is based upon popular usage and the latter on the scriptures! Further, it is legitimate for the Jainas to follow any custom or practice sanctioned by popular usage so long as it does not come into conflict with the fundamental principles of the Jaina faith or the moral and disciplinary vows enjoined by the religion. It thus means that by showing the leniency to the Jainas in observing the well-established local practices, provided they do not harm the highest principles of Jainism, a conscious effort was made by the

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Jainas to adjust to the adverse circumstances. This wise adjustment ultimately created cordial and intimate relations with Hindus and it appears that due to this policy the Jainas were saved from complete extinction at the hands of persecutionists and they could keep their existence for the last so many centuries. In fact the Jainas had made determined efforts to maintain good relations not only with the Hindus but with the members of other communities also. Even though the Jainas were in power for a long time they hardly indulged in the persecution of non-Jainas, whereas we find innumerable instances where Jainas were severely persecuted by non-Jainas.153
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4. CAUSES OF DECLINE OF JAINISM
It is true that the Jainas have managed to maintain their existence as a separate community for the last so many centuries and that in this long period they have made noteworthy contributions to the cultural progress of India. But the achievement of Jainas in various fields of activities pertain to the ancient ands medieval period. Since the middle ages the Jainas are declining day by day in number and their influence is continuously waning. If the same process continues it is likely that the Jaina community will have to face total extinction within a period of few centuries. Before making any proposal as to how this position of continuous decline should be remedied, it is necessary to find out the causes mainly responsible for the downfall of the Jaina community.
The spread of a religion to a large extent depends on the amount of royal patronage it receives and the conviction with which it is propounded by its monks and followers. In the ancient and medieval period the numerical strength of the Jaina community was quite good because Jainism was actively supported by the ruling chiefs in different parts of the country and it was propagated by some of the intellectual gems of the time. It is estimated that during the Rashtrakūta period (i. e. from 750 to 1000 A. D.) at least one third of the total population of the Deccan was following the gospel of Mahavira.154 That the Jaina religion was one of the popular religions of India in the past could be seen from the large number of Jaina relics found all over India. But with the advent of Muslims in North India and the fall of the Vijayanagara Empire in South India Jainism completely lost the royal support. When the days of royal patronage were gone, J...25

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never to return, the ascetic order of the community not only fell in number but became very slack in its duties. The ascetics in the later period never showed any enthusiasm in their ordinary activities like preaching and proselytising. There were no intellectual giants, unselfish workers and renowned saints like Bhadrabahu, Kundakunda, Samantabhadra, Akalanka, Haribhadra, JinaHemachandra sena, Umāsvāti, and Siddhasena Diväkara. Naturally they could not, influence the people by their actions. and bring them into the Jaina community. Thus with the lapse of royal support and stoppage of converting people to Jainism due to slackness of its teachers, there was no hope for the Jaina religion to increase the number of its followers.
When the Jaina community was in such a position that it could not augment the number of its members, it was faced with a calamity of severe persecution of its members by the other religionists155 especially Brahmins. Lingayatas or Viraśaivas and Muslims. After gaining the ascendancy the Brahmins reduced the Jainas to the lowest depths of subjection. They threw out the idols in Jaina temples and converted them into Brahmanic ones,156 destroyed the objects of the cult, deprived the Jainas of all freedom, both religious and civil, banished them from public employment and all positions of trust; in fact, they persecuted them to such an extent that they succeeded in removing nearly all traces of these Jainas in several provinces where formerly they had been most flourishing.157 Traces of this old hostility between Jainas and Hindus survive in the Hindu saying that,
हस्तिना ताड्यमानोऽपि न गच्छेज्जैनमंदिरम्
One should not take refuge in a Jaina Temple, even to escape from a mad elephant and in the rule that a Jaina beggar will not take alms from a Hindu unless he can perform some service in 158 The return, though it may not equal the value of the alms.15 position of the Jaina religion in the South was much shaken through persecution. King Sundara of the Pandya dynasty, in the middle of the seventh century, at the instigation of the famous saint Tirujñanasambandara, the arch-enemy of Jainism, persecuted the Jainas with the most savage cruelty and inflicted on no less than eight thousand innocent persons a horrible death by impalement. The memory of this bloody episode is constantly kept alive in the series of frescoes recorded on the wall of the Mantapam of the

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Golden Lotus Tank of the famous Minakshi temple at Madura. As though it was not sufficient to humiliate the Jainas, the whole tragedy is gone through at five of the twelve annual festivals at the Madura temple, on which occasion an image representing a Jaina impaled on a stake is carried in procession.159 In the Vijayanagara Empire the Jaina people known as Pāṇtchurhis were destroyed by the Brāhmaṇas in the times of Adondai, and some embraced the Brahmanical system. 16) Such persecutions were largely responsible for the final overthrow of Jainism in south India. In Karnataka the Jainas were persecuted by the Virasaivas and in Gujaratha and Māravāḍ they were persecuted by the Brahmins. A tradition at Pattan says that Sankaracharya effected the destruction of a number of Jaina priests in that city, and the spot in which they are supposed to have met their fate is to this day called the Lachochara.161 It is reported that the Brahmins were actively aggressive against the Jainas even in the 19th century and used to take forcible possession of their temples and convert them into Hindu temples.162 In the Central India the best Jaina temples are found in very remote spots and it is suggested that they were built at times when the Jainas had to hide in such places to avoid Hindu persecution.163 In North India from time to time fanatic kings indulged in savage outbursts of cruelty and committed genuine acts of persecution directed against Jainas or Buddhists as such.164 Thus the persecution of the Jainas in different parts of India hastened their decline which had already gained some momentum due to the loss of royal patronage and slackness of the monastic order.
The strength of the Jaina community was further weakened when various religious and social divisions arose in the community. It has already been noted that the Jaina Church was one and undivided upto 81 A. D. but from that year it was divided into two major divisions, viz., the Digambara and the Svetambara. These sects were further divided into small sub-sects and groups like Gana and Gachchha and strangely enough these groups came into existence solely due to the trivial differences between the ascetics. Some of the divisions were no doubt revolutionary in the sense that they completely renounced idol-worship and took to the worship of the scripture only. As the underlying philosophy is common to all sects and sub-sects, really speaking there is no reason why animosity should arise among them. But actually

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the sectarian feelings have gained such an upper hand that the various sects and sub-sects not only hate one another but try to grab what the others have got. Naturally the Jainas think always of their sub-sect or sect and never of Jainism as a whole. In these circumstances it is obvious that there is no powerful common religious bond which can bring all Jainas together. What is true of religious divisions is equally true of social divisions. The Jaïna system of social organisation was, in the beginning, based on the distinction of function. Birth was not considered as a criterion for determining the status of a person in society. But later on a large number of castes and sub-castes arose in the small Jaina community and today the Jainas are as caste-ridden as the Hindus are. Naturally the castes have fostered separatist tendencies, have created cultural gulfs between the castes, and have stood in the way of social unity in the Jaina community.
5. PRESENT PROBLEMS AND THE WAY OUT At present the Jaina community is faced with various problems which are clamouring for solution. Of these some are of recent origin. The problems like whether the Harijans should be allowed to enter the Jaina temples or not, whether the Jaina ascetics should be excluded from the application of Beggars' Act or not, whether the properties attached to the Jaina temples and Mathas or monasteries and religious endowments should be controlled by the Government or not, whether the term 'Hindu' includes the Jainas or not, etc. are the outcome of the past few years and have arisen mainly due to the excessive legislative zeal. shown by various Provincial Governments after the introjuction of Provincial Autonomy in Irdia in 1937. But these problems need not detain us here. We are more concerned with the problems of a fundamental nature which are existing in the Jaina community for the last so many years. We have already discussed some of these problems in detail. It now remains to recapitulate them in brief and to suggest the ways of solving them so that the Jaina community can hope to lead a more vigorous and prosperous life in the future. (A) The Problem of Declining Population :
The most important, serious and urgent problem confronting the Jaina community is the gradual decline of its number. The Jaina community is one of the most ancient communities in India

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and up to the Middle Ages it claimed a sufficiently large following throughout the different parts of India. But afterwards the numerical strength of the Jainas rapidly began to decline day by day, and the process is being continued up to the present day. The tendency is quite noticeable from the census figuies. The propora tion of Jainas in the total population of India was 0.48 per cent in 1881, while the same proportion according to 1941 census was 0.37 per cent.165 Even though according to 1971 Census the percentage of Jaina population to the total population of India has come up to 0.47, still it is a fact that this proportion is less than the proportion ( viz. 0.48 per cent) of the Jainas in the total population of India in 1881. Taking into account the incorrect enumeration and other factors it can safely be said that the growth of Jaina population is not keeping pace with the growth in the total population of India. It is therefore necessary to find out the causes of this continuous downfall in the number of Jaina population.
In the first place it may be noted that the sex composition of the Jainas is not even. According to 1971 census there are only 940 Jaina females per 1000 Jaina males and this proportion is less than that among the Christians and Buddhists. The deficiency of Jaina females seems to be continuous as ip 1901 also the proportion of females to males was 929 to 1000.166 This deficiency is further heightened if we take into account the sex composition of Jaina castes because the marriages as a rule have to be contracted within the members of a particular caste only. Thus in 1917 among the 'Budhelā' caste of North India there were in all only 100 females of marriageable age to 204 males of that age.167 This means that many males have compulsorily to remain bachelors throughout their life. Coupled with the dearth of females there is another reason which requires the males to remain unmarried and that is the permission given to males either to practise polygyny or to marry again after the dissolution of the first marriage. That is why we find that according to the latest figures of 1931 census the proportion of unmarried males among the Jainas was greater than that among the Hindus or Muslims or all people together.168 Again, not only there is continuous deficiency of females which undoubtedly comes in the way of growth of population, there are, about Jaina women, certain other significant

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factors which hinder the effective increase in the Jaina population. Even though the fertility of Jaina women is showing some signs of improvement, it is a fact that it is less than that of Tribal, Chris. tian, Sikh and Muslim women and it may take many decades for the Jaina women to reach the fertility rate of Tribal, Christian or Sikh women. 169 Further, compared with the others, the Jaina girls are married at an early age. In the Bombay Presidency, according to the 1931 census, the highest number of infant girls married was that of Jainas and the Jainas, along with the Hindus, showed very high figures for marriages of girls under the age of fifteen. 170
As the conditions among Jainas are practically the same all over India, the custom of child-marriage was found everywhere among the Jainas and now, though the age of marriage among the Jainas is increasing, the Jainas, in comparison with the others, seem to be an early marrying community. Since the Jaina females are married early, they are required to bear the incidence of childbirth at a comparatively early age and this has considerably told upon their health and has finally resulted in high rate of female mortality. The child-marriage thus makes the problem worse by increasing the deficiency of females. In still another way the child-marriage affects the growth of population. The highest proportion of widowed females in the Jaina community can pos sibly be attributed to its widespread practice of child-marriage. With the exception of a few widows belonging to some particular castes, all widows in general are effectively debarred from remarrying. Naturally the existence of an unusually large number of widows in the reproductive period and the prevalence of bap on widow-remarriage, render nearly 20% of the already deficient female population worthless from the point of view of growth of population.171 Thus the factors like the deficiency of females, practice of comparatively early marrage, low fertility of women, high rate of female mortality, large number of unmarried males and great proportion of young widowed females effectively de barred from remarriage, have all combined together to lower the growth of Jaina population. In a way these factors have helped to increase the clandestine sexual relations in the Jaina community. The presence of young widows and young wives of old people on the one hand and compulsorily unmarried males

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on the other is bound to give impetus to immoral and extra-marital relations. To conceal the extra-marital relations sometimes infanticide is resorted to and the persons addicted to adultery and their childr. n, if at all they get them, become short lived as they fall an easy prey to various diseases. 172 Hence it is clear that the results of such relations tell upon both the quantity and quality of population.
Apart from these internal causes which are largely responsible for the decline of Jaina population, there is an effective external cause also which is continuously reducing the number of Jaina population and that is the complete absence of proselytizing activities in the Jaina community. In the past many non-Jainas were regularly converted to Jainism and the learred Jaina Achāryas used to take a leading part in these conversion activities. It is said that the Jaina Āchāryas were rot taking their daily meals unless they converted a previously determined number of nonJainas to Jainism.173 It has already been noted that the populous Jaina castes like Agaravāla, Osavāla, Srimāla, and Khandelavāla were formed by the Jaira Āchāryas after converting the people to Jainism.174 But since the Middle Ages these activities are not undertaken at all and there are practically no new converts to Jainism. Not only that the non-Jainas are not brought into the fold of Jainas but every year thousands of Jainas become nonJainas.175 In these circumstances it is but natural that, as compared with the other communities like that of Hindus or Muslims where conversion activities are carried on with a religious fervour, the population of Jaina community should decline more rapidly.
Another contributory cause to the decline of Jaina population is the concentration of Jainas in the urban areas. It has been observed that as the Jainas are mainly a commercial community, they show a marked tendency to live in cities, at least where they are not numerous, and that this tendency is progressively increasing. 176 Due to insanitary and unhygienic conditions prevailing
in urban localities, generally the death rate is more in cities and the - standard of health is less than that in rural areas. The committee appointed by the Śwetāṁbara Jaina Conference to investigate into the death rate among the Jainas of Bombay City, reported that the death rate among the Jainas was more than the general death rate in the City and that the main reason for this was that

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more than half the Jaina population in Bombay City was living in small rooms in unhealthy localities. The committee had suggested to open health resorts in the countryside for the benefit of the Bombay Jainas.177 The Jainas are found in almost all cities and they are under the same handicap as the Bombay Jainas. Thus the quality, along with the quantity, of Jaina population has suffered by staying in cities.178
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With a view to stop the gradual decline of the Jaina population and to increase its number, it is evident that various measures will have to be adopted without delay. The practice of comparatively early marriage must be stopped in the first instance so that the incidence of child birth at an early age will be avoided, the rate of female mortality will fall down, the number of young widows will be lessened and the health of females will be improved. Along with the stoppage of child-marriage the ban on widow-remarriage must be removed and the males must be debarred from marrying very young girls. This will make the full use of human resources. The deficiency of females will not so much be felt and the number of males who have to remain compulsorily unmarried will be reduced. Naturally it will have a good effect on curbing the extra-marital and other immoral relations. To further lessen the number of males, who have to go without marriage against their wish, permission should be given to marry females not only from all castes of Jainas but from non-Jainas also. This will result in increasing the field for marriage, in widening the scope regarding choice of partners to the marriage, in avoiding marriages between near relatives and in improving, in the long run, the quality of the population. Moreover, persistent efforts will have to be made to reduce the death rate and to improve the physique of the people. For that purpose village life, as far as possible, be encouraged, people and especially women should be taught how to lead a healthy life in towns and cities, the provision of medical and hospital facilities and especially of maternity homes should be augmented and health resorts should be opened at different places so that the urban people can take recourse to them whenever required. Again, proper and regular religious instruction should be imparted to the people from an early age and this will, to a great extent, stop the exodus of people from the Jaina community. Along with this the proselytizing activity will have to be undertaken in right earnest and the new entrants to the community must be

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accorded a good reception and given a proper treatment in religious, social and other walks of life. It means that the Jainas will have to adopt the same intense missionary zeal displayed by the illustrious Jaina Āchāryas throughout the ancient and medieval period in India and possibly outside. (B) The Problem of Religious Divisions :
Another important problem, which is undermining the strength of the Jaina community for the last so many centuries, is the existence of various religious divisions in the community. Up to the days of Lord Mahāvira and even for some centuries later the Jaina Church remained one and undivided though some minor schisms had taken place during and after the time of Lord Mahāvira. About the end of the first century A. D. the Jaina Church was finally split up into two rival sects which have vigorously maintained the rivalry to the present day. The two main sects, viz., the Digambara and the Svetāmbara, were later on split up into major and minor sub-sects some of which were revolutionary in the sense that they opposed the established practice of idol worship. Apart from the division of the Jaina Church into sects and sub-sects, the Jainas were further divided, on a religious basis, into several sections and sub-sections like Sangha, Gana, Gachchha and Sākhā. The Jainas did not stop only with the creation of a large number of sects, sub-sects, sections and sub-sections in the community but persistently made and are still making by various good and bad means to perpetuate these divisions. Only a few secred places are common to both the Digambaras and the Svetāmbaras, while each sect possesses its own numerous sacred places. Even those few common sacred places have, for all these years, become a constant bone of contention between the two sects as each sect tries to establish its claim of ownership over them by both fair and foul means. Crores of rupees have been spent by both the parties or litigation on these cases. Generally the members of each sub-sect or sub-section build their own temples or places of worship. Thus among the Digambaras the Terāpanthis and the Bisapanthis have their separate temples and the Tāraṇapanthis their own Chaitālayas. The Mārtipājaka Śvetāmbaras have their temples, while the Śvetāṁbara Sthānakavāsis visit their Upāśrayas only. In big cities practically every important Gachchha possesses its temple where all the members of that

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Jaina Community-A Social Survey Gachchha assemble on festival and other ceremonial days. At Kārañjā in Vidarbha the members of Sena Gana and Balātkāra. Gana have their own temples. Further, in many places the members of some important castes have their different temples. Again, the main sects have their own types of idols, methods of worship, places of pilgrimage, sacred books, Sarnskāras or sacraments, religious teachers and fasts and festivals. These differences have so much been magnified by both the main sects that every sect considers itself as a true follower of Jainism while it regards the other sect as fallen from the real path of Jainism. The differences have penetrated into the social field also. Formerly, marriages used to take place between the members belonging to different sects and sub-sects; but now there is a marked tendency to restrict the marital relations within the members of a particular sect or even a sub-sect. Each sect or sub-sect provides for its students facilities like boarding houses, scholarship funds, research grants etc. There is hardly any association which caters to the need of students irrespective of sect or sub-sect. Even their religious educational institutions like Gurukulas and Pāțhaśālās are separate for each sect or sub-sect. The members of practically every sect or sub-sect are being organised on an all-India basis. The Digambaras have three organisations of an all-India character, viz., All India Digambara Jaipa Parishada, Delhi; All India Digambara Jaina Mahāsabhā, Delhi; and All India Digambara Jaina Sangha, Mathura; and among the Śvetāmbaras each sub-sect has an allIndia organisation, viz., All India Śvetāṁbara (Mūrtipūjaka) Jaina Conference, Bombay; All India Svetāmbara Sthānakavāsi Jaina Conference, Bombay; and Sri Jaina Svetāmbara Terāpanthi Mahāsabhā, Calcutta. These organisations have their provincial branches and official news-paper organs through which they try to stabilise their respective positions. It is true that there are some organisations of national and local and regional character like Bhārata Jaina Mahāmandala, Bombay, and Bombay Jaina Yuvaka Sangha, Bombay, which are meant for all Jainas, but it is a fact that they are not popular as other sectarian organisations are. Sometimes it is reported that even the religious pontiffs of different sects and sub-sects try to accentuate the religious differences and to sever the social relations, if any, existing between them.
Thus it is quite evident that the Jainas have been segregated into different hostile camps on religious grourds. As a conse

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quence we find that there is nothing like religious urity among the followers of Jainism and this undoubtedly hinders the progress
of the Jaina community. Since the Jainas have been spread through· out the length and breadth of India, there is a great divergence in
their observance of various social customs and manners. In the circumstances the only bond that brings all Jainas together is the bond of religion, i. e., they are the followers of the same religion. It is therefore the paramount duty of the Jainas to see that the feeling of oneness is inculcated in the minds of the Jainas by several means. In fact, Jaipism is one and un-divided so far as its philosophy, fundamental principles and doctrines are concerned. The Jaina Church was united for a long time and its sects—and especially the sub-sects—arose at a comparatively late stage in its history. There are not basic differences of a serious nature, from the point of view of the present age, between the sects and the subsects. According to the Jaina theory itself nobody, either male or female, can attain salvation in the current age. It is therefore quite futile to quarrel on points like 'Savustramukti', i. e., whether one can achieve Moksha while one wears the clothes; 'Strimukti, i. e., whether a woman can attain salvation; and “Kevali-Kavala, hāra', i. e., whether an omniscient needs food or not. These thres are the major points of differences between the Digambaras and the Svetāmbaras179 and when they are not applicable in the present age there is no reason why the sects should give more importance to the minor differences and estrange their relations. The same can be said about the relations between the Terāpanthis and the. Bisapanthis among the Digambaras and between the Sthānakavāsis and the Terāpanthis among the Svetāmbaras as there are not much differences between them.180 The ron-idolatrous sub-sects among both the sects may be allowed to worship ir their own way but they should, in no case, be considered as aliens to Jainism. Thus more emphasis, in the first place, should invariably be given on these points of common nature so that the feeling of hostility may be completely banished from the minds of Jainas belonging to different sects and sub-sects. With a view to foster this feeling several practical means will have to be adopted by both the sects. They should celebrate together the birth and death anniversary days of Lords Ķshabha and Mahāvira together instead of observing them separately. They should make it a point to visit the temples and places of worship of all sects and

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Jaina Community--A Social Survey sub-sects and should join in the religious festivals of other sects. The temples or places of worship should not belong to one sect or sub-sect, section or sub-section, or caste or sub-caste, but should be in the possession and under the management of the local Jainas irrespective of any distinction. All sectarian organisations will have to be abolished forthwith and their place should be taken by the organisations of all Jainas formed on local and regional and paional bases. Naturally all other facilities and institutions mụst be kept free to all Jainas. The field of social relations must also be widened. They should not be kept restricted within the members of a particular sect or sub-sect. Efforts should be made to publish the literature stressing the essential unity in the Jaina Church The religious pontiffs should be made to concentrate their energies on cementing the differences and establishing the cordial relations between the sects and sub-sects. If possible, common Sairskāras, fasts and festivals should be evolved so that many opportunities will be created for bringing all people together ar.d maintaining closer relations between ihem. When concentrated and sincete efforts are made on above lines it is hoped that the common religious bond will become firm 'and will foster the sense of unity among the Jainas, which is so essential for organising the Jaina community to continue its existence and to increase its prosperity. (C) The Problems of Social Divisions and Marriage :.
The third fundamental problem of a vital importance, with which the Jaina community is confronted, is regarding the social Organisation of the community. In this respect the position of the Jaira religion is quite distinct. Jainism is not at all concerned with the division of society into classes or other groups. But for the facility of living the Jainas divided the people into four classes, viz., Brāhmaṇas, Kshatriyas, Vaiśyas and Śūdras. In dividing the society into four classes the Jaina Achāryas made it abundantly clear that the classes are based on the differences in professions and that complete freedom is given to persons to follow any profession they like. The classes were neither considered as hereditary nor were they arranged in the order of respectability. Thus all classes were placed on the same level and full mobility was assured between the classes. This was the social organisation of the Jainas at the time of Lord Mahāvira and it prevailed for more than one thousand years after the death of Lord Mahāvira. But afterwards

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slowly these four classes disappeared and their place was taken by many castes and sub-castes. The caste system of Jainas was practically modelled from the Hindu caste system. As a consequence the Jaina community has been divided into a large number of castes and sub-castes which through their councils controlled the social relations of their members. Contacts are not maintained between various castes. Inter-marriages are largely prchib'ted. Even though 'inter-dining is not banned, still it is not availed of freely at all. Caste organisations run the boarding houses, distribute the scholarships, holu annual conferences, conduct their papers, provide residential accommodation at cheap rents and do other things all for the benefit of their caste members only. At many places castes have built their own temples where members assemble for performing religious services and festivals. Naturally by these means, at the expense of community feeling, caste loyalty is fostered in the minds of the Jainas. The caste system has created separatist tendencies in the Jaina com-, munity. Thus on the social grounds, just as on the religious ground, the Jainas have been divided and sub-divided into small sections which care more for themselves than for the Jainas as a whole. The strength of the small community has been very much weakened by the existence of these innumerable self-centred groups.
Apart from considerably reducing the vitality of the community, these social and religious divisions have veiy adversely affected the marriage relations of the people. One of the prominent features of the caste system is its endogamous nature. Accordingly a member of a particular caste or sub-caste, as the case may be, is required to marry a person who belongs to that caste or sub-caste. The exact number of castes and sub-castes prevailing in the Jaina community at present is rot known but it is sure that the number
definitely more than one hundred. Wher, a small community is divided into so many sections it is obvious that the numerical strength of these sections must be meagre. That is why more than half the castes in the Jaina community possess the members who number less than five hundred.181 Naturally the field for choice of partners becomes very limited. Along with caste endogamy, religious endogamy is also to be observed. This means that the caste members belonging to the same sector sub-sect should have marital relations among themselves only. The members of a sub-caste, but not of the same sub-sect, are not

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allowed to contract matrimonial alliances among themselves Further, with these factors territorial considerations have also. to be taken into account. Accordingly the partners to the marriage must not only belong to the same caste or sub-caste and to the same sect or sub-sect but also must be the residents of a particular locality. Thus there is practically no scope given to the Jainas in the important matter of the choice of their life partners. It is evident that in these circumstances the married life cannot be conducive to happiness and many a time marriages have recssarily to be contracted between not too distant relatives. Moreover, due to these three-fold restrictions the already existing deficiency of females is further hightened and comparatively many males are required compulsorily to remain unmarried against their wish throughout their life. All these things tell upon the growth of the population and create discontent among the people. It will therefore be seen that the caste solidarity is tried to be maintained through restriction on marital relations even though they definitely go against the interests of the community as a whole.
In these circumstances it is quite obvious that the social organisation of the Jainas should not be based on the caste system if the Jainas have to put a stop to their gradual decline. The Jainas must unhesitatingly discard the caste system forthwith. In doing so they are, undoubtedly, not going against their religion because Jainism never sanctioned the caste system. It must be remebered that in the past castes were not found in the Jaina community at all. There is not even a slight evidence in the doctrines of Jainism, in the ancient history of the Ja na society or in the ancient Jaipa literature regarding the existence of caste-distir.ctions in Jaina community. Even the names of present Jaina castes are nowhere mentioned in the Jaina literature of one thousand years after the death of Lord Mahāvira.182 Historically viewed the castes are thus of a relatively receni origin and can therefore be easily removed. The earlier it is done the better it will be for the growth and prosperity of the community. It is obvious that for uprooting the caste system all things, mentioned above, which foster caste consciousness, will have to be set aside forever as a commor policy by all members of the Jaina community.
NOTES 1. Dutt, R. C. : Civilisation in the Buddhist Age, p. 77. 2. (i) C. H. I., Vol. I, pp. 152-153. (ii) Parekh, R. B. : The Priority
of Jainism over Buddhism , pp. 34-35.

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399 3. (i) C. H. I., Vol. I, p. 153. (ii) Also vide Bagchi, P. C. : "The Historical Beginnings of Jainism”,
Sir Asutosh Mookerjee Silver Jubilee Volumes, Vol. III, Part 3,
pp. 74-82. 4. According to Jainas the cycle of time has been divided into two parts
which go on rotating one after another like the spokes of a wheel. The two half cycles are known as Utsarpipi-kāla, i. e., age of progress and Avasarpini-kāla, i. e., age of sorrow. The present half cycle of time is
Avasarpiņi-kāla. 5. Kailashchandraji : Jainadharma , pp. 4-5. 6. Jaina, C. R. : Rshabha Deva, the Founder of Jainism P. 66. 7. A. Chakravarti : "Jainism", Cul. H. I., Vol. I, P. 185. 8. S. Radhakrishnan : Indian Philosophy, Vol. I., P. 287. 9. Jaina, C. R. : op. cit., p. 69. 10. A. Chakravarti : op. cit., p. 185. 11. (i) Kailaschandraji : op. cit., p. 10. (ii) Jain, B. C. : Jainism in
Buddhist Literature, p. 25. 12. Jacobi, H. : "On Mahāvīra and his Predecessors,”, I. A., Vol. IX, p
. 163. 13. S. Radhakrishnan : Indian Philosophy, Vol. I, p. 287. 14. Smith, V. A. : Early History of India, p. 209. 15. Kailashchandraji : op. cit., p. 11. 16. For the discussion regarding the historicity of Rshabhadeva, Neminātha
and Parávanātha, Vide, Jain, K. P. : "The Predecessors of Tyrthankara
Mahāvīra", I. C., Vol. III, pp. 202-206. 17. Pertold, O. : The Place and Importance of Jainism in the Comparative
Science of Religions, p. 13. 18. (i) Jain, C. R. : op. cit. p. 72.
(ii) A. Chakravarti : op. cit. p. 188. 19. Mookerji, R. K. : Hindu Civilisation, p. 21. 20. Major J. G. R. Forlong : "Short Studies in the Science of Comparative
Religion". pp. 243-244. (quoted by Jain, C. R. in his book : Rshabha
Deva, the Founder of Jainism). 21. A. Chakravarti : op. cit., pp. 185-188. 22. (i) C. H. I., Vol. I, p. 157. According to Digambara Jaina tradition
Trisala is the daughter and not the sister of King Chetaka. Vide Ajñāta: Mahāvīracharitra, p. 58 and Jain K. P. :- Bhagvana Mahāvīra, pp. 70 and 139.
(ii) Mishra, Yogendra : An Early History of Vaišali, p. 238. 23. (i) Ajñāta : op. cit. p. 48. (ii) Also vide Sircar, D. C. : "The Lichchhavīs of Vaisali," Vaiśāli
Abhinandana Grantha, pp. 72-74. 24. C. H. I., Vol. I, pp. 160 and 163.

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25. Rao, B. S.: Studies in South Indian Jainism, part II, Andhra-Karnatak Jainism, pp. 3-4.
26. Smith, V. A.: Early History of India, p. 44.
27. Rice, B. L. : Mysore and Coorg from Inscriptions, pp. 4, 5 and 8. 28. Smith, V. A.: Early History of India, p. 154.
29. I. A., Vol. V, p. 275.
30. Thomas, E: Jainism or the Early Faith of Aśoka, pp. 30-32.
31. Rice, B. L.: Mysore and Coorg from Inscriptions, pp. 12-13.
32. Smith, V. A.: Early History of India, pp. 202 & 458.
33. Bool Chand : "Jainism in Kalinga-Deśa", Acharya Dhruva Smaraka Grantha, pp. 87-100.
400
34. Beal, S.
Buddhist Records of the Western World, Vol. II. p. 208. 35. Beal, S. op. cit., Vol. II., pp. 195 and 199.
36. Census of India 1901, Vol. I, Part II, P. 523.
37. (i)
Kailaschandraji: Jaina dharma, pp. 38-39.
(ii) Paul, P. L." Jainism in Bengal", I. C., Vol. III, pp. 524-530. (iii) Nahata, Bhanwarlal : "Bangala-men Jaina Dharma," Sārddha
Satabdi Smriti Grantha, pp. 118-122.
(iv)
Majumdar, R. C. : "Jainism in Ancient Bengal," Shri Mahavira Jaina Vidyalaya Golden Jubilee Volume, Part I, pp. 130-138. 38. Jacobi: S. B. E., Vol. 22., Intro, p. 13.
"
39. Rao, B. S.: Studies in South Indian Jainism, Part II, Andhra-Karnata
Jainism, pp. 3 and 7.
40. (i)
Jain, K. P. "The Antiquity of Jainism in South India", I. C., Vol. IV, pp. 512-516.
(ii)
Chakravarti, A.: Jaina Literature in Tamil, pp. 6-7.
41. Vide Kalghatagi, T. G. : "Jainism," in "Karnataka Through the Ages," p. 165.
42. Krishna Rao: Gangas of Talakāḍa, pp. 5-7.
43. (i) Moraes, G. M.: The Kadamba Kula, pp. 35 and 249-250.
Saletore, B. A. Medieval Jainism, p. 30.
(ii) (iii) I. A., Vol. VI, p. 22 & Vol. VII, p. 34.
44. Bhandarkar, R. G.: Early History of the Deccan (collected works of
Sir R. G. Bhandarkar, vol. III), pp. 81-82.
45. (i) Altekar, A. S. Rashtrakutas & their Times, pp. 310-313. Bhandarkar, R. G. op. cit., p. 105.
(ii) 46. Saletore, B. A.: Medieval Jainism, p. 41.
47. (i)
Saletore, B. A.: op. cit., pp. 59-86.
(ii)
Mugali R. S. Heritage of Karnataka, p. 125. (iii) Coeiho, W.: The Hoysala Vamśa, p. 281.
:
48. Fleet, J. F. The Dynasties of the Kanarese Districts of Bombay Presidency, p. 60.

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401
=
49. Saletore, B. A. : Ancient Karnataka, Vol., I, History of Tuļuva, pp.
413-414. 50. Sharma, S. R. : “Vijayanagara and Jainism," Vijayanagar Sexcentenary
Commemoration Volume, pp. 69-73. 51. Rice, B. L. : Mysore and Coorg from Inscriptions, p. 203. 52. Fleet, J. F. : op. cit., pp. 79 and 103.
L. K. A. Iyer : M. T. C., Vol. III, p. 402. 54. (i) Aiyangar, S. K. : Some contributions of South India to Indian
Culture, p. 234. (ii) K. A. Nilakanta Sastri : The Pandyan Kingdom, P. 94. (iii) Minakshi, C. : Administration and Social life under the Pallavas
p. 238. 55. (i) Rao B. S. : Studies in South Indian Jainism, Part II, Andhra.
Karnataka Jainism, p. 34. Desai, P. B. : Jainism in South India and some Jaina Epigraphs,
Chapters II & III. 1). S. Srikantha Sastri : Sources of Karnataka History, Vol. I, Intros
duction, p. xxiii. (ii) Bhandarkar, R. G. : op. cit., p. 133.
(ii) Desai, P. B.; op. cit., pp. 397-401. 57. Cambridge History of India, Vol. I, pp. 166-167. 58. Smith, V. A. : Early History of India, p. 190. 59. Vide Sheth, C. B.: Jainism in Gujarat, Chapters III and IV. 60. Vide Jain, B.D. : “Jainism in the Punjab”, Dr. Lakshman Sarup Memorial
Volume, pp. 238-247. 61. C. H. J., Vol I, p. 167. 62. (i) c. H. I., Vol. I, p. 166. . (ii) Smith, V. A. : op. cit., p. 202. 63. (i) Kailashchandraji : Jainadharma : pp. 51-52. (ii) Choudhary, G. C.: Political History of Northern India from
Jain Sources, Chapters V and VI. 64. It is recorded that Emperor Akbar was very favourably inclined towards
the Jainas. In the year 1583 A. D. he made animal slaughter during the Paryushana days a capital offence throughout his vast empire. This tolerant policy of the Great Moghal was revoked by his successor Jahangir. A deputation of the Jainas visited Jahangir in 1610 A. D. and was able to secure a new Imperial rescript or firman under which the slaughter of animals was again prohibited during the period of Paryushaņa vide. (i) Shastri, Hiranand : Ancient Vijñaptipatras, p. 19. (ii) Jain, K. P. : “Jainism under the Muslim Rule", N. I. A., Vol.
I, No. 8, pp. 516-521. * J...26

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Jaina Community-A Social Survey
65. (i) Jain Hiralal : "Jainism : Its History, Philosophy and Religion,'
Cul. H. I., Vol. I, p. 222. (ii) For contributions of Jainism to Rajasthan, Vide Jain Kailash
Chand : Jainism in Rajasthan, pp. 231-236. (iii) Also vide “Rajasthan through the Ages", Vol. I, pp. 415-423. 66. Col. Tod. J.: Annals and Antiquities of Rajasthan, Vol. II, pp. 603-605. 67. Jain, B. C. : Jainism in Buddhist Literature, pp. 2-8. 68. Winternitz, M. : Jains in the History of Indian Literature. P. 5. 69. (i) Also vide Weber : "Sacred Literature of the Jainas”, I. A., Vols.
XVII to XXI. Also vide Pandit Dalasukh Malavania and Dr. Mohanlal Mehta (Editors) : Jaina Sahityaka Brihad Itihāsa, Vols.I to IV as follows: Pandit Bechardas Doshi : Vol. I-Anga Angama. Jain J. C. & Mehta, M. L. : Vol. II-Añgabāhya Agama. Mehta, M. L. : Vol. III. Agamika Vyakhyayen. Mehta, M. L. &
Kapadia, H. R. : Vol. IV-Karma Sahitya va Agamika Prakarana (iii) Also vide Kapadia, H. R. : A History of the Canonical Literature
of the Jainas. 70. Macdonell, A. A. : India's Past, p. 72. 71. Vide (i) Tawney, C. H. : The 'Kathakośa' or The Treasury of Stories.
(ii) Jain, J.C. : Do Hajara Varsha Purani Kahaniyan (in Hindi). 72. (i) For the contribution of Jainas to Mathematics vide Jain, L. C. :.
“On the Jain School of Mathematics", Babu Chhotelala Jain
Smriti Grantha, English Section, pp. 265-292. (ii) For the contributions of Jainas to Astrology and Astronomy
vide Nemichandra Shastri : "Jaina Jyotisha Sahitya-kā Sarvekshana", Sri 108 Charitrachakravarti Acharya Santisāgara Smriti
Grantha, pp. 228-244. 73. For a detailed description See Winternitz. M : Jains in the History of
Indian Literature, pp. 9-52. 74. () Winternitz. M. : History of Indian Literature. Vol. II., pp. 427-428. (ii) Shah, R. N. : “Jaina Sāhitya Srishti”, Prin. Karmarkar Com
memoration Volume, pp. 196-206. 75. Wilson. H. H. : Works by H, H. Wilson, Vol. I, p. 280. 76. See pp.263-65 ante.For a detailed account of the contributions of Jainsas
to the development of Tamil language and literature see Chakravarti,
A: Jaina Literature in Tamil. 77. Narasimhacharya. R. : History, of Kannada Literature, pp. 65-66. In
this connection also see Mugali, R. S. : The Heritage of Karnataka,
pp. 176-180. 78. Jain, Hiralal : "Jainism : Its History, Philosophy and Religion", Cul
H. I., Vol. I, p. 222. 79. Macdonell. A. A. : India's Past, p. 75.

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403
80. Havell, E. B. The Ancient and Medieval Architecture of India; A study of Indo-Aryan Civilisation, p. 175.
81. Smith V. A. : History of Fine Art in India and Ceylon, p. 9. 82. Vide (i) Fischer, Klaus Caves and Temples of the Jains. (ii) Ramchandran, T. N. Jaina Monuments of India. Fergusson, J: History of Indian and Eastern Architecture, Vol. II, p. 45.
83. (i)
(ii)
Brown, Percy Indian Architecture, p. 147. 84. See p. 231 ant.
85. Fergusson, J.: op. cit., pp. 26-27.
86. Smith, V. A. : op. cit. p. 32. 87. Coomaraswamy, A. K. pp. 111-112.
History of Indian and Indonesian Art,
88. Fergusson J.: op. cit., pp. 47-48. 89. Fergusson, J.: op. cit. p. 50. 90. ibid, pp. 23-24.
91. Smith, V. A. : op. cit., p. 270
92. Fergusson, J. : op. cit., p. 64.
93. ibid, pp. 76.
94. ibid, pp. 7 and 69.
95. ibid, p. 24.
96. Shah, U. P. Studies in Jaina Art, pp. 26-27.
97. Sandesara, B. J. : "Jaina Monuments of India", Golden Jubilee Volume (Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute), pp. 289-293.
98. For a detailed description of these caves vide Ramachandran, T. N. and Chhotelal Jain Khandagiri-Udayagiri Caves.
99. Fergusson. J.: op. cit., Vol. II, Book V, Chap. II.
100. (i)
Jain Hiralal, "Jainism; Its History, Philosophy and Religion" Cul. H. I., Vol. I., p. 223.
Smith, V. A.: op. cit., pp. 82 and 144.
(ii)
101. Shah, U. P.: op. cit, pp. 60-63. 102. Fergusson. J. : op. cit., p. 82. 103. I. A., Vol.; V, p. 39.
104. Smith, V. A. op. cit., p. 22. 105. (i)
(ii)
Fergusson, J. : op. cit., pp. 57-59.
Col. Tod 604-608.
106. In 1889 the number of separate Jaina images in the several temples a t Pālitānā was 6,449 exclusive of small ones on slabs. Vide Fergusson, J. op. cit., p. 26.
107. Bhattacharya, B. C. Jaina Iconography, pp. 27-29.
Annals and Antiquities of Rajasthan, Vol. II, pp.

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Jaina Community—A]Social Survey
108. I. A., Vol. V. P. 38.' 109. (i) Smith V. A. : op. cit., p. 268.
(i) Fergusson, J.: op. cit., pp. 72-73. 110. Smith, V. A. : op. cit., p. 270. 111. Mɔti Chandra : Jain a Miniature Paintings From Western India. 112. For the history and illustrations of Jaina paintings vide
(i) Nawab, S. M. : Jaina-Chitra Kalpa-druma. (ii) Norman Brown, V. V. : The Story of Kälaka, pp. 13-25. (iii) Moti Chandra and Shah, U. P.: "New Documents of Jaina
Paintings", Shri Mahavira Jaina Vidyalaya, Golden Jubilee,
Volume, Part 1, pp. 348-420. 113. Valyi, Felix : "The place of Jainism in Indian Thought," Acharya Vijaya
Vallabhasuri Commemoration Volume (English Section) pp. 152-156. 114. Vile H. Jacobi. : Studies in Jainism, (edited by Jina Vijava Muni),
pp. 48-60. 115. Vide (i) Padmarajiah, V. J.: A Comparative Study of the Jaina
Theories of Reality and Knowledge, Chapters ix, x and gi. (ii) Also vide Shastri, Prabhudatta : "The Jain Doctrine of
Syadvāda with a New Pragmatic Background" Siddha
Bharati, Part II, pp. 93-101. · 116. See pages 221-222 ante. 117. (i) Sharma, S. R. : Jainism and Karnataka Culture, p. 150.
(ii) Mugali, R. S. : Heritage of Karnataka, p. 140. 118. Saletore. B. A. : Medieval Jainism, p. 60. 11. M: Crindle, J. W.: Ancient India as described by Magasthenes and
Arrian, p. 102. 120. Saletore, B. A. : Medieval Jainism, p. 7. 121. Vide Section 1 : (II) on this chapter. 122. Basham, A. L. : The wonder that was India, pp. 292-293. 123. Glasenapp, H. V. : Jainism, pp. 338-340. 124. (i) Stevenson, S. : Heart of Jainism. pp. 211-212.
(ü) Guseva, N. R. : Jainism, p. 70. (i) For additional instances vide Svāmi Satyabhakta : "Jaina Samā.
jake Andolana", Babu Chhotelala Jain Smriti Granth, p. 103.. 125. "Shree Bombay Lokagutchha Jain Sangha" (Established 1835), Rules
and regulations, Bombay, 1941, p. 25. 126. Jocobi, H. : “Jainism”, E. R. E., Vol. 7, p. 470. * 127. (i) Cambridge History of India, Vol. I, p. 169. . (ii) Smith, V. A. : History of Fine Art in India and Ceylon, p. 267. 28. Col. Tod., J.: Annals and Antiquities of Rajasthana, Vol. II, pp. 606,
646 and 647. 129. Heras, Rev. H. : The Aravidu Dynasty of Vijayanagara, Vol. I, pp.
538-539.

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Retrospect
130. Law, B. C. Mahavira : His Life and Teachings, p. 57.
131. M. S. R. Ayyangar: Studies in South Indian Jainism, Pt. I, p. 105. Altekar, A. S. Rashtrakutas and their Times, p. 272.
132. (i)
(ii) S. Srikantha Shastri : Sources of Karnataka History, Vol. 1. Introduction, p. xxi.
Rice, B. L. Msyore and Coorg from the Inscriptions, pp. 196-197 and 203.
133.
405
Akalanka, according to Akalankacharita, is assigned to 642 A. D., vide S. Srikantha Shastri : Sources of Karnataka History, Vol. I, p. 54. B. S. Rao Studies in South Indian Jainism, Part II, p. 86. 135. Beal, S.: The Life of Hiuen-Tsiang, p. 166.
134.
136. Vide
(i) Saletore, B. A. : "Delhi Sultans as patrons of Jaina Gurus of Karnataka," Karnataka Historical Review, Vol. IV, pp. 77-86.
(ii) Rau, B. M. : "Mohamedan Emperors and the Jain Saints", Prof. D. V. Potdar Commemoration Volume, pp. 28-29.
137. i. e. people belonging to the Khaḍatara Gachchha of Jainas. 138. Col. Tod. : Annals and Antiquities of Rajasthan, Vol. II, p. 603. 139. Saletore, B. A. Medieval Jainism, p. 269.
140. Vaidya, C. V. History of Medieval Hindu India, Vol. III, p. 407. 141. (i)
(ii)
142. (i)
›
Altekar, A. S. Rashtrakutas and their Times, p. 310.
Also vide Deshpande, N. A. : "Jaina Concept of an Ideal Teacher", H. D. Velankar Commemoration Volume, pp. 16-19.
For parallels between Jainism and Buddhism vide Glasen app, H. V. "Jaina-Buddhist Parallels as an auxiliary to the elucidation of early Buddhism", Dr. S. K. Belvalkar Felicitation Volume, pp. 196-201.
(ii) For a detailed account of relationship between Jaina Darśana and other Indian Darśanas vide Chakravarti, A.: The Religion of Ahimsa, Chapter XX, pp. 198-226.
143. Upadhye, A. N. : "Jaina Dharma aura Samāja", Sri Mahavira Commemoration Volume, p. 245.
144. Jain, C. R. Jain Law, pp. 14-22.
145. Glasenapp, H. Jainism, pp. 453-456. 146. Vide Chapter V ante. 147. Vide Chapter V ante. 148. Handiqui, K. K. Yaśastilaka and Indian Culture, pp. 253-254. 149. Vide Sen, A. C. : Elements of Jainism, pp. 20-21. 150 तथापि यदि मूढत्वं न त्यजेत् कोऽपि सर्वथा ।
मिश्रत्वेनानुमान्योऽसौ सर्वनाशो न सुंदरः ।।
-- यशस्तिलकचम्पू
151. (i) Jain, C. R. Jain Law, pp. 14-22. Jain, C. R.: Rishabha Deva, the Founder of Jainism, Introduction, p. 8.
(ii)

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Jaina Community-A Social Survey
152. Phulachandra
154. Altekar, A. S. 155. Desai, P. B. pp. 401-02.
Varṇa Jati aura Dharma, pp. 201-208. 153. Sharma, S. R. : Jainism and Karnataka Culture, p. 150. Rashtrakutas and their Times, p. 313. Jainism in South India and some Jaina Epigraphs,
156. Bhandarkar, R. G. : The Early History of the Deccan, p. 133. 157. Dubois, A. J. A. Hindu Manners, Customs and Ceremonies,
pp. 694-695.
158. Russel, R. V.: T. C. C. P., Vol. I, pp. 225-226.
159. (i)
Smith, V. A.: Early History of India, pp. 474-475.
(ii) Ayyangar, M. S. R.: Studies in South Indian Jainism, Part I,
pp. 79-80.
(iii) Thurston, E.: T. C. S. I. Vol. II, pp. 437-438.
(iv) Nilakanta Sastri, N. K. : Pandyan Kingdom, pp. 96-97. 160. Saletore, B. A. : Social and Political Life in Vijayangara Empire, Vol. II, p. 54.
161. Lt. Col. William Miles : "On the Jains of Gujerat and Marwar," Transactions of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Ireland, Vol. III, 1835, pp. 344-345.,
162. Journal of Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Ireland, Vol. 9, 1877, pp. 172-173.
163. Russel, R. V.: T. C. C. P., Vol. I, p. 227.
164. Smith, V. A.: Early History of India, p. 213.
165. See page 5 ante.
166. See page 18 ante.
167. Jain K. P. : Jaina Jātikā Rhasa aura Unnatike Upaya, p. 50.
168. See page 26 ante. Since 1955 the practice of polygyny among them has been legally banned by the Government.
169. See page 24 ante.
170. See page 28 ante.
171. See Chapter, I Section (7).
172. Jain, K. P. : Jaina Jati-kā Rhasa aura Unnatikē Upāya, pp. 37-38.
173. Jain, Hiralal: Jain Itihasaki Purva Pithikā aura Hamārā Abhyutthāna. Part II, p. 9
174. Vide Chapter III, Section 5 (i), (ii), (iii) and (v).
175. Jaina, Hiralal, :
Jaina Itihasa-ki Purva Pīthikā
Abhyutthana, Part II, p. 12.
aura Hamārā
176. See page 16 ante.
177. J. H., Vol. 12, pp. 280-281.
178. Jain, K. P. : Jaina Jati-Kā Rhasa aura Unnati-ke Upaya, pp. 54-55.
179. See pp. 50-51. ante.
180. Vide pp. 51-56 ante.
181. See pp. 72-73 ante.
182. Jain Hiralal : Jaina Itihasa-ki Purva Pithikā aura Hamārā Abhyutthāna Part II, p. 42.

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CHAPTER 8
EPILOGUE
In the preceding pages the social conditions prevailing at present in the Jaina community have been depicted. We surveyed in detail some of the important social institutions and customs and manners of the Jainas. We noted the salient aspects of Jaina philosophy and the ethical rules based upon it. We saw the working model of the Jaina community and got a glimpse of the views of the Jainas on their various social problems. We traversed hurriedly through the long course of the history of the Jainas in different parts of India and tried to have, in short, an estimate of the achievements of Jainas in several fields of activity and of their contributions to Indian civilisation. Further, we discussed the reasons for the survival of the Jaina community and the causes for its gradual decline. Lastly, we observed the important problems of a fundamental character with which the Jaina community is confronted at present and suggested various means by which they could be effectively solved.
From this social survey of the Jaina community we find that certain facts about it stand out very clearly. In the minority communities of India the Jaina community, which is composed of the foliowers of the Jaina religion, occupies a peculiar position. Unlike the other minority communities like Muslim, Parsi, etc., the Jaina community is not foreign to this land. Jainism originated in this country and was mostly confined to this country. About the antiquity of Jainism there is no unity of opinion among the scholars. It is believed, on reliable grounds, that Jainism is at least as old as the Vedic religion, if not older than the Vedic religion. In any case it is now an established fact that Jainism was flourishing in the eighth century B. C. during the days of Lord Pārsvanātha, the 23rd Tirthankara or Prophet of the Jainas. From

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Jaina Community-A Social Survey
that time upto the present day Jainism is well represented in this country. This means that the Jaina community, which from its very inception belongs to this land, is one of the most ancient communities of India. Further, the Jainas are a religious community, which is quite distinct from other communities in India. The independence of Jaina religion is now acknowledged on all hands. It is established beyond doubt that Jainism is a distinct religion of India and not an offshoot of either Buddhism or Brahmanism. We find that from ancient times two different types of culture, viz., the Brāhmaṇa culture and the Śramana culture, have been existing side by side and of these two the Jainas still represert the Śramana culture. The Jaina religion, philosophy, ethics, gods, temples, sacred places, object, manner and places of worship, sacred books, cosmology, mythology, ideology, teachers, ascetics, vows, holy days, rites, fasts, festivals, outlook on life and culture with its emphasis on Ahimsa, i. e., non-injury to living beings, are not only distinct from their Hindu counterparts but also not accepted and followed by the Hindus. Even in the observance of certain common customs and manners the Jaina way of looking at them is quite different from that of the Hindus. The Hindus regard the marriage as a religious sacrament, while the Jainas consider it as a civil contract. Among the Hindus adoption is a religious ceremony; this is not so among the Jainas. According to Jaina Law a widow inherits the property of her deceased husband, but this position is not accepted by the Hindus. In the death ceremonies the Jainas do not observe the days in memory of the dead. In the matters of food and drink, dress and ornaments and occupations and professions the Jairas are strictly required to observe the main precept of Jainism, viz., non-injury to living beings; but this restriction is not there for the Hindus. The Jainas participate in the Hindu religious festivals but not with a religious motive. The Hindu gods are worshipped and the Hindu Brahmins are employed for ceremonial purposes by some Jainas for one reason or another. As the observance of such avowedly non-Jaina practices is against the tenets of Jainism, with the spread of religious educatior these irreligious practices are slowly but surely dwindling in the Jaina community. In fact any distinctly religious Hindu practice is nowadays openly resented by the leading Jainas, if it is observed by their fellow members. The Jainas no longer regard themselves

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as Hindus and ardently wish themselves to be known as Jaipas and not as Hindus for any purposes. Recently by the Eombay Government the Jainas were included among the Hindus for the purpose of their Harijar Temple Entry Act and this was taken by the Jainas as an indication of the Government opinion that the Jainas form a part of the Hindus. When the Jairas strongly protested against the Government policy, the Bombay Government declared that Jainsim is in no way connected with Hinduism and as such Jainas cannot be considered as Hindus. The Jainas sincerely feel that they are a separate religious community and now try to eradicate the non-Jaina religious practices which have crept into the community due to the ignorance of Jainas and the overwhelming external pressure. Thus it is clear that the ancient Jaina community is a distinct religious community of India and recently this position has been accepted by Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru, the Prime Minister of India, who has declared that
“It is true that Jainas are in some ways closely allied to Hindus and have many customs in common, but there can be no doubt that they are a distinct religious community and constitution does not in any way affect this well recognised position.”
So far as religious life is concerned, it is true that the Jainas. could be easily distinguished as a separate group of people. Their religious practices are not only distinct from those of other people but also they are practically the same all over India. But in social matters, it is obvious that, the Jainas do not form a separate entity. · From our survey of social conditions prevailing in the Jaina community it is evident that there is no uniformity in social practices among the Jainas of different parts of the country and that the social customs and manners of Jainas in a particular region resemble those of Hindus from that region. Thus the caste system among Jainas differs very little from its Hindu counterpart. Like Hindus, the Jainas have different castes in different parts of the country. In many cases members of one caste are found in both the communities and generally marital relations are maintained between the Jaina and Hindu members of a caste. The ceremonies like birth, initiation, marriage, death, etc. are performed in the like manner by both Jainas and Hindus. In matters like food and drink, dress and ornaments, occupations and professions, supersti“

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tious beliefs and practices, types of houses and household articles, use of language and conventional ways of greetings and behaviour, styles of architecture and sculpture, etc. there are various common features between the Jainas and Hindus. The Jainas have completely identified themselves with the general interests of the regions concerned and they have made varied and substantial contributions to the development of languages and literature, arts and architecture, logic and philosophy, education and learning, charitable and public institutions and material and spiritual welfare of the people of those regions. In this way the Jainas have maintained very close relations with the Hindus and we have already noted that this is one of the main reasons which contributed to the continued existence of the Jaina community. Even the attitude of Hindus was, in general, more cordial and sympathetic towards Jainas than towards Buddhists. The Hindus in their Brahma-Sūtras tried to refute Jainism as a separate pbilosophy, but they never rigorously attacked and finally supplanted Jainism as toey did in the case of Buddhism. In the sacred Vedas of the Hindus we find references to Jaina Tirthankaras or Prophets. Some Hindu Purānas give the story of Rshabha, the first Tirthankara of Jainas, and consider him as an incarnation of Nārāyana in an age prior to that of the ten avatāras or incarnations of Vishnu. Tnus in social matters there is virtually no difference between Jainas and Hindus. This was the position for the last so many centuries.
But we have already noticed that the position has changed during the last few decades. Now there is a growing tendency to eradicate every non-Jaina element from the Jaina community. As a result many Jainas have stopped keeping marital relations with the Hindus and even among the Jainas the field for marriage is restricted to the members of a particular sect or sub-sect and caste or sub-caste. Efforts are being made from the last fifty or sixty years to organise the Jaipa community even in social matters and to sever its conrections from the Hindu community. Various associations are working to increase social relations among the Jainas and to form them into a separate social group. The Jainas dow, it appears, sincerely desire to make themselves distinct from the Hindu community in social practices as they are in religious ones. Thus they are trying to maintain themselves as a distinct community and wish to keep up their separate identity in future.

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But the main question is whether the Jainas are in a position to preserve themselves as a separate social group. The conditions existing in the Jaina community at present are not helpful at all for prolonging the life of the community. In the first place it is a very small community. Its population according to 1971 census is about 26 lacs while the total population of India is more than 54 crores, which means that there are about 47 Jainas per 10,000 of the total population of India. This number is also gradually declining. The proportion of Jainas to the total popu. lation of India in 1881 was 48 to 10,000. Again, this small population is not concentrated in some place or area but is distributed over different parts of the country. The Jainas have permanentl settled in those parts for the last so many centuries and some migration of Jaina population for trade and other purposes did take place during the last days of the Mughal period and the early days of the British period. As the Jainas are permanent residents of all parts of the country, the problem of their common organisation becomes obviously difficult. The Jainas are not only split up into tiny sections geographically but also on religious and social grounds. The religious divisions of sects and sub-sects and the social divisions of castes and sub-castes are so much respected that these divisions have created virtual barriers and have considerably lessened the social intercourse among the Jainas. The worst effects of these divisions are witnessed in the field of marriage. While contracting marriages all the three types of divisions, viz., territory, sect or sub-sect and caste or sub-caste, are invariably taken into account. Among other things this system has resulted in checking the growth of population and has undermined the strength of the community as it gives rise to constant factions between the various divisions. It means that in the interest of preserving the existence of the community the present system of reducing the community into very small sections, which do not practically maintain any social relations among them, must be discarded without delay.
The question then arises as to what new type of social organisation should be evolved so that the growth of the community may be assured. For this prpose various measures have already been suggested. It has been specially pointed out that on religious grounds no restrictions should be put on the social relations of the

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Jaina Community-A Social Survey
people and that the caste system which has no religious sanction and which was not existing in the Jaina community in the past should be totally removed. The new unit of society for maintaining inter-relations may then be formed and it may include all the Jainas residing in a region formed on a linguistic basis. It is believed that this new arrangement of organising the community on a regional basis will solve the out-standing problem of the community. As the Jainas are spread throughout the length and breadth of India, they cannot be effectively organised on an all India basis. The regional basis will well suit the purpose. Ger.erally marital and other social relations are maintained among the people of a region. We have seen that even now the members of a sub-caste in a region do not contract matrimonial alliances with their own sub-caste members of another region. Hence this arrangement will not much sever the connections of the people. Further, since the Jainas have settled in different regions from a long time, they have imbibed the culture of their regions. .They use the regional dress and ornaments. Their houses, household furniture and utensils, and items of food and drink are the same like those of other people of the region. They participate in all important festivals of the region. In superstitious beliefs ar.d practices and in the observance of ceremonies they do not differ from the rest of the people of the region. Thus the Jainas of a particular region present a coherent and homogeneous group ard it would be feasible and better if they formed into a unit of Jaina social organisation. This unit will, no doubt, be a sufficiently big unit for maintaining social relations and all the defects arising from the division of the community into small water-tight compartments will automatically disappear. The disintegrating tendencies will vanish and there will be a new orientation in the life of the community. The resources of the community will be easily pooled together and distributed evenly to all members. There will not be a lop-sided development, as that of one caste in relation to other castes, as at present. The common interests of the community like propagation of Jainism by various means, protection of Jaina institutions of a religious and philanthropic nature, safeguarding of Jaina religion and culture from external attacks, etc. will be better served. As the Jainas will be a close knit group of a tolerably good number of people, a feeling of unity will be enger

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413
dered in their minds and this spirit of oneness will keep them bound together for a long time. By this way when the Jainas will begin to act in a concentrated manner with a union of purpose, they will realise their strength and will be in a better position to contribute fully to the all round progress of the region. The Jainas could achieve so many things in the past in different parts of the country because there were no factions among themselves. The Jainas lost their dominant position in the South, which they had built up and assiduously maintained for more than thousand years, after the Middle Ages when they were divided into several small groups. The intimacy of social relations between the Jainas of all sects and sub-sects of a region will foster the spirit of religious toleration and the attitude of hostility between the sects will be slowly banished from their hearts. The converted people will be easily amalgamated into the common Jainas as the latter will be having no distinctions of caste and this will give some fillip to the proselytizing activities by which the growth of Jaina community will be considerably helped. Thus the social organization of the Jainas on a regional basis will, it appears, be beneficial to the Jaina community and will solve their main question of ensuring preservation and growth of their community. This does not mean that there will be a ban on the relations of Jainas of different regions. As all Jainas comprise one community, inter-relations will occur and for the sake of considering the important common questions with which the community as a whole is concerned they may have an association, of course without any distinction of sect or caste, on an all India basis. It is obvious that if the Jainas in a certain region form a very meagre number, they will have to merge for all social relations into the Jainas of adjoining regions, and this will automatically establish inter-relations between the Jainas of adjacent regions.
NOTES
1. Vide the Prime Minister's letter No. 33/94/50 P. M. S., dated 31-1-50,
addressed to Mr. S. G. Patil, representative of Jaina Deputation, New Delhi. (The letter is published in 'Pragati āņi Jinavijaya', dated
11-2-50). Also see The times of India, dated 3-2-50. 2. Vaidya, C. V. : History of Medieval Hindu India, Vol III, p. 406.

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APPENDIX A
COPY OF THE QUESTIONNAIRE ISSUED UNIVERSITY SCHOOL OF ECONOMICS AND SOCIOLOGY,
UNIVERSITY OF BOMBAY, BOMBAY.
It has been proposed to undertake a Social Survey of the Jaina Community in India under the auspices of the University School of Economics and Sociology, Bombay. As the material required for the same is not readily available, a detailed questionnaire has been prepared and attached herewith. Members of the Jaina Community, irrespective of sector caste, are earnestly requested to answer the questionnarie as early as possible. THE VIEWS EXPRESSED THEREIN WILL BE TREATED AS COMPLETELY CONFIDENTIAL. The information so collected will be utilised for submitting a thesis to the University of Bombay. The answers may kindly be sent on the following address:
Prof. Vilas Adinath Sangave, M. A., VIJAYA COLLEGE,
BIJAPUR
(M. S. M. Rly.)
Dr. G. S. Ghurye, M. A., Ph. D., ( Head of the Department of Sociology)
Vilas A. Sangave, M. A., University School of Economics & Sociology,
University of Bombay.
Bombay, 1st December 1946.
In view of the extreme necessity of having a scientific investi. gation of social conditions prevailing at present in our Jaina Community we wholeheartedly support the above Social Survey undertaken by the University School of Economics and Sociology, Bombay and request the members of the Jaina Community to answer the requisite questionnaire as soon as possible. .

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Jaina Community- A Social Survey
APPENDIX A (1) Seth Sriyans Prasad Jain,
President, Bharat Jaina Mabamandal, Bombay. (2) Seth Shanti Prasad Jain,
President, All India Digambar Jain Parishad, Calcutta. Hon'ble Mr. K. S. Firodia, B. A., LL. B., Speaker, Bombay Legislative Assembly and President, All India Sthanakwasi Jaina Conference, Bombay, Seth Ratanchand Hirachand, M. A., President, Southern Maharashtra Jaina Sabha, Bombay. Acharya Muni Jidvijayji, Honorary Director, Bharatiya Vidya Bhavan, Bombay. Seth Motichand G. Kapadiya, M. A., LL. B., Solicitor, Secretary, Mahavir Jaina Vidyalaya, Bombay. Seth Chimaplal C. Shah, M. A., LL. B., Solicitor,
Secretary, All India Sthanakvasi Jain Conference, Bombay. (8) Dr. Bool Chand, M. A., Ph D.,
Principal, Bharatiya Vidya Bhavan's College, Andheri
(Bombay). (9) Dr. A. N. Upadhye, M. A., D. Litt.,
Rajaram College, Kolhapur. (10) Mr. Popatlal R. Shah, M. L. A.,
Secretary, Bharat Jain Vidyalaya, Poona. (11) Pandit Nathuram Premi,
Bombay. (12) K. B. Jiparaj Hegade, B. A., LL. B., Advocate,
Ex. M. L. A. (Central). Mangalore.

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Appendix A
417
A SOCIAL SURVEY OF JAINA COMMUNITY
Questionnaire
(1) Name in full.
(Beginning with surname ) (2) Address (3) Occupation or Profession. (4) Sect. (Digambara, śvetāmbara, Sthanakavāsi or Tāraña
panthi). (5) Gotra or any other division which is considered for marriage
purpose. (6) Sangha, Gaña, Gachchha and sākhā. (7) Caste and sub-caste. (8) (i) What is the approximate population of your caste ?
(ii) How is it distributed all over India? (9) What are the relations of your sub-caste with the main caste
and other castes of the Jaina Community as regards inter
dining, inter-marriage, etc.? (10) Do you believe in the hierarchy of caste organisation in
the Jaina Community? If so, what is your order of hiearchy?
(Even a rough idea will do.) (11) (i) Is there Panchayat in your caste ?
(ii) How is it formed ? (iii) What are its duties ? (iv) What contribution does it take from its members ?
(v) What punishments are given to the defaulters? (12) In view of the changing social conditions do you propose
to abolish or reorganize the caste Panchayats? If so, what
form, you envisage, should it take? (13) Are there any caste feasts? If so, when are they to be given? (14) Are there castes of your caste names in other communi
ties? If so, please give their names and state what are your
relations with them. J...27

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418
Jaina Community-A Social Survey (15) (i) What are the rules of endogamy and exogamy in your
caste? (ii) Are they strictly followed ? (iii) Do you approve of inter-caste marriages in Jaina
Community? (iv) If so, to what extent would you allow them? (16) (i) Are there any charitable institutions (like Boarding
Houses, Scholarship Funds, Dispensaries, Hospitals, etc.) and other Associations (like Housing Societies and Colonies, Co-operative Credit Societies, Banks, Consumers' Societies, etc.) exclusively reserved for your
caste or sub-caste only? Please give their names. (ii) Do you think that they have served their purpose ? (iii) Do they not create separatist tendercies in the commu
nity itself? (iv) Would you advise to throw them open to all Jainas
irrespective of sect, caste, sub-caste, language, locality,
etc.? (17) (i) Was there any particular occupation or profession of
your caste in the past? (ii) Is it followed at present? (iii) If not, what main occupations or professions are followed
by your caste people? (18) What is the educational standard of males and females of
your caste and sub-caste in the regional as well as foreign languages?
Is there any religious sanction to these castes? If so, please quote the authority. Were they prevalent in ancient Jaina Community?
(20) (i) Is there any institution of "Bhattāraka” prevalent in
your caste? (ii) If so, what are their central places of residence ? (iii) What are their duties? (iv) How are they appointed and in what way can they
be removed ?

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Appendix A
41
(v) What amount of property, do they possess? (vi) Do they possess any control over the people (e. g., in
taking contributions and enforcing decisions)?? (vii) What is their present position? (viii) Is it considered as the highest authority for all caste
Panchayats in its jurisdiction? (ix) What changes would you advocate to reform them? (21) Do you know how your caste and sub-caste bave originated ?
If possible please give an idea of their origin. 22) What is the number of your caste people in the ascetic order
of the community at present (viz. Muni, Arjikā, Śrifūjya,
Goriji, etc.)? (23) Are there any religious disabilities, like forbidding to perform
*Pūjā' or to give meals to ascetics, put on your caste people ?
If so, please state such restrictions. (24) Is widow remarriage allowed and practised in your caste ?
If so, please state to what extent it is availed of. (25) Is polygamy allowed and practised in your caste? (26) 'Are there any ordinary or habitual criminals in your caste ? (27) Has your caste Panchayat made any attempt to eradicate
anti-social customs and practices like child-marriage, dowry
system, etc, from the caste? (28) How many temples are owned by your caste Panchayats?
Is the property attached to them utilised for social purposes? (29) What is the name of your family deity? (30) What is the native place of your family? If possible, please
give a short account of your family's migration. (31) Were there any distinguished personalities in your family?
If possible, please give a short account of such illustrious
persons. (32) Is your family a joint or separate one? If it is joint, what
is the total number of persons? Do they live together?
If not, state the places of residence of others. (33) Are there any instances of inter-sect, inter-sub-sect, inter
caste and inter-provincial marriages in your family?

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420
Jaina Community-A Social Survey (34) What Jaina festivals you follow? Do you observe all Hindu
festivals? If not, pame those which you observe. (33) What daily Jaina rites you observe? (36) What Jaina "Samskāras' you perform? (37) Is your marriage consecrated according to Hindu or Jaina
rituals? (38) How many languages you can read, write or speak? Please
name them. (39) Do you wear a sacred thread? If so, what is its significance ? (40) Do you employ the services of a Brahmin or a Jaina priest
for performing marriage and other rites and for performirg
daily “Pūjā' and 'Abhisheka' in Jaina temples ? (41) How many fasts per month you observe? Do you observe
any special fasts in the months of 'Chātusmāsa '?, (42) What funeral rites you perform? Are they like Hindu rites? (43) Do you observe monthly or yearly days in memory of the
dead? (44) What religious education you bave taken? Do you think
that it should be made compulsory to Jaina children ? (45) Do you worship Hindu deities? If so, please give their names. (46) You might be aware that there is a large number of widows
in the Jaina Community. How would you approach to
solve their problem? (47) Do you think that there is anything like Jaina culture as
distinct from other cultures in India ? (48) Are you a member of any Jaina Association or Institution
which is striving for the benefit of Jaina community, irrespective of caste, sub-caste or sect? If so, please give their
pames and the extent of their activities. (49) What are your educational and other qualifications? Please
state the distinctions obtained by you or by the members of your family in academic studies, literary activities, various kinds of arts, culture, sport, etc.

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Appendix A
421 (50) (i) Do you take any part in the political, social, economic
and public activities of the country? If so, please state, in brief, the nature of your activities and your present status therein. (ii) Do you think that the Jaipa Community has contributed towards the political, social and economic progress of India by various means? If so, please give your estimate of the contribution.
Note :-
Answers may be written on the space provided aginst each question. If the space is found insufficient, separate sheet of paper may be attached. Answers may be given in any one of the following languages, viz. English, Marathi, Hindi, Gujarathi, or Kannada. Special remarks, if any, may be made on page 10.
Date :
Place :
(Signature)
(The questions were also given in Hindi Language in the Questionnaire ).

Page #448


Page #449

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XVI
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Uttarapurana (by Achaiya Gunabhadra) Varangacharitam (by Acharya Jatasimhanandi), Manikachandra Digambara Jaina Granthamālā, Vol. No. 40, (Edited by Dr. A. N. Upadhye).
(C) Articles
BAGCHI, P. C. "The Historical Beginnings of Jainism", Sir Asutosh Mookerjee Silver Jubilee Volumes, Vol. III, Part 3, Calcutta, 1927, pp. 71-86.
Bhargava, Dayananda : "Reformistic Trends in Jainism", Jaina Bharati Research Volume, Calcutta, V. S. 2020, pp. 59-61. Bhattacharya, B. C. : "The Goddesses of Learning in Jainism", Malaviya Commemoration Volume, Banaras, 1932, pp. 291303.

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BHUJABALI SHASTRI, K. : "Jaina Kannada Vangmaya" (in Hindi), Jaina Siddhanta Bhaskara, December, 1938.
BOOL CHAND: "Jainism in Kalinga Desa", Acharya Dhruva Smaraka Grantha, pp. 87-100.
BURGESS, J.: "Papers on Satrunjaya and the Jainas", Indian Antiquary, Vols. II and XIII.
CHAKRAVARTI, A. : "Jainism", Cultural Heritage of India, Calcutta, Vol. I, pp. 185-219.
DASA, S. R.: "The Jaina School of Astronomy", Indian Historical Quarterly, Vol. VIII, pp. 30-42 and 565-571. DELAMAINE, MAJOR: "On the Śravacs or Jainas", Transactions of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Ireland, Vol. I, pp. 413-438.
DESAI, P. B. "Yakshi Images in South Indian Jainism", Dr. Mirashi Felicitation Volume, Nagpur, 1965, pp. 344-348. DESHPANDE, N. A. : "Jaina Concept of an Ideal Teacher", H. D. Velankar Commemoration Volume, Bombay, 1965, pp. 16-19. GAIT, E. A. "Caste", Encyclopedia of Religion and Ethics, Vol. III, pp. 230-239. GLASENAPP, H. V. : "Jaina Buddhist Parallels as an auxiliary to
the elucidation of early Buddhism", Dr. S. K. Belvalkar Felicitation Volume, Banaras, 1957, pp. 197-201.
436
1
GOPANI, A. S. : "Characteristics of Jainism", Bharatiya Vidya, Vol. I, Part II, pp. 168-178.
GOPANI, A. S.: "Heretics of Jainism", Munshi Indological Felicitation Volume, 1963, pp. 205-210.
HAMILTON, BUCHANAN : "On the Sravacs or Jains", Transactions of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Ireland, Vol. I, pp. 531-540.
HOERNLE, A. F. R.: "Three Further Pattavalis of the Digambaras", Indian Antiquary, Vol. XXI, pp. 57-84.
JACOBI, H. "Jainism", Encyclopedia of Religion and Ethics, Vol. 7, pp. 465-474.
JACOBI, H.
"Demons and Spirits (Jain)", Encyclopedia of Religion and Ethics, Vol. 4, p. 608.
JACOBI, H.: "Death and Disposal of the Dead (Jain)", Encyclopedia of Religion and Ethics, Vol. 4, pp. 484-485.

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JAIN, L. C. "On the Jaina School of Mathematics", Babu Chhotelal Jain Smriti Grantha, (English Section), Calcutta, 1967, pp. 265-292.
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524-530., PHALATANE, L. A. : "A Light on Ancient Jain History”, Jain
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Marāthi) Pragati ani Jinavijaya, Vol. 46, No. 3. POLYAKA, BHANWARLAL : “Bhārataki Jaina Jātiyan" Bābu Chhote
lal Jaina Smriti Grantha, Calcutta, 1967, pp. 259-263. RANWAKA, K. C. : “Santa Tarana — Tāraṇá aura unake Tāraņa
Panth”, (in Hindi), Mahavira Jayanti Smārikā, Jaipur, 1962, pp. 212-213.

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Saints', M.M. Prof. D. V. Potdar Commemoration Volume,
Poona, 1950, pp. 28-29. SALETORE, B. A. : “Gravaņa-Belagola - Its Secular Importance,"
Jain Antiquary, March 1940. SALETORE, B. A.: "Delhi Sultanas as Patrons of Jaina Gurus of
Karnataka", Karnataka Historical Review, Vol. IV, pp. 77-86. SANDESARA, B. J. : “Jaina Monuments of India”, Golden Jubilee
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1968, pp. 289-293. SEN, A. C. : “Some Cosmological Ideas of the Jainas”, Indian
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Hindi), Premi Abhinandana Grantha, 1946, pp. 530-537. SHAH, R. N. :“Jaina Sāhityasrishti" (in Marăthi). Prin. Karmarkar
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pp. 549-552. SHASTRI, PRABHUDATT : “The Jain Doctrine of Syādvāda with a
New Pragmatic Background”, Siddha-Bhārati, Part II, Hoshiar
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(D) Journals
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443 Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and lieland Journal of the University of Bombay Karnataka Historical Review New Indian Antiquary Prabuddha Jaina Pragati āņi Jinavijaya Transactions of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and
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Phaltan (Maharashtra), 1973.

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INDEX
Asteya, 210 Asura marriage, 143-4, 157 Atichāra, 210, 212 Atiśayakshetra, 254 Attitude of men towards women,
167-9 Avaśyaka, 214, 231
Badami family, 353 Badavānī, 255 Badrinātha, 254 Bagheravāla, 297, 305, 312 Bahiryāna, 244 Banaras, 253 Bandha, 196-7 Bañjārā caste, 71 Bannore, 305, 312 Banta, 310 Bāvisa Sampradāya, 300 Bhadrabāhu, 49, 257, 363, 364 Bhārata-Varsha, 360
Bahattārakacapanth2, 270
Acharya, 216, 225-6, 376 Adhiya, 85, 304 Adharma, 195-6, 382 Agaravālas, 81-3, 131, 297 Agriculture, 259, 314 Ahimsa, 210, 221-4, 259-61, 262, 375-6 Ajātaśatru, 362 Ajitanatha, 360 Ajīva, 193, 195-6 Akalanka, 379 Akāśa, 195-6 Akshayatrtiya, 238-9, 336 Alūpa kings, 365 Anagārdharma, 210, 215-7 Anantachaturdasi, 234, 344 Anekāntavāda, 375 Argas, 202 Animal sacrifice, 64, 65, 382 Annaprāśana, 244, 249 Antariksha Parsvanatha, 255 Antyakarma, 247, 250, 344-6 Anuprekshā, 205, 206-7 Anushthāna, 240 Anurvratas, 211, 216, 222 Apabhramsa, 265 Aparigraha, 210 Apaurusheya religion, 190 Archakas, 100-1 Architecture, 370-4 Ardhamāgadhi, 263 Ardhaphālaka sect, 50 Arhat, 225 Arisbanemī, 360 Arsha marriage, 143-4, 167 Artha, 218 Ashtanhika, 235 Ashta-pravachana-mātā, 206 Asoka, 363 Aśrama, 217 Aśrava, 196 Associations, 271-72, 328, 350-3, 418;
and journals, 272--3, 394
and Bīsapanthis, 52, 270; and Terāpanthīs, 52, 270; and castes in the Deccan, 93; and setavālas, 95; and Chaturthas,96;and Panchamas, 98; and Bogāras,98: and Upadhyayas, 99; place of residence, 269, 318; Origin, 269; duties, 269, 319; decline, 270; present problem, 270, 321-2; and religious divisions, 317; peculiar to Digambaras, 317; system adopted by some castes, 318; selection, 319; removal 320; property, 320; control over followers, 320-1; present position, 321; control
over Caste panchayatas, 321 Bhāu-Bi ja 238 Bhaurao Patil, 356 Bhāvanā, 207 Bhāvasāra Bāvanagāma, 323, 325 Bhāvasāra Mesarī, 302, 321 Bhogapatnī, 164

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446
Bimbisāra, 362 Binaikiya Paravaras, 91
Bīsapanthis, 51, 395
Boarding houses, 274-5, 394 Bogaras, 98, 167, 298, 305, 324, 326 Books on castes, 291-2
Brahmacharya, 210
Jaina Community-A Social Survey
castes, 73, 122-3, 300-1; regional distribution of castes, 72, 124-30, 301; regional concentration of castes, 73; principal castes in the North, 81-92; principal castes in the Deccan. 92-99; principal castes in the South, 100-01; differences between Northern and Deccan castes, 93; separate associations, 271-2; separate journals, 272; separate co-operative societies, 273, 312-3; separate educational institutions, 274, 312-3; books on castes, 292; disparity in educational standard, 314-5; period of formation of castes, 316; origin of castes, 322-3; and social reform, 327-8; and temples, 328-9, 397; abolition proposed, 397, 411 Cave temples, 231, 371-2 Census Reports, 290-1 Chaityalaya, 231, 233 Chalukya kings, 365 Champu Kavyas, 264 Chandragupta Maurya, 257, 363, 364 Charanagare, 53, 90 Charities, 220
Charitra, 205, 208-9
Chaturthas, 95-6, 324, 325 Chaturmāsa, 236, 260, 343-4 Child marriage, 146, 174, 328 Chūdākarma, 249 Clothes, 262 Conservatism, 378 Contributions of Jainas to:
political activities, 355-6, 376; social activities, 355; economic activities, 356; literature, 368-70; architecture, 370-3; sculpture, 373-4; philosophy, 374-5; ethics, 375-6
Brahma marriage, 142, 144, 161, 167, 173
Brahmanas, 66-8, 76, 79 Buḍhelanvayi, 297, 302, 323 Businesses prohibited, 258-9 Butter, 261
Caste feasts, 307, 308-9Caste pride, 304-5 Caste System:
among Jainas, 73-81; definition, 74-5; main features, 75; cultural gulf between castes, 76, 81, 312, 388; hierarchical organisation of castes, 76-7, 81, 304-5; restrictions on feeding, 77, 303-4; restriction on social intercourse, 78, 81; civil disabilities and privileges, 78; religious disabilities and privileges 78-9,324-5; restrictions on choice of occupations, 79-80, 81, 314; restrictions on marriage, 80-1, 302-4; social effects, 81, 388, 396-8; Panchayatas, 305-8, 327-8 Castes among Jainas: development from Varnas, 68; number, 69, 300; names of 84 original castes, 69, 108-14; names of 84 castes from Gujaratha, 69, 1156; names of 84 castes from Deccan, 69, 117-8; Jaina sections in Hindu castes,69-70,309-10; large and small castes,70,71,300-1; extinction of castes, 71; rise of newcastes, 70-1; assi. milation of one caste into another, 71,91; sanction by Jaina religion,72, 316-7; castes common to two main sects, 72, 300; names (with population figures) of Digambara castes, 73, 119-21, 300-1; names (with population figures) of Svetambara
Co-operative societies, 273-4 Criminals, 220, 327
Daily duties, 214, 245, 337 Daiva marriage, 142, 144, 167 Dana, 214, 266, 337, 380 Darśana, 337

Page #473

Index
447
Doshi family, 332-3 Dowry system, 158, 328 Dravya, 195-6 Drshta, 241 Dreams, 242 Dress, 261-3 Drink, 259-61 Durgashtami, 335-6
Dasā, 82, 85, 88, 92, 304, 325 Daśalakshana Dharma, 205, 206,
233. Daśalakshana Parva, see Paryushaņa
Parva Dasarā, 239, 336 Daughters' property rights, 178 Dayala Simha, 332 Days of abstinence, 236-37 Death ceremony, see, Antya-karma Decline of Jainas: lapse of royal patronage, 385; slackness of ascetic order, 386; persecution by others, 386-7; growth of divisions, 387-8; internal causes, 389-92; absence of conversions, 391: concentration
in urban areas, 391-2 Decoration, 262 Devadravya, 329 Devañgas (Jaina), 70 Dhākada, 312 Dharma, 195-6, 218, 382 Dharmapatni, 164 Dharmaśālā, 266, 352, 355 Dhrti, 243 Dhundhiyā sect, 54 Digambara sect :
Origin, 49; points of difference with svetan bara sect. 50-1, 395; Sub- sects, 51-2; idols, 229; associations, 271; journals 272; educational insti
tutions, 274. Diksha, 215 Dikshādya, 245 Dispensaries, 267, 353, 356 Distinguished personalities, 332-3,
353-4 District Gazetteers, 291 . Divali, 237-8, 335-6 Divine dispensation, 200, 330 Divorce, 166-7, 306
Eating before sunset, 260 Educational institutions, 267, 274-5,
312-3. Education of the masses, 381 Endogamy :
rule of endogamy, 80, 147, 310-1; caste endogamy, 81, 151, 311, 398; sub-caste endogamy, 81, 151, 311, 398; local endogamy, 81, 152, 303, 311, 398; religious endogamy, 151,
311, 398, group endogamy, 152. Ethics :
aim, 205; to accomplish Samvara, 205-9; to accomplish Nirjarā, 209; rules of conduct for laymen, 210-15, rules of conduct for ascetics, 215-7; outstanding features, 217-24, social element, 220-1, 327;:. importance given to Ahimsā, 221-4; practicability, 223; one' code for all people, 224; applied
to food and drink, 259-61. Ethics and philosophy. 190 Evil eye, 241 Examination Boards, 269 Excommunication of Sadhus, 377 Exogamy :
rule of exogamy, 147, 153, 155, 311; Gotra exogamy, see Gotras; restricts choice of partners, 154-5;
surname exogamy, 95, 298, 311. Exorcism, 240
Falsehood, 219, 222, Family deity, 329-31

Page #474

448
Jaina Community-A Social Survey
Grhatyāga, 245 Grhiệita, 245 Gujarathi, 263, 340, 369 Gumānapanthis, 52, 53 Gunavratas, 212 Gupti, 205 Guravas (Jajna), 70 Gurukula, 274-5, 394
Family organisation, 333-4 Famine relief, 266 Fasts, 343-4 Female education, 172-3, 315. Female infanticide, 171 Festivals and fasts, 233-9, 335-6 Followers of Jaina religion :
Lichchhavis, 362; Nandas, 362; Sarāks, 363; Kalchuris, 365; Santaras, 365; Changalvas, 365; Kongālvas, 365; Rattas, 365;
Silahāras, 365 Food, 259-61 Funeral ceremony, 252, 345 Gachchhas, 57-8, 299-300 Gajapantha, 254-55 Gaņa, 56, 299-300 Gāndharva marriage, 143, 144 Gandhi family, 332 Ganga monarchs, 264, 364, 376, 379 Gangeravala, 312 Garbhadhāna, 243, 247 Gati, 195 Gaurī, 336 Ghoļa, 303, 306, 310 Giranāra, 232, 255, 256, 366, 372 Goal of life, 200, 204, 218 God, attitude towards, 192, 200 Gokulashtami, 239 Golāpurva, 297 Gommateśvara, 237, 257, 264 Gotras among Jainas: number, 153; technical meaning,
4; and marriage relations, 153-3, 298, 311; origin, 154; antiquity,154; among Agaravalas, 82, 131, 297; among Osavalas, 84; among Khandelavālas, 89, 134-6, 297, among Srimālis, 87, 132-3; among Poravādas, 88; among Hummadas, 92, 297; among setavālas, 95, 297; among Mysore Jainas, 153-4; effect on choice of partners, 154-5; among Paravāras, 297; absence
of Gotras, 298-9 Grantha-Bhāndāra, 267 Grantha-Prakasana-Samstha, 268
Harada, 304 Hastinapura, 254 Hathisingh's temple, 371 Hiṁsā, 219, 221, 223, 260-1 Hindi, 263, 369 Hiralal Jain, 354 Holi, 335-6 Honey, 260 Hosa Basti, 371 Hospitals, 288, 355 Householder's, religion, 210-15, 384 Householder's stage, 217-8, 223 Hoyasalas, 365, 376, 379 Hummadas or Humbadas, 92, 152,
261, 324
.
.
-28-31
Idol worship, 228-31 Indigenous bankers, 356 Indras (Jaina priests), 100 Initiation ceremony, 244, 249-50 Insect-houses, 266 Institutions, 265-75 Intoxicants, 260-1 Islam influence on Jajna sects, 55
Jaina Bodhaka, 273 Jaina community :
fourfold division, 47, 323, 377; religious divisions, 46, 59; social divisions, 63-136; continuity, 224; associations, 271; newspapers, 272-3; co-operative societies, 273-4; educational institutions, 274-5; social survey, 290; survival, 377-85; decline, 385-8; present problems, 388-98; antiquity, 407; distinct from other communities, 408, 409; future as a separate social group, 411-13.

Page #475

Index
449
Jaina culture, 349-50
Kadamba rulers, 365 Jaina philosophy, 192-198, 374-5 Kāla, 195-6 Jaina population : :
Kalachūris, 365 total, 1-3; rate of increase, 2, 4; Kalaras (Jaina), 70 and census figures, 3; decline, 5, Kāma, 218 388-93, 411; distribution, 6-16,33-7; Kampilā, 253 concentration, 8, 11-6; u ban, 16-8, Kamta Prasada Jain, 354 38-40, 391; age distribution, 22-4; Kanaji Pantha, 53-4 mean ages, 23, 42; sex composi- Kandamūlas, 260 . tion, 18-22,41, 389; deficiency of Kannada, 264, 369-70 females, 18-22, 389; fertility, 24-6, Kanyādāna, 160 390; longevity, 24-6; civil condi- Karakala, 374 tions, 26-30, 44-5; proportion of Kārañjā, 267, 269, 274, 317, 394 widows, 26-8, 44; proportion of Karma Theory, 198-200
child marriages, 28, 44-5, 390. Karnavedha, 249 Jaina Tower at Chitor, 373.
Kasliwala family, 353
Kasturbhai Lalbhai, 333, 356 Jainism : :. meaning, 190-1; fundamental
Kathanerā, 297, 303, 324 principles, 191-2; not atheism, 192;
Kathikai, 336
Keśavā pa, 244 tattvas, 193-198; not animism, 195; importance given to Ahim'sā, 221
Kevali-kavalāhāra, 51, 395
Khajuraho temple, 371 2, 375-6; survival, 224; Origin 359;. and Buddhism, 359, 381;
Khandelavālas, 89-90, 134-6, 297,
320, 324 founder, 360; antiquity, 361-2, 407; in Magadha, 362-3; in Kalinga,
Khāravela, 363 363; in Bengal, 363-4; in Deccan
Kolhapur, 254, 269, 319 and Karnataka, 364-5; in Andhra
Kshatriyas, 64-8, 79 and Tamilnadu, 365-6; in Guja.
Kshaurakarma, 249 ratha, 366-7; in North and Central
Kshirasana, 248 India, 367; in Rajasthan, 367; and
Kukekari caste, 71 Hinduism, 381-3.
Kulacharya, 245
Kulapāka, 255 Jaisavāla, 297
Kumāra Hegade, 332 Jakbins, 240
Kumārapāla, 366 Jalayātrā, 235
Kundalapura, 253 Janma, 248
Kunthalagiri, 232, 254, 255, 371 Jessalamira, 267
Kural, 264 Jina, 46
Lāchochāra, 387 Jinanāthapura Basti, 371
Laharīsena, 325, 326 Jinarūpatā, 245
Lakkundi temple, 371 Jiva, 193-5
Lakshmi-pū'ana, 238
Lamechu, 323 Jīvadayā Mandaļa, 266 ,
Language, 263-5, 340-1 Jpāna-panchami, 236
Leather goods, 262 Joint family system, 333-4 Journals, 272-3, 292
Legal status of women, 177-80 Jugal Kishor Mukhtyar, 354
Levā Patidāra, 302, 325

Page #476

450
Jaina Community-A Social Survey
Libraries, 267, 352, 355
marriage, 147, 174, 328; difference Limbadi Sampradaya, 300
of age between partners, 147; Lipisankhyānasangraha, 244
choice of partners, 147-56, 310, Literature, 263-5, 289-90, 368-70 398; rules of endogamy, see Lohadasājana, 325
endogamy;, rules of exogamy, see Lonkasaha, 54
exogamy; Savar a marriage, Lonkā sect, 54-5
148; Asavarna marriage, 148,
150; Anuloma marriage, 148, Magi, 242
150-51; Pratiloma marriage, Magic, 242
148; Sagotra marriage, 153, 311; Mahajana, 306
marriages with non-Jainas, 148,
311-2; marriages with Mlechchhas Mahāśivarātra, 239
149; marriages with prostitutes, Mahāvīra, 47-8, 51, 63, 65, 237, 256,
149; marriages with illegitimate, 359-60, 362
children, 150; marriages with Mahavira Jayanti, 235, 336
near relatives, 155-6; complete Mahāviraji, 254
freedom in selection of partners, Mahávratas, 210, 216, 222-3
150; marriage with parallel cousin,
156; marriage with Cross cousin, Makarasankrānta, 239, 336
156; maternal uncle-njece marriage, Malis (Jaina), 70
156, 311; ways of procuring a bride, Mānastambha, 231
156-8; marriage by capture, 157; Mangītungī, 254, 255
marriage by exchange, 157; marriMantras, 242, 247, 249
age by purchase, 157-8; marriage
by service,158; marriage by consent Maraṇabhojà, 308, 345
158; dowry system, 158, 328; marriMarathi, 263, 341
age ceremony, 159-62, 252, 338Marriage among Jainas:
9; marriage rites among functions of marriage, 137; Svetāṁbaras, 159; marriage rites object of marriage, 138, 141; among Digambaras, 159-61; obligatory nature of marriage, Jaina and Hindu marriage rites, 139; as a social act, 140; based 161-2; group marriage, 163; polyon local customs, 141; connection andry, 163; polygyny, 163-5, 174, with religion, 141; normality of 326; monogamy, 163; widow marriage, 141-42; forms of remarriage, 165-6; dissolution of marriage, 142-5, 147; approved wedlock, 165-7; divorce, 167, 174; forms of marriage, 144; sinful remarriage of a woman, 165; forms of marriage, 143-4; most intercaste marriage, 310-27, 335; prevalent form of marriage, 144; inter-sect marriages, 335, 394; use comparison with Hindu forms of Hindu rites in marriage, 339. of marriage, 144; competent
Maryādā Mahotsava, 55. person to give maiden in marriage, 145; qualifications of a bride
Matā, 249 room, 145, 174; qualifications of Matha, 267 a bride, 145; pre-marital sexual Mathurā, 367, 372 behaviour,146,162; age of marriage, Maunādhyuyanavrtti, 245 146-7, 174; consummation of Medicine, 267 marriage, 146, 162-63; child Migration of families, 331-2

Page #477

Index
.
.
451
Ornaments, 263 Osavālas, 83-6, 176, 324, 325, 331
Military service, 259 Moda, 243 Moksha, 198, 218 Mokshamārga, 200-04 Mount Abu, 232, 254, 255, 256,
366, 371, 372 Mūdbidrī, 267, 269, 371 Mūdhas, 202, 382 Muktagiri, 371 Mūlagunas, 212, 217, 260, 337 Muni Jinavijayaji, 354 Munis, 317-8 Martipujaka-Svetambaras, 54
Nainara, 298 Najara-bandhi, 241 Naladiyāra, 264 Nāmakarma, 244, 248, 338 Names, personal, 294-5 Narasingapurā, 297 Nathurama Premi, 252, 288, 354 National spirit, 355 Navarātri 336 Nayas, 375 Neglect of female children, 171 Nemā, 310 Neminātha, 255, 256, 366 Nevī, 297, 303, 312 Newspapers, 272-3 Niggatha Nataputta, 361 Nirjarā, 197-8
way to nirjarā, 209 Nirvana, 193 Nirvanakshetras, 254 Nirvāṇalādu, 238 Nishadyā, 244 Nityavāda, 375 Niyoga, 165, 175, 382
Padmapurī, 254 Paisācha marriage, 143, 144 Pallivāla, 297 Pampa, 264 Pancha, 82, 85, 88, 304 Panchamas, 96-8, 298, 324, 326 Panchāyatas, 305-08, 321 Pandharpur, 254 Paņigrahaņa, 160, 162 Panjarā pola, 266 Parameshțhins, 225-7 Parasanatha Hills, 256 Paravāras, 90-1, 152, 154, 297, 324 Parigraha, 219, 222 Parikh family, 353 Parishaha-jaya, 205, 207-8 Paraśvanātha, 47, 63, 65, 256, 359-60 Paryūshana, Parva, 233-5, 308, 336,
344 Patana, 267 Pathaśālā, 269, 394 Pāvāpura, 255, 256 Persecution of Jainas, 252, 379, 383,
385, 386-7 Persecution of non-Jainas, 385 Pindadana, 345-6 Political status of women, 176-7 Political workers, 355 Pongala, 336 Ponna, 264 Population, see Jaina population Poravādas, 88-9, 154, 324, 327,
331 Poshadha, 234 Position of women:
attitude of men towards women, 167-9; religious status, 169-71; social status, 171-6; political status, 176-7; legal status, 177-80.
Observance of non-Jaina customs,
383-5 Occupations, 258-9, 295-6, 314

Page #478

452
Pradana, 160 Prajapatya marriage, 167, 173
Prakrit, 265
Pramada Yoga, 222
Prasanti, 245
Pratima, 212-3, 218 Prayaga, 253
Priests:
143-4, 160,
employment of Brahmins, 93, 98, 247, 342, 383; Jaina priests, 93, 98-9, 233, 342; Jaina priests known as Indras, 100; priestly classes in Madras, 100; temple priests, 232, 343; as exorcists, 240.
Printing sacred books, 268 Priti, 243
Priyodbhava, 243
Problems before Jainas:
of declining population, 388-93; of religious divisions, 393-96; of social divisions and marriage, 396-8.
Professions, 258-9, 295-6
Property rights of women, 177-80 Publishing houses, 268-9
Pudgala, 195-6
Pūjā, 345
Pujyapada, 379-80
Pumsavana, 247-8 Purdah system, 176
Questionnaire, 292-4, 415-21
Rājagṛha, 253
Rajputs (Jaina), 70 Rakshabandhana, 238, 336 Rakshaṇadevi, 248
Jaina Community-A Social Survey
Relations with Hindus :
common festivals, 237, 238, 239, 335-6; common superstitions, 23943; common Samskaras, 251; appropriation of Jaina Tirthakshetras, 254; common language, 263; common names, 294; intermarriages, 310, 381; interdining relations, 310; common 'family deities, 329; differences in outlook and practices, 381-2, 408; infiltration of Hindu elements in Jaina usages, 383-4,408; persecution by Hindus, 386-7; do not form a part of the Hindus, 409; attitude of Hindus towards Jainas, 410; tendency to remove non-Jaina elements, 410.
Rakshasa marriage, 143-5, 157
Ramanavami, 239
Ranapur temple, 371 Ranna, 264
Rashtrakuta Emperors, 364-5
Ratnatraya, 201
Rattas, 365
Relations between ascetics and laity,
377-8
Religious education, 269, 274, 346-7 Religious position of women, 170-1 Religious sanction to castes, 72, 316-7
Research institutes, 352
Research scholars, 353-4 Right Belief, see
Samyag-darśana Right Conduct, see Samyak-charitra Right Knowledge, see Samyagjñāna Royal patronage, 378-9
Ṛshabhadeva, 46, 239,259; founder of Jainism, 359-61
Rules of good conduct, 214-5
Sacred literature, 265, 289 Sacred thread, 251-2, 341-2, 384 Sadhu, 226
Sadhus, 47, 66, 216-7, 323 Sadhvis, 47, 66, 170, 323 Sāgāradharma, 210-15 Saints :
379-80, 381,
activities, influence, 380 Sākhā, 56, 299
Sallekhana, 212, 257 Samaiyapantha, 53 Samantabhadra, 379
Sāmāyika, 211, 213, 214, 337
Sa miti, 205-6
391;

Page #479

Index
453
Sammedaśikhara, 254, 255-6, 372 Samprati, 363, 367 Samskaras : :
of Digambaras, 243-7; of Svetāmbaras, 247-50; resemble Hindu Samskaras, 250-1; differences in observance, 251-2; observance at
present, 338-40. Samyag-darśana, 201, 201-03, 242 Samyag-ināna, 201, 203-04 Samyak-chāritra, 201, 204 Samvara, 197; way to Samvara, 205
09 Samvatsari, 234, 344 " Sangha, 56-7, 59, 258, 299, 305 Sangādā, 317 Sanghapati, 258 Sankaracharya, 387 Sankheśvara, 255 Sanskrit, 263 Saptapadi, 159-60, 162 Sarāks, 363 Sarapancha, 305 Śāsanadevatā, 226 Sati, 175, 382 Satruñjaya, 232, 237, 254, 255, 256,
366, 372 Satya, 210 Savastramukti, 50, 395 Schism in Jaina Church :
reasons for schism, 48-49; the Great Schism, 49-50; number of
Schisms, 49 Scholarship funds, 274, 394 Sculpture, 373-4 Sections in Jaina Church :
sections and sub-sections, 56-8,393; sections among Digambaras, 56-7;
sections among Svetambaras, 57-8. Sects in Jaina Church : two main sects, 50-1, 393; sub-sects of Digambaras, 51-4; sub-sects of Svetambaras, 54-6; attempts of reconciliation, 58-9; separatist tendencies, 312, 387, 393-4; differences are not basic, 395; means to bring unity, 395-6.
Setavālas, 94-5, 153, 167, 324, 325 Setha, 305 Seth family, 332. Shashthi, 248 Sheth family, 353 Siddha, 225 Siddhachakra Puja, 235 Siddhakshetra, 254-5 Siddharaja, 366 Signs, 242 Sikshāvrata, 212 Silahāras, 365 Silayrata, 211-2 Silken garments, 262 Simhanandī, 364 Sītalā Māta, 241, 348 Sītalā-saptami, 239, 271, 336 Slaughter of animals, 235, 260, 262,
266 Social status of women, 171-6 Social survey, 290, 294 Social workers, 354-5 Somadeva Suri, 384 Sonāgiri, 372 Soul, See Jiva Spirit possession, 240 Srāddha ceremony, 252, 272, 345 Sramaņa literature, 368-9 Srāvakas, 47, 66, 243 Sravaņabelagola, 232, 237, 254, 255,
257, 264, 365, 372, 374 Srāvikās, 47, 66 Sreņika, 362 śrīmalīs, 86-7, 324, 326, 331 Śruta-Panchami, 236, 336 Stambhas, i. e, pillars, 372-3 Stavanidhi, 240 Sthānakavāsis, 54-6, 229, 230-1,
232, 271, 272, 300, 303 Stimulants, 260 Straining liquid drink, 260 Strīdhana, 177-8 Strimukti, 51, 395 Stūpas, 372-3 Suchikarma, 248 Sudatta, 365 Suddhi, 345
12.4

Page #480

454
Jaina Community-A Social Survey
Tirthankara, 46, 225 Tonsure ceremony, 249 Tonsure of widows, 175-6 Totāpanthis, 52, 53 Towers, 373
Sudras, 64-8, 78 Sukhalalji Sanghavi, 354 Superhuman beings, 240 Superstitions, 239-43 Supriti, 243 Surnames, 294-5 Survival of Jainas :
Organisation of community, 377-8; conservatism, 378; royal patronage, 378-9; work of saints, 379-80; benevolent activities, 380-1; intimate relations with Hindus,
381-5 Süryendudarśana, 248 Sutaka, 345 Svādhyāya, 214 Svayamvara marriage, 148, 158, 174 svetambara sect:
origin, 49; points of difference with Digambara sect, 50-1, 395; sub-sects, 54-6; idols, 229; associations, 271; journals, 272; educational institutions, 274 Syādvāda, 375
Udayagiri, 372 Ugādi, 336 Ujjain, 367 Umāsvāti, 265 Unchastity, 219, 222 Upādhyāya, 226 Upadhyāyas, 98-9 Upadhye, A. N., 153, 354 Upaniti or Upanayana, 244, 249-50 Upāśraya, 231, 232-3, 250, 329
Taita, 240 Tamil, 264 Taranapanthis, 52-3, 229, 231, 233 Tapa, 209, 214 Tattvasthādhigama-sutra, 265 Tejapāla, 89, 256, 366 Telugu, 264 Temple-cities, 232, 256, 372 Temple property, 329 Temples, 231-2, 328-9, 370-72;
converted into mosques, 372;
owned by different sections, 393 Terapanthis (Digambara), 51-2, 395 Terapanthīs (svetāṁbara), 54-5, 323,
395 Theft, 220, 222 Tirtha, 253 Tirthakrdbhāvanā, 245 Tirthakshetras : 253-8; of Digambaras,
255; of svetambaras, 255; types, 254: nature, 253-4; appropriation by Hindus, 254-5
Vāgdāna, 160 Vaisyas, 64-68, 78, 258 Valabhi, 366 Vanarāja, 366 Varaña, 160 Varnalabha, 68, 245 Varna system, 63-8, 396-7 Vastupala, 89, 256, 366 . Vedic society, 63-6 Vegetarian food, 261, 266 Vellāla, 310 Venura, 374 Vidyārambha, 250 Vināśavāda, 375 Vira Nirvāņa Samvat, 238 Viraśāsana Jayanti, 236 Visā, 82, 85, 88, 92, 304 Vivāha, 244-5, 250 Vratacharyā, 244 Vratāropa, 250 Vratas : 210-12; basis of Jaina
ethics, 218-20; social value, 220, 221 Vratūvataraña, 244 Vratodyāpana, 308 Vrātyas, 360 Vyushti, 244
Walchand Hirachand, 333 356 Warriors, 332

Page #481

Index
Widow remarriage : not allowed in the North, 93, 166, 325; allowed in the Deccan, 93,166,325; not allowed in Madras, 101, 166; not practised by Upadhyayas, 99; prevalence in ancient times, 166; and Jaina religion, 167; and dining relations, 302; and position of castes, 304; controlled by Panchayata, 306; practised by certain castes, 325; decline of prejudice against, 326; prevalent opinion, 348-49.
Widows and property rights, 178-80 Widows and social status, 175 Wine, 260 Women
:
ideas about women, 167-9; and ascetic order, 170-1; and salvation, 171; as teachers and preachers, 171, 173; female infanticide, 171; neglect of female children, 171;
455
and education, 172-3; contributions to literature, 173; and aspects of marriage, 174; tonsure of widows, 176; and political activities, 176-7; as warriors, 177; as administrators, 177; and maintenance, 177; and property rights, 177-80; and spirit possession, 240-1. Woollen garments, 262 Worship :
objects, 225-7; of human beings, 225-6; of superhuman beings, 226-7; of Hindu deities, 226-7, 248, 330-1, 347-8, 384; intention, 227-8, 381; manner, 228-31; of idols, 228-9; places of worship, 231-3; of Jakhins, 240; of Bhutas, 240; of serpents, 241; of planets, 248. Yajamāna, 305 Yaksha, 226
Yapaniya Sangha, 58
Yatis, 318
Yoga, 196, 197

Page #482

1
BY THE SAME AUTHOR
Sociology (in Marathi) 3rd Edition, 1972
Sociology (Kannada Translation) 1st Edition, 1971
Social Anthropology (in Marathi) 2nd Edition, 1976
Social Anthropology (Gujarati Translation) 1st Edition, 1971
Primitive Social Life (in Marathi) 2nd Edition, 1978
Introduction to Sociology (in Marathi) 2nd Edition, 1975
Social Problems in India (in Marathi) · 1st Edition, 1979
Story of Mahavira (in Marathi) 1st Edition, 1963
Outlines of Jainism (in Marathi) 1st Edition, 1975
History of Dakshina Bharat Jain Sabha (in Marathi) 1st Edition, 1976
Life and Legacy of Mahavira: A Social Study 1st Edition, 1975

Page #483

VILAS ADINATH SANGAVE, is Professor and Head in the Department of Sociology, Shivaji University, Kolhapur since 1975. He is a renowned senior teacher in Sociology and was head of the department of sociology in the Karnataka College, Dharwar from 1947 to 1956, and in Rajaram College, Kolhapur from 1956 to 1975. As an active senior member of the Sociology Faculty, he has been closely associated with academic organisations like the Indian Sociological Society, Indian Council of Social Science Research, and several Universities and Government Committees.
Dr. Sangave has to his credit a number of research publications which have secured international recognition. He has also written several standard university level books on Sociology and Social Anthropology in the Marathi language, which have been translated into Kannada and Gujarati.
Dr. Sangave is an eminent Jainalogist
(3021)

Page #484
SOME OPINIONS Jaina Community: A Social Survey VILAS A. SANGAVE "An unique and authoritative book on Jain Sociology." --Late Dr. Kamta Prasad Jain, Editor, Voice of Ahinsa. "The book may prove a useful tool to the student who uses it critically, for a great deal of factual material is presented in one place."--Times of India. "The book is an exhaustive survey and a good guide for all future studies." Dr. B. J. Sandesara, Director, Oriental Institute, M. S. University Baroda, Baroda. "This excellent work is a mine of valuable information and I have learned very much from it."-Dr. Helmuth Von Glasenapp, Prof. of Indology and Comparative Religion, University of Tubingen, West Germany. "Dr. Sangave has done remarkable justice to that ancient religious minority community of India by his learned treatise which presents rich details and sheds abundant light on the various aspects of the problem, viz., the social survey of the Jaina Community."-Late Dr. A. N. Upadhya, President, All India Oriental Conference; Prof. and Head, Dept. of Jainalogy, University of Mysore, Mysore. "Dr. Sangave has not only surveyed the present state of the society in all its aspects but has given in a nutshell the past of the Jaina religion and society which is very much informative. The book will remain for many years a standard work on Jaina Society." --Pandit Dalsukh Malvania, Director, Jain Research Institute, Banaras Hindu University. "Dr. Sangave's book on "Jaina Community" is a well-conceived systematic study of Jaina minority on which I have drawn heavily."-R. A. Schermerhorn in his book Ethnic Plurality in India.