Indian Antiquary Vol 61

Author(s): Richard Carnac Temple, Charles E A W Oldham, S Krishnaswami Aiyangar, Devadatta Ramkrishna Bhandarka
Publisher: Swati Publications
Catalog link: https://jainqq.org/explore/032553/1

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THE
INDIAN ANTIQUARY
A JOURNAL OF ORIENTAL RESEARCH
IN
ARCHÆOLOGY, EPIGRAPHY, ETHNOLOGY, GEOGRAPHY, HISTORY, FOLKLORE, LANGUAGES,
LITERATURE, NUMISMATICS, PHILOSOPHY, RELIGION, Etc., Etc.,
EDITED BY
CHARLES E. A. W. OLDHAM, C.S.I.,
FORMERLY OF THE INDIAN CIVIL SERVICE,
RAO BAHADUR DR. S. KRISHNASWAMI AIYANGAR, M.A..
(HONY.) Ph.D., F.A.S.B., HONORARY CORRESPONDENT, ARCHÆOLOGICAL SURVEY OF INDIA,
AND
PROF. DEVADATTA RAMKRISHNA BHANDARKAR. M.A..
VOL. LXI.-1932.
Swati Publications
Delhi 1986

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Published by Swati Publications, 34, Central Market, Ashok Vihar, Delhi-110052 Ph. 7113395 and Printed by S.K. Mehra at Mehra Offset Press, Delhi.

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CONTENTS.
AIYANGAR, RAO BAHADUR DR. S. K., M.A., GHOSH, JOGENDRA CHANDRAPh.D., M.R.A.S., F.R.HIST.S., F.A.S.B.
THE INITIAL DATE OF THE GANGEYA ERA .. 237 PAÑCHAVÅRA-VARIYAM
.. 81 | GRIERSON, SIR GEORGE A., O.M., K.C.L.E. The Mahabhårata, a critical edition by Dr. ON THE MODERN INDO-ARYAN VERNACU.
V. 8. Sukthankar and others .. .. 118 LARS .. Sup. 57, 65, 73, 81, 87, 05 The Mahâbhârata, the Southern Rooonsion HALDER, R. R., RAJPUTANA MUSEUM, AJMER
critically edited by P. P. Sastri, Professor Te GhosoŅp INSCRIPTION OF THE SECOND of Sanskrit, Presidency College, Madras .. 119 CENTURY B.O
.. .. . .. 203 A Descriptive Catalogue of Sanskrit Manu. H. E. A.C. scripte in the Sarasvati Mahal Library,
Journal of the Bombay Historical Socioty. Tanjore, by P. P. 8. Sastri, M.E.B. .. 138 vol. III, pta. 1 and 2, Mar. and Sopt. 1930 40 AIYAR, L. V. RAMASWAMI, M.A., B.L.
HODIVALA, PROF. 8. H., M.A.THE INTERROGATIVE BASES OF DRAVIDIAN 3, 25 NOTES ON HOBSON-JOBSON . .. 31, 91 BHANDARKAR, PROT. D. R., Ph.D., F.A.S.B. JAYASWAL, K. P., M.A. (Oxon.) INDIAN STUDIRS. No. 3. Tex N ROAR BRÅR.
Airikina and Sanchi .. .. .. .. 159 MANS AND THE BENGAL KAYASTHAS 41, 61 JOHNSTON, E. H.-. Epigraphic Notos and Questions .. .. 101 Beiträge zur Indiachon Sprachwissenschaft History of Orissa, vols. I-II
.. .. 240 und Geschichte. Hoft 6. Bharatavarga, BONNERJEA, B., D.LITT.--
by W. Kerfel
.. .. .. 160 AN INQUIRY INTO THE POSITION OF WOMEN Kumudvatprakarapa. A Query .. .. 202
IN HINDU SOCIETY .. .. .. .. 145 JOSEPH, T. K.BURKITT, M.O.
A Query, St. Thomas in Parthia or India ? .. 169 Prehistoric Cave Art in India, Memoir Ar.
Areon, Leaf Nut .. .. .. .. 182 cheological Survey of India, No. 24, Rock KALIPADA MITRA, M.A., B.L.
Paintings by Rai Sahib Manoranjan Ghosh. 238 THE GAYDANA FESTIVAL (Association of the BURN, BIB RICHARD, C.B.I.
Pig with Ontile and Corn) .. .. A Study of Ancient Indian Numismatice, by THE GAYDANA FESTIVAL: The Cult or THE 8. K. Chakrabortty, M.A., M.R.A.S.,
MOTHER GODDE98 .. .. .. .. 231 Professor of History, Ananda Mohan Col. LONGHURST, A. H. lego, Mymonsingh .. .. .. .. 242
THE CREAT STOPA at NAGARJUNAKONDA IN CAMMIADE, L. A.
SOUTHERN INDIA .. .. .. .. 186 ANCIENT SOAK-PITS AT CHETPUT, MADRAS .. MORELAND, W. H., C.S.I., C.L.E. CARTER, G. E. L., I.C.S. (Retired)
NOTES ON INDIAN MAUNDS .. .. ..5, 23 OLD SITES ON THE LOWER INDUS .. .. 86 The Orodit of Megasthenes. Megasthenes en CHARPENTIER, PROF. JARL, Pu.D.
de Indische Maatschappij, by Barbara Indioos and Appendices to the Nirukta, by
J. C. Timmer
.. .. .. 80 Lakshman Sarup .. .. .. .. 161 NALINI NATH DAS GUPTA, M.A.Critical Studies in the Phonetic Observations TO THE EAST OT SAMATATA
.. .. 227 of Indian Grammariane, by Siddheshwar NIHAR-RANJAN RAY, M.A.Varma
.. .. .. .. .. 2011 THE NAT-HLAUNO TEMPLE AND ITS Gods Thirteen Trivandrum Plays attributed to
(PAGAN, BURMA)
.. .. 175, 197 Bhâsa. Translated into English by A. C. NR.
Woolner and Lakshman Sarup, vol. I . 221 The Mathurd Pillar Inscription of ChandraENTHOVEN, R. E., C.I.E., I.C.S. (Retired)
gupta II, G. E. 61 .. .. .. .. 117 DEVAKS .. ..
.106 OLDHAM, O. E. A. W., C.S.I., 1.C.S. (Retired)Selections from the Peshwa Daftar : No. 1
SIR AUREL STAIN IN GEDROSIA . .. 96 to 12
.. . .. .. .. 40 India in Current Literature . 17, 77. 137 Roviow of Philosophy and Religion, being the Recent Discoveries of Edicte of Aboka ..
Journal of the Academy of Philosophy and Sir Aurel Stein's recent Experiences in Chinese
Religion, vol. II, No. 1, Mar. 1931 . 09 Torkestan .. .. Selections from the Peshwa's Daftar, Nos. 13, Important Find of Early Birch-Bark M88.
14, 15 .. .. .. .. .. 181 noar Gilgit .. .. GANGULLY, D. C.
Archeological Survey of India : Annual The HISTORY OF TRE PARAMARA MARAKUNA 1 Roport for the year 1926-27, edited by Sir RAS
.. .. .. .. 192, 212 J. Marshall, C.I.E. .. .. .. .. 79

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CONTENTS -- OLDHAM, C.E.A.W., O.S.I., 1.C.S. (Retired-contd.) | RIOHARDS, F.J. Journal of the Bihar and Orissa Research
A BUFFALO SACRIFICE IX SALEM CITY. .. 143 Socioty, vol. XVI, Pts. III and IV, Sept.
Travancoro Archeological Department, Dec. 1930 .. .. .. .. .. 100
Administration Report, by R. Vasadove Ceylon Journal of Scienco, Section G., vol. II,
Poduval .. .. .. .. .. 162 Pt. 2, Archeological Summary, by A. M. NOTES ON THE CULTURAL GEOGRAPHY OF Hocart, Archeological Commissioner .. 160 THE WINAD .. ..
. .. .. 170, 195 Bulletin de l'Ecole Française d'Extreme SALETORE, B.A., M.A., Ph.D.Orient .. .. .. .. .. 162
THE VIJAYANAGARA CONQUEST OF CEYLON 215, 223 Annual Roport of the Archæological Survov of India, 1927-28 ..
SRI LAKSHMINARAYAN HARICHANDAN Momoirs of the Archeological Survoy of India JAGADEB, RAJA BAHADUR OT TEKEALI
Nos. 37 and 42, by Sir Aurol Stein, Kapilondra and Kapilesvars of Orissa .. .. 19
K.C.I.E. .. .. .. .. .. 180 STEIN, SIR AUREL, K.C.I.E.India and the East in Current Literature .. 200
NOTE ON A FIND OF ANCIENT JEWELLERY Epigraphia Indica, vol. XX, pt. 1 (Jan.
IN YANIN .. .. .. .. .. 103 1929) Annual Report, Archæological Department
ALEXANDER'S PASSAGE OF THE JHELUM .. 183 of H. E. H. the Nizam's Dominions for the
TEMPLE, THE LATE SIR RICHARD C., Bt., year 1928-29 .. .. .. .. .. 220
C.B., C.I.E., F.B.A., F.S.A.The Gavimath and Palkigundu Inscriptions REMARKS ON THE NICOBAR ISLANDERS AND of Asoka, editod by R. L. Turner, M.C.,
THEIR COUNTRY . .. 34, 66, 155 M.A., Litt.D. .. .. .. .. 220 THE SCATTERGOODS AND THE EAST INDIA Annual Bibliography of Indian Archäology
COMPANY, A COLLECTION OF MSS., BY for tho year 1929 .. .. .. .. 221
BERNARD P. SCATTERGOOD, M.A., F.S.A. PANDIT ANAND KOUL (ŚRINAGAR, KASI
Sup. .. 116, 123, 131, 139, 147, 185, 171 MİR)
THYAGARAJU, A. F., M.A.LALLA VÅRYANI (The Wine Sayings of PALATALIZATION IN THE DRAVIDIAN LANGUA Lal Ded) .. .. .. .. .. 13 GES
. .. .. .. 141 LIFE OF ROPA BHAWANA (4 Great Hermiless
VALETTE, JOHN DE LAof Kashmir) .. .. .. .. 127 PURAN CHAND NAHAR, M.A.
Djawa .. .. .. .. .. 239 ANTIQUITY OF THE JAIN Sects .. .. 121 VENKATASUBBIAH, A.RAGHAVAN, M. D., B.A.,M.R.A.S., F.R.A.I.
Zur Indischen Apologetik, by Hanna Oertel .. 222 A BALLAD OF KERALA 9, 72, 112, 150, 206 WHITEHEAD, R. B., I.C.S. (Retired) REU, SAHITYACHARYA PANDIT BISH.
THE RIVER COURSES OF TIE PUNJAB AND ESHWAR NATH
SIND KIRADU INSCRIPTION OF THE TIME OF CHAU
.. .. .. .. 163 LUKYA KUMARAPALA AND H19 FEUDATORY PARAMÅRA SOMESHVARA DATRD V.S. 1218 135
MISCELLANEA. India in Current Literature, by C. E. A. W.O. .. .. Kapilendra and Kapilesvara of Orissa, by Sri Lakshminarayan Harichandan Jagadeb, Raja Bahadur of
Tekkali Recent Discoveries of Edicts of Aboka, by C. E. A. W.O. .. .. Sir Aurel Stein's Recent Experiences in Chinese Turkestan, by C. E. A.W.O. .. Important Find of early Birch-Bark M88. near Gilgit, by C.E.A.W.O. India in Current Literature, by C. E. A.W.O. .. .. .. .. The Mathur& Pillar Inscription of Chandragupta II, G. E. 61, by N. R. India in Current Literature, by C. E. A. W. O. and F. J. R. .. .. A Query. St. Thomas in Parthia or India ? by T. K. Joseph .. Airikina and Sanchi, by K. P. Jayaswal, M.A. (Oxon.) .. India and the East in Current Literature by C. E. A.W.O. ..
CORRESPONDENCE
.
..
..
..
..
..
..

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CONTENTS
BOOK NOTICES. Selections from the Peshwa Daftar ; Noe. 1 to 12 , by R. E. E... Journal of the Bombay Historical Society, vol. III, pta. 1 and 2, Mar. and Sept., 1930, by H. E. A. C. Archæological Survey of India : Annual Report for the Year 1926-27, edited by Sir J. Marshall, C.I.E., by
C.E.A.W.O. The Credit of Mogasthenes. Megasthenes en de Indische Maatschappij, by Barbara J. C. Timmer, by
H. M. Review of Philosophy and Religion, being the Journal of the Academy of Philosophy and Religion, vol.
No. 1, Mar. 1931, by R. E. Enthoven, C.I.E. .. . Journal of the Bihap and Orissa Research Society, vol. XVI, Pts. III and IV, Sept.-Dec. 1930, by C. E. A.
w.o. The MahAbharata, a critical edition, by Dr. V. S. Sukthankar and others, by 8. K. Aiyangar .. .. 118 The Mahabharata, the Southern Recension critically edited by P. P. Sestri, Professor of Sanskrit, Presidency
College, Madras, by 8. K. Aiyangar .. A Descriptive Catalogue of Sanskrit Manuscripts in the Sarasvati Mahal Library, Tanjoro, by P. P. S. Sastri,
M.E.S., by S. K. Aiyangar .. .. Ceylon Journal of Science, Soction G., vol. II, Pt. 2, Archeological Summary, by A. M. Hocart, Archeological
Commissioner, by C. E. A. W.O. Beitrage zur Indischen Sprachwissenschaft und Geschichte. Heft 6. Bhâratavarga, by W. Kirfel, by
E. H. Johnston .. .. .. .. .. Indices and Appendices to the Nirukta, by Lakshman Sarup, by Prof. Jarl Charpentier, Ph.D. .. Seloctions from the Peshwa's Daftar, Nos. 13, 14, 15, by R. E. E. .. .. .. .. .. .. 161 Travancore Archæological Department, Administration Report, by R. Vasadeva Poduval, by F. J. Bulletin de l'Ecole Française d'Extrême Orient, by C. E. A.W.O. .. Annual Roport of the Archeological Survey of India, 1927-28, by C. E. A. W.O. .. Memoirs of the Archäological Survey of India : Nos. 37 and 42, by Sir Aurel Stein, K.C.I.E., by C. E.
A.W.O. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. Critical Studies in the Phonetic Observations of Indian Grammarians, by Siddheshwar Varma, by Prof.
Jarl Charpentier, Ph.D. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 201 Epigraphia Indica, vol. XX, pt. 1 (Jan. 1929), by C. E. A. W.O. .. Annual Report, Archeological Department of H. E. H. the Nizam's Dominions, for the year 1928-29, by C. E. A. w.o. .. .. .. .. ...
timer, M.C.M.A., Litt.D., by C. E. The Gavimath and Palkigundu Inscriptions of Aboka, edited by R. L. Turner, M.C., M.A., Litt.D., by C. E. A.W.O.
.. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 220 Thirteen Trivandrum Plays Attributed to Bhasa. Translated into English by 'A. C. Woolner and Lakshman Sarup, vol. I, by Prof. Jarl Charpentier, Ph.D.
"
.. .. .. .. 221 Annual Bibliography of Indian Archeology for the year 1929, by C. E. A. W. O. . Zur Indischen Apologetik, by Hanns Oertel, by A. Venkatasubbish . .. Prehistoric Cave Art in India. Momoir, Archeological Survey of India, No. 24, Rock Paintings, by Rai
Sahib Manoranjan Ghosh, by M. C. Burkitt .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 238 Djdwd, by John de La Valette.. .. History of Orissa, vols. I-II, by R. D. Banerji, by D. R. Bhandarkar .. .. .. .. .. .. 240 A Study of Ancient Indian Numismatics, by 8. K. Chakrabortty, M.A., M.R.A.S., Professor of History,
Ananda Mohan College, Mymensingh, by Sir Richard Burn .. .. .. .. .. .. 242
.
.
220
NOTES AND QUERIES. Areca, Leaf-nut, by T. K. Joseph .. .. .. .. .. Kumudvali prakarana. A Quory : by E. H. Johnston .. ..
.. ..
.. ..
.. ..
.. ..
.. ..
.. 182 .. 202
SUPPLEMENTS. The Scattergoods and the East India Company, a collection of M88. by Bernard P. Scattergood, M.A., F.S.A., odited by the lato Sir Richard O. Temple, Bt., C.B., C.I.E., F.B.A., and Miss L M. Anatoy
116, 123, 131, 139, 147, 156, 171 On the Modern Indo-Aryan Vernaculars, by Sir George A. Grierson, O.M., K.C.I.E... 67, 66, 73, 81, 87, 95

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CONTENTS
21
86
104
163
MAPS AND PLATES. Plate: Rough Sketch showing Pallava type of well ring as compared with modern
.. .. to fuce page Plate : Sketch Map of Southern India showing sites where Abokan Inscriptions have
been discovered . . . . . . . . . . . .
Fig 1. Sketch Map of Old Sites on Lower Indus .. Plate I
Fig. 2. Sketch Plan of Thambhanwaro Masjid .. Fig. 3. Do. do. Kafir jo Hat noar Gujo
> to face page Fig. 4. Do. do. Andhan ji Mari near Hilaya .. Plate II : Views of Remains at above Sites .. .. Plate I: Bronze figure of Bodhisattva from Yasin Place II: Ancient Jewellery found in Yasin Plate: Sketch Map showing the Courses of the Panjab Rivers .. Plate: Figures 1 to 6. Cultural Geography of the Wynad .. Plate I: Fig. 1. The Nat-hlaung kyaung, Pagan (East face). Fig. 2. Vippu
seated on Garuda. Fig. 3. Buddhávatára. Fig. 4. Vigpu standing,
Fig. 5. VerdhAvatars. Plate II : Fig. 8. Narasimhâvatara. Fig. 7. RamacandravatAra. Fig. R.
Parasuramayatra. Fig. 9. Surya standing. Fig. 10. Vamand-1
vatêra. Fig. 11. Kalki avatára. Plate :
Sketch Map of Alexander's Passage of the Jholum Plate I: Site Plan showing positions of Monuments discovered at Nagarjunakonda,
Pain&d Taluk, Guntur District. Plate II : Fig. 1. The Great Stúpa, Nagarjunakonda after excavations,
Fig. 2. The Grant Stúpa, Nagerjunakonda (restored). Plate III: Fig. 1. Chamber in the Great Stapa at Nagarjunakonda which con.
tained the relics.
Fig. 2. Plan of the Great Stipa at Nagarjunakopda. Plato IVFig. 1. Remains of the broken pot containing the relics found in the
Great Sudpa at Nagarjunakonda.
Fig. 2. The Buddha rolics from the Great Stupa at Nagarjunakonda. J Plate : Ghosundi Inscription of Second Century B.C...
.. . .. .. .. . Plates: Tables 1 to 7 of Indian alphabots and numerals, M.I.A.V. Supplement
183
203

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY
A JOURNAL OF ORIENTAL RESEARCH.
VOLUME LXI-1932
THE GAYDÁNR FESTIVAL. (Association of the Pig with Cattle and Corn.)
BY KALIPADA MITRA, M.A., B.L. We have already seen (anto, vol. LX, pp. 187-190 and 235-238) that in Bihar and Bengal the cattle are made to gore the pig to death in the gdydány festival, in Madras the cattle are driven over, and trample to death, the pig buried up to its neck in the earth, and in Bombay the wild boar is killed and buried as a remedy against cattle-disease. The sacrifice of the pig in all these forme is believed to benefit the cattle in a mysterious way. The belief is not, however, confined to India, but is also prevalent in some parts of Europe. Sir James Fraser relates in his Golden Bough that in Esthonia the Christmas Boar is distributed among the oattle on New Year's day. Usually it is & cake in a form that nearly or remotely suggests a pig, or is somehow associated with the pig, e.g., it is " baked of the first rye cut at harvest; it has a conical shape and a cross is impressed on it with a pig'a bone." In other parts of the island the Christmas Boar is not a cake, but a little pig born in March, which the housewife secretly fattens, and secretly kills on Christmas Eve, roasts in the oven, and keeps standing on the table on all fours for several days. The Christmas boar is orumbled, mixed with salt and given to cattle, on the New Year's day, or when driven out to pasture the first time in spring, or at the time of barley sowing, “to guard them from magic and harm" or " in the kope of a heavier crop." In some cases the Christmas boar is" partaken of by farm-Hervants."
It will have boon seen, therefore, that there is an undoubted association between the pig, and cattle and corn. Strangely enough there is a passage in the Sata patha Brahmana which seems to furnish an explanation of the relation. Certain ceremonies are performed in conneotion with the coronation of the king. “He (the king) puts on shoes of boar's skin. Now the gods onoe put a pot of ghee on the fire. Therefrom a boar was produced; henoe the boar is fat, for it was produced from ghee. Hence also cows readily take to a boar : it is indeed their own essence (life, sap, blood) they are readily taking to. Thus he firmly establishos himself in the essence of the cattle; therefore he puts on shoes of boar's skin."1 I cannot say that I have understood the real significance of the passage, but at least verbally " the boar is indeed their (the cows') own essence," etc.
We have seen above that the eating of the Christmas boar by the cattle is supposed to proteot them from harm, or promote pasturage, and when partaken also by farm-servants, to yield a heavy crop of barley. This last-mentioned practice has a sacramental air, and resembles the sacramental eating of the pig by the Bihari Goalas. I think that all such practions were primarily of a general beneficent character, viz., as affording protection from magic and harm, disease and death, or removal of obstacles to fecundity and vegetation (of all kinds) before they were regarded as the peouliarities of a specifio stage, pastoral or agricul. tural, benefitting specifically cattle or corn, either when sown or reaped. • I have already mentioned that they cut off the left ear of the pig, took it singing to my bathan and buried it therein. Although, no specific explanation could be advanced, it is evident that this was done for the benefit of the cattle.
At the rites of Dionysus and other similar rites for quickening vegetation, the live victim was rent to pieces, the flesh eaten as e sacrament, and (Frazer conjectures) some of it “ buried in the fields, or otherwise employed so as to convey to the fruits of the earth the quickening influence of the god of vegetation."
1 Eggoling-Satapatha Brdhmana, S. B. E., vol. XLI, pp. 102, 103. : The Golden Bough, p. 468

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY
[ JANUARY, 1932
It is well-known that the Khonds sucrificed the Meriah to the Earth Goddess for securing abundant crops and immunity from all discase and accident. It is needless to describe here the manner of the sacrifice. It will suffice to say that while the neck or the waist of the victim was held between split bamboos or in the cleft of a branch of a tree and squeezed tight, the frenzied crowd rushed at the quivering wretch and hewed the flesh from the bones. The flesh was then carried away and a portion buried in the earth as an offering to the Earth Goddess, and other portions distributed among different heads of houses, who buried them in their favourite fields. The entire proceeding looks like a religious ceremony. Frazer observes: “The story that the fragments of Osiris's body were scattered up and down the land, and buried by Isis on the spots where they lay, may very well be a reminiscence of a custom, like that observed by the Khonds, of dividing the human victim in pieces, and burying the pieces, often at intervals of many miles from each other, in the fields."
Now Dionysus and Osiris were regarded as the Corn-spirit. Human and animal representatives of the Corn-spirit were sacrificed. The Egyptian monuments furnish evidence of the tradition of human sacrifice at the tomb of Osiris. The Meriah victim was also the human representative of the divine Corn-spirit. He dies" that all the world may live," that humanity be free from disease and reap abundant crops. The pig at the gdydánr seems to be the animal representative of the Corn-spirit, and though its association with the har. vesting of corn has grown dim, yet its sacrifice seems to conduce to the general well-being of man and cattle. It looks paradoxical that the god, in his representative character as man or animal, should be sacrificed; but this is the characteristic of the Vedic yajña, as explained by the late Principal Ramendra Sundar Trivedi in his Yajña-katha, which I will try to unfold later on.
Of all the animals, the pig, goat, ox, horse or others, the pig seems to be specially preferred. The pig was sacred to Demeter, the Corn Goddess, in whose honour it was sacrificed, víther to cajole her into giving a bumper crop, or as a thanksgiving for an abundant harvest. Demeter assumed the form of a pig, and her being horse-headed at Phigalia is explained by the legend that "the horse was one of the animal forms assumed in ancient Greece as in modern Europe by the Corn-spirit." I have already mentioned that "the wild pig is ceremonially hunted by the Rajpâts as representing Gauri Devi, the Mother-Goddess in her benign form, and the flesh is sacramentally eaten." In India the pig is sacrificed to Goddess Kali, and other Mother-Goddesses (cf. Kavikankana-candi). Mackenzie says that Demeter was the specialized form of the primitive Goddess Gaia, when associated with the crops. Gaia was an earth goddeas, and had an incarnation as the Delphian Snake. The Cretan Rhea had the same attributes as Gaia. Men or animals (including pigs) were slain when foundation stones were laid, or seeds were sown, to secure the goodwill and co-operation of the earth-genius. The pig was sacrificed to Rhea, as to other earth-spirits, but as pork was a taboo in Crete, the pig sacrificed before Rhea was eaten sacrificially only..
So it seems that the pig killed in the gáydánt, was originally an animal sacrificed in honour of the Mother-Goddess, probably as a thanksgiving for the harvest of dus dhan (autumn paddy). But this idea has faded and grown dim, and has been mixed up with other ideas such as chasing away of sin, disease, bad luck, and so on, and bringing in of health and good luck on the first day of the New Year-for the festival is held on the first day of a New Year as I will show. It is remarkable that on the previous day the Goddess Kali, the terrible Mother-Goddess, and along with her Lakşmi and Alaksmî (benign and malign aspects of the Mother-Goddess) were worshipped, and the Feast of Light or Lamps, or the divdzi, was celebrated. I shall show the significance of this.
It seems to me that the original victim was the human animal, and the pig was a later substituto. The custom of burying the pig in Madras and driving the cattle over its head
3 Frazer, The Golden Bough, p. 471. # D. A. Mackenzie, Myths of Crete, pp. 174-176.

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JANUARY, 1932]
THE INTERROGATIVE BASES OF DRAVIDIAN
was probably borrowed from the Lambadis, who, as Abbé Dubois relates in his Hindu Man. ners and Customs, secretly carried off some unfortunate victim to a lonely spot and buried him alive in a hole up to the neck, and danoed round him singing and making noise till he expired, or else buriod a child up to its shoulders and drove the cattle over it, for good luck. This was a peculiar mode of human sacrifice. The Todas drove buffaloes over female child ren. Rai Bahadur Hira Lal tells us : "The Brinjêrîs were similarly wont to place a child in front of the bullocks and to drive them, with the result that the child was trampled over and safety of the cattle secured at least for a year by this ceremony." Probably men were at one time sacrificed by savages by impaling them alive. In Madras animals are impaled alive in the carts driven in the procession of the Ammas (Mother-Goddesses). Was hook-swinging another form? Men were swung round by means of iron-hooks fastened through the muscles in their back. In Madras sheep are thus swung. In China Kimedi the Meriah victim was fastened to the proboscis of & wooden elephant, which revolved on a stout post, and as it whirled round the crowd cut the flesh from the victim while life remained.
THE INTERROGATIVE BASES OF DRAVIDIAN. BY L. V. RAMASWAMI AIYAR, M.A., B.L. (MAHARAJA'S COLLEGE, ERNAKULAM.) CALDWELL has observed in the course of his discussion of the Dravidian demonstratives and interrogatives that in Dravidian "probably there was originally only one interrogative base, and if so, it must have been yd, and [the other base] & must have been corrupted from it." Caldwell confined his treatment mainly to a consideration of the forms of the major dialects, and contented himself only with passing references to some of the minor dialects. Thus for instance he dismisses the Gôndi interrogative base 66 and Tuļu interrogative vo with the cryptio sentence: “The Gônd interrogative bd and b8 appear to be bardened from yd, like the Tuļu vd."
Now, the view of Caldwell that of the two interrogative bases ya is the original and é is secondary, does not appear to have received the approval of some later scholars.
In the second volume of Dravidic Studies published by the University of Madras several years ago under the editorship of Prof. Mark Collins, the original base is presumed to be open 6. Similarly, Mr. E. H. Tuttle in his paper on Dravidian Gender-Wordss also appears to regard e as the original base.
A careful womparative analysis of the forms of the minor dialects, especially of Gondi, Tulu and Kai would, I think, tend to confirm rather than contradict Caldwell's suggestion of yd being the original interrogative base.
Any discussion of Dravidian interrogatives would involve references to Dravidian demonstratives, with which they are intimately connected. A table of the prominent demonstrative adjectives, adverbs and pronouns is appended at the end of the essay, while I give immeliately below a table of the interrogative forms in the several dialects of Dravidian.
(Italics are mine.)
6 Nan in India, vol. — Human sacrifice in Central India." 6 C4, the charak pajd of Bengal. * Page 422 of his Comparative Grammar (3rd odn.) 2 Page 43. 3 BSO9, vol. IV, p. 774.

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Table of principal Interrogatives in Dravidian.
ADVERBS.
PRONOMINALS AND
ADJECTIVES.
PRONOUNS.
Place.
Time.
Manner and Measure.
General.
enge, engu
eppoludu
ên (why?)
yávan, etc.; evan, etc.
en
Tam. edu (which ?)
enna (what?)
enda (which ?) [old Tam.) e, common
eppadi (how ?) ettanai (how much ?) Cold Tam.] : enia nam (how ?)
endu (how !) ettru (how !)
ерриди
efu (how ?) enta (how much 11
enduku
évadu, etc.
Tel. émi (what?)
ekkata & (which ?) (old Tel.] endu Kann. Enu (what) elli (where !)
(old Kann.] , , ya ettalu (which side !)
endu
yåke (why?)
énu
estu (how ?) esu (how much 1)
entu (how ?). enca (how ?)
[old K.) dvan, etc.
► ydran, etc. » davan, eto.
yêru (who?) dance (what?) jána
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY
Tuļu
8ļu (where ?) Odo (whither ?)
(y) épa
jaye (why?) daye (why?)
vd Novu (which ?)
da dance (what?) jano (what?)
Kui
ani (what?) esti (which ?)
estáva
eseka (when ?)
ese (how much 1)
isingi (how!)
anaki (why?)
anañju, eto. estanju, etc. imbai (who?)
Gôndi
batti (which ?)
bega
bappor bacnal (how much ?)
bába (why?) bari
bol. bad.
Kur.
ekd
sk-san, etc.
eka-biri
eõ (how much ?)
endr
endr (what?)
né (who?)
Bråhûiant (what?)
ard (which is
arárék
ará vakhe
ama (how ?)
ant (what?)
dér (who?) ara (which 1)
| JANUARY, 1932

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JANUARY, 1932)
NOTES ON INDIAN MAUNDS
An examination of the forms listed above would reveal the following facts, which may be noted preliminarily
(1) In Tamil and Telugu the bases appear to be mostly yd and e. Kannada bas alternative forms with initial & also in an ancient stage ; Tamil shows d in dru (who) alternating with yáru, while modern Telugu Bhows e-forms throughout, though ancient inscriptions contain a few yd forms. Old Kannada has also a base de which will be discussed separately below, along with Tulu da. and Bráhôi dêr (who).
(2) In Tuļu there appear the bases ud, vô, dd, and there exist also certain forms with initial 6-, besides é..
(3) In Gôndi the base throughout shows initial b- : -ba or bo. (4) Kai shows both a and e as the interrogative bases of its forms.
Now, to begin with, let us observe that the yd- forms are ancient in Tamil and that the initial y-does not appear as an isolated phenomenon in the interrogative base alone before d-. There are many instances whore words beginning with a do incorporate y alternatively with forms without y. Compare the following:
adu (sheep) yâdu. áru (river) yáru.
åmai (tortoise) ydmai. Which among these are we to consider as the originals ? An examination of the cognates and source-bases of these forms would show that those with initial & may be the originals. Adu, for instance, is connected with the verb ad (to swing, dance, leap) which appears without initial y-in many dialects. Aru is related to the base ar (to cut) which is represented in all the dialects without any initial or prothetic y.. Amai has been related to Tamil amai (to merge) by some, and by others to am (water) borrowed from Sanskrit. Whichever may be the correct view, there is no need or warrant for us to postulate an original palatal value for the initial á of this form. It would appear therefore that the original character of the initial vowel of these forms need neither have been cê nor have been palatal at all.
(To be continued.)
NOTES ON INDIAN MAUNDS. BY W. H. MORELAND, C.S.I., C.I.E. (Continued from vol. LX, p. 224.)
VI. Jahangir's Data. In approaching the data given in Jahangir's Memoirs it is necessary to remember that (1) Saiyid Ahmad's printed text, the only one known to me, seems, according to Beveridge, "to have been made from a single and defective MS. and is often incorrect"; (2) the extant MSS. have not, so far as I know, been critically studied, and the authority of individual speci. mons is a matter of opinion ; (8) Beveridge relied largely on "the excellent MSS. in the India Office and the British Museum," so that, accepting his judgment of their value, the translation which he edited is in general a better authority than the text; but (4) it is not absolutely literal, while there are oocasional misprints. It follows that neither text nor translation can be servilely accepted.
Apart from the maund of his own creation, Jahangir mentions two Indian units, Akbari and Hindustani, and four foreign units, those of Iraq, Khurasan, Wilayat and från; but the equations by which he connects Indian and foreign weights are so contradictory as to make it practically certain that he used the names loosely. It is necessary therefore to examine his successive statements in terms of both the Indian units, the Hindûstání being assumed to be identical with Babur's 'maund of Hind,' and being taken as about 15 lb., while the Akbari is taken as 55 lb.

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(1) Translation, i. 7. The Chain of Justice weighed "four maunds of Hindustan equal to 42 (translation: text, thirty-two) maunds of Iraq." Beveridge usually explained in a footnote when he departed from the text : there is no footnote here, and the text, being con. firmed by the British Museum MS. (Add. 26, 218), as well as that in the India Office (Ethé, 2833), nust be accepted. The approximate weight would be either 220 lb. (Akbari) or 60 lb. (Hindústâni). The former figure means a lot of gold, but Beveridge's note suggests that silver was actually used, anri perhaps the chain was in fact silver-gilt. It seems probable that here Hindûstán denotes the smaller unit rather than the Akbarî, but the passage must be classed as ambiguous.
(2) i. 78. In the first year of his reign Jahângîr weighed 31 maunds, Hindústânî weight either 179 lb. or 49 lb. The latter figure is quite impossible, the former reasonable ; and here Hindústäni must mean Akbari, or some unit of about the same size. Subsequent pas. Bages indicate that it is in fact Akbari. Thus (i. 183), in the fifth year the Emperor's weight is given in tolas of gold and rupees, which together work out to about 170 lb. ; in the eleventh year (i. 332) the figures again work out to about 170 lb. ; while in the sixteenth year (ii. 215), we read that " when I was in health I weighed 3 maunds and one or two sers more or less, but this year, as a result of my weakness and leanness, I was only 2 maunds and 27 sers." In Akbari units this gives a normal weight of about 165 lb., reduced through illness to about 147 lb. Prince Parviz weighed (i. 81) two maunds and 18 sers, either 135 or 37 lb. The latter figure is quite impossible for a lad of 17, and the passage confirms the inference that such weighings were made regularly in Akbari units.
(3) i. 83. Details are given of the weights of three trophies. A mountain goat weighed " 2 maunds and 24 sers, equal to 21 maunds of Wilayat "; a ram weighed "2 maunds and 3 sers Akbari, equivalent to 17 maunds of Wilâyat"; and a wild ass weighed "9 maunds and 16 sers, equal to 76 maunds of Wilayat." (The word 'Persian' in the translation is not in the text.) The weighings were made at the same time, and it is reasonable to infer that all three were made with the same weights, so that the figures are Akbarî, which is mentioned for one of them. This inference is confirmed by the fact, for which I am indebted to the Assistant Keeper of Zoology at the Natural History Museum, that, if the unit is taken as Akbarî, the weights are reasonable, while a unit of 15 lb. would make them impossibly low.
(4) i. 93. The saffron crop was "in weight of Hindústân 500 maunds, equal to 5000 (translation : text, four thousand) maunds of Vilayat." The discrepancy is not explained by Beveridge ; and the text, which is confirmed by both Add. 26, 215, and Ethé 2833, must be accepted. Again (ii. 177), the saffron crop was " 400 maunds of current weight equal to 3002 maunds of Khurasan." Beveridge noted that the MSS. have 3200, and it is safe to infer that the word sad has dropped out of the text, which should read sih hazár wa dd (sad) man bäshad. In the absence of data regarding area and yield, these passages can throw no light on the question what unit was meant, but the equations in them are important, as explained below.
(5) i. 188. It is noted as remarkable that a specially bred camel carried a load of five nilgai, weighing 42 Hindôstânî maunds. This would be either 2310 or 630 lb. The former figure must be accepted : I learn from the Natural History Museum that fully-grown nilgdi would weigh from 400 to 500 lb. each, and the average of these five is 462 lb.; the alternative average of 126 lb. is quite impossible. Here, therefore, Hindustani' must be used for Akbari. The load for a single camel is enormous, 500 lb. being the ordinary standard in North India at this period; and we must take it that, as the text implies, this particular camel was a magnificent animal
(6) i. 242. The silver used in certain decorations was stated to be "125 maunds in weight of Hindustan, equal to 880 maunds of Wilayat." This would be either 6876 or 1875 lb. The former figure over three tons-is improbably high, the latter is quite high enough for the puntext; it looks to me as if the precious metals here, as in passage (1), were weighed by the smaller unit, but the data are not conclusive.

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JANUARY, 1932 ]
NOTES ON INDIAN MAUNDS
(7) i. 308. At one time the weight of spirits which Jahangir drank in a day was “6 sers of Hindustan, equal to 11 maunds of Iran." The spirit was strong, for it is described as doubly-distilled, and it was taken undiluted. Under this régime the Emperor's health suffered very seriously, and the Court doctor said that "in six months matters will come to such a pass that there will be no remedy for it." Jahangir then reduced his allowance to a comparatively moderate amount.
If these sers are Akbari, the daily ration of strong, undiluted spirit was over 8 lb. ; such spirit would weigh practically a pound the pint, so the ration would be more than a gallon. The doctors whom I have consulted agree that this is utterly impossible, because alcoholic poisoning must have resulted immediately. If the unit is Hindustani, the ration would be a little over two pints, which, I am informed, is within the limits of possibility, though the Court doctor was perhaps sanguine in thinking that his patient could live for as long as six months under such a régime.
(8) ii. 150. In describing the temples in Kashmir, Jahangir gave the weight of some of the building-stones as 30 to 40 maunds (denomination not specified). With the Akbari unit, this would be from 1650 to 2200 lb., or say about a ton. The huge size of the stones in these buildings is notorious, and one of them in the temple of Payech measures 256 cubic feet (Impl. Gazetteer, xv. 98), which would weigh from 15 to 20 tons according to the kind of stone. With the smaller unit, the stones would not be much out of the common, and it may be inferred that Jahangir was here thinking in terms of the Akbari maund.
(9) ii. 163. A cannon ball weighed "10 maunds as current in Hindustan, equal to 80 maunds of Khurasan." This would be either 550 or 150 lb.; on the data given in the preceding section even the smaller figure is impossible, and it looks to me as if the teller of the story reproduced by Jahangir had spoken in terms of the artillery-maund of about 2 lb. (making the ball about 20 lb.); and that Jahangir had carelessly treated it as an Indian unit.
These passages may be classed as follows:No. (4) is quite ambiguous : Nos. (2), (3), (5) and (8) certainly refer to Akbari units, though in two of them the name Hindustani is used : Nos. (7) and (9) certainly do not refer to Akbari units : Nos. (1) and (6) probably do not refer to Akbari units. Of the last four, three can be interpreted in terms of a unit about 15 lb., while the other requires the smaller artillery unit.
The only conclusion I can draw is that, while Jahangir knew of the 'maund of Hind' of about 15 lb., he used the term Hindúståni, not in this specific sense, but loosely in the sense of Indian' as contrasted with foreign,' so that it might denote whatever Indian unit was in fact used,- ordinarily the Akbarî, but the Hindustani certainly in the cellar, and probably in the treasury, and the 2 lb. maund in the artillery. This conclusion is supported by the equivalents given in terms of foreign units.
Jahangir names successively the maunds of Iraq, Wilayat, Iran, and Khurasan. It is not likely that he was practically familiar with various foreign maunds bearing these distinctive names, and I take the truth to be that he knew of & small foreign maund in the countries lying to the west, to which he gave one name or another according to the fancy of the moment; and further that he converted Indian to foreign weight by the use of a single simple formula, which was sometimes, but not always, correct-in fact that he multiplied by 8 and rounded to the nearest foreign maund.
The ratios, foreign to Indian, given by his equations are as follows: Passage (1) Iraq to Hindustan, 32 to 4, or 8:1. , (3) Wilayat to Akbari (i), 21 to 2; ; or allowing for rounding, 8:1.
(ii), 17 to 2,8; or allowing for rounding, 8:1.
(iii), 76 to 9: ; or allowing for rounding, 8:1. , (4) Wilayat to Hindústån (i), 4000 to 500; or 8: 1.
(ii), 3200 to 400 ; or 8:1.

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(JANUARY, 1932
Passage (6) Wilâyat to Hindústân, 880 to 125; or 7: 1 nearly.
» (7) Irån to Hindústân, 60 to 6; or 10: 1.
. (9) Khuranan to Hindústân, 80 to 10; or 8:1. It is obvious that Jahangir usually multiplied by 8, whatever the Indian units might be. In one case (6), he must have multiplied accidentally by 7 instead of 8, for the names of the units are the same as in (4), where the factor 8 is used. The only other abnormality is the factor 10 in (7). This may possibly be intentional, since Irân is mentioned once only, but one can picture Jahangir muttering as he wrote: "I drank six sers Hindustani, multiplied by 8, that makes more than a maund of Irán, call it 11."
If this factor 8 was properly applicable to the Akbari maund, then the foreign maunda were just under 7 lb. I know of no such unit prevailing widely over the countries named ; the nearest to it is the local maund of Tabriz, which weighed 6Ib. (Letters Received, v. 248), and this should be multiplied by 9, not 8. On the other hand, the traditional unit in the countries named was certainly the Arab 2-ritl maund, which in this region was slightly less than two pounds. One-eighth of 15 lb., the maund of Hind, is 18 lb., giving a ritl very close to the ordinary value.
Jahangir's figures then, when taken together, can be interpreted as follows, but, ho far as I can see, in no other way. He wrote down whatever Indian weight was given to him, calling it usually Indian'; he multiplied by 8 and rounded to get the foreign equivalent (though he once used the factor 7 by mistake), and his name for the foreign equivalent varied at different periods. Even apart from this interpretation, it is certain that he knew of an Indian maund approximately 8 times the weight of the Arab maund, and thus equivalent to Bâbur's maund; and this 'maund of Hind' was probably used in certain departments of the Palace. If we accept Professor Hodivala's emendation of the text of Gulbadan Begam, we have another reference to the same unit; but even if we roject that suggestion, the evidence for such a maund seems to be adequate.
Two other references to a 'Hindústâni' unit are contained in that portion of the Ain-i Akbari which describes the extreme north of India, and the mountainous country to the north-west. In these regions the commonest unit of weight was not called a maund; the name used was donkey-load' (kharwar), a fact which has a definite bearing on the suggestion made in an earlier section that customary units originated in some feature of packing and transport, for there can be no question that a unit called donkey-load originated in this way. In Kashmir (i. 570), the donkey-load was " 3 maunds and 8 sers Akbarshahi "; the last word leaves no room for doubt that the compiler here meant the Akbari maund, 80 that in this region the unit was 176 lb., a heavy load for a mountain donkey, but not inconsistent with the meaning of the name.
In the district of Qandahår (i. 586) the donkey-load was " 40 maunds of Qandahår and 10 maunds of Hindůstan." This latter unit cannot, I think, be the Akbari, for a donkey. load of anything like 550 lb. is out of the question. We have the fact that one Hindûstani was equal to 4 Qandahåri maunds. In Garmsir (i. 588), 50 Garmsiri maunds were equal to 20 Qandahari; and the donkey-load' was 100 maunds, equal to 10 maunds of Hindústân. If this Hindústânî maund is taken at about 15 lb. the donkey-load in both Qandahår and Garmsir was about 150 lb., quite a probable figure for this region: the Qandahår maund was double the 2-rill maund; and the Garmsir maund was slightly smaller than the usual 2-ritl maund. I bave found no other passages throwing light on these two Afghan maunds, but it would appear that the compiler of this portion of the Rin-i Akbarí understood Hindustani' in the sense already deduced ; and the 15 lb. maund must be accepted as a fact-not, so far as I know, recorded in wholesale commerce, but recognised in the Palace and also in administrative circles.
(To be continued.)
Lame

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JANUARY, 1932)
A BALLAD OF KERALA
A BALLAD OF KERALA. BY M. D. RAGHAVAN, B.A., D.A. (OXON.), F.R.A.I., PERSONAL ASSISTANT TO THE SUPERINTENDENT,
GOVERNMENT MUSEUM, MADRAS. TAE folk songs characteristic of North Malabar are the well known Tacho!i Pattu,' which take their name from the first songs singing the exploits of Tachoļi Odênan, the Robin Hood of Malabar, whose adventures are still the favourite theme of the masses, and are sung with much enthusiasm. All popular songs similar in treatment have since been known as Tachóli Patu.
These songs are also known as Vadakkan Pattu or the Songs of North Kerala. They correspond to the ballads of English literature singing the praises of national heroes, throwing a flood of light on the customs, manners and institutions of the peoples of the time. The song narrated here describes a family dispute in high life, incidentally singing the prowess and valour of Valia Arômar Chekavar.
The old Kaima! of Kurungattidem in Prajapatinâd in his sixty-fourth year, sick of domestic worries resolves to set out on a pilgrimage. Putting on the robes of a sannyási he calls his nephew Uņikkônår, and handing over the keys to him, charges him to conduct the household affairs. Similarly he summons his other nephew Unichandrôr and addresses him
Onnindu kelkênam Unichandrörê. Just listen Uņichandrôr. Ninnal Tammilulla mūpilama
The question of seniority between you two, Atukondu ninnal pinannarutu
Do not be quarrelling on that account. Anmakkalonnum enikillallo
Sons have I none; Penmakkal rande enikatullu
Only daughters two have I. Marumakkal randu per ninnaļum You two are my nephews, Ninúalku pudavayum murichittilla And you have not had pudamuri" yet. Ninnalku karuti irikunnu ñán
I have reserved them for you. Avarku kașivan mutalundallo
For their livelihood, wealth and property they
have; Avareninnalum osikkarutu
You should not divorce them. Mêlûrum kîrûrum randuvidu
Mêlûr and Kifûr are my two houses; Kişûridattil Uņikkônårum
Uņikkonar in Kişûr house, Mélûridattil Uņichandrórum
And Uņichandrör in Mêlûr. Annine ninnal irunnukolļu
Thus shall you live. Vendum vidhattil kariññukollu Make yourself happy. Parayêndatokke paraññu nanum I have said all I have to say.
1 Cf. P. Govinda Pillsi, History of the Malayalam Language and Literature, vol. I, pp. 104 to 109.
A chief. Duarte Barbosa records (Hak. Soc. edn., vol. II, p. 13) that during the thirteen days follow. ing the death of the Zamorin of Calicut, the Kaimål governed the kingdom.
Though these places cannot be exactly identified, there is no doubt they are all in Kurumbranad taluk in North Malabar,
4 For the sake of uniformity and scientific accuracy, Grierson's system of transliteration has been uniformly adopted. The transliteration of certain words will thus be observed to be different from tho transliteration ordinarily adopted.
The question as to who is the elder, and who should succeed the old man as the Kaima!.
• The principal form of marriage among the Nayars, the essential part of which is the gift of cloth by the bridegroom to the bride. The insight this gives into the matriarchal organization of the Nåyar society in these early days is remarkable society being at once matrilineal and matrilocal.

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[ JANUARY, 1932
Leaving his nephews, be calls his sister, who hears of his resolve to lead a sannyasi's life with eyes suffused with tears. She hands him over some gold fanams to serve for emergencies. He sets out as a pilgrim equipped as follows Erara Kambulla vatiyeduttu
Takes a stout staff of seven joints and a half, Karimbadam onnu idukkunnundu Provides himself with a blanket, Vechunnan chittu tali onnetuttu And & brass pot to cook food; Channana nåți onnetuttu
Takes a sandalwood measure, Kavi vastravum itukkunnundu
And a saffron-dyed cloth, Vellam kutippanâyi môntetuttu A vessel to drink water from, Bhanavum tanne kettunnundu
And makes up all into a bundle. After offering prayers to the gods in the central room of the house, the Kaimal walks out with the invocation "Hara, Hara! Siva, Siva !", the bundle slung over his shoulders, and umbrella and stick in hand. On the way ho pays & visit to his two daughters at their maternal home. Uņņiamma, seeing her father coming, calls to her mother: "My father is coming, not in his usual attire, but in the garb of a sannyasi." With these words she runs inside and sweeping the floor of the tekkina (southern room), lights the silver nilavilakku, and spreads the grass mat. Approaching her father with water in a kindi,& she relieves him of the bundle and washes his feet. She brings betel nut, when the father remarks : "When one becomes a sannydsi, one has to eschew betel." . At this the daughter prepares ganja, and gives him some to smoke. The daughter bemoans their fate at his leaving them, when he consoles her, saying that they have everything to make them happy, excepting that they have not had pudamuri, which he has arranged with his two nephews. With strict injunctions not to go against his wishes, he takes leave of them. The daughter presses him to take food, when the following dialogue ensues :
Tirttam tiraññu puraepettennal “When on pilgrimage Vittilum vechålum undukůda
"Nothing can be taken that is cooked in a house." Nan kulichu vechutarikam acha "Father, I shall bathe and cook for you." Pennunnaļu vechalum undukuta "Nor can one take food cooked by women." Ariyum uruliyum tarikAmach
"Father, I will fetch you rice and a vessel to
cook in." Appo! parayunnu achanalló
The father replies : Tirttam tiraññu purappettunan "I am a pilgrim Divasattilorikkalê undukātu
"And should eat but once, Innêtte ûnum kapiññu môle
"And, my daughter, this day's meal is over." Finding it of no avail to persuade her father to take food, she goes inside and presents him with a rosary of 101 beads and a gold-mounted rudraksham, 10 which the father gladly accepts. She falls at his feet, when he blesses her :
Nerukayil tottu varam kotuttu. Blesses her, touching the crown of her head.
The Kaimd!, taking final leave of them, departs, and they stand watching his form receding in the distance until he is quite out of sight. He travels far and wide and roams over distant lands, until his stick of seven joints and a half in length has worn down to three, and the bottom has gone out of his brass cooking-vessel. Physical exhaustion overpowers him, and his limbs refuse to function. Nevertheless he stumbles on his weary way, until he falls prostrate at the gates of the naduvärill of the place. On making enquiries about his ante. cedents, the tamburan hastens to send word to both his nephews. Unichandra Nayar, with
7 Ceremonial standing lamp.
Bell metal water vessel with a spout. A drug prepared from hemp (Cannabis sativa). 10 Seed of Elmocarpus lanceolatus, used as beads for rosaries.
11 In olden days each state was ruled by a Raja. The state was divided into ndde, corresponding to counties, ruled over by a magnato.called nddudsi. Each of the ndda in turn consisted of a number of Hebame, under dedaudis.

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A BALLAD OF KERALA
his characteristic selfishness, remarks that whoever sets out on pilgrimage should not return home to die. Uņikkônår, however, summons bis men and hastens to his side with a palan. quin and brings him home. Konkiamma, the Kaima!'s daughter, prepares the tekkina, spreads the grass mat, and makes the bed, placing pillows at head and foot. She prepares & solution of gold and kasturi in water and applies the cup to his lips. The drink overcomes all exhaustion. Relieved and refreshed, he makes a sign to Uņikkonar to untie the bundle and measure the rasi panam, 1) which measures five and a half naris. He commands him to reserve it in order to solemnize his funeral ceremonies in a fitting manner, whatever is left being divided equally between the two nephews. Realising these to be his last words, Uņikkônår approaches him with some water to moisten his lips, when he finds that he has already passed away. The rites following the death are described as below:Kafținmel ninnu irakkunnundu
The body is taken down from the cot Tekku vatakåyi kitattunnundu
And laid in the direction of south to north, Pattupudayonnu ittitallo
And covered with a new silk cloth. Pennanmar randum muraviļichchu The two sisters bewail the loss. Chattöru vidennariyikkunnu
Announcing the death at the house, Neññattadichu toņichunkondu
They lament, beating their breasts. Atu tanne kelkkunnu ayilalarum
The neighbouring folk thereupon Otittum mandittum vannitallo
Come running from all sides. Naduvári dêsaväri ettiyavite
The náduvari and désavdi arrive there. Eņannan santukkaļum ettiyallo
Friends and relations all assemble Enaññanite kriyakal karikkunnundu And attend to the ceremonies of the deceased. Viļakkum narayume vekkunnundu The lamp is lit and a measureful of rice placod; NAļikêram onnu utechchu vechchu A cocoanut is kept split in two. Appo! parayunnu natuvari
The naduvári then speaks : Nammude jati mariyatekku
“According to the custom of our caste Odalum debanam kapikkavēņam “Cremation must be done." Vêndum janannalum vannittundu The required persons having all assembled Chotalakku virakum katjikkondu The funeral pyre is made ready, Ennayum neyyum orikkunnundu Spread over with oil. Ammavane tanne etukkunnundu Both the nephews carry the body, Talayum pitikkunnu Uņikkonarum Unikkônår holds the head Kalum piţikkunnu Unichandrôrum And Uņichandrør the feet, Purattêkku kondannu pôkunnundu And the body is taken out Kattinmêl tanne kitattiyallo
And laid on the cot. Ennayum taļi ituttukondu
Oil and tali are brought. Ennayum têchu kulippikkunnen Oil is applied all over and the body well bat hed
with water. Channanam kaļabham dharippichannu The customary marks are made with sandal
paste on the body;
13 Gold faname of small value, issued by the Kolattiri Rajas (N. Malabar) and by the Zamorin of Calicut (S. Malabar). The latter are known as pudiya, or now fanams. These wero long in use as a medium of exchange. Even at present prices of commodities sro rockoned in terms of velli, in certain outlying parts of Malabar, the common nomenclature for & panam or fanam. According to the table of values current in North Malabar, 1 panam is 40 pies or 3 89.4 p. at present ratos
4 pies (kedd) = 1 pisa. 10 pisa = 1 panam.
5 params = l rupee. These fanams are highly esteemed by the Malayalis, and it is the custom to include this among the objects which are grouped togetbor, nestly arranged, on the dawn of the Vishu or the New Year day of Malabar in the form of what is termed a kani, literally, a 'sight,' as the inmates of the house have to see the lani, whłch should be the first thing they cast their eyes on, on getting up from bod.

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Paninirum tannêyum pôôsunnundu Rose water is sprayed over, Viralippattil potiññu ketti
And the body is covered with costly silk, Ammåvane tanne ituttavarum
And carried Chotalayil tanne vekkunnundu And placed upon the pyre. Atutâne kanunnu mahijananna! All the men assembled witness this Ennayum neyyum orichchavar And pour oil and ghi over the pyre, Chotalayum katti eriññupôyi
Which is set on fire and is well burnt. Annatto karmam kasichavarum
Thus performing the ceremonies of the day, Vannajanannal Mahajanasia!
The men assembled Okkeyum tanne piriññupôyi
All disperse. Unikkonar exhorts Unichandror that they must perform the obsequies with befitting pomp, and all friends and relations are accordingly informed of the date of the seventh day ceremony. On that day men assemble from all parts, and the ceremonies begin with the rites at the cremation ground. Unikkona: begins to collect the bones, when Uņichandror claims presence on grounds of seniority, and a quarrel soon develops. No settlement of the dispute being in sight, the elders decide to consult the mothers, who on being called are unable to solve the question, saying that as they were in the throes of labour they had no recollection as to who was born first. The midwife is then sent for, and she dleposes that Uņikkônår was born at night and Uņichandrôr the next morning. The latter not being prepared to accept this verdict, the bitterness increases. A compromise is, however, arrived at to enable the rites to be proceeded with, and the ceremonies of the sixteenth day are also performed peacefully, both exercising equal privileges. The ceremonies, however, by no means ended the strife, which was carried on with great malice by Usichandror. As an instance of the ridiculous extent to which Uņichandrør carried the feud, is mentioned his prevailing on a fisherman of the place to send as a gift of fish to Uņikkônår, the fins, entrails, head and tail of a fish made up into a bundle. Uņikkônår's mother, glad at the gift of fish, takes a vessel and the fish knife and unties the bundle, when she is shocked to see the contents. She calls her son and rebukes him. The latter at once runs to the fisherman and belabours him for his wanton insult. The wife of the fisherman hastens to Unichandrôr and begs for protection. Uņichandrôr rallies his men and goes to fight against Unikkonar. Both sides lose heavily, and the matter reaches the ears of the naduvdri and desavari, who appear on the scene. Unable to effect a reconciliation, the naduva ri pronounces that a settle. ment being impossible, the decision will be left to the judgment of God, and accordingly declares that a packet of gold and a packet of silver will be kept on the threshold of the temple of Trippankkôtappen, and whoever goes blindfold and takes the gold packet will rule as the elder and whoever gets the silver packet will be the younger. When everything is ready, Uņichandrör rushes and takes one of the packets which turns out to be silver. Mortified at this, he ascribes his discomfiture to the partiality of the god, saying that whether he got the silver or the gold packet he is the elder. Failing in this the naduvdri awards the final verdict, that the dispute shall be fought out at an anjam, 13 and directs each party to collect combatants to fight for their cause
Nallanga chekavareli têdikko!vin Be on the look out for competent chekavare. Angampitichchu joyikkunnorkku Whoever wins in the angam or fight Annette muppátum vânirikkam H e shall rule as the elder.
(To be continued.)
13 Argam, 'fight,' battle,' duel,' 'challenge. Duel as the ordeal for Nayars was a royal privi. lege for which each combatant had to pay ; sometimes fought by hired champions. (Gundert : A Malayalam and English Dictionary, p. 7.) The fight which is the subject of this story is of the latter type, as it is fought by champions engaged by either party. Tho angam is further described below.
14 Chekavar.-From Malayalam chekam, alvam, słoakam, service,' chiefly about the king's porson (one of the Ilavar caste). [Gundort, p. 388.]

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JANUARY, 1932 ]
LALLA VÅKYANI
13
LALLA-VAKYANI. (The Wise Sayings of Lal Ded.) BY PANDIT ANAND KOUL, SRINAGAR, KASHMIR. (Continued from vol. LX, p. 193.)
11.
Léka ta thuka peth sheri hitsam ;
Ninda sapanim pat bronth láni. Lal chas kal záh no tshënim;
Ada yli sapanis vipihey kyah ? I received abuse and spittle on my head ;
I was defamed from past to present. I am Lalla; desire never got torn away from me, When I became [perfect] what could then be contained in me? (i.e., nothing could
then produce any effect on me).
12.
Lolaki wukhala wdlinj pishim ;
Kukal taajim tah ruza: rasa. Buzum ta zájim panas tsashim,
Kava zana tava sati mara kina lasa ? Buy ná muyas, ta buy na mara
Yěli achiv dishit kanav bizit keah bhava. I ground my heart in the mortar of love ;
Evil desire left me and I remained calm. I parched and burned it (i.e., the heart) [and] tasted it myself;
How can I know whether I shall live or die by it? I did not die, and I will not die
When I reveal anything of what I heard by (my) ears and saw with (my) eyes. Really, Lalla's Words have rendered her immortal!
13.
Mandachi hankal kar tshčném ?
Yeli hedun, gelun, asun práva. 'Aruk jama karsana dazom -
Yöli andrim kharyuk rozēm wdra. Rut ta krúth soruy pazēm,
Kanan na bozun achin na bhava. Oruk dapun yěli wunda wuxim,
Ratandip prazalim warzana wava. When will the chain of my bashfulness break?
When I shall bear reproaches, gibes (and) jeers. When will the garment of my bashfulness burn ?
When my inner nag (i.e., mind) will remain quiet. All good and bad may befall me,
The ears not to hear (and) eyes not to see. When the call of that side (i.e., God) will be heard in my mind,
My lamp will burn by not exposing it to the wind.

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14. Mithyd, kapat; asat trovum
Manas kurum suy opadesh. Zanas andar keval zonum;
Annas khinas kus chum dish. I gave up falsehood, deceit (and) untruth
The same doctrine I taught my mind. Of mankind I knew Him alone;
What hatred (then) have I in eating the food ? (i.e., none).
15.
Omay akuy akshar purum,
Suy, ha máli, rutum wundas manz ; Suy, ha máli, kanth pèth gurum ta tsurum,
A8a8 sds ta sapanis sun. I read one single word, Om,
The same, O father, I grasped in mind; The same, O father, I forged and shaped upon a stone,
I was ashes and became gold.
16.
Parum polum ; apuruy purum,
Kesari wana wolum rațit shal; Paras prunum ta pânas polum,
Ada gom ma'lum ta zinim hal. I acted up to what I read; I read (i.e., was revealed to me) what was unread; I brought down the lion (i.e., mind) from the forest (i.e., worldly temptations)
sub lueil [like) a jackal. I preached to others and practised myself, Then I became aware and won the polo ball (ie., achieved success).
17. Parun sulab palun durlab.
Sahaz gårun sukshm ta kruth. Abhyasaki ghaniray; shåstr muthum,
Teetan Anand niscey gom. Reading is easy [but) acting up to it is difficult.
To search out the Real and True (i.e., God) is subtle and difficult. I forgot the scriptures; by excessive practice, The Living Bliss (i.e., God) became assured to me.
18. Sahanaki sali la yuduay mal käsak,
Åsak aina khuta prazlawun shina khula prun. Panay marak pânay lasak ;
Lagak un, zor, kol la run. Shivas satin yeli kathan rasak,
Shiv chuk panay thav pritshun. If thou dispelleth dirt by the water of suffering,
Thou shalt be more glittering than a mirror [and] fairer than enow. At thy will thou wilt die ; at thy will thou wilt live;
Thou wilt pretend to be blind, deaf, dumb and limbless. When thou wilt revel in talk with Siva,
Thou art thyself siva ; stop inquiring.

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JANUARY, 1932 ]
LALLA VAKYANI
19. Shunyuk maidan kudum panas;
Me Lali rúzam na budh na hosh. Bhediy sa panis panay pánas;
Ada kami gili phul Lali pamposh. I traversed a wilderness of void alone;
I, Lalla, had neither intellect nor sense, I myself became acquainted with Self ; Then from what a clay did the lotus bloom for Lalla (i.e., then what a trans
formation for the best occurred to Lalla).
20.
Shishiras wath kus taley!
Kus bokey ratey war? Yu8 pánts yindrey tselit tsetey,
Suy ratey ghatey rav. Who can catch water dripping from the roof during a hard frost ?
Who can catch wind with the band ? One who can pound hard the five senses (i.6., subdue them),
That one can catch the sun in darkness (i.e., can realize God).
21.
Shiv chay thali thali rozan;
Mo zán Hindu ta Musalmda. Truk ay chuk ta pan panun parzando,
Soy chay Sahibas sati zániy zan. Siva pervades every place;
Do not differentiate between Hindu and Musalman (i.e., be not a bigot). If thou art intelligent, recognise thine own self, That is the true acquaintance with God.
22. Shiva, Shiva, karán Shio no toshey ; .
Gğu kandi zalak manas Suh åsey. Gěv dia dihas, děh dur ásey ;
av nay d has dik, di wari kansey. Siva will not be pleased by thy muttering “Siva, Siva !”;
Like clarified butter thou shalt glisten if He be in thy mind. Give clarified butter to thine own body, (then) thy body will become strong; If thou wilt not give clarified butter to thine own body, better give it to some
one else.
23.
Tala chug zinue tay pha chuk Matsân ;
Wanta mali man kyetha patada chuy. Soruy sumbrith yěti chuy mutaan;
Wanta máli ann kyetha rotsdn chuy. Beneath thee is a pit over which thou art dancing ;
Tell me, O father, how thy mind trusts it. Everything amassed remains behind here;
Tell me, O father, how food agreeth with thee.

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24. Tana mana gayēs bu tas kuny;
Búzum satic ghanga wazán; Tat jayi dharanáy dharan ragam ;
A kdsh ta prakash kurum sarah. I turned towards Him with body and mind;
I heard the bell of truth ringing; I held meditation with firmness on that spot; I realized the sky and the light.
25. Těmbara pěyas kava no tsájin ?
Mas ras kara ohonájin gos? Shantén hanz kriy tola mola wodjin
Andrim grudh yoki nobar pyos. A spark fell on him; why could he not bear it!
Why did wine-juice go down his throat ? He depreciated the weight and value of the practice of the saints Sinoe his inner radiance gleamed forth.
26. T'im chi na manash, tim chiy Rishiy,
Yiman děh manah nishi gav. Badit ta budit byák kyah rachiy ?
Phutimatis bangs piyi gěv. They are not human beings, they are saints,
By whose mind the body has been forgotten. What I will a stranger support thee after growing up and getting old ! Clarified butter shall spill out from thy broken pot.
27. Tyth mudur lay mydth zahr:
Yes yuth tshanuk jatanbhav; Yami yath karay kal ta qahr,
Suih tath shahr odtit pou. Bitter (i..., control of senses) is sweet; sweet (i.e., gratification of senses) is poison: Exertion of whatsoever nature fell to one's lot (i.e., it fell to one's choice to
decide between the two); Whoever desired and persevered (to reach a certain city),
He did reach that city,
4 A Yogi hears a sound in the interior of his body when the exercise of prdndydma has loosened the brahma-granthi, or knot of Brahma, in the andhata circle, and then he, through the void of his own internal universe, obtains a glimpee of the Supreme Light.
6 Saints walking in higher spheres remain in communion with God. In their eyes every action tending to personal worldly aggrandizomont sullies the true love of God. They, therefore, look with disfavour towards those who work miracles. This Saying was regretfully quoted by Rapa Bhawani in her childhood when she saw the saint Righi Ple performing miracles.

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JANUARY, 1932 ]
MISCELLANEOUS
MISCELLANEOUS INDIA IN CURRENT LITERATURE. with those found in the Puranas and opica, which Journal Asiatique.- In the July-September 1930 he deals with at some length, and the meaning issue of this journal (tome CCXVII, pp. 135-36) of the term pratisarga, which recurs as one of the there is an interesting note by M. Robert Fazy | subjects treated of in the Purana. Pargiter (Anc. on 'An Eclipse in the Time of Asoka.' In the In. Historical Tradition, p. 36) expressed the sense Si-yu-ki Hsuan teang has told us that Asoka of pratisarga by 'dissolution and re-creation.' expressed to Upagupta his desire that the relics Prof. Tucci gives reasons for rejecting the sense of the Buddha should be deposited in the 84,000 of 'dissolution' and understanding it to mean stá pas throughout Jambudvipa at the same moment. 'further creation or re-creation.' According to Beal's translation, Upagupta said : (2) While sun worship was widely spread in "Command the genii to go each to his appointed India, it does not appear that the moon was ever place and regard the sun. When the sun becomes raised to the rank of an independent divinity, obscured and its shape as if & hand covered it, or that it ever had its own temples and its own then is the time : drop the relics into the stúpas. devotees. Prof. Tucci points out that there is, The king having received these instructions, gave however, & slight trace of connexion between orders accordingly to the genii to expect the ap. the moon and female divinities, e.g., in the case pointed day." M. Fazy points out that, according of Devi in her forms of Durga, Kal, etc., and to Oppolzer's Kanon der Finsternisse (1887), there especially in that of Tripurasundari. He adduces was an eclipse of the sun on 4 May 248 B.O., which, some interesting arguments that go to show that according to information suppiied him by M. Raoul in one of her aspects the cult of Devi had continued Cautier, Director of the Observatory, Geneva, and assimilatod ancient lunar culte, for example, would be visible as a total eclipse in the valley in the regulation of the different forms of, and of the Ganges from 3 to 4 p.m. that day. M. Fazy times for, the půjd strictly according to the tithis, remarks that Hsüan-tsang's story might have been or lunar days. According to the Saubhdgyu. based on oral tradition current in Magadha, or bhdskara of Bhdekara Raya, the půjd to Tripura possibly on recorded tradition, which may yet be must commence with the first day of the new moon rodiscovered from Hindu or, more probably, Chinese and last throughout the fifteen days of the Wukla sources. He adds that there is no a priori ground pakpa, ending on the full-moon day. It requires for holding that it was impossible for a learned the presence of 16 Brahmaps, each of whom re. Hindu of the third century B.c. to prodict an eclipse. presents a tithi or one of the kalds or 16 aspects If this be admitted, the tradition recorded by of the goddess in her form of Nityapodasi (=Tri. Hsuan-taong may have been founded on fact. purasundari), and each of whom is invoked with a The correspondence betwoen the tradition narrated mantra that varies according to the lithi he is by the Chinese pilgrim and the fact of an eclipse, supposed to represent, in other words each receives visible at Påtaliputra, having taken place in the & nemo equivalent to that of the goddess cor. year 248 B.C. may, as M. Fazy notes, not only responding to a certain tithi. This particular furnish confirmation of the tradition, but also form of Tripurasundari půjd performed with help to determine the approximate date of Asoka's Brahmans, Prof. Tucci suggests, probably does conversion to Buddhism and his solemn pilgrimage not represent the most ancient form of the cult, to the spots most sacred to the memory of the being due perhape to the ever increasing importance great teacher, which must have taken place before which the BrAhmans arrogated; possibly also it was the erection of the stúpas and the deposit of the devised to evade accusations made by followers of rolics. It will be remembered that Vincent Smith other schools against a different, but certainly old89signs the pilgrimage to the yobr 249 B.C. (E.H.I., er, ceremonial in the cult of the goddess. It cannot, 4th ed., p. 167.)
therefore, be asserted that the půjd with BrAhmans Rivista degli Studi Orientali.-In vol. XII (1930) excluded or supplented the original Kumdri-pájd, fasc. IV, pp. 408-27, will be found two interesting the existence of which is well documented. Signor notes by Prof. Giuseppe Tucci on Indian subjects, Tuoci next draws attention to the Rudrayamala viz. (1) the Purdnapancaiakpana. and (2) Traces and Brhannila tantras, wherein is described the of Lunar Cult in India.
Kumári-puja, that is, půjd to a girl supposed to In (1) the author emphasizes the importance
symbolize the goddess, which plays so large a of having critically edited editions prepared of part in the Tántric ceremonial of the Sakta school. the individual Puranas before wo can hope to
This půjd should be spread uniformly over the have a critical and definite text of the pdicalaksana
15 days of the drikla pakpa, beginning on the or of any other part of the Puranas. The dis
new-moon day and ending with the full-moon. cussion loads him on to certain related topics, Instead of the 16 Brahmans enjoined in the ritual e.g.. the correspondence between the names in described by Bhaskara Raya, there are 16 kundria, lists of countries and kings in the Chinese and who represent the 16 tithis and the 16 aspects of Tibetan translations of the Buddhist literature the goddess. Moreover, the 16 kundrlo must be

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY
(JANUARY, 1932
worshipped urddhibhedena, i.e., in order of their of meaning 'ssa, etc., with the addition of a suffix age (growth,' or 'augmentation'), or, in other na (ns in the case of patana, "city,' dealt with worda, in the order of the kalds of the crescent by him in & previous paper in Rocznik Orjentalis moon : and 90 on. This půjd with the 16 Brahman tyczny, V, 174 f.). He further shows how the word and the 16 maidens, occupying the period of the may be equated with the Hittite aruna, sea,' dukla paksa or crescent moon, is the more im- and the god Aruna, who, in the treaty between portant in that it has its counterpart in the well the Hittite and Mitanni kings found at Boghazkoi, known ceremonies connected with divinities re- occupies the place of Varuna. Incidentally M. presenting periodic forces and destined to promote Przyluski regards the first part of the name Bhaincrease and development.
rukaccha, one of the ancient names of Broach, Prof. Tucci goes on to discuss the system of as having the same origin. If this be no, perhaps computation by fours and multiples of four, of the legend Associating it with Bhrgu may merit which so many examples are to be found in the further investigation. (Did the Bhargavas, who ritualistic and mystic literature of the Tantras, are so widely Basociated with this region, come and whether 4 or 16 is the basic number underlying from over sea ?) the system. If computation by 16 be connected Dr. C. O. Blagden presents a translation of a with lunar elements, then the basio number can- valuable little grammatical sketch of the Ple-Temer not be 4. He points out that classification by dialect of Sakai, spoken in the interior of the Malay foure is widely attested in the literature of the peninsula; and Mr. Raghu Vira discusses the lost Vedas and Brdhmanas, and that it seems to have phonetic outras of Panini, seeking to establish, been the more common in the beginning. Con. by a comparison of the Sikad discovered by sidering that a base number is generally derived Svâmi Day Ananda in 1879 with Candragomin's from some concreto object or objects which visibly Varna-sútras, that the latter were based upon the present it, he hazards the suggestion that a base Siksd. of 4 might have been adopted from the four feet Readers of the I.A. will perhape be most inof the cow or ox. While agreeing that the basic terested at the present time in perusing two other number is more likely to have been 4 than 16, we short notes, the one by Prof. S. Langdon on 'A feel that its use goes farther back than the times New Factor in the Problem of Sumerian Origins,' when the cow or ox assumed such importance. and the other by Prof. Pran Nath of the Hindu We might draw attention perhaps in this connexion University, Benares, on 'The Script of the Indus to the combinations of four so frequently notice. Valley Seals. Prof. Langdon prints & photograph able on the seals and inscriptions found at ancient of a seal recently found et Hursagkalamme, Kish, sites in the Indus basin and in Elam, and in the dating from about 2800 B.O., in all respects similar ornamentation of some of the oldest pottery. It to the pools discovered at Harappa and Mohenjois remarkable, it may be added, to what an extent daro, and mines the questions whether the Sumerians counting by four (the gunda) is still followed among are not really the Indus Valley people themselves, the rural and illiterate folk of northern India. or whether the painted ware civilization came from
Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, July, 1931. India and found the Sumerian people in the land. -This number starts with a paper by Pandit B. Prof. Pran Nath, who has been making close N. Reu on & sanad granted by Shah Alam II study of the seals found in the Panjab and Sind, to Maharaja Bijay Singh of Marwar, from which has been led to the conclusion that what have it would appear that the village of Rafalna, where hitherto been regarded as pictographs or ideographs New Delhi has now been built, was for long in the 1 are in fact letters or characters (akaaras) closely possession of the Maharajas of Jodhpur se jdgfr. connected with the Brahmf characters, which Mr. E. H. Johnston contributes & series of useful were probably evolved from them. He publishes and suggestive notes on a number of PAli words, & very tentative Key' to the script on the seals, the meanings of which have been regarded as and some selected inscriptions with his proposed doubtful, of which have been misunderstood deciphernet in Devanagar characters beneath. hitherto. M. Fabri of Leyden, in two brief! We understand that he proposes, in view of further
Notes on Indian Head-dress,' emphasizes the researches, to publish shortly an emended and importance of studying costume and fashions in amplified table, which will be awaited with the head-dress, etc., and indicates by certain examples greatest interest. He was induced to publish how an examination of these details may assist his suggestions at this early stage of his work, in dating sculpture. He proposes to pursue this he tells us, "by the hope that they may stimulato subject in & subeequent discussion of the coiffures other scholars to follow up the clues offered and represented on some frescoes et Ajanta.
80 lead eventually to the complete decipherment M. Jean Przyluski, in one of his fascinating of the seals." We hope that a ready response etymological papers entitled 'Varuna, god of the will be given to this appeal. Dr. Pran Nath's BBA and the sky,' propoeee to derive the name suggestions open up & wide vista, and if he has Varuns from & Palæo-Asiatie root bar, enlarged caught the right trail, and this can be followed up in the Austro-Asiatic languagee to baru, capable l by exports in Sumerian, Iranian and Sanskrit lore,

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JANUARY, 1932
NISCELLANEA
19
A new epoch may be started in the history of Oriental research.
Archio Orientálns (Journal of the Czechoslovak Oriental Institute, Prague). vol. I (1930-31).In continuation of his shorter Sinhalese studies on demon worship and the seven-step ritual in Ceylon, which appeared in vol. I, Dr. O. Pertold publishes in parte 1, 2 and 3 of this volume a monograph on 'The Ceremonial Dances of the Sinhalese: an Inquiry into the Sinhalese Folk. Religion, illustrated by numerous plates and figures in the toxt, mostly showing the different forms of masks used at these ceremonies. The paper is the result not only of personal inquiry during visits to Ceylon, but also of research in libraries where relevant literature could be found. Dr. Pertold has collected and classified all the material he could find, and has attempted to reconstruct the form of such ceremonies as have
become obsolete. The subject has been treated in four parte, viz. (1) the non-masked dancing ceremonies (including those of the Vaddas; (2) the masks, their fabric, types and use ; (3) the kolamnafiua, festive dance, or mask ceremony; and (4) the yakun-näfima, ceremonial demon dance, now generally performed with the object of curing diseases supposed to be caused by yakds. Then follow the author's conclusions. The details are too many to be oven summarized here ; suffice it to say that this valuable contribution to our under standing of observances rooted in the dim past will appeal not only to students of Sinhalese and Vadda folklore, but also to a wider circle of readers ; and the Indian student in particular will be struck by many parallels to practices and ceremonies followed in Ladis and Tibet.
C.E.A.W.O.
MISCELLANEA. KAPILENDRA AND KAPILECARA OY ORISSA. , the numerators are anka and tho denominators
(A noto of criticism on the late Mr. R. D. Baner are saka years. To show that we find Kapileivara ji's article entitled "The Empire of Orise," named in the inscriptions, I give below quotations published oupra, vol. LVII, p. 235 f., and vol. from some of the inscriptions found at different LVIII, pp. 28 1. and 61 f.)
places. By Bar LAKSHMINABAYAN HARICHANDAN JAGADED,
| श्रीशैनलिपि "श्रीराषिरामाश्रिताचणामकाण्ड Raja Bahadur of Tokkali. Somo historiane take the Orinsa kingo Kapllendra Turki
fram til and Kapildvar to be one and the same: but करियर श्रीकनवगैचर श्री वीरश्री गणपति कपिले. this is a mistake; they were two different kings,
TERTIF"-reart." Kapiladova, who reigned in 1438 A.D., is Kapile vara. but not Kapilendra. Up to date about twenty __मरवानिमिपि "श्रीश्री श्री रसद सत्तरसमति inscriptions of Kapiledvars have been discovered,
| मिते शालिवाहन शक १५० संवत्सरे वीरश्री गणपति of which thirtoon are at Mukhalingam (Ganjam dist.) and the rest are at Puri, Simhachallam
गरधरप्रताप कपिलेश्वर महाराजाकर विजयराज्ये (Vizagapatam dist.) and other places. In all ETRT RY MTI" these inscriptions we find the name of Kapile vara. अनन्तरं लिपि “सदीय वंशै सदनुप्रतावांश्चिरस्य If I wore to go into the details of all the inscriptions this note would be necessarily lengthened ;
T ortura:"Seart. 80 I shall deal with thom me briefly as possible. __ पेद्धापुर जिपिपाधान्बसम्बरसर ज्येष्ठ व १५ कपिलेThe following anka and Saks yours aro montioned :- **HET* Trara "-real.
thritto to, ir to t he the The thitta rito, etc.
........."
...... rafozThe above iguron are the reigning aika and | मकृत संवत्सर कात्तिक गोड कपिलेश्वर महारावल BAKA years found in the inscriptions, of which Tu"-traft.
rth South Indian Inscriptions, toxt, vol. V, No. 101. tts Ibid., vol. V, R. A., No. 317. Its Mulur Magazins, vol. XIL, perts 2 and 3. . the Journal of the Andhra Historical Research Society, vol. III, parta 2 3 and 4. th, South Indian Inscriptions, text, vol. V, R. A., No. 312.
Srl Kurman Rock Inscription, as read by me. rit Mukur, VOL XII, parte 2 and 3.
th South Indian Inscriptions, text, vol. V, R. A., No. 284. Yth. th Mulur, vol. XII, parts 2 and 3.
th, Mukur, vol. XII, parte 2 and 3. 3 Srikailam inscription. • Journal of the Andhra Historical Research Society, vol. III, parta 2, 3 and 4. • Anantavarma oopper-plate grant published in the Andhra Patrika Sanchika. 8 South Indian Inscriptions, text, vol. V, No. 100. • Ibid., No. 101.

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[ JANUARY, 1932
ftate for " f art 9 TRI- कर्णाटीकलवर गजपति गौडेश्वर देव महाराजाRare.
"विरश्री प्रताप कपिलेश्वरदेव महाराजापुरविजयT ARTY "- arf.8
वीरश्री गजपति गउड़ेश्वर प्रताप कपिलेश्वरदेव महाTat ry "reart.
पालकावाये "पचामिशरवेशाब्द ५३५ गते कलि. ETTET at foretar Trek : "10
In many inscriptions, Kapiladova of the solar race in named Kapilesvara. Wo do not find the namo Kapilendra in any of the corresponding inscriptions.
In such case I cannot understand how the learned Professor R. D. Banerji, in his article on the Empire of Orissa, took Kapilendra and Kapilesvars to be one and the same. Can evidence be cited from contemporary inscriptions to prove that Kapiladeva of the solar race is also called Kapilendra
About 120 years previous to the reign of Kapilesvara of the solar race, there was a king of the Cauga dynasty by name Kapilendra. He was the oldest aon of the Orissan king Laigula Narasithundeva. As to this many quotations and facts have been supplied by my friend Mr. Gopabandhu Bidyabhushan, who has dealt with the subject minutely in the Oriya Journal, Samavayuprabha, vol. II, part 4. So I refrain from going into details. I have given a detailed history of Kapileswar in my Andhra University Extension lecture on "Kapileswar Deb," which is published in the Oris Magazine, Sahakar, vol. XI, Parte 7, 8, 9 and 10. Can it be justifiable to disbelieve these numerous historical facts! The learned professor says that Ka. pilesvaradeva reigned in 1435-1470 A.D. A famorze scholar, Sarvajya Jagannath Narayan Deb, says in his Palakddhydya (an authoritative work)
"शाके गजाष्टविश्वोनः समा गजपतेस्तथा शाकेष्वाध चन्द्रानः प्रतापस्वच वत्सराः" From the above quotation, it is clear that the Orissa king Purushottamadeva reigned from 1388 to 1425 8.8., or 1466 to 1503 A.D. This shows that the reign of Kapile vara had come to an end by 1406 A.D. This may also be inferred from the inscriptions of the reign of Purushottamadeva,
son of Kapilesvara, in which the following anka and Sake years are found. Tous luz 87 Tiit THT 1 (numerators represent the aiku years and the denominators the Saka years). How could both Kapilesvara and his son Purushot. tamadeva reign together in the same years? If wo fix 1388 8.8. as the first year of Purushottama. deva's reign, the anka years of Purushottamadeva will be found to fit in. I have gone through many of the ancient inscriptions in order to ascertain the ruling years of Kapilesvara and his son Paroshottamadeve, and I am confident of the result.
In Utkal, after the close of the Ganga dynasty, the Solar dynasty reigned. It is true that all the legitimate sons of Kapilendradeva (also called Kapilesvaradeva), who reigned as emperor of Orissa from 1383 to 1386 A.D., were expelled by their father. These sons, who were driven away, Hettled in distant places. If they had been the descendants of Kapilesvara of the solar race, they, too, would have belonged to the Solar dynasty. Since, however, they were the sons of the Ganga emperor Kapilendradeva (also called Kapiles. varadeva) they were known as of the Ganga dy. nasty. There is an ers known as Kapilabda, which started from the time of the reign of Kapilesvara of the solar race. At the current time, the Kapilabda year is rockoned to be 494. This means that Kapilesvara of the solar race ascended the throne 494 years ago, io., in 1436-37 A.D. If we cannot rely upon the madalapanji and the inacriptions and upon the early writers of our own country, it is not tmderstood why we should regard the contents of the Burhán-i-ma 'asir as infallible.
Kapilendra had a son named Purushottamadova ; Kapilebvara also had & son named Purushotta. madeve. As both had sons bearing the same name, as both sat upon the throne of Orissa, and as Kapila is common to both names, many his. torians have mistaken them for one and the same person. But Kapilendra was a monarch of the Ganga dynasty, while Kapile vara was a king of the solar race, and there was, moreover, an interval of some hundred years between their reigns. They must, therefore, have been quite distinct.
1 Vide Three Temples (in Bengali), by Gurudas Sirkar, M.A., B.C.S. 8 Ibid.
Ibid. I Palm leaf manuscript. 11 . See Peddapur inscription published in Three Temples, by Gurdas Sirlar.
o 18. South Indian Inscriptions, vol. V, text. Tita. See Peddapur inscription, loc. cit. vily. South Indian Inscriptions, vol. V, text.

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Plate.
Indian Antiquary
m
(a) PALLAVA TYPE OF WELL RING.
(0) MODERN TYPE OP WELL RING.
ROUGH SKETCH SHOWING PALLAVA TYPE OF WELL RING
AS COMPARED WITH MODERN TYPE.

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ANCIENT SOAK-PITS AT CHETPUT, MADRAS
ANCIENT SOAK-PITS AT CHETPUT, MADRAS.
By L. A. CAMMIADE. On visiting the old and now exhausted brick fields at Chetput in the town of Madras, I noticed amidst broken tiles, rejected bricks and other refuse of the kilns, a few fragments of pottery of urn-burial types. A search showed that these fragments were to be found over an area of about ten acres, scattered at the bottom of the clay pits at a depth of about 15 to 20 feet below the present ground level. The occurrence of ancient pottery at such a depth was rather puzzling until further search showed that the fragments were derived from the bottom of silted-up wells. About twenty or thirty of these wells seem to have existed within the excavated area. Many of them had been completely destroyed, their sites being traceable only by the scattered fragments of pottery. In about twelve cases, however, the last three or four feet of the well-shaft had escaped destruction.
These wells were 24 to 30 inches in diameter. Their walls were of pottery inch thick, built up in sections about sixteen inches in height, flanged at the base and curved slightly inward at the upper end. Wells of this type are not made nowadays in Southern India. Pottery rings are still occasionally used for wells, but those are more massive, being two inches thick and only six inches high, with wide flanges at top and bottom. In modern ring-wells the sections rest one over the other, while in the older pottery wells the sections are loosely socketed. The segments of the old wells differ moreover from the rings of modern pottery wells in having two opposite pairs of eyelets, which seem to have been intended for ropes to lower the segments into position.
The old well segments were made of coarse clay mixed with chaff, the outer sides being plastered thickly with straw while the clay was still soft. The wells were sunk through the bed of brick clay into a subjacent bed of water-bearing sand. It was, therefore, not possiblo to clear them out completely owing to the inrush of water. In both the wells I was able to examine in detail there was about four feet of broken pottery mixed with bones. Among tho pottery were fragments of large broad-mouthed pots of the usual urn types, and fragments of shallow oval or coffin-shaped troughs, about 24 to 30 inches in length, 1 besides quantities of lesser pottery and numerous fragments of broken well-rings. The fragments of the larger pottery recovered from the wells showed that they were derived from at least twelve different vessels having a mouth diameter ranging from 11 to 19 inches. There were also fragments of eight or ten still larger and more massive vessels with a rim diameter ranging from 22 to 32 inches, and also fragments of a large necked pot of unusual type about thirty inches in diameter, square-shouldered and with a vertical neck. Of the trough-shaped pottery, an almost complete spocimen 24" x 10" X 5' was found in one of the wells resting above the other pottery. Most of the smaller pots had globose bodies with narrow, vertical rimless necks. Pots of this type could not have been used for drawing water and must have been thrown in. Some of the vessels have six holes pierced at the base of their necks for suspension. Rimless bowl types were also frequent as well as fragments of shallow saucer-shaped vessels of the kind commonly found in the ancient burials. The latter were of somewhat larger size than is usual in the graves, having a diameter of fourteen inches. These small vessels were all of highly finished, polished black ware. Finally, there were fragments of polished red ring-stands about ten inches in diameter.
With regard to the relation of this domestic pottery to the funeral pottery it is to be noted that (1) I found no fragments of the small vessels, polished red outside and black inside, that is so characteristic of the urn burials of Southern India dating from Adichanallur upwards, although it is to be found abundantly on other village sites ; (2) the large ring-stands of red ware were highly polished and differed from the large unpolished ring-stands from certain
• Incorporating notes by K. do B. Codrington. 1 Perambair, Arch. She Rep., 1908-09, P. xxxiii, fig. 2.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY
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of the Deocan large stone-cist sites; and (3) although all the well pottery consisted of types, the upper part of which had been wheel-thrown, while the lower parts were hand-fashioned (as with the bulk of the funeral pottery), certain fragments of types from the village site were completely wheel-thrown, having flat bottoms. Flat-bottomed pots from graves occur occasionally; but they are always hand-finished. Hence the suggestion that the village site is slightly later than the soak pits. Being som distance from them, it may have taken the place of a slightly earlier village in the immediate vicinity of the soak-pits. Indeed, about 150 yards to the east of the well area where the ground is full of kankar nodules, I found a few fragments including a typical pot-lid of the polished red-outside, black-inside ware mentioned above as being entirely absent from the village site.
The number and closely packed situation of the wells, their slight fabric and the pottery types found in them, show that they cannot have been draw-wells, but were undoubtedly soak pits. The importance of these wares and pottery types is that they represent domestic pots of the urn and cist-burial period, a study of which has never been made. It is evident that the burial pottery contains a large number of domestic types.
It is obvious that these soak-pits must have bee.. located very near the centre of the inhabited area. I examined carefully all the area in the immediate neighbourhood of the wells, especially the face of the cuttings for any trace of past human habitation, but found none. I discovered, however, that there was an ancient village site extending from the north-eastern corner of the brick-field across the Poonamalee road into a part of the property known as Landon's Garden. The site of the village was marked by a layer of brokon pottery, which in places was three feet thick. Judging by the pottery, the village may have been contemporaneous with the wells or probably a little later. In this village area I found only one well, probably a draw-well. The site covered by the village has since been thickly built over. A comparison of the contents of the wells with the refuse in the village sites shows certain differences. On the village site the pottery is almost wholly of the commoner domestic kind, hardly any fragments of the larger and heavier types of vessels being found. It is interesting to note that the wells and the area as a whole contained quantities of buffalo, goat and chicken bones.
The existence of a cemetery was indicated by the occurrence in situ of a large, pyriform funeral urn of the Adichanallur and Wynad type and by the conical leg of an earthenware legged cist of the Perambair type. (A large cemetery of this type exists about half a mile Away from the brick-field and only a short distance beyond Landon's Garden.)
In searching the immediate neighbourhood of the soak-pits I found :
1. A small button-like ornament of gold about 1 inch in diameter with a bridge or strap behind, showing that it must have been worn strung on a tape or sewn on to a gaśment.
2. A small earthenware bead similar to types found at Adichanallur, Tangal, etc. 3. A fragment of a semi-translucent apple-green bead.
4. A small spherical bead of opaque red glass of a type common at Tangal and through. out the ancient sites of Tinnevelly.
5. A fragment of a semi-opaque blue glass bi-cane bead, also a common type.
6. I also found in the face of the gravel-pits a small neatly ground celt of quartzite measuring 1 inches in length and also a very clumsily flaked quartzite hand-axe.
7. During a second visit I found three fragments of pottery figurines in the area northwest of the settling-tanks in the heap of debris washed out of the clay. The first of these represented the left shoulder and the breast of a figurine showing a jewelled necklace, which consists of a double row of beads. The second represents the lower part of a very crudely made sitting figure. The third is too fragmentary to identify. The fabric of these fragments is very coarse and of a yellow-red colour.

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NOTES ON INDIAN MAUNDS
23
To the east of the settling tanks the earth had been excavated to the depth of about twenty feet. At ground level the foundations of a demolished European bungalow could be seen; beneath which was a quantity of pottery fragments. The most important of these represents a seated figure, probably Siva, in which case the missing right leg must have been pendant. The head had been broken off, but was found a few feet away from the torso. The fabric is of medium texture and yellow-red in colour. The figure has been moulded, and may be classed as Pallava, and dated about the eighth century A.D. It has since been acquired by the India Museum, South Kensington, and is now exhibited there. Very few Pallava terracottas of fine workmanship are known to exist ; this figure therefore is of the greatest importance as a standard of comparison with the copper and bronze castings.
NOTES ON INDIAN MAUNDS. By W. H. MORELAND, C.S.I., C.I.E.
(Continued from page 8.)
VII. Bengal and Bihar Maunds. I have failed to obtain any early data for the country between Agra and Bengal. The records of the English factory which was established at Patna in 1620 (English Factories, i, 191-283) show that silk was dealt in there by the ser of 341 pice, which is contrasted with the ser of 30 pice (i.e., the Akbari) prevailing at Agra. This would give a maund of just under 64 lb., almost identical with the Bengal unit mentioned below; and it will be remembered that the silk came from Bengal, so that this may be the Bengal unit, used in Patna as a special maund for silk. In two places (pp. 205, 213) the figure is given as 331 ; this may be & slip, or it may indicate a trade-allowance of one pioe in the ser compare the allowance of two pice in five sers mentioned by Pelsaert in the indigo-market of Bayana). At the same time and place lignum aloes was sold by the ser of 33 pice (pp. 200, 258); this would give a maund of just 61 lb. The Jahangiri was, however, already known in the market, for (p. 199) cartage was arranged in terms of it, and later records indicate that, so far as wholesale commerce was concerned, the local units gave way to the official maunds. Thus Peter Mundy 20 found that the ser was 37 pice, which must, I think, be the Jahangiri of 36 pice with an allow. ance of one pice ; while the Dutch records of somewhat later date use the Shahjahânî.
The earliest information I have found regarding Bengal is in Nunez' Book of Weights. In the Porto Grande, that is to say, Chittagong and the Meghna estuary, the maund, af 40 sers, there given works out at just under 461 lb. A maund of approximately this size (42 Holland pounds, or nearly 46 lb.) was the unit regularly employed in the next oentury in the Dutch factory at Arakan, which traded principally at Chittagong, and this unit may be accepted for the Meghna.
For the Porto Piqueno, that is Satgdon and the Hagli estuary, Nunez gives a figure which works out to 64.6 lb. We meet & maund of approximately this size at Balasore in 1642 (English Factories, vii, 72), when the freight on cloth was charged per maund of 64 lb.; on the same occasion, freight on sugar was charged per maund of 128 lb., obviously a double unit. Thus a maund of about 64 lb. is established for the Hagli estuary in the sixteenth, and up to the middle of the seventeenth century. A little later we find the Shahjahani in use in this region (e.g., Dagh Register, 24th Feby. 1682).
A change, of which I have failed to trace a record, ooourred subsequently. At the end of the eighteenth century, two units were current in Caloutta, the factory,' and the 'bazaar.' According to Useful Tables (i, 69), the bazaar maund was based on the Murshidabad rapoe of
* A description of this figure will be published separately.
10 Travels of Peter Mundy (Hakluyt Society), ii, 156 ; there is an error of calculation in the footnote which makes the maund equal to 50 lb. Writing of the year 1671, John Marshall (ed. Sbafeat Ahmad Khan, Oxford, 1927) recorded & Patna maund of 80 lb., which I have not met elsewhere.

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179.666 gr., 80 of which made a ser; the maund was thus 82 lb., and the standardisation effected in 1833 made only a trifling difference. The same authority says that the factory maund "would appear to have been adopted in 1787 to save calculation on the home remittances of produce, 3 factory maunds being almost exactly equal to 2 cwt."; the factory maund was thus 743 lb. Information is wanting as to the origin of the bazaar maund. As to the factory maund, I think it may reasonably be taken as an adaptation of the Shahjahanî, which, as has been said above, had come into use on the Hûglî; the slight increase of about 10 ounces would be a natural measure to simplify calculations, as suggested in Useful Tables.
While, however, the old 64 lb. maund had been superseded in Calcutta, it would appear to have survived in the mofassil. The Silberrad Committee reported (p. 37) that a ser of 60 standard tolas was currently used in retail trade in 16 districts of Bengal; this gives a maund of 62 lb., which may be explained conjecturally as a survival of the old unit, slightly modified so as to make use of a round number of the new rupee or tola-weights. I cannot, however, write with any confidence regarding retail maunds, each of which would have to be worked out on the spot; and I will merely suggest that some of them, though not all, are probably survivals of old units which have been superseded in wholesale trade as the result of official action. Apart from the 60-tola ser of Bengal, I may instance two retail maunds with which I was familiar twenty years ago in the central parts of the United Provinces, one containing 16, the other 20, standard sers. The first is almost exactly 33 lb., the second is 41 lb.; and if these are not survivals of the two Agra maunds recorded in the Ain-i Akbari, the coinci. denco is very remarkable. It will be noticed that in some cases of recorded standardisation the size of the maund was substantially increased, and probably the resulting sers were felt to be inconveniently large for ordinary retail transactions, so that mere inertia may not be the only reason for the survival of the older and smaller units.
33
VIII. Summary. When we go behind the official maunds, we find the following units prevalent, though not necessarily to the exclusion of others, in wholesale commerce in different regions of India. Region.
16. (rounded). South India (excluding the pepper ports)
.. 23 to 27 Delhi .. .. . ..
.. .. .. .. 28 to 29 Gujarat .. .. .. Agra and Central India .. ..
.. 33 and 40 Bengal, near the Hügli .. ..
.. 64 East of the Meghn& ..
.. 46 Most, but by no means all, of the relevant passages found in the literature from the fourteenth to the seventeenth century can be interpreted satisfactorily in terms of these units.
Some passages, where the weights given seem to be fantastically high, can be read as probable, or possible, on the hypothesis that the Arab maund of about 2 lb. survived in certain administrative departments in northern India.
Other passages indicate that a maund of about 15 lb. was known to the Mogul administration, though not recorded in wholesale commerce.
This enumeration practically exhausts the sources to which I have access; but they do not cover the whole of India, and it is not suggested that the enumeration is complete. Additions to it would be welcome, notably for Sind, the Panjab, Bihår and Rajpûtånd.
I have hazarded the guess that the southern maund may originally have represented half a porter's load. This suggestion may be extended to the Delhi maund, and possibly to the Gujarat and the smaller Agra maund; while it might also be applied to Bengal as representing a whole lood, for Bengal in many ways thought differently from the rest of India. Anything

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THE INTERROGATIVE BASES OF DRAVIDIAN
over 60 lb. would however make a heavy load for a porter, and the suggestion could not be extended to the larger Agra maund, or to that found east of the Meghna.
For these maunds of 40 lb. an upwards, there is a possibility that what we are dealing with was originally the contents of a donkey's pannier. We have seen above that in the mountainous country the commonest units of weight were called 'donkey-loads,' and a pannier, or half-load, would there be somewhere about 80 lb. The hill-donkeys are however a larger and stronger breed than those usually found in the plains, and ought to be able to carry substantially more. I can hear of no case of donkeys now being used for regular transport in the plains; in brick-fields, and for short journeys in northern India, they are expected to carry as much as a maund in each pannier, but this is certainly gross overloading, and nothing like so much could be carried for long marches on successive days, when a total load of round about 100 lb. would be reasonable. It may be noted that Dr. Pran Nath in the work already quoted mentions (p. 77) a unit named kharuár in Sanskrit ; but I have been unable to find out when, or where, this unit was used, and the possibility that it may be the Persian kharwar in Sanskrit guise cannot be excluded.
These guesses would capry us back to a very early period, before the ox and the camel had become the principal carriers of India, and when the usual agents were porters, supple. mented in some localities by donkeys. My object in offering them is merely to ask if such & period has left any traces in literature, and if there is anything to show that donkeys were in fact used for transport in regions where the maunds were comparatively large. For all I know, the donkey may have been important before the arrival of the Aryans, and the existing contempt for a most serviceable animal may be a survival of the Aryan disdain of unfamiliar institutions : at any rate, his history may deserve more attention than it has hitherto received.
THE INTERROGATIVE BASES OF DRAVIDIAN. By L. V. RAMASWAMI AIYAR, M.A., B.L. (MAHARAJA'S COLLEGE, ERNAKULAM.)
(Continued from p. 4.) The fact that Telugu and some of the central Dravidian dialects show é in cases where Tamil and Kannada show a need not be held to prove that the latter was not original. The true and the only test in such instances would be to consider what, after an analysis of the cognates of the words given above, would emerge as the reconstructed bases, and if these latter show a instead of e, there can be little doubt about the original character of a. In the parallel cases cited above, the fact that the source-bases show a would tend to demonstrate that in all these d should be considered to be original.
The question now arises, why and how these forms took on y before them; for, there is little doubt that as Dravidian does not tolerate original initial y, this y should be considered secondary.
It will already have been noted that in the above instances the correspondence between Telugu & and Tamil & exista only where the latter alternates with w. This taken along with the fact already demonstrated above, that a should have been original, would furnish us with the clue to the origin of y before a.
& in these instances probably developed a palatal tonality at a particular stage of Dravidian when the palatal glide became incorporated; and this glide became permanently written and uttered in Tamil as a fricative, while in Telugu and in some instances in Kai and in Tamil, yd changed into &.
That the palatal tonality was not developed in all dialects and in all instances of forme with &- in Tamil itself, is shown by
(a) the occurrence in ancient Tamil of alternative forms for yddu, etc., containing an initial d with a distinct non-palatal tonality (as attested by the actual sound-value now given to them) and

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(6) by instances like the following from different dialects, where an original à appears to have changed into o: Kûi ôda (sheep)
-cf. Tam., Kann. adu, Tulu élu. Kui oli, odi (bear), odri (rat)--cf. Gôndi alli (rat), Tam. eli, Tel. eluka.
, Ora (channel, furrow) - cf. Tam, ydru, dru, Tel. éru. Malto 6 (cow, cattle! -. Tam. (cow, etc.), Kann., Tel. dvu (cow). Kurukh oy ( ) Kurukh ôl- (to be on fire) -of. Tam. al., Tuļu arl- ; Tam., Kann., Tulu, Tel. eri (to
burn), Kann. uri (to burn), Tuļu aratce (burning). oloc- (to bewail) -cf. Tam. a!. (to grieve), Kann. a!-, Tuļu ar. (to weep),
Tel. édu- (to weep). The following facts directly suggest that a and o are intimately related deictic particles in Dravidian :
(a) The primary demonstrative particles in most of the Dravidian dialects) are † denoting proximity, a denoting remoteness and a less cominon (found as such in ancient Tamil) signifying something intermediate between proximity and remoteness. Words have been formed on all those deictic bases in Dravidian.
The idea of remoteness is usually denoted in all dialects (except Brahûi and Kũi) by the particle a ; but at the same time a particle o appears to have been developed in certain con. texts to denote the conception of greater remoteness than is signified by a. This is found occurring in the following contexts -
(i) Küi demonstrative adjective o (that over there).
(ii) A set of words prominent in the southern dialects, but possessing cognates in the northern Dravidian tongues also, all of which are formed on an o- basis, as the basic deictic significations implying extreme remoteness attest, e.g.,
Tamil ôy (to fling off)--cf. Gondi oi- (to carry off), Kur. ui., Küi 6.
ôngu (to rise high, i.e., farther off).
oli (to flow away), etc. (iii) Side by side with an interrogative particle & (apparently derived from the corresponding demonstrative) there occurs in Tamil another interrogative particle o which implies greater doubt than a in contexts like the following:
cf. vandán -a (did he come ?) with vandan-6 (did he indeed come ?)
cf. dra eff-a (six or eight, which ?) with ár-8 et 6 (six or eight, which indeed ?)
(6) The fact that o and are intimately related in meaning, in conjunction with the other fact that ở by itself does not appear in its bare adjectival state as a common demonstrative in any of the dialects except Kûi (where secondary demonstratives abound) would point to the two particles having been as intimately connected in form as in meaning.
This relationship in form cannot be explained in any other way than by the postulate that a developed a dorsal conality and changed into o through the intermediate stage (o).
The position then would be this: The original d of the interrogatives cited above need not have had in the primitive stage a palatal tonality; but, on the other hand, it may have developed at a later stage a palatal tonality in some instances in some dialects, while in other dialects it may have tended to become dorsal. The existence of yd forms in Tamil and Kannada on the one hand, and on the other our discussion of certain Tuļu and Gôndi interrogatives

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THE INTERROGATIVE BASIS OF DRAVIDIAN
27
would boar out this position. It could be shown that these bases in Tulu and Gôndi were developed from an original d- base which had a dorsal tonality :
dorsal tonality
palatal tonality Tam., Tel., Kann., Kui and Bråhai &
Tam., Kann., Tuļu, Tel., ya, e Tuļu, Gôndi (va, (u), ba, bô . We have now to analyse the formation of these interrogative forms of Tuļu and Gôndi. I. Tulu. (v)d
(which ?)
which (v)ôlu (where?)
(v)āde (whither?) If we examine the list of Tuļu demonstratives given at the end, we find the following forms, all of which are the resultants of the operation of aphæresis of initial syllables consequent on accent-displacement -
malu (here) < vulu < ivulu ya(u)ol > yaból> 661, etc. Aphæresis of initial syllables, it may be said, is also found though very rarely, in Gôndi, as the following instances would show :
reng (to be open)-of, south Dravidian tira, tura (to open).
ragg (to descend)-cf. south Dravidian isang (to desoend). Compare proximate mol (she) with remote alu (she) and proximate masculine plural méru (they) with the remote form art.

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Instances of aphæresis, however, are extremely rare in Gôndi, and possibly are traceable only in a few forms with initial l-orr-. No instance of aphæresis can be postulated for any among the large number of Gôndi b-forms given in Trench's lists. On the other hand, almost all those that are native could be connected with forms of other dialects with initial p.
Apart from this, there is another reason why we cannot postulato aphæresis as accounting for the initial b-of the Gôndi interrogatives. Granting that bál, bôr, bad may respectively be traced through aphæresis to yábol, etc., how could we, on the same principle, account for bappor (when ?), bêga (where ?), baba (why ?) and bah (what?) The theory of aphæresis would fail to explain the formation of these words. The only plausible explanation for the derivation of these forms is to trace them ultimately to an interrogative ba- which combined with the time-suffix in bappôr, with the place-suffix in béga, and was retained as such in bah while it was reduplicated in baba (why?)
On the whole, then, the Gôndi and the Tulu forms only tend to justify the view that a certain number of interrogative bases should have been directly produced from a with a dorsal tonality.
That Dravidian dorsal initial vowels of words do incorporate a dorsal glide õ, which may or may not fully develop into a bilabial fricative v, has been dealt with by me already in my Dravidic Miscellany published in this Journal.
Further confirmatory evidence that a with dorsal tonality should have existed in Dravidian as an interrogative base, is supplied by the existence in Kannada and in Kui of a series of interrogatives with d as their base :
Kannada dvan, aval, avar, eto. Kai ananju, eto.
Brahûfa. If, finally, the question is posed why from among the demonstrative bases 1, è anda, the last-mentioned should have been chosen to serve as the interrogative base, one might answer that as the interrogative always implies doubt, the idea of a certain degree of uncertaintys contained in the remote demonstrative particle would more appropriately serve the function of the interrogative, the difference between the demonstrative and the interrogative in such & case consisting only in the degree of accent carried by the particle.
III. It now remains for us only to discuss some of the peculiar secondary interrogative bases [Kann, da-, Tuļu da., d., Brahui de-, Malto né.] occurring in some of the dialects and to find out if they may or may not be connected with the base à underlying the interrogative forms discussed immediately above.
These forms are peouliar and so far have not been satisfactorily explained. Caldwell noted some of them, but offered no suggestion regarding the origin of the initial d- of these forms, which, except for this initial sound, correspond exactly to the interrogatives beginning with v and those with 4. Caldwell in this connection states only that "in these instances the analogy of the other dialects leads me to conclude yå to be the older and more correct form of the Interrogative base."
On page 777 of the Bulletin of the School of Oriental Studies, Vol. IV, Mr. E. H. Tuttle suggests that "the forms with initial y of Kannada and Tulu) have variants with initial d, apparently developed from ad(u) in the question ad evan (who is that?); the neuter is combined with a masculine in Dravidian as in German wer ist das?" For initial d. of Brahaf der also, he would suggest a similar origin, while he would relate the Brahui proximate demonstrative dd (this) to Afghán da.
Mr. Tuttle's explanation might be considered to be quite plausible if the peculiar dental initial appeared in the interrogatives only, as a variant of forms with initial a.. As a matter of fact, there are a few other words with initial and medial d, which may be considered to
6 Cl. The Tamil interrogative particlo-d in phrases like vandan-d + (did he come 1), eto.

Page #37

FEBRUARY, 1932)
THE INTERROGATIVE BASES OF DRAVIDIAN
29
be the variants of originals with palatal vowels, and which cannot in any circumstances be explained on the basis of the principle suggested by Mr. Tuttle.
Compare the following Tamil.
Kann.
Tuļu.
Kai.
Brahoi. ir (wetness)..
sir (water) .. dir (water). nir water) nettar (blood)
ditar (blood). ?[<*(n)etar <*yitar
<*yirat- j.>d- or -, - is concerned, it has to be noted that, as we have no oontinuous evidence of the intermediate stages of any of the words in question, our postulate remains without satisfactory proof.
• Howover this be, so long as we lack & convincing explanation for the initial sounds of these forms, ao long would suggestions regarding the history of the interrogatives with d-, -. also remain tontative. Wo may sum up our conclusions thus (i) The original interrogative base of Dravidian was d, the remote demonstrative
particle having been chosen as the most appropriate for expressing the
interrogative idea (ii) This interrogative base in some dialects and in some instances developed a pala
tal tonality, while in others it showed a dorsal tonality. (iii) wd, you, of Tamil, Telugu, are the developments of the interrogative base
& with a palatal tonality. (iv) ad-, no. of Tuļu and bel- of Gôndi are the developments of the interrogative base
d with a dorsal tonality. (v) The original interrogative base & appears as such without undergoing change
either in the palatal or in the dorsal direction, in Kai, Kannada and in Brahui.

Page #38

Table of Significant Demonstratives referred to in this essay.
ADJECTIVES.
ADVERBS.
PRONOUNS.
Proximate.
Intermediate. Remote. Proximate. Interm
diate.
Remote.
Proximate.
Intermediate.
Remote.
TAMIL ..
..
TilUGU..
KANNADA
MALAYALAM
..
..
TŪLÚ ..
v (rare)
"
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY
malu (here)
#- (rare) only in undu (this) which has coalesced in meaning with indu (this).
avulu (there) móļu (she)
méru (they)
KỚI
.
.
. .
.
.
å, o, é (rare)
., 6,
ở
d., o. 8- (rare)
Gopt ..
..
KURUKE
(hyu, (h)
(h)u.
BRE..
..
(dya
ZEBI 'IWAZA
Bork postulates Elamitic affinities for the remote Dem. particle é of Bråhái (vide" Reallexicon für Vorgeschichte," Vol. III, pp. 54 ff.).

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FEBRUARY, 1932)
NOTES ON HOBSON-JOBSON
NOTES ON HOBSON-JOBSON. BY PROFESSOR 8. H. HODIVALA, M.A.
(Continued from Vd. LX, page 214.) Pescarla.--Yule gives no illustrative quotation from an English author, so the following example may bear citation -
[c. 1585.) “The best pearles come from the iland of Baharim in the Persian Sea, the woorser from the Piscaria neere the isle of Ceylon, and from Aynam (Hainan), a great iland on the southernmost coast of China."-R. Fitch, in Early Travels in India, ed. Foster, p. 47.
Peshkhana. Bernier is the earliest writer quoted in illustration of this word. The following is an earlier use of the term.
[c. 1590.) “The King (Akbar) ordered the camp to be made in the traditional Mongol style. The ancient custom is that the royal pavilion (which they call the Pescqhannae or
chief house') should be placed in a pleasant open place if such can be found."--Monserrate, Commentary, trans. Hoyland, p. 75.
Pie.-c. 1380.] "When the Sultan [Firûz Tughlaq) had issued these many varieties of coins, it occurred to his benignant mind that a very poor person might buy an article in the market, and a half or a quarter jital might be due to him in change, but if the shopkeeper had no dangs (quarters), no change could be given, and the purchaser would incur a loss. ... The Sultan accordingly gave directions for the issueing of a half jítal, called adhd, and a quarter vital, called bikch, so that the requirements of the indigent might be supplied."-Tarikh-srimizsháhi in Elliot and Dowson, III, 358. The name of this quarter jital is written as n. bikh, in the printed text, and Thomas has, in his Chronicles of the Pathan Kings of Dehli, tried to make some meaning out of it by saying that it signifies a coin to be given away in charity to beggars (Hind. bhikh); but this is obviously far-fetched, and I venture to suggest with some confidence that app is a copyist's error for paika, one-fourth, i.e., the quarter or fourth part,' just as adhd signifies the moiety' or 'half.'
The earliest example of the use of pie' (pál) itself that I have come across is to be found in the Dabistân, trans. Shea and Troyer, II, 216.
Piece-goods.-This entry contains a long and most interesting catalogue of the more or less obsolete names of various kinds of fabrics made in India in olden times, and the authors have been obliged to leave many of them unexplained.
Anna batohies ' seems to be a miswriting of Anna Katchies, cf. 'Aunne Ketchies,' a few lines lower down , also Catta Ketchies,'.Putton Ketchies.' In all these names Ketchies stands for Hamilton's Catcha,'' a kind of coarse cloth.' [See also Foster, English Factories (1642-5), p. 252; (1646-50), pp. 13, 100, 106.) The different varieties are perhaps so called from the names of the towns where they were made or from which they came, viz., Aunne, i.e., Unå, near Diu in Kathidwar, Cuttack in Orissa, and Pattan, about 60 miles north-west of Ahmadabad now in the Gaikwad's territory,-the Anhilwad-Patan of the historians, which is in Gujarat (not Cutch, as Yule says).
Chundraconaes.' Yule conjecturally derives from Chandrakhana, 'moonchecks, but this name also, like 'Arrahs,' Nunsarees,'Chinechuras,' eto., more probably owes its origin to a town, viz., Chandrakona, a well-known weaving centre in Midnapur, Bengal.
So 'Callawapores' are probably from Kalûpur, the name of an old but still existing suburb of Ahmadabad, and Chittabullies' from some town called Chitapur or Jaitapur or Chintapalli-common Indian toponyms. In Dysucksoya,'' Kissorsoys,' Sicktersoya,'' soys' seems to be a corrupt form of sáhi or sãi, 'in the style of,' ' in the manner or fashion of.' These textiles were so called after persons named Dysuck (Dalsukh or Dilsukh ?), Kishor, Sickter, Sickber (Sukhbir or Sakhvir ?). Cf. Zafarkhani, Farbatkhani, Kaimkhani, etc. Yule connects Nunsarees with a place named Nansari in Bhandara district (C. P.), but there can be little doubt that these fabrics were made at Navsari about eighteen miles south of Sarat, which was long famous as a weaving-centre--the 'Nassaria ' of Jourdain, who says that it

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY
( FEBRUARY, 1932
made "greate store of baftas” (Journal, p. 128). See also Foster, English Factories (1618-21), pp. 89. 92, 95, also the 1634-36 Volume, pp. 118, 146, 164.
Similarly, 'Laccowries' appear to have been made at Lakkhaur (the Lukhawar of the Indian Atlas), about thirty miles south of Patna. See Foster, English Factories (1618-21), pp. 192, 197 ; Mundy, Travels, II, 154, 155, 362, 363.
Nicanees,' which appear to have been striped calicos,' might be nishánis, from nishan mark,'' sign.'
Pollock-saug.--Yule says it is called 'Country Spinach also. According to Fallon, pdlak is derived from Sanskrit pdlanka, a potherb, while Abul Fayl gives the following description of sûg: "It is made of spinach and other greens, and is one of the most pleasant dishes." -Ain, trans. Blochmann, I, 59. But this seems to be a secondary meaning of the Hindi ság, for it is really the Sans, sháka, green potherbs of all sorts, greens' and shaka is the ordinary Gujarati word for ' vegetables.'
It would seem as if Abul Façl's recipe is for making Pollock såg,' and that his såg is an abbreviated form of that word.
Pommelo, Pampelmoose. -- [1679.) See quotation from Bombay under Conbalingua.
Yule says that this fruit "probably did not come to India till the seventeenth century; it is not mentioned in the Ain." The botanical name of the Pummelo is given by him as Citrus decumang. But the Citrus decumang is mentioned in the Baburnama, if Erskine's and Mrs. Beveridge's interpretation of that emperor's description of the sadāphal is to be relied on.
“The sadâpal,” he writes, "is another orange-like fruit. This is pear-shaped, colours like the quince, ripens sweet, but not to the sickly-sweetness of the orange (naranj)."Trans. A. S. Beveridge, p. 512.
This learned lady further points out that "Firminger (p. 223) has Citrus decumane pyri. formis, suiting Babur's ' pear-shaped.' "-Ibid., note.
Now the sada phal is mentioned in the Ain also. Only Yule was unable to recognise it because he relied on the translation of Blochmann, who has rendered sada phal by 'custard apples,'trans. p. 66. (See Ain, Bibl. Ind., text, I, p. 70.) There can be no doubt that Babur's sada phal is not the custard apple. It was a fruit of the orange kind. Abul Fazl does not describe the sada phal, but he says explicitly that those fruits "are to be had throughout the whole year"; and as this did not suit his interpretation of it as 'custard apple, Blochmann suggested that it was "a mistake of the MSS!”
I may add that the sadāphal-whatever it may be, and the word does seem to be applied to more than one kind of fruit-is mentioned also in Siraj's Tarikh-i-Firüzsháhí, text, 128, 1.2, as growing in the gardens planted by Sultân Firûz Tughlaq in his new city of Hişâr Firûza about 1360 A.D. In short, if the sada phal of Babur was the Citrus decumana, the fruit must have been known in India long before the seventeenth century.
Punch.-1632.] "Is glad that Colley has such good company as Cartwright; hopes they will keep a good house together and drincke punch by no allowance.'” Robert Adams at Armagon to Thomas Colley at Pettapoli, 28 September, 1632, in English Factories in India (1630-1633), p. 229. Sir William Foster notes that "this appears to be the earliest known mention of this famous drink.”
Peter Mundy describes a somewhat similar drink called 'Charebockhra':
[1629-30.] “Our stronge Drinck is Racke, like stronge water, next a kinde of beer made of Course Sugar and other ingredients . . . . There is sometimes used a composition of Racke, water, sugar and Juice of Lirres called Charebockhra."-Travels of Peter Mundy, ed. Temple, II, 28. The word must be the Persian chihar bahra (ype - four portions or parts, '6
6 In Hindi, sag ( Sans. : ) is the generio term for pot-herb, pdlak is a particular kind of pot-herb, viz., garden spinach, Spinacia oleracea, Linn.-C. E. A. W. O., JOINT-EDITOR.
Or rather the Hind, chdr bakhrd (var. bakhru).-C. E. A W.O., JOINT-EDITOR.

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FEBRUARY, 1932)
NOTES ON HOBSON-JOBSON
Punkah.-The earliest reference to the use in India of the portable fan' which the authors have cited is from the Journal of Finch (1610). But Abdu'r-razzaq mentions the article in his Matla'u '8-8a'dain. In a very interesting account of his interview with the Raja of Vijayanagar in 1443, he writes :
"As I was in a profuse perspiration from the excessive heat and the quantity of clothes which I had on me, the monarch took compassion on me, and favoured me with a fan of khatai (Cathay) which he held in his hand.”-Elliot and Dowson, H. of I., IV, 113.
Sir Henry rightly points out that the Indian fans made of the Palmyra leaf "are not formed, as Chinese fans are, like those of our ladies," but it would appear from the above that “ Chinese fans" were in actual use at the Court of Vijayanagar in the middle of the fifteenth century.
The earliest clear description of the large, fixed and swinging fan '--the modern AngloIndian Punkha 'in the specific application of the term-is to be found, as Sir Richard Temple has pointed out, in The Travels of Peter Mundy, Vol. II, p. 191 (1632). The passage is cited above (Vol. LX, p. 148) in the note on Cuscuss.'
Punsaree.-Thecarliest use quoted by Yule is of 1830, but this word will be found in Mundy.
[1632.] “In fine, hee brought with him some fewe Pasdares or shoppkeepers, whoe amongst them all would not take above 4 or 5 maunds."-Travels, ed. Temple, II, 147.
Purdesee.-The occurrence of this vocable in Barbosa shows how early tho Portuguese learnt to use words belonging to the language of the country. Describing the Land of Malabar.' he writes :
“There are many other foreign Moors as well in the town of Calecut, who are called Pardesis, natives of divers lands."-The Book of Duarte Barbosa, ed. Dames, II. 75-6.
Rourdel.-The following may be quoted as early examples of the use of this interest. ing word.
[1626.) "The Dutch hearing of their arrival, in all haste sent their scrivan a Branman, with his pallankine, Kimdeleroes' and attendants compleat to carry a present to the Nayak and prevent the success of English.' - English Factories in India (1624-29), p. 121. Sir William Foster is undoubtedly right in saying that this is the copyist's misreading of Rundeleroes.'
11639.) "After him followed pallankeens, by whose side went rondeleeroes [i.e., Roundel boys! carryeing of broad things like targetts to keepe away the sunne or rayne,' - Affidavit of Ralph Cartwright, quoted in English Factories in India, ed. Sir W. Foster (1637-41), p. 48, note.
(1639.) "You bringe the Dutch in for example, saying they keepe two rundelleres, three torcheres [i.e., torch bearers) and 60 peownes, with two horses and one paliankeene."Ibid., p. 48.
Sarbatane. Yule does not seem to have noticed the use of this word by Varthema :
[c. 1508.) "These carry bows and the greater part darts of cane. Some also use Zarabottane (blow-pipes) with which they throw poisoned darts and they throw them with the mouth and, however little they draw blood, the (wounded) person dies."-Travels of L. Var. thema, tr. Badger, p. 254.
Serivan.-Sir Thomas Roe (1616) is the earliest English author quoted by Yule.
[c. 1609.) “Which the Governour perceiveinge, and this beinge required by them of him in a publique audience, the Governor cawsed notice to bee taken of it by the Caia and a scrivano before the Cadee of the town."-Journal of John Jourdain, ed. Foster, p. 101.
Seemul. There is a very early reference to this tree by a Musulman author of the fourteenth century :
[c. 1398.) "Directions were issued for bringing parcels of the Sembal (silk-cotton-tree). Quantities of this silk-cotton were placed round the column (scil. the Asoka pillar) and when the earth at its base was removed, it fell gently over on the bed prepared for it. The cotton was then removed by degrees."-Tarikh-i-Firúzsháhi, in Elliot and Dowson, H. of I., III,

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34
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY
[ FEBRUARY, 1932
351 ; also Text, 309, 1. 5, where the spelling is his. The tree is said to be mentioned in the Rigveda in what is known as VishvAmitra's Curse.'
Shahbash. The following is an early use of this term in English
[1622.] "Yesterday the time fixed by Ji Ram Shah expired, but he has only delivered a few more goods, 'hee still feedinge us with Shabash according to the base and wicked custome of this cuntrye.' "-English Factories in India, ed. Foster (1622-23), p. 177.
Shamovana, Semianna-Sir Henry has quoted the passage found on p. 54, Vol. I, of Blochmann's Translation of the Rin, but there is another at ibid., I, 46, which seems to me to give a clue to the derivation of this word. There the awning is called namgirah by Abul Fazl. This latter word would mean 'dew-catcher' or 'dew-receiver,' i.e., protector from dew. Now sham signifies evening,' and so shámiána might have been so called because it would afford protection against the evening dews.'
Mr. Crooke says that " in the early records, the word is used for a kind of striped calico." But this Semianna,' Semianno,' is an entirely different word, which never occurs in the Persian histories. It is the Indian name of a textile fabric, which was so called because it was made at Samana in the Panjab. Of this, again, there seem, as usual, to have been seve. ral varieties, coarse as well as fine.- Sir W. Foster's note in English Factories (1618-21), p. xxi; also Travels of Peter Mundy, ed. Temple, II, 140 n., 156.
(1608-13.) “This tent is curiously wrought and hath many seminans joyning round about it of most curious wrought velvet, embroidered with gold, and many of them are of cloath of gold and silver."-William Hawkins in Early Travels in India, ed. Foster, p. 117. See also Finch (ibid.), pp. 163, 184, 187.
It is clear that Hawkins' seminans' were shamiyánas, and not the cotton cloths made at Samana, as the former are explicitly said to have been of wrought velvet.'
(To be continued.)
REMARKS ON THE NICOBAR ISLANDERS AND THEIR COUNTRY. BY THE LATE SIR RICHARD C. TEMPLE, Bt., O.B., C.L.E., F.B.A., F.S.A., Chief Commissioner, Andaman and Nicobar Islands, from 1894 to 1903.
(Continued from vol. LX, page 218.) Teressa.- Thinly populated and possessing much jungle land of fertile quality, and grass land suited for rearing cattle.
Bompoka.Small and fairly well populated. Land, therefore, not available for an alien settlement.
Trinkat.-Although a large portion of this low-lying island is covered with primeval forest and uncultivated land which could with little labour be rendered capable of bearing & variety of valuable products, it possesses, at the same time, so many plantations of cocoanut, betel nut and pandanus trees, which comprise the chief wealth of the people living in the small, scattered villages on the east coasts of Nancowry and Camorta, that the establishment of a colony on any portion of the island would be regarded by the natives with extreme disfavour. Considerable as are the present returns of coooanuts and other products of 'this island, it is very certain that they are capable of enormous increase in the hands of skilled cultivators.
Nancowry and Camorta.-Thinly populated. Jungle soil of sufficient exoellence to pay the labour of cultivation. Grass land admirably adapted for rearing cattle.
Katchall and the Southern Group of Islands.-Are very thinly populated and convain abundanoe of very rich soil, presenting, therefore, the most promising field for agricultural colonists.
As the Nicobar Islands apparently lie directly in the local line of gieatest weakness, severe earthquakes are to be expected and have ocourred at least three times in the last 60

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FEBRUARY, 1932) REMARKS ON THE NICOBAR ISLANDERS AND THEIR COUNTRY
35
years. Earthquakes of great violence were recorded in 1847 (31st October to 5th December), 1881 with tidal wave (31st December), and milder shocks in 1899 (December). The tidal waves caused by the eruption of Krakatoa in the Straits of Sunda in August 1883 were severely felt.
The vexed questions of the presence of ooa' and tin in the Nicobars have so far received no decided scientific support. The white clay marls of Camorta and Nanoowry have become famous, as being true polyoistinamarls, like those of Barbadoes.
There has been considerable activity in the colleotion of both land and sea shells all over the Nioobars by members of the two expeditions above mentioned, officers of the Penal Settlement, scientific visitors, and some of the missionaries, but there does not appear to be anything of special note in the sea shells. The presence of argonauta argo, scalaria preciosa, and of a huge tridacna, measuring 3 feet and more, may, however, be noted. The land shells are of more interest, as supporting the geological evidence regarding the connections of the islands north and south.
The marine and land fauna of the Nicobang take generally the character of that of the Andamang, though while the Andamans' fauna is closely allied to Arakan and Burma, the Nicobars' displays more affinities with Sumatra and Java. The land fauna, owing to greater ease in communications, has been better explored than the Andamans.
The economic zoology of the Nicobars is also mainly that of the Andamans. Coral, trepang, outtle-bones, sea-shells, oysters, pearls, pearl-oysters, turtle and tortoise-shell, edible birds' nests are equally found in both groups of islands. And in the Nicobars & somewhat inferior quality of bath sponge is obtainable.
Although the vegetation of the Nicobars has received much desultory attention from scientific obeervers, it has not been subjected to a systematic examination by the Indian Forest Department like that of the Andamans. In economic value the forests of the Nicobars are quite inferior to the Andaman forests, and so far as known the commercially valuable trees, besides the fruit trees such as the cocoanut (Cocos nucifera), the betel-nut (Areca Catechu) the mellori (Pandanus leeram), are & thatching-palm (Nipa fruticans), and the timber trees Myristica Irya, Mimusope littoralis, Hopea odorata, Artocarpus Lakoocha, Calophyllum inophyllum, Calophyllum spectabile, Podocarpus neriifolia, Artocarpus Chaplasha. Of these only the first would at the Andamans be classed as a first class timber, the last would be a third class timber and the rest second olass. The minor forest products are limited to dammer (obtained from Dipterocarpus sp.) and rattans. The palms of the Nicobars are exceedingly Eruceful, especially the beautiful Ptychoraphis augusta. The large clumps of Casuarina equisetifolia and great tree-ferns (Alsophila albo-setacea) are also striking' features of the landscape in places.
In the old missionary records are frequently mentioned instances of the introduction of foreign economic plants. In this matter the people have been apt pupils indeed, and nowadays a number of familiar Asiatic fruit-trees are carefully and successfully cultivated; pumelos (the largest variety of the orange family), lemons, limes, oranges, shaddocks, papayas, bael-fruit (wood-apple), custard apples, bullock's-hearte, tamarinds, jacks, and plantains: besides bugarcane, yams, edible oolooasia, pine-apples, capsicum, and so on. A diminutive orange, said to come from China and to have been introduced by the Moravian missionaries, is now acclimatised (and at the Andamans). It is quite possible also that with the missionaries came the peculiar zigzag garden fence of the Northern Islands. With the long commerce of the people a number of Indian weeds (Malvacece and Composita) have been introduced, Datura, Solanum, Flemmingia mallotus, Mimosa, and so on.
IV. METEOROLOGY, It has always been held to be of importance to maintain a meteorological station at the Nicobars for supplementing the information to be obtained from the Andamane as to the

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY
[ FEBRUARY, 1932
direction and intensity of cyclonic storms in the Bay of Bengal. A subsidiary station was therefore set up at Nancowry Harbour on the British assumption of possession in 1869 and properly maintained while the penal settlement lasted there till 1888, and after a fashion thereafter till 1897, when it was removed to Mus in Car Nicobar.
The climate generally is that of the islands of similar latitude ; very hot except when raining, damp, rain throughout the year, generally in sharp heavy showers, unwholesome for Europeans, in places dangerously subject to malaria. The weather is generally unsettled, especially in the south. The islanders are exposed to both monsoons with easterly and north-easterly gales from November to January, and south-westerly gales from May to September; smooth weather only from February to April and in October; occasionally visited by cyclones (recorded instances, May 1885, March 1892). The normal barometric readings (five years in Nancowry Harbour) vary between 29.960 and 29-797, being highest in January and lowest in June.
The rainfall varies much from year to year as will be seen from the following table And diagraol :
Rainfall in inches annually at Nancoury, 1874 to 1888. 1873-74 ..
94.24 1874
.. 108.14 1875
.. 99.97 1876
.. 136.55 1877
108.55 1878
.. Not given. 1879
109.72 1880
.. 101.96 1881
.. 127.61 1882
143. 24 1883
122.35 1884
109.62 1885
93.04 1886
.. 143.91 1887
. .. .. .. 165.44 1888
.. .. .. .. .. .. 128.29 The chief moteorological statistics for five years at the Penal Settlement in Nancowry Harbour are given below :
1881. 1885. 1886. 1887. 1888.
TEMPERATURE. Mean highest in shade .. May 91.3 April 916 April 91.9 July 86.5 April 91.2 Mean lowest in shade . Dec. 74.5 Dec. 73.3 Dec. 71.8 Feby. 72.2 Jany. 72.2 Highest in shade .. May 92-2 May 95.4 Aug. 98.2 April 90.6 May 97.4 Lowest in shade .. July 70.3 Sept. 71.0 Dec. 64.0 Mar. 66-4 Jany. 68.8 Dry bulb mean .. 83.3 844
82.7
83.9 Wet bulb mean .. 77.5 78.1 76.6
77.2
77.8
RAINFALL. Most wet days in a month. May 21 July 23 Novr. 23 May 27 Septr. 22 Hex viest fall in a month. May 21.75 Dec. 17.00 Novr. 25.23 Novr. 20-41 Oetr. 27.63 Total fall in year
106
128 133
123 Total wet days
.. 148
157 170 222
148
::::::::::::::::
91

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FEBRUARY, 1932) REMARKS ON THE NICOBAR ISLANDERS AND THEIR COUNTRY
37
E.S. E...
1884 1885. 1886. 1887.
1888.
WIND. N. E. .. .. .. April, Decr. January .. Jany., Feb., Jany., Feby. Jany., Feby.,
March,
Mar., Novr.,
December. April
.. April .. March .. .... S. S. W. . .. .. .. .. .... May to Aug. .... S. W. .. .. .. May to Octr. May to Octr. Sept. Oetr. Apl. to Sept. Apl. to Octr.
November.. November.. .... E. .. .. .. .... Feby., Mar., December.. Octr., Novr., ....
December.
Decr. W. S. W. .. November.. ....
CLOUDS. Clouds usually are ..P. K. .. K. & P. K:1 P. K. P.K. P. K.
With these can be partially compared Meteorological Statistics for Car-Nicobar since the establishment of the station there.
. 1898.9
1899. 1900. 1901.3
TE. (PERATURE. Mean highest in shade .. Septr. 84.4 May 88.7 July 88.6 Apl. 91.6 Mean lowest in shade . : 76.7 April 77.9 Feby, 77.6 Octr. 74.6 Highest in shade
- 88.0 March 92.3 April 93.5 April 92.3 Lowest in shade . .. Novr. 70.7 Feby, 66.0 March 66.8 Jany. 71.6 Dry bulb mean
.. , 79.3 83.2 , 83.8 84.2 Wet bulb mean .. » 77.2 73.6
73.0 74.0
RAINFALL. Most wet days in a month .. Octr. 18 June 26 May 20 Septr. 22 Heaviest fall in a month . Septr. 11.38 , 20.96 , 16.79 19.77 Total fall in year .. .. 44 , 104 , 106
78. Total wet days .. .. 51 , 178
131 , 99.
V. HISTORY. The situation of the Nicobars along the line of a very ancient trade has caused them to be reported by traders and seafarers through all historical times. Gerini has fixed on Maniola for Car-Nicobar and Agathodaimonos for Great Nicobar as the right ascription of Ptolemy's island names for this region. This ascription agrees generally with the medieval editions of Ptolemy. Yule's guess that Ptolemy's Barussæ is the Nivobars is corrected by Gerini's statement that it refers to Nias. In the 1490 edition of Ptolemy the Satyrorum Insulæ, placed to the south-east of the Malay Peninsula, where the Anamba Islands east of Singapore, also on the line of the old route to China, really are, have opposite them the remark :qui has inhabitant caudas habere dicunturno doubt in confusion with the Nicobars. They are without doubt the Lankhabalus of the Arab Relations (861 A.D.), which term may be safely taken as & misapprehension or mistransoription of some form of Nicobar (through Nakkavar, Nankhabar), thus affording the earliest reference to the modern term. But there is an earlier mention of them by I-Tsing, the Chinese Buddhist monk, in his travels (672 A.D.) under the name of the Land of the Naked People (Lo-jen-kuo) and this seems to have been the recognised name for them in China at that time. “Land of the Naked " translates Nakkavaram, the name by which the islands appear in the great Tanjore inscription of 1050. This name reappears in Marco Polo's Necuveran (1292), in Rashidu'd. dîn's Nakwaram (1300), and in Friar Odorio's Nicoveran (1322), which are the lineal ancestors of the fifteenth and sixteenth century Portuguese Nacabar and Nioubar and the modern
1 P. K. = Pallio-Cumulus, K. = Cumulus. • The observations in 1898 are only given from the 1st September to 31st December 1898. 3 In 1901 the observations are only up to 31st October 1901.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY
(FEBRUARY, 1.
Nicobar. The name has been Nicobar since at least 1560. The fanciful story of the taile is repeated by the Swede Kjoeping as late as 1647.
In the seventeenth century at least, and probably much earlier, as Haensel speaks of pater =sorcerer, and Pere Barbe of deos and reos=God as survivals of Portuguese missionaries, the Nicobars began to attract the attention of a variety of missionaries. As early as 1688 Dampier mentions that two (probably Jesuit)" fryers " had previously been there "to convert the Indians." Next we have the letters (in Lettres Édifiantes) of the French Jesuits, Faure and Taillandier, in 1711. And then in 1756 the Danes took possession of the islands to colonise, the previous possession being a shadowy French one, but employed the wrong class of men sent by the Danish East India Company. The colony, affiliated to Tranquebar, had perished miserably by 1759. The Danes then in 1759 invited the Moravian Brethren to try their hands at conversion and colonisation, and thus in due time commenced the Moravian (Herrnhuter) Mission which lasted from 1768 to 1787. It did not flourish and the Danish East India Company losing heart, withdrew in 1773 and left the missionaries to a miserable fate. In 1778, by persuasion of an adventurous Dutchman, William Bolts, the Austrians appeared, but their attempt failed in three years. This offended the Danes, and from 1784 till 1807 they kept up a truly wretched little guard in Nancowry Harbour. In 1790 and 1804 fresh attempts by isolated Moravian missionaries were made. From 1807 to 1814 the islands were in English possession during the Napoleonic wars, and were then handed back by treaty to the Danes. During this time an Italian Jesuit arrived from Rangoon, but soon returned. In 1831 the Danish pastor Rosen from Tranquebar again tried to colonise, but failed for want of support and left in 1834, and by 1837 his colony had disappeared, the Danes officially giving up their rights in the place. In 1835 French Jesuite arrived in Car-Nicobar (where the Order claim to have succeeded 200 years previously) and remained on in great privation in Teressu, Chowra and elsewhere till 1846, when they too disappeared. In 1845 the Danes sent Busch in an English ship from Calcutta to resume possession, who left a good journal behind him, and in 1846 the scientific expedition in the Galathea with a new and unhappy settlement scheme. In 1848 they formally relinquished sovereignty and finally removed all remains of their settlement. In 1858 the Austrians again arrived scientifically in the Novara with a scheme for settlement which came to nothing. In 1867 Franz Maurer, an officer, strongly advised the Prussian Government to take up the islands, but in 1869 the British Government, after an amicable conversation with the Danish Government, took formal possession, and established in Nancowry Harbour, under that at the Andamans, a Penal Settlement which was withdrawn in 1888. In 1886, the Austrian corvette Aurora visited Nancowry and produced a Report and also a series of well-illustrated articles by its surgeon, Dr. W. Svoboda. At present there are maintained native agencies at Nancowry Harbour and on Car-Nicobar, both of which places are gazetted ports. At Car-Nicobar is a Church of England mission station under a native Indian catechist attached to the Diocese of Rangoon; the only one that has not led a miserable existence. The islands since 1871 have been included in the Chief Commissionership of the Andaman and Nicobar Islands.
The long story of the European attempts to colonise and evangelise such a place as the Nicobars is a reoord of the extreme of useless suffering that merely well-intentioned enthusiasm and heroism can infliot, if they be not combined with practical knowledge and a proper equipment. Nevertheless, the various missions have left behind them valuable records of all kinds about the country and its people : especially those of Haensel (1779-1787, but written in 1812), Rosen (1831-1834), Chopard (1844), Barbe (1846). Scattered English accounts of the islands are also to be found in many books of travel almost continuously from the sixteenth century onwards.
(To be continued.)

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Page #48

Indian Antiquary.
Plate
SKETCH MAP
JEJAKABHUKTI
SOUTHERN INDIA showing Site where ASOKAN INSCRIPTIONS have been discovered
+ marted the X
Ruprath
Narmadan
SURAS TRANSM
*Gurnar
Tipi
Melodi
Eustack
Nastk
KALINO A.
Ngheteisthi
Sopka
**
BOMBAY
Pokl. gen.
halings)
ANDHRA
HYDERABADO
Maskin
GOA
Koptelep
kslas
S.M.
Camera
Coliest
Kenges My
O
ENVIRONG.
chkorakalio
C. E. A. W. o. del.

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FEBRUARY, 1932)
MISCELLANEA
39
MISCELLANEA. RECENT DISCOVERIES OF EDICTS OF ASOKA. spending eight days in a thorough examination of the
Through the courtesy of the Director of Archeo. area. One of the other inscriptions referred to by logy, H. E. H. the Nigam's Dominions, we are able Mr. Sastri turned out to be a Kanarese record, but to refer to the discovery of two new Rock Edicte in the second, incised on the bare rock on the higheet the Brahmi script at Kopbal (the Koppal of the point of the PAlki Gund hill (2,339 ft. above s.l.) India Survey shoots) in the extreme south-west proved to be an Asokan minor rock ediet, of which corner of the Nizam's territory.
only five linea remained traceable, the remainder The town of kopbal, or Koppal, the ancient name having been wom away by weathering of the rock. of which appears from a Kanarese inscription on Excellent photographic records were made of thia the Candra Bandi rock within the outer fort walls inscription and of the longer one on the Gavi Math to have been Kopananagara, lies about 21 miles hill : and these have been submitted to an expert west of the ruins of Vijayanagars and rather more for decipherment and publication in due course. than a mile from the east bank of the Hire Halla The local evidence indicates that both these sites river, one of the northern tributarios of the Tunge- were originally Buddhist, but later on passed into bhadra. The town nestles beneath a towering mass the possonsion of the Jaing, Kanarese records of granitio rock of irregular quadrilateral shape, showing that Jaina anchorites had settled there which rises abruptly to a height of some 400 feet for contemplation. above it (or 2,219 ft. above sea level). This mass of In this connexion it should be noted that some rock with precipitous cliffs all round formed &
two years earlier a very important discovery had natural fortress, which was further strengthened by been made of complete recension of the Rock massive walls and battlements guarding every pos- Edicts of Aboka near Yerragudi (the Erragudi of the sible line of assault and rendering it well nigh impreg. Survey sheet) about & miles north by west from nable before the use of heavy artillery. In fact, in Gooty in the Karnal district, and about 95 miles 1790 it withatood for six months a siege by the
in & direct line to the east of Kopbal. These adicta British and their allies operating against Tipů have not yet been published, but it is understood Sultan, when Sir John Maloolm, then a subaltern in that a fairly detailed and illustrated account of them the besioging army, described it as the strongest will appear later in the Annual Report, 4. 8. 1. place he had till then noon. Adjoining this fortress Besides these more recent discoveries, it will be rehill on the wont and south-west is a range of hills, membered, a rock inscription was discovered by Mr. the highest point of which, just a milo due west of Beadon in 1916 at Maski in the Raichar district of the town, is known as Paiki Gund (the palanquin the Nigam's Dominions, which lies about 45 miles boulder from its shapo. About half a mile to the
north-east of Kopbal, and three rock inscriptions east of the Kopbal fort is a small rocky hill rising
were found by Mr. B. L. Rice in 1892 at Siddapura, some 150 foet above the surrounding level, known
Brahmagiri and Jaţioga-Rámokvara in the Molkalas the Gavi Math hill, containing four caves; while
muru taluq of the Chitaldrug district in the Mysore about it miles south-east of the fort is another
State, about the same distance to the south ast isolated rocky hill, which had also been strongly of kopbal. Thus there have been found up to date fortified, called Bahadur Bands (the Bahadarabanda
Abokan inscriptions at no less than seven sites of the Survey sheet). Good views of the Kopbal
within a circle of less than fifty miles in radius, six and Bahadur Banda forts will be found in the
of which lie in the central basin of the Tungabhadro, Journal of the Hyderabad Archeological Society,
and one (Erragudi) just outside that basin. This Jan. 1916, p. 94 (Plates XXVIII and XXIX).
cluster, if it may be so doncribed, of Atoka's edicts is On the rock beneath a large boulder over a natural remarkable, inasmuch as the only other records of cavern that had been adapted as a cave on the Gavi the great Mauryan emperor hitherto found to the Mathi hill a Rock Ediet of 8 lines of Brahmi charac- south of the Vindhyas are thome at Gunar, Sopara ters has now been found. The existence of this (fragmentary), Rūpn&th, Dhauli and Jaugade, hun. inscription had been known to the local Lingayata, dreds of miles away. I have drawn rough sketch by whom the site is held sacred, for some time, but map showing all those sites, as well as a sketch of it was not till January 1931 that the Guru of the Kopbal and its vicinity showing the PAlkf Gund nath drew to it the attention of Mr. N. R. Sastri, and Gevi Math hills, where the latest finds have & resident of Kopbal who is interested in the ancient been made. history of the loonlity, suggesting that it was a Though it be quite possible, if not probable, that Tamil rocord. Mr. Sastri sent a communication to other records in intermediate looalitice still await the Archmological Department, adding that two discovery, the occurrence of woven rock inscriptions other Brahms inscriptions had also been found in this comparatively wall area nema to indicate Mr. Yazdani, Director of Archaeology, at once took that special attention had been given to it, whether steps to have all the local inscriptions examined, as a stronghold of Buddhism at the time or, which and he himself proceeded to Kopbal in Juno last, seems more probable, as a frontior eros of particular
1 As a Memoir, Arch. Dept., H. E. H. the Nizam's Dominions, shortly to appear.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY
[ FEBRUARY, 1932
importance. If the Suvarpagiri and Isila of the Brahmagiri and Siddapura records could only be satisfactorily identified, some further light might be thrown upon the contemporary conditions of this
outlying portion of the empire. It is to be hoped that further discovery or research may supply the clue required.
C. E. A. W. o.
BOOK-NOTICES. SELECTIONS FROM THE PESHWA DAFTAR : Nos. 1 to Few will be found to quarrel with this verdict,
12. Government Central Press, Bombay, 1930. though some allowance must be made for the
Some twonty-five years ago, proponele were put doubtful loyalty of many influential supporters forward by the Bombay Government for the publi. among the Maratha chiefs, after the wonderful cation of selected papers from the valuable records personality of Bivaji had been removed from sup. at Poona known as the Peshwa's Daftar. The rome control. The Marathå power really owed its work was to have been entrusted to Mr. A. M. T. downfall to intrigue and dissensions from within. Jackson, in whose capable hands it would have It is related, in part II, how the Musalman Power been admirably placed. Unfortunately the Secretary in the South of India, after the victory of Udgir, of State, the late Lord Morley, from mistaken WAS saved only by the disastrous course of events motives of economy, would only agree to a cheaper in the North. Particularly instructive are the agent of his own suggestion, who would have been papers dealing with the attempts to subdue the quite incapable of doing justice to the materials. Sidi of Janjira. We are told that “one thing that The proposal was then dropped ; and the murder stands out prominently in reading these papers is of Mr. Jackson at Nasik shortly afterwards rendered the utter confusion and mismanagement on the part its revival later impossible.
of the Marathda, due to lack of organization," We here have a selection of papers in the original Shahu stinted his forces in supplies and munitions, Marathi, with short English summaries, apparently and placed no confidence in his commanders. In issued under the orders of the Government of these conditions, failure was inevitable. Bombay, though we are informed that they accept 1 Part 8, with some new and very interesting no responsibility for the comments and views of details of Shahu's private life, will repay careful the Editor, who remains anonymous.
study. We road picturesque details of his love of It may at once be admitted that the materials horses, dogs and rare birds. He writes to the will be of great value to all students of the history Peshwa, away on a Mission in Northern India, to of the Marathis, that powerful combination of keep his eyes open for Arah harun m Kunbi, Dhangar and Koli, which in reaction against and yake," is clamant for good-looking dancing the penetration of Musalman conquerors into the girls, and keenly devoted to the manly sport of Deccan, replaced the fallon Hindu domination of tiger shooting, as was his famous grandfather. Vijayanagar by & new and more powerful Hindu Here we must leave these papers for want of confederacy.
space to illustrate them further. These papors deal with the following events
The work of editing appears to be well done, and 1. The Battle of Panipat.
the subsequent issues will be awaited with much 2. The Battle of Udgir.
interest. 3. Shahu's Campaign against the Sidis.
R. E. E. 4. Reports on Anandibdi. 5. The League of the BarbhAis.
JOURNAL OF THE BOMBAY HISTORICAL SOCIETY, 6. Râmråja's Struggle for Power.
vol. III, pta. 1 and 2, Mar. and Sept., 1930. 7. Early Activities of ShAhu and BAIAji The Journal of the Bombay Historical Society Vishvanath.
continues, under the guidance of Fr. H. Horse, 8. Shahu in his Private Life.
to do useful work. In the lasue for March 1930 9. Bajirao and his Family.
Fr. G. Schurhammer, 8.J., writes on Iniquitriber. 10. Strife between Bajirao and the Nizâm. im and Betuperumal, Chers and Pandys kinga in 11. Shahu's Relations with Sambhaji of southern India in 1544, quoting from the letters Kolhapur.
of St. Francis Xavior, and Mr. M. K. Trilokekar 12. Thė Dabhades and the Conquest of Gujarat. discusses the career of the French adventuror, The text of the volumes is in De indgart, but St. Lubin. In the number for September, we notice interesting examples of the Modt o ginale, in- a comprehensive bibliography of Indian history for cluding the actual handwriting of Shahu and other the year 1928, and articles on Shivaji's visit to well known characters are given. The Editor holds Benarus by Prof. A. S. Altekar, and Marmuri that the new materials now published tend "to copper-plate grant of the Western Chalukya Satyas. fix the chief responsibility for the disastrous evente raya by Prof. K. G. Kandengar. The series of at Panipat on the Peshwa himself, who was either extracts from the Dutch diaries of the Castle of fast losing health or over confident of his power, Batavia Monumenta Historiæ India) is continued or too much addicted to the pursuit of pleasure to in both issues. spare his attention for graver concerns at a distance." !
H. E. A. C.

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MARCH, 1932 ]
THE NAGAR BRAHMANS AND THE BENGAL KAYASTHAS
41
INDIAN STUDIES
No. 3. THE NÅGAR BRÅHMANS AND THE BENGAL KAYASTHAS.
BY PROF. DR. BHANDARKAR, PH.D., F.A.S.B. TWENTY years ago I published an article in this Journal, Vol. XL p. 32 ff., showing that there was a racial identity or rather affinity between the Kayasthas of Bengal and the Någar Brâhmans of Bombay Gujarât. There were no less than thirteen Sarmans or 'nameendings' which were in vogue among the Någar Bråhmans nearly 700 years ago. They are also called Åmushyâyaņas, which means clan names. Some of these Sarmans or Amushyâyanas were Datta, Ghosha, Varman, Nâga, Mitra and so forth. These are now to be found as surnames amongst the Kayasthas of Bengal. But that they were in use amongst the Någar Brahmans 700 years ago and even much earlier was shown by me by reference to some of the Valabhi inscriptions which go back to the sixth century A.D. It was pointed out that such Amushyâyaņas as Mitra, Tråta and Datta were found attached to the personal names of many Brâhman grantees of these epigraphs who hailed from Anandapura (Vadnagar) and who consequently could be no other than the Någar Brâhmans. The conclusion was thus irresistible that there was some sort of racial affinity, if not identity, between the Någar Brahmans of Gujarat and Kashiâwâr and the Kayasthas of Bengal.
The chain of evidence was not, however, regarded as complete at that time, as it was not prov. ed, in the first place, that the surnames now used by the Bengali Kayasthas were in vogue in Bengal as early as the Valabhi inscriptions and, secondly, that they were prevalent also amongst the Bråhmang of ancient Bengal and Orissa, as they doubtless were among the Nagar Brâhmans of ancient Gujarât. No epigraphic evidence of irrefragable character was available when my article was published. Epigraphy has, however, made considerable progress during the last twenty years, and we are now in a position to say something definite on each point. As regards the first question, a careful study of the inscriptions clearly shows that the Kayastha surnames were in existence long long before the Muhammadan invasion of Bengal. Thus in the copperplate grants of the Sena kings Vijayasena, Ballalasena and Lakshmaṇasena, we trace such names as Saladda-Någa, Hari-Ghosha, and Narayana-Datta' among those of the Officers specified at the end. But it is no wonder if these Kayastha surnames are found in these and other Bengal records of the eleventh and twelfth century A.D., because this period is contiguous with the Muhammadan invasion, with which begins the medieval and modern history of India. What we are principally concerned with here is to ascertain to what earliest age the Bengali KĀyastha surnames can be traced. And in this connection it is not at all necessary to take note of every inscription which contains such a name or names. Let us pass over at least five or six centuries and see whether we can detect any Kayastha surnames earlier. One such group of inscriptions was found more than twenty years ago in the Faridpur district of Bengal. They were four copper-plate grants pertaining to the sixth century A.D. Two of these were issued by Dharmaditya, one by Gopachandra and one by Samacharadeva. The first three were edited by F. E. Pargiter and the last by Mr. Nalinikanta Bhattasali. All these records specify the names of officials belonging to manifold ranks, from the provincial governor right down to petty village officials. And here it is not at all difficult to perceive that their names end in what are known at present as Kayastha surnames. Thus among the provincial gover. nors we have to notice Sthåņu-Datta, Naga-Deva and Jiva-Datta. Some of the minor officials named are Naya-Sena, Kula-Chandra, Satya-Chandra, Guna-Chandra, Soma-Ghosha and so forth. It will be seen that the name endings here, such as Datta, Deva, Chandra and
1 They are called both Sarmans and Amushyâyanas in the Ndgara-pushpanjali, Part III. p. 65 ff. and p. 78 it. Någarot patti by Gang bankar Pancholi, however, speaks of them as Amushy Ayanas only (pp. 24 and 30). The term dmushydyana is explained as eponymous clans in the Ndgarakhanda of the Skandapurana, Chap. 107, v. 73 ff.
? Insor. of Bengal (Varendra Res. Soc.), Vol. III. pp. 64, 75, 88, 97 and 103. 3 Ind. Ant., 1910, pp. 195-6, pp. 200.), and pp. 204-5; Ep. Ind., Vol. XVIII pp. 70-7.

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Ghosha are the same as the Kayastha surnames of Bengal. But perhaps the earliest records where such surnames are traceable are the five celebrated copper-plate charters of the early Gupta kings found at Damodarpur in the Dinajpur district of Bengal. The earliest of these again is dated G. E. 124=442 A.D., and the latest G. E. 214 = 532 A.D. These charters throw a flood of light on the system of administration prevalent under the Imperial Guptas. The provinces were ruled by governors appointed by the king, but the districts comprised in them were held by vishayapatis selected by the provincial governors. And further the district towns themselves were administered by the vishayapati helped by a council of Nagara-freshthin, Sarthavdiha, Prathama-Kulika and Prathama-Kayastha. One minor but not insignificant official of the district was the Pustapila. Now in these Damodarpur copper-plates when the names of these different officials are specified, we find them also ending in Kayastha surnames. Thus the provincial governors whose names are therein mentioned are Chirata-Datta, Brahma-Datta and Jaya Datta. The vishayapatis are Vetra-Varman and Svayambha-Deva. The officers who formed their councils are Dhriti-Pala, Bandhu-Mitra, Dhriti-Mitra, Samba-Pala, Ribhu-Pala, Vasu-Mitra, Vara-Datta, Vipra-Pala, Sthâņu-Datta, Mati-Datta and Skanda-Pala. The pustapalas named in these grants are Rişi-Datta, Jaya-Nandin, Vibhu-Datta, Patra-Dåsa, Vishņu-Datta, Vijaya-Nandin, Sthâņu-Nandin, Nara-Nandin, Gopa-Datta and Bhata-Nandin.
We have thus before us two lists of the names of officers, namely, those specified in the Faridpur and those in the Damodarpur grants. And it will be noticed that most of them terminate in Chandra, Datta, Dása, Deva, Ghosha, Mitra, Nandin and Varman, which correspond to the Kayastha surnames of Bengal. The Sanskrit language is, however, so elastic that it is possible to contend that these name-endings need not be taken as surnames at all, but considered as integral parts of the whole individual names. Thus Skandapala need not necessarily denote a person called Skanda and surnamed Pala, but rather an individual who was named Skandapala in the sense of "protected by the god Skanda." It is quite possible to explain most of these names in this manner, but this cannot explain them all. For what explanation can be forthcoming of such names as Soma-Ghosha, ChirataDatta, Bandhu-Mitra, Patra-Dasa, Nara-Nandin, Bhata Nandin and so forth? What philological ingenuity can interpret Chirâta-Datta and Patra-Dasa, for instance? Again, what we have to bear in mind is that we have here a large number of names, and there is hardly any one among them which does not end in a Kayastha surname. Even if we take such names as Vetra-Varman and Patra-Dåsa, which to a non-Bengali look like ordinary names, we know that the name endings here also correspond to the Kayastha surnames Barman and Dås, though they are commonly regarded as the name suffixes of the Kshatriya and Südra communities. What again can better explain the two names--Dhriti-Mitra and Dhriti-Pala, where Dhriti forms the first component ? Philology, of course, can explain the former by dhriter=mitram (Dhritimitrah) and the latter by dhritim palayal=iti (Dhritipaiah). Mitra and Pála are well-known surnames, but Dhriti is not. Common sense, therefore, dictates that Dhțiti is the individual name of both and that whereas Mitra is the family name of one Dhriti, Pala is that of the other Dhriti. It is therefore difficult to avoid the conclusion that all these names of officers are full names, each consisting of the individual and the family name, the last of these, that is, the family names, being identical with the Kayastha surnames. And as the earliest of these inscriptions is dated 442 A.D., it is incontrovertible that the Kayastha surnames are traceable as early as the fifth century A.D. It must not however be thought that the officers who bore these names were all of the Kayastha caste, because Kayastha at this early period was an office designation and had not crystallised into a caste. We have already seen that the Damodarpur copper-plates themselves speak of a Prathama-Kayastha side by side with Nagara-Sreshthin, Sårthavâha and Prathama-Kulika, who together formed the administrative board of a district town. This itself shows that like Nagara-Sreshthin
* Ep. Iwl., Vol. XV. r. 113 ff.

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MARCH, 1932 ) THE NAGAR BRAHMANS AND THE BENGAL KAYASTHAS
43
and others, Prathama-Kayastha was an office designation. Corresponding to PrathamaKayastha was the term Jyeshtha-Kayastha which occurs as an office designation in two of the Faridpur copper-plates adverted to above. In fact, the earliest mention of Kayastha that we meet with is in the Yajnavalkya-8mpiti (I. 336),' the compilation of which is generally referred to 350 A.D. There it seems to be used in the sense of an officer.' At any rate, there is nothing in the text to show that it denotes any particular caste. And, in fact, K&yagtha as a caste does not seem to have sprung into existence before the ninth century A.D. When, therefore, we trace Kayastha surnames in the names of officers in the charters mentioned above, it does not follow that they were borne by those who were Kayastha by caste.
It is clear from the above evidence that the Kayastha surnames in Bengal can be traced as early as the fifth century A.D., even earlier than the time of the Valabbi plates which contain the names of the Någar Brahmans. The question that now arises is whether there are any inscriptions in Eastern India which show that there were Brahmans in Bengal and Orissa who, like the Nâgar Brâhmans, bore name-endings identical with Kayastha surnames. The records in point were no doubt published after I wrote the article, but though they have now been before scholars for a good many years, the evidence furnished by them has somehow escaped them. And it was a Bengal Kayastha, Mr. Jogendra Chandra Ghosh, who saw it sometime ago and brought it to the prominent attention of historians, in the shape of an article entitled "Grant of Bhaskar Varman of Kâmarûpa and the Någar Brâhmans." The article was published in the Indian Historical Quarterly, 1930, p. 60 ff., and is so important that no serious student of the ancient history of India can afford to ignore it. The records bearing on the point are three in number. One of these is the inscription published by MM. Padmanatha Bhattacharyya Vidyavinoda in Epigraphia Indica, Vol. XII. p. 65 ff. Epigraphists need not be told that in 1912 three copper-plates were discovered at Nidhanpur in Pañchakhanda, Sylhet, connected with a grant of Bhaskaravarman, pertaining to the Pushyavarman family of Pragjyotisha (Assam). These plates were three in number, and when the Mahamahopadhyaya edited them, he rightly remarked that they did not complete the original grant and that some plates were missing. Three of these last have now been discovered and published by the learned Pandit in the same Journal, Vol. XIX. p. 118 ff. and p. 246 ff. They are of extreme importance, because they enumerate many Brehman grantees of many gotras and surnames. This importance somehow escaped the notice of the lynx-eyed editor, but not of Mr. J. C. Ghosh, who, in the article referred to above, pointed out that these grantees, though they were Brahmans, bore name-endinge which were K&yastha surnames. Fortunately the Mahamahopadhyâya has set forth a list of these donees with their Veda, gotra and name, who are no less than 205 in number. If we carefully examine this list, we notice the following Kayastha padavis assumed by them, namely Bhüti (Nos. 18, 28, 74), Dama (Nos. 16, 17, 105), Dasa (Nos. 79, 112, 113), Datta (Nos. 14, 15, 41, 62, 83, 108), Deva (Nos. 11-13, 39, 55-9), Ghosha (Nos. 9, 10, 93, 99), Kîrtti (No. 95), Kunda (Nos. 44-50), Pala (No. 77), PAlita (Nos. 33-37), Sena (No. 30), Soma (Nos. 31, 32, 94), V(B)asu (Nos. 2,7), and so forth. The conclusion is irresistible that there was a time when even the Brahmans in Bengal adopted surnames which are now thought to be the conspicuous feature of the Kayastha community.
It is true that the Nidhanpur plates which contain the above names were found in the Sylhet district, which falls under Assam. But linguistically and culturally Sylhet forms an integral part of Bengal, though for the purposes of administration it is now attached to Assam. So the Brahman donees who bear Kayastha surnames must be taken as settled in Bengal, though in the easternmost part of the province. Now the question that we have to consider is : to what period have these donees to be assigned The Nidhanpur charter, as stated above, was issued by Bhaskaravarman of Pragjyotisha, who was a contemporary and ally
6 For a full interpretation of this verse, see r. 47 below. See Also l'ishnu-sinriti, VII. 3.

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of Harsha of Kanauj. It does not however register the original grant, which was made, nou by him but by Bhûtivarman (=Mahabhûtavarman), his great-great-grandfather. Owing to some mishap, we are told, the plates were burnt, and the grant was renewed by Bhaskaravarian in favour of those to whom it was originally issued. The Brahman donees specified in this epigraph belong therefore to the time, not of Bhaskaravarman but of Bhûtivarman, not to the first half of the seventh century A.D. but to at least the beginning of the sixth. The second question that here engages our mind is to determine where the land granted was situated. According to the Mahamahopadhyâya it was somewhere in North Bengal, not far from Karnasuvarna, from where the grant was renewed. He however felt that all was not right as the land donated was far distant from the place where the plates were actually exhumed. But Mr. Ghosh in his article has adduced some cogent reasons to show that the land could be located in Pañchakhanda itself from where the plates came and where the Sampradayika Bråhmans of Sylhet are settled. Mr. Ghosh's identification seems more acceptable as the place granted is thus not far removed from where the plates were unearthed and as the Sampradayika Brâhmans can thus be naturally looked for as the descendants of the Brahmans who, from the Nidhanpur inscription, seem to have been settled there in a colony. We thus see that as early as 500 A.D., there was a settlement of Brahmans in the easternmost part of Bengal who bore name-endings which are now thought to be the characteristic surnames of the Bengal Kayastha community.
When we find a colony of Bråhmaņs established in a part of old Bengal, it is not to be expected that there were not further settlements of the same Brahman community in other parts of East India. And, as a matter of fact, we have found not one but two more inscriptions in this region which mention Brahmans with Kayastha surnames. Here, too, we are indebted to the same Mr. Ghosh for having first drawn our attention to them. One of these inscriptions is the copper-plate charter of Lokanatha? discovered in the Tippera district of Bengal. It registers grants of lands to a settlement of a hundred Brahmans in the forest district of Suvvunga. Here too we find that the names of the Brahman donees end in Kayastha padavis, such as Bhûti, Chandra, Dama, Dasa, Datta, Deva, Ghosha, Mitra, Nandin, Sarman and Soma. In line 29 the record is dated ...... dhike chatuśchatváriñsat-samvatsare Phálguna-mise ...... The letters dhike, with which these words commence, show that the date was at least 144, and not 44 as supposed by Mr. Radhagovinda Basak who has edited the grant. If we refer it to the Harsha era, as seems most likely from the palæography of the record, we obtain 750 A.D. as its English equivalent. It is thus clear that about the middle of the eighth century the same community of Brâhmans as are referred to in the Nidhanpur plates are found two centuries later in the Tippera grant of Lokanatha also. The second inscription which associates Kayastha surnames with Bråhmans is the copperplate charter of Subhakarat found at Neulpur in the Cuttack District of Orissa. Some of the name-endings of the Brahman grantees specified in this epigraplı are Bhúti, Chandra, Datta, Deva, Ghosha, Kars, Kunda, Naga, Rakshita, Sarman, and Vardhana. Now we know that Dr. Sylvain Lévi has assigned the date 795 A.D. to Subhakara from a Chinese source, so that we find that in the second half of the eighth century these Brahmans had migrated southward from Panchakhanda near Sylhet first to the Tippera district and after. wards to Orissa.
One thing that is worthy of note about this Neulpur charter is that three of the officers mentioned at its close bave names ending in Datta, namely, Samudra-Datta, Brahma-Datta, and Eda Datta. Another noteworthy thing about it and other records of Subhakara's family is that all its male members bear names terminating in Kara; and, as if to leave no doubt on this point, we have two inscriptions 10 of these rulers where their family has actually been called Kara, & surname which is found, not only among the Brahman donees of the Neulpu 1 En. Ind., Vo! XV. p. 306 ff. Ibid., Vol. XV. p. 3 ff.
Ibid., pp. 363-4. 10 JBORS., Vol II. p. 421 ff., Vol. V. p. 571 ff.

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grant but also among the Bengal Kayasthas of modern days. What is further noticeable about these inscriptions is that among the officers mentioned towards the end we can trace such surnames as Bhadra, Deva, Vardhana, Naga and Sena. We have thus not only Brahmans, but also rulers and officers bearing Kayastha surnames.
Now the first point we have to discuss here is about the race or extraction of the Brahman grantees who, as we have seen in detail, bore names ending in Kayastha padavis. A similar thing was noticeable about the Nagar Brâhmans of Gujarat and Kathiâwâr, who, as I have remarked above, bore 700 years ago such Sarmans as Datta, Ghosha, Varman, Någa and Mitrà. Is it possible that these Bråhmaņ donees also could be Någar Brâhmans? Is there any evidence in favour of this supposition ? Here, too, Mr. Ghosh has given some indications which enable us to answer this question in the affirmative, so far at any rate as the Panchakhanda (Sylhet) Brahmans are concerned. In the first place, it is well-known that the tutelary deity of the Nagar caste is Hatakesvara. In fact, it may be laid down as a general rule that wherever there is a linga called Hâţakeśvara, there must be some sort of settlement of the Nagar Brâhmans or Banias. Now there is a linga of precisely this name existing in the Panchakhanda 11 This linga is not a thing of yesterday, but must have been established centuries ago. It seems to have been referred to even in the Tejpur plates of the Maharaja - dhiraja Vanamálavarmadeva of Pragjyotisha, ruling apparently at Haruppeśvara. The king is represented in this inscription to have rebuilt a temple of HAtakeśvara and made endowments to it. The record was first read by F. Jenkins with the help of a Pandit, 12 long ago, when the study of Indian epigraphy was in its infancy. He thus wrongly read Hetuka-suline as the name of the god, which was correctly restored to Hataka-súline by MM. Padmanatha Bhattacharyya, 13 who revised the whole transcript of the inscription. There can be no doubt that the deity is to be identified with Hatakesvara Mahadeva so celebrated at present in Pañchakhanda. Vanamalavarmadeva did not build, but rather he rebuilt, the temple to this god. This king lived circa 830-865 A.D. The temple must thus have been in existence at least one century earlier. We thus find not only that there was a settlement of Brahmaņs at Panchakhanda who, like the Någar Brâhmans of the Valabhi charters, assumed surnames corresponding to the Bengal Kayastha padavis, but also that they were, like the latter, worshippers of Hatakeávara. Secondly, it is well-known that the author of the Advaita-prakasa was a Sylhet Brahman. He was a pupil of Advaitâchårya and a contemporary of Chaitanya, the founder of Bengal Vaishnavism. But it is worthy of note that he calls himself, not simply sana, but Isana-Någara. Here then we have a clear instance of a Sylhet Brahman styling himself a Någar. 1* The reasonable conclusion is that he was a Nagar Brahman, that is, one out of the many of that caste who were established there.
Thirdly, the attention of scholars may be drawn to a passage which occurs in the Påradarika section of the Kámasútra of Vâtsyâyana. The section is concerned with zenana women and their protection. That many wanton practices prevailed in the palaces in early ages as now is too well known to dwell upon. This section tells us how in different countries palace women came in contact with male outsiders. It speaks of how this criminal commerce takes place among the Aparântikas, Abhîrakas, Vatsagulmakas, Vaidharbhakas, Strirajyakas, Saindhavas, Himalayas and Gaudas. And it then informs us that in Vanga, Anga and Kalinga, the Nagara-Brahmanas 15 enter the zenana with the object of offering flowers and with the knowledge of the king. They talk to the women behind the pardah, and this leads to illicit union. The questions arise : what does the expression Någara-Brahmanah mean? 11 Sylhet Gazetteer.
13 JASB., Vol. IX. p. 767. 19 Rangpur-Sahitya-parishat-patrikd, Vol. IX. Pt. I, p. 23 ff.
14 The descendants of tâna Nagar aro now Radhi Brahmans, living near Goalundo, Faridpur district. Similarly, ono Nagar Purushottama is reported in Kulacharya Ms. of Sanchadanga to have come from Vraja and got merged into the Maachatak gdAi of the Radhi Brahmans [N.N. Vasu's Vanger jattya-itindo (2nd Ed.), Brdhmana-kdnda, Vol. I. Pt. I, p. 299, n.).
16 Kamasutra, V. 6, 41 (p. 301 of Bombay Ed.)

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Does it mean simply "the Brâhmans of the town"? If so, what is the force of the word 'town' here? Is it implied that the Brâhmans of the villages are innocent, but not of the towns? Besides, palaces must always be situated in the capital towns. Hence the Brahmans who are most likely to come in contact with the palace damsels must be the Brahmans of the nagara or town. Hence there was no need of using the word någara to qualify Brahmañá”. As a matter of fact, the Brâhmans of Gauda also were notorious for their carnal practices, and are mentioned in connection with the palace ladies of Gauda. But they are there called simply Brahmanas and not Nagara-Brahma ias, though they surely belonged to the capital town of Gauda. If we thus impartially consider the expression Nagara
-Brahmanah, it seems that here the Någar Brahmans areintended. And if this interpretation of ours is entitled to any weight, we have further to infer that they were in the time of Vâtsydyana settled in Anga, Vanga and Kalinga, and not in Gauda, which is distinguished from these countries. This also throws light on the name Nagarakah which occurs twice in the Kamastra. 16 In both places the term is explained by the commentator to mean Patali. putrakah. But this interpretation does not appear plausible, because at the place where it occurs first, it is distinguished from Gauda, and where it is mentioned next it is distinguished from Prachya. Both Gauda and Prachya included Pataliputra and the surrounding districts. On the other hand, if Nagaraka is taken to denote Anga, Vanga and Kalinga, where the Någar Brahmans were settled, this sense will suit in both the places just referred to, because these countries have already been distinguished from Gauda and Prachya in the Kámasútra.
I have elsewhere shown that the Nagar Brahmans were called Nagar, because they originally came from Nagar or Nagarkot, the old name of Kangda, which is situated in the Panjab in the Sawalakh or Sapadalaksha hills. 17 There can be no doubt that they were Sapada. laksha Brahmans. Now, if we turn to the Karatoyd-mahatmya, which describes the holy sites of Mahästhana or old Pundravardhana, which is in the Bogra District of Bengal and which stands on the west bank of the river, we find that, curiously enough, there is a reference, not once, but twice to these Sapadalaksha Brâhmang,18 The first of these is in connection with the sabha of Rama, locally identifiable with Paraburdmer Sabhábafi. The second refer. once consists in showing that the special holiness of Pundravardhana consists in being presided over as much by the Sapadalaksha Brahmans as by the gods, Skanda, Vishnu, Balabhadra, Siva and so forth. This is an unmistakable indication that these Sapadalaksha Brâhmans, who can be no other than the Nagar Bråhmans, held a position in the estimation of the people which was as prominent and sacred as the gods themselves. It is not necessary to assume that these Brahmans came to Bengal direct from the Sawalakh hills. Even when the Châhamanas were settled in the heart of RajputAnA, they were known as Sapadalakshiyas centuries later.19 The same thing may have happened in regard to the Någar Brahmans also.
It is a well-known practice of a people or tribe to name the places, provinces or rivers of their new settlement after the old one from where they have migrated. It will be shown later on that Anandapura (=Vadnagar), e.g., was known as Nagara, after the Nagars were settled there. They had more than one such settlement named Nagara. So far as Bengal is concerned, there is one village called Nagar in the Dacca district and another in Sylhet. There are, again, two rivers of that name in North Bengal,-one running from Purnea to Dinajpur and the other from Bogra to Rajshahi.40 All these places are not far removed from the Maldah district, where the Khalimpur copper-plate was discovered.
There is yet another picce of evidence which we have to consider in this connection. It is supplied by the charter of Dharmapala found at Khalimpur in the Maldah District of 16 II. 5-30 (p. 131) and II..9,27 (p. 172).
17 ind. Ant., Vol. XL. 1911, p. 34. 19 Mahnathan and its Environs (Varen. Res. Society's Monograph No. 2), p. 11 and p. 26, vs. 22 and 24; Also Kayastha Samaj (M&sik), B.S. 1336, pp. 496-7. 19 Ind. Ant., Vol. XL. 1911, p. 26.
20 JASB., Vol. LXV. Pt. I, p. 117.

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Bengal. It says that Narayanavarman, a feudatory chieftain of this Pala sovereign, had installed a god called Nanna-Narayana who was, w are further told, placed principally in the charge of tho Lata Brahmans (dvijas).21 Four villages were granted by Dharmapala to this god and his priests. And the question arises : who could be these Lata Brahmans : They are obviously the Nagar Brahmans alluded to above. Nagar Brahmana, we kuow, hail from Anandapura or Vadnagar, which is situated in Gujarat. And Lata was one of the ancient names for Gujarat. When all these pieces of evidence are brought to a focus, it is difficult to avoid the conclusion that the N&gar Brâhmans were settled in Bengal and Orissa. In fact, these Brahmans were not the only caste from Lata that was settled in Bengal about this time. It deserves to be noticed that all the Pala copper-plates, except that of Dharmapala, speak of Chatas, Bhatas and menials from Karnata and Lata as being settled in Bengal in the Pala period. The Kulikas, or cultivators, were of four different nationalities, such as Gauda, Mâlava, Khasa and Hùņa. The population of Bengal was thus, in the Pala period, of a composite character
Let us now proceed one step further and see whether or how the Kayasthas of Bengal were connected with the Nagar Brâhmans who had immigrated into Bengal. Before we can come to any conclusion it is desirable that we should know (1) what the term Kayastha meant originally, (2) when it became a caste name, and, above all, (3) what the term signified in Bengal before it denoted a caste of that name. It has been pointed out above that the earliest men. tion of Kayastha is found in the Yajñavalkya-smriti (I. 336). The verse in question runs thus :
Chafa-taskara-durupitta-mahúsáhasik-adibhiḥ |
pidyamándh prajd rakshet Kayasthais=cha viseshatah 11 "(A king) should protect (his) subjects, when oppressed by deceits, thieves, wicked people, great adventurers and others, especially by the Kayasthas."
What does Kayastha mean here? Vijñanesvara understands by it the woribes (lekhaka) and accountants (ganaka). But how can mere scribes and accountants be a menace to the people, & menace even more serious than deceits, thieves and desperados? In the verse v. 338) following it, Yájñavalky& advises the king to ascertain from his spies how the officers appointed for the governance of his kingdom are demeaning themselves, to honour those who are well-behaved and destroy those who are otherwise. Both these verses may be compared to the following lines from Manu (VII. 123).
Rajñs hi raksh-adhikritáh parasu-adayinah sathah
bhritya bhavanti prâyena tebhyo rakshed-imâh prajâh || “For the servants of the king, who are appointed to protect (the people), generally become knaves and seize the property of others ; let him protect these subjects against them."
It will be seen from the above that both Manu and Yajšiavalkya warn a king against the oppression of his people by the officers appointed to protect them, especially those officers who are safha and parasu-dddgin and who are thus on the same plane as the châta, taskara etc., of Yajñavalkya. It may therefore not be unreasonable to infer that the Kayastha: referred to by the latter stand for officers appointed for the protection of the subjects.
The next reference to Kayastha that we have to note is contained in the Vishnuamriti (VII. 3), which runs thus : rdj-adhikarane tan-niyukta-Kayastha-kritam tad adhyakshakara-chinnitam rajasdkshikam, "A document) is said to be) attested by the king, when it has been executed by a Kayastha appointed by him in a government department and signed with his hand by its head (the judge)." Evidently Kayastha here means
31 Ep. Ind., Vol. IV. p. 250, 11. 50-1. It is also worthy of note that Keshabchandra Bhattacharya's Vange Dakshindtya. Vaidika (p. 46) speaks of a village called Gujarât in the District of Howrah from where came DAkshinatya Vaidik family of VAtsya gofra and surnamed Vaidya. Vaidys, as a family name, is found among the Nagar BrAhmaps, but not in any higher caste of Bongel except the Dakshingtya Vaidiks.

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a joint assessor or commissioner with the judge of a court, such as we find in Act IX of the Msichchhakatika.
Let us now see what light inscriptions throw on the Kåyastha problem. In the first place, they teach that the Kayastha caste had been formed only as early as the ninth cen. tury A.D. Two instances will suffice. The Sañjan copper-plate charter of the Rashtrakuta sovereign Amoghavarsha I, dated Saka-samvat 793=871 A.D., we know, was drawn up by Gunadhavala, son of Vatsaraja, who was born in the Valabha Kayastha?lineage and was a Senabhogika, 23 or clerk, in the Dharmadhikarana, or Court of Judicature. We thus see that there was a Kayastha caste of the name of Valabha to which Gunadhavala belonged, and the occupation of this caste seems to have been that of a clerk in a court of law, corresponding no doubt to the function of a Kayastha described in the Vishnu-smriti and the Mrichchha katika. The second evidence of the rise of the Kayastha caste in the ninth century is supplied by the Gurmha plate of Jayadityadeva (II) of the Malayaketu family. The plate is dated V.S. 927=870 A.D., and registers the grant of a village to Kây. astha Kesava, son of Kayastha Dhemuka and grandson of Kayastha Rudra. As the grantee, his father and grandfather are all called Kayastha, it means that they pertained to the Kayastha caste, which was thus in existence in North India in the second half of the ninth century. And what is curious in this connection is that this family, we are told, had the surname (paddhati) of Singha, which is still found as a padavi among the Bengal Kayas. thas. Although we have thus clear proof about the Kayastha caste being formed in the ninth century, there is nothing to show that the Kayasthas were confined to the sole occupation of a karana, or clerk, as is thought at present. This is indicated by the Gurmha epigraph itself, because, although in l. 23 the Kayastha donee Kesava is styled Karanika, another Kayastha is mentioned as the writer of this record, namely, Valadduka, who, though he was a Kayastha, is styled mahákshapatalika, whose office was of course distinct from that of a karanika.
The two inscriptions noted above belong to the ninth century, and it may be contended that things were different three hundred years later and that Kayastha had come to be identical with Karanika. To take one instance, Jalhana, who wrote the grants of the Gahadavala king Govindachandra dated V.S. 1171 and 1172, is described in the first record as Karanik-odgata and Chitragupt-opama and in the second as sri-Våstavyakul-odbhuta-Kayas. tha-thakkura.25 This shows that Kayastha had become synonymous with Karanika in the twelfth century. If a further instance is required, it is supplied by the Ajayagadh rock in. scription of the Chandella king Bhojavarman, which sets forth the exploits of a Vastavya Kayastha family. In the very second verse of this epigraph we are informed that there were thirty-six towns occupied by men devoted to the function of the karana and that the most excellent of these was Takkârika, to which this Kayastha family belonged. This also indicates, it may be argued, that Karanika was but another term for Kåyastha. It is not, however, possible to accept this view as perfectly logical. All that we can legitimately infer from the above evidence is that one Kayastha sub-caste, namely, Våstavya, had adopted the function of the Karanika as its principal occupation, but it does not follow that all Kayasthas had become identified with the Karanikas, or that the term Kayastha did not continue as an office designation. We have thus at least one instance of the writer of a
39 Ibid., Vol. XVIII. p. 26), II. 70.7. Soddhala, author of the Udayasundari Katha (Gack. Or. Series. No. XI. p. 11) was a Valabha Kayastha. He derives Valabha from Valabhi and traces his descent from Kaladitya, brother of Siladitya of the Valabhi family. Valamya rnentioned in a Bhirmal inscr. (B. G. Vol. V. Pt. I, p. 47, 1. 5) seems to be a mistake for V Alabhya.
23 For Senabhogika, see Ep. Ind., Vol. VI. p. 285, n. 7, and p. 294, 1. 81 ; also Vol. V. pp. 231, 233 and 234.
24 JASB., 1900, Pt. I, p. 92, 11. 13-14. 36 Ep. Ind., Vol. VIII. p. 153, I. 21, and Vol. IV. p. 104, ll 26-7. 26 Ibid., Vol. I. p. 333 ff.

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charter of the twelfth century styling himself, not simply as Kâyastha but as Karana-Kayastha.47 The term Karana-Kayastha is met with also in two Chamba copper-plates as the desig. nation of the writers of those documents.28 This may also be compared with salbauddha-kararakayastha-thakkura sri-Amitabhêna likhitam=idam Venugráme Vikramaditya-deva-san, 1192 Phålguna-sudi 4 Kuje occurring in Bengali characters in the colophon of a MS. of Bodki. charyavatára.29 But what can Karana-Kâyastha mean? As Kayastha is here conjoined with Karana, it is obvious that Kayastha must denote a mere officer, in this particular case, an officer who is in charge of karana. This shows that there were Kayasthas who were in charge of different departments ; in other words, there were Kayasthas also entrustcu with duties other than those of a Karanika. This is clear also from a critical study of the concluding portions of the Gåhadavala charters where are specified the names of officers connected with the grant. Whereas we have thus some who are Karanika-shakkura (List Inscr. North Ind., Nos. 195, 202, 207, etc.), we have some who are Kayastha-Thakkura (ibid., Nos. 188, 216, 249) and some who are Akshapatalika-Thakkura (ibid., Nos. 368, 369, 433) as the officers who wrote the grant. It will be seen that there were some Kâyasthas who were neither Karanikas nor Akshapatalikas. We have also evidence to show that the office of the Karanika was not the monopoly of the Kâyastha communities, but was held some times even by the Brahmans. We have thus an inscription dated V.S. 1228=1171 A.D. and found at Dhod in the Udaipur State, Rajpûtâna, which records a benefaction of the Karanika Brâhman Chahada to the temple of Nityapramoditadeva (ibid., No. 350). Then again a South Indian grant mentions two of the Brahman grantees as Karanika Timmarasa and Karanika Damvana.30 Nay, the Nidhanpur charter of Bhaskaravarman referred to above also speaks of a Brâhman donee, called Janårdanasvâmi, as Nyâya-karanika. It is thus evident that all Karaņikas were not Kayasthas, but that there were some who were Brâhmans.
Let us now turn for a while to the Raja-tarangini, which bristles with references to the Kayasthas. Let us cull together a few passages from it and find out what they teach us. Thus one passage from the Raja-tarangini (IV. 621) has the following: “Being besought by the Kayasthas: "what is the good of hardships such as the conquest of the quarters and so on? Let wealth be obtained from your own land,' he (Jayapida) oppressed his own kingdom." The king relished the idea, and only eight verses thereafter, we are told that " with his mind eclipsed by greed, he considered the Kåyasthas as his benefactors - Kâyasthas who gave small fractions of wealth (to the king) though they snatched away all the property (of the people). The big fishes of the sea and the kings are alike. The former consider the clouds to be donors when they let go, (some drops from the water just seized from them (from the sca). The latter, alas, believe in the secret services of the wicked tribe of the Kayasthas who deliver a few bits after openly plundering everybody"-(vs. 629-30).31 In both the passages, the word Kayastha has rightly been taken to mean “officials ” by Sir Aurel Stein. That this was the state of things in Kashmir as described by Kalhana may be proved in another way. The author of the Kathasaritsagara was Somadeva, who was also a pandit of Kashmir. In his work (XLII. 91) we find the following line : Samdhiri. graha-Kayasthens sártha-samchayaih. It has been translated by C. H. Tawney as "secre. tary for foreign affairs." This shows that in Kashmir the term Kayastha was used to denote any official, especially of the higher rank. It is no use quoting further passages to show that in the Raja-tarangini Kayastha was used in the sense of officials in general.' One
7 Ibid., Vol. VII. p. 97, 1. 38. 98 Antiquities of Chamba Statc by J. Ph. Vogel, Pt. I. p. 194, 1. 28; and p. 199, 1. 21.
29 Haraprasad Sastri's A Descrip. Cat. of Sk. MSS. in the Govt. Col. under the care of the As. Soc. Bong., Vol. I. p. 21 (MS. 19/8067).
30 Ep. Ind., Vol. Xll. p. 167. 31 Sve also Kalhana's Raja-tarunginf (text), VII, 86-7.

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may however be quoted in this connection, as it shows what sort of officers they were. There was a king of Kashmir, Harsha by name, who flourished in 1089-1101 A.D. About him Kalhana says as follows: "He tormented the people through the Kayasthas by the settlement of heavy fines and nowhere let alone even a lump of clay in towns, villages and so forth "-VII. 1226. This verse shows that the Kåyasthas here referred to were district officials who realised taxes and fines from the people. This entirely agrees with the view of Aparårka, who explains the term Kâyastha occurring in the Yajñaralkya-smriti (I. 336) referred to above by saying Kayasthah kar-adhikritah.38 Whether the Kayasthas of Kashmir had developed into a caste it is difficult to say. Most probably no such caste had been formed up to the time of Kalhana. In this connection may be quoted the following verse from the Raja-tarangini (VIII. 2383):
Tad-antare Sivaratho dvijah prachura-chakrikal
Kdyastha-pásah pasena galam baddhvá vya padyata.! "In the meanwhile there died by strangulation that rogue (pasa) of a K&yastha, the Bråhman Sivaratha, who had been a mighty intriguer."
This passage unmistakably shows that some of the Kayasthas of the Raja-tarangi df were Brahmans. Well may Sir Aurel Stein say :-" That Kalhana, though probably drawn by descent and position towards the official class, was by no means partial to the latter, is shown by many a hard hit he makes at the vices of the Kayasthas.' The great mass of them was undoubtedly Brahman by caste ...."33
We will now revert to Bengal and see what light the records throw on the origin of the Kayastha caste in this province. The first question that arises is whether the Kayastha caste had arisen in Bengal by the end of the Sena period. Not a single inscription is known from Bangal where any officer or private individual is specified as belonging to that caste. A copper-plate grant has no doubt been recently published which speaks of the officer who drew it up as Samdhivigrahadhikarana-Kayastha 3* It is difficult, however, to determine definitively whether the term Kayastha here means 'a clerk attached to,' or 'an officer in charge of the Department of Peace and War. Anyhow there is no definite indication here that the Kayastha caste had been formed. On the other hand, we have to note that there is a work called Nyayakandali by Sridhara, which is a commentary on Praśas. tapada's Vaiseshika-sútra 35 There he tells us that he composed the work at a place named Bhûrissishţi in Dakshina-Râdha in Saka 913=991 A.D. at the request of one Pandudåsa, who was "the head-mark of the Kayastha community (kula)." This no doubt shows that the Kayastha caste had been formed in Bengal by at least the tenth century. But it may be asked, what was the primary occupation of this caste when it sprung up in Bengal? Was it that of the writer or of the accountant ? It seems it was neither. A copper. plate was discovered some time ago at Ramganj in the Dinajpur district, containing a grant issued by fśvaraghosha, who belonged to the Ghosha family. In the list of officials set forth therein mention is made of Mahâkâyastha who, be it noted, has been specified along with MahAkaranâdhyaksha and Mahakshapatalika.36 It will thus be seen that up till the twelfth century the function of a Kayastha in Bengal was different from that of Karanika, that is, the writer, or an Akshapatalika, that is, the accountant. What the exact duty of the Kayastha was in Bengal at this early period is not certain. But some rays of light are shed on this point by the Khalimpur charter of Dharmapala. There, in the list of officials
32 Anand. Sk. Series, No. 46, p. 584.
33 Raja-tarangin (Trans.) by M. A. Stein, Vol. I. Intro., p. 19. It is worthy of note that in Act IX. of the Mrichchhakatika Chårudatta wishes kusala to the Sreshthin and Kayastha. But lousala can be wishod only to a Brahman according to Manu (II. 127), who is himself quoted by the Adhikarapiks in the game Act. It seems that both those Sreshthin and Kayastha were Brahmaps.
34 Ind. His. Quart., 1930, p. 55, 11. 17-18. 35 This was first pointed out by Rai Bahadur Ramaprasad Chanda in The Indo-Aryan Races, p. 198. 38 Inscr. of Bengal, Vol. III. p. 153, 11. 13 and 15.

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Jyeshtha-Kayastha is mentioned and associated with Mahamahattara, Mahattara, Dasagråmika and their respective Karanas.37 While they are thus distinguished from the Ka. raņas, they are all mentioned expressly as forming the staff of the Vishaya-vyavahårins. The term vishaya-vyavahárin reminds us of the preamble of the Damodarpur copper-plates where the Vishayapati and Prathama-Kayastha are mentioned as two members of the Board of Five who administered the district (vishaya) in the Gupta period. It appears that in the Pala period the lowest unit for the governance of a district was a cluster of ten villages in charge of an official who was therefore styled Dasagrâmika, that above him was placed a Mahattara and above the latter a Mahamahattara, and that above every one of them was appointed a Jyeshtha-Kayastha, who was thus immediately below the Vishayapati or the head of a district mentioned in the same list of officials.38 Practically the same was the case in the sixth century A.D., as appears from the Faridpur plates adverted to above. There, too, Jyeshtha-Kayastha is mentioned as pramukha with Mahattaras under him. There can therefore be no doubt as to all these officers being connected with the administration of a district. The word Jyeshtha-Kayastha, like Prathama-Kayastha of the Damodarpur plates, indicates that there were many subordinate officers under him called simply Kayasthas. And the Mahamahattaras, Mahattaras and Dasagrâmikas are apparently these Kayasthas. It thus seems that the district officers connected principally with the collection of revenue were designated Kayasthas in ancient Bengal, as they were in the Kashmir of Kalhana's time.
The above conclusion receives remarkable confirmation from the medieval history of Bengal. After the Muhammadan conquest this province was ruled by twelve semi-independent chiefs and is described as bárabhuiñár muluk. Of those the Hindu Bhuiñâs who held sway up till the sixteenth century were all Kayasthas. “The struggle carried on by the Bhuiñyds of Bengal against the Mughul Emperors," says Rai Bahadur Chanda, 39 WAE no less obstinate than that of the Rajputs of Rajputând, though, unfortunately, there were no bards in Bengal to enshrine the stirring events of this struggle in heroic ballads." "Had not these Kayastha Bhúiñyas of Bengal," rightly remarks the Rai Bahadur in continuation, “boen inspired by a tradition of long independent rule, they could hardly have maintained this unequal struggle for so long. Not only the Bhûiñyås, but also the minor zamindars of those days, were mostly Kayasthas."40 The question that here arises is: how did Bengal about the beginning of the Muhammadan rule come to be dominated by the Kayastha Bhûiñas and Kayastha zamîndârs? The question is not difficult to answer. If the district officers in charge of revenue were designated Kayasthas up till the twelfth century A.D., and if the Kayasthas had already been formed into a caste, it is natural that after the overthrow of the central Hindu power, namely, that of the Senas, they should seize the various districts and turn themselves into semi-independent rulers called Bhùiñas.
Let us now proceed to the main question about the Bengal KAyasthas, namely, their origin. We have already seen that the Kayasthas came to be known as a caste for the first time in the ninth century A.D., and that before that time the term Kayastha had been used merely as an office designation and that neither Vishņu nor YAjñavalkya has mentioned it as the name of a caste. The question thus naturally arises: who were the Bengal Kayan. thas originally, before they crystallised into the present caste, that is, were they Brahmans, Kshatriyas, Vaisyas or Sudras? The Kayasthas of Bengal, like those of Bombay, claim to be Kshatriyas. The Brahmans of Bengal, however, look upon them as Sudras. It has been commonly held by the Nibandhakaras of a late period that after the Nandas the Kshatriyas and Vaisyas vanished out of the Hindu social systen and that only two classes remained, namely, the Brahmaņa and Sadras, so that any particular caste of the modern day must
37 Ep. Inul., Vol. IV. p. 250, 11 47-8. 88 Ibid., p. 249, 1. 44. 1 The Indo-Aryan Races, p. 201. 40 Jarrett's Ain-i-Akbari, p. 129, may also be read in this connection.

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be either Brâhman or Sadra. I am afraid this belief is not only not supported but even controverted by epigraphic evidence. Leaving aside the Rajpûts of Northern India, who have always been styled Kshatriyas in the old inscriptions, we find that even in Bengal most of the old ruling families such as the Palas and the Senas have been designated Kshatriyas. Thus the Barrackpur grant of Vijayasena speaks of his grandfather, Samantasena, as "an ornament of the Kshatriyas."41 Nay, the same Såmantasena is mentioned in the Deopåra inscription of Vijayasena as being the foremost of the Brahmakshatriyas. The term Brahmakshatriya clearly shows that the Senas were originally Brahmane but were considered to be Kshatriyas in the eleventh century. They were thus superior to any Kshatriya family of the day who were mere Kshatriyas. In fact, the Senas even when they were Kshatriyas were so proud of their Brahman origin that Lakshmanasena styles himself parama-Brahmakshatriya in his Mâdhianagar charter. 43
Nor does there seem to be any force in the argument of the Bengal Kayasthas that they are Kshatriyas. Their argument like that of the Bombay Kayasthas is based upon a mere legend about Chitragupta or Chandrasena and not upon any epigraphic or ethnological evi. dence. We may therefore ignore it and start our enquiry afresh. Who could these Kiyas. thas be originally? It was pointed out by me long ago that the Nagar Brahmans had Sarmans, otherwise called Amushyâyaņas, which were identical with the padavís of the Bengal Kavasthag, and it was surmised that this was an indication of their racial affinity, if not of identity. The only thing wanting was the evidence to prove that there were Brâhmans in ancient Bengal bearing Kayastha surnames. That evidence, as we have now seen, has been supplied by no less than two inscriptions. Nay, we have the further evidence of an almost incontestible character that there were Någar Bråhmaņs in ancient Bengal. It thus seems natural to hold that the Bengal Kayasthas were originally none but these Nagar Brahmans. This inference is supported by the fact that the Kayasthas have still preserved their Brahma. nical gotras and pravaras. I am not unaware that objections can be raised to their Brahman origin. It may be argued in the first place that the Sarmans of the Någar Brahmans are found not only among the Kayasthas and Vaidyas but also among the Navasákhas and Sadgopas, and that the latter castes also bear Bråhmaṇical gotras. Nothing, however, can be more fallacious. Let us take the case of Kumâras, who are Sadgopas. There are two classes among them : (1) the Paschima kul or the kulins on the west of the Ganges, and (2) the Pûrba kul or the kulins on the east of the Ganges. There are three Brahmaņical gotras amongst them, namely, Kaśyapa, Madhukulya and Bharadvaja. The kulins of the Paschima kul are mostly of the Kaśyapa gotra, and to maintain their kulinism they marry in the same gotra 44 But to marry in the same gotra is inconceivable among Kayasthas and Vaidyas as among the Brahmans. Or let us take again the case of Modaks who form the confectioner caste and are one of the NavaśAkhas. They, too, havo Brahmanical gotras, such as Maudgalya, Sandilya and Gautama. But two persons of the same padavi cannot marry amongst them though their gotras be different. On the contrary, persons of different padavis cau marry even though they belong to the same gotra." It will thus be seen that it is not enough for a caste to have Brâhmaņical gotras. What is really required is that persons of the same gotra shall not marry as is the case with the Brahmans. But such a custom is
41 Inscr. of Bengal, Vol. III. p. 62, L. 9; aiso p. 110, 1. 7. 42 Ibid., p. 46, 1. 5. 49 Ibid., p. 111, 1. 31.
44 Information abont this caste was supplied to me by Mr. Amritlal Kumar of the Imperial Records Department, Calcutta.
15 Modaka-hitaishint, B.S. 1337, Bhadra, p. 407 ff.

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prevalent only among the Kayasthas and the Vaidyas. 46 To say therefore that the Kayasthas are on & par with the Navasakhas and Sadgopas so far as the Brāhmaṇical gotras are concerned is to confound the whole question. For, exactly like the Brahmans, they have never married in the same gotra though their padavis were different.
The second objection that may be raised to the Bråbman origin of the Bengal Kayasthas is that they must have borrowed their Brahmaņical gotras and pravaras from their priests. The authority generally relied upon in such matters is the remark which Vijñânesvara makes while commenting on a verse from the vivaha-prakarana of the Acharadhyâya of the Yajñavalkya-smriti (I. 53). The remark is yady=api rajanya-visam prátisvika-gotr-ábhávat prararabhavas=tath=äpi purohita-gotr a pravarau veditavyau," although the Kshatriyas and Vaisyas have no pravaras as they have no gotras of their own, yet (in their case) the gotras and pravaras of (their) priests are to be understood.” On this ground it may therefore be argued that the possession of Brahmanical gotras and pravaras by a modern caste does not necessarily prove it to be a Brahman caste, that the Bengal Kayasthas may be a Kshatriya or Vaisya caste for aught we know to the contrary, and that they may have borrowed their gotras and pravaras from their priests. We have thus to consider the full significance of the verse from the Yajñavalkya-smriti and also of the remark which Vijñanesvara passes in his gloss on it.
Now, what is the authority of Vijñanesvara when he asserts that the Kshatriyas and Vaisyas have no Brahmaņical gotras and pravaras of their own except those of their priests ? Fortunately, he gives AsvalAyana as his authority and cites the following passages : tatha cha “yajamânasy=årsheyán pravrinite" ity-uktvá "paurohityán rajanya-visam pravrinite." These are really quotations from the Asvalayana-srautasútra and occur at the beginning of the third Part (kthanda) of the first Chapter (adhyaya). The first of these in full is yajamanasyårsheyan pravrinite yayantah syuh,"he chooses as many as there are of the ancestral Rishis of the sacrificer." The second quotation runs somewhat differently in the published edition (Anand. Sk. Series) of the work, namely, paurohityan raja-visam. It will be seen that we have here rája-visam instead of rajanya-visam of Vijñanesvara. About the conclusion of this work we meet with the sutra : purohita-pravare rájnam. This occurs not only in the edition of the Anand. Sk. Series (p. 463), but also in the Aśvalayana-pravara-kânda published in the Gotra pravara-nibandha-kadambam (p. 299) of the Bibliotheca Sanskrita (Mysore Govt. Or. Lib. Series). It therefore appears that rája-visam is the correct reading, and not rájanya. vitam as cited by Vijñâneśvara. The same reading is adopted by the Pracara-mañjari, *7 which explains the word råjao by saying that even Brâhmans, if they are kings, have to adopt the pravaras of their priests. We thus see that it was not the Kshatriyas and Vaisyas only, but also the Brahman kings who were compelled to borrow the pravaras of their priests.
Even supposing that the reading adopted by Vijñanešvara is correct, what Asvalâyana says is that the Kshatriyas and Vaisyas should borrow only the pravaras of their priests, nothing being said by him about the gotras. Vijñânesvara, however, affirms that they should adopt not only the pravaras but also the gotras of the priests. He is certainly wrong in quoting in support of his assertion the two sútras from Asvaldyana which speak of the adoption of the pravaras only, and not of the gotras, of the priest. The only authority in favour of his assertion is the line from the Yajñavalkya-smriti on which he is commenting and which
46 Originally the Vaidyas and the Kâyast has must have formed one community. Even now there Aro intermarriages between the two castes, especially in some parts of the Tippera and Dacca districts. And as a matter of fact, such a marriage between Vaidys and Kayastha has been held valid by the Calcutta High Court (see "Ram Lal Shookool v8. Akhoy Charan Mitter," reported in The Calcutta Weekly Notes, Vol. VII (1902-03), p. 619 ff.). Much useful information on this point has been collected by Prachys. vidy&-maharnava Nagendra Nath Vasu in IVidakoda under Vaidyajáti, and the subject has been discussed by Mr. J. C. Ghosh in Kdyaatha-samdj (Masik), Vol. IX. p. 288 ff., and Kdyastha-patrika, B.8. 1337, p. 297. It seems that those of the Bengal Kiyasthas who adopted the Vaidya profession came to be called Vaidyas and are being gradually separated from the Kayasthas though they have not yet been so on the east side of the Brahmaputra. A similar case may be found in Rajput &na, where we meet with a caste which calls itself Baid-Kayasthan. These are the Bhatnagrå Kåyasthas who have become Vaidyas and have now for that reason formed & separate Kayastha subcaste (Marwar Census Report, p. 404).
17 Gotra-pravara-nibandha-kadambam, pp. 127-8.

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runs thus: aroginim bhrátsimatim=asamán-arsha-gotrajám. What Yajñavalkya lays down is that a man should marry only that girl who does not pertain to his arsha, i.e., pravara, and also to his gotra. If, however, we study any Srautasútra or Dharmasútra carefully, we find that they prohibit only samana-pravara marriages. Thus the Baudhdyana*8 and Advala. yana+9 Srautasútras lay down the dictum asamâna-pravarair=vivdhah, namely, that marriage shall be among unlike pravaras. The Gautama-dharmasútra also has asamâna-pravarair=vivihah (IV. 2), and the Våsistha, asamán-ársheyam......sadrisim bháryám vindeta (VIII. 1). It will be observed that these Srautasútras and Dharmasútras are unanimous in laying stress on asamán-arsheya or asamána-pravara, but that they make no mention of gotra in this connection. On the other hand, Yajñavalkya ordains that the girl to be mar. ried shall be not only of a different arsha or pravara but also of a different gotra. The ques. tion that we have to consider is why the necessity of avoiding the same gotra over and above the same pravara arose in the time of Yajñavalkya.
When the Baudhayang and Afvaldyana Srautasutras lay down the dictum asamánapravarair=viváhah, they make their sense clear by quoting the following verses
eka=eva pishir=yávat pravareshu=anuvartate tavat samana-gotratvam=anyatra Bhrigu-Angirasdm gandt | pañchanam trishu sámányád=avivihas-trishu duayoh
Bhrigu-Angiro-ganeshu=eva desheshu=ckorpi vdrayet II "So long as even one Rishi persists in the pravaras, there is the sameness of gotra excepting in the ganas of the Bhrigus and the Angirasas."
"There can be no marriage among the Bhrigu and Angiras ganas, if from among the five (Rishis) three are common and from among the three two are common. As to the rest, if there is even one (Rishi) common, (one) should avoid (marriage)."
It will be seen from the above that the pravaras were enough to determine the gotra of a man. We may go into somewhat greater detail to make this point quite clear. According to the Srautasútrus, the Seven Sages, or Saptarshis, and Agasti were the eight founders of the gotras in the extensive sense of the term. These are (1) the Bhrigus, (2) Gautamas, (3) Bha. radvâjas, (4) Atris, (5) Visvamitras, (6) Kasya pas, (7) Vasishthas, and (8) Agastis.50 Of these, the Gautamas and Bharadvajas form the bigger class known as the Angiras gana. Each of these eight gotras is divided into a number of smaller groups called pakshas. Thus the Bhrigu gotra is divided into the following pakshas : (1) Vatsas, (2) Vidas, (3) Arshtishenas, (4) Yaskas, (5) Mitrayus, (6) Vainyas and (7) Sunakas. Each of these pakshas is subdivided into a number of septs called gotra in its contracted sense. Thus the Vatsa paksha is divided into no less than seventy-two smaller gotras, such as Markandeyas, Mandukas and so forth. In the case of every one of the pakshas are cited Arshas or Årsheyag, so called because they were its ancestral Rishi or Mantradrashta. Another word for arsheya is pravara, as mentioned above. It is these arsheyas or pravaras which determine the gotra in its comprehensive sense. If any two smaller gotras or families have any Rishi in common in the pravaras of their respective pakshas, they are automatically taken as belonging to the same stock, that is, to the same gotra, the term gotra being employed in its extensive senge. Marriage is accordingly prohibited among these families. When therefore the Srauta- and Dharmasutras referred to above, lay down the dictum asamána-pravarair=vivdhah, it is exactly equi. valent to asamána-gotrair=viváhah, the word gotna being here understood as the bigger and not the smaller goira. By avoiding the sameness of pravaras when even one Rishi is found common, the sameness of gotras is automatically avoided. The Sätrakaras were thus perfectly correct in pivoting on asamâna-pravara, which presupposed asama na potra. But Yajñavalkya, we have seen, lays stress not only upon asaman-arsha but also upon
6 (Bibl. Ind. Ed.), pp. 416. 49 Gotra-pracara-nibandha-kadambam, p. 301. 50 See Appendix A.

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asamâna-gotra. Are we therefore to suppose that asamâna-gotra is a needless repetition in the Smțiti text? This would be charging Yajñavalkya with the fault of tautology. Surely the author of the Yajñavalkya-smriti must have been conversant with the Srauta- and the Dharmasútras prior to his period. When, therefore, he insists not only upon asamán-arsha but also upon asamána-gotra, we have to assume that the latter expression in his time must have been as essential as the former. We know that different Smsitis came into existence to meet different environments in different periods and in different provinces. The Yáñavalkya-smriti is generally assigned to the fourth century A.D. It thus seems that Hindu society had changed about the beginning of the Christian era, at any rate so far as matrimonial custom went and that to suit these new changes Yájñavalkya must have laid stress not only upon asamána-pravaratva but also upon asamána-gotratva. If we reflect upon this matter a little, we find that both these conditions fit admirably in the case of society represented by the Rajput and Vaisya classes of Northern India. Being Kshatriyas, the Rainûts have to adopt the pravaras of their priests. But it is not enough for them to avoid these pravaras as it seems it was in the case of the Kshatriyas of the pre-Christian period. Over and above the pravaras of their priests, they have to avoid marriage in the same khâmp or clan. Let us take two of these khamps, namely Chohan and Guhilot. The Chohan khámp is divided into a number of branches, such as Chohán, Háda, Khichi, Songirå, Devda and 80 forth. They cannot marry among themselves. The Guhilot khámp is similarly divided into a number of septe, such as Guhilot, Sisodiya, Ahada, Pipâda, Mangaliya and so forth. These also cannot marry with one another. But any sept of the Guhilot can contract matrimonial alliance with any sept of the Chohân, because the Guhilot and the Chohan are two different khámps. It will thus be perceived that amongst the Rajputs they have to avoid not only the pravaras of their priests, but above all, the khamp to which they belong and which is the most important thing they have to bear in mind at the time of marriage. In the case of the Rajputs, the dictum asamána-pravarair=viváhah cannot hold good, but on the contrary they have to abide by the injunction of Yajñavalkya, namely that they must shun marriage not only in the same arsha or pravara which they adopt from their priests, but also in the same gotra which in their case is the khamp.
It will be noted from the above discussion that the avoidance, not only of the same pra. vara but also of the same gotra, as insisted upon for the first time by Yajñavalkya is applicable only to a state of society such as is represented by the marriage customs of the Rajputs. The sameness of the golra over and above that of the pravaras is certainly superfluous in the case of genuine Brâhmans51 even at the present day. It appears similarly to have been superfluous in the case of the Kshatriyas and Vaisyas anterior to the time of Yajñavalkya, otherwise the stress laid upon gotra as well as ársha by the latter would have been laid also by the Srauta-and Dharma-Sätrakaras adverted to above. But social life seems to have been considerably altered about the commencement of the Christian era, which necessitated the avoidance of not only the same pravaras but also the same gotra for the validity of marriage. This line of reasoning alone can explain why Yajñavalkya has insisted upon both. It must not however be supposed that this new state of things was confined to the Råjpûts, who are regarded as the modern Kshatriyas. The same thing is noticeable among the classes who go to form the Vaisyas. If we take the Osvals, e.g., we find that they too have a number of khamps or gotras and that they invariably shun marriage in the khâmp to which they per. tain, whether or not they adopt the pravaras of their Brahman priests. Such is the case with the Porvåds, Agarvals and so on, who are the prominent castes of the Vaiśya community.
(To be continued.)
61 Soe p. 54 and Appendix A.

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REMARKS ON THE NICOBAR ISLANDERS AND THEIR COUNTRY. BY THE LATE SIR RICHARD C. TEMPLE, Bt., C.B., C.I.E., F.B.A., F.S.A., Chief Commissioner, Andaman and Nicobar Islands, from 1894 to 1903.
(Continued from page 38.) Despite the nominal occupation of the country by Europeans for so long, the inhabitants, even of Nancowry Harbour, have been systematic pirates, and there is a very long list of authentic cases in which traders and others of all nationalities have been murdered, wrecked and plundered by them even to quite recent times. The immediate object of the British occupation was to put a final stop to this. The nineteen years of the British Penal Settle. ment succeeded effectually, and there is now no fear of a recrudescence.
Complaints of piracy and murder of crews made in the records left behind by missionaries and seamen occur up to 1848, and in 1852 there commenced formal official complaints and correspondence on the subject, which continued at intervals, until in 1867 the question already mooted of annexation of the islands to stop piracy, some cases of which had heen especially atrocious, was formally taken up, and in 1889 they were annexed to the British Crown and attached to the Andamans for administration and the establishment of a Penal Settlement.
The Penal Settlement in Nancowry Harbour consisted on the average of about 350 persons : 2 European and 2 other Officers; garrison, 58 ; police, 22 ; other free residents, 35; convicts, 235. They were employed on public works similar to those of the Andamans. The health was never good, but sickness was kept within limits by constant transfer to the Andamans. Individual health, however, steadily increased with length of time and there is no doubt that in time sanitary skill and effort would have made the sick rate approach without special efforts that of the Andamans. The first year of residence was always the most sickly, partial acclimatisation being quickly acquired. Some officers stayed two to three years. Mr. E. H. Man was in actual residence on and off six and a half years. Some of the free people remained on several years : convicts usually three, and sometimes voluntarily from five to fifteen without change.
As a matter of fact, as the following table will show, with the precautions taken, the sick rate at the Nicobar Penal Settlement did not on the whole compare unfavourably with that at the Andamans. Statement showing the sicle rate of the Settlements at Port Blair and Nicobars from 1869 to 1888, inclusive, i.e., for the 19 years that the Nicobar Settlement lasted.
PORT BLAIR. NICOBARS.
Rate per cent. Rate per cent. 1869
5.45
12.31 1870
5.34 6.36
10.87 1872
5.91
8.98 1873
5:53
• 8.66 1874
7.60
14.89 1875
9.62
16.68 1876
10.35
8.66 1877
7.71
9.76 1878
Not recorded. Not recorded. 1879
8.92
6.66 1880
10.00
6.83 1881 * . .. 11.09
6.98 1882
9.77
7.01 1883
7.42
7.08
1871
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MARCH, 1932] REMARKS ON THE NICOBAR ISLANDERS AND THEIR COUNTRY
57
7.95
PORT BLAIR. NICOBARS.
Rate per cent. Rate per cent. 1884
6.72
6.48 1885
6.00 1886
4.99
7.23 1887
5.81
8.34 1888 .. .. .. .. 5.00
8.55 Like all the other Governments who had had an interest in the islands, the British tried a colony, Chinese, in 1884, which failed. But the attempt drew from the most experienced officer there, Mr. Man, the following advice of value, considering the perennial interest in these islands betrayed by European speculators and would be colonisers
"To colonise the Nicobars employ Chinese ; send them to Great Nicobar: employ agriculturists who are not opium users : maintain quick and frequent communication with the Straits Settlements : assist the colonists in transporting their families : provide them with ready means of procuring food, clothing, medicines, tools and implements."
A large capital and much perseverance would always be necessary for exploiting the Nicobars with any hope of success.
The story of the Settlement was well told by Mr. E. H. Man in a final Report on its being broken up in 1888, as the extracts therefrom which follow will show.
Mr. E. H. Man's Report on the Penal Settlement in Nancowry Harbour. The Government of India having determined to discontinue the maintenance of the penal settlement at the Nicobar Islands, orders were received, in July 1888, to take early measures for the transfer of the entire establishment and live stock, and the dismantling of all public buildings at Nanoowry, with the view to their shipment to Port Blair.
These orders were duly carried into effect by means of the ordinary monthly trips of the contract mail steamer, and the last consignment was shipped on the 21st December, when, as a temporary measure, a Chinese interpreter in Government employ was left behind with authority to register ships' arrivals and departures, grant permits to trade and port clearances, and to hoist the British flag daily at the old station flagstaff. A few free cocoanut. traders, who had been resident for some years at the station, were at the same time permitted to remain there, and arrangements made for affording them all necessary assistance on the Occasiong of our periodical visits in the Government steamer from Port Blair.
The important step thus taken in seemingly abandoning our position at the Nicobars in no way, however, implied a desire or intention on the part of the Government to forfeit or impair its sovereignty by relinquishing any of the rights or responsibilities which it had incurred by its annexation of the islands twenty years ago. The primary objects which had led to the establishment of the Government colony in the centre of the group immediately after the annexation were held to have been at length fully attained, and, as it was at the same time clearly shown that, owing to the exceptional circumstances and conditions of the colony in incurring continued expenditure, no adequate return, even prospective, was possible, there remained neither inducement nor justification for maintaining an establishment any longer in such a remote and malarious locality.
Under the above circumstances this is considered a good opportunity to place on record a brief history of the settlement, whose period of existence corresponded somewhat singularly with that of the Moravian Mission in the same harbour a century ago; both were maintained for nineteen years, the latter from 1768 to 1787 and the former from 1869 to 1888.
For upwards of a century before the islands were added to the possessions of British India they had been regarded as belonging to the Danish Crown, which bad exercised some

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sort of sovereignty over them. The endeavours made by the Danes to colonise the group were, however, mainly of a missionary character. The chief attempts made were by 25 Moravian brethren during the period above mentioned and by Pastor Rosen between 1831. 37. The ill-success which attended these efforts was attributable to many causes, the chief being their lack of sufficient means and often of the barest necessaries of life and their ignorance, not only of the prophylactics discovered since their day, but also of the most elementary rules of hygiene, as evidenced in the case of the Moravians by the wretched site selected by them for occupation, especially in a locality so notorious for malaria, and by their mode of living as described by the only one of their number who survived to tell the tale of their sufferings and fruitless self-sacrifice.
It is scarcely surprising if the Nicobarese saw nothing in these ill-conducted missions to their islands to lead them to form a high estimate of the intelligence, power and resources of Western races; and this may, to some extent, explain the temerity many of these timid islanders are shown to have displayed in certain encounters with Europeans not long after the
leparture of Pastor Rosen's mission in 1837, which, in spite of the subsequent brief visit of the Danish corvette Galathea (1845-46), may be regarded as the date of the virtual abandonment by the Danes of their weak hold on the islands.
During the subsequent period of some thirty years (1837 to 1869) that the Nicobars were left as it were derelict, the natives of the Central, and less frequently of the Southern, Group committed numerous murderous outrages on the crews of vessels visiting their islands, ostensibly for trading purposes, the majority under the British flag. With our present knowledge of the Nicobarese and of some of those who have been in the habit of trading with them, there can be no doubt that the former must frequently have received considerable provocation from the latter. During the period referred to some 26 vessels are believed to have been scuttled by the natives.
In consequence of the impunity with which these crimes were committed they at length (in 1866) culminated in a bold attack on a brig (the Futteh Islam) at Great Nicobar, when 21 of the crew are believed to have been massacred, the survivors (3 in number) escaping with the vessel to Penang.
The action then taken by the Indian Government resulted, with the consent of the Danish Crown, in the islands being formally annexed to British India, and, for purposes of -administration, they were at once placed in charge of the Superintendent of the Andaman Islands. While thus providing the most effectual means for suppressing the piratical tendencies of the inhabitants and affording protection to trading vessels visiting the islands, it was also felt to be advantageous in serving to avoid the risk of such inconvenience as would be caused by the possible establishment of a rival foreign naval station in such proximity to our settlements in the Indian seas.
The British annexation dates from 16th April 1869, since which a settlement has been established at Camorta and maintained on the northern side of Nancowry Harbour, opposite the site of the old Moravian Mission. The selection of this site was chiefly determined by the fact that the majority of the outrages above referred to had occurred within a small radius of the harbour, which, moreover, was well known to afford a commanding position and an excellent and commodious haven at all seasons of the year. The only drawback was the malaria, and this, it was hoped, might in time be removed by dealing with its causes after the same methode as had been successfully employed under like circumstances at Port Blair.

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MARCH, 1932 ]
MISCELLANEA
59
Although the site selected for occupation was on the northern side of the harbour, and therefore on Camorta Island, the new settlement was, by Home Department Resolution No. 2016, dated 25th April 1871, directed to be called after the better known island (Nancowry) facing it, which had, moreover, given its name to the harbour formed by the two islands.
A glance at the map of the three islands of Camorta, Nancowry, and Trinkat shows that the settlement was planted in the south-east corner of the first-named island, and that it canbraced an area of about 500 acres.
(To be continued.)
MISCELLANEA. SIR AUREL STEIN'S RECENT EXPERI. Aurel had distinctly oxprerad a desire to have ENCES IN CHINESE TURKESTAN.
Associated with him a Chinese scholar and a topoWhen concluding his introduction to the detailed grapher if competent men could be found. He record of his third expedition of exploration in then returned to his base in Kashmir to complete Central Asia, Kansu and Eastern Iran (1913-16). his own arrangements. The Government of Indin Sir Aurel Stein added that his thoughts had ever gave him the usual cordial support, deputing tried since turnod longingly to those far-off deserts and assistante, including his old and trusted companion mountains which had seen the most cherished Khan Şahib Afråzgul Khan. Though fully realizing portion of his life's work. The preparation, how that his ultimate success would depend upon the ever, of his monumental works, Serindia and
attitude of the loenl administration, he wrote at Innermost Asia, and other activities, including
the end of June 1930, full of hopeful anticipation, exploration in Waziristan, and N. Baluchistan,
that the start was planned for early in August. Upper Swat and Buner, and in Makran, JhAlawan Bofore, however, he was quite half way to tho and Khårån, so prognant of important resulte,
Chinese frontier he received information that not to speak of adverse political conditions, prevent
entry into Hsin-chiang had been forbidden by the ed the completion of the further investigations Chinese Government. To meet the ostensible he had not before himself. When, with the support
ground for an agitation carried on by a section of of Harvard University and the British Museum,
the Chinese Press, he had meanwhile offered to and the sanction of the Chinese Government, he give a formal undertaking not to remove any ancient once more crossed the Påmir passes in August objects from Chinese territory without the previous 1930, his delight at the prospect of resuming his consent of the Government. On &rrival in October inquiries will be realized by all who know his charac. at Kashgar, where arrangements were to be mado tor. A sense of personal regret and sympathy
for his work, he was held up. Repeated telegraphie with him in the poignant disappointment he had applications to the provincial headquarters elicited sustained was felt by all Oriental scholars when
an invitation to proceed personally to Urumchi the telographic news arrived that he had been to discuss arrangements. This meant & caravan compelled by the attitude of the Chinese Govern- journey of at least six weeks, and the loss practically ment to return to Indis. Readers of this Journal of a whole working season. Further negociatio. will bo interested to know the circumstances leading ensuod, and ultimately sanction was obtained to up to this decision and the nature of the work he follow & route round the southern edge of the succeeded in accomplishing ponding the abortive Taklamakan, which would enalle certain ancient negociations that were carried on. Information sites to be visited on the way to Urumchi: but now received from Sir Aurel himself enables us to
it was not till the end of November thuc he was state the facts briefly.
able to start for Khotan. A definite official assurance With a view to expediting the grant of the
had been received that he would be allowed necessary authority for the work in Hsin-chiang
to "work" on the way, but a subordinate Chinese and Inner Mongolia, Sir Aurel visited Nanking,
official was to accompany and assist him. By and in May 1930, at the recommendation of the
the time he reached the small oasis of Domoko British Minister, the Chinese Minister for Foreign
(previously visited by him in 1901, 1906, 1908 Affairs sanctioned the issue to him of a passport
and 1913), which lies about 70 miles east of Khotan, authorizing him to trace and closely to investigate
on the way to Keriya, overt obstruction commenced, ancient remains in those areas, the object and scope of the work being set forth in a memorandum
and the magistrate of Keriya intimated that he submitted through our Minister and explained in
had received instructions to prohibit digging or some detail at an interview. The passport was making of plans at ruined sites. At Keriya Sir understood to authorize also such survey work Aurel was laid up for a fortnight by an attack of as might be found necessary for the task. Sir bronchitis, and it was not till February that 1

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reached Charchan, some 250 miles farther east, only to receive the mortifying news that the Nanking Government had cancelled his passport and insisted on his return to India, the official communication reproducing what he describes Ag a series of unjustified allegations. Forced to return to Kashgar, he determined to take the longer route, skirting the Lop desert, and so round by the northern caravan route along the southern skirts of the T'ienshan. In this way he was able to collect useful data bearing upon the hydrographic changes that have resulted in most of the water of the Tarim river joining the Konche-darya, and so flowing into tho Lop desert in the vicinity of the ancient Lou-lan site. Moreover, he was able to carry a chain of exact longitude, determined by Astronomical observations and time signals, all round the Târim basin, a work of great geographical value, which will enable corrections to be made in many of the atlee sheets previously prepared Ly him and printed by the Survey of India. By the closs of April, by dint of dogged perseverance in the face of the obstacles placed in his way, he had succeeded in completing a tour of some 2,000 miles round the Taklamakán, and in supplementing his earlier researches by useful surveys and finds on the southern edge of the dosert beyond Niya.
Undauntod by what must have been a grievous disappointment, Sir Aurel writes cheerfully on his roturn to Kashmir, and he is already planning further tours of exploration and rosearch in other directions. Ho also tells of an important find, two milos west of Gilgit cantonments, of ancient Sanskrit texts written mostly on birch-bark, & separate note on which is printed. He further records the discovery of some interesting antiques in Yasin, within what appears to have been one of a number of Buddhist burial cairns, and of which we hope to publish an account later.
C. E. A.W.O.
packed in what appears to have boen a wooden box. At this stage the digging was fortunately stopped by the local authorities and the MSS., as yet undis. turbed, removed to the office of the Wazir of Gilgit.
Rapid examination by Sir Aurel Stoin has shown the bulk of the manuscripts to consist of Sanskrit texts written on oblong leaves of birch-bark of the Indian pothí type. Most of these bundles of duly paginated folia are likely to contain Buddhist canonical texts and the like. In many of them the writing is of a type of Brahmi script familiar from manuscript remains excavated at ruined Buddhist sites of Chinese Turkestên. Others show an early form of the Brahmi writing known in Kashinir as Sarada and once prevailing all through the hill tracts in the extreme northwest of India. Palæographie indications in the case of the former manuscripts suggest that some may date back to the sixth century A.D., if not earlier. Caroful examination by competent specialists may help to settle the approximate dating of later manuscripts, and thus the time when the deposit was made.
Of special interost is a póth written in Central Asian Brahmi on paper. The two of this material distinctly indicates that the manuscript was written in Eastern Turkestan. The manufacture of paper, first invented in China at the very beginning of the second century A.D., was introduced there by the fourth century, if not before.
The structural character of the stúpa and the filling up of a domed chamber within with masses of clay model stúpaa, etc., exactly corresponds to what is shown by Buddhist ruins of the same type dating from early modiaeval times in Turkestan and westernmost China. The practice of placing largo deposits of sacred manuscripts and uther votive offerings in the interior of stúpas is curiously illustrated by one of the fine Buddhist paintings on silk recovered by Sir Aurel Stein on his second Central Asian expedition from the cave shrines of the Thousand Buddhas of Tun-huang.
The large number of ancient manuscripts discovered and their remarkably good preservation, due largely to the dryness of the climate and perhaps also to lingering respect among the Hindukush hill people for relics of their pre-Islamic past, make this find at Gilgit one of exceptional interest. The completo clearing of the stúpa, and of three smaller ones immediately adjoining and as yet unopenec, awaits arrangements by the Kashmir Dart:&r. It must be hoped that its Rosearch and Archaeological Department will be able to have the task carried out with systematic care and that the reproduction and editing of the valuable materials rocovered will be entrusted to fully competont scholars. The publication of similar but far less abundant manu. script materials from Chinese Turkestan, and in a single cose from the Peshawar district, which the late Dr. Hoernle edited under the orders of the Govornment of India, provides an admirable model.
IMPORTANT FIND OF EARLY BIRCH-BARK
MSS. NEAR GILGIT. An important archaeological discovery in the Hindåkush region is reported by Sir Aurel Stein, who has been able, on returning from his travels in Chinese Turkestan, to inspect the site and the relics 80 far recovered. In the last days of May boys watching flocks aborto Naupůr village, some two miles wost of Gilgit cantonmont, mocidontally cleared a piece of timber sticking out from the top of a small stone covered mound. Furthor digging done by villagors laid bare a circular chamber within what was a Buddhist ståpa or memorial tower filled with hundreds of small votive stupas and relievo plaques common at Buddhist ruins of Central Asia. In the course of this "irresponsible excav&- tion" a mass of ancient MSS. was laid bare, closely

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APRIL, 1932)
THE NÅGAR BRAHMANS AND THE BENGAL KÄYASTHAS
INDIAN STUDIES.
No. 3. THE NÅGAR BRAHMANS AND THE BENGAL KAYASTHAS. BY PROY. D. R. BHANDARKAR, PH.D., F.A.S.B.
(Continued from page 55.) There is another point, though a small one, which is worth noticing in connection with the verse quoted above from the Ydjfiavalkya-smriti. Yajñavalkya in this line conjoins gotra with drsha. Arsha, of course, is synonymous with pravara. But it is called arsha because the word denotes the ancestral Rishis who are mantra-drashtdrah. The founders of the gotras, using the word gotra in its narrow sense, need not necessarily be the Seers of the Hymns. This is applicable even to most of the Bråhman gotras, and particularly so to the gotras or khámps of the Rajpûts and the Vaisyas of North India. The contrast between an drsha and a gotra is thus worthy of note. An drsha must always be drsha, but a gotra need not be. Hence where gotra has been mentioned side by side with drsha by Yajñavalkya, the natural inference is that he had in view the andrsha gotras of the Kshatriyas and Vaisyas of his period, which are now technically known as khamps and where they were particularly careful in abstaining from marrying.
Coming now back to the Kayasthas of Bengal, we observe that they have no gotras which correspond to the khamps of the Rajpûts or the Vaisya castes of North India. It is true that they have some family names such as Ghosha, Basu, Mitra and so forth, but they are not exogamous groups, because one Ghosha can marry another if their gotras are different. And as their gotras are Brahmanical, it is impossible to escape the inference that they were originally looked upon as Brahmans. And further, as we have strong grounds to hold that there were Någar Brâhmans in Ancient Bengal and that the Någar Brâhmans even now, as in the Valabhi period, possess Sarmans or Amushyâyaņas identical with the Kayastha padavis, it is difficult to avoid the inference that the Kayasthas of Bengal were originally Nagar Brahmans.
There is a passage in Raghunandana's Udváha-lattva which is very interesting in this connection. He quotes a verse from Manu (V. 140), which says that "Sadras who live according to the law shall shave each month (or shall offer the monthly sraddha), and their mode of purification (shall be) the same as that of the Vaisyas......" As no sråddha can be performed without the utterance of the gotra, this he contends shows that by analogy the Sudra partakes of the characteristic right of the Vaisya to adopt the gotra of his ances. tor's priest. What then becomes of the Vishnu-smriti (XXIV. 9) injunction: na samana. gotram na samána-pravaram bharydm vindeta, he shall secure a wife who is of neither the same gotra nor of the same pravara'? Why is this prohibition not made applicable to the Sudra also ? Raghunandana replies that the prohibition indicated in this text applies only to the gotras specified (upadishta) of the Bråhmans or extended (atidisha) by analogy to the Kshatriyas and Vaisyas, and not to the gotras of the Sudras, which are superimposed upon them by an atideća upon an alidesa. In the first place, the argument involving an atidesa upon an atidesa is always most repugnant to a Hindu jurist. It has thus been condemned, e.g., by the author of the Dattala-mimamsd and by no less an illustrious modern High Court Judge than the late Sir Asutosh Mookerjee.59 Secondly, no gotras or pravaras have been specified for the Sadras by the Srauta- or Dharma-sûtras. And if they possess any, this singular fact is to be explained historically or ethnologically, and not by atidesa upon alidesa. Whatever the explanation given by Raghunandana may be, the passage from his book adverted to above is of great importance, because it shows that there were in his time in Bengal som Sudras who possessed Brahmanical gotras which they uttered at the time of the monthly Sraddhas, but which they did not consider for the purpose of matrimonial alliances. This certainly holds good in the case of the Navasakhas and Sadgopas, as we have seen above but cannot possibly be made applicable to the Kåyasthas, who shun marriages in the same Brahmanical gotra but not in the families bearing the same padavi. It thus seems that in
69 Calcutta Weekly Notes, Vol. XX. p. 500.

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the time of Raghunandana the Kayasthas could not have been looked upon as Sudras. To say that in his time the Kayasthas married in the same Brahmanical gotra but with different palavís, as the Navašákhas and the Sadgopas do at present, and that their marriage in the same padavi though with different gotras is the result of their imitation of Brahmanical customs and practices, is a gratuitous supposition unwarranted by any scrap of evidence.53
The evidence set forth above thus points to the conclusion that the Bengal Kayasthas of the present day were originally the Nâgar Brahmans that seem to have been settled in this province in the sixth century A.D. There is no evidence to show that they were ever in touch with their caste fellows in the western part of India. We cannot therefore expect any extreme similarity in the social structure of the Kayastha caste of Bengal and the Någar Brahmaņs of Gujarat and Kathiâwâr. Still, sufficient similarity has been preserved between the two communities, which indicates that they pertained originally to the same stock. Accord ing to their tradition the Någars had, to begin with, seventy-two families, of whom sixtyeight accepted gifts from the Queen of Chamatkára, and four went away to avert the necessity of begging. Of the sixty-eight, four ran away in fear of the Nagas, so that only sixtyfour remained at Chamatkarapura (Vadnagar). Thereafter Sakra had occasion to perform a sacrifice and imported eight families from the Himalayas, who were styled Ashtakulina Nagar, some of whom were Madhyagas. The others were styled Samânya in contradistinction to them. Thus the Någars are distinguished into two classes -(1) eight Kulînas and (2) sixty-four Sâmânyas, making up the total of seventy-two gotras. Now, in regard to the Bengal Kayasthas there are two traditions about the original number of the Kayastha fami. lies designated Achala, corresponding to the Sámányas among the Nagar Brahmans. It is true that according to one tradition there were seventy-two such families, but there is another tradition which says that there were sixty-four Achalå families and that some more Kâyastha families were brought from outside, namely, four Kulinas, four Madhyalas and nineteen Mahapatras. If we exclude the Mahâpâtras who probably represent the latest accretion to the Kayastha community, there is a pretty good similarity in the caste configuration of the Nagar Brahmans and the Bengal Kayasthas, namely, sixty-four families which were Achala or Samânya and eight which were not so. The only slight difference here is that the latter class is called Ashtakulin by the Nagars, of whom some were Madhyagas, but is divided by the Kayasthas into two sections, namely four Kulinas and four Madhyalas. Even the terms Kulin and Madhyala are worthy of note as they correspond to the Kulina and Madhyaga of the Någars. It will be seen that the configuration of the Nagar caste has been better preserved among the Vangaja Kayasthas than perhaps in any other Kayastha section of Bengal. Another similarity between the two communities is also worthy of note. It has been repeatedly pointed out that the Någar Bråhmans have thirteen Amushyâyaņas which are now the padavis of the present Kayasthas of Bengal. I have elsewhere pointed out that though these Amushyâyanas have practically remained unusod, the Nagar Brâhmans are particularly careful in pronouncing them when they perforın their religious cere. monies. Such is the case with the Bengal Kayasthas. They too never fail to utter their padavis along with their Bråhmanical gotras at the time of all religious ceremonies. But perhaps the most curious similarity preserved is the fact that in the case of both these com. munities marriage is allowed in some cases so long as the gotra names are different, though the pravaras are exactly or almost exactly the same. This is a most noteworthy thing, not known to any other castes in India, the people of which not only bear Bråhmanical gotras but also must marry in different gotras. It cannot thus be denied even by a casual observer that the Kayas. thas of Bengal even now bear a fairly close similarity to the Nagars in point of caste structure.
53 For an explanation of the present fallen status of the Kayasthas of Bengal, see Appendix B.
64 This occurs in a palm leaf Ms. of Vangaja-Kdyastha-kdrika of Lakshmikanta Serma Ghatek of Edilpur, quoted by Mr. J. C. Ghosh in Kayastka-samáj (Másik), B. S. 1336, p. 416, n.
55 Nagara-pushpanjali, Pt. III. p. 78.

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It is not merely social, but also physical anthropology that comes to our support in this connection, and it is interesting here to note the views of Dr. B. S. Guha based upon anthropometric data furnished principally by H. H. Risley.56 The characteristic Bengali type consists of the association of round head with slender nose and may be described as brachy. leptorhiny, to use an anthropometric term. This type is found in the central or deltaic region and especially among the upper classes, such as the Brahmans and Kayasthas, and gradually thins away as we descend to the lower strata. This Bengali type differs from that of the eastern neighbours-on the one hand, from the Mongoloids of the Brahmaputra valley, who strongly incline towards the dolichoplatyrhine, and on the other from the Sino-Burmese peoples among whom the brachyplatyrhine element is predominant. They also vary from their western neighbours, the pre-Aryan Santals and other tribes and also from the north-western peoples, such as those found in the United Provinces, Panjab and Kashmir. In fact, the brachyleptorhine element which is 90 typical of Bengal gradually decreases as we proceed from Bihar to Benares, to the north-west of which place the dolicholeptorhine characteristics of North India are in increasing evidence. The Bengali type represented by the Bengal Kayasthas and Brahmaņs thus stands isolated in a surrounding medley of races. The only peoples with whom they can be linked up anthropometrically are the round-headed castes of Western India, the most pre-eminent of whom are the Nagar Brahmans of Gujarat and Kathf&war and the Prabhu Kayasthas of Maharashtra. The following table, prepared by my pupil, Mr. Atul Krishna Sur, will show at a glance how the cage stands. It is scarcely necessary to add that the average cephalic index beyond or below 75 is an indication of brachycephaly and dolichocephaly respectively.
The following Table illustrates the racial affinity of the Bengali Kayasthas and Brahmans with the Nagar Brahmans and the VAniag of Gujarat, and their difference from the Brahmans and the Kayasthas of the United Provinces and Bihar. Compiled from the anthropometrical appendices in Risley's People of India - Number of Persons N.
Name of Caste. Locality. Av. C. I. Av. N. I. Av. St. measured.
100 ... NAgar Brahmans. Ahmadâ bad .. 79.7 73.1 1643 127 .. Vanias
75.7 1612 100 ..Prabhu ..SAtârâ, Poona, 79.9 75.8 1627
Bombay, Thâná. 100 ..Kayasthas .. Bengal
78.2 70-3 1636 ..Brâhmans ..W. Bengal
78.2 71.9
1670 68 ..Brahmans .... Bengal
79.0 70.3
1659 100 ..Brahmans ..U.P.
73.1 74.6
1659 100 ..Kayasthas
72-6 74.8 1648 67 .. Brahmans .. Bihar
74.
9 73.2 1661 The various surnames of the grantees we have culled from the various inscriptions are as follows: (1) Bhậti, (2) Chandra, (3) Dama, (4) Dasa, (5) Datta, (6) Deva, (7) Dhara, (8) Ghosha. (9) Gupta, (10) Kara, (11) Kirtti, (12) Kunda, (13) Mitra, (14) Någa, (15) Nandin. (16) Pala, (17) PAlita, (18) Rakshita, (19) Sarman, (20) Sena, (21) Soma, (22) Vardhana, (23) Varman and (24) Vasu. These are all found as padavis among the Bengal KAyasthas to the present day. But what is strange is that they were found as surnames among the Brahmans of Bengal from the sixth to the twelfth century A.D. Another noteworthy fact is that most of them are found as the names of the ruling or Kshatriya families of Northern India in the pre-Muhammadan period. That the Palas and Senas were the Kshatriya families ruling over BihAr and Bangal is well-known. That the Chandras, Ghoshas and Varmans also held
66 See his Presidential Address for the section of Anthropology published in the Proceedings of the Fifteenth Indian Science Congress (issued 27th February 1929), p. 308 ff.
79.3
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parts of Bengal is not unknown. The Varmans in particular deserve further consideration in this connection, because it may be argued that varman is but an honorific suffix of Kshatriyas, and that the fact that the names of the members of a ruling family end in varman is not enough to show that they were named Varmans. This argument is refuted by verse 5 of the Belâvâ (Bengal) copper-plate of Bhojavarman, which is of the twelfth century A.D. and which distinctly tells us that he belonged to the Varman family who were the kinsmen of Krishna (Yadu) and came originally from Simhapura.67 This reminds us of the inscription on the Lakkha Mandal Temple, 58 which is of the seventh century and sots forth the genealogy of twelve princes whose names also terminate in varman and who, we are expressly told, were Yadus and belonged to the royal race of Singhapura. There can hardly be a doubt that this was the original Varman family of Simhapura referred to in the Belâvâ Plate. Bühler, who edited the epigraph, has identified this Singhapura with Seng-ha-pu-lo mentioned by Yuan Chwang39 as a dependency of Kashmir, and Cunningham has rightly identified the place with Ketâs, situated on the north side of the Salt Range and about 85 miles from Taxila. As the epigraph is taken to have been incised about 700 A.D. and as it mentions eleven princes ruling Simhapura in a direct line of succession, it seems that the first of them, namely Senavar. man, has to be placed in the beginning of the fifth century A.D. These Yadava Varmans of Simhapura appear to have migrated about the twelfth century to the easternmost parts of India and settled not only in East Bengal, as we know from the Beláva Plate, but also in Kalinga, as appears from the Komarti and Bșihutproshthå grants.61 Of practically the same period as the Varmans of Simhopura is the royal family which ruled from Thanesar and Kanauj and to which the celebrated Harshavardhana belonged. Harshavardhana was the last prince of this family, and as the names of them all, who are no less than six, terminate in vardhana, it is not unreasonable to suppose that the family must have been known as Var. dhana which is one of the twenty-four surnames referred to above. Proceeding backwards to an earlier period, we light upon the Guptas and the Nagas who held sway in Northern India in the fourth and fifth centuries A.D. They are too well-known to require any eluci. dation. But what we have to note about them here is that Gupta and Naga also are to be found among these surnames. Two more of these surnames are traceable, not however in inscriptions, but on coins. They are Mitra and Datta. Thus coins have been found in Pañchâla and Kosala ranging in age from 100 BC. to 100 A.D. and issued by no less than seven kings whose names end in mitra, such as Bhanumitra, Bhâmimitra, and so on.62 Similarly, coins of practically the same period have been picked up from Ayodhyâ of at least four princes whose names also end in mitra.63 Again, there were four kings of ancient Mathurâ of about the second century B.C. known to us from their coins only. They are Purushadatta, Bhavadatta, Uttamacatta and Ramadatta. As their names terminate in datta, the inference is permissible that they pertained to the Datta family.
It will be seen that no less than twenty-four of the present Bengal Kayastha surnames were prevalent among the Brâhmans of Bengal in the seventh and eighth centuries A.D. Of these, at least ten surnames are traceable as the names of the ruling or Kshatriya families going back to the second century B.C. When such surnames are shared both by Brahmans and Kshatriyas, the presumption arises that they belonged to one race. What could this race
57 Inscr. of Bengal, Vol. III. p. 19.
68 Ep. Ind., Vol. I. p. 12 ff. For the same reason Bhaskaravarman of Kamarupa, & contemporary of Harshavardhana, seems to have belonged to the Varman family. And, further, it is worthy of note that Yuan Chwang informs us that this king was a Brahman by caste (Watters' ed., Vol. II. p. 186). This shows that up till the seventh century Varman was a Brahmap surname also.
59 Thomas Wattors' ed., Vol. I. pp. 248.9. 60 Cunningham's Ancient Geography of India, ed. by S. N. Majumdar, p. 142. #1 Ep. Ind., Vol. IV. p. 143; Vol. XII. p. 4. 63 V. A. Smith's Cat. Coins Ind. Muscum, p. 186 ff. 63 Ibid., pp. 150-1.
64 Ibid., p. 192 f.

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be? The clue is afforded by the fact that no less than ten of these were in use nearly 700 years ago as Sarmans or Amushyâyanas amongst the Nagar Brahmans of Gujarat and Kathiâwâr. Mr. N. B. Divatia 65 has rightly remarked that whereas these Sarmans have been reduced to the position of family names in Bengal, they were replaced among the Någars by avatarkas, or surnames, and are now rememberod "only as ornamental mementos of a social state long gone by, just like the golra.” It seems that originally they were clan names; because oven now among the Nagars these Sarmans are known as Amushyayana.66 This inference may appear strange to some, and it may be urged against it that two of these names are Sarman and Varman which are the well-known honorific suffixes of the Brahmans and Kshatriyas respectively, and it may be pertinently asked whether there is any evidence to show they were ever in ancient times used as the names of any families or clans. In reply, we may draw attention to Mahabharata, Sabha parvan, chap. 30, v. 13, and Santiparvan, chap. 49, v. 83, where Sarmakas, Varmakas67 and Rakshitas are mentioned as different Kshatriya tribes or clans. Nothing therefore precludes us from supposing that the surnames mentioned above, at any rate moet of them, originally represented the clans of some race called Nagar or Någar. It may reasonably be asked why we should suppose that there was such a race as Nagar or Nagar. In the first place, we have to note that the Nagar Brahmans are not the only Nagars known to Gujarat. There are Nagar VAniás, or traders, also. This itself tends to show that Nagar was the name of a tribe or race. It is possible to urge against this conclusion that the term Nagar is derived from Nagara which was the name of Vadnagar aocording to the inscription of the Chaulukya ruler KumArapala found there, and that both the Nagar Brahmans and the Någar Våņiâs claim Vad. nagar as their original seat. As they thus hail from Vadnagar or Nagara, it is intelligible that both the Brahmans and the Vanias should be named Nagar after it. It may thus be contended that after all there is nothing to show definitely that Nagar or Nagar was a racial or tribal name. Now, the same inscription that gives Nagara as the old name of Vadnagar tells us that its older name was Anandapura. And I have shown elsewhere69 that Anandapura was known as early as the sixth century, as it is mentioned in the Valabhi grants, and that it is specified there as the place from where the grantees hailed who on other grounds also have been proved to be no other than the Någar Bråhmans. The earlier name of Vainagar was thus undoubtedly Anandapura and its later name was Nagara. It is there. fore not at all unreasonable to hold that in the course of time as the Nagars dominated Guiarát. the place of their settlement which was originally Anandapura came to be called Nagara after them. The conclusion thus stands unrefuted that Nagar or Någar is the name of some race or tribe. Secondly, it is not quite correct to say that all the Nagar Brahmans of Gujarat and Kathidwar claim Vadnagar to be their original soat. There is & division of the Någar Brahmans called Prashnorås who style themselves Ahichchhatras or Ahichchhatrajña. tiyas, showing that they at least were not connected with Vadnagar. Thirdly, as the late Sir James Campbell has pointed out, there are Någars not only among the Gujarat Vånies, but also among the Gurjaras of Bulandshahr in the U. P. and among the Jåts of Sialkot in the PanjAb. 11 It may further be noted that there were also Nagair Rajpâte originally in Kathidwår, after whom a tract of land called Nagher in Sorath was named. This agrees with the fact that Nagaraka has been mentioned in a Valabhi grant of G. 206 as being apparently situated in Surashtra." Nay, the Jangnamd of Farrukhsiyar and Jahåndar Shah, by a Hindu
65 Ind. Ant., Vol. XL- p. 35.
66 See footnoto 1 above. 67 Up till the seventh century A.D. Varman seems to have been the name of the BrAhman family to which Bhaskaravarman of Kåmarûpe pertained (see n. 68 above).
88 Ep. Ind., Vol. I. p. 299, v. 19. 69 JPASB., Vol. V. p. 181 ff.; Ind. Ant., Vol. XL. p. 32. 10 Ibid., p. 34.
71 Ibid., p. 33. 73 Bom. Gazetteer, Vol. VIII (Kathiawar), p. 6, n. 1; Ep. Ind., Vol. XVII. p. 109.

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poct, Sridhar (Murlidhar) of Prag, includes Nagars among the tribes from which the soldiers of the Mughal army were recruited and makes mention also of Nagar leaders, such as Beni Ram Nagar and so forth.73 This also clearly proves that there was such a tribe or race as Nagar or Nagar, and that it was in existence even prior to the Gurjaras and Jåts. Ethnologists need not be told that when a new tribe penetrates a country and dominates an old tribe there, the latter often accept the conqueror's tribal name and reduce their own name to a surname or a subdivision. To take one instance, the Mauryas, who were one of the earliest clans of India, became merged among the Rajpûts as a Paramâra subdivision called Moris and among the Marathås as a surname known as More. We have also to remember that amongst the Brahmans the term Någar and its derivatives are not confined simply to the Nagar Brahmans of Gujarat and Kathîâwâr. We have thus Nagariyås among the Kanaujiâs, Nagaris among the Kashmiri Brahmans, and Nagara Brahmans after whom a district of the Mysore State is named Nagar.?* This points to the Nagar or Någar race having spread as far south as the northern part of Mysore and as far north as Kashmir.
There are two more points to be considered about the Nagars which still more clearly indicate that originally they formed a tribe or race. Both these points have been set forth by Prachya-vidya-mahârnava Nagendra Nath Vasu in his informing article on Nagars and the Nagari Alphabet." My attention to it was drawn by Sir George Grierson (supra, Vol. XL. p. 152), and I regret that it was not known to me when I wrote my article on The Foreign Elements in the Hindu Population. The Någars have left their mark in a twofold manner by creating not only a dialect but also a script. Thus Sesha Krishna, who flourished about 1150 A.D., says in his Prakrita-chandriká that there were six main Prakrits and twentyseven Apabhramsas. Two of these latter are Upanagara and Nagara ;76 and as these have been distinguished from Låta and Gaurjara, it is plain that wherever the Någars were in the twelfth century A.D., that is to say, whether they were in Lata, Gujarat or outside, they had two dialects of their own, Någara and Upanågara, which they had preserved in spite of the different surroundings in which they were placed. In the same period lived Hemachandra, the well-known Jaina monk and scholar, who was the preceptor of the Chaulukya sovereign Kumarapala. He not only mentions, but also describes and illustrates, the Nagara Apabhramsa which was most closely connected with that form of Pråkpit known as Sauraseni, or the Prakrit of the central Gangetic Doab."17 The case is not unlike the Abhira dialect referred to by Dandin in his Kavyadarsa. The Abhîras were a well-known tribe and deveioped a dialect of their own to such an extent as to arrest the attention of the rhetorician Dandin.78 Nay, this Åbhîra dialect has still survived in the Ahirani spoken by the greater part of the population in the Khandesh Districts of the Bombay Presidency. And it may be asked whether this Nagara Apabhramsa also is preserved in any of the modern dialects. The Någar Brahmans have always formed an important part of the Gujarat community. The language which they write, it is true, is "ordinary Gujarati, with a slightly greater use of Sanskrit words than is met with in the Gujarati of other castes." Nevertheless," they are said to have a dialect of their own, called Någari Gujarati."79 Again, there were many
73 JASB., 1900, Pt. I. pp. 50, 56, etc.
74 Ibid., p. 34 and n. 46. It may be asked why no trace of the Nagars is found in the region interven. ing between Gujarat and Mysore. I have already given a table of anthropometric measurements showing that the Prabhu-Kayasthea of Maharashtra, i.e., of this intervening region, have the same physical charac. teristics as the NAgar of Gujarat and the BrAhmans and Kayasthas of Bengal. A trace of the Nagar migra. tion is also noticeable in Nagar, the name of a division of the Ahmadnagar district, and the temple of Hâtakeevar and the river Sarasvati at Shrigonda not far from it (Bom. Gar., Vol. XVII. Pp. 739-40). It seems that originally the Nagar Taluk included this place and that the Nagars who settled down at Shrigonda came from Vadnagar with their traditions about Hatakesvara and the Sarasvati.
75 JASB., Vol. LXV. Pt. I. p. 114 ff. 78 Ibid., p. 116. 11 Grierson's Ling. Suro. of Ind., Vol. IX. Pt. II. p. 327. 78 Ind. Axs., Vol. XL. p. 17.
7° Ling. Suro. of Ind., Vol. IX. Pt. II. p. 378.

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places and districts named after Någars, as they migrated in different directions. One such district is Någarchål which forms the south-east part of the Jaipur State. Its principal town is Nagar or Karkot Nagar. Now, Sir George Grierson informs us that in this province is spoken a dialect called Nagarchali which is a variety of Jaipurî.80 This shows that it was not in Bombay Gujarat alone but also in the south-east part of Jaipur that the Någars by their number have created a dialect of their own. The existence of a Någar dialect both in ancient and modern India is enough to indicate that the Någars, like the Abhiras. were an ancient tribe or race which settled in some provinces in such numbers as to develop a dialect of their own. But this is not all. The Någars were also noted for their culture and erudition. We find that there was not simply a Nagar Apabhramsa but also a Nagar script. It is true that the Buddhist work Lalita-vistara, which is believed to have been composed in the second or third century A.D., enumerates no less than sixty-four scripts which were learnt by Buddha, but makes no mention of a Någar alphabet. 81 Things were different by the middle of the fifth century A.D., when the Jaina religious book Nandi-sútra was put together. Here the author gives a list of eighteen scripts which Rishabhadeva, the first Tirthamkara, mastered, and we find Nagari-lipi mentioned among them. The question now arises : what is meant by Nagari-lipi? We have got a Marathi-English Dictionary compiled by J. T. Molesworth in 1857 with the help of the Pandits of Maharashtra. If we refer to the word Nagari in this lexicon, we find the following: "relating to the Nagar Brâhman-language, character of writing, etc." As a matter of fact, the Nagar Brâhmans to this day use the Nagari script though they live in Gujarat and Kathiâwâr surrounded by people who employ nothing but the Gujarati character for their vernacular. This is a most noteworthy fact, because wherever the Någars have migrated, they have developed their script, if not dialect also. As we have just seen, the Någar Brâhmans have spread as far south as the north-west part of Mysore. Being domiciled in this province, they naturally speak Kanarese, but their books are in Någari or Balabodha, though the books of all other castes there are in the Kanarese character. 8. This is in regard to the extreme south. The same remark holds good in respect of the extreme east, the Sylhet district (Assam), up to which, as we have seen above, their movement has been traced. It is curious that in the Sylhet and Bankura districts, which constitute the eastern and western extremities of Bengal, a form of Nagari script is employed by the orthodox Muhammadan community. This is known as Sylhet Nagari ' in East Bengal and 'Musalman Nagari' in West Bengal. Several manuscripts of scriptures written by the Muhammadans in this script are known. Though the character used is Någarî, their language is Bengali, and the metrical form, payár. Hundreds of manuscripts written in Bengali and Persian characters have been collected in Bengal. And the question arises why in Sylhet and Bånkuså alone, the script used for writing these books in the Bangali language should be Nagari, instead of the popular Bangali or Persian. “It is on record that many Brahman families of Sylhet embraced Islam." And we have perceived that in ancient times there was a regular.colony of the Nagar Brahmans in this district. The conclusion is incontrovertible that the religious books written in Nagarî by the Bengal Muhammadans were "the contributions of the Någar Brâhmans who had now been converted to Islam.” Attention to this point was first drawn by Mr. J. C. Ghosh,8: and Mr. N. N. Vasu gave us further information on this subject in his address as President of the Bengali Section of the All-India Oriental Conference held in 1930 at Patna. Fuller information is still a keen-felt desideratum, and it is hoped that one of these scholars or both will try to supply it before long. We thus see that the Någars had not only a dialect but also a script of their own called Någari after them. It is thus impossible to doubt that the Någars originally denoted some cultured tribe or race, which spread over the different parts of India, maintaining their dialect and script. 80 Ibid., p. 191.
81 JASB., Vol. LXV. Pt. I. pp. 125-8. 89 Ind. Ant., Vol. III. p. 230.
83 Ind. His. Quart., Vol. VI. pp. 69-70.

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I have already adverted to the view of Dr. Guha based on anthropometrical data that the brachyleptorhiny represented by the Bengal Brâhmans and Kayasthas is found not only among the Nagar Brahmans of Gujarat and the Prabhu Kayasthas of Bombay, but along the whole western littoral right down to Coorg. This explains why Nagara Brahmans should be found in the north-west part of Mysore. This also explains why we should find Någarakhanda as a division of the Banavâsî province mentioned in inscriptions ranging between the seventh and eleventh centuries A.D.84 Epigraphy and ethnology thus go hand in hand towards the inference that the Nagar or Nagar race had spread as far south on the west coast as Coorg. It may now be asked : what could be the significance of Nagaris found as a class of Brahmans in Kashmir ? I have elsewhere pointed out that a very early settlement of the Nagars, a settlement earlier than Nagara or Anandapura in North Gujarat, is represented by Nagar or Nagarkot, the old name of Kängdå in the Panjab, situated in the Sawalakh hills.85 Was it, however, the earliest seat of the Nagar race ? Could there be any other settlement of theirs which was even earlier than Nagarkot in the Sa padalaksha range?
It is well-known that Hatakeśvara is the tutelary deity of the Nagars. The deity is mentioned in the Bhagavata-Purdna86 as residing in Vitala, part of Patala, which, according to the Amarakosa, is another name for Nagaloka. Hataka is also a synonym for suvarna or gold, and is specified as a variety of that metal by Kautilya.87 The commentator Bhattasvamin88 explains the word by saying that "håțaka is that (gold) which is extracted from the mines of Hataka." It therefore seems that there was a country called Hataka where gold was found and which was part of that region where the N&gas were worshipped. Is there any country answering to this description ? Now, Sabha parvan, chap. 28, vs. 3-5, of the Mahabharata actually speaks of a country named Hataka, guarded by the Guhyakas, which Arjuna subjugated in his expedition of conquest in the Himalayas. The position of this country can be ascertained better by the fact that Arjuna is represented to have repaired to the Mânasa lake immediately after conquering the Hatakas. If we now turn to "A Map of Tibet showing Dr. Sven Hedin's Routes," which is placed at the end of Volume II of his celebrated work, Trans-Himalaya Discoveries and Adventures in Tibet, we find that the two districts which border upon the Månasa lake are Hundes and Ngari-Korsum. Hundes must be, of course, Hûna-deśa and seems to be a comparatively modern name. But Ngari. Korsum is a composite name, the first part of which, viz., Ngari, appears to be the same as Nagari and connected with the Nagars, just as the former is with the Hanas. It therefore seems very tempting to identify HApaka with this Ngari-Konsum. This inferenoe is supported by the fact that not far from it is Tok.jalung, which, according to Sven Hedin, is still a gold. field of importance.99 How prevalent Naga worship was and is in Kashmir is very well known to those who have read the Nflamata or the Rajatarangini. "From early times," says Sir Aurel Stein,"0" considerable importance must have been attached to their worship, as is proved by the long account given of them in the Nilamiata, by the numerous temples erected near the more famous springs and the popularity and undoubtedly ancient origin of the pilgrimages directed to the latter. The belief in Nagas is fully alive also in the Muhammadan population of the Valley, which in many places has not ceased to pay a kind of superstitious respect and ill-disguised worship to these deities.” Hundes and
84 Bom. Gazetteer, Vol. I. Pt. II. p. 281, n. 3. For another identification see Imp. Gazelleer, Vol. XVIII. p. 297. Någarakhanda is also mentioned in the Rdjatarangin, VII, 194, the significance of which was not grasped by Sir Aurel Stein in his translation of the work. There is obviously a pun upon the word which at one timo signifies 'ginger' or 'betel plant and at another the provinco called Någarakhanda, which may be identified with the second of the two chiefships denoted by HungaNagar, referred to further on in the text. 86 Ind. Ant., Vol. XL. p. 34.
86 V. 24, 17. 87 Prakarana 31 (p. 85).
98 JBORS. ed., p. 62. 89 Trans Himalaya Discoveries and Adventures in Tibet, Vol. III, p. 5.
Rajatarangin (Trans.), Vol. I. p. 6, n. 30.

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Ngari-Korsum touch Kangra and Kashmir on the west. Naga folklore and Naga worship in the former provinces must have been practically the same as in the latter.01 All these data converge to the conclusion that the original place from which the Nâgars hailed was Hataka, more probably the same as Nagri-Korsum, and situated in close proximity to the Mânasa lake. It is from this region that the Nagars migrated southward to Nagar or Nagarkot and westward to Kashmir, where evidence of their movement is preserved not only in the Nagari class of Brahmans but also in the province called Hunza-Nagar, 92 which is really two small chiefships to the extreme north-west of Kashmir. They seem to have proceeded further (south-)westward and settled at a place called Nagar or Na-ka-lo-ho as Yuan Chwango3 calls it. The same place appears to have been referred to as Nagara in a Kharoshthi inscription on the celebrated Mathura Lion-Capital, which Prof. Sten Konow,94 following Cunningham, identified with Nagar on the Kabul river. Similarly, we have to take note of a place and & river both called Nugor (Nagar) in the southernmost part of Baluchistân. The Nugor, like its neighbour the Dasht river, falls in the Gwattar Bay of the Arabian Sea.
If we once admit that there was such a tribe or race as Nagar or Nagar, the twentyfour surnames pointed out above seem to have originally been clans of that race. One may perhaps wonder how Sarman, Varman, Gupta, Dåsa and so forth can at all be considered to be clan names, as they are taken to be the name endings of the different classes of Hindu Society. Thus Deva and Sarman are taken as affixes to be added to the names of the Brahmans, Varman and Trâta of the Kshatriyas, Gupta, Bhûti and Datta of the Vaisyas, and Dåse of the Südras. We have already shown that Sarmaka and Varmaka, which are the same as Sarman and Varman, have been actually specified as two clans or peoples in the Mahabharata. Sooondly, that Gupta was not a name-suffix, but was a family name, is known from the many inscriptions of the Gupta princes that have been found. These Guptas again were not Vaisyas, but were a ruling Kshatriya family. Thirdly, who can dispute the holiness of the Nagar Brahmans as Brahmans ? But they have not only Gotras and Avatankas (surnames) but Amushyâyaņas which indicate clan-names. And, curiously enough, these Amushyâyanas include not only Sarman and Deva, but also Varman and Trâta, Gupta, Bhúti. and Datta and, above all, Dasa. The so-called name-affixes of not only the Brâhmans, Kshatriyas and Vaisyas but also the Südras are thus found as the Amushyayaņas or clan names of the Nagar Brahmans, the holiest of the holy Brâhmans of Gujarat and Kathiâwâr. Again, it may be urged that it seems strange that such terms as Pala, Pålita, Rakshita, Ghosha, Vardhana and so forth can ever become family names. Pala and Palita come from the same root; and if Påla is a family name, it is curious that Palíta also should become a family name. Pala again means 'protection and Palita protected.' How can protection' or 'protected 'come to be looked upon as family names. Similarly, Vardhana also means 'increase,' and it is inexplicable how a word which has this signification can serve to denote the name of a family. This objection may however be answered on the supposition that most of the twenty-two surnames mentioned above denote totem groups which later on became family names. These can be divided roughly
91 Antiquities of Chamba State, Pt. I. p. 34.
93 Imp. Gazetteer, Vol. XIII. p. 225; Ind. Ant., Vol. I. p. 7 ff. In the composite neme Hunza-Nagar, while Nâgar stands for the Nagar people, Hunzâ seems to be so called after the Hüņas. It is curious that the Hùnas should associate with the Nâgars in Kashmir as they do in Hataka near the Mânasa Lake. The people of Hâtaka were Guhyakas as we have seen from the Sabhd parvan above, And it is also curious that the language of the Nâgars of Hunza-Nôgar is Yeshkun=Yaksha which is another name for Guhyaka (Grier. son's Ling. Surv. of India, Vol. VIII. Pt. II. p. 551). Again, I am informed by Dr. Guha that Prof. R. B. Dixon of Harvard measured a large number of Hunza-Någars and found them distinctly brachycepholic, & conclusion which agrees with the anthropometrical data for the NAgars of Gujarat.
83 Watters' od., Vol. I. p. 182 ff.
4 Corp. Inacr. Ind., Vol. II. Pt. I, pp. 45 and 48 (F). Compare also Nagarah åra in Uttarapatha mon. tioned in the Ghoeråwå inscription of the time of Devapala (Ind. Ant., Vol. XVII. p. 309).

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into four classes, namely (1) those which are connected with Siva, (2) those which bear the names of demi-gods, (3) those which are derived from plant names and (4) those connected with weapons. As Hatakeśvara is the tutelary deity of the Nagars, it is natural that there should be some totems connected with Siva. There can be no doubt about Nandin, and Guha, as they are the vehicle and a son of that god respectively. Vardhana also is a name not only of Siva but also of one of Skanda's attendants. Bhûti also denotes the ashes with which Siva and his followers besmear their bodies. These four may therefore be reasonably taken as totem groups connected with Siva. Then, again, some of the surnames seem to be the names of certain minor deities or demi-gods. That Chandra denotes the moon' and Mitra 'the sun' need scarcely be pointed out. That Vasu is the name of a class of deities, eight in number, and that Soma and Dh araare two of them is also well-known. Deva can also be recognised as the name of Indra, which itself is a surname among Bengal Kayasthas. Similarly, that Nagas are serpent-demons with Vasuki as one of their kings and that Pala is the name of a snake demon of Vasuki race hardly requires to be mentioned. Perhaps with these may be associated Datta, which according to the Tandya-Brahmara (XXV. 15, 3) is the name of an ascetic who was a snake-priest. The third class of these surnames seems to be connected with plants. Thus Ghosha's denotes Luffa fætida, or a similar plant, and Dama the Artemisia flower. Similarly, Pålita denotes Trophis aspera. This explains two other names, namely, Rakshita and Gupta, which are synonyms of Pålita. The fourth class appears to be related to armoury. Thus Deva and Dhara, if they do not stand for Indra and one of the eight Vasus respectively, may be taken to denote 'sword.' To sum up, mosi of the surnames specified above can be explained as the names of the totems after which the different clans of the Nagar race were named.
It will be seen that there was a tribe or race called Nagar or Nagar whose original seat was the country of Hataka situated near the Manasa Lake. It gradually migrated westward and southward. Its westward movement is indicated by such place names as Hunza-Nagar in Kashmir and Nagar on the Kabul river. Their first settlement southward was Nagar or Nagarkot, from where different clans such as the Mitras and Dattas occupied such provinces as Panchåla, Kosala and Mathurâ from the second century B.c. to the second century A.D. These were followed by the Nâgas, Guptas and Varmans, who similarly held different parts of North India. Then came the Vardhanas, Palas and Senas who spread as far east as Bengal, whereas the Maitrakas, who were related to the old Mitras, as the Kâdambas to the Kadambas or the Chaulukyas to the Chalukyas, conquered Gujarat and Kathiawâr. Of course, these Nagars spread as far south as Nagarakhanda in Banavâsî, but it is not clear whether they went on conquering or simply migrating. The spread of the Nagars along the western coast as far as Coorg can easily be noted, but how they migrated to Bengal is far from clear. Anyhow, it is pretty clear that the Nagars are an ancient and erudite race indigenous to India and not of late foreign, barbarous origin as was thought twenty years ago.*
APPENDIX A. The configuration of the Gotra system as depicted in the Srautasütra has not been properly studied. The idea that the Gotras were founded by the Eight Rishis is a later invention. The Gotras called Gautamas and Bharadvâjas were, according to the Srautasútra, originated by Gautama and Bharadvaja, who were two of these Eight Sages. But instead of their being mentioned separately they have been clustered together under the comprehensive Angiras Gana along with some nondescript Gotras such as Vishnuvsiddhas, Kanvas and 80 forth. If the Eight Rishis are the founders of the cight separate Gotras, why are the Gautamas not separated from the Bharadvâjas ? On the contrary, why are they placed under the Angiras Gana ? Again, why are such Gotras as Vishnuvșiddhas and Kanvas
® Ghosha is also mentioned as a deity in Stikla.Yajurvedasumhita (XXX, 19).
• I have to thank Mr. J. C. Ghosh for the great help he gave me in the arduous work of gathering materials for this paper.

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placed under this Gana along with the Gautamas and Bharadvájus? If the Gotras founded by the Eight Sages can alone be called Gotras, then Vishnuvsiddhas and Kanvas cease to be Gotras, because Vishnuvsiddha and Kanva are not included among the Eight Sages. Nor is Angiras mentioned as one of these Sages. The conclusion is therefore irresistible that the idea that all the Gotras were derived from the Eight Rishis was a later introduction and that the Gotra system was originally of an entirely different formation. It seems that just as we find Gana, Kula and Sakhas in the Jaina brotherhood, so the Brahmans were in ancient times divided into Gana, Paksha and Gotra in the clescending order. Of these the term Gana has survived only in the case of the Bhrigus and the Angirases, and we shall not be very wrong if we suppose that all the other Gotras, such as the Atris, the Visvâmitras and so forth were originally taken to be Ganas.
Again, the Gotra system in the earlier period had different exogamous rules. All the Gaņas or the comprehensive Gotras, except the Bhrigus and the Angirases, had one cornmon custom in regard to marriage, namely, if there were even one Pravara common to any two families they were looked upon as of the same Gotra. This, however, was not so in regard to the other two Ganas. In their case, as we have noticed above, if among five Pravaras there were three common, then alone the sameness of Gotra was established and marriage prohibited. Similarly, in the case of families with three Pravaras, marriage was forbidden between two families if they had two Pravaras in common. What is strange, however, is that among the Tryársheya Pravaras of both these Caņas, no two Pravaras are found common in the lists set forth by the Srautasůtras. Why the rule was laid down, namely, that in the case of the Tryårsheyas two Pravaras constituted the sameness of Gotra, is inexplicable. Probably Tryârsheyas of this description were forgotten even in the time of the Srautasätras.
APPENDIX B. It may be asked why the Kåyasthas of Bengal have come to observe asancha for a period of one month like ordinary Sūdras if they were originally Brahmans. How social tyranny was practised by one caste upon another is too well-known to require any elucidation. How the Prabhu-Kayasthas of Maharashtra were being compelled by the Peshwas to give up their right to the upanayana ceremony and how the Sarasvatas of Maharashtra were being declared non-Brâhmans by some other Brahman castes of the province simply because they nte fish are matters of history. The Prabhu-Kayasthas and the Sarasvatas successfully withstood the opposition, but the Kayasthas of Bengal seemed to have succumbed vo it. Again, do the Bengal Brahmans themselves observe áchára in strict conformity with the Srauta- or Dharma- sûtras! If we carefully scan the Pravaras of these Brâhmans, we notice many interlopers. One has only to consult the Gotra-pravara-viveka chapter of Dhanañjaya's Dharmapradipa. Thus Viśvamitra Gotra has the following Pravaras: Visvâmitra, Marichi and Kaushika, whereas the Srautasůtras enumerate Vaišvamitra, Daivasravask and Daivatarasa. How Marichi and Kaushika were imported into this Gotra is far from clear. Similarly, the Atri Gotra in Bengal has the following Pravaras: Atri, Atreya and Satâtapa, as against Atreya, Archananasa and Syåvåsva of the Srautasůtras, and the Agasti has the Pravaras: Agasti, Dadhîchi and Jaimini as against Agastya, Dardhachyuta and Aidhmaváha of the Srautasútras. How these insertions arose in the Pravaras of Bengal is inexplicable. But this much cannot be doubted, that the Bengal Brahmans have Pravaras quite unknown to and unsanctioned by the Srautasůtray. It may however be contended that these Gotras pertain to the Vaidiks and not to the Radhis, who are therefore purer in achara. It is true that there are no interpolations in the Pravaras of the latter, but there is something objectionable in one or two of their marriage customs. It is scarcely necessary to add that what is called svajan-akshepa or marriage within prohibited degrees was prevalent, until very recently, among the Radhi Brahmans (Vanger játsyaitihasa, 2nd ed., Brahmaņa-kânda, Vol. J. Pt. I. p. 189). Secondly, it is perfectly intelligible if a Ganguli does

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not marry a Ghoshal, because Ghoshal's Gotra ia Vatsa, and Ganguli, being of Savarni Gotra, is also a Vatsa. Both thus belong to the bigger Vatsa Gotra, and we can therefore under stand why a Ganguli cannot marry a Ghoshal. But what about the Banerjis and Chatterjis? It may be argued that their Pravaras are entirely different. Thus Chatterjî is of the Kasyapa Gotra and has the Pravaras: Kasyapa, Avatsåra and Naidhruva. Banerji is Sandila in Gotra and has the Pravaras : Sandila, Asita and Daivala. These Pravaras, being entirely different, the Gotras also must be entirely different. It may be contended that there carr therefore be no objection at all to a Banerji marrying a Chatterji. But are Kåśyapa and Sândlila radically different Gotras? Because it is worthy of note that the Sandila Gotra has four alternative sets of Pravaras, each consisting of three. One of these four forms the Pravaras of the Banerji family and has been just mentioned. But the other three sets have two Pravaras in common, namely, Kasyapa and Avatsåra. This clearly shows that Sandila is, after all, a division of Kasyapa, and that the Banerjis and the Chatterjis are therefore of identical Gotra. They should not thus marry; but as a matter of fact, they do marry, though & sagotra marriage is opposed to all Hindu usage.
A BALLAD OF KERALA. By M. D. RACHAVAN, B.A., F.R.A.I., D.A. (Oxon.), PERSONAL ASSISTANT TO THE SUPERINTENDENT,
GOVERNMENT MUSEUM, MADRAS.
(Continued from page 12.) Unichandrôr calls his Nayars and asks them to go at once and engage the services of Arinnotes, a renowned warrior of Kôlôstrinâd,15 who accepts the championship. The latter engages his carpenter to erect the angatlaffu or wooden platform, standing on which the duel is fought, and intrigues with him to do foul work. Uņikkônår hears of the preparations made by his adversary and hastens to find a combatant to fight his cause. He assumes the dignity and title of Varunnor, or he who rules, and starts with his twenty-one Nayar attend. ants. After several days' fruitiese wandering, they come to a strange and distant land, and, resting under the shade of a friendly banyan tree, they hold consultation as to which side to turn :
Chekavar pulappulla natum vitum Places and houses well known for chekavara Årum paraññittu kêftitțilla
We have not heard anybody tell. Arângre nåttilum vannu nammal We have reached a strange land Sakhiyayittârume illayallo.
And friends have we none. Appo! parayunnu Néyanmarum The Nayars then say, Nêrchapalatume nêrnukollu
Do not neglect to make vows, Atutåne kêļkunnu vârunnorum
The Vârunnor at this Nêrcha palavidnam nêrunnundu Makes vows to various shrines.
That very instant they espy a Panan 16 boy coming that way. The Vásunnor accoste him and asks him whence he comes and whither he goes. The boy replies :
Karuttênår 17 nâțtinnu vitakollunnu "I come from Karuttênår country.” Evitêkâyi pôkunnu Pâna niyyu “Where do you go, Pånan ? "
15 Koldgtrinád or Kolattunad, the kingdom of the Kolattiris, who once ruled over practically the whole of N. Malabar, with their capital in the vicinity of modern Cannanoro, where a descendant of the family known as the chirakkal tamburdm, now residee.
16 Panan. A caste of musicians, actors and players. It is stated that they were minatrels under the ancient Tamii kings, and that with the extinction of the latter in 8. India their profession as barde consed to exist, most of them finding their way to Kerala, the Land of Charity, for a livelihood. The de. Boendants of these emigrants are now found in Malabar and Kanara as devil dancers and beaket-makers. (Srinivasa Iyengar, Tamil Studies, p. 84.) The Malayalam Pånans are a caste of exorcists and devil dancers, also called Malayans in certain parte, particularly in N. Malabar, where the name Panan is not ordinarily montioned. A description of the casto appears on pages 29-42 of Thurston's Castes and Tribes of S. India, vol. VI.
17 Karubenar ia the modern Kadattanad, in Kurumbran id idluk of North Malabar.

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Urilirakkanum pôņatiyan
"T am going to beg." Ürilirannalo endu kittum
"What will you get by begging ?” Unnumbô! chennáló chôru kittum
“Meals, if I go at meal time, Têykkumbol chennalô enna kittum
“Oil, at bathing time, Chettumból chennalô kallu kittum "Toddy, at tapping time, Attåra chorrinnu ariyum kittum
“Rice for a meal Sandhya 18 vilakkinnu enna kittum “And oil for the sunset light."
Unichandror makes a present of a piece of cloth and prevails on him to give detailed information about securing a suitable chékavar. This he gives - Karutênár19 nâţum kirakke arram
"Bounded on the east by Karutênåd Putturam patam padiññnar axram
"And on the west by the Putturam fields Elavannûg nâtalloru nâtallane
“Is the place known as Eļavannûr. Avite irikkunnu mûvar chêkôn
“There live three chêkôts. Achanum chêkôn makanum chêkôn “Both the father and the son are chêkórs, Marumakanennoru chêkônundu
“And there is a nephew, also a chékôr. Erangam vetti jeyichatachchan
"Seven combats has the father won ; Achchanu vayassume kalamaņu
"He is in his old age. Makan Chôkavare kittiyengil
"If the son chekôr is secured Niñnalku angam jayikkumalla
“Your victory is assured." He gives full directions as to how to get to the place. Guided by these directions, the party proceeds and reaches the place by evening. They spend the night at a neighbouring house and are awakened the next morning by the sound of the puja bell from the chékavar's house. Vêgam erunirru vârunnorum
The Varunnor wakes up and quickly Kei vâyi mukhavum chitam varutti Washes face, hands and mouth, Verrila murukkum karikkunnundu Has pánsupari Eta раrабЙu рurappefunna
And starts, taking leave, Pațiyum patippura katannavarum
And crossing the gate and the gate house, Puttâram vittil patikkal chennu
Reaches the front of the Puttûram house, Mandaka murrattum chenniranni Enters the front courtyard and Mullattara churrum chavalam chari Observes the spears resting against the
jasmine beds. Pularuvân êrasa råvullappo!
Before daybreak, Püngöri châttanrrekûval kettu
Hearing the cook crow, Murramatikkunna Mânipennum
The girl Máni who sweeps the courtyard to Netti efunirru pennavaļum
Gets up, awakened by the cock's crow, Atakal nannayi kutaññututtu
And dressing herself with care, Kažkůntal nannayi kuteññu ketti
Arranges her looks
18 Sandhya vilakku is the circular bell-metal hanging lamp which it is still the practice to light at Auneet all over Korala in Hindu households. Twisted strands of cotton rags form the wicks, which are placed uniformly all around a circular groove which is fed with 2000anut oil.
10 Kadattanad in Kurum branád dhuk of N. Malabar.
30 This gives an insight into the habits of an ordinary Malayali household. The first thing done before sunrise, which should be finished before the rest of the household wake up, is to swoop the courtyarda ell around the house. This is done with care and thoroughness, after which thin solution of powdungin mature is sprinkled over the entire area.

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Patakali murrattum chenniranni And, coming to the courtyard, Bhūmiyum toţtu nerukil vechchu
Reverently touches the earth Suryabhagavâne kei torutu
And, after worshipping the sun god, Natakasalayil katannu chennu
Proceeds to the theatre hall Tiyûtidipam kolutti vechchu
And blowing the embers lights the lamp, 21 Vilakku nisayo!am eņnořichchu
Filling it with oil, Vatakkê purattêkku iranni pennu And going over to the northern side . Murramatikunna chůletuttu
Takes the broom Mandaka murrattum chennavalu
And proceeds to the principal courtyard. Startled by the number of Nayars assembled there, she runs to her father and, waking him up, announces that twenty-two Nayars are waiting outside, one of them distinguished by his golden headwear. The father, hastily performing his morning prayers, goes to meet the Nayars. The Varunnor, seeing the old man coming, takes no notice of him nor does he even get up on seeing him. The chekavar, advancing, makes enquiries as to the object of their visit :Nellînô vittînô vannu ninnal
"For paddy or for seeds are you come ? Kannino kalakko vannu ninnal
"Or for cow or for bulls, Angam pitippånð vannu ninnal
“Or for combat have you come ?" The Varunnor answers that they have come in quest of a proper chékôr. The old man replies that he himself is the chêkôr, and learns that the antagonist is Arinnoter. Ånaye mayakkunna chékôrâne
“He is a chekôr who can charm even elephants Kalla chati érum Ariñnodarku
"And is an adept in foul play. Atinêtum vêndilla vârunnôre
"That matters not, Vârunnor ; Mutu onnu chuļiññatum kûttákkenda "It recks not that one of my shoulders is
rather sore ; Pattu nara kandatum küttakkênda "It recks not that I am grey; Kayyonnu chuliññatum küttakkênda "It recks not that one of my arms is
rather infirm ; Kâlonnu vînniyatum kûttâkkênda "It recks not that one of my legs is a little
inflamed ; Pallonnu pôyatum kattakkênda
"It recks not that I have lost a tooth: Iniyoru angattinum vályamundu "I am young enough for another fight."
The Vârunnor, amazed at the spirit of the old man, enquires of Arômar. The father replies that his son Arômar is yet a boy. The latter, overhearing the conversation, calls the girl Kuttimâni, who tells him that they showed scant courtesy to his father and that they are come for a champion combatant. At this Arômar soon finishes his morning prayers and proceeds to the inner apartments of the house. Opening the strong room, he pulls out the box of jewels and adorns himself as described below. Naduvâți koțuttoru ponnunttoppi Wears the golden cap presented by the
náduvari, Kovil kotuttoru kottivala
The bracelets presented by the ruling king, Någâri ketuttoru ponkuppayam
The coat of gold presented by nágári, Sishyakal koțuttoru ponchúrakkôl The gold-mounted walking stick, the gift
of his disciples,
21 This shows that the kitchen fire 18 kept just sufficiently alive for the hot embere to be blown hy the mouth into fire-a practice which still persiste.

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Deśavâți koțattoru nâgamåla Erampiri nalla valampiriyum
Chakkamullan vala kottuvala Tantanne tîrpichcha ponmôtiram Chamayannalokkayum chêrttaniññu Ponnum metiyadi erikkondu Ponchûral kõlale ûnni ünni Åna nadayum nadannu chêkôn
Nalkettakattu katannu chennu Nâtakasalayil chenniranni Atutâne kanunnu perroramma Chamayannal sûshichchu nokkunnundu
Chamayam koraykuņņi ponmakane
Návoru?tanneyum tattippókum Naduvâți kandál nadunnippôkum Kôyma kandal viraykumallo
Entikuravândo perroramme Avitennu vêgam natannu chêkôr Mannabha murrattum chenniranni Mullattarakkalum Chennu chêkôn Patakaļi murrattirannikkondu Patippura nêrayum chellunnundu Iruttattidivaļu minnum pôle Murrattu konna púttapôle
The någa chain presented by the désavari, Bracelets with left hand and right hand
twists, And bracelets of jack-fruit rind pattern, And the golden ring which he himself got made. Thus adorned with all his decorations, And putting on gold-bedecked sandals, and Leaning on a golden staff, Walks with the measured and majestio gait
of an elephant, and Proceeds to the enclosure of the nálukat house And reaches the theatre hall, . Where his mother catches sight of him, And, carefully scanning his decorations,
remarks: "Adorn yourself less pompously, my darling
son; “Beware of the evil tongue. * Even the naduvári will start on seeing you, “And the Râja, should he see you, will
be shocked." Mother, why should I lessen my glory?" The chékôr advancing thence soon Comes to the courtyard And reaches the jasmine bed And the fighting arena, and Thence the gate-house. As the lightning flashing in the dark, As konna 8 flowers blossoming in the front
yard, Bright as the tender shoots of the mango
sapling The Vârunnor catches sight of him And gets up startled, And together stand the Nayars likewiso
startled. Arômar signs to them to sit down : “Sit ye down, ye Nayars, “Stand ye not on seeing me, “Ye, who did not [stand) on seeing my
father." At this the Nayars Remain silenced, with hands on their lips; And thus they stand with reverence.
Eļamâvu tayyu talartta pôle
Appôre kanunnu vârunnorum Netti eşunnirru vâsunnorum Küte erunnirru Nayanmârum
Keikondu vilakkunnu Arômerum Irikkêdo Trikkêdo Nayanmâre Ennakkandu niññal enikkavênda Achchane kandappo! enîrrillalló
Atu tåne kelkkunnu Náyanmarum Vakkôde kaiyum patichu ninng Acharattodavar nilkunnundu
39 This refers to the belief in the evil eye, which is widely prevalent. 28 Cansia fistula. The flowers grow in clusters of golden yellow.

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The son makes the same enquiries as the father, whether they have come for cattle or calf, for seeds or for paddy. The Vârunnor explains his cause, and the dissensions in detail, humming up with the following orders of the Koyma :
Padavettu tammil tudanñiyalo "If you wage battle 24 Eriyajanannal našichchupókum "Many a man will die, Nallanga chekavare têdikólin - "Look for champion angam fighters. Angampitichu jayikkunnorku
“Whoever wina in the argam, Avarkkumê tanneyum mũppuvárka "He will rule as the elder. A mori toţtullorangamane
"Thus has arisen this angam." Atutâne kelkkunnu chekavarum
The chêkôr, hearing all, A morikkangam piţikkavênam Agrees that it is a cause worth fighting for..
When, however, Arómar learns that the opposite party is championed by Ariñnöter, he hesitates remarking that he cannot fight Ariñnoter, who can charm even elephants, and he is but young. He accordingly tells them that they may return the way they came. Despairing of success, the Nåyars exhort the Vârunnôr to make vows, and he accordingly makes offerings at various shrines. The vows soon take effect, and Arômar again emerging gives his consent. He accordingly asks the Vârunrôr to deposit the angakirippañam or the requisite payments for figbting the angam. The Vasunnor hastens to deposit the fees, which however being not to the standard fixed by Arômor, the latter instructs him to place the fees in a hundred and one lots, with a thovsand and one fanams in each lot. The Vârunnor acts accordingly. Arômar then intimates his resolve to his father and mother, who are distracted at the idea of their only son going to fight, perhaps to certain death, and a long dialogue ensues :Enne chatichcheta ponmakanê
"You have deceived me, my dear son. Niyôdi ôdi kalikkumkalam
" When you were running about as a child, Annu ninandallo ponmakane
"Then, my son, J feared that Ni yüttitunmân vidhiillennu
"I was not destined to eat your bread. Putra rillâte irunnakalam
"When I was childless and was yearning for a
son, Kanmån kotichcha makanallô ni "Were you born, my son. Kulam kandėdam kulichchu ñâne "Bathing wherever a tank was soen Kallu kandêdam torutu ñane
"And worshipping wherever a stone was scen, Ennirrundâya makanallo ni
"Thus was I blessed with a son in you.
24 This explains the raison d'étre of the form of single combat known as aigam of the earlier days, 80 clearly portrayed in this song, which is in this respect unique. Open warfare between two contending perties would lead to heavy loss of men, without however affording a solution of the matter in disputo which thus remained a fruitful source of mischief and fresh outbreaks. The angam was therefore an institution devised in the interests of the public in an age of martial spirit, whon the air was rife with feuds of diverse kinds. Armed retainers were the order of the day, and men carried their lives in their hands, ready to lay them down for any cause. In such an age the institution of the angam was a boon in that it helped to preserve the man power of the country, and as every feud came under the cognizance of the náduudri of the place, the ultimate authority for the settlement of all disputes, the latter adjudicated as to what disputes should be referred to decision by an angam, and asked the contending parties to chose their own champions, who fought the battle for them. They were no doubt very well paid for their services, as one of the two was bound to be defeated and slain. Those who took to angam fighting as a profession formed a separate community distinguished by the name of chékots. Intimately connected with the institution of the angam, were the kalaris provided over by these chékóre, who were the asans or gurukkals of the kalarie.

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MISCELLANEA
Ninne virru paņam kettavênda
"I don't want to sell you for money." Manibhakôdu parayallachcha
"Don't speak such cowardly words, father. Entu vidya pathippichchenne
"Did you not train me to fight ?” Atu tâne kettallo achan chêkôn
The father, hearing these words, Neññattu kayyum patichukondu Is overpowered with grief Alasyattôdeyakattu pôyi
And goes inside broken-hearted. (To be continued.)
MISCELLANEA. INDIA IN CURRENT LITERATURE. He emphasises the fact that both the Rig Veda and Bulletin of the School of Oriental Studies, vol. VI, Avesta uniformly refer to the mountains as the Pt. 2 (1931). This is a Volume of Indian Studies home of the plant, and proceeds to identify the presented to Prof. E. J. Rapson, comprising a col.
localities named in Yasna X, 11, where the distrilection of short papers on Oriental subjects by many
bution of the plant is described, with mountainous of the leading Orientaliste of the day, which is areas in Afghanistan from north of the Hindukush commended to the attention of our readers. Among to the Safed-koh and Tirah. He refers to the the 32 articles printed a few may perhaps be selected
conclusions suggested in the record of a tour through for mention. Jules Bloch writes on "Asoka et la Waziristan and N. Baluchistan in 1927-28, that the Magadhi." W. Caland publishes a fairly long list Vedic tribes probably occupied the hilly territories of corrections of Eggeling's translation of the between the Indus valley and eastern Irên for some Satapatha-brdhmana. J. Charpentier, in a paper length of time before descending into the Panjab entitled "Antiochve, King of the YAvenas," ad. plains. In the course of inquiries made during the duces many grounds for holding that the Antiochus same tour he was informed that from the juice of named in two of Aboka's inscriptions was Antiochus the succulent stalks of the wild rhubarb, which is I (281-262/1 B.C.), and not Antiochus II (202/1-246 found widely in the hills, a kind of sweet sherbet B.O.) G. Coodds cites inscriptions from Cambodia, is prepared, which is said to be on sale in the bazars Champa and Java that attest the use of numerals of Qandahår and Quetta during most of the year. with position value, and including sign for If this identification can be accepted, it would exzero, at least as early as the seventh century A.D. | plain, as he says, how the cherished drink would be A. Foucher writes & very interesting little note, available to tho Vedio folk in their early settlements illustrated by a sketch map, on changes in the high- on the plains. It is interesting to note in this way from Baktria to the Panjab, showing how the connexion that Dr. Albert Rogel, the botanist routo was changed first from between Dakka and employed by the Russian government to explore the Taxila, and later between Kapisi and JalalabAd, area between the Oxus and the Jaxartes in 1882-84, following and in consequence of the changes in the had reported in a letter to Prof. von Roth of Tubincapitals of GandhAra and Kapisa, from Pushkaravati gon that he was convinced that the soma plant was to Purushapura and from Kapisi to Kabul, respec. not to be found in those tracts, adding that "the tively. Sir George Grierson contributes & paper on plant which comes nearest to the description is the "Conjunct Consonants in Dardic"; E. W. Hopkins, Rhubarb " (Papers relating to the Soma Plant, Govt. & delightful note on "Hindu Salutations"; A. B. of I., Rev. and Agric. Dept., 1884 ; and ZDMG, Keith, on "The Doctrine of the Buddha"; while 1884, p. 134). S. Lévi describes a now document discovered by him Acta Orientalia, vol. X, Pt. I (1931).-The wide in Nepal relating to the Tantric cult of Vajrayogini. and valuable linguistic researches carried out by Sten Konow, in a "Note on a Kharopthi Akgara," Dr. G. Morgonstiorno in northern Afghánistan and suggests that from the view point of Sake it seems adjacent regions are too little known. In this issue as if the Brahmi is is an adaptation of Kharopthi ts, he publishes two popular songs in Pasbai, a language and that this aksara cannot well have been a ts, but of which, prior to the publication of the L.S.I., only rathor, as the shape of the aksara would seem to
some short lists of words collected by Burnes and imply, . P.S. Noble and F. W. Thomas write on
Leech were available. Even during the Linguistic Kharosthf documents from Turkestan; while R. L. Turner presents a linguistic study on the future
Burvey, the boundaries of the language were
thought to be the Laghmån river on the west and stom appearing in the language of the Aboka inscriptions, Sir Aurel Stein, in a valuable note on "The
the Kunar on the east, but Dr. Morgenstierne bag Ephedra, the Hum Plant, and the Soma," puts
traced its use as far west as the Panjabir river up forward the suggestion that the plant from which to Gulbahar (nearly 50 miles north of Kabul), and the soma of early Vedic times and the haoma sung has found it to be split up into " number of in the Yasna was obtained was probably the wild widely difforing dialects, thany of them mutually rhubarb in one or other of its closely allied species. unintelligible."

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In a carefully reasoned Article entitled "Where was the Saka language reduced to writing," Dr. Sten Konow puts forward arguments for thinking that it was in the Khotan region that the first attempts woro made to write the language. Ho indicates the linguistio evidence tending to show that, besides Sanskrit, the North-western Prakrit must have been known to and utilized by those Sakas who reduced the language to writing: "We cannot, therefore," he adds, "think of the country of the Western Ksatrapas." In the course of this paper the linguistie features of Saka, and particularly those which he is able to observe in document No. 661 of the Kharosthi documents from Turkestan, have been discussed in a very suggestive manner. Dr. Konow argues from the evidence available that the Brahmi characters were in use in Khotan as early as the ond of the second century A.D. and suggests that their introduction may have coincided roughly with that of Buddhism in the latter part of the first century B.C. It will be noticed that these views differ from those of Dr. F. W. Thomas (as expressed in Asia Major, II, 251 ff.).
Toung Pao, vol. XXVIII, Pta. 1-2 (1931).-Indian students will be interested to read the first paper in this issue by N. D. Mironov on the Nyayapraveía of Dignaga, the Sanskrit text of which he essays to edit and reconstruct from two manuscripts in the Doocan College, Poona, which contain Haribhadra's continuous coinmentary but only about one-fifth of the múla. The task of reconstructing the text from the pratikas of the commentary has been performed with the assistance of the Tibetan and Chinese versions, which have been compared word by word through the collaboration of Prof. S. Yamaguchi. The result of this collation has been, we are told, that "the overwhelming majority of instances clearly showed the identity of the work"; yet not a few passages are different, and it may be assumed that the Sanskrit text used by Haribhadra differed in some respects from that used by Hsuan-tsang and from that used by the Tibetan translators. As regards the identity of the author, specific reasons are noted for holding that Haribhadra at any rate regarded Dignåga as the author, thus supporting the Tibetan tradition.
Le Monde Oriental, vol. XXV, Fase. 1.3 (1931),
This festachrift volume (dedicated to Prof. K. V. Zetterstoen) opens with an article in German by Prof. Jarl Charpentier entitled "Indra : ein Versuch der Aufklärung," in which he deals with the origin of the name Indra. The etymology of this name seems to have exercised the minds of scholars from very early times, as Yaska gives some eleven deri. vations. Max Müller took Indra to be the Indian rain-god, and connected the name with the Sanskrit nau, arop, and other Sanskritists have accept- ed that view. Bergnigne thought it was most likely derived from the root indh, to 'burn,' as the bright, burning drop of the soma. Jacobi, on the other hand, made the novel and interesting suggestion
that the conjunct ndr appearing at times in later Sanskrit was formod from an earlier nr; and so Indra might possibly be explained as from an older in-ra. Kretschmer has pointed out that in the treaty between the Hittite king Subbiluliuma and the Mitani ruler Mattiuaza names of gods are men. tioned which have been identified with the Indian gods Varuna, Mitra, India and the Nâsatyas, tho first of which was called Aruna by the Mitani, and Uruwana by the Hittite. Kretschmer took this to be the god of the sea (arunas being the Hittite for * sea'), and the Hittite god Inar (Inaras, etc.) to be Indra. After an exhaustive survey of tho euggestions made by a number of scholars, Prof. Char. pentior comes to the conclusion that the gods of Boghaz-Köi are neither Indian, as Jacobi and Konow have thought, nor Indo-franian, es Edward Meyer believed, but simply ancient Iranian. In agreement with Dr. L. D. Barnett, he considers that Indra was originally a human being, who be. came deified as the great protagonist of the worrior (rajanya) class. He throws out & suggestion that Indra might be explained as from a onro, which would represent & thematic evolution from an athematic *ner, nr. In Greek (avip, uvopós), and in Armenian (air, arn) we find such forms with a prothetic vocal, a ; and that in indra we have the same stem with prothetic i cannot be described as ditficult from the phonetic point of view. The suggestion is made with every reserve, and the Professor even adds that "the riddle of Indra is unsolved." Perhaps it is insoluble in the present state of our knowledge.
Archeologische Mitteilungen aus Iran, Band IV, Heft 1 (Oct. 1931).-This number of the Mitteilungen contains an article by Dr. Ernst Herzfeld of much value from an historical and geographical, if not from & philological, point of view entitled "Sekas. tan: Historical Researches on the Excavations at Koh-i-Khwaja" (in Sistân). In it & great mass of references to the Sakas and Sakastan culled from Chinese, frånian, classical and other sources has been collated and marshalled with a view to eluci. dating the nomenclature referring to the province and tracing the wanderings of the people who even. tually gave it their name. The article is divided into four sections: (1) Zranka and Sakastan, in which the various names are set forth and explained; (2) The Sakas up to the time of Alexander, based upon references in inscriptions, ancient texts, Herodotus, Hecatæus, etc.; (3) The Wandering of the Sakas, dealing with (a) the Chinese sources, their dates and value ; (b) the push that started them on their migration ; (c) their starting point, which is shown to have been Wu-sun, or Farghana ; (d) the region where their wanderings ended, which was ki-pin (Arachoala, or modern Sistan); (c) their en. counter with the Parthians (in Ariana); and finally
their settling down under Mithridates II. The identification of Wusun with Farghana end of Ki-pin with Arachosis is important, AB even in the

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BOOK-NOTICES
79
in
Cambridge H. of I., 1922 (vol. I, pp. 565, 507) those which these opinions are based are clearly set forth; regions were equated with Kulja and Kapise respec- but they cannot be even summarised here : the re. tively. We think Dr. Herzfold has considerably port should be road. The fact seems to be that the added to our understanding of the movements of Indian evidence is still insufficient to permit of any those people. He has also provided two rough, but very definito conclusions being drawn from cranial very useful, skotch maps to illustrate his findings. moasurements.
Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute, Antiquity, vol. V, No. 20 (Dec. 1931) contains & vol. LXI, Jan.-June, 1931.-Besides the important vory interesting paper on “Further Links between presidential address delivered by Prof. J. L. Myres Anciont Sind, Sumer and elsewhere" by Mr. Ernest on "Anthropology, pure and applied," this issue Mackay, in which he draws attention to many contains many papers of wide anthropological in. striking resemblances and similarities between obtereat, all well illustrated. Readers of the Indian jects and designs found at Mohenjo-daro and others Antiquary, however, will be chiefly attracted by a recovered from early strata at Kish, Ur, in Egypt lengthy report (running to some 70 pages) by and elsewhere. The evidence, in his opinion, indi. Messrs. L. H. Dudley Buxton and D. Talbot Rice on cates beyond question "that the upper occupations "The Human Remains found at Kish." After at Mohenjo-daro are contemporary with the earlier presenting very fully the anthropometric details of ones of Ur and Kish. This conclusion is of much the skulls so far recovered, the question of ethnio
importanco, more especially in view of the discovery relations between India and Mesopotamia is dis by Mr. N. G. Majumder of remains from a still cussed at some longth in view of the cultural con- earlier stratum near Amri station in Sind (see nexions that have already been established. Refer. India in 1929-30, p. 353), in regard to which details ence is macio to the late Dr. Hall's suggestion that are anxiously awaited. the Sumerian sculptures represented a Dravidian Royal Society of Arts. In the course of a very type. The ovidence on this point so far available instructive paper read before this society on the does not appear to be decisive. Though the basal 13th Nov. 1931 by Lt. Col. M. L. Ferrar, c.s.i., population in India as at Kish be entirely long-head. C.I.E., late Chief Commr. of the Andaman and od, and though there do seem to be an essential Nicobar Islands, on the penal system in force, a high pimilarity between the Dravidians and the people of tribute, readers of this journal will be glad to know, Mesopotamia, yet the authors consider that "the was paid to the work of the late Sir R. . Temple, undoubted cultural relationship in early Sumerian
| Bt., in the islands. "In Port Blair," said Col. times is probably not to be associated with a physical
Ferrar, "which he left nearly thirty years ago, he is connexion." Summarising the present evidence, remembered as a great and humane administrator, scanty as it is, they think it suggests "& remote proud of his charge, and full of kindness to all who physical connection with India and a more recent merited it. His name cannot soon be forgotten cultural connection, but this latter connection goes there." back to the dawn of history." The grounds on
C. E. A. W.O.
BOOK-NOTICES. ARCHÆOLOGICAL SURVEY OF INDIA: ANNUAL satisfactory in Egypt, Mesopotamia and Palestine,
REPORT FOR THE YEAR 1926-27, edited by Sir J. and it is to be hoped that the necessary legislation, MARSHALL, C.I.E. 13 x 10 in.; Pp. xix + 249; 48 which, we understand, has already been formulated, plates. Calcutta : Government Press, 1930. will be carried through. It is obviously in the interest
This volume has been edited by Sir John Marshall, of archeological and historical research, and in the and contains two important contributions from his interest of India berself, that her unequalled wealth pen, namely, (1) an introduction in which he raises of antiquarian remains should be more fully disclosed publicly the question whether the time has not to the world. The task is not only beyond the capearrived for allowing non-official agencies, either city of the staff of the department, but beyond the Indian or foreign, to co-operate with the Govern. financial resources of the Government of India. The ment of India in the task of excavation, and (2) & thought may occur to many that stepe towards short survey of the "Indus culture," in which he this end might have been taken & an earlier stage. summarizes the main features of the previous five In his résumé of the results (up to 1927) of the years' work at Mohenjo-daro and Harappa from explorations at Mohenjo-daro and Harappa, Sir their historic and cultural points of view. To those John suggests certain conclusions, which, though who have not been in touch with the march of they may be liable to modification hereafter, are at events during the past four or five years, the views least of interest. The strucvurel remains et expressed in the introduction may perhaps come as Mohenjo-daro tend to confirm the impression that & surprise ; but there can be no question that it is the amenities of life enjoyed by the average citizen high time that steps were taken to bring the work were far in advance of anything to be found at that of archeological exploration in India more into time in Babylonia or on the banks of the Nile. line with the arrangements that have proved With the progress of excavation "it has become

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great interest were made by M. Duroiselle, among others that of a perfectly preserved relie chamber of & stúpa of the sixth-seventh century A.D., containing & wonderful collection of votive offerings. The retirement of M. Duroiselle, whose nequaintance with the sites of archaeological interest in Burma ia unique, will be felt as a great loss to the department.
C. E. A.W..
evident that the connection with Mesopotamia was due, not to actual identity of culture, but to inti. mate commercial or other intercourse between the two countries. For this reason the term "IndoSumerian' has now been discarded, and Indus adopted in its place." It may prove that the latter term unduly circumscribes this culture, the extent of which is yet uncertain, though Sir Aurel Stein's rapid survey in Kharan and Makran, and the more recent finds at Kotla Nihang, not far from the Sutlej Jumna watershed, would clearly indicate that it was widespread.
Sir John, for reasons explained, confidently fixes the date of the three latest cities at Mohenjo-daro As falling between 3500 and 2500 B.C. To what date the earlier cities must be ascribed is still & matter of conjecture. In this connexion we may refer here to the discoveries recently made by Mr. N. G. Majumdar at Amri in Sind, whero trial exca. vations brought to light remains (in stone) of two strata of occupation, the upper of which yielded painted pottery and other relics akin to those from Mohenjo-daro, while from the lower stratum, im. bedded in Indus silt, was recovered a type of thin painted ware of entirely different fabric and orna. ment, resembling pottery from Baluchistan and Sistân. The pottery recovered from these ancient sites calls for special and detailed study. The red and black ware found at Mohenjo-daro was found in abundance by Sir A. Stein in the Zhob basin and in Waziristân; and Sir John considers that "some ot che ceramic shapes and ornamental patterns both at this site and at Harappa betoken a connection with Flam and Mesopotamia as well as with Balů. chistan." The remains of pottery since found by Sir Aurel at numerous sites in southern Balochistan (Makrån, otc.), and that recovered by Mr. Majumdar from the lower stratum at Amri in Sind give rise to further speculation.
The year 1926-97 yielded a fertile harvest of antiquities in widely-separated areas. At Sirkap was recovered a unique hoard of silver plate and gold and silver jewellery of the Seytho-Parthian age, a number of which bear short records in Kharosthi script giving the name of their owner and their value. The Nalanda site, near Bihar, has yielded new treasures, and the Bulandi Bagh sito, at Patna, fresh facts regarding the wooden walls of Patali. putra. At Paharpur, in northern Bengal, fresh sculptures, partly Buddhistic and partly Brahma. nical, were revealed. At Nagarjunikonda in the Guntar district, and at Alluru and Gummadidurru in the Kistna district important discoveries of Buddhist monuments were made, which, together with the Asokan inscriptions lately found at Erra. gudi and Kopbal, afford further evidence of the wido influence of Buddhism in the basin of the Kistna in early times. In Burma, too, in the viciuity of Hmawza (Old Prome) numerous finds of
THE CREDIT OF MEGASTHENES. MEO ASTHENES EN DE INDISCHE MAATSCHAPPIJ.
By Barbara C. J. Timmer. 91 x 6 inches, 322 pp., chart. Amsterdam, H. J. Paris, 1930.
This is a thesis for an Amsterdam doctorate, and bears the marks of its origin,-in places perhaps somewhat academical, but thorough, precise and fully documented. The author sets out to onquire how far Megasthenes' description of India is to be trusted ; less than 50 pages suffice for the preliminary discussion, while nearly 250 are occupied by minute critical examination of particular frag. ments, six by statement of conclusions, and ten by an abstract in German, which will be con. venient for students ignorant of Dutch. The conclusions reached may be summarised ng follows The only direct sources for Megasthenes' lost work are Strabo, Arrian and Diodorus; his language is preserved most closely by the first and last, while on the whole Strabo is the best source for his substance. Comparison with Indian gources for the period indicates that Megasthenes was a competent and unprejudiced observer, but an unoritical reporter of what he was told, apt to record theories as facts, to generalise from parti. cular instances, and to rely unduly on his informants, who were probably in all cases Brahman. In discussing concrete historical questions, he is always suggestive, but can never be decisive. How far these conclusions are sound is a question that could be answered only by a reviewer at least as familiar as the author with the literature of the subject. I can claim no such authority, and will say only that, in the case of those fragments of Megasthenes which I had previously studied, the conclusions drawn by the author appear to me to be generally reasonable and well-foundod, while the discussions are in all cases enlightening, and are entitled to serious consideration, even if one is occasionally doubtful regarding the result. The book has therefore claims on all students of the period, whilo—though this is not new-it should stand as a warning to popular writers not to quote detached phrases from Megasthenes as if they were conclusive.
W. H. M.

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PANCHAVARA-VARIYAM
SI
PANCHAVARA-VÂRIYAM. BY RAO BAHADUR Dr. S. KRISHNASWAMI AIYANGAR, M.A., Ph.D., M.R.A.S., F.R.Hisr.s., F.A.S.B.
The term pañchavára vâriyar is frequently met with in South Indian inscriptions. It generally occurs among the various assemblies, big and small, which went to constitute the government of rural divisions in Tamil India. From the contexts in which the term occurs, and from association with terms of similar application, it is generally translated as 'Panchavâram Committee,' a confession that the pañchaváram part of the term is not understood, perhaps not even understandable. The term committee 'as the equivalent of variyam we shall discuss presently. The largest number of these committees that happen to be mentioned together occurs in No. 156 of volume III of the South Indian Inscriptions, at Tiruparkadal in the North Arcot district. The assemblies mentioned are the following :(1) Samvatsara vâriyam ;
(5) Pañchavára vâriyam; (2) Tótta våriyam;
(6) Kanakku vârigam ; (3) Eri väriyam ;
(7) Kalingu vâriyam; (4) Kalani vâriyam ;
(8) Tadivali vâriyam. Among these are included the great people of Sri Vadavîra Naranam, and following these are the Bhattas. All these, together with other citizens, constituted the Maha-sabha, or the great assembly, of the village, and the meeting under reference also contained the governor of the village, Pallavan Brahmâda Araiyan, and the superintendent, Arumba Ki ân.
In this recital, it will be seen, there are two classes of people referred to, viz., (1) the Bhattas or learned Brahmans, a group by itself, and (2) the great ones of Sri Vadavîra' Naranam, which would simply mean the inhabitants, or the residents, of the part or ward of the town which went by the name Vadavîra Naranam. In these two cases, apparently, it is the whole body of the people concerned that are under reference. In the case of the other eight, it seems to be that the bodies were constituted, as usual, by a process of lot and election combined, for various purposes. The first one was entrusted with the general management of the affairs of the village for the year. The second, similarly, had the management of the gardens of the village; the third, the irrigation tanks; the fourth, the fields; the fifth is the pañchavaraváriyam ; the sixth had the management of the accounts of the village; the seventh, of the sluices, and the eighth was the tadi vali váriyam, which ought to be translated as the Roads Committee, but is rendered as the great men of the field supervision. This seems inappropriate, as there is the kalani-râriyam for the fields, whereas vaļi would mean the vay,' and tadi vali perhaps stands for 'straight roads,' as they are usually stated to be of a width of so many rods (tadi).
From this recital it becomes clear that the common affix to these terms, váriyam, has a meaning as in the similar very familiar Tamil compound vasivdriyan, väsivariyan being the equivalent of the Sanskrit aśvadamanaka, one who trains and controls horses, or, in one word, trainer. So it would be safe to translate the term váriyam by the English general term
management. The pañchavára-váriyam therefore must be a committee appointed for the management of something on the analogy of the other seven, of which, as we see, the first constituted the general management for the year, whereas the other six committees are committees appointed for the management of particular branches of administration.
The term váriyam however has another significance, which ought to be noted here, namely, president' or 'chairman. In the ciroular-inscriptions' issued by Parântaka laying down the regulations for the election and constitution of the bodies composing the government of a village, the circular is said to have been presented to the assembly or the sabha of the village of Uttaramêrûr by a divisional officer of consequence, who is said in the inscriptions to have acted as the variyam (váriyam aha). The Government Epigraphist of the day, the late Rai Bahadur Venkayya, translated the words in the A.S.R. for the year 1904-05 (where he has translated the two important documents) as 'the local governor being

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY
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present'. He has also doubtingly suggested, “and convening ?" Variyam dha cannot be explained as denoting mere presence, having regard to the general signi. ficance of the term váriyam indicated above, viz., that of management. In those two documents clearly the officer concerned was not merely present, but actually conducted the assembly as the representative of the king. He would therefore be one who presided over the assembly and managed the business by conducting the meeting satisfactorily. In the expression pañchavára-râriyam, therefore, the term váriyam may stand for either a manag. ing committee of a few, or an individual chairman who managed the business of a body.
In regard to pañchavára váriyam, however, there must be a similar significance. In the same village are other records which refer to a few other bodies like this. Of these, five are mentioned. There is a body or a committee for the supervision of kudumbu or, as it is translated, 'wards. This is a new body and there is a body of men looking after ascetics (udásinas). This again is a new body. There is a body which is simply described as a body of 200. Nothing is added by way of explaining what the 200 stood for, and how that body of 200 came to be constituted. The other two mentioned are already found in the list above. So there are in all eleven such bodies, of which the panchavára-váriyam is one.
This body is generally referred to, wherever it occurs, as the Panchaváram Committee,' and nothing further is stated as to what it might actually connote, or how that name came to be given to that body. There is one reference, however, which seems to give the clue to this. In connection with the measuring of grain, one comes across a reference to the panchaváram-measure, which would indicate that the measures were subject to regulation by this Panchavúram Committee. Perhaps from this the inference would be permissible that this committee had the supervision and regulation of such matters as measures, weights, etc., somewhat like a municipal corporation in these general functions. If that is so, it becomes clear that it is all the more important we should know what the pañchaváram was, and how it came to be constituted.
Pancha, of course, may be translated as five, and probably it is five. Here, as in fact elsewhere, e.g., in the term panchayat, it seems loosely to stand for a body of five, though the specific significance of the number has been lost, and people speak, in these days, often of a single man constituting a panchayat in the sense of the Sanskrit term madhyasta, or an umpire. But what is the term váram? This term occurs in other contexts, as pointed out by the late Professor Kielhorn, e.g., in the Siyadoni inscription, where the term occurs several times in the compound våra-mukha or vára-mukhya. He refers also to the term vára-goshti occur. ring in some of the Eastern Châļukya grants, and has even attempted to identify the vara. goshti with the pañcha-viram, and going further, tried to identify the term pañchavárim, occur. ring in the same inscriptions, with this pañcharuram. But the term váram in its general application, as in vára-mukha or-mukhya, is nothing more than gaia (a 'group' or 'body'). The Sanskrit lexicon Vaijayanti gives the term vîra as a synonym of gana, which would mean a' body,' and that soems the meaning in which the term occurs in pañchavára-váriyam. The term would then mcan the managing bodies of five groups of people, thereby indicating that in the various committees and bodies in whom vested the administration of the rural area, there were five groups that constituted bodies of people, rather than committees of management consisting of a smaller number, the usual number being either six or twelve according to the character of the particular committee. Hence, the pañchavára-váriyan
1 These additional bodies, and in fact some of the eight already quoted, are found in a number of records, of which it is only one or two that have been so far published. I examined the transcripts in the Epigraphist's office, through the courtesy of my friend, Mr. K. V. Subramania Aiyar, B.A., Assistant Superintendent for Epigraphy, who allowed me to examine the documents and rond through them. I acknowle lye his courtesy with pleasure and gratitude.
Ep. In!, Vol. V, No. 16 E: also noto 7 on p. 138 of tho samo volume. 3 Vide Oppart's Edition, p. 186.

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PANCHAVARA-VARIYAM
would mean a body of management constituted out of five groups or bodies of people, for which we have the analogy of the 200 in the village," the great men numbering 200," of one of these inscriptions; and the Bhattas, who must have been numerous, the number of learned Brahmans in a village constituting a body by itself. Then for certain purposes there were the úrôm, the inhabitants of the whole village, the natôm, the representatives that constituted the government of the nadu or larger division, and the nagarattár, or the citizens. It would be in keeping with such a constitution as this that they should have the general management of the affairs of the village, such as the regulation of weights and measures, and other such matters of general administration. Varam, therefore, seems a term used merely to indicate a group or body of people, the pañchavara-váriyam meaning as a whole, therefore, the management consisting of representatives of five groups of people.
There is evidence for this suggestion in the ordinary Tamil expression aim perum kulu, the five great bodies which formed one of the bodies of ministers, who ought to be consulted and whose advice had to be actod up to by the ruler. There are two such groups that are mentioned among those in immediate attendance upon the king, and they are the five great groups mentioned above, and the eight bodies who constituted the parijanam, the people in immediate attendance upon the king. The king's court consisted of these two bodies, of which the five that have been referred to above consisted of the mahajana (people in general), párpár (Brahmans or Bhattas of the inscriptions), maruttar (physicians), nimittar (astrologers), and amaichar (ministers, the body that constituted the Council as a whole). Another definition of this group of five, recites among them the ministers, priests, commanders of the army, ambassadors and the body of spies. While the second interpretation would seem to me unsuitable for explaining pañchavara-variyam as constituting a body in the governmental organisa. tion of & rural unit, the first interpretation, or something analogous to it, seems legitimate, knowing as we do that the administration of a rural locality consisted actually of a certain number of committees of twelve or six members according to the character of the committee. While these smallor committees were intended for carrying on the actual administration, they had behind them larger bodies of people from whom they drew their authority; and these bodies were divided into groups for definite purposes. These groups, among whom five were of general importance, such as the whole body of Brahmans or Bhattas, and the whole body of people other than Brâhmans, might have been represented by committees, or even individuals, for certain purposes; and the committees or the individual representatives of the five of these groups that were concerned with the administration as a whole, must have constituted the panchavara-vdriyam; and they must therefore have had powers of general ad. ministration and control, which the reference to a 'pañchaváram measure' seems to indicate.
Before passing on, we ought to consider the suggestion made by Kielhorn on the basis of the Eastern Châļukya grants. The whole of Kielhorn's position is contained in the note above referred to. The inscriptions refer to a family of learned Brahmans, whose children and grandchildren attained to such facility and excellence, even as boys, in speaking and recitation that they were held in reverence by the great people of the community. That is the general sense of the sloka which occurs in two variant forms in the two grants, in both of which the term vara-goshți occurs. After drawing attention to the similarity between the two passages, Kielhorn remarks: "Våra here and in Pancha Vári probably denotes the number of a committee; the word occurs, by itself, and in Vara-Pramukha, in an apparently similar sense in the Siyadoni inscription, Epigraphica Indica, Vol. I, p. 173. The meaning of Panchavári is similar to that of the more common Panchakula. Compare with it also the word Panchali in line 16 in the Nepalese inscription in the Indian Antiquary, Volume IX. page 173."

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(MAY, 1932
The klokas under reference are :1. Yat putra pô(pau)tr(a) Vatavo Vâra gôshțishu Vágminah | Panchavári(m) sama payya sampájyantë mahajanaih || (8)
(Ep. Ind., V, 16 E.) 2. Yat putra pautrâh pațvô vatavô våra gôshțishu Agraragra(p1)/(âm)âm apnaventi paramparầm (6).
(8.1.1., I, No. 37.) The two ślokas, notwithstanding variety in expression, seem intended to convey the same meaning, and to refer to the same ceremonial excellence, which the particular family of Brahmans had attained by their extraordinary ability. While in the one record (the British Museum plates) occurs the expression Panchavárim samapayya sampújyantê mahajanaih. in the corresponding place in the other sloka occurs the expression Agrahara agrapájanám ápnavanti paramparām. The latter would simply mean that they became entitled to reve. rential treatment as the best, or the first, by the inhabitants of the Brahman settlements. The sense of the former passage where the term pañchavári occurs must be exactly the same. Panchavari therefore seems to mean water given for five purposes : (1) water for washing one's hands, (2) water for washing one's feet, (3) water given after the guest had been seated to clean his hands, (4) water for the guest to sprinkle over himself, and (5) water to sip, a ceremonial presentation of water usually for very highly respected guests. This would be a kind of treatment included in the term agra pūja, respectful treatment as the first among the Brâhmang. Therefore pañchavári would mean merely water given for the five ablutions, and may be dismissed as having no analogy to the panchavaram.
The other term to which Kielhorn's note makes reference is vára-gôshti. It occurs in the context where the persons concerned exhibited capacity for expression, while yet they were bachelors undergoing education, in the vära-gôshļi. Vara-gôshti may, therefore, simply mean an assembly of learned Brahmans. The exhibition of elocution is not made in mere general assemblies of Brahmans. They must have been made in assemblies of people who were acknowledged experts in the chanting and recital of the Veda and Vaidic texts. Vára-gôshti probably there means the assembly of learned Brahmans for reciting the Vedas, where these young men exhibited excellence as the best reciters among them all. They had shown such proficiency that they were accorded the deferential treatment indicated in the following passage :
Yad grihá(thi ?) ti-puja(yám páda pra)-kshálanámbasá Ajiram karddhamibhútam punáty asaptamam kulam !
(Ep. Ind., V, 16 E, p. 137.) [ Kielhorn's translation of slokas 6-8 is given below for comparative reference -
" His son, again, is Viddamayya, a student of the kramapata, eminent in religious learning and full of manliness; whose hospitality purifies the family to the seventh generation; whose sons and grandsons, youths eloquent at committee assemblies,
are honoured by the chief people who have made them serve on the committee of five." ]
That this was the actual meaning appears again from an analogous expression, though in an entirely secular context. The word varam occurs in the sense of singing by turns. In Indian music, when an expert renders music, he goes a certain way in the performance, when an assistant or a collaborator takes it up by way of relief, and carries on for a considerable time. Then the expert takes it up again, to be again followed by the other. This method of affording relief to the principal performer is more necessary in the case of a dancing woman who sings while performing the dance. For this purpose dancing women, who were experts in their days, but who have grown too old for the work, are generally employed; and these women take up the refrain and continue the singing. This practice is called in Tamil raram

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MAY, 1932]
CORRESPONDENCE
85
pådudal, the act of singing in turn. Exactly the same procedure is followed in Veda or mantra chanting: a passage is chanted by one set, is taken up by another, then resumed by the first batch, to be followed by the next, and so on. This may be the vära, or, in modern language, santhe, recital by turns. Vara-gôshți may therefore mean special assemblies held for Vedic chants, and the reference to the excellence of these youths, while yet they were undergoing education, would be pointless unless it be that they showed such exceptional precocity or talent as to merit special commendation in an assembly of acknow. ledged experts. It is the sense of chanting alternately or singing by turn, that is implied by the component váram in the term têváram, the singing by turn in gôshți in the presence of God ; têváram being the name given to the Saiva canonical poems of the 63 devotees, which the Saivas chant nowadays in a body, though not exactly by turn like the chanters of the Veda. If this be the sense of the term våra in våra-gôshti, it would be something different from the word vara in panchaváram, or in våra pramukha. Varam in this context is nothing more than a gana or body, and it is in that sense that we shall have to interpret the term in pañchavara-váriyam, the management or representatives of five bodies of people, whose functions lay in controlling the general affairs of a rural area.
CORRESPONDENCE.
3611, Twelfth Street, N.E.
Washington, D.C.
10th October, 1931. TO THE EDITOR, Indian Antiquary.
SIR,
Recently, in an article on the "Possible Origin of the Caste System in India," I made a suggestion (Indian Antiquary, vol. LX, p. 95), on the authority of a passage in the Ambatta Sutta, that the Aryans—the Kşatriyas-reserved the highest place for themselves and gave the second place to the Brâhmaņas. When I wrote my paper the above-mentioned passage seemed to me to be the only one in the Buddhist texts which said that the Ksatrivas Occupied a higher position than the Brahmaņas. Since my paper was published Mr. A. P. Gomes, B.Sc. (Lond.), has written to me (letter dated 8-9-31, Holy Cross College, Kalutara, Ceylon) to say that "in Ceylon for over 2500 years the caste that has been recognised as the first is the Kshetriya. Brahmana has always been given second place. The kings of Ceylon always claimed descent from the Chandra or Surya Wansé, that is North Indian Kshetriya descent." He has further sent me the following references and the order of the four different castes given therein (1) Pubba Thupama Sutta (Pali) "Kaththiyé, Brahmané, Vessé. Suddé." (2) Singhalese translation in Saddharmálankarna :-"Raja, Bamunu. Velenda, Govi." (3) Anguththera Nikaya (Pali) "Kaththiya, Brahmana, Vessa, Sudda." (4) Sinhalese translation in Pooja Valiya :-"Raja, Bamunu, Velenda, Govi." Mr. Gomes expresses the opinion that there "must be many others like these in the Sinhalese and the Pali books."
It seems to me, then, that I had overlooked several important texts--texts which are not easily obtainable to me so many thousand miles away from India-in support of my tentative theory of the magical origin of caste.
BIREN BONNERJEA, D.LITT. (Paris),
Professor of Oriental Languages, F.M.S., Washington, D.C. Silapradhikaram III, II. 136-37 and I. 153, and references in the following books.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY
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OLD SITES ON THE LOWER INDUS.
BY G. E. L. CARTER, I.C.S. (Retired.)
Thambhanwaro Masjid and some other sites. THAMBHANWA RO? Masjid, the 'Mosque of the Pillars,' stands in the north-west of the Mirpur Sakro taluqa of the Karachi district, about one mile north of the Vângo Creek, six miles north-east of Lahori Bandar (now nothing but a mud waste with a dilapidated city wall), and eight miles west by north of Raj Malik. I visited it in the spring of 1916 from a camp in Hingoro's village, making a round journey to Kherani, Mâți Morâți and Thambhanwâro Masjid. The Survey of India 1 in.=l mi. map of the area is mainly blank, and for my own information i filled in details of what I saw.
Fifteenth century Rajput-Baloch cemeteries exist at Mari Moråri, Darya Pir and Pir Musuddin. I would date the remains at Gungki and Kherani as of the eighteenth century from the style of pottery and porcelain found there. Persian coins recovered at Mari Morâri also establish a fifteenth century date.3
There is no trace now of a village site at Thambhanwaro Masjid. The 'masjid' consists of the lower courses of a rectangular building, with two large upright pillars flanking one who enters from the door in the eastern wall. Its external dimensions are 31 ft. 54 in. by 35 ft. 34 in. The walls are about 40 in. thick, and the doorway about 66 in. wide. I plotted the whole on the basis of a foot of 13.3 inches (the lesser Asiatic foot), giving external dimensions of 29A by 324.4 The walls are constructed of thin bricks laid flat in courses and cased in dressed stone, which had been tied by wedge-shaped ties (
). There were two windows in the west wall, and two narrow doors in the south. In the centre of the north wall was a peculiar stone of a red, friable limestone, running right through, but without any bond, as the dressed facing stones held it in on two sides. The windows had held stone lattices, pierced in quincunx cubes, as at Andhan ji Mari (near Hilaya), of a not uncommon style. There is a recess in the west wall that could serve as a mihrab, but it is obviously not part of the original plan. No trace of other pillars, or of foundations for them, could be seen.
The annexed photograph (see Plate II, fig. 2) gives all details now available as to the carving. Attention may be drawn to the common type of diamond pattern. It is not safe to assume, as Mr. Cousens does, that the niches in the pillars formerly held images, though the craftsmanship is Hindu. In an area such as this delta is, it is equally unnecessary to assume that a town was at or near a temple or mosque: there is no town near the fine temple of Uderol41.7
A few relevant matters may next be noticed.
1 For map, plan and views of the ruins, see Plates I and II. It is a local jest that the vernaculars of Sind vary in the pronunciation of the dental and cerebral lotters. Wh or e means a 'pillar' or post.' In deference to the dictionaries I spell the name Thambhanwaro; but the word, as I learnt it orally, is heavily accented on the first syllable, and -bh- pronounced as a simple -b..
2 Cousons, Antiquities of Sind, p. 164 f., assigns these oemeteries generally to the eighteenth century. From my own (unpublished) inquiries, I hold strongly that they are generally of the fifteenth century.
3 Of a large hoard of coins found early in the present century, four only wore prosorved. I had these sent to the B.B.R.A.S. One was dofaced. The others were reported as follows:
Shah Rukh (1404-1447) Mint Herat 828 A.H. Ulugh Beg (1447–1449) Do. 352 A.E.
Abdullah (1449-1452) Do. defaced. • Had I taken 284 x 32A as correct, the proportions would have been more probable mathematically.
6 So my notes run. I now wonder whether it was & partially decomposed trap, of which there are a few exposures in the Karachi district. The dressed stone was a uniform palo yellow (stone) colour, typical of the local limestone.
• Op. cit., p. 126. 7 Taluqa Ghor&bari, district Karachi.

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Plate I.
Indian Antiquary.
Pir Shaikh Chutto
To Chard
Mach Morario
Sand Hill
Tombs
N
o
Kherini XVI Cant.
Gungki: xvi Cent
IL TO Babra
smiles
Approxit
Thambhanwaro Masjid
P
SALT 0 ESER 1
Kiln
mit 9€ Mangrove
lano Cree
Approximate limit ory
Mingoro's Village *Camp
Par Dars!
Yango
1 Darya Pir or Jaskaran
Mir Khan Bhund Pir Muiuddin
Raj Malik
TO L Shori Bandar
2 miles
XV Cant. Tombs
Salah's Village
To Mirpur Sahro
Scale of Miles
Sketch Map
showing position of THAMBHANWARO MASJID
and other sites in TĀLUQA MIRPUR SAKRO, DIST. KARACHI
Fig. 1.
Fig. 2.
Fig. 3.
- J'a*
-W
M
Window
Mihrab
Window
? Door
--- W
Wall of tile bricks cated in dressed stone of pale yellow colour. Stones tied by met ties(a)
Area friable stone, not bonded Filling brexhatice
'54
-
Z
Door
WE ----
Pillar
----
do"
-
<-
Door
Sketch Plan of E THAMBHANWĀRO MASJID
Porch
Roofed aree, EW supported by pillars
Threshold -
Sketch Fran of KAFIR JO HAT near GUJO
w Foundations and plinth W Pillars and beams
Standing walls M Tie of stones
Sketch Plan of ANDHAN JĪ MĀRI
near HILAYA
Open to
Window Door Window
Fig. 4.

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Plate II.
Indian Antiquary
ESSERE

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MAY, 1932.
OLD SITES ON THE LOWER INDUS
-
1. Tradition and lore.—Darya Pir (the River Saint ') in Tali Makan, two miles south of the masjid, probably marks the aboriginal holy spot of the region.8 Musalmans still go there on the 12th urs to worship, and Hindus (who call the saint Jaskaran) on the 1st Vaisakha, i.e., on the same day as Hindus also attend at the shrine of Pir Patho.9 A festival is held at the shrine in the month of Nahari (Marg, i.e., Margasira). Darya Pir is classed in my notes as a Sarman (Buddhist) Pir with Adam Pir of Sakro, Shaikh Sarman of Nângwa, and a Sarman Faqir whose shrine is near the junction of the Karachi, Tatta and Mirpur Sakro taluqas.
The red stone in the north wall of the masjid is obviously there because of its redness. Remember first the story told by Ibn Batuta, how the people of Sind used to prepare and eat the desert lizard, and how he himself could not manage it. It is now a matter of folklore that the people ceased to eat it when it left off living on trees and took to holes in the ground. The story of Mai Gashi (the Red Lady') turns entirely on the mystic virtues of eating the lizard.10
It is a commonplace of literate Muhammadans of Lower Sind that the old mosques have a second mihrab in the north wall, directing attention to Multán, 11 in addition to the one on the west towards Mecca. The question seems to arise, therefore, whether the people of Sind (Hindu or Muslim) did not orient themselves in prayer, at some period of unorthodoxy, on Multân, as this red stone would lead them to do, with the further implication that the medieval Muslim revival deliberately masked this by encouraging a second mihráb.
2. Other similar Buildings
(a) About one mile west of Hilaya, where the road leading from Tatta northwards drops from the great limestone causeway which separates the Kinjhar lake from the Indus, stands a four-square stone building, measuring 29 ft. 3 in. on its four sides, known as Andhan ji Mari. It was roofed, with a central square open to the sky. On the south-east side is a door and two small windows. In general it appears to have been copied from the Kafir jo hat (the 'Infidel's shop').12
(6) The Kâfir jo hat (at Tharso near Gujo, taluqa Mirpur Sakro) in plan is a square with a projecting entrance on the north. Inside was a colonnade with a central half-dome open to the sky. An area roofed with massive stone beams on the east, and & slight apse cut in the solid wall on the west complete the existing internal features. The pillars are partly octagonal on square bases. There is no carving except on the threshold. The walls are now dilapidated. Viewed from the inside, they are of dressed stone. The rough external face shows that it was a double wall, similar to that of Thambhanwaro Masjid. No mortar was used in its construction. Its measurements were based on a foot 13.5 inches long. The stones were tied as at the Masjid, the same kind of tie having evidently been used. In plan the building was a square, with sides measuring 33 ft. 11 in., but the colonnade was semicircular. The carving on the threshold consists of half-suns with diamond-shaped rays and other diamond' patterns. The temple and there can be
8 On the part played by the river in primitive Sindhi religion, see Indian Antiquary, vol. XLVI (1917), p. 206, and vol. XLVII (1918). p. 197.
9 For whom, see below, Note 39. 20 Her shrine is north of Karachi.
11 That town was more than once the inspiration of Sindhi thought. Heüan tsang is one witness. The Tuchlaan tried to build a second MultAn on the Makli hills; a large four-square hall is pointed out as built to accommodate 'Shaikhji Multâni' there, about #mile north of the dak bungalow at Tatta. The monumental ruins of Tugh laqabad, about a mile to the south, have never, I believe, been reported.
13 I am not sure that hať horo docs mean 'shop,' but I have always so translated it. For a plan of Andhan ji Mari, soe Plate I, fig. 4 ; for its doorway, Plato II, fig. 3.

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little doubt that it was a temple originally-shows pronounced classical influence, and is probably the oldest of the three buildings of this class.13
3. Geographical
(a) Travelling by boat at the mouths of the Indus is so difficult and so circuitous that little reliance can be placed on distance expressed in terms of a day's sailing.
(6) It is not safe to assume great changes in the extent of the delta : its age is geological. The delta is gaining on the sea, but the levels are such that a change of an inch a mile in the gradient would upset the whole of the present régime.
(c) Local changes were probably less rapid formerly than since the British oocupation, since the floods of the abkalani 1 season could then spread themselves more freely over the country as a whole.
(d) It is doubtful whether Lahori Bandar could have been a plaoe of greater permanence than Keti Bandar 15 is today, though its importance was as that of Karachi.
(e) The invocation to the river god is Lahr-Bahr ja sain, mehrbánf de! ("Lord of the water, grant a favour !") with dialectical variations in pronunciation ranging as far as Lôr-Bôr. Similar variations occur in the name Lahori Bandar.
Mr. Cousens assigns the Thambhanwâro Masjid to about the twelfth century. We ought, I think, to assign it to the stage of civilization anterior to the influence of the Ghaznavids and Ghorids. It is strongly Hindu in sentiment and execution. If it was for Muham. madan use, it must have been for that pale reflection of Islâm into which the first phase degenerated in Sind.
The site of the shrine of Darya Pir is probably older than that of the masjid. Neither has any direct connexion with Lahori Bandar, which appeared to me in its present form 16
13 The island hill of Tharro, near Gujo, which contains this remarkable building is rich also in struck flints of a late date, bears the remains of a great walled city of an early date, and overlooks the tomb of Haji Abu Turab (ob. 787 A.D., cp. Cousens, op. cit., p. 29). For reasons given in my paper on "Ptolemy's Map of Sind" in the J. B. Anthropological Soc., Vol. XII (1923), p. 547, I identify the hill with Patala. In the same paper the geography of the delta is discussed in some detail. For plan and view, see Plate I, fig. 3, and Plate II, fig. 4.
14 Abkaldnf, the flood season of April-August, due to (a) the melting of the snown in the Him Alaya and (b) the rains in the Panjab during the monsoon.
15 As recently as 1914.15 Keti Bandar was disturbed by the river eating into the town, and a new Keti Bandar was built close by.
16 It closely resembles the town of Dharajah in Deh Dundi, taluqa Mirpur Sakro, of a date not anterior to the seventeenth century, and possibly of the eighteenth. Looking up my MS. copy of the Tuhfatu'l-kirim (1763 A.D.) and a translation which I had had made thereof, I find the following interesting information :(1) "Bandar Dharajah. It is now made known that Bandar Lahorf, which in ancient times was known
a Bandar Dobal, was a town of great renown inhabited by many learned and pious men. It is only a few years back that owing to the scarcity of water and vicissitudes of times the Bandar disappeared along with its hamleta and rural abodes. Whatever remained of habitations has gone out to Bandar Dharojah, which was originally the native land and the chief town of the tribe called Nik Amirah." _This fixes the following dates : Lahorf Bandar abandoned e. 1725 A.D., Dharajah
built c. 1720 A.D. It explains also the similarity of the existing enclosing walls. (2) "Shaikh JhAryo. He is a maintly man of very ancient times, and lies buried on the hillock called
Stam Takarpe, or perhaps hely J, & resort of pilgrims." There is a story of his having been in Mekks as a sweeper of the holy places, to explain his name as Pir of the Dusters. In modern Sindhi, however, the name is pronounced Jharoon, and there can be little doubt that the
word is a feminine plural, meaning 'trees,' bushes.' Query-Did this hill also bear one of the old “Thambhanw Aro" temples 1 There is nothing thero
now but a curious Muhammadan shrine, where Hindus and Muslims est together, and the foot. print of the horse Dhur Dhur. The hill is about half way between Mirpur Sakro and Tatta.
Built into the present shrine are fragments of old carved stone, the capital of a pillar. (3) "Mulla Mauj Darya [ 4 ]. He lies buried on the bank of Shakar Ghat olge near
Bandar Laharl, which was in ancient times known a Bandar Debel. Pious people visit his tomb. His descendants are called Mulldydn, and reside at Bandar Dh Arejah." This passage clearly shows that the mujdwirs were then claiming the tomb as 'ancestral.' Hindus still go there, if this is the same as Darya Pir.

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to have been a town of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. Bandars move very freely to accommodate themselves to the shifting river. Though Lahori Bandar is more impressive with its earthen walls, Mași Morari is the most extensive town site in the whole area. 17
In short, the cult of the River (Darya Pir) and the simplicity of the architecture of the “Masjid " indicate that we have a genuine fusion of Hinduism and Islam, which we may locate in that obscure period when the Arab dominion was passing away, after 871 A.D. 18
Ibn Batata, in the course of his travels in India, spent some five days (circa 1333-34 A.D.) at the then port of Lahori Bandar, which he describes as a fine place situated on the shore of the ocean, near to which the 'river of Sind ' fell into the sea. I give below an extract from the account of his travels relating to this visit.
"I rode out one day in Alau'l-mulk's company, and we reached a plain situated at a distance of seven milos (J 1 ) from Lahari, and which was called Tårna ( 0 ). I there saw an incalculable number of stones rosembling figures of men and animals. Many had undergone alteration, and the characters of the objects represented had been offaced. There remained only the figure of a head or a foot or other part of the body. Amongst the stones wore some also that depicted grains-such as corn, chick-peas, boang and lentils. There were traces of a wall and of the side walls of houses. We then saw the remains of a building (or house, S ), where there was a cell constructed of dressed atone, in the middle of which rose & platform (or dais), also of stone, cut with such precision that there appared to be but a single piece of stone. On this platform was the figure of a man, but the head was much lengthened, the mouth on one side of the face, and the hands behind the back like those of a prisoner. One saw there pools of very stink. ing water. One of the partition walls bore an inscription in Indian characters. Alâu'l-mulk related to me that historians asserted that there had been at this place a considerable town, the inhabitants of which having committed many offences had been changed into stone, and that it was their king that appears on the platform in the building referred to. This house is also still called the residence of the king. It is averred that the inscription which is seen on one of the walls contains the date of the destruction of the inhabitants of this town, which occurred about 1000 years ago...."10
The name of the plain, Tårnå, is, I think, & misreading for Kharyo.20 Kharro is the generic word for the flat, salt wastes of the lower Indus delta, a region of mud and slime, and marked by cattle tracks. The weathered stones, depicting portions of limbs and grains of corn, were, I think, simply weathered fossiliferous limestone, of which the details become more clear when the cement matrix disappears. I have myself been shown the footprints of the great horse Dhur Dhur, and of several sa ints of the past.
From the complete absence of any other building like the Thambhanwâro Masjid in the whole neighbourhood (Kafir jo hat is about 20 miles away), one may presume perhaps that this building of dressed stone was the one that Ibn Batâta mentions. There are no other remains there now, but it may have been that he saw traces of houses at Darya Pir and then went on to Thambhanwaro, where he saw the "king's house." It may have been, too, that when Mari Morâți was built, the ground around the 'Masjid' was stripped, this building being left as a valuable landmark. The description of the figure suggests that it W28 a panel bearing a profile which he saw 31; he could not otherwise have mentioned the detail of the mouth in the side of the head. The elongation of the head possibly refers to the custom of enlarging the lobe of the ear. Not only are there the känphâțis, but in the
17 Unfortunately I did not visit Darya Pir. There could have been no building there resembling Thambhanw Aro Masjid ; but the chaukandi tombs are evidence of a medieval town.
18 I take this date from Cousens, op. cit., p. 30. 19 Based upon Defrémery and Sanguinetti's translation.
30 The Sindhi word kharro is a geographical term meaning the largo salt mud deserts of the delta, slimy and marked by half-dried foot-marks of wandering animals. The rr is a hoavy rolled guttural sound, for which is is a conventional sign. Cp. the word khaer, given by Raverty in his Pushtu Dictionary as meaning 'muddy or 'foul.'
31 Panols are not uncommon, even in stone, though the profile is, in India.

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complex story of Pir Patho-Guru Gorakhnath 22 (of Pir Art, a few miles south of Tatta), the Pir-Guru made Guru Dayânâth his disciple by cutting his ear and putting an ivory ornament in it. Placing a black thread turban on his head, he sent him back to Dinodar (Girnar) in Cutch. In the same story there is reference to his magical possessions,-a bullock which filled its own pakhal, a beggar's bowl which collected offerings, a rag rope which would bind a man, and a cudgel which would beat him. The story of men being changed into stones rings very true. At Jung Shâh's tomb (near Jungshâhî station) people still point to a large thin vertical slab of stone as having been Jung Shah's camel. Along the edge of the Kohistân generally, other upright slabs may be found marking prehistoric sites. In one group of these, near the "altar" in the Mol valley, still stands a small dolmen ; other groups I have found in the foot-hills west of Kotri. Those in the Mol valley one could connect definitively with a primitive fire dance in honour of Vetál and with Buddhist customs ("if you go there" at midday or after dark, the ghosts will throw lighted torches at you "). The tales reported by Ibn Batuta had been transmuted ere ever he came there, and what better form could a tale take than to point an Islamic moral: even Hsüan-toang says the Sindhi loved a wondrous tale.
No such stones now remain at or near Thambhanwâro Masjid-but once more one may point to the large strange stone embedded in the north wail.
The building was clearly not reconstructed by Muhammadans. The mihráb, the recess in the west wall, is no part of the essential structure of the building. It is thus extremely probable that this was the building shown to Ibn Batâta as the “ king's house," and that it was after he visited the place, after Mari Morâți was built, that the central dais was removed. Whether this 'cell' of dressed stone was then converted into a mosque by the fashioning of the mihráb, whether that had happened on some previous occasion, whether the whole was originally built as a temple or unorthodox Muslim place of prayer, is hard to determine now. It is significant that the Andhan ji Mâți, which is not oriented correctly, was never supplied with a mihráb.
In all probability, then, the building was originally a temple for a very restrained type of Hinduism (such as the worship of the river god). It certainly always looked like a temple (deul, i.e., deválaya), and assuming there was no village around it, it would, in so featureless a country as the delta of the Indus, be a notable landmark for miles around, worthy of preservation, even by Muslims, as an object of utility, and verily, as Ibn Batâta shows us, an object lesson.
33 The cult of Pir Patho embodies Buddhist, Hindu and Islamie lore, and represents now part of the Multáni revival. In the Tuhfatu'l-kirdm Pir Patho is called Shaikh Patho deoll. One story mentions his settlement at Pir Arr in 547 A.x. (1152 A.D.) and another that he died in 606 A.H. (1209 A.D.). Yet ho is also equated with a pro-Islamio Raja Gopichand of Sehwan, of whom a purely Buddhist story of a great renunciation is told.
Two miles east of Charo is an isolated hill known as Pir Patho's hill, and between Karachi and Son Miani is yet another place' of Pir Pacho-Raja Gopichand. The geography of the cult indicates an interest. ing coastal ramification.

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NOTES ON HOBSON-JOBSON. BY PROFESSOR S. H. HODIVALA, M.A.
(Continued from page 34.) Shampoo.There is a good description of this process of "kneading and pressing the muscles" in Terry, but the Indian word is first used by Mundy.
[1632.) "The Barbers of this place [Etawa) are much spoken of for their neatenesse in Shaveinge and artificiall champinge. The latter is a kinde of Custome used all India over, att tyme of rest especiallye, which is to have their bodies handled as wee knead in England, but this is with gripeing their hands; and soe they will goe all over a mans body as hee lyes along, vizt. Armes, shoulders, back, thighes, leggs, feete and hands."-Travels of Peter Mundy, ed. Sir R. Temple, II, 86.
Shireenbåf.—This word occurs in Barni's Tarih:h-i-Firúzsháhi in the list of the prices of commodities as fixed by Sultân 'Alau'd-din Khaljî. We are informed that the best,
were valued at ( شیرین بافت ) varieties of shtrinbaft ( مین میانه و کمینه ) Iniddling and inferior
five, three and two tangas (per piece. Text, 310, II. 8-9. In the corresponding passages of their own histories, Nizâmu'd-din Ahmad and Firishta, who have merely abridged Barnî, and frequently transcribed whole sentences, have altered the word to J (Tabaqdt-i-Akbari, text, 79, 1. 11), and wil sy (Tarikh-i-Firishta, text, I, 113, 1. 5). This probably indicates that the form shirinbaft had become obsolete and its place taken by sirfbáf or siriadf. And we find that he is you (sirisåf) was the name by which the fabric is mentioned by Abul Fazl (Ain, trans. Blochmann, I, 94, 617; Jarrett, II, 223).
Fryer's Serribaff' must be this sirişaf, which seems to have been synonymous with the siribáf of Nizâmu'd-dîn. In the second quotation from Fryer, Siring chintz' is mentioned as if it were identical with that author's 'Serribaf,' hut Siring' is more probably Abul Fazl's
Sihrang, three colours,'-(Ain, trans. I, 94.) Siring chintz 'may have been chintz printed in three colours, or perhaps chintz used for the sarong,' the body-cloth or long kilt, "which forms the chief article of dress of the Malays and Javanese " (Hobson-Jobson, 2nd ed., p. 796).
Shoegoose.--[c. 1595.) "His Majesty [Akbar] is very fond of using this plucky little animal (scil. the siyahgosh) for hunting purposes. In former times it would attack a hare or a fox; but now it kills black deer."-Āin-i-Akbari, trans. Blochmann, I, 290. Blochmann says in a note that the Persian name is a translation of the Turkish qara-qolag ['black ear') whence our Felis caracal.-Ibid., note.
[1632.] Peter Mundy also mentions the animal as Shawgose.' (Travels, II, 307.) Sir Richard Temple says it is properly shahgauaz, and is a common name in Bengal for the sámbar, but he does not mention any authority for the statement.
Manucci writes :
[c. 1700.] “Also in the Mogul country, they hunt them (oranes, kuling) in another way. There is a kind of animal like a large cat called Xagox-that is Royal Ear. Their colour is grey, and their ears larger than those of the cat, having at the tips some rather long hairs, black in colour."-Storia do Mogor, trans. Irvine, III, 90, and note, where Mr. Irvine identi. fies it with the 'Siyah-gosh' and says it is an animal of the panther kind, a lynx.' See also ibid., IV, 429.
Siam.-In a note on the quotation from Barbosa, Sir Henry says that "it is difficult to interpret the form 'Anseam' used by that writer, which is found also in C. Federici in the form Asion. Mr. Dames suggests that just as 'Arakan' is formed by prefixing the Arabic particle Alto Rakhang (Al Rakhang, Ar-Rakbang, Arâkân), so'Anseam' is I, Alsiam, Assiyam (Anscam).-The Book of Duarte Barbosa, II, 162, note.
Singara.---The carliest illustration from an English writer which Mr. Crooke could add in the second edition is of 1798, but the fruit had been named and described much earlier by Finch :-[1608-11.1 * The herbe which beareth the hermodactyle is a weed abounding in most

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tankes neare Agra .... the fruit is inclosed with a three cornered shell of a hard woodie substance, having at each angle a sharpe picked pricking point and is a little indented on both the flat sides like two posternes. The fruit, being greene, is soft and tender, white, and of a mealish taste, much eaten in India, being exceeding cold in my judgement, for alwayes after it I desired aqua-vitae. It is called by the people Singarra."-Early Travels in India, ed. Foster, p. 150. De Laet has a similar account, but it is hardly worth quoting, as he has borrowed it from Finch.—De Imperio, trans. Hoyland, p. 44.)
Siwalik.-The learned authors stoutly deny that this name is derived from sawálákh, one lakh and a quarter,' and say that this etymology is absolutely valueless. As they admit" that the special application of the term to the detached sub-Himalayan range is quite modern," the latter does not enter into the discussion, and the question is confined to the earliest and primary sense of the toponym, viz., the territory to the west of the Aravalli Hills and including Någor and MandAwar. Now a reference to Dr. Bhagvânlal Indraji's History of Gujardt (Bombay Gazetteer, I, Pt. i, 157) shows that this identical territory is called Sapadalaksha by the Jain chroniclers
"The Ajmer kings were 'Sapádlaksha.' Why they were so called is not known. This much is certain that Sapaellaksha is the Sanskrit form of the modern Sewalik. It would seem that the Chohans whom the Gujarat Jain chroniclers call 'Sapadlakshiya'must have come to Gujarat from the Sewalik hills." It is fairly well known to Indian archæologists that the names of many districts or territorial divisions in this country are associated with certain numbers, e.g., Salsette Shashasti, 'sixty-six ' (Hobson-Jobson, 786). T'iswadi, Thirtyand others (q.v. Fleet, Kanarese Districts, in Bombay Gazetteer, I, ii, 403, 431). The rationale of the association has not been determined by scholars, but there can be no doubt about the fact, and Sapádlakshya-Siwalik-may be reasonably supposed to be an instance of this kind of nomenclature.
Sumpitan.-The earliest example quoted by Mr. Crooke is from Herbert [c. 16301. but there is a description of the thing, without the name, in the Journal of John Jourdain.
(1613.) “The Kinge is . . . . very severe in justice towards his owne nation. Yf any offend and hath deserved death, he is brought before him, and with a truncke the Kinge will shute him with a little poysonned arrowe. If he will have him live halfe an houre .... he will shute him in the arme or legge, butt if hee will have him dye presentlie he will shute him in the breast neere the harte, and then he falleth downe presentlie before him."-Op.cit.. ed. Foster, p. 295.
Surat.-"Surat is not a place," Sir Henry writes," of any antiquity. There are some traces of the existence of the name ascribed to the fourteenth century, in passages of uncertain value in certain native writers." Yule's earliest quotation refers to 1510. Whatever the case may be as regards the fourteenth century, it seems fairly certain that Surat did exist and was a place of some note in the fifteenth. I beg permission to quote the following evidence, which I believe is mostly new. In his account of the reign of Sultan Ahmad Shah of Gujarat, the author of the Minit-i-Sikandari (circa 1611 A.c.) writes :
fc. 1410.) "Módód, son of Firoz Khan went to Khambaiat. Then he was joined by Shekh Malik, entitled Masti' Khán, son of Sultan Muzaffar, who was Governor of Surat and Raner. When the Sultan went against them, they left Khambaiat and went to Bharúj [Broach). He pursued them thither and invested the place."-Bayley's translation, p. 89.
Again, Firishta has the following mention of the town in his history of the reign of Sultan Mahmûd Khalji I of Malwa (1435-1469 A.C.).
[1452.) “It is worthy of remark that Sooltan Mahmood, never experienced a defeat before, or afterwards, during his reign, His son, Gheias-ood-Deen, with the right wing of the
7 For the most probable explanation of these numerical designations, see Prin Nath, A Study in the Economic Condition of Ancient India, Roy. Asiatic Society Monographs, vol. XX (1929), pp. 23-39. For Sawalik, eee ibid., p. 37.-C.E.A.W.O., JOINT-EDITOR.

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army fled to Surat, where he plundered the country, and returned to Mando by the same route he came that is, Nundoorbar, Talnere and Sindwa)."-Briggs' Ferishlah, IV, 218; also Lucknow lith., II, 250, 1. 12; see also Tabaqát-s-Akbari, Lucknow lith., p. 555, 1. 15.
11478. Besides these allusions, the town is explicitly mentioned in a letter addressed to the Parsis of Gujarat by their Zoroastrian brethren in Persia in the Yazdajardi year 847= 1478 A.D.--Hodivála, Studies in Pârsi History, pp. 279-280.
Surwaun. [c. 1626.) “The Sarwan or camel driver, looks to his camel."-Pelsaert, trans. Moreland, p. 62.
[1631.) See also de Laet, De Imperio, trans. Hoyland, p. 90, who speaks of them as 'Serriwani.'
Suttee.-The strange story quoted by Yule from Hamilton (1727) is found in Manucci, who asserts that he witnessed the incident himself at Rajmahål in Bengal in 1663. (Storia do Mogor, trans. Irvine, II, 96.) Bowrey states that he saw a woman drag a Brahman into the flames in a place about six miles above Hûglî about 1676. (Countries Round the Bay of Bengal, ed. Temple, p. 204.) The two cases are of course different as regards time and also place. Hamilton merely says that he had heard the story.
Sweet Potato.--May I say that shakarkand does not mean 'sugar-candy' as the authors say, but sweet tuber' Kand here is not the Arabic aii, but the Sanskrit kanda, (# ), a bulbous or tuberous root. See Fallon's Dictionary, 8.v. sis as well as wis Sw
Syce.-The word appears to have been in general use in the secondary sense of 'groom,' as early at least as the days of Akbar, as it is used in the Ain, Book I, ch. 53. In his account of the officers and servants attached to the imperial stables, Abul Fayl writes
[1595.) "11. The Sais or groom. There is one groom for every two horses." Blochmann's trans., I, 138. Saís ( 36) occurs also in Badaoni (text, II, 205), where Lowe has left out the word in his version (trans., II, 208, I. 4); but Blochmann has translated it correctly as groomg.' Ain-s-Akbari, trans. (Note on the Sadrs of Akbar's Reign), I, 273; see also Elliot, H. of I., V, 521. Richardson says a means ' governor, controller a master of horse, an equerry, a groom, a public executioner.' -Persian, Arabic and English Dictionary, 8.v.
Taj. -Mr. Crooke suggests that Tavernier's Tasimacan, which the latter describes as “a great Bazar or Market place comprised of six great courts, all encompass'd with porticos," must be a corruption of T'aj-i-maqdm, Place of the Taj.' I venture to suggest that the correct restoration is Táj-ganj; witness Mundy -
[1632.) “Hee (scil. Shah Jahan) intends, as some thinck, to remove all the Cittie hither, cawyeinge hills to be made levell because they might not hinder the prospect of it, places appoynted for streets, shopps, etts, dwellings, commaunding Marchants, shoppkeepers, Artificers to Inhabit [it] where they begin to repaire and called by her name Tage Gunge." -Travels, ed. Temple, II, 213-14.
11648.] The word ooours also in English Factories in India (1646-50), P. 220. as * Tadgundy,' where Sir William Foster points out that “from 0. C. 2248 and references in 0. C. 2071 to the 'Agra Tadgund or Basar' it would appear that this word represents the still existing Tajganj, the village which sprang up around the Taj Mahal."-Ibid., note.
Tangun.-The earliest quotation from an English author is of 1774, but this vernacular name of the Tibetan pony' occurs in Mundy's Travels
11632.) "From beyond this place [Patna] to the Eastward are hither brought certon small horses called Goonts or Tangans, which are of the same repute heere in India as our Cornish Naggs are with us in England, .... full of metall, hard bredd, and of great endurance."-Travels of Peter Mundy, ed. Temple, II, 136..
Talipot.-The tree as well as the custom of using its leaves " for writing upon instead of paper " is mentioned by Albiruni,

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[c. 1030.1 "The Hindus have in the south of their country a slender tree like the date and cocoa-nut palms, bearing edible fruits and leaves of the length of one yard, and as broad as three fingers, one put beside the other. They call these leaves târi ... and write on them. They bind a book of these together by a cord on which they are arranged, the cord going through all the leaves by a hole in the middle of each."-Albîrûni's India, trans. Sachau, I, 171.
Tashreef.- The following is an earlier use of the term than any quoted by Yule :
[1633.] “Those Portinggalls whilome exspelled Hugly hath found greate favour with Shawgahan, and reentered the place to the number of 20 persones; hows cavidall (capital] for their commensing a new investment is the third part of there goods formerly cessed on, which with large priveliges and tashareefes with honer the king hath bestowed on them."-English Factories in India, ed. Foster (1630-33), p. 308.
Thug.-In his edition of Tavernier, Ball proposed to identify that author's Pauzecour with Pariah' or 'Phâusigar.' Mr. Crooke rightly says that this is inadmissible, and him. self suggests that it stands for "Panchagauda, the five classes of Northern Brahmans." But this ignores what Tavernier says about them. He declares that "they do not belong to either of the four castes [ Brahmins, Ketris, Banians and Soudra'-whom he names), that they all occupy themselves with mechanical arts, and do not differ from one another except by the different trades which they follow from father to son."-(Ball, II, 185.) The Panch. gauda Brahmans certainly do not follow mechanical trades, and none of them follows the tailor's calling, which Tavernier gives as an instance. I venture to suggest that the jeweller wrote or moant to write either Paunzelour' or 'Paunzecoul,' that is 'Panchalar' or
Panchakula.' The Panchalars' are " the chief of the left hand castes in Southern India, the five classes, workers in metal, stone, etc." (See Hobson-Jobson, 2nd ed., p. 172.)
Panchkula or Panchkalshi is the general designation of the similar class of people in the Bombay Presidency. They are also called Varnasankar or Sankarjátí, i.e., the mixed castes. In other words, they do not properly belong to any of the four castes, and are said to owe their existence to unions between males and females of different castes.
Tope-Khana.The following early use of the word may be noticed :
[1668.) "Some time in October or November a letter was received from Robert Smith dated from the Topconno in Dehli."--English Factories in India, ed. Foster (1668-69), p. 36.
Toshaconna.-To the illustrative quotations in the first edition, Mr. Crooke has added in the second, a passage from Roe's Journal in which 'Atashokannoe' is mentioned (IT, 300). The same word is used by the ambassador again at p. 363, but it has nothing to do with
Toshakhâna.' It stands for yâtish-khana,' guard room. The latter word occurs more than once in the Journal of William Finch, who describes it as the place where the Emperor's “Captaines according to their degrees keep their seventh day chockees."-Early Travels in India.ed. Foster, p. 184. See also ibid., pp. 162, 164; and Monserrate, trans. Hoyland, p. 206.
Tuckavee.-Thie familiar word is as old at least as the days of Akbar and is found in several Persian writers of that period. Firishta writes in his account of the reign of Muham. mad Tughlaq (1325-1351 A.D.)
[c. 1610.) "He.... took some pains to encourage husbandry and commerce and for this purpose (?) gave large sums to the inhabitants from the treasury. But as the people were distressed for food they expended the money on the necessaries of life."-Trans. Briggs, I, 425. Here the word in the original is soli (Lucknow lith., I, 137, 1. 10 from foot). See also ibid., I, 140, 1. 15 (corresponding to Briggs, I, 433).
The author of the Tabagat-s-Akbari, who wrote about 1595 A.D., employs the identical word in the same connection (Lucknow lithograph, p. 103, 1. 3 from foot; p. 107, 1. 13).
Upper Rojer.-As Sir Richard Temple has pointed out, the PAli word is upa-raja (Bowrey, p. 259, note), and this is much nearer to the Hobson-Jobson form than the Sanskrit

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yuva-raja. Sir Henry Elliot gives some other "happy examples of the Hobson-Jobson dialect," which I may be permitted to quote as they are not in Yule.
95
"We have heard our European soldiery," he writes, "convert Shekhawati into 'Sherry and water'; Sirâju-d-daula into a belted knight, Sir Roger Dowler,' Dalip into Tulip': Shah Shuja'u-l-Mulk into Cha sugar and milk,' and other similar absurdities."-History of India, I, 516.
Whether "happy" or not, they are certainly curious.
Vaishnava.-There is a very early mention of this sect by name in 'Al Shahrastâni's Kitabu'l-Milal wa-'l-Nihal.' Of the (Al-Basnawiya) he says: "They believe their apostle to be a spiritual angel who came down to earth in the form of a man. . . . He ordered them to make an idol resembling him, to approach, to adore it, and to walk round it every day thrice, with musical instruments, fumigation, song and dance. He ordered them to magnify cows, and to worship them whenever they perceived any, and to take refuge in penitence by stroking them."-Rehatsek's Translation in Journal, BBRAS., vol. XIV, No. XXXVI, p. 61.
Yaboo. Yule's first quotation from an English author is of 1754. The following is a much earlier example:
[1669.] "All such [horses] as procurable of any worth were taken and seized on by the Kings generall.. Yabboute which formerly were in noe esteeme, are now growne to extraordinary prizes."-English Factories in India, ed. Foster (1668-9), p. 210.
Yak.-Ralph Fitch is perhaps the earliest English author who writes of this animal, though he does not give the name.
دم
[c. 1585.] "They [the people of Bhutân] cut the tailes of their kine and sell them very deere, for they bee in great request, and much esteemed in those parts. The haire of them is a yard long, the rumpe is above a spanne long; they use them to hang them for braverie upon the heades of their elephants; they bee much used in Pegu and China."-Early Travels in India, ed. Foster, p. 27.
Zantel. This word is not in Hobson-Jobson, but it is used by Pelsaert, de Laet and Herbert. The first of these authors writes:
[1626.] "The tsantel or messenger, a plume on his head and two bells at his belt, runs at a steady pace, ringing the bells; they carry their masters' letters a long distance in a short time, covering from 25 to 30 kos in a day."-Jahangir's India, p. 62.
[1631.] "The Zanteles or runners (who wear feathers on their heads and carry two cymbals hung from their belts, which they clash as they go) can cover 25 or 30 cos in one day."-De Laet De Imperio Magni Mogolis, trans. Hoyland, p. 90.
Mr. W. H. Moreland is not sure whether it represents chandál or Santál. Neither Pelsaert nor de Laet could have known anything about the aborigines called Sontâls, and there is nothing to show that they were generally employed as messengers in the part of the country with which these authors were familiar. But the following passages from Abul Fazl seem to show that the word stands for chandals.'
[1592.] "On 4 Bahman [1000 H-1592] Khidmat Rai died of dysentery. He belonged to a tribe which was unequalled in India for wickedness. They are also called Mawi [recte Meo ?] and chandál. His Majesty favoured him and made him chief of his tribe, and guided him towards honesty... As he had the title of Khidmat Rai, every one of the tribe is called Khidmatiya."-Akbarnâma, trans. Beveridge, III, 922.
It would appear from the Ain-i-Akbart, that these Khidmatiya belonged to the same class as, if they were not absolutely identical with, the Mewras.' The latter are described as "natives of Mewât, who are famous as runners. They bring from great distances with zeal anything that may be required. They are excellent spies. Their wages are the same as the preceding [scil. Khidmatiyas]-Ain-i-Akbari, trans. Blochmann, I, 252.
It would seem that Khidmatiyâs,' 'Mawis' (i.e., Meos), Mewras, and Chandals' were practically identical.

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SIR AUREL STEIN IN GEDROSIA.
BY C. E. A. W. OLDHAM, C.S.I. In the course of the 25 months from March 1926 to April 1928 Sir Aurel Stein accomplished a series of three romarkable tours of archæological exploration on the north-western frontiers of India, tours which for masterly conception, for rapidity, yet thoroughness, of execution, and for variety and value of results stand unequalled, we believe, in the history of Indian archæological exploration. The fruits of the first two tours in (1) Upper Swât and Adjacent Tracts (March-May 1926) and (2) Wazîristan and Northern Balûchistán (Jan.. April 1927) have already been noticed in this journal. In the third, with which we deal here, Sir Aurel covered a vast extent of country, stretching from Mastung near Quetta to the extreme south-western corner of Makrân close to the Persian border, and from the Raskôh range in northern Makrán to the Arabian Sea, examining all areas likely to contain remains of antiquarian interest in the now arid provinces of Khârân, Sarawân, Jhalawân and Makrân. In the course of his rapid journeys, facilitated by the use of motor lorries and camels, he succeeded in examining upwards of 150 sites, and was able to make halts of some days at the most important of these and to conduct trial excavations where the proximity of a settled population provided sufficient labour for the purpose.
The wealth of material collected at scores of sites is so vast and the questions of archæo. logical, historical and geographical interest involved so numerous that space will not permit of more than a brief survey of the main features of the results attained. Evidence of extensive settlements dating in many cases from early prehistoric times, and in some cases of prolonged duration, was found at a large number of sites in different parts of the areas explored. These were most numerous in the Mashkai, Kolwa, Kêj, Dasht and Nihing valleys, and in Rakhshan and Parôm. As might have been expected, the most ancient sites have been traced along and adjoining the valleys of the main rivers, where, we are forced to conclude, the supply of water for man and beast and for purposes of irrigation must have been more abundant at the time when they were occupied than has been the case since the earliest his. toric times. Of sites of special interest may be mentioned Suktagen-dôr, about 35 miles NW. of Gwadar, in the Dasht valley ; Shahî-tump some four miles from Turbat in what is known as the Kêj valley; Kulli-damb, near Awarân in the west central basin of the Hingol river; Siâh-damb, near Jhau in the east central basin of the Hingol; and Mehi-damb, near Jebri in the upper basin of the same river, some 40 miles SW. from Nal, where careful excavations, with the results of which readers of the Indian Antiquary are familiar, were carried out by Mr. H. Hargreaves in 1925.
At Suktagên-dôr abundant finds of pottery, objects in stone and shell and cinerary deposits indicatod a culture closely related to those of chalcolithic sites in Sistan and in the Zhob and Loralai valleys in N. Balûchistân, but pointing perhaps to an earlier stage, as the profusion of stone implements found both above and below ground would indicate. The occupation of this site was evidently prolonged and confined to chalcolithic times. It is specially interesting to notice the evidence here of funeral customs similar to, but probably older than, those traced in the Zhob valley.
At Shahi-tump the indications were so hopeful to his practised eye as to induce Sir Aurel to make a comparatively long halt (of eleven days), and the considerable excavations, which he was able to carry out owing to labour being available from some villages in the neighbourhood, more than justified his anticipations, as a wealth of pottery, stone implements and other objects, including human remains, was recovered. Here were found no less than 85 terracotta figurines of humped bulls, the similarity of which with the vdhana of Siva was sufficiently
1 A.S.I. Memoir No. 43 : An Archological Tour in Gedrosia, by Sir Aurel Stein, K.C.I.E. Government of India Pross, Calcutta, 1931.
% S. 1. Memoir No. 35 : Excavations in Baluchistan, etc. (1925), by H. Hargreaves. Government of India Press, Calcutta, 1929.

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striking as to suggest to Sir Aurel the question whether we may not have to recognize "the influence of an ancient cult established already in pre-Aryan India": but, as he cautiously adds, this is a question to which only further discoveries and researches may in time permit of an answer. The burial remains and funerary deposits found at this site are of exceptional interest, a striking peculiarity of the funerary ware being the restricted range of shapes and motifs as compared with the ordinary painted pottery of this and other sites in Makrån of approximately the same age. An exact parallel to this contrast seems to be furnished by the painted pottery found in the earliest zone at Susa.
At Kulli-damb trial excavations were carried out for about a week, resulting in a variety of important finds, including an abundance of painted pottery of superior quality, terracotta figurines of humped bulls (66) and of a female (5) described by Sir Aurel, for rea. song referred to below, as the goddess,' funerary remains and stone-built structures. The pottery and figurines and other objects disclosed similarity with finds in the early strata at Shahi-tump and at sites in the Zhob and Loralai valleys and in Sistân. Sir Aurel considers that this site, the largest known to him in Makrån, would on extensive and systematic excavation be likely to yield further valuable results. At Siah-damb, near Jhau, the limited exploration possible sufficed to attest prolonged early prehistoric occupation and cultures of the types noted at Kulli.
Some five days were spent in trial excavations at Mehi-damb, which proved to be an. other early prehistoric site, yielding a mass of early painted pottery of various types resem. bling those found at many other prehistoric sites in Makrån as well as in Zhob and Loralai, besides burial deposits, cinerary urns, numerous terracotta figurines, copper objects and remains of structures built of unhewn stone. Evidence was here found of simple burial after cremation as well as of the deposit of remains in cinerary urna. Specially remarkable perhaps was the abundance of terracotta figurines recovered, comprising 199 specimens of the humped bull, exclusive of fragments, and 92 of the goddess. The large number of humped bulls obtained at this one site and the uniformity of the type found throughout all chaleolithic sites of Makrån and Jhalawân makes it “difficult," Sir Aurel writes, “not to believe that this animal was like its Indian counterpart, the Brahmani bull,' an object of popular reverence, if not of actual worship. If this assumption is right the temptation is obviously great to seek some connexion between that prehistoric worship of the population which occupied the extreme western marches of India before the 'Aryan 'invasion of Vedic times, and the great role played by Siva's bull in Indian cult from a very early historical age. There is scarcely any indication of such a cult to be found in the oldest Vedic literature. This might lead us to infer that it was an inheritance from much earlier times to which the autochthonous population of northern India with its deeply rooted archaic bent has clung notwithstanding the great transformation brought about in its civilization, racial constitution and language by the triumphant invasion of its northern conquerors. But the sub. ject touched upon is too wide and at present too speculative to be pursued here further in what is meant for a plain record of antiquarian facts." Equally interesting is the problem raised by the female figures found in such quantities at Mehî and other sites. Sir Aurel draws attention to the fact that all these figurines wherever the lower portions survive, invariably erd below the waist in a flat base, showing that they were meant to be set up, presumably on some stand or platform. Variety is introduced mainly in the treatment of the hair dress and of the ornaments, often of a particularly ornate character, around the neck and breast. No indications of dress are attempted. Similar figurines found in the Zhob valley led Sir Aurel to the surmise that they perhaps represented a female goddess of fertility, the 'mother goddess,' whose worship is so frequently to be found in widely distant parts of Asia and Europe in historical times. He points to the connexion which in early mythologi cal belief often appears between that mother goddess' and the goddess of the earth, and

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also to the fact that all these figurines show the body cnly to below the waist as possibly affording further clues. “It is certainly curious," he concludes," that we meet with a corresponding representation of the Earth goddess emerging from the ground with the upper portion of the body also in Buddhist and Hellenistic iconography."
From the geographical and historical points of view great interest attaches to the observations which Sir Aurel records from time to time on the evidence of a large and thoroughly settled population having dwelt in prehistoric times in so many of the tracts surveyed by him in the course of this tour, where at the present day an extremely sparse and mostly nomadic population pass a precarious existence. The arid, barren conditions of Kharan, with its almost entire absence of permanent villages, leads him to conclude that it could probably never have served as "a passage land for trade." The conditions in Makran are not much better, and Sir Aurel draws a striking contrast between the abundance of prehis. toric sites in the Kolwa and Kej valloys and the massively built stone structures traceable at certain sites, indicating extensive and prolonged settled occupation, and the few inbabit. ants of today and the wretched huts of palm-matting that house practically the whole of even the settled population. The subject was forcibly impressed upon his attention at an early stage of his tour when examining some large prehistoric mounds at Zayak and Taghazi. damb in the Besêma valley about the head-streams of the Garuk river, some 90 miles SW. by S. of Kalât. Here the specimens of ancient pottery found strewn upon the mounds showed features of special interest, and Sir Aurel would have welcomed the possibility of excavation ; but the total absence of a settled population within a radius of 30 miles precluded this. It was clearly impossible to suppose that this tract could in prehistoric times have supported the number of settlements indicated by the extant mounds had the climatic conditions been as unfavourable then as they are now.
In regard to all this unmistakable testimony to change of physical conditions the two questions that will probably first strike the reader are (1) what causes have operated to bring it about? and (2) at what period approximately did it occur Dealing with corre. sponding signs of change in northern Balûchistan and Wazîristân, Sir Aurel has recorded elsewhere that he had failed to observe definite evidence of desiccation. In the absence of any record or other proof it would be hazardous to pronounce the evidence as definite; yet it seems convincing to reason that something has happened to render conditions of life more difficult, whether this be due to diminution of rainfall and subsoil moisture, or to neglect to maintain an ancient system of storage and regulation of water-supply for purposes of irrigation and human consumption, or to both these causes. In this connexion the affiliated question of the deforestation of the hill-sides should also be considered. Whatever the theoretical findings may be in respect of the effect of tree and vegetable growth upon soil moisture, experience shows that such growth does have the effect of checking desiccation. Can it be that these rugged hills have gradually become shorn of a growth that once covered them, and that this has acted as at least a contributory cause of the change? As to when the change began to have the effect of depopulating the country, the period must have been remote. We learn from the accounts that have come down to us of the hardship endured by Alexander the Great and his army in their passage along southern Makrån. That these accounts are not wholly fictitious we can rest satisfied from various items of description which are confirmed by existing facts. Even allowing for exaggeration with a view to magnification of Alexander's achievements and we are rather inclined to suspect this, having
3 4. S. 1. Memoir No. 37: An Archaeological Tour in Waziriskin and Northern Baluchistán, by Sir Aurel Stern, K.C.I.E. Government of India Prese, Calcutta, 1929.

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regard to other evidence-we may safely conclude that conditions have not completely altered since the fourth century B.C., and that Gedrosia was even then a "worthless and sandy” country (trovypós Kai Yapons, Arrian). We are disposed to regard the massive, stone-built gabar-bands, or embankments, noticed by Sir Aurel in so many areas, as having a bearing upon the question. It seems possible that the construction, involving immense labour, of such huge dams or training-works for the conservation or control of water for purposes of irrigation was originally prompted by a diminution in the supply brought about by a change in climatic conditions. In any case a marked change appears likely to have taken place in later prehistoric times, as we notice that certain sites which disclose prolonged, settled, prehistoric occupation were abandoned before historic times.
As will be readily understood, Sir Aurel in planning this tour had kept in view the possibility of finding in the intervening country further links between the remains of the "Indus culture” found at Harappå and Mohenjo-daro and the cultures revealed from prehistoric sites in Sistân, Iran and the Tigris-Euphrates basin. That such links have indeed been traced by him will be obvious to all who study the records of these last two tours; but their exact historical, cultural and chronological interrelations still remain in large measure to be worked out. We must await, on the one hand, the complete stratigraphical exploration of certain sites, which he had neither the time nor the means to carry out, and, on the other hand, the detailed expert examination and correlation of the mass of ceramic and other material which he has recovered. It is to be hoped that necessary measures are being taken to have this critical examination made.
It is of far-reaching interest to note the evidence which Sir Aurel Stein has now unveiled of what may perhaps be regarded as two main series of routes of communication between Irån and (shall we say ?) Sumer and north-western India, the one, more northerly, through N. Baluchistan and Waziristan, and the other, to the south, along the valleys of Makrån and through the hills of Jhalaw&n, to the fertile plains of the Indus basin. The observations in connexion with the latter routes and with the significance of the persistence of a Brahui population, speaking a Dravidian language, in Jhalawan and Sar&wan contained in Chapter I cail for study and further development.
BOOK-NOTICES. REVIEW OF PRILOSOPHY AND RELIGION, being the evil influence of the sun's rays (vide Campbell,
Journal of the Academy of Philosophy and Rel. Notes on the Spirit Busis of Belief and Custom), and gion, vol. II, No. 1, March 1931. Aryabhushan
the vidvagni. The letter, according to MolesPress, Poona.
worth, is a mythical animal of flame, found in the This interesting periodical, which contains, among
864. Another occasion must be found to deal ade. other articles, a summary of the latest physical
quatoly with Mr. Abbott's interesting theory that concept of matter, is specially noticeable for an
the devak is not a totem, but merely a vehicle for original and well-reasoned discussion of 'Totemism and the Maratha Devak' by J. Abbott, 1.C.s., with
invoking the presence of the bakti. It would seem which the number commences. Mr. Abhott has
that the conclusions put forward fail to give suffi. collected from many thousand cases personally cient weight to the evidence already on record examined a list of devaks which advances our pre- regarding totem divisions among the Conde, Mundia rent knowledge materially. By far the greater and other early tribes in other parts of India, where number are the names of trees and plants. Among there is far less trace of the super-imposed Brahma. Bomo 30 odd entries which he classes as not identi. nistie culture, which, in the cases dealt with in his fiable, we note the singanvel, which is the Gouania article, has obviously obscured the original nature microcarpa, the virchatra, which is the royal um of the practicee dealt with. To road into the brella, a well known protector against the possible rapidly decaying survivals of #once consistent

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primitive system of exogamy the conclusions sug. The question of SatavAhana chronology is dealt gested by the super-imposed Hindu practices which, with at much length with an abundance of references As Crooke so well establishes, have overlaid so many from the Puranas, Jains and other texts, inscriporiginal superstitions, is to travel far from the truth. tions and coins, resulting in the framing of a Briefly, Mr. Abbott's method, interesting as it is, complete list of 29 kings from Simuka Satavahana suggests the work of an archmologist who would (314-48 B.C.) down to Pulom Avi III (231-238 attempt to describe the buildings in ancient Rome! A.D.) giving the probable duration of each reign. on the results of a study of the recently erected This is a valuable piece of work in itself, and will Vittorio Emmanuele monument. All the same, servo m an important aid to the unravelment of we are indebted to him for the useful additions tangled period of history. Mr. Jayaswal is to which his researches have made to a most important be commended for the attention paid to the exami. ethnological problem, and one that lies at the nation of the Jaina texts, which so often furnish root of the question of caste and tribal origins
reliable historical data. Fresh light has thus been in India.
thrown on Nahapana and on the Saka dynasty in R. E. E. Seurastra (Appe. A and B).
The Vikramaditya of Gunadhya and Somadeva's JOURNAL OF THE BIHAR AND ORISSA RESEARCH story is identified with Kuntala Satakarni (75.78
SOCIETY, vol. XVI, Pte. III and IV, Septem. A.D.), son and successor of Mahendra Satakarni ber-December, 1930.
(72-75 A.D.), who is regarded as the Satavahana The leading article in this issue of the JBORS. of 78 A.D. who defeated the Sakas : it is suggested is a long and important paper on Probleme of that this explains for the first time the puzzling Saka-Śåtaváhana History' by Mr. K. P. Jayaswel, Hindu tradition that as in 58 B.C. Vikramaditya in which he discusses a large number of con- won a signal victory over the Šakas, marking an troversial questions with characteristic soumen era, ao in 78 A.D. king Salavahana, grandson and wealth of reference. Mr. Jayaswal would of his, gained a victory over them once more, place the initial year of the earlier Saka era,' another era being reckoned from that event. “On as he prefers to call it, at about 123 s.c. He the other hand," Mr. Jayaswal adds, "we have does not accept the view that the historical Saka the dofinito statement of the Jains tradition and era (78 A.D.) was established by Wima Kad. historical evidence in ita favour that the Saks phises, pointing out that we have records dated Era was started by a saka king. Both traditions 187 and 191 of the time of Wima, which is sufficient are true. (The) year 78 A.D. Was the beginning to prove that he did not establish an ors of his of the Saka Era and was also the year of the second own. He holds that the date on the Amohini Saka defeat in Western India at the hands of the tablet of the reign of MahAkshatraps Sodass is Salavahana, who was in fact #descendant of 42, and not 72, and would equate it with about the first victor of the sakas, Gautamiputra SI B.C.
Śátakarni." Mr. Jayaswal expresses the conviction that some interesting suggestions aro made towards Gautamiputra Satakarni was the Vikramaditya the identification of the dynasties mentioned in of Hindu story and of the Jains githds, and that the Puranas as conteroporary with the Andhra, it was he who conquered Nahapana and freed the the numbers of their kings and their reign periods. whole of MAlava and Avanti from the Sakas. He Finally Mr. Jayaswal expresses the conviction chinks it probable that the Malavas took a leading that the Puranas contain information sufficient part in the campaign, and that it was they who i to furnish a complete account of local sovereignties founded the V.S. era, “as marking the foundation betwoun the Andhras and the Guptas, but no one of their Rajput Ana guna-stato, which synchronized has set his hand to clear up this so-called dark with the defeat of the Sakas and was evidently period. We can only hope that Mr. Jayaswal, connected with it." He elaborates his provious who is so eminently fitted for it, will be able to conclusion that the Kushåna dynasty were Sakas, find time to undertake the task himself. and emphasizes the point that contemporary, While several of Mr. Jayaswal's findings are formal documents disclose Kush Apa as the personal necesarily opon to modification in the event of name of the father and predecessor of Wima. The further evidence becoming available, we com. torm Kush Apa, he further points out, is not employed mend the courage with which he has tackled in the Puranas, which may be regarded as support- many thorny points, the extent of his research and ing his view that it was not the tribal or family the ability in piecing together dinjected data shown name, but " personal name adopted by the founder in this paper. of the dynasty."
C. E. A. W. O.

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EPIGRAPHIO NOTES AND QUESTIONS
EPIGRAPHIC NOTES AND QUESTIONS.
BY D. R. BHANDARKAR, M.A., PH.D.
(Continued from rol. XLII, p. 258.) XXI. The Years called Krita, or the Origin of the Vikrama Era. Epigraphists are aware that the Samvat years associated with the traditional Vikramaditya were originally known as Ksita years. It is therefore rather strange that in spite of the epigraphic evidence to the contrary some scholars have maintained that there was a king called Vikramaditya flourishing about 57 B.C., who founded the era. As a matter of fact, almost all the Samvat years before the fifth century A.D. have been styled Kpita years, and there is not even the remotest hint in any one of the early inscriptions that they were in any way connected with a king called Vikramaditya. But here we have to consider the question : what is meant by Ksita years or kritäh vatsarah? The earliest inscription in which a year of this era has been referred to has been found at Nandåså, Udaipur State, Rajpûtând. The date expressed in this record is : Kritayor=ddvayor=satayor=ddvya itayah (tau) 200 80 2 Chaitre. The point worthy of note is that the word Krita stands exactly in apposition with varsha, vatsara, or any such synonymous word following it in all the inscriptions where Krita is mentioned. What does the word Ksita, therefore, mean in such phrases? I suggested long ago that it possibly meant 'made' and referred to the years of an era invented by astronomers. There was, however, no evidence to support it, and there was nothing in this suggestion which could inherently command acceptance. I now put forward another suggestion for what it is worth, as no scholar has yet come forward to explain satisfactorily what Krita means.
Enough attention has not been drawn to the importance of the Brahmin Empire' established by the Sungas sometime before the Christian era. Mr. K. P. Jayaswal was the first to bring this subject to our notice in two papers on the Brahmin Empire.' In the second of these he has quoted a passage from the Harivamka attached to the Mahabharata where Pushyamitra and his revival of Brahmanism have been clearly hinted at. Soon after reading this paper I happened to light upon Chapters 190-1 of the Vanaparvan of the Maha. bharata, which describe the Kaliyuga and its atrocities. We are told that during the Kali Age the Sadras will be the preachers and the Brahmans the hearers, that the earth will be adorned, not by shrines of gods, but by Buddhist stúpas (eduka) and that India itself would be overrun by the Mlechchha hordes. This has been described as the character of the Kaliyuga, but Kaliyuga will gradually, we are told, develop into a sandhi period before the Kritayuga is ushered in. In regard to the Kritayuga, we are told, that " when the Sun, the Moon, and Bțihaspati, will, with the constellation of Pushya, enter the same (zodiacal) sign, the Ksita Age will begin again." We are further informed that a Brahman named Vishnuyasas will be born as Kalki in the town of Sambhala in a Brahman family and that he will be not only a supreme ruler (chakravartin) but also a righteous conqueror (dharma-vijayi). He will exterminate the Dasyus, perform a great Horse Sacrifice, give back the earth to the Brahmans, establish the worship of trišalas, saktis and deer-skins, and will usher in the Kita Age (Chap. 191, vs. 1-9). I am afraid this description suits Pushyamitra excellently, as he was a Brâhman, a supreme ruler, a righteous conqueror, and celebrated a horse sacri. fice and re-established the Brahmaņic religion. Nay, the account of the Kaliyuga preceding the advent of Kalki lays stress on the predominance of Buddhism and the Sûdras becoming the preachers, exactly as is done by the Harivamsa, according to which this state of things
1 Such as C. V. Veidya in Ind. Rev., Dec. 1909; Haraprasad Sastri, Ep. Ind., Vol. XII. p. 32; and K. M. Shom bavnekar, Jour. Ind. His., Vol. X. p. 143 ff.
9 D. R. Bhandarkar's List of Inscriptions of Northern India, No. 1 (Appendix, Ep. Ind., Vol. XIX. p. 1 ff.).
3 There have been culled together by me in R. G. Bhandarkar Comm. Vol., p. 191 ff. 4 Ind. Ant., 1913, p. 163.
5 J BORS., 1918, p. 257 ff. ; 1928, p. 24.

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was ended by Senani dvija, who, as shown by Mr. Jayaswal, cannot but be Pushyamitra. It is difficult to avoid the conclusion that in the case of the Mahabharata also, Pushyamitra is intended by the description of Kalki. The only difficulty that may be raised is that Kalki is spoken of as a personage to come. But Mr. Jayagwal has already told us that the Puranas "clearly say that he did flourish." Thus the Matsya-purana says that the Buddha was born as the ninth (avatara) and that Kalki, Vishnuyasas, the leader of the Parasaras, will be the tenth incarnation at the close of Kaliyuga. Then follows a description of his conquests, but at the end we are told that "Time having passed that king (or god, deva) disappear. ed." This clearly shows that according to some authorities the Kalki Incarnation of Vishnu has come and gone. This means that the Kali Age also has passed away, giving rise to the Krita which is therefore now going on. If this line of reasoning has any weight, Pushyamitra becomes the inaugurator of the Kșita Epoch which began with 67 B.C.
I am aware that Pushyamitra has been assigned to circa 180 B.C. on the strength of the dynastic lists and regnal periods specified by the Puranas. The testimony of the Puranas may perhaps be utilised when there is nothing of an irrefragable character to contradict it. Unfortunately the recent discovery of a Sunga inscription in Ayodhya runs counter to the above date of Pushyamitra. It refers to the reign of Dhanadeva, son of Phalgudeva and Kausiki, who was Lord of Kosala. But the most important point about it is that Dhanadeva says that he was sixth in descent from "Senåpati Pushyamitra, who twice performed the Ašvamedha sacrifice." Now, Mr. N. G. Majumdar rightly seys in regard to this epigraph that the alphabet is "almost the same as in the records of the Northern Kshatrapas (first century A.D.)" Rai Bahadur Dayaram Sahni, who edited this inscription last, also remarks that it "on palæographic grounds must be assigned to about the first century A.D." In fact, if any scholar frees his mind from any bias created by the date already assigned to Pushyamitra on the strength of the Puranas and considers impartially the palæography of the Ayodhya inscription, he cannot but come to the same conclusion, viz., that the record belongs to the first century A.D. We have seen that Dhanadeva was sixth in descent from Pushyamitra and if we assign 25 years to a generation, an interval of 150 years must have separated the two. Further, supposing Dhanadeva lived about 75 A.D., Pushyamitra has to be placed circa 75 B.C. It is possible that he first seized power about that time, but he must have been engaged in internecine warfare for a pretty long period before he could put down the Mlechchha rulers and establish himself as an indisputable paramount sovereign. That he was engaged in warfare for a long period is shown by the fact that he celebrated the horsesacrifice not once but twice. The first horse-sacrifice must have been celebrated after he first established his power. But it seems that it was soon after called in question by a number of enemies who had arisen. These were, however, put down, and he re-established his supremacy, which was signalised by the second performance of the horse-sacrifice. Although he thus first came to power in 75 B.C., it was not till 57 B.c. that he became an undisputed supreme ruler and a righteous conqueror (dharma-vijaył). So the Ksitayuga must have been ushered in by him when his power was established for the second time and placed on a firm footing.
Now only one difficulty remains in regard to our theory that the so-called Vikrama Samvats are years of the Krita era. It may reasonably be asked how Krita in such a case stands in apposition to varsha. We would rather have Krita-valsardh or Kartidh vatsaráh, but not Kritäh vatsard). Fortunately for us we have a parallel for such terminology in the Saka era. It is well-known that the years of this era have once been called Saka-nsipati-rajy-dbhisheka-samvatsara, but that they are generally called Saka-saṁvat. It is however worthy of note that there are some inscriptions, whore Saka stands exactly in apposition to SamvatBara as Krita does. Thus & grant of Harihara II of the Vijayanagara dynasty has the & Ind. Ant., 1917, pp. 146-6.
An. Bhand. Inst., Vol. VII. p. 160. 8 Ep. Ind., Vol. XX. p. 67.
. Ind. Ant., Vol. XII. p. 211.

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following: Sri-Sake trayodas-adhika-trigat-ottara-sahasra-gate.10 If any inscription from Northern India is required in support of this proposition, it is supplied by the Somavamsi king Karnardja of Kakaira, bearing the date Chaturddas-ottare 8=eyam=ekádase(60-)sate Sake.11 In both these cases Saka has been used in the sense of "the years of the Saka era." It thus seems that the years of the Kțitayuga in course of time similarly came to be known as merely Krita. In fact, Krita was considered to be the actual designation of these years. This is clearly shown by the phrase Krita-samjñite which occurs in a Mandasor record. 12 From this it is evident that Krita denoted not only an epoch, but also the years of that epoch. There is therefore no reasonable ground against the supposition that the Vikrama years were originally the years of the Ksitayuga and that this epoch was ushered in most probably by Pushyamitra, the founder of the Sunga dynasty. NOTE ON A FIND OF ANCIENT JEWELLERY IN YÅSIN.
BY SIR AUREL STEIN, K.C.I.E. IN November, 1930, Mr. J. H. Todd, then Political Agent in Gilgit, was good enough to bring to my notice an interesting find of ancient trinkets and other small objects which had been made on the once cultivated stretch of ground known as Dasht-i-Tata in the Hindukush valley of Yâsîn belonging to the Gilgit Agency. As I was then travelling in Chineso Turkestân no inspection of the objects was possible for me at the time. But when, on my return to Kashmir in June, 1931, I passed through Gilgit, Mr. Todd very kindly handed me tha collection of objects for examination, with a view to a record of the find being published. In compliance with this request the present brief report has been prepared.
No detailed information is available as to the exact circumstances of the find. But according to the statement supplied by the Khushwaqt Governor of Yasîn to Mr. Todd, it was made by villagers of Yasin while digging up a small mound on the Dasht-i-Taus. This locality, which is known by tradition as having been once irrigated, was visited by me in 1913 in the course of my third Central-Asian expedition. Its old remains as far as traceable above ground have been described in Innermost Asia, i. pp. 43, 44. The area of old cultivation Obuupies a plateau on the right bank of the Yâsîn river and extends from about two and a half miles above the village of Yâsîn for a distance of three miles up the valley.
On it is found a large ruined circumvallation, built with rough stonework, which is vaguely ascribed to some Chinese invasion in the old times.' No information is available as to where the digging took place nor whether the objects sent by the Governor were all excavated in one place. But there is some reason to suspect that the villagers' digging was not confined to a single spot and that the articles sent are only specimens of the proceeds! which attended this "irresponsible excavation." The fact that most of them are of gold suggests that there was encouragement for extending it before further disturbance of the ground was stopped under instructions from the Political Agent.
Comparieon of the objects with those which I cleared in 1913 from burial deposits near Dudukôt in Darel, the tract due south of Yasin on the other side of the range separating the Gilgit river valley from the Indus, 1 suggests a similar provenance for them. Those Darel objects had certainly been deposited with remains of cremated bodies. The same was the case also with the small jewels and beads found by me in 1927 within a cinerary jar close to the ruined Buddhist Vihara of Shahi Yola-mîra, at Tôr-dherai in the Lôralai District of Balûchistan. The discovery at this site of potsherds inscribed in Kharoşthi characters of the Kushan period makes it highly probable that this cinerary deposit of Tôr-dherai belongs to the early centuries of our era.
10 J.B.B.R.A.S., Vol. IV. p. 115 f.
11 Ep. Ind., Vol. IX. p. 186, 1. 15. Compare also the date 944 of the Kalachuri era which is described as " 944 years named SAhasamalla" (Memoire A.S.I., No. 23, p. 137, v. 53).
19 D. R. Bhandarkar's List of Inscr. of North Ind., No. 3. 1 See Innermost Asia, i. Pp. 24, 25, 29.
2 See my Archæological Tour in Wazfristan and Northern Baluchistdn (Memoirs of the Archaeological Survey of India, No. 37), pp. 69 sq.

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Of the date of the small relics recovered in Darel nothing more could be said than that they dated from pre-Muhammadan times. These extended in these Hindukush valleys until three or four centuries ago, in remote parts perhaps even later. It is hence all the more gratifying that in the case of the Yâsîn find more definite chronological evidence is available. It is furnished by two of the objects which on account of their interest may be described first. One is the small bronze figure, 34 inches high and 2 inches across at its base, of a Bodhisattva reproduced in Pl. I. It represents him seated in a pose which I take to be that of varamudra, but which may possibly be that of the bhumisparsa. The right hand is lowered level with the flexod right knee, the palm turned outwards. The left hand holds some object no longer recognizable. The metal is too corroded to permit, without expert cleaning, of determining exact details of features and dress. But an ornamental band or chain below the neck can be made out and also folds of drapery arranged in the Græco-Buddhist style of Gandhára. To this conform also the general modelling of the figure, with its hair knob and elongated ears. The lotus seat is of a shape persisting in Buddhist sculpture from the early centuries of our era down to a late period.
It is probable that the little figure found its way to Yâsîn as an import from outside, and this can be asserted with certainty of the intaglio set in the bezel of the fine gold ring in Pl. II, fig. 17. It is carved in an onyx-like stone which shows a crackled surface probably due to exposure to great heat. It represents a helmeted male head which by its style can safely be recognized as of late Hellenistic or Roman workmanship. An impression of the seal is shown in the Plate. Similar intaglios recovered by me at Khotan and elsewhere in Chinese Turkestån have, on the authority of Professor Percy Gardner, been assigned to the second third century A.D.3
From the number of carved seal stones of this type found both in Central Asia and in the North-West of India it must be concluded that they formed a frequent article of import from the west. The fact of clay impressions from such intaglios having been excavated by me at the Niya site in the Taklamakan desert points to their having been used in Central Asia by the third century A.D.
Such small intaglios intended for seals are not likely to have ordinarily remained in use for long periods. Hence this seal affords a useful indication also for the date of the ring in which it is set. This shows very delicate ornamentation round the bottom of the high bezel. It consists of a border of gold pearls or grains at the bottom, surmounted by four symmetri. cally placed triangles of grains. At each end of the oval bezel a pair of round knobs is fixed as if meant to secure it to the circlet of the ring proper.
A somewhat similar style of ornamentation is observed on a second gold ring (Pl. II, fig. 5) which has lost its intaglio. The high bezel is decorated round its upper edge with a border of grains and a double cable band and, below, with eight pear-shaped small dark red stones, apparently some kind of chalcedony, of which three have been lost. Each stone has a grain border on its bezel. In the lower spandril between each pair of these bezels is shown a small triangular group of three grains. Two other rings of kronze (PI, II, figs. 10 and 14) have seal-tops of curious lozenge shapes not otherwise known to me, one of them channelled. Both show neat workmanship.
The ornamentation with strings of tiny grains is met again on seven delicately worked gold beads (Pl. II, fig. 15), five uniform and two smaller, obviously belonging to necklaces. Each bead is made up of two ovoid globes joined together at their smaller diameter and surmounted there by a small jewel in a bezel. Perforations through the longer axis of each globe show how the necklace was strung. Only on two of the beads the bezel retains a white stone, in one case a white sapphire.
3 C4. Ancient Kkotan, i. pp. 209, 210, ii. Pl. XLIX; Serindia, i. pp. 100, 101, 103, iv. Pl. V; Innermost Asia, ii. 822, iii. Pl. CXI.

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Plate I.
Indian Antiquary
Scale 1/1
BRONZE FIGURE OF BODHISATTVA FROM YASIN.

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Plate n.
Indius Antiquary
10
17
16
19
18
20
Scule
ANCIENT JEWELLERY FOUND IN YASIN.

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105
-
A fine piece of jewellery is seen in the large gold bead one inch high shown in Pl. JI, fig. 13. It is formed by two cones joined at their base. Each shows above a grain string three small pear-shaped stones within grain-bordered bezels and between them a triangular device also formed of small grains. Three of the small stones are lost; the others look like garnets. The same triangular device appears also as decoration on the three ribs of a gold ornament (PI. II, fig. 11), which has a tube down its centre and probably formed part of a necklace.
The same style of decoration is seen also on the ball which forms the top portion of the elaborate gold mount fixed to a large uncut pale blue, pear-shaped sapphire, which may have been used as a pendant or ear ornament (Pl. II, fig. 16). Two small stones(?) of dark opaque colour are fixed at the ends of the transverse bar which supports the ball. Another uncut stone, partly broken, retains only a part of a similar gold mount on its top; the stone itself is flaked. There are five more uncut gems, all transparent and of irregular shapes, which show perforations meant to hold fittings. Two of them are light blue sapphires, two deep red garnets, and the fifth a crystal. With them may be mentioned a flat bead, worked of an almost black opaque stone(?).
Four globular beads of gold (PI. II, fig. 12) are formed of neat filigree openwork. Its style is not unlike modern silver filigree ornament seen by me in Chinese Turkestan.
Strings of tiny grains play a subordinate part in the decoration of two gold ornaments (PI. II, figs. 3 and 7), the use of which is not quite certain. Both are rosettes of gold worked in repoussé, each with a small projecting tube soldered to the flat sheet forming the back, evidently intended to fix them to some other object. The larger one, measuring 17 inches in diameter, is decorated on the raised surface with a whorl of lotus petals in relief and within this on a higher plane with another whorl, the two whorls divided by a raised, notched band. A third, and slightly smaller, whorl is separately cut from sheetgold and is superimposed on the second. Above this a circle of grains surrounds the crowning bezel. The smaller rosette, about one inch in diameter, shows a single circle of lotus petals and a central bezel. In both cases the jewels are missing.
The lotus ornament with small leaves arranged in palmette shapes appears in the oblong gold plaque (PI. II, fig. 20), two inches long, worked in repoussé. It may perhaps have been fixed to the end of a leather strap. The two narrow gold plaques (Pl. II, figs. 2 and 6), also in repoussé, are exactly alike in size (17 inch long) and in their leaf-shape ornamentation and quadrangular jewel cells. They may well have formed part of a small buckle or strap ends. Pins of silver inside probably served to fix them to leather.
The use of an oblong plaque of silver (Pl. JI, fig. 1) showing floral motifs in relievo is likely to have been similar. The method of fixing the heart-shaped gilt plaque (PI.JI, fig. 8) having in its centre a bezel for a gem now missing is uncertain. Its crude ornament is poorly chased.
There still remain to be mentioned two small cases of thin gold sheet (Pl. II, figs. 4 and 18) both obviously meant to hold amulets like the modern ta'wiz still to be seen in the Northwest of India and probably elsewhere also. The front side of the larger one, two inches square, has for its chief ornament a lotus flower in repoussé, with a circular bezel for a gem now lost, and four more pear-shaped bezels in the corners, also without the gems they were meant to hold. On the back a quatrefoil of heart-shaped leaves is enclosed within a pearl border.. One of the sides is now open but shows holes for small rivets or suspension loops.
The smaller case, measuring approximately 11 by 17 inches, consists of two thin gold plates, the turned-over edges of one fitting over those of the other and both decorated in repoussé. There is in the centre of each side a plain sunk oblong surrounded by a floral scroll which is suggestive of the twining acanthus ornament often seen on wood carvings of the Niya and Lou-lan sites (circa third century A.D.) in Chinese Turkestan and in Gandhara relievos also.
There is also a golden hairpin, 31 inches long, shown in Pl. II, fig. 9. Its top portion is ornamented on one side with a simple geometrical pattern on a stippled ground. Two

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY
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much corroded objects seem to be of silver. One is a button (Pl. II, fig. 19) showing remains of gold plating, with a trefoil floral design no longer clearly recognizable; the other a wristlet of thin wire, crudely decorated with incisions.
Not much artistic merit can be claimed for the collection as a whole. But some of the objects show skilful craftemanship far above the present gold and silversmith's work in the Hindukush region. Taken altogether the collection is of distinct archæological interest since, on the assumption that it comprises more or less contemporary deposits, it enables us to associate certain recurring ornamental motifs in the metal work, such as the string of pearls, with the period to which the intaglio with the helmeted head must be assigned. At this period the influence of Hellenistic art asserted itself potently in even more remote regions to the north of the Hindukush.
Mr. Todd has been kind enough to leave the disposal of the objects above described to me. I propose to deposit them under the care of the Indian Archæological Department in the place where the collections of antiquities recovered by me on my Central-Asian expeditions and belonging to the Government of India are temporarily stored at New Delhi, pending the hoped-for construction in the future of a Museum suitable for displaying them.
DEVAKS. BY R. E. ENTHOVEN, C.L.E., LC.S. (Retired.) List of common devaks, with Botanical and other equivalents. DEVAKS.
EQUIVALENTS. 1. Adad
Phaseolus Mungo 2. Agada, Aghada
Achyranthes aspera 3. Agasti
Sesbania grandiflora 4. Agasvel, Akashvel
Cassytha filiformis 5. Ahir
A fish 6. Ain
Terminalia tomentosa 7. Airana
Clerodendron phlomoides Ala, Aladagidda
see Vad 8. Amba
Mango, Mangifera indica 9. Anjan
Hardwickia binata 10. Apa
Typha angustifolia 11. Apta
Bauhinia racemosa 12. Arai
Mimosa rubicaulis 13. Arati
Mimosa hamalaArka
Bee Rui Arkhe
see Haral Arsina 14. Asanvel
Pterocarpus Marsupium Ashvatha
Bee Pipal 15. Asoka, Asopalava
Polyalthia longifolia 16. Asvali
Vitex glabrata 17. Avala
Phyllanthus emblica 18. Babul, Babhul
Acacia arabica 19. Bail
Bullock 20. Bajipotira
A bird 21. Baldo
1 Bali, q.v. 22. Bali
A bird, Babulow coromandis 23. Bandgul
Epidendron tasselloides This list is published as a preliminary to an article on the important subject of devake in relation to caste origine, for which space has kindly been offered me in rubeequent numbers of the Indian Antiquary.-R. E. E.
see Halad

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DEVAKS
Acacia Suma see Vad see Bharang see Vasandvel see Vasundrivel Angle Marmelos Artocarpus Lakoocha Crow pheasant (Centropus rufipennis) Clerodendron serratum seo Margali Anthill Polecat see Kavath Zizyphus Jujuba Jasminum arborescens Michelia champaka Blue jay (Coracias indica) Spinning wheel, whorler, or a shell A bird (Cuculus melanoleucus) Tamarind (Tamarindus indica) sce Pangara Carissa Carandas
24. Banni
Banyan Barangi Basandvel
Basundrivel 25. Bel
Bhadarache phul Bharadvaj Bharang, Bhargi Bhirand Bhomad Biju
Bilayatijhan 31. Bor, Borati
Chameli 33. Champa 34. Chas : 35. Chat 36. Chatak 37. Chinch
Coral tree 38. Corinda
Cotton wool
Daygali 41. Darbha 42. Davana
Deobabhul Devnal Devpayarichakanis
Dhamale 44. Dhapali
Dhar
Dhotara 46. Dive (tinshesath) 47. Drakshaoba vel 48. Dukar 49.
Durva
Gahu 51. Gai, gaichegomukh 52. Gangavel 53. Gangudli 54. Gauri 55. Garuda, Garudacha pankh
Garudasana 56. Garudphul 57. Garudvel 58. Ghana 59. Ghar 60. Ghevada 61. Choda 62. Chondan
45.
A bird Eragrostis cynosuroides Artemisia phalleris. 300 Kinkare Phragmites communis see Pair see Babul Juniperus Lycia see Tarvarichi Dhar Datura 360 lights (see also Palas) Grape vine Pig see Haral Wheat Cow Cucurbita maxima A bird Calamus acanthospathus Vishnu's eagle
50.
Anamirta Cocculus Tinospora cordifolia Oil mill A kite, Milvus Govindu Dolichos Lablab Horse Cordia Rothor

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73.
A sack Balsamodendron Mukul see Garudvel Turmeric, Curcuma longa A garland or wreath Mouse-deer Cynodon dactylon Ivory Elephant Acacia leucophloea Ringed turtle dove Jasmine, Jasminum Sambac Gymnosporia emarginata Jasmine, Jasminum arborescens A lamp of flour Eugenia Jambolana Hibiscus rosa-sinensis Sorghum vulgare Pigeon Anthocephalus Cadamba Garuga pinnata see Velu Black earth Lotus
63. Goni 64. Gugul
Gulvel 65. Halad 66. Har 67. Harina 68. Haral, Haryali 69. Hastidant 70. Hati 71. Hivar 72. Hola
Ikhmogar, Ishmogar 74. Ingli 75. Jaikavel 76. Jakeri 77. Jambhul 78. Jasvandichephul 79. Jowari, Juari
Kabuta
Kadamb, Kalamb 82. Kakad
Kalak 83. Kalimati
Kamal, Kamalachephul,
Kamalachelaukad 85. Kambal 86. Kandyachemal 87. Kanikanche jhad 88. Kaner, Kanhera
Kank 90. Karal
Karand
Karauli 91. Karanj
Karvand 92. Kasav, Kasavachi path 93. Kasod 94. Kate Kalak 95. Katvel 96. Kaval 97. Kavali 98. Kavath, Kavthi, Kauthi 99. Ketak, Kevada 100. Khadira, Khair
Khajur, Khajuri
Khijado 101. Khul Khula 102. Kinkare 103. Knife 104. Koch, Kocha 105. Kohala
Hymenodictyon excelsum A garland of onions Paramignya monophylla Almond flower, Nerium odollum Curlew Bauhinia malabarica see Corinda see Kavali Pongamia glabra see Corinda Tortoise, tortoiseshell Cassia sumatrana Bambusa arundinacea Cucumis trigonus Careya arborea Sterculia urens Feronia elephantum (wood apple) Pandanus odoratissimus (screw pine) Acacia Catechu see Shinde see Shami Crotalaria retusa Acacia Latronum
Turmeric, Curcuma aromatica Pumpkin

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DEVAKS
109
106. Kolisara 107. Konbada 108. Koya
Kudak 109. Kudal.
Kumbha
Kumbhar Kukde 110. Kunda 111. Kunda 112. Kurhad
Landor 113. Lond 114. Lendi 115. Lendphul 116. Londsune 117. Lokhandi 118. Madhvel 119. Magar 120. Maharukh
Mandar. Mandarachephul 121. Mandra
Mango
Maratvel 122. Maredi 123. Marelicha vel 124. Margali 125. Margati, Marjadvel
Marvel, Maryadvel S 126. Maricivel
Mayur
Mendi 128. Mhas
Mirci Mogari
Moha, Mohwa 131. Mol
Mor, Morache pise 133. Morvel
Murgali 134. Musal 135. Mag 136. Nagchampa 137. Nagvel 138. Nandruk 139. Narel 140. Nim 141. Nimbuni 142. Nirgundi 143. Nirvel 144. Pach, Pachna
Lynx Cook A bird, Cacomantis pasacrinus see Kakad A hoe see Kaval see Bharadvaj Jasmine, Jasminum pubescens Andropogon intermedius Axe seo Mor Dung Lagerstroemia parviflora Salacia macrosperma Marigold Ventilago madraspalana Combretum ovalifolium Crocodile Ailanthus excelsa see Rui Marlea begonıcfolia see Amba see Bel Erigeron asteroides Allophylus Cobbe Garcinia indica Ipomoea biloba Piper nigrum see Mor Lawsonia alba Buffalo Capsicum frutescens see Ikhmogar Bassia latifolia Pyrus Pashia Peacock Clematis Gouriana see Margali Rice-pounder Cobra Jesua ferrea Piper Betle Ficus retusa Coco-nut Melia Azadirachta Citrus limonum Vitex Negundo Limacia cuspidata Pogostemon Patchouli

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145. Padwal 146. Pair, Payara 147. Pala 148. Palas
Palvel 149. Panchpalvi, Pauchpallava 150. Pangara 151. Pankanis
Panvel 152. Paratachi ghadi 153. Paratin, Paratiniche pankh 154. Parde 155. Payani
Payara 156. Phal 157. Phanas 158. Phankani 159. Phansiche ghad 160. Pipal 161. Pipli 162. Pipri 163. Pithiche bavle 164. Pamvale 165. Purtak, Perkut 166. Rai 167. Rajahansa 168. Ramban, Ramhan 169. Rayan 170. Revatavel 171. Rothi
Ruchkin 172. Ruddraksha mal 173. Rui
Runmogra 174. Rup3 175. Sag 176. Sahåmrg 177. Sal, Salpi, Salphali. Salai 178. Salunkhe 179. Sandas 180. Samp
Saundad 181. Sankpal 182. Sayal 183. Sayar 184. Serni 185. Sevra 186. Sevri 187. Shakhar 188. Shaini
Tricosanthes anguina Ficus Rumphii Ehretia buxifolia Butea frondosa see Rayan Leaves of five trees Erythrina indica Reed mace, T'yfa angustifolia see Nagve! A washerman's cloth Pied wagtail Balance scale Vateria indica see Pair Potter's patter Jack fruit tree. Blowpipe Carallia integerrima Ficus religiosa Ficus infectoria Ficus Tsiela A doll made of flour Coral Euphorbia tortilis Brassica juncea (Sinapis ramosa, Roxb.) Goose Typha elephantina (T. angustifolia, Linn.) Mimusops hexandra Jasminum angustifolium Malva rotundifolia see Rui A garland of berries, Eleocarpus Ganitrus Calotropis gigantea Hee Jaikavel Silver Teak (Tectona grandis) Ostrich eggs Boswellia serrata A bird, gracula religiosa Pincers Snake see Shami Lizard Porcupine Bombax malabaricum Adelia neriifolia Taxotrophis Roxburghis Bombax heptaphyllum Sugar Prosopis spiciyera

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DEVAKS
111
189. Shankh 190. Sheli 191. Shinde, Sinde 192. Shisheshi Gol 193. Singanvel 194. Siras 195. Sisav, Shisav 196. Sone 197. Somvel
• Sonkavale 198. Sonvel 199. Sugad, Sughad 200. Sumadravel 201. Supari 202. Surad 203. Suru 204. Survad 205. Suryakamal
Suryakant, Suryaphul 206. Siitali 207. Tad
Tamarind 208. Tamba
Timbul 209. Tarvariche dhar
Tas
Thapatne 210. Tulsi 211. Ukirda
Udid 212. Umbar 213. Untakantari 214. Vad 215. Vadvagni
Vagh
Vaghache Champa 216. Vaghanti
Vakumbha * 217. Vangay
218. Varal, Varalache Singh 219. Vasandvel, Vasanvel, Vasundrivel 220. Vasukicha vel 221. Velu 222. Vet 223. Vibhuti
Vikhmogar 224. Virchatra 225. Vitkar 226. Wagh
Conch shell Goat Phoenix sylvestris Builet of lead Gouania microcarpa Albizzia Lebbek (Mimosa Sirisea, Roxb.) Dalbergia Sissoo Gold Sarcostemma brevistigma see Bharadvaj Cuscuta reflexa An earthen vessel Argyreia speciosa Areca nut Laportea crenulata Cypress (Tamarir dioica) Rosha grass (Andropogon Schananthus) Sunflower String Borassus flabellifer see Chinch Copper see Nagvel Sword blade see Chas See Phan Ocimum sanctum Dung-heap see Adad Ficus glomerata Camel thorn (Erhinopus echinatus) Ficus indica A mythical animal of fire see Wagh see Champa Capparis Zeylanica See Kaval Wild ox White ants' nest Cocculus villosus Chenopodium ambrosioides Bamboo Ratan cane (Calamus Rotang) Ashes see Ikhmogar Royal umbrella Burnt powdered brick Tiger

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A BALLAD OF KERALA. BY M. D. RAGHAVAN, B.A., D.A. (Oxon.), F.R.A.I., PERSONAL ASSISTANT TO THE SUPERINTENDENT,
GOVERNMENT MUSEUM, MADRAS.
(Continued from page 77.) Årômar then calls his mother and tells her of his resolution to fight the duel, when she becomes greatly grieved and bemoans her fate in touching words. He then calls his brother Unnikkannan, and tells him of his engagement to single combat: "I have had the angam fees paid to me. Come here and take them over." Unnikkannan replies: "I am not rich in brothers. Only a single brother have I. I don't want to lose him for any wealth.” Arômar answers: "If you don't take over the money, I shall fall a yictim to my own sword." Uņņikkannan then obeys, and takes the money with tears in his eyes. Arômar tells him that in the central strong room of the house there are seven copper vessels, six of which are full, and asks him to fill up the seventh, which he accordingly does. Sobbing he returns. Seeing his distress, Årômar calls him and addresses him again : “ Unnikkanna, the youngest of the Puttaram house, come here." Taking the kerchief from his shoulders he wipes his brother's tears, makes him sit by his side and consoles him as follows -
“Just listen to me, my brother, "Not because of my fame have they come ; " It is father's fame that has brought them here. * Father is old and weak, "Whereas I am young and strong. " While we two are alive "We cannot see father fall a victim to another's sword. "Grain or wealth we can buy or borrow, "But honour we cannot beg or borrow, "When father went for combats “How much younger was I than you now are, "Father asked my consent, " Which I readily gave; "Even so do I ask of you. “Our forefathers came here
"Adorned as professional combatants." He continues :Nammudes pandêtte kârananmår “Our forefathers Angachamayam chamaññu pÔnnu "Came over here adorned as professional com
batants. Chikavanmarayi janichchal pinne, " When one is born a chékavan, Vaļkkânayil chorallo chékonmarku "The chekon has to earn his brord at the point
of his sword. Angattinu Aranum vannatengil "If anybody comes for angam Pokäte kandittirunnu kůta
"He cannot refuse to go." "Hear me again, what weighed with me in agreeing to the angain and accepting the fees. Should father fall and die we stand to lose all honour. I am now 22 years old. Ashtama vyâsam sanippirayum
"Jupiters is in the eighth house (Scorpio) and
is under Saturn's inauspicious influence, 25 This unmistakably shows the martial organisation of the community of chekavars. They were actuated by the spirit of martial service, animated by a high sense of duty.
38 Belief in astrology is deep rooted in the mind of every Malayali, and nothing of any significance is done without first calling in the astrologer, or kanisan, and examining the horoscope.
The reference to the eighth house is to one of the twelve signs of the zodiac, which is referred to as a house in astrology. (Cf. the term 'mansion.')

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A BALLAD OF KERALA
113
Sanippira tanrreapaharattil
"And in consequence of this ill-luck, Pettannu viņu marikkum ñane
"Suddenly shall I fall and die : Balikku pandu pisachcha vyaşam "That same Jupiter which in times of yore was
fatal to Bali Annallo Bali vadham kariññu
"And which witnessed BAli's death Oļiyambinâle marichu Bali
"Bali27 died by an arrow from an unknown
handAkkanakkayi varum inikku
“That will be my fate too. Verute marikkunnatine kkaļum
“Better to die with honour Viriyattode marikkanallu
“Than to die a plain death." "It is on these considerations that I agreed to this fight. Hear me further - Nalavastta niyyum kêttittille
"Have you not heard of the four states ? Angam pitichålê chêkôrávu
“Angam fighting alone makes a chekor, Pulasyam aniññAle nåyarávu
"As girding the sword makes a N&yar, Pünûlu mittale nambůryavu
"And the sacred thread makes a Nambüdiri, Mannalyam aniññale nåriyavu
“And wearing the tali makes a woman. Nammude pandêtte karamanmar “Our forefathers Angam pitichchu kasiññu pÔnnu "All engaged in angam fighting. Munnůrrarupattettu varshmayi “Since 368 years now, Annutottinnu varakkaum Uņņi “From that date to this Angam pitichu kariññu põnnu
"Have they maintained their prestige as
angam fighters. Angam mutaki irunnukůta
“Nor can you sit quiet and refuse to fight." "Hear me further : Nammude pandêtte karananmar “Our forefathers Iruvattu náttinnu vannôrane
“Have come from Iruvattunadu.28 Chêránperümåļu tambúranum
“Chéraman Perumal tamburan Ola eruti ayachchitallo
"Sent a written message. Eruvattu râjâvinu kattu kitti
“The king of Jaham got the letter; Kattannu våyichohu nokkunnundu "And the king reads it. Appol parayunnu rajavallo
* Then announces the king Ivitunnu éruvare ayakkavēņam
“The Ixhavars must be sent from here Malayaļa perumaļute kalpanayal "By the direction of the Perumal of Malay.
alam Pachchakutayume pachchapôndi39 “With green umbrella and the fencing foil, 29 Kula virutennoru chekavarum
“With a chekor, Kulavirutan by name, Malayalattekkannu yatrayayi
"Set out for Malabar. Yatrayum chollinnu pôkunnêram “When corning over, leaving their homes, Erucheppu kudam kondupönnu "Took with them seven oopper vessels, Velli ödavum katannu pônnu
“Came embarking in a silvery boat Chêrån Perumalu tambůrângre
“Before the tambûrân Chéraman Peruma! ; Tamburan mumbake chennitallo " Approaching the tamburan, Tamburan tiru mumbil chennuninnu "Stood before his gracious presence,
37 The reference is to Bali's fight with Sugriva, an incident described in the Ramdyana. Bali was getting the better of Sugriva, when Rama, to save the latter, despatched an arrow which killed Bali.
38 From the numerous references in this song it is manifest that the chekavaro were & community of lzhavars who were first ostablished in and about Kadattanad in North Malabar. This is particularly clear from the very significant words in which Aromar traces the origin of the race from the land of Ixham, the old name for Ceylon. The ballad thus affords striking evidence of the migration of the Ishavars from Ceylon.
29 poni, a fencing foil, club of wood, the insignia of a fencing master. (See Gundert, Malaydium and English Dictionary, p. 713.)

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Ilt
THE IXDIAX IXTIQUIRY
JUNE, 1912
Tirkkalum kandu tosutavarum Tirumukham nêrittu bôdhippichchu Kammålarkulla pirayum ti ttu
Annûtottulla gajavirutu Negrippattavum nerukalpůvu
Pàvåța tammel pakal vilakku
Kuittuvilakkume pandakkura
Frukutayum tannittundu Tôranam nálume tannittundu Ponnum pallakkume tannittundu Irippum nafappum orárppukaļum Panchavadyavum nadavediyum Chennâlaviteyirippânâyi Tandâyma31 stânavum tannittundu Vittayma stanavum undu nokku Kettum kisiyumorangn tattum ivakayokkêyum tannittundu Chêkôn pataviyum tannu nôkku Chêran perumalu tamburânum Nira parayum vilakkum vechchu
"And, bowing to him, "Addressed the Peruma! in person; "And thus ended the penalty30 attaching to
the Kammálans. "The honours attaching to us from that day, "Tiara for the forehead and floral decoration
for the crown of the head; "The cloth spread on the street to walk on,
and the lamp by day; "The lamp and the garland torch with the
brass handle. "Seven umbrellas too have been given, "Four triumphal archways, "The golden litter or palanquin, "Processions with great pomp. "The five kinds of music and firing of salutes. "To enable us to settle, "Headship has been conferred on us, "And we have full household rights. "The sigam fighting platform. "All these honours have been bestowed on us, "And the rank and status of chêkôrs, “Chêraman Perumal tambûrân "Placing a lighted lamp and a moasureful of
rice
Aditya chandrane sakshiyaki Avidunnu yâtra vanannippōnnu Kaguttenar nâțtilum vannevaru Naduväri kôlôttum vannarare Cheppu kudam onnu kârchchavechchu
“With the sun and moon as witnesses. “There they took leave of the tambûrân, "Reached Karuttenar, " Approached the naduvai of the place, - Presented him with a gift of one of the copper
vessels, "And the tambûrân accepted the gift, “And gave us Puttûram house and kalari, "Gave us on documentary pos.39sion, " While we were thus flourishing,
Kärchchayeduttallo tamburânum Puttûram vidum kalari tannu Attippêrûyi33 efutittannu Annane irikkunna kálattallo
80 Penalty for having left their home (Malabar) in a body and migrated to Ceylon. The song embodies the tradition according to which the Kamm Alans or artisans left the country fearing Perumal's wrath, as chey remonstrated aguinst his action in allowing a washerman to marry one of their daughters. The Perumal had considerable diffion'ty in persuading them to return home. The tradition is dowcribed at length on pages 106-114 of Thurston's Castes and Tribes of S. India, vol. VII.
The fact is that the artisaus came in the wake of or along with the Tiyar, for in their first settlement at Kodungallur (Cranzanore), the artisans (the five kinds of artificers). washerman, etc., are mentioned as having nettled at the samo place, along with the islanders or Tiyars, vide copper-plate grants of the Jews and Syrian Christians, published at pages cxviii to oxxii of Logan'a Malabar, vol. II.
31 The rank of tanddu or loaders of the community. The rank used to be conferred on cortain families by the local chieftains or rájns. The use of the word is now confined to 8. Malabar, where the tandan is the hereditary headman of the village. He used to be appointed by the senior Rånt of the Zamorin's family, or other local chieftain. He decides all caste disputes, and has & voice in all the social ceremonies of the caste. Ho controls thó castes which serve the Tiyars, such as the washerman and the barber. He also officiates 4t marriage of the artisan castos. The name is however practically unheard of in X. Malabar, though there is evidence to show that the tanddu was in fornier days in existence there also
$The light and the heaped measure of rice amo indispensable to all ceremoning in Mainhar. 33 Afripperdyi, complete purchase of freehold property.

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115 - iruvattu rajakkalum nammal tanne "Living as we did as lords in the land of
Izham. Malayalam tannile kalariyallo
"In the kalaris of Kerala, Vettum payasrum natappillaññu "Because of the decadence in practices that
set in, Tulunâtçil34 nalla tuļu kurukkal "The Gurukkals (teachers) from Tuļunad Melayama sthånam kurukkalkkallo "Were overlords, occupying the highest rank."
Continuing, he narrates how Gurukkals from Kanara were displaced, and rank and position bestowed one after another upon his ancestors in recognition of their high culture, until they were the Asans of the four central kalaris and forty-two subsidiary ones Toduvôr kalariyil payarrum kalam “When it is the season for practices in Todu
vorkalari. Tudańnumból ayiram kittumalla “We get a thousand (fanams) at the start, Nirttumbôlayirattonnum kittum “And a thousand and one at the close. Karuttên&,36 naduvåsum tamburanu "For the ruling tambûrån of Karuttênår Udavalu pidikkonna kalariyane
"It is the kalari which carries the sword of
protection and honour. Mannalam 36 tali pirannidumbo! "When the season is on Mannalam tali payarruņdallo
"Begin the fencing feats and practices, Eriya sammanam kittum nokku' "And many a present we get Vilayêriya pattum mundum kittum "And costly silks and cloths. Kalariyil pāja kariññîţumbo!
"When the ceremonies at the kalari are over Kandatokke purappadundu
"A share we have in all. Kalariyil puja karikkunnêram
“When the worship at the kalari begins Chembola nôkki kafichchu kolu "Follow the directions in the copper-plate, Keikarmam onnum mudannarutu "Let not any of the ceremonies be neglected. Naduvâți deśavâți ettumallo
"The naduvdri and deśavári will be there; Náttuk&rokke sorumikkuņņi
"All the people will be there, my boy. Nêrohchakal kittunnatu chollikkata "There is no end to the offerings made, Kanan varunnavarkkaramilla
"And numberless are the men who come to see
the sight." He then recounts the great wealth accumulated by their forefathers and their father, and lastly by himself. He exhorts him to invite their only uncle to live with him as he has no son
Ammavan tanne marichchupoyal "If our unele dies, Ambádi kölôtte mênÔnmare
“The Menons of Ambadi kovilagam
34 Tulun .-Apparently refers to that part of the present district of 8. Kanara nearest to Malabar. The whole district of 8. Kanara formed in early days part of Northern Kerala, from Gokarnam to Perumpusa, between the modern Kundapur and the Caññirottu river.
36 This statement, that it was the kalari which had the honour of holding the sword in ceremonial processions of the ruling tamburdn of Kadettenåd, accords with the meaning of chekam as service chiefly around the king's person (vide Gundert, Malayalam-English Dictionary, 8.v.)
36 Mannalam, a period of 40 days' ceremonies and practices. These and the foregoing linee give as graphic a description as we can get of the kalaris-academies or gymnasia for physical culture and fencing practices, which were a fosture of Kerals in the past. These were the centre of interest to the whole locality and people from far and near resorted to them for physical culture and fencing exercises and training in all the arts of warfare. They were also centres of religious worship, as is seen from the many references in this and other songs to the importance of worship at the kalari, directions for which are carefully preserved on copper plates, and which should on no account be departed from. Worshippers make offerings at the kalaris to the deity that guards over their destinies, the kalari bharambhar, or the governing deity. For a fuller description of the kalari and the angam by the present writer, ae Man in India, vol. IX, p. 137 f.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY
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Avarvannu mûdi chuttukollatte
"Let them come and cremate. Avitêyum chennu parakavēņam "You should go and tell them. Ila pula nannâyi kafichchukollu "And let the obsequies be duly performed, Panchavadyannalum kôlâhalam “With music and processions, Arpu viliyum natavetiyum
“With shouts and firing of guns : Åghoshamôda karikkavēnam
"Let it be done with great pomp." Then he gives directions as to how he should proceed in case of the death of their fathor and mother. Lastly, he safeguards the interests of their only sister :
Namukkûme onnallo nêrpennalum “We have but one sister, Anchuvayassilum kâtum kutti
"In the fifth year was performed the ear-boring, Eru vayassil eruttinakki,
"Was put to school at seven, Eruttum payarrum pathichavale, "And was well educated and trained in fencing, Ettu37 vayassil mutiyumketti,
"And her hair tied at eight years. Vidyakalokke tikaññavalkke
"She had completed her education Argummanammele Kunhiraman "When Kunhiraman of Arrummanammel Pattu 8 vayassil kuļichu ketti
"Married her in her tenth year, Nedumangalyam vechu kondupôyi Tying the tali of long married life, and took
her away. Núronnut achcbâram chollirrundu "One hundred and one guarantees have been
given, Nammaļum âyirattonnu achcharani "And we on our side have given one thousand chollirrundu,
and one, yirattonnirre venma ponnum
"And their value in gold Tulâmtûkki patramkoțuttiţtundu "Has been measured and given; Pasuvin kitavine koțuttittundu "And a cow and calf have been given. Nalpattirandallo katti chékon
“Of the forty-two armed chekons, Atilume nâlâle kotuttittundu
"Four have been given. Avaļum varakkumâyi vannu pöyál "Should she disagree with him) and come
away, Chollirrullatu kotukkavēnam
“What we have agreed to must be given. Pinne varakkumáyi vannupöyál "If she should return, Annette mûnnamane varuttikkoļu "Send for the intermediary of the day Kayyum kanakum paraññukollu "And settle accounts and details, Núlachårattêyum vannikkollu
** And agree to the divorce. Käsålevisam orikkarute
"Don't give up even a pie."
(To be continued.) 37 Girls do not tie up their heir till they are about 8 years of age. Though even then their hair will be scarcely sufficient to be done up in knots, it is begun to be simply tied up with string from that age.
38 This furnishes clear evidence of the tali having once formed the aesential part of marriage among the Tiyars, the tali being tied by the bridegroom himseif on the wedding day. This was no doubt departed from in later days, under what circumstances it is difficult to say for certain at this distence of time, until the talikeftu came to be considered as a separate ceremony to be performed on every girl before puberty and before marriage. The use of the simple word ketti, which literally means "tied," to denote "married " is most significant, as it clearly shows that marriage consisted in tying the idli. For a fuller treatment of the subject of tali kefu Kalyanam by the present writer, see Man in Trudlia, vol. IX, pages 116-130.
39 Nedumangalyam the string of a tali, being metaphorie of long married life.
:0 Achcharam=earnest money, advance given to ratify a bargain [Gundert, p. 91. Here it means, guarantees given by either party lost the wife be divorced without sufficient reasons or lest she should leave Jer husband of her own necord. It will appear that it was the custom to give stri-dhanam, or brido price. along with the bride.

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JUNE, 1932 ]
MISCELLANEA
117
MISCELLANEA.
THE MATHURA PILLAR INSCRIPTION OF CHANDRA. The name Kuśika, who was possibly the founder GUPTA II, G. E. 61.
of this line of teachers, is interesting. Who could This inscription, which has not yet been edited,
this Kusika be? Prof. D. R. Bhandarkar had long has been engraved on a pillar which was originally
ago proved from & passage common to both the inserted in a wall situated in the Chandul Mandul
Vayů and Linga-purana that Lakuliga was the last Baghichi near Rangeśvara Mahadeva temple near
incarnation of Mahébvara, and that he had four
Ascetic disciples, namely, Kusika, Gargya, Mitra Muttra. It was discovered there by one Bholanåth, but has now been deposited in the Muttra Museum.
and Kaurushya. This information is strikingly
corroborated by the Cintra prasasti of the reign of The characters belong to the early Gupta period,
the Chaulukya ruler Sårangadeva (Ep. Ind., Vol. 1, when they were practically identical with those of the Kushåņa rocords. Most of the letters are so
p. 271 ff.) where the order of the names runs thus : very similar that it would have been well-nigh
Kusika, Gárgya, Kaurushya and Maitreya. The impossible to say that our's was a Gupta and not a
prasasti further tells us that these four disciples of
Lakuli were founders of four lines amongst the Kuahana record, if it had not contained the name of a Gupta king. The inscription belongs to the
Pabupatas, and even gives the names of three reign of Chandragupta, son of Samudragupta. The
achdryas or teachers belonging to the line of Gârgya, date of the inscription is 61, which of course has to
the second pupil of Lakuli. And now it is the new bo referred to the Gupta era. The earliest date we
Muttra inscription which throws light upon the had so far for Chandragupta II is G. E. 82. The
line of teachers or acharyas that was founded by date furnished by this epigraph is thus 21 years
Kusika, the first disciple of Lakuli. It appears earlier. It also sheds somo light on the length of
that, while the descendants of Gárgya established his reign. For, the latest date for this Gupta sove.
themselves at Somanâuha in Kathiêwêr, those of reign is 93; this shows that Chandragupta II had
Kusika were settled at Mathura. a reign of at least 32 years.
If the teachers mentioned in this Muttra inscrip
tion thus belonged to the Lakulića sect, it clears up After the specification of the date, the inscription
two or three obscure points of the record. The introduces us to a list of Mâhébvara teachers
first is how the lingas, if they were installed as extending over four generations represented by
memorials to Upamita and Kapila, could also Parâsara, Kapila, Upamita and Udit&charya. This
contain their portraits. The second point is why last, again, is specifically mentioned as dadama, or
all the dead teachers of this line are styled bhagarat. tenth in succession from Kuśika, who, it seems.
The third is why the living teacher Udit Acharya is must have been the founder of a line of teachers,
called Arya. though he may not have originated any new doc. trine or sect. Further, it should be noted that,
In the Annual Report of the Archeological Sur. while Udite is called merely an Arya, his three
vey, 1906-7, Prof. Bhandarkar contributed a paper immediato predecessors, as well as Kubika, have
on Lakulisa, where, with the help of copious illusreceived the supreme designation of Bhagavat,
trations, he was able to point out the figure of which is generally Associated with personages sup
Lakuli sculptured on door jambe, friezes of shrines, posed to have attained to the rank of divinity. I on the outside walls of templee, or as separate indeThe object of the inscription is to record that Udita
pendent sculptures, as a human being, invariably charya established two images called Kapilebvera with two hands, but with his characteristic signs, and Upamitesvara, evidently in the name of Kapila namely, & labula, or staff, in his left hand and a and Upamita, his two immediato predecesore, in the citron in his right. There are, moreover, two regurvo-dyatana. The word svara, which forms part
presentations of him which are similar, and they are of the two names just referred to, shows that it was
both found at Karvan, the place where this last lingas that were installed ; and guruv-dyatana can
incarnation of Siva came off and passed away. only mean "the teacher's shrine." As none of the
Here, there are two lingas with portraits of gurus of the line to which Uditâchårya appertained
Lakuli sculptured on them. It will thus be seen was then alive, the guruv-dyatana can only denote
that the Siva linga has been combined with the the place where the memorials of the gurus were
representation of Lakuli into an image. It is, there. established. The inference is thus reasonable that fore, not at all unreasonable to suppose that even guruv-dyatana was a place where lingas were in
in the case of Upamitesvara and Kapile vara we stalled in the name of all the teachers who preceded have not mere Siva lingas set up here, but rather Udit Achêrya. The guruv-dyatana of our record lingas with portraite of Upamita and Kapila carved was thus a shrine which contained the lingas set up
on them, as is the case with Lakuli in the two to the memory of the gurus of the lineage to which
images of Karvan. Udit acharya belonged ; and it may safely be assumed Next, Upamita and Kapila, being descendants of that those lingas were not only named after the Kusika, must have been experts in the Pabupate gurus, but bore their portraits also.
yoga. We have, therefore, to presume that they

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY
must have passed away like yogis by driving their prana-vayu through the brahma-randhra. They must have thereby merged into the godhead of Siva. This alone can explain why all these de. parted ascetics of the Lakuli sect have received the divine title of bhagavat.
Lastly, the teacher, Uditâchârya, who is still living and who is not yet absorbed into Śiva, is not, and, in fact, cannot be honoured with this supreme title. Hence he is styled merely Arya, which means "a master, an owner"; and both the meanings fit in well with regard to Uditâcharya.
BOOK-NOTICES.
THE MAHABHARATA, a Critical Edition, by Dr. V. S. SUKTHANKAR and others. Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute, Poona.
In the two fascicules before us, namely, IV and V, we have adhyayas 54 to 90 in the one, and 90 to 149 in the other. These take us through a little more than half of the first book of the Adiparvam. The important features exhibited in this portion, according to the editor, are the extensive divergence between the northern and southern versions in regard to the arrangement of the chapters and groups of chapters, and next the variation in quantity, the southern version so-called showing vast additions to the text. Dr. Sukthankar apparently takes the Kumbhakonam edition of the Mahabharata as reprosentative of the versions prevalent in the south, and it must be remembered that his criticism of the southern version is on this basis. We shall revert to this particular later.
The first point of importance to notice is in the description of the ancestry of the heroes of the Mahabharata. The first important change noticed is that, in the northern version, the Sakuntala episode and the history of Bharata come in first, and the chapter relating to the life history of Yayâti comes later; whereas in the southern version Yayati's history is described first, and the story of Sakuntala follows later. The editor certainly does find that the linking of the story of Yayati with the story of Sakuntala previous to it leaves something to be desired. The story passes on from that of Sankutalå and her son Bharata ostensibly to the history of Yayâti, but it recommences with the ancestors of Yayati, giving a history of the solar dynasty from Prajapati to Yayâti. While the southern versions place the history of the solar dynasty first and the story of Yayâti next, followed by the story of Sakuntala, the northern recension places the story of Sakuntalâ first, then comes the story of Yayâti, and into it is thrown the account of the Sûryavainsa. Naturally there is a great difference between the two. But the actual question is, which is the original, and which is the manipu lated arrangement? In regard to length, the Sakuntala episode alone extends to 590 stanzas in
[JUNE, 1932
There now remains only one point to be considered, the date of Lakulisa. Uditâchârya, we know, was tenth in descent from Kusika, pupil of Lakuli. Uditâchârya thus belonged to the eleventh generation from Lakuli. Uditâchârya's date, that is, the date of the inscription, is G. E. 61-380-81 A.D. If now we allot 25 years to each generation, we have to assign Lakuli to 105-130 A.D., a dato which agrees pretty closely with the view which Prof. Bhandarkar expressed twenty-four years
ago.
N. R.
the southern, or the Kumbhakonam edition, while the number of stanzas in the northern versions comes to somewhere about 325. The editor acknow. ledges the difficulty in adjudging whether the version containing the additions or the abbreviated one is the later, as the actual manipulation of the text could have taken either direction. But from certain other particulars that he notices he comes to the conclusion that the southern is the manipulated edition. While recognising that the northern edition is not altogether free from flagrant additions and alterations, the southern version has to prove its claim, according to him, in every case, where its text differs from the northern.
In the note prefixed to the fifth fascicule, which contains chapters 96 to 161 of the Vulgate texts, and deals with the early life history of the Pandavas and the Kauravas, Dr. Sukthankar points out that the constituted text, according to the principles hitherto adopted, follows closely what he calls the Kashmiri text. This text, so far as the Bhandarkar edition is concerned, ist based on a very early Sarada manuscript, which is quite imperfect. But another Kashmiri manuscript preserved in the India Office Library is found, on critical comparison, to follow the Sarada text wherever it is possible. to make useful comparisons. Hence the editor has no doubt that the more modern Devanagari manuscript at the India Office represents more or less the orthodox Kâshmîrî tradition in regard to the Mahabharata text, which is indicated by the early but incomplete Sarada manuscript. He had already indicated in the previous fascicule (fasc. III) that the actual length given to the Adiparvam differs in the Sarada text, and agrees with the shortest enumeration he had as yet found in the northern versions; and the result of a detailed critical exami. nation of the text gives evidence of a very close approximation to the Kashmiri text. This is so far satisfactory, and the similarity between the constituted text, and the Kâshmîrî recension is far more close than mere accidental coincidence would account for. He finds the variations between the constituted text and the southern version certainly very great. He convicts the southern version

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BOOK-NOTICES
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thoroforo of purposeful tampering with and alteration THE MAHABHARATA: THE SOUTHERN RECENSION of the text, and regards it as altogether undependable | critically edited by P. P. Sastri, Professor of for any purpose of textual criticism. He refers Sanskrit, Presidency College, Madras. particularly to the politics chapter called Kani. ADIPARVAN, Part I. Published by Messrs. V. RAMA. kaniti (Adhydya 140 of the Bombay edition), SWAMI SASTRULU AND SONS, Esplanado, Madras. which he thinks ought to be omitted when it This is an edition of the Adiparvan of the Mald. occurs in the Adiparvan, regarding it as a later bharata and contains the first 137 chapters of the addition. On such comparison as he has been able first book covering a little more than half of the to make, the editor has come to certain definite book, as according to the southern version, the conclusions, which may be stated in his own words: whole of this book consists of only 218 adhyayas, "Now it would not do to form some a priori hypo.
as against 227 of the Bombay edition. This edition thosis as to the interrelationship of the versions and
sets before itself the very desirable object of fix the text in terms of some preconceived notion
bringing out an authoritative southern recension
of the Mahdbhdrata. As Mahabharata students about it. The study of the documents them
know, and those that are interested in the authori. solves must teach us what their interrelationship
tative critical edition being brought out by the is, and they unmistakably indicate that this inter
Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute must by relationship is of a very complex character. In
now know, there are important differences in the fact, I am now fully persuaded that with the epic
various versions or recensions of the epic. Among texte as preserved in the extant Mahabharata
them we can distinguish a certain number from manuscripts we stand at the wrong end of a long their peculiarity and their importance. Mahabhdchain of successive syntheses of divergent texts rata criticism is fairly clear as to a Kashmiri version, carried out in a haphazard fashion through con. & Bengali version, southern version and what turies of diaskeuastic activities; and that with the might perhaps be called a Devanagari version possible exception of the Kashmiri version all including in it the rest of the geographical area of other versions are indiscriminately conflated."
India more or loss roughly. In the course of the While we may acknowledge readily the sincerity
work, as far as it has advanced, it is found that as and care with which this far-reaching conclusion
between these recensions there are differences and has been built up, we must point out, at any rato so
similarities, and in the reconstitution of the text
of the Mahabhdrata on a basis of criticism--the far as the southern version is concerned, the editor
eclectic criticism adopted by the editorial Board of has been reckoning all the while without the host.
the All India edition-the southern recension The Kumbhakonam edition of the Mahabharata
comes to occupy an important place. The question is anything but typical of the southern version, and would at once be asked, what is the southern reif it is actually typical of anything, it is only typical cension? The Kumbhakonam edition is far from of "a carelugsly guarded fluid text” of the epic. being the southern recension. Although it is said to Wo think it is the most comprehensive edition, be based on southern manuscripts, 80 much has which took in all that claims to be part of the text been imported from outside, even from the printed of the Mahdbharata. We are disappointed that the editions, that it has ceased to be southern, except Grantha text issued first from a village near Tanjore
to the extent of its emanating from the south. and subsequently from a village near Kumbha.
The Grantha version issued from Sarfojirajapuram
and Uppiliappankoil, though much better in point konam, which was based upon much more reliable
of textual authority, cannot be said to be altogether manuscript material, is not altogether free, as we
free from this kind of corruption. There are are informed, from textual corruption owing to the
numbers of manuscripts in the Tanjore Palace adoption of parts from the printed versions, the
Library, and they are of all kinds. The Grantha responsible oditors having allowed themselves to
manuscripts Hoorn to stand out distinctly from all be carried off the track by a false notion that
these. complete exclusion of parts was likely to prove prejudicial to the authority of their texts.
The oditor of this particular southern recension A more or less typical southern text has yet to be proceeds to his work on the basis of manuscript provided, and for that we shall havo to go back to authority, and among them four Grantha manurather earlier than later versions of the Mahabharata scripts to which reference is made in the work are text available in South India. We are on the eve of the highest authorityOf those, one marked of a southern recension more representative of the
11860 is considerod by the editor, on a comparison south than anything so far published, and we must of manuscripts, to be so far the best, and that it say the time is not yet for any far-reaching con- has been made the basal text for this publication. clusions in regard to the southern version of the
The other manuscripts are used for comparison, Mahabharata.
and their readings, wherever they are of sufficient S. K. AIYANGAR. importance, Are indicated in footnotes, so that

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it may be said frankly that this is an edition, arrived at some far-reaching conclusions regarding based on Grantha manuscripts reaching back to pre- the southern version, which, if justified by manuMahratta days in Tanjore, when for a century script authority, would give the particular direction beginning with the first quarter of the sixteenth, to Mahdbhdrata studies and even Mahabharata thero was an enlightened dynasty of Vijayanagar scholarship which has already attained a certain viceroys, who were generally scholars, and for more amount of vogue, but which to us seems hardly than that, were patrons of great scholars. The justified by the material at our disposal as yet. manuscript tradition therefore of that particular The Mahdhdrata seems to have produced a deep period aoquiros very considerable authority on this impression upon non-Sanskritic peoples, and one ground alone. A casual comparison of this edition peculiarity of all the literature in the South Indian with the first five fascicules of the constituted text languages is that almost each one of them seems to of the Bhandarkar edition, which has already claim as its first great work a translation of the reached the end of the 149th chapter of the first Mahábhdrata. The Mahabharata of Nannayya book, shows that this southern recension comes Bhatta in Telugu stands an unrivalled classic. very close to the edition issued on the basis of the The Pampa Bharata enjoys a similar eminence, if selectie criticism adopted by the exitorial board of not the same degree of priority. The Malayalam that edition. As the editor has pointed out in the Bharata has almost as high a reputation as the foreword prefixed to some of these fascicules, the Telugu work. The Tamil Bharatam is an early most reliable version seems to be that of Kashmir, work also, and if the evidence of a late Pandya which he adopts more or less, and the one other charter of the tenth century is accepted as authori. recension that he compares with it is the southern ; tative, the rendering of the Mahabharata into Tamil the Bengali and the southern recensions sometimes takes rank with the establishment of the Sangam, agree closely and stand out distinctly from the the traditional Tamil Sangam, in Madura. We rest. It is therefore not a day too soon that some. have references to two other versions, which are thing like A carefully edited and authoritative datable :-Perundêvanêr's Bhdratavenbd in the southern recension was brought out. The enter. middle of the ninth century and Villiputtûrâr's prise of Messrs. Ramaswami Sastrulu and Sons, Bharatam of the fourteenth century or a little later, and ita present proprietor, Mr. V. Venkateswara and a still later one, Nalla Pillai's Bharatam, which Sastrulu, the son of the proprietor whose name the completes Villiputtúrår's. The Javanese Bhdrata firm bars, dosorves all commendation. The editor, is said to be based on the southern recension, and Mr. P. P. S. Sustri, Professor of Sanskrit in the therefore the expansion towards the cast of the Presidency College, has already shown energy and Mahabharata culture is traooablo to the Tamil enthusiasm in this kind of work by the publication version, or it may be the southern Sanskrit recenof the Catalogue of the Tanjore Manuscripts Lib. sion. The version of the Bhdrata referred to in the rary, of which nine volumes have been issued so copper-plate charter mentioneed above is different far. The discovery of these important Grantha from these and of a much earlier date, & date Inanuscripts is due to that cataloguing, although anterior to 300 A.D. A comparison of these versions we see that three out of the four manuscripts that with a native southern version would have its own are made use of primarily are among those used value, but that is not our point at present. by the Bhandarkar Institute editors. We only
One can trace in inscriptions grants made from hope that neither the publisher nor the editor will
time to time for the reading of the Mahabharata let their enthusiasm cool before they bring out a
in temples and sometimes even in villages. In
many cases where educational grants were mado comploto edition, of which this gives but the fore
or educational institutions are referred to, we find taste. We are assured that the second part is
that the study of the Mahabharata constituted & almost ready for issue, and with that the first book
branch of these institutions. The cultivation of will be finished. At this rate of progress, we may
the study of the Mahabharata seems to have been well expect the complete work in our hands in the
pursued systematically, and the tradition handed near future; and, apart from other benefits accruing
down, even of the text after it had been committed therefrom, the publication of this edition will certainly
to writing, may be regarded as having been more be of great assistance to the work on the critical edi.
steadily continuous than in any other case, except. tion. Similar work would be welcome on the more
ing of course the Vedas and Vaidik literature. important of the other recensions, such as, for in. stanco, the Bengali recension, or the Kashmiri recen.
Does this not argue the continuous preservation Bion, or even of some groups of the Devanagari
of the Mahabharata tradition in a correct southern manuscripts that may permit of local grouping as
recension and the bearing thereof upon the authobeing homogeneous. Bengal may perhaps attempt
ritative Mahabharata text, whenever that authoritathis, and let us hope others will follow.
tive text becomes actually possible. It is in that In one of the prefatory notes to the later fasci. view that we welcome this publication. cules of the Bhandarkar edition, the editor has
S. K. AIYANGAR. • Three parts are already out bringing the work to the end of the second bock, Sulla Parm.-S. K. A.

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ANTIQUITY OF THE JAIN SECTS
ANTIQUITY OF THE JAIN SECTS. BY PURAN CHAND NAHAR, M.A., CALCUTTA.
My "Note on the Svetâmbara and Digambara Sects," which appeared in the September issue of the Indian Antiquary for 1929, was written mainly with the object of bringing to the notice of scholars various problems connected with the antiquity and origin of the two major Jain sects, which still await investigation. From the further note on the subject which has appeared in the same Journal for August 1930, it is gratifying to see that Mr. K. P Jain, a learned Digambarî scholar, has taken up the task. I am confident that, provided the work is done in a thoroughly scientific spirit, free from sectarian bias, the origin of the two sects may be cleared up satista ctorily. I need hardly add that as my paper only briefly indicated the lines of enquiry, it neither supplied complete references nor presumed to speak the last word on the subject in scientific research. Holding opposite views, Mr. Jain rejects my conclusions on the ground that they are not based on reliable references. I regret to notice, on the other hand, that the references and interpretations of texts quoted by him are not always satisfactory, nor has he done me justice in his analysis of my views on the following points :--
(a) Nudity.
Mr. K. P. Jain thinks that I contend that "because the Svetâmbaras hold that all the predecessors of Mahavira Tirthankara wore clothes, the idea of nudity was preached by the last Tirthankara for the first time." In controverting my supposed views on the point, Mr. Jain cites references from the Rig-veda and from Brahmanical and Buddhist literature to prove that nudity was an ancient institution in India and that the early Jain monks, from the days of Rishabhadeva down to Mahavira, were naked. I would point out that the conclusion drawn from my views does not logically follow from my statement that "the Jain ascetics of the period of Parsvanatha and those of his predecessors used to wear clothes and that it was only at a later period, during the régime of Mahavira, that the fashion of discarding clothes had its origin, perhaps due to the prevalence of extreme asceticism at the time." Though Rishabhadeva discarded clothes after he had been an ascetic for some time, the rules promulgated by him permitted Jain ascetics to use one to three garments.! It is also stated that the Sådhus of the period of 22 Tirthankaras between Rishabha and Mahavira used to wear garments of all colours. Mahavira, who gave up clothes after 13 months of ascetic life, made it a rule that only white garments should be used by Sadhus.3 The latter sanctioned nudity only to the order of Jinakalpî Sådhus, who were required to forsake human habitations and practise their austerities outside villages and towns. If Mr. Jain admits the authority of the Kalpasútra on the nudity of Rishabhadeva, he should in fairness admit it for other statements made therein, if not for other Svetâmbara texts.
121
The fact that the 22 Tirthankaras succeeding Rishabha as well as the ascetics of their time were accustomed to wear clothes, proves that before the days of Mahavira it was unusual for the Jain monks to go about naked. Parsva allowed his disciples to wear an upper and an under garment. In the Mahavira-caritra of Hemachandra, Gosála Makkhaliputta, a contemporary of the Buddha and Mahâvîra, defends the precept of nakedness against the pupils of Pâráva and "gets beaten, and almost killed by the women of a village in Magadha,
1 See Acharanga Sutra, S.B.E., vol. XXII, pp. 67 (Fourth Lesson, etc.). London. 1884. 2 See Kalpasûtram, D. L. Fund Series No. 61. Bombay. 1923. (2nd Edition), p. 2 ff.: safanne erfarna funt arqui wygarai बहुमूल्य विविध वर्ण वस्त्र परिभोगबुज्ञा सद्भावेन, etc.
3 Ibid. :
श्री ऋषभवीर तीर्थ यतीनां च सर्वेषामपि श्वेत मानोपेत जीर्णप्राय वस्त्र धारित्वेन अवेलकत्वम्
4 Cambridge History of India, vol. I (1922), pp. 154-55; Ramaprasad Chauda, Annual Report, A.S.I., 1925-26, pp. 176-77.

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because he was a naked Sramana or mendicant."5 This proves that nudity was not practised by all Jain monks even in the days of Mahavira.
Scholars are agreed that the institution of nudity was first emphasised by Mahavira within the Jain church, but “this distinction did not lead to serious schism in the Jaina community till six hundred years later." We are told, besides, that "a prince whose father he (Udayin the king of Magadha) had dethroned plotted against his (Udayin's) life ; and aware of the welcome accorded to the Jains by Udayin, he entered his palace in the disguise of a Jain monk, and murdered him in the night."? It goes without saying that the person of a nude monk affords neither any scope for disguise, nor any protection against detection. As this happened sixty years after the nirvana of Mahavira, the custom of wearing clothes by Jain monks does not seem to have disappeared at that time.
The main point we are to consider is this, whether nudity was a compulsory rule of conduct among the Jain monks generally, or whether it was practised by the Jinakalpi Sådhus only and by Mahavira during the latter stages of his asceticism. Now, from the available data at our disposal we are unmistakably led to the latter conclusion. From the Hathigumphå inscriptions of the second century B.C. we find King Khåravela of Orissa giving away clothes to Jain monks. Mathura sculptures of the first century also present scenes where monks are seen holding clothes. These are historical facts of first class importance, and we need not seriously consider the curious views Mr. Jain has about the Mathura antiquities. The contention that the inscriptions of the Svetâmbara Ganas, etc.," have been "inscribed on the Digambara or naked images" may be merely the orthodox Digambara standpoint, but has no basis in fact. They do not show "a topsy-turvy condition of the Jaina Sangha at the time." On the contrary, "the inscriptions are replete with information as to the organisation of the Jain church in sections known as Gaņa, Kula, and Sakha, and supply excellent illustrations of the Jain books."10 Mr. Jain also states that "The Mathura antiquities are only about a century older than the date on which the Jaina Sangha separated into two sects, and they might show signs of the Svetambara origin at the time." It is therefore conclusive from Mr. Jain's own statement that the Svetambara beliefs and traditions existed in the Jain church long before the formal separation.
Mr. Jain further cites the munayo vatavasanas mentionod in the Rig-veda (X, 136. 2) and refers to Weber's identification of the Indian gymnosophists of the time of Alexander the Great with Digambara Jains. I must point out that the texts11 give the reading vậtarasana and not vậtavasana as misquoted by Mr. Jain, the word being translated "wind-girt " and not "wind-clad." According to Macdonell and Keith, the term is applied to Munis in the Rig-veda (X, 136. 2) and to Rishis in the Taittiriya-Aranyaka (I, 23. 2 ; 24. 4; II, 7. 1), both late texts.12 Mr. Jain does not, however, tell us if he can trace the origin of the Digambara sect from Vedic Munis and Rishis. Weber was not right in taking these to be Digambaras, as there are naked Sivaite Sådhus even to this day, according to his own statement. Similarly erroneous is his identification of the naked ascetics interviewed by Onesicritus at Taxila, one of whom eventually took to clothes and accompanied Alexander on his journey back to Persia, 18 Mr. Jain also cites various Brahmanical texts in which Jain monks are designated as naked recluses. These texts are mostly of later dates, and sometimes
6 Wileon's Works, vol. I, p. 294, quoted by H. Jacobi in 1.A., vol. IX, pp. 161-62; Banerji-Sastri, JBORS., vol. XII, pp. 53-62.
6 Jain Yuga, vol. II, p. 53. R. A. F. Hoernle, JASB., 1898, pp. 40-41; J. Charpentier, Cambridge History of India, vol. I, 1922, pp. 154-55; Ramaprasad Chanda, Annual Report, A.S.I., 1925-26, pp. 176-77.
7 Cambridge History of India, vol. I (1922), p. 164. SKP. Jayaswal, Nagari Pracharini Patrika, vol. X, p. 501. 9 V. Smith, Jain Stupa and other Antiquities of Mathura, p. 24, pl. XXVII. 10 Ibid., Introduction, p. 6.
11 Macdonell and Keith, Vedic Index, vol. II, p. 284. 12 C.H.I., vol. I, pp. 77-78.
13 Ibid., pp. 358-9.

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unreliable. Their testimony, therefore, on the history of the two Jain sects is hardly helpful, and even as such the references have not all been correctly gathered.
The passage cited from the Vishnu-purana, for instance, mentions ascetics " who go clothed in much raiment” as well as those "who go naked."14 That Sankara's (788-850 A.D.) reference to the Jains is confined only to the vivasana-samaya, 15 is explained by the fact that he came from South India, 16 where the Digambaras were prominent, as may be gathered from the itinerary of Yuan Chwang. It is to be regretted that Mr. Jain does not quote the relevant passages from the Mahabharata 17 and Dajakumara-carita, particularly as his references are unsatisfactory.
Among the Buddhist texts quoted by Mr. Jain in support of his statement that the Jains are described as naked monks, there is a passage from the Mahavagga (1. 70. 3), which likens naked Buddhist monks to Titthiyas. Mr. Jain comments that the latter" were no doubt, the non-Buddhistic monks belonging to older orders than those of Mahavira and Buddha." As their description coincides with that of a Digambara Jaina monk, as described in the Sastras, he concludes that they were naked monks of the school of Parýva. I have already shown that the disciples of Parýva were accustomed to wear clothes and that they argued with Gosala, one of the six Titthiyas, against nudity. So Mr. Jain's identification of the naked Titthiyas as disciples of Parsva is untenable. The Buddhist texts, not cognisant of the doctrines of Mahâvîra, include him among the six Titthiyas ; but it is well-known that Mahâvîra propounded the Panchayama-dharma as against the Chaturyama-dharma of Parsva, 18 and so the Titthiyas could not have very well belonged to the order of Parávanátha. Another Titthiya was Ajita Kesakambali who derived his name from the garment made of hair that formed his apparel. 19 A feature of his doctrine was the wearing of coarse garments. The poor fellow could not have been a Digambara. Makkhali Gosála, the notorious apostate, originally a runaway slave, who had been deprived of his clothes by his master while making his escape, was the leader of the Ajivika sect; and Mr. Jain's thesis cannot be maintained unless the Digambaras trace their origin from this ascetic who had broken away from his Guru, and identify themselves with the Ajivikas. Parana Kassapa, one of the Titthiyas, had been originally a slave who left his master and was robbed of his clothes by thieves, whence he remained in nudity, thinking that as a Digambara he would be better respected. Ho held the notion that "actions are fatally determined,"30 which is opposed to Jain theories. It is interesting to note that the Chinese pilgrim Yuan Chwang, who refers to the Digambarag?1 and the white-clad sects, 22 the Nigranthas?3 and the Tirthikas individually and separately, draws a distinction between them. He mentions 10,000 Tirthikas in Kon. goda.24 The Kalanda Venuvana had been given to the Tirthikas.25 Udra Ramaputta, the ascetic, was a Tirthika.26 Ajita Kesakambali was another.37 The Deva P'usa is said to have debated with Tirthikas at Prayaga and Pâtaliputra.18 At Tsao-ku-t'a, the Tirthikas were in the majority, having numerous disciples. They worshipped Shu-na deva who had come from Mt. Aruņa in Kapisa to the Shu-na-hi-lo mountain in the south of that country.29 At Malakuta, the Kuman-tzu-tsai P'usa, appears to the devotees as Pasupata Tirthika, or as Mahesvara.30 The ash-smearing Saivas of Palusha are described as Tirthikas.31
14 H. H. Wilson, Vishnupurana (London, 1844), pp. 338-9. 16 Vedanta-sutra, II, 2.33; S.B.E., vol. XXXIV, pp. 428-34. 16 J. N. Farquhar, Outline of the Religious Literature of India, pp. 162, 166, 171. 17 For Indra's appearance in disguise as a Digudad, 300 E. W. Hopkins, Epic Mythology, pp. 136-37. 18 1:A., vol. IX, pp. 158-73.
19 Ibid., vol. VIII, pp. 311-14. 30 E. J. Thomas, The Life of Buddha, p. 207. 31 Watters, On Yuan Chwang, vol. I, pp. 122-23; II, pp. 63, 164, 184, 224, 226 and 228. 22 Ibid., I, pp. 251-52.
23 Ibid., II, pp. 184, 198. 34 . II, p. 196.
25 . II, p. 156. 36 . II, p. 141.
I, p. 393. 23 . I, pp. 361-62, II, pp. 100-101.
II, p. 265. 30 . II, p. 229.
I, p. 221.
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The Tirthikas are mentioned as offering tarpana in water.32 In the Chu-li-ya country, where the naked were numerous, the people, who were of a fierce and profligate character, were believers in the Tîrthikas.33 It follows that Titthiya, or Tîrthika, was a general desig. nation used by Buddhists for ascetics or sects who were heretics from the Buddhist point of view.
Mr. Jain's misapplication of the Buddhist texts is evidently due to his misinterpretation of the term Nigrantha as used therein. According to Prof. Jacobi34 this term originally signified the pre-Buddhistic Jain monks, who, as we have seen, were not accustomed to nudity. Their doctrines were the Chaturyama-dharma alluded to in the Sâmaññaphala-Sutta,35 in Silanka's commentary on the Achâranga-Sutta and in the text of the Bhagavatî; but Mahâvîra propounded the Panchayama-dharma, while the Buddhists persisted in calling him Nigantha. As applied to Mahavira the term connoted one who had destroyed the grantha, the bonds' of worldly cares, and did not refer to his nudity.36 The Buddhist texts, however, do not use the designation for the Jains alone. It is true that Nigantha of the Natha clan is distinguished from Purana Kassapa, Makkhali Gosâla, Kachchâyana of the Pakhudha Tree, and Sañjaya Belatthiputta.37 But in the Divyavadana, a work dating later than 200 A.D.38 Purano Nirgrantho is mentioned.39 In the Mahavagga, 40 the disciples of Pûrana Kassapa are described as Nigantha ekasátaka, gihî odatavasaná acelakasávaka. Yuan Chwang mentions Nigranthas side by side with Digambaras at Pundravardhana.41 All these clearly indicate that the Buddhists used this term in a generic sense, denoting religious orders whom they regarded as heretical.
Thus it is clear that the quotation from the Mahavagga cited by Mr. K. P. Jain does not refer to Jain, but to non-Jain monks. But, for the sake of argument, even if we accept that it refers to Digambara Jain monks, the argument of Mr. Jain is hardly tenable. To prove that the Digambaras were the earlier sect of Jains and the Svetâmbaras a later one, it is not enough to show that certain naked Jain monks existed at a particular period of time. It must also be shown beyond doubt that all Jain monks at and up to that period were naked and clothes were never in use amongst them.
[ JULY, 1932
In my original note I stated that the ancient images of the Tirthankaras consecrated before the division in the church cannot properly be said to belong to any particular sect. But Mr. Jain asserts that at the time of the Hâthigumphâ inscription "only naked images were installed and were under the exclusive management of the Digambaras." I fail to understand how he has come to such a conclusion. There is not a single authority or text which goes to show that only naked images were installed at the time and that such images were under the exclusive control and management of the Digambara sect. But from the internal and external evidence available up till now, it is clear that the differentiation of the Svetâmbara and Digambara Jain images did not begin during the early centuries of the Christian era. According to Svetâmbara tradition the distinction between the images of the two sects dates only from the eighth century A.D.,2 when, as the result of disagreement over
32 Watters, On Yuan Chwang, I, pp. 320-21.
33 Ibid., II, p. 224.
34 I.A., vol. IX, pp. 158-63.
35 Grimblot, Sept Suttas Palis, p. 126; ibid., p. 160 ff.
36 I.A., vol. VIII, p. 313.
37 Dialogues of the Buddha, Pt. 2, S.B.B., vol. III, p. 166.
3 J. N. Farquhar, Outlines of Indian Religious Literature, p. 108.
39 Cowell & Neil, Divyávadána, p. 165.
40 Anguttara-Nikdya, Pt. III (=Mahávagga, LVII, 2), pp. 383-84.
41 Watters, On Yuan Chuang, vol. II, p. 184.
42 Upadesa-tarangint, Ratnamandira Cani, pp. 248-49.

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the Girnar tirtha, the Svetâmbaras started the practice of distinguishing their images, standing and seated, by indicating the añchalika, or scarf.43 The Digambaras, on the other hand, insisted on representing the male organ on their images. This is particularly noticeable in their seated images, earlier specimens of which from Mathurâ, true to their non-sectarian character, do not show this particular feature. The modern Digambara images, which similarly hide the male organ from view, as mentioned by Mr. Jain, simply continue this neutral or non-sectarian type. So that his learned comments on the history and iconography of Jain art are untenable on account of his misunderstanding of the facts.
(b) Spiritual Emancipation of Women.
In my original note I have drawn attention to the different views on the spiritual emancipation of women held by the two sects, and have mentioned that such views played an important part in the schism in the Jain church. My contention is that the Svetâmbaras uphold the authentic and rational views on the point and that the reactionary Digambaras in denying salvation to women have reverted back to old standards of conservatism and biogotry. My thanks are due to Mr. Jain for bringing together references from Vedic and Buddhist texts which satisfactorily illustrate the conservative views held by non-Jain people on the matter. The Buddha's unwillingness to admit women to his monastic order indicates only that he was not altogether proof against those orthodox notions. The existence of bigoted and irrational views on the matter outside the Jain church being established by Mr. Jain, the Digambaras must be held to have made concessions to the conservative tendencies existing among the non-Jain and heterodox sects.
(c) Jain Canons.
With regard to my statement that the Jain canons accepted by the Svetâmbaras preserve the genuine early Jain tradition, which has been totally discarded by the Digambaras, Mr. Jain only quotes Prof. A. B. Keith on their doubtful authenticity. It is to be regretted that he did not investigate the subject further, nor acquaint himself with the result of the considerable research that has been carried out on the subject. He appears to have contented himself with adopting the sectarian Digambara opinions. He does not stop to consider that the Digambaras, while denying the authenticity of the Svetâmbara canon, hold the twelve Angas in as high esteem as the latter, the two lists being in close agreement. Nor should we forget that the texts of some of the Svetâmbara Angas at least, viz., the Bhagavati and the Jñata-dharma Katha, Upasaka Dasanga and the Avasyaka-stras, are in daily use among the Digambaras.45 Mr. Jain does not explain why the story of Harinegameshi, which is proved to be a very early tradition from its representation on a Mathura bas-relief, should find mention only in the Svetâmbara texts and not in any of the Digambara ones. Another case in point relates to the personal history of Mahavira, who, according to the Svetâmbara canon, had been in his early life married to the lady Yashoda and had a daughter named Priyadarshanâ by her. 47 The Digambara books in their regard for extreme forms of asceticism usually describe him as a celibate all his life. That this is a travesty of truth is proved by the Digambara Jinasena's mention of the marriage ceremony of the 24 Tirthankaras in the Harivamsa-purana. I have verified the relevant passages from the
49 (a) W. Cohn, Indische Plastik, Berlin, 1922, Tafelen 79, 81.
(b) Dr. A. K. Coomarswamy, Catalogue of the Indian Collections in the Museum of Fine Arts, Boston, pt. IV, 1924. See figures of Tirthankaras, represented with anchalika.
(c) For a standing draped figure of Ajitanatha (brass) dated V.S. 1110 from Ahmadâbâd, see
I.A., vol. LVI, p. 72, and Pl. 1; Jaina Sahitya Sambodhak, vol. III, p. 61; A. F. R. Hoernle in JASB., 1898, Pt. I, pp. 47-51.
44 H. Jacobi, in I.A., vol. IX, p. 161. J. Charpentier, Intn. to Uttaradhyayana Sútra, p. 15.
45 G. Bühler, I.A., vol. VII, pp. 28-29, quoting Bom. Administration Rep., 1875-76.
<8 V. A. Smith, The Jaina Stupa of Mathura, Allahabad, 1901, pp. 25-26; Pl. XVIII.
47 A. F. R. Hoernle, in JASB., 1898, Pt. I, p. 40.

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MS. in the collection of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. It is incomprehensible to me how the Digambaras can be proved to be adherents of the genuine early Jain traditions in spite of their admission that the old canons have been altogether lost. Mr. Jain points out that the rules of conduct for the Sramanas (Jain monks) given in the Buddhist Kassapa Sihanada Sutta coincide to a word with those given in the Digambara Jain literature, which only indicates the non-Jain origin of some of the Digambara traditions.
(d) Digambaras during Muhammadan Rule. In support of his assertion that the Digambaras were a flourishing sect during the Muhammadan rule, Mr. Jain mentions the facts that Naingukhdås, a Svetambara pandit, changed his creed during this period, and that Digambara pontiffs approached Muhammadan sovereigns like Alau'd-dîn and Aurangzeb, and preached to them Jain doctrines. I need hardly mention that it is unscientific to rush to such conclusions merely from sporadic cases of apostacy in the Svetambara church. The alleged relations between the Digambaras and bigoted Muhammadan sovereigns like Alau'd-dîn and Aurangzeb cannot be accepted merely on the authority of a text like Jaina Birudávali, unless corroborated from independent Muhrmmadan sources. On the other hand there is overwhelming evidence of Svetámbara influence over the Muhammadan sovereigns and their governors in various parts of Northern India. 48
I should further draw attention to another fact, that it is only in the existing religious literature of the Digambaras that we find great divergence of views and discrepancies in fixing the birthplaces of Tirthankaras as well as other important events of their lives. This scepticism is indicative of a period of crisis, of doubt and questioning in the main body of the Jain church, which ultimately led to the separation by the section which refused to acknowledge the authority of the then existing canons. This conflict is nowhere to be found in the Svetâmbara literature, which points to its adherence to older traditions.
I think I should not dwell upon the subject at greater length. It was only in a spirit of research and further study in this direction that I wrote the note, and these lines are also written with the same object. I hope Mr. K. P. Jain and other scholars will accept my views in the same spirit.
48 R. G. Bhandarkar, Report on the Search for Sanskrit MSS. in Bombay, 1883-84, Bom. 1887, p. 126, Hemchandra's Nama.mdid; V. A. Smith, Akbar the Great Moghul, Oxford, 1917, pp. 162 n., 166-68; N. C. Mehta, Studies in Indian Painting, Bombay, 1926, pp. 21-23, 69-73.

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LIFE OF ROPA BHAWANI
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127
LIFE OF RÛPA BHAWANI
(A Great Hermitess of Kashmir).
BY PANDIT ANAND KOUL, SRINAGAR, KASTMİR. DISTANCE of place has undoubtedly a great charm, but distanoe of time has greater, and when it is associated with the memory of a pious soul, this charm is immeasurably enhanced. A saintly soul's account of life will certainly be appreciated by many in whom tradition is not dead, by many to whom ancient learning and the veneration of ancestors are the breath of life, and by many in whom the gems of literature temper materialism and graft a fine philanthropy upon philosophy.
From the earliest times, Kashmir was a land of saints and geers of sublime order, who developed in themselves oocult powers which beggar description. Despite the lapse of centuries since they lived, they still command public homage and devotion. To their serene, meditative minds speculation in the sphere of metaphysics was always oongenial. Anecdotes of their oocult powers ever dorinated the minds of both men and women throughout the country, shedding & perpetual glamour over the popular sentiments and tending to perpetually renovate mankind.
Amongst them was the famous holy woman named Rûpa Bhawani, alias Alakesh wari ("the lady with the lock of hair ') so called because she used to leave the hair of her head unplaited or Alak-Ishvari (incarnation of the Invisible). She was born in S. 1681 (1625 A.D.) Her name has an assured place among holy seers, shedding rays of purity all round. Her father's name was Pandit Madho Dhar, and her mother's Sampat Maji. The latter came from the Kaul family of Kawdåra Mahall. Pandit Madho Dhar lived on the right bank of the Jhelum river below the 6th Bridge at Srinagar, close to Pandit Shyam Sundar Lal Dhar's house, where at present Pandit Bala Kaul's descendants live, and where there exists still a well sacred to her memory. In him the qualities of virtue and high-mindedness were blended. He used to have philosophical discussions with Sayyid Kamal, alias Thag Baba, a Muhammadan recluse of high order, who lived near his house across the river.
Pandit Madho Dhar used to go to the Hari Parvat daily for worship. One day he saw the goddess Sharike in a dream, and she asked him what he desired. He told her that he desired nothing but this, that she should deign to take birth in his house as his daughter. The goddess granted his prayer. In course of time, his wife gave birth to a bright little daughter. The baby was named Rûpa Bhawani. As she grew up, her divine origin manifested itself more and more. The purity and sanctity of her life were conspicuous. Her speech was rapture all and nameless bliss. Some of her sayings have passed into the intellectual currency of the Kashmiris. She was the beau-ideal of all that is pure, gentle and spiritualistic. She was a paragon of virtue and wisdom--the glory of her sex.
One day Râpå Bhawani, when she was only 21 years old, was carried by a female ser. vant to give a present to Rishi Pirl (a renowned asvetio of Kashmir) on his birthday. She gave him the present, but did not approve of his performing miracles, which made him famous, as great saints, she said, shunned show and publicity and remained in secreoy in absolute communion with God. She, therefore, regretfully remarked : Rishis piyayih tembra, parantu ohnojan gayes, meaning that a spark (of revelation) had fallen on Rishi Pir, but it had gone the wrong way down his throat. Rishi Pir, on seeing her and hearing her remark, bowed down before her.
While yet but seven years old, she was married to a young man named Pandit Shyam Sundar, son of Chatur Pandit of the Sapru family living at Saparityår (2nd Bridge) at Srinagar.
Rupa Bhawani's mother-inlaw was, like that of Lall Ded! the prophetess, noted for relentless cruelty and was a stumbling block to her happiness. Rūpa Bhawani used to go,
1 8ve the Indian Antiquary, vol. LX, pp. 96-98, 123-127.
3 See the Indian Antiquary, vol. L (1921), pp. 302-308, 309-312, vol. LIX (1930), pp. 108-113, 127-130, vol. LX (1931), pp. 191.193, and vol. LXI (1932), pp. 13-16.

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in the first grey of the morning to Hari Parvat for worship, and even for this absurd and scandalous whispers, born of sheer malice and hatred, were circulated by her cranky mother-in-law. Once her husband was, at his mother's instructions, sent after her as a spy to see where she was actually going so early in the morning. He followed her and watched her from a distance. When she was returning, near the place called Parankanih, to the south of the Hari Parvat hill, she looked behind and saw her husband following her like a spy. She was naturally offended at this, and a prayer fell from her lips that the Sapru family might never thrive. And this family has actually not thriven since, there being very few people belonging to it in the whole Valley of Kashmir.
Once on the KhitsimAvasday Rûpa Bhawani's parents sent a pot full of pilav (cooked rice and meat with spices) to her husband's house. Her mother-in-law, far from being pleased, began to grumble that the pilav was insufficient to feed all the family members and relations. Rûpa Bhawani, however, covered the pot with a cloth and meekly requested her to begin distributing its contents. She began giving platefuls out of it, but lo! it would not empty. When all were served, Rupa Bhawani lifted the cloth and it was then empty. Yet her mother-in-law's anger was not appeased. She told Rûpa Bhawani peevishly to remove the empty pot from her sight. She took it to the ghag and let it float down the river. It reached the ghat of her parents while her father happened to be bathing there. He recognised the pot as his own and, catching it, took it home.
Rûpa Bhawani led her hermitical life at Wastarwan for 121 years, then at Chashma-i. Sâhibi for another period of 12 years and then in a forest in the Lår pargana for another 12 years. The lambardar of the village of Maingam, named Lal Chand, was informed by some boys that they had seen an ascetic at a cranny in the neighbouring forest. He went with them and saw her, and at his request she came and lived in his house for six months. She then left this house and stayed on the bank of the Sindh River at the same village for another period of 121 years. Here she planted a chindr tree, which is still there. At all the above places she performed austere penances. While at Maingam, she used occasionally to Hoat down the Sindh river on a piece of matting to Qasba Lår village, where Shah Sadiq Qalandar (a great Muhammadan philomath) used to reside, and there she used to converse on religious topics with him. Once he said to her: “Rupa Dedi! If you come to our side (1.., become a convert to Islâm) you will become gold in place of Rûp (silver ')." To this she replied: "Shah Sadiq ! If you come to our side (become a Hindu at heart) you will become Mokta (pearl,' or 'having attained salvation') in place of [shi] Shah (glass)." At another time, when Sb&h Sadiq Qalandar saw her, she was dressed in a garment dyed crimson. He asked her what colour her garment was. She replied :" Zag, surath, tah mazeth." These words have a two-fold meaning, the one literal and the other mystical, namely (1)
vitriol, safflower and madder '(Rubia cordifolia, Linn.) and (2)' be awake, catch Him (God) and do not extend' (in this world).
Rûpa Bhawani removed from Maingâm to Ripur* just above the hermitage of Shah Sadiq Qalandar, where she performed austere penances for another period of 12 years. After that she left one of her female servants, named Jaman Déd (whose own house was at Qasba Lar), in charge of this place and went to Vâsakur village, near Sumbal. Kastûrmaji was another female servant of hers, who belonged to the same family as Aita Shah Malang, one of the esoteric disciples of Rishi Pîr. She was a widow and had only a young son, named Rama Chandra Matu, with her. Rûpa Bhawani took her together with her son to Vasakur. At this place she remained for 25 years. Here she had a well sunk by a blind potter, whose
3 This Festival falls on the Amdvasya of tho month of Pugya. In every Brahman's house khíchri is cooked on the evening of this day, and a plateful kept outside in the compound for the god Kuvera,
+ Noted for vineyards which produce the best grapes in Kashmir. 5 See Indian Antiquary. vol. LX. pp. 95-99, 123-127.

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JULY, 1032]
eyesight became miraculously restored as soon as water level was reached in the well. This potter's descendants still live at VAsakur.
Rapa Bhawani had a brother named Lall Dhar, whose son, Bala Dhar, lived with Rupa Bhawâni at Vasakur. This youth remained illiterate till he was 22 years of age. One day
for his illiteracy. Stung with remorse he wept bitterly. Rûpa his father rebuked him Bhawani, however, consoled him and gave him a pen made from a pomegranate twig, ink made with charcoal and some paper, and bade him write an application for employment to Aurangzeb, the then emperor at Delhi. He obeyed and, wonderful to relate, wrote it admirably and in the best Persian diction. The Emperor, who was pleased with its style and handwriting, appointed him to a post at Delhi, which he took up, and held with great credit. After some time he sent a letter composed in verse to his sister, Rûpa Bhawani. She also sent him & reply in verse. Both these letters are reproduced below.
عرض
حال بال دهر که از مقام دلی بخدیث شری ست گور صاحبه عرضداشته است (1) عرض
حال سرکل شدم بشنويد : لا علا جم چاره ساز من شويد (۲) بودم از غفلت در ایام شباب
: روزوشب مشغول فکر خورد و خواب (3)
م زیای کار غافل م ز ر : بودم از اصلی خبر پر بے خبر (۴) ليک فیض عام وشد خاص من : یافتم بار جنابت در زمین (5) مدت بودم ز الطاف کمال
: بهره مند از دولت قرب وصال (1) قدر آن دولت بسے نشنا ختم : خود. به. دا و راستی که باختم (۰) وای برمن جرم غفلت کرده ام : سر بسر تقصير خدمت کرده ام (۸) چون چنین جرمی ز من گشتہ ظهور :: برگذار افتادم از دریای نور (1) بازروی از کاہلی ۔ بر تافتم :
بر در رحمت سراغ یافتم (۱۰) رفت در پاي دلم خار طلب
: دیدم شد گرم بازار طلب (۱۱) صد بیابان دور ماندم زانجناب
: خانه بمران شود یارب خراب (۱۲) پی نم بردم سوی این ره چند کا
دور ماندم زان در عالم پناه (۱۳) تا کہ روزی خضر وقتم شد دو چار ن کو بر راه ظلمتم شد دستیار (۱۴) چونکہ پیمودم زره چند
قدم : ناگهان گشنه سگے سنگ ریم (۱۰) سگ بہ یک لقمہ وفاداری تند
: این ضمی از خوردن جفا کاری کند (۱۱) این سگ درنده باران العذر : العذر اے زیرکان کردم خبر (۱۷) آن نر سگ هم سنگ گرگ و شیر بود : وحشتش از عالم
جان مي رود (۱۸) چون سگ بد خری دامنگیر شد : پس به پای رفتنم زنجير شد (۱۹) از کشا کشهای آن سگ دمبدم : صد دلا سا کرده رفتم یک قدم (۲۰) قلعه دیدم چو رفتم چند کام
: بود در رفعت بسے عالی مقام (۲۱) جانب خود نا گهان دیدم دوان
: از نگهبانان آن ده پهلوان (۲۲) و یکی دیدم عیار ر رزن : در ر يزدان شده اهر من (۲۳) خواستم راه درون رفتن ہے : را به خلوت گا؛ او پدے بردم

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--
-
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(۲۴) او یکی راهے بہ چاء می نمود : در عیاری دستگاهی می مود (۲۰) ریکی در گمري ولم شده : سد راه راه مقبولم شده و
از غریبی یا فتم خود را نديف
: (۲۶) بسكر با آنهان ندیدم کس هريف
بر در آن قلهر بار یافتم پس
: (۲۷) جذبه توفیق شد چون دستیار
باد نخواند زدن دردی شلنگ
. (۲۸) کوچه دیدم بسے تاریک وتنگ (۲۹) ناگهانم جذ به آن خضر راه : از کشا کشهای آنان شد پناہ
جذبه اخلاص بود (۳۰) راه کوچه در حریم خاص بود : رهنمونش (۳۱) میشدی هرگہ سعادت رہبر : بر سر آن کوچه میکردم گذر (۳۲) بر سر آن کوچه چون با صبا : که کاری با فتم بوے وفا (۳م) ليک ره در خلوت خاصم است : گرفه ای را به آن خلوت بهاست
جذ به فرمای اے خضر روم (۳۴) زانکر از دل بندی اندر گهم :
آن نگار
پا بینم نقش زا به
:
تم خاکسار (۳۰) برسر آن کوچہ
کمتر از مریدان نو اند
: ايک (۴۹) ديده ام من بسے رندان ہند (۳۷) داشتم حد ادب چون در نظر : عرض حال خود نمودم مختصر
Translation of letter from Bala Dhar to Rdpa Bhaudni. (1) Please listen to what occurred to me.
I am helpless. Be my helper. (2) I was, through negligence, in my youth
Busy day and night with eating and sleeping. (3) I neglected work entirely ;
I was wholly ignorant of real knowledge. (4) But thy general munificence became special [munificence] to me.
I obtained audience of thee in this world. (5) Long did I, through (your) extreme kindness,
Avail of the fortune of close contact (with you). (6) I did not esteem that fortune much ;
I myself played foul in the game of truth. (7) Alas! I have committed the offence of negligence ;
I have been entirely remiss in service. (8) When such an offerice was committed by me,
I was tossed up on the bank from the river of light. (9) Then I turned away owing to (my) idleness;
I found a clue at the door of thy mercy. (10) A thorn of quest pricked into the bottom of my heart,
And a keen inclination arose for the quest. (11) I remained a hundred deserts distant from you.
O God, may the house of distance be ruined ! (12) I could not get a clue to the way for sometime.
I remained at a distance from that door-the asylum of the world(13) Until one day the prophet Khiçr of the time met me.
He stretched out to me his helping hand in the way of darkness. (14) When I walked some paces on the way,
A dog suddenly hindered me from proceeding.

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(15) A dog becomes faithful by giving him) a mouthful of food;
This dog commits oppression on being fed (lit., 'from eating '). (16) O friends, beware of this biting dog!
O intelligent people, beware! I have given you a warning. (17) Not a dog that, it was equal to a wolf or a tiger ;
Fear of it used to take life from a world. (18) When this dog of bad habits seized me by the skirt,
It hampered me from moving on (lit., became a chain on the foot of my going '). (19) From constant struggles with that dog
I walked one pace after [giving him) a hundred pats. (20) When I walked a few paces, I spied a fort.
It was a very lofty building in elevation. (21) I suddenly found running towards me
Ten warriors (i.e., 5 internal and 5 external senses) from [among) its guards. (22) I found every one of them crafty and a robber,
[Who had) become an evil spirit infesting the road towards God. (23) I, however, inquired the way to enter,
So that I could spy the secret abode. (24) Each one of them pointed to me a way to a well
Showing his power in craftiness. (25) Each one led me astray,
Becoming an obstacle on the road agreeable to me. (26) I could not find anyone to oppose them ;
I found myself feeble from my weakness. (27) When the attraction of thy] kindness became [my] helper
I then found an entrance to that fort. (28) I saw a lane very narrow and dark
Wind [even) could not enter into it. (29) Suddenly the attraction of thee, the Khiçr of the way
Beoame a shelter from all their obstructions. (30) The lane was leading to thine own apartment;
That guide was the attraction of love. (31) Thy grace was every time the guide
When I was passing through that lane. (32) In that lane, like a zephyr, . Sometimes I found the scent of faithfulness. (33) But where is the way to the special apartment ?
It would be meet if thou shouldst show me the way to that apartment. (34) As I am from [the depth of] my heart the servant of thy court,
Grant an attraction, O Khier of my way! (35) I am humbly standing in thy lane,
In order that I may see the footprint of Thine Excellenoy. (36) I have seen many a hermit of India,
But they are inferior to thy pupils. (37) Since I have observed the limit of respect
I have briefly stated my circumstances.

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جواب شری ست گور صاحب بنام بال دهر از مقام را سکوره (1) داپسند افضل
حق بار تو باد .: در حریم خام دل بار تو باد (۲) مهربان پیوسته اهل دل به تو ..
کام دل بادا همه حاصل به تو (2) گوش کردم جوار شرح نامرات .
خوش بیان بادا زبان خامرات (۴) گر بصورت دوری از هجرم منال
: ايک در معنی بها داری وصال (5) نور من بنگر بهر جا جلوه گر : عام در حیوان و خاصه در بشر (1) تور پا کم در گرفت
اتاق را : لیک داند هر که شد مشتاق ما (۷) ديم دوری نیست از ما را به تو : در میان گر هست منزل ها به تو (1) رتبة مشتاق
ما بالا تر است : هر که شد مشتاق نما نیک اختر است (1) تور من نابنده از ماه و خور است :
ور من رخشنده از هر گوهر است (۱۰) در حقیقت گشتم از ما نا مور : اسم و جسم و رنگ و روی هر بشر (۱۱) خود پرستی باب این بازار نيست
: خود فروشان را درین ره بار نیست (۱۲) هستی
خود پین بود بار گران : خود پرستی ست ازار گران (۱۳) در حريم نيست بار خود پرست
: وصل ما با بد کسے از خود برست (۱۴) شیوا مردان حق نبود خودی
: از خودي بگذر بها واعمل شدی (15) بے نشان آمد نشان ہے خودان
: سر بنه بر استان بی خردان (۱۱) به
خودان هستند والا دستگاه : شاه وقت و صاحب تاج و تده (۱۷) بے خودان خود مظهر خاص حق اند : بے خودان خود محو ذات مطلق اند (۱۸) باش فرمان بخش
شهر بیهودی : آشنائی بر و بکر بیخودی (۱۹) بسكر از تاثیر الفت ها ه ها
: در دلت اسرار عرفان کرده جا (۲۰) واقفی خود از رموز فيضي وصل : از فرع ہے مدبری زان سوے اصل (۲۱) در حقیقت هرچه گفتم اے رفیق
: باد دادن بود در شرط طریق (۲۲) از سدانند دعا کو
قدیم : کرست بر درگاه اخلاصت مقیم (۲۳) تا بود دایم مدار شش
جهات : تا برد قایم قرار کائنات (۲۴) مد دعا بادا بر احوالت شمول
: زانکم میباشد دعاے او قبول (۲۰) باش از الطاف ما اے جان جان
: کامران این جهان و آن جهان
Translation of reply from Rapa Bhawani to Bala Dhar. (1) O darling! May God's grace be thy helper!
May thou have admittance into the sacred apartment of the heart ! May the saintly-minded be kindly disposed towards thee! May thy desires be all fulfilled to thee! I listened to all the contents of thy letter, May the tongue of thy pen by eloquent ! Though in person thou art far away, do not grieve at separation from me: But in reality thou art united with us. See my splendour is conspicuous everywhereIn beasts in general and in men in particular.

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LIFE OF ROPA BHAWAN
133
(12)
The
(13)
(6) My holy light pervades the universe,
But every one observes it who has become fond of us. There is no distance between us and thee,
Though there are many stages intervening between us. (8) The status of him who is fond of us is high ;
Whoever became fond of us is fortunate. (9) My effulgence is brighter than that of the moon and the sun;
My effulgence is of greater lustre than any pearl. (10) In reality, from us has become renowned
The name, the person, the colour and the appearance of all mankind. (11) Self-praise is not the gate of this market;
Those who indulge in self-praise have no access to this road. The life of the conceited is a heavy burden; Selfishness is a great pain. The selfish has no admittance into my apartment :
That person will be united with me who is selfless. (14) Ostentation is not the habit of the godly;
Bo far from self, and thou art united with us. (15) Selflessness is the sign of the selfless;
Bow down at the door of the selfless. (16) The selfless are of the highest authority
The kings of the time and the wearers of the crest and crown. (17) The selfless are the seers of God;
The selfless are merged in the Almighty. (18) Be the ruler of the city of selflessness,
The possessor of lands and oceans of selflessness, (19) Very much from the effect of our love
The secrets of saints have dominated thy mind. (20) Thou thyself art aware of the secrets of the advantages of union
Therefore thou art inclined from the false towards the truc. (21) Dear, whatever I have said, in reality
Was to remind [thee) of the way of religion. From Sadanand, the old well-wisher,
Who is resolute at the door of thy friendship, (23) Until the centre of the six sides (of the universe) endures,
Until the stability of the world lasts, (24) A hundred prayers be connected with thee in thy vicissitudes,
As his prayers are granted (by God). (25) O soul of life I be, by my affection,
Successful in this world and the world to come. Rûpa Bhawani's paternal female cousins often indulged in gibes, sneers and whispers against her for her ill-luok so far as conjugal happiness was concerned. Naturally the reproaches struok home, and she would heave a deep sigh and knit her brow in distress, her soul labouring under a sickly sensibility of the miseries not of herself alone for the time being, but also of others like herself in the family in the future, which she could foresee. On the other hand, her paternal male cousins' wives showed sincere sympathy with her and admired her magnanimity in patiently and nobly bearing misfortunes hatched by her cranky motherin-law, and them she used to bless. And it does so happen that daughters-in-law in the Dhar family are, together with their husbands, invariably prosperous and happy.
Rûpa Bhawani introdaced a very important social reform, which is still in vogue, and has rendered her name immortal. She tabooed bigamy and polygamy, both in respect of daughters and daughters-in-law, in the Dhar family. This reform has greater force and higher sanction than a statutory law, solemnized as it is by an oath administered by her against its infringement, and it is, therefore, respetad by all and strictly adhered to.
Rûpa Bhawani's mind was always fixed on things heavenly. Her verses, composed in mixed Sanskrit and Kashmiri, which number 96, have a profound mystic significance. They
(22)
.

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have been recorded, and they are repeated by several of her votaries every morning. Five of them, which show that her spiritual guru in her practice of yoga was her father, Pandit Mâdho Dhar, are quoted below.
Tal paitála tshal phirit tah khorum ;
Metsi tah kanču manzi unmas pay; Adah nad udum gali mal piwum.
Parovtum sumbrum sát. Thushi ghi veglovum ;
Ang novum deshuigan. Yusuy gur pità suy chhum moluy:
Suy prabhalum dipa prakásh ; Suy sarua kulas udhár karawuny;
Suy Ishwar suy chhum gur. I dashed down into the nether regions [of the body) and brought it (the vital breath) up;
I got its clue out of earth and stones; Then my kundalini or sakti) woke up with náda (loud noise); I drank wine by the mouth.
I got it (the vital breath) (and) gathered it within myself. I melted ghi for oblation;
I purified all sides of my limbs. He, who is Father Guru, the same is my father ;
He became the brilliant lamp-light [in me); He is the liberator of the whole family,
He is Ishwar, he is my Guru.
Rûpa Bhawani, at the advanced age of 96 years, came to Srinagar after leaving Kastûr. maji in charge of her place at Våsakur, and shuffled off her mortal coil without regret, but mourned by all, in her parents' house on the 7th of the dark fortnight of Magh, v.s. 1777 (=A.1. 1133 - A.D. 1721). The words the y in the following epigram in Persian, composed by Shah Sadiq Qalandar, give the chronogram, viz., A.H. 1133, of her death :
عازفي ذات أن الى اوتار قالب عنصرئی خوبش شکست کرد پرواز سر عرش عظیم با دل نیک به رحمت پیوست
That holy-natured incarnation of the Unseen [Goddess]
Broke her coil of four elements (i.e., quitted her body); Flew to the highest heaven;
With a good-natured heart united with Bliss. * It is he who has written the following fine lines in Persian, which are suggestive of the transitoriness of the world:
زينت و زبور گشتيم - در مود شباب چند پا یک
و دفتر کشتیم - کردیم حساب
دانش چند پل یک
جهان ابتر گشنیم - نقشے ست بر آب چون واقف این دست از می شستیم و قلندر کشتیم - اینک دریاب
یک چند سواره سیر دشنے کردیم یک چند پیاده پشت پشتے کردیم دیدیم که این کوچه ندارد پایان
کردیم کردیم و باز گشن گشن
At one time we were in pursuit of adornment and ornamente-during the season of youth;
At another time we were in pursuit of knowledge and office we made calculations ; When we became aware of this wretched world-it is a piotr
We washed our hands of everything : we became monks-lo I find (God). At one time we made excursions over plain, riding:
At another time we walked round plateau. We found this lane (i.e., life) had no end;
We strolled on and strolled back.

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KIRADU INSCRIPTION
135
KIRĀDU INSCRIPTION OF THE TIME OF CHAULUKYA KUMĀRAPALA AND HIS FEUDATORY PARAMÅRA SOMESHVARA DATED V.S. 1218.
BY SAHITYACHARYA PANDIT BISHESHWAR NATH REU. This inscription is engraved on a pillar at the entrance of a dilapidated temple of Siva at Kiradu, a ruined town situated about 16 miles north-west of Badmêr (in Jodhpur State). It was transcribed by Puran Chand Nahar in his Jaina Inscr., Pt. I, p. 251 f. A summary of the inscription has also been published by D. R. Bhandarkar in his List of the Inscriptions of Northern India, No. 312.
The epigraph measures 17" x 17" and contains 26 lines. As the middle portion of the stone from the third line to the twentieth has peeled off, some names, etc., are destroyed. The language is Sanskrit, and the whole of the record except a portion of the last line is in verse. As regards orthography, it is worth noting that, in some places, the consonant following 'r' is doubled, T is used for a and for T. The importance of the inscription lies in the fact that this is the only record which contains the genealogy of the Para mara branch of Kiradu and the name of the Paramâra king Sindhuraja of Mârwâr, the father of Utpalaraja, the first known Paramára king of Abu.
It is dated Samvat 1218 Ashvina Sudi 1, Gurau=Thursday, the 21st September 1161 A.D. The purport of the inscription is as follows:
In the dynasty of the Paramaras, who sprung from the fire altar of Vasishtha at Åbu, there was born a king named Sindhuråja, who ruled over Marumandala (Mârwar). His son was Usala (Utpala"). The names of Utpala's son and grandson have peeled off. Then is mentioned Dharanidhara (Dharanivaraha), and his son was Dêvarâja, 3 who perhaps built a temple of Dêvardjeśvara. Then is mentioned Dhandhuka. who ruled over Marumandala (Mârwâr) through the favour of Durlabharaja (1066-1078 V.S.) (the Chaulukya king). Krishnaraja“ (II) was the son of Dhandhuka, and his son was Sochhrâja, whose son Udayarâja, being a feudatory of (Chaulukya) Jayasimha (1150-1199 V.S.), conquered Choda, Gauda, Karanata, and Malava. Sômêsvara (name peeled off here, but appears in line 23), the son of Udayaraja, regained his lost kingdom of Sindhurajapur' through the favour of (Chaulukya) Jayasimha Siddharaja (perhaps in 1198 V.S.), became firmly established in 1205 V.S. in the reign of (Chaulukya) Kumarapala, and protected for a long time his Kirâtakûpa (Kirâdu) along with Sivaküpa. He also exacted 1700 horses (including 1 five-nailed and 8 peacock-breasted horses) and took two forts, one of Tanukotta 8 and the other of Navasara from prince Jajjaka on Tuesday, the first day of the bright half of Ashavina 1218 V.S. at 4 hours after sunrise. But on his (Jajjaka's) acknowledging his allegiance to the Chaulukya king (Kumarapala), he (Sômêsvara) reinstated him in the possession of those places.
By the order of the king this prasasti was composed by Narasimha, was written by Yaśodêva and was engraved by Jasôdhara. The inscription ends with the date : Vikrama-samvat 1218 Åývina-áudi 1 Gurau,
T'ext. 3. [RA: ) 14 Ilajara HATA amatu aya di faa44 tar d ig & [ ] २. देवस्य तस्य चरितानि जयंति शंभोः सव (शश्व) कालाव [धुम ] स्म विभूषणस्य । गर्व : सकोपि हृदि यस्य प2. sua teada (a) parasta ria 11 ? [ afere] --- - - [ ]
(*) Igraf: 1 This is the first name of the Paramâra branch of Abu found in the inscription of Vasantgarh dated. V.8. 1099 (Ep. Ind., vol. IX, p. 10 ff.).
3 Supra vol. XL, p. 239 : When Solanki (Chaulukya) Malraja (998-1062 V.S.) attacked him he was obliged to seek the help of the RAstrakata Dhavala of Hastikundi (Hathandi) in Marwår (Epigraphia India, vol. X, p. 21).
3 He was also named Mahipala. A copper grant of his, dated V.S. 1059 (A.D. 1002), has been found.
• He refused allegiance to Chalukya Bhimadeva I (1078-1120 V.S.) and was driven away from Abu, but afterwards Vimala, the new 'Dandapati, of Abu settled the dispute and brought him back from Chitor, where he (Dhandhuka) lived for some days with king Bhoja of MalwA.
6 He was the younger brother of Parpapala (Bhandarkar's List of Inscriptions of Northern India, Noe. 136 and 139).
8 Ho was the founder of the Paramårs branch of Kirådu.
7 This might have been founded by Sindhuraja himself or by his descendants after the name of the founder of the Paramâra branch of Marwar and Abu. 8 Tanaut in the Jaisalmer State.
Nausar in the Jodhpur State.

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४. परमाराणां वंशास्त्यनलकुंडतः ॥ ३ तत्रानकम [ हीपाल ]----
धुरानो महाराज : ५. समभन्मरुमंडले ॥ ४ निरर्गल मिलद्वैरि---
--प्रतापोज्वलदूस - ६. लः ।। ५ शंभुवदूरिभूमीशाभ्यर्चनीयो [भ]--- -
--- ---सूः॥ ६ रणे ७. खहरण[ त्का र रावणोल्वा वै [भव:] । -
---[॥ . ] सिंधुराजधरा - ८. धारधरणीधरधामवान् । [मा] -----
[॥८] [देवरा ] जोभवतस्मात् ९. सुरराजो हराया। देवरानेश्वर --------
---[॥९] ---- -----[म] पहाय महीमि१०. मां मन्ये कल्पद्रुमः प्रायादरश्च [क]------
- - -[॥१.] - - - - - - - - - - - - - -
--- दारणात् । श्रीम - ११. दुर्लभराजोपि राजेंद्रो रंजितो -- [॥११]-----
-- - ---है। येन दुार - १२. वीर्येण भूषितं मरुमंडलं ॥ १२ ॥ [म्माकरो व (ब) भू]--
----[कृष्ण ] रामो महा - १३. शब्द विभूषितः ॥ १३ तत्पुत्रः सोछ राजाश्य:--
---- ----[कल्प-] १४. बुमोभवत् ।। १४ तस्मादुदयराजाख्यो महाराज ---
---[ नी] कपदाधि१५. कः॥ १५ पाचौडगौडकर्णाटमालवोत्तर पश्चिमं । ---
- --गज ॥ १६ १६. प्रा (श्री) सिंधुरानभूपालापितृपत्रक्रमात्पुन : तस्मादुदयरा ---
॥१. उत्कीर्ण१७. मपि योराज्यमुह भुजार्यत : । जयसिंहमहीपाला ----- -- [॥१०]
---- टम (1)--- वर्षे १८. विक्रमभूपतेः । प्रसादाज्जयसिंहस्य सिदराजस्य भूभुन : [॥ १९] ---- .- जेन सिंधु
रामपुरोद्भवं । भूयो निर्व्याज सौ (शी ) येण राज्यमेतत्सममृतं ॥ २० पुना [ दशसंख्येषु पं] चाधिकशतेष्ट
(ध्व) ल । कु२०. मारपालभूपालात् सप्रतिष्ठमिदं कृतं ॥ २१ [कि] रा [८] कृपमात्मीयं ----- समन्वितं ।
निजेन क्ष (क्षा)त्र
धर्मेण पालयामास यश्चिरं ॥ २२ पटाद [ शाधिके ] चास्मिन शतद्वादशके ऽश्विने । प्रतिपद्गुरुसयो - २२. गे साई [या ] मे गते दि[ना ] त् ॥ २३ दंड सप्तदशशतान्यश्वानां नृपनज्जकात् । सह पंचनखा-: २३. भेन मयूरादिमिरष्टभिः ॥ २४ तणुकोई नवसरो दुग्गौं सोमेश्वरोप्रहीत् । उच्चां [ग] वर [ हा ] - २४. साव्या चके वैवात्मसादा (८) सौ ॥ २५५ (ब) हुश: [ सेव ] कीकृत्य चौलुक्यनगतीपतेः। पुनः संस्था
पया - २५. मास तेष देशेषु मज्जकं ॥ २६ प्रशस्तिमकरोदेता नरसिंहो नपाज्ञया । लेखकोत्र य [शो]
देवः सूत्रवारोस्तु (.) नसोधरः ॥ २७ विक्रम [संब] त् १२१८ प (घा) श्विन शुदि १ गुरौ ॥ मंगलं म [ हाश्री] : ।।

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MISCELLANEA
137
MISCELLANEA INDIA IN CURRENT LITERATURE. Museum, giving grounds for suggesting that it Journal Asiatique.-On pp. 298 1. of the Oct. represents Nairrta. Mr. C. J. van Dongen, some. Dec., 1930, issue of this journal Dr. C. L. Fabri time Resident of Djambi in Sumatra, records a few notices what he describes as a “Mesopotamian notes on the Koeboes in reference to Professor elemont" in the art of India in the crenelations, Schebesta's account of these folk, in which the formed like towers in diminishing stages, depicted professor comes in for some sharp criticism. in the representation of railings, etc., on sculptures Archeologische Mitteilungen aus Iran, Band IV, at Bharhut and SAfichi, in the Khandagiri and Heft 2 (Jan. 1932).-In this issue Dr. Ernst HerzUdayagiri caves in Orissa, at Sarnath and on two feld pursues his researches on Sakastan and the pieces of railing now in the Peshawar museum. He Sakas, carrying them down to the time of Gondo. draws attention to the representation of similar pharnes. The number comprises somo four secpatterns on certain bas-reliefs of the times of Sen. tions, viz., on the vassal kings under the suc. nacherib, Assurbanipal and Darius. He suggests cessors of Mithridates the Great, the Parthian that the origin of this decorative element may por. kingdom under the Arsakids, Saka and Suren in haps be found in the zikkurat, or ancient temple of Sakastan, and Gondofarr in legend and fable. A Mesopotamia. He expresses the opinion that this wealth of references from both western and eastorn decorative motif is clearly derived from a similar sources and the evidence of hitherto available coins decorative design of Persia, and that the latter came have been requisitioned to elucidate the history from a repetition or multiplying of the zilkurat. and chronology of a period that presents many The parallels which are drawn in this paper aro of difficulties. interest As affording another ground for suspect. Karnatak Historical Review, vol. 1.-In 1.A., ing influence from the west in the architectural VII, p. 33 f., the late Dr. Fleet described 3 copper. development in India. In connexion with the state. plates of the Kadamba Yuvarâja Devavarma found mont that temples built in stages were foreign to at Devagiri in the Karajgi Taluka of the Dharwar Indian art, certain features observable on tho west of district, issued from a place called Triparvata, the peninsula, e.g., in S. Kanara, should also be
which he was unable to identify. Prof. Jouveau considered.
Dubreuil (Ancient History of the Deccan, p. 101) In the Jan.-Mar., 1931 (tome CCXVIII, No. 1) thought this was probably Devægiri, where the issue of the journal, M. Jean Przyluski contributes plates were found. In the March 1931 issue of tho & short but very suggestive noto on Tantrik Bud- above Review, Fr. H. Horas gives reasons for bedhism in Bali, based upon a memoir by Dr. F. D.K. lieving the site to have been the modern Halebid, Bosch, in which he has given an analysis of some
the Dvårasamudra of the Hoysalas. In this vici. Buddhist texts from Bali and shown that the nity there are three hills, between which the earliest Balinese system is related to Japanese tantrism. city seems to have stood. Among other reasons M. Przyluski points out that the Bali texts are given in support of this identification, he considers remarkable in onumerating the krodha manifesta. that the temples on two oft tions corresponding to each of the five Tathagatas
ly Kadamba temples, roconstructed later by the and in associating with the Buddhas feminine
Hoysalas. divinities analogous to the saktis of Hinduism. Here, In the same issue Mr. D. P. Karmakar deals as he notes, we have to do with a degenerate doc
with the administrative systems of the Chalukya trine nearer to Hinduism than to genuine Buddhism. kingdoms as disclosed from the epigraphical records, He proceeds to indicate his conception of the stages
the territorial divisions for administrative purposes, through which the Balinese Tantrik system would
the position of feudatory chiefs or subordinate appear to have passed, noting not only the analo
administrative officials, the advisory council, heads gies between it and the Tantrism of the Shingonl of departments, the assoalment and collection of soct, but also the rolations between these and the government revenue and taxes, etc. Research of Indian and Tibetan beliefs.
this nature deserves encouragement, and the exBijdragen tot de Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde van ample set inight with advantage be followed in other Nelerlandsch-Indië. In vol. 88 (1931) Dr. H. H. Broas rich in inscriptional records. In several Juynboll continues his translation (Chap. XX) of cases the exact meaning to be attached to the terms the old Javanese Ramayana. Prof. R. A. Kern used has yet to be satisfactorily determined. This records a few interesting notes on words occurring is another matter that calls for research work. It in the Malayan Inscriptions of Srivijaya, the texts is time that all such terms found in the inscriptions of which, with translations in French, have re in different parts of India that are now obsolete or cently been published by M. George Coedès in the of doubtful meaning were listed and collated with Bulletin de l'école Française d'Extreme Orient (tome a view to their correct interpretation. As regards XXX, pp. 29 f.). Mr. Kemper describes, with the numerical components of certain territorial do good plate, the stone Hindu-Javanese image (Ac. signations, such as the "Banavasi 12,000," attenquired in 1831 by Mr. Millott) now in the British I tion may be invited to tho oxplanation of these

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figures proposed by Dr. Pran Nath in R. A. S. Mono! Illustrated London News.-In the October 10, graphs, vol. XX, Chap. 1, Sec. II.
1931, issue Mr. Gordon King describes the cavo Man, 1931.-In the April number (Article No. 65) temples of Wu Chou Shin, near Tatung in Shansi, Mr. L. A. Cammiade describes and illustrates the just inside the Great Wall, the oldest Buddhist art of iron smelting among the Kois of the Godavari monuments known in China. The sculptures Agency. The smelters form a separate community, which adorn thom, dating from the fifth century clebarred from marriage with the Koi tribesmen. A.D., are strongly influenced by the art of The bellows used are of the piston type. The art Gandhára. is fast dying out. In the Soptember issue (Art. Some interesting Balinese customs are depicted No. 202) Mr. F. J. Richards points out a nunc.ber in the issue of Nov. 9, notably the ritual use of of similarities between the elliptical bronze masks similar to those of Tibet and Ceylon. In bowl from the Nilgiris (Breeks, Pls. XLI, XLI]) and Bali & corpse is enclosed and cremated in the wooden a bowl of gold from Ur, figured by Dr. Woolley in effigy of a bull or cow. This number includos a tho Illustrated London News of Dec. 17, 1927, p. 1092.
coloured plate showing a troupe of dancers from In tho October issue (Art. No. 205) Mr. K. de B. Cambodia and another from Bali. Codrington discusses the functions of the Mala
Other points of note in this handsomely illustra. messenger (adlavddi) and the Desnyi Chetti of S. India as survivals of a formor system of civil or.
ted journal are a brilliantly coloured plato of Jevaganization. In Art. No. 212 Mr. Cammiade contri.
nese theatrical characters (Nov. 14); an appreciativo
critique by Sir Arthur Keith on the recently pub. butes an important noto on the belief that tho
lished volumes on Mohenjo-daro and the Indus "man-eater" is not really a tiger, but a man. In Nos. 229 and 230 Mr. J. H. Powell criticizos certain
Civilisation (Dec. 19): pictures of Indian craftsmen theories of "hook-swinging " set forth in Man,
by Stowitts; an article on the Chins, and another on 1927, No. 110, an article which purports to de
Japanese marionettes. scribe & Sinhalese example of the rite under Mr. A.
The issues for January, 1932, includes an account M. Hocart's name. Mr. Hocart points out that the of the Siamese shadow play, more pictures by article was not his, and that hook-swinging is Stowitts, of Indian rulers (Jan. 2), and some notes unknown in Ceylon; and he offers an alternative ex and pictures of Burmese customs (Jan. 23). planation of the rite.
C. E. A. W. O. AND F. J. R.
BOOK-NOTICE. A DESCRIPTIVE CATALOQUE OF SANSKRIT MANU. who occupied a unique place in South Indien learning
SCRIPTS IN THE SARASVATI MAHAL LIBRARY, as the teacher to whom all propagators of Sanskrit TANJORE, by P. P. S. SASTRI, M.E.S.
culture in the South in ono way or another traced The Sarasvati Mahal Library, Tanjore, is one of their descent in learning. He was a romarkable the very well known libraries in South India and en- man both from the point of view of administration joyed a reputation till recently quite deserved. Even and as a promoter of learning. He was minister to after the Government Oriental Manuscript Library Sevvappa and continued in that capacity under his came into existence, it had not lost its special cha. son Achyuta, who had a long reign, and he was racter, and had continued to maintain its place 88 tutor to Achyuta's son Raghunatha, whom he had distinctly useful library. It owed its origin, at the pleasure and gratification of seeing established least in its present form, to Raja Sarfoji, the penul. on the throne of Tanjore at a critical time of its timate ruler of Tanjore, early in the nineteenth con history by persuading his old father to abdicato in tury, and it is his name that it bears as the "Maha his favour. It was through the influence of Govinda raja Sarfoji Library." But the Sarasvati Mahal Dikshita and the enlightened support of the Nayaks goes back in history much anterior to the time of of Tanjore that Tanjore revived as a great centre of Raja Sarfoji, and is at least as old as the first half learning. Wo do not know much about the literary of the seventeenth century. In more recent character of Sevvapps. Achyuta was a man of history, Tanjore became an illustrious centre for considerable piety in religion and taste in literature. learning since the foundation of its Nayakship under Raghunatha could be actually described as & scholar Achyutaraya of Vijayanagar, who was responsible and a patron of great eminence, and his son was for dividing the Southern Nåyakship of Madurs quite worthy of his father in this branch of his into two sections for administrative convenience. activities. Finding the charge too big, the nearer portion of the The Sarasvati Mahal Library came into existence, huge area was cut off from the territory dependent at last as a well established institution, in the upon Madura proper, and was constituted into days of Raghunatha Nayaka, and maintained its the Tanjore Nayakahip, which was consigned to the character thereafter. We have some of Raghucharge of Sevvappa NÅyak, whose wife's sister nåtha Nayak's works, and the works of those that Achyuta took for one of his queens. Sevvappa had enjoyed his patronage pre-eminently. We have for his minister and adviser Govinda Dikshita, some works of his son, which throw interesting

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JULY, 1932)
BOOK-NOTICK
139
light upon the history of the time, and we aromanagement. Sinco tl:en the library has lida indebted to these for more than one important considerable accession of manuscripts by taking episode in the history of South India when tho over two or threo private libraries containing col. Mahrattas conquered Tanjore for Bijapur and took lections of manuscripts from the families of Pandits over tho rule of what constituted the N&yakst.ip of connocted with Tanjore. The Madras Government Tanjora. The Mahratta dynasty was founded then stepped in with praiseworthy liberality, and under Ekoji or Venkaji, son of Shåhjî and a half offered, on their estimate at the time, to movide brother of Shivaji. Even in Mahratta history grant of Rs. 25,000 a year for three years for the Ekoji is mado to appear, of course in contrast to preparation of a complete catalogue. The cata. Shivaji, as an unenlightened and a ne'er-do-well loguing work was ontrusted to Mr. P. P. S. Santri, man. It would therefore bo surprising to learn and a staff of Pandits under the management of u that his interest in Sanskrit literature was great. directing committee; and work has been proceeding He is said to have made an effort at trying his aprse. Since the beginning of the work we have hand in writing Sanskrit, though the one com had nine volume of the catclogue of Sanskrit mentary that has come down to us of the his. manuscripts and three volumes of the catalogue of torical poem Mudrârâkshasa is by one Dhundu. manuscripts in Tamil. We have noticed the Tamil rAja, who lived at the court of Ekoji and enjoyed records in the Indian Antiquary already. Our pre. his patronage. Ekoji probably contracted this sent purpose is merely to notice the Sanskrit taste for literature from the dynasty that he over- ones. throw, and possibly he wanted to continue the The first three volumes constitute a catalogue of tradition of the enlightened family of rulers of Vedic literature, the Ved.19, Brahmanos and Upani. Tanjore unbroken. This patronago of literature con- shade constituting this section. The next section tinued at least as a fashion among his successors, runs through two volumes having begun already in and Sarfoji simply followed it up as a mere matter the third volume. They (vols. IV and V) comprise of fashion. The story goes that on a visit to Calcutta the Vedangas and the Srauta part of Vaidik literature. one of the enthusiastic members of the Asiatic Volume VI begins the Kdvyas. The Kavya literature Society of Bongal put him & question whether there runs through the next two volumes (VI and VII). were libraries in his State such as that of the newly Vol. VIII deals with Nafaka, and vol, IX comprises founded Asiatic Society of Bengal. When Sarfoji Kosas, Chandas and Alankdra. The number of returnod to Tanjore, his interest in literature grew manuscripts at present in the library would be well a little more active, and we find books published over 30,000. The first three volumes describe somein Italian on the Sakuntald well preserved in the thing over 2,000 manuscripts; volumes IV and V deal library as yet. The calamity that overtook the with about 2,500 inanuscripts nearly ; volumes VI family in the nineteenth century brought about and VII with about 1,500 ; volume VII (Naţakas) the neglect of the library along with auch else, and contains 445 items; and volume IX over 630. it was not till the seventies that efforts were made So there nine volumes cover only something over to catalogue the library and introduce some syste- 7,000 manuscripts, which represents but a fraction matic arrangement. After some futile efforts, & of the library. Notwithstanding the financial District Judge of Tanjore, in the person of the late stringency of the times, it is to be hoped that the A. C. Burnell, took it upon himself to catalogue the government that came forward with financial assistmanuscripts there, and it is that that first opened ance to do the good work will continue their patron.: the eyes of the public to the important mass of mate. age to bring that work to completion. rial, literary material, that lay neglected in the Coming to the character of the work itself, the library. Burnell's Catalogue was far from perfect, cataloguo is arranged in approved style. Each although it made the best effort to give an idea of work is given a number and its full name. Referwhat the library contained. Since then the library ences to Burnell's Catalogue are added wherever has been going on as heretoforo, although within applicable. The number of pages and slokas are recent years a laudable attempt had been made to given, whether the manuscript is on paper or on complete the work started by Burnell and, as a palm leaves, the number of lines to a page, and the first step, Arrangements were made to examine the charactor of the script. Then follows the total manuscripts and put them in order. In the course number of granthas and the name of the author. of the litigation that occurred about ten years ago There are remarks in respect of manuscripts indicat. for the heirship of the estates, the various parties, ing their relations to other manuscripts in the with a commendable desire to perpetuate the catalogue and other such matters. Then usually library, whatever the result of the litigation, came to the beginning and the end of the text of the manu. an agreement that irrespective of the court's decree script are given, as they generally contain the name in the suit, the library should be maintained, and of the author, patron and other details that throw provision made for its maintenance from the light upon the time in which the work was actually estate. This was agreed to with the sanction of composed and other data of value. It follows gene. the court. The library was placed upon the foot rally the plan of the catalogue of manuscripts in ing of a public institution, with a committee for its the Government Oriental Manuscripts Library, but

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effects some improvement in particulars, and con. to have been for these two. Several of the Viceroys or tains longer extracts where necessary. The editor Nåyaks were themselves scholars and wrote, among takes it upon himself to provide additional notes whom Raghunatha Nayaka and his son Vijayaragha. of value by references to collateral publications and va were pre-eminent. But they were equally patrons. editions, wherever they are available. Whatever The influence of Govinda Dikshita and his sons. material was in Burnell's Catalogue has been in and of the unofficial school of which he was the real corporated, and this catalogue is made therefore head were equally responsible. Some of the Telugu to serve the usoful purpose of bringing Burnell's works are likely to be found there and nowhere else, Catalogue up to date so far as it goes. But in this as also the later Sanskrit works, and the cataloguins work the editor has sometimes followed too closely of the whole section including the Telugri MSS. Burnell and has not utilised the opportunity to would be of inestimable value. Some of the Telugu bring the matter quite up to date. For instance, in and Sanskrit works bearing upon the period we speaking of the commentary on the sdmaueda have utilised with great advantage in the reconSanhita by Bharatasvâmin (No. 654 of Burnell's struction of the later period of Vijayanagar history. Catalogue) ho has repeated the blunder made by to mention only one specific instance, the massacre Burnell, perhaps excusable at the time when Burnell of the royal family, imperfectly described in an exwrote, but not excusable now. The catalogue says, tract from a writer by name Barradas and translated and the editor follows it in the introduction, that by Sewell, was the only source of information for "the commentator's date is more or less fixed to be that event and the war of succession that followed. the latter half of the thirteenth century whon one We have a detailed account of that incident and the Rama or Ramanatha of Bhosla dynasty reigned at important consequences that it produced in the Devagir (1272-1310). Bharatasvamin was an inha- Sanskrit work Raghunatha-abhyudayam by Rama. bitant of Srirangapatam in Mysore and was the son bhadrmba, which is well supplemented by the two of Narayanan and Yajnada." The text does not dramatic works, a Sanakrit Raghunathavildsam, and actually support the statement, oven as it is given the Telugu work Raghunathavilásam by his son. in Burnell. The ruler is said to be Ramanatha, or Among those engaged in historical research, several to be more correct, Vira Ramanatha, and the com- were sceptical about the historical value of these mentator says that he wAS & resident, not of Sriran. literary pieces, and among them not a few happen capatam but of Srirangam (Sri Rango wanatd maya). I to be Indians who hold a pronounced opinions BharatasvAmin was in residence at Sriraugam, and as others possibly more ignorant of the literature composed a commentary at that place, whilo Rama. than themselves. What is stated in these docunátha the Hoysala was ruling at Kannanur, hardly ments is confirmed almost detail for detail from the six miles across the Coleroon, in the Hoysala capital full text of the letter of Barradas, the head of tho Vikramapura, as it was onlled in the years 1254 to Jesuit Mision who wrote home periodical letters 1995. This may be excusable, but could have been conveying the information he obtained by careful casily avoided by reference.
inquiry. This letter has been secured, and the
whole substance of it is given in the Journal of We commend the work as one of very great value Indian History by the Rev. H. Heras, S.J., of on the whole, and look forward to its completion in
Bombay. This is a typical instance of how a carethe near future, so that we may have at least one
ful foreign writer in his reports confirms fully the complete catalogue. The peculiar value of this
Eccount found in local documents, thoroughly justi. library consists in the possibility of its containing
fying the view that the historical material to be manuscripts of works of a period subsequent to the
found in certain classes of works in Sanskrit as well Muslim invasions, when Sanskrit literature and
as in the languages of South India are likely to literary men found shelter in the south; and all the
prove of great value for purposes of historical literature produced in the period of the renaissance
reconstruction. under Vijayanagar, whether in Sanskrit or in other languages, is likely to be here and here alone. As
It is therefore very desirable that the cataloguing matter of fact, we find from actual experience that for
of all the manuscripts be completed, including also & somewhat later period, the litorary works that are the manuscripts in South Indian languages, which available in the library are of the highest value should not be left like the vast mass that lies in the historically, and are found only here and nowhere Government Oriental Manuscript Library at Madras olee. The period of the Vijayanagar vicoroyalty with no prospect, as it seems, of their over being was rich in literary output, in Sanskrit and Telugu completely catalogued. primarily, but in other languages as well, though the rartiality of the vicerogel headquarters may be said
S. K. AIYANGAR.

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AUGUST, 1932 ]
PALATALIZATION IN THE DRAVIDIAN LANGUAGES
141
PALATALIZATION IN THE DRAVIDIAN LANGUAGES.
BY A, F. THYAGARAJU, M.A. In a study of the Dravidian consonant system we notice that Kanarese k is sometimes represented by 8 in Tamil and ch in Telugu ; in certain cases it remains in all the three languages: in others it remains hard in Kan, and Tam. and is softened only in Tel. Caldwell drew attention to these facts in his section on the Dialectic Interchange of Consonants in his Comparative Grammar, but did not explain the conditions under which the softening takes place. There does not seem to be any doubt that in those cases where Kan. k is represented by 8 or ch, the hard sound is the older and the other sounds are later softenings. We shall now proceed to determine if such a softening takes place in accordance with any phonetic law. Kan. k is not uniformly softened. Examples where it remains are: Kan. Tam
Tol. kallu kal kallu
a stone kannu kan kann.
the eye kálu kál kálu
the leg kobbu korupu kovou
fat kola kulam kolans
a pond kóli kôri kódi
a fowl kudi kudi
kuduchu to drink In many instances however it is softened. Examples are : Kan. Tam.
Tel. kivi sevi chevi
the ear kivu
chimu
pus kêrpu seruppu cheppu
a sandal kiru อยน chiru
small kinna sinna
chinna kela sila
few Examples where the goftening takes place only in Tel. are : Kan. Tam.
Tel. kedisu kodu
chedupu to spoil keyyi kei cheyyi
the hand kili chiluka
the parrot Tabulating the instances where the softening takes place we arrive at the following Kan.
Tam. k ti
8 + 6
ch + 8 kivi
8601 k + i
8 + i
ch + i kiru
siru
chiru k ti
8 + i
cht kivu
sir
chimu ke te
kte
ch + 6 ketta
kelta
chedda k + e
8 + e
ch + 6 kerpu
seruppu
cheppu k +e kelavu
sila
sir
gili
Tel.
chevi
V
V
V
V
V

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It will be seen that in all cases the vowel following the initial k is either e ori. We shall take a few words and examine all the forms in the cognate languages and try to reconstruct the primitive form on their basis.
The ear: Kan, kivi, Tel. chevi, Tam. sevi, Mal. chevi, Tul. kebi. Prim. form : * kevi. Small : Kan. kinna, Tel. chinna, Tam. sinna, Mal. sinna, Tul. kini. Prim. form : * linna.
To do: Kan. géy, Tel. chey, Tam. sei, Mal. chey, Prim. form : * key. (Initial voicing in Kan.)
Sandal: Kan kera, keravu, kerpu, Tel. cheppu, Tam. seruppu. Prim. form : * kerupu.
I suggest, therefore, that the primitive Dravidian vowels & and i had a palatalizing effect over the preceding consonant k and changed it into ch. If this theory is correct every primitive Dravidian form with an initial syllable ki or ke should be represented by 8 or ch in Tam. and Tel. If there are exceptions they must be accounted for in the following ways. The original vowel following the first consonant may not be e or i. It might be a vowel of guttural quality. A case of softening only in Tel. with the retention of the hard sound in Tam. is due to this: the k is preserved in Tam. on account of the influence of the succeed. ing consonant, which is lingual or cerebral, i.e., !, 2, , 1, or !. This rule applies only to Tam. This will explain Tam, ketta + Tel. chedda, Tam, kili + Tel. chiluka, and forms like Tam. kira (old) + 0. Kan. Kerava, Tam. kér, kel, kéd, + 0. K. kelu.
The word for 'to do' and its semantically related root for hand' present some difficulty. The Dravidian forms for 'to do'are: Kan. gêy, Tel. chéy, Mal. chey, Tam. sei, Kud. key, Gond. ki, Kota. kl. The forms for 'hand' are: Kan. keyyi, key, kayi, kayyi; Tel. cheyyi, kelu; Tam. kei ; Tul. kai. The root shows palatalization in some forms and not in the others.
Palatalization is not an uncommon change in the history of language. It is found in the Indo-European languages. Sanskrit regularly palatalizes the tack-stops when they are followed by the palatal vowel e. Though this vowel was later on changed to a, a comparison with related forms in other languages shows that e is older. Cf. Skr. pañca+Grk. Trévre (<* penkwe), Skr. catváras + Lith. keturi. On the other hand, if a oro follows the consonant the back consonant is preserved, as in Skr. kakşa+Lat. coxa. It is interesting to find a similar development in the Dravidian group.
The rule in Dravidian, therefore, is as follows:
Where a primitive k is followed by the vowels e or i, it is preserved in Kanarese, but is changed into 8 in Tamil and ch in Telugu. This change does not occur in Tamil where the vowel is followed by a lingual consonant, i.e., t, d,,, or !.
It is quite possible that in Tamil k was first palatalized into ch and later simplified into 8, as the latter sound is considered more refined.
I offer this explanation tentatively, but I believe that it covers all the cases in a satisfactory manner.

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AUGUST, 1932;
A BUFFALO SACRIFICE IN SALEM CITY
143
A BUFFALO SACRIFICE IN SALEM CITY.
BY F. J. RICHARDS, M.A., I.C.S. (RETIRED.) THE sacrifice described below was witnessed by Mr. S. G. Roberts, I.C.S., and myself at about midnight on March 7th-8th, 1907, in the hamlet of Manakkadu, in the municipal limits of Salem City, and within a very short distance of the European Club.
The chief village deities of Manakkadu (which is inhabited mainly by ryots of the Palli caste) are Selli-amman and Mari-amman. Of the cult of Selli-amman very little is recorded, though in Salem District it is fairly widespread.1 She is identified with Kali. In her honour an annual festival is held every February or March, and in this festival Måri-amman also takes part. In 1907 the festival began on February 19th (a Tuesday); and it was on the 17th day (a Thursday) that the sacrifice was performied.
On the evening of that day the processional image of Måri-amman is brought round to the Kali Temple, and, after the slaughter of a sheep in front of the temple, the two goddesses are borne, to the music of the village band, in procession round the village, Selli-amman's vehicles being a lion and Mari's a horse. In front of the goddesses walks the sámban, as the Pariah is called, whose privilege it is to slay the buffalo, and who is bound to observe a strict fast throughout the day of sacrifice ; he grips with both his hands the heavy sacrificial knife, resting it on his left shoulder. The sámban is accompanied by his torch-bearer (randakka. ran), who is also a Pariah, both offices being hereditary. At each corner of the village the sâmbân is given a fowl and some eggs; he bites the fowl and sucks its blood, the eggs ho swallows, shells and all. At intervals the goddesses are garlanded with jasmine and acacia, and coconuts are broken before them. The circuit of the village completed, the goddesses are carried "clock-wise" round Selli-amman's temple. The ráhanams are then lowered to the ground, and the images are reverently lifted up by the priests and their assistante. Each figure is held by two men, one on either side, and gently rocked to and fro to the accompaniment of a plaintive hymn, the gist of which is as follows:
I invoke the great Vinayaka, who graces the council of the mightier powers, to bless my swing song in honour of the lady Sellândi, of Gingee, Queen who presides over the Chera realm.
Her swinging throne rests on two mountains; the heavens form her canopy; the atmosphere en veile her; the splendent stars are her flage; her garland is the Naga ; & vessel is in her hand. O goddess, ruler Supremo of this land, sister of Rama the famous bowman, mayest thou enjoy the swinging festival ! 6
On either side are the fierce spirits, Sakini and Dakini, whose giant forms measure the length and breadth of the universe, and the great Bages : & countless multitude adores thoe. Mayest thou, Sellândi-Mâri delight in the graceful movement of the swing! May Indra and the Déves live for ever! May the sun and moon shine gloriously! May all the eternal spirits live in peace ! May those that sing and those that hear live happily! May all the people of this vast earth be vouchsafed a long life of prosperity !
As soon as the swing-song is finished, the Orkarandan (headman of the village) slowly passes his right hand thrice round the head of each of the goddesses, holding in his hand a two anna bit to avert the Evil-Eye. The coin becomes the perquisite of the ptjärí (the priest who officiates in the shrine). The totti (village-messenger) then proclaims by beat of
1 E.g., at Attur, Tadâvûr, Kari mangalam, Mallasamudram, Chinna Manali, Edappadi.
9 The utsava vigraha, or "festival-image" of metal, used only on festival occasione ; 80 distinguished from the múla-vigraha, or "cell-image" inside the shrine, which is usually fixed, and of stone, sometimes carvod in human form, sometimes unshaped.
# The vdhanam, a sort of throne, of wood, paint, and plaster, mounted on a platform and carried in procession on the shoulders of men (or in the case of the bigger Brahmanic festivale, on a car). Each prin cipal deity has his or her appropriate váhanam, and some of the larger temples provide a different exchanam for the presiding deity each time the image is taken in procession. There is no evidence to connect this practice with "animal-worship."
• I give an abridged version, slightly paraphrased.
6 Swinging is often an element of ritual, and a tall stone swing (sometimes two or three) is a common adjunct to the temples of the grdma-devatas.

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tom-tom that all females should go home, for none of the gentler sex may see the sacrifice. During the sacrifice the doors of Selli-amman's shrine are closed.
Meanwhile a pit about 5 feet deep has been dug, about 50 yards in front of the temple, which faces north, and the buffalo victim is led to its edge. The victim is selected by the god. dess herself in the course of the year: her votaries vow they will offer her a buffalo if their prayer is granted ; if she accepts, she informs the fortunate owner in a dream on the eve of the sacrifice, and her pújári is inspired to announce her selection in the presence of the villagers. If more than one votary has received the divine warning, the půjári selects the buffalo which should be slaughtered, and the other candidates are sold for the benefit of the temple funds. It is immaterial whether the victim be full grown or a calf, but it must always be a male.
When all is ready the priest, shrieking in divine ecstasy, approaches the victim, places a garland of flowers round its neck, sprinkles red-ochre, sandal and saffron on its forehead and lays before it offerings of coconuts, plantains and rice.? He then pours consecrated water (tirtham) on its head and back. In breathless silence the people wait for the beast to shiver, 8 the sign by which the goddess manifests her consent to the sacrifice. If the sign is delayed the pajari calls upon the goddess asking why she tarries. Immediately the sign is given, the sámban seizes his cleaver and crouches at a distance of about three yards from his vietim, like a wild beast about to spring on its prey. The bystanders secure the hind legs of the victim, and, if necessary, a rope is passed over its horns and held fast in front.9 The sâmbán then strides forward, and, taking careful aim, severs the neck with two or three blows. An attendant Pariah then rushes forward, mixes the blood with boiled rice, rolls it into a ball and hands it to the sámbán, who conveys it to his mouth and then, preceded by the pandakkaran, rushes like a mad man round the village boundaries, at each of the four corners throwing a few grains of the blood-sodden rice into the air. The Pariahs at the graveside then drag the carcase of the victim to the grave and throw it in, together with a garland that it wore. Before the sámban can complete the circuit of the village, the grave must be filled with earth. 10 On his return the sâmbån runs to the front of the temple, and, after a few ecstatic screams, the spirit of the goddess leaves him ; he prostrates thrice, shoulders his knife and walks away like a sane and sober man, and the Orkavundan provides him and his relatives with a feast. For fifteen days he must keep watch over the grave, lest dogs or jackals should disturb the buried victim. During these fifteen days no půjá is performed, but a light is kept burning in the temple.
The festival closes with a sacrifice of sheep or fowls on the 8th or 16th day after that of the buffalo, and a general feast (Kumba-páját) of all the villagers.
6 Women on these occasions are peculiarly susceptible to divino influences, and during the progrets of the goddesses through the village they are usually preceded by two or three females, quivering and sway. ing in a frenzy of "possession."
7 It is said these offerings are made to the pit, and not to the victim. It would be unsafe to base any theory on this explanation unlese it can be paralleled with instances elsewhere. The explanation may be purely local.
Similar evidence of divine essent was required in classical Grpece in connection with the cult of Apollo. See Dr. Farnell's Cults of the Greek States, vol. IV, pp. 254 and 387.
. When the tirtham water is sprinkled on it the victim should face east; when it is slaughtered it should face north, towards the region over which the goddess (who bears the surnamo Vadabattira-Kalf), presides. Thus the samban, when he delivers the death stroke, feces west.
10 Many plausible guesses could be offered to explain this prescription, but in the present paucity of evidence regarding the ritual of such sacrifices, it would be unsafe to theorize on this point.

Page #159

AUGUST, 1932] AN INQUIRY INTO THE POSITION OF WOMEN IN HINDU SOCIETY 145
AN INQUIRY INTO THE POSITION OF WOMEN IN HINDU SOCIETY.
BY B. BONNERJEA, D.LITT. It has often been said that the position of woman in a society is the true test of civilized morality, and that her status varies directly as the civilization of the society to which she belongs. This statement, however, is misleading. In the English law of Blackstone's day women were liable to various disabilities, and the great jurist says with unconscious humour that the very being or legal existence of a married woman merged into that of her husband and that she had no separate existence. On the other hand, from the recently discovered Codes of Hammurabi we find that Babylonian women enjoyed more legal rights than their more civilized sisters. Does it then follow that the Babylonian civilization of the second millenium B.C. was on a higher level than that of Great Britain in the eighteenth century A.D.? The position of women, therefore, is not an infallible test of civilization. Culture brings various responsibilities along in its trail, and the scale of actions grows and inequalities arise, which place entire populations at the mercy of the strongest. The social and judicial equality which women enjoy with men at the present day was not granted to them as their birthright, but is the gradual outcome of centuries of inferiority and oppression suffered by them under the iron heel of male despotism.
In the earliest epoch of human history man had no fixed habitation; he was a migratory creature, living an ever-lasting nomadic life. With him woman had little, if any, ethical worth. She was regarded as the property of the strongest, a movable living thing, an object of bargain and sale, a means of gratifying one's lust.
The first indication of woman's social elevation occurs at a period when, at the transi. tion of the nomadio life to a state of fixed habitation, man obtains a home; when from a hunter he becomes an agriculturist, and feels the need of having someone at home to tend to his personal needs. This in time gave rise to the institution of marriage, and marriage in its turn contributed to the uplifting of womankind. But marriage, as we understand it today, does not seem to have existed in the primitive society of the pre-Vedic and even perhaps of the early post-Vedio period. From the Mahabharata3 we learn that Pandu tells his wife Kunti that in former times women were not kept subject to their husbands; they had freedom of choice in whom they should marry, they could enjoy themselves as best they pleased, and they frequently had promiscuous love affairs. This practice was not only not considered in any way improper by the ancient Hindus, but was actually highly applauded by the Rşis. It continued down to the time of Svetaketu, and was finally abolished by him when he saw a strange Brahmana take his mother away in the presence of his father.
According to Lewis H. Morgan family has passed through five different stages before it has become what it is today. They are :
(1) Consanguine Family, founded upon the intermarriage of brothers and sisters,
own and collateral, in a group; (2) Punaluan Family, founded upon the intermarriage of several sisters, own or
collateral, with each other's husbands in a group, as also upon the intermarriage
of several brothers, own or collateral, with each other's wives in a group; (3) Syndyasmian Family, founded upon marriage between single pairs, but without
exclusive cohabitation; (4) Patriarchal Family, founded upon the marriage of one man with several wives;
and, lastly, (5) Monogamian Family, founded upon marriage between single pairs, with exclusive
cohabitation.
Commentaries on the Laws of England, ed. 1765, i, 430-433.
> Cf. Kohler and Preuss, Aw dem babylonischen Rechtsleben, iii, 8; Meigener, Beiträge cum babylonischen Privatrechts, 13.
31, 122, 4 ff. (Tr. by P. C. Roy, Calcutta, 1883-1896). + Ancient Society. 893 f.

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Thus, looking at the history of the evolution of culture, we see that the present monogamic family is simply a modified form of what it used to be in former times. Of the first or incestuous form, certain ancient Hindu texts may be construed as bearing evidence. In a fragmentary song of the Rg-Veda' we are told that Yamî appears in support of marriage of brothers and sisters, while Yama, her husband, opposes it. But how far this evidence may be taken as conclusive is open to serious question, and different scholars have given diametrically opposite interpretations. Weber thinks that it undoubtedly points to a practice which was universal in former times and later became antiquated, whereas Macdonell and Keith criticize Weber and are equally dogmatic in their denial. They say that "the dialogue of Yama and Yami seems clearly to point to a prohibition of marriage of brother and sister."
Of the second form, or group marriage, no instance is known in the Hindu books, unless we take polyandry? or levirate and sororate as relics of group marriage. Polyandry was undoubtedly known among the ancient Hindus, and there is the classical and oft-quoted example of Draupadi, who was married to the five Påndava brothers. Speaking of Draupadi's case, J. D. Mayne sayg10 that the most excellent precedents cited by the Pandava brothers of the "most moral woman," Jatila Gautami, who dwelt with seven saints, and of Vårkshi, who dwelt with ten brothers," whose souls have been purified with penance," were bad ones, being cases of saints who were above moral laws, and he adds that in the Ramayana polyandry is mentioned with abhorrence. He sums up in favour of the view that sexual looseness rather than recognized polyandry is indicated. 11 It has also been argued that the Pandava brothers were Ksatriyas, and as such they were allowed greater license with regard to women and were even allowed to contract the lowest form of marriages.12 Other traces of polyandry are not wanting among the ancient Hindus. One of the law-books says: "A bride is given to the family of her husband and not to the husband alone,"13 but the same book admits that such practices are forbidden now. Down to our own times there are traces of polyandry in the comparative freedom allowed to younger brothers towards their elder brothers' wives ; the relationship between them is that which has been termed "joking relationship" by modern anthropologists. 14
The Hindus themselves recognized eight forms of marriages, some of which are still to be met with in different parts of India. The first, most honourable, and at the same time the most important form of marriage is known as the Brühma marriage, in which the father gives the daughter in marriage to a bridegroom of good character and learned in the Vedas, the ceremony itself being performed by a Brahmana priest. The second form Daiva is
6 x, 10. Compare L. von Schroeder, Mysterium und Mimus in Rigveda (Leipsic, 1908], 275 ff. 6 Vedic Index of Names and Subjects [London, 1912), i, 475.
1 According to J. F. McLennan (Studies in Ancient History, 2nd series (London and New York, 1886), 86-107), a tendency to promiscuity was the original sexual relationship, and the first general modification of promiscuity was polyandry.
& Sir James G. Frazer (Folklore in the Old Testament, ii, 317; cf. id., Totemiam and Erogamy, ii, 144) says that "the sororate and the lovirate are offshoots from one common root, a system of group marriage in which all the husbands were brothers and all the wives were sisters to each other, though not to their husbands; and that system in its turn originated in a simple desire to get wives as easily and cheaply Be possible." Prof. E. Westermarck however is opposed to this theory (The History of Human Marriage, iii, 208, 262, 263 f., and Chapter XXIX-XXXI).
9 Winternitz, "Notes on the Mahabharata, etc.," JRAS., 1897, p. 735 ff. 10 A Treatise or Hindu Law and Usage, 64 f. 11 Ibid., p. 65. 12 Laws of Manu, iii, 26. 13 A pastamba, ii, 10, 27, 3 f. (Tr. by G. Bühler (S.B.E.), Oxford, 1897).
14 In 1926 I suggosted the possibility of this being a survival of polyandry among the Hindus (L'Ethno. logie du Bengale, 86 (published Paris, 1927]). In an article published in 1929 (Atu IK. Sur, "Some Bengali Kinship Usagen," Mon in India, ix (1929), pp. 72-79) there is a suggestion that the younger brother-inlaw liconice" and the "wife's younger sister licence" are remnants of levirate and sororate respectively.

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extinct now; it existed when a ruling chief gave his daughter to a Brahmana for performing a special service, such as the asvamedha. The third form, Arsa, was marriage by purchase, the bride's parents having to pay a certain sum of money to the bridegroom or his parents. This form of marriage is still very much in vogue in certain parts of India, e.g., in Bengal, Gujarat and among the Rajputs of Kathiâwâr. It is prevalent only where the law of hypergamy prevails; that is to say, where there is a law that a girl must marry in a caste equal to if not superior to her own. In sections where hypergamy prevails, if the parents failed tu marry their daughters in an equal or higher casie, they would themselves be reduced to the rank in which the daughter marries. The fourth form of marriage, Průjá patya, is merely a variation of the first; it is that in which the god Prajapati is invoked to shower his blessings on the pair. The fifth form, Asura, is that where the bride is purchased; it is still practised by the lower Hindu castes or even higher Hindu castes in parts where they are much degraded by coming in contact with aboriginal tribes. The sixth form is the Gandharvas, or marriage by courtship; it is a love marriage in which the consent of the parents is asked for after the parties themselves have seen each other. The seventh form was by capture; it may have been practised in former days, but is unknown for all practical purposes at the present day. The eighth and the lowest form is known as the Paisdca marriage or marriage by craft; it was that which originated in the rape of a swooning or unconscious bride. Out of these eight forms, only the Brahma, Arsa, Asura and Gandharva are the four forms of present Hindu marriages, and the Brahma marriage is the commonest.15 At no period in the whole history of the Hindus can the other four forms be said to have been universal. They occurred sporadically rather than as a general rule, and there is no conclusive evidence in the Hindu texts to prove that Hindu marriages evolved out of promiscuity, neither is there any evidence to prove that they did not.
Coming down to our times we find that the Hindu family is in theory at least, a polygynous one; whereas in practice it is strictly monogamous. In other words, though there is absolutely nothing to prevent a man from marrying a hundred wives if he so chose, in actual practice such a thing is not tolerated, except in those instances where the first wife remains childless. In such cases the man may marry again, but even then the first wife is held in greater respect than the subsequent one; she has precedence over the subsequent one in all religious duties; she may exercise the right of adopting a son if her husband dies without progeny; and if her husband dies intestate she has the precedence. And a peculiar sanctity has from time immemorial been attached to first marriages because such marriages were regarded as having been contracted not from lustful desires but from a sense of duty. The ancient books of the Hindus seem to be in favour of monogamy rather than of polygamy, although it is true that none of them clearly expresses that a man should marry only one wife; nor do they clearly forbid a plurality of wives. 16 Apastamba says that if a man has a wife who is willing to perform her share in religious duties and who bears sons, then it is not proper for a man to have more than one wife.17 And according to Manu mutual fidelity should continue till death. 18 In fact, we should be quite correct in saying that the sole cause of polygyny among the Hindus is the desire for offspring, and that polygynous unions are tolerated when the first wife is childless. Moreover there are few Hindu families who would consent to give their daughters in marriage to a man already married and whose wife is still living. Generally in case of a childless wife the difficulty is solved by adopting a child. The practice of niyoga of the ancients was actuated by the same desire of having children, for
18 Cf. Mrs. S. Stevenson, The Rites of the Twice-Born (The Religious Quest of India, ed. by J. N. Far. quhar and H. D. Griswold. Oxford University Press, 1920), p. 55 ff.
16 Of. Laws of Manu, v, 108 ; ix, 101 4.; J. Jolly, Recht und Sitte (Grundriss der Indo-Arischen Philologie, vol. ii, fasc. 8). p. 65.
17 A pastamba, ii, 6, 11, 12 18 Laws of Mant, ix, 101.

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the levir did not marry his brother's widow, but simply had intercourse with her. 19 Levirate might have been a right of succession to be enjoyed by the heir when he came to his inheritance, but the Hindu lawgivers regarded it as an unpleasant obligation and a duty towards the dead. One form of polygyny, however, was expressly permitted by the ancient texts. The Smrtis allowed concubinage, that is those who were not married in due form, but were still entitled to maintenance and so on 20; and carnal knowledge of the concubines by any one else was considered as adultery.21
As to the actual prevalence of polygyny in modern India some interesting facts may be gathered from the latest statistics. In the Census Report for 1921-the 1931 census is not yet finished-for the whole of India, including Hindus, Muhammadans and others, the number of married females per 1,000 males is given as 1,008, or exactly 0.8 per cent of the whole population. In certain typically Hindu or Hinduized sections, such as Bengal and Bombay, there is no evidence of polygyny; and Madras and Bihar and Orissa, where the figures are 1,061 and 1,034 respectively, have a very much mixed population consisting of Aryan, Dravidian and Australoid peoples. 22 Polygyny among the Hindus then is more imaginary than real.
Now coming to the actual position of women in Hindu society we find that in theory the husband is the absolute owner of the wife, whom, in ancient times, he could even put to death, the only penalty being the fine of a leathern bag, a bow, a goat or a sheep according to her caste. 23 And in another text it is mentioned clearly that "by a girl, a young woman, or even an aged one nothing must be done independently, even in her own house. In childhood a female must be subject to her father, in youth to her husband, when her lord is dead to her sons; a woman must never be independent." And only in one case Manu recognized the free will of a maiden in the matter of her own marriage: if her father failed to provide her with a husband within three years after her attaining majority she might marry whom she pleased;24 but by her marriage she passed from the absolute control of her father into the absolute control of her husband, whom she was required to worship as a god.25 Cânakya, who according to the Greek historians lived about 2250 years ago, has nothing very good to say about the qualities of women. In one of his slokas he admonishes, saying: "Never put your trust on those with claws [meaning tigers, lions and so on], those with horns [such as bulls, buffaloes, etc.], rivers, women and the royalty; for if you do, you will come to grief in the end."26 And in another place he says that a woman is "adorned" only if she has a husband. 27 The reason for this marked inequality of women was, accord. ing to Manu, because the qualities attributed to women were laziness, vanity, impurity, dishonesty, malice and evil conduct. 28 So inferior were women to men that even a male child was regarded as more deserving of honour than they, and if there were a number of women walking along and there was a male child among them, the child was to walk in front and the women were to follow him.29 The Hindu family being patriarchal, men had
19 J. Jolly, Recht und Sitte, 47.
20 Nárada, xiii, 26, tr. by J. Jolly [S.B.E., xxxiii, Oxford, 1889].
21 Narada, xii, 79; J. Jolly, Recht und Sitte, 64 f.
22 Census of India, 1921, vol. I, India, part i, "Report" by J. A. Marten [Calcutta, 1924], p. 152, § 126. 23 Laws of Manu, xi, 139.
24 Laws of Manu, ix, 90 f.
25 Laws of Manu, v, 154.
26"Nakhinám ca nadindm ca, bringindm sastra-dhdrinám.
Visvdeo naiva kartavyaḥ strishu rdjakuleshu ca."
27"Narinam bhashanam patiḥ."
28 Laws of Manu, ix, 13-18.
29 Satapatha Brahmana, 1, 3, 1, 9; Sylvain Lévi, La doctrine du sacrifice dans les Brahmanas, 157.

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precedence in all social and religious affairs, and only in one instance was & wife given an equa right with her husband; in all solemn sacrifices the wife of the sacrificant helped in the religious ceremony along with her husband.30 From a study of the Hindu laws and customs we find that in the Brahmanical codes the greatest liberty was allowed to men, and the most complete bondage imposed upon the wife ; further it is evident that proprietory rights rather than personal self-respect was deemed the basis of conjugal obligation. This, in substance, is also the teaching of a modern Hindu girl. In practice a married woman is the mistress of her own household. She has no voice in outside affairs, but her authority is undisputed at home; and this authority is not won by force, but is the result of mutual affection and understanding between her and her husband. In other words, it is simply a division of labour between them. The husband supports the family, takes care of all matters relating to the outside, bears alone the burden of worldly worries, while the wife manages the house and its affairs, and sees to the upbringing of the children and their education. Each lives in a different sphere, and shares each other's joys and sorrows. Finally, even in the ancient books a wife is enjoined to co-operate with her husband in pursuing the three great objects of life religious merit, wealth and enjoyment,--and to neglect any one of these is considered to be a great sin. A woman who faithfully carries out these commands is regarded as a perfect woman and is called a Padmini or "a lotus-like woman"; the three other kinds of women being Citrini, or "a woman of varied accomplishments," Sárikhini, or "a conch-like woman" and Hastini, or“ an elephant-like woman."
Hindu law, too, recognized the rights of a married woman to her own property. Thus the Stridhana, or married woman's property, is fully described in the Arthasástra.31 It consists of presents from parents, brothers, sisters, and so on, as also property acquired by herself in any way. When she died intestate, her daughters, or only unmarried daughters, inherited it, and she could leave it by will to whomsoever she pleased. But during her lifetime her husband might dispose of it with her consent in case of distress, 31 and had control of it.
And, to sum up, let me quote the definition of a wife given in the Hindu classic Mahabharata 33 :
"A wife is half the man, his truest friend;
A loving wife is a perpetual spring Of virtue, pleasure, wealth ; a faithful wife Is his best aid in seeking heavenly bliss ; A sweetly-speaking wife is a companion In solitude, a father in advice, A mother in all seasons of distress,
A rest in passing through life's wilderness." So who can say that the position of a modern Hindu woman is in any way inferior to that of her Western sister !
30 H. Hubert and M. Mauss, "Essai sur la nature et la fonction du sacrifice," L'Année Sociologique, ii (1897-1898), p. 78, noto 3.
31 Arthaldatra, iii, 2, 69, cited by E. Westermarck, op. cit., ii, 426.
33 W. H. Macnaughton, Principles of Hindu Laro (Calcutta, 1880), p. 33 f., cited by E. Westermarck, ibid.
33 i, 3028 ff., quoted by (Sir) Monier Williams, Religious Thought and Life in India (London, 1883), p. 328.

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A BALLAD OF KERALA. By M. D. RAGHAVAN, B.A., D.A. (Oxon.), F.R.A.L., PERSONAL ASSISTANT TO THE SUPERINTENDENT,
GOVERNMENT MUSEUM, MADRAS.
(Continued from page 116.) He then sattles some property for the sole enjoyment of his sister, for whom he shows the greatest solicitude. Continuing the discourse with his brother, he proceeds to declare his wishes in regard to his wife Kuñjannuli :Eru+1 vayassilum ketti ñânum
"In her seventh year I married Alatturappenrre ponmakale
"The only daughter of Alatturappen, Maniyumkottappentre marumakale “The niece of Maniyomkottappen, Alattuvittile Kuñjannuli
"Kuñjannuli of Alattuvidu. Achcharam nûrronnu chollirrundu “One hundred and one guarantees have been
given. Nanmúrtam kondu kulichu ketti "Tying the tali under good auspices, Kettiyapandalil kondu pÔnnu
“She was conducted home directly, Avarume achcharum chollirrundu "And they in their turn have given assurances. Ayirattonninrre venma ponnum "The value in gold of thousand and one
guarantees Avalkayittanne kotittirrundu
"Has been given on her behalf. Vittupâtravum tannittundu
"Household vessels have been given as well. Avalêyum niyum marakkarute
"You should not forget her. Panattinum kotichchannayakkarutu "Send her not away on monetary considera
tions. Avaļum varakku mâyi poyatengil "Should she quarrel and leave you Paraññu vasattakki rakshikêņam "You should persuade her and protect her."
Then he speaks of other household affairs: "The mênônmar of Ambadikulom, when their crops once failed, took from us on loan seven thousand paras of paddy and seeds, which I lent them at a low rate of interest, on mortgage of their property recorded in copperplate deed. I warn you not to offend them or proceed against them to secure their lands." He then tells his brother that he has a son by his uncle's daughter Tumbólârchcha, who is fair to see. As he has given him nothing, he should see that his son is suitably provided, and well educated. He again adverts to his sister, saying that he has bestowed on her a kalari and some lands, which his brother should not covet - Kalariyil pûja kařippikkêņam
"The worship at the kalari should be main
tained. Melâlâyi pôyi karippichcholu
"You should supervise the ceremonies. Nåttukårokkayum ettumallo
"People of the entire locality will assemble ; Avaréyum niyannu ásrayikka
"Look to them for support. Êriya mundum panavum kittum "Presents of cloth and money you get in plenty Kuttôde pattum sammanikkum "And presents of silk. Kuraññónnu pennalkum kotuttukollu "Give the sister a share :
41 The references to the marriages of Arrummanammel Kunhiraman with Uņņi&rchcha, and of Aromar. with Kuñjannoli, make it clear that marriages among the Tiger were then as they now are, patrilocal. At the present day the N. Malabar Tiyar present the strange phenomena of being matrilineal so far as Buccession to property is concerned, while continuing to be patrilocal, the bride being invariably conduoted ceremoniously to the bridegroom's house, where she lives during the lifetime of her husband. In. deed property passed from father to son in the earlier days, as Aromar has described the inheritance of property in his family, the matrilineal form of descent being unknown. Considerable dowries were given with the bride in marriage, as is clear from the dowries bestowed on the marriages of Unni&rchcha and Kuñjannůli described above, the system of dowries being intimately connected with the inheritance of property from father to son, the daughter getting no share after marriage. The institution of dowry no longer prevails among the Tiyar, having disappeared apparently with the growth of the matrilineal form of descent with the Marumakkajayam system of inheritance, which obtaing at present.

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Avaļe mushichchalvaruttarutu
"Do not offend her. Nêr penna!ute kåriyam Ortukûta "I am pained to think of our sister;" Sâmôdam kannir nisaññosuki
And freely flowed the tears. Anusaram kêlppichchirikkunnêram And thus he continued discoursing, Sornavum pennale örtukondu
And meditating on his dear sister Dêvârakkóttil irunnavanum
Remaining in the hall of worship. Annottu pâtira chenna neram
That night, when past midnight, Arrummanammele Unnikrehcha Unniarchcha of Arrummanammel Uranńunna urakkattil sopnam kandu In her sleep had a dream. Kalaribharambaru sopnam katti The guardian deity of the kalari appeared to
her in dream. Ennute annala Arômunni
My brother Arômunni, Putturamvîțțile Årômunni
Arômar of Puttûram house, Puttariangam kurichchirippe
Has resolved on proceeding to an angam fight. Netti erunirru Unni&rchcha
Unni&rchcha gets up startled, Kalari bharambare ninandavaļum And prays to the deity, Kårkûndal nannayi kudannu ketti Gathers and ties up her hair, Dipam koļutti pôkunnundu
And lighting the lamp goes out of the room. Pünkösi châttangre kúval kettu Hearing the cock crow, Patakaļi murrattum ohenniranni She advances to the courtyard, Bhůmiyum tottu nerukil vechchu And does obeisance to the goddess of earth, Sûrya bhagavåne keitofutu
Worships the sun, Murramatiyum kașikkunnunde
And attends to sweeping the courtyard. Then she gets water and umikkari'! ready, and wakes up her father and mother. 43 The latter enquires why she is in a hurry. Unni&rchcha tells them of her dream, expressing her anxious desire to see her brother before he goes to fight. Hearing this, the father remarks :
Kaţiññûl garbhavum ninakkallåne "At this period of first pregnancy, Palatume sopnavum kånum môļe “You are apt to have dreams, my daughter." Appol parayunnu Uņņi&rchcha Unni&rchcha replies : Chila kålam sopnavum okkum achcha “Dreams sometimes come true, father. Nânenre vittolam pôtte amme
"Mother, let me just go home." Appol parayunnu ammayallo
The mother replies: Ninnute chollinnu natakkayilla
"I shall not be dictated to by you. Ninne ivitêkku kutanna pinne
"Ever since you were brought here Enye makannu sukhamillallo
"My son has not been well." Appo! parayunnu Unni&rchcha
Unnia rehcha retorts: Ninnate makanenna kutannatendê "Why, then, did your son marry me? Niññalku sukhattôde iruttårnelle “You could have kept him in comfort. Enne ivitêkku kutannatende
"Why was I brought here at all?". - The mother observes : “ It is only eight days since you returned, and if you are going again, my son can't accompany you. He is always busy at the kalari." The mother proposes that she may go accompanied by a Panan. Unniâ fchcha is wroth at the suggestion :
Puttûram vittile pennunnaļum . “The ladies of Puttûram house Pånanrre kate natannittilla
"Have never gone escorted by Panans. Niñhate tasakkam paraññu ninnal "You no doubt referred to your practice. Pandékkum ñannalum Chêkônmare "From early times have we been Chekor. Patinettu sthånavum fiannalkkundê "We are of the highest rank. Tandeyma sthanavum kîşv&rohayum “We have the status of leaders 13 The charred husk of the paddy, which is still used throughout Malabar for cleaning the teeth.
13 The daughter-in-law always addresses her father-in-law and mother-in-law as father and mother, respectively.

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Chêkônpadaviyum tannittundu "And we have been granted the rank of Chekor.. Chêrânperumal tamburanum
“The emperor Chéraman Perumal. Niraparayum viļakkum vechchu “With the lighted lamp and the measureful of
rice, Aditya chandrane sakshiyákki "With the sun and moon as witnesses. Nálu kûttavume tannittundu
"Four assemblies have been given us. Innine sthånum irippullappo!
"When we have such dignities Panenre kûte ñanpônô amme
"How can I go, mother, with a Panan? Ponnum panavume ortu ninnal "Wealth is your only consideration." Ennu paraññaval pókunnunde Saying this she moves along, Kannirum kaiyayipókunnundu
And weeping she goes. Going inside, she opens the room, takes a jar of oil, rubs her hair profusely with oil and walks along unattended until she reaches the riverside, where she asks a Kanakkan boy to row her across. Not having any money to pay the ferry toll, the boy refuses to row her across until she removes and gives him one of her gold ornaments. When they reach the opposite shore the boy learns who she is, when he falls at her feet, returns the piece of gold and pleads for pardon. Unniârchcha continues her journey until she reaches the Putturam fields. Årômar, surprised to see his sister coming, wonders how she got the news. ... His mother replies that she could have known only by divine intercession. The daughter approaching falls at her mother's feet, while the latter blesses and comforts her. At sight of Unni&rchcha, the Vâsunnor and the Nayars rise up, when Arômar makes a sign to them to sit, saying that it is none but his sister that is coming. Arômer enquires how and why she has come. Unni. ârchcha, breathless with emotion, replies as follows: Innale padira nêrattingal
“Yesterday when past midnight Urakkattil sopnavum kandu nanum
“I had a dream, and Nēram pularchchakku enirru nánum "I got up at daybreak, Atitali vêgam karichchitallo
"And, finishing my household work, Ammódu yatrayum chôdichappo! " Approached mother for leave to go. Pânane tuna kûtti pôvân cholli "Thereupon she asked me to take a Panan with me, . Avasi tanne nadannu panum
"Straight away I walked along alone, Chodichchariññu pônnitallo
" And found my way home." Arômar then guides her inside and tells her of his engagement to fight, when she falls unconscious. Sangile vellam itukkunnundu
Water is taken in a conch shell, Nûrronnu mantram japichu úti And chanting one hundred and one magical
spells, Unniâychchakku tannir kodukkun Is given to Unniârchcha to drink.
nundu
On regaining consciousness he consoles her, explaining the reasons which had weighed with him in accepting the engagement. Taking off a ring he gives it to her, saying: "If "a son is born to you, let him be brought up bearing my name, and wearing my ring. He “should be well trained in physical and fencing exercises, and if any one should ask for his "services for angam fighting, don't you stand in the way of his going. You should, on the con"trary, see that he is sent with those who need his services. Let not the prestige of the land suffer, "nor the kalari be dishonoured or its name and fame allowed to suffer in the least. Father's " fame is at stake ; father is very old, and while I live I cannot see him killed by anybody. “When in the days of my boyhood, father was engaged in single combats, aunt (father's sister) " bore it like a bold woman. Grandmother also was then alive. In the same manner should "you bear up. In the name of our guardian deity do not gainsay me, my sister.”
Having thus consoled his sister, Arômar continues his ceremonies late into the night, until he is startled by sobs, and, turning round, sees Kuñjannuli, his wife. "If you are going

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to this fight, I shall come with you to witness it," says she, giving vent to her pent-up grief, and falls at his feet, crying, "Should you be slain in the fight, how am I ever to forget you." Kårirulkkotta mudi asaku
" With beautiful jet black hair Pañjami chandranôdotta nerri
"And forehead as the moon on the fifth lunar
day, Kuññi mukhavum kuriya kannum "Small face and round eyes, Tattamma chundum pavira pallum "Parrot's lips and pearly teeth, Arômal tadi arimban misa
"Well shaped beard and graceful moustache, Evita vechchu ñån marannîtêndu “How I would miss them all!” Etaneññu potti karaññu pennu
Thus she laments, broken hearted, Bôdhamkettannine viņu pôyi
And falls down unconscious. Atutâne kanunnu Arômarum
Arômar seeing her great grief Kitukite potti karaññu Chêkôn
Is likewise moved to tears Onnindu kèlkenampenkida vê
And implores her to listen to him :Ikkandatokke ninakkåne
"All that you see here belongs to you. Angattil torru marichchatengil
"If I should die in the fight Ennute** anujanam Uņņikkannan "My brother Unnikkannan Ninnayum ottum opikkayilla
“Will not abandon you. Ninnalorumichchu irunnu kolvin “May you both live together." Appo! parayunnu Kuñjannuli
Kuñjannuli replies : Patinaru vayassu natappenikku "I am but sixteen now Ippol ñanoru pennåyullu
"And am just on the threshold of womanhood. Irupatturandu vayassu ninnalkkallo “While you are only twenty-two."
He explains how he cannot stay at home, and send his father to fight. So he is going to the angam though the fates are against him, and he is certain to come by death. He assures her, however, that he will not be defeated and slain, but fears he may be a victim to foul play. Having thus consoled her, Arômar asks his brother to fetch his father, whom he consults as to sending a reliable person to sharpen the churika." Arômar objects to sending his cousin Chandu, observing that he will play him false, as he bears him a grudge, having objected to Unnia fchcha being given to Chandu in marriage. His father remarks that Chandu was brought up as his own child, since the loss of both his parents while he was yet a child, and is thoroughly trustworthy. Chandu is accordingly went for, despite the misgivings of Arômar. Chandu comes and is entrusted with the churikas, solemnly promising to be faithful to Arômar. Unni&rchcha then serves him food, when the following dialogue ensues -
Onnindu kelkēnam Chandwanneļe “Just hear me, my brother. Ullil mushichohal karutavenda
"Do not harbour any ill feeling, Omana mukham váttam tirttitêndu “I shall cheer you up and make you happy.
4 Aromat here expresses a wish that his brother may espouse her on his death, with a view to protect her and save her from widowhood, in consideration of her very young age. This no doubt indicates the levirate as the custom is called which requires a widow to wed her husband's brother or some one olso of his close kinsmen. The more common form ie the junior levirate-the widow marrying the younger brother. The custom no longer prevails anywhere in North Malabar.
45 A dagger, small sword (Gundert., p. 373).
46 Uppiárchcha feels that Chandu may be harbouring malice towards Arômar 18 the latter had stood in the way of his marrying her; and so in her great anxiety to save her brother, she tries to persuade Chandu that as soon as Armaf returns victorious, she will separate herself from her husband and be a dutifal wife to Chandu. It is evident that the latter has harrassed her not a little and that, though perfectly tired of his advances, she in her then frame of mind, actuated with the singleness of purpose of saving Aromas, is prepared to sacrifice herself if she succeeds to enlist Chandu. goodwill in favour of Aromar. Uopiâychcha in this shows her great selfless devotion to Aromar. A heroine of repute, she was well known for the great endurance and strength of character she displayed in her moments of trial

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Ennute annala kuññiyannala Puttariyangattinu Pôkunnundu Tuna kûți pôkunnatu ninnalane Onninḍucheyyênam Chandwânnale Annala angattiljayichu vannâl Arrum manammênnu vâkkorichchu
66
My dear and devoted brother
46
Is proceeding on his first fight, "And it's you who accompanies him. "Just hear me, brother.
"No sooner does Arômar return victorious "Than shall I separate myself from Arrummaņammel
"And remain your dutiful wife."
Ninnalku pennâyi irinnukollâm Pandu paraññu chatichchôlallê Ippôre niyam marannupoyo Orukuri nin vâkku viswasichchu Ninṛre arikattu vannu ñânum Murramatikkunna chûlukonḍu Entinnavitem parayunnu ñân Arrum manammêl varuvân cholli Pâtira râvatra neḍurâvullappôl Kumaram pura ñânum nîntivannu Ni kitakkum muriyil ñân vannappôl Tuppum kôlâmbi kondenneriññu Annu nî cheyitatu maranniţţilla Unniarchcha sheds bitter tears at his Konjipamayalla Unnikreheha. Ninnute mâyannal ñanariyum Ammavane tanne ôṛttittane Ninnêyum ñanonnum cheyyâttatu Ela mula poṭṭiyalaṛumvannam Neññattalichchu karaññavalum Annala yangam jayichchu vannâl Ninnalku pennâyi irikkum ñane Kalaribharambharâm achchanâne Nanparaññatu satyamâne Arômar's father cautions Chandu that, as the blacksmith's house is in the vicinity of Arinnôtêr's, he should not be tempted by the latter's enticements, or turn round, or converse with anybody on the way. He should particularly guard himself against the wiles of Arinnôter's beautiful daughters :
As young bamboos crackling in the woods, She cries, beating her breast:
"As soon as my brother returns successful, "I swear, I shall be your wife. "Upon my father I swear. 'I speak the truth."
Muțitinmêl kotikettiya Kuñjaņņûli
Korattattu 18 marunnu katichumkondu Vittil kayarittu pôņam Chandu
[AUGUST, 1932
66
Haven't you already played me false? "Have you now forgotten all that? "Once I believed you, "And when I came to you, "You used the broomstick. "Why should I recall the rest? "You asked me to Arrummanammel "In the dead of night.
"I swam across the Kumarm river, "And when I stepped into your room, "You flung the spittoon at me.
"I have not forgiven you that."
malicious words, and continues to plead for Arômar. "Don't you flirt, Unniârchcha;
"I know your wiles.
66
Only out of regard for uncle "Do I spare you."
"Kuñjaņņûli, who does up her locks on the forehead;
"Kuttimâni, who shines even in the dark:
"These are the two girls he has. "If they should see you,
They will beckon to you and call you."
Iruttatholiminnum Kuttimâni Innine randallô penkitAnnal Ninne avarannu kantatengil Keikondu mâḍi vilikkum ninne Chandu solemnly promises to be true and faithful to the last. His uncle blesses him and sends him on his errand. Chandu walks along until he reaches Kôlôstṛi nâḍu,47 and goes by the way of Arinnôter's house, which he was expressly asked to avoid. Arinnôter recognizes him, and shrewdly guessing that the bundle contains churikas, advances and invites him just to refresh himself at his house for a while. Chandu refuses, when Arinnôter,
Employing a drug, which he eats, Repeats his invitation.
(To be continued.)
47 Kólóstri nddu or the kingdom of the Kolattiris, a dynasty of rulers who ruled over the greater part of what is now North Malabar. The line is now represented by the Chirakkal Tamburan or the Raja of Chirakkal, with his headquarters at Cannanore. The family now enjoys a Malikhana allowance of Rs. 24,000 per year from the Government.
18 Malabar is pre-eminently the land of magic, which is considered most potent and capable of both good and evil.

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AUGUST, 1932] REMARKS ON THE NICOBAR ISLANDERS AND THEIR COUNTRY
REMARKS ON THE NICOBAR ISLANDERS AND THEIR COUNTRY. BY THE LATE SIR RICHARD C. TEMPLE, BT., C.B., C.I.E., F.B.A., F.S.A., Chief Commissioner, Andaman and Nicobar Islands, from 1894 to 1903. (Continued from page 59.)
Among the advantages presented by the site over any other in or near the harbour, and which, therefore, led to its selection, were that (a) it was well raised, exposed to every breeze there being no higher land within a considerable radius, and commanded both entrances to the harbour; (b) the greater portion of the site was under grass, and therefore very little clearing of jungle and undergrowth had to be undertaken before the necessary number of buildings could be erected; and (c) extensive grass heaths, suitable for grazing large herds of cattle, such as it was desired to establish, stretched for many miles northwards; while the drawbacks and disadvantages were not so immediately apparent, but soon proved to be (1) the extensive foreshore of pestiferous black mud with, here and there, exposed coral reefs, which skirted the three sides of the small promontory on which the settlement was planted; (2) the existence of a large fetid swamp, measuring some 40 acres on the north-east border of the station, and a few small swamps and jhils in other portions of the same area; and (3) the poverty of the soil, consisting mainly of polycistina clay, and the difficulty consequently found not only in cultivating it successfully or utilising it in any other way, such as in brick, tile or pot-making, but also in draining it. The two first of these drawbacks would, however, it was thought, be ere long successfully overcome.
155
The services of the hulk Blenheim, a well-known East Indiaman, which was anchored in the harbour for the first five years (viz., till April 1874) proved useful to the pioneers of the settlement both in affording accommodation while the buildings were being erected, and as a sanitarium to those subsequently requiring a change from the shore.
The average strength at which the convict gang was maintained varied during the nineteen years from 172 to 308 men, the mean average being about 235. The number with which the colony was started was 262 convicts.
The protective force, consisting of Madras sepoys averaging between 50-65, and police 15.30, usually aggregated about 80 men, while the free residents, exclusive of the crew of the station steamer, which was first granted in February 1884, consisting of Government officials, employés, cocoanut-traders and, in late years, children of free and convict settlers, ranged between 20 and 50. The total number of residents (free and convict) rarely, therefore, exceeded 400, and was in some years so low as 300.
The officer in charge was one of the Assistant or Extra Assistant Superintendents on the Port Blair Establishment; when available, a European officer was detailed from his regiment to the command of the Madras Infantry detachment, and a medical subordinate (an apothecary or hospital assistant) was in charge of the hospitals.
The experiences of the first few years proved most trying to the pioneers of the infant colony, as evidenced by the high sick-rate among all classes, notwithstanding the adoption of many precautionary measures. This state of things was almost entirely due to the malaria for which the harbour has, from remote times, been notorious. It, therefore, soon became evident that, until some marked improvement occurred in the sanitary condition of the locality, it would be necessary to avail ourselves largely of the facilities afforded by the visits of the mail steamer, which in the first few years communicated once every six weeks, and subsequently once every four weeks, to effect reliefs at short intervals of all free residents, and to transfer to Port Blair all cases of convict patients requiring change of air for their recovery.
In the case of the free establishment a residence of, at one time, three months and, at another time, of six months usually qualified for a relief, but, in some instances, the stay was voluntarily prolonged to periods of from one to four or more years. In the case of convicts,

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except when recommended for a change by the medical officer, they were, during a great portion of the period under review, required to pass about three years before they became eligible for transfer. This was not so great a hardship as it might otherwise appear, for further experience had proved that the first year of residence was usually the most trying and that, owing to this circumstance more work could be accomplished by those who had thus, in a measure, become acclimatised than by new arrivals. The practice, therefore, proved beneficial in enabling greater progress to be made.
Indeed, it often occurred that on becoming eligible for transfer to Port Blair, some of the convicts would prefer to remain at the Nicobars, so that it was found in February 1888 that of the 293 prisoners then at Nancowry, 88 had passed more than three years, and of that number 20 had been there from five to fifteen years without a change.
Although the facility of transferring the most sickly cases to Port Blair for change and treatment, and obtaining selected men in their place, was freely availed of, the hospital returns were, for most years, very high, and if the deaths and sick-rate at the Andamans of those recently transferred from the Nicobars had been also taken into account, the statistics would have proclaimed more clearly than they did the actual amount of mischief caused by the malarious climate.
Although, in spite of the disastrous experiences of the Moravian Missionaries a hundred years ago, the Nicobar fever can probably not be regarded as of so deadly a character as that of the pestilential Niger, it is curious to note that our experience of the former corresponded in one respect with that recorded of the latter, viz., that "the fever usually sets in 16 days after exposure to the malaria, and that one attack, instead of acclimatising the patient, seems to render him all the more liable to a second."
That a decided improvement had taken place in the sanitary condition of the settlement during the last few years there can be no doubt, and that it could have been further improved and the site itself rendered fairly healthy by completing the reclamations of the swamps, jhils, and foreshore, and removing all exposed coral reefs within a reasonable radius of the station, seems equally certain; but in order to accomplish such a task, more labour than was available at Camorta would have had to be freely bestowed for two or more years, during which time a high percentage of sick would have had to be counted on.
WORKS.-The principal works on which the convicts were employed from first to last were as follows:
(a) The construction of buildings, tanks,
with out-houses
5 barracks 4 bungalows
7 smaller quarters and out-houses
1 Commissariat godown
1 Magazine
12 brick wells
1. .. tank
2 tanks
Numerous cattle and work-sheds, etc.
and wells (as per margin), metalled roads, drains (brick, surface and sub-surface), seawalls, and a jetty (500 feet long).
The two last-named works proved very beneficial in reclaiming a large portion of the unhealthy area occupied by the foreshore, whereby, among other advantages, a site for numerous huts required for the accommodation of free cocoanut-traders was provided.
As regards material, in the absence of stone suitable for building purpose in situ, much use was made of the fine blocks of coral which were so easily obtainable.
It was found easy to shape these by means of old blunt axes in slabs and blocks of suitable size. That they served our purpose very satisfactorily was evident from the substantial character of the work in the reservoir, wells, sea-walling and jetty. As the insanitary effects of exposed live coral are well known, the quarrying of

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AUGUST, 1932] REMARKS ON THE NICOBAR ISLANDERS AND THEIR COUNTRY
the adjacent reefs and the utilization of the coral in the above manner thus served a double purpose. The same material further enabled us to obtain, by burning, as much good lime as we needed. For thatching purposes the lalang grass was found admirably adapted; it is of this material that the excellent roofs of the Nicobarese huts in the Northern Islands are invariably made. Scantling, planking, etc., was obtained from the local sawpit station in Octavia Bay, while posts, bamboos, and cane were of course always readily procurable from the adjacent junglen.
(b) The removal of jungle, the extirpation of lalang grass and planting of good grassseed together with a large number of trees (neem, mango, casuarina, shisham, mahogany, etc.), calculated to benefit the place both in a sanitary sense and otherwise; the cultivation of vegetables and fruits and experimental planting of cotton, tobacco, coffee, etc., and the reclamation or draining of such areas of swamp land as were either in proximity to dwellings or were so situated as to exert a baneful influence on the health of the station.
With regard to these, the work of supplanting the lalang grass with superior imported species proved very difficult, and can in fact be said to have been only partially accomplished; this is due to the extraordinary vitality of this grass, its tenacity, and the depth to which its roots penetrate the soil. It is more than probable that in the absence of any further restraints to its growth and spread, it will before many years re-assert its supremacy over the whole area. With reference to reclamations of swamps, the important work of bunding the large wide-mouthed swamp, referred to above as on the north-east border of the station, was attempted with all available labour for two and a quarter years (January 1874 to March 1876). Great hopes were, with good reason, entertained that a decided improve. ment in the sanitary condition of the settlement would ensue on the successful completion of this work, but before it was half finished, it was ordered to be discontinued and the bunded portion to be cut through so as to re-admit the sea as before; the grounds for this decision being that (1) the position of the sluice-gate fixed by the Public Works Department was faulty; (2) labour was scarce and more could not be afforded from Port Blair; (3) much sickness was occurring among the men engaged on the work; and (4) the reclamation might prove of questionable utility. From experience previously gained at Port Blair it was known that while such work was in progress the rate of sickness was certain to be high, and had the work been persevered in and the reclaimed area well drained and planted with cocoanut-trees, there can be no doubt that results similar to those witnessed at Aberdeen, Phoenix Bay and other swamps at Port Blair, formerly notoriously unhealthy, would have been attained.
(c) The formation of a cattle farm with the object of supplementing the outturn of draught and slaughter animals from the herds at the Andamans for the requirements of Port Blair, thereby eventually rendering that settlement independent of supplies of cattle from India.
67
Transfer of young animals for the above purpose commenced in October 1885, from which date 227 head were supplied to Port Blair (as per margin), while the entire herd at the time ot the abandonment of the settlement comprised:
120
42
1885-86
1886-87 1887-88
Bulls
Cows
:::
157
Bull-calves Cow-calves Bullocks
:::
:::::
11
313.
324
292
24

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Buffalo-bulls
cows , calves (bull) , (cow)
.. ..
28 24
.. ..
..
..
15
TOTAL .. 1,033
the above being exclusive of 210 head of cattle owned by self-supporter convicts. (d) The manufacture or sale of the following for consumption at Port Blair or for local nuse
Rs. Cocoanut oil (about 720,000 lbs.) ..
1,20,000 Curds, milk and butter
28,500 Lime .. .. .. .. .. .. ..
20,000 Bricks .. .. ..
2,500 also procuring and preparing such quantities of jungle material, coral blocks, etc.,
as were required for local works. (6) Girdling a few thousand timber trees (chiefly Mimusope, Albizzia, Mangifera and
Hydrocarpus species), and maintaining a sawpit station for the supply of plank.
ing, scantling, etc., for works in progress and for sale. WATER-SUPPLY.-From the number of wells and tanks mentioned in the foregoing as provided for the wants of the station, it will be rightly assumed that the supply of water was abundant during the raine and adequate during the dry months. As its quality was not above suspicion, the precaution was taken to boil and filter all that was intended for drinking purposes. The large quantity of water stored in the reservoir and wells near the jetty would have proved for many years to come a great convenience to vessels requiring a supply while trading there or in passing through the harbour. The average annual rainfall, as ascertained from the registers of fifteen consecutive years (1873 to 1887), was found to amount to 112-23 inches.
CHARACTER OF THE SOIL AND CULTIVATION.-The result of the experience gained by us as regards the capabilities of the soil for purposes of cultivation may be briefly stated to be as follows That only in such portions of the undulating grass heaths as lie in deep valleys and ravines could cultivation be carried on for more than one or at most two seasons without freo application of manure, while on the high grass lands, there being only a thin layer of black mould covering the polycistina clay, any attempt to remove the grass in order to prepare the soil for cultivation suffices to diminish the small amount of fertility in land so unfavourably situated by exposing the topmost layer to the effects of the heavy rains of these latitudes, which of course speedily cause it to be washed down the nearest slopes. As regards the jungle land, our experience corresponded with that gained respecting similar land at Port Blair, and there can be no doubt of the success which would reward intelligent agriculturists to whom a tract of such land was allotted. Besides of course raising ordinary Indian vegetables and fruits for local consumption, experiments were made in cultivating American cotton and tobacco. Between 1870 and 1873 about 20 acres were planted with the former; although there was at first a rich promise of success, the staple produced being most favourably reported on, both as regards quality and quantity, various circumstances combined to disappoint the hopes that had been raised. The drought of the dry months proved as injurious as the heavy rains and violent squalls of the South-West Monsoon, while additional loss was occasioned by the ravages of a red beetle, which was apparently introduced with the seed received from America. In consequence of this, though the soil seemed peculiarly favourable for the cultivation of this valuable plant, the experiment had to be reluctantly abandoned. The tobacco experiments were conducted on a smaller scale and over a like brief period. They suffioed to show that tobacco of good quality could be raised, although, in consequence of indifferent curing, the value of what was produced was small.
(To be continued.)

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AUGUST, 1932)
MISCELLANEA
159
MISCELLANEA A QUERY
the conversion of the Porsians, his heart wh. ST. THOMAS IN PARTHIA OR INDIA ?
filled with joy to find a small quantity of wheat In the issue of The Indian Antiquary for June 1931,
in extensive fields of tares. Ho preached through Dr. P.J. Thomas, of Madras, has (in his article on St.
that country and converted many. Then he Thomas in South India) attempted to establish on
descended still further (or went still further) the strength of the still nebulous and very late South
until the perfume (or odour) of Mar Thomas, the Indian tradition that the Apostle Thomas did
Apostle, was wafted unto him; and there also he come to South India and went nowhere else.
added great numbers to the fold, and left behind Far onrlier than the earliest recorded version (thir.
him a disciple named Job, to minister to them." toonth contury) of the South Indian tradition, there
-(Medlycott's India and the Apostle Thomas, are statements in Origen and The Acts of Judas
London, 1905, p. 37.) Thomas (both of about 200 A.D.), which show that From where did the perfur.e of St. Thomas go to St. Thomas went to Parthia or India. These two | St. Mares in the second century A.D. ? From Ori. are in fact the earliest documents yet discovered gens rarthis, or from North-West India of The A which mention the field of St. Thomas's apostolic
or from distant Malabar and Mylapore of South activities. India of The Acts is no doubt the Indus
Indian tradition? region under Gondophares of Taxila, i.e., North
Trivandrum, 29th June 1931. T. K. JOSEPH. West India, whatever the existing very late versions
AIRIKIŅA AND SANCHI. of the South Indian tradition may or may not say. Airikina.This is the form found in the Gupta
Now, while The Acts, written some time between inscriptions at the site. The modern form is Eran, A.D. 180 and 230, says that St. Thomas went to as current in the locality, which is now most the India of Gudnaphar (Gondophares), Origen, the conveniently accessible, being at a distance of four much-travolled, voluminous writer of the same age miles, from the railway station Kaithord-Korway (born A.D. 185-6, died about 254), says in his commen- in the small Muhammadan principality of Korwi in tary on Generis that the Apostle went to Parthia. He Malwê. The railway station is about five miles says (according to his statement incorporated by from Bina Junction, G. I. P., in the district of Saugor, Eusebius, A.D. 205-340, in his Hist. Eccl., lib. III,
C.P. On the map of Saugor and Bhilsa, within a c. I.) as follows:
rading of twenty miles there are two othor villages Apostoli et discipuli Domini ac Servatoris nostri bearing the name of Eran. Tho Airikina of per universum orbem dispersi Evangelium prae- Samudra Gupta is the name of a district (pradeda) dicabant. Et Thomas quidem, a majoribus wherein he made his (S00-)bhoga-pura, an imperial traditum accepimus, Parthiam sortitus est.
resort. This ma-bhoga-pura is the site now known Does Origen here contradict his contemporary, * Eran, four miles from Kaithora. It is the gate the author of The Acts ? Or, does he actually agree between MalwA (Akara) and Bundelkhand (Vindhya with him, moaning by Parthia the Indus region country). This and the other two villages called under the Parthian king Gondophares ?
Eran are to be treated as coming under Vidità, In olden times India was known to the Indians
or Bhilsa, in the Gupta and the previous periods. RS Bharatavarpa and Indians were called Bhara. The three spots bearing the name in a group tiyas. Could Parthia in the above passage be Origen's prove that there was a territory connected with way of pronouncing the Sanskrit name Bharata that name. The territory belonged in the second or Bharatiya ?
century B.C. (or earlier) to an autonomous poliDr. Thomas, by a serious oversight, does not at tical community. This is proved by the coins all refer to Origen's Parthia. And Origen is not found by Ounaingham (A.S.I., vol. X, pp. 80-81, the only authority who mentions the Parthian pl. XXIV, fign. 16, 17 ; vol. XIV, 149, pl. XXI, apostolate of St. Thomas. The Clementine Recog- figs. 17, 18). On the coins the form of the name nitions (IX, 29), and later, Eusebius (History, III, 1), is Erakana. (I take the letter read by Cunning. Rufinus (fourth century, History, II, 5), and Socrates ham as nya to be an archaic form of na.] The (fifth century, History, I, 19) assign Parthia to St. origin of the name is indicated, in my opinion, Thomas, although The Doctrine of Addai (of about by the symbol of a serpent figured on the top of A.D. 200, a work completely independent of The the coin. Eraka or Airaka means a serpent. It is Acts of about the same age). The Doctrine of the the name of a Någa in the Mahabharata (1. 2164). Apostles (of the third century), St. Ephraem, St. It is derived from fr, 'to move forward,' and the Gregory of Nazianzur, St. Ambrose, St. Jerome (all of sense is to be found in Aindvat (the Serpent King) the fourth century), and several later writers assign and names of rivers. Airaka, as a proper name, India to him, Dot Parthis.
occurs in the Nasik inscription of Pulumavi (E.I., In the Syriac life of St. Mares, Bishop of Ctesiphon VIII, p. 65) as Mahd-Airaka, which M. Senart (second century), there occurs the following passage: considered to be the name of a Buddhist monk
" When Mar Mares reached the country of the (E.I., VIII, p. 68). The context does show that Huzites, and found believers there, and heard of MahA-Airnke was either an official or & responsible
Fleet, G. I, p. 20, Eran inac. of Samudra Gupta line 85.

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monk. The political community under whor came from Málua. The name must be old, as its the Eron coins were struck derived their name connotation is now forgotten. from Airaka, who was evidently the founder of their
The word is connected with the Sanskrit root state. I have shown elsewhere the existence of
sam-chi ("to collect,' 'to collect and deposit bones this system of naming the community after the
of a dead body after cremation, e.g., in sanchayafounder of the state.”
nam. The hill of Sanchi has its chief feature in The Naga dynasty of Malwa, who are found in Gupta times in the neighbourhood of Eran, might
the stupas in which were deposited the bones of the or might not have been connected with the Airikinas.
Buddha, his two chiof disciples, and the chief sañchi.Cunningham's identification of SAfichi missionaries of Buddhism under Aboka. It is thus with Fa Hion's Sha-chi has been rightly questioned ! & secondary nama, like the Chetiya-giri, not the by Sir John Marshall. But the word remains original name of the hill, but a popular one arising unexplained. In the United Provinces it is contrast. from the atdpas. Itu Sanskrit form would be aaned with Mayah (Magadha), in connexion with chiti: from Sarnchiti, wo have Sdnichi. The real pdn loaves (betol). The Magalt piin, which is name of the place was, as we know from inscrip imported from Gayá, is white, while the uncured tions, Kakanada. groen variety is called Safiche, which means that it
K. P. JAYASWAL. BOOK NOTICES. CEYLON JOURNAL OF SCIENCE, Section G, vol. II, of the Puranas; for he has already shown that
Pt. 2, ARCHAEOLOGICAL SUMMARY, by A. M. deepite the unsoundness of most of the editions, Hocart, Archeological Commissioner. 9jx7 valuable results can be obtained by his methods. in.; pp. 73-97, with 41 platee.
In the present pamphlet he takes a geographical In this volume Mr. Hocart, the late Archæolo- description of India which recurs in nearly all the gical Commissioner, continues his notew on matters Puranas and shows that it exists in two recensions, of archeological interest, under the same hoadings a shorter and a longer, each of which again has two as before, bringing them up to the end of 1928. recensions. He has sunceeded in establishing a Further evidence has led him to revise the scheme fairly sound text of the two recensions and is able of culture periode proposed in the previous Sum- to throw some light on the methods according to mary. He is inclined to connect with the Mahayanist which independent treatises were incorporated activity (strongest in what he terms the classical in the Purapas. The work has been done with period) the tridont capitals of the small temple skill and scholarly precision, and forms a model to the SE. of the Thaparáma, and the square that should be followed closely in future enquiries templo provalent at the present day in Ceylon. of the same kind. The traditional connexion of the Nagas with water The two texts have however a wider interest is illustrated by their sesociation with dams, sluices than that of the textual history of the Puranas. and artificial ponda, such as those at Mihintale It has been hitherto impossible to make much use and Vannamaduva (800 Plates LXVI, LXVII). It of the geographical statements in these works, is interesting to compare his description, illustrated because of the difficulty of deciding which form by plates, of pottery making in Ceylon with the of name had the best authority and which names method followed in India, where the whool appears were later interpolations. But it seems to me to have been more consistently used.
that we are justified in holding that these texts Mr. Hocart comments on the paucity in Ceylon as reconstituted give us a fairly accurate deof specimens of Gupta age art, which showed such scription of the distribution of Indian races at remarkable activity in India. The Gupta empire, definite points still to be determined within the however, was chiefly confined to northern India, first six conturios or so of our ori. Dr. Kirfel and the kingdoma in the south of the peninsula does not profess to have dealt thoroughly with probably proved an offective barrier to its influences this aspect, and in fact he has not made use of spreading into the island.
important recent work, such as Prof. Przyluskile C. E. A. W.O.
illuminating essays on the peoples of the Panjâb BEITRÄGE ZUR INDISCHEN SPRACHWISSENSCHAFT UND or of other easily available sources of information.
GROHICHTE. HxIT 6. BHARATAVARAA : textges. Perhaps in consequence, many of the identifications chichtliche Darstellung zweier geographischen he pute forward in his notes are 80 st variance Pur&na-texte nebst übersetzung. By W. Kirfel. with the statements of his texts as to demand Pp. vi+ 71. 91 x 61 in. W. Kohlhammer, Stutt- immediate rejection. Though the present reviewer gart. 1931. RM. 10.00.
cannot claim to be competent to solve many of It is a matter for congratulation that Dr. Kirfel the difficulties, & reference to the eighteen notes is pursuing his studies in the textual composition ! on p. 32 will make the point clear. Thus notes
1 Hindu Polity, 1, 132. • Guide to Sánche, P. 135. • Apte. Sanskrit-English Dictionary.

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BOOK-NOTICES
181
27 and 29: the mention of the Sakas as living near identical with a certain Koira mentioned by Kalhana the Latas and Anartas can only be a reference Rajatar., iv, 489, as flourishing during the eighth to the domains of the Western Satrape, and the century A.D.), SkandaavAmin, Madhava, son of KAmbojas are known to have been connected Venkata, and others. It also contains rather with them. Note 31 : the Strirajya cannot be extensive quotations from Madhava's commentary on that in GarhwAl and Kumkon, but is the same the Rigveda. The main part of the book, however, as the island montioned by Hiuen Tsang southwest consists of indexes to the Nighandu and Nirukta, s of Fo-Lin. Note 34: the Mathura mentioned list of the etymologies of the Nirukta, and separate in connexion with Sind cannot be the town on the lists of quotations from the Nirukta by the comJumns and is possibly a corrupt reading (variant mentators Sayana, Devaraja, Madhava, Udgitha, reading Patuma).
Uvața, Medbátithi and Govindasvåmin. Then folI have also a bone to pick with him on the subject lows a list of quotations occurring in the Nirukta of the Huns. He uses the mention of them in one itself, and finally a short list of untraced quotations form of the earlier recension to show that it cannot found in that same text. It would be an almost be earlier than the fifth century (p. 7, but see unaurmountable task to anyone to control all those p. 29, n. 51, for a different view), and declines to quotations, and besides a very superfluous one. As admit the varianto mentioning Hupas and Hare-far as the present writer has been able to ascertain hunakos in the second recension. But the Huns
by now and then using the various indexes they are are mentioned once in the Ramayana and four
most reliable and carefully composed. Professor times in the Mahabharata, including once with the Sarup is certainly entitled to the thanks of all Harahūnas (is hdra a Sanskritisation of some form Sanskrit scholars for his painstaking and useful of Turki qard, black 1) who appear in two other
magnum opus. passages also. The Hun writing is known to the
In his introduction (p. 3 f.) the learned author Lolitavistars and the Mahduastu. These referencen
mildly criticizes the work of the late Dr. Sköld are all earlier, probably a good deal earlier, than
called The Nirukta, its place in Old Indian Literature, 500 A.D., and I would infer that the Huns had
its Etymologies (1926). The present writer has, dawned on the political consciousness of India
for certain reasons, had to occupy himself most soveral conturies before, and that probably tribes
carefully, with that book, and he can conscien. known to the Indians by that name had settled
tiously testify to its utter valuelessness from every in the Indian borderlands, perhaps before the
point of view. Detailed criticism is, however, out Gupta period. After all one of the thirty-six
of the place, its author having met with prematuro Rajpat tribes used the name. May we express
death; and it is seriously to be hoped that the the hope that, when Dr. Kirfel fulfils his promise
piety of fellow-scholars will let this work fall silently of dealing with other geographical texta, he will
into oblivion. not allow preoccupation with textual criticism to
JABL CHARPENTIER, interfere with the solution of the geographical problems involved ?
E. H. JOHNSTON. SELECTIONS FROM THE PESHWA'S DAFTAR, Nos. 13,
14, 15. Government Central Press, Bombay: INDICES AND APPENDICES TO THE NIRDKTA. With
1931. an Introduction, by LAKSHMAN SABUP. vii +76+
Following closely on the first twelve, we now have 3 94 pp. Published by the University of the
three more pamphlets from Mr. Govind Bardesai, Panjab : bahore, 1929.
who, in accordance with the scheme prepared This most valuable volume forms & worthy con
by Sir Jadunath Sarkar, is in charge of the publicaclusion to the great work of Professor Sarup on the tion of portions of the Peshwa's Daftar. Nirukta, of which have previously appeared the These papers deal with Bajiro's entry into general introduction, the translation, and the criti- Malwa and Bundelkhand, in opposition to the cal text. Only with the help of extensive indexes Delhi Emperor, the conquests that ensued in can the work of Yaska be made full use of; and northern India, and his advance on Delhi itself, Professor Sarup has laid his fellow-scholars under a roughly covering the period between 1724 and 1739. doop obligation by putting together the numerous A reference to the most recent edition of Grant indexes and lists of quotations which form the bulk Duff's History of the Marathde (Edwardes, 1921), of this weighty volume.
will enable the student to follow the main lines of The introduction mainly deals with the dates of the campaigns of which these papers fill in many several authors whose works are more or less closely interesting details. We are able in these papers connected with the Nirukia, as, e.g., Devaraja, to follow the various avonta connected with Bagirdo's Kpirasvamin (who, according to Dr. Sarup, is not attack on the Nizam in the south, followed by his

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incursion, with Chimnaji Appa, into Bunuelkhand, and decoration of these specimens afford evidence, the capture of Jaitpur, and the victorious advance in his opinion, of a primitive civilization of which to the Chambal and Jumna rivers. The campaign trace may still be found among the Dayaks of carries the Marathås to the vicinity of Delhi, when
Borneo. Numerous bronze objects, and some of their movements were checked by the sudden
iron and stone, recovered by M. Pajot during his appearance of Nadir Shah and his troope from the
excavations of ancient graves at Dong-son have
also been figured and described with suggestive north. A valuable communication from the Peshwa
interpretations of the evidence they furnish. These to Bapuji Shripat, dated 6th April 1739, describes
artifacts appear to have been of indigenous make, briefly the defeat of the Mughal troops by Nadir
though the use of metal seems clearly to have been Shah and his treatment of the Emperor on his
borrowed from the Chinese. Certain objects exca. arrival in Delhi. Unfortunately a portion of this
vated at this site would indicate that the Dong-son precious document is missing. The vernacular
necropolis can be assigned to the period of the two text and short summaries in English are of great
Han dynasties (206 B.C. to 220 A.D.), while the interest
recovery of several coins dating from the reign of the R. E. E. usurper Wang Man (9.22 A.D.) fixes the date more
closely; and M. Goloubew seems justified in besign.
ing it to about the middle or second half of the TRAVANCORE ARCHAEOLOGICAL DEPARTMENT, AD- first century A.D. MINISTRATION REPORT, 1105 M.E. (=1929-30
Among other articles may be mentioned two by A.D.) By R. VASADEVA PODUVAL, pp. 30. Mlle. M. Colani, in which this enthusiastic investi. Plates I-IX. Government Press, Trevandrum.
gator furnishes a preliminary note on stone and This Report embodies some informing notes on bone implements, as well as a description of primi. the architecture, sculpture, wood carving and tive carvings on stone and bone, discovered by her inscriptions of Kerala. Brief accounts of the at prehistoric sites in southern Tonkin. institutions known as sankétam, a sort of eccle.
M. E. Gaspardone publishes the first of what pro. siastical imperium in imperio, and channdtam,
mise to prove valuable articles on Materials for a system of military police, are of special interest.
the History of Annam,' commencing with a well A short article on Leepuram (or sipuram) near
annotated review of a monograph on the country e. Comorin, and another on Vattakota Fort and
entitled Yue Kiao chou compiled by Li Wen-fong in the South Travancore Lines appear as appendices. the sixteenth century. Several lines of investigation are suggested by
M. G. Coedés, continuing his Cambodian Studies, Mr. Poduval which might usefully be followed
discusses the date of the central sanctuaries at up. The report is handy in size and the plates are
BantAy Sroi, which, for reasons that appear fairly creditably printed.
conclusive, he would assign to the tenth century; F.J.R.
and he furnishes important fresh dato, both chrono. logical and genealogical, for the dynasty of Mahi.
dharapura. There is also an interesting note by BULLETIN DE L'ÉCOLE FRANÇAISE D'EXTRÊME
M. Paul Mus on the different types of balister, or ORIENT, Tome XXIX (1929). 104X7 in.;
Cross-bow, depicted on the sculptures at the Bayon PP. 603; 61 plates, besides illustrations in the
and at Bantły Chmår. He adduces argumente text. Hanoi, 1930.
tending to the conclusion that the use of these big This handsomely illustrated volume of the
weapons was introduced from China. Bulletin is replete, As usual, with matter of interest to students of Far Eastern culture. It starts
In the Miscellaneous section, M. L. Finot gives with an article, accompanied by excellent plates,
a transcription, with translation, of an incomplete by M. V. Goloubew on 'The Bronze Age in Tonkin
inscription in Sanskrit of the tenth-eleventh century and North Annam,' in which are described some
found in 1929 about 500 metres south of the Phi. of the most important treasures in bronze of the
månakas, the import of which appears to have Hanoi museum, including drums, veses, swords,
been that an image of Vişnu had been set up on the daggers, axes, and other objects. Among the most
Yasodharaparvata (Yasodharagiri). This find seems interesting exhibits are certain drums, especially
to support M. P. Stern's identification of the Yaéothe Ngoc-Lu large bronze drum, to which special
dharagiri with the Phiminskas. attention is directed, and the study of which, at
The volume closes with obituary notices of two his skilful hands, has enabled M. Goloubew to distinguished scholars, the veteran M. E.-F. Aymo. Buggest conclusions of much historical and ethnonier, who had done so much to further our knowgraphical interest. A detailed comparison is made ledge of the history and language of Cambodia, between this drum and the pictorial ornamentation
and M. L.-E. Aurousseau, & comparatively young thereon with two other metallie drums found in
man, who had already given high promise. Laon and Java respectively. The workmanship
C. E. A. W. 0.

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Page #178

Plate
Indian Antiquary
SKETCH MAP
Showing the COURSES of the PANJĀB RIVERS
Stat. Miles
100
Jhelum
Jammu
Jhelum R.
Cujrat.
Salkot
Chenab R
.Gujranwala
vi R.
Jech Doäь
Rechna Doab
Amritsar la
sind Sagar Doab
LAHORES
MTNS
gâri Doab
.Hoshiarpu
Jalandhar Sultanpur
3 omla
snput
gera
Shorkot
Barto vy gar! • Old Right Bank onia Bess
Ludhiana
Simla Jagrāon
Kälká, Dagshai Sirhind.
Morni Ambalal Nahan
. Mukhtsar
Patiala,
• Pakpattan
Multāp.
Tang
Ghara R.
.Bhatinda
kam or sores
Cou Becor des
Hanumangarh
Hardwar Saharanpur Karnal
Sardargarh
Pgar
wa Jumna canal Sa
Jalalpur Pirwala..
Khairpur kahror Bahăwalpur
(walar)
Sir
Bäropal
.Panipat
.
Hissar
Jind
Meerut
Dingarh Maujgarh Marot Mirgach Phulra Anupgarh
TO
Sardārgarh Suratgarh Rawatsar
Hänsi
Nohar
Bhadra
. Rohtak
Cry Bedo Wakor Wahindah
Derwa
DELHI
C.R.AW.o. del

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THE RIVER COURSES OF THE PANJAB AND SIND.
BY R. B. WHITEHEAD, L.C.S. (Retired.) This paper is based upon my personal experience in the Panjab Province, India, espe. cially that of nearly six years passed in the Ambala District between 1914 and 1920. During and after this period I was in touch with Mr. H. W. Nicholson, C.I.E., of the Indian Irrigation Department, to whom I wish to express my obligations. Mr. Nicholson has had much to do with projects for the irrigation of a very extensive area of land extending down to the Sind border. These tracts have been contour surveyed, and the maps prepared from this information provide for the first time reliable hydraulic data.
The Ambala District consists of the submontane region bordering the Siwalik Hills from the River Jumna to the River Sutlej. South and west of it are the plains of Karnal District and Patiala State, followed by the sandy tracts of Hissar, Hânsi and Sirsa, then the barren Bikaner desert. The Siwaliks in conformity with the general trend of the Himalayan system run in a north-westerly direction, while the rivers and torrents debouch from the hills at approximately right angles to this line; the tract from the Jumna to the Sutlej throughout its length of some eighty miles is scoured at frequent intervals by the wide and shifting sandy beds of chos or hill torrents. Only the Ghaggar River is a perennial stream. Its waters, if they did not lose themselves in the sands of Bikaner, would eventually reach the Arabian Sea, while the Jumna River flows by means of the Ganges into the Bay of Bengal, so the watershed of Northern India passes through the Ambala District. This tract and its continuation southwards to Delhi is the pivotal region of all India, of great topographical, historical and ethnographical significance.
A glance at the Government of India Survey Sheets will show that the Ambala (Ghaggar to Jumna) torrents are far more important as independent water-courses than those from the Ghaggar to the Sutlej. Most of the latter join the Sutlej or the Chaggar quite early in their careers, and only the chos or sand torrents on either side of Kharar town flow on past Sirhind (now in the Patiala State) towards the desert. On the other hand the great divide is very close to the west bank of the Jumna, and throws the Ambala streams away from it to the south-west.
The Ghaggar River lies nearer to the Sutlej than the Jumna, and divides the District into two unequal parts which differ in race, customs, and agricultural efficiency. That to the west of the Ghaggar has affinities with the Panjab proper, while the remainder is more akin to Hindustan. The Outer Siwaliks in this region are low sandy hills, an Upper Tertiary formation of Pliocene age, composed of friable and partially consolidated material containing bands of clay and conglomerate. The Ambala Siwaliks, when they came under British administration, were thrown open to unrestrained wood-cutting and grazing, and the imprudent activities of the peasant proprietors have turned the range into a desert; great damage has been done by the chos to the fertile plains below. What in old days must have been streams in definite and narrow beds fed by a comparatively gentle and constant run-off, have degenerated into torrents which are raging floods in the rains and desolate wastes of sand for the rest of the year. Within living memory the bed of the Tångri cho, just east of Ambala Cantonment, had a deep bed. Efforts have been made in recent years to remedy this state of affairs. Thatching grass and coniferous trees have been planted in the sandy tracts, while regular measures for the re-afforestation of the Outer Siwaliks were started during the War. Behind these rises the Sub-Himalaya ; between is usually & din or trough. The Jumna has its source in the high Himalayas. The Sutlej, like the Indus, is an antecedent river. It rises on the Tibetan plateau, and held its course through the Himalayan system while the latter slowly rose across its path.
Read at the International Oriental Congress, Leiden, on the 10th September, 1931.

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The plains of North-West India are alluvial, formed of silt brought down by the rivers from the mountains, and have a slope of about one foot in four miles. Similar physical conditions are found for example in the Dobrudja, and the valleys of the Po and Mississippi, but the region of the Yellow River in China provides a better parallel as being an analogous tract where light is thrown on past conditions by the records of an ancient civilisation. The alluvium of Northern India, the deposit of ages, is thousands of feet thick, and has never been sounded. It fills what must have been a sea bed, and the great divide emerged first. The slope on either side of the divide is quite gentle, about one foot to the mile : running along its top in a geological past was a silt laden river, the present Jumna, flowing from north to south, building up its bed, and spilling indifferently on one side or the other. Just here on the Ambala side was Brahmavarta, a settlement of the Vedic Aryans.
Brahmavarta was centred on the Sarasvati and Drishadvati Rivers, usually identified with the modern Sarusti and Chautang respectively (C.H.I., p. 80), now insignificant torrents between the Jumna and the Ghaggar.3 It is natural that the Sarasvati should occupy a position of great prominence in the Vedic period if the bulk of the hymns of the Rigveda were composed, not in the Panjab, but in the country round the Sarasvatî river, cast and south of the modern Ambala (C.H.I., p. 116). The Aryan invaders had already traversed the Panjab. What were the conditions which they found in Brahmåvarta which attracted them so much, and which did not exist in the Panjab ? The big eroding rivers of the Panjab had cut down below the general level ; between them were arid steppes (now called Bars), and the only cultura ble land consisted of the narrow riverain strips. Further on was a land of promise, a region of better rainfall, a flat wide tract of very fertile soil with free water at or near the surface, irrigated by a net-work of comparatively small and gentle rivers (Sarasvati means the river of lakes) forming an inland delta, the waters of which never reach the sea. As the gradient flattens out, the silt-laden streams fill up their beds and spill over the surrounding plain. This water tends to re-collect and to run onwards in a new bed; in this sense the Sarasvati could actually have sunk into the ground and reappeared. Now the water soon disappears by percolation, absorption and evaporation; this process has been much intensified by artificial interference for irrigation purposes. The region is called the closed drainage area, and centres on Kaithal. Further south-west Sirsa, the ancient Sarasti, on the old road from Delhi to Multan, was a celebrated stronghold of Hind; to-day it stands on one of the biggest mounds in the Panjab. The Sirsa tract is contiguous with the Bikaner desert, and the Ghaggar is dry from October to July, but the fertility of the locality in mediæval times may be judged from the following incident. The place had been invested in 1035 A.D. by Sultan Mas'aud, son of Mahmûd of Ghazni. The country round was remarkable for the extensive growth of sugarcane, so the Sultan directed his forces to fill the moat with sugarcane and assault the place. This was done, and the fortress of Sarasti was stormed and captured.?
The waters are those of the Ghaggar and the Ambala streams east of it--the Markanda, Chautang. Sarusti, etc. As already explained, the contribution of the courses west of the Ghaggar, which may be called the Sirhind streams, is inconsiderable. Regarding the promi. nence of the Nature gods in the Vedic hymns, it may be remarked that the Ambala streams
2 There is a tradition that a pilgrim lost his shoes and water-pot in the Sarasvati at Pehoa (an old town fourteen miles west of Thânear) and found them agnin in the confluence of tho Jumns and Ganges at Prayag. These places may be rogarded in an extended sense as the limits of a vuleion of a large silt-laden river swinging to and fro, and building up its delta.
3 C.H.I.= Cambridge History of India, vol. I.
There is no evidence of any effective change of climate in the plains. 5 Cp. Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, March, 1833, p. 107. 0 It is full of traces of old towns, and approximates with the ancient Kurukshetra. # Ibn Batuta mentions the city of Sirsutti as large place abounding in rice.-JASB., 1846, p. 219.

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165
would be readily affected by storms which could make no difference to the great snow-fed rivers of the Panjab, and the forces of Nature must have been constantly manifest to the dweller in Brahmavarta.
"At the present day it is difficult to trace their courses (the ancient rivers of Brahmâvarta), partly because the streams are apt to disappear in the sand, and partly because they have to a great extent been absorbed in the canal-systems constructed during the periods of Muhammadan and British rule" (C.H.I., p. 80). But the British canals, the Western Jumna and Sirhind Canals, do not affect the streams of Brahmavarta. In any case, their actual size depends on the extent of the catchment areas, whatever their vagaries in the plains may have been. When the lower bills were well covered with forest, the rainfall and run-off conditions were more favourable, but the actual catchment areas, the positions of the water-sheds, cannot differ much from what they were in times far anterior to those with which we are concerned. The Ghaggar is the only river which retains a definite bed down into Bikaner; the Markanda is the largest of the other streams. The reason is that both Ghaggar and Markanda have their sources in the higher hills; the remaining streams flow from the alluvial face of the Outer Siwaliks, and have insignificant catchment areas as the crest of the range is only a few miles back from the broken ground outside. 8 The Ghaggar drains the hills between Morni and Dagshai; the Markanda flows past Nahan, the capital of Sirmor or Nában State, and leaves the Sub-Himalaya at Kâlâ Amb. But even so, the length of the Markanda's course in the hills is probably not greater than twenty-five miles, while that of the Ghaggar is some fifty miles. These arguments appear to me conclusive. From prehistoric times there were two big rivers, the Jumna and the Sutlej; the watercourses between them can nover have been large streams.
The importance of the geographical factor in Indian history has boen emphasized recently. For example, Dr. Vincent Smith has remarked that the investigator of ancient history needs to be continually on his guard against the insidious deceptions of the modern map. The rivers of the soft alluvial plains cut and carve their way as they please. Who can tell where the Indus flowed in the days of Alexander the Great ? "Since the early Muhammadan invasions the changes in the rivers have been enormous, and the contemporary histories of the foreign conquerors cannot be understood unless the reality and extent of those changes be borne constantly in mind. One huge river system, based on the extinct Hakra or Wahindah river, which once flowed down from the mountains through Bahawalpur, has wholly disappeared, the final stages having been deferred until the eighteenth century, Scores of mounds, silent witnesses to the existence of numberless and often nameless towns, bear testimony to the desolation wrought when the waters of life desert their channels. A large and fascinating volume might be devoted to the study and description of the freaks of Indian rivers."10 Dr. Vincent Smith has done admirable service to his cause, and what he has said should certainly suffice to inspire caution in the interpretation of ancient texts and in attempts to identify places mentioned in those texts. Great changes have taken place in the rivers, and the positions of the confluences in both the Indus and Gangetic systems have undoubtedly shifted considerably since Alexander's invasion. But have the 'tremendous transformations described on p. 25 occurred within the lapse of historic time? Is it
# I understand that the Drishadvati has been identified with the Chautang. As the word means "river of stones, especially those used to grind grain (Macdonell and Keith's Vedic Index), then stones of this size were much more likely to be found in the Markanda or the Chaggar than in the Chautang, which has neithor boulders nor large stones.
A recent contribution on the rivers of the Vedas is A. C. Woolner's "The Rgveda and the Panjab," Bulletin of the School of Oriental Studies, London, vol. VI, Part 2, 1931.
10 Oxford History of India, 1923, pp. iii y also pp. 25 and 26.

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true and accurate to say that since the Arab invader made his appearance a huge river-system (that of the Hakra) has wholly disappeared, and that the river Sutlej has wandered over a bed eighty-five miles in width ?11 These extreme statements invite examination.
Dr. Vincent Smith's views are based on those of Major H. G. Raverty, to whom he has paid a well deservod tribute. Major Raverty published his annotated translation of the Tabagat--Naşiri in 1881, and intended to write a separate note on the investment of Uchh by the Mongols in 1245 A.D. An article had appeared in the Calcutta Review of 1874 entitled The Lost River of the Indian Desert. At this juncture another paper on the same subject was published in JASB., 1886.12 This stimulated the production of Raverty's “The Mihrân of Sind and its Tributaries : a Geographical and Historical Study," JASB., 1892.13 The work begins with the siege of Uchh, and continues as an elaborate historical geography of the modiæval Panjab and Sind. Much of the topographical information is taken from a work by an Indian unnamed, made previous to 1790 A.D., of which no particulars are given (Mihrán, p. 185). Major Raverty has endeavoured to reconstruct the old river courses of the Panjab and Sind by an analysis of the relevant material in mediæval histories, checked by extensive local knowledge, tradition and some Survey data. The argument is exceedingly diffuse and sometimes contradictory; the material is not well arranged.14 The validity of the deductions depends primarily on the reliability of the historian concerned and of the available version of his history. Connected history began with the Muhammadan invasion. The Muslim chroniclers were seldom eye witnesses of the events they recorded, while names in the Arabic and Persian scripts are notoriously liable to distortion and change at the hands of copyists. 15
The subject bristles with difficulties, but in the limited space at my disposal I will endeavour to be as concise as possible. According to Major Raverty vast changes have taken place in the courses of the rivers of the Panjab and Sind since the Arab conquest. These are some of his more important conclusions. As late as a Mongol invasion in 1245 A.D., both Multan and Uchh were in the Sind Sagar Doab, west of the Chenab (combined Ravi, Chenab and Jhelum). The Hakra was still a large river at this time, and Raverty calls the Sutlej and even the Indus tributaries of the Hakra.16 The Beas had an independent course right down the present Båri Doåb as far as Kahror. 17 Subsequently the rivers deserted their ancient beds, retreated to the north-west, and a vast tract of country became a waterless desert. The development was as follows.18 (a) The Sutlej was a tributary of the Hakra. (6) Both Sutlej and Beds left their ancient beds and met half-way, but again separated : (c) Finally towards the end of the eighteenth century the two rivers again united, formed a new river and a fresh bed, and commenced to flow as at present. Major Raverty asserts that the Sutlej has moved bodily 30 to 65 miles north-westwards, the Chenab at different periods has flowed over a tract thirty miles broad, and the lower course of the Ravi has swung over twenty to twenty-five miles of country.
nl Op. cit., p. 26. 12 See below.
13 Mihran is the name given by the Arab invaders to the Indus below its junction with the rivers of the Panjab.
14 The work is a veritable mino of miscellaneous information; herein lies its chief value.
16 Major Raverty knew this well enough-Mihren of Sind, p. 185. See also Cunningham, Ancient Geography of India, p. 222.
16 Mihrån of Sind, pp. 181, 316. But this is largely a matter of nomenclature.
17 See Sheet No. 39, O, Punjab inch Survey Map, 1920. An old bed of the River Beå, so-called, is shown along the line Kahror, Lodhrán, Jalalpur Pirwala, right in the angle of the Sutlej and the Chenab, and oxtending within twelve miles of their present junction.
18 Op. cit., p. 178, footnote 66.

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Major Raverty had been much impressed by the fact that no reference is made to the River Sutlej throughout the Tabaqát--Napiri ; he says that it is not mentioned in any history of that period (Mihran, p. 178). Only the Beas is named in the direct routes from Delhi both to Multan and Lahore (pp. 159 f.). Hence Raverty concludes that the Sutlej was a tributary of the Hakra (p. 181), and talks of the Sutlej 'deserting its bed and moving up to join the Beas.' It is difficult to reconcile this conception with the existence of the ancient town of Ajudhan, now Pak Pattan, with its lofty mound on the high bank of the old Sutlej (combined Beas and Sutlej), some miles north of the present course of the river. The Sutlej may be omitted from the Tabagát, but so are the Chautang, the Ghaggar, the Chenab, and the Hakra (p. 179). The ubiquity of the Beas is quite embarrassing.
The deductions from the siege of Uchh are based on slender premises, and much dogmatical statement is merely hypothesis. The general trend of the argument about the Hakra, and especially the statement that it contained water till the eighteenth century (p. 415) are contradicted by a piece of evidence quoted by Raverty himself from Mir Ma'sum's History of Sind (p. 184). Mirza Shah Husain, the Arghûn Mughal ruler of Sind, attacked the fort of Deråwar on the Hakra about the year 1525 A.D. He had to take a month's supply of grain and water along with him because Derawar was ' situated in a desert tract so that even the birds of the air were afraid to glance at it.'
It is positively misleading to describe the Hakra as "a hugh river system which once flowed down from the mountains through Bahawalpur and which has wholly disappeared."19 In plain sober prose the Hakra is the local name given to a continuous dry depression which bounds the great Indian desert in Bahâwalpur ; it bends to the south after entering Sind, and is continued to the Arabian Sea at Lakhpat by a channel called the Eastern Nära. The two hundred miles of this depression in the Bahawalpur State are roughly parallel with the present course of the Ghåra (combined Sutlej and Beds), and at a distance of twenty-five to fifty miles from it. On the banks of the Hakra are ancient sites and old fortified places, such as Walar (Sardárgarh), Phúlra, Mirgarh, Mårot, Maujgarh, Dingarh and Derawar; along the lower course of the Ghaggar also are the remains of towns hidden under old mounds. Mârot is on the ancient road from Delhi to Multan via Hansi and Sirsa (Sarasti), but the tract is now a marusthala, an abode of death. Tradition asserts that these regions were not always arid and desolate, and that their deterioration dates from the drying up of the Hakra River which came from the Panjab. What was this Hakra River? The Hakra depression was and still is the outlet of all the drainage channels between the Jumna and the Sutlej, and these are neither more nor less than the familiar Ambala and Sirhind streams already described. The combined waters of these small rivers now disappear in Bikaner State, yet the dry channel further on in Bahawalpur is still two to four miles broad. One can only conclude that these waters were at one time largely augmented in this locality from some other source, and that source can only have been the Sutlej, or the Jumna, or both, reinforced towards Alor in Sind by water from the Indus. Excavation of the ancient sites along the Hakra will throw light on the period when this favourable distribution ceased to exist.20
Dr. O. F. Oldham in the Calcutta Review, 1874, held that the so called Hakra is the old bed of the Sutlej. In an article in 1875 a contributor advanced the view that the Hakra was fed by both the Sutlej and the Jumna. Colonel Minchin, who was for many years Political
19 See above.
39 The earth's rotation has been mentioned as a possible contributory cause, but the rotational effect 18 only tendential, and is common to the entire hemisphere.

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Agent in Bahawalpur, considered that the Hakra was an old bed of the Jumna. It could not have been the Sutlej because that river flows in a defined channel of its own, bounded on either side by land decidedly higher in level. A canal was made in the fourteenth century by Firoz Tughlaq Shah from the Jumna to Hissâr, and these old canals were excavated along ancient channels, so it is possible that the Jumna once flowed this way. The problem was attacked again in 1886 by Mr. R. D. Oldham of the Geological Survey of India.91 In his opinion the Hakra is an old bed of the Sutlej, though it may have been also fed from a branch of the Jumna; it dried up when the Sutlej 'turned up to join the Beas. Lastly, Major H. G. Raverty in 1892 discussed the question from the historical point of view, and a summary of his conclusions has already been given. Not only the Sutlej, but the Indus itself was a tributary of the Hakra; the Jumna is not mentioned. 22
Since the year 1892 there has been a great expansion of irrigation in the Panjab. The vast Triple Project which made the flourishing Canal Colonies in the Central and West Panjab has been followed by works of almost equal magnitude. The Sutlej Valley Project came to fruition four years ago; it will eventually irrigate large areas of desert in the Bikaner and Bahawalpur States. For the purposes of this project the country down through Bikaner has been contour surveyed. The contour lines are not more than half a mile apart, and levels have been observed at points every five hundred feet along the lines. Mr. H. W. Nicholson has been intimately connected with this work for the past twenty-five years. He authorises me to say that by the year 1916 it became evident that an ancient bed of the Chautang a mile wide was an old course of the River Jumna. Without making any definite statement as to period, historical or geological, it is possible to say that the Jumna once spilled down what is now an old bed of the Chautang in Bikaner State, and that it was water from the Jumna, and not from the Sutlej, which made the lost river Hakra. This former channel of the Chautang follows the line Bhadra, Nohar, Rawatsar, Båropal and Suratgarh, all in Bikaner State, and it joins the Ghaggar at Suratgarh. I have looked up the four miles to the inch Survey Maps. The dry bed of the Ghaggar is depicted as being one to two miles wide from Hanumangarh (Bhatner), and it is joined a few miles east of Sûratgarh by a depression extending back to Båropal. Nothing further is shown eastwards, but the importance of this depression is evident because the dry bed of the Ghaggar' suddenly doubles in width at this junction and becomes two to four miles broad; it so remains past Anûpgarh (Bikaner State) into Bahawalpur State at Walar (Sardârgarh). There is a local tradition that water last reached Anûpgarh in 1060 A.D.; it now barely gets down to Bhatner, seventy miles further up. This gives a retrogression rate of eight miles a century.23
In the year 1249 the author of the Tabaqát-i-Nasiri went from Delhi to Multan by the direct route across the present desert tract. When the monsoon set in, and the rains of compassion' fell, he returned by way of Marot, Sarasti (Sirsa) and Hânsi. This mention of the rainy season introduces another aspect of the matter. The great fluctuations in the rainfall are alone sufficient to explain much that is puzzling about these old desert routes. The difference between the matured area of Bikaner State in a poor year and a good year is in
91 Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, 1886, pp. 322-343.
22 The Hakra is designated in the latest Survey mapedry bed of the Hakra or Chaggar River.' Sir Alexander Cunningham calls the Hakra the old bed of the Ghaggar, also the Sotra or Chitrang (Chautang) River.
33 The old bod of the Chautang is mentioned by Major Colvin on pp. 106, 107 of 'The Ancient Canals in the Delhi Territory,' JASB., March, 1833. The Ghaggar "does not in the heaviest season pass in force beyond Bhatner," and "the period when this river (in the old bed of the Chautang) ceased to flow as one is far beyond record, and belongs to the fabulous periods of which even tradition is eçanty."

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THE RIVER COURSES OF THE PANJAB AND SIND
169
the order of 5,000 to 500,000 acres. It would be possible even now to travel via Mârot in September after a good monsoon. A traveller or historian would derive very different impressions according to the season, and an explanation based upon a lost river or change in climate might be quite beside the point. In the Panjab the months of May and June are very dry and hot, but rain fell regularly at this period in the year 1917, and the crops sprouted on the threshing floors. This abnormal weather was followed by an exceptional monsoon. At Jagraon in Ludhiana in October 1917, water flowed out of the well heads and the land was too wet to plough; there was excellent recruiting for the Army that autumn. The rivers remained in flood for weeks after the normal time, and the ancient channels and spill-ways in the desert must have been full of water. The travels of a Chinese pilgrim through the Panjab in the Year of Grace 1917 might record an accurate picture of his impressions, but they would be quite misleading.
Another potent factor has been the hand of man. In former days the water of the Ambala streams reached the Sirsa region; their dry channels are still visible, while wells and Persian wheels are found embedded in the sand. A major cause of the change is the deflection of water higher up by dams and inundation canals which checked its course through the Karnal and Patiala levels. Settled conditions and incroased population in recent times have greatly accelerated the spread of grazing and the rate of deforcstation. The condition of the unprotected outer hills has much deteriorated in the last sixty years. Perennial streams have degenerated into sand torrents with a destructive rush of water in the rains, and nothing the rest of the year. There has probably heen more change here in the last hundred years than in the preceding twenty centuries.
It is certain that the course of each of the rivers in the plains of the Panjab and Sind has changed within historical times, but this does not mesu that the main beds have moved to the extent that has been suggested. Harappa is on the old high bank of the Ravi and aerial reconnaissance along the bank has revealed a chain of sites possibly coeval with it. Parappå has turned out to be immemorially older than was suspected when Raverty was riding over the Panjab Bars in 1855, or when Cunningham wrote his Ancient Geography of India in 1871, and it would appear that the old high bank of the Ravi has reniained much as it is today since pre-Vedic times. This great discovery puts the matter in its proper perspective. The bed of a large river in an alluvial plain may be twenty and even thirty miles wide. The river is free to oscillate within these limits, but may not have transgressed them for thousands of years. I think this is true of the Ravi, the Chenab, and the Jhelum.25 The Beas and Sutlej seem to have been more mobile. Major Raverty only had the levels of the Trigonometrical Survey; these were taken here and there, usually at elevated spots, for the purposes of triangulation. They do not give the general slope of the country, and are meaningless for hydraulic purposes. Exact hydraulic data are now to hand. Excavation will determine the real age of the buried towns along the old high banks. I am informed that a mound as far east as Râpar, where the Sutlej leaves the Siwaliks, has been found to belong to the Indus Age. Much new information will be available when the large and fascinating volume envisaged by Dr. Vincent Smith comes to be written. The freaks of even Indian rivers are ultimately governed by levels.
14 There is also Mohenjo-dAro, of course, in the riverain tract of the In.lus. 36 Cp. Cunningham's Ancient Geography of India, p. 223.

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NOTE ON THE CULTURAL GEOGRAPHY OF THE WYNAD.
BY F. J. RICHARDS, M.A., I.C.S. (Retired.) I. Physical.
The Deccan Plateau on its S.W. margin thrusts two great bastious seaward into the plains of Malabar. The northern bastion comprises the highlands of Coorg, the southern bastion the Wynad Plateau.
This Plateau, which averages about 3,000 ft. above sea level, is hemmed in on the N.W. by the mountains of S. Coorg (rizing to 5,277 ft. in Brahmagiri), and on the S.W. by the 7,000 ft. Plateau of the Nilgiris. Its S.W. border is demarcated by a chain of three members, which rise abruptly froin the coastal plain between Tellicherry and Calicut. On the N.E. it merges into the basin of the Upper Cauvery, the homeiand of Mysore.
The Wynad is not flat, though it looks dlat when viewed from the Nilgiris. It is divided into two portions by a hiily belt that runs N. und ., and sinks to a coi in the neighbourhood of Sultan's Battery. West of this water-parting the Plateau is drained by the Kabbani, east of it by the Nugu and Moyar, ail tributaries of the Cauvery. (Fig. 1.)
The Western Wynad, which is somewhat larger in area and lower in general level than the Eastern Wynad, is divided into four quadrants by the headstreams of the Kabbani. The waters of the S.W. and S.E. quadrants, from Vayattiri and Mùppayi Nad, unite at Panamaram, and are joined by those of the W., from Periya, about four miles below this confluence. In another four miles or so northward the Kabbani, which is here split up by numerous islands, receives the waters of the N.W. from Tirunelli. The N.E. quadrant (Pulpalli) drains northwards, joining the Kabbani below the Tirunelli confluence.
The water-parting between the S.E. and S.W. quadrants, culminating in the Mani-Kunnu massif, 4,509 ft., follows roughly the line of the Panamaram-Kalpatta road, that between the S.W. and N.W. quadrants the Panamaram-Korêt road. The foriner line, continued northward, along or a little west of, the Kabbani, divides the Western Wynad into a western and an eastern half; the latter line continued eastward defines the northern and southern halves of the Western Wynad.
These halves and quadrants differ from each other in their cultural affinities ; 80 also do the Periya and Tirunelli sectors of the N.W. quadrant.
The rainfall at Manantoddy in the west averages about 106 inches annually, that at Gudalur in the east about 90 inches. Northwards towards the Mysore border the rainfall is scantier and beyond, in Heggadadevankote, it is only about 25 inches. But on the southern margin of the Wynad, which is nore exposed to the 8.W. Monsoon, it runs to over 160 inches (Vayattiri 169, Dévala 162), and an annual fail of 300 inches (25 feet) is not uncommon.
On the Malabar border the Wynad is girt with a belt of "moist ever-green" forest, "magnificent trees growing straight up to great heights, and so close together that little sunlight reaches the ground, which is littered thick with rotring vegetation, covered with creepers and undergrowth of many kinds, and swarms with leeches. Hence the fauna is mostly arboreal, and even in the tree-tops the density of foliage is such that grey is too conspicuous & colour for safety and the monkey (Macacus silenme) wears a coat of inky black, with whispe of white hair that simulate the Lichens hanging from the branches."
On the Mysore borders the vegetation is different, a broad sone of deciduous bamboo jungle. "The bamboo grows in clumps, with considerable open spaces between and with plenty of grass; the clumps themselves are impenetrable and are favourite lairs for tigers and panthers; but it is nevertheless possible to traverse these forests without being held up by tangled undergrowth, unless it be Lantana, a pest of very modern introduction." These bamboo jungles are saturated with malaria of a most malignant kind.
1 The highent points in those throo mom bors are (A) Benasurum, 6,767':(B) Kurchipandi-Mala 5,271; and (C) Vavul Mala, the "Camel's Hump," 7,673'.
· For this account of the foresta, I am indebted to Mr. Cammiade.

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Plate
Indian Antiquary
COORG
E-Edonadan Chetti M-Mandadan Chetti. W-Wynadan Chetti.
A- Adiyan. P-Pathiyan.
AM
w wollen
Kalpard
pendi
Nellijale
Tamarasseri
FIG. 4
Fig. 1 RIVER SYSTEM
Nilamburan
COORG CHIRAKKAL
M=Mullu Kurumban K- Kunduvatiyan
MYSORE KOTTAYAM
......L
WYNAD ....... u
.... KURUMBRANAD Fig. 2
GUDA LUR PANTYAN . 1000 • : 100
wy
Fo. 5
CALICUTS ERNAD
COORG
CHIRAKKAL
Pu - Pulayan ka - Kadar Kmb= Karimbalan
MYSORE
KOTTAYAM
Ka Pu Pul
WYNAD
Kmb
Pu Kimpkmb
Fio. 3 KURICCHAN
KVRVMBRANAD
NILGIRI
FIG. 6
. • 1000 . 100
CALICUT

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The total area of the Wynad is about 1,100 sq.m., of which 821 sq.m. lie in the administrative district of Malabar, the remainder in that of the Nilgiris (Gadalûr Taluk). Even the standardizing influence of British rule has failed to merge the Wynad in the routine of normal district administration, or to obliterate the cleavage between the northern and southern halves. Till quite recently the Malabar Wynad remained a separate revenue division, with a divisional officer all to itself, and with a tahsildar at Manantoddy for the northern half, and a deputy tahsildar at Vayattiri for the southern half. The divisional officer has now been abolished, and the Wynad division is split in two, and tacked on to the adjoining coastal divisions ; hereafter the northern half is to be administered from distant Tellicherry, and the southern half from almost as distant Calicut.
The population of the Wynad in 1911 was a little over 100,000; a density of about 101 per sq.m. for the Malabar portion and 83 for Gîdalur; miserable figures, if contrasted with those of the plains (e.g., Calicut Taluk, 715; Coimbatore Taluk, 504) or the Mysore Basin (Mysore Taluk, 426), but very similar to those of contiguous areas in the Ghát Zone. (Kiggat Nåd in Coorg, 91 ; Ootacamund on the Nilgiris, 92 ; Heggadadêvankote in Mysore, 103.)
From Malabar the Western Wynad is accessible through gaps in the fringing range; the northern half is now linked by a metalled road with N. Malabar, via the Periya Pass, the southern half with S. Malabar via the Tamarasgêri Pass. The Tâmarangêri route is an old thoroughfare, but the Periya Ghat, which was constructed by the British in the interests of their port of Tellicherry, has superseded not only the old Smugglers' Pass, which led via Manattana into the heart of the Kottayam territory, but also the still important route from Korot to Kuttiyadi, whence access can be had by river to the older port of Badagara.
With Mysore the northern half of the Western Wynad is connected by a road which follows the N. bank of the Kabbani, the southern half by a road through Sultan's Battery and Gundlupet Metalled roads also link the Western Wynad with Coorg, and the Eastern Wynad with S. Malabar (Karkkûr Ghat, via Nilambůr) and the Nilgiris (Gudalúr and Sigûr Ghâts). II. History.
Of the early history of the Wynad little is known. Rice equates the name with "Bayal Nad," a term applied by the Hoysala hill-chiefs to the southern limits of their territory in the eleventh century, before they had, by the expulsion of the Tamil Cholas, made themselves masters of the Mysore basin. But the inscriptiongs do not define "Bayal Nad" with precision; Rice adduces no evidence to prove its identity with the Wynad, and elsewhere he himself locates it in the adjoining taluk of Heggadadêvankote. Moreover the term bayal, which connotos "open champaign country” is hardly applicable to the forest-stricken Wynad, and the term "Wynad " is in local usage restricted to a very limited portion of the Plateau.
A few inscriptions exist, mostly unread, or unreadable, or unintelligible or unimportant. But there is one gleam of light.
At Tirunelli is one of those ancient out-of-the-way pilgrim resorts with which India is dotted from the Himalayas almost to Cape Comorin. In the Tirunelli temple are preserved
3 Mysore and Coorg from the Inscriptions, p. 98. + Mysore, 1897, II, 331-2.
6 See Mr. Gopalan Nair's Wynad, Its Peoples and Traditions, pp. 7-8, where an alternative etymology ("forest tract") is suggested.
& According to Mr. Nair (op. cit., p. 20), the Wynad proper is restricted to the four amarıms ("townshipe) which cover approximately the N.E. quadrant of the Western Wynad. Mr. Cammiade writes "I know for a fact that the name Wynad was somewhere about the middle of the last century applied only to the central part of the area now known by that name. It was the most open, and, until coffee and teo came in, by far the most important part of the country." He points out, further, that the curious blunders committed in the Treaties of 1792 and 1799 referred to below would not have been made if the name Wynud had then the territorial significance now attached to it.

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two copper-plate grants issued in the reign of Bhaskara Ravivarman, a king who ruled the West Coast plains from N. Malabar to Central Travancore and whose date, though scholars rage furiously together on the subject, appears to be somewhere in or about the eleventh century. These plates provide for the management of the Tirunelli Temple, and it is clear that, in the days of King Bhaskara Ravivarman. the Western Wynad was, as it is now, poli. tically part of Malabar.
Further one of the grants is issued by a chief of "East Purai Nad," presumably a vassal of Bhaskara Ravivarman, and as the modern chieftaincy of Kottayam in N. Malabar is known as Pura Nad, the Wynad Plateau was presumably regarded in the eleventh century as the eastern part of the Kottayam territory.
This reference to Kottayam is of special interest, as it gives substance to the local tradi. tions recorded by Mr. C. Gopalan Nair. According to his informants the Wynad was once upon a time" ruled by two Vēdar* chiefs, of whom Ariappan held the northern half and Vedan the southern half, the boundary between the two being at Panamaram.
A chief of Kumbla, in S. Kanara, when on a pilgrimage to Tirunelli, was kidnapped by these Vêdars. The captive chief got in touch with the chiefs of Kottayam ("Cotiote") and Kurumbranad (also in N. Malabar) and begged their aid. These two chiefs, who were kinsmen, seized the Plateau and divided it between them, Kottayam taking the Western Wynad and Kurumbranad the Eastern Wynad. The boundary between them was fixed at Padri Rock, a short distance west of Sultan's Battery.
Under the Kottayam régime the Western Wynad was divided into a number of shares or "shires." The biggest and most important area, comprising the N.E. quadrant (fig. 1), with some of the best land to the west of Panamaram, was portioned out among a dozen Malayali vassals, and assigned as an appanage to the Third Prince of the Kottayam House ; the Tirunelli quadrant was allotted to the Second Prince with two vassals ; the valley of the Periya river, commanding the all-important routes to the Kottayam home-land in N. Malabar being retained under the direct charge of the Senior Prince. Most of the S.W. quadrant (Vayattiri and Kalpatta) formed another fief, and two more fiefs were established in the area between it and the Periya Valley; one of them (Kurumbala) being placed in charge of the Payyôrmala chiefs, who held a large principality in the adjoining plains. The southern portion of the S.E. quadrant, the Muppayi-Nâd, is not mentioned among the Kottayam fiefs and was probably not under Kottayam control.
Kottayam rule endured, but in the Eastern Wynad, Parakkumital as it is called, the Kurumbranad Rajas failed to make good, and in course of time the tract was absorbed by Kottayam.
This tradition of MalayAli occupation is attested on the Kanarese side by a Mysore inscription of 1117 A.D.,10 which relates how an army of the newly founded Hoysala Empire overran the Nilgiris and "frightened the Todas" and then, turning on the "Malayâlas," drove them down into Malabar ; & campaign which necessarily implies the occupation of the Wynad. It was probably at this period that the Badagas colonized the Nilgiris and Güdalir Taluk.11 There is no evidence that the Hoysalas retained their footing in Malabar or in the Wynad.
Towards the end of the twelfth century a religious reformation established ViraSaivism (commonly called Lingåvatism) all over the Kanarese country. About a century later came the Muhammadan invasions, followed by the rebuilding of the Hoysala heritage under the ægis of Vijayanagar. In this period certain chiefs of the S. Mysore marches
? Soo Ind. Ant., 1891, 285, and Trav. Archeol. Series, 2, 31 sq. 8 Vedan is a general term for "hunter," and cannot be taken as signifying any specific race or tribe. 9 See S. Canara Manual, 1895, vol. 2, p. 248. 20 Epigraphia Carnatica, vol. 4, No. 83 of ChamarAjnagar. 11 In 1921 there were 12,539 Badagas in Gudalur Taluk.

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adopted the title "Subduer of the Nilgiris." The last of these, the chiefs of Ummattûr, who were Vira-Saivas by faith, made a bid for independence during the revolutions which shook the Empire at the close of the fifteenth century. The great Krishna Dêva brought them to heel in 1510.
The Ummattûr tradition is still alive among the Badagas of the Nilgiris. Nellialam, in the heart of the Nilgiri Wynad, is the seat of a Kanarese Vira-Saiva, overlord of a wide extent of landed property, who is popularly entitled Arasu or "king."13 He still exercises a general authority over the Baḍagas as a court of appeal in communal disputes. The legends of his family connect it with Ummattûr, and state that his ancestors, when ruling the Nilgiris, wrested Nelliâlam from a Nayar chief.
Meanwhile in the N.W., beyond the Wynad border, a prince of the house of Keladi1 established himself as ruler of Coorg.
Conflict ensued between this new Coorg State and the rulers of Mysore. Taking advantage of this, the Kottayam Chief invaded Coorg and was annihilated. This disaster the Kottayam princes never forgot or forgave.
In 1765 Haidar Ali, now master of Mysore, but bankrupt with his Maratha wars, decided to replenish his treasury by the conquest of Malabar. To secure his communications with Malabar he attacked Coorg. Malabar fell to him in 1766, but he was not yet strong enough to annex it all permanently. Meanwhile Coorg held out. Haidar then resorted to diplomacy, and Coorg was placated (1768). In 1773 Haidar descended on S. Malabar by a bold march through the Wynad and the Tâmarasaêri Pass. This time he annexed all Malabar. In the following year the Coorg Raja, with Haidar's connivance, wrested the Wynad from his hereditary foe of Kottayam and established a garrison at Kalpatta. In 1779, however, while Haidar was busy elsewhere, Kottayam recovered possession, and in 1780 Haidar annexed Coorg.
War with the English followed. Haidar died in 1782 and the war ended with the Treaty of Mangalore (1784) by which Tipu Sultan retained all Malabar and the Wynad. But in 1792, by the Treaty of Seringapatam, Tipu was stripped of half his dominions. The British thought the Wynad was included in the territory ceded, but the terms of the Treaty were not explicit on the point. The consequences were awkward. Shortly after the Treaty was signed the "Pytchy Raja," as the English called the Prince of the Western Branch of the Kottayam Dynasty, went into rebellion, and after three years of defiance retreated to the Wynad. The British followed and Tipu promptly protested that the Wynad was his. After two years' discussion the Governor-General decided that the Wynad belonged to Mysore. When in 1799 Mysore was restored to her rightful Râjas, the Wynad, as if to make amends for past omissions, was ceded to the Company under one name and to Mysore under another, and supplementary treaty had to be signed in 1803 to make the
Wynad British.
III. Ethnology.
Anthropologically the Wynad has never been intensively studied, but such evidence as is recorded is extremely interesting.16
"Until the introduction of tea and coffee planting the population of the Wynad was mostly confined to the swampy ground along the river valleys. They cleared the swamps, and grew paddy. They had no use for the forest land. The low hillocks standing out of the 13 Nilgiri Gazetteer, p. 370 sq.
13 Rice, Mysore Inscriptions, pp. 153-5.
1 A dynasty of Kanarese Vira-Saivas who built up a state in Shimoga District in the N.W. of the present State of Mysore and made themselves masters of the Kanara coast from Hondwar to the frontiers of Malabar. They are also called Ikkeri or Bednûr Rajas, from the names of their later capitals. They fell to Haidar Ali in 1763.
15 Especially the little book, already cited, by Rao Bahadur C. Gopalan Nair, who has a keen sense of relevant fact. See also Thurston's Castes and Tribes, and the Malabar and Nilgiri District Gazetteers.

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swamps was all they needed for pasture, dry crops, fuel and habitation. Each river valley would then become characterized by some more or less homogeneous community."16
The curly-haired Paniyar represent presumably the oldest stratum. Their method of making fire by “sawing" links them with the jungle folk of Malaya. 17 They number about 24,000 in the Wynad alone, 18 some 28 per cent of the total population, and they are to be found all over the Wynad (fig. 2). They work for hire in the fields. Their speech is corrupt Malayalam.
Field labour is also provided in the Western Wynad by Pulayans in the western half (fig. 6) and Adiyans in the Tirunelli Sector and the N.E. quadrant (fig. 4), the former apparently from Malabar (though they deny any affinity with the Malabar serf caste of that name), the latter from Coorg.19
The Tên Kurumbars and Shola Nayaks20 are more purely jungle folk, who speak Kanarese and whose affinities lie with Mysore.
In the Western Wynad the Kadars of the west and Karimbalans of the south?1 (fig. 6) claim a definite status in the social hierarchy of Malabar, and their kinsfolk are to be found beyond the Wynad limits, mostly in N. Malabar.
The Mullu Kurumbars in the eastern half and the Kundavatayans of the N.E. quadrant (fig. 5) claim yet higher status, while the Kuricchans or Kuricchiyans of the western half (fig. 3) rank highest of all the Wynad tribes.82 These tribes cultivate their own lands, are keen hunters and stout fighters, as the British found to their cost, during the "Pychy" rebellions (1793-97 and 1800-05), and again in 1812.28 The Kuricchans claim to be Nayars of Travancore24 whom the Kottayam Raja brought with him when he conquered the Wynad, while the Mullu Kurumbars say they are kinsmen of the " Vēdar" chief who ruled before him.
The so-called "Chettis" of the Wynad seem to have quite a different origin. They too are landholders, and have no connection whatever with the trading "Chettis" of the Tamil, Kanarese and Telugu areas.26 The Edanddan Chettis of the N.W. speak Kanarese. So do the Mandadan Chettis of the E. Wynad; while the Wynadan Chettis, of the Western half of the E. Wynad, though their language is Malayalam, state definitely that they are Tamil Vellalars who came via Mysore from Dharapuram in Coimbatore (fig. 4).
(To be continued.)
16 so writos Mr. Cammiade. The distribution of the several castes and tribee, so far as information is available, is roughly indicated in the figures on the plate.
17 Soo Thurston's Castes and Tribes, p. 57; Ethnographic Notes, 468; Nilgiri Gazetteer, 160 ; Malabar Gazetteer, 135; Nair, op. cit., 100.
18 There are also, according to unpublished figures kindly supplied me by Mr. G. T. Bong, Census Superintendent for 1921, some 3,800 in Ernad Taluk and over 2,000 in Kottayam. 19 Nair, pp. 97 and 105.
30 Nair, pp. 108 sq. 21 Nair, pp. 77 and 80. Cf. Malabar Gazetteer, p. 137. These Kadars have no connection with the teeth chipping "Kadirs" of the Anaimalais described by Thurston in vol. III, p. 6 sg.
23 Nair. pp. 64, 74 and 89. The term Kurumber is used indiscriminately for a number of totally different communities. There is no evidence to connect this Mullu section with the Ten or Urali Kurumbars or any other "Kurumbar" of the Tamil, Kanarose or Telugu areas. There are 10,485 "Kurumbas" in Malabar, but it is impossible to say how many of these belong to each of the several communities to whom the term is applied.
23 Malabar Gazetteer, pp. 78 and 82. The Kuricchans in 1921 numbered 6,206 in the Wynad, 1,806 in Kottayam Taluk and 367 in Kurumbranad.
34 See Malabar Gazetteer, p. 474.
38 Soo Nair, pp. 183 89., Thurston IV, 444 and VII, 413; Malabar Gazetteer, p. 123; Nilgiri Gazetteer, p. 158. In 1921 there were 4,736 "Chettis" "other" than Tamil or Telugu in the Malabar Wynad and 601 in Gadalur Taluk. But how many of these are included in the three local groups is not known.

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Fig. 1. The Nat-hlâung kyaung, Pagan (East face).
Fig. 2. Vişnu seated on Garuda.
Fig. 5. Varâhâvatára.
Fig. 3. Buddhầvatára.
Fig. 4. Vienu standing.
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Fig. 6. Narasimhâvatára.
Fig. 7. Ramacandravatars.
Fig. 8. Parasuramavatara.
Fig. 9. Sürya standing.
Fig. 10. Vâmanavatäre.
Fig. 11. Kalki avatára.
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THE NÅT-HLAUNG TEMPLE AND ITS GODS (PAGAN, BURMA).
BY NIHAR-RANJAN RAY, M.A. THE Nat-hlaung temple, or the Nat-hlâung kyaung, as it is locally called, is one of the hundreds of more or less ruined monuments of old Pagan, and is the only Vişnu, in fact, the only Hindu, temple now extant in Burma (fig. 1). It is an interesting monument not so much from the viewpoint of its architectural importance as it is from the viewpoint of history and the cult it represents." The name," says Monsr. Charles Duroiselle, Superintendent of Archæology in Burma, “implies that it was built for housing not figures of the Buddha, but statues of deities inferior to him; in this case Hindu figures."! In fact, it is a Visnu temple enshrining in the niches of its walls as well as in those of the central obelisk, figures of the different incarnations of Vişnu, and having as its principal deity an image of Vişnu seated on his váhana, Garuda, placed in the main sanctum formed by a large niche in the middle of the east face of the central obelisk.
1. The Temple. The temple, according to tradition, was founded by king Taung Thugyi, who is said to have lived from c. 931 to 964 A.D. period too early for the style of the building as well as for that of the sculptures decorating its walls. Nor is there any epigraphical or literary evidence to support so early a date. “The only mention in Burmese of a Hindu temple built at Pagan is found in a late manuscript called Pugan Mro Phura Samon, or Record of the Pagan Pagodas, where it is said that it was built by king Anaorahta after his return from the conquest of Thâton (1037 A.D.). This might have well been the case, but in the absence of any authoritative corroboration, and in the light of the fact borne out by epigraphs that Anaorahta was then a fervent adherent of the Simhalese form of Southern Buddhism, it is doubtful whether this bigoted prince would have gone to the length of building a Hindu temple." Curiously enough, as Monsr. Duroiselle has already pointed out, there has been discovered an inscription recording the erection of a Vişnu temple at Pagan. The record purports to say that a Vaişņava saint named Irayiran Siriyan, a resident of Magoda yarapattanam in Mali Mandalam and a disciple of Sri Kulasekhara "made a mandapa, gave a door " in the temple of "Nânâdesi Vinnagars Alavar" at Pukam alias Arivattanapuram. Magodayarapattanam in Mali Mandalam is Cranganore in Malabar; Pukam is certainly PugamA of the Kalyani inscriptions, and Pukhán or Pugan of Chinese travellers : and Arivattanapura is apparently Arimaddanapura, another name of Old Pagan. "Nânâdesi Vinnagara means," says Hultzsch," the Vişnu temple of those coming from various countries. This name shows that the tomple, which is situated in the heart of the Buddhist country of Burma, had been founded and was resorted to by Vaişnavas from various parts of the Peninsula." As Nát-hldung kyaung is the only Vişņu temple that is still extant at Pagan, and as there is no reference to any other Vaisnava monument in the same locality in literature or inscriptions, it is only natural to infer, as Monsr. Duroiselle has done, that NAt-hlaung is the very temple referred to in the Tamil inscription. But from the record itself, it seems that the temple had already existed there when the mandapa was made and the door was given to it. Dr. Hultzsch refers the inscription to the thirteenth century A.D. on palæographio grounds, and as the inscription records the gift of the mandapa and the door, not the erection of the temple itself, it is almost certain that the temple had been built before the thirteenth century. It is, therefore, quite likely that the tradition contained in the Burmese manuscript referred to above is true, and that Anaorahta, who flourished in the last half
1 An. Report A.S.r., 1912-13, p. 136. 2 An. Report A. S. Burma, 1902-03, p. 7.

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of the eleventh century A.D. might have built the temple. This is a date which seems to be in exact accord with the style of the sculptures decorating the niches of the temple. Anaorahta was indeed a fervent adherent of the Southern form of Simhalese Buddhism, but when we read through the Môn records, and remember that in the Pagan court the Brâhmaņas played a very prominent part in the rituals and ceremonies of the court, and that these Brahmanas who were mostly worshippers of Narayana (Vişnu) required a place of worship for their own community-when we take all these facts into consideration, we are at once led to assume that Anaorahta could not but allow this simple prerogative to the most honour. ed Brahmaņa priests of his court who, it may be surmised, had approached him with their request, and whom he wanted not to displease, however bigoted' he might have been.
From the traces on the outer walls of the eastern, i.e., the entrance face of the shrine, as also from the raised yard of the temple itself, it seems that there was originally a porch or a vestibule which had most probably been intended as the mandapo referred to in the Tamil inscription just discussed. But, unfortunately, it has crumbled down as it had most probably been added later on and had not formed part of the original structure. The doorway has a stone frame, of which the lintel has also been broken to pieces ; and if our surmise can be pushed still further, it is this stone-framed door that was made a gift of by the Vaiş. nava saint. The broken lintel has now been replaced by a beam of reinforced concrete.
In plan, the Nat-hlâung temple is square, raised on a panelled and moulded plinth about five feet high above the ground. Like similar temples in Pagan, the interior of the square is occupied by a perambulatory corridor running all round a central square obelisk, which is a solid masonry structure, and on the three faces of which there originally were figures of gods standing in niches adorned with pilasters. On the outer walls of the square cella there are, as we have already noticed, arched niches, each originally containing one stone sculpture. Some of them are now lost or have been carried away to other countries; others that remain still in situ are more or less badly damaged. In the niches of the interior obelisk there were originally standing images of Vişnu, only one of which is now comparatively well preserved. Of the ten outer sculptures representing the ten avataras of Vişnu, seven only remain ; "there three of the four niehes on the east side are empty, the sculptures having apparently been removed from them and destroyed by iconoclasts; the figures that remain bear visible traces of wilful disfiguration."
II. The Images. We begin by describing the main deity of the temple. We have already said that the centre of the interior is occupied by a square obelisk. In the middle of the east face of this obelisk is a large deep niche. It is here that the principal figure was once enshrined: The identity of this principal figure was long unknown, and even up till the first decade of this century it was known to have been lost. Colonel Yule, while visiting Pagan, saw lying on the floor of this temple two images, one standing and another seated, both of stone. The standing one is a statue of Siva, now housed in the Pagan Museum ; the seated one (4. ft. high) is an image of Visnu on his Garuda, and has now found a home in the Berlin Museum.5 Credit is due to Monsr. Duroiselle for pointing out, for the first time, that the principal figure of the temple should be identified with the god now housed in the Berlin Museum and that Colonel Yule was wrong in describing this figure as coming from the niche above the capital on the left of the sanctum proper. The słab represents the figure of Vişnu seated
9 An. Report A.S.I., 1912-13, ibid. + Sir H. Yule, Narrative of the Mission to the Court of Ava in 1865, p. 63 ff. 5 An. Report A. S. Burma, 1913, p. 18; Plate 11, fig. 1. 6 Sculptures aus Pagan, by Grünwedel, cited in An. Report A.S.I., 1912-13.

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on a lotus throne resting on Garuda (fig. 2). The whole piece of sculpture is executed in bold relief; the lotus petals of the seat are shown in sharp, beautiful curves; the god is seated in padmasana attitude, with a reposeful smile; the bird Garuda poses itself as if ready to fly; and both the god and his váhana are elaborately ornamented from their head downwards to the ankles. Beautiful kirita-mukufa with fluttering soarves on two sides crown the head of the god; the ornaments round the arms, wrist and ankles are simple, but those on the ears, neck and waist are profusely and elaborately executed. The representation of the Garuda is somewhat peculiar and differs considerably from similar examples at Hmawza and other places in Burma. The bird shows a short, stunted human bust resting on two heavy rounded feet, with a pair of heavy wings scratched in short, rounded lines. The god holds in his upper hands the disc and the conch respectively. The palm of the lower right hand which is raised almost to the chest, is unfortunately mutilated, so much so that the attribute can scarcely be recognised, but the position of the hand seems to indicate that it was probably a vilva or mutulinga fruit, as is usually the case in Burma. The lower left hand holds the club, not at the top, but round the middle. It is interesting to find this example of Vişnu seated on his Garuda as in Indian examples; and the pose and the attitude of the god and his vehicle are more or less akin to those of similar sculptures in India. Interesting also is the lotusseat that intervenes between Vişnu and Garuda; it is because of this that the flying attitude of the bird loses its real iconographic significance, and serves as a decorative figure.
Over the two capitals on the two sides of the principal figure are two small niches (2 ft. high) that must once have housed two statues. Of these two, one still remains in situ (fig. 3). It is a small slab of stone representing likewise the figure of Vişņu seated in padmasana pose, resting on Garuda with outstretched wings. The figure is badly mutilated, but enough remains to show that it is nothing but a Garuda. The god is ornamented with simple but heavy ornaments round the wrists and arms, but they are not so elaborate as in the preceding figure, nor is there a mukuta of any description whatsoever. The head-dress is most simple and is similar to those so common on the heads of the figures of Buddha in Burma. The dross is plain, and resembles," Monsr. Duroiselle points out," that of a Buddhist monk." The iconography of the figure seems all the more interesting when we mark the attitude se well as the physiognomy of the face, which is peculiarly Burmese in character. Noticeable also are the two distended earlobes a feature peculiar to the Buddha images. Rightly has it been identified as the Buddha avatára of Vişnu. The vdhana Garuda and the attributes, such as the disc held in the second right hand on a level with the shoulder, and the club, which is visible in the left arm resting on the knee, determine once for all the cult to which the god belongs.
On the northern, western and southern faces of the centra lobelisk referred to above were originally three figures of three standing deities cut in relief in brick and placed in three niches flanked with slender pilasters. The figures are all badly defaced, and the different attributes can hardly be traced. The three figures are replicas of one another, they are all of the same type, with the same pose and with graceful limbs beautifully adorned with ornaments richly carved. The position of the four hands is the same in each, and it is most likely that they carried the same attributes. One of the three is comparatively better preserved (fig. 4); and this is described by Moner. Duroiselle as follows "The lower right arm is missing. The upper right hand holds what remains of a broken object, probably the disc. The lower left arm rests on the club, traces of which are visible.... ; the upper left hand holds the conch, the outlines of which are still perfectly seen ... This last attribute
An. Report A.S.1., 1912-13, p. 138.

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shows it to be Vinnu. Similar traces of the once existing symbols are visible, but much more faintly, on the bricks behind the two other statues."7 The standing position, most commor. to late medieval Visnu images in India, the smooth and refined modelling of the slender body, the beautifully executed ornamente, and above all the physiognomy of the figures suffice to show that they are frankly Indian in character, belonging to a period not later than the eleventh century A.D.
Now we come to the images in the niches of the outer walls of the temple. The niche at the eastern end of the south wall is occupied by a representation of the Varâha avatára of Vişņu (fig. 5). The figure, like all the others, is badly mutilated. The boar-head has specially suffered, but the attitude of the legs and the position of the head turned towards the left shoulder, on which the defaced female figure of the seated Bhûdevî can be clearly noticed, are more than convincing. The heavy chignon of the goddess falling on her back and the hands clasped in adoration are represented with a thoroughness of detail. The hands are mostly broken off ; the attributes cannot, therefore, be recognised, but the mace (gadá) held at the middle by the left lower hand, as well as the petals of the lotus throne are clearly distinguishable. It may be mentioned here that the attitude of the two legs which is generally determined by the attitude of the head, has here been to some extent misunderstood. If the head is turned towards the left, it is natural for us to expect, from similar examples in India as well from artistic requirement, that the left leg should be bent and the right kept straight and strong, or vice versa. But, here, though the head is turned towards the left, the leg bent is the right one and not the left.
One of the niches is occupied by a representation of the Narasimha avatára of Vişnu (fig. 6). The attitude of the legs with their knee-joints bent forward as well as the lower hands holding something in the lap are interesting, and are the determining factors for the identification of the divinity. The figure on the lap is completely gone, traces of the stone are only left; but the lines of the lion face of the principal figure with at least six hands and the sharp nails of one of the hands that are used to rend the body of Hiranyakasipu that can yet be traced, leave no doubt as to its being the Narasimha avatára of Vişnu.
A third niche is occupied by a representation of a two-handed divinity standing erect on a lotus throne with the head slightly bent towards the left (fig. 7). The head is crowned with the usual but peculiar head-dress with flame designs on two sides ; but the face is mutilated and it is difficult to make out anything. The god is dressed to the knees, and the hands holding respectively the arrow and the bow at once show that it is a figure of the Ramachandra avatára of Vişnu. The iconographic texts would lay down that "Ramachandra should never have more than two arms; in the right hand the bana, or arrow, should be held, and in the left hand the dhanus, or the bow;"! and the present icon strictly follows this text. But some of the texts demand that an image of Sri Rama should be a standing one, with three bends in the body, in other words, it has to be a standing image of the tribharga variety, an injunction followed in most of the South Indian images of Ramachandra. This has here been disregarded ; nor is the divinity accompanied by Sita, Laksmana or Hanumana, as laid down in certain other, especially South Indian, texts.
A fourth niche is occupied by an image easily distinguishable as Parasurama (fig. 8), another avatára of Vişnu. The figure stands on a lotus throne flanked by two full blown lotuses; it is crowned by the usual head-dress and decorated with simple ornaments. The attitude of the body is erect, but the head is slightly bent towards the right. The hands,
6 T. A. Gopinatha Rao, Elements of Hindu Iconography, vol. 1, Part I, p. 189. » Ibid., p. 186.

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two in number, hold respectively a staff-like object, perhaps a khadgu, or sword, raised upwards, and an axe resting on the left shoulder. The latter attribute determines the iconography of the sculpture. Here the icon differs a bit from written texts, inasmuch as the texts would require the parašu, or axe, to be in the right hand, and the left hand to be in the suchi pose, as if pointing to something. But the Agni Purdna would have four hands for Parafurámávatára, holding the parašu, khadga, bana and dhanus, respectively. This helps to determine that the object held in the right hand can be nothing else than a khadga.
Of the ten niches, we already know that three on the east side are empty; the icons have not yet been traced, and there is very little hope of their being found in future. Of the seven that remain, four, e.g., Vardha, Narasimha, Ramachandra and Parasurama, have already been identified without any very great difficulty. Of the rest, two are so badly defaced that it is difficult to be certain about their identification ; yet we shall make an attempt. The third is one of the best preserved images of the Nat-hlâung kyaung. No attempt has so far been made to identify these three images. We begin with the third, the presence of which in a Vişnu temple is interesting. It is surprising to learn, in the first instance, that it is not an image of Visnu, nor of any of his ten avatdras. It is sheltered in the niche close to the entrance on the proper left (fig. 9). The image can easily be described, but it is better to quote Monar. Duroiselle :-"It is standing on a lotus flower from which two other smaller ones spring; the arms are placed close to the body bent upwards at the elbows, and each hand holds a lotus bud on a level with the shoulders. It wears a crown; the distended earlobes hang down and touch the shoulders under the weight of large ear ornaments. It has bracelets, armlete, anklets; the lower garment is tucked up and reaches as far as the knees ; lines showing the folds are visible." Monsr. Duroiselle was not able to identify it, but he added: "The number of niches would lead one to suppose that this also represents one of Vişnu's avatāras ; but it has none of the distinctive attributes of any of these."10 And precisely for this reason, it is not any of the avatdras of Vişnu, but seems in all likelihood to be an image of Surya of the South Indian variety. The position of the two hands, as well as the lotus buds, held in a line with the shoulder, are significant; no loss significant is the number of the hands, namely two (a feature peculiar to South Indian images of Sürya) and the strictly orect pose of standing as well. The high boots covering the two legs and the horses drawing the chariot of the divinity are, no doubt, missing in the present example; but this is not at all to be wondered at, for these are exactly the features wanting in South Indian Sürya images. The iconographic affinity between the two is such that it is difficult to exclude the possibility of its being a Sürya image. 11 It is, no doubt, surprising to find a Sûrya image where we would naturally seek for an avatára of Vişnu. But, the fact can easily be understood if we only remember the very intimate relation of Visnu with the Vedio Sûrya. For in the Vedas he is never a supreme god, but is always identified with the sun, and is said to have stridden over the seven regions and to have covered the whole universe in three steps, a story in which the gorm of the later Trivikrama tradition of Vişnu is so often traced. “The idea underlying this solar explanation is obviously incorporated in the dhydna sloka Dhéya-88ada savitri-mandala-madhyavarti Narayana-8sarasijdsana sanniviştah | kéytravin makana-kundalavan kiriti hari hiranmaya vapuh dhrita-bandcha-chakrah | wherein Vishnu as Narayana is described as residing in the orb of the sun. The idea that Vishnu is the sun appears to be still maintained in the worship of the sun as Surya-Nardyana."13
(To be continued.)
10 An. Report A.S.I., 1912-13, p. 138. 11 T. A. Gopinatha Rao, Hindu Iconography, vol. I, Part II, Plates lxxxvi, xciv (fig. 2), and xcvi (Surya). 13 Ibid., vol. I, Pt. I, p. 74. Also see Ind. Ant., vol. LIV (1926), p. 161, J. N. Banerjee.

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BOOK-NOTICES. ANNUAL REPORT OF THE ARCHÆOLOGICAL SURVEY instance, the function of ayaka-khambhas and the
OF INDIA, 1927-28.13 X 10 in.; pp. xii + 206 ; method of their arrangement, in rows of five at 57 plates. Caloutta, 1931.
each of the four cardinal points of a stúpa, appear to This report has been edited by Mr. H. Hargreaves, have been conclusively settled by the recovery of who succeeded Sir John Marshall as Director-Gone- 17 such pillars at this site, the original positions of ral when the latter was placed on special duty in which have been determined by Mr. Longhurst. September 1928. Under Conservation we find a The inscriptions refer to the Ikhâku dynasty, in the record of useful work carried out in all the circles, regnal years of which the Jaggayyapets records especially at Kalañjar and Deogarh (U. P.), at are datod. Some 17 of these have already been Lahore, at Nalanda and Roht Aagath (B. & O.), at transcribed and translated, with a valuable and Gaur, Paharpur and Rampal (Bengal), at Hampi, suggestive commentary, by Dr. J. Ph. Vogel in and Mahabalipuram (Madras) and at Mandalay Ep. Indica, vol. XX, pp. 1-37 (Jan. 1929). The (Burma). In the section on Exploration and Re- most notable structure must have been the mahd. search Sir J. Marshall describes the results of work chetiya, or great stúpa, which would seem from the carried out at tho fortress and monasteries of Giri inscriptions to have contained & relic of the Buddha. and at the lower city of Sirkap. The evidence at Mr. Longhurst thinks it possible or even probable the latter site indicates, he thinks, that in the third that the original structure had bou.. erected as early and fourth centuries B.c. Sirkap must have formed as the second century B.C. or about the same time part and parcel of the city on the Bhir Mound as the stúpa at Bhattiprolu, the votive pillars and From the trial trenches a number of coins were re- other portions being added later. The brief details covered, including one described as the earliest type given in the report and the illustrations of some of of coin yet four.d on the Sirkap site, and probably the bas-reliefs recovered suffice to show the site earlier than the well known punch-marked issues. calls for a special, detailed monograph. Unfortunately neither this coin nor any of the In Section V an admirable summary will be found 81 gold punch-marked coins reported to have been of the explorative work carried out by Sir Aurel found at Venne in the Vizagapatam district have Stein in Kharan, Makrån and Jhalawan in 1927-28, boen figured on the plates. Mr. Mackay deals with the details of which have already been published in the excavations conducted in two areas at Mohen the departmental Memoir No. 43. jodaro. Mr. N. G. Majumdar gives a short account
C. E. A. W.O. of the results of his exploration at Jhukar, some 16 miles farther north, where not only prehistoric anti- MEMOIRS OF THE ARCHEOLOGICAL SURVEY OF quities identical with those found at Mohenjodaro INDIA : and Harappa (including another steatite senl) have No. 37. An Archeological Tour in Waziristân and been recovered, but also remains of the Gupta Northern Baldchistân, by Sir AUREL STEIN, K.C.I.E. period. This site appears to have been deserted by Pp. iii + 07:29 plates and plans, 28 illustrations in the time of the Arab conquest of Sind. Mr. Vate text and I map. Caloutte, 1929. describes further fruitful excavation dono by him No. 42. An Archæological Tour in Upper Swat at Harappa. Of the work carried out at NAlanda
and Adjacent Hill Tracts, by the same author. we have a graphic account, with useful explanatory Pp. iii + 115; 9 plates, 66 illustrations in text plans, by Mr. Pago; while the progress mado at and 2 mape. Calcutta, 1930. Paharpur and Hmawza is reported by Mr. Dikshit Theso are two records of qutstanding importance, and M. Duroiselle, respectively.
not only from the archeological but also from the Special interest attaches to tho description on historical and the geographical point of view. pp. 113-121 by Mr. Longhurst of the important dis. Memoir No. 37 gives a detailed account of a tour coveries made at Nagarjunikonda in the Guntur made during the months Jan.-April 1927 in Wazidistrict of Madras, which will take rank as one of ristan and the Zhob, Lorelai, Upper Zhob and the most important Buddhist sites in southern Pishin valloys in N. Baluchistan ; while the later India. Here, within an area of roughly 1 square Memoir, No. 42, deals with an earlier tour carriod miles enclosed by hills and a bend of the Kistna out in March-May 1926 in Swat and Buner and the river, have been found the remains of several Bud. adjoining tracts towards the Indus. This latter dhist std pas, temples and monasteries, with sculp- tour has been already described in a more popular tured slabs, frieces and pillars of a workmanship form in the work entitled On Alexander's Track to rivalling, if not in some cases excelling, as Mr. the Indus published by Mosers. Macmillan in 1929, Longhurst is inclined to think, the famous sculp- reviewed in the Nov. 1929 issue of this journal, tures of Amaravati, as well as a large number of where it was described as a tour that will rank as interesting Prakrit inscriptions in Brahmi script. one of the most prolific in results of value to scholars The remains and epigraphical records found at this ever accomplished in so short time (nine weeks). site are of importance from several points of view, In the present departmental Memoir the archæo. architectural, historical and geographical. For logical discoveries have been dealt with more fully

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and with greater technical detail, the snecimens of Sir Aurel has remarked that the resemblance of the pottery and objects in stone and metal recovered motifs used in the painted pottery (see Pls. V & VI) have been illustratad and described, and several to that recovered from culture strata ascribed to plans and sections added. The extensive and pre-Sumerian times in Mesopotamian sites is very important geographical survey work done with the striking, and that even closer links perhaps are to aid of K. B. Torabaz Khan has been incorporated be found with the remains from wind-eroded prein a map, on the scale of 8 in. = 4 mi., of the whole historic sites in southern Sistán. central and upper Swat basin and the adjoining In the Loralai district, several trenches were cut tracts, and in a large scalo (2 in. El mi.) contour in the enormous mound known as Dabar-kot. map of the Una-Bar, Pir-sar and contiguous ridges which is nearly a milo in circumference and rises to The valuable linguistic material collected has 113 feet above the plain. This mound was found onabled Sir George Grierson to compile a monograph to be composed of a succession of strata of clay published by the Royal Asiatic Society, entitled containing potsherds, bones and stones, of ashes Torwali, an Account of a Dardic Language of the intormingling with calcined bones and other charred Sude Kohistán, about which hardly anything was remains, and of pebbles and rubble. The evidence previously known, as no European had penetrated indicated that the dwellings Occupying the central the Torwal valley. The tour will always be me portion had been repeatedly subjected to great morable for the many idóntifications achieved by conflagrations. This site had ovidently been Sir Aurel, not only of sites referred to by Hsuan- occupied from very remote times, through the tsang and of the strongholds of the Assakenoi, |'chalcolithic period and down to the early centu. Bazira and Ora, mentioned by the Greek historians, ries of our ora. The ceramie romains, however, but more particularly for the conclusive identi
appeared to be attributable on the whole to & fication of the famous "Rock of Aornos." A
somewhat later period than those at Periânospocial feature of this Memoir is the large number
ghundai. At Sür.jangal, again, somo 12 mi. SW. of beautiful photographs taken by Sir Aurel, which from Loralei, an abundance of painted pottery of illustrate it.
superior fabric and of artistic designs and delicate The second Memoir (No. 37) also contains matter
colouring, associated throughout with worked of doop archaeological and historical interest, deal. stones, came to light (Pls. XX & XXI), far superior ing with an area which in the distant past must to that found at Dabar.lot and other gites and have formed a link between the civilisations of the
more closely resembling the Peridno-ghundai typos. Indus basin and Iran and the Tigris-Euphrates
One of the most interesting finds made was that plains. The selection of the site visited in the of the remains of a Buddhist atdpa at Tor-dhérai, Zhob basin and Pishin valley was influenced by the some two miles north of Dabar-kot, including the record of investigations made in 1898 by Dr. Fritz relic deposit. Here also were picked up & nur..ber Noetling, paleontologist to the Geological Survey of potsherds inscribed with Kharoşthi and Brahmi of India, which had established the existence there characters (Pls. XVII-XIX). Prof. Sten Konow, of interesting prohístoric remains. Out of a large to whom these inscriptions were referred, has shown number of sites visited and explored by Sir Aurel (see Appendix) that they contain & record of the in the course of this fruitful tour of some 1,400 miles dedication of watering-place for men and beasts only a few can be noticed here.
by ShAhi Yola-Mira, in connexion with his own At Sukh-dherai, Chaudhwan and Chicha-dherai Yola-Mira-shAhi vihdra, where Buddhist monks in Waziristan, remains of pottery were found show. of the Sarvletivadin school resided. Much historiing affinity to examples of paintod pottery recovered cal importance attaches to the discovery of these from certain prehistoric sites in N. Baluchistan romains, which we owo to the practised eye of Sir as well as to patterns found by Sir Aurel in southern Aurel, who was led by indications that would prob. Sistan. In the central Zhob valloy, at Periano ably have escaped the notice of others, to excavate ghupdai, important finds wore made of painted the top of this hillock. This find, as Sir Aurel pottery of superior make, cinorary pots containing writes, is "the first to attest the practice of bones and ashes, in positions indicating intramural Buddhist doctrine and cult on those south-eastern burial, stone and copper implemente, etc. The marches of Iran which are comprised in the present stratification gave strong support for the belief Baluchistån. They thus form a useful link with that the remains at this site had been deposited by those traces of the influence of Buddhist icono. dwellers occupying the place during a prolonged, graphy which, I believe, can be recognized in some yet homogeneous culture period. These remains mural paintings of the Koh-i-Khwaja site of Siatan were associated with stone implements of neolithic much further away to the west." The name and type and also with copper weapons and ornaments. I title of the donor, moreover, point to the extension

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY
of Kushan rule over this portion of Baluchistan; while the chronological indications of the script and language (almost pure Sanskrit) are also of value. Sir Aurel notes that Tor-dherai is the first place where travellers coming from the direction of Duki can now obtain water "after traversing for about six miles an utterly arid waste of bare clay, rock and detritus." Yet an important highway between east and west must have passed through these valleys from prehistoric times, the memory of which was alive till some three centuries ago at all events, as Steel and Crowther went by here on their journey from India to Persia in 1614, and Sebastian Manrique followed the same route in 1642.
The Chinese traveller Hsuan-tsang in his refer ence to Fa-la-na, "the identity of which with Bannû and the adjacent part of the Dérajât is not subject to doubt," in Sir Aurel's opinion, relates that the local people reported that adjoining it on the west was a country called Ki-kiang-na situated among mountain valleys, with local chiefs and no supreme ruler, and that the country abounded in sheep and horses, including a breed of excellent horses very rare in other countries and highly prized. Sir Aurel now definitely identifies this country-the Qiqån of the Arab historians-with Waziristan together perhaps with some adjacent mountain tracts of the same character to the south of the Gumal. This is but another example of how Alexander Cunningham was so often on the right
scent.
The observations recorded on pages 89-90 regarding the possibility of climatic change in these hilly and now arid regions will be read with special interest by students of physical and historical geography; while archaeologists will be attracted by the marked resemblance between much of the material discovered and the remains of the chaleolithic period brought to light during recent years at Mohenjo-daro and Harappa. "What their approximate chronological relation with regard to the latter may be still stands in neod of further investigation. But so much is certain," concludes Sir Aurol, "in view of the geographical position which those sites of the chalcolithic period in Northern Baluchistan occupy that they help us very usefully to link up the prehistoric civilization now revealed on the lower Indus with that traced already before in Trân and easternmost Mesopotamia."
C. E. A. W. O.
NOTES AND QUERIES.
ARECA, LEAF-NUT.
In a recent issue of the I.A. the author of the notes on Hobson-Jobson suggested that areca in areca-nut was derived from Sanskrit púga. They are, it appears to me, as far apart as the poles. The Arabic word fuful for areca-nut (see
[SEPTEMBER, 1932
Hobson-Jobson, s.v. areca) may, however, be said to be akin to pûga. For it seems to be derived from Sanskrit púga-phala (= the fruit of the areca palm), with the final vowel a dropped from both the component words as is usual in Hindustani and other languages. The word coffolo for areca-nut occurring in the quotation of 1510 A.D. in HobsonJobson, 1903, may be a mistake for foufel found in the quotation of 1624.
The words for areca-nut in Dravidian are:
Tamil: afaikkdy, or aḍaikkdy (sr) Malayalam: ataykká (Lisa) Kanareso: adike
Tulu: adike (as above).
The Portuguese who came to Malabar in 1498 A.D. must have modelled their word areca on the Malayalam, Kanarese, or Tulu form of the word for the nut.
The ordinary man's word for the nut is pakka in Malayalam, pákku (uri) in Tamil, and pókka in Telugu. These must be from Sanskrit púga, or vice versa. It is the Malabar and Tulu Brahmans that call the nut ataykká in Malayalam. Some of the low class people of Malabar call it kawunká (5), the nut of kawunnə.
The Malayalam word ataykká is made up of afa (L) and ká (4). In old Malayalam afa seems to have had the meaning leaf. Ká means fruit, nut. So that ataykká means leaf-nut, i.e., betel-leaf-nut, betel-nut. The Oxford Dictionary, however, gives it the root meaning of 'close-clustering nut.'
The Portuguese represented the Dravidian cerebrals and 4 by their r as in the following words :
Tuttukkuti (ordi, 4): Tuticorin Tiruvankóta (Can): Travancore So, alaykká (a): areca
The tree is called kawunne (), or kamuka (8), or ataykká maram (areca-nut tree) in Malayalam. The first two are allied to the Sanskrit kramuka.
The old Tamil Dictionary Námadipa Nighantu includes the word afai (L) among the synonyms for (leaf) and those for Qap (betel leaf).
which was esteemed as the leaf par excellence. In the Tamil country a betel leaf pouch is called
, which literally means leaf-pouch. Lui and Luur in Malayalam mean the same thing as
46
Tamil L. In the passage அடைக்காய மிது வெறுங்காய் நாலும் வெற்றிலை யக உம்' (South Indian Inscriptions, vol. V, No. 32) L s means leaf and nut,' i.e., pan-supárs, exactly. T. K. JOSEPH.

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Page #204

Plate
Grand Trunk Road
Phadiel
//whil
PABBI HILLS nin
P
and
2
" Puisi
Me
BRA
Chilimala
Dharida
m
Mong
e
Haranpur PWD DADAN KHAN
Haria
Malck
Bedsheeper
SKETCH MAP
TO ILLUSTRATE ALEXANDER'S PASSAGE OF THE JHELUM. (The figures indicats height above ..I
Scale of Miles
Indian Antiquary

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OCTOBER, 1932 ]
ALEXANDER'S PASSAGE OF THE JHELUM
183
ALEXANDER'S PASSAGE OF THE JHELUM.*
BY SIR AUREL STEIN, K.C.L.E. The site of Alexander's bold passage of the Hydanpes, the present Jhelum, and his victory over King Poros's Indian army has been much discussed, but no definite solution of the ques. tion could be reached. Different locations were proposed by those officers who, in days long past, visited one part or another of the ground where routes from the Indus descend through the Salt Range to the Jhelum river. Neither they nor the scholars forming their opinions on those locations in the study had access to the accurate data to be gathered from the excellent large-scale maps of the Survey of India and modern antiquarian information.
Prolonged experience elsewhere had taught me that even with the help thus afforded careful examination on the ground would be needed for a safe conclusion. The necessary freedom for such an investigation was offered to me last November while awaiting the start on archæological explorations in Southern Persia, which the generous eupport of Harvard University and the British Museum has rendered possible.
Alexander's passage of the Jhelum, when it was swollen in flood, and his decisive victory over the vastly superior army of his brave Indian adversary represent a historical event of lasting importance. It will suffice here to indicate briefly those data from the extant classical records of the event that help us to locate its scene. They are mainly to be gathered from Arrian's Anabasis. It was at Taxila that Alexander learned of the opposition which Poros, ruler of the region beyond the Hydaspes, was preparing to his advance into the Panjab. Taxila provides an absolutely safe starting point for Alexander's route from the side of the Indus; for the position of Taxila at the ruined site of Shahderi, to the north-west of Rawalpindi, has long ago been correctly determined by General Sir Alexander Cunningham, and Sir John Marshall's excavations have fully confirmed it.
Alexander's march must have taken him across the Salt Range. When he reached the Hydaspes, after a march which Pliny's record puts at 120 Roman miles, "Poros was seen on the opposite side with all his army and his array of elephants around him." Alexander, we are told,"clearly recognized that it was impossible for him to cross where Poros himself encamped near the bank." It was early summer, and the river was swollen by the melting snows of the mountains and unfordable, as it is now at this season. So he diverted the enemy's attention by demonstrations in different directions along his side of the river before making his dispositions for the crossing at the place finally chosen.
About this we are told by Arrian that "there was a headland (áxpz) ascending from the bank of the Hydaspes at a point where the river made a remarkable bend, and this was thickly covered with all kinds of trees. Over against it lay an island covered with jungle.
... Now the headland and the island were 150 stadia (about 174 miles from the great camp." Curtius states that the island was greater than the rest of the numerous islands in the river, and adds the important detail of a deep ravine (prealta fossa) near the bank helping there to screen troops, including cavalry.
A Stormy Night. Leaving parts of his force at the camp, as well as between this and the island, Alexander took selected troops of horse and foot with secrecy to the headland, keeping at a considerable distance from the river. A stormy night of rain hid from observation the embarcation of the troops in boats and on skin rafts previously collected." They were not seen by Poros's sentries until they had passed beyond the island." The landing was safely effected, but proved to have taken place not on the mainland but on a large island separated from it by a channel of the river that had escaped notice. This, ordinarily shallow, could after the night's rainstorm be forded only with great difficulty.
• Reprinted with the author's approval, and with the kind permission of the Editor, from the Times of 15th April 1932.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY
[ OCTOBER, 1932
Of the events which followed only the briefest summary need be given. Alexander, leading forward his cavalry, some 5,000 strong, easily routed the inferior force of horsemen and chariots first sent against him by Poros. Moving on he came upon the main Indian army, comprising 4,000 cavalry, 300 chariots, 200 elephants, and 30,000 infantry. The exact details recorded of Poros's order of battle afford a useful indication. We are told by Arrian that he posted his elephants in the front line at intervals of at least a plethron (101 ft.); behind them his infantry in a second line. "He had also troops of infantry posted on the wings beyond the elephants, and on both sides of the infantry the cavalry had been drawn up, and in front of it the chariots." It is thus clear that Poros's front must have extended over more than four miles.
Alexander first attacked the cavalry on the enemy's left wing and by an outflanking manœuvre completely routed it. This initial success, gained by the trained skill of the Macedonian cavalry and the genius of its leader, decided the issue. The Macedonian phalanx successfully faced the elephants, though suffering heavy losses. Finally surrounded by Alexander's cavalry and pressed by the phalanx, the whole Indian host was cut to pieces or fled. The pursuit was taken up by the troops which had been left on the right bank and by that time had crossed. Poros himself, after fighting valiantly, was forced to surrender.
As regards the ground which witnessed Alexander's great military achievement, two contending opinions have so far prominently held the field. One-first put forward by Sir Alexander Burnes, advocated by General Abbott in 1852 and learnedly revived by the late Mr. Vincent Smith in his Early History of India and other publications-made Alexander follow the line of the modern Grand Trunk Road to Jhelum town. It placed Alexander's crossing at a point ten miles above it, where the river, leaving the foothills, makes a bend, though not a marked one. But there is no "headland ascending from the bank of the river " to be found there, nor any deep ravine such as Curtius mentions.
A still more serious objection to this location revealed itself when I closely examined the ground on the opposite side of the river. For the narrow riverine flat separating there the much broken foot of the Pabbi hills from the left bank of the river is crossed for fully four miles above Jhelum by marshy torrent beds containing quicksands. This ground during the floods of the summer months is quite impassable, whether on foot or horseback. Nor would the limited ground between the river bank and the ravines at the foot of the Pabbi hills have allowed of a battle array extending over more than four miles.
The rival theory, put forth by General Sir Alexander Cunningham in 1863, placed Alexander's camp at Jalalpur, a small town on the right bank of the river, some thirty miles below Jhelum, There one of the several routes leading across the Salt Range south-west of the Grand Trunk Road debouches, and there, as the sketch map shows, the river leaves the foot of a rugged projecting spur of the Salt Range. The Nestor of Indian archæology sought the place of Alexander's crossing at Dilawar, at the upper end of that spur.
But the distance between Jalalpur and Dilawar is only eight miles. This would not agree with the 150 stadia (17 miles) definitely mentioned as separating Alexander's camp from the place of crossing. So General Cunningham made Alexander's troops perform a night march of that length, supposing it to have taken them up a narrow winding ravine and then across its head by very difficult tracks down another winding ravine to Dilawar. How a large force could be brought across such difficult ground in a single stormy night remained unexplained. Jalalpur,
But if the location of Alexander's camp at Jalalpur proved thus untenable, my close examination of this place and its vicinity, on the other hand, revealed a very striking agreement between all its topographical features with the recorded description of Alexander's crossing place. The town, of some 3,000 inhabitants, is built on rising ground at the foot of a small outlier of the Salt Range, which rises close behind it to more than 1,000 ft. above the river. Immediately to the east of it lies the wide, winding mouth of the Kandar Kas, &

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OCTOBER, 1932)
ALEXANDER'S PASSAGE OF THE JHELUM
185
torrent bed joining the river. Within less than a mile there passes a northern branch of the Jhelum known as Halkiwani Nala, carrying much water at the time of the summer floods. Jalalpur marks the south-western corner of a boldly projecting spur of the Salt Rango, which for a distance of some eight miles higher up falls off steeply to tho river washing its foot. Nowhere else along its course after debouching from the mountains does the Jhelum touch ground which could possibly be described as a headland or promontory.
Here at Jalalpur we have a conspicuous headland at a marked bend of the river. There is & winding torrent bed wide enough at its sides to afford room for collecting troops, and with bold hillocks rising on either flank such as would effectively screen preparations for an intended crossing. The Kandar Kas corresponds thus exactly to the præalta fossa, or deep ravine, mentioned by Curtius. There are large trees and bushes growing on the ground on either side of its mouth. And—what deserves special notice there is a large island stretching down from prosite this mouth between the Halkiwani branch and the present main river bed farther south.
This island, now occupied in patches by fields of the Admana hamlet, measures in length close on five milos. It is subject to inundation in years of heavy floods and therefore abandoned for the most part to jungle growth of high scrub and trees, just as Curtius describes the “island larger than the rest, wooded and suitable for concealing" Alexander's boats and rafts on their passage.
The accord between the topography of the Jelalpur ground and the classical account of the river passage is thus striking enough. But what in my bolief definitely locates Alexan. der's crossing place at Jalalpur is the combined historical and archæological evidence fortunately now available as regards the route which is the most likely to have brought the great conqueror through the Salt Range down to the river.
Below the route which leads down from the Salt Range to Jhelum town, and which the Emperor Sher Shah's great fortress at Rohtas guarded, there is no route that can come into consideration in this connexion until we get to the one which debouches at Jalalpur and which has led to the erroneous location there of Alexander's main camp. But farther down thero are several passes which an invader crossing the Salt Range from the side of the Peshawar Valley and Taxila could have conveniently used.
The Pass of Nandana. Among these passes there is one that figures very significantly in the accounts of the earliest of the invasions after Alexander's of which we have any details. It is the pass of Nandana, repeatedly mentioned, along with the stronghold that guarded it, in connexion with the campaigns of the famous Muhammadan invader of India, Mahmud of Ghazna. As rightly observed by Mr. W. S. Talbot in his “Gazetteer of the Jhelum District" (1905), the holder of the Nandana hill " had the absolute command of what is one of the most obvious routes across the (Salt) Range.” The descent through the Nandana pass would bring the invader to the right bank of the Jhelum close to the large village of Haranpur, and the distance from there to Jalalpur, as measured along the present main road, keeping well away from the river, is about seventeen miles, just as Arrian's account indicates it between Alexander's camp on the river and the headland where his crossing took place. Thus topography and antiquarian facts in close agreement lead us to Jalalpur as the site of that successful achievement.
It is on the absolutely open and flat plain which stretches south of the left bank of the river all the way down from Jalalpur to opposite Haranpur that we must look for the field of battle. But its exact position cannot be determined, since we are not told the distance at which Poros's main force was encountered from the place of landing. Nor can we definitely indicate the site of Nikaia, the town which Alexander founded where he gained his victory.
We are in a better position as regards Boukephala, the town founded by Alexander at the place where Boukephalos, his favourite charger, died. Strabo distinctly puts it at the point where Alexander embarked for his passage. We may hence safely locate Boukephala at Jalalpur.

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[OCTOBER, 1939
THE GREAT STOPA AT NAGARJUNAKONDA IN SOUTHERN INDIA.
By A. H. LONGHURST. NAGARJUNAKONDA, or Nagarjuna's hill, is the name of a big rocky flat-topped hill on the right bank of the Krishna river in the Palnad taluk of the Guntur district of the Madras Presidency, and 15 miles west by north of Macherla railway station, the terminus of the new line from Guntur opened in 1931. The hill stands in a valley completely shut in by a ring of hills, an offshoot of the Nallamalais (Black Hills) of the adjoining Kurnool distriet, on three sides, with the Krishna river on the fourth or north-western side, where it forms the boundary between this part of the Madras Presidency and the Nizam's Dominions. The annexed site plan (Plate T) shows the geographical features of the area and the positions of the monuments discovered.
Nagarjunakonda is about 60 miles distant from Amaravati as the crow flies, but considerably further by river. It is a wild and desolate spot, and being shut in by the surrounding rocky hills is usually very hot during most months of the year. There is a rough cart track from Macherla to Någulavaram, a distance of 10 miles, but the remaining 5 miles over the hills and through the valley to Nagarjunakonda has to be performed on foot, as no cart traffic is porsible.
The hill was once fortified, and remains of brick and stone fortifications still remain all along the rugged cliffs surrounding the plateau on its summit, showing that it was once used as a citadel; but no ruined buildings of interest were discovered on the hill. At the ecstern foot of the hill and scattered throughout the valley are a number of ruined slúpas of all sizes, from little structures 8 feet in diameter to large ones like the Great Stúpa, 106 feet in diameter. There are also many ruined monasteries and apsidal Buddhist temples, showing that, at one time, there existed here a large and flourishing Buddhist settlement, far larger in fact than the one at Amaravati lower down the river. A number of important inscriptions in Prakrit and in Brâhmi characters of about the second century A.D. were discovered in connection with the Great Stúpa and two apsidal temples. Professor Vogel of Leiden University has published an account of these old records in the Epigraphia Indica, volume XX, 1931. Besides a number of inscriptions and ruined buildings, many lead coins of the Andhra period, gold and silver reliquaries, pottery, statues and over four hundred magnificent bas-relief sculptures similar to those from Amaravati, were recovered during the excava. tions which I conducted at Nagarjunakonda during the cold seasons of 1928 to 1931, when I completed the explorations. A brief account of these discoveries appears in the Annual Reports of the Archaeological Survey of India for those years, but a fully illustrated account of the remarkable discoveries made would fill a large volume, and has yet to be written.
The historical information furnished by the inscriptions is somewhat meagre, and the careless manner in which some of them were engraved adds to the difficulty of interpreting the precise meaning of certain words and sentences. The records belong to the Southern Ikhâku dynasty, who were ruling in this part of India between the second and third centuries A.D. It is clear from these inscriptions that they were kings of considerable importance, as they formed matrimonial alliances not only with the rulers of Vanav&sa (North Kanara), but also with the kings of Ujjayini in Central India. A curious fact about these Southern Ikhâkus revealed by the inscriptions, is that while the rulers were followers of Brahmanism and porformed Vedic sacrifices, their consorts were devotees of the Buddha and erected buildings for the Buddhists settled at Nagarjunakonda and made pious donations to the stúpas. Most of these buildings owed their existence to the piety of certain queens and princesses belonging to the royal house of Ikhâku, the principal founder being a princess named Châmtisiri, who is praised for her munificence in many of the inscriptions belonging to the Great Stúpa, or Maháchetiya, as it is called in the pillar inscriptions belonging to it, and which was founded,
Noke.--The copyright of the photographe reproduced to illustrate this article is reserved by the Archæolo. gical Survey of India.

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Plate I
Nagarjunikonda
11.10 Pullareddigudem
VALLEY
Hittampalle
Scale of o
HILLS
MULA RESERVED FOREST
HILLS
1. Great Stúpa No. 1
2. Chaitya No. 1 and Monastery No. 1
3. Chaitya No. 2 and Monastery No. 2
4. Chaitya Nos. 3 and 4, Monastery No. 3 and Stúpa No. 4
5. Stúpa No. 2
6. Stúpa No. 3
7.
8.
9.
10.
Foot Path
res
VALLEY
11.
12. Wharf
Indian Antiquary
Palace Site
Stapa No. 9
لسه
SITE PLAN
Showing Positions of Monuments discovered at Nagarjunakonda, Palnad Taluk, Guntur District. References to Numbers
-.-. Boundary
NAGULAVARAM
Miles
1
Monastery No. 4 and Stúpa No. 5
Stúpa No. 6
Monastery No. 5 and Stúpa 'Nos. 7 and 8

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Plate IV
Inlian Antiquary
Fig. 1. Remains of the broken pot containing the relics found in the Great Stúpa at Nagarjunakonda.
1010
Fig. 2. The Buddha relies from the Great Stúpa at Nagarjunakonda. The bone relic and gold reliquary are marked 1 and 2 respectively (actual size).

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OCTOBER, 1932) THE GREAT STOPA AT NAGARJUNAKONDA IN SOUTHERN INDIA
187
or perhaps rebuilt, when the pillars were added, by the lady in question in the sixth year of the reign of king Siri-Virapurisadata between the second and third centuries A.D. The same royal lady built a monastery and an apsidal temple close to the eastern gate of the Great Stapa, the ruins of which remain. Another important inscription was found engraved on the stone floor of an apsidal temple situated on a rocky hill about two furlongs to the east of the Great Stupa, and known locally as NAherallabodu. This temple and a monastery standing alongside of it were built by a lady named Bodhisiri and dedicated to the fraternities of Ceylonese monks settled at Nagarjunakonda. The inscription relates that these Ceylonese Buddhists had converted the people of Kashmir, Gandhara, China, Ceylon, Bengal, Kanara, and other places in India. The latter part of the inscription mentions other pious works by Bodhisiri, including a pillared hall or mandapa at Kantakasela, which, as Dr. Vogel points out in his account of these inscriptions, must be identical with " the emporium Kantikosgula "mentioned by Ptolemy as being situated" after the mouths of the Maisolos (Krishna)." The Periplus speaks of "the region of Masalia " stretching a long way along the coast," and adda, "a great quantity of musline is made here." The ancient name by which the Krishna delta was known to the Greeks is preserved in that of the seaport of Masulipatam.
In the same inscription (F of Dr. Vogel's list), the name of the ancient city that once existed in the Nagarjunakonda valley is given as Vijayapuri, and the hill now known as Naharállabodu, on which Bodhisiri erected the temple and monastery for the Ceylonese monks, is called the Lesser Dhammagiri situated on Sriparvata. The hill in question is an offshoot of the surrounding Nallamalais of the adjoining Kurnool district. These bills extend in a south-westerly direction all along the river into the Kurnool district, where, on the top of a wooded bill some 50 miles south-west of Nagarjunakonda and facing the river, stands the famous Srisailain temple sacred to Siva and a great place of pilgrimage in the spring, when a big annual festival is held there. It thus seems from this inscription that in early times the Nallamalais were known as Sriparvata. This is an interesting point, because there is an ancient tradition preserved in Tibet that the famous Buddhist divine Nagarjuna ended his days in a monastery on Sriparvata in Southern India. If this monastery is the same All the ruined one on the Lesser Dhammagiri, it would follow that the association of Någår. juna with this locality has been preserved up to the present day in the name Nagarjunakonda (Nagarjuna's Hill).
The fact that a monastery and a temple were built specially for the benefit of Ceylonese monks shows that very cordial relations must have existed between the Andhra Buddhists and their co-religionists in Ceylon at that period. The existence of such relations can bo readily accounted for by the sea-borne trade which was carried on between the ports of Ceylon and the great emporium Kantakasela of the Krishna delta. It was no doubt this trade which was mainly responsible for the flourishing state of Buddhism in this part of Southern India, which enabled the Buddhist merchants and their royal masters to raise monuments of such magnificence as those at Nagarjunakonda and Amaravati. As Dr. Vogel mentions, the decline of Buddhism in the lower Krishna valley may have had other causes besides the general wane of that religion all over India, there may have been economic factors at work, such as the decline of the sea-borne trade with the West, which had caused vast quantities of Roman gold to pour into Southern India. There was also the conquest of the South by the Gupta Emperor Samudra Gupta and the rise of powerful dynasties devoted to Brahmanism, like the Pallava dynasty in the South and the Chalukya in the West.
The ruined buildings discovered, represent the remains of aupas, monasteries, apsidal temples and a palace. They were all built of large bricks measuring 20' x 10' X3', the same dimensions as the bricks recently found at Bulandibagh near Patna in Bihar, the ancient aite of Pataliputra, It is strange that at two sites so far distant both should yield large bricks of the same dimensions. The pillars, floors, atatues and important sculptures were executed

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in white or grey limestone resembling marble. No other stone was used, and it was brought to the site by means of the river and landed at a stone-built wharf that still remains (see Plate I, 12). The wharf is about 250 feet in length, 50 feet wide and 6 feet in height along the river front and at both ends. Three rows of broken stone pillars extending from end to end show that it was originally provided with a wooden roof, probably thatched. It seems to have served as a kind of Customs House, with a row of shops or godowns on either side. Here, the Krishna is more than half a mile wide, with numerous sandbanks and huge rocks in its bed, but during the rains it is a very large river and navigable for country craft right down to the sea.
On plan and in construction, the Andhra stúpas differ from those found in the North. They are built in the form of a wheel with hub, spokes and tire all complete and executed in brickwork (see plan of stúpa on Plate III). The open spaces between the radiating walls were filled up with earth, and the dome or brick casing built over the structure. As no traces of structural stone tees have been discovered in Southern India, we may presume that they were built of brick and plaster and decorated with the rail ornament in the latter material. The stupes were covered with chunam, or fine shell-lime plaster, from top to bottom, and the moulding and other ornamentation was usually executed in stucco or plaster. The domo rested on a circular platform or drum from 2 to 5 feet in height according to the size of the monument. On top of the drum was a narrow path encircling the foot of the dome, and on each of the four sides, facing the cardinal points, was a rectangular platform resembling an altar and the same height as the drum. In the inscriptions these platforms are described as ayaka-platforms, because they usually supported a group of five stone pillars, called ayaka-khambhas (ayaka-pillars). The preciso meaning of the word ayaka is not known, but it is used much as we use the word ' altar.' From the bas-relief representations of ste pas recovered from the Nagarjunakonda and Amaravati stapas, the ayaka-platform appears as an altar, on which pious donors are portrayed depositing their offerings of fruit and flowers. All Åndhra stúpas had these platforms, but only those belonging to large and important monuments were provided with pillars. As each group consisted of five pillars, the total number of pillars for each stupa so decorated was twenty. The inscriptions show that these pillars represent gifts made to the stúpa in honour of the Buddha and to the merit of the pious donors who provided the money for the work; but no information is given as to the meaning or symbolism of the pillars.
The chief scenes portrayod in the sculptures recovered from these Andhra stripas represent the five great 'miracles,' or chief events in the life of the Buddha, namely, the Nativity, Renunciation, Sambodhi, First Sermon, and the Buddha's Death. These five incidents are portrayed over and over again, either as beautifully executed bas-relief scenes, or else as mere conventional symbols, such as a tree, wheel and stupa. In this form they are found engraved on some of the bases of the ayaka-pillars belonging to the Amaravati Stúpa now in the Madras Museum; and I discovered at Någårjunakonda four bases of ayaka-pillars each ornamented with a bas-relief representation of the 'First Sermon.' The presence of these symbols carved on the bases of the pillars seems to indicate that they were set up to commemorate the five great miracles; just as we know Aboka erected pillars to mark the sacred spots where these events are said to have occurred in Nepal and Bih&r. As it was impossiblo for those living in the Krishna district to erect the pillars on the actual spots in Northern India, they soem to have hit upon the idea of conventionalising the pillars into groups of five for the sake of convenience, so that the events could be commemorated locally, and also, perhaps, with a view to adding to the splendour and importance of the stupas, as in tho case of the Amaravati Stúpa, where the stone casing to the dome, the ayaka-platforms and pillars, and the stone railing, were all added to the monument in the second or third cen. tury A.D. This we know from the inscriptions belonging to that monument. In earlier times the ayaka-pillars were unknown, and they only occur in the Andhra stúpas of that period.

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The platforms and pillars vary in size and height according to the dimensions of the stúpa to which they belong. The pillars vary from 10 to 30 feet in height, with square bases and octagonal shafte. The tops are round, showing that they could not have supported capitals or any other kind of ornaments. In some of the bas-relief pictures of stúpas, the pillars are shown crowned with tricula ornaments, the centre pillar often with a miniature stúpa as a capital. This is incorrect and purely decorative, as they never supported anything and could not do 80 as the tops were round, so that any ornament placed there would fall immediately to the ground. In this case the ornaments merely indicate that the pillars were dedicated to the Buddha, and the inscriptions confirm this.
In the soulptures two kinds of stápas are depicted-one a plain briok and plaster structure like the stápas of the Asokan age; and the other is similar in all respects, except that the brick surface is faced with richly carved stone slabs embedded in mortar. This stone casing was applied only to the face of the drum, ayaka-platforms and lower portion of the dome. The upper portion of the domes of all Andhra stúpas was executed in brick and plaster and decorated with a characteristio garland ornament encircling the dome. This ornament always appears in the bas-relief representations of eldpas, and is in the form of a broad festoon decorated with big lotus medallions executed in plaster.
The stone casing was applied only to the base of the dome, as it is obvious that flat stone slabe could not be fixed to the curved surface of the upper portion of the dome. In order to do this, each stone would bave to be specially cut with a convex front and a concave back, and even then it would be very difficult to keep the stones in position, so this part of the stúpas was always in plaster. These decorated stupas were faced partly with stone slabs and partly with plaster ornamentation, the two materials being used together, and when the work was completed the stúpa was given a coating of shell-lime plaster from top to bottom, to hide any defects or inequalities in the work. For this purpose, the white limestone used for this work was specially suitable, as it was of the right colour and takes whitewash or plaster readily, being very absorbent. It was no doubt these considerations and the fact that it is soft and easy to work when freshly quarried, that led to its general use in the Krishna valley. From the remains of slate-stone bas-reliefs and plaster ornament recovered from the ruined at pas of Gandhára, it seems that they were decorated in the same manner as those erected by the Andhras. The inscriptions show that there was considerable intercourse between the Buddhists of Gandh&ra and their co-religionists in the South, and in all probability the Andhras adopted the custom from the GandhAra builders in the second century A.D., or thereabouts. Gandh&ra influence is also strongly marked in many of the Andhra bas-reliefs and statues in the round. Traces of Roman influence are also manifest in a few of the sculptures and in two small gold medallions recovered from Nagarjunakonda. This is not surprising, 88 we know that in the second and third centuries of our era there was considerable sea-borne trade between Rome and this part of Southern India.
When complete, the Great Stupa at Nagarjunakonda must have been a perfect example of a plain Andhra stúpa (Plate II, fig. 2). It is built of large bricks measuring 20'x 10' 3', and in the usual form of a wheel (Plate III, fig. 2). It was covered with plaster from top to bottom, the dome being decorated with the usual garland ornament, and the drum with & fow simple mouldings executed in plaster. No stone was used in its construction, the ayaka-pillars alone being of that material, and, as at Amaravati, they probably represent a later addition to the adpa. They were gifts, as their inscriptions show, and were erected between the second and third centuries A.D. The diameter of the aipa including the drum is 106 feet. The drum is raised 6 foot above the ground level, and the total height of the monument, excluding the tee, must have been about 70 to 80 feet. On top of the drum is a narrow path, 7 feet wide, extending all round the base of the dome. No traces of steps

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up to this path were found, but it is possible that they may have existed. No steps are depicted in the bas-relief representations of stupas, so perhaps there were none to any of these monu. ments. The ayaka-platforms are 22 feet in length and 5 feet in width, and the bases of the five stone pillars were securely built into the brickwork. In the stone-faced stapas, the ayaka-platforms were the most highly decorated features of the stúpa. Here the Andhra sculptor exhibited his best works of art, partly because these platforms were regarded as very holy structures resembling altars on which votive offerings were placed, and mainly perhaps, because they faced the four open gateways of the stupa, so that they were the first objects seen by anyone entering the sacred precinct around the stúpa. The stúpa was surrounded by a processional path 13 feet in width, and enclosed by a wooden railing standing on brick foundations, which still remain. The gateways were formed by extending the railing outwards, so as to form a screen on each side of the entrance, but there were apparently no transoms spanning the entrance, like those of the Sâñchi toranas. No traces of stone rails or toranas were found at Nagarjunakonda, and it is quite clear that none existed there.
As a rule, the rails and gates were constructed of carved woodwork, no doubt resting on brick foundations, to protect them from damp and the ravages of white ants. It was only in very special cases that they were ever executed in stone, and then they were merely stone models of carved wooden originals.
When first discovered, the Great Stúpa at Nagarjunakoṇḍa was a large mound of earth and broken brick overgrown with grass and jungle, with two ayaka-pillars standing erect, the remaining eighteen pillars having fallen. As the whole of the dome of the stupa had been demolished, the ayaka-pillars and platforms thrown down and broken by treasure seekers, the chances of finding any relics in the edifice appeared very remote indeed. The first thing was to remove the debris and trace out the plan of the structure and recover the broken pillars. When this work was finished and the excavations completed, the appearance of the Great Stupa may be gathered from Plate II, fig. 1.
Fortunately, instead of placing the relics in the centre of the Great Stúpa, they were deposited in one of the outer chambers on the north-western side of the stupa, where they escaped the notice of the treasure seekers who wrecked the monument (Plate III, fig. 1). As the stúpa contained 40 chambers, all of which had to be excavated down to the natural ground level, the excavation of this monument was a very laborious task that took a month to complete. At last, when we had given up all hopes of finding anything of interest, one of the coolies noticed a small broken pot in the north-western corner of the chamber marked with a cross on the plan (Plate III, fig. 2). The pot had been crushed when the chamber was filled with earth by the Buddhists, and all that remained is shown in Plate IV, fig. 1. On the surface were a few white crystal beads and a tiny gold box. After carefully sifting the contents of the pot the following objects were found:-a fragment of bone placed in a small round gold reliquary three-quarters of an inch in diameter. This was placed in a little silver casket, shaped like a miniature stúpa, 24 inches in height, together with a few gold flowers, pearls, garnets and crystals. The three large crystal beads and the round earornament were placed in the pot and not in the casket. The latter unfortunately was very corroded and broken, but a replica was made, which appears in the photograph showing the finds recovered from the tomb (Plate IV, fig. 2). The earthenware pot containing the casket and reliquary was placed originally in the corner of the chamber, which was filled up with earth as soon as the consecration ceremony was over. The brick dome was then built over the remains, and the plastering and decoration of the stúpa completed. No traces of ornamental plaster were found in the debris round the monument, except portions of simple mouldings that once decorated the plinth and cornice of the drum. It must have been a perfectly plain structure like those of the Asokan age before the ayaka-pillars were added in the second century A.D. (Plate II, fig. 2).

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In the inscriptions belonging to the Great Stupa, the monument is called the “Mahachetiya of the Lord, the Supreme Buddha," clearly showing that the tomb was consecrated to the Great Teacher and to nobody else. The discovery of the dhátu, or bone relic, proves that the monument was a dhátugarbha, or 'tomb containing a relic, and that it was not a mere dedicatory ' stúpa. The latter were memorial stūpas, which contained no relics, and, like Asoka's pillars, were erected on celebrated sites sacred to the Buddha, such as his birthplace, and so on. It is, therefore, obvious that the Great Stúpa did not belong to this class of memorial monument. The inscriptions do not definitely state why the stúpa was built ; they merely state that the ayaka-pillars were dedicated to the Buddha, and that they were set up by the princess Ch&mtisiri and other royal ladies of the same house. Supposing the stúpa to have been already in existence prior to the erection of the pillars, it would have been necessary first to enlarge the drum and build the ayaka-platforms to accommodate the pillars, and then replaster and decorate the stúpa from top to bottom to complete the work. In fact, it would have meant rebuilding the whole of the exterior of the monument. Dr. Vogel is of opinion that the inscriptions show that the Maháchetiya was "founded” by Châmtisiri, but it is by no means clear whether she built, rebuilt, or merely contributed to the structure. If she did build the stúpa, then it was she who enshrined the relic found in the chamber; but it is impossible to believe that so great an event as this could have occurred without the fact being recorded in at least one of the many inscriptions referring to the stúpa. We know that the monument was consecrated to the Buddha, as the inscriptions are quite clear on this point. Therefore, it is reasonable to assume that the relic recovered from the tomb represents a dhatri, or corporeal relic of the Great Teacher, otherwise there could be no possible reason for calling the tomb the "Maháchetiya of the Lord, the Supreme Buddha." That the Mahachetiya was regarded as a particularly holy shrine is obvious from the tone and wording of the inscriptions found at the site. Again, the size of the tomb, the number of pious donations made by ladies of royal blood, and the fact that pilgrims came from all over India and Ceylon to reverence it, afford testimony of this.
Unfortunately, the meaning of some of the words and phrases met with in the inscriptions is very obscure. Commenting upon this, Dr. Vogel says—“A considerable difficulty in the way of interpreting the Nagarjunikonda inscriptions is the want of precision of which they show ample evidence. Considering that these inscriptions were meant to be perpetual records of pious donations made by ladies of royal blood, the careless manner in which they have been recorded is astonishing. Not only single syllables but whole words have been omitted." Dr. Hirananda Sastri, Epigraphist to the Government of India, who has also made a study of those inscriptions, found the same difficulty, and, as might be expected in the circumstances, his interpretation of the precise meaning of certain words differs from Dr. Vogel's. The records belonging to the Mahachetiya open with an invocation to the Buddha, who is 'extollod in a long string of laudatory epithets. Dr. Hirananda Sastri is of opinion that the style and wording of the invocation shows that the Mahâchetiya has been specified in these inscriptions as "protected by the corporeal remains of the Buddha" and that the genitive case is used here to discriminate this atapos from others not similarly consecrated. Nine ruined stupas were discovered at Nagarjunakonda, four of them highly decorated with stone bas-reliefs similar to those recovered from Amaravati, but the Maháchetiya is the only one bearing inscriptions indicating that it was consecrated to the Buddha.
The discovery of the relic and the fact that inscription B. 2 of Dr. Vogel's List, definitely gives the name of the monument as the Mahachetiya of the Buddha, seem conclusive evidence that the monument was originally built to enshrine some corporeal remains of the Buddha, as Dr. Hirananda Sastri maintains. The stúpa was probably built long before Châmtisiri set up the pillars and rebuilt the structure in the second century A.D., or thereabouts, which

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would explain why the inscriptions give no information about the consecration or how the relic was obtained. If the Manichetiya did exist prior to the second century A.D., the fact that it contained corporeal remains of the Great Teacher would have been known throughout India and Ceylon, thus making it unnecessary to record this information in inscriptions added to the monument in later times.
We know from the inscriptions recovered from Sanchi, Sârnâth and Amaravati that the great stit pas that existed at these three famous sites were all rebuilt in later times. These inscriptions give the names of some of the pious donors who found the money for the additions to these monuments, but, like the Nagarjunakonda inscriptions, they give no information concerning the purpose for which the stúpas were built, or when they were erected, just the very points which we should so much like to know. The Amaravatî inscriptions show that the stone casing, ayaka-pillars and stone railing were added to the Great Stapa at that place in the second or third century A.D., that is, at the same period as that in which Châmtisiri set up the pillars and rebuilt the Mahachetiya at Nagarjunakonda. Originally, the Amaravati Stapa seems to have been a plain brick and plaster stúpa similar to the Maha. chetiya, and it must have been a particularly holy shrine, else it would never have been enlarged and decorated in so costly a fashion. Perhaps when Ch&mtisiri learned what was taking place at Amaravati, she felt it incumbent upon herself, as the leading devotee of the Buddha at Nagarjunakonda, to redecorate and improve the Mahachetiya.
Personally, like Dr. Hîrânanda Sastri, I do not think there can be any doubt that the Mahdchetiya was originally built to enshrine some corporeal remains of the Buddha, and that the fragment of bone found in the gold reliquary represents a genuine dhátu, or relic, of the Great Teacher. There is no reason why such a relic could not have been obtained from Northern India long before the days of Châmtisiri.
THE HISTORY OF THE PARAMÁRA MAHAKUMARAS.
BY D. C. GANGULY. The Paramaras of Malwa rose to the highest pitch of their glory during the reign of Bhoja (circa 1000-1055 A.D.). Bhoja was succeeded by Jayasimha, Udayaditya, Laksma. deva, Naravarman (1094-1133 A.D.) and Yasovarman (1134 A.D.). During the reign of Naravarman the long protracted war between the Caulukyas of Gujarat and the Paramâras broke out. This finally resulted into the overthrow of the Paramâra government in Malwa during the reign of Yasovarman. Jayavarman, the son of Yasovarman, succeeded in regaining his ancestral throne sometime between 1138 and 1144 A.D. But shortly afterwards he was overthrown by Ballala, apparently a scion of the Hoysala family of Dvarasamudra and the leader of the Caulukya army of Karnata. Balála, within a very short time after this victory, met his death at the hand of the Caulukya Kumara påla of Gujarat, who thereafter brought the whole of Malwa under his suzerainty.
Kumarapala, after the annexation of Malwa, turned his attention to its internal administration. He seems to have divided the country into a number of provinces, which he ad. ministered through his governors. The charge of the eastern division was entrusted to the MahAsadhanika Rajyapala, whose headquarter was Udayapur in Bhilasa.1 In 1163 A.D., when this chief was in office, & certain personage named Vasantapâla made some donations for the maintenance of the temple of Udalesvara at the town of Udayapur. Kumarapala died in 1172 A.D., and was succeeded by Ajayapala (1172-1176 A.D.). During his reign
1 1.A., vol. XVIII, p. 343.
2 Ibid., pp. 342-43.

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Lûnapasaka was in charge of the government of this province. In 1172 A.D., LänapAsaka, for the spiritual benefit of his father, granted the village of Umaratha, situated in the Pathaka known as Bhrmgârika-Catub asti, in favour of the god Vaidyanatha, at Udayapur. Here the record describes Udayapur as being situated in the province (mandala) of Bh&illasvamimahadvadasaka (modern Bhilsa). This settles the eastern limit of the kingdom over which the Caulukyas asserted their supremacy in the third quarter of the twelfth century A.D. During this period, though the Imperial dynasty of the Paramaras was lost in obscurity, some of its junior branches continued to rule over the old Paramára kingdom south of the Vindhya mountains. Their ruling chiefs assumed the titles Samadhigata pañca-mahasabd-alamkara-virajamana-mahakumdra. This means that they were great princes who attained the five mahd-Sabdas. The following are the sources of evidence from which we may reconstruct their history :
A. The copper-plate grant of the Maharaja Yasovarmadeva, dated V.S. 1192=
1135 A.D. B. The copper-plate grant of the Maharajadhiraja, Jayavarmadova.' The genealogy given is
P.M.P. Udayaditya.
P.M.P. Naravarman.
P.M.P. Yasovarman.
P.M.P. Jayavarman. C. The copper-plate grant of the Mahakumara Lakşmivarmadeva, dated 1200-1144 A.D. The kings mentioned are
P.M.P. Udayaditya.
V.S.
P.M.P. Naravarman.
P.M.P. Yasovarman.
MahAkumara Lakşmivarman. Here the name of Jayavarman is omitted. D. The PipliAnagar grant of the MahAkumara Hariscandra, dated 1178 A.D. In this the genealogy is given thus
P. M. P. Udayaditya.
V.8. 1235=
P. M. P. Naravarman.
P. M. P. Yalovarman.
P. M. P. Jayavarman.
Mahakumara Hariscandra, son of Lakamivarman. Hariscandra is mentioned in the record as having obtained his territory through
3 Ibid., p. 347.
Ibid., p. 349.
4 Ibid. # Ibid., p. 351.
6 1.A., vol. XIX, p. 352. 9 JASB., vol. VII, p. 736.
. Ibid., p. 348.

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the favour of Jayavarman.10 Lakşmivarman does not appear in it among the succoeding rulers. He is merely referred to in the concluding line of the inscription
as the father of Hariscandra. E. The Bhopal grant of the Mahakumara Udayavarmadova, 11 dated V.S. 1256= 1199 A.D. The kings referred to are
P.M.P. Yasovarman.
P.M.P. Jayavarman.
MahAkumára Lakşmivarman.
Mahakumara Udayavarman. It is stated that after the conclusion of the reign of Jayavarman, Lakşmivarman obtained the sovereignty for himself by force of arms." He was succeeded by Hariscandra's son Udayavarman. Hariscandra is not mentioned here as a successor
of Lakşmivarman, but merely as the father of Udayavarman. F. The inscription of Arjunavarman, king of Dhara, dated 1210, 1213, 1215 A.D.13 The podigree is given thus
Bhoja.
Udayaditya.
Naravarman.
Yasovarman,
Ajayavarman,
Vindhyavarman.
Subhatavarman.
Arjunavarman, Here Yasovarman's successor is given as Ajayavarman, and not as Jayavarman. G. The Mandhata plate of Devapala, 16 dated V.8. 1282=1225 A.D. The genealogy given
here is the same as that in A., with the additional information that Arjunavarman was succeeded by Devapala, the son of Hariscandra. In his Harsauda grant 16 Devapala assumes the title Samadhigata-pañca-mahd-sabda, which connects him with the MahAkumAra family. Hence there can be no doubt that his father Hariscandra was the same person as the son of Lakşmivarman.
(To be continued.) 10...$ri.Yatovarmmadeva-pdddnudhydta-parama-bhadraka-mahdrdjddhindja parametara-Art-Jayavarmmadeva ity elaamde prafhalama-prabhph praaddad dvd pla-nijadhipatyah samasta-prasastopeta-samadhigata. panca-mana sabdalam kdra-virdjamana-maha-kumdra-Sri-Hariscandra-devah........iti sa-hasto 'yam-mahd. kumdra-Sri-Lakamfuarmadeus-mata-mahdlumdra-871-Hariscandra-dewa-Parandra.kula kamala-kamala bandhoh (JASB., vol. VII, pp. 737, 739.)
11 1.A., vol. XVI, p. 262.
13 ... Jayavarmadeva-ndjye vyatite nija-kara-kata-karaudla praedddudpta-ny.ddhipatya-samasta pradas to peta-samadhigata-panica-mahd-david(od)dla 7)kedra-vindjamana-mahdkumdra-Artmal-Lakaviarmmadeva-pada.
-prasastopeto-aamadhigala-pallog-mand-avd(bojalambdro-vindjam(a)nd-mandlendra-SrHaridoandra-dewa-auta-Srimad Udayavarmadevo vijay-oday. (1.4., vol. XVI, p. 254.)
18 JAOS., vol. VII, pp. 25, 32; JASB., vol. V, p. 378. 16 E.I., vol. IX, p. 108.
15 1.A., vol. XX, p. 310.

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NOTE ON THE CULTURAL GEOGRAPHY OF THE WYNAD.
BY F. J. RICHARDS, M.A., I.C.S. (Rotired.)
(Continued from page 174.) So too the Pathiyans (fig. 4) and Uridavans of the E. Wynad are immigrant communi. ties; the Pathiyans come from Punnad in the S.E. sector of the Mysore Basin, the Uridavans from Chitaldrug.26
Of other tribes mentioned, the Tachanad Muppans s7 of the S.E. quadrant of the W. Wynad are definitely associated with the Nilambor valley of S. Malabar; the Urdli
Kurumbars, 28 like the Kotas of the Nilgiris, are artisans for all the tribes of the Wynad; while the Kanaladis, 39 who are professional fire-walkers, can hardly be called & community, as they number only some six families and have to indent on Pathiyans, Mullu-Kurumbars and Chettis for their wives.
The Nayars, Brahmans, Jains and Muhammadans of the Wynad do not differ from their kinsmen in the plains. It is worth noting that even the East Coast Muhammadans of the W. Wynad hail from Palghat in Malabar. 30
Language and tradition are not the only evidence of Malabar influence. The "forelock” for instance, the outward symbol of Malayali grace, is worn by almost all Wynad manhood except the jungle folk, whose hair is usually a tousled mop. But the Uridavans and Edanadan Chettis, who hail from Mysore, wear the "back tuft " like Mysoreans, while the Mandadan and Wynadan Chottis say they used to do so, and the Pathiyan at weddinge dishevels his forelock to make it look as like a back tuft as he can.
So too in dress; the white cotton of Malabar is the rule for both sexes; even the conservative Edanadan Chettis have adopted this. The draping, too, is that of Malabar; the long, coloured, feminine swathings of Tamil, Telugu or Kanarese are rarely seen. But in this again the Pathiyans, and also, the Wynadan Chettis, at weddings revert to the fashions of their Kanarese forebears.
The chivalrous courting and mating of Malabar have attractions which foreigners can seldom resist. The reaction of the immigrant Chettis to the Malabar system is interesting. The Wynadan Chettis (of Tamil origin) are the most "malayAlized." They have access to caste temples and do not pollute a Nayar by touch. They have adopted Malayali sambandham (marriage by consent), even in a matrilocal form, though a patrilocal type, with certain Tamil rites, is also permitted ; and their inheritanoe is matrilineal. The Kanarese Mandadan and Edanadan Chottis remain patrilineal, and retain the normal" purchase" system 31 of marriage, but the Edanadans also recognise a form of sambandham.89 The Pathi. yans, on the other hand, have adopted matrilineal succession, but combine full Kanarese ceremonial with a tali-kattu wedding of Malabar type.88 The Uridavans, most conservative of all, are patrilineal.
Kuricchans, Kunduvatiyans, Karimbalans and Kadars, consistently with their Malavali origin, are matrilineal ; 80, too, are the Pulayang, though they pay a bride-price. On the other hand, the Mullu-Kurumbars, in spite of their conspicuous conformity with Malabar
36 Nair, pp. 82 and 85.
37 Nair, pp. 89 m. 28 Nair, pp. 71 ag.
19 Nair (p. 96) surmisce that they are Malayans from Malabar, preemably those of N. Malabar described in Thurston, IV, 436.
30 Nair, p. 53, and Malabar Gazetteer, 447. 31 Characterized by the payment of a bride-priod, or, in lieu thereof, by service.
32 So Mr. Gopalan Nair (p. 54 A), as a second marriage, with reduced "price"; not unlike the normal remarriage of Kanaree castes, but children have no right in their father's property.
38 Nair, p. 83. For idli-kaffu ritee see Malabar Gazetteer, 177.

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customs, retain patrilineal succession and the bride-price, as befits the scions of the preKottayam rulers of the Wynad. So, too, do the Paniyarg34 and Urali Kurumbars; like other pre-Dravidian communities in S. India.
The land tenure of the Wynad is also modelled on that of Malabar, the perplexing privileges of overlordship (janmam), which distinguish Malabar from the rest of S. India, being recognized by the Madras Government, and even extended to non-Malayali proprietors who had no shadow of right to them.35
Of Wynad cults and shrines little of value is known. The Tirunelli temple is served by Embrândiri Brahmans of Gokarnam in N. Kanara, and managed by Mûssad936 of Malabar. The riverside Vallûr-Kávu, near Manantoddy, with its sacred carp, traces its origin to Cranganore, in Cochin State.37 The Mani-Kunnu shrine (near Kalpatta in S. Wynad) is served by a Nambûdri of Calicut.38
There is, however, reason to believe that these cults, in their present form, have been superimposed on something older. The Tirunelli shrine, for instance, is sacred to Vishnu ; and it was so in the days of Bhaskara Ravivarman. But one of his grants imposes penalties on any local chief who may thereafter offer sacrifice without employing Brahman priests. This implies that at one time the cult was not Brahmanic. Moreover, not far from the Vishnu temple is a small cave temple, sacred to Siva, of very archaic type, which suggests & Jain or Buddhist origin and to which local tradition assigns a far older date.39 At VallûrKavu, again at the annual festival, the Paniyars are allowed liberties which they dare not take in ordinary life; they are free to jostle people of all castes and, it is said, they are the first to be fed from the boiled rice offerings.
In social matters Brahman influence seems notably rare. Only the Chettis are reported as employing Brahmans in domestic ceremonies; in the case of the Edanadans the officiant is a Vaishnava Brahman of S. Mysore. The Uridavans and Tên Kurumbarso appear to be under the spiritual authority of Vira-Saivas, the Pathiyans1 under Jains.
The other communities are governed by headmen or councils of their kinsmen, the appointment being controlled with some by election with others by heredity, while the tribal officers of Paniyan and Adiyan serfs are nominated by their Malayali overlord. The council of the Wynadan Chettis consists of the heads of five families, each representing & definite territorial area under an arrangement prescribed by the Kottayam Raja. IV. Conclusion.
It is difficult to conceive that a tract so derelict as the Wynad was once a centre of thriv. ing civilization. Cession to the British brought no luck. The 'Pytchy' Raja again rebelled and was not brought to book till 1805. Another rebellion followed in 1812, when his ex. retainers, the virile Kuricchans and Kurumbars, were required to pay revenue in cash instead of in kind. Then in the forties came the coffee boom, and the Wynad, for a time, enjoyed prosperity. But within a generation blight, bug, and borer broke it, and thousands of coffee estates relapsed to jungle. The gold boom of the eighties fared even worse. Parts of the Wynad are thick with ancient workings and in 1880 an effort was made to revive this industry.
34 On this point Mr. Gopalan Nair has slipped (p. 101). The Nilgiri Gazetteer (p. 160) says they are patrilineal and Mr. Cammiade has no hesitation in confirming this.
86 See Nilgiri Gazetteer, p. 280. 36 Temple servants of quasi-Brahmanic status ; Malabar Gazettcer, p. 108. Cf. Nair, pp. 115 mq. 87 Nair, p. 123. 38 Nair, p. 132.
30 So Mr. Cammiade, who adds that the Malay Alis claim Tirunelli as the true source of the sacred Cauvery, while the Mysoreans locate the true source in Coorg.
40 Nair, p. 87, Thurston, IV, 161. 41 Nair, p. 85.

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But Wynad ore is capricious in distribution and intractable ; speculators did their worst; and nothing is left of the venture but ruined bungalows, a jungle-choked race-course, and tons of rusting machinery that was never set up.2 Perhaps tea-planting may yet retrieve the long record of civilization's failure. *3
Yet the Wynad abounds in relics of ancient cultures, some of them historic, such as sculptures, caves, shrines and inscriptions associated with Jainism, Buddhism (perhaps) and orthodox Hinduism ; others, e.g., dolmens, menhirs, stone circles, etc., which for want of knowledge are called 'prehistoric.' The urn-burials brought to notice by Mr. Cammiade** suggest that the Wynad was formerly more attractive and better populated than it is now. Marooned communities, such as the Chettis, imply the same. Whence came the ancient cultures ?
The probabilities are obvious on the evidence cited. The ubiquity of Malayali influence, and the depth of its penetration in this section of the Deccan Plateau are almost startling. Equally so is the failure of Kanarese culture to hold its own. Clearly the belt of bamboo jungle along the Mysore frontier is a greater obstacle to human intercourse than the peril3 of the passes to the plains. Tiger and wild elephant are minor evils; they offer no serious barrier to man's advance. But the Anopheles mosquito is quite another matter. Thousands of square miles along the fringes of the Deccan Plateau have been depopulated by the deadly malaria it convoys, and the malaria of the bamboo belt is of the deadliest kind. How long the process of extermination has been going on is not known. East of the Nilgiris it is certain that large areas have been depopulated since the eighteenth century; but in the Wynad there is little hint of any close and enduring contact with the cultures of Mysore. Probability is not proof, and the evidence has not yet been properly examined. Perhaps the key to Wynad 'pre-history' is to be found in the monuments that litter the plains of Malabar. It is a scientific tragedy that the antiquities 45 of Malabar and the Wynad have failed to interest the Archæological Survey, for 'civilization' is fast breaking them up for road metal. THE NÄT-HLAUNG TEMPLE AND ITS GODS (PAGAN, BURMA).
BY NIHAR-RANJAN RAY, M.A.
(Continued from page 179.) Of the two badly defaced images referred to above, one is most probably a representation of the Vamana or Trivikrama, and the other of the Kalki avatára of Visnu. The former (fig. 10), of which little but the stone mass with its outline remains, may be described as standing in a tribhanga pose on a pedestal which is undoubtedly the remains of a full-blown lotus flower. The right leg is bent almost at right angles at the knee-joint, and the left is placed firmly on the ground. The god seems to have only two hands, of which the right holds the kamandalu and a staff-like object on which the god seems to lean. Neither the attribute in the left hand nor the hand itself can be distinguished. The dress seems to have consisted of a loin-cloth and a waist-girdle, the knot of which is noticeable on the side of the left hip. But the attribute that gives the clue to the identification of the image as Vamana or Trivikrama is the kamandalu referred to above, and the tuft of hair tied up in a knot that is seen on the head. For, the canons (e.g., the Vaikhanaadgama) would lay down that a Trivikrama image should be represented as having two arms," one of which should carry a kamandalu, and the other an umbrella. On the crown of the head there should be a tuft of hair tied
13 Nilgiri Gazetteer, pp. 13-18.
43 Even in the planting industry the separateness of the N. and S. Wynad Beserts itself. The coffee planters had two headquarters, at Manantoddy for the north, and at Vayattiri for the south; the too planters have two centres, at Manantoddy and, for the south, Meppadi.
4. See Man, 1930, No. 135, and the sites marked (1), (2), (3) and (4) in fig. 3. 16 See the long catalogue in Sewell's Lists of Antiquities, 1, 241-253.

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up in a knot; and there should also be a pair of kundalas in the ears, a deer-skin worn in the upavita fashion, the sacred thread, a waist-zone and a kaupina... He should also carry with him a book. All these are intended to show that the image is that of a Vedic student or Brahmanical brahmacharin." Some authorities hold that the image should be represented as a deformed dwarf, and they, therefore, require that "the image should be worked in the form of an ill-shaped man with hunchback, protruding joints of bones and a big belly."13 The image under consideration, deformed and dwarfish as it is, seems roughly to agree with the latter description.
The other one, we have already surmised, is Kalki (fig. 11). It can be described as a standing image with two hands, holding in the right a khadga, and in the left an attribute that can be distinguished. It has the usual head-dress, heavy ornaments, and a loincloth folds of which can easily be distinguished. According to the Agni-purana, Kalki should ride on a horse and carry the dhanus and the bara, but the Vaikhanasagama states that he should have the face of a horse and the body of a man with four hands carrying respectively the samkha, the chakra, the khadga and the khelaka. But, in the present example the image neither rides a horse nor has the face of a horse. The only attribute that is distinguishable in one of the two hands, and on the strength of which we make the identification, is the khadga. It is not impossible that the left hand carried a khetaka or shield. And once we have made sure of our identifications of six of the avatáras of Visņu-namely, Buddha, Varâha, Narasimha, Ramachandra, Parasurama and the Trivikrama, and when the present one is not any of the remaining three avataras, namely, Matsya, Karma or Krsna, we are led by a process of elimination to identify the present icon as the Kalki avatara of Viṣṇu, and assert, in the same breath, that the three niches that are now empty once sheltered the images of the Matsya, Kurma and Kṛṣṇa avatáras of Visņu, the most important god of the Hindu Triad.
III. Art and Historical Background.
The Nât-hlâung images belong undoubtedly to the late medieval period. It is also evident that they were executed by Indian artists, probably imported for this purpose. We have already discussed the South Indian Tamil inscription palæographically dated in the thirteenth century A.D. We have tried in that connection to show that the epigraph refers not to the erection of the temple itself, but to a mandapa and a door, which might well have been added later on. The temple cannot, in our opinion, if we are to judge by the sculptures in its niches as well as by the architectural style, date later than the middle of the eleventh century A.D.
In view of the fact that a Tamil inscription has been discovered in the debris of the temple purporting to say that the temple had been founded and resorted to by Vaisnavas from various parts of the Peninsula, and that the iconography of some of the images (e.g., the Surya) are distinctly South Indian, it is only natural to jump at the conclusion that the Nat-hldung images owe their artistic inspiration to a contemporary South Indian school of art. Had it been so our problem would have been as easy as one could expect in such cir. cumstances. Unfortunately, such an assumption is not borne out by a careful consideration of the sculptures themselves.
The images are all very badly mutilated, and it is difficult to make a systematic survey of each individual image; but the general features and characteristics are easily recognisable from what remains of some of them. The forms and attitudes are mostly conventional, nor
13 T. A. Gopinatha Rao, Hindu Iconography, vol. I, Part I, pp. 163-64.

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have they any claim to any artistic originality ; but they have features that are unmistak. able echoes of a well-known school of art. The hard but lively modelling of the body, the regular lines that control the slim arms and legs and the gradual attenuating curve from the chest to the waist and then broadening itself again on the hips at once turn our eyes and attention to the large number of sculptures of the Eastern school of sculpture of the Pala and Sena periods, extending from the ninth to the twelfth centuries A.D. Our surprise in. creases all the more when we consider the anatomy of the body as well as the physiognomy of the face, and discover their close affinity with the art of the particular school referred to. They have all slim but well-proportioned arms and legs, a broad chest that gradually merges in an attenuated waist, and a pair of well-balanced hips. The ornaments and dress, too, are strikingly similar, and it is particularly noticeable in the heavy ear-rings, armlets and wrist. lets, and finally in the fluttering scarves over the two shoulders, a feature familiar to Brâhmanical and Bodhisattva images of the Eastern school. But we become almost sure of our assumption when we notice the close affinity of their facial treatment. It is roundish with a pointed chin and the two lips, of which the lower one is modelled in a slightly rounded curve, are drawn downwards to give a smile of bliss and contentment. Above, a not very sharp nose, and two faintly modelled curves of eyelashes give a restful shade to the half-closed eyes below, and a pointed downward appearance to the broad forehead. Thus, from the point between the two eyelashes to the pointed chin there is a downward motion, relieved only by the rounded cut of the face. All these are features that are only distant colonial echoes of the characteristic peculiarities of the Eastern school of art of the Pala and Sena periods as revealed in innumerable Brahmanical and Buddhist images found all over the area stretching from Sarnath to as far east as Varendra, Kamarûpa and Samatata.
Now, it is indeed surprising how, in a temple that is supposed to have been built and patronised by Brahmanas from South India, and where the iconography of the images are South Indian, the images themselves happen to be works belonging to or deriving their inspiration from a school of art in Eastern India. But, however surprising this may be, our finding can scarcely be doubted, and if we are to accept it, the conclusion becomes inevitable that the services of artists imported from Eastern India, or at least trained in the art-culture of that particular school and period, must have been requisitioned by the South Indian masters who had most probably been responsible for the building and upkeep of the temple.
This is a fact which should not cause any surprise. For, Pagan in those days was the mistress of the Burmese world, and she had flung open her doors to outside intercourse within the Peninsula itself and beyond. It was this intercourse of Pagan with the outside world that inaugurated the classical period in the history of Burma. Emigrants from Eastern India and Orissa, the Chola country and Ceylon, as well as from the colonies, began to pour in incessantly, in the wake mainly of trade and commerce. Terracotta votive tablets in Eastern Nagari characters of the period from the tenth to the twelfth centuries A.D. have been discovered in large numbers, as well as one inscription in Tamil characters of the thirteenth century. Her sculptures and bronzes can easily be ascribed to art traditions from Eastern India and Orissa, and the Pallava and Chola countries. Her innumerable monuments, when closely examined, reveal influences from Bengal on the one side and Orissa on the other. Still there are others in which Ceylonese elements predominate, and the contribution from the colonies cannot also be left out of consideration. Her Buddhism was Ceylonese, but she drew monks from Bengal, who sailed from Tâmralipta, and from the Chola country, who sailed from Conjeeveram, .or Kanch'puram, as well as others from Ceylon. 14 It is thus evident that Pagan fostered a culture and civilisation very complex in character, assimilating with her national
14 Ep. Birmanica, vol. III, Part II, pp. 19)-91.

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genius contributions and influence from all countries and peoples that came in contact with her. This explains why we here find artists from Eastern India (or trained in the art traditions of that particular school of art) employed in a temple that had most probably been reared up and patronised by South Indian Vaisnavas, and where the iconography of the gods is undoubtedly South Indian.
MISCELLANEA.
INDIA AND THE EAST IN CURRENT LITERATURE.
Journal Asiatique, tome CCXIX, No. 1 (July. Sept. 1931). In this issue M. H. S. Nyberg continues his essay on "Questions of Mazdean Cosmogony and Cosmology." After emphasising the plurality of religions in ancient från, and after discussing the opinions of various scholars on the subject, he expresses his own view that there are weighty objections to believing that the Achsmenian kings, who worshipped Ahuramazda, were followers of Zarathustra. The reform of the latter being of a rather local character, it is only reasonable to suppose that Mazdeans existed independent of his doctrines, as is in fact attested by the description given by Herodotus of the religion of the Persians, which was not Zoroastrianism. Arguments are cited against the view of Hertel that Darius was a convert to Zoroastrianism. The remarkable fact that the Achæmenians and their empire are not referred to in the Avesta, either in the yast attributable to their time or in the texts of a period posterior to them, can only be explained, he thinks, by the conclusion that Zoroastrianism was founded and developed far from the centre of the Achæmenian empire, beyond its limits and independent of its kings. Agreeing with M. Christensen, he would look for the origins of the Zoroastrian movement in eastern från. Briefly put, the available data suggest the existence in eastern från of a Zoroastrian community before the accession of the Achæmenians, its expansion towards the west under their rule, its peaceful penetration into the west during the centuries immediately preceding our era, well marked progress under the Arsakids, a first attempt to form a canon under one of the Vologases, a very strong revival under the Sassanians, marked by the formation of a definite canon and the organisation of a hierarchy, and finally the transformation of Zoroastrianism into a powerful state religion.
[OCTOBER, 1932
Chapters iv to vii, which are devoted to the subject of Zarvanism, are of much interest.1 M. Nyberg analyses a passage, evidently an interpolation, in the first chapter of the Bundahien, which he regards as referring to the god of 'limitless time,' or Zarvan, the quadriform god, the tetrad of divinities invoked by the Manichæans, which he proposes to call the Zarvanite tetrad.' Zarvan, though only incidentally referred to in the Av sta,
he hopes to show, was a contral figure in Iranian thought from a very ancient time. Non-Mazdenn sources have also been laid under contribution. Special attention is directed to the account of the religion of the Magians given by the Armenian Eznik de Kolb, as presenting the most detailed and most instructive recital of the Zarvanite theogony that has come down to us. Certain particulars in this recital are singled out for notice, e.g., the characterising of Ormuzd as sweet-smelling and Ahriman as stinking, and the mention of the rods (baraaman) as being not only an indispensable equipment for the sacrifice, as is even now the case among the Pârsis, but also the attribute of divine royalty. More interesting perhaps is the conclusion he draws from the description of the compromise by which Ahriman was to be king for 9,000 years, but Ormuzd was to retain hold of the supreme authority. The story, he considers, would imply that Ahriman was alone king in our world. The worshippers of Ormuzd would naturally revolt against this doctrine, and would only accept the Zarvanite legend after inserting in it that the supreme power still remained with Ormuzd. He thinks this would go to show that there was a fundamental difference between Zarvanism and Mazdaism, and that the Zarvanite myth wes of non-Mazdean origin. The Sassanian theology he conceives to have been largely syncretist, containing ill-reconciled differences, the product of an amalgamation of elements that were opposed to each other and even hostile, and which may be characterised briefly as Zarvanite and Mazdean.
Acta Orientalia, vol. X, Pt. III, 1932, contains a "Note on the Buddha's jalalakeana" by Dr. Sten Konow, in which he suggests that the jalalaksana may have been based on a popular conception that people may be born with webbed fingers when something great is in store for them. Some fresh reasons are cited for thinking that the traditional conception was that of webbed fingers. It seems probable, he suggests, "that we have to do with ancient folklore, which had not, from the beginning, anything to do with Buddhism and the Buddha, and which was, at a comparatively early date, recast and interpreted in a new way by the learned leaders of Buddhist thought, mainly because the underlying idea was lost sight of or was found to be at variance with later monastic conventions."
1 The attention of Indian readers may also be called to 0. G. von Wesendonk's luteresting paper on "The Kalavada and the Zervanite System" in JRAS., Jan. 1931, p. 53 f.

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Archiv Orientálns, vol. IV, No. 1, Apr. 1932. — may have lastod seventy or eighty years, or at In an essay on the study of Central Asian loan. most a century. In the absence of historical data words (pp. 79-91), following the lead given by it is not possible to say with certainty when this Conrady in tracing the origins of loan words in change in the political situation occurred. "In Chinese borrowed from more western sources, M. my opinion," he writes, “it is very probable that Pavel Pouchs shows how, with the help of texts after the fall of the 3rd dynasty of Ur (c. 2235 recovered in recent years from different sites in B.C.) Assyria becamo dependent on the dynasty Eastorn Turkestan, many points of contact may of Isin, with which the dynasties of Lars and be traced between Tokharian and Uigur and also Babylon quarrelled later on for political influence. between Tokharian and Soghdian and other Central | The relative weakness of the Isin and Babylonian Asian languages. He cites a number of Uigur dynasties of this period generally allowed the words that evidently appear to have been borrowed Assyrian princes to play & more important part from Indian sources, noting also parallels in several in Asia Minor than in the time of the powerful cases from Soghdian, Mongolian and Eastern dynasty of Ur...... Personally I am inclined Iranian. A few examples may be quoted : to think that it was perhaps during the reign
Uigur akad, Tokharian A dledd, Sanskrit aloridam ; of the Assyrian patési Ilušuma, & contemporary Uigur akbar, Tokharian A akgar, Sanskrit aksaram; and adversary of tho Babylonian king Sumua. Uigur intri, Tokharian A indri, Sans. indriyam ; bum (c. 2105-2092 B.c.) that the Assyrians took pos. Soghdianam'wtr, Tokharian A odmulra, Sans. session of Asia Minor." Dr. Hrozný proceeds to samudrah [not admurah, as printed]: Tokharian discuss three Indo-European-Hittite names found A daam, E. frânian *dysan, Sans. deanam (not in the inscriptions, namely, Labarša, Varpa and drânam, as printed].
Anita, who are described as princes (rubáum). In the same issue (pp. 112-117) the learned The importance of these names, he points out, President of the Research Section publishes a short
lies in the fact that, though their Indo-European paper entitled "Assyrians and Hittites in Asia
etymology be not always quite clear, they represent Minor about 2000 B.C." While no historical the oldest Indo-European linguistic material that inscription has been found among the thousands
we know. of cuneiform tablots recovered from Kultépé which
Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, Oct. 1931.might shed light upon the political situation in
This issue contains the fifth instalment of Prof. Asia Minor under the domination of the Assyrians,
one F. W. Thomas's important notes on "Tibetan
F. wo know therefrom that Sargon of Aseur (c. 2040 ! Documents concorning Chinese Turkestan," the D.c.) was the sovereign of the Assyrian merchants
subjecte dealt with being (a) the Dru-gu (Great who tradod there. It has been suggested that
Dru-gu and Drug-cun; the Dru-gu cor and tho the reference is merely to autonymous commer.
Bug-cor the Dru-gu and Ge-sar; the title Bog-do): cial colonies; but Dr. Hrozny is of opinion that
(6) the Hor; (c) the Phod-kar. Dr. Thomas seems it may be concluded with much probability from
to come to the conclusion that the Dru-gu pro
vince was, under the Tibetan administration, tho the inscriptions of Kanes that the Assyrians were
old Shan-shan kingdom, and that the Bug-cor mastors of the country, and that the princes (rubdum,
was Kan-su, probably including the Sa-cu region etc.) also mentioned, hardly counted. He con
as far wost as Lop-nor. He regards Ge-sar (Kesara) siders that the names recorded, marking some
as & dynastic name. three generations, suggest that this domination
C. E. A.W.O.
BOOK-NOTICE. CRITICAL STUDIES IN THE PHONETIC OBSERVATIONS , defective- fault that is, unfortunately, common
or INDIAN GRAMMARIANS, by Siddheshwar Varma. to nearly all our Hindu fellow-scholars. (James G. Forlong Fund, vol. vii); xiii+190 pp. Profesor Varma has made a most extensive London : the Royal Asiatic Society, 1929. study of Indian phonetical and grammatical lite. This is an important and interesting work, in
rature. Not only have the PrátiśAkhyas, Panini
and his succMors, and a long series of other gram which has been undertaken the first wholesale
marians yielded up most of their secrets to attempt to throw the light of modern linguistics
him, but of sixty-five Sikşds known to him by name and phonetics upon the acuto obeervations of the
he has studied no less than fifty; and, although native Indian grammarians. Its author, Professor
the results seem sometimes to be rather barren, Siddheshwar Varma, is a man of well-known there is no doubt that he has made important finds philological and linguistic achievements, besides during his exploration of this largely virgin soil. being an expert phonotician. And he generally He is also thoroughly at home in the Middle Indian shows himself quito at home in European grammaand modern dialects, the phonetic developments tical literature, though we must raise a mild protest of which he has often very happily compared with against his way of quoting it, which is often highly the statements of the Sanskrit phoneticians.

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When we record the following few scattered agg/ni will explain aggi- just as only vargga. will remarks and questions, they are certainly not!
explain tagga-. meant to detract from the value of the work, which,
P. 72.-That vatsa- in Prakrit has developed into according to our humble opinion, tanks very high
vaccha- has never been explained in a satisfactory indeed.
way. Only some sort of palatalization (i.e., a form P. 21.-Why should Yåska's date be about
vatsa-> *vathéa-> *vatéha-) would possibly explain 500 B.C.? It seems fairly obvious that Yaska is somewhat older than Pånini, who may very
this singular fact. well have lived about the end of the sixth pre
P. 73.-The author here gives some examples Christian century.
of an insertion of - between 8-9 and 8-m which P. 27 f.--The conclusions arrived at here are ob. apparently is closely connected with the develop viously opon to grave doubt, as the discovery-im- ment of Vişnt-> Vistnu- or Krena-> Krsna-. portant though it Le by itself-of a single quota- The passage from the Taitt. Prdt., 80 happily ad. tion from the Taill. Prát. in the Mahabhd ya seems duced by Professor Varma, makes away with all to afford a very slender foundation for erecting a sorts of more or less successful explanations of the chronological system.
forms *Krsta- oto. (ep., e.g., Professor Jacobi, IF., P. 33. If the learned author means that tho XLV, 168 f. ; Pisani, Ir., xlviii, 226 f. ; and namo Kumbhipika is of rather modern origin, ho Caland, IF., xlix, 132). may be right. Howevor, the idea of a hell where
P. 78.-Read nañjas. the winners are boiled in pots is certainly quite
P. 99 1.-On doubling, op., especially, Jacobi, KZ., old (ep. the hell lohakumbhi in Játaka, III, 43;
XXV, 603 1.; and Johansson, Shaktázgashi, I, 68 IV, 493, etc). P. 36.-Kambala-Cdrayaniyah doos not necessarily
f.; II, 4, 22. mean (as Kaiyyatn states) "a c. fond of a P. 102.-Vrkka- can only have doveloped out of blanket." It may rather mean "C. who wears vyt-ka-, op. Av. voradka (on the etymology, cp. & kambala," cp, tho well-known Ajita Kedakambala Marstrander, IF., xx, 347 n. l; Charpentier, as well as the Kambalásvatars of the Tattvasam.
Monde Or. viii, 180 f.). graha (Bhattacharya, Fortword to Tattvasangraha,
P. 124.-On aphe, tuphe, op. Professor J. Bloch, p. liv f.; and Charpentier, Monde Or., xxiii, 312).
MSL., xxiii, 265. P. 37.-The conclusion concerning the home of
P. 135.-No connection could well be possit le the Cárdyaniya Sikad is cortainly not justifiable. To speak of an area in which .... Apabhramás
betwoen & svarabhakti vowele in Sanskrit and an
old Slavonic sarabhakti (As in jeleni, etc., cr. was not predominant" means togging the ques.
Schmidt, Vocalismus, ii, 67 f.). Besides, the tion, as the literary Arabhramba has, of course,
Sanskrit is always long, while according to the never had any special geographical area to itself.
Aih. Prdt., i, 101 f., the marabhakti is t, or even Besides, Pischel only says that the sarabhakti
of a short vowel. Thus, when some authorities vowel a was more common in Ardhamågadhi and Apabhramsa than in other dialects— being,
speak of a "svarabhakti e," this must, of course, of course, much more frequent than a even within
only donote an indistinct vowel, a "Murmelvokal." these two.
P. 155.-To call French an “Italic dialect " is P. 61 1. It seems a pity that the learned author scarcely to the point. has apparently not studied the very important
Wo congratulate Professor Varms upon his work of Professor Hermann on the structure of
important and successful work and hope soon to syllables (Silbenbildung im Griechischen und in den anderen indogermanischen Sprachen, 1923) which
meet with him again in a field of research which he would, no doubt, have been of considerable help to
masters so thoroughly. him.-According to my humble opinion only a form
JARL CHARPENTIER. NOTES AND QUERIES. KUMUDVATÍPRAKARANA.
Sarpaka, the few soattered references to which A QUERY.
in Sanskrit literature do not make the details of
the story clear. I can find no entry of a play In the Padmaprabhplaka (od. Caturbhant), p. 26,
bearing this name in the catalogues of M88. premention is made of a palm-leaf writing containing
served in India, and I write this note in the hope a portion of a play of this name and inscribed Kumud that it may catch the eye of someone who knows vatprakarane Sarpakasaktari ndjadárikdri dhdtrtof & MS. of it. Should that happen, I should be rahasy updlabhate. The play evidently dealt with very glad to have details of it. the love of the princess Kumudvati for the fisherman
E. H. JOHNSTON.

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NOVEMBER, 1932] THE GHOSÜNDI INSCRIPTION OF THE SECOND CENTURY B.C
THE GHOSÛNDÎ INSCRIPTION OF THE SECOND CENTURY B.C. By R. R. HALDER, RAJPUTANA MUSEUM, AJMER.
THIS fragmentary inscription' engraved on a big stone and now preserved in the Udaipur Museum was found at Ghosûndi, a village near Nagari, about seven miles north of Chitor in the Mewâr territory of Rajpûtânâ. It is broken into several pieces, of which the biggest one found up to now has been already published by Mr. K. P. Jayaswal, M.A., in the Epigraphia Indica, vol. XVI, p. 25. The two other pieces,3 which form parts of the same stone, are here edited by me from an ink-impression kindly placed at my disposal by MM. Rai Bahadur Gaurishankar H. Ojha of Ajmer.
The characters of the inscription are what is known as Brahmi lipi, belonging to a period about the second century B.C. The average size of the letters is about 13."
The language is Sanskrit.
The inscription records the construction of a stone wall round the hall of worship of Samkarṇana and Vasudeva, as also the performance of aśvamedha sacrifice by Sarvatâta of the Gaja family and son of Pârâsarî. The fact that Samkarṣaṇa (Balarama, brother of Kṛṣṇa) and Vasudeva (Kṛṣṇa) were worshipped as early as the second century B.C. is known from this inscription; and this fact is important.
One of the two new fragments reads... a . Now, the second line of the above published inscription commences with the word far. If the meaning of the word be considered, it will be obvious that it is connected with the word, so that जिना will read as याजिना. Thus the whole reading will be ... ए सर्वदातेन अश्वमेधar. The other fragment reads ara, meaning the lord of lords,' which may probably refer to Samkarsana and Vasudeva.
Text.
L. 1. [ ] न गाजायेनन पाराशरीपुत्रेय स व सर्वतातेन अश्वमेध - 2. शिना भगवां कथवासुदेवाभ्यां सर्वेश्वरा [ ] कारी नारायण का
""
3.
""
203
Some Further Notes on the above Inscription.
Mr. E. H. Johnston, to whom I showed this inscription and Mr. Halder's reading of it, has recorded the following notes, which are so suggestive that they are, with his permission, reproduced in full. C. E. A. W. O., Joint-Editor.
I am much obliged to the Joint-Editor for giving me the privilege of seeing Mr. Halder's interesting paper, which throws new light on an important but difficult inscription. The following notes do not claim to give a final solution, but are only meant to initiate discussion. First as regards the readings, the first letter of the bigger of the new fragments seems to me clearly na. The next word, sarvatátena, is odd, but, as the bottom of ta is cut off according to the rubbing, a possible reading is sarvatrátena. It may also be noted that in the original piece the letter gå in gajayanena seems to have a subscript letter below, attached to the left arm of the letter. The thick left-hand down-stroke is clearly intentional, but the right-hand one may, according to the rubbing, be merely fortuitous. On the whole, I think Messrs. Jayaswal and Halder have done right to ignore it.
The failure to observe the sandhi in one of the new fragments is not surprising in view of the similar instances in the well-known Sanskrit inscriptions of Rudradâman and his
1 Noted in the Annual Report of the Rajputana Museum, Ajmer, for 1926-27, p. 2.
2 This village is referred to in an old inscription of the fourth century B.C., see Ind. Ant., vol. LVIII, p. 229.
3 They were found on the border of the village Ghosûndi.
• Read याजिना.
5 Read भगवद्द्यां.
* Read कारितः.

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daughter. The spellings rva and rve, instead of the ruva and ruve which one would expect, are also noteworthy. The dating of the inscription to the second century B.C. seems incontestable.
Mr. Jayaswal, in editing the largest fragment in Ep. Ind., took the author of the inscription to be a Brahmana, a very proper conclusion on the evidence before him. But Mr. Halder's new fragments suggest that this is not the case. For the mention of aśvamedha (I would accept Mr. Halder's ingenious combination, aśvamedharjind, cf. Satapathabrahmana, xiii. 1, 2, 3, and Br. Ar. Up., iii. 3, 2) surely shows that we are dealing with a king of the first importance and, taking into account the date of the inscription, our search must ap. parently, on this point of view, be limited to the Greek kings of the Panjab, the Sungas and the Andhra dynasty, all of whom might have reached the neighbourhood of Ghosûndi. There were Greek worshippers of Vasudeva, as we know from the Besnagar inscription, and a wellknown passage of Patañjali indicates that the Greeks penetrated to Madhyamikå close to Ghosûndi. But it seems improbable that any Greek king should have celebrated an aśvamedha, whereas kings of both the other dynasties did so. Of the Sungas this is recorded of Pusyamitra, and his family is specially connected in literature and inscriptions with the kingdom of Vidisa, not so very far from the place of the inscription. On the other hand they apparently claimed dercent from Bharad âja (CHI, I, 518) and I do not see how to connect the patronymic, Gåjåyana, with them, nor is there any other point of contact with them in the inscription.
The Andhra kings, of whom the third, Satakarni, twice performed an asvamedha, offer greater possibilities. For one thing, as is well known, the worship of Samkarsana and Väsudeva is referred to in the Nânåghat inscriptions of the first kings of this line (Arch. S. of W.I., V, p. 60). The epithets there applied to them are caídasdtánam mahimavatánań, whereas here they are called sarveśvara, a term which is only used to denote the supreme divinity. It ocurs at Mandakya Up., 6, but more significant for our purpose are the only two ocur. rences in the M Bh., once of Krşņa at vi. 4462, Vasudero 'nantasaktiḥ srstisarhárakúrakal survešvaro devadevah paramátmå sanatanaḥ, and the other among the 1,000 names of Visņu at xiii. 6960. Also the Kashmiri recension of the Bhagavadgita, recently discovered by Prof. F. O. Schrader, inserts a half-verse in Arjuna's praise of Krena at xi. 39, which includes sarvesvara. The word seems to be specially associated with the worship of Krsna and the nature of its uses suggests the inference that this inscription represents a far more advanced stage in the deification of Samkarşana and Vasudeva than that at Nânåghat, though not necessarily more so than that at Besnagar.
Next consider the names. Gâjâ yana as a patronymic is unknown, but it is curious that according to Rapson's catalogue the elephant is the commonest symbol on the coins of the Andhra dynasty, occurring on twice as many types as the horse, which Prof. Przyluski looks on as peculiarly typical of these kings (JR.4S., 1929, pp. 273 ff.), and that the only proper names in Prof. Lüders' list in Ep. Ind. X which begin with gaja are to be found in an inscription of Gautamiputra Satakarņi's reign, namely the kşatriya brothers, Gajasena and Gajamitra (Arch. S. of W.I., V, p. 75). It is perhaps not without significance that the only proper names in literature containing the element gaja are to be found among the traditional authors of the Prakrit anthology known as Hala's Saptaśataka (ed. Weber, p. lv). For, whether that collection is really as old as the Andhra dynasty or not, it clearly belongs to the region associated with their rule.
Further, the Andhras are the only known dynasty of this period who make regular use of Brâhmana gotra names to designate the king's mother, the usage, so far as we know at present, being confined to the later kings. The recorded names are Vásişthíputra (of several kings), Mathariputra (of one king), Gautamiputra (of one king), and Håritiputra (of a branch lino). It is remarkable that we have a similar name here, and all the more so when we reflect that the Pârâśaras are a section of the Vasisthas, the name which occurs oftenest ; ParaSariputra is practically in effect a synonym of Vasistbiputra. Is this merely coincidence ?

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These names do not imply that the kings were Brâhmaņas. For Asvaghosa, who was a contemporary of some of the kings so named, points out at Saundarananda, i. 22-23, that nonBrahmaņas follow the gotra of their gurus, and gives as an example Balarama and Kṛṣṇa, who became, the former a Gautama, the latter a Gârgya, from their having different gurus." The proper name of the king presumably followed this word and, if so, it began with sa, and, unless another word or title intervenes, ended with the ná of Mr. Halder's larger fragment. There is however, so far as I can see, no name in the dynastic lists of the Andhras or on their coins or inscriptions which can reasonably be brought into line with these indications. It is of course possible that Mr. Halder is right in taking sarvalâtena (or trútena) as a proper name and that the intermediate word (or words) was a title or a word giving a further indication of the king's family. Sarvatâta I can make nothing of; tráta is known as an ending for personal names (e.g., Bhavatrâta), and we have in a Mathurâ inscription of Huviska's reign a word read by Prof. Lüders as savatratápotriya (JRAS., 1912, p. 158). Seeing that Sarva is well authenticated as a name of Krsna, I would read sarvatratena, and understand it as a name or epithet.
It thus appears that there are several points of contact between this inscription and what we know of the Andhra kings, and it may perhaps belong to one of them; if so, it would have to be placed in the big gap between the earlier and the later rulers of this line, for which we have no definite information. As against this possibility, account must be taken of the fact that all the known inscriptions of this dynasty are in Prakrit, except for that of Rudradâman's daughter, who follows the practice of her father, not of her husband; according to tradition in fact the Andhras were special patrons of Prakrit literature. Also the place of its find is substantially further north and west of any place hitherto definitely associated with them. Certainty seems hardly possible, unless and until further fragnients come to light, from which the name of the king can be deduced. In any case, whether new material were to confirm my suggestion or to show it to be unfounded, we have here a historical document of some importance, and it is much to be hoped that Mr. Halder will be able to discover some more of the missing portions of the inscription.
E. H. J.
A BALLAD OF KERALA.
BY M. D. RAGHAVAN, B.A., D.A. (OXON.), F.R.A.I., PERSONAL ASSISTANT TO THE SUPERINTENDENT, GOVERNMENT MUSEUM, MADRAS.
(Continued from page 154.)
Chandu at once becomes communicative, and discloses that Arômar is preparing for the fight, and that he is in haste to get his churikas sharpened. Arinnôter pacifies Chandu, remarking that he need have no fear of his uncle, shrewdly reminding him whether it was not Aromax who stood in the way of his marrying Unniârchcha, when her father and mother had both agreed, and observing that if he were a man he should never forgive him. Arinnôter, thus engaging him in conversation, leads him as far as the patippura, Chandu refusing to go further. The former at once sends his daughter Kuñjaņņûli to lure him to the house, telling her that in open combat he has no chance of success with Arômar, who is skilled in all arts and is invincible, and can only be conquered by foul means. Kuñjaņņûli, however, fails to tempt him and returns discomfitted. Arinñôter tries his niece Kutțimâņi who,
Patiññani machchara târ turannu Meivarna petti valichchu vechchu Omanapetti mukham turannu Abharanannal etukkunnundu Kannadi nôki tilakam tottu
Opening the central strong-room, Draws out the box of jewels,
And opening the lid,
Takes out her jewels,
And looking in the mirror puts on the pottu.+
49
7 The Jainas similarly apply Brahmana gotra names to Ksatriyas (SBE, XXII, 226).
49 A circular mark on the forehead, mostly red (originally symbolical of Śiva's third eye). [Gundert,
p. 711.]

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Pili tiru mudi kettivechchu
Wears her locks with grace Chandran valañña tiru nerri mél On her crescent shaped forehead, Marvințakiya tali måla
Wears her necklace, which heightens her charms, RamAyanam kotiya valaka! randam Bracelets worked with scenes from the Råmå
yanam, Keiviralkkañjinum ponmôtiram And rings on her fingers, Kunnikkuruvotta mukham vadive Face as smooth and round as the seed of the
kunni.50 Ata ñeriññututtukondu
And arranging her garments in graceful folds, Nêriya törttonñituttu penne
(She) takes a thin cloth Mêlmundu nånnâyi churrunnundu And wears it as an upper cloth, [and] Elassariññan ara murukki
Fastens the girdle round her waist. 51 Venila tinnu rasavum pårttu
Chewing betel and in high spirits (she] Ana nadayum nadannu pennu
Walks along with the majestic gait of an
elephant, Motira kei kondu mukhavum marachu Shading her face with her bejewelled hand, Koñji kupaññannu chellunnundu She proceeds flirting Patippura tannilum chennavaļum Towards the gatehouse. Kuftimâniyute varayukandu
Seeing Kuttimaņi approaching, Punchirikondu chirichchu Chandu Chandu smiles with delight.
Chandu is captivated and accompanies her to the house. Seating him on her cot, she bestows great personal attention on him, serves him betel, placing the folded leaves in his mouth. Presently she leaves him and returns with refreshments.
Veļļittaļika poți tutachchu Vellavil sarkara kadalippasam"
Chontanniļannirum kottatênna 53 Vellitalikayil vechchukondu Ponnumtalika kondákemudi Tariyitta kindiyil tannirayi Chandunrre arikattu chennu penne
Cleaning a silver tray, Gets white beaten rice, sugar and kadali
fruit, Red tender coocanut and pieces of copra, And placing all in the tray; Covers it with a golden tray, And with water in a bell-metal vessel, Approaches Chandu.
Inviting him to refresh himself, she gains Chandu's confidence. She wins him over to the side of her uncle, successfully coaxing him to agree to manoeuvre the fight to his advantage. At this junoture Ariññôter enters the room, and Chandu unties the bundle and shows him the churikas. He starts at the sight of the formidable weapons of Aromar, and pleads with Chandukutti to save him devising means to turn the fight to his own advantage. He
50 The form of the face is compared to the seed of the kunni (Abrus precatorius). The seed has a small rounded form, and is very smooth and bright.
51 Elassariandr, a girdle or chain round the waist, with an amulet. The amulet is made of gold or silver, and is hollow. In it is inserted a thin rolled-up piece of silver plate with charms and magic designs engraved on it. The chain with the amulet is worn sometimes above the garment, as stated here.
59 Kadaļi, plantain fruit (Mua sapientum). 58 Koffatteria, the dried kernel of the coco-nut, or copra, as it is called.

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cleverly suggests that the iron nail securing the handle beremoved and a bamboo splinter substituted, soldered over with ponkaram.54 In return, he offers to give both his niece and daughter to Chandu in marriage with all his property. Taking hold of the hands of his daughter and niece he places them in the hands of Chandukutti. Chandu is tempted and yields, and Ariñńôter places 16 gold fanams in his hands to bribe the blacksmith to do the foul work. Chandu departs for the blacksmith's house. The blacksmith's wife seeing him coming, spreads a grass mat and serves him betel. She enquires and learns all about his purpose. The blacksmith then appears, and on Chandu explaining everything, he sets to work.
Churikakal nålum kataññu kondu Churika kânayile &ņi tatti Mulayani ittu murukkunnundu Ponkaram vechchu viļakkiyallo Atutâne kanunnu kollappennum Kannirum kayyale ninnavaļum
After sharpening all the four weapons, [he] Removes the fastening nails And inserts a bamboo splinter instead, [and] Solders it over with pon karam. The blacksmith's wife seeing the foul play, Stands in dismay with tears in her eyes.
Arômar takes formal leave of his father and mother, and his brother and sister before proceeding to the fight. With blessings from the father the procession starts with all pomp and ceremony :Ayirattonno!am Nayanm&rum
With a thousand and one Nayars Kisüredattile Vârunnorum
And the Vârunnor of Kiuridem, Munnilum pinnilum akampatiyum With attendants in front and rear, Påvådayum nalla pakalvilakkum With cloth spread on the ground to walk on and
the lamp by day, Minni parichayum pachappÔndi Glittering shields and the fencing foil, Arpum natappum nata viliyum
Shouts and acclamations of triumph Tikkum tirakkumorårppukaļum And great bustle and noise ; Chinavediyum patamurakkam
With fireworks and beating of drums, Någapurattade purappadêņam · The procession starts through Nagapuram.56
They had not proceeded far when they see the bad omen of vannati marru, 58 which makes them halt for a while. They resume their way, when they see a woodoutter, axe in hand, coming across, and as they proceed further, a branch of a mango tree crashes and falls. They again stop for a short while, and resume the journey when the rustling of a pipal tree is heard. Aromar, dismayed at this series of bad omens, gives expression to his foars that the 64 Borax.
56 NadApuram of the present day, in Kadattanad taluk of North Malabar. 66 The waaberwoman coming with the marru,-& word which literally means . change of cloth), signifying the clothes which the washerwotpan gives for removing pollution, etch as that attached by convention to births, deaths, menstruation, eto. Vannaki means 1 woman of the Vannan, or washerman caste, who does all the washing for the Tiyers, and supplies the latter and the Nayars with the necessary mdrru for all purificatory purposes. It is noteworthy that though the Nayers have their own washerman, who belongs to the Vannattan or Veluthedan caste, the latter does not supply the marru, which is done by woman of the Vannan casto. The latter is subordinate to and is under the sole control of the Tiyans. While the women of the caste attend to washing, the men are mostly engaged in devil-dancing.
The omens seen on commencing any journey or undertaking are supposed to atgur well or in, as the CABO may be, towards its success, and great importance is attached to omens by all lace. Among the ancients who practised this were the Romans, who had a religious college whooo duty it was to obeerve and interpret the signs of approval and disapproval sent by gods in reference to any proposed undertaking.

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fates are against him, quoting the incident of Bali's death. They pass an Aiyappen kávu, 57 where they make offerings to the deity, and continue their journey until they reach the Värunnor's house. The Vârunnôr's mother receives them with due ceremony. Sprinkling rice over Arômar, she conducts him and seats him in the tekkina, and serves betel. She is struck by the figure of Arômar and enquires of his parents and wonders if any one born of woman could be found to compare with him. She is surprised that his family should have ever allowed him to engage in the contest. She feels sorry and says that she would rather her son should lose the combat than risk the life of such a noble person. Arômar replies that he has made up his mind and that nothing will shake his resolve. Arômar grows uneasy at Chandukkutti's delay in returning, and, after refreshment, he sets out for the blacksmith's house. On his arrival, Chandukkuțți excuses himself by saying that the blacksmith was out and had but returned the previous night. The blacksmith's wife shows the same concern for Årômar as she previously evinced, and when the blacksmith makes over the churikas to him, she is overcome with grief at the deception practised :
Kannirum kayyâle ninnavalum
She stands mute wiping her tears Kada kannil chôra podiñiavalku Her eyes seeming to shed blood at the
thought of the deed. A plan for exposing the fraud suggests itself to her. She pleads that ever since she left his country, she has not had the pleasure of seeing a churika wielded, and beseeches Arômar to flourish it. However much she presses he refuses, remarking that as he is on the point of fighting, he cannot wield it in jest, adding that if she would go later to his house he would with pleasure show her. Failing in her attempt to enable Arômar to detect the fraud, she concludes: Deiva vidhi yarkum taduttukúda, "No one can be wiser than destiny," and, taking the four churikas in her hands, invokes God's blessing with a prayer that, despite all the flaws, the weapons may triumph. They return with all expedition to Kipüridem. Next morning Arômar, Devåra pûja udan kasichchu
Finishes early his morning prayers Angakkurikal Varachchu Chêkôn And wearing on his person the appropriate marks
in sandal paste, Viralippattu ñeriññuduttu
Gracefully dons the silk garment, Ponnu ariññal arayil pûtti
And over it fastens the golden girdle, Virutum viryannala58 kayyil pûtti And wears the warrior's bracelet. The party proceeds in state with all the honours attaching to the chékavars :Chekavarkkulla padavika!um
The honours attaching to chekavars, Kotikkûra tasakal nirattikkonde With flags and banners flying, Álavattam venchåmara pitichchukondu With the ceremonial fan and the fly-whisk, Ponkorrakutayume pattukuta
The golden and the silk umbrellas, Patinettu vadyamatippikkunnu To the accompaniment of eighteen kinds of music, Kombum kural dhůli mêlattode With the blowing of horns and playing of flutes Viraļi sankhum ütichchittu
And sounding of conchs, the procession starts with the changalavatta59 fully lit borne in front, the räjákkal immediately after, followed by the Chêkôr and the V&şunnor and his thousand and one Nayars in the rear. They reach the city gateway, where all halt. Arômar goes and inspects the angatatu,
57 Small temple. Temples called kdvus, dedicated to minor deities are seen in all parts of North Malabar. The Saiva templo referred to is dedicated to Aiyappen, one of the Saivite deities.
68 Viryannala-Vira-errikhala, or the chain of valour. For conspicuous valour it is customary to present & silk shawl and a golden chain, which is worn as a bracelet on the right wrist. The presentation is made by the chief, or RAja, in person, accompanied by due pomp and ceremony.
69 Brass lamp with a chain attached.

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or fighting platform, erected there, and scrutinising it, detects the flaw in the patched up woodwork. Arômar sends for the carpenter, Viswakarman of Kolattirinad, who did the work. The latter comes in great fright prepared for the worst, and regretting his indiscretion in listening to Ariññôtêr's evil designs. Arômar, however, keeps quiet, and asks him to perform the ceremonies necessary for the consecration of the tattu, or platform. He accordingly asks for the following articles for Ganapatipújafo :
Nálukâlulloru pitham vēnam Pitham mukaļil talika vēņam Talika nirayolam velleriyum Velliri mita yoru nalikêram Vellavil sarkara kottattênna Jalagandha pushpavum dhûpam
dîpam Chentennilannîr kadalipparam Verrilatakkayum venamallo Kânikkituvân såsipanam
A four-legged stool should be placed *And over it a brass plate Filled with cucumbers, And over the cucumbers a coco-nut, Beaten rice, sugar and kottattiva" Flowers, incense and the ceremonial lamp.
Red tender coco-nuts and kudali (plantains), And betel nuts And rasipaņam"for dakshina.63
The půjd being over, Arômar makes the customary presents to the carpenter. The place is soon thronged with people come to see the fight. As a preliminary, Arômar gives an exhibition of his marvellous skill to entertain the audience, and the great men assembled shower rich gifts on him in approbation. The real fight soon begins. Ariñnoter ascends the platform with the help of a ladder, whereas Arômar makes a leap, alighting gracefully on the platform. They have not been fighting long before Ariññôter tries his foul strokes, which Årômar parries successfully. In the thick of the fight, Årômar finds to his horror that his weapon has broken in two. He at once realizes that the blacksmith has deceived him, though he is unable to divine his motive. He signs to his cousin Chandu to change the churika, when Chandu knayishly says that he has not brought a spare one. He asks the latter to lend him his, which Chandu refuses, remarking that he is as much a chekor as himself, and that he cannot lend his weapon. Chandu's treachery flashes on him in & moment. He then addresses Arinnôter to suspend the fight until he gets a weapon.
koste
Ayudham ñanonnu vânnikkotte Ayudham illâte kollunnatu Anunnalkkottume cherchchayilla Kalarikkårkkottume cherchchayilla
Let me get a weapon. Killing undefended Scarcely befits mer., Least of all us who belong to reputed kalaris.
Ariññôter replies not, but savagely rushes forward and strikes Arômar who deftly retreats, with the result that the blow, which would otherwise have been fatal, is averted, the weapon just gliding over his body, leaving a slight cut. Enraged at this insolence, and warning Arinnôter to defend himself, Arômar grasps his broken dagger, and fights with greater vigour. Arinnôţer is unable to withstand him. Arômar, flourishing his broken weapon, strikes at Ariññôter with unerring aim, cutting off his head clean. Arômar, exhausted, asks Chandu to close the shutters and not to let anybody in. He leans on Chandu, resting his head and closing his eyes with fatigue. Hastening not to let the opportunity slip, Chandu takes hold of the sharp end of the brass lamp, heats it red hot and thrusts it into
60 It is the practice to begin any auspicious work with an offering to the god Ganapati, which is still scrupulously observed.
61 Dried coco-aut. 59 Seu 1.d., vol. LXI, p. 11, nule 13. 63 Customary presents to Brahmaps.

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the side of Arômar at the place where Ariñnoter's sword had just scraped his skin. Arômar starts with sudden pain and gets up, when Chandu springs into the midst of the crowd and makes good his escape. Arômar unconcerned at his mortal wound, announces his victory, which the Vârunnôr receives with acclamation :
Mûnnum küttiyârttu vetiyum vechchu Gives three shouts of joy with firing of guns. Ariyittu vârchcha karikkunnundu And blesses Arômar with the ceremonial pour
ing of rice. Tandêrrem kate karikkunnundu And [Arómar) is lifted up in a palanquin, Kumbilil kutti panam kârchcha And money is presented in a folded leaf.
vechchu Kayyum pitichchu vaļa itichchu And taking him by the hand, is decorated with
a bracelet for valour. After these ceremonies have ended Arômar discloses his wound, explaining how he is indebted to his dear cousin Chandu for his grievous hurt, whereas Ariñnoter's sword had but scraped his skin. He then shows to all the knavish work in the construction of the platform, which collapses and falls down before their very eyes. Arômar gets all the incidents recorded on a palm-leaf, as was the wont in those days, and entrusts it to the hands of the Vasunnor, to be made over to his sister Uņni&rchcha. Arómar takes leave of all and sets out in procession, with the usual pomp, accompanied by the Vârunnôr. Arômar observes, when nearing his house, that his parents will be shocked to see him being helped along, and boldly walks erect. On approaching his father, he falls at his feet, and tells how his fears have come true; how Chandu has betrayed his trust, and brought him to death's door. He then calls his brother and asks him to fetch his son from his uncle's house. The boy is at once brought, and Arómar seating him in his lap, says:
Ivano ni nallavannam rakshikkênam “You must take great care of this boy, Niyallativanârum illayello
"He has none but you to look to. Vidyakalokke pathippikkenem
“He should be well trained in all arts.” He adds that he has not settled any property on his son, which should be seen to. He sends for a red tender Coco-nut, drinks it, takes leave of all his kith and kin individually and asks for permission to untie the dressing. The bandage is then removed and he dies. Puttûram vittile dukhannalum
The sorrows and sufferings of Puttûram house Anantan OřichchArkum chollikkûda None but God nan tell.
APPENDIX.
Note on Malabar Dwelling House8.65 The several references in this song to Malabar dwelling houses will be better understood from the following description of a typical Malabar house. The most characteristic dwelling house of Kerala is what is called & ndlu-pura, literally "four houses,' built on four sides of a central courtyard, which is open to the sky, the rooms being named after their position relative to the central courtyard, viz., teklina, or the southern room, vadakkina, or the northern room, kipakkina, or the eastern room, and padiññárra, or the three western rooms, respectively. Every house is by convention regarded as forming part of a ndlu-pura, which explains why a house of the smaller type though facing east, as all Malabar houses do, is yet called & padiifarra pura, that being the western and the principal block of the quadrangle in a nilu-pura, consisting of three rooms, with a verandah in front. In a typical padinndrra pura, however, which is the most common type, there is ordinarily & smaller room behind the central room, termed the chayippu,
64 A coronation ceremony gone through by the Rajas of Kerala, consisting in pouring rice on the head.
66 For Malabar dwelling houses, see also Malabar District Gazetteer -(1908), pp. 139-142; Madras Government Museum Bulletin, vol. III, No. 3, The Nayaw of Malabar, by F. Fawcett, pp. 303-304.

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or lean-to. Again, besides the inner verandah facing the three central rooms, is another or the outer verandah, with a long-ridged roof, on a beam supported by high pillars.
Plan of a nálu-pura house.
Plan of a padiññarra house.
Vadakkina
Adukkala
Well
Adukkala
or Kitchen
Well
Nadu
Vadakkina
Verandah
Verandah
Padiññar a
Murram
or central Courtyard
Murram Courtyard
Kirakkina
Chiyiрри
Padiñharia
Inner Verandah
Outer Verandah
or Murram Courtyard
|
Tekkina
Pômukham
Tekkina
The central of the three western rooms is called the padiññarri-machchu, reference to which is frequently made in this song. It is the principal room of the house, the room containing the valuables, and the room sacred to all household ceremonies. Padiññárri machchara tår turannu means opening the central western room.
The kirakkina and tekkina are open halls, or verandahs. The pumukham is the portico, through which is the main entrance. It servee the purpose of a drawing-room. The ancient households described in these songs are of the nálu-pura type, which retains the same features at the present day as in the days of old. Each house stands in a compound of its own, which is usually thickly planted with coco-nut and areca palms, jackfruit trees, plantains, eto. As one approaches the house the patippura, or gateway, stands conspicuous, reached by a flight of steps, leading to it from the bank of the green level paddy fields. The spacious compound is enclosed by a massive bank of earth which hems it in on all sides. A fence of bamboo or spiny cactus lines the entire circuit of the high wall. A broad, smooth walk well rammed and plastered with cowdung and charcoal leads to a broad open courtyard, kept neat and tidy in the same manner, fully exposed to the heat of the midday sun, where may be been spread out to dry such produce as paddy, pepper, etc. The courtyard, where many a fight may have been waged in the past, is largely used as a recreation ground by the younger members of the household, and as a threshing floor in the harvest season, besides its uses for all social and ceremonial functions. This place is variously referred to in this song as the mandaka murram, pațakali murram, etc., meaning, respectively, the yard in front of the open verandah, or the yard where the youngsters display their skill in the use of various weapons of war.

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THE HISTORY OF THE PARAMÁRA MAHAKUMARAS.
BY D. C. GANGULY.
(Continued from page 194.) Before proceeding to build up the history of the Mahakumara family out of the above materials, several facts must first be carefully considered. According to the Pipliânagar grant. Hariscandra obtained his dominion through the favour of Jayavarman. The Bhopal grant, on the other hand, expressly states that Hariscandra's father, Laksmivarman, made himself master of a principality by the force of his sword when the reign of Jayavarman had come to an end. It evidently follows from these two statements that Lakşmivarman and his son Hariscandra ruled over separate territories.16 This finds strong corroboration in the fact that Udayavarman, the son of Hariscandra, is described by the Bhopal giunt as succeeding to the throne of Lakşmivarman without the intervention of Hariscandra, who again excludes his father Lakşmivarman-in the Pipliânagar grant--as & ruler preceding him. A critical survey of the epigraphic records will show that all these are deliberate representations and not accidental omissions.
The fact that P. M. P. Jayavarman was the immediate successor of Yasovarman, is borne out by Jayavarman's own inscription, the Piplianagar grant of Hariscandra dated 1178 A.D., and the Bhopal grant of Udayavarman, 1199 A.D. But the inscriptions of Arjunavarman and Devapala mention Ajayavarman instead of Jayavarman, as the successor of Yasovarman. This leads me to think that Jayavarman was identical with Ajayavarman. Nothing is known as to the existence of enmity between Arjunavarman's family and the house of the MahAkumaras,' which, as Professor Kielhorn contends, prevented the former
16 Professor Kielhorn reviews the situation in quite a different light, and draws the following coa. clusions from the above materials
"Yugovarman had three sons, Jayavarman, Ajayavarman, and Lakemivarman. Soon after his succesBion (and certainly some time between Vikrama Sam. 1192 and 1200), Jayavarman was dethroned by Ajays. varman, who and whose guccesors then became the main branch of the Paramára family in Malaya, and continued to style themselves 'maharajas.' The third brother, Lakomivarman, however, did not submit to Ajayavarman ; and, as stated in E, he succeeded by force of arms in appropriating a portion of Malava, which he and his son and grandson de facto ruled over as independent chiefs. At the san.e time, Lakşmi. varman and, after him, his son and successor Hariscandra looked upon Jayavarman, though deposed, as the rightful sovereign of Malaya, and, in my opinion, it is for this reason that Haricandra, in the grant D., professes to rule by the favour of that prince, and that both Lakşmivarman and Hariscandra claim for them. selves no higher title than that of Mahakumara, a title which was handed down to, and adopted by, even Lakşmivarman's grandson Udayavarman." (1.A., vol. XIX, p. 348.)
Professor Hall propounds another theory regarding the succession that followed the death of Yasovarman. He says:
"As Laksmivarman sat on the throne with his sire, it is reasonable to suppose that he was the firstborn. His father Jayavarman also speaks of himself as if a sovereign ruler. Lakşmivarman may have died while Hariscandra was still a child, and Jayavarman have acted as regent on behalf of his nephew, to whom the government eventually devolved from him; if they did not administer it conjointly. Yet it is noticeable that Jayavarman granted away land at one period precisely as if he were the sole and subetan. tive head of the state. Possibly the extreme youth of his ward prevented his being named at the time. Lakşmivarman being mentioned by his son, under the title of 'mahakumara,' and not as king, it may be that he deceased during the lifetime of Yalovarman. Hariscandra designates himself in a similar manner. where he would certainly have called himself without qualification, sovereign, had he laid claim to undivided power. His completo style, in fact, is that which his father used as prince regent. Policy or some other motive may have dissuaded him from the style of full royalty, his hereditary right. It may therefore be conjectured that Jayavarman was still living in 1179 A.D." (JAOS., vol. VII, p. 36.)
With humble submission to the above two most erudite scholars of Indian history, I beg to differ from them in their views. According to the evidence of the inscriptions, there were two ruling houses of the MahAkum Arsa. I am inclined to believe that Ajayavarman was the same as Jayavarman. About this time the imperial Param Ara government became obscure, and the whole of Malwa, with Dhârâ, became part of the Gujarat empire. Consideration of all these pointe has led me to view the situation in a different light, as has been given above.

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from mentioning the name of Jayavarman in the genealogical list of the ruling monarchs of Mâlwa. It may rather be inferred that there was a close alliance between the two houses, which subsequently helped the peaceful succession of Deva pala, the son of the Mahakumara Hariscandra, to the throne of Arjunavarman. If Professor Kielhorn is taken to be right in his assertion, then no reason can be offered why Devapala failed to mention Jayavarman's name in his inscription. His father obtained his territory through the favour of Jayavarman, over which he himself probably ruled in the early years of his life. As a matter of fact, the names 'Jaya' and 'Ajaya' were used interchangeably in early times. The Cahamana Jayadeva, king of Sakambhari, was the immediate predecessor of Arnorâja, who was & contemporary of the Caulukya Kumarapala. He is mentioned in some of the early records of his family as Ajayadeva 17 If all these things are taken into consideration, there can hardly be any doubt as to the identity of Jayavarman and Ajayavarman as one and the game king. Keeping these things in view the relation of the Mahakumaras may be traced in the following way. Yasovarman had two sons, Jayavarman, also known as Ajayavarman, and Lakşmivarman. Jayavarman, after his accession to the throne of his father, granted some territories to Lakşmivarman's son Hariscandra to administer on bis behalf. When Ballála conquered Malwa after overthrowing Jayavarman, Lakşmivarman wrested & part of the old Paramâra kingdom and established there a government of his own. This shows that there were two houses of the Mahakumâras which were intimately connected with each other and which ruled over different territories.
In the light of the above discussion, I shall now.try to narrate the short history of these collateral branches of the Paramara family. The rulers of these families are justified in calling themselves Mahâkumaras,' as they were members of the imperial house of Dhårå. But why they continued to bear that subordinate title all through their reigns cannot be clearly explained. It may be suggested that they did not assume the title of independent kingship simply from motives of political expediency, in an endeavour to avoid hostility with their powerful enemies, the Caulukyas.
Hariscandra. It has been noticed above that Jayavarman began his career as an independent monarch and ruled his dominion between the years 1138 and 1143 A.D. At the same time within this period he entrusted Hariscandra with the government of a portion of his kingdom. Hariscandra continued to rule over his territory even when the imperial Paramára family was completely overthrown by Ballâla and Malwa was, later on, conquered by Kumarapala. At present we have only one copper-plate inscription of Hariscandra's reign, which was found in the village of Pipliânagar, in the Sujalpur Pargana, Gwalior State, Central India. 18 It was issued on the occasion of a solar eclipse in Sam. 1235=1178 A.D. Its object is to record that Hariscandra, having bathed in the holy water of the Narmada, near the temple of the four-faced Markandesvara, granted two shares of the registered rents of the village of Pala. savada to the learned Brahman Dasaratha, son of the learned Sindhu. It is further stated. that, on the full moon of Vaisakha of the same year, he gave the remaining shares of the above village, with the addition of the shares of both customary dues from the bazar below the fort of Gunapura, to the Brahman Malvinu, son of the learned Delu. These grants were communicated to the Government officers, the inhabitants, patels, Brahmans and others of the villages of Mamati and Palasavada, in the Madâpadra pratijagaranaka of the Nilagiri ma dala, for their information.
of the localities mentioned above, I am inclined to identify Nilagiri with the modern Nilgaph fort, south of the Vindhya, about a mile north of the NarmadA.18 Gunapura seems
17 JASB., vol. LV, Part I, p. 4, v. 14. Cf. Pythvirdja-vijaya, sarga, v. 85. 19 JASB., vol. VII, p. 736. 19 Indian Atlas, Shoet No. 55B, A. 3.

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to have been the modern Godurpura, on the south bank of the Narmad&.20 Palasavāda is to be identified with the modern town of Palaswårå, in the Khandesh District, Bombay Presidency, sixty-nine miles north of Malegaon. I am unable to identify Madápadra and Mamati.
All this gives us an idea as to what constituted the dominion of Hariscandra. It comprised the western portion of the old Paramâra kingdom, south of the Vindhya. How long Hariscandra enjoyed his territory cannot be definitely ascertained. He ruled at least from 1144 to 1178 A.D. Devapala and Udayavarman were his two sons, of whom the former seems to have succeeded to the throne. Devapalâ later on assumed the sovereignty of Mâlwa between the years 1215 and 1218 A.D., after the death of Arjunavarman.
Lakşmivarman. Lakşmivarman, the son of Yasovarman, was a powerful chief. His elder brother, Jayavarman, seems to have been killed in battle against the Caulukyas of Karnata. In that period of transition Lakşmivarman collected strength, and forcibly took possession of the eastern part of the Paramara empire south of the Vindhya. An inscription of his reign has been discovered. In Sam. 1200=1144 A.D., on the occasion of the eclipse of the moon, he reaffirmed the grant made by Yasovarman in Sam. 1191, with a view to increasing the religious merit of his father.
Of the localities mentioned in the record, the village Vadauda may be identical with Vadauda of the Mandhata plate of Jayavarman II, where it is described as a village in Mahuadapathaka. Professor Kielhorn is inclined to identify it with the modern village of Burud about three miles north-east of Satajuna, which lies 13 miles south-west of Mandhata.23 As regards the rest of the localities, I cannot offer any suggestion.
Lakşmivarman died some time before 1184 A.D. and was succeeded by his grandson Udayavarman, the son of Hariscandra.
Udayavarman. An inscription,84 datod Sam. 1256=1199 A.D., of Udayavarman's reign has been dis. covered in a field at the village t'jamun, in the Bhopal State. It records that, after bathing in the river Revå (Narmada), at a place called Guvadaghatta, ho granted the village of Gunaura to a Brâhman named Malusarman, the son of Yajñadhara. The village granted was situated in Vodasira forty-eight, belonging to the Narmadapura pratijagaranaka, in the Vindhya mandala. The mandalika Ksemvaraja was the dutaka of this grant.
Mr. Fleet15 identifies Gunaura with the modern village of Ganora, seven miles south-west of Hoshangabad. Narmadapura, according to him, is identical with the modern HoshangAbâd district, and Guvadaghatta is the present village of Guaria, on the left bank of the Narmada. I think the modern Nemawar on the right of the bank of the Narmadå represents the ancient Narmadå pura.
An inscription26 of the reign of one Udayaditya, dated Sam. 1241=1184 A.D., is now lying in Bhopal. Another inscriptions of the same chief, dated Saka 1108-1186 A.D., is to be found in the 'vidy&mandira ' in Bhopal State. In the latter part of the twelfth century A.D., no king of the name of Udayaditya is known to have ruled in Bhopal. The Bhopal grant referred to above bears witness to the fact that about that time Udayavarman was ruling over the Hoshangabad district and a part of the Bhopal State. Under these circumstances, Udayaditys may very reasonably be identified with Udayavarman.
30 Ibid., A. 4. The place is also mentioned in VAkpati raja's grant dated V.8. 1036. (1.A., vol. XIV, p. 160.) 3! 1.A., vol. XIX, p. 361.
9 E.I., vol. IX, p. 121. 33 Ibid., p. 120. 24 1.A., vol. XVI, p. 252. 95 Ibid., p. 253.
26 JAOS., vol. VII, p. 35. 37 Bhupale bhumipdl-o'yam-Udaydditya-párthivah
Teneday nirmitam sthanam paru-purnedvaraih Sake || (Ibid.)

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The reign of Udayavarman seems to have extended into the early years of the thirteenth century A.D. Nothing is known about his successors. Devapala, after his accession to the throne of Malwa, issued a grant of land in the Hoshangabad district 28 in 1218 A.D. This shows that by that time the territory of Udayavarman had passed into his brother's hands.
From all the above circumstances, it follows that when in the fourth decade of the twelfth century A.D., the main Param&ra dynasty was overthrown, and a Gujarat sovereignty was established in its place, two junior branches of the former house under the designation of 'MahAkumara' continued to hold sway over the modern districts of Nimar, Hoshangabad and Khandesh. But at last, early in the thirteenth century A.D., a member of this family succeeded to the main Paramára kingdom, and reunited these branches to the main dynasty. The genealogy of the Mahakumaras is given below -
Yasovarman
Jaya or Ajayavarman
M. Lakşmivarman (Ruler of Hoshangabad in Bhopal) M. Hariscandra (Ruler of Khandesh, Indore and
Nimar district)
Vindhyavarman
Subhatavarman
Arjunavarman
Devapála
M. Udayavarman. (Successor of
Lakşmivarman.)
Succeeded by Devapala
THE VIJAYANAGARA CONQUEST OF CEYLON.
BY B. A. SALETORE, M.A., PH.D. WHILE studying Indian epigraphy and other allied subjects under Dr. Don Martino de Zilva Wickremasinghe, my attention was kindly drawn by him to certain statements made by Mr. H. W. Codrington in his book entitled A Short History of Ceylon. Mr. Codrington writes thus :"Bhuvanaika Bahu V. (1372-3 to 1406-7 A.D. at least) reigned in Gampola : he seems to have been little more than a figure-head. A Vijayanagar record of 1385-8 A.D. relates that the prince, Virupaksha, conquered, among others, the Sinhalas, and presented crystals and other jewels to his father Harihara; this may refer to the kingdom of Jaffna, which in the next century was tributary to the great empire on the mainland." The source of information referred to by Mr. Codrington is the inscription No. 32 in the Epigraphia Indica (vol. III, p. 228).
Then again the writer says:-" In 1344 the king of Jaffna [i.e., Sepumal Kumaraya, the son, actual or adopted, of Parakrama Bahu 'l' held a considorable part of the north of Ceylon, and the last half of the fourteenth century marked the zenith of his power: we have seen that for a short time the overlordship of the island was in his hands. By the beginning of the next century, if not at the end of the preceding, the kingdom was tributary to the great continental empire of Vijayanagar. Nunes states this definitely, and one of the regular titles of the emperor was 'who levied taxes from flam'; the Sinhalese poems of the time also constantly speak of the people of Jaffna as Canareee. Valentyn mentions an invasion of the Canarese, that is of the Vijayanagar foroes; it is uncertain whether this was the oocasion or the result of the conquest of Jaffna."
Finally, Mr. Codrington, while dealing with the pluck and endurance of the Portuguese, writes thus :-"It is interesting to speculate what the history of Ceylon would have been
38 1.A., vol. XX, p. 310. 1 H. W. Codrington, A Short History of Ceylon, p. 84. 3 Ibid., p. 01.
8 Ibid., p. 92.

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had the Portuguese not ventured to India. There seems to be little doubt that the kingdom of Vijayanagar would have collapsed earlier than it did, and that the south of India and with it possibly Ceylon would have fallen under Muhammadan rule."
I intend to deal with these statements in the light of Vijayanagara history. To start with, we may dispense with the last statement quoted above as an instance of the views of writers unfamiliar with the history of the Muhammadan conquests of Southern India in general and of Vijayanagara monarchs in particular, from the first half of the fourteenth century till the end of the fifteenth century of the Christian era. Apart from the fact that speculation in history is a most undesirable pastime, it is difficult to make out what precisely the writer means when he says that "there seems to be little doubt that the kingdom of Vijayanagara would have collapsed earlier than it did," while dealing with the activities of the Portuguese. From the manner in which the writer speculates about the entry of the Portuguese into India, he would seem to suggest that Vijayanagara owed her stability to the support which she got from the Portuguese. This is far from being historically true. Instead of Vijayanagara acquiring vigour from the wise counsel and wealth of the Portuguese, it was the latter who were enabled to add to their material riches because of their prosperous trade with "Bisnaga," as they called Vijayanagara in those days. In fact, when Vijayanagara was beaten in the famous battle of Rakshasa-Tangadi, called in history by the wrong name of Talikota, Portugal as a maritime power in the East fell too. That is why Faria y Sousa, the Portuguese historian, writes thus :-"The trade of India was this year at a very low ebb, by reason of the desolation of the kingdom of Bisnagar, whose riches are equal to its extent, which is from the borders of Bengala to those of Cinde."5 How sadly the blow which Vijayanagara received told also on the Portuguese is related by another writer, Sassetti," who was in India from 1578 to 1588," and who says
"The traffic was so large that it is impossible to imagine it; the place was immensely large ; and it was inhabited by people rich, not with richness like ours, but with the richness of the Crassi and the others of those days........and such merchandise as diamonds, rubies, pearls......and besides all that, the horse trade. That alone produced a revenue in the city (Goa) of 120 to 150 thousand ducats, which now reaches only 6 thousand." Couto confirms him :-"By this destruction of the kingdom of Bisnaga India and our State were much shaken ;. ....... and the Custom House of Goa suffered much in its Revenue, so that day till now the inhabitants of Goa began to live less well. ....." Therefore one does not see how the stability or prosperity of the great Hindu Empire could be affected by the advent of the Portuguese into India. As regards the crushing blow which Vijayanagara received in the battle of Rakshasa -Tangadi, and the cause which turned an almost brilliant victory into an unimaginable rout, the student of history cannot do better than read the account of the struggle as given by the Rev. Fr. Henry Heras in his book, The Aravidu Dynasty of Vijayanagara.8
We may now examine the second statement made by Mr. Codrington, viz., "By the beginning of the next oentury (i.e., the fifteenth), if not at the end of the preceding the king. dom was tributary to the great continental empire of Vijayanagara.” Nuniz is the authority on whose testimony the writer has based his remark. I venture to suggest that a single statement found in a fcreign traveller's account is in itself not sufficient to drive home an assertion, especially when such a statement deals with the title of a king. True, in this case it happens to be Nuniz who has left behind him a very accurate description of Vijayanagara. But one may be more cautious in accepting the opinion or assertion of Nuniz who, although
Ibid., pp. 130-132. 6 Faria y Sousa, Asia Portuguesa (trang. Stevens), II, p. 252. • Sowell, A Forgotten Empire (Vijayanagara), p. 210 (1900 ed.) 7 Ibid.
Heras, The Araviu Dynasty of Vijayanagara, ch. IX, p. 194 f.

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he "states this definitely," is not always entirely reliable. These following inconsistencies in the narrative of Nuniz may be noted >
1. Nuniz opens his account with an initial blunder. "In the year twelve hundred and thirty these parts of India were ruled by a greater monarch than had ever reigned.'' Sewell commenting on this wrote :-"This date should be 1330. Nunix was here about a century wrong."10
2. Nunis gives the date of the battle of Raichur as 1522. Sewell remarks "I am bald enough to believe, and defend my belief, that when Nunix fixed the day of the great fight as the new moon day of the month of May, 1522 A.D., he made a mistake in the year, and should have written '1520.' "11
3. Nunis makes the last days of Prince Virabhadra a tragedy. 1° But in reality Prince Virabhadra was raised to the position of a vioeroy. 13
4. Nunis relates that Vijaya Bhậpati "lived six years, and during this time did nothing worth relating."14 But the late Mr. Gopinatha Rao proved that Vijaya Bhûpati reigned only for six months.15
5. Nunis does not mention Madura in the list of provinces. 10 Madura, as is well known, was an integral part of the empire during his days.
6. Nuniz affirms that the Vijayanagara king was a Brâhman. "The king of Bisnaga is a Brahman; every day he hears the preaching of a learned Brahman......"17 No authority is required to refute this incredible assertion.
7. Nunis says that the king never gave receipts to the nobles when they brought revenue to the imperial treasury. "In this way the kingdom of Bisnaga is divided between more than two hundred captains who are all heathen, and according to the lands and revenues that they have so the king settles for them the forces that they are compelled to keep up, and how much revenue they have to pay him every month during the first nine days of the month of September. He never gives any receipts to them, only, if they do not pay, they are well punished and ruined, and their property taken away."18 If tax-collectors granted receipts to the people, as an inscription dated 1558-9 A.D. informs us, we may well assume that the system of granting receipts must also have been in vogue in the capital.
8. Nuniz gives an account of the first family of Vijayanagara 30 which is not corroborated, except as regards Bukka and Deva Raya, by the inscriptions discovered till now relating to the Sangama dynasty.
9. Nunix pictures to us Achyuta Raya in the light of a profligate villain." Which king Chytarao [Achyuta Raya), after he ascended the throne, gave himself over to vice and tyranny. He is a man of very little honesty, and on account of this the people and the captains are much discontented with his evil life and inclinations...."91 The Rev. Fr. Heras has shown that Nunis cannot here be trusted at all." A monarch who gave himself up to vice and eage would never have been able to conduot successful campaigns against powerful enemies.
These are only some of the inaccurate statements in the account of Nuniz which depreciate the value of his work. Nevertheless it cannot be denied that as regards Dêva Raya and the tribute which he is said to have levied, Nuniz was perhaps correct, since he is corroborated by other evidence, both Hindu and foreign. 9 Sewell, op. cit., p. 291.
10 Ibid., note (2). 11 Ibid., p. 140 1. Mr. B. Vonkoba Rao defenda Nuniz. See his Life of Vydwardya by Somandsha, Intr., p.clvii.
13 Sewell, ibid., pp. 319-320. 18 Rice, Epigraphia Carnatica, vol. XI, Dg. 107, p. 71. 14 Sewell, ibid., p. 302. 15 Epigraphia Indica, vol. XV, p. 14; Epigraphical Report for the Southern Oircle for 1921, p. 104. 16 Sewell, ibid., p. 384, note (4). 17 Sewell, ibid., p. 390.
18 Ibid., p. 389. 19 Butterworth and Venugopal Chetty, Inscriptions in the Nellore District, vol. II, p. 962. 30 Sewell, ibid., p. 299 f. OY. Rice, Mysore and Coorg from the Inscriptions, p. 112. 31 Sowell, ibid., p. 367.
99 Heras, op. cit., pp. 1-2, n. (2). 33 No. 27 of the Madras Epigraphical Report for 1911.

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But what may be noted is that a statement by a foreign traveller, especially when it relates to one of the titles assumed by the monarchs, is in itself insufficient for historical pur. poses. Likewise is a mere assertion in the inscriptions of the Hindu rulers themselves not of any value so long as it is not confirmed by external evidence. Thus for example, an inscription dated Saka 1530 (1608-9 A.D.) tells us that Venkatapati Dêva " levied tribute from all countries and from Ilam (Ceylon). Vira Pratâpa Sriranga Deva, we are told in an epigraph dated Saka 1505 (1583-4 A.D.), "having taken every country was pleased to receive tributo from Ceylon."25 The same is seen in an earlier inscription of the same monarch, dated Saka 1499 (1577-8 A.D.).36 This activity of Ranga II in regard to Ceylon is mentioned together with his subjugation of the Kallars and Maravars in Kongu and Malai-nadu, according to an inscription dated 1583-4 A.D.37 We are told in an epigraph of Saka 1490 (1568-9 A.D.) that Vira Vasanta, i.e., Venkata I, conquered Ceylon. $8 Even Sadasiva boasts of having " looted Ceylon,” according to an inscription dated Saka 1486 (1564-5 A.D.) Then we have Sadasiva, son of Rangappa Nayaka Udaiyar, "who received tribute from Ceylon," in Saka 1469 (1547-8 A.D.).30 There is reference in Hindu literature of about this period to an invasion of Ceylon. Råma Raya Vitthala and Tirumala, the first cousins of Rama Raya," are given credit for having set up a pillar of victory on the Tamraparņi and even to have sent out an invasion to Ceylon."'31
But these claims of the later Vijayanagara rulers cannot be acoepted as authentic, since they cannot be substantiated by independent evidence. All that may be said about such assertions is that the later monarchs continued to prefix among their titles that relating to the conquest of and tribute from Ceylon, in memory of some real conquest of that island that must have taken place prior to their times. We have to find out how many times Ceylon was conquered by Vijayanagara kings.
Let us begin with Nuniz, whose account is certainly of great importance. He speaks of Saluva Timma-"He is lord of Charamaodel and of Nagapatao, and Tamagor and Bomgarin and Dapatao, and Truguel and Caullin, and all these are cities; their territories are very large, and they border on Ceylon."39
About Deva Raya II. the chronicler relates the following "At his death he left a son called Deorao, who reigned twenty-five years.... This (i.e., the revenue of eight hundred and fifty millions of gold) was no great sum, seeing that in his time the king of Coullao (Quilon) and Ceyllao (Ceylon) and Paleacate (Pulicat), and Peguu, and Tanacary (Tenasserim) and many other countries paid tribute to bim."33
Then there is the account of a son of a " Pureoyre Deoro," called Ajarao: ".......... he reigned forty-three years, in which time he was always at war with the Moors; and he took Goa, and Chaul, and Dabull, and Ceillao, and all the country of Charamandell......"34
The fact that the viceroyalty of SAļuva Timma bordered on the coast of Ceylon is no evidence that the island was subject to Vijayanagara. But there is some epigraphical evidence which may enable us to understand the situation better. An inscription dated Saka 1461 (1539-40 A.D.), found in the Raja-Gopala Perumal temple at Tanjore, informs us that, Achyuta Raya conquered tļam.35 According to the late Mr. Venkayya, this assertion "had to be looked upon as a meaningless boast not uncommon with the later Vijayanagara kings.''36
91 No. 92 of M E.R. for 1923. 38 No. 128 of M.E.R. for 1918. 36 No. 134 of M.E.R. for 1918. 27 No. 30 of M.E.R. for 1905; Madras Ep. Report for 1905, p. 52. 28 Ep. Report for 1899-1900, para. 82.
39 No. 451 of M.E.R. for 1905; No. 120 of 1905; Arch. Sur. Rept., 1899-1900, para. 70; Madras Ep. Report for 1905, p. 52.
30 No. 1 of M.E.R. for 1019. 81 Dr. S. K. Aiyangar, The Sources of Vijayanagara History, p. 16. 83 Sewell, op. cit., p. 384. 38 Sewell, ibid., p. 302.
84 Sewell, ibid., p. 301. 36 No. 40 of M.E.R. for 1897. 38 Madras Ep. Report for 1900, p. 26.

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But while noticing the inscriptions of the same monarch at Conjeeveram,37 Mr. Venkayya remarked in the same breath-" They (i.e., the Conjeeveram inscriptions) repeat that Achyuta Raya planted a pillar of victory in the Tâ mbraparni river, and received the daughter of the Påndyan king (in marriage). If this is true, his conquest of Ceylon as recorded in the Tanjore inscription cannot be absolutely false,"38 Perhaps we may not be far wrong in supposing that Achyuta Raya, who had conquered Travancore, 39 might also have been successful against Ceylon. The affairs in that island were favourable for foreign intervention. In 1521, Ceylon had been divided between the three brothers, Mâyâdunne, Rayigam Bandara, and Bhuvanaika Bahu. The first received the Provinee of Sabaragamuva ; the second, the Wallâwitti; the third, the Galle and Kalattûra districts, while the seaports were in the hands of Bhuvanaika Bahu. To make matters worse, there was an independent king over the hill-country; and, then, there was the Zamorin of Calicut and the Portuguese, as allies of the contending parties. This confusion lasted from 1521 A.D. till 1539 A.D.," when Mayadunnê was forced to make peace. There is nothing improbable in the victorious generals of Achyuta intervening in the affairs of the Ceylon rulers : one is inclined to doubt whether in the early years of Achyuta himself, or perhaps in the last days of the great Kțishna Deva Raya, there was not an attempt on the part of the Hindu rulers to get some control over Ceylon.
An inscription dated Saka 1440, Chitrabhânu, says that Krishna Deva Raya conquered Ilam and every other country, and witnessed the elephant hunt. From the wrong date of the inscription, and from the use of the phrase, "one who witnessed the elephant hunt," we have to conclude that these two claims of Krishna Deva Raya have to be attributed to one of his predecessors who, both according to Hindu and foreign sources, can be credited with a mission to Ceylon. This was Dêva Raya II (1419-1446), or his predecessor Vira Vijaya (1412 or 1415--1468 A.D.).**
About this time Parakrama Bahu VI (1412 or 1415-1468 A.D.) was the ruler of Ceylon, Some of the principal events in the reign of this king were the sending of tribute to China in 1436 A.D. and in 1445 A.D., and again in 1459 A.D.; the conquest of Jaffna by Sapumal Kumâraya ; the revolt of the hill-country under Jotiyo Sitano; and finally, the abdication of Paråkrama Bahu in favour of his daughter's) son, Vira Paråkrama Bahu. Ceylon was evidently beset with internal dangers.
To revert to Nuniz. He informs us that Deva Raya got tribute from the kings of Ceylon, Quilon, Pulicat, Pegu, and Tenageerim. We have, at the present stage of our investigations, no evidence to corroborate the remarks of Nuniz as regards Pegu and Tenasserim. But about Ceylon the evidence of another traveller happily coincides with that given by Nuniz. 'Abdur-Razzaq, the Porsian ambassador, while describing the plot in the Vijayanagara court to assassinate the emperor, says "The king then summoned to his presence his other brothers, and all the nobles; but everyone of them had been slain, except the minister, the Dandik, who previous to this dreadful tragedy, had gone to Silån. A courier was despatched to summon him, and inform him of what had transpired. . . . . . When the Dandik had returned from his tour, and had become acquainted with all that had transpired, he was astounded, and after being admitted to the honour of kissing the royal feet, he offered up his thanks for the safety of the king's person, and made more than usual preparation to celebrate the festival of Mahanawi."47
(To be continued.) 87 Sewell, Lists of Antiquities, I, pp. 181-2; Nos. 49 and 50 of M.E.R. for 1900. 38 Madras Ep. Report for 1900, p. 26.
39 Madras Ep. Report for 1909, p. 119; Madras Ep. Report for 1900, pp. 27-8. 60 Codrington, op. cit., pp. 96-7. 41 Ibid. 43 No. 146 of M.E.R. for 1903; Madras Ep. Report for 1904, p. 19. 43 The date ought to be saka 1444 (1622-3 A.D.), M.E.R., ibid. ** Sowell, op. cit., p. 404 ; Rice, Mysore and Coorg. p. 112. 45 Codrington, op. cit., pp. 90-93. 46 Cf. Journal of the Bombay Historical Society, vol. I, Part 2, p. 176.
47 Elliot, History of India, IV, pp. 116-7 (ed. Dowson). Soe Sewell, A Forgotten Empire, p. 93, for romarks on mahdnavami.

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BOOK-NOTICES. Epigraphia Indica, vol. XX, pt. 1 (Jan. 1929). northern India in the sixth century was Yasovarm.
This issue contains two important articles, namely madova, and that he was identical with the Yaso. (1) by Dr. J. Ph. Vogel on the Prakrit inscriptions dharma of the Mandagor inscriptions. found at Nagarjunolonda in the Guntur district, and (2) by the Editor on the stone inscription of the
ANNUAL REPORT, ARCHEOLOGICAL DEPARTMENT OF reign of Yasovarmadeva found at NAland& in the
H.E.H. THE NIZAM'S DOMINIONS, FOR THE YEAR Patna district. The finds at the first-named site
1928-29. aro of value from historical, geographical and archi.
In this report Mr. G. Yazdani, Director of Archæo. tectural points of view. The epigraphical records
logy, describes in some detail, with admirably rerefer to the same southern Ikhaku dynasty as is
produoed plates, the old forts at Koilkonda and mentionod in the Jaggayyapeta inscriptions, with
Bidar, which were newly surveyed during the year. certain interesting additional details. Many of the
Both these sites present aspects of historical and sculptures recovered at this site are of fine workman.
architectural interest, the more salient of which ship, rivalling, if they do not even excel in some
have been indicated in the report. The question of instances, the well known sculptures of Amar&vati.
water supply was always of paramount concern in Dr. Vogel makes some interesting suggestions in
the selection of ancient hill fortrees sites, and both connexion with the place names recorded. Some of
Bidar and Koilkonda were well provided in this the readings are, however, still doubtful, e.g., Yavana
respect. One of the most striking features of the and Palura; and it is not clear whether the “maha.
fort at Koilkonda was the system of water reservoirs, chetiya at Kantakasela" refers to the mah chetiya excavated by Mr. Longhurst to the west of the
serving each stage on the hill and thus providing
independent supplies of water for the garrisons NaharAllabodu hillock, or to a stapa in some other
occupying different levels in case intercommunicalocality, where Bodhisiri had dedicatod a pious
tion were cut off. foundation. It seems possible that both this
Several appendices follow the report. In App. Kantakasela and the Katakasola mentioned in
A, Mr. N. L. N. Rao gives a transcription, with inscription No. 54 in Burgess's Bud. Sidpas of
translation, of an inscription of the year 1651 in Amaravati & Jaggayyapeta (p. 106 and PI. LXI)
Telugu characters on a pillar in front of the gate refer to the samo place. Might this not be Ghanta
of Koilkonda fort, the contents of which corrobosala, to the east of Srikakulam, near what appears
rate the account given by Firishta of the help rento have been an old branch of the Kistna, in the
dered by the garrison to Ibråhim Qutb Shah in prosent estuary of the river. It is improbable that
establishing himself on the throne of Golkonda. Ptolemy's "emporium " Kantakossula could have
Mr. T. Streenivas, in App. B, describes the fort been far from the mouth of the river. On his map
and other monuments at Udgir ; while K. Muham. he marks it by the coast, and, be it noted, to the
mad Ahmad furnishes & note (App. C) on a number east i.e., north-east) of the mouth of the Maisolos.
of Persian inscriptions at this site. App. D conMoreover, the alluvium of the delta has probably
tains a detailed description of an important find of extended a considerable distance in the past 1800
punch-marked coins from the Karimnagar district, years. Again, the features of the Nagarjunakonda
of which 39 specimens have been figured on Pl. XVI, site do not seem to fit in with Hsuan-tsang's descrip. tion of the capital of the T"e-na-ka-che-ka country.
which will be useful in the future when the much
needed intensive research into the significance of It is certainly tempting to associate the Sriparvata
the signs on this ancient form of currency is carried mentioned with the monastery in which, according to the Tibetan tradition, Nagarjuna spent the con.
out. cluding part of his life, more especially that the isolated rocky hill overlooking the site on the TER GAVIMATH AND PÅLKEGUNDU INSCRIPTIONS OF north and north-west still bears the name Nagår. ASOKA, edited by R. L. TURNER, M.C., M.A., junakonda, or Nagarjuna's hill '; but the difficulty Litt.D. Hyderabad Archeological Series No. 10, arisee that Hsüan-thang places Nagarjuna's monas- 1932. tory to the south-west of the [Maha) Kosala coun- These inscriptions, which present another version try, "above 300 li from the capital." The sugges- of Asoka's Minor Edict, differing in some interesting tion that the Dosara of Ptolemy (cf. the Dosarend of respects from the seven other records known from the Periplus) may be oquatod with Tosali is impor- Rûpnåth, Sasaram, Bairåt, Maski, Brabmagiri, Sid. tant, and, if accepted, will obviate several difficul. dåpura and Jațingarámesvara, have been publishties that arise in respect of other identifications ed with commendable promptitude ; and the Depart. suggested for Ptolemy's Dosars.
mont is to be congratulated on having secured The chief interest of the Nalanda inscription, as the services of Prof. Turner, who has edited and Dr. Hirananda Sastri points out, lies in the fact translated the texts in a very thorough manner, that it leads to the conclusion that the name of the describing at length the dialectal features occurring great ruler who broke the power of the Hapas in and recording notes on the phonology and grammar.

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221
of the two inscriptions, that of Gavimath is com translated text makes easy and agreeable rending plete, while that of Palkigundu is mostly obliterated, and generally adapts itself quito closely to the but the charactors that remain legiblo show that it Sanskrit, although there may, in one or more pas. was probably replica of the other. Fortunately
sages, be a very few inadvertences. We shall allow the Gavimath record, like that of Rūpnath, is also ourselves to make a very few unimportant remarks completely logible-all others being defective in which are in no way meant to detract from our this respect. Its most interesting features are that, high opinion of this able piece of work. besides addir.g a word or two to the Asokan voca
P. 111.-The words agnir....amarottamamukham bulary, it maintains the distinction of rand 1 (thus
are very unhappily rendered by "Fire at the head differing from the northern group) and is unique in
of the greater deities"; they should be translated its treatment of Sk. n, which appears, both as inter.
"Agni, the mouth of the great gods." vocalic and initial, as 1. Prof. Turner shows reason
P. 112 (and p. 134).-Road Rudra instead of for thinking that this writing of represents a reality
Kudra. of pronunciation. This excellent memoir, with its abundance of illustrative plates, has been admirably
P. 119.-V. 51 scarcely tallies with the Maha. produced by the Oxford University Press.
bharata, as there it is stated that Bhima slew the Palkigundu and Gevimath are the names of two
Kicakes with the stem of a palm-tree. rocky hills near Kopbål in the extreme south-west
P. 134.--In v. 70 we find a Madrisuta (rendered corner of H. E. H. the Nizam's Dominions. Refer- by "Madri's sons" in the translation) mentioned, ence has already been made to these inscriptions i.e., either Nakula or Sahadova. Thus the stateabove (vol. LXI, p. 39), where & map will be found
ment on p. 107, that neither of them is mentioned showing this and other sites in southern India where in the play, is not quite correct. Asokan inscriptions have been discovered up to P. 137.-Apaskara (which is generally met with this time.
in the form apaskara) does not mean "car" but C. E. A. W. O. rather "wheel," cp. Pâņini, vi, 1, 149. The pro.
blem of this and connected words I hope soon to THIRTEEN TRIVANDRUM PLAYS ATTRIBUTED TO deal with in another article.
BHÅSA. Translated into English by A. C. WOOL- P. 140.-Whether madhu in v. 26 means "wine" NER and LAKSHMAN SARUP. Vol. 1. (Panjabor rather "honey" seems doubtful (ep. v. 4, where University Oriental Publications, No. 13.) viii + Ghatotkaca is described as having yellow (pirgala) 200 pp. Oxford University Press, 1930.
eyes). The thirteen plays discovered some twenty P. 150.-Why there should be a play on dirgháyu years ago by the late MM. Ganapati Sastri and
and Váyu, I fail to understand; Vayu, of course, was escribed by him to Bhisa have given rise to a lively
the father of Bhima, and the old Brahman hero controversy concerning their authorship. Though
wishes him an eternal life like that of his own sire. prominent authorities like Professor F. W. Thomas still seem to take it for proved that these plays are P. 152.-In v. 43 of Act I, Sakrah Saktidharah, of in some way or other intimately connected with the course, does not mean “Indra the Mighty," but somewhat nebulous Bh&sa, the researches and argu- "Indra and Skanda." mentations of Messrs. Barnett and Pisharoti have
P. 154.-With the expression Dharlardatravana. made it tolerably clear at least to the present writer
davdgnih ep. the quotations from the Mahabharata that these works have had nothing whatsoever to do
given in the VOJ., XX, 332 f. with Bhasa. But whoever was their author, or even if they be simply stage versions prepared by wholly
JARL CHARPENTIER. unknown authors, they are by no means devoid of interest. As for beauties of language and sentiment ANNUAL BIBLIOGRAPHY OF INDIAN ARCHAEOLOGY they cannot, of course, vie with the great plays of FOR THE YEAR 1929, published by the Kern Kalidasa, Bhavabhūti and others; still, although Institute, Loyden. 127 x 91 in.; pp. vii + 140, thoy contain not a few quite insipid passages --48, with 8 plates in collotype and 10 illustrations in 0.g., the prelude of the first act of the Pancarátra
the text. Leyden, 1931. they are also able to exhibit quite a number of
In this volume the bibliography proper contains beautiful ones which betray & not inconsiderable poetical genius. Thus it was a very fortunate idea
references to the contents of 731 periodicals, books of Professors Woolner and Sarup to join in present
and articles dealing with matter of archmological ing us with a complete English translation of these
interest relating to India and Netherlands India, as thirteen dramas.
well as Coylon, Burma, Siam, Indo-China and The first volume contains the translations of the
Japan, arranged categorically under appropriate Pratijad. Yaugandhardyana, the Swapna V daava- headings, adding extracts from reviews in the case datta, the Daridra-Cdrudatta, the PaAcardtra, the of the more important matter. The editors con Madhyamavydyoga, and the Pratimdnátaka. The tinue the commendable practice of prefacing the

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bibliography with a brief survey of the most im. ZUR INDISCHEN APOLOGETIK, by HANNS OERTEL. portant explorative work carried out during the Verlag von W. Kohlhammer. Stuttgart, 1930. year " in the domain of Indian archæology in the
The authoritativeness and eternity of the Vedas, widest sense." Five special contributions of this their revelation by the godhead and other similar nature appear. In the first of these M. Sylvain
questions have been subjects of lively discussion in Lévi describes how he came to interpret the sculp- India from very ancient times. The fullest discustures of the buried basement of the Barabudur by sion of them is found in Jaimini's Mindred-sútras, the light of a manuscript of the Karma-vibhanga and among later works, in Sabara's commentary which he had found in Nepal in 1922. In the thereon and in S&yana's introduction to his comsecond M. Victor Goloubew gives a brief account mentary on the Rgveda-samhita. Legs full discusof the clearing of the site of the Prah Khan temple,
sions are found in Sankara's commentary on the near Angkor Thom, and of the excavations at Pre
Brahma-sútras and also in the Nydya-sútras and
Samkhya-sútras and commentaries thereon. The Kiêu in Annam, now identifiable with the site of
authors of the two last-named Sätra works however.. the ancient capital of Champa. In the third Dr. J.
hold that the Vodas, though authoritative, are not Pearson describes the results of some recent excave
eternal, while the followers of the MimArsa school tions at Anuradhapura in Ceylon, where, besides
(Jaimini, Sankara, Sayans) hold that the Vodas the uncovering of further structures in brick and are eternal. A brief account of the views of all stone, some potsherds bearing Brahmi charac. these authors was given by W. Muir nearly eighty ters of the third century B.C. are said to have been years ago in volume 2 of his Original Sanskrit found. The next section reviews the salient results Texts. .of the explorations carried out by Mr. H. Har. In the book under review, the author has given
greaves at Mastung and Nal in Baluchistân, where a succinct account of the views in this matter of links were found with the prohistoric "Indus" the Mimamsakas. Taking as basis the discussion civilisation. The last section deals with the im. in Sayana's introduction, he has rearranged the portant explorations by Prof. E. Herzfeld in south- matter under four headings and supplemented it ern Kurdistan and in Lüristân, especially at sites
with details from Sabara's and Sankara's commentnear Nihâwand, where he has recovered ceramic
ries and Yiska's Nirukta in all places where Sayana
has not reproduced them. The author's rendering ware which he thinks clearly precede Susa II, and
of the Sanskrit sentences is generally good, but is the date of which he assigns confidently to between
capable of improvement in some places. Thus, for 3000 and 2750 R.C. Other objects were found to instance, bhawih (p. 1, n. 2) does not denote' Worenbear marked affinities to finds from Crete and Ur.
heiten' but Dinge'; similarly padarthah too (p. 3, The following striking passage quoted from a paper n. 1) denotes 'Dinge' and not 'Wortbedeutungen'; communicated by Prof. Herzfeld to the Illustrated dkhydyiku (p. 10) denotes 'story' and not 'Dialog'; Lonion News in 1929 may well be reproduced - pratigraha (p. 47) signifies 'receipt of gifts' and not " It appears that there existed, at the dawn of Empfang von Almosen'; kim nas chinnam history, a homogeneous civilisation, created
(pp. 49-50) means "What is cut off from us?' i.e., and developed by peoples of kindred race,
'what do we lose thereby ?' and not "Wie tut dag which extended from the west of Asia Minor,
(unserem Argumente) Abbruch ?'; and jarbhari
(bhartarau) and turpharfta(hantdrau) do not signify across the north of Syria and Mesopotamia,
(p. 67) ' die zwei Brüder' and 'die zwei Mordenden, Armenia, and the whole of the Iranian table
but the two masters and the two slayers.' land, as far as to the borderlands of India ; & civilisation which was opposed to and different
Such instances, however, are very few, and on the from the oldest civilisation of the alluvial
whole the book is one that may be warmly recom
mended to readers as conveying & faithful idea of plains of the Euphrates and Tigris basin
what Sayana and Sabara have said about Indian -namely, that of the Sumerians."
apologetics. It would appear, further, that Prof. Herzfeld is satisfied that Susa I developed out of the neolithic
The usefulness of the book is enhanced by several
indexes, one of which (no. III) contains a list of civilisation of the sites found by him at Persepolis,
unidentified Sruti passages. The passage ugro ha while Susa II originated from the early bronzo age
bhujyam, that is included therein, stands without culture of Nihâwand region.
doubt for tugro ha bhujyum, which is the beginning The plates are excellently printed, as hitherto; of RV. 1. 116. 3, that relates the story (akhysika) the index is full and carefully prepared : in fact the of how the Abvins sa ved Tugra. With the unwhole volume betokens efficiency and scholarship. identified passage na caitad vidmo yadi brdhmaņu All interested in Eastern archeology should keepvd smo, one should compare Mait. Sam. 1. 4. I this record on their shelves.
(p. 60, line 3 f.). C. E. A. W.O.
A. VENKATASUBBIAH.

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THE VIJAYANAGARA CONQUEST OF CEYLON.
BY B. A. SALETORE, M.A., PH.D.
(Continued from page 219.) Who was the “Danaik" who went to the frontier of Ceylon? And what was the object of his mission ? The word "Danaik” is evidently & shortened form of dannayaka, or dandandyaka, the official designation given to & commander in pre-Vijayanagara and Vijayanagara days. The late Mr. Venkayya wrote the following: “The mahapradhana Lakkanna Udaiyar mentioned in an inscription of Dêva Raya at Tirthomalai (666 of 1905) was perhaps the same Lakkanna Dannayaka, 'lord of the Southern Ocean,' mentioned in paragraph 31, Part II, of the last year's Annual Report. The 'Danaik' who was vizier and who went on a voyage to the frontier of Ceylon during the reign of Déva Raya II (Sewell, op. cit., p. 74) might also have been the same."48 The late Mr. Krishna Sastri, however, took this assumption in the light of a fact. For Mr. Sastri wrote " One of his (i.e., Deva Raya's) ministers was Dandanayaka Lakkanna, who is stated to have gone on a voyage to the frontier of Ceylon." Dr. Krishnaswami Aiyangar, in his introduction to the History of the Ndyaks of Madura by Mr. Satyanatha Iyer, writes : “ The next time that the viceroyalty of Madura comes into prominence is under Dêva Raya JI, when we hear of two brothers, known by the names Lakkana and MAdana, in charge of the whole of the Tamil country, the former held high office at headquarters, probably with the government of Madura as his province, the administration of which he carried on by deputy. At one period about 1440 he is found in the south, and is given the title of Viceroy of Madura,' and 'Lord of the Southern Ocean ... From this high commission Lakkana was recalled back to the headquarters. after a defeat sustained by the imperial armies at the hands of the Muhammadan Sultans of the Dekkan, to reform the army, and to reorganise the resources with a view to final victory. It is apparently this Danaik (Dandanayaka) that is spoken of in suoh glowing terms by the Muhammadan traveller, 'Abdur-Razzaq, who was in Vijayanagara in 1442-1443."50 Mr. Srikantha Sastri also writes to the same effect: "Lakkanna justly styles himself the 'increaser of the wealth of Deva Raya, and saptárga-rajya-vardhana-kaladhara and unnata keleya (intimate) friend of Deva Raya.' We know from other sources that he conquered Ceylon and Gulbarga.":1
On what grounds this identification of Lakkanna with the Damaik mentioned by 'Abdur Razzaq rests cannot be made out. Evidently the lead given by the late Mr. Venkayya has been implicitly followed. Dr. Krishnaswami Aiyangar does not give the source of his information. The two brothers, Lakkanna and Madanna, were no doubt governors over the Tamil country during the latter part of their career: but we may aoquaint ourselves with their history since it will be of some use to us hereafter. Lakkanna comes into prominence as the great minister in charge of the Maļbâgal kingdom in 1416 A.D.53 In 1428 A.D. Lakkanna Odeyar granted a dharma-sdoana to Singarasa's son AnnadAt4.66 In 1430 A.D. he was still (under Déva Raya) governor over Malbagal.65 In the next year we have some information about his lineage : the epigraph styles him as well as his brother Madanna, Heggade-devas of
48 Mad. Ep. Report for 1906, p. 64. 49 Ibid. for 1916, p. 139. - 50 Dr. S. K. Aiyangar in his introduction to Mr. S. Iyer's History of the Nayaks of Madura, p. 6. 81 Srikantha Sastri, Indian Antiquary, LVII, p. 78.
53 The authority obviously is the Pandyan Chronicle, as given in Taylor's Oriental Historical M88., 1, p. 37. Cf. Heras, Aravidu Dynasty, pp. 107-8.
88 Ep. Oar., X. Mb. 7, p. 72. There is a Lakanna Odeyar mentioned from about 1397 A.D. till 1402 A.D. in the reign of Harihara II, Ep. Oar., IV. He. 48, p. 88; Ep. Oar., V. On., 178, p. 201 : Mysore Arch. Report for 1911-2, p. 47. If this dignitary could be identified with the general we are dealing with, the latter must have been quite old when he terminated his official career as "Lord of the Southern Ocean."
64 Ep. Car., X, KI. 104, p. 31. 56 Ibid., Bp. 72, p. 162.

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the Vishņuvardhana gôtra, Vommâyamma's sons Lakkanna Daņnayaka and Mâdanna.56 Another inscription of the same year repeats the same information, but gives to Madanna the rank of a dannayaka.57 In 1433 A.D. Lakkann Odeyar was placed over Teka!,'8 which in the next year he made over, by order of Deva Raya, to Saļuva Gôpa Raya. In 1435 A.D. both Lakkanna and Madanna appear in their capacity of odeyars.co From 1416 A.D. till 1435 A.D., therefore, Lakkanna is mentioned only as a great minister, 61 odeyar, and dannayaka.
Now he has been identified with the 'Danaik' mentioned by Abdur-Razzaq solely because he was in charge of the southern division as the Lord of the Southern Ocean. It seems this is enough to prove that the conjectures of the late Mr. Venkayya were correct in the main. But I do not believe that such an identification is tenable. The point to be noted is whether Lakkanna could ever have been in the Vijayanagara court in 1442-1443 A.D., when the" guilty princo" was almost on the point of assassinating the emperor. This brings us to the history of Lakkanna as the Lord of the Southern Ocean' (dakshina-samudrådhipati). The earliest date given to him as the Lord of the Southern Oceanis Saka 1360 (1438-9 A.D.), when a gift was made for the merit of his brother Madanna Odeyar. He is given the rank of a minister in this record. From that date till Saka 1366 (A.D. 1444-5) he was 'Lord of tho Southern Ocean,'63
The question that may bo asked is whether Lakkanna was the vizier whom the emperor summoned when his life was in danger. 'Abdur-Razzaq is our main authority in this matter. He gives us an account of the malicious attempts made by certain Hormuzians to bring him under the displeasure of the emperor, and then speaks of an expedition that was sent against Gulbarga : " About this time the Danaik, or minister, who had treated me with the greatest consideration, departed on an expedition to the kingdom of Kulbarga, of which the cause was, that the king of Kulbarga, Sultån Alâu-d-din Ahmad Shah, upon learning the attempted assassination of Deo Rai, and the murder of the principal officers of State, was exceedingly rejoiced, and sent an eloquent deputy to deliver this message......" (which was a demand for 700,000 varáhas, with war as an inevitable alternative).
Some more information is given about this 'Danaik' in a later passage: "The king had appointed as a temporary substitute of the Brahman Dandik a person named Hambah Nurir, who considered himself equal to the wazir."64
When did this plot to assassinate the emperor take place! This can be determined by ascertaining where 'Abdur-Razzaq was when he narrated the story. He was then at Calicut. He had set out on the 21st of May 1441,65 and eight days after touching at the port of Saur,66 he reached Caliout. He was in Calicut from the close of Jumada-l-akhir till the beginning of Zi-hijja67-that is to say, from Sunday, 4th November 1442, till 2nd April 1443.68 That he was not at the Hindu capital when the dastardly incident took place is clear from what he says: "At the time that the writer of this history was detained at the city of Kalikot, an extraordinary and singular transaction occurred in the city of Bijanagar."69 The date of his
56 Ep. Car., Mb. 96, p. 100. 57 Ibid., Mb. 2, p. 71. 58 Ibid., Bp. 87, p. 154. 69 Ibid., Mr. 1, p. 154, n. (1). 60 Ibid., Mr. 4, p. 156. 61 No. 666 of Mad.Ep.R. for 1905. 69 No. 141 of M.E.R. for 1903 ; M.E.R. for 1904, p. 18.
68 No. 26 of M.E.R. for 1913; No. 566 of M.E.R. for 1914, dated Saka 136 (2) expirod, Raudra; M.E.R. for 1905, pp. 22, 50'; No. 100 of M.E.R. for 1911, datod Šaka 1366, Rudhirðdgørin.
64 Elliot, op. cit., IV, pp. 121-122. 65 Ibid., p. 95. 66 Ibid., p. 98. 67 Ibid., p. 102. 68 Swamikannu Pillai, The Indian Ephemeris, V, pp. 87-88. 69 Elliot, ibid., p. 115.

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arrival at Vijayanagara is thus given by him: "The author of this history, who arrived at Bîjânagar, at the close of Zi-hijja, took up his abode in a lofty mansion which had been assigned to him."70 That is to say, he was in Vijayanagara on Tuesday, 30th April 1443 A.D.71 From the above we conclude the following:
(a) that the attempt on the life of the emperor took place between November 1442 and April 1443;
(b) that the Danaik' was immediately summoned by the emperor by means of a courier;
(c) that the 'Danaik' was a Brahman, and that he had gone to the frontier of Ceylon prior to the incident mentioned by 'Abdur-Razzaq;
(d) that the Danaik' had gone on a tour, which he terminated to hasten at once to the royal presence;
(e) that he soon after led an expedition against Gulbarga; and
(f) that during his absence a mean and low Hindu officer was appointed as his
substitute.
We have to see whether these facts agree with the few facts which we have gathered about Lakkanna Dannayaka. We know that Lakkanna was the Lord of the Southern Ocean' from 1438 A.D. There is no evidence to suggest that he was ever recalled in 1442-3 A.D. by the emperor from his southern command. The fact that he was an intimate friend of the emperor has nothing to do with our attempts to identify him with the 'Danaik' mentioned by 'Abdur-Razzaq. The Persian ambassador certainly does not enlighten us on the intimacy which existed between the minister ('Danaik') and the emperor. The latter summoned the former because he was the only one who had escaped the sword of the assassins. This leads us to infer that the 'Danaik' must have been in the vicinity of the Court. But 'Abdur-Razzaq is positive about the courier having been despatched to the 'Danaik,' and about the latter having gone on a tour. This seeming inconsistency does not invalidate the evidence of the Persian ambassador. The fact that the 'Danaik' was within an appreciable distance of the capital is significant. Could a general placed in the extreme south of the peninsula have hurried to the capital to save the life of his master when the latter was amidst a band of assassins? We have only to realize the nature of the medieval conveyances and roads to understand the impossibility of Lakkanna ever having been near the emperor at the critical moment. Moreover, the Danaik' is mentioned by 'Abdur-Razzaq as having gone on an expedition to Gulbarga. If the expedition is placed between 1443-44 A.D.,72 and if Lakkanna is identified with the Danaik' of the Persian ambassador, it cannot be seen how Lakkanna could have led an army against Gulbarga in the north and have been in the south almost at the same time. It is not unreasonable to suppose that Dêva Raya II must have had more than one Dannayaka whom he could despatch to Gulbarga. Finally, we may dispense with the idea that the 'Danaik' of 'Abdur-Razzaq was Lakkanna when we examine the community to which the latter belonged. Lakkanna is said to have been of the Vishnuvardhana gôtra, and the son of Vommâyamma. In what sense the name of Vishnuvardhana is here introduced, whether he is the famous Vishnu of the Hoysalavamsa, cannot be deter. mined; but there is no denying the fact that if Lakkanna was indeed a Brahman, his sutra and saka would have been given, especially when his gôtra has been mentioned in the inscription. How far a Heggade-dêva could be termed a Brahman is also a matter that is questionable. And if Lakkanna really belonged to the family of the Hoysalas, it is not improbable that he came of a stock that was not Brahman. These considerations lead one to the conclusion that the 'Danaik' of 'Abdur-Razzaq cannot be identified in any sense with Lakkanna
70 Elliot, ibid., p. 112.
71 Swamikappu, V, p. 88.
72 Firishta confirms the Persian traveller about this expedition. Firishta, trans. Briggs, II, pp. 430-434.

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Dannayaka, although the latter was a great friend of the emperor, & minister, a general, and the Lord of the Southern Ocean. I think that the vizier mentioned by 'Abdur-Razzaq was Iranna Dannayaka, who is called in 1415 A.D., the great minister and 'Lord of the South. ern Ocean.'73 There is nothing improbable in Tranna Dannayaka having been present at court when the guilty prince was put to death by the infuriated mob; although it must be confessed that for the present we have no evidence to affirm that he was a Brahman and that he was despatched to Gulbarga. If it could be proved that Iranna was the minister-general referred to by the Persian ambassador, then the mission which took him to the frontier of Ceylon is to be placed in 1415 A.D., or thereabouts, a date which falls within the reign of Vira Vijaya, the predecessor of Deva Raya II.74
The causes which prompted Tranna Daņņayaka to go to Ceylon can only be conjectured for the present. There was the need of preserving the interests of the pearl trade in the south, and there was the question of consolidating the effects of the earliest conquest of Ceylon made by a Vijayanagara prince.75
It was under Virûpåksha that Ceylon was conquered. This fact is gathered from inscriptions as well as literature. The situation in that island was not unfavourable for the Vijayanagara rulers. The northern part of Ceylon including the port of Puttalam was under the king of Jaffna. A Muhammadan pirate was the master of Colombo. The capital was distracted with civil commotion, the kingdom being ruled by a senior and a junior sove. reign at the same time. There was the strife between the great minister Alagakkônära and Årva Chakravarti, the king of Jaffna, during the reigns of the kings Jaya, Bhuvanaika Bahu IV, and Vikrama Bahu III. Matters did not improve with the accession of Bhuvanaika Babu V. Then we are told that in the course of the conflict between Vira Bahu (T) and Vira BAhu II. Vira Alakesvara fled to India.76 Whether this flight of Vîra Alakêsvara had anything to do with the appearance of Vijayanagara troops in Ceylon is a point that can only be determined by future research. It is not improbable that Vira Alakêsvara might have sought the help of the only powerful Hindu king of southern India, the Vijayanagara mo. narch. However that may be, there are inscriptions which mention the conquest of Ceylon, and the tribute levied from that island, by Prince Virupaksha. An inscription dated only in the cyclic year Bhava, Panguni, 10, informs us that Virupanna Odeyar, son of Harihara, levied tribute from Ceylon. Evidently this Virupanna can only be Virupaksha, son of Harihara IJ. In the drama called Narayana-vilása composed by that prince, it is said that he planted a pillar of viotory in the island of Simhala.78 But the two important inscriptions of this prince relating to the conquest of Ceylon are the Alampûndi plates of Saka 1305 and the Ariyûr plates of Saka 1312. In the former we are told that having conquered the kings of Tundira, Chôļa, and Pandya and the Simhalas, he presented crystals and other jewels to his father.79 The date of this grant is thus given—".... in the Saka year one thousand three hundred and five, on the lucky day of the auspicious time of the Pushya Samkranti in the Raktákshin year."'80 The cyclio year, however, does not correspond to
73 Ep. Car., IX, An. 85, p. 119.
74 Sewell, op. cit., p. 404 ; Rice, Mysore and Coorg, p. 112. Here we may guess that the “Ajarao of Nuniz may have been & corruption of Vijaya Raya.-B.A.S.
76 The relations of a famous Vijayanagara viceroy, Vißvanátha, with Ceylon, together with other mat. ters relating to that island, will be dealt with in a subsequent paper on " The Foreign Policy of the Vijayanagara Kings with the Neighbouring States."-B. A. 8.
76 Codrington, op. cit., p. 85. 77 No. 375 of M.E.R. for 1917. 78 Dr. S. K. Aiyangar, The Sources of Vijayanagara History, p. 53. .99 Ep. Ind., III, p. 228. 80 Ep. Ind., III, p. 229.

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1305.81 It is doubtful whether we have to ascribe this event mentioned in the Alampûndi plates to the end of Saka 1306. The other document, the Ariyûr plates, also mentions the conquest of Simhala-dvipa. This record is dated in the Saka year 1312.88 The drama Nardyana-vilása and the Ariyûr plates, therefore, agree in ascribing the conquest of Simhaladvipa to Virupaksha. But strangely enough in the Soraikkavûr plates of the same prince, dated Saka 1308 (1386-7 A.D.), no mention is made of the conquest of Ceylon at all.83 The reason for the silence of the engraver of this record, which is dated earlier than the Ariyúr plates and later than the Alampundi grants, is not quite apparent. That, however, does not confute the evidence supplied by the three inscriptions and the drama written by Virûpåksha himself. There is reason to believe, therefore, that Simhala-dvîpa was subject to Vijayanagara in the days of Virupaksha ; and it is this fact which is commemorated in the inscriptions of the later Vijayanagara monarchs who appended the title, 'One who levied tribute from Ilam,' to their names.
TO THE EAST OF SAMATAȚA.
BY NALINI NATH DAS GUPTA, M.A. Of late, MM. Padmanatha Bhattacarya Vidyavinoda has published a number of papers in various journals on the identification of the six kingdoms to the east of Samatata (roughly speaking, south-eastern Bengal), as were heard of, but not actually visited by Hiuen Tsang, on account of their being 'hemmed in by mountains and rivers. The conclusions arrived at by him as to the last three of these, viz., 1-shang-na-pu-lo, Mo-ha-chan-p'o, and Yen-mona-chou, which he identifies respectively with Manipura State, Bhamo, and Jambudvipa, or Lower Burma, appear to be wholly beside the mark, and may safely be discarded, for we now possess definite knowledge of what was intended by 'Mo-ha-chan-p'o. But this constitutes no reason why we should withal throw overboard the results of his investigation as to the first two, viz., Shih-li-ch'a-to-lo, restored as Sri-kşetra, and Ka-mo-lang-ka, restored as Kamalańka. In case of the latter, in particular, it is worse than idle to deny its being the same as Comilla, alias Kám-lak, alias Kamalänka.
So far ag Shih-li-ch'a-to-lo is concerned, Mr. Bhattacarya has not merely accumulated arguments, but adduced substantial proofs as well, to identify it, or retain its original identi. fication, with Sylhet, as against Prome, which is the version of the rival theory that held the field in the meantime. The description given is that it is to the north-east of Samatata, and situated on the borders of a great sea. The only difficulty of accepting it as one with Sylhet had been to obtain first-hand evidence that the vast marshes, called habr, in and
81 The late Mr. Venkayya, who edited these plates, said—"The Raktákshin year does not correspond to Saka Samvat 1305 but to 1307 current."-Ibid., p. 225, n. (4). According to Sowell, the cyclio year for Saka 1305 is Dundubhi ; for Saka 1306, Rudhirädgårin; and for Saka 1307, Rakt Akshin-The Siddhantas and the Indian Calendar, Table LX, p. 186. But see Swamikappu Pillai,- Saka 1305, Dundubhi till the end of March; Saka 1305, April, till Saka 1306, March, Rudhirodgerin; Saka 1306, April till March, Saka 1307, Raktákshin ; Soka 1307, April, Krodhana begins.-The Indian Ephemeris, IV, pp. 308-370. For other considerations against the Alampu di plates, see Veikayya, Ep. Ind., III, p. 226.
88 T. A. Gopinatha Rao, Ind. Ant., XXXVIII, p. 12, where the date is fully discussed.
83 Ep. Ind., VIII, p. 299. For the difference between the Soraikkavur plates and the Ariyor plates, see Ind. Ant., XXXVIII, p. 14. The lines beginning with Sri Krishna up to bhupatih are not found in the Soraikkâvûr plates.
1 JRAS., 1920, p. 1f.; Vangiya Sahitya Parişad Patrikd, 1326 (B.S.), pp. 1.18; Ind. Hist. Quart., March 1928, pp. 169-178; Ib., 1926, p. 284 f.; Hindusthan Review, July, 1924, pp. 444-46, etc.
2 Records, Beal, II, pp. 199-200; and Life, Beal, p. 132. 3 Probably from sdôr Page #254

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about the district, constituted a sea both in form and in name. The evidence has, however, come, all other things apart, from the Bhâtêrâ copper-plate grant of Govinda-Kesava, which contains the significant expression, Sagara-paścime, and more conclusively from a sixteenth-century Bengali production, viz., the Caitanya-marigala of Jayananda, wherein the name of the sea (samudra) is distinctly given as 'Dhôla.'5 It may be added that reference to the phôla-samudra is also made in the Bengali Sunya-purana of Râmâi Pandita. The extent of the sea is unknown, but the Désávalîvivṛti, a geographical work composed by Jagannâtha Pandita in Bihar, as late as in the seventeenth century, informs us, in its description of Assam, that 'blue water exists constantly in the western region of Gauhati' (Gôhaṭṭât paścimê bhagê nîl âdrau vartatê sada), too.
M. Louis Finot's replys to Mr. Bhattâcârya, on this point, is neither effective nor edifying. He likes to cling to the Prome' theory, already rejected by Mr. Watters" on the grounds that Prome neither answers to the given direction from Samatata, nor is it situated on the seaside. In insisting, none the less, upon its identification with Prome, one has only to fancy, as does M. Finot, that the frontiers of the kingdom of Prome' might have, in the pilgrim's time, reached to the sea, and a mistake might have crept into his record of the direction; but this, we must agree, does not make the case any the stronger. On the contrary, it shows how one labours under the impression that the great sea' in question must refer to the Bay of Bengal; and in the case of M. Finot, this is rendered the more explicit by his statement that, "this may not well suit Prome, but much less does it apply to Sylhet, which is twice as distant from the sea as Prome."10
As regards To-lo-po-ti, restored as Dvârapati or Dvaravati, Mr. Bhattâcârya essays to identify it with Hill Tipperah, while the former identification was with Ayudhia, 11 the old capital of Siam. But if Ka-mo-lang-ka is assuredly Comilla, the identification of To-lo-po-ti, to the east of it, with Ayudhia becomes untenable. Furthermore, the foundation of Ayudhia is said to have taken place in the middle of the fourteenth century A.D. 'Sandowê,' which the Rev. S. Beal suggests, 12 is also not a plausible solution. Fortunately, however, the clue to its identification has been found in some old Bengali works. In his proem to the 'LorCandrani-o-Sati-Mayanâvati,' the author, a Muhammadan, Daulat Qazî,13 gives an account of his patron, Ashraf Khân, at whose instance he undertook the composition of the work, and of the king Runta-dharma Sudharma (1622-38 A.D.) of Arakan, known in the history of Burma as Thiri Thudhamma, a powerful prince, whose minister (pâtra) was Ashraf Khân. and during whose reign Manrique, the Portuguese missionary, arrived in Arakan. Rosânga, the capital of Runtadharma, is stated to have been situated to the east of the Karnaphuli, a river that takes its rise in the Hill Tipperah region, and at the mouth of which stands Chittagong. From Rôsânga, the king Runtadharma once went on a pleasure trip, accompanied by his retinue including Ashraf Khân, till he reached a city, 'Dvârâvati by name, which lay by the side of a forest and resembled in magnificence even Dvârakâ, the city of Krsna,'14 and there the king continued to hold his court for a length of time. Thus a beautiful city
4 Published in Ep. Ind., IX. See p. 282, 1. 38.
Edited by N. Vasu, published by the Vaugiya Sahitya Parisad, Calcutta, p. 8.
6 Edited by N. Vasu, p. 24.
7 Des. Cat. Sans. MSS. in Library, As. Soc. Bengal, by MM. H. P. Sastri, vol. IV (History and Geography), 1923, p. 53.
8 JRAS., 1920, p. 451.
9 On Yuany Chuang, II, pp. 188-189.
10 Op. cit.
11 Cf. Ind. Ant., 1926, pp. 113-115, where Sir Richard C. Temple has given a table of identifications. 12 Op. cit.
13 Vangiya Sahitya Parisad Patriká, 1312 (B.S.), p. 244.
14 Vana-páse nagara éka Dvdrá-vati nama Kremêr Dváriká jena ati anupd (a) ma.

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called Dvârâvati, lying on the eastern bank of the Karnaphuli, and evidently towards the north, was in existence down to seventeenth century A.D. Again, its position, as being conterminous with the Tipperah region, is clearly indicated by a couplet occurring in a MS. of the so-called Parâgali Mahabharata, composed probably between 1522-25 A.D.,15 which purports to say that Hussain Shah of Bengal, styled 'the lord of the five Gaudas,' bestowed (the governorship of) Tripurâ and Dvârikâ (i.e., Dvârâvatî) upon Parâgala Khân, 16 his general, whose patronage the poet of the work enjoyed. It further seems likely that the city served as a 'door land' to Hill Tipperah from the south or south-east, for in another MS., viz., that of a Bengali translation of the Mahabharata by Jaimini, a verse of a similar nature reads that a king of Gauda, whose name is given as Sultan Alpalêñcana, conferred the governorship of the door-land (drâra) of Tipperah17 upon one of his officers.
Hiuen Tsang's information was that the kingdom of Dvârâvatî was to the east of Kamalanka, precisely what we find in respect of this Dvârâvatî, and we may without any great risk of error suppose that this is the kingdom referred to by the pilgrim. It would seem, therefore, that Mr. Bhattâcârya's' conclusion, though not his arguments, makes a near approach to truth.
Still to the east of Dvârâvatî was I-shang-na-pu-lo, restored as Îsânapura, which cannot be located with precision, but a kingdom having had Dvârâvati and Mahâ-campâ (Mo-hachan-p'o) to its west and east respectively must needs be supposed to have covered a more or less extensive part of Upper Burma or North Indo-China, or of both, of the modern atlas. It requires, however, to be noted that I-tsing in his Nan-hae-khi-kwai-niu-fa-chu'en makos no mention of Îśânapura; according to him, eastward of Dvârâvatî, on the extreme frontier, is the country of Lin-i18 (Campâ, or, more correctly, the southern portion thereof).
It is generally believed that isânapura is Cambodia, and the fact that " Isânavarman was reigning there probably at that very time or a few years before it,"19 lends colour to the belief; but the belief itself does not accord with reality. Even accepting it to be true, we would be constrained to regard Yen-mo-na chou as identical with Yavadvipa or Java, or as a fabulous island in the Vayu-purâna,20 both being equally absurd.
Modern researches have made it irrefragably certain that Mahâcampâ (I-tsing's Chanp'o), although its extent varied at different periods, corresponds roughly to the southern portion of Annam, comprising the provinces of Quang-nam in the north and Binh-Thuan in the south with the intervening country.21 A very important part was played by Campâ in the political and religious history of Further India from the third to the fifteenth century A.D., when its power was crushed by the aggressive Annamites, and it still holds the distinction of being the country possessing the earliest Sanskrit inscription in Further India, viz., that of Vo-can, which dates from the second century A.D. The foundation of the first Hindu dynasty of Campå, probably sometime between 190 and 193 A.D., is associated with the name of Srimara, identified with Kiu-lien (G. Maspero, La Royaume de Champa).
The position of Campå being definitely established, it becomes easy to affirm that Yenmo-na-chau (Yavana-dvipa, the island of the Yavanas) to its south-west, represents Cambodia, the ancient Kamboja, and the Funan (Poh-nan) of I-tsing and other Chinese accounts. Girt by the sea on three sides, why it has been called a dvipa, or island, may be explained
15 Vangiya Sahitya Parisad Patrikd, 1334 (B.S.), pp. 166-168.
16 Descriptive Catalogue of Bengali MSS. in the Vangiya Sahitya Parisad, by Munsi Abdul Karim, vol. I, No. II, p. 26.
17 Vangiya Sahitya Parisad Patrika, 1313 (B.S.), p. 182.
18 Ind. Ant., X, p. 197.
19 Indian Cultural Influence in Cambodia, by Bijan Raj Chatterjee, Cal. Univ., 1928, pp. 257-258.
20 Beal, Records, II, p. 200 and notes.
21 Sir Charles Eliot's Hinduism and Buddhism, 1921, vol. III, p. 137.
22 Ind. Ant., vol. X, p. 197.

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by a statement of Ma-twan-lin: "Eastern India is bounded on the east by a great sea, it is near Fu-nan (Siam) and Lin-i (Tsiampa), it is only separated by a narrow sea."23
Fu-nan, in the words of I-tsing, is the extreme southern corner of Jambudvipa.' His remark that the people of this country were formerly naked savages '* goes to suggest that the so-called country of the naked men 'which was visited by the two Chinese priests, Taoulin and Hwui Taas (both after Hiuen Tsang and before I-tsing), in the course of their voyage to India, is but Fu-nan or Cambodia. The former went from it to Tamralipti. In the Katha-Sarita-Sagara of Sômadêva, 26 we read of a Brahman of Ujjayini, named Vidûşaka, who came to Tamralipti, on the coast of the Eastem Sea, and there embarked on board of a merchant-ship for Karköta-nagara, but was led by circumstances to arrive in the Nagnarajya (kingdom of the naked men) from which Karköta-nagara is said to have been a week's. journey or voyage; this Nagna-rajya, therefore, is most probably identifiable with Cambodia. In connection with the latter priest (Hwui Ta) we have the following account of the country of the naked men': "For two or three lis along the eastern shore there were nothing but cocoanut trees and forests of betel vines. The people, when they saw the ship, came along. side in little boats with the greatest clamour; there were upwards of 100 such boats filled with cocoanuts and plantains, they had also baskets, etc., made of rattan; they desired to exchange these things for whatever we had that they fancied, but they liked nothing so much as bits of iron. A piece of this metal two fingers length in size would buy as many as 5 or 10 cocoanuts. The men here aro all naked, the women wear a girdle of leaves; the sailors in joke offered them clothes, but they made signs that they did not want such articles. This country according to report is south-west of the district of Sze-ch'uan ..... The men are not quite black, of middling height, they use poisoned arrows, one of which is fatal."27
It is manifostly due to their barbarous habits and manners that the deriding epithet 'Yavana' was applied to them. The Dasakumara-carita, or Adventures of Ten Princes,' of Dandin tells us that the coast of Dåmalipta (or Tâmra-lipti) used to be frequented by the sea-going vessels of the Yavanas, 28 and relates how a Yavana, Ramesu by name, sunk in the distant sea a ship of one of the princes who sailed from Tamralipti, besides making several other references to their acts of atrocity. The very name 'Ramêșu,' applied to a Yavana, it is curious, reminded the late MM. Haraprasada Sastri of King Rameses of Egypt, whose memory, he believed, was probably alive to some extent till the date of the composition of the work,2' which he would not hositate to place in the second century B.C.' 30 The received opinion, according to the theory of Prof. Wilson1 and Dr. Bühler, however, is that the allusion is to the Arabian or Persian traders, for it could not likely be applioable to the Greeks. But, nevertheless, the Cambodians are, to all appearance, the Yavanas of the Dasakumaracarita. It may also be recalled here that a Chinese priest of the latter half of the seventh century A.D., who arrived at Tamralipti, was attacked by robbers at the mouth of the river, and barely escaped with his life.'33 It may not improbably be that these robbers were the Yavana or Cambodian pirates, and if so, this would serve as one reason why Dandin should not bo ascribed to a period long before 600 A.D.34
35 Ibid., p. 195.
33 Ind. Ant., vol. IX, p. 15. 34 Ind. Ant., vol. X, p. 197. 26 Ed. Hermann Brockhaus, vol. I, Leipzig, 1839, p. 271 í. 37 Ind. Ant., vol. X, pp. 195.196. 28 N. S. P. ed., 6th Ucchdsa, pp. 155-163, 176-177. 29 Vangiya Sahitya Paripad Patrika, 1321 (B.S.), p. 256. 30 Ibid., 1332 (B.S.), p. 200. 31 H. H. Wilson's ed., London, 1846, p. 148, footnote 2. 33 G. Bühler's ed., Bombay, 1873, p. 41, notes. 33 Life, Beal, Intro., p. xxxv. 34 Cl. Keith's Classical Sanskrit Literature, 1927, pp. 70-72.

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THE GAY-DAŅR FESTIVAL : THE CULT OF THE MOTHER GODDESS.
BY KALIPADA MITRA, M.A., B.L., D. J. COLLEGE, MONGHYR I HAVE suggested that the gay-dánr festival is a relic of some ceremonial sacrifice offered in the past to the Corn Goddess ; especially because of its close association with the worship of the goddess Kali, the terrible Mother Goddess, and also with her Lakşmi and Alakşmi, and the celebration of the Feast of Lamps, or the divdll. But the past has been forgotten, and what is understood now is that the festival conduces in a mysterious way to the benefit of the cattle (supra, vol. LXI, pp. 1-3).
In Bengal there is current a peculiar mode of worshipping Lakşmi, the Corn Goddess, which is also associated with the Feast of Lamps and certain processes which are supposed to conduce to the benefit not only of the cattle, but also of the household. This particular worship is offered by women only and is called gari urata, a corruption of gárhasthya (household) vrata or gáru vrata (garu from ghara ?).
Let me here give a summary account of the garší vrata as it is observed in the several districts of Bengal.
In the Narail subdivision of the Jessore district, the Bagerhat subdivision of the Khulna district and in some parts of Nadia district the ceremony is observed by every Hindu family in the latter part of the night preceding (i.e., in the early hours of) the samkrants day in Kar. tika. Men and women leave their bede long before dawn, light a fire with pát (jute) stems, sit round it for some time, and then apply ghi, tamarind, etc., to their lips. They say that this practice prevents cracking, and preserves the smoothness of their lips during the forthcoming winter.
In the districts of Pabna, Dacca, Noakhali, Bakarganj, Maimansingh and Faridpur, and some other parts of Nadia the nata is celebrated by Hindu women of all classes on the samkordnti of Asvina, generally early in the morning, but in some places at noon also.
A remarkable feature of the worship in some cases is the disfiguration of an earthen image of Alaksmi, whose nose and ears are cut off, after which Lakşmi is ceremonially installed in the house. In Faridpur and Bakarganj the katha (legend) of Lakşmi in recited, after which tho murohita worships the goddess. The pujà offeringe consist of the odrf ddl (cinta at. Lathyrus sativus), plantain, cocoanut, kernel of vla (Borassus flabellifer), saprld (?), kumrá (TYT, & gourd growing in the rainy season) and uri (15) or boro rice. No produce of the ploughshare should form an offering. Sugarcane molasses are therefore excluded. In many places the ladies who perform the vrata eat the grains of chini (Panicum miliaceum). Children light stems of pát (jute), and smoke them like cigarettes.
In Vikrampur the går i vrata is called the gáru vrata. In the small hours of the Asvina samkranti day all rise from their beds, and blowing a conch, they light a torch of pát sticks with which they make a circuit of the house, while elderly women recite a doggerel charm :
cire coit af ,
* 161 that is,
Out ye vermin (lit. leeches and worms),
Come Lakşmi into the house. Uttering this mantra, they take the light into all the rooms and then place it on the bedroom floor, where they roast green tamarind and apply the pulp to their lips as a protective charm against their cracking in winter. On this day the Hindus do not eat grains produced by the use of the ploughshare, or even fish caught in a net. It is their belief that unless they cat saluka (Nymphæa Lotus) and kněsdri dal, Alakşmi will enter the house. In the evening the ladies light lampe all round the house.

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In Nadia thoy beat a winnowing fan with a jute stem ( 761, 0946-167) and recite the following doggerels :
(a) at af CTET ,
chant ses (6) 4 avant atfe dat ,
ও বাড়ীর লক্ষ্মী ঠাকরূণ এই বাড়ী আয়। in which the mosquitoes are conjured to depart from the house and betake themselves to another house or cross the village river, and the goddess Lakşmi is invited to enter. In the Hugli district children beat the winnowing fan to drive away the mosquitoes in the morning following the Kalî puja day. In Nadia and Faridpur another doggerel is recited on the occasion :
আশ্বিন যায় কার্তিক আসে, মা লক্ষ্মী পাটে বসে 99 999 ,
TRICHCE CON No produce of tillage is used. The cows and other animals of the villagers, e.g., sheep and goats, are well fed, bathed in the river and then made to cross it. Straw braids are hung on, or tied to, the jack-fruit trees, in the belief that this act promotes their fertility.
Although in other parts of the country the worship is regarded as that of Lakşmi, in eastern Maimansingh it is recognised as a sort of worship offered to the dead mother-in-law. The following account has been taken from the Bengali magazine, Pravde, of 1330 B:8. The vrata is performed on the Asvina samkránti day. In the courtyard of the house a small tank is dug, and on its eastern side a rice plant and a man-kachd plant (Alocasia indica) are planted. At the four corners and the four sides respectively are placed images of four crows and four kites made of rice-paste. On the western side is placed an effigy of a pig. Then a female figure with a baby on its lap is made of rice-paste and placed under the rice and man-kachu plants. This is regarded as the representation of the mother-in-law. On a large wickerwork platter are arranged eight kinds of vegetables and all kinds of pulse (dal), with the entire paraphernalia of cooking, and the platter is laid before the effigy. A naivedya (offering) is also placed there. The female votary then draws water from the tank and makes the effigy of her dead mother-in-law drink it. After the vrata katha is recited, the effigy of the pig is sacrificed, and it and all the images (of crows, kites and mother-in-law) are buried in the tank. The ddl and vegetables together with grains of chínd (Panicum miliaceum) are cooked and eaten by her.
The above proceeding is strongly reminiscent of the primitive Mother Goddess found in the neolithic graves, e.g., of Crete and neighbouring places. Crows and ravens are associated with death. Mackenzie remarks that "the ravens take the place of the doves as the birds of the Mother Goddess." Eagles and their congeners, the kites, are similarly associateu with her. The female figure with the baby in its lap reminds us of the terracotta figurine described by Jackson in his paper entitled "Archæological Research at Patna ": " With the possible exception of a single fragment, a small shaven head, it is noteworthy that every one of the terracotta human figurines or fragments which have come to light represents the
1 I do not understand the meaning of the second couplet. From my inquiries regarding the gay. dans festival at Warisaliganj in the district of Gay4, I came to learn that ol (Colocasia antiquorum) is given to the cows to eat. We have already seen (supra, vol. LX, p. 190) that the Oraons give slices of ol to their cattle on the occasion of the Sohorai festival.
2 Myths of Crete and pre-Hellenic Europe, p. 290.

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THE GAY-DANR FESTIVAL = form of a woman. There are several of very different sizes which represent a naked woman in a sitting posture, in one case holding a baby in her arms. This specimen is exactly similar to one recently found at Buxar, and the head in both cases is curiously primitive in type. One of the torracotta plaques is particularly interesting because it is identical with a specimen found by Spooner at Kumrahar, and because only three days later the Bulandibagh excavation yielded the upper half of another. The resemblance is so complete that all three have probably been produced by the same mould, and it seems as if this figure must be a representation of the Mother Goddess or similar female worship cult evidently diffused at Patna.”3
The placing of the effigy of the female under the rice and man-kacho plants is suggestive of her being associated with the spirit of vegetation, and she may be regarded as a Mother Goddess. The sacrifice of the pig effigy recalls the pig sacrifice in the worship of the primitive Mother Goddess. A pig was sacrificed to the Cretan Mother Goddess, though pork was taboo in Crete. The pig is equally an abomination to the Hindus, and it is not casily understood why a Hindu housewife should sacrifice it in effigy in the worship of her dead motherin-law, unless the latter be regarded as the representation of a Mother Goddess. It seems that there has been in this worship a mingling of two ideas, viz. (1) of a burial ceremony and ancestor-worship, and (2) worship of the Mother Goddess Lakşmi. It is remarkable that the housewife does not eat rice (popularly called Lakşmi in Bengal), which becomes a sacred taboo on the day of worship (as books become a sacred taboo to us on the day of worship to Sarasvati), but eats other grain.
China and uri are regarded as growing wild and are not included among the produce of the ploughshare. Uri is the Sanskrit nivára, or trnadhanyam. It is a wild rice, the grains of which, when ripe, fall of themselves, and can be gathered and brought home (Yogesachandra Raya's Bengali Dict., p. 482). Boro rice grows wild in marshes. Chind was originally wild, though it is now cultivated in many places.
It has been seen that women are the officiants at the garbi vrata, or the worship of Lakşmi, Mother Goddess, the giver of food. Even in the hunting stage of human history, while mon were occupied with the chase to find animal food, their women folk grew corn in the forest clearings. Bishop Whitehead says: “The fact, too, that agriculture among primitive races was the business of women rather than of men, as it is among the savage races of the present day, probably led to the village goddesses being at first worshipped by the women rather than by men."
In the worship of the so-called dead mother-in-law there is a faint suggestion of her resemblance to the Cretan Mother Goddess. There is no doubt that the cult of the Mother Goddess prevailed throughout India, and particularly in Bengal, where the Tantrik cult flourished so vigorously. Excavations in Bihår have revealed the existence there of a very ancient cult of the Mother Goddess. In the Patna Museum there is a terracotta female figure with a serpent, from Bas&ph, which strikes one as having a strong resemblance to the Cretan representation of the Mother Goddess. Many female figures and representations of females with hands clasped on the breast or resting on the hip, wearing scanty costume of archaic type, huge round ear-rings or, more rarely, wings (which Sir John Marshall ascribes to Mesopotamian influence) were discovered at Basaph.5 Jackson describes a very curious figure found at Patna of an animal with small projections or feet, a snake's head and woman's body. He writes 6: “This figure, being entire, solves the puzzle regarding the nature of several though larger fragments, both of the head and the hour-glass shaped body, which have been found at Basah, Buxar, etc., and the theory may be advanced that it was intended to represent a Nagini."
8 JBORS., vol. XIII (June, 1927), pp. 126-127. 1 Whitehoad-The Village Gods of South India, p. 160. 6 A.S.I.A.R., Eastorn Circlo, 1913-1914, Excavations at Basah. 0 Op. cit.

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In his interesting article, Remains of a Prehistoric Civilization in the Gangetic Valley,' Dr. Banerji-Sâstrî has given an account of terracottas of the chalcolithic period found in his excavations at Buxar. The figurines are of females and are of two types, (a) finished and (b) crude, the former wearing the hair in a variety of fashions, with elaborate head-dresses, and heavy ornamental ear-rings, etc., some presenting in head-dresses of volute-like smooth horn type a resemblance to examples from Harappå. "The cruder types are highly characteristic of the Mohenjo-daro and Sumerian types." There is a female figure with a child at the breast. Dr. Banerji-Sastrî says of the Buxar terracottas : "A study of these terracottas may suggest a clue to the ultimate cradle of the Sumerian and later civilizations of Western Asia. Of the two predominant types, the crude Series B, Nos. 1-7, may be compared with the crude figures in Sumer and Sindh; the highly finished and subtle types of Series A, Nos. 1-20, with pre-Sumerian, Eridu and the Egean. The Buxar and Ægean Art, so sharply contrasted with the Sumer and Sindh simplicity, can be traced back to an earlier epoch: and the Asura may be equated with the pre-Sumerian Accad people of Assyria...."
234
Numerous terracotta figures representing nude females with elaborate head-dresses and ornaments have been discovered in the ruins of Mohenjo-daro. Sir John Marshall says: "They can hardly fail to be identified with the figures of the Mother Goddesses familiar in Mesopotamia and countries further to the west." Many similar objects, some of them of symbolic significance, discovered at Mohenjo-daro and Harappa link these places in a civilization of the chalcolithic period styled the "Indus civilization." Sir John writes: "That the Indus civilization described above extended over Baluchistan and Waziristan as well as over Sindh and the Panjab has now been established; and there is evidence to show that it extended eastward over Cutch and Kathiawar towards the Dekhan. Whether it embraced Rajputana and Hindusthan and the valley of the Ganges remains to be proved." The finds at Buxar, Basarh and Patna seem to supply the evidence.
The burit of the mother-in-law in the tank somehow suggests to me the figure of a female outlined on a small gold leaf found in the deposit of human bones and charcoal in a burial mound at Lauriya-Nandangarh opened by Dr. Bloch. He identified it with the burial mound (śmaśana) described in the Vedic ritual, and the female figure with the Earth Goddess referred to.in the Vedic burial hymn, "but both this interpretation and the date (seventh or eighth century B.C.) hazarded by the explorer for these mounds must be regarded as tentative only."8 I doubt if there was any Vedic ritual involved; but even if there were, the influence at work seems to be pre-Aryan, for in the Vedic theology goddesses play little part, and Pṛthivî is a faint character. There is evidence of the existence in Champaran of the cult of the Mother Goddess. What is more striking are the names, Lauriya-Nandangarh, where the mound was opened, and Lauriya Araraj, probably associated with the laur, or phallic or pillar cult. The Asokan pillar at Basarh is also similarly associated, as I learnt from inquiries from a man on the spot in 1927. The association of the Asokan monolithic pillars with the phallic cult seems to suggest the earlier existence of this cult in India. Dr. J. H. Hutton, in his lecture on 'The Stone Age Cult of Assam,' delivered at the Indian Museum, Calcutta, in 1928, suggested that "the erection of the prehistoric monoliths takes the form of lingam and yoni." He thought "that the Tantrik form of worship, so prevalent in Assam, is probably due to the incorporation into Hinduism of a fertility cult which preceded it as the religion of the country."10 In the course of examination of the Sanskrit words langala, langula and linga, which he traces to Austro-Asiatic sources, Prof. Przyluski remarks: "It is more probable that the Aryans have borrowed from the aborigines of India the cult of linga ae well as the
7 Journal of the Bombay Historical Society, vol. III (1930), pp. 187-191.
8 C.H.I., p. 616; A.S.I.A.R., 1904-1905.
9 C.H.I., p. 105.
10 Pre-Aryan and Pre-Dravidian by Dr. P. C. Bagchi (Calcutta University Publication, 1929). Intro., pp. xvii-xviii.

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name of the idol (Siva). These popular practices despised by the Brahmans were well-known in old times."11 At Mohenjo-daro were discovered curious ring stones and some phallus-like objects—the latter somewhat resembling in form the so-called 'Chessmen 'pillars of Assam, possessing a religious character symbolical of the agents of generation, the worship of which goes to a very remote age in India. Rai Bahadur Ramaprasad Chanda says: "Sir John Marshall proposes to trace the cult of the phallic emblem of Siva to the chalcolithic period by recognising in the 'Chessmenlike' objects and ring stones found at Mohenjo-daro lingas and Yonis respectively."19
There are certain features common to the worship of Lakşmi in the gardi vrata and that of Lakşmi on the Kali pôja day. Take, for instance, the expulsion of Alaksmi. In the Monghyr district on the bhata caturdaši day the Hindus make an image of cowdung representing Alakomi or Dariddar, and drag her out and humiliate her, suiting the action to tho rude chant of the magic doggerel : Lachhmi ghar, Dariddar bahar.
Similarly in the Hugli district an effigy of cowdung representing Alakami is made and, after a sort of perfunctory worship, it is made over to the children, who drag it outside, chant. ing loudly the while :
অলক্ষ্মী বিদেয় হয়,
লক্ষ্মী আসে ঘরে। In many places in Bengal on the night of Kalf půjd (amarasyd) first Alakşmi is worshipped by the householder and, after her expulsion, Lakşmî is installed in the house. This is also formally enjoined in the Bongali panjika : Pradose Sri Sri Laksmí o Alaksmi prtja.
The dread aspect of Lakşmi is Alaksmi; her worship is therefore significant on the day of the worship of the great Mother Goddess, Kal. And the Markandeya Purana supports this: "The gupta-rupi Devi, the Devi who is 'unmanifested,' takes the three forms of Lakşmi, Maha Kali and Sarasvati......As giver of wealth and prosperity she is Lakşmi, and as destroyer of wealth and prosperity, Alakşmi or Jyoştha Devi." On both the occasions of garši vrata and Kali paja there is
(1) the worship of the Mother Goddess on the last day (as once rockoned) of the year; (2) the illumination ; (3) ancestor worship in (a) dipdnvita pdrvana bråddha, offered to the pitys or ancestors
on the bhuta caturda&f day, and (b) reminiscence in the form of worship of the
dead mother-in-law in the account of gåráf vrata from eastern Maimansingh; (4) securing welfare to cattl6;
(5) recital of doggerel verses to drive out vermin.
I am reminded of similar circumstances attendant on the annual ritual of Osiris celebratod on the Egyptian new year's day in the worship of the cow-headed Isis, the Mother Goddess, and the nocturnal illumination, commemorating the dead ancestors (cf. the lighting of the celestial path of the ancestors of the Hindus on the divdik day) who revisit their old homes once a year.
In the Birbhûm district on the day following Kali prijd a small rude hut is made of straw. bamboos, jute and dried flowers of sara (Saccharum arundinaceum), which is then burnt down: I do not remomber the details of the ceremony, which I saw in my childhood. An account is given in Man in India (vol. TJI) of the burning of human effigies of straw in some parts of Bengal on the last day of the Bengali month of Kartika, which is known as bhul or bhola, the purport of which is to kill vermin, and promote vegetation. What is the significance of this bonfire on the day following the Kali pajd and the last day of Kartika, which
11 Ibid., pp. 14, 15. 1 .1.3.1. Memoir No. 41. p. 36.

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are respectively the days of the gay-dant, and girsi vrata festivals ? I think this represents a particular form of sacrifice to the Mother Goddess with a view to promote fertility of crops.
During the Holi festival also an effigy is burnt. Effigies are also burnt in bonfires in Europe, and sometimes the pretence is made of burning living persons. The burning of the effigy seems to be a survival of the ancient custom of sacrificing by fire the human animal, which symbolised the spirit of vegetation. In ancient Egypt and Sumer originally the king himself was killed as a sacrifice for vegetation. The king was the best victim, for he was the divine son of the Mother Goddess. The Osiris and Tammuz rites furnish evidence on the point. "The evidence, therefore, suggeste," says Perry," that human sacrifice was specially associated with the great Mother Goddess, and with the sun god, and that the earlier phase was that in which the king himself was the victim."13 Later on, a subject, a captive or " some other victim was substituted, e.g., in ancient Greece and Rome, in the rites of Thargelia, Saturnalia, and so on. In modern times the sacrifice was simulated in the burning of effigies. Ashes from the bonfires in India (e.g., holi, bhal, bhold, etc.) and Europe are conveyed to the fields for destroying vermin, 1* preventing blights and promoting the fertility of the cross, besides averting ill-luck and disease. In other words, the remnants of the victim immolated are conveyed to fields in the same manner as shreds of flesh torn from the Meriah (and in ancient times the Dionysian and Osirian victims) to promote the growth of crops.
From the human representative dying in the character of the god of vegetation the passago was easy to his vicariously suffering for men and bearing the entire burden of his sins manifested in his sorrows and misfortunes. The idea of the scapegoat became complete, and in a later age of mercy and civilization when the ravage brutality of old gradually came to be mitigated, effigies and substitutes were allowed to take the place of the living originals. Effigies representing the old year had to bear the burden of the sins of the entire year, and were tried, shot or (and) burnt (cf. the burning of the Samvat); or else human representatives of the old year (e.g., in Tibet) or even animals had to bear the sin of the community and were driven beyond the boundary. The ancient Egyptians heaped their sins, past and future, on the sacred cows and bulls, and then got rid of them by killing the animals. Cocks, goats and pigs were similarly believed to carry away the sins of the community. The taking the cattle for the gdy-dant generally outside the village (basti) (cf. tho Sohcrai festival of the Oraons), driving the cattle across the river in the gardí vrata, and dragging the cart to the village boundary in the Pallallamma worship-all suggest transference of tho sin of the vil. lage beyond the boundary. The driving away of Alakşmi and the installation of Lakşmi in her place has its close parallel in the ceremony of the human scapegoat in ancient Greece known as "the expulsion of hunger," when the slave was beaten with tho rods of agnus custus and turned out of doors with the words : " Out with hunger and in with wealth and health."15 Possibly the pig in the gay-dant takes away the vices of the cows (and of the villagers) on the new year's day, and with its sacrifice are extinguished all influenceg harmful to vegetation.
There are points of contact between the Indus civilization and that of pre-dynastic Egypt (e.g., in respect of faience sealings) and that of Sumer (e.g., in the Mother Goddess cult). It would be interesting to investigate the connexion between the ancient Mother Goddess cult of India and that of Europe.
18 The Children of the Sun, pp. 222, 223.
15 Insoot Posts and some South Indian Beliofe, in the Quarterly Journal of the Mythic Sociсty, vol. XVI, p. 19.
15 The Golden Bough, p. 578.

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THE INITIAL DATE OF THE GANGEYA ERA
THE INITIAL DATE OF THE GANGEYA ERA. BY JOGENDRA CHANDRA GHOSH, Puratattva vichakshana.
MANY attempts have been made by scholars to ascertain the initial year of the Gângeya Samvat, but they have failed because they had not sufficient material to work upon. Several new inscriptions having recently come to light, we are in a position to fix it more accurately. Mr. R. Subba Rao has written a series of articles on the Ganga kings of Kalinga in the pages of the Journal of the Andhra Historical Research Society. The latest, "The History of the Eastern Ganga Kings of Kalinga," appeared in Volume V, Part 4 of that journal. Mr. Rao has discussed the matter at length and met the arguments of his predecessors on this vexed question. Unfortunately he, too, has failed to hit upon the correct initial year, although he has come very near the truth. We shall presently see that his failure was due to his taking a doubtful starting point and not testing his conclusion with some of the facts disclosed in the inscriptions.
237
We have based our conclusion on the following unassailable data :
1. The Naḍgâm plates of the Ganga Mahârâjadhiraja Vajrahastadeva (III), Lord of Trikalinga, giving the genealogy and the chronology of his predecessors. 1
2. The Simhipura copper-plate grant of the Kadamba king Dharmakhedi, dated the Ganga-Kadamba era 520, in the reign of Devendravarma (-Kâmârnava), son of Anantavarma (-Aniyankabhima-Vajrahasta II)."
3. The Chicacole grant of Ganga Mahârâja Indravarman of Kalinga issued in the Gångeya era 128, in connection with a gift made on the occasion of a lunar eclipse in the month of Margasira.
Now it is worthy of note that the first of these inscriptions, viz., the Naḍgâm plates of Saka 979 of Vajrahastadeva III gives Saka 960 as the date of the coronation of that Ganga king. Some details specified about this date enabled F. Kielhorn to make the necessary calculations, and he was of opinion that this coronation date corresponds to Sunday, 9th April 1038 A.D. Further the same Nadgâm plates specify the number of years during which Vajrahasta, the donor, and his predecessors each reigned. This enables us to give below a chart showing the genealogy from Anantavarma-Aniyankabhima-Vajrahasta II to Anantavarma-Vajrahasta III, together with the number of years each reigned in terms of A.D.
1. (Anantavarma-)Vajrahasta Aniyankabhîma II
35 years
(980-1015 A.D.) 902-937 Saka.
=
4. Madhukamarṇava 19 years (1019-38 A.D.)
3. Gundana
2. Devendravarma-Kâmârnava year (1015-16 A.D.)
3 years (1016-19 A.D.)
5. (Anantavarma- )Vajrahasta III. Accession in Saka 960-Sunday, 9th April 1038 A.D.
The above table shows that No. 2, Devendravarma, ruled in 1015-16 A.D. From the Simhipura grant of Dharmakhedi we learn that this king, Devendravarma, ruled in 520 Ganga-Kadamba era. Now it is admitted that the Ganga-Kadamba Samvat and the Gângeya Samvat are one and the same era. As Devendravarma ruled for only six months, 520 Gangeya era must coincide with 1015-16 A.D. This being so, the initial year of the Gângeya Samvat cannot but correspond to (1015-16-520-) 495-96 A.D.
The Chicacole grant of Indravarman, dated 128 Gangeya era, records a gift made on account of a lunar eclipse in the month of Margasira. Now, according to our calculation, Gangeya era 128 corresponds to (128+495-96-) 623-24 A.D. On a reference to the Table X, p. 55, of Swamikannu Pillai's Indian Chronology, we find that there was a lunar eclipse in the month of Margasira in 624 A.D. This confirms the conclusion that the Gangeya era started in 496 A.D.
Mr. Subba Rao thinks that the starting point of the Gangeya Samvat is 494 A.D., but this does not satisfy the above test. According to his view, 128 Gângeya era corresponds 1 Ep. Ind., vol. IV, p. 189. Jour. Andhra. Hist. Res. Society, vol. III, p. 179. 3 I.A., vol. XIII, p. 120.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY
( DECEMBER, 1932
to 622 A.D., but there was no lunar eclipse in the month Mârgasira in this year or in any of the fourteen procoding years. It is rather strange that Mr. Subba Rao should fail to avail of this test, although he himself noticed that Floot remarked that tho clue to the date might perhaps bo found in the mention of the eclipse of the moon in Indravarma's grant of the 128th year.' He has committed another mistake in not basing his starting point on the coronation date of Anantavarma Vajrahasta III, as given in the Nadgám plates, which he himself admits aro "approved by all scholars as historical and trustworthy." He has, on the other hand, wrongly assumed the date of coronation of Vajrahasta II to be Saka 901, and has quoted Mr. Ramdas as his authority. But Mr. Ramdas wrote that Dharmakhedi, the donor of the Mandasa grant, "must have been crowned in Saka 001." Mr. Rao took it for his overlord Vajrahasta II. According to this date, the interval between the accessions of the two Vajrahastas (Šaka 001-960) was 59 years, whereas according to the Nadgâm plates. the difference is (35+1+3+19=) 574 years. This discrepancy should have roused the suspicion of Mr. Subba Rao in regard to the accuracy of his assumption of the date of accession of Vajrahasta II.
Now let us see whether our date can satisfy other astronomical data found in the plates of the Ganga kings hitherto discovered. The plates dated the 51st,6 134th, 221st, 304th, 9 351st 10 and 397th! yoars of the Gangeya era record grants made on account of solar eclipses. They correspond to 547, 650, 717, 800, 847 and 893 A.D., respectively. Referring to Table X of Pillay's Indian Chronology, we find that there were solar eclipses in the years 547, 650 and 800 A.D. As regards the remaining three dates, solar eclipses took place in the immediately preceding years. It is well-known that solar or lunar eclipses may take place in the same year as that of a copper-plate grant or even one year previous, as we see from a critical study of the inscriptions, but of course no grant can possibly be issued in regard to an eclipse which has not yet taken place. So these astronomical data do not go against our conclusion. Wheroas if we accept Mr. Subba Rao's date for the commencement of the Gangeya era, wo find that there was no solar eclipse in 304 Gångeya era (corresponding to 798 A.D.), nor in the proceding year.
BOOK NOTICES. PREHISTORIC CAVE ART IN INDIA. rock-shelter art with those occurring under similar MEMOIR, ARCHAEOLOGICAL SURVEY OF INDIA, No. 24, conditions in South Spain in the Coppor Age is
Rock Paintings, by RAI SAHIB MANORANJAN striking. Yet it is quite impossible to postulate any Grosu.
connoction between the two localities in that remoto Prehistoric cave paintings occur in many parts
period. of the world. They have been studied in Western
That cave paintings ocour in Central India has Europe, in South America, and in many parts of
been known for a long time. Reproductions from Africa. They ofton give considerable information
paintings in Singanpur cave appear in Panchanan to the student of the prehistory of the particular
Mitra's book, Prehistoric India, which was published district where they occur. They can roughly be
in 1923. Unfortunately in this work there seems grouped under two heads : (1) naturalistic or semi.
to have been some rather careloas proof-reading, and naturalistic, (2) conventionalised or symbolic. It
several European and other sites, illustrated to show used to be considered that in regard to cave art
their similarity to the Indian finds, appear labelled similar styles in different regions necessarily meant
as themselves Indian. As a result there developed that a similar culture was responsible for them in
in some peoplo's minds a perhaps rather sceptical the two areas. Especially was this thought to be
attitude in respect to these Indian cavo drawings. true for caso (2). So many different kinds of
Rai Sahib Manoranjan Ghosh has, therefore, dono a conventionalisation or symbol can be devised that it
good work in re-examining the whole matter and in was deemed unlikely that two difforent cultures
publishing the results of his new and extensive would independently invent the same signs to por
explorations. The book is clearly written and well tray the various objects and information they desired.
illustrated. Later investigation has suggested that the above dogma, though probable in many cases, is not There are four districts where the cave paintings necessarily always valid. For example the frequent here described oocur: (1) on the left bank of the similarity of certain symbols in South American river Sanjai, 16 miles north-west of Chaibasa in
* J.A.H.R.S., vol. V, pp. 266 and 274. 5 JBORS., vol. XVII, p. 180.6 1.A., vol. XII, p. 275.
! Ep. Ind., vol. XVIII, p. 309. J.A.H.R.S., vol. II, p. 187. Ep. Ind., vol. III, p. 18. 10 I. A., vol. XIV, p. 11.
11 J.A.H.R.S., vol. II, p. 150.

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BOOK-XOTICES
-
239
Chota Nagpur, (2) noar Naharpali, a small station As a means of judging of the changes which western on the main Bengal-Nagpur railway, (3) in the contacts are bringing about among the Javanese. valloy of the Son in the Vindhyas, Mirzapur dist., Dr. Th. Pigeaud's survey of Javanese Literature accessiblo from the town of Ahraura, (4) about 2 during the last forty years is most useful. The author miles from the town of Hoshangabad. The paint. points out that by the commencement of the nineings consist of animals, men and signs. The colour, tios of last century the older goneration of Javanese as a rulo, appears to be rod or roddish-purple, though scholars, whose work was entirely stooped in tho a brown pigmont was sometimos usod. The style traditions of the past, had died out and a now period is mainly nuturalistic, though signs and patterns had commenced. Western schooling and the fac occur.
that especially the moro cultured among tho Java.
nose increasingly came to uso Dutch is their vohicle, Stono implements were collectod at or near the
tended to produco a set-back in the dovelopment of sites, though it does not appear that any really systomatic excavation was undertaken. This is to
Javanose literature, oven though respect for the
traditional past was never lost. Gradually, how. bo regretted, as the finds, as illustrated, represent
over, especially owing to the enlightened support and a very "mixed bag." Plate XII (b), No. 22, for
personal interest of several of the Javanese Princes, examplo, is apparently Lower Palæolithic in age
both in Surakarta and in Jogjakarta, a keener study and comparable with many similar specimens belong.
of and a moro active production of Javanese litera. ing to Series 1 (see Antiquity, Sept. 1930), which
ture revived. By a happy coincidence, articles have been found in the re-depositod laterito of
devotod rospectively to the 40-yoars jubilee of the Madras area : Plate XII (a) on the other hand
H. H. Princo Pakubuwana X, Susuhunan of Surais almost certainly much later in date and possibly to be referrod to Sories 4. Although the author in
karta, and the 25-years jubileo of H. H. Princo
Pakualam VII, of Jogjakarta, give one an opportucataloguing the spocimens has labellod many as
nity to judge of some of the waya in which these Palæolithic, it is not perhaps always certain that
Rulors and their prodoconsors have stimulated this appellation is correct. Much further work in
interest in an' the study of Javanese literaturo, art India's earliest prehistory is necessary before com
and antiquities. parisons with cultures from other far-distant areas can be reasonably attempted. Probably, too, it Music, the drama and dancing are regularly dealt would be advantageous if more collections of mate! with in Djiwi. In recent numbors Mr. H. Overrial from outside India could be distributed over the beck has devoted some interesting critical notes to country for comparative purposes. This could have | Dr. Ransera' The Origin
Dr. Rassers' The Origin of the Javanese Drama, boen easily arranged if a stupid law-as it seems to whilst Mr. and Mrs. Brandts Buys.Van Zyp, whoso the outsider-did not make it difficult to export studies in Indonesian music are well known, supply duplicates of archeological specimens out of India.
an interesting, illustrated account of "earth-harpa" At any rato tho outhor has done a fino pioce of and other string instruments in which the strings work, ovon if it would appear as yot dangorous to are stretched over holes in the ground and provided attempt any correlation of this Indian cave art with with ingenious sounding boards of various kinds. that found in Europe or Africa. He has given us a A propos of the Balinese musicians, whoso delightful monograph of facts which are of groat interest and gamelan music was enjoyed by thousands at last will provo of oven greater importance as our know year's Colonial Exhibition in Paris, the Dutch lodge incroasos.
musical critic, M. Matthys Vermeulen, and Dr. Jaap M. C. BURKITT. Kunat, the musicologist to the Dutch East Indian
Governmont, break a couple of lances with onthu.
siasm and vehemence, leaving the reader with the DJÄWX, bi-monthly journal of the Java Institute, strong desire to hear some more of the charming
publishod at Jogjakarta, Java, (July 1931 to Balinese music for himself. The essential features June 1932.)
and the wide popularity of Sundanese Dances are Tho latest numbers of Djiwd give proof of the
dealt with by Radon Ibrahim Singadilaga on the continued activity of the Java Instituto (of which
basis of an artiolo in Sundanese by M. Suriadiraja H. H. Princo Mangkunagara VII, of Surakarta, is
and I. Adiwijaya. the Prosident and Raden Adipati Professor Dr. With regard to ancient customs and traditions, Hugoin Djaya liningrat, the Chairman) in bringing further articles appear from the work of the lato important articles before the public and stimulating Haji Hasan Mustafa on The Adat (i.e., traditional) critical discussions, not only in respect of the anti- Customs of the Sundanese, while Raden Sujana quities and past institutions of Java, but also of all Tirtakusuma proves the survival to our day of some aspects of living Javanese culture. And since in of the ancient customs in his description of the Java, as in othor oastern countries, modern civili.
solemn procession of the sacred Blue Banner, which sation is rarely far divorced from past develop- was held last January in the city of Jogjakarta in monts, both sides of this Institute's activities blend order to mitigate, so it was faithfully baliovod by harmoniously.
thoss who urged the holding of this raro cora:nony,

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY
the scourge of plagua in Kota Gedé, once the capital of the empire of Mataram, now a market town of some little importance in the Sultanate of Jogjakarta. Another aspect of ceremonial processions is dealt with in Dr. Th. Pigeaud's review of recent works an the Garebegs in Jogjakarta.
A remarkable example of the survival of Indian influences even in the Muhammadan art of Java is provided by Dr. K. C. Crucq in his description of three carved wooden and guilt panels in the Kraton Kasepuhan at Cheribon. These panels, which bear the Javanese equivalent of the year 1827 A.D., are covered with pious Muhammadan inscriptions, but curiously enough include two Capeśa figures, the one standing on a lion, the other seated on an elephant. These figures are drawn much as they would have been, had they been produced in the transition period of the sixteenth century, instead of in the nineteenth. The clouds, certain parts of the ornaments and the lions give the impression of Chinese motives, but these are in fact dexterously made up out of the ornamental Arabic lettering.
Among other publications of the Java Institute announced in Didwd are a Pictorial History of the Civilisation of Java, with text in Dutch, English and Gorman; an important study of the mountain people of the Tengger by J. E. Jasper; the complete works of the late Prince Mangkunggara IV (3 vols.); Madurese Music by Mr. and Mrs. Brandts BuysVan Zyp and Living Antiquities of West Java by B. van Tricht.
In the face of all this activity, much of which is of distinct interest to the student of Indian archæology and art, it seems a pity that the language barrier renders almost the whole of this work inaccessible to most British or Indian students. Seeing that Djdud from time to time contains translations of articles of interest to Javanese stu. dents which have appeared in England or in India (9.g., The Makara in Indian Art, by D. Ghosh, from the Calcutta Review) one wonders whether it would not be possible to establish relations between the Java Institute and kindred societies in England and India which would enable such part of their publications as is of especial interest to the students of Indian archæology, art or literature, to be made available in English, either in full or by way of summaries.
JOHN DE LA VALETTE.
HISTORY OF ORISSA, vols. I-II, by R. D. BANERJI. R. Chatterjee, Calcutta,
The author of this valuable work needs no introduction. By his prolific writings on Epigraphy and Numismatics he has placed ample materials at our disposal for the reconstruction of the ancient his tory of India. But he was not a mere Archeologist. He was also a historian. His book, Bángálár Itihas, clearly shows that he could digest epigraphic and
[DECEMBER, 1932
other materials into a consistent history of a Province. What he did for Bengal in Bengali he has now done for Orissa in English. This latter work, however, is to the former what a macrocosm is to a microcosm. It may not be original in conception, but is certainly gigantic in execution. It is truo that so far as the first volume is concerned he has been anticipated by Mr. B. C. Mazumdar in his Orissa in the Making, but taking into consideration the whole period beginning from prehistoric times down to the British conquest of Orissa, the latter book boars no comparison to the stupendous work done by Banerji. Every one of the chapters in his volume roads well and is packed with information; and one cannot help regretting that the author of this work did not live to see its publication.
It should not, however, be supposed that there can be no differences of opinion in regard to the views Banerji has propounded or even that ho has not in some cases-fortunately for us very few-fallen into blunders. So far as the earlier part of his first volume is concerned his work is of far better quality. But continuous history of Orissa begins with the medieval period, that is, after the death of Harsha. He does not seem to have taken equally great pains over this period, and we will specify a few instances to show what we mean. Fortunately for us the first volume of Dr. Hem Chandra Ray's work entitled The Dynastic History of Northern India has just come to hand, and chapter VII thereof treats of the "Dynastics of Orissa." There is thus much in common between the two books and this serves admirably for the purpose of comparison. It is not our object here to institute any detailed comparison. It will be quite sufficient if we turn to chapter XIV of vol. I of Banerji's work which gives an account of the Somavamsi Kings of Kosala, and compare it with what Dr. Ray says about the same subject in his book. Here Banerji adopts the view of Rai Baha. kalinga are descendants of the Somavami kings of dur Hiralal that the Somavarsi princes of Triśripura. The only argument in favour of it is that both are Somavamsi, that is, belong to the lunar race. But, by itself, this is a dangerous argument, Rathods of Jodhpur and the Sisodiyas of Udaipur because in that case we have to suppose that the pertain to the same clan, because both are Surya. varsis. Nothing, however, is more untrue. Rai Bahadur Hiralal is no doubt right when he says that Mahasivagupta and Mahâbhavågupta denate the official titles (Ep. Ind., vol. XI, p. 187, n. 1) borne by father and son from among the Somavamsî kings of Trikalinga, but perhaps he goes too far when he asserts that the proper names Mahasiva and Bhava deva in the dynastic list of Sripura are similar official titles. These names, be it noted, are Mahasiva and Bhavadeva, not even Mahasiva and Mahabhava, and not Mahasivagupta and Mahabhayagupta, which alone can rightly be taken as official titles. The

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241
the Bhinnagarigadh Plato of Tribhuvana-mala. dovi, editod by this last scholar, has the following in lines 17-18: devi-Purdyi-devya Sri Gosvdminya,
(who was entreated) by Gosvamini Purayi Devi, end ndthave suchirari dhdrayaindi 'like a lord, rule the kingdom' (JRORS., vol. II, pp. 422-3, and 426). A reference to the facsimilo would have convinced Banerji that Haraprasad Sastri's reading and tranglation were both wrong. In the first place, devi-Purdyi-devyd is wrongly read for devi pursdpi deuyd. It will thus be seen that there was no such person as Purayi-devi as assumed Ly Sastri and Banerji. Secondly, ndithava is an obvious misreading for tath=aiva, and it is not quite clear how such a Sanskritist as Sastri tran. slated náthava by like a lord ' as if it was ndiksiva.
latter titles again altornate regularly in the case of the kings of Trikaliūga, but Mahasiva and Bhavadeva occur each only once in the case of the other rulers. These last again, as is quite clear from their inscrip. tions, bolongod to tho Pandava family, and it is not quito clear why the kings of Trikalinga make no mention of this family name even once in their records, if they were really descended from the former. There is, in fact, nothing to show that both those sots of rulers pertained to one family or clan, as suggested by Rai Bahadur Hiralal, or, long before him, by Cunningham (ASIR., vol. XVII, pp. 17, 85 and 87). Dr. Hemchandra Ray has thus dono well by not blindly following in the foot. steps of his predocessors. But Banerji holds that tho first king of this dynasty is Mahâbhava. gupta-Janamojaya, and not his father Sivagupta. He, however, ignores in this connection an attribu. tivo occurring in the Jatesinga-Dungri (Sonpur Stato) Plates published by Mr. B. C. Mazumdar in JBORS., vol. II, p. 52 ff., which were issued by Mahasivagupta-Yayâtideva, Bucconsor of Maha bhavaguptadova. The former speaks of himself here as avabhujopdrjita-Trikaling-ddhi pati, Lord of the Trikalinga (country) acquirod through his own arms. Evidently he was the first king of the dynasty of Trikalinga, and must be taken as the father, not the son of the Mahabhavagupta wrongly takon as the first king by Banorji. It is true that the Ja tosiaga Dungri Plates couple the titles of the supreme ruler not only with the son of Mahasiva. gupta but also with the fathor, Mahâbhavagupta. The first, howover, made himself the founder of tho Trikalinga family. The father no doubt was an overlord, but must have ruled elsewhere. There is a nominative termination after svabhujopdrjitaTrikaling-ddhipali which has been ignored, but which shows that it is an epithet of Mahasivagupta. The transcript of MF, Mazumdar iq quite clear on this point, and is in entire agreement with the facsimile which accompanied his article. As regards what Banerji has said about Yayâtikesari, we havo now to correct and supplement it in the light of the Ratnagiri and Balijhari Plates printed in J BORS., vol. XVI, R. 209 ft., and vol. XVII, p. 15 ff. But it is no fault of these scholars if their books do not contain the information sup: plied by those inscriptions, because these were published after their books were printed,
There are different scholars who have specialised in the difforent perio's of Indian History. Thus there are some who are experts in the Hindu, some in the Muhammadan, and some in the British, period of India. But there is hardly any scholar who has handled the three periods of Indian His. tory. Tho only exception perhaps was R. D. Banerji. This will be sented to by any student who pores over his History of Rengal, and particu. larly his History of Orissa which is the subject of this review. Similarly he was an all-round archæolo. gist. That he was an expert epigraphist and numismatist was known to every student of archæo. logy. But that he was also some authority on Art and Architecture will now bo conceded by every body who reads chapters XXIX and XXX of his book. Both of them, especially the latter, are profusely illustrated. The reproductions are the best that can be made in India. In any case they are superior even to those of the present publica. tions of the Archæological Survey of India. Now, even in these chapters there is amplo scope for honeat differences of opinion, some of which only we will point out here though very briefly. The first of them deals with Mediæval Architecture. He refers us to a Holal inscription which speaks of four types of architecture, namely, Nêgara, KAlinga, Dravida and Vefara. Hitherto the temples of Orissa had been assigned to the Någara type, but he now dubs them as Kalinga, and bases the distinction merely on the difference of the spire, even when the fikhang of the Orissa temples is not materially different from that of the Nagara style. Both have the curvilinear fikhara which indicatos one type of spire. The Orissa spiros are thus variations of one theme. No caso has therefore been made out in favour of the Orissa temples being of the Kalinga, as distinct from the Någara, type of archị. toctyre. Again, Banerji attempte not only a novel denomination, as we have just seen, but also a novel chronology as we shall show. The earliest and the latest temples are recognised by him in conformity with the established opinion. But betwoon these two he introduces a Jocond' group wimply on the
Similar differences of opinion are possiblo also in regard to the accounts given by Banerji of the other dynastics of the modiroval period, such, e.g., as the Karas. My viows about them all will be found in the Genealogical Lists that will follow my List of the Inscriptions of Northern India, which is being published in the Epigraphia Indica. Suffice it to say here, that Banerji has allowed himself to be obsessed with the transcripts and interpretations of his predecessors, notably the late MM. Haraprasad Sastri, Toinention on instance,

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( DECEMBER, 1932
ground that it has no jayamohana. From all other money was coined in India as early as the third features, however, such as curvature of Kikhara, milleniurn before Christ. If this theory were stylo of ornamentation, relation of decoration to correct it would be strange that such a valuablo architecture and so forth, it is clear that temples discovery had not spread westwards and that no without a jugumohana were not a group by them. traces of it had remained except in literature. selves but were variation contemporary with or Following Cunningham, Professor Chakrabortty posterior, as the case may be, to the first group. thinks that Indian coinage may have begun ng Again, this first group of tomplos Banerji considers early as 1000 B.O. and he holds that its origin can. to be represented by (1) Parasuramosvars at Bhu- not be later than 800 B.C. bancávar, (2) the twin temples of Gandharadi in A chapter on weights and denominations which the Baudh Stato, discovered by him, and (3) Muk summariaes the information in the Sanskrit classics tovar (Bhuvanevar) in chronological sequenco.
is not altogether clear; and another on the metro, The stylistic considerations do not, howover, sup
logy of the coins themselves is also not well arranged. port his placing the Gandharadi templos prior to
It is not correct to conclude (p. 68) that India had Mukteśvar, and perhaps the partiality of the dis
not progressed to the stage of gold coins before the coverer for his discovory may be accountable Kushånas. Gold coins of the successors of Alexander for it.
are known, though rare. The absence of silver The 'subsequent chapter deals with “Plastic coins of the Kushåpas is due not to the linking of Art." Very rightly the sculptures of Utkala are gold to copper (p. 79), but to the existence of a considered apart from those of Kalinga. The for. copious amount of silver coins in the country, mer are analysed with considerable insight and which had been struck by the predecessors of this Assigned to fairly well-substantiated periods, though dynasty. A similar blank, but in the copper coinage in the latter group the treatmont is a bit superficial. of northern India, is to be observed in the seventeenth It would bn unfair to blamo an author for these century. Kush&pa copper coins evidently had a long shortcomings of his posthumous publication. Al. currency as the worn condition of specimens show, though they lack consistency of treatment, they are and they were probably still existing during the courageous attempts, offer many suggestions and Gupta period, and obviated the necessity for fresh placo many now problems before the student. coinage then. It is most improbable that copper was
the differences of opinion such as those ever A mere token currency in the period dealt noted above, it cannot be denied that the work of with (p. 80). R. D. Banerji is of extreme interest and much In the undeveloped condition of the country about value. And it is not possible to thank Babu Rama.
the boginning of the Christian era it is not difficult nand Chatterji sufficiently for helping the publicato account for the variations in weights by dofects tion of such a work. It is devoutly hoped that in manufacture, rather than by attempts to measuro other Indian journalists and publishers will follow small and caual variations in the relative values his worthy example by arranging for the publica- of metals. Moreover, the published material does tion of original works on Indian History by the
not give a sufficiontly long series of weights on serious students of this subject who find it well- which to base final conclusions. Fresh light on nigh impossible to bring them out themselves as these questions may soon be expected when the Kubera has just now fied away from Bharatavarsha, British Museum Catalogue of Ancient coins is pub. leaving Sarasvati forelorn.
lished. It should also be of great assistance in D. R. BHANDARKAR.
dealing with the question of the authority which
issued the punch-marked coins (chap. VI), on A STUDY OF ANCIENT INDIAN NUMISMATICS, by S. K.
which the author takes the later view, that these CHAKRABORTTY, M.A., M.R.A.S., Professor of
are state and not private coins. History, Ananda Mohan College, Mymensingh. The most valuable portion of the book is the last Published by the author, 1931. Rs. 5 or 88.
chapter, in which there is a brief summary of the This little book is a useful digest of the present classes of coins which occur, and an analysis of their knowledge of the indigenous coinage of India up types with full references to the authorities. This to the third century A.D., with special reforence to is a method which has had fruitful results in the Northern India. It has been prepared after a care- dating of Greek and Roman coins, and descrves to ful study of the literature on the subject, but not be pursued. A few notes on these may be offered. apparently with much personal acquaintance with the Dr. V. A. Smith's reading of 'drama' on the actual coins. The most notable omissions from the Yaudheya coins (p. 223) is not supported by the list of authorities used are Prinsop's Indian Anti- coins themselves, and the equation to the Greek quities odited by E. Thomas, a book which is still drachm is improbable. Bhagavata on the Aulum. the main authority for certain classes of ancient bara coins may mean worshippers,' as on the Indian coins, and the series of papers by Professor Gupta silver coins, and need not refer to a god Rapeon on Ancient Indian Coins and Seals, whtch (p. 161). Cunningham's reading of Barandiya on appeared in the Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society
the coins of Gomitra is probably incorrect (r. 175). after his valuable book in Bühler's Grundriss.
The identification of three elephants with riders A preliminary chapter on the evolution of coinage,
on a type of Muttra coin (p. 203) is due to imperfect taken frorn well-known authorition is followed by specimens, and the device is really a trident with ono dealing with the problem of the origin of coin garlands hanging from it. The namo read doubt. ago in India. Here the author combata, as most fully as Ghosha on another Muttra coin (p. 202) scholars have done, the argument by Professor should be Siva Ghoga, a satrap. Bhandarkar in his Carmichael lecturos, 1921, that!
R. BURN

Page #269

INDEX.
Sc. stands for the Supplement The Scattergoods and the East India Company (continued from vol. LX), pp. 115-202. I.A.V. stands for the Supplement On The Modern Indo-Aryan Vernaculars (continued from vol. LX), pp. 57-102. 'Abdu'l-ghafûr (Abdell Gaford) Sc. 202 'Abdur-Razzaq, on Vijayanagara history 219, 223-225 88
ibkaldint (flood season of April to August) accent, clause and word stress-accent in I.A.V. 73, 74 Modern Indo-Aryan vernaculars Achyuta Raya (Chytarao) 217, 219 Acta Orientalia, and the Buddha's jalalakṣana 200 Acts of Judas Thomas
159 87
Adam Pir of Sakro
Adams, Robt. .. Sc. 123, 127, 128, 131, 145, 146 Addison ..Sc. 168, 170, 173 Adichanallur, ancient burials at 21, 22 Adiyans, a Wynad tribe.. 174 Affleck, Gilbert Sc. 167, 172, 175, 178, 182, 186, 198 54 37 200 200
8, 24 Airikina (modern Eran), note on the name .. 159 Aislabie, Sir Wm., 'Gen.' Sc. 116, 124, 125, 128, 129, 131, 143, 146, 154
Agasti and the gotras
Agathodaimonos (Great Nicobar)
..
Ahriman, story of
Ahuramazda, and the Achaemenian kings Ain-i-Akbari, and the maund
Aiyangar, S. K.
The Mahabharata, a Critical Edition.. 118 The Mahabharata, The Southern Recension.. 119 A Descriptive Catalogue of Sanskrit manuscripts in The Sarasvatt Library, Tanjore Ajayapala of Gujarat Ajayavarman, Mahakumara Alakesvari (Rupa) Bhawân!
138 192
194, 212, 213 127 231, 235, 236 Alaksmi, and the gdydánr festival Alâu'd-din Ahmad Shah (of Gulbarga) and
Deva Raya II
183-185
Alvarez
..
224 Albert, Henry Sc. 134, 135, 148, 154 98 Alexander the Great and Gedrosia Alexander's passage of the Jhelum alphabets and pronunciation of M.I.A.Vs. I.A.V. 57-69 Sc. 173 Amity Sc. 115, 116, 123–128, 131, 132, 134, 136, 137, 144, 146, 151, 154 Amohini tablet of Mahakshatrapa Sodasa Amoy junk, the affair of the ..Sc. 152, 159-161 Amushyayanas, Sarmans (clan names) of the 41, 52, 61, 62, 65, 69 Brahmans of 41;
100
Nagar Brahmaps Anandapura (Vadnagar),
(Nagara) 46, 47, 65, 68 Anaorahta, k., and the Nat-Hlaung temple, Pagan 175, 176
Angria, pirate, corsair, Ann (Anne)
Sc.
Andhan jî Mâri, building w. of Hilaya.. 87, 90 angam (single combat) 12, 76, 112-115 Sc. 130, 191, 196, 202 136-138, 151, 152, 155, 158-161, 185-188 See Anna batchies, Anna ketchies. Aunna ketchies. Annual Bibliography of Indian chæology for 221 the Year 1929 (book-notice) Annual Report, Archaeological Department of H. E. H. The Nizam's Dominions for the Year 1928-1929 (book-notice) Anqua (and Linqua, Chinese firm at Canton), Sc. 117, 119, 120, 137, 138, 142, 144, 160, 161, 182, 191, 202
91 181
Anseam (Asion) and Siam Aornos, Rock' of, identification of Apabhramsa dialect .. I.A.V. 100, 102 Arabella Sc. 115, 133, 156 Arabic character, Persian form of the.. I.A.V. 67 Archaeological Survey of India: Annual Report for the Year 1926-27 (book-notice) Do. do. for 1927-28 Archaeologische Mittheilugen aus Iran, and research on Sakastân, etc. Archiv Orientální, on Central Asian loan-words 201 182 Areca (nut, leaf-nut) and pûga Arjunavarman, Mahakumâra.. 194, 212-215 Arlond, Capt. Ed. Sc. 125, 129, 138, 143, 146 152, 153 Armenians as freighters, compensation not allowed to Sc. 151 Arrian on Alexander's passage of the Jhelum.. 183 área and gotra
137
61 149
Arthasástra and women's property aruna (Hittite 'sea ') and Varuna asamâna-gotratva..
18
55 55
asamána-pravaratva
Asoka and the Buddha relics 17; edicts of, recently discovered at Kopbal 39, and at Erragudi 80; pillars of, and the phallic cult 234. See also inscriptions. Assyrians in Asia Minor, c. 2000 B.C. astrology among the Malayâlîs .. A Study of Ancient Indian Numismatics, by S. K. Chakrabortty (book-notice) .. Asvalâyana on the adoption of pravaras Advaldyana Srautasûtra on marriage asvamedha, sacrifice, performed by Pueyamitra 102 Sc. 132 atlas (satin) Afipperdyi (complete purchase of freehold land) 114
242 53 54
...
220
79 180
201 112

Page #270

244
INDEX
..
38
Aunne kotchies (possibly a coarse cloth made Bhùiñyas of Bengal and the Mughals .51 at Unk)
.. 31 Bijdragen tot de Taat, Land- en Volkenkunde van Aurengzeb
.. Sc. 152 Nederlandsch-Indië, translation of the old Aurora, corvette .. ..
Javanese Ramayana in .. .. .. 137 avatáras of Vienu, at Pagan 178, 170, 197, 198 birch-bark MS., early, important find of, near Averilla
.. Sc. 139 Gilgit
. . . . . . 60 yoanya, bunga inscrip. at .. . . . . 102 Birkhead, J. .. Sc. 168170, 172, 185
Bisnaga (Vijayanagara) .. .. 216, 217 Blenheim, East Indiaman . Sc. 129, 155 Blue Banner procession in Java .. .. 239 Boca Tigris (Tiger's Mouth), entrance to the
Canton river .. .. .. .. Sc. 196 Bodham (Boddam), Capt. c. .. Sc. 115, 119, 136 Bodhisiri, an updsika, and Nagarjunakonda .. 187
Bombay, Kayasthas of .. .. .. 51, 68 Babur, his maund of Hind' .. .. 5, 7, 8 bomboe (? bamboo palanquin) . Sc. 150 Badagas and the Nilgiris
.. 172, 173
Bongré, M. Edmé .. .. .. .. Se. 161 Bajirdo in Malwê and Bundelkhand .. .. 161
Borvita (Bonetta) Sc. 126, 162, 165-167, 172, Ballad of Kerala 9-12, 72–77, 112-116,
174-179, 181–183, 185, 186, 188, 191, 150-154, 205–211
193—196, 200, 201 BallAls (Hoysala) overthrows Yalovarman
Bonneau (Bono) M. .. .. .. Se. 118 Paramara . .
Bonnell, Jer. . . . 192, 213
.. Sc. 186 Baluchistan, Sir Aurel Stein on physical
Bonner, Capt. L. .. .. .. .. Sc. 125 changes in . .. 98, 99, 180-182 Bonnerjon, Biren, D.Litt., and the possible bandeja (Span. silver tray) and bandaza Se. 132 origin of the caste system in India .. .. 85 Banerji, R. D., History of Orissa, vols. I, II .. 240
Bon Nevas (The Boa's Nova's) .. .. Sc. 139 Banjarmasin (port in 8. Borneo) . Se. 195 Boone, frigate .. .. .. Sc. 194, 196 Bannú identified with Fa-la-na .. .. 182
Boone, Chas. Sc. 115, 128, 136, 138, 139, odrabhuiñár mulk, a term applied to Bengal ..
154-156, 163, 164, 187, 201 Barabudur, sculptures at
Boone, Capt. T... Sc. 190, 194, 196, 197, 201 Barbe, missionary to the Nicobar isls... .. Boukephala and Jalalpur
. . . . . . 185 Barnes, Miles .. .. Se. 169, 170, 183 Boulton, Capt. R. .. .. ..
Sc. 185 Barrington 8c. 115, 116, 125, 133-13 Bourchier (Boucher), R. Sc. 115, 136, 138, 139, 149, 152, 162, 164
144, 145, 148, 158, 159, 161 Bardhayana on marriage
Bouverie
. .. Sc. 146, 152, 154, 155 "Bagal Nad" and Wynad
.. .. 171
Brabourne, J. .. .. .. .. So. 124 Bede, riv., early course of the ... .. 166-169 Braces, the (shoals at the mouth of the Hagli) Sc. 127 Beauvoir, Osmond Sc. 119-121, 130, 147, 148, Braddyll (Bradell), R. Se. 150, 152, 168, 173, 198
152, 156, 168, 170, 173, 198 Bradshaw, Jane .. .. .. Sc. 168, 170, 173 Becker, Col. A. (inventor) .. .. Se. 158
Brahmakyatriya, meaning of the term .. .. 52 Beiträge zur Indischen Sprachwissenschaft und Brahman Empire, the, founded by the Sungas 101
Geschichte. Heft 6. by W. Kirtel (book. Brahmanns and Ksatriyas, relative positions notice) .. .
.. .. 160 of, in Ceylon 85; as hearers .. .. 101 Bengal, the Kayasthas of, and the Nagar Brahmanism, revival of, under Punyamitra . 101 Brahmans .. .. 41--55, 61-72 Brahmana, survival of the caste
.. .. 51 Bennett, Capt. Ab. .. Sc. 115, 133, 134, 148 Brahmaps. See Nagar Brahmaps. Benyon, Ber. .. .. .. Se. 116, 128, 137 Brahmåvarta, site of .. .. .. 164, 165
breda do marr (edible seaweed) .. .. Sc. 192 Bernard, Mr. .. Sc. 149 bride-price ..
. 195, 196 Borriman, Capt. Ch. .. Se. 116, 126, 135, 149 British, annexation of the Nicobar isls. by Bhandarkar, D. R., on R. D. Banorji's the ..
. .. 56-58 History of Orised, vole. I-II .. .. .. 240 Brittannia .. Sc. 133, 134, 148, 162, 187-189 Bharukaccha (Broach) .. .. .. .. 18 Broach, the ancient Bharukaccha .. .. 18 Bhasa, thirteen Trivandrum plays attributed Browne, Eliz. .. .. .. Sc. 154, 164, 173
to .. .. .. .. .. .. 221 Brussels Galley . Sc. 170, 194, 198, 200, 201 Bhaskara Ravivarman, Tirunelli c.p. grants Buddha, ninth avatdna of Vippu 102; and women
of the reign of ... .. .. .. .. 172 in monasteries 125; relics of, and Aboka 17; Bhimnagarigadh plate of Tribhuvana-mahadevi 241 in The Mahdetiya at Nagarjunakonda 190-192 Bhoja, Paramára k.
.. 192, 194 Buddhism and the Kaliyuga 101; in S. India Bhrgu and Broach
.. .. 181 186, 187, 189; tantric, in Bali .. .. 137

Page #271

INDEX
245
Buddhist std pa, romains of, in Tor.dhérai . 181 buffalo sacrifice in Salem city .. .. 143, 144 Bulkley, Ed.
.. Sc. 128, 136 bull, humped, figures of, found in Makran .. 97 Bulletin de l'École Française d'Extreme Orient,
Tome (XXIX), (1929), (book-notice).. .. 162 burial, urn-burial and cist-burial in S. India
21, 22, 197 Burkitt, M. C., Prehistoric Cave Art in India (book-notice) .. ..
.. 238 Burn, Sir R., A Study of Ancient Indian Nu.
miomatics (book-notice) .. . .. Burniston, Car. .. Burniston, Ch. . Sc. 130, 156, 166, 173, 199 Burniston, D. .. Sc. 116, 128, 130, 146 Burniston, J. . . . . ..
. . .. Sc. 131 Burniston, S. .. . .. Sc. 115, 181, 182, 184 Burud, NE. of Satajuna, and Vadauda .. 214 Bussorah Merchant
.. Sc. 115, 134
tice (book-notice)
Sc. 156
Calicut Merchant .. ..
.. Sc. 162 Calukyas of Gujarat and the Paramâras of
MAlwa . .. 192—194, 213, 214 Cambridge
.. .. Sc. 160, 162, 200 Campbell, Hugh .. .. .. .. Sc. 189 Canakya on woman Candragupta II, Mathura pillar inscrip. of .. 117 * Captain Chinaman.' See Chan Younqua. Cardigan
.. . So. 147, 150, 164, 170 Cardoza (Curdotar), Fran. .. Sc. 187, 188 Carneryon
..
.. .. Sc. 182 Cartlitch, Wm. Sc. 168, 170, 175, 176, 198, 200 Cartlitch, Wm., jun. .. .. Sc. 198, 200 Catcha, ketchies (coarse cloth) .. .. .. 31 Catherine (Katherine). .. .. Se. 127, 158, 162 cattle (corn and pig, connection between) and
the gdyddar festival . 1-3, 231, 235, 236 coromonial dances of the Sinhalese .. .. 19 Corne, Father, S.J. .. .. .. sc. 162 Ceylon, the Vijayanagara conquest of 215–
219, 223—227 Ceylon Journal of Science, Section G., vol. II,
Part 2, Archæological Summary, by A. M. Hocart .. ..
.. .. 160 Chakrabortty, S. R., A Study of Ancient Indian Numismatics ..
.. .. .. 242 Chamatkarapura (Vadnagar) and the Nagars 62 Chamba copper plates, and the term karang.
kdyastha .. Chamberlayne, Fran. .. Sc. 151, 175--178,
182-184, 198
Champinge (massage), use of the word by Mundy 91 Chàmtisiri, Ikhâku princess, and the Maha.
cetiya at Nagarjunakonda .. 186, 191, 102 Chan Younqua (Captain Chinaman) Se. 137,
132, 142, 189-191, 193--195 characters used for L.A.Vs. .. I.A.V. 66 Charebockhra (a strong drink), Mundy's use of
the term Charles XII of Sweden .. .. Charlotte ..
.. Sc. 190, 194, 196, 201 Charpentier, Jarl
Indices and Appendices to The Nirukla .. 161 Critical Studies in The Phonetic Observations
of Indian Grammarians . .. .. 201 Thirteen Trivandrum Plays Attributed to Bhdec
..
. .. . .. 221 Chautang river and the Jumna .. .. .. 168 chekavar (hired combatant) 12, 72–74, 113, 208 che kor. See chikavas. Chon ab river, course of the .. . 166, 169 Chéraman Perumal, k., and the chékavaya
113, 114, 152 Chotput, Madras, ancient soak-pits at .. 21-23. Chetti Brothers, Madras merchants Sc. 116,
119, 128, 132-136, 148-150, 152 Chettis and Edanadan Chettis, Wynad tribes
174, 196-197 Child, Mr. J.
.. .. Sc. 121 Child, Sir R. .. Sc. 169, 186, 187, 200 child sacrifice. See human sacrifice. Chinnapatam
.. Sc. 115 Chopard, missionary to Nicobar islands Chundraconaes (muslin), and Chandrakona .. 31 Cintra prasasti of Sarangadeva ..
. ..
.. 117 civilization and the status of women .. .. 145 Clarke (Clerke), Jarvis ..
.. Sc. 165 Clarko (probably), Jarvis . . So. 121 Clarke, Capt. J. .. .. .. Sc. 139, 159 Clif, Capt. ..
.. Sc. 153 Cocks, Leo
.. se. 197-200 coffee grown in the Wynad .. .. 171, 196 coffolo and foufel .. ..
182 coinage in India .. .. .. 242 coins, bearing Brahman Kayastha sumames
64 ; Persian, from Mari Morari 86; of Era.
kana 159 ; from Nagarjunakonda .. .. 186 Cojee Petrus (Khwaja Petrus) . . 8c. 115 Cole, Wm.
.. Sc. 128, 129, 156 Colebrooke, Wm... . 8c. 176, 176, 197, 198 Collett, Capt. J... .. 8o. 128, 129, 131 Collett, Jos.
.. .. . Sc. 143, 190 Concord
Bo. 117, 118 concubinage
.. .. 148 conshin (red sandal wood)
... So. 192 consonante, conjunct, in M.I.A.V. ..I.A.V. 87 convicts in the Nicobar isls.
.. 168–168 Conyers, Sir G. ..
Bc. 157 Cooke, Thos. ..
So. 190 Cooper, J.
So. 148, 181, 187

Page #272

246
INDEX
1-3, 231
Cornwall, Capt. A.
..
17
Coorg 170 ; and Haidar Ali
.. .. 1731 Derby. .. .. .. .. .. Sc. 190 copper-plate inscriptions. See inscriptions, cop. de Sea, Padre .. .. .. .. Sc. 115, 133 per-plate.
desavdri (Malabar, ruler of a desa) . 11, 75, 115 Corbett, H. (called Dr.) .. .. So. 116 Descriptive Catalogue of Sanskrit Manuscripte corn (cattle and pig) and the gdydan
in The Sarasvati Mahal Library, Tanjore, festival . .. . .
by P. P. S. Sastri, M.E (book-notice) .. 138
.. Sc. 124 dedya survivals in M.I.A.Vs. .. .. I.A.V. 100 Cotton, Sir H. E. A., C.I.E., Journal of The Dovak, the Marktha, and totemism .. .. .99
Bombay Historical Society .. .. .. 40 devaks, common, with botanical and other Count (Comte) Toulouse .. .. . Sc. 170 equivalents .. .. .. .. 106-111 Cradock, Capt. c. .. .. Sc. 125, 136 Devapala, MahAkum Ara, Harsauda grant Cranganore, Tiyar and artisan settlement in .. 114 of
194, 212, 213, 215 crasis or vocal sandhi in M.I.A.Vs. I.A.V. 93-98 Devaraja, c. p. grant of .. .. .. .. 135 Critical Studies in the Phonetic Observations of Deva Raya ..
.. 217, 219 Indian Grammarians by Siddheshwar Varma Deva Råya II ..
218, 223 (book-notice) .. ..
. .. 201 Dovavarma, Kadamba Yuvardja, copper-plate Crommelin, M. A. .. .. .. Sc. 146, 149 grants of ..
.. .. .. 137 Crompton, Capt. M. .. .. .. Sc. 194 Devi, the several forms of .. Crook, Mr. Geo...
Mr. Geo. .. .. .. .. Sc. 140 Dhanadeva, date of .. .. .. .. 102 Curgen ven, Frances
.. Sc. 149, 152 Dhårå and the Paramára Family .. 212, 213 Curgenvon, Peter Sc. 152, 186, 190, 191, Dhårejah in Sindh . .. .. .. 88
194-196, 201, 202 | Dharmaditya, two copper-plate grants of .. 41 Curtius, on Alexander in the Panjab .. 183-185 Dharmasútra on marriage .. 54, 55, 61, 71
Digambara Jainas, age of the sect, etc. 124-126 Dilawar, Alexander at .. .. .. .. 184 Dionysus and sacrifices .. .. .. .. 1, 2 divált festival and the gdyddnr .. .. 1-3, 231 Divi isl.
.. .. Sc. 184 diving machine .. .. Sc. 158, 173, 174 Dixon, Thos. .. . Sc. 115, 133, 148 Djdood (July 1931 to June 1932) (book-notice) 239 Dolben .. .. Sc. 118, 119, 133, 134,
136, 146 Dabar-kot mound, Loralai district .. .. 181 Domoko and Sir A. Stein ..
.. .. 59 Dalgleish, Capt. A. .. .. .. Sc. 134
Dong-son necropolis, suggested date of .. 162 "Danaik" (a form of danndyaka=dandand.
donkey, the, as a beast of burden .. .. 25 yaka) .. .. .. .. 223-225
Douglas, Capt. c. .. .. Sc. 119, 141, 143 dandandyaka, danndyaka and " danaik" .. 223 Dravidian languages, the interrogative bases Danes and the Nicobar isls. .. 38, 57, 58 of 3—5, 25—30 ; palatalization in .. 141, 142 Dardic languages, nazalization in I.A.V. 101, Dubois (Duboiz), M. .. .. Sc. 197, 198
102 Duke of Cambridge Sc. 124, 126, 129131, Dartmouth
. .. Sc. 140 134, 137, 140, 144, 146, 149, 152, 154, 157, Darya Pir (the River Saint ') at Tali Makan,
168-170, 184 near Lahori Bandar .. .. . 87, 88 Dupree, M.
Sc. 133, 148, 162 Dasht-i-Tads in Yasin, find of ancient jewellery
Dvarasamudrs and Halebid . in . .. .. .. .. .. .. 103 Dvarávati and To-lo-po ti .. .. 228, 229 Davenport, Hen. .. .. So. 128, 142 Doane, J.
. ..
. .
. Sc. 175 death rites, Kerala
.. 11, 12 Debal and Lahori Bandar
86, 88, 89 Defonseca, Alvaro
Sc. 150, 152 de la Force (Forse), Eliz.
Sc. 145, 202 de la Valette, J., on Ddud . .. .. 239 Delton, Fran. ..
.. Sc. 134 de Matt, Joao, Sc. 132, 137, 189-191, 193, 195 Demeter, sacrifices to .. .. demonstratives, Dravidian, table of .. . 30 Earth goddess, the, and the 'mother goddess' 98 denesalization and nasalization in M.I.A.Vs. earth-harpe' in Java . ..
.. .. 239 I.A.V. 99-102 Eaton, Barrington . ..
. .. Sc. 157 Deniger, P. .. .. .. .. Sc. 136 eclipse, an, in the time of Asoka .. . 17
uth
..
.. 137

Page #273

edicts of Asoka, recent discoveries of 39. See
also inscriptions. Elizabeth
Sc. 146, 176 Elwick, N... Sc. 188 English, the, take possession of the Nicobar isls.
English, Mrs.
Enthoven, R. E., C.I.E.
161
..
Selections from The Peshwa Daftar, Nos. 1 to 12, 40; Nos. 13, 14, 15.. Review of Philosophy and Religion, vol. II, No. 1, March 1931.. epenthesis (umlaut) of vowels in M.I. A.Vs.
I.A.V. 82-86 Epigraphia Indica, vol. XX, pt. 1 (Jan. 1929), (book-notice) Epigraphic Notes and Questions (contd. from vol. XLII, p. 258) .. 101-103 159
Eraka, Airaka (a serpent) Eran, vil., in Korwal in Malwa, the Svabhoga159 pura of Samudra Gupta Essex Sc. 168-170, 172, 193, 194, 202 1 Esthonia and the boar sacrifice.. Europeans and the Nicobar isls. 38, 56, 58 Evans, John, Bp. of Bangor and Meath Sc. 156, 164
zaq's mention of the article
Farmerie, Kath.
Favochio, Manuel
INDEX
38 Sc. 163
figurines, terracotta, from Makrân Firuz Tughlaq, his issue of the pie
Forbes, Arabella
Forbes, Frances
Forbes, Francis
Fa-la-na (of Hsuan-tsang), identification of.. 182 Falkenbridge Sc. 162
family, five stages in the history of the 145, 148 fan (portable) of Khatai [Cathay], 'Abdu'r-raz
..
99
33 Se. 161, 180-185 Sc. 138, 139 Sc. 175 Sc. 128, 129
Feake, Sam.
Febos, John (Joam) Gomes Fenwick, Ed. Sc. 117, 118, 121, 122, 136, 140,
143, 158, 159, 161, 163, 164, 180, 184, 186, 198,
200, 201 96-98 31 Sc. 130
Sc. 173, 174
Sc. 173, 174
220
Sc. 115, 116, 120, 124,
foufel (areca)
182 Foulkes (Faulks), Mr. Robt. ..Sc. 140, 150 Four, and multiples of four, computation by . 18 Fowke, Randall (or Randolph)
..
Francia, Ben.
Sc. 185, 197, 198 Sc. 154, 155 Sc. 128 So. 141
Fraser (Frasier), Wm. Frederick
Frederick, Thos...
fufal (Ar.) and púga-phala
125, 128 182
Fu-nan (Poh-nan of I-tsing), identification of 229, 230
96
funeral customs in Makrân, evidence of Futteh Islam, attacked by the Nicobar Island.
ers
247
Gaia, earth gooddess Galathea, Danish corvette Gangeya era, initial date of the Ganora, vil., and Gunaura
ganton, guntin (gantang, a Malay measure) Sc. 195, 196 gárái vrata (also gdru vrata), a form of worship by women.. 231-236 45, 46 2 100
Gauda, the Brahmans of Gauri Devi and the pig.. Gautamiputra Satakarni and Vikramaditya Gavimath and Palkigundu Inscriptions of Asoka, by R. L. Turner, M.C. (book-notice). Gay, Susanna
220 Sc. 135, 148 gdyddar festival 1-3, 231-236 Gedrosia, Sir Aurel Stein's exploration in .96-99 gender, the neuter, in Hindi dialects. I.A.V. 100 geography, cultural, of the Wynad, notes
on
170-174, 195-197 George Se. 148, 149, 151, 188 Ghaggar, riv. 163-165, 167 Ghosûndi inscription of the second century
Grey, Mich. Grifeth, Miss
58
B.C.
Gill, Capt. Wm. Glegg, Capt. H. Glover, Sam.
203-205 Sc. 176 Sc. 164, 170 Se. 141 1
Goalas, Bihari, and the pig sacrifice Godfrey, Peter Godfrey, Capt. Peter
Se. 169, 170, 200 Sc. 142, 170, 199, 200 gods of the Nat Hlaung temple (Pagan, Burma) 175-179, 197-200 214 Godurpura and the ancient Gunapura gold, in the Wynad 196; Chinese method of Sc. 122 assaying 159
Gondophares of Taxila and St. Thomas
..
goont, tangun, q.v.
gotra (and drea), note on the words 61; the 70, 71 system Sc. 118 Gough, Capt. H. grab (Ar. ghurdb, square-rigged Arab vessel) Sc. 130 Grainger, Capt. R. Sc. 147, 150, 152
Grantham
8c. 129, 131 Green, Capt., hanged on a charge of piracy Sc. 156 Sc. 149, 151 Greenough (Greenhaugh), Capt. Sc. 124 Bc. 168
: :
38, 58
237 214
:.:

Page #274

248
INDEX
of
Güdnaphar (Gondophares) .. .. .. 169 Honwood, Thos...
Se. 197, 198 Gujarat, Någar Brahmans of 45; (Lâța) Herriott
. .. Sc. 115, 133, 136, 148 47, 62, 63, 65-70 Hester
.. .. Sc. 138-140, 142 Guptay, the Imperial, administrative system Hicks, Capt. Z .. .. .. Sc. 170, 173
Hide, Mr.
.. .. Se. 143 Guru Dayanath, disciple of Pir Patho-Guru
Hill, John
.. Sc. 128, 129, 146, 155 Gorakhnath .. .. .. .. .. 90 Hindu Marriage customs . .. .. 54, 55 Gwynn, probably John.. .. Sc. 133, 134 Hindu society, an inquiry into the position Gyfford (Gifford), Wm. .. .. .. Sc. 127 of women in ..
** ..
. .. 145—149 gymnosophists, Indian, and the Digambara Hindu temple in Burma . .. .. 175 Jainas .. .. .. .. .. 122 History of Orissa, vols. I, II, by R. D. Banerji
(book-notice) .. .. .. .. .. 240 Hoadley, Ben., Bp. of Bangor .. .. Sc. 156 Hobday, Mrs. .. .. .. .. Sc. 164 Hobson-Jobson, notes on.. .. 31-34, 91-95 Hocart, A.M., Ceylon Journal of Science, Section
G., vol. II, Part 2, Archæological Summary 160 Holden, Capt. .. .. .. .. Sc. 157 Hopkins, Hugh .. . .. Sc. 197, 198
Horden, Robt. Sc. 163, 176, 179, 184, 188, 190, 197 Heenaal, missionary to the Nicobar isls. .. 38
38 Horden, Mrs. . .. .. .. Sc. 176 Hai-shan, hysam (heysan), sea-slug Sc. 127, 192 horsanna (possibly khazdna) rupees . Sc. 145 Haji Abd Turab, tomb of..
.. .. 88 horse trade in Vijayanagara .. .. .. 216 Hakrå or Wabindah, extinct river . 165-168 houses (dwelling houses) of Malabar, note Halebid, and the ancient Dvarasamudra .. 137 on
..... 210, 211 Halkiwani Nála, branch of the Jhelum
185 Hsuang-tsang, Asoka legend recorded by 17 ; Hamilton, Capt. Wm. .. .. .. Sc. 148
and Multân 87, 90 ; and the Jainas 123, 124, Hamley (Hamly), Peter .. .. Sc. 169, 170
227–229 Hammurabi, the Codes of, and the position of Hudson, Capt. R. .. .. Sc. 118, 121, 122, 136 women
.. .. .. .. .. 145 human sacrifices 2; in India 3 ; survivals hung (or hong) (houngh), a row of rooms,
of .. .. .. .. .. .. 236 henoo 'factory' or residence Sc, 118, 203 Huns, the .. .. ..
.. .. 161 Hanmer (Hanmor), Capt. J. Sc. 168, 170, 173 Hunter (possibly Capt. J.) . Sc. 197, 198 Hanover. .. .. .. .. Sc. 168-170, 200 Hunzâ-Någar, sw. of Kashmir, and the Nagar háor (marshes in E. Bengal) and sdør .. .. 227
.. . . 69, 70 Happy Return .. .. .. .. Sc. 176
Hursagkalamma in Kish, ancient seal found Harappa, recent work at.. .. . 79, 80
.. 18 Hariscandra (Mahakumara) .. .. 212-215 Hurst, Capt. Wm. .. Sc. 126, 132, 139 Harivamia (Mahabharata (and the Pupyamitra Hutchinson, Capt. Wm... .. revival .. ..
. . .. 101 Hydespes, the Jhelum riy. Harley, Robt., Earl of Oxford .. . 8c. 142 hypergamy .. harmonic sequence in vowels . I.A.V. 86 hysem (beche de mer, the sos-alug) Harnage, Mr... So. 189—191, 194—197,
201-202 Herriot (Heriot), Robt. .. .. So. 115, 133, 148 Harris, Thos. Sc. 164-167, 169, 172, 176-179,
181, 183, 185, 186, 189, 191, 193-196, 201, 202 Harrison, Ed. Sc. 116, 117, 119, 123, 124, 126,
136, 137, 139, 144, 149–159, 161, 168, 170, 190 Harrison, son of Edward Harrison Sc. 118, 126, 128 Harry, Capt. J. Sc. 166, 167, 172, 174, 175, 177, 178 hartdi (yellow arsenic, orpiment) 8c. 123, 124Ibn Batata and Sind . .. 87, 89, 90 Hartford .. .. .. .. .. So. 182 Ikhaku dynasty, S., inscrips, of, and Nagår. . Hataka, co., and Ngari-Korsum .. 68-70 junakonda .. .. .. 186, 187, 220 Hatakesvara, deity of the Nagar caste 45, 68, 70 Ikleri (Bodnůr) Rajas of the Kanara const .. 173 Hayward, Thos...
.. 8o. 176 flam (Ceylon) ..
. . . 218, 219 Heathcote .. ..
.. .. So. 165 images in the Nat-HlAung templo, Pagan Hébert, Chevalier .. .. .. Sc. 115, 133, 134
176-179, 197-200 Hedges, Mr. ..
India (and the East) in current literature 17, 77, Hollam, Fran, .. .. Sc. 135, 136, 140
137, 200
people
..

Page #275

India (of Megasthenes) 80; and the Mlecchas 101; and St. Thomas 159; (? Indus Region, or NW. India) 159; the geography of, in the Puranas..
160
Indian maunds. See maunds, Indian. Indian Studies, No. 3.. 41-55, 61-72 Indices and Appendices to The Nirukta, by Lakshman Sarup (book-notice)
Indus culture' at Harappa
Indus Valley seals, script of the
Indra, suggestions on the origin of the name.. Indus river 165, 168; old sites in delta 86-90
99, 234
18
Inscriptions:
Ajayagadh of Bhoja
Alampûndi
Amaravati
186-188,
Amohini tablet of the reign of Sodasa
Ariyar
of Arjunavarman
of Asoka
Besnagar
Brahmagiri
Brahmi (two, from Kopbal)
Brihatprashtha grant
Deopâra of Vjayasena
of Devapâla
of Deva Raya II
from Dhod (Udaipur) E. Chalukya
Erragudi (of Asoka) Gahadavala charters of Gautamiputra Satakarni
Gavimath (of Aśoks) Ghosûndi
..
INDEX
of Govindacandra
Gupta
Gurmha of Jayadityadeva II Harihara II (Vijayanagara) Harsauda
Hathigumphâ
48
..
226, 227 190-192 100 226, 227 194, 212 39, 80, 220, 234
204
39, 40
39
from Jatinga-Ramesvara
of Jayavarmadeva Paramara..
of Jayavarman..
Kanarese
of Kapilesvara of Orissa
of Karnaraja of Kakaira Kirâdu ..
from Koilkonda Fort
Komarti grant
of Kumarapala
of Lakha Mandal temple
of Lakemanasena
of Laksmivarmadeva
Mandasa of Dharmakhedi Mandasor
Mandhata plate
161
78
:::』::::::
48
69, 159
48 102 194, 212, 215 122, 124 241
Holal
of Ikhaku (S.) dynasty 186-188, 190-192, 220 Jaggayyapeta
220 39 .. 193
.. 212 39 19, 20 .. 103
135, 136
220
64
52
194, 212, 215
223, 224
49
82, 83
80
49
204
220
203-205
64
65
64
52
193, 214
238
102, 103, 220 194, 214
from Maski (Raichûr dist.) Mathura (Kharosthi)
Mathura of Candragupta II Mathura of Huvieka's reign Mysore..
Nadgâm plates of Vajrahastadeva III 237, 238 Nalanda (stone) Nânônghát
220
204 101
159
83 220 81, 220
193, 194, 212, 213
180 220 20 218, 219 39, 40 203, 205
Sunga (at Ayodhya)
Tamil 175, 176, Tejpur (of Vanamala varmadeva) Tippera of Lokanatha
of Udayaditya (two) of Udayavarman Valabhi .. Vijayanagara of Virûpâkga of Vo-can (Sanskrit) of Yaéorvarman
Copper-plate:of Ballalasena Barrackpur (of Vijayasena) Belava (of Bhojavarman) Bhâtêra (of Govinda Kesava) Bhopal (of Udaya varmadeva).. Chamba..
from Nandasa (Udaipur) Nasik (of Pulumâvi) Nepalese
Palkigundu of Asoka) of Parantaka Pipliânagar
Prakrit (Guntur dist.) Prakrit (Nagarjunakonda) Purusottamadeva (of the reign of) from Raja Gopala Perumal temple rock (three)
of Rudradaman (and of his daughter) Sanskrit (incomplete, from near the Phimânakás) Siddapura
Siyadoni Soraikkâvûr
of Dharmaditya from Dhod
from Faridpur (four) of Gopacandra .. Khalimpur
249
..
117
.. 205
172
of Laksmanasena
of Laksmidharmadeva.. Marmuri
Neulpur (of Subhakara) Nidhanpur (of Bhaskaravarman) Pala Paramara
..
39
69
162
39, 40
82, 83
.. 227
.. 102 198, 199
45 44
212, 214 212, 214 41, 43, 45, 65 118, 119 226 229
214
41
52
64 228
194, 212, 214 49 of Cheraman Perumal 114, 115 Chicacole (of Indravarman of Kalinga) 237, 238 Cintra prasasti .. 117 D&modarpur 42, 49, 51 41 49
41, 43, 51 41 46, 47, 50 41 .. 198
40 44
43, 44, 49 47 193
..
..

Page #276

250
Ramganj
of Samacaradova
Sanjan Sena
Simhipura Tirunelli..
Isila (of the Siddapura edict) Izham (Ceylon) and the chekavars Izhavars and Ceylon
237
172 of Yasovarmadeva Paramara . 193 intonation in M.I.A.Vs. I.A.V. 75, 76 Iruvattunadu, early home of the chekavars 113 16âna (Isana-Nagara), author of the Advaita. prakása
I-shang-na-pu-lo (identifications suggested)
Jackson, Jos.
Jackson, Capt. P... Jaffna and Vijayanagara Jahangir and the maund
Jenkinson, Thos. ..
Jennings, Wm.
Jerusalem
INDEX
50
41 48 41, 50
Jains Sects, antiquity of the
Jalalpur and Alexander the Great Jardin, Capt. Villemont. See Villeaumont. Jateainga-Dungri (Sonpur State), plates of
Mahadivagupta-Yayâtideva
Jayaswal, K. P., Airikina and Sanchi Jayavarman Paramara, Mahakumâra 192, 193,
..
227, 229 40 113, 115 113
45
Sc. 185, 200 Sc. 170, 194, 197-200 215, 219 5-8 121-126 184, 185
241 160
194, 212-214 Sc. 187, 188
Sc. 116, 128, 137
Sc. 196 103-106
jewellery, ancient, found in Yasin Jhelum, river 169; Alexander's passage of
the
183-185
John and Elizabeth Sc. 115, 133, 150, 154, 156 Johnston, E. H.
Beiträge zur Indischen Sprachwissenschaf und Geschichte
.. 160 .. 202 203-205 Sc. 115
Sc. 124, 137, 139, 159, 160 So. 187-189
Kumudvatiprakarana :
On the Ghosûndi inscription Jones, Ed.
Jones, Capt. J. Joseph
Joseph, T. K.
St. Thomas in Parthia or India? Areca, Leaf-nut
Journal of The Bihar and Orissa Research Society, vol. XVI, Pla. III and IV, September 1930 (book-notice).
Journal of The Bombay Historical Society,
vol. III, pts. I and 2 (book-notice) Journal of The Royal Asiatic Society, October 1931, on Tibetan Documents concerning Chinese Turkestan .. 201
159 182
100
40
Journal Asiatique, October-December 1930. references to India in
137
Journal Asiatique, July-September 1931, Mazdean Cosmogony and Cosmology Jamuna river
200 163, 165, 167, 168 90
Jung Shah, tomb of Junkceylon, isl.
Jyestha Kayastha (an official)
Sc. 126, 127, 132 43, 51
Kadars, Wynad tribe
174, 195
Kadattanad (in N. Malabar) and the Izhavars 113 Kafir jo hat (the infidol's shop) at Tharro, near Gujo
Kaimdi (Malabar, a chief)
87, 89 9-11 114, 115
kalari (gymnasium)
over
Kalari bharambhar (deity presiding gymnasia)
Kalhapa on the Kayasthas
Kali and the pig 2; and Selli-amman 149; and the gdydán, festival Kaliyuga, the
115 49-51
..
231, 235 .. 101 101, 102 Sc. 115
Kalki (Vienuyasas) advent of Kama Kuppa, kanakkapiļļai Kámasútra (Pâradarika section) of Vâtsyayana, on Brahmans entering the zenana 45, 46 Kammalans (artisans) and Chêraman Perumal 114 Ka-mo-lang-ka and Kamalanka (identification of) 227 Kanaladis, Wynad fire-walkers.. Kandar Kas (torrent bed in Salt Range) Kangdâ in the Sawalakh Hills (the old Nagarkot)
.. 195 184, 185
46, 68 11
kani (an auspicious sight) Kantakossula (of Ptolemy) near the mouth of the Krona
Kapilendra and Kapileévara of Orissa Kara, family of Orissa.. karana-kayastha meaning of the term karanika and Kayastha Karimbalans, Wynad tribe
187, 220 19 44 49 48
174, 195 Karnatak Historical Review, vol. I, notice of contenta .. 137 Kamiri language, epenthesis of vowels in I.A.V. 83, 84 Katherine (Catherine) .. Sc. 126, 127, 142 Kathiawar, Nagar Brahmans of 41, 45, 62, 63,
65-70
name
Kayastha, suggested original meaning of the 47, 51-53 Kayasthas of Bengal and the Nagar Brahmana 41-55, 61-72 Sc. 187-189
Keble, Capt. Wm.

Page #277

INDEX
251
.. ..
88 98
Lakkana, viceroy of Madura, etc., under Deva Raya II .. ..
.. .
.. .
.. .. 223 Lakkanna DappĀyaka (lord of the Southern
Ocean), suggested identity of .. .. 223-225 Lakshminardyan Harichandan Jagadeb, Kapi.
lendra and Kapilesvara of Ori88a .. .. 19 Laksmadeva, Paramára k. .. .. 192-194 Lakomi and the gdyddnr festival .. 231-236 Lakemivarman, Param Ara MahAkumars 212-215 Lakulisa, last incarnation of Mahesvara .. 117 lalang grase, uses of .. .. .. .. 157 LAI Død, the wise sayings of . .. 13-16 Lalla.VAkyani (the wise sayings of Lal Ded) 13-16 lampasses (brocaded silks) .. .. So. 200 Lane, Laur. . Sc. 173, 175-177, 198, 200 Langelier, Abel .. .. .. Sc. 134, 135, 141 Langolier, Eliz. .. Sc. 151, 162, 164, 163, 164 LAGA (Gujarat) .. ..
47 Lazaro, Khwdja Aratoon Bc. 189, 195, 196 levirate (a marriage custom) .. 146, 148, 163 Lewis, Rev. G. . Sc. 115, 116, 120-122, 128, 139, 140, 156, 163, 167–170, 172-175,
178-182, 185, 198, 200 Lewis, Capt. 8. . .
.. Sc. 170 Lingayatism (Vira-saivism) .
172 Linqua (and Anqua), Chinese merchants So. 142,
144, 160, 161, 182, 191, 202 literature, current, and India .. 77, 137, 138, 200 Livesay, Mr. .. .. Sc. 115, 119, 134, 139 lizard, the desert lizard of Sind .. .. .. 87 Lock, Sam.
... .. .. Sc. 173, 174 Lo.jen-buo (of I-tsing), the Nicobar ials. . 37 London .. .. .. Sc. 124, 129, 188 Long, 'Padre' ..
..... .. .. Sc. 149 Loralai district of Balochistan 96, 97; jewel find in
. . . . 103 Loyal Bliss .. Sc. 117, 118, 122, 136, 138 lunar cult in India, traces of .. .. 17, 18 Lytton (Litton), Capt. G. .. Sc. 131, 146-148
.. 160 .. 79
.. .. .. Sc. 147, 148, 160,
152, 154, 156, 157 Kerala, a ballad of 9-12, 72–77, 112-116,
150-154, 205-211 Kesar, Capt. C. .. Sc. 138, 143, 170, 174, 180 Ketas, n. of the Salt Range (=Simhapura) .. 64 ketchies and catcha .. .. .. .. 31 Keti Bandar .. .. Khårán, exploration in .. .. . Kharro (=salt wastes of the lower Indus Delta) 89 kharudr (donkey-load'), N. Indian weight 8, 25 khdf (cot), a light bedstead .. .. Sc. 152 khidmatiyd, identified with Mewras'.. .. 95 Khwaja Petrus, Parsee merchant . Sc. 115 kimdeleroe, rundellere. Soe Roundel. keindi (& water vessel) .. .. .. .. 10 King George .. ..
.. 158, 170, 172 King Willicm ..
. Sc. 184 Kiradu inscription of the time of Chalukya
Kumarapala and his feudatory Param&ra
Someávara, dated V.S. 1218 .. . 135, 136 Kirtel, w., Beiträge zur Indischen Sprachwissen.
schaft und Geschichte.. .. Kish, find of human remains at.. .. Koh-i-Khwaja (in Sistån), excavations at .. 78 Kois of the Godavari Agency, and their practice
of iron smelting .. .. .. .. 138 Kopananagara, probably the old name of Kopbal
.. .. .. .. .. .. 39 Kopbal or Koppal, discovery of two Asokan Rock Edicts near
.. .. ..
.. .. .. 39 Kottayam and the Wynad .. .. 172, 173 Krite, the years so called, or the origin of the
Vikrama Era .. .. .. .. 101-103 Kritayuga .. .. .. .. .. .. 101 Ksatriyas (as & caste), disappearance of the
51, 52; marriage among 55, 61 ; of N. India,
surnames of .. .. .. .. 63, 64 Kulli-damb, site of an early settlement 96, 97 Kumdri-puja, the .. .. .. .. .. 17 Kumarapala, Chalukya k., Kiradu inscription of
the time of, dated V.S. 1218 .. 135, 136;
conquest of Malwd by .. .. .. 192, 213 Kumudvat prakarana, & query .. .. .. 202 Kunduvatiyans, & Wynad tribe b . 174, 195 Kuricchans, a Wynad tribe .. 174, 195, 196 Kurum bars, Wynad tribes .. 174, 195, 196 Kusika, founder of a line of teachers. 117, 118 Kyffin, Wm. .. .. .. Sc. 145, 146
.
MAdana, commander under Deva Raya II 223, 224 Madano Saluto .. .. .. .. Sc. 189 Maderas, Lewis .. .. .. So. 115, 133, 148 Magians, religion of the .. .. .. .. 200 MahA-Airaka (Airaka), probably the founder of
the Airikinas .. .. .. .. 159, 160 Mahabharata 101, 102; and woman's position
.. .. .. 145, 149 Mahabharata, A Critical Edition, by Dr. V. S.
Sukthankar and others (book notice) .. 118
Laccowries (piece-goods, made at Lakkhaur).. 32 Lahorf Bandar, prosent aspect of site, old Raj.
pât-Baloch cemeteries near ..' 86, 89 Laidmager, Capt...
.. 8o. 162

Page #278

252
INDEX
:::::::::::::::
.
.
..
23
Mahabharata, The Southern Recension, critical.
ly edited by P. P. Sastri (book-notice).. 119 Mahacampa (Chan-p'o of I-tsing), identification
of Mahloetiya, the Great Stúpa .. 186, 191, 192 mahdksapatalika, use of term .. .. .. Mahåvirs, and the practice of nudity 121-124;
and marriage . . " ** Mahipala (Devaraja) .. .. .. Mai Gaphi (the 'Red Lady') .. .. Malabar 170—172 ; and Tipu Sultan .. malaria in Nancowry penal settlement .. Malayalam household customs .. .. Malayalis, the, and the Wynad .. .. .. 172 Malwa, conquests of .. .. 192, 213, 214 Man, Mr. E. H., and the Nicobar isls., his report on the Penal Settlement on Nancowry 56,
57-59, 155-158 Manasa, I., and the Nagar race.. .. 68, 70 Måndháta, c.p. inscrip. of Devepala .. .. 194 Mannalam (period of ceremonies) .. .. 115 Manoranjan Ghosh, Rai Sahib, Prehistoric
Cave Art in India .. .. .. .. 238 Manu, on woman .. .. .. .. 147, 148 MSS., important find of early birch-bark, near
Gilgit, by Sir Aurel Stein 60 ; Sanskrit .. 138 Margaret
Sc. 125 MAri-amman (village deity) .. .. .. 143 Mari Morari
. .. . 86, 89,90 Markanda riv. .. .. . .. 164, 166 Marlbro', Marlborough . .. Sc. 128, 159, 161 marriage, NAyar forms of 9, 116, 150; among
the Kayasthas 53-55, 61, 62, 71, 72; and woman's position in society 145; eight Hin.
du forms of 146, 147; Malayali forms of .. 195 Marshall, Sir John, Archaeological Survey of
India, Annual Report for the Year 1926-27 . 79 Martin, Capt. J. .. . .
Sc. 170 Martin, Capt. .. .. Sc. 155; (M.) Sc. 159 Mary .. Sc. 128, 148, 151, 154, 157,
187, 200 Mary Ann, galley
.. .. Sc. 194 Mathews (? Matthews), Sir G... Sc. 120, 124 Maubert, John .. Sc. 132, 136, 137, 144, 145, 148, 150, 152, 153, 157, 158, 162–164, 168,
173, 176, 187, 188, 191, 194, 197—201 maunds, Indian Agra (two)
.. 24, 25 Akbari Arab (= 2 ritz)..
.. 8, 24 artillery Bâbur's 'maund of Hind'
6, 7, 8 Balasore 'bazaar' Bengal .. Bengal"(near Hügli) Bihar Delhi 'factory .. of Garhsir |
.. 8
Gujarat Hindustani
..5-8 Hügli
23, 24 från
5, 7, 8 of Iraq
5, 6 of Jahangir
6-8, 23 of Khurasan
5, 7, 8 of Meghna, and E. of..
23—25 official ..
.. 24 Patna .. of Qandahår .. Sh&hjahâni
.. 23, 24 Southern of Tabriz
.. 8 Wilâyat Mauryas, the (Moris) ..
.. .. 66 Meeke, Adrian .. .
Sc. 144, 190 Megasthenes en de Indische Maatschappij by
Barbara C. J. Timmer .. .. .. .. 80 Mohi-damb, prehistoric settlement at .. 96, 97 Mellish, Job .. .. .. Sc. 172, 175, 178 Memoirs of The Archæological Survey of India,
Nos. 37, 42, by Sir Aurel Stein .. .. 180 Mercury .. . Sc. 131, 133, 147, 148 Moriah sacrifice, the . .. Mesopotamia and Mohenjodaro, links between 79, 80 metathesis of vowels in I.A.Vs. .. I.A.V. 82 Mewras (Meorae), natives of Mewat .. .. 95 Middleton, Phil... ..
.. Sc. 139 Middleton, Capt. Wm. .. .. .. Sc. 188 Minter, Capt. .. Sc. 147, 148, 150, 152, 154 Missionaries, Moravian, and others, in the
Nicobar isle. .. .. .. 38, 57, 58, 156 Mlecchas, the 101 ; and Pusyamitra .. .. 102 Mo-ha-chan-p'o (identification of) . 227, 229 Mohenjo-dero and Mesopotamia, links between
80 monogamy
. . . . . . . . . 147 Monson, Sir Henry . . Sc. 181, 183 moon, the, and female divinities .. .
.. 17 Moors (Muhammadans) ss freighters, compen.
sation not allowed to .. .. .. Sc. 151 Moreland, W. H., C.S.I., C.I.E., Megasthenes en
de Indische Maatschappij (book-notice) .. 80 Moris (Paramára sub-division, the Mauryas) .. 66 Morrice. .. .. .. .. Sc. 164, 200 Mother Goddess,' and the earth-goddess, 97;
and the gdydány festival . .. 231-236 Mountague, Ed... ..
. .. Sc. 128, 129 Muhammadans and the Jainas 126; (Moore) So. 151 múla-vigraha (cell-image)
. .. 143 Mulla Mauj Darya and Darya Pir .. .. 88
79,
::::::::::
23, 24
Nadapuram (ancient Nagapuram) ndd uvdri (Malabar, ruler of a nad) Någa dynasty, and the Airikinas Någa worship in Kashmir
..
.. .. 207 10, 114, 116 .. .. 160 .. 68, 69

Page #279

INDEX
053
Nagar (Nagarkot Kangda, home of the Nydyakandali of Sridhara and the Kayasthas 50
Någar Brahmana) .. .. 46, 68–70 Nydyapravesa of Dignaga Någara Apabhramba and the Nagar race 65, 66 Någar Brahmaps and the Bengal Kayasthas,
41-55, 61-72 Nagara 46; (Vadnagar) 65; (Anandapura) .. 68 Ndgara-Brdhmandh, meaning of the term 45, 46 Någarcháli disloct .. .. .. .. 67 Någari character and the M.I.A.V.. .. LA.V. 65 Nagarf-lipi (meaning of the term) .. .. 67 Nagarjuna and Nagarjunakonda . 187, 220 Oadham, Catesby.. Sc. 163, 175, 176, 197, 195 Nagarjunakonda in 8. India, Great Stúpa Oortol, Hanns, Zur Indischen Apologetike .. 222 at .. .. .. .. 186–192, 220
Oldham, C. E. A. W., C.S.I. Nagnardjya (kingdom of the naked men) .. 230
India in Current Literature .. .. 17-19 Naish, Capt. J. .. .. Sc. 137, 141, 197, 198
Recent Discoveries of Edicts of Asoka ..
Sir Aurel Stein's Recent Experiences in Chinese Na-ka-lo-ho (of Hsuan-tsang=Någar) .. .. 69
Turkestan Nakkavaram (Land of the Naked, the Nicobar
.. .
.. ..
Important Pind of Early Birch-Bark MSS. near isls).
.. .. .. 37 Gilgit .. .. .. .. .. . 60 Nallamalai hills and Sriparvata ... .. 187 India in Current Literature . .. 77–79 Nancowry Harbour, British Penal Settlement Archaeological Survey of India, Annual Report .. .. .. .. 57-59, 155 for the Year 1926-27
.. . .. 79 Nandana pass and Alexander the Creat .. 185
Sir Aurel Stein in Gedrosia ..
96-99
Journal of the Bihar and Orissa Research So. Nanney (Nanay), Mr. W. .. . Sc. 145
ciety, vol. XVI, Pts. III and IV, September Nara varman, Paramâra k. .. .. 192-194
1930 .. .. .. .. .. .. 100 uasalization and donasalization in M.I.A.Vs.
India in Current Literature .. .. 137, 138
L.A.V. 99-102 Ceylon Journal of Science, Section G, vol. II, Nat-HlAung temple (Pagan, Burma) and its
Pt. 2, Archeological Summary .. 160-162 gods .. .. .. 175179, 197–200 Bulletin de l'École Française d'Extrême Naupur (vil.w.of Gilgit cantonment), important
Orient, Tome XXIX
.. .. 162 find of ancient MSS. there by Sir Aurel
Annual Report of The Archeological Survey of
India : Stein .. .. .. .. .. .. Navabakhas, the, and caste rulee ..
No. 37, An Archological Tour in Wazfristan 61, 62
and Northern Baluchistan, by Sir Aurel Newton, Capt. Ch.
.. Bc. 118, 119, 121
Stein
.. .. .. 180—182 Newton, Capt. G. .. .. .. Sc. 173, 174, 180
No. 42, An Archeological Tour in Upper Swat Ngari-Korsum and Ataka
and Adjacent Hill Tracts, by Sir Aurel Ngoo Lu bronze drum .. .. .. 162 Stein .. .. .. .. 180—182 Nicobar Islanders and their country, remarks India and The East in Current Literature .. 200
on the .. .. 34-38, 56-59, 156—158 Epigraphia Indica, vol. XX, Pt. I (Jan. 1929) 220 Nicobar Islands, the names of, details regarding 34
Annual Report, Archeological Department of meteorology
H. E. H. The Nizam's Dominions, for the .. .. .. .. .. 35
Year 1928-29 .. .. .. .. 220 rainfall .. .. .. .. .. .. 36
The Gavimath and Palkigundu Inscriptions of history .. .. .. .. .. .. 37
Adoka .. ..
. .. .. .. 220 convict settlements in .. .. .. 155-158 Annual Bibliography of Indian Archæology for Nightingale, Sir Robt. .. .. So. 165, 186 the Year 1929
.. .. .. 221 Nigrantha (meaning of the term) .. 124 Olibanum, gum (resin) from the tree Boswellia Nikaia, tn., founded by Alexander the Great .. 186 serrata .. .. .. .. Sc. 119, 134 nilavilakku (ceremonial lamp) ..
omena, significance of ..
.. .. 207 Nilgarh Fort (and ancient Nilagiri)
Orissa, Brahmaps of .. .. 41, 43, 44, 47 niyoga, the practice of ..
Orissa, history of .. ...
.. 240
Ormo, Alex. .. So. 134, 135, 145, 148, 194 Novara .. .. ..
Orme, . .. .
.. nudity among the Jainas
Sc. 194
Ormond . Sc. 116, 117, 118, 122, 133, 148 numismatics, ancient Indian 242 Ormuzd, story of .. ..
.. 200 Nunez, on Vijayanagara ..
215-219 Osborne, Capt. J... ..
Sc. 170, 200 Nungaroos (pioco-goods) and Navsari .. .. 31 Osiris, and sacrificos
2, 235, 236
CXIX
..
..
::::::::
-125

Page #280

254
INDEX
Oavals, marriage among the Ouldham (Oldham), Capt. J.
.. 65 Bc. 148, 151
..
94
peshkidna, very early use of the term.. .. 31 Peshwa Daftar, Selections from the
40, 161 Phenix, Ed.
.. Sc. 159 Phippe, madam .. .. .. .. Se. 136 Phippe, Wm. .. Sc. 116, 119, 123-126,
128, 129, 131, 134, 135, 137, 138, 140, 141,
144, 146—149, 152, 153, 157, 162, 179, 180, 187 phonology of M.I.A.V.
Word Stress-Accent .. .. 1.A.V. 69-73 Clause Stross-Accent .. .. I.A.V. The Stresa-Accent in Bengali .. I.A.V. 73 Tone
.. .. .. .A.V. 74 Intonation .. .. .. I.A.V. 75 Vowels .. ..
. . I.A.V. 77-93 Crasis, or vocal aandhi . I.A.V. 93-99 Nasalization and Denasalization LA.V. 99-102
Vowels in detail.. .. .. 1.A.V. 102 Phrypp, Capt. R... .
.. .. So. 141 pie (smallest Anglo-Indian copper coin), sug
gested derivation of the word .. .. 31 Piece-goods, notes on fabrics mentioned, but
not defined, in Yule's list of .. .. .. 31 pig, the, its association with cattle and corn
.. 1-3, 232, 233, 236 Pinneul, Capt. J. .. .. .. .. Sc. 194 Pinnoll, Capt. R...
Sc. 159 Pir Patho-Guru Gorakhnath (of Pir Arr) 87, 90 piracy by the Nicobar islanders Piacería (Pescaria) .. Pitt, G. Pitt, Capt. W. G. .. .. .. .. Sc. 155 Pitt, Mrs. ..
.. . Sc. 169 Pliny, on Alexander in the Panjab .. Poduval, Vasadeva, Travancore Archæological
Department, Administrative Report .. Pollock-saug and Pollock-sdg (H. pdlak-adg).. 32 polyandry .. .. .. .. .. 146 polygamy .. polygyny 147; in modern India.. Pory Pommelo, Pampelmoose (largest of the orange tribe) and the saddphal
** ..
.. .. 32 pondi (s dancing foil) .. .. .. .. 113 Foros, By Alexander's victory over 183-185 Port Blair, and the Nicobar isls., sickness in
56-58, 155—158 Porto Grande (Chittagong and Meghnå estuary)
.. .. 23 Porto Piquono (Sâtgkiv and Hûgli estuary) .. 23 Portuguese, the, and Vijayanagara 215, 216 potoce (pateca) .. .. .. Sc. 149. 151 pottery (urn-burial and domestic), fragments
at Chotput 21, 22; from Mohenjo-daro and from Sindh 80; from Gedrosia 96—98; from Waziristan
. .. .. 181 Powney, Capt. J... So. 116, 133, 161, 187, 190 Prakrit, the vowel-scale in .. .. 1.A.V. 102 Prashnoras (Nagar Brahman division) Prathama-Kdyastha (official title) . 42, 51 Prathama-Kulika (official title) .. .. 12, praticarga (Buggested moaning of the torm)..
..
Pabbi hills, and Alexander the Great .. .. 184 padavla of Bengal Kayasthas .. .. Pagan, ancient culture and civilisation of Page, Sir Geo. .. .. . * paika and the pie .. Pain, Thos. So. 122, 143, 156, 183, Palas, known as Kpatriyas .. .. 52, 63 Palaswara (the ancient Palasavada) .. palatalization in the Dravidian languages 141;
in Sanskrit .. .. .. .. .. 142 Panan (Malayalam caste of musicians) .. Panohakhanda (Sylhet) 43, 44; and H ake
vara, Brahmans of .. .. .. .. 45 Panchandra-udriyam, (significance of the
torm) .. .. .. .. .. 81-85 Pañchavde (meaning of the term) . 83, 84 Panchkula, Panchkalshi (mixed castee) pandakkaran (torch bearer) .. .. 143, 144 Panini, lost phonetic stras of .. .. . Paniyars, a Wynad tribe
.. .. 174, 296 Panjab and Sind, river courses of .. 163-169 Papora, Popra, mainland town, N. of Junkcoy. lon
.. .. .. .. .. So. 127 Paramara MahAkumArse, history of the
192—194, 212–215 Paramaras of Kiradu .. .. .. .. 135 pardelt. See Purdosee. Pardos (Port.), gold coin from W. Indian mint . .. .. ..
. .. So. 116 Parrot, Capt. Ab. .. .. .. So. 128, 129 Parthia, was St. Thomas in ? .. .. .. 159 Patala (of Ptolemy), suggested identification of 88 Pdfaliputrakdḥ and Ndgarakah .. .. .. 48 pateca (Port.), probably the Hindi pafaka, sash ..
.. sc. 151 Pathiyans, a Wynad tribe . Pauzecour, suggested error for Paschalar, Panchakula .. ..
. .. 94 Peacock, Capt. Eu. So. 123, 124, 128, 129, 131,
141, 164, 183 Peirson, Capt. Ed.
.
So170, 180 Penal Settlement, British, established in Nan.
cowry Harbour 38, 56; Mr. Man's report on
the .. .. ... 57-59, 155-158 Penguin isl. (Pengwin, Robben isl.) Sc. 153, 154 Pennicott, Wm.(and Cocks) Sc. 170, 199, 200 Perambair, ancient burials at .. .. .. 22 Persian alphabet (Arabic character) 1.A.V... 67 Pescaria (Port., the coast of Tinnevelly) men
tioned by Fitch . Pescqhannae (peshkhana)
. .. 31
So.

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INDEX
Prehistoric Cave Art in India, Memoir. Archo r dsipanam (gold fonams)
cm Ford Tanams)
.. .. 11. 209 ological Survey of India, No. 24, by Rai Raverty, Maj., and the Panjab rivers 166, 167, 169 Sahib Manoranjan Ghosh (book-notice) .. 238 Ravi, riv., course of the .. ..
166, 169 prehistorie settlements in Cedrosia, evidence of 96 Rawlins, Capt. R.
. . Sc. 173. 194 Pretender, the Old
Se. 155, 156, 184 Raworth, John Se. 117, 118, 123, 136, 139, Prince Eugene ..
.. Sc. 170, 183 141, 142, 144, 145, 148, 151, 157--159, 161
141. 149 14 Prince Frederick .. . .. Sc. 156, 162 Recovery .. .. .. .. .. sc. 182 Proby, Wm.
So. 128, 129 Redshaw, Wm. .. .. .. .. Se. 162 pronunciation, and alphabets of M.I.A.Vs. Review of Philosophy and Religion (book-notice) 99
I.A.V. 57-68 Prosperous
.. Se. 188, 189 Rhea, earth goddess pudamuri (chief Náyar form of marriage) 9, 10 Richards, F. J.. on Travancore Archaeological půga-phala (fruit of the areca-palm) and fufal 182 Department, Administrative Report .. 162 Pugh, J. .. .. .. Se. 169, 170, 197, 198 Rising Sun .. .. .. .. Sc. 119 Pulayans, a Wynad tribe .. .. .. 174 river courses of the Panjab and Sind .. 163–169 Pulo Aor (Awar, La Ore) isl. off Johore Sc. 119
Roche, Mr.
.. .. .. .. Sc. 197 Punch (the beverage), and charebookhra .. 32 Rochester .. .. .. .. Sc. 119, 143 punch-marked coins (Indian) .. .. .. Roaen, Pastor, missionary in the Nicobar Punkah (H. parikha, large swinging fan), earliest isls.
.. .. .. 38, 58 description of .. .. .. .. .. 33 Roundel (obsolete, the umbrella) early uses of Punsaros, Pasaare (H. paradri), Mundy's use of the word
.. .. .. 33 the word ..
Rşi Pir and Rupa Bhawani .. .. .. 127 Puránapañcalakrana, the.. be the ..
17 Rşis, the eight, and the gotras .. .. 70, 71 Puranas, the, and Punyamitra 102; geographical Rudradáman, inscrip. of.. .. .. .. 203 description of India in
160 Rupa Bhawani (a great hermitess of Kashmir), Purdeseo (H. pardell, foreigner), Barbuha's life of ..
.. .. 127-134 use of the word
33
rupee, the, of Murshidabad 23 ; horsanna Sc. 145; Postapdla (official title) .. .. ..
Surat .. ..
.. .. ..
.. Sc. 148, 150 Pusyamitra and Brahmanism .. .. 101, 102
Russell, J... .. .. .. .. Se. 143 putchuk (*costus root) So. 125, 149, 150, 152
Russon, J. .. ..
.. . Sc. 186 Putton kotchies, a coarse cloth, perhaps so call.
Ryan, Capt. A.
A.
..
. .. .. .. Sc. 143 od because made at Patan in Gujarat .. 31 Puttûram (Malayali house) .. . 112, 114
.. .. .. So. 154 * Pytchy' Raja, W. Kottayam prince 173, 196
33 Rai
888 (Se), Padre de .. Sc. 145, 148, 151 sacrifices, various 1-3; human 2, 3, 236;
| buffalo, 143, 144 ; coromonial, relics of 231, Queen .. . Sc. 169, 170, 187, 200
233, 236 Sadd phal (of Babur, Citrus decumana) and the Pommelo
.. .. .. .. .. 32 Sadgopas, the, and casto rules .. .. 61, 62 St. Andrew .. .. ..
.. Sc. 151
** St. George .. .
Se. 184 St. Joha Leland (Changeharan) ..
Bc. 117
St. Maros (Mar Mares) .. .. Raghananda (Udvdhatattva of), and caste
St. Thomas in Parthia or India .. .. rules . .. .. .. .. 61, 62
sdís. See syce.
adis. Raichur, battle .. ..
Saks era, and its founder Raisin, formerly jdgir of the Maharajas of Saku language, where was it reduced to Jodhpur . .. . ..
T ing! .. .. .. .. .. Raja Gopichand of Sebwin and Pir Patho
Saka-matavihans history, problems of .. Rajputs, Katriyas 52 ; and marriage .. .. 85 Salem city, buffala sacrifice in .. .. Ralpasa-Tangadi (Tasikota) battle .. .. 218 sálů (twilled rod cotton) Ramaden, Mary . Be. 150, 152, 162, 163, 176 Samåcåradova, o.p. grant of . .. rangoos (beads of rough cornelian)
So. 186 Samâna, tn., and Semianna .. ..
::::
. . 159
:
:

Page #282

256
Samatata, to the east of..
sámban (Pariah sacrificant) sambandham (marriago by consent)
Samkargana
227-230 143, 144 195 203, 204
Sanchi, suggested meaning and derivation of the
name
Tanjore
San sucar do mar (Port. sea-slug) Santa Cruz
sandhi, vocal (crasis)
sindhya vilakku (hanging iamp, Kerala) Sanskrit, palatalization of back-stops in Sanskrit MSS. in the Sarasvati Mahal Library,
138
Se. 127 Sc. 187, 194 Sapadalakṣa (Sawalakh), the Brahmans of 46, 92
Sâraigadeva
117 164 138
Sarasvati rivor
Sarasvati Mahal Library, Tanjore
Sarbatane (blowing tube for arrows), use of
mans
Sarthaváha (official title)..
rary
Sarmans (name-ondings) of Nagar
..
the term by Varthoma
Sardesai, Govind, and the publication of the Poshwa's Daftar
Sarfoji Raja and the Sarasvati Mahal Lib. 138, 139
Brah
41, 52, 61, 65 42
Sarum
Sc. 174, 180 Sarup, Prof. Lakshman, Indices and Appendices to the Nirukta .. 161
INDEX
160
I.A.V. 93-98
Scattergood, J. Scattergood, Kath. (d.) Scattergood, Maria (d.) Scattergood, Roger (u.)
..
..
Scattergood, Eliz. (8.) Scattergood, Eliz. (aunt) Scattergood, Fran. (d.)
...
Sastri, P. P. S.
The Mahabharata; The Southern Recension 119 A Descriptive Catalogue of Sanskrit Manuscripts in the Sarasvati Mahal Library, Tanjore 138 Satapatha Brahmana, and the relation between pig, cattle and corn Satavahana chronology Satyasraya, W. Châlukya k. Saunders, Capt. Wm. Savery, Capt. T... Sawalakh (Sapâdalakça) Scattergood, Ann (s) Scattergood, Ara. (w.) Scattergood, Ara. (d) Scattergood, Caro. (d.) Scattergood, Eliz (d.)
..
1 100 40
Sc. 115, 119, 128 Sc. 171 46 Se. 201 Sc. 119, 135, 147, 156, 174 Se. 147 Sc. 134, 135, 147 Sc. 130, 140, 156, 161, 173, 181, 184, 201 Sc. 201 Sc. 168, 173 146, 150, 152, 176, 179, 180' Sc. 115-202 Sc. 161 Sc. 154
Se. 162, 179, 181, 182, 185, 186, 199 Scattergood of Ellaston, Roger Sc. 179 Schism Bill Se. 183, 184 sept, of the Indus Valley seals 18: the Na
gari
..
73
142
Se.
33
161
scrivan (clerk, writer), a very early use of the word
33; Sc. 196 sculpture, of Påla and Sena periods, characteristics of
seals of the Indus Valley
seemul, sembal (the Silk Cotton-tree,' Bombax malabarica), very early reference to the Sellandi, village deity Selli-amman, village deity
33 143
102
143, 144 Sena dynasty 50; defeat of the 51; Keatriyas 52, 63 Senânî dvija (Pusyamitra) Seng-ha-pu-lo (of Hsian-tsang) Simhapura 64 ser (a weight), Akbari 23, of Patna 23, 24 Severn Sc. 123, 124 18
Shah Alam II, and the vil. of Râîsînâ
Shah Allum (Shaw Allum) Sc. 148, 149, 151; Shallam Sc. 162
34
Shahbash, early use of the expression Shahi-tumn pre-historic settlement at Shaikh Jharyo
Shaikh Patho deoli (Pir Patho) Shaikh Sarman of Nângwa
.. 34
shakarkand, correct meaning of the word Shamceana, Semianna (an awning or tent, Pers. shamyanu), early references to, and possible derivation of Shampoo 91 Sherbourne (Anne).. Sc. 123, 148, 160 Sherbourne (a second of the name) Sc. 123, 124, 133 Śrikgetra Shih-li-chd-to-lo, identified with Shireenbâf (Pers. shirinbäft), fine cotton stuff, Barni's use of the word
(Sylhet)
227
..
Shoegoose, Shawgose (Pers. siyahgosh), lynx Shola Nayaks, Wynad jungle folk Siah-damb, prehistoric settlement at Siam, derivation of the name Simhalas, Virupaksha's conquest of the Simhapura and the Varmans
91 91 174 96, 97 91 .. 215 64
..
.. 199 18
Sind and Panjab, the river courses of Sindhurâja, Paramâra k. singard, Finch's very early use of the word Sinhalese, ceremonial dances of .. siribaf (sirisdf), see Shireenbâf. Sitwell, Fran. Sitwell, Geo.
..
គ គ ធ ឌ
90
87
163-169 135 91 19
Sc. 165, 167 Se. 143, 174, 175, 183 176
Siva, in Nât-Hlâung temple, Pagan Siwâlik (Sans. Sapádalaksa), suggested etymo. logy of the name 92, 163, 165 Small, Capt. D... Sc. 142, 143, 146, 154, 163,
Somers
170, 184 Smith, Vincent, and Indian rivers 165, 166 Soak-pits, ancient, at Chetpur, Madras.. 21-23 Somadeva, on the Kayasthas .... 49 Sc. 115, 124, 129, 134, 141, 149 Somésvara, Paramâra k., Kirâdu inscrip. of. the time of 135, 136 sororate 146 Srautasutras on marriage, etc. 54, 55, 61, 71 65, 66 Sriparvata, the Nallamalais 187

Page #283

INDEX
257
183
.
.. 186–192
188, two varieties of
Stanhope . . . . .
.. Sc. 155 Idli-kattu (Malabar) wedding .. .. Starke, J.
• Sc. 163, 164 Talipot, Albiruni's mention of the tree .. 93 Stein, Sir Aurel, on the Kayasthas, 49, 50; his tandan (leader of the community, in S. experiencos in Chinese Turkestan in 1930,
Malabar) .. . 59, 60; in Gedrosia, 96—99; noto on a find tangun (a Tibetan pony), Mundy's use of the
the of ancient jewellery in Yâsîn . 103-106 name ... ..
.. .. .. .. .. .. 93 Sterling, Wm. .. Sc. 116, 123-125, 130, 146, taşi (Talipot palm leaves) .. .. ..
149, 155 Tarim basin, geographical observations in, Stratford
.. Sc. 187
by Sir Aurel Stein .. .. .. .. stress-accent, tone and intonation in M.I.A.Vs. Târnâ, plain, referred to, by Ibn Batůta .. 89
I.A.V. 69–76 Tashreef (Arab. tashrif,' honouring '), very car. Stretham .. .. ,
.. So. 118
ly European use of the term .. .. .. 94 stridhana, described in the Arthasdstra .. .. 149
Tawke (Talke), Capt. J. .. .. .. Sc. 145 stri-dhanam (bride price) in Kerala .. .. 116
Taxila and Alexander .. .. .. .. Stringer galley .. . Sc. 139, 159, 161, 179
tea-planting in the Wynad
171, 197 Stúpa, the Great, at Nagarjunakonda in S.
Temple, Sir R. C., tribute to his work in the India .. ..
Andaman and Nicobar Isls. .. .. .. 79 stupas 188, two varieties of .. .. 189, 191
terracotta, Pallava, a sample of 194, 215 .
.. ... Subhatavarman, Mahakumara ..
23 terracotta figurines, from Makrån Sc. 195 .
. Subi (S. Natuna) isl. off Borneo
96-98
Tham bhanwâro Masjid and other sites on Success .. .. .. So. 115, 155, 176, 189 Sudras and casto rules 61; in the Kali Ago .. 101
lower Indus .. .. .. .. 86-90 Suktagen-dôr, pre-historic settlement at .. 96
Tharro near Gujo, 87; and Patala (in Sindh) .. 88 Sukthankar, Dr. V. S., and others, The Mahd.
The Boa's Nova's (Bon Nevas) .. .. Sc. 139 bharata, A Critical Edition .. .. .. 118
The Four Brothers .. .. .. Sc. 115 Sumerians and the Indus Valley, 18; their Theobald, Thos... .. . .. Sc. 161 wide civilisation.. .. .. .. .. 222
Thirteen Trivandrum Plays Attributed to Bhdsa, Sumpitan (Malay blowpipe) as described, un
translated into English by A. C. Woolner and named, by Jourdain .. .. .. .. 92
Lakshman Serup, vol. I (book-notice) .. 221 sun worship in India .. .. .. .. 17 Thistleworth
.. .. Sc. 142, 146, 154 Sunderland .. .. Sc. 193, 194, 198 Thomas .. .. .
. .. .. Sc. 115 Surgas, the, and the Brâhman Empire.. 101, 103 Thug (phansi-gar) .. .. Surat, reference to, in the Mirat-s-Sikandari .. 92 Timmer, Barbara C. J., Megasthenes en de Surwaun (camel-leader, Pers. sarwin), very early
Indische Maatschappij .. .. .. .. 80 use of the word .. . .. .. 93 Tipu Sultan and the English .. .. .. 173 Susa, I and II, origin and development of .. 222
Tirthika (Titthiya), meaning of the word 123, 124 Susannah .. .. .. Sc. 158, 159, 161
Tirunelli temple, c.p. grants .. 171, 172, 196 Sutlej, river .. .. .. 163, 165-169
Tiyars, marriage among the .. .. .. 150 Suttee (H. sati) ..
.. 93
toaches (iron pots, kitchen utensils) .. Sc. 183 Suvarnagiri of the Brahmagiri edict .. .. 40
Tobin, James. Sc. 143, 153, 154, 170, 199, 200 Svetaketu and woman's froedom .. .. 145
To-lo-po-ti (identification of) .. .. 228, 229 Syco (=groom), use of tho word in the Ain-j.
Tomson, Mr. .. .. .. .. .Sc. 151 Akbari .. .. .. .. .. .. 93
tone, intonation, and stress-accent in M.I.A.Vs.
1.A.V. 69-76 Tope-khana, topconno (Pers. top khāna), carly
use of the word .. .. .. .. 94 Tôr-dherai, cinerary deposit at .. .. .. 103 Toshacoma (l'ers. toshakhana) .. .. .. 94 Totemism and The Maratha devaks .. .. Townshend . Sc. 168, 170, 172—174, 180 Travancore Archaeological Department, Adminis.
trative Report for 1929-30 .. .. .. 162 Treaty of Mangalore .. .. .. .. 173
Treaty of Seringapatam .. .. .. .. 173 Tachanad Muppans, a Wynad tribe .. . 195 Trenchfield, Ann.. Sc. 122, 180, 181, 183 Tachóli Pattu (folk songs of N. Malabar) .. 9 Trenchfield, Elihu So. 115, 118, 121, 129 125, Taj (and Taj-gaaj) .. . .. .. 93
134--136, 140, 141, 149, 150, 152, 156, Taklamakan, the, Sir Aurel Stein in . 59, 60
163, 164, 186—188, 198, 201 tali (marriage badge) in Tiyar marriage cere Trenchfield. Eliz. Se. 115, 118, 121, 122, 125, 134, mony .. ..
. . . . 1161 136. 140, 111, 119, 122, 156, 157, 163, 180, 186

Page #284

258
INDEX
Trenchfield, J. .. ..
.. Sc. 122, 146, 152
.. sc. 1 Trenchfield, Rich. ..
.. . So. 122 Triparvata, suggested identification with Hale.
..
.. 137
Triplicane ..
Triplicane .. .. .. Sc. 187--189, Tripurasundarí, půjd .. .. .. .. Trivadore
Sc. 188 Tuckavee (Ar. taqdwf), Firishta's use of the
word .. .. .. .. .. .. 94 Tughlaqs, the, and Tatta .. . .. 87 Tulli, Capt. Tim... .. .. Sc. 148, 149 Tulunad and the Chêkarata Turkestan, Chinese, Sir Aurel Stein's experi.
ences there, in 1930 .. .. .. .. 59 Turner, N. .. .. .. Turner, Prof. R. L., The Gavimath and Palki.
gundu Inscriptions of Adoka .. .. .. 220
115
are, in 1930
Sc. 147
Varmana (Yadava Varmans) of Bengal 63-65 Varuna, g., and aruna .. Vårunnox (ho who rules).. ..72–76, 208, 210 Vaşistha on marriage .. .. .. .. 54 Vasudeva (Kropa) in inscrip. .. .. 203, 204 oditarasana and odtavarana, meaning of the terms .. .. .. ..
.. .. 122 Vornaculars, on the modern Indo-Aryan
I.A.V. 57-102 Victory pillar on the Tâmrapargi .. 218, 219 Vijayanagara conquest of Ceylon 215—219,
223—227 Vijaknesvara and the Kayasthae . .. 53 Vikrama Era, origin of the .. .. 101-103 Vikramaditya, and Gautamiputra Satakarni
100; (traditional) and the Samvat years .. 101 Villeaumont (Velleaumont) Jardin, Capt. G.
Sc. 170, 197, 198 Vindhyavarman, Mahâkumâra .. .. .. 215 Vira-Saivism in the Kanareee co. .. 172, 173 Virupakra, conquest of Ceylon by 215, 226, 227 vişayapati (official title) .. .. .. 42, 51 visaya-vyavaharin (district officiala) .. .. 51 Vippu, in NAU-Hlaung temple, Pagan, 175-177;
avatdrae of .. .. ..178, 179, 197, 198 Vimu-smriti, and the term Kayastha 47, 48, 61 Vippuyains as Kalki
. 101, 102 vowels in M. I. A. Ve. addition and elision of .. I.A.V. 77-81 epenthesis or umlaut .. .. 1.A.V. 82-86 harmonic sequence .. .. .. I.A.V. 86 change of quality . .. .. . .A.V. 87-93 Crasis or vocal sandhs . I.A.V. 93-99 nasalization and denasalization 1.A.V. 99-102 in detail .. ..
. .. I.A.V. 102
Udayaditya, Paramnära k., 192-194 ; and
Udayavarman .. .. .. 212, 214, 215 Udayapar inscriptions of the 12th century 192, 193 Udayavarman and Vdayaditya 212, 214, 215 umlaut (openthesis) .. .. .. Sc. 82-86 Ummattûr, chiefs of, and the Vijayanagara
empire .. .. .. .. .. .. 173 Upenågava Apabhramba, and the Nagar race 65 upa-raja (Pâli) and Upper Rojer
94 Upper Rojer (for heir-apparent)
94 Urida vans, a Wynad tribe
.. . 195, 196 urn-burial in 8. India .. .. 21, 22, 197 Useful Tables (Prinsep's) .. .. 23, 24 utsava-vigraha (festival image). .. .. 143
Vadakkan plyw (the songs of N. Korale) Vadauda, vil. .. ..
.. .. 214 WAhindah, the Haki river
. . . . . . 165 Vadnagar (Anandapura), 41, 46, 47, 63, 65 Wake, J. ..
So. 145, 186 Vadro, Hieronimo De (M. Doverage). Se. 188 Walker, Ben.
.. . Sc. 162 Vaidyas and Kayasthas.. . .. 52-54
Walker, Fran. ..
.. Sc. 150-152, 154 Vaidyas, their disappearance as a caste,
Wallis, Bagnall .. . .. Sc. 168–170 etc. .. .. .. .. 51, 53, 56, 61 Wallis, Capt. R...
.. .. Sc. 189 Vaishnavas, very early mention of the soot .. 96 Warro, Flor.
Sc. 154, 157 Vannatti, the, and the washerman canto .. 207
.. Sc. 116, 119, 128, 137 Vantnaeetrict, Capt. P. .. .. .. Sc. 194 Way, Thos.
. .. sc. 150, 152 odra-gonti, moaning of the term .. .. 83-85 Weld, Capt. Wm... .
.. Sc. 115 odram, different meanings of the word.. 82-85 Weld, Mr. .. .. .. Sc. 133, 148 odrchcha (a coronation ceremony in Kerala).. 210 wolls, ancient, at Chotpat ..
21, 22 odriyam, and committee,' also president, Wendey, Rovd. J. Sc. 119, 120, 130, 143, 147, chairman .. .. .. .. .. 81
| 148, 162, 156, 168, 173, 181, 182, 184, 198, 199 Varma, Siddheshwar, Critical Studios in The White, Capt. J. .. ..
Se. 194 Phonetic Observations of Indian Grammarians 2011 Wigmore, Anne .. ..
Se. 156

Page #285

INDEX
259
.
98
WillcinsonJs. ..
So. 202 Wynad, ancient burials in the .. .. .. 22 Wilkinson (Wilkenson, probably Jan.). 8. 187 William .. ..
So. 186—188 Williams, Capt. R. ..
So. 148 Williamson, Js., Sc. 140, 160-152, 154, 175,
176, 179, 182, 185, 186, 191, 194 Wilson, Capt. ..
.. 8o. 188 Yaboo (horso from AfghАnistan), Foster's use of Wiltehore, Thos...
So. 149, 156 the word Wiltshire, Wm. ..
.. &c. 146 Yadava Varmans (Varmana) .. . .. Wima Kadphises and the Selena
.. 100 Yajfiavalleys
... 61, 64, 65 Winter, Capt J. . . .
So. 184 Ydjñavallya-amriti, containing the earliest Wirtemberg
So. 194, 200 mention of the term kaya tha, 43, 47, 50, 51, women, four kinds of, 149; an inquiry into their
63—56, 61 position in Hindu society 146–149; (Jaina) Yek, the animal reforrod to, but not named by
spiritual emancipation of .. .. .. 125 Fitch .. .. .. .. .. .. 95 Wood, Matt. .. ..
.. So. 115| Yala (Yeshtun) . Idea (Xellun) .. .. ..
69
.. Woodhouno, Steph. . .. So. 188, 189 Yasin, note on a find of ancient jewellery in, 103-108 Woolley, Thos. .. ..
So. 176—178 Yalovamman, Parampara .. .. .. 212-214 Woohor, A. C., and Lakshman Sarup, Thirteen Yeshkun, language of the Nagars of Hunze. Trivandrum Plays Attributed to Bhdea .. 921
Nigar .. .. .. .. .. .. 89 Wotton, Capt. Thou. .. 8o. 150, 152, 154, 155 Wright, Capt. R. .. .. .. sc. 170, 183 Wright, Mr. .. .. .. 8o. 120, 200 Wybergh, Capt. o. .. .. . .. Sc. 188 Wyche, Ber.
.. So. 128, 129, 134, 146 Wyobo, Geo. .. So. 184, 185, 129, 137, Zarvan, 8., and the Manichwans ..
140, 144, 149, 150, 152 sanana, Brahmans entering the .. .. .. 45 Wynad, notes on the cultural geography of the Zur Indiachen Apologetik, by Hanns Oertel 170—174, 195—197' (book-notice) .. .. .. .. ..
222
.
194. 195, 1
.. 200

Page #286


Page #287

JANUARY, 1932 ]
THE SCATTERGOODS AND THE EAST INDIA COMPANY
115
(NOTES ON DOCUMENT No. 32.) China voyage. Scattergood's first voyage to China in the Bussorah Merchant with Edward Jones. See pp. 65.78.
Mr. Lewis. The Rev. George Lewis. See p. 85. Cojee Petrus. Khwaja Petrus. See p. 88. Nina Chittee. Naina Chetti. See p. 88. Vincattee Chettee, Mutaball Chettee. Venkata Chetti, Mutta Bala Chetti. See p. 89. 2. Mr. Dixon. Thomas Dixon. See p. 87. 3. Mr. Harriott. Robert Harriot or Heriot. See p. 88. 4. Capt. Bennett. Capt. Abraham Bennett. See p. 89. 5. Padre de Saa. See p. 87 and note on p. 88.
6. The Herriotts voyage. See p. 87. For Capt. Wm. Weld and the Chevalier Hébert, see p. 88.
The Arabella. See p. 87. The John and Elizabeth. See p. 87. Mr. Frederick. Thomas Frederick. See p. 87. 7. Ship Thomas. See p. 89.
8. Comrapha Conicoply. I the "Comcopha Conniooply" (Kama Kuppa, kanakkapillai) of document No. 23a (p. 87) and note on p. 89.
9. Dr. Corbett. This must be Henry Corbett (the "Dr" seems to be an error), who came to India in the Success in 1711 and again in 1715 as a free merchant. See p. 89 and Early Annals of Bengal, II, Pt. I, 356, 371.
Mr. Bourchier. Richard Bourchier, a free merchant. Ship Somers. See p. 107. 12. Lewis Maderas. See document No. 29.
13. Adventure to Siam. The Chinnapatam, Capt. John Powney, sailed for Siam on 20 May 1713 (Fort St. George Diary).
14. Capt. Willy Saunders. Captain William Saunders was a shareholder in the Amity.
15. Ship Ormond. The Ormond, Matthew Wood commander, sailed for China and Mocha on 28 May 1713 (Fort St. George Diary).
Mr. Livesay and Captain Bodham. William Livesay, supercargo of the Dolben, died at Caloutta on 16 November 1719 (Early Annals of Bengal, II, Pt. I, 28 n.) Captain Charles Boddam commanded the Dolben which sailed from Madras for Bongal on 4 June 1713.
Shalloes. sala, twilled cotton of a red colour, commonly known as Turkey red. See Yule, Hobson-Jobson, 3.0. Shalee.
16. the Barinton. For the Barrington, on which Scattergood's brother, Elihu Trenchfield, was supercargo, see p. 88. She arrived at Fort St. George from Bengal on 3 March 1713 and sailed for Bombay on 9 October (Fort St. George Diary).
The Church. The churchwardens of St. Mary's Church, Fort St. George, who were trustees for Soattergood's young sister-in-law, Sarah Burniston.
Capt. Poney. Captain John Powney of the Chinnapatam. The Four Brothers. See p. 89. Hing. Asafoetida.

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Pardoes. Pardoa was a Portuguese term for & gold coin from the native mints of Western India. See Yule, Hobson-Jobson, for the derivation and history of the term.
The next document, a letter from the Madras owners of the Amity to William Aislabie, sent to Bombay by the Barrington, explains the purport of her voyage.
[33] To the Honble. William Aislabie Esqr.
Honble. Sir, When Messrs. Phipps and Scattergood went from hence for China in ship Amity we promised them to lodge directions with your Honour concerning our part in the said ship and stock; tis impossible for us to foresee what account the present voyage will render or whether there is a probability that a second undertaking will succeed, but if your Honour thinks there is sufficient encouragement when you have perused the accounts of the present voyage and seen what the cargo renders at Suratt, if you and the gentlemen now concerned on your side are willing to sett another voyage a foot, we will endeavour to do our parts here, but as silver is the cheif ingredient, the more you can send us the liklier we are to succeed.
There will be a necessity for valluing the ship on account of adjusting with such persons as will or cannot be concerned in a second voyage; this we leave to your Honour &ca. owners, if you think fitt, or else we will do it upon her arrivall here.
Wee cannot tell whether rosumalloes and the usuall druggs will turn to account for another voyage, but your Honour may venture to provide as much cotton as the ship oan conveniently carry, which never fails to yeild a profittable account. The supra cargoes, when they arrive, will be best judges if there is any thing else in your parts that will turn to better account then silver.
Wee desire our severall proportions of the dividend of this present voyage may be sent upon the ship in dollars, if att the usuall price or thereabouts, or otherwise in Suratt rupees. If the ship wants any thing to be done to her, it will be proper to do it before she comes here. We desire you will please to communicate this to the supra cargoes upon their arrivall, and are, Honble. Sir, Your most obliged servants,
E. HARRISON Fort St. George, 8th October 1713.
THOS. FREDERICKE
WM. JENNINGS Veria copia, attested by us
BERNARD BENYON DOUGLAS BURNISTON
WILLIAM WARRE W. STERLING
GEORGE LEWIS
The Amity, Captain Charles Berriman commander, sailed for China on 20 May 1713 (Fort St. George Diary), but Scattergood's promised letter to his wife from Malacca is not extant and we have no further news of him until after his arrival at Canton in August 1713. It was only after he had sailed from China, at the end of the year, that he sent an account of the voyage, together with details of the business transacted, to Governor Harrison.

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[34]
[20 November 1713.] To the Honbla Edward Harrison Esqr. President for the affairs of the Right Honble. English East India Company on the Coast of Chormandell and West Coast of
Sumatra and Governor of Fort St. George.
Honble. Sir, After a long and tedious passage in the streight of Mallaoca, we did not arrive Canton before the 22d August. We made land on the 2d, judgeing it to be the Islands of St. John, where mett with a violent storme at North and North-east, which drove us back into 19 degrees. It continued three days, in which we lost our long boat and split some sailes and damag'd some of our cotton that was between decks. Thank God it was no worse. We touched at Macooa, when heard that there was two French ships at Wampo from Peru, which made us stay there three or four days to goe in company of the Loyal Bliss and the Concord, a seperate stock ship, which delay made the Ormond arrive before us three or four days, she goeing for Canton directly.
· I ask't the Padrees at Maccoa (Abbott Corderoes companions) if they had any gold to spare. They told me it was all at Canton in Padre Seru's hands. When I came there, Padre Seru told me he had about 20 or 30 shooes. It cost him 5 above touch, and that if I pleased he would let me have it for that price. I thank'd him and told him that I could buy it something cheaper. So the Padres kept their gold to serve your Honour the next voyage.
On our first arrivall at Canton had but an indeferent prospect of makeing a good voyage, all Surratt goods being low, especially cotton; no copper, and sugar at 2t. 8m., tho it fell to 2. 6 a little before we went. The reason that the merchants gave why cotton was so low was the famine that had been there. Rice was sold at 5 tale a pecull but a month before we arrived and everything else in proportionable. All the poor people was up in a mutiny and were for robbing all the Hounghs. The Manderins giveing them rice and makeing all the merchants contributing their quotas kept them quiet.
By our accounts your Honour will see how we sold and bought our goods and do not question after all but shall make a 40 per cent. voyage, except the gentlemen withdraw and sell the ship for a song, which I hope will not happen. By Mr. Raworth your Honour will receive the ballance of your account in gold and a chest of tea marked EH No. 1. I desired Inqua to gett it, telling him it was for your Honour. He told me it should be the best that could be gott and that he would not gett anything by it. So that if it does not give satisfaction, your Honour must blame Inqua. In the chest are four potts, Na. 1, 2, 3, all of a sort, No. 4 something worse.
Your embrodery I spoke to Inqua likewise to gett them done. He told me that no body would work them under 50 tale a peice, the work being so full, so I bespoke but one peice on a sky color, and that could not be finished in our time. I desired Mr. Fenwick to receive it and send it to your Honour by the way of Batavia, which I hope may como safe to your hands.
Your cotch could not put off with our goods, Anqua and Linqua offering us but one tale a pecull, and after a months tryall sold it for 4t. 5m. to Chounqua, takeing other goods in return. And as for your Honours rosumalloes, it was such sad stuff that nobody would give more then 30 tale & pecull, but selling some of our goods with it and takeing goods,

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avfer.
gott it off for 40. I will give your Honour an account of your insense when I come back from Burratt.
Mr. Harrison is very well. I kept him to weigh goods, &o., and generally carried him with me to the merchants that he might be acquainted with them, but I could not for the hart of me keep him to writeing as I would have done. He has a great mind to be a saylor, for he is generally in the top one of the first. He had rather hand a reeff then write and syfer.
At Canton we was mightily frighten'd with the news of Monsieur Bono, hearing that he design'd to lye of Polo Auer or in the streights mouth, which made us stay a few days to go in company with the Concord, that if we had mett with him we might secure our gold at least, and did not know but by seeing Captain Newtons originall pass from the French King and the news that he could informe him of a sasation of arms might induce him to let us goe, for we had not one paper of news, neither from the Bliss nor the Concord, the first telling us that they left all at Batavia and the other brought none out.
By Mr. Raworth have sent your Honour some hams, would have sent you some geese but here being no ships to take them in, made me let it alone, designing to make it up in Surratt sheep when I come back. As for tea, I know your Honour has better then I can Eend you.
I remain with all respects Your Honours most obedient humble servant
[Copy, unsigned] December 20 (1713).
[NOTES ON DOCUMENT NO. 34.)
Islands of St. John. Chang-charan (St. John Island).
The Loyall Bliss. A Company's ship of 350 tons, commanded by Captain Robert Hudson.
Which delay made the Orvond arrive before us. For the Ormond see note (15) on document No. 32. She sailed from Madras eight days after the Amity.
The Hounghs. Houngh is Scattergood's rendering of hang or hong, a row or series of rooms. The term was applied to the “ factories" or residences of foreign merchants in the western suburbs of Canton. It is still used at the present day to indicate a mercantile firm. I am indebted to Mr. W. Perceval Yetts for this information.
Mr. Raworth. John Raworth, free merchant.
Mr. Fenwick. Edward Fenwick, supercargo of the Loyall Bliss, who subsequently married Scattergood's step-sister, Elizabeth Trenchfield.
Monsieur Bono. This must be the Monsieur Bonneau who, in January 1712/13, was reported to be in the Straits of Malacca with a squadron of ships, and to avoid whom, Capt. Harry Gough of the Company's ship Stretham was ordered to sail from China to Fort St. George via Batavia (Consultation at Fort St. George 6 July 1713).

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Polo Auer. Pulo Aor (Awar, La Ore), an island off the coast of Johor. Captain Newton. Captain Charles Newton of the Company's ship Essex.
Sasation of arms. The Peace of Utrecht, 31 March 1713, which ended the War of the Spanish Succession.
Scattergood's accounts, kept in Canton, give details of purchases from the Chinese merchants Anqua, Pinqua and Chounqua. These include stockings, taffeta, fans, tea, teatables, porcelain," images," seed pearls and coral. The olibanum in which he and Edward Harrison had equal shares produced, after payment of customs and expenses, 295 tales. By the sale of 25" parsells of pearles" he made a profit of 1227 tales, and the goods in which he and William Phipps were jointly interested realized 11892 tales. He also disposed of consignments for private individuals, among them the Chetti brothers at Madras,
In the meantime Arabella Scattergood kept a watchful eye over her husband's affairs as the following document shows.
[35]
To Messrs. Livesay and Boddam.
Gentlemen, Mr. Scattergood having subscribed two thousand rupees to the stock of the Dolbin, and ordered Mr. Willy Saunders to make good that sume to you, but he being unfortunately lost and all that was with him, I have by this conveyance of Captain Douglas sent down fourtien hundred and twenty Surrat rupees, which beleive will make good the subscription, having payd Mr. Warre one hundred and twenty nine pagodos odd fanams upon this account, which please to advise me the receipt of. If there should be any deficiency or overplus, desire you wou'd give me the account at your return. Wishing you a good voyage, am, Sirs, Your humble servant
A.S. (ARABELLA SCATTERGOOD). Fort St. George, Sept. the 30th
1713.
[NOTES ON DOCUMENT No. 35.] Willy Saunders. See note (14) on document No. 32. No details are forthcoming of his death.
Captain Douglas. Captain Charles Douglas, supercargo of the Rochester in 1710 and of the Rising Sun in 1712.
Mr. Warre. William Warre, a member of Council at Fort St. George.
Besides his report to Governor Harrison, before leaving China, Scattergood wrote to his attorneys in London, the Rev. James Wendy and Osmond Beauvoir, and to his mother Elisabeth Trenchfield.

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[36]
To the Revd. James Wendey
[13 November 1713]
Sir, This serves only to acquaint you that I am still alive and drudging on to live, being lately come from Surratt and Madrass to this port, both places contributing in sending me a supercargoe here, so that now I belong to Bombay as much as to Madrass, by which you may see how stockes are decreased from the last place. However, I hope to make a good voyage, both for my imployers and myself, if the French don't run away with me, for I hear that there is some of them in our way.
[ JANUARY, 1932
I was mighty glad to meet with my old friend Fenwick. We often talk of our friends in England and drink their healths, in which number you may be asured you are included as one of the cheife.
As for Madrass news, I can not very well informe you, or at least not so well as you may hear from Padre Lewis, who goes home this year. I hope you received my letters by Mr. Beauvoir and have made up accounts with Sir George Mathews and paid off Mr. Wrights bill of exchange that I drew on him. I hope to continue comeing here one or two voyages more, which may enable me to enjoy your good companey in England.
In the interim I remain Your most humble and most oblidged Servant
[Unsigned]
P.S. By Mr. Fenwick have sent you 4 catties of good Bohee tea which I hope you will except off.
[NOTE ON DOCUMENT No. 36.]
My letters by Mr. Beauvoir. See document No. 22b.
Scattergood's letter of the same date to Osmond Beauvoir, his agent in England with the Rev. James Wendy, is much more detailed. The portions omitted have already appeared in Scattergood's letter to Harrison (Document No. 34).
[37]
MR. BEAUVOIR,
[13 November 1713]
Sir, I hope a few lines may not be a miss from the place you have so often been at, to the advantage of Madrass and yourself, to acquaint you how matters stand here. China this year has suffer'd mightily by famine, especially all the southern provences.... by which means all goods that we brought from Surratt were very low and the China commodities at a great price (except gold which is at one or two above touch doller silver), by reason no ship from Madrass this year for gold; and I believe they will hardly be able to send a ship with a large stock again, or at least in a great wile. I made a shift to squees out by the joynt interest of Bombay and Madrass and hope to make our employers about 30 per cent voyage, and had made more if our Surratt goods had sold better and could have gott copper,

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which this year was not to be had. The merchants tell me that the next year will be a great deal better, they haveing orders from the Emperor to open the tutenaugh and gold mines, which will make those two comidities pretty plenty ...
Your old freinds Linquah and Anquah are brave and hearty still, and carry on allmost all the business, but I think they do not play us fair in some things. You will hear Captain Newton rail at them and Captain Hudson and Fenwick praise them as much. And as for Inquah, he has not done one hundred tales worth of business this year, neither with the French nor English. In short, Linquah and Anquah does all the grand, and Comshaw, Chounquah and Pinkee all the less.
Mr. Clark writes from Amoy that that port will become good again. They have taken off all the Manderins petty duties and uses him very well, and goods at very moderate prices. By Mr. Child have sent you 4 catties of Congo tea which hope you will except off
remain your humble servant
[Unsigned]
[NOTES ON DOCUMENT No. 37.] The place you have so often been at. Osmond Beauvoir spent several years in India as a free merchant. He was at Canton in 1710.
Mr. Clark. Probably Jarvis Clarke with whom Scattergood corresponded later on.
Amoy ... will become good again. For conditions of trade at Amoy in the early eighteenth century and the extortions to which Europeans were subjected, see Morse, The East India Company trading to China, Vol. I, chapters xii, xiv. .
Mr. Child. John Child who subsequently engaged in the Ostend trade.
[38]
[13 November 1713] Honoured Mother, I received a letter by Captain Hudson from you which gave me a world of content to hear that you and the rest of our family were well, and pray God to keep them so till I can have the happiness of seeing you all togather which will be a joyfull day to me, which I hope will not be long. Till then I live in hopes.
Mr. Lewis writes me that he will certainly goe for England this year. From him you will hear the latest news of Madrass, so shall not trouble you in this. I am now upon my departure for Surratt, where if I arrive safely, hope to make a good voyage both for my employers and self, and if I can goe another voyage to China, hope to gett a handson competency to goe for England; but if I should fail, will goe with what little I have.
My brother Elihu, I beleive, has write you how matters goe with him. I hope to meet him at Surratt where we will consult for both our future benifitt in voyages.
By Mr. Fenwick, my old friend, I have sent you 4 catties of very good Bohee tea, a gold suuff box, 6 fanns and my image made hear, which I hope will be acceptable. Everybody tells me it is like me, but you may easily see if it is so or not by looking in the glase.

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Please to give my love to my brother and sisters and tell them that by Mr. Fenwick have sent by (my) sisters each 2 catties of good tea and six fanns, and my brother Jack & gold headed cane.
I am now just upon my departure for Surratt, from whence shall not fail to write you. In the interim, I remain, Honoured Mother, Your most dutifull son,
J.S.
[NOTES ON DOCUMENT NO. 38.) My image. It is unfortunate that no trace of this has been found.
My brother and sisters. Jack, Elizabeth and Ann Trenchfield, children of Scattergood's mother and her second husband Richard Trenchfield. The elder son, Elihu, was still in India at this time.
By Captain Hudson of the Loyal Bliss and his supercargo Edward Fenwick, who sailed to England via Batavia, Scattergood sent “twenty peices of gold" to be forwarded thence to his wife at Surat, and before sailing from Canton, in addition to the letters printed above, he also wrote to the Rev. George Lewis informing him that " we shall goe from this place in company of the Ormond for Moca in two or three days, having completed all our business," and to his relative Thomas Pain giving a good report of his son Tom who " begins to make an excellent tarr."
During this second visit to China, it is likely that Scattergood paid close attention to the Chinese method of assaying gold and the notes given below probably belong to this period.
(392) 4 penny weight in silver is carrot in gold or I carrot in silver is 4 gr. in gold or 1 gr. in gold is 4 penny weight in silver.
To essay, allaways put silver to the gold, except the gold be courser and be allayed with silver, then you must put the lens silver.
[Endorsed] About an Assy of Gold.
(396) To reduce fine gold of 100 Touch. dwt.
03.
Touch Touch 2 of Standard silver to 10 fine gold of 100 will be 99 2 of Standard silver to 10...gold .. 90 will be 98 I of Standard silver to 10.. gold .. 99 will be 971
Vist. 100 04. gold of 99 Touch roduo'd to 87} requires 3 oz. 10 dwt. dollar silver or standard silver.

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The produce of the Amity's cargo to China was invested in goods saleable at Bombay and Surat, 6.g., quicksilver, tutenaga (spelter), alum, sugar candy, ivory, aniseed, hartal (yellow arsenio, orpiment), preserved ginger, eagle-wood, camphor, China root and Chinese porcelain, amounting to a total of 47,263 tales. Besides the goods shipped on behalf of the owner, the sur arcargoes (Scattergood and Phipps) made investments on their own account in the above and other commodities, to the amount of 5,594 tales. In addition, Scattergood lost no opportunity of making use of the vessels leaving Canton before the Amity to consign gold to his various agents with instructions for its conversion into silver currency, diamonds, etc.
There is no record of the Amity's departure from China, and when next we hear of Scattergood he is on the Malabar Coast on his way to Surat and Bombay. The letter which follow's (No. 10) bears no date, but was evidently written at Telicheri at the end of January, or carly in February, 1714, for there are sundry accounts and bills of exchange dated there on the 1st of the latter month.
N.B.To facilitate reference, the notes to this and succeeding documents are numbered in round brackets.
To the Honble. Edward Harrison Esqr. Governor of Mudras &c. Honble. Sir
I did myself the honour to write you by Mr. John Raworth(') and gave you an account of our China transactions, which I hope your Honour have recei: ed long since, so I shall not trouble you to repeat in this, only to acquaint your Honour that we arrived Callicutt the 20th instant without touching any w[h Jere in our passage. We changd all cur Owners gold there and brought Mr. Adams to this place to procure us what pepper we can take in, and the remainder he gives us bills for Bombay and Surat.(*)
We were in hopes to have heard from your Honour either from Anjengo (where the Cheife(3) sent us a bost informing us that he had no letters for us) or at Callicutt, but since we dont, hope shall not fail at Bombay ; otherwise I shall be mughtily at a loss in manacigeing the Madrass concern in our stock, for I presume 20,000 rupees ill be drawn out on this side, and I reckon the ship will be put up to sail either at Bombay or Surrat, if we cannot agree to valun her.
Mr. Phipps and myself designes, if possible, to sett out again to China in this ship, and if we can hire another ship very cheap and gett subscribers, to send her to Amoy, so that your Honour, if you like of our project, hope will come in ; if not, hope shall gett some of your dullers for China to buy gold, and your last private adventure comeing out so well incorages us to hope to carry more on the same arorint.
We sail this day for Bombay in company with the Sherbourne and Severne.) Captain Peacock(5) passed by this port two days before we arrived, and by a letter that I have received from Mr. Sterling() presume they may make near an hundred per cent. which is very extraordinary as times goe. I hope shall not be long before e arrive Bombay, when if any opportunity prese.its, shall not fail to write your Honour how all m. 'ters goe. In the interim remain
Your Honours most obedient humble servant
J. S.
Notes on Document No. 40.] (") See Document No. 34, p. 117.
(2) Robert Adams, Chief of the Company's factory at Telicheri, The bills alluded to are dated there on 1 February.

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(3) John Brabourne was Chief of the factory at Anjengo, situated on the Malabar Coast, south of Quilon.
(5) The Sherbourne mentioned here was not the Company's ship, commanded by Captain Henry Cornwall (which was taken by the French in 1710 and subsequently released), but, like the Severne, was a privately owned vessel. The Sherbourne under Captain John Jones reached Fort St. George from Surat on 1 June 1714, and the Severne, with Michael Grey as supercargo, on 17 May (Fort St. George Diary, 1714).
(5) Captain Eustace Peacock had just returned from a successful voyage to Persia in the Somers, and Scattergood had cause for thinking the result "very extraordinary” since his own share in the venture was between 70 and 80 per cent. The ship sailed from Madras for England on 18 July 1714 (Fort St. George Diary).
() William Sterling, one of the supercargoes of the Somers. The other was George Wyche, with whom Scattergood was associated in the Amity's second voyage to China.
While Scattergood was making his way up the Malabar Coast in January February 1714, a letter was despatched to him by his attorney in London, Sir George Matthews, with an account of the trust he had undertaken after the voyage from Persia in 1708 (see pp. 57-61). Sir George was "very sorry to see the dismal accounts you give of the trade in gennerall in India " and hoped "now there is a peace with France " that it" will nott bee so precarious." By the account enclosed we find that Scattergood had received £1337. 105. on his "bottomree” of the London and that there had been purchased and sent out to him a "stringe of diamonds," a chest of French wine and a chest of beer.
Scattergood landed at Bombay some time in February 1714 and there found letters from Governor Edward Harrison, Thomas Frederick and the Madras owners of the Amity empowering him to make a second voyage in her if the Bombay owners were willing. These, as Scattergood wrote to Frederick in March, “not only send our ship but have hired the Duke of Cambridge [a Company's ship) for Amoy for 18,000 rupees for the whole voyage, the stock to be 100,000 rupees," shared by William Aislabie, Bernard Wyche, William Phipps and Scattergood, with an option to Thomas Frederick of 10,000 rupees.
From Bombay Scattergood made his way to Surat, where he found only low prices obtainable for his cargo, and whence he wrote a characteristic letter to his late colleague William Phipps.
[41.) Mr. Phipps, Sir,
This comes by Captain Peacock who can informe you what a dismall markett we are come too and what trouble I undergoe in this cursed place, which makes me weary of staying in India any longer. I designe this shall be my last voyage that I am now goeing. Yesterday I had all the merchants in the factory and they offerd me but 65 rupees for my quickBilver, 8 for tutenaugh and 51 for pepper ready money, and at the same time told me that if I had above 200 pecull of quicksilver and 1000 pecull of tutenaugh, they would not give me Bo much. I denied stiffly of haveing any more, so was forsed to turn them all away without comeing to any conclusion, but this morning mett again and was told by them all and other friends that they would offer the utmost of the markett and that after they had bought they would sell again to any body for an anna profitt per maund. So after abundance of trouble I sold for these following prices-800 maunds quicksilver, includeing our 20 pecull, for 72 rupees ; 4000 Do. tutenaugh for 9 r. 4 &.
all the pepper for .. 5:12 hartoll
.. 17:8 camphire .. 20 : ready money. gugar candy .. 37: cardimums .. 35 :

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They will give but 2 rupees for China root and 7 rupees for our annisead,(') which I have not sold yett, and our China ware, now the Mocca ships are gone, they blow upon 'em,(?) but hope to sell round(3) for 50 per cent.
The remainder of our quicksilver and tutenaugh designe to bring to Bombay and desire the Generall &ca.(*) to buy for the same price to make an end of our unfortunate voyage. I am asure[d] they may gett the interest of their money and some profitt after the rains, for then there goods will in all likeliwood rise.
I am sorry to send you such a dismall account, but Captain Cradock's ship(*) ruined our voyage. They brought for themselves and on freight above 1000 maunds of quicksilver, which is enough for Surratt for one year. I begin to have racking thoughts about our two ships for China the next year and am afread we shall make but sorry hand of it, comeing to one port and bringing the same goods.
Surratt not being cow as formerly (6) here is little or noe money stiring, Captain Bonner() finding [it] very difficult to raise money to pay us, tho the money lyes in Rustome &ca. hands at interest ; for all that, they can not gett it in.
I have secured cotton for our two ships, but when it will come, God knows; that commodity rises very much. No good putchuck(8) to be had, nor can I gett little or noe money at respondentia. Am afread I shall be put to it to raise my subscriptions to the two ships. I have not bought one rupees worth of pearl yet, nor I cannot tell if I shall buy any or noe, it being very dear.
This is all at present and I wish it had been better, but let the world run as it will, I shall allways remain
Your humble servant
J. S. Pray give my humble service to all friends. I am in hopes to sell our ophium for about 320 rupees a chest. I hope you will not pay to the Generall 2 [sic, ? too] now we make so bad a voyage.
[Notes on Document No. 41.] (1) These goods were the private investment of Scattergood and Phipps. (2) Blow upon 'em, i.e., discredit, belittle them. (3) Hope to sell round, i.e., indirectly, in a roundabout way. () William Aislabie and Council at Bombay.
(1) Captain Christopher Cradock, commander of the Barrington, on which Scattergood's stepbrother, Elihu Trenchfield, was supercargo.
(6) Since the rise of Bombay and the transfer of the Presidency to that port, the former settlement had declined in importance.
* Captain Lawrence Bonner of the Margaret. (8) Saussurea Lappa, the 'costus 'root of the ancients.
In spite of his lamentations the sale of the Amity's cargo did not turn out so badly as Scattergood had predicted, for he admitted that there would be 25 to 30 per cent. profit, after allowing for the high cost of the hire of the vessel, Rs. 40,000. The Duke of Cambridge, however, was obtained for only Rs. 18,000, so much was expected of the second venture. This ship was commanded by Captain Edward Arlond with William Phipps and William Sterling as supercargoes, while George Wyche was associated with Scattergood in the Amity.
From Surat, besides the letter given above and others to Thomas Frederick and William Aislabie repeating his complaints of the badness of trade, Scattergood also wrote on 22 March

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[MARCH, 1932
to Governor Harrison in the same strain, bewailing the low prices then current and the difficulty of obtai, ing adequate assistance: "I am here allmost hurried off my leggs, the time being short, haveing no body to assist me but Mr. Harrison, whom I keep tightly to business ; the place being very hott and business lyeing so far asunder makes my fatt corspe (sic, corpse) molt finely, but not my respects and duty, which I shall allways retain to your Honours person and service."
At the same time Scattergood wrote to Phipps telling him that he could not reach Bombav before 20 April" by reason that our cotton cannot come down much before that time," and urging him to have everything roady " that we may not tarry long in Bombay." He adds that dollars are very scarce and doar; however, I bought some, but how to run them I . cannot tell." This remark shows that Scattergood, like other traders of his day, was not above evading the regulations which forbade dealing in bullion without express permission from the Company. He was to experience the same difficulty in shipping silver from England on the Bonita some three years later.
While busying himself with the Amity and her cargo and posing as an overworked individual, Scattergood yet found time to set on foot private adventures on his own account. It appears that he and Captain Berriman, with whom he had made his last voyage to China, had become joint owners, with her master, Captain William Hurst, of the Katherine and that it was proposed to fit the ship in Bengal and send her to Junkceylon for tin and "Heysan" and it is not improbable that it was for this purpose that Scattergood secured the recipe " To care Hysom" and the "Description of the Island Junkzelcne" already printed on pp. 76 and 103. The Katherine arrived at Fort St. George from Fort St. David (Cuddalore) on 4 April 1714 and sailed to Bengal on the 12th of the month (Fort St. George Diary), but we hear very little more in the Papers of Captain Hurst and his experiences at Junkceylon.
[42.]
[Surat, April 1714.) Captain Hurst, Sir,
Captain Berryman, you and I being concern'd each 1/3d of ship Katherine(1) and stock, which is 5000 pags., and you proposing to go to Bengall, there to fitt said ship very well with all things wanting, as small arms, guns, &ct., and there to lay out the stock in such goods as are proper for Junkceylone,(%) we recommend you to go out from Bengal very early. Be sure to put your ship in good posture of defence, for which reason you must carry with you a few Europeans and all the Lascars Portuguese, for you know there are abundance of rogues about Junkceylone, so that you must be always upon your guard and keep good look out.
When you come to Junkceylone, you must sell your goods for tin and gett of that como. dity as much as you can.
There is a sort of fish which is like a large horse leach, called by the Portugues : Sam Suca de Mar and by the Chinese Heysan.(3) They generally live upon rocks, and great quantities are to be had near Popperah.() The Chinese cure these and send them to China. The way to cure them [is] as per directions delivered you.(6)
You will, I presume, meet with a great many China men at Junkceylone that can give you very good directions about them and will cure them for a small maiter. Be sure to see them very well dried before you pack them up. You must take notice that the black sort, which are small, ar, doi le the price that the white are. This sort you must gott as much

Page #299

MARCE, 1932)
THE SCATTERGOODS AND THE EAST INDIA COMPANY
127
as possible [of] and fill your ship with them. The black sort are worth about 5 to 6 P [? pagodas) per pecull at Malacca and the white about 3.
I shall take all possible care I can to send & sloop from Malacca with some Chinamen in her to assist you in making or procuring the said Sam Suca de Mar or Heysan.
After you have loaden your ship with tin and that fish, you must proceed to Malacca, where you will meet letters from me, but take care that you do not stay too long at Junk Ceylone. At Malacca you must apply your self to the Captain of the Chinemen,(6) to whom I shall recommend you. Deliver all your fish to him, and he will give you, in truck, sugar, canes and rattans. After you have done your business at Malacca, proceed to Anjengo to sell your canes, rattans, &ct. to Mr. Gifford,() or at Callicut to Mr. Adams for pepper. Your sugar you must sell as well as you can, in the room of which load pepper &ct. for this port.
Mr. Scattergood will take care to write you from all places if he meets with anything for your advantage and give you further orders.
We are [Unsigned.] P.S.-When you arrive in Ballasore Road, if you can't get a Pilote and the wind should blow very hard that you think yourself in danger, you may venture to carry the ship over the Braces(8) yourself.
Here follow "Directions how to cure the fish called Sam Suca de Mar or Hysan," which are almost identical with those given on p. 78, with the following addition.)
I don't question but you'll find some people at Junk Ceylone that understand these things very well, which you must employ. Be sure to carry torches and some allum along with you.
[Notes on Document No. 42.] (1) The Katherine (or Catherine) was a "country" ship, plying between Madras and Bengal and often employed to carry the Company's packets.
(9) See p. 105, n. 1.
(3) Hai-shan. See note on p. 78. San sucar do mar is the Portuguese term for the bea-slug or sea-leech, lit. sea-sucker.
(9) That is Papera or Papra, a town on the mainland to the north of the island of Junkceylon.
() See p. 78.
(6) This individual, whose name is given later as "Chan Younqua," acted as Scattergood's agent at Malacca.
(1) William Gyfford, factor at Karwar. He su ceeded Adams as Chief of the factory at Anjengo and was murdered there by the natives in 1721. Soe Wilson, Early Annals of Bengal, IIL, 406.
(8) Shoals at the entrance of the Hugli. See Bowrey, ed. Temple, p. 167.
The remainder of the time spent by Scattergood in Surat was occupied in obtaining goods for China and in enlisting subscribers to the second voyage. By the end of April 1714 he was again in Bombay where he found that the sale of the portion of the Amity's cargo left there had been effected, and it was thus possible to allocate to the owners their dividends.

Page #300

128
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY
Mr. Charles Boone
Do. for Capt. Saunders deed.
Mr. Wm. Warre
Mr. Jno. Scattergood
The Owners of Ship Amity their Dividend.
Madrass Owners.
Principall
The Honble. Edwd. Harrison Esqr. ... 16500.
4950. 16500.
9900.
William Frasier(') Esqr. Mr. Thos. Fredericke Mr. Henry Davenport (2) Mr. Edward Bulkley (3) Mr. William Jennings(*) Mr. Bernard Benyon
3300.
3300.
3300.
Mr. Edward Mountague(")
3300.
6600.
The Revd. George Lewis Colloway Chitty
3300.
3300.
3300.
.. 4950.
14500.
Bombay Owners.
The Honble. Wm. Aislabic Esqr.
Bernard Wyche Esqr.
Mr. Robert Adams
Mr. William Proby(") Mr. William Phipps Mr. John Gomes Febos(7) Capt. Eustace Peacock Capt. Jonathan Collett (8) Mr. Duglass Burniston Capt. Parrott()
Mr. Hill(0)
Mr. Cole(1)
[43.]
::::::::::::::
.. 23300.
.. 10000.
.. 5000.
.. 10000. .. 10000. .. 8000.
.. 4000.
5000.
2000.
2000.
2000.
1000.
fi
! ! ! ! ! ! ! !
[? May 1714]
!!!!!!!!
Surratt
Dividd.
14297. 48. 80
4289. 20. 167 14297. 48. 80 8578. 41. 155 2859. 35. 52 2859.35. 52 2859.35. 52 2859. 35. 52 5719.06. 63 2859. 35. 52 2859. 35. 52 2859. 35. 52 4289. 20. 167 12564. 44. 92
19930. 13. 41
8665. 19. 119
4332. 41. 149
8665. 19. 119 8665. 19. 119 6932. 15. 131 3466. 7. 155 4332. 41. 149
1733. 3. 167
1733. 3. 167
1733. 3. 167
866. 33. 174
155109.
-
[MARCH, 1932
Bombay Dividend.
5693. 11. 745 1707. 61. 445 5693. 11. 745 3415. 58. 89 1138. 40. 1223 1138. 40. 1223 1138. 40. 1223 1138. 40. 1223 2277. 17. 665 1138. 40. 1223
2277. 17. 665 1707. 61. 445 5003. 06. 275
7935. 60. 93 3450. 26. 1725. 13. 3450. 26. 3450. 26. 2760. 21. 1380. 10. 1725. 13.
690. 5. 47 690. 5. 47 690. 5. 47
245. 2. 113
61762. 23.
88*888*9
09
[Notes on Document No. 43.]
(1) William Fraser, member of Council and Acting Governor at Fort St. George 1709-1711, returned to England in the Mary in Jan. 1713 (Fort St. George Diary).
(3) Henry Davenport, member of Council and Warehousekeeper at Fort St. George, returned to England in the Marlbro' with the Rev. George Lewis and Charles Boone. The ship sailed 21 January 1714 (Fort St. George Diary).
(3) Edward Bulkley, former Paymaster and n.ember of Council, resigned his post on account of ill health in January 1714, and died at Fort St. George on 10 August of that year (Fort St. George Diary).
() William Jennings, a member of Council at Fort St. George. In 1714 he ranked next to the Governor, Edward Harrison.

Page #301

MARCH, 1932)
THE SCATTERCOODS AND THE EAST INDIA COMPANY
129
(5) Edmund (not Edward) Mountague, who had served the Company for some years in Madras and Fort St. David, sailed to England in the London on 18 September 1713 (Fort St. George Diary).
(6) William Proby, late Chief of Surat Factory.
(1) John (Joam) Gomes Febos, a Portuguese merchant trading at Surat and Bombay, with whom Scattergood had business relations up to 1717.
(8) Captain Jonathan Collett, commanded the Company's ship Grantham which reached Fort St. George from Bombay 8 May 1714 (Fort St. George Diary).
(9) Captain Abraham Parrot commanded the Company's ship Blenheim which sailed to Bombay and Surat in 1712 (Marine Records, Logs, Vol. 697C).
(10) John Hill, a Bombay merchant, member of Council, and a personal friend of Scattergood who styles him in one of his letters "Emperor " Hill.
(11) William Cole, also a member of the Bombay Council and a crony of Scattergood who writes of him as "King Cole."
On 30 April 1714 Scattergood and his co-supercargo, George Wyche, received the following letter from the Bombay shareholders in the voyage of the Amity and Duke of Cambridge.
30 April 1714. To Messrs. John Scattergood and George Wyche Gentlemen
Having subscribed to the stock and block of ship Amity to the amount of rups. 680699 for our proportion towards a voyage to Canton [in] China, the rest of the stock to be made up by the gentlemen of Madrass, we committ our subscription and entire management of the voyage to your cares and judgment, no ways douting but in all conjunctures you will follow what in probability ought to turn to our greatest profit and advantage.
The farther to induce your dilligence in this affair we allow five per cent drawn out of the produce of our stock in China to be devided in manner following, vizt. three per cont to Mr. John Scattergood and two to Mr. George Wyche, the same we are allsoe willing and [sic ? in) the same manner to be devided on your sale at Surrat, assuring our selves whylst your own interest is so strongly link'd with ours you will persue itt as far as itt will goe. We are your freinds.
WILL.M. AISLABIE. BEŁND. WYCHE. WILLM. Phipps.
JNO. HILL FOR ROBERT ADAM, Bombay Aprill the 30 1714.
The Amity, with Scattergood on board, arrived at Fort St. George on 19 May 1714, and she same day the Somers under Captain ustace Peacock also arrived from Bombay (Fort St. George Diary). The next three weeks must have been a time of feverish activity and Scattergood's wife and children could have had little of his society before he sailed again on 10 June. Copies of ten letters written by him during this short period and numerous accounts are extant. Of these it is only possible to print sufficient to show his inexhaustible business activity and the extent of his investments. The supercargo of the Duke of Cambridge had even less time at Madras, for that ship arrived from Surat under Captain Arlond on 22 May and sailed for Amoy on 3 June 1714.

Page #302

THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY
MARCH, 1932
[45.]
Madras 28 May 1714. Honoured Mother,
I received your kind letter for which I return you my most dutifull thanks and for the care you are pleased to take with my daughter Betty.
I am now just return'd from my last China and Surrat voyage and am goeing on another, from when shall write you at large, which may reach your hand as soon as this. I hope shall have the happiness of seeing you in two or three years more, my last voyage comeing out very well.
Please to give my service to all fronds and tell them that I shall write them from China. I have wrote to my Attornies Messrs. Wendey and Beavoir to pay you all the charges you have been at for my girl with a bundance of thanks. I beg your prayers and blessings may attend me where ever I goe, remain Your most dutifull and most affectionate son
J. S. Madrass the 28 May 1714.
(46.)
Madras 5 June 1714. Dear Cousin Duglass(")
My wife received your letter by me and money by Sterling,() but the Dele a bitt of any list or directions what to doe with it. So she designes to give it all away to the Church to pray for your convertion from all folly and heedliness. But, however, to sett all things write, I desired her to provide 12 shirts and smocks for your father and mother, some chints for your sisters and handkercheifs and neckcloths for the rest of your family.
I hope to be on the Mallabarr Coast in December next where, if you should send your grab(3) that you had last from Angary,(9) I shall be glad to meet her if your occation will per mitt. You need not send down any stock, for I shall have gold enough to load her up, and for your part I will take but 10 per cent respondentia. If you please, I will take or of her provided you are reasonable in the valuation ; but pray let me hear from you on the Mallabarr Coast with a price current of Bombay and Surat. I am now just upon the goe, so please to give my service to your lady &c. freinds, romain Your affectionate kindsman and most humble servant
J. S. Madrass the 5th June 1714.
Notes on Document No. 46.] (1) Douglay Burniston, son of Charles Burniston, was a cousin of Arabella Forbes (née Burniston), Scattergood's wife.
() William Sterling, supercargo of the Duke of Cambridge.
(3) Grab (Ar. ghurdb), a square-rigged Arab vessel. See Yule, Hobson-Jobson, s.v. Grab.
(*) Conagee (Khánhůji) Angria, the noted corsair of the period. Whether the vessel in question was acquired by purchase or capture does not appear.

Page #303

MAY, 1932]
THE SCATTERGOODS AND THE EAST INDIA COMPANY
[47]
13i
[4 June 1714]
Honble. Sir [Wm. Aislabie](1)
I do myself the honour to write you this to acquaint you of our arrivall here the 19th of the last month. We have changed all our Rupees for Dollers with the Governor for the same rate as the Dollers would make in coyning them into Rupees, by which we save 4 per cent. coynage. Mr. Phipps changed his at Pondecherry much at the same rate. The Governor() was pleased to come in 16500 Rupees into the Stock, 10000r. under me and 6500 in his own name, and 5000r. for Mr. Adams, by which means the Duke of Cambridge Stock was increased 11500r. more then it was in Bombay. Captain Peacock and Collett will sale the 15 of July next.(3)
Here arrived a small Seperate Stock ship from England called the Mercury, Captain George Lytton, (*) that came out in October last, who informs us that next year will come out 2 shippes to your Honour out of which I hope you will save us some Dollers if your Honour dont deprive us of your good companey at Bombay. But if I shall not have the happiness of seeing your Honour at Bombay hope (as your Honour once told me) you would leave some small share of your money to employ the Amity one voyage more, by which means hope to be enabl'd to meet your Honour in England, for I am resolved to goe after another voyage. I would fain leave of the sea, it being very tiresome to me if I could perswade my wife to come to Bombay to live there but for 2 or 3 years the most; but all the reasons in the world wont prevail, for she says she shall surely die if she comes, tho at the same time she says that if she was sure your Honour would continue, that would perswade her more then anything else, but why she should remove from hence when she is to goe for England so soon as in two years she cant understand, when she flatters herself to enjoy your Honour[s] com. paney for which she express[es] great concer[n]ment.
If your Honour do goe for England, hope you will not forgett Mr. Burniston['s] business(") with the Companey, and whatever you shall spend on that account I'll oblidge myself to make good my share of the expences.
Mr. Phipps sayled yesterday() and I shall goe in 3 days more. I have no more to add but to wish your Honour all health and happiness and a good voyage if you goe for England,
remain
Your Honours most affectionate brother and most oblidged humble servant
J. S.
[NOTES ON DOCUMENT No. 47.]
(1) Brother-in-law of Scattergood's wife and head of Bombay Factory. (3) Edward Harrison, Governor of Fort St. George.
(3) Captain Eustace Peacock in the Somers and Captain Jonathan Collett in the Grantham actually sailed for England on 18 July 1714 (Fort St. George Diary).
(*) The Mercury, under Captain George Lytton, arrived at Fort St. George on 29 April 1714, having touched at Fort St. David on her way. Her burthen was 215 tons and she carried a licence to trade, under the Act of 1698, up to the value of £3007. On 2 June she sailed for Batavia and carried a letter from Madras to the Company's settlement at York Fort, Bencoolen, on the island of Sumatra (Fort St. George Diary).
(5) The business relating to John Burniston, Scattergood's father-in-law, who died in Bombay in 1704, and whose indebtedness to the Company was the cause of much correspondence before his affairs were settled.
(") This settles the date of the letter as 4 June, since the Duke of Cambridge sailed on the 3rd of the month (Fort St. George Diary).

Page #304

132
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY
In addition to the goods he shipped on his own account at Surat, Bombay and Madras, Scattergood planned to have a further consignment ready to take in at Malacca through the means of his agents, John de Matt, probably a half-caste Portuguese, and the "Captain China. man" already mentioned in Document No. 42.
[48]
[MAY, 1932
[June 1714]
Senr. John de Matt,
I desire you to make up accounts with the Captain China man Chan Younqua, as his vessells comes in from abroad, and whatever is my share of goods, receive, and hire some good goedown and put them up, first weighing them and racking. Pray doe me justice in the accounts and do not let the Captain Chinaman put you [of]f with delays, but immeadiatly make up accounts and receive my share and keep it on one side. The canes that you and Captain Chinaman are to give us, pray see that they do not want in their length and gett them in as soon as possible that we may not be put of with delays. As you receive the cane[s], lock them up in a goedown.
All sorts of goods that you can gett cheap that is fitt for China, buy up for my account and keep them ready weighed of and racked in a goedown and I will be answerable for their cost.
Captain Hurst will be here from Junkselone. I have recommended him to you and China Captain to assist him in what he shall want to buy. The China Captain has promised me [to] buy up all the canes that he can gett both long of 32 inches and short of 29 and tells me that I shall have them as they cost, which put on board Captain Hurst, and when I come from China shall make up accounts.
[Unsigned]
Of the accounts belonging to this period, those dealing with Scattergood's own concerns are the more interesting. On the 29th May there was a sale of his goods, including "woomens stockings, China silk, paper gold," pieces of silk and "China bandaza" (? Span. bandeja, salver, tray; or possibly for bandana.' These were purchaseed in small quantities by numerous buyers and realized 243 pagodas. Then there are accounts with the Chetti brothers giving particulars of their investments in the Amity. On 3 June there was another sale of Scattergood's investment consisting of piece-goods from China and Surat-atlas (satin), a "rich sash" velvet, bird's eye, taffeta and damask-all sold in small lots, amounting to 402 pagodas.
There are also receipts for goods carried to China for private individuals, to be sold in Canton, and silver to be exchanged there for gold.
As on the two previous occasions of his voyages to China Scattergood left minute instructions with his wife, with whom was now associated John Maubert, acting as his attorneys. The following document should be compared with No. 32 in order to form an estimate of the increase in Scattergood's investments between May 1713 and June 1714.
[49]
[- June 1714] ACCOUNT OF WHAT MONEY I HAVE ABROAD AND WHAT I OWE, WITH PROPER INSTRUCTIONS TO EACH VOYAGE, TO MY WIFE AND MR. MAUBERT MY ATTORNIES IN MY ABSENCE, vizi.
N 1. [In] Mr. Mauberts hands a parcell of rubies as per invoice Muttaball under me
375. - 68. 18
306. 18

Page #305

May, 1932]
THE SCATTERGOODS AND THE EAST INDIA OOMPANY
.
13:3
300.
103.
-
Sell these for what you can gett. N 2. Lent to Mr. Dixon att respondentia on the Dolben .. .. 3. Lent to Capt. Bennett to Pegue 103 page. at 25 per cent which he has had
three years, therefore must pay 75 per cent.. .. .. .. .. He is now on shore, therefore make the best agreement you can; he tells me that before he goes he will clear the account or pay the most part
of it.(1) Lont to Manila under Padre de Saa 500 pags. at 30 per cent .. 650.
received .. .. .. 452. 22
197. 14
125. 1
1525,
which was to be paid last year with the respondentia and made the bar. gain that if he did not pay that year then he was to pay double res.
pondentia, but the Padrey will inform you about that affair. Remains of the Herriotts voyage to Surratt with Messrs. Weld and Harriott,
in the hands of Monsr. Hebert at interest; my share is 406 Surrat rupees at 330 per pagos. 100 [is] .. .. .. .. .. This [? There is some money that was left of the Harriotls stock with Weld and Heriott was super cargo's ; it was lent. tu the French att Surratt and they drew bills on Hebert att Pondicherry; he axcepted the bills but desired the money might lye att interest, and there it is still ; my share is as above. Lent at respondentia to England on the Arabella at 13s. 6d.
Per Pagoda.. .. .. .. .. .. .. 500 50 Per cent.. .. .. .. .. .. .. 250
- 750 Do. on the John and Eliz. at 14s. per pag. is .. .. 500 55 per ct. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 275
775 N 6. Adventure to Manila on Lewis Maderos consigned to Dec Pree, 3 bales of
piece goods, 3512) Surratt rupees, as per invoice .. .. 7. Adventure to Siam consigned to Cap. Powney 646 rups. 8. Concern'd in ship Ormond .. .. .. .. 9. Do. in the Brittania's stock() . 10. Lent to Mr. Gwynn(") at respondentia on said ship.. 11. Concern'd with my brother in the Barrington(') .. 12. Do. in the Sherbourne(5) .. .. .. .. 13. Sent to England on the Mercury(6) at respondentia at 138. per pagoda. 14. Sent to Batavia in the Mercury 8 chests of ophium to sell there, if sold before
the Europe China ship goes for China the money to be sent me, if not he is to take it at respondentia at 35 per cent : the ophium valued at 90
pags. per chest .. .. .. .. .. .. .. In the Governors() hands part of a chest of ophium being of a chest;
when he sells his ophium he will pay you the q[u]arter part. In Muttaballs() hands remains 3 bales of shawles qtg.
32. 19 ps. at 46 pa. per corge .. .. .. .. 1515. 22 the 3 bales package .. .. .. .. .. ..
3. -
1091.
200.
:
:
:
:
500. 500. 400. 2000. 1000.1000.
:
..
.
720.
1518. 22

Page #306

134
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY
In Bombay remains of the Sommers voyage() in piece goods in Mr. Bernard Wyches hands, my share about 7000 rus. at 327 per 100 15. Lent at respondentia to Mr. Alexander Orme(10) to Muscatt 16. he is to pay me 500 pags. on agreement of Olibanum as per his contract 17. Concern'd with Mr. Livesay on the Dolben(11) 2000m. at 350 rs.
18. Sent to Batavia 30 shoes of gold which hope will come on the Dolben at 115 pags. per shoe
19. Mr. Hollam(12) owes me as per his accountt current
20.
My ballance of the acct. currt. in the Amity ..
Do. in the Duke of Cambridge
The China man owes me 35 tale about
21. Lent Mr. Phipps at interest
2. Left with Mr. Langelier a parcell of China ware as per account(13) which may amount to about
23. Mr. Alberts debt(14) as per paper N 23 which I have bought for
I carry with me in goods in my chest as chints, piece cloth &c.
Taken up at interest
Condapa Pauca Nina Chitty (15) ..
Trevor Chitty(15) ..
Trepasure Mar Chitty (15)
Colloway Chitty(15)
Mr. Maubert
Do.
Mr. Trenchfield
Oweing to my wife for my daughter Carolina (16) for 14 patches of chints at 9 per [patch] for a chints bed(17)
:::
[MAY, 1932
300.
500.
300.
1000.
1000.
300. 1000.
4300.
75.
126. 60.
2171. 9 1500. -
571. 12
3450.
62. 24 6433. 16 2344... 25 30.
500.
300.
55.
200.
III
29001. 33
4561.
24440. 33
[NOTES ON DOCUMENT No. 49.]
(1) Captain Abraham Bennett appeared before the Council at Fort St. George on 13 September 1714 and made a statement regarding the effects of Francis Delton who had died at Pegu.
(2) The investment in the stock of the Brittania, commanded by Captain Alexander Dalgleish, a "seafaring inhabitant" of Fort St. George, must have been made during Scattergood's brief stay at Madras. The ship sailed for Siam 16 June 1714 (Fort St. George Diary). (3) Probably John Gwynn, late purser of the Bussorah Merchant. See p. 67.

Page #307

MAY, 1932]
THE SCATTERGOODS AND THE EAST INDIA COMPANY
(*) See 16 of Document No. 32, p. 115. In the previous year Scattergood's interest in the Barrington was only 500 pagodas.
(5) See Document No. 40, note (4).
(") See Document No. 47, note (4).
(7) Edward Harrison, Governor of Fort St. George.
(8) Mutta Bâla Chetţî.
(9) See 9 of Document No. 32, p. 115.
(19) Alexander Orme, like Scattergood, a free merchant.
(11) See Document No. 35, p. 119.
135
(12) Francis Hellam, mate of the Amity. He quarrelled with Captain Berriman and left the ship at Canton.
(13) The "Account," delivered to Abel Langelier and referred to in the next document, is dated 8 June 1714.
(14) Scattergood had taken over from Henry Albert, a free merchant of Fort St. George, a debt owing to him by Susanna Gay.
(15) Kondappa Pakka Naina Chetti, Tiruvar(?) Chetti, Tiruppachur Mara Chetti, Kalavay Chetti.
(15) Carolina, Scattergood's second daughter, born in 1710.
(17) Chintz hangings (canopy, curtains, etc.) for a four-post bedstead.
[49]
To Mrs. Arabella Scattergood and Mr. John Maubert.
The Account above are what money. I have and carry abroad and what I owe. I would have you to pay off all my interest notes, as fast as you receive my money, and if any money left in your hands and a good voyage offers good respondentia in the countrey in good secure hands, you may lett it out or send it abroad, but I would have you by all means either to lett at respondentia or buy diamonds for England to the amount of about three thousand Pagodas, as you may judge which will turn to the best account; but if you let any money, pray take care who you lett it to, that he be a secure man, for now a days a greatt many comes out that are not worth a groat.
I have left with Mr. Langelier a parcell of China ware which desired him to sell at outcry or otherways which may turn to the best account; believe if he sold at a time and to make 4 sales it may sell better. Those marked P.S. are betwixt Mr. Phipps and me; his share pay my wife, but keep account what she receives.
I have dellivered 10 chests of ophium to the Governour, but his share will not come to no more then 9 chests; the other quarter the Governor promises to pay my Attornies (when the ophium is sold) in Pagodos. The proportion of ophium is 14 chests for 10000 rs. The Governor was concerned 7000, which comes out to 92 Do. I have paid for Mr. Hellams account 62P. 21fa. 60 ca., as per his account current, which pray receive of him, as soon as you see him, with the interest.
I owe my wife for account of my daughter Carolina 75pa., which pay her when you can. I have bought of Mrs. Gay a debt of Mr. Alberts of 72 Tales 1 mace which he owes her, and has promised as per his letter to her to interest her in his private adventure to Mocca. So when the ship comes safe here, gett the said money and the adva. [? advance]. She sold one of his wives headresses for 40 rs., which must be deducted out of his account, not out of the principall, but out of the profitt and principall. Pray keep my account in the book Dr. and

Page #308

136
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY
(MAY, 1932
Cr. Mr. Bulkley sold me a note, No. 5, but forgott to endorse it, which pray gett done per first opportunity.
I have subscribed to the China voyage 1000 Pagodas, but having no money my brother! promises me to gett 1000 Pags. at interest for me, which he says must be paid within 2 months after, which, if you can, must comply with. Hope Captain Boddam will arrive before that time() and bring my gold with him, for I order'd Captain Hudson and Mr. T'enwicke(3) to deliver it to Mr. Peter Deniser and (blank] Colster, which if they have not sent it, you must write to Batavia to those men about it. Mr. Fenwicke and Captain Hudson promised me to write me from Batavia and the Cape with their receipts. If Mr. Hellam comes here, he can inform you about the matter.
Pray write to Mutaball Chitty to sell the shawles, (*) but not under price. I sold mine here that was worse for 46 pags. per corge. Hope he may gett me more, but not to precispi]tate the sale. When he has sold them, desire him to send the money by bills or some good opportunity.
I owe my wife for 14 patches of chints, at 9 pa. per patoh, 126, and for a chint bed 60 ru., which pay her as soon as you can. I have drawn a bill on my wife for 24.6, being for a draw back of the Heriotts voyage from Persia, which pay and take a receipt. If you want money, iny brother can supply you with 2 or 300 Pagodas at interest upon occasion.
Pay my wife for house expences one hundred Pagodas now and a month or two hence another hundred, and afterwards if she wants more, let her have whatever she wants. She will want some money to pay for things that Madam Phipps buys. Lott her have what she wants on that occasion and keep an exact account, and pray lett me hear from you to Mal. lacca, Anjengo, especially the last place, and write me what price Surratt goods be att here and what will be wanting, and all the news, how the Governor stands affected towards a new voyage, &ca.
I have exchanged notes No. 24 with Mr. John Raworth( ) for 100 Tale weight of gold of 93 touch, and when he comes here receive the money of him. I have given him the like note to pay him the like summe when I arrive safe at Zeylone or the Mallaberr Coast. I have no more to add but remain Your affect, husbant and most humble servt.
J SCATTERGOOD.
[NOTES ON DOCUMENT No. 49.). (1) Elihu Trenchfield, supercargo of the Barrington, commanded by Captain Christopher Craddock, which arrived at Fort St. George from Surat on 2 May 1714 (Fort St. George Diary).
(8) Captain Charles Boddam, commander of the Dolben (see Document No. 35) did not reach Madras until December 1714 (Ibid.).
(3) Captain Robert Hudson of the Loyal Bliss and his supercargo Edward Fenwick sailed for England via Batavia before the Amity left Canton.
() These shawls had been left by Boattergood with Mutta Bala Chetti at Pondicherry, on his way back from Bombay in May 1714.
(6) John Raworth, like Scattergood, a free merchant" not oonstant inhabitant" of Fort St. George. He was then bound for Amoy, with Richard Bourchier, as supercargo of the Ann.
On the eve of the departure of the Amity for China the following letter was addressed to her supercargoes by her Madras owners.

Page #309

MAY, 1932]
THE SCATTERGOODS AND THE EAST INDIA COMPANY
[50]
9 June 1714
To Messrs. John Scattergood and George Wyche
We have added to that stock the Gentlemen of Bombay put on board you the sume of 71150 Surrat rupees, which makes your outsett from this port to be rupees 139219.
We have little to add to the instru[c]tions given you att Bombay only to desiere you to keep a very good look out and avoid speaking with any ship you meet with at sea, being apprehenceve that there be pyrates abroad, and to prevent your falling into there hands should there be any cruizing about the Streights, we think it adviseable upon your arrivall att Malacca that you agree with some trusty person there to send a small vessell to lye for you against your return from China att such please [sic] you shall appoint, in order to give you the necessary intilligence.
Fort St. George
June the 9. 1714.
137
As to the providing your cargo for Surrat, we leave it intirely to you, beleiving you will govern your selves in that affair as youl find suits most to our advantage, and for your commission, we agree to the same the Gentlemen at Bombay have given you. We wish you a good voyage and are Sir
Yours freinds and servants EDWARD HARRISON. WILLM. JENNINGS. BERNARD BENYON. WILLIAM WARRE.
PS. In case that the Ann, Captain John Jones, (') should not arrive in Canton and that you here no news of hir arrival in Amoy and you should gett away so early from Canton that you can touch here without loss of your passage to Surrat, in such case we hereby order you to touch here.
[NOTE ON DOCUMENT No. 50.]
(') The Ann sailed from Fort St. George for Amoy on 28 June 1714 and did not return until February of 1716.
The "Invoice of goods and merchandize laden on board the Amity bound from Surratt [and] Madras to Canton "amounted to Pags. 16074 and consisted mainly of pearls, and silver. As in the previous voyages, a considerable amount of goods was carried for private individuals and separate ventures of the freighters.
Scattergood had succeeded in underwriting a considerable proportion of his share in the Amity, the shares being taken up by his friends in Madras and the native merchants there.
There is again a gap in the Papers and we have no details of this third voyage to China. We know that the Amity must have touched at Malacca, as there is an account between Scattergood and John de Matt dated at that place on 22 July. After that, little time was lost on the way, for the next document deals with purchases at Canton in September from the Chinese merchants, Anqua and Linqua. Other merchants dealt with in the same month were Comshaw and "Pinkee Winkee alias Chonqua." The articles purchased were of the same nature as before. Scattergood acquired twenty "shoes of gold" weighing 236 oz. 5 dwt. 18 gr." of 93 touch," on his own account from Captain James Naish, for which he drew bills of exchange on his wife and John Maubert telling them " if you should not have so much money of mine ready," to "gett it att interest for [me] from Surat."
At the end of September he wrote to his late colleague, William Phipps, then supercargo of the Duke of Cambridge, with information of his own doings and advice regarding trade at Amoy.

Page #310

138
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY
[MAY, 1932
[51] Mr. William Phipps. Sir,
I received yours of the 3d the 25th instant and your other of the 15th yesterday. I heartily congratulate your safe arrivall at Amoy but am very sorry to hear that goods are so scarse to be bought, but hope still that you will be able to compleat your business by the middle or latter end of December. I do not remember rightly when you are oblidged to goo away by your contract with the Company; but tis my oppinion that you had better goe away by the time the contract mentions, only with sugar, sugar candy and gold, rather then to stay to indanger your passage and pay God knows how much demorage.
I hear that copper, tutonaugh and quicksilver are little or none to be had. As for China ware, tis not worth carring, so that, as I said before, you had better goe with sugar and gold. I wrote 3 letters adviseing y[ou] when we arrived and what we had done, which hope have reached your hands long agoe. We are now loading our ship, and Anqua and Linqua tells me that we shall be gone with Captain Kesar(') by the first November. Our cargoe will consist in copper, Jappan and Tunkin, 2000 Peculls, tutenaugh 500, quicksilver 200, allom 300, sugar 2000, and some other trifles, as China root, &o.
Tell Mr. Raworth that the Bon Nevas, Favoichs ship, will goe for Madrass by the middle of December() and carry a great deal of goods for the Coast, as well their owners as froight, here being 3 or 4 Arminians that freights a great deal of gruff goods(3) upon her.
I am sorry to hear that Captain Arlond has been ill, but hope he is quite recover'd before this. I have gott for him a chest of Mountain(') which I shall leave at Mallace, if I can, for him. We are now here 3 English ships with ourselves and 2 French. As for news, Mr. Naish(5) tells me that he has wrote all that he knows, 80 shall not trouble you in that subject. I shall not faile of writing you as occation offers, in the mean time remain
Your most humble servant
J. S. Canton 29th September 1714.
P.S. Tell Captain Arlond that by my virgin silver I lose 250 tale, it comeing out so much less then sycee in melting it, which I have done, and tryed 3 or 4 people. Some peices is good syce; other 2 and 3 touch less, and one peice came out in the essay but 69 Touch, allmost half being quicksilver which run away in smoke.
[NOTES ON DOCUMENT No. 51.1 (1) Captain Charles Kesar commanding the Company's ship Hester which reached England in May 1715 (Marine Records, Logs).
(8) The Bon Nevas or Bonos Novis, belonging to Manuel Favocho (Favochio) arrived at Madras from Macao on 21 February 1715 (Fort St. George Diary).
(3) Gruff goods, coarse, heavy goods. (*) A variety of Malaga wine, so called because made from grapes on the mountains.
O James Naish, second mate of the Loyal Bliss, appears to have remained in China when that ship sailed to England in 1713.
Scattergood wrote also to Captain Arlond on the same date in a similar strain. He complained that he was a cursedly mauled of " in his virgin silver on which he expected to lose about 250 tales. He added :" I designe to gett this account attested by all the persons that was att the melting of it to see if I can gett any satisfaction at Pondocherry, but I fear it will be to noe purpose."
At this time also Scattergood wrote to his friends John Raworth and Richard Bourchíer, supercargoes of the Ann, at Amoy.

Page #311

JULY, 1932)
THE SCATTERCOODS AND THE EAST INDIA COMPANY
139
[52]
(Canton 29 Sept. 1714] To Messrs. John Raworth and Richard Boucher Gentlemen
Your two letters of the 3d and 15th instant I received, one yesterday and the first two or three days before. I heartily congratulate your safe arrival at your desired port of Amoy and hope it will answer your expectations in everything, tho' I hear that goods are something scarse and dear, but if you buy gold cheap, it will doe. That commodity is at 100 doller silver here, by reason that the Chuchin China jonks are not arrived. Here is now 2 French ships bound for Peru and two English ships for England and our selves. I have spoke to the Gentlemen(1) about your proposition of touching at Maccoa if they could make it worth your wile, but they answer they have not above an 100 shooes to send to Madrass, and if they had more they could not send then on your ship except you was to be at Moccoa before they went, to give them a bill of loading, which will be impossible, for Mr. Middleton's ship(?) goes with us by the beginning of November, and as for leaving any money with a person at Moccoa, they tell me that they can not answer it. So you may rest satisfied and goe to Mallacca without touching here: besides I hear that Favochio sends his ship the The Boa's Nova's,(3) on which will goe a great deal of goods, as tutenaugh and quicksilver, for besides what he sends on his own account, there is 3 or 4 Armenians that came from the Menilla the last year that will freight a quantity of those goods for Madrass.
I received all the letters that you mention and have deliver'd them. The Padres return thanks for your care and trouble. Mr. Lifesay(*) not being here, I return you his letter again. He will make a miserable hand of it, not being able to sell one chest of ophium at Batavia. I wonder wben you sent me so many letters of other peoples you should keep mine from Governor Harrison. I can not tell what orders I may have in it to write you and to gett an answer from you, which I might by this conveyance, after which I can not stay to gett any answer from you from any other letters that I shall write you, for I shall certainly goe away by the beginning of November. I have allreedy half my goods aboard.
I write you no Europe news by reason you heard all at Madrass by the Averille(5) but I miss your good companey very much here, but business comeing on so fast keeps me imployed: otherwise I should miss your good companey very much here. Pray give my service to Capt. Jones &c. freinds, remain
Your most humbel servt.
J. S. Canton the 29th [Sept.] 1714.
[NOTES ON DOCUMENT No. 52.) (1) Apparently the commanders of the English ships (of which the Hester was one) are meant.
(9) Philip Middleton, who had come to China as & passenger in the Heater, and later served as supercargo in the Stringer Galley, commanded by Captain John Clarke.
(3) See Document No. 51 and note (?). (*) William Livesay, supercargo of the Dolben.
(5) The Company's ship Averilla, Captain Robert Hurst, arrived at Madras on 20th June (Fort St. George Diary), before the Ann with Raworth and Bourchier sailed for Amoy.
On October 1714 the Rev. George Lewis, who had returned to England, wrote news of his family to Scattergood who, however, did not receive the letter until April 1715.

Page #312

THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY
[ JULY, 1932
[53]
[London, 27 Oct. 1714.] To Mr. John Scattergood Sir,
I did not purpose to write to you by this conveyance when I first heard of it: vut after. ward, considering that a letter by this ship, which I presume may arrive in Aprill, was more likely to meet you in Fort St. George then a letter by the January ships, which will not arrive before June or July, I made use of the apportunity. Your letter from China by the Bliss I received in Santa Helena and likewise the pott of thea you sent me by Mr. Fenwick, for which I return you my thanks. I likewise thank you for the good account you give me of young Jones(') and I am sorry I have no better of Mr. Hellam.() But Mr. Phips and the Captains haughty humour and his morose temper were not likely to agree long together. Upon my arrival in England I found your Mother, two sisters and your pretty little daughter(3) in good health. She is a very fine child indeed, and such as you may be proud of. She hath had the small pox since I came to London, but they are well over with her, and the child goes about and is not at all disfigured. Your brother John looks sickly and is so. And I am wholly of opinion that it [is] his best way to go to India. I have made it my business to find out Mr. George Crook, whom I mett with, and having examined into the business of the hinging (") find he had not the money, but that Mr. Smith sold the hinging to a merchant in Hugely, received the money just before the ship saild, and paid it to Mr. Foulkes, as in his letter from Anjengo Smith writes to me. I now write to Mr. Williamson about it, and shall write to him more at large by our Bengall ships, and do now offer him that, provided he pays the tooney to my order, I will be answerable for the same, and bear him harmless. And I would advise you to do the same, and likewise all the concernd, of which pray advise them. This with my respects to your self, your lady, Mr. Elihu Trenchfield &oa. family (whom I heartily command to the Divine Protection) is all at this time from
Sir
Your affectionate friend and most humbele servant
GEORGE LEWIS London October the 27th 1714.
[Endorsed] Reod. the 9 of April 1714/15.
(NOTES ON DOCUMENT No. 53.] (1) This must be "little Jones," evidently a protégé of the Rev. Geo. Lowis, whose death is recorded in the next document.
(2) See noto (13) on Document No. 49.
(3) Elizabeth, Scattergood's oldest daughter, who had gone to England with her grandmother Eliza. both Trenchtield.
(*) This refers to Scattergood's claim on the estate of Robert Foulkes, for which see p. 80.
Scattergood's letter to the Rev. George Lewis, written at Canton and given below, crossed the one printed above.
[54]
(Canton, Oct.-, 1714] To the Revd. George Lewis, Revd. Sir,
Your kind letter from the Cape I received by the Hester the 1st of September last, being the day I arrived this place. I heartily congratulate your safe arrivall so fart on your way and hope the rest may be as pleasant and safe. I presume you have heard by your Madrass letters of our arrivall there and making a 28 per cent voyage. I am here again on the same account, only Mr. Phipps that was with me before, is gone to Amoy on the Duke of Cambridge, Captain Arlond, and Mr. George Wyches (Mr. Wyches at Surat his brother) is with me.

Page #313

JULY, 1932)
THE SCATTERGOODS AND THE EAST INDIA COMPANY
141
I have allmost concluded our business here and shall be goeing in three or four days more and hope shall make a pretty good voyage. Weither I shall bo ablo to gett another to this place I can not tell. However, I will make all the interest I can, for I would fain come one more to pinn the baskett.() But if I should fail, I designe, God willing, to come to England as soon as possible, when hope to enjoy your good companey which will not be the least of my happiness there. I left my brother Elihu at Madrass goeing on the saine ship and same Captain to Bengall, and from thence to Surratt, where hope to meet him. He with the rest of our freinds where all well when I came away, but by Mr. Raworth who is arrived att Amoy I hear that Mr. Langelier and poor old Glover(!) are dead. As for other news, you will hear better from Captain Peacock or Captain Phrip() who were allmost ready to saile when I came away.
Poor little Jones is dead.(") He died here on the 17th instant of a feavour. I miss him mightily, he being a great help to me in my business. He left nothing but a few old cloaths. The 50 Pagodas that you order'd me to give him with the profitte, I shall deliver again to your attornies att Madrass.
By Mr. James Naish I have sent you a large pott of the best tea I could procure here, which he has promised me to deliver you without any trouble, which hope will be exceptable as comoing from, dear Sir,
Your most humble and most oblidged servt.
J. S. [Canton Oct. 1714.]
[NOTES ON DOCUMENT No. 54.] (1) That is, conclude the matter' or 'finish the business.'
(3) Samuel Glover, like Scattergood, a free merchant, was buried at Fort St. George on 19 June 1714 (Madras Burials).
(3) Captain Eustace Pencock of the Somers and Captain Richard Phrypp of the Frederick, both Com. pany's ships.
(6) See note (1) Document No. 53.
In November, before leaving Canton, Scattergood wrote an account of the business transacted to William Phipps at Amoy.
(55)
[Canton, 6 Nov, 1714! Mr. William Phipps Sir,
Yours of the 18th past came safe to my hands, as likewise of the 3rd by your express, (') which I answered, and am mightily concerned to hear you received but 2 letters from me, that of the 1st of September and the 29th. I have wrote you now five letters, the lst of September (the day I arrived), and then a few days after giveing you an account how I agreed for my cargoe, and then a short letter to informe you of Capt. Duglass, (?) that of the 29 in answer to yours,() and this. However, I shall write in this, being my last, everything that I know of news and about our cargoe, &c.

Page #314

142
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY
[ JULY, 1932
:::::::
First, I begin with our cargoe which is all aboard and consists of these following goods little more or lessSugarr
2000 at 2T. 7M. 5C. Sugar Candy about
, 4: 5: - Copper Jappan
.. 800 , 12: 5: - Do. Tunkin
.. 150 , 11 : -:Tutenaugh
.. 600 , 7: Allom
.. 400 , 1: 1 Quicksilver
160 , 44: About 5 or 600 Peculls of the above said goods belonging to ourselves, the captain and ships companey.
I have laid out every bitt of the owners stock in goods. Our cargoe is sold for these following prices
T M Cotton
5: 3 Lead
2: 3 Putchuck
15 Rosumalloes
.. 30 The putchuck I was oblidged to let Linqua and Anqua have at his own prices, being but little.
My gold I bought at sundry prices 98, 100 and 102 doller silver.
I have made a great bustle about our loss last year of our quicksilver,(“) have been before the Hoppo and Manderins of Justice. Chounqua assisting me we have gott 11 rougues in Limbo. They have confessed that they stole the quioksilver out of our boats. We gott them bambooed severall times and twice torter'd by squising ther leggs all most to peices to make them confess their comrouges (comrades), but as for money, they offer but 200 tabe [sic, tale), pretending they are poor, and what they stole they sold for very little ad have spent it. However, I leave them in custody to the manadgement of Chounqua who has given me 50 peculls of tutenaugh and promises me that if he can gett any more out of the rougues then the 50 peculls of tutenaugh comes too, he will give it us the next year.
I have spoke to Comshaa about your debt and offer'd him the nine tale you order'd me, but he protests it was 22, so desires you to pay it to his corispondent that he will write to receive it.
You write me for news. As for Europe, I know very little off: only we are at peace abroad and goeing to gather by the ears at home. We have heigh Church and low Church amongst us as last year, but now both partities [sic] beleive the pretenter(6) will come in, and Captain Duglass makes no doubt of it. He says that Harley(6) has gone so farr that he must goe further to secure his head. As for India news, he tells me that the Generall() stands fast and every body else in their respective posts. I have asked severall times about you, but he protests he knows nothing of you and that he never heard your names mention'd in England.
There is two ships order'd for the Indian Coast, which is the Katherine, Captain Godfrey, and the Thisthleworth, about 200 tonns, Captain Small (8); they have some silver, but how much he can not tell. As for Persia, he says he hears of no alteration. Madrass, you know by Mr. Raworth, but I cannot tell if he inform'd you that Mr. Davenport stands very fair of the Government the next year if he will come out.() Mr. Hedges(10) is made President of Bengall.

Page #315

JULY, 1932)
THE SCATTERGOODS AND THE EAST INDIA COMPANY
143
The two French ships are bound for Peru and Duglass for England. He has freighted some green cloth that he could not sell here upon us for Surratt. Captain Kesar and we shall sail from Wampho the 10th instant. This is all the news that I can hear of.
I wrote Captain Arlond and Mr. Tobin the 29th September and gave the former an account that I had some wine for him which I designe to leave at Mallacca or Anjengo, but I do not know if he has received my letter. I am extremely concern'd that you meet with so many difficulties at Amoy. I wish we had come our old voyages and left the Duke of Cambridge to goe for Batavia, but what can not be help'd must be bore with, tho after all, if you truck your goods for sugar and sugar candy and lay out your money in gold, you will not make a very bad voyage, but pray take care you do not stay late for your own security, for if you lose your passage, the greatest lose will be on your self in loseing time.
By this I take leave of you and the rest of my freind., to whom pray give my humble rospects and wish you and them all health and happiness and a happy meeting, remain
Your most H. S.
J. S. P.S. Your Europe letters and a 5 catty pott of the best tea I could procure for your lady I deliver'd Mr. Naish.
Canton the 6th November 1714.
[NOTES ON DOCUMENT No. 55.] (1) These letters are not extant.
(2) Captain Charles Douglas is apparently identical with the Charles Douglas, supercargo of the Com. pany's ship Rochester in 1710. He and George Sitwell in a ship whose name does not appear seem, like Scattergood, to have been trading in China as free merchants.
(3) Of the letters enumerated, only that of 29 September exists. Soe Document No. 51. (4) See PS. to Document No. 51. (5) James Stuart, the "Old Pretender," hero of "The Fifteen " Rebellion.
(6) Robert Harley, first Earl of Oxford, who lost his post as Treasurer on account of his sympathy with the Jacobites. The news of the death of Queen Anne, in August 1714, had not then reached India.
(7) William Aislabio.
(6) The Catherine, Captain Edward Godfrey, and the Thistleworth, Captain Daniel Small, were both Company's ships.
This rumour had no foundation in fact, for the Governorship of Fort St. George fell to Joseph Coliet in January 1717.
(10) Robert Hedges had succeeded John Russell as President in December 1713.
Among the private purchases made by Scattergood in Canton, we find noted 10 orange trees (costing 1 tael, 3 mace), 120 packs of cards at 3 canderines the pack and a "tea pott to keep tea water warm," that is, a samovar, the precursor of the thermos, which cost him 3 taels, 4 mace.
While on the eve of departure from Canton Scattergood found time to write several more letters, his correspondents being his mother, sisters, uncle, and his friend Thomas Pain in England. To his mother he sent tea and "fine chintz" and to his two step-sisters each three pieces of the same. The goods were entrusted to Captain Kesar of the Hester who promised to gett them a shoare" without paying duty, " if you doe him the honour to call at his house. He lives within 2 or 3 doors of Stepney Church. You may gett Mr. Fenwick, Padre Wendey, or some other of your friends to gallant you there. His Pursar, Mr. Hide, has a large pott of tea for my mother. If you speak to the Captain, beleive he will gett the tea ashoare too, for he is an excellent man for running things ashoare." To his sisters Scattergood added :" I hope amongst you that you tutor my girl well, for I expect on my arrivall to find her a very genteel little woman, allmost ready for a husband that I shall gett her."
The following account is the last document extant before Scattergood sailed for Canton.

Page #316

144
To the Nett amount of our Invoice To gold of touch 93 Ta. 820. 3. 9. 3. at 97
To Do. provided by Mr. Scattergood 218T. 3m. 9c. 3c. at 96
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY
[56]
ACCOUNT CURRENT GENERALL. [1714)
Sir
5594. 5. 4. 8.
7957. 8.
9.
2107. 5. 4.-.
(1) Wine from Shiraz, Persia.
Tales. 15659. 8. 9. 7.
By the Nett amount of our account sale
By Commission Vizt.
on Mr. Wyches Govr. Harrison &ca.
on the Stock.. 2853. 6. 7. 6
By Profitt and loss By John Scatter
[NOTE ON DOCUMENT No. 56.]
..11892. 2. 1. 4.
good his parti
cular account received of Anqua 40.-.-. Do. for 2 chests
Syrash (") .. 28. 5.-.-.
[57]
31.7.4.-.
Ship Duke of Cambridge in Amoy Harbour the 15th Janry. 1714/15.
264. 4. 4. 9
[ JULY, 1932
On 8 December 1714 the Amity reached Malacca and some of her cargo was delivered to Adrian Meeke to be transmitted to Madras by the first opportunity, together with a letter from Scattergood to his wife and John Maubert, dated 14 December, with a list of the goods and the names of the consignees.
William Phipps had been less successful at Amoy than Scattergood at Canton as the following letter shows.
3149. 8. 6. 5. 549. 3. 1. 8.
68. 5.-.
15659. 8. 9. 7.
Mr. John Scattergood
[15 January 1714/15]
Besides the misfortune of leaving a considerable debt behind us, I shall be forced to carry back with me upwards of three thousand tale, little gold being in the place and that so adulterated and dear I'me afraid to meddle with it; and as I believe Messrs. Raworth and Bou[r]chier(1) will not be able to compleat their business here, they will be obliged to go to Macao to lay out the remainder of their stock, where at that time of the year gold must be had cheap, I have therefore left for your accountt in Messrs. Raworth and Bourchiers hands three thousand tale to be invested for you in gold and carry it with them to Madrass, which I judge that you will be better pleased with than that I should bring you your silver back again.
I am
Your most humble servant
WILLM. PHIPPS.

Page #317

JULY, 1932)
THE SCATTERGOODS AND THE EAST INDIA COMPANY
14.3
[NOTE ON DOCUMENT No. 57.] (1) John Raworth and Richard Bourchior, suporcargoos of tho Aun.
The next mention of Scattergood is in February 1715 when he had reached Calicut, where he handed over a bulse (or packet) of diamonds to the Chief, Robert Adams, for transmission to William Kyffin. From Calicut Scattergood sont a letter to his wife and John Maubert, repeating what he had written to them from Malacca and adding further information.
[58]
(Callicut, 6 Feb. 1714 15.] To Mrs. Arabella Scattergood
and Mr. John Maubert. This serves to acquaint you of my arrivall here [Calicut] the 25th last past. [Here follows a copy of the letter dated Malacca, 14 December 1714.]
The foregoing is a coppy of what I wrote you from Malacca which, with all the gold, I hope you have receiv'd a long time agoe. All your letters being carry'd away by my brother to Bombay, I can not tell what to write or how matters stand in Madrass. I took up some money at respondentia of Padre Paul de Saa, for which I was to pay him 23 per cent to the Malabar Coast by my attornies at Madrass. Therefore pray do not faile to pay him as you will find by the bond. If you have not so much money by you, take it up at interest, but by Captain Talk(') have sent you 30 shoose of gold........ .........which pray gett coyned or sell it as it will turne to the best account. Pray buy up all the dollers you can gett, for it is no matter weither I goe to China or not. If I doe not goe, I can send the money there. By Captain Talk I have sent you a large tubb of China ware.....
1 a large tubb of China ware................ which he will deliver you, and if you have 2 ps. of broad and 2 ps. of narrow ribbons by you, deliver it him for Mrs. De La Forse.(*) I have agread with Mr. Orme(3) about his forfituro. Ho has ordered his attornies to pay you four hudred Pagodas as per his inclosed letter. I in. close like wise a bill of Mr. Wake(*) for two hundred Pagodas drawn on Mr. Nanny,( ) which pray receive. I have no more to add but remain
Your most affect, husband and humble servant Callicutt
the 6th Febry. 1714 15.
P.S. I have given to Captain Talke one hundred sixty five horsanna rupees() and have desierd him to gett me 20 ps. of fine long-cloth. When he comes to you, make up the accounts and pay him the ballanoe.
[NOTES ON DOCUMENT No. 58.] (1) Captain John Tawke commanded the Ann (or Anne) which vessel arrived at Fort St. George from Calicut on 10 April 1716 (Fort St. George Diary). There were three ships of the name on the coast of India at this date. That under Capt. John Jones had sailed to Amoy on 29 June 1714. (See note (1) Document No. 61.)
(%) Elizabeth De La Foroe, a daughter of Scattergood's cousin, Thomas Pain, and wife of Captain De La Force.
(3) Alexander Orme. See Document No. 49, note (10). (1) William Wake, a free merchant of Fort St. George. (6) William Nanney, factor in the Company's service at Fort St. George.
(6) Mr. W. H. Moreland suggests that "horsanna' probably stands for khazána. For the use of h to represent the gutturalkh, cf. Mandy's Hismetkeare' for khidmatydr. Among the Bowrey Papers, in the accounts of the Rising Sun, 1705, is the entry: "Received of Mr. Boattergood 332 Rs. Horsan : is current Rs. 361."

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY
[ JULY, 1932
At Calicut, as in the previous year, expenses were incurred on account of the ship and bills were drawn by Robert Adams, the Chief, on John Hill in Bombay. From Calicut the Amity sailed to Surat, where she must have arrived before 25 March, when there is an account of Rs. 580 for " what supplyed ”her there.
In Surat the crew was paid off and discharged, the wages bill, up to 20 April 1715, amounting to Rs. 2672. Immediately after, Scattergood probably left for Bombay, for we find him there early in the following month. The Duke of Cambridge had preceded him at that place, where she arrived on 18 April, and her commander at once sent a protest against his supercargoes to the Council (Bombay Public Consultations). This protest set forth that by the terms of his charterparty Captain Edward Arlond should have been despatched for England by 31 January 1714/15 and that he held the Council at Bombay answerable for all losses the Company might incur by the delay in India.
Captain Arlond's action placed the Council in a difficulty, since the ship had been let on easy terms for her voyage to China and several members of the body were shareholders in the venture. After deliberation, a reply was drafted stating that demurrage was due to the ship" to the time of her dispatch," that the Company would be answerable for all damages" that may happen by reason of her detainure" and that a cargo for Europe would speedily be ready.
After a further debate it was decided, in view of the late arrival of the Duke of Cambridge " and her now proceeding to Surat barr to unlade her China cargo," to detain her and her consort, the Thistleworth, until after the monsoon. Two days later, the supercargoes, Wm. Phipps and Wm. Sterling, also sent a protest to the Council, complaining that Captain Arlond had disregarded their orders to proceed directly for Surat, and that now he "refused going up to the barr, alledging it to be hazardous to the safety of his ship which would be a very great detriment to the freighters in loosing the sale of their cargo." In consequence, the captain was ordered to proceed to Surat " without delay," but if he found his situation dangerous it was left to his discretion to leave "the barr" although "his China cargo be not unladen," and this is exactly what happened, for on 7 May 1715 the ship " imported from Surat barr not having delivered all her cargo," and Phipps and Sterling sent in a second protest for the loss sustained on this account. In August 1715 Captains Arlond and Small were directed to get their ships (the Duke of Cambridge and Thistleworth) in readiness for lading for England, but when the ships sailed, in November, they had but "pitiful cargoes."
We have no means of knowing what Scattergood thought of the disastrous voyage to Amoy since nothing on the subject has survived among his Papers beyond references to the settlement of the accounts of the ship. His chief concern while in Bombay seems to have been connected with the brigantine Elizabeth which he had purchased at Surat, but had left the subsequent sale of the ship and her cargo of damar (pitch) in the hands of Thomas Wiltshire, Chief of the Factory. From the documents in this connection, we learn that the Amity had been disposed of at Surat and some of her crew transferred to the brigantine." The dividend on the former ship, payable to William Aislabie and Bernard Wyche respectively (two of her Bombay owners), was Rs. 29516 and Rs. 17709.
Before the end of May Scattergood sailed for Madras, having left a consignment of tea in the charge of M. A. Crommelin, a factor, who wrote on 24 May that he had disposed of a portion to Captain Daniel Small of the Thistleworth. It was probably in the Dolben or Bouverie, in both of which he was interested and both of which reached Madras on 2 June 1715 (Fort St. George Diary) that Scattergood took his passage. Here he found his wife's cousin Douglas Burniston and a fourth daughter, Frances, born in the previous February. His younger step-brother John Trenchfield also arrived from England a month later. On the 8th of June he wrote to Thomas Wiltshire about his concerns at Surat, and by that time he had fully decided to return to England, as is shown from the following letter to his attorneys there, containing directions regarding the false dealing of Captain Lytton.

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147
[59]
[Fort St. George, 28 June 1715.] Messrs. Ogmond Bavuoir [Beauvoir) and Revd. James Wondey. Gentlemen,
This serves only to advise you that I have sent by Captain Richard Grainger() three bulses of diamonds........value(d) at 1870 Pagodas. Their invoice and bill of lading is inclosed. I hope to see you in a month or two after this ships arrivall in England, designing to come on the Kent, Captain Minter, so shall not enlarge : only desire you to speake to Cap. tain Litton() about my ophium that I sent with him. The story is this.
I sent with Captain Litton 8 chests of ophium which he was to sell for the moste he could, and after deducting 8 per cent freight and comision he obliged himselfe to take it at respondentia at 35 per cent, recknowing (sic) a Dutch doller at 4 shillings, but instead of that, he buys gold with the produce of my ophium at a high rate and leaves it at Mallacca, by which I have lost about 300 dollers. I have sent you home his obligation for that business, which pray demand of him. He served Mr. William Phipps the same. I would beg you to talk with his father about it, and what he does in reason I would beg you to doe the same.
I will not trouble you more but remain Your most obliged humble servant
J. SCATTERGOOD. Fort St. George June the 28th 1715.
[NOTIS ON DOCUMENT No. 89.) (4) Captain Richard Grainger, commander of the Company's ship Cardigan, which sailed for England on 17 July 1716.
(*) Captain George Lytton of the Separate Stock ship Mercury. Soo Document No. 47 note (6) and (14) of Document No. 49.
By September 1716 Scattergood had made all arrangements for his departure from Madras with his wife and two daughters.
[60]
[12 September 1715)
Dr.
Mr. John Scattergood
Pags. fa. ca.
To Permission of Passage for himself, his wife and two daughters Arrabella
and Carolina Scattergood, on ship Kent(1) for Great Britain at 26 pag. per head
.. .. To fees at 1 pagd. per head
104.
-
-.
Pags.
108. -
Fort St. George
12 September 1715.
N. TURNER, Seory.
[NOTE ON DOCUMENT No. 60.) (1) The Kent, a Company's ship, commanded by Captain Lawrence Minter, had arrived at Fort St. George from England on 7 April 1715 (Fort St. George Diary).
On 13 September the passage money was paid,

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY
[ SEPTEMBER, 1932
300.
[61]
[13 Sept. 1715.] Received of John Scattergood the summe of five hundred Pagodas on account of his wives two children and three servants passage diet and accomadations on the ship Kent to England. Wittness my hand in Madrass this 13th Septr. 1715.
LAW. MINTER. With John Maubert, whom he left in charge of his affairs in India, Scattergood conccrrcd himself, before his departure, in a parcel of diamonds valued at 13,800 pagodas and also 500 pagodas in each of the ships Shah Allun (Shaallem) and George, both “ Country " ships. The former, commanded by Richard Williams, sailed for Bongal on 17 September, and the latter, commanded by Timothy Tullie, for Surat on 5 October (Fort St. George Diary). Scattergood also sent a consignmont of eagle wood by William Hamilton in the Mary for sale at Mocha.
For the fourth time Scattergood drew up a statement of his affairs to leave with his attorney, John Maubert.
[62]
[ - September 1715.) An Account of what money I have a broad and what left behind me in goods &c. and
what I carry with (sic) on the Kent to England with me Vizt. In Mr. John Mauberts hands a parcell of rubees as per in. voice ..
.. ..
.. .. .. .. .. .. 375. Mutaballa Chitte under me
.. .. .. . 68. 18. 306. 18. Lent Mr. Dixon att Respondentia . Captain Bennetts bond
103. - - Sent to Manella under Padre De Sa and he under the Gover
nor 500 with 30 per cent Respondentia .. I have been paid the first devidend
452. 22. (1) and the second .. .. ..
83. 30. 60. 536. 18. 60. 113. 17. 20. When the remains will be paid the Governor can informe you and Lewis
Maderas the Padres executors.(') Remains in the Herriotts voyago when Messrs. Wild (Weld) and Herriot was super cargoes . . . .. .. ..
125. - - In the French hands att Pondicherry 406 Surrat Rupees; the Governor talked
something about receiveing the mony in France ; pray taulk to the Gover.
nor about it and what you judge best that doe. Remains in England in Messr. James Wendy & Osmond Beavoir hands 237€ 78. in pagodas .. .. ..
527. 24. - Sent to Mooca with Captain Hamilton and Oldham() a chest of Agala wood, poiz. 75, valued att pagodas . . ..
100. In the Ormond stock, concern [ed) 500 pagodas. I have ben paid the 1st devi. dend, the remainder judge about.. ..
400 An adventure that Mr. Albert carried for Mrs. Gay which I bought the note("). Remains of the Britania Stock(') .. .. .. .. .. .. .. In the Sherbons Stook . .. Mr. Phepps left with Mr. Raworth and Boucher when he came away Tale 3000
to buy gold .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 3000 Adventure to Maniella consigned to Dupree in goods to the amount of Rupees 35127 ... . .. .. .. .. . .
1091. Respondentia to England on the Mercurey with Captain Litton
1000. Respondentia with Mr. Orme .. .. .. .. .. .. ..
65.1).
55.
100.
1000,

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SEPTEMBER, 1932) THE SCATTERGOODS AND THE EAST INDIA COMPANY
149
. .
He is to pay me more above the obligation 500 but agreed
. .
.. In the Barringtons Stock under Brother Elihu Trenchfield() .. In Captain Greenoughs Stock() .. In St. George Captain Tullie .. In Shawelam .. .. .. .. .. ... .. .. In Shawallam att Respondentia(®)..
.. Remains in Bombay of the Somers Stock in Mr. Bernar]d
Wyche hands in goods &c. rupees Governor Harrison under me as 7 is to 20)
. .. .. . .. ..
400. - : 1000.1000.500.- - 500.- 300. - -
.. ..
6649. 2317.
1444.
-
Mr. Wyche promised to sell all the goods and then remitt the mony to Mad
rass : whatever he remitta on the Somers remain, the Governor must have
7/20 out of it. In Mr. Mark Anthony Cromlins hands in Bombay remains of mine 6 pecull of
Bohe tea which he promised me to sell for my account for what he can(10) and send the mony to Mr. Thomas Wiltshere in Surratt, my Atturny on that side, but you must pay Padre Long the produce of a pooull; that
quantity belongs to him. Tea mine 51 pocull at 150 rupees per pecull .. .. .. 826. 0. Mr. Long .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 75. 0. In the Duke of Cambridge Stock I was concernd 10000 rupoes; Mr. Phipps
has paid me the principall 10000, but hope the proffett may be
1500 rupees which Iyes in Mr. Sterling(1) N.B. I left with my Atturny Mr. Thomas Wiltshere a brigenteen with a good
quantity of damer in it to dispose of(12); the dammer t part bolonge to Mr. George Wyshe, 1 belongs to Captain Berriman, 4 be
longs to me.
I hope the damer and vessell will fetch at least 3000.r. .. .. N.B. I have sent with Captain Tim : Tullie of the George eight large parle
to Mr. Wiltshere; in the book [?] they cost me 175 rupees each,
which is rupees 1400, makes about .. .. .. .. .. I have left with Vinkatte [Venkata] Chitte and Raga [R&ja] Chitte ps.
potocas(13) of sundry pesces 135 valued at .. Shauls No. A 84 pieces att .. .. .. .. .. 45. 189.
No. E 1ps. att .. .. .. .. .. 40. 288.
1000.-
.
Course and old, 16 pieces
..
..
..
..
..
..
1232. 18.
-
Potchuck I leave in your hands 93 bales, pz. neet 54 : 15 : 131 att. 45 pagodas
per candy, 2465 : of this belong to Mr. Wyche,(*) the other being mine .. . .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. This putohuck please to sell nex year as well as you can for our joynt account,
and if you cant dispose of it, send my halfe to China as an adventure Mr. Wychs , follow his orders which he has left in case of his absence to Mrs. Curganven.(15)

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I leave likewise a parcell of sead pearl, 4 bundells, cost in Surat rupees 495, 165. - - This pearl please to sell on my account; if not, send to China as an adven
ture. On board Captain Wotton(6) I shipd 10 bales when I came from Surrat,
for which I paid freight (and) received but 9; a bale, No. 10, was lost, containing 41 pieces of Surrat velvett, the prime cost in Surrat 419 Rupes, which pray enquir about it when he comes from Bengall and gett him to pay itt if posable; you musd [sic] examine what became of it; 800 Mr.
Mechems(17) note. Is a note from Nina Chitte, Chachall Chitte, Vuse Chitte and Rangapa (18) for putchuck 150: 10m : 11 li: at 45 pagodas
698. 14. 12. Sold 26 July : the mony to be paid in 4 months; when you received the
mony, bring to Mr. G. Wyche account 109: 12: 74, being the ballance
of his account, as you woll see per his account current in this book. I deliver silver vizd.
3 casters, 7 spoons, 1 large ladle, weight 74 ozs. 10 dwt. In Mr. Mauberts hands remains a small parcell of china ware. In two small bags containing 4 watches and a parcell of small rubes &ca.
which sell for the best you can. On Captain Grainger ship Cardigan(19) have sent 3 bulses of diamonds as
per invoices and bill of loading, No. 6. 7. 8 amounting to .. .. .. 1870.On Captain Minter ship Kent 4 bulses No. 2. 3. 4. 5 as per invoice and bill
of loading amounting to .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 4695. 11. I carry a long with me on(e) bulse No. 1 amounting to
2878. 18. - Concernd under Mr. Maubert in 2 bulses consignd to Mesar. Alvaso Defon
sec[a] and Roger Bradill(10) as per his note .. .. .. .. .. 2000. - .
30904. 17. 72 I leave my daughter Fanny(??) with Mrs. Ramsdon.(-2) I have agreed with her for 5 pagodas per mounth and to find all manner of cloaths and to pay the 2 nurses wagers, which please to pay. I have given her my small palenkeen but she promises me to make the child a silver porringer. When the child is fitt to goe for England, send her as soon as possable, especially if a good woomen goes, such as Mrs. Walker(23) or any other.
My wives palenkeen, pull the silver of before you sell it. I belive it the best way. Mr. Way(') was telling me he wanted a bomboe.(5) The rest of my house furniture that is left: carry to your house and sell att your pleasure. Mrs. Walker has promised me to helpe you in the sale ; there is a large Bengal matt which cost about 40 rupees in Bengall.
I writt to Bengall to Mr. Williamson to be my Atturny there(26); (you) may write to him and if he will except of it, remitt about 10000 rupees to him to imploy in such things as be judges convenient and send him a letter of Atturny by the power of yours. Mr. Faulks that died in Bengall sold some things on the account of the frighter John and Elizabeth(): I have write to desire him to pay me my share; I was concernd in that stock 3000 pagodas; I wrote to my brother Trenchfield about it who can informe you better when you see him.

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SEPTEMEER, 1932] THE SCATTERGOODS AND THE EAST INDIA COMPANY
151
Next year, when my mony comes to your hands, after my debts are all paid, send to Mr. Williamson 10000 rupees and home about 2000 pagodas; the rest imploy in stock or respondentia as you judge most for my advantage.
Memorandum: dont forgett to send home the bills of loading in your hands of mine and Mr. Chamberlin to send home on sundry shipps.
The Governor has forgott to pay me my part of a chest of ophium that he owed me on account of the ophium I deliverd him the last year, and he has a great many receipts, which please to aske for. Mr. Tomson will deliver them up, for I doe not care to lett any thing stand out.
I have deliverd Mrs. Ramsdon a slave girl called Christiana, which I have desired her to sell to the shipping for Manealla or any Portugees &ca., and orderd her to pay you the
mony.
I have likewise delivered you a note signd by Mr. John Raworth for to deliver me 100 Tale worth of gold on the safe arrivall of ship Ann.(28) When she comes you may speak to Mr. Raworth about [it], for I have given him such another on our ship Amity, so it will signify nothing. I have left with Mrs. Walker a very small parcell of China ware [which] she will tell you of when you talk with her about [it], and with Mrs. Langelier(29) my cott(30) and curtins to sell for my account.
If my two brothers[s] should want any mony to carry on any voyage forward, pray assist them what you have of mine and hope you will doe the same of yours
(Signed) J. SCATTERGOOD.
[NOTES ON DOCUMENT No. 62.]
(1) Up to this point the entries are the same as in Document No. 49.
(2) Padre Paulo de Saa died at Madras in August 1715.
(3) See p. 148. The Mary seems to have been commanded by both John Ouldham and William Hamilton. On 1 July she arrived from Fort St. David under Ouldham and in September her Muhammadan and Armenian freighters petitioned the Council for reparation for damage sustained to their goods. The affair was referred to "those Gentlemen that have been most conversant in the cases of freighters on English ships, as Messrs. John Scattergood, Benjamin Walker, Capt. Wm. Hood and Capt. Richard Williams. They all in general declare that they never knew any damage allow'd to Moors or Armenian freighters, let it arise any ways whatsoever......and to make this matter more clear Mr. Scattergood declares that there were a great number of the freighters bales damag'd on the St. Andrew, Capt. Thos. Greenhaugh, that time he was supracargo of her to Surat, and nothing allow'd for it " (Consultation at Fort St. George, 13 September 1715). Captain John Ouldham died at Madras in the following December.
(4) See Document No. 32 note (14).
(5) In the previous year the amount on this ship was Rs. 500.
(6) In the previous year the amount was Rs. 2,000.
(7) This seems to be a sum remaining for the voyage of the St. Andrew.
(8) For the George (not St. George) and the Shah (Shaw) Allum, see p. 148.
(9) These figures differ from those in the previous year in Document No. 49. (10) See p. 146 for this transaction.
(11) This is the only reference made by Scattergood to the result of the voyage of the Dubs of Cambridge. (13) See p. 146.
(13) Mr. C. E. A. W. Oldham suggests that "potoca" represents Port. pateca (see Dalgado's Glossario), which itself probably represents Hindi pataká, or patika, the former meaning a sash or waist-cloth, and the latter a turban-cloth.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY
(14) George Wyche, supercargo of the Amity. There was much trouble about this putchuck (used for Joss-sticks) later on.
152
[ SEPTEMBER, 1932
(15) Frances, wife of Peter Curgenven, Scattergood's companion in Persia in 1706.
(16) Captain Thomas Wotton of the Company's ship Bouverie which sailed from Madras for Bengal on 18 June 1715 (Fort St. George Diary).
(17) I have failed to trace this individual, who is not again mentioned. (18) Naina Chetti, Chenchala Chetti, (?)Vasu Chetti and Rangappa. (19) See Document No. 59, note (1).
(20) Alvaro Defonseca and Roger Bradyll, London merchants.
(31) Frances, Scattergood's fourth daughter, born in February 1715.
(23) Mary Ramsden, widow, who died at Fort St. George in August 1717.
(33) Frances, widow of Thomas Walker, who died c. 1713.
(24) Thomas Way, a free merchant of Fort St. George.
(25) A bamboo palanquin is apparently meant.
(26) James Williamson, member of Council in Calcutta.
(27) This affair had dragged on since 1708. See Scattergood's letters on the subject to Messrs. Russell and Boone in 1712 (p. 80).
(28) The Ann returned from Amoy on 14 February 1716, having seized a Chinese junk in retaliation for the "innumerable hardships and impositions" received at the hands of the Mandarins (Fort St. George Diary).
(29) Elizabeth, widow of Abel Langelier, factor, who died at Madras, 26 June 1714 (Fort St. George Diary). (30) Cot, khdf, a light bedstead.
From the above some idea of Scattergood's varied investments can be gathered, and it was well for him that his attorney, John Maubert, had recently received permission to "lay down the service" of the mint in which he had hitherto been engaged, and had thus more leisure to attend to his client's affairs. On 19 September 1715 the Kent, with Scattergood and his family, set sail for England. The log of the vessel is in existence and thus an account of the voyage is available. But before following Scattergood to the Cape and St. Helena, letters from his two step-brothers in India, written in December 1715, when both were in Calcutta, may be noted. Elihu Trenchfield begged Scattergood's assistance in getting his brother Jack's " fortune" sent out to him for investment in India. He had found Bengal "very healthfull" and after his voyage to Surat, whither he was then bound in the Barring. ton, intended to" visit it two or three years longer, when hope to be in a capacity to bid India adieu." John Trenchfield's letter dealt chiefly with the "troublesome weather " encountered in his passage to Bengal, where he found that the inhabitants" make it pleasanter than Madras." He also was about to sail for Surat at the time of writing.
One more document, dated December 1715, after Scattergood had left Madras, is also extant. It was sent by his attorneys in London, Osmond Beauvoir and the Rev. James Wendey, to show how they had invested his money in their hands. "Ingotts" sent out in the Aurengzeb amounted to £268, and coral in the Recovery to £225; an East India £100 bond was purchased for £102 and he was "interested in discounting bills at 6 per cent to the value of £800."
The log of the Kent, commanded by Captain Lawrence Minter, is among the Marine Records at the India Office (317B), and from it we learn that the Captain received his "despatches for Europe" on 14 September, that his passengers came aboard on the 15th and that the ship" weighed from Fort St. George" on 19 September 1715. On 28 December she anchored off St. Helena, where she remained until 20 January 1715/16. While at St. Helena, Scattergood wrote to Captain Arlond of the Duke of Cambridge on business matters, and gave his own account of the voyage and the action of the captain.

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THE SCATTERGOODS AND THE EAST INDIA COMPANY
153
[63] Captain Edward Arlond, Sir,
I wrote you to Bombay by severall overland conveyances giveing you an account of our safe arrivall at Madrass, coyning your gold and laying it out again in diamonds, some betelas and shifts, and shirts for Captain Cliff,(") which hope all came safe to your hands.
I was in hopes to (have) had the happiness of meeting you at the Cape of Good Hope and thought all along that we should touch there, but I can not tell how our Captain, after he went in so farr into the bay that the Fort and towne were all open and we within two miles of the ships, bore away for this place (St. Helena). Tis true that the wind was against us and some times had it in gusts, but he might easily have turn'd it in or come to an anchor under Pengwin(), where we went by a small Dutch sloop that lay at an anchor there.
We had a pretty good passage here. We came to this place from Madrass in 14 weeks and 3 days and mett with pretty good weather. Jnly near [?] we had a very violent storme, that oblidged us to heave some lumber over board and cut our main topmast by the board to ease the ship.(*) The Captain had a few of his bales damaged and your bale was just touch'a. Mr. Phips(5) and every body perswaded me to leave your bale and the two small bundles of shirts and shifts for you here, because if I carried them to England, they must all goe into the Companeys warehouse and to pay duty for them there, and there) would not much to be gott, whereas if they goe by you, you can find some way or other to gett clear. So I have left them with Governor Pike (6) as per inclosed notes (1) and have left orders with him that in case you did not touch hore, then to send them home on some ship consigned to you, so that you being arrived before them in England,(8) might contrive some way or other to gett them ashoare with the least charges.
Your other things I carry with me and shall take care to deliver them to your attornoy, Captain Cliff. Mr. Mauberts accounts attested I have left you inclosed, as likewise my accounts of your bale and two bundles. I hope they may give you satisfaction. Your gold was all coyned, which is the best for your advantage, and respondentia not being to be had, I left the diamonds to be invested by Mr. Maubert, as he being the proper person for it, I carry them with me without registering or putting you to the charge of two per cent to the captain, as I have done by all my own.
I have no more to add, but wishing you all health and happiness and a happy meeting in old England and letting you know that all captains are not the same aboard as ashore, remain
Your most humble servant
J. S. St. Helena the [?] Janry. 1715/16. P.S. Give my humble service to the Generall, Captain Small and honest Tobin.()
[NOTES ON DOCUMENT No. 63.] (1) Perhaps identical with the Captain Clift who commanded the country ship variously spelt Jadamiah, Jadtchmiah, Jailatchme, Jay Latchemay, Zealatching, in which Scattergood had an interest. The ship arrived at Fort St. George from Surat on 2 June 1718 (Port St. George Diary).
(2) In the log tho Captain's reasons for not putting at the Cape are thus given : "Docember the 10th 1715. This morning Cape Good Hope bore NELN, about 4 loagues off shore, fino frosh gales and pleasant wheather; a great western swell. Att noon Pengwin (Island) NEUN, 3 miles off shore; little winds. As we came open with the Bay, we found itt blow very hard and very likely to hold, by the gathering of the clouds over the Table Land. We fetchd within 3 miles of the ships, haveing the Fort open ; we could not

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carry sail blowing so hard and unwilling to run the resque of loosing an anchor. Being all in good health and in want of nothing, 1 bore away for St. Hollena."
(3) Penguin Island, now known by its Dutch name, Robben (Seals') Island.
() The storm occurred on 13 October 1715 and is thus recorded in the log : "Frosh gales and equally from 10 last night. In the morning began to blow. Att 9 itt blow a violent storm and the sea running in heaps. Shiped a great deal water, and the ship labouring vory much was forced to lay a hull and flung over board what trade on the main deck, and in the forecastle we had 2 or 3 carriagor and othor trade floatod over the gunhill."
(5) William Phippe, late supercargo of the Dute of Cambridge. (6) Isaac Pyke, Governor of St. Helena 1714-1719. (7) The "notes" merely refer to the bale and bundles mentioned in the lottor.
(8) The Duke of Cambridge, Captain Arlond's ship, arrived in the Downs on 1 June 1716 (Letter Book, vol. 16, p. 1).
(0) William Aislabie, who had returned to England in the Duke of Cambridge, Captain David Small, commander of the Thistleworth, and James Tobin, pursor of the Duke of Cambridge.
On 20 January 1715/16, "haveing refresht” his men and “dono all things necessary to be done to our ship," Captain Minter "weighed " from St. Helena for England. Ten days later the Kent anchored off the island of Ascension and the captain "sent in the pinnace a turtleing." On 1 February is the entry: "We have turnd 27 turtlo butt gott on board butt 7 of them. Wee stavd the pinnace all to pieces endeavouring to gett off more."
On 23 February 1715/16 occurred an event not recorded in the log, namely the birth on board the Kent of Scattergood's fifth daughter, Maria. The remainder of the voyage was uneventful. On 6 April an "Trish hoy, 19 days from Cape Clear, bound to the West Indies," was encountered and from her came the news that "itt was peace," or, in other words, that the Treaty of Utrecht had been concluded. The news was confirmed on 9 April by a small ship" from Bideford. On 19 April the Kent anchored in the Downs, whence no doubt her passengers got on shore as quickly as possiblo and made their way to London by coach.
Among the Papers are several letters written to Scattergood while he was on the high seas. Elizabeth Browne thanked him for agreeing to act as her attorney on his arrival in England : Elizabeth Langelier reminded him of his promise to assist the widdow and fatherless"; his agent in Calcutta, James Williamson, reported the difficulty of clearing up the accounts of the John and Elizabeth and declared he would invest the Rs.10.000, which Scattergood proposed to send to Bengal, to the best of his ability.
By the Bouveris, Captain Thomas Wotton, which sailed from Fort St. David for England on 6 February 1716, Henry Albert sent an account of a trading venture to Mocha in which Scattergood was interested. He reported that "Mrs. Warre is gone home upon the Mary, alsoe severall other p388engers, but not of note," and further, that news had arrived " lately of Mr. Boon being arrived upon the Coast Mallabar, goeing to take possession of the Government of Bombay." This was Charles Boone, Governor of Bombay 1716-1720.
Other letters include one from the Chinese merchants Lincos and Anqua at Canton, thanking him for his kindness" to our China men which wont passengers on your ship [the Amity)," and one from Mrs. Frances Walker giving the current news of Fort St. George.
From Surat Benjamin Francia wrote with the Bombay news of the time.

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Worthy Sir,
I was honoured with yours from Fort St. George dated Sept. the 13th 1715 wherein you complain of Norgurs(1) chetting you in the pearle. When I received yours Mr. Wilshere was gone for Bombay and he had them delivered him there and sent them up by Mr. Sterling. He and I sent for Norguar and told him what you wrote and showed him the pearle you sent back. He told us he would take them againe at the price you gave for them, so had noe more to say to him. I suppose Mr. Sterling will write you a bout itt for he since told me Norguar(1) had given him full sattisfaction on that account, and that by inquirey they ware worth neare the mony, so that I believe he has dun you justice.
As for your velvets, I am heartely sorrey you should be so served as to luse them, for by all inquirey here they certenly went on board Captain Wootons ship, (2) but I hope are this you have gott some account of them.
Wee have great alteration in these parts since the New Governor (3) arrived, and I dout not but he will make trade flurrish on this side India. He has sent Sterling and Martin in two seperate ships, but Joynt Stock, to China,() the whole being 172,000 rupees and Captain Pitt is gone to Persia and Bengall.(5) Poor Cole(6) is dead at Bombay and Wilshere(7) is likely to marry the widow. He has refused the Companys servis, tho it was offered him. Mr. Hill(8) is goeing to settle a factory at Moco and Mr. Clerke(9) is ordered downe to Bombay and I am in hopes to stay here. I beleive itt may lay in your power to serve me in England and I dout not your good will to doe itt, and I cant but take this opertunity to return you many thanks for all former favours received.
I have not to add on[l]y that I am Sir Your humble servant
BENJN. FRANCIA
Sarat Feby, the 2, 1715/16. [Addressed]
155
To Mr. John Scattergood Merchant
to be left at the Secretarys Office att the East India House in Leadinghall Strett
London.
[NOTES ON DOCUMENT No. 64.]
(1) The name is perhaps Nagar, one of the firms with which Scattergood dealt being Nagar Das Lachhmi Das.
(3) The Bouverie, Captain Thomas Wotton, sailed from Madras in February 1715/16 and arrived in the Downs in August of that year.
(3) Charles Boone, who was styled President and Governor, the title of "General" being discontinued. (*) I can find no record of this transaction either in the Consultations subsequent to President Boone's arrival at Bombay on 26 December 1715 or in the Despatches to England.
(5) Captain Wentworth George Pitt of the Company's ship Stanhope which was "let on freight " to Surat, Persia, Madras and Bengal for rs. 20,000" (Bombay Abstracts, I. 219).
(6) William Cole, who had held office in Surat Factory and was summoned to Bombay by President Boone to be fourth in Council. He arrived on 13 January (Bombay Pub. Cons.) and died there on 26 January 1715/16 (ibid.).
(7) Thomas Wiltshire, who was also summoned from Surat Factory, was entrusted with the office of Collector of Customs at Bombay (ibid., p. 218), but at a Consultation, held on 23 January 1715/16, he declined the office and confirmed his intention of resigning the Company's service.
(8) John Hill, fourth of Council at Bombay.
(9) Jarvis Clarke, who was summoned from Surat to take up the office of "Receiver of the Revenues and Overseer of the Outworks" (Bomb. Abs., I. 218). Hill and Clarke were sent to Mocha with the Company's ships Success and Anne, on 21 March 1715/16, to settle a factory there, as it was considered that goods could thus be bought cheaper than by means of supercargoes on vessels making only a short stay (see Bombay Abstracts, I. 227).

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In February 1715/16 also, several other letters were addressed to Scattergood from England. His attorneys in London, Osmond Beauvoir and the Rev. James Wendey, reported to him the result of their efforts in his behalf with regard to the settlement of the estate of his mother-in-law, Carolina Burniston. Scattergood's share, or rather that of his wife, amounted to £314. 18. 6, for which his attorneys were compelled to accept a bill payable at the end of six months, for, "if we should go to law, a thousand difficulties might be started ... and you would be engaged in a chargeable, long, and perhaps endless suit in Chancery."
By the same ship, the King George, Scattergood's step-sister, Elizabeth Trenchfield, sent an illspelt missive with the news of the day: "We have had sad disturbance hear ... but wee thought thay ware pritty well over, but now wee hear that the Pretender (James Stuart] is landed in Scotland and God onely knows when thare will be an end put to all this trow bles.” She added the information that John Evans, Bishop of Bangor was transferred to the See of Meath and that" Been Hooadley (Benjamin Hoadley) as got the sea of Bangor."
The King George and Prince Frederick, outward bound ships, were also the bearers of other letters which Scattergood could not have received until the following year. His mother wrote of the welfare of his daughter Elizabeth, then in her care. Anne Wigmore informed him of the receipt of his share of the cargoes of the ships Arabella and John and Elizabeth. Charles Burniston, his wife's uncle, sent a long letter of complaint regarding the Scattergood's attitude in the settlement of the Burniston estate, and this was followed by one from the Rev. James Wendey on the same subject, enclosing a note to Arabella Scattergood en larging on the charm of her daughter Betty (or Elizabeth). The Rev. George Lewis was also loud in his praises of Scattergood's young daughter. He had little doubt that if Scattergood made a fourth voyage to China, with the help of Governor Boone, his "good friend," he would "raise a very plentifull estate." The Rev. gentleman added some useful hints for travellers from India to England. These, however, arrived too late to be of service to the passengers in the Kent :
"If this should happen to meot you in Fort St. George, give me leave, who have so lately come before you, to give you some diroctions, how to fitt your self for your voyage home. Of shirts and sheets mado up and foulled in the voyage, and of Bengall quilts stitchd, you may bring & good quantity. Chints, bring none, except a night gown, or what your Lady hath made up for her own wear. Arrack is a good commodity both on board and a shore. What you design for your own use in England, let it be putt in cases or caraboys (carboys), for what is in casks is liable to be abusd. Of China and Japan waro you may bring a small chest, containing plates and dishes and the furnitury of # thon tablo. Of thea they will suffer little or none to pass without paying of dutys, and therefore, without it be some that is very good for your own use &c., I would not advise you to bring any. A couple of Japan scrutores (escritoires), one at least you may bring; the more old and rustic they appear, the better they will pass. And there are here those who will make them look like new. In fine, I did not find the King's or the Company's officers so hard as they were represented. But when you come to the Downs, do not attempt to bring anything with you over land in the coach, but Larely your nocobeorys, for the officers upon the road will take them from you."
Thomas Pain, Scattergood's cousin, furnished further details of the rising in favour of James Stuart: "The rebels in Scotland are most of them disperst and kill'd and I supoas som will bee hanged which may in some mesur make up for their murder of that honest man Captain Green. I supoas what remains due on that account you may look upon as lost, moast of the pereons concernd beeing dead." The reference to the hanging of Captain Thomas Green on a charge of piracy in 1705, is interesting. For the story, see Sir Richard Temple's New Light on the Tragedy of the Worcester. Pain also commented on the severe winter of 1715-16: “The rigour of the season is pritey well abated but most part of Europe have suffard by it."
A letter from Elibu Trenchfield dated Surat 23 March, written in case he missed his stepbrother at Bombay, contains directions for him to receive the amount of certain respond entia bonds due to Trenchfield, and these also failed to reach the addressee for many months.

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Of accounts at this period we have one by John Maubert, Scattergood's attorney in Madras, with payments and receipts from September 1715 to April 1716 showing a credit balance of pagodas 3350. 11. 59, and others dated in Bombay noting sums expended on his behalf for tea, packing, etc.
The first news of Scattergood after his arrival in England, April 1716, is on 28 July of that year, when his friend William Phipps, who had also returned to England, wrote to him from his country house at Haywood (? Heywood, Westbury, Wilts), addressing the letter “To Mr. John Scattergood at his house in Devonshire Street, near Queen's Square, London." Scattergood had therefore settled down near his mother, Elizabeth Trenchfield, who resided in the adjoining Square. A week later Phipps wrote again to the same address.
(65)
Heywood the 6th August 1716. . Mr. Scattergood, Sir,
I received yours of the 4th this morning, do thank you for the advice you give me of the arrival of the Mary() and near approach of the other India ships, and for the news you have learnt from them. I am a little concerned you mention nothing of Raworth,(?) as you have too great a concern to omitt enquireing particularly after that voyage : pray give me account what you hear of it. What letters comes for me in my absence I have desired Mr. Barrington Eaton to take up for me; he lives at Sir Gerard Conyers in Austin Fryars; if therefore you hear of any letters for me please to direct them thither. I purpose to be in town in a fortnight. Please to give my service to Mrs. Warre(3); the arrack I have received and observe what you have paid Kennedy.
With the tender of mine and familys respects to you and yours, I conclude Sir, your humble servant
WILLIAM PHIPPS.
[NOTES ON DOCUMENT No. 65.] (2) The Mary. Captain Richard Holden, arrived from Madrag on 27 July 1716.
(8) John Raworth, supercargo of the Ann. Both Scattergood and Phipps were interested in the voyage of that ship to China and Phipps was anxious to learn the outcome of the seizure of a Chinese junk by Raworth in retaliation for injuries received at Amoy. For an account of the incident see below, Docu. ment No. 66.
(3) Florentia Wacre, widow of William Warre, member of Council at Fort St. George, who died there on 6 May 1715. She and her daughter returned to England in the Mary (Fort St. George Diary, May 1715 and Feb. 1716).
It is at this period that John Scattergood's name is found in connection with the East India Company. At a Court of Directors held on 5 September 1716, it was ordered that “Goods mentioned in the accompt of Jonn Scattergood value forty-eight pounds twelve shillings and three pence be deliver'd him he paying into the Treasury thirty-five pounds and eight pence due thereon" (Court Book, vol. 47, p. 108), and at & Court held on 16 November the "request of Mr. John Scattergood being read," it was "ordered that he have liberty to send out to Fort St. George by the Duke of Cambridge a black servant named Kerwina, he paying the charge of her passage” (Court Book, vol. 47, p. 182). The "black ser. vant” was evidently an attendant on Mrs. Scattergood in the Kent. Again, at a Court held on 28 December it was "ordered that Mr. John Scattergood may send out the value of two

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hundred and fifty pounds to Mr. John Leg of Council at Fort St. George so as one tenth part thereof be in English product" (Court Book, vol. 47, p. 228).
That Scattergood lost no time in turning the goods, particularly the precious stones, that he had brought and sent from the East, into money is shown by an account between him and Robert Dingley, silversmith and jeweller, in June 1716, wherein the sale of "bril. liants" and a "rose diamond" to various people (among them the Duchess of Marlborough) is recorded. The stones realized £1555. 10. O and Scattergood expended more than half that sum on the cutting of others and making them up into necklaces, earrings, etc., during his stay in England. John Maubert's account of expenditure for Scattergood in Madras up to the end of the year 1716 also includes the cost of registering a bulse (packet) of diamonds sent by the Catherine. At the samo time Scattergood was making large purchases of "elephants teeth " ivory) and was shipping dollars to China to be invested in gold.
That any new venture excited his interest is proved by his investment, in October 1716, in "Collonel Beckers Wreck Machine,” in which he purchased three shares for £99. This Company, which was formed for the purpose of experimenting with what is elsewhere called a " diving machine" for raising wrecks, was apparently doomed to failure, and Scattergood later on realized that he had little chance of recovering his money. A search at the Pater: and Public Record Offices has revealed mentions of Colonel Andrew Becker's invention " for raising ships from the bottom of the sea," patented on 10 February 1715, but unfortunately no specification of the device is extant.
One more letter addressed to Scattergood in 1716 is worthy of note, as it gives details regarding the affair of the Amoy junk, in addition to those furnished by Dr. Morse in his account of that incident (The East India Company Trading to China, I. 150-153). The writer of the letter is an old friend, Edward Fenwick, and a portion of the document (which is omitted) is occupied with a request to Scattergood to use his influence in the writer's behalf for a favourable reception of his addresses to Scattergood's step-sister, Elizabeth Fenwick.
[66]
Canton October 10th 1716. To Mr. John Scattergood, Dear Sir,
Hearing of your return to England since my comeing to India, I cannot omitt this first oppertunity of congratulateing you upon it. Honest industry and perseverance seldom fails of success, and so your great pains and fatigues many years in these parts, haveing mett the reward of a plentifull fortune, you'l now be doubly happy in enjoying the company and conversation of the best mother and sisters that ever man had. From the long true friendship that has bin between us, I believe I need not take much pains to assure you no one alive rejoyceth more at it, and wishes a longer continuance of your happiness...
I left the Downs the 29 Janry. in company with the Susannah, and arriv'd at Battavia the 23 May following, but the other ship() did not come in there till 18 days after. We left Battavia the 13 June (haveing bin barbarously treated there by the Dutch, little better than if we were enemys) and ankor'd in Macao Road the 13 July, where at our arrivall we were surpriz'd with news from the Portugueez that the English in generall were forbid the trade of this country in all ports, and that we could not proceed to Canton without the utmost hazard of being seiz'd. This was occasion'd by a ship callid the Ann belonging to Maddrass, Raworth and Boucher supra cargoes, being at Amoy last January, and meeting some ill treatment there, for which they could have no redress from the Government, they all retir'd to their ship, and boarded a large junk loaden ready to sail for Battavia and carry'd her away

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with them. This news soon reaching the Emperors ears at Pekin had procur'd the above order (as the Portuguese said) to make reprisall on all our nation. You may easily believe we were now in great perplexity what to doe, as well to contrive the safety of the ship as to re-establish this so beneficiall a branch of the Company's trade. At first I writ to Anqua to come down to us, haveing carry'd the ship into Typa,(?) but he delaying it a good many days, I resolv'd to goe up my self to Canton, which I did privately, in a small sampan alone. When I came there I found the news confirm'd of the junks being taken, but Anqua told me, when he heard of our arrivall, he imediately acquainted the Vice Roy with it, and gott his promise for the protection of the Port, as comeing from another place, consequently we could not be concernd in that affair; and haveing other assurances that it was so, I order'd the ship up to Wampo [Whampoa) where all the other English, as they arriv'd, came afterwards, and none of us have mett any molestation since on that score. The demands here for the junk is 80,000 Tale, and if there is not immediate care taken to make the matter up, I believe it will be very dangerous for any English to come hither, either Companys or private ships hereafter.
The junk was carry'd to Madrasa(3) where she and her cargo were sold, and the money lyes now in Governor Harrison's hands; there are many other particulars about this story too long to trouble you in a letter, but I have writ the Company very fully about it, and doubt not theyl give proper directions about it to preserve their trade.(*)
We are now 22 sayl of ships at this port, of which 6 are French from Peru, all with very large stocks, which makes every sort of goods so scarce as well as dear, the like was never before in any year; gold is now 112 sicee and at present not procureable at that price; if it does not fall, I am afraid I shall be fore'd to carry away a good deal of silver uninvested, and at soonest I cannot hope to dispatch hence before the latter end of January or beginning of February; these casualties in trade could not be foreseen, but now I am out I must make the best on't.(5)
I hope you'l excuse my being so troublesome to you by this long letter, but as you are well acquainted in the country, I tho't proper to give you some account of our preseut cir. cumstances here.
So with my humble service to Mrs. Scattergood, I have nothing more to add but wishes for our happy meeting and that I am, Dear Jack, your most affectionate humble servant
ED, FENWICKE, [Endorsed Mr. Edward Phenix (sic) letter to me.
[NOTES ON DOCUMENT No. 66.) (1). Edward Fenwick was one of the supercargoes of the Marlborough, commanded by Captain Matthew Martin; the Susannah was commanded by Captain Richard Pinnell, the "other ship" being the Stringer galley, commanded by Captain John Clarke.
(2) Tai-ping harbour. (3)
The Affair of the Amoy Junk. "In 1715," writes Dr. Morse (op. cit. I. 150), occurred an affair at Amoy which might have had serious consequences for all English ships visiting Chinese ports. The private trader Anne from Madras arrived at Amoy in 1714. She was detained there, without completing her trade, for fifteen or sixteen months and in January 1715 (1716) occurred the events which are thus recorded in a report by the Madras Presi. dency to the Court." Dr. Morse than quotes from an abstract of the Madras General Letter of 29 August 1716. The proceedings in Consultatiou at Fort St. George, however, earlier in the year, contain details not given in the letter.
The arrival of the Ann (or Anne) at Madras on 14 February 1715-16 is thus chronicled in the Fort. St. George Diary
"Ship Ann. Captain John Jones Commander, Messrs. John Raworth and Richard Bourchier supra cargo's, arriv'd from Amoy and brought in company with them a China junk fully laden for Batavia

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towards making their owners satisfaction for the innumerable hardships and impositions they receiv'd from the Mandarines there, who fore'd them off the shoor, and protected the merchants that
had a considerable part of the stock remaining in their hands." (6) Some of the other particulars" of the story are to be found in the Fort St. George Consultations of 1716. On 16 February the captain and supercargoes of the Ann were examined
"Why they have ventur'd upon so bold and unusual an enterprize as bringing away a loaden junk with them from the harbour of Amoy. They answer'd that after having been detained the whole year round and suffer'd innumerable hardships and impositions, they were at last fore'd out of the harbour by the government, without a possibility of obtaining justice for a great part of their stock remaining in the hands of the merchants that were impos'd upon them by the Manderines, and had no remedy lot but by righting themselves in the manner they have done." On 23 February they produced :
"A narrative of the barbarous treatment they receiv'd in Amoy from the merchants imposed upon them by the Government, and from the Government themselves, to the truth of which they offer their oaths, together with the evidence of a Christian linguist entertain'd in their service who was bred under the missionarys in China, and employ'd upon all occasions between them and the Mandarincs. To the said narrative thoy likewise annex a stated account of the roal damages to the owners by the foresaid usage, amounting to pagodas 26070, 31 fanama, 18 cash."
At the same time the owners of the Ann supported the claims of the supercargoes. The Council agreed to defer the consideration of "this important affair" until the arrival of the Dartmouth from Canton. Mean. while, it was ordered that the cargo of the junk should be landed and properly protected.
On 9 and 19 April drafts of letters to be sent to Batavia and Malacca were approved. These advised the commanders of any ships bound to China, that might touch at those ports, of the treatment received by the Ann in 1715.
On 29 August the Madras Council reported the affair to the Court of Directors. The letter, of which only a summarized version survives (Coast and Bay Abstracts, II. 52-54), is quoted, as stated above (with slight omissions), by Dr. Morse and is again reproduced here for the sake of continuity in the story -
"Have had a great deal of trouble by an unhappy accident at Amoy.
"The Anne, formerly the Sherborn, went to Amoy anno 1714 with 60,000 pagodas stock and upwards: had the Mandarines promise of free trade : the ship Cambridge traded also on this they ap. pointed their own creatures only to deal with both ships.
"The Cambridge with much ado got away in time to save her passage to Bombay, after bearing many civil impositions and leaving 4 or 5,000 tale behind, which the Chineses promis'd to make good and the Annes supra cargo's were to receive.
"The Anne though by contract was to be dispatcht in season. yet was kept all the year round and suffered many great abuses, and though the Vico Roy of the province order'd the merchants should clear accounts and dispatch her, yet the Mandarines, partners with the merchants, drove the supra cargoes from the shore and the ship out of the inner harbour, though the merchants ow'd them 26,000 tales, besides other damages.
"On this the Anne detain'd a laden junk bound for Batavia hoping thereby to get justice.
"The Tituck [? Tsung-tuk) promis'd by & messenger that satisfaction should be given, which waiting for, 40 war junks of men and 40 boats with combustible stuff came to destroy them, which & China massenger discover'd through fear of being destroy'd thereby. The Anne with difficulty got under sail, cutting her cable, and tow'd off the junk too far for the fire boats to follow, then came to an anchor in hopes of an accommodation, but the war junks beginning to fire at them, were forced to put to sos; and both the Anne and junk arriv'd at Madras 14th February.
"This disaster concerns them on account of the Companys trade to China, for as to that from Madras, better to forbear, considering what they have suffer'd for so many years. The Jesuits, who best know China, say this must turn to the benefit of the Europeana trado when the Emperour knew it, as he will, and will punish the Mandarines.
"Have endeavour'd to prevent ill consequences to the trade of Canton and advised the whole of the Companys ships at Batevia. Believe the Mandarines of one province will not mind what is done in another. Have sent a French gentleman well skill'd in the Mandarine language to Macao to concert with the English ships how to carry on the trade.
"Have wrote to Loanqua and Anqua at Canton about this affair, that have sold the junks cargo because perishable, but have kept an account to restore when receive satisfaction.
"Will do all they can to prevent prejudice to the Company; the damage to the merchants is pagodas 26,070 : 31:18, of which one half to the President."

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It seems that only the " perishable" goods on board had been sold at the date of the letter, for on 27 September 1716 Raworth and Bourchier petitioned the Council at Fort St. George for leave to sell the cargo of the captured junk, in order to satisfy "the respondentia creditors" who were "very pressing."
In para. 64 of their letter to the Court of 9 October 1716, the Council again alluded to the affair of the Chinese junk (Coast and Bay Abstracts, II. 55-68)
"They refer to Consultations of several dates and divers letters in their books for a full account of bringing the junk from Amoy; were necessitated to do as they did; the produce of the junk and cargo ready to be paid into cash; forced to send home the tea because the Company restrain the quantity in private trade and would not let the Lisbon Interloper have any; desire the net produce may be applied to accommodate affairs, and kept the account apart, or as the Company shall direct; have for form valued it at 30 pagodas the pecull."
The outcome of the incident in China is narrated by Dr. Morse (op. cit I. 151-3): "The Chinese officials at Amoy were dismayed at the result of their action and hastened to report the affair to Peking in such a way as to throw a favourable light on their own conduct
'The Tytuck wrote the Emperor that an English ship on pretence of trade, had staid a great while in that port, till at last, finding a proper opportunity, she seized a junk which had completed her cargo without telling him that this English ship was [a] private trader from Madras, or what grievances the supercargoes had met with, to put them to such a proceeding. The Emperor, upon this first notice, despatched a messenger to Amoy with a commission to enquire into the cause of it. Thus he came to a knowledge of the whole matter; and finding his own people the first aggressors, he disgraced several Mandareens and imprisoned one more immediately connected with the native merchants, who withheld the remains of the investment due and contracted for, and seized all his estate.'
The Peking government was manifestly sensible of the wider issues involved; and the Company's agents were no less deeply impressed by the danger to English trade, and to their own operations in particular, through the impulsive act of a private trader."
Dr. Morse then goes on to tell how Captain John Powney was empowered to settle the cost of the junk with the Chinese. He further narrates the action of Monsieur Edmé Bongré, the "French gentleman well skill'd in the Mandarine language," in conjunction with Linqua and Anqua, the powerful Chinese merchants, who promised "that the whole expence in this negotiation shall be at their own proper cost and charge." The final result is not recorded, but that the incident had no great effect on commercial relations is shown by the fact that the three English ships of the following season, the Marlborough, Susannah and Stringer galley met with no molestation from the affair of the Ann (although the Marlborough was, as Fenwick tells us, for some time in great trepidation as to her reception). "So true was it," adds Dr. Morse, "under the Empire, that 'the Mandarins meddle not with anything out of their own province." "
The comments of the Court of Directors on the affair and the action of their servants at Fort St. George are brief and to the point. In their letter of 8 January 1717-18 (Letter Book, XVI. 335) they wrote:"We are not yet come to any resolution concerning the Annes taking the China junk, of which you give a large account in the letters of the 29th August and 9th October, para. 64. We judge it necessary to hear what news our next China ships bring before we are ripe for giving an opinion. Mr. Harrison hath not yet apply'd to the Court, though he was so deeply concerned in that voyage. The care which appear'd in giving such particular notice of that unhappy accident to our supra cargos bound to China deserves approbation."
Subsequent letters, however, have no allusion to the junk, and the last echo of the incident appears to be a claim made by Thomas Theobald at a Consultation at Fort St. George on 6 November 1718, for compensation for money expended on "the Chinamen belonging to the junk "whom he "shipped for Bencoolen " by the President's orders, he being appointed "one of the managers of the sale" after the "condemnation of the China junk."
(5) Fenwick's forebodings were not realized. In a second brief note to Scattergood, dated 30 December 1716, he announced that he had "a great hurry of business" upon him, and stated that his affairs were "in much better way than when I writ you last, for I have assurance to gett all I want on better terms, and doe all my other business much better than I expected; only I shall not be able to dispatch till latter end of January."
The year 1717 was one of feverish activity for Scattergood both as regards his domestic and business affairs. He installed his wife and family (increased in May 1717 by the birth of his sixth daughter, Katherine) in Lincoln with his aunts, the widowed Mrs. Farmerie and her sister Elizabeth Scattergood, and he appears to have spared no expense in the decoration of the house hired for their use, for among the bills preserved, we find one for £10 12s. for

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"paper hangings for rooms " alone. Then, leaving his uncle Roger Scattergood to attend to the payment of workmen, carriage of goods, etc., Scattergood returned to London, took up his quarters with Mrs. Johnson, in Warwick Square, Holborn, and proceeded to carry out the scheme that he had probably devised on the homeward voyage.
But before entering into the story of the Bonita and Scattergood's connection with her trading ventures, it may be well to deal with his correspondence and other activities during the year 1717.
The accounts kept by his attorney, John Maubert, at Madras, during the first year of Scattergood's absence (1716-1717) testify to the variety and volume of his client's interests in India. The debit side shows expenditure for tutenaga and silver sent to Bengal, investments in the Britannia, the Barrington, Falkenbridge, Calicut Merchant, Catherine, Shallam, King George, William, Sampson, Elizabeth, Joseph, and Hartford in their various voyages to Siam, Judda, Canton, Surat, Bengal and England, amounting, with sums paid to Mrs. Ramsden on account of Scattergood's infant daughter in her care, to some 10,000 pagodas. On the credit side the dividends received from shares in the above and other ships, the proceeds of sale of tea, putchuck, silver, coral, etc., amounted to some 23,000 pagodas, leaving a handsome balance for trading in the succeeding year (1718). The following letter accompanied Maubert's first set of accounts.
[67]
Ft. St. Geo., 15 Aug. 1717. To Mr. John Scattergood, Sir,
This serves only to advise you of the receipt of yours per Cambridge, that your child is well and I bel[ijeve all that I have sent to sea on your account since gone from hence in parti. cular. The Shallam arrived yesterday(') and will make a good voyage, our friends Walker and Readshaw() in good health; the former will goe to sea no more.
Your brothers are not arrived from Surrat and we suppose they are now goeing from thence to Bengall.
By the Marlbrough and Prince Fredrick I answer your letter(3) and give you [an] ample account of your affairs. I assure your lady, Mr. Phipps, &c. friends of my humble respects and am Sir
Your most humble servant,
JNO. MAUBERT. Fort St. George Aug. 15th 1717.
P.S. I omitted however to tell you I fear your concerne with Dupre(4) desperate, he being miserable poor at Menilla. What small matter he had here lyes now attacht in the Court; of this am more ample in my others letters. Idem J. C. M.
(NOTES ON DOCUMENT NO. 67.) (1) The arrival of "ship Shaallem," Captain Laidmager, from Persia on 14 August is chronicled in the Fort St. George Diary, slao her departure for Bengal on 8 September, when she is called the “Shawal. lum."
(3) William Redshaw and Benjamin Walker, shareholders with Seattergood in the ship. (8) No other letter from Maubert at this date is extant.
(6) Scattergood's investmont in Manila, entrusted to Mr. Dupree, was one of his very few unfortunate venturee.
Scattergood's other correspondence at this time includes a letter from Father Cerne of the Jesuit mission at Canton, showing the high esteem in which he was held by that

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community and a note of gratitude from the widowed Elizabeth Langelier (see p. 154) in recognition of his efforts on her behalf. Mrs. Langelier added the current gossip of Madras "The news of this place is Mrs. English which came with good Captain Small is a going to be married to
Mr. Oldham (Oadham). Miss Grieth is very much admired but she has mett with no body yet she likes well enough for a husband. I must now send you the mallancholy news of good Mrs. Ramsdon death which was very sudden; she was takon with an apleplectick fitt which carried her of in six. teen hours time. Mr. Horden has desired he may have the child which Mr. Maubert granted ; she is a charming, witty, brick (bright] gairl and I wish she was safo in Europe. This I think is all this misserable town aforda excopt scandle and that I beli[@]ve it will always abound in."
The marriage between Catesby Oadham, Assay-master at Fort St. George, and Mary English took place on 7 October 1717 (Marriages at Fort St. George).
Only two other letters, addressed to Scattergood in the year 1717 by his two stepbrothers, are extant. He did not receive them before his departure from England in 1718.
[68] DEAR BROTHER,
I receiv'd your kind letter dated the 29th of Jany., (') wherein you give me the agreeable new of yours and familys safe arrivall in England.
I thank God for the good health I have had ever since your departure, as also for a miraculous escape of being lost in our passage from Bengall to Bombay and Surat last year, our ship running on shore on a rock that lies of Point du Gall in Ceylone. We all expected every moment, either the oversetting of the ship, or her beating to pieces, but after five or six minuets fright we got safely off, but not without damage done to our ship, she making as much water we could well free her with one pump, so thinking the best way we could to save our lives and ship was to go to Tutucareen(?) to refit her, where our stay being long and the season very late, we could not possible get to Surat, but winterd at Bombay, where we buried my cozen Thomas Pain after a twelveth months sickness. We saild from Bombay the 13th of November, being bound down the coast, that we might somewhat repair our owners loss by the sale of a Malla bar cargo.
You mention of yours and my sisters kindness in endemnifying the Bishop of Meath(3) from all dangers that can happen to him in sending out my fortune, but that his Lordship does not care to part with any money till I am of age and can secure him by so doing, which my being at age the 7th of last September enables me to do, by appointing (with the advice of my brother Trenchfeild) you and Mr. Lewis my attorneys, which have done in a letter of attorney incloe'd in a letter to you both, but my hearing that you have a mind to come abroad again, then my brother thinks Mr. Fenwick() to be the properest man I can appoint in your stead.
I am very much obliged to Mr. Fenwick for his kindness in leaving at his departure 2000 pagodas to be employ'd in what ever voyage I shall undertake, either at respondentia or in the stock.
The trade from Bengall to Surat is grown so very dull, and nothing but the freight can support it, that my brother thinks I should do better if I should go along with Mr. Starke(5) in a voyage from Bombay to Bengall and Mocho Govr. Boone designs for him, and has promis'd my brother that I should, if he liked it.
There being nothing else that I can think of to acquaint you, but to desire you to give my love to my sister and my neices, as also wishing you all health and happiness and remain, dear brother, your affecte. brother and most humble servant
JNO. TRENCHFEILD. Tellecherry, December the 5th 1717.

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[NOTES ON DOCUMENT No. 68.] (1) This letter is not extant. (3) Tuticorin, a port in Tinnevelly District, Madras, then in Dutch occupation.
(3) The Rev. John Evans (800 p. 166) who left the Sce of Bangor for Meath in 1715. He was a guar. dian of John Trenchfield.
(*) Edward Fenwick. See p. 158. (6) John Starke purser of the Averilla. See p. 81.
Scattergood's elder step-brother, Elihu Trenchfield, wrote also from Tellicherry and at much greater length. He announced his intention of making a trading voyage on the Malabar coast to compensate for the loss occasioned by the grounding of the Barrington "on the rocks off Point du Gall," as narrated in his brother's letter (Document No. 68). He attributed the accident to the captain's carelessness and had much to say of his miraculous escape and the kindness received from the Dutch at Colombo and Tuticorin. The necessary repairs Occupied so much time that "it was late " before the ship reached Bombay and it was then impracticable to return to Madras that season.
Trenchfield found "Governor Boone a very generous friend to me and very assisting in the disposall of our cargoe." He expressed his wish to return to England but would not do so until he was "worth fifteen thousand pounds, with which sume I dont doubt of making England very agreeable to me." On his return to Madras he expected to find himself" worth that sum" and should then "stay ashore in hopes of finding an opportunity to remit my money to some advantage, for in that depends very much the estate of a man when he arrives in England." This was a difficult matter, " diamonds not producing any profit, nor will the Europe commanders take money at respondentia."
The remainder of the letter is taken up with comments on the laxity of the Bishop of Meath as guardian of himself and his brother, on his brother's prospects in India and on the Bucoess of Scattergood's "adventure" with Captain Eustace Peacock.
During the year 1717 Scattergood received consignments of diamonds from Maubert, continued his purchases of ivory, and bought extensively such things as telescopes, magnifying glasses, mirrors, etc. (classified as "iron ware"). He also made considerable purchases of books of history, etc. Some of the goods were shipped in the Cardigan, Captain Henry Glegg, bound to Madras and Bengal and in the Morrice, Captain Sustace Peacock for Bombay, With the latter, with whom he had previously traded successfully, he arranged for the produce of his goods to be invested in any voyage Peacock might make " in the countrey."
In the midst of his own business Scattergood found time to attend to the affairs of Elizabeth Browne, to settle with Mrs. Hobday for the sale of her husband's "perriwiggs " and to assist the widowed Elizabeth Langelier, as previously narrated.
The foregoing were only minor incidents compared with the enterprise that occupied Scattergood's time and thoughts during the second year of his stay in England. He had realized that it would be more profitable to trade in a vessel owned by himself and a small syndicate rather than through the intervention of the captains of the Company's or privato "country ships. Therefore, on 26th June 1717, we find an entry in the Court Minutes (Vol. 47, p. 372) as follows:
"Petition of Mr. John Scattergood and Mr. Thomas Harris being read, praying to return to Fort St. George as Free Merchants, and to carry out an English ship of about three hundred and fifty tons to trade with from port to Port, but never to return to Europe. Ordered that it be referred to the Committee of Correspondence to discourse the petitioners on the whole of the request, and report their opinion thereupon."

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Thomas Harris was probably a former acquaintance of Scattergood, who had found him at Madras on his arrival there in 1698. Harris was then in the Company's service as a factor and “translator of Jentue and to look after the New Towns." He had been in India since November 1692 and held the above post until March 1701, when his petition to relinquish the service was granted. He was then married to a “Casteez" or Portuguese halfcaste, and he seems to have remained in India as a free merchant, for in 1709 there is the note of a payment of 26 pagodas for sending his child to England in the Heathcote. Also Thomas Harris, "seafaring man, not constant inhabitant, married Casteez," appears in the list of Fort St. George inhabitants at the end of the tear 1710 after which date he probably returned to England, for there is no further menties of Wim in the Diary and Consultations of Fort St. George. From the above, it is evident that Thomas Harris, part owner of the Bonita, must have been Scattergood's senior by several ybars.
The Court took a month to consider the petition of Seattergood and Harris and on 24 July 1717 (ibid., p. 395) there is an entry :
"Part of the Minutes of the Committee of Correspondence dated the 16th inst. being read, relating to the petition of John Scattergood and Thomas Harris for leave to carry out an English built ship to the East Indies.
Ordered that it be referred to the Committee of Correspondence and Committee of Shipping to consider on what terms and conditions it may be proper for the Company to permit such a ship to be sent out and report the same to the Court."
Either the delay in getting a definite answer from the Court, the difficulty of securing a vessel or some other obstacle caused Scattergood to change his intention, for on 18 September 1717 (ibid., p. 429) he petitioned to return to India as a supercargo on one of the China ships. This decision seems to have disconcerted the friends who were interested in his project to trade as a freeman, for on the 25th of the month (ibid., p. 436) we read :
"Sir Robert Nightingale moving the Court that Mr. John Scattergood and Mr. Thomas Harris who had petitioned to be supracargoes for Chins might withdraw their petitions. The Court consented thereunto."
Then the matter dragged on until 30 October when there is the following entry (ibid., p. 474):
"On reading the Minutes of the Committee of Correspondence and Committee of Shipping dated the 25th instant.
Ordered that Mr. John Bonttergood and Mr. Thomas Harris have liberty to send out a ship to Fort St. George not exceeding three hundred and fifty tons on the terms and conditions therein mentioned and that they pay five per cent. permission on the true value of the said shipe cout and outset, de ducting thereout the cost of the provisions for the marines as to estables and drinkables only, and that the security they are to give for performing the said terms and conditions be in six thonsand pounds."
After this, events moved rapidly and the purchase of a ship, the Bonita, for £2,500 and her insurance were quickly carried out. Her bill of sale is worth recording.
[69] To all people to whom these presents shall come I Francis Sitwell of London merchant Bend greeting.
Know yee that I the said Francis Sitwell for and in consideration of the sume of two thousand five hundred pounds of good and lawfull money of Great Brittaine to me in hand paid at or before the sealing and delivery hereof by John Scattergood and Thomas Harris

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of London merchants, the receipt whereof I doe hereby acknowledge and my selfe to be therewith fully sattisfyed and thereof and of every part and parcell thereof doe clearly and absolutely acquit, exonerate and discharge the said John Scattergood and Thomas Harris their executors and administrators and every of them for ever by these presents: have granted, bargained and sold and by these presents doe fully and absolutely grant, bargaine and sell unto the said John Scattergood and Thomas Harris all the good ship or vessell called the Bonetta, of the burthen of three hundred and fifty tuns or thereabouts, now in the river of Thames, whereof John Harry is Commander, together with all and every the boat, oares, masts, sailes, sailyards, anchors, cables, ropes, cords, cordage, gunns, gunpowder, shott, provissions, tackle, apparell, necessaries and furniture whatsoever to the said ship or vessell belonging or in any wise appertaining, to have and to hold all the said ship or vessell and all other the above bargained premisses unto the said John Scattergood and Thomas Harris their executors, administrators and assignes to their own proper use and uses and as their own proper goods and chattles from henceforth freely and absolutely for evermore. And I the said Francis Sitwell doe hereby for myselfe, my executors and administrators, covenant, promise and agree to and with the said John Scattergood and Thomas Harris, their executors, administrators and assignes, joyntly and severally by these presents, that I the said Francis Sitwell have in my selfe and by my selfe good right, full power and lawfull authority to grant, bargaine, and sell all the said ship or vessell and all other the above bargained premisses unto the said John Scattergood and Thomas Harris, their executors, administrators and assignes in manner aforesaid: And that the same now are and be and soe from henceforth for ever shall be, remaine and continue unto the said John Scattergood and Thomas Harris, their executors, administrators and assignes, free and clear and freely and clearly acquitted and discharged of and from all and all manner of former and other bargaines, sales, gifts, grants, titles, troubles, debts, charges and incumbrances whatsoever heretofore had, made, comitted or done by me, the said Francis Sitwell or any other person or persons whatsoever by my meanes, act, consent or procurement. And that I, the said Francis Sitwell, my executors and administrators and every of them [have granted, bargained and sold] the said ship or vessell and all and singular other the above bargained premisses and every part and parcell thereof unto the said John Scattergood and Thomas Harris, their executors, administrators and assignes to their own proper use and uses and as their own proper goods and chattles against all people shall and will warrant for ever defend by these presents.
In witnesse whereof I have hereunto set my hand and seale the [blank] day of [blank] and in the fourth yeare of the reigne of our Sovereigne (Lord) George by the Grace of God King of Great Brittaine &ca. Annoque Domini 1717.
(Signed) FRANCIS SITWELL. [Endorsed] Bill of Sale from Mr. Francis Sitwell to Mr. John Scattergood and Mr. Thomas Harris
of all the Bonetta.
At the same time the insurance of the ship was effected between the 13th and 20th November for £2000" from her coming to an anchor at Gravesend to any port or place be. yond the Cape of Good Hope either in India or elsewhere, with liberty to proceed backwards or forwards either in India, Persia, Ba[n]gall or China for two years at tenn shillings per cent. per mensem and no longer." The names of nine insurers are added to the policy, seven of them in £200 each and the other two in £300 each.

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At a Court held on 29 November 1717 (Court Book, Vol. 47, p. 504) is the entry :
"Draught of Covenants to be entered into by Messrs. John Seattergood and Thomas Harris about their ship Bonita to be sent from hence to Fort St. George, as amended and settled by Mr. Woodford, were now read and approved.
Ordered that the Committee of the Treasury be desired to seal the counterpart."
The "counterpart” of the covenants is too long to be reproduced here. It is dated 29 November 1717 and it provided that the Bonita, commanded by Captain John Harry (of whom no previous mention has been found) with Scattergood and Harris as supercargoes, with a crew of 50 men and 26 guns might proceed on trading voyages to countries within the limits of the Company's charter on the same terms as free merchants living under the Company's protection at Fort St. George. No trade was to be allowed at Madagascar, the coast of Africa, the Comoro Islands, or any European or American port, and the Cape was to be the only port touched at on the outward voyage. At the end of every trading voyage an attested account was to be submitted to the President and Council of Fort St. George. No naval stores or provisions, beyond what was necessary for the voyage, and no bullion was to be carried on board, except such as should be licensed by the Committee of Shipping. An attested account of the ship and her cargo when ready for sea was to be furnished, and five per cent. of her total value was to be paid to the Company by the supercargoes.
At a Court held on 6 December 1717 (ibid. p. 515) it was "Ordered that Mr. Francis White do enter out the ship Bonita in the Companyes name" and on 11 December 1717 (ibid., p. 517):
"Mossrs. Scattergood and Harris being called into Court were acquainted with the order of send ing one hundred pipes of wine for Fort St. George on their ship Bonita, that the Court expected it should be free of freight or charge for the ships going to the Madeira. And that in consideration thereof they would allow them to put on board wino for their own account as far as fifty pipes, they declard their consent to the terms, but pray'd leave to take in ten pipes more.
Resolved that Meears. Scattergood and Harris be permitted to lade on the Bonita for their own account sixty pipes of Madeira wine."
On the samo day a separate indenture for John Seattergood as a Free Merchant in one thousand pounds was signed by him and his securities, and approved by the Court (ibid., p. 518). The names of the securities were "Gilbert Affleck of London, Esqr." and "the Rev. Mr. Geo. Lewes of St. Andrews, Holborn, London, clerk," who, with Scattergood and Harris, sealed bonds for the amount of their obligations.
On 13 December the Court was informed (ibid., p. 521) that the Custom House officers could not “clear out” the Bonita for the East Indies without breaking bulk,
"notwithstanding they have been informed that she is never to return from thence and that according to the Act of Parliament the bond is to be in £8750 penalty.
The same considered and Committee of the Treasury ordered to put the Company's seal to the said bond.
Messrs. Scattergood and Harris also to give bond to the Company to indemnify them for entering into the said bond. Penalty £8750."
The preliminaries were thus accomplished and it only remained to complete the ship's cargo and put to sea.
At the end of the year Scattergood, methodical as ever, drew up a statement of his " transactions" while in Europe, a document which gives a good idea of the extent and variety of his trading ventures.

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[ 70 ] Journal Letter A containing all transactions relating to my affairs in Europe beginning this blank]
of December 1717. Sundry accounts dr. to Account Stock £5027. 11. 5 for the following debts due to me, goods unsold, adventures standing out &ot, as hereunder: 1 Bagnal Wallis(1) lent him at respondentia . . £25. - - 1 Ship Essex(?) for my 1/16th .. .. .. .. 320. - - 2 Voyage to China Per Essex for silver sent by her
.. £755. 17. 2. Mr. Birkhead() under me . .. 201. 13. 11.
554. 3. 3. 2 Voyage to China Per Townshend(") for
silver sent by her .. .. .. £705. 14. 9. Mr. Birkhead under me .. .. .. 201. 13. 11.
504. - 10 3 Diamonds in company with Edward Harrison, (®) Roger
Braddyll, John Maubert and my self .. .. .. 2 Ship Addison() 1/16th .. .. .. £500. - -
Mr. James Wendey under me .. .. 250.- - 3 Charles Burniston as per his bond due from him at interest since the 2d Augt. 1716 .. ..
314. 18. 6. 3 Mrs. Bradshaw() at Interest .. 4 Mr. Cartlitch(8) as per note 4 Diamonds Vizt. Per Hanover() .. .. ..
.. .. 613. 10. 0. Per Duke of Cambridge(10) .. .. 290. 11. 9.
904. 1. 9. 4 George Lowis for money he received for my account from Portsmouth .. .. .. .. .. .. 864. 15. 9.
5027. 11. 5.
56.
1500,
Account Stock Dr. to sundry accounts £2400 for money taken at Interest of the
following persons vizt. 5 Aunt Scattergood(1) .. ..
.. .. £500. -- 5 Captn. Hanmer(1) 5 Osmund Beaver(13) Esqr.
2400.George Lewis Dr. to sundry accounts 2349. 4. 5. for sundry particulars which he has
received on my account vizt. 4 Mr. Cartlitch received of him .. .. .. ..
335. 11. 4. 2 Voyage to China per Townshend for the
produce of my adventure .. .. 942. 12. 8. Mr. Birkhead under me . .. 272. 12. 10.
669. 19. 10.

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NOVEMBER, 1932] THE SCATTERGOODS AND THE EAST INDIA COMPANY
2 Voyage to China per Essex for the pro
duce of my adventure
Mr. Birkhead under me
1 Bagnal Wallis received principal of his respondentia Bond
4 Diamonds for produce of 1 Bulce per
Hanover
dedt. freight Brokeridge..
12. 5. 4. 4. 9.
6 Expences Vizt.
my bill from the Madeiras(14) Mr. Harris concerned in it
891. 4. 9.
237. 17. 2.
Postage of letters Subscription to a church.. Drawing out a letter Attorney
..£682.
£16. 14. 4.
John Pugh(15) concern'd therein
Sundry accounts dr. to George Lewis £2739 19. -. for money which he has disbursed on my account Vizt.
... £95. 4.
30. 9. -
64. 15. -
6. 6. 1. 1. - 3.
£66. 5. 6. 5. 5.
Deduct paid him 5 guineas
6 House expences for what paid Mrs. Scattergood on account of her year's allowance
5 Osmond Beaver Esq., paid him the principal and interest of my bond to him..
4 Diamonds for freight of one bulse per Duke of Cambridge
6 Account current Madrass for silver sent out per Hanover
Mr. Harris concern'd therein
653. 7. 7.
£1373. 4. 1. .. 473. 4. 1.
£900. 5.
25.
665. 5. 8.
61. - 6.
.. 1578. 2. 6.
5. 16.
200.
895.
98. 15. 10
Sundry accounts dr. to Stock £6131. 11. 4. for the following particulars vizt.
7 Peter Godfrey (16) Esqr. for chints &ct. sent him from Madrass per Mrs. Pitt amounts to
7 Sir Robert Child for China ware sent him from Madrass per Queen(17)
..
7 Oyl of cinamon in the hands of Peter Hamley and Miles Barne(18) for 4 bottles cost
49. 10.
2349. 4. 5.
101. 14.
2739. 19.
169

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8 Voyage to Ostend consd. James Tobin and Capt.
Wright(19).. .. .. .. .. .. .. 8 Voyage to Ostend consd. to Captn. Jackson(20) . 8 Voyage to Ostend consd. to Pennicott and Cock(*1.. 9 Captn. Jackson lent him at respondentia on the Brus
sels .. .. .. .. .. .. ..
1806. 6. - 2288. 15. 6. 1606. 10. -
180.
-
-
6131. 11. 41.
* Interest dr. to Osmond Beaver Esqr. £78. 2. 6. for interest of
borrow'd of him which Mr. Lewis has paid him .. .. ..
£1500
..
$78.
2.
6.
Voyage to France per Capt. Villamont(**) dr. to Stock £66. 13. 4. for papers of flowers &ct. sent by him from China, in order to buy wine &ct. amount to T. 200 @ 68. 8d. per Tale £
.. .. i
66. 13. 4.
Stock dr. to account current Madrass £8825. 16. 11. for amount of stock in these books transferred to them, they being those which I referr all others to .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 8825.
16.
1}.
[NOTES ON DOCUMENT No. 70.) (1) Bagnall Wallis was second mate of the Company's ship Cardigan, then in India. (3) Tho Essex, Capt. Henry Glogg, sailed for China 13 January 1716/17 (Letter Book, vol. 16, p. 100). (3) John Birkhead, & cousin of Scattergood.
(4) The Townshend, Capt. Charles Kesar, sailed for China 13 January 1716/17 (Letter Book, vol. 16. p. 100).
(5) Edward Harrison, President of Fort St. George 1711.1717, returned to England in the King George. Capt. Samuel Lewis, which arrived 28 June 1717 (Letter Book, vol. 16, p. 263).
(6) The Addison, a Company's ship, commanded by Capt. Zachary Hicks, was despatched to Bombay in 1718 (Marine Records, Logs).
(1) Jane Bradshaw, probably the widow of Henry Bradshaw, a free merchant in Fort St. George in 1706.
(8) William Cartlitch with whom Scattergood had extensive dealings in the following year.
(9) The Hanover, a Company's ship, Captain James Osborno, wae despatched to Bengal at the end of October 1716 (Letter Book, vol. 16, p. 1).
(10) The Duke of Cambridge, a Company's ship, Capt. Daniel Small, was despatched to Madras 15 February 1716/17 (Letter Book, vol. 16, p. 100).
(12) Miss Elizabeth Scattergood, then residing at Lincoln. (13) Captain John Flanmor, not apparently a company's servant. (18) Oamond Beauvoir, one of Scattergood's numerous attorneys or business agents. (14) This would be for wine shipped on behalf of Scattergood and Harris. (15) John Pugh, a protégé of the Rev. John Lewis, later recommended to Scattergood's care. (10) Peter Godfroy, father of Captain Peter Godfrey, at this time one of the Directors of the E. I. Co.
(17) The Queen, Company's ship, Capt. John Martin, arrived in England in Nov. 1716 (Marine Records, Logs).
(18) With the firm of Peter Hambly (or Hamly) and Miles Barnes Scattergood did extensive business in the following year.
(19) Captain Robert Wright who commanded the Prince Eugene, a ship of the Ostend Company, of which James Tobin was supercargo.
(30) Captain Peter Jackson, commander of the Brussels galley, also a ship of the Ostend Company. (3) William Pennicott and Leonard Cocks, a firm dealing in goods brought by the Ostend ships.
(33) Captain Villamont (Villeaumont, Villemount) Jardin, commanded the ship Count (Comte) Toulouse, which sailed from Canton for France in January 1720/1.

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The books purchased hy Scattergood of Ralph Smith and consigned to " Mr. Taylors, packer, Leadenhall Street, over against St. Mary Ax Church," show a varied taste in reading and include the following:
[71] Hist. of Virginia .. .. Scrivners guide() 2 vols. each Hist. of Francien
.. Bosmans Hist. of Guinea(?).. Hist. of Highwaymen 3 vols. Hist. of Gainesters Hist. of Ilts (Ric) - Hist. of Venice . Attlas Geographicus for Europe Assia Africa America and the 1st Vol. of Great Brittan &c.
in 6 Vols. Lotteri Case of Impotency Common prayer La Sto. Tur. Extra with Companion ti he altor ..
Posisi cici N
Miesnis Voyage 4 vols. Miscell: Curiose(3) 3 vols. Lord Clarendons Life 2 vols. Life Guzman 2 vols. Tacitus 3 vols. Spa i sh Libertines Southerns plays() Hist[ory] Persia
3. 15.
9
[NOTES ON DOCUMENT No. 71.] (1) " Scrivnors guide" may refer to" The Method and Means to a true Spiritual Life" etc., by Matthew Scrivenor, published in 1688.
(2) This must be the translation of Willem Bosman's work, published in 1705: "A new Description of the Coast of Guinos ... containing a particular account of ... all the European Settlements upon that Coast ... illustrated with cutts. Written in Dutch by Willem Bosman ... And now done into English."
(8) Possibly the work to be found at the British Museum (11451.aaa.16), catalogued as "Curioso : Romancos varios de differentes authores, nuevamente impressos por un Curioso ...," published in 1688.
(4) Some of the plays of Thomas Southern, dramatist, 1666-1746, a collected edition oi whose worke was not issued until 1721.
Other bills paid by scattergood before his departure were for chests and boxes to contain goods for sale in the East, such as "hattes," "putere ware," beer, wine, cheese, stationery, weather glasses, etc., for the "wharfedge " and "porterage" of which considerable sums were expended. The most interesting of these bills is the one given below for purchases from Richard Bridger.
£ 6. d. A model of Captain Savorys engine for raising water by fire (1) and a model of a saw mill.. 23. 13. 0 Cases to pack the models in
00. 17.0 A Magi Lantern .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. ..
02. 03.0 Ten figures for the Magick Lantern ..
01. 15.0 A board to put the figures in
00. 02.6 Dark Chamber
ul. 15. 0 29. 15. 6
:::::
[NOTE ON DOCUMENT No. 72.) () This machine for raising water, a precursor of the practical application of steam power, was patented by Captain Thomas Savery (16501-1715) in 1698.

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In their letter to Madras dated 8 January 1717/18, sent by the King George (Letter Book, vol. xvi, pp. 326 ff.), the Court apprised the Council at Fort St. George (paras. 20-21) of the permission granted for the Bonita to trade on the coasts of India and China.
[73] "Herewith you will receive copy of the Articles or Covenants on which we have permitted Messrs. John Scattergood and Thomas Harris to carry out tho Boneta, a ship built hero for the service of their countroy tracle which thoy affirm will be much more beneficial than any they can got built in India as being
bottor sailor, making their voyagon more expeditiously and less liable to loose the monsoons. Let it be your care they comply wit' overy part of their Covenants for so far as in your power and advise whether in your opinion wa shouid grant any others the like liberty if desirod. Our roason for prohibiting their trade to Madagascar or any the islands thoreabouts or to any the costs of Africa therein enumerated was for fear she should fall into the pyrates hands in case any should come into those parts. We have alwaya heard theso owners behav'd themselves well whilst they resided at Fort St. George and we take that to bo a very good carnost they will continue to deserve the samo good character, and in that viow we recommend them to your favour and protoction... We have for Messrs. Scattorgood and Harris's encouragoment to bring you this froight [Modoira wine) free permitted them to take on board sixty pipes for their own account. Do you take care that this lading for two different accounts be not turn'd to our prejudice by calling the best wine theirs or charging the leakage more to our accunt than ought to be."
In the list of free merchants for Fort St. George at the end of the above letter appear the names of John Seattergood and Thomas Harris, with the remark: "on thoir own ship Bonela," and the "Packet " carried by the King George contained a copy of their "covenants."
The main cargo of the Bonita was silver bullion as is shown by the annexed invoice.
[74]
London the 25 January 1717/18. Invoice of cost and charges of shipp Bonita, Captain John Harry,
and her cargoe for India, Vizt. The shipp with storos for tho voyage ..
.. .. £6200. - - The licence from the East India Company
.. £220. Sundry fees and other chargos
. . £ 75. 5. Cloath and perpetts
.. £ 771. 13. Wine to boc takono att Madora ..
.. £ 100. -.Scales, waitos, &c.
.. £ 36. - - 76297 oz. 12 dwt. Silver in hands J.M.(1) Portsmouth
.. £21100.
£28502. 18. - Cask freight &c.
(NOTE ON DOCUMENT No. 74.] (1) John Mollish, the agent for the owners of the Bonita at Portsmouth.
The management of his affairs in England and his house property in Greyfriars was left by Scattergood in the hands of his cousin Thomas Pain, “Upholder," and his friends the Rev. John Lewis and Gilbert Affleck, to whom he gave powers of attorney. With the Rev. George Lewis Scattergood left detailed instructions.
[75] Sir,
Herewith is an account of what moneys I sent, abroad and carry with me since I have been in England, and what moneys I have taken up at interest.(1)
When you receive my China adventures from the ship Essex and ship Townshend please to pay my couzen Mr. John Birkhead in Warwick Court his share for what he is concern'd under me in those two ships.

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1
73
The cheif mate of Capt. Newton,(?) Mr. Alexander Kenniday, had some memorand[a] from mo to buy me some odd things in China, which when he comes, enquire of him for those things, and whatever things he gives you on my account, dispose of them as you think fitt.(3)
By Mr. Samuel Lock on the ship Townshend I sent a small gold watch as an adventure, which when he arrives please to enquire for.()
No. 4, being a receipt for 3 shares I am concern'd in the Diveing Machine (5) which I am afraid will be all lost, but it anything is to be received, Capt. Richard Rav.lins can give you a full account of it.
7,(6) being Mr. Maubert's receipt for what am concern'd under him in an invyce of diamonds in the hands of Messrs. Roger Bruddyl and Alvarez. Please to ask the gentlemen about them, that wher, the diamonds are sold to receive my share.
8 is what am concern'd in the ship Addison. Mr. Wendy is half part. We have paid upon that account £250 each, not knowing exactly how much our parts will be. When Capt. Hicks has made up the account please to pay him the remainder.
9-12 are policys of insurance that have made on severall ships. No. 13 a policy of insurance that I have made for Mrs. Elizabeth Brown at Madrass. 14, Mr. Charles Burnistons bond which I believe will never be paid.
15 is a bond of Mrs. Bradshaws, which when come due, Mr. Richard Pupys [Pepysj at the Crown and Scepter in Fleetstreet will gett for you.
When the Europe ships arrive from Maderass please to enquire for letters &c. for me, beleiving Mr. Maubert will send me over some diamonds, and if any come, please to sell them for the best advantage
My Aunts Seattergoods bond for £500 she desires may continue at interest. I have paid her the interest of this last year, and for the future please to pay her interest as comes due yearly, nonding her the interest to my wife at Lincoln.
Capt. Hanmors bond of £400. If he desires to continue at interest, please to pay the interest of it to his order, but if he desires to have the bond paid him, please when the money comes in your hands, to pay it off.
Mr. Osmond Beavoir's bond of £150, please to pay off when due and as moneys oomes in your hands.
I have given my wife her allowance for this year till the month of September next and for the next year please to send her every half year one hundred and seventy five pounds, and if she writes you that she can keep & coach out of it, please to buy her a coach and pair of horses, and send her.
My daughter Elizabeth being at my mothers, whatever my mother charges for her clothes and education, please to pay her.
• Whatever moneys of mine comes in your hands, and you have no particular account how to dispose of it, you may lay it out in stocks, &c., just as you please.
I have made Mr. Laurence Lane my attorney to receive of the Company a small debt, due from them to my wife's first husband, Francis Forbes deceas'd, which, when hộ receives, he is to pay you £10 and the rest he is to pay to Mrs. Francis Forbes in Hampshire.(0)
Remain your most cbliged humble Servt.
J. SCATTERGOOD. To the [Rev.] George Lewis. London the 25th January 1717/18,
[Endorsed] Mr. Scattergood's Instructions to Mr. Lewis.

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(NOTES ON DOCUMENT No. 75.) (?) See document No. 70 for this account." (2) Captain G. Nowton of the Sarum. (3) A marginal noto is added by the attorney: “Never received anything."
(4) Samuel Lock was supercargo of the Townshend, Captain Charles Kesar. Here again a note is added :" Not received."
(5) See p. 168.
(6) This and the figures in the following paragraphe soem to refer to another statement of Scattergood's affairs, differing from document No. 70.
(7) Mrs. Frances (not Francis) Forbes, mother of Francis Forbes, Arabella Scattergood's first husband and widow of the Rev. Alexander Forbes, who had hold two livings in Hampshire and was also rector of Compton, Surroy.
The Bonita was now ready to start on her voyage to India and directions for their conduct were furnished to the supercargoos by her owners.
[76] Gentlemen,
All things being in a readyness, you are to make the best of your way on board the Boneta, Captain John Harry, commander, and give him your orders for sailing to the Madera, and there to take wine for the Companys use according to agreement, and what quantity you think convenient for the ships company, and sixty pipes for sale, according to the Companys permission. You are to make all the despatch possible, and then to give the commander your orders for sailing to Fort St. George in the East Indies. And when you arrive there. you must endeavour to sett a foot a voyage for China, if silver is pretty near its old price of fifteen to sixteen dollars for tenn pagodes; but if it should be fourteen then it will be in vaine to attempt it. Then you must proceed for Bengall, in case no fraight directly from thence, and ondeavour a fraight for Persia or Surratt, or any other port or place as you shall see most convenient, investing your own stock as you see propper, or rather, if possible, to lett it out at respondentia for the most you can gett, for you know that the merchants in that will be glad to fraight goods, when they can have money in the bottome; and what you cannot let out, you must lend it out at twelve per cent interest to some secure persons : or if you can't procure so much, then for what you can gett, provided they are such as you can trust. We shall allow you to draw five per cent on the money you invest in India, but for the money you lett out at respondentia but two and half per cent, an 1 for that at interest but ono per cent, as is customary here in England. So, when one voyage is compleated, you must endeavour another; and so on. As we can give no particular directions about your management, so you must be govern'd by your own reason, and do the best you can in honour and a good conscience. Keep a particular account of what fraight the shipps make.
You are to keep regular books of accounts and to send an account current yearly. You must allow the commander and the officers but three per cent for their privilege; the shipp being small, more cannot be allowed. When you find your stock to increase that you can't employ the money, then you must endeavour to send home some diamonds, provided they are cheap and good. They must bo at least fifty per cent cheaper than what has been lately sent home; they must be from one to tenn graines and no bigger,
You must take a particular care of your letters, allways sending them under cover to the Reverend Mr. Lewis. You must take a particular care about paying your sailours their wages that we may have no complaint on that head by their relations and wifes here in England.
There is one Mr. George Sittwell(1) gone out a free merchant. We can't well tell how he has ordered his affaires, which are left to his own management; therefore if you can agree togoather about succeeding each other, in case of mortality, we leave it to you and have

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wrote Mr. George Sittwell to this purpose; but we order you to assist each other the best you can on all occasions.
Captain John Harry, whom we have had experience of for sixteen years in our service, we may justly say has served us very faithfully; therefore we recommend him to you, and we have given him orders to obey such orders as you shall give him from under your hands from time to time.
If you proceed to Bengall, we recommend you to Messrs. Feake and Williamson, (2) or in their absence to Mr. Deane to assist you in making your investment for Bengall or Persia. To Messrs. John Scattergood
[Signed]
and Thomas Harris.
London, 25th January 1717/8.
[NOTES ON DOCUMENT No. 76.]
(1) George Sitwell, probably a relative of Francis Sitwell, from whom the Bonita was purchased, had a share in the silver carried out by that ship.
(3) Samuel Feake, Governor in Bengal, 1718-1723. James Williamson, member of Council and Accountant; he died at Calcutta 3 January 1720-1. John Deane, also a member of Council, was appointed Chief of Kasimbâzâr Factory in 1718 and succeeded Feake as Governor.
Two days later the owners followed up their instructions with a further letter to the supercargoes concerning "the Bonita's cost and invoice, &c."
To compleat your cargoe
Your owne adventure
Jno. Mellish his
ditto Capt. John Harry his Do. Laur Lane (4)
Collonel Stevensson (5)
175
FRANCIS CHAMBERLAYNE, GIL: AFFLECK. GEORGE LEWIS.
Messrs. Scattergood and Harris, Gentlemen,
You have herewith an invoice of cost of shipp and cargoe of the Bonita(1) fitted for India, as neere as can att present calculate it, and if any abatements are made on the tradesmens bills &ca., the shipp and stock shall have due creditt for it. The materiall parte of the cargoe is the forreigne silver, which is in the hands of Mr. John Mellish att Portsmouth, who will I hope deliver it you safe on board, and therefore doe hereunder give you an account of the whole [we] have sent in att sundry times, which is to bee applyed as under shall bee specifyed.
38 cask, each qt. 3000 oz.
1 ditto qt. 2000, which belongs to Mr. Colebrooke(2) and Wm. Cartlitch(3) butt Mr. Mellish haveing occations for ps. 8/8, has takene out of said barrel..
Soe remaines in his hands to deliver you upon your arrivall at Portsmouh
which you'l please to observe is to be apply'd vizt.
£28502. 18. -
6000
300
900
200 200
Mr. Catesby Oadham (7)
Mr. Fra: Chamberlayne (8)
:::
[77]
London, Janry. the 27th 1717/8.
4000 oz.
1000 200
5220
Soe there will remaine above what is appropriated which will advise you of before you goe how to bee apply'd
Mr. Geo: Sittwell (6)
114000 oz.
5000 oz. 109000 oz. oz. dwt. 76297. 12 21696. 8 1084. 16 3254 8 723. 4 723. 4
103779. 12

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(NOTES ON DOCUMENT No. 77.) (1) Sco documont No. 73. (3) William Colobrooke, purser of the Bonita, (8) Seo document No. 70. The namo is spolt variously, Oaztlidgo, Cartlish. (4) Laurence Lane, a London merchant and one of Scattergood's attorneys. (6) This individual's namo does not appear again in the Papers. () See noto on document No. 75. (7) Catesby Oadham had held tho post of Assay master at Fort St. Georgo since July 1715. (8) Francis Chamberlain, owner of a fifth part of the Bonita, a cousin of Catherine Godfrey.
An Inventory of the Bonita's stores with her cost," furnished by Scattergood and Harris, amounted to £4,400. Everything was now in readiness and the supercargoes set out to join the ship, but before relating the untoward occurrences attending their departure, news sont from India to Scattergood in 1718, may be noted, though it could not have reached him until a year lator. John Maubert, his indefatigable agent and attorney, forwarded a further statement of accounts showing the progress of the investments entrusted to his care during the previous twelve months and his employment of the socruing profits. At the same time he wrote with regard to diamonds shipped to England in accordance with Scattergood's orders. A lotter from Richard Horden brought the news of his appointment as Deputy Governor of Divi Island, of which place Scattergood had already heard much (see pp. 93 ff.). It also informed him of the death of Mrs. Ramsden, in whose care Scattergood had left his infant daughter Frances, and the transfer of the child to the care of Mrs. Horden.
From Bengal James Williamson wrote of the joint concerns of Scattergood and himself. The Happy Return had met with a storm which “carried away all her masts" and she “became a wreck off Zeiloan. Hor people were sav'd by a miraculos scoole of fish, otherwise must have perished for want of provision, every thing being washt and hove over board." The Success and Elizabeth, both bound to Achin, "with great prospects, upon invitation from the King to trade free as formerly," found many competitors," which was the entire over setting of each other." In spite of these misfortunes, Williamson reported a "first dividend " due to Scattergood of rs. 1900. 38. 9p. The accident to the Happy Return is briefly recorded in the Fort St. George Diary of 30 March 1717 :"Ship Happy Return, Captain William Gill, that sail'd out of this road the 14th ultimo, bound to the Malabar Coast, arriv'd here, being drove back by a violent storm. There is no mention in the Fort St. George Con. sultations of 1717 of the abortive attempt to trade with Achin.
As stated above, the main portion of the Bonita's cargo was silver bullion, and it is evident from what follows that her owners and supercargoes were anxious to get it on board without attracting the attention of the customs authorities. It was accordingly decided that it should be assumed that the ship was in the Downs and would sail from Deal, whereas, in reality, she had been sent to Portsmouth where Scattergood and Harris were to join her. All might have gone well, had not the Company's secretary, Thomas Woolley, at the last moment, requested Harris to carry a packet (in addition to a letter already entrusted to the supercargoes) to Deal. Harris appeared to assent, but when the letters reached his address he and Scattergood were on their way to Portsmouth. Their action roused Woolley's wrath and he represented it in a very unfavourable light to the Company. A copy oi the doenment carried by the Bonita is to be found in Letter Book, vol. XVI, p. 386 (India Office records) and is reproduced below.
[78]
To Mr. Joseph Hayward
merchant at Madeira. Sir,
We some time [ago) acquainted your father that we should have occasion for one hund. red pipes of Madeira wine and desired him to give you early notice of it that it might be

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177
ready when called for. We send you this by the Bonita, Captain Harry, whose owners, Messrs. Scattergood and Harris are on board her, desiring you to lade the said wines on her. Take care they be very good. Consign them by invoice and bill of lading to the President and Council for all the English affairs at Fort St. George in the East Indies for account and risco of the United Company of merchants of England trading to the East Indies.
Pray take care the cask be very good and tight, the heads of an equal and sufficient strength and the whole substantial to prevent leakage, and for their better security we have sent six hundred and sixty hoops to be put six on each pipe, vizt., two at each end and one on each side of the bouge [the protuberant part of the cask] and the remaining sixty to pay the duty in specie if the Government demand it at ten per cent; if not, sell them for us. [Here follow directions about the transmission of invoices of the wine to be sent to Fort St. George and London.]
East India House, London,
[Signed]
27th January 1717 [1718]
THOMAS WOOLLEY, Secretary.
The following extracts from letters written at the time show the excitement created by the secret departure of the Bonita.
[79]
Francis Chamberlain to Scattergood and Harris, dated 27 January 1717/18.
"This I hope will finde you safe arrived att Portsmouth, and will serve to acquaint you Mr. Walley has notice of your departure and seames very much surprised att itt, and says Mr. Harris had promised him to call on him this day. He has an account from......Deal that your ship was there and concludes you are gon thether, and has directed his packitt accordingly, which no doubt will be returned him......so I can assure you he thinks himself affronted and no dout but on Wensday will to the Court insinuate all he can...... butt I think it for the best and am very glad nobody has informed him you are gon to Portsmouth. The ship I dout not will be there before you, where wish you a quick dispatch, tho am afraid the weather should change."
Laurence Lane to Scattergood and Harris dated 27 January 1717/8.
"I write this in hopes it will find you both well after so great a fatigue in travelling this weather. You'l be surprised when I tell you in what consternation abundance of acquaintance were in at the Coffee House yesterday to hear of so suddain departure, some designing to write to Portsmouth, others Deall. As for my part, I knew nothing of the matter more than hearing what was said.
Some were of opinion there was something of business to be done by going to Portsmouth, or why did you not go to Deal? My answer was this, that you, having so many friends here, [it] was likely some of 'em would meet you a little way out of Town, or follow on the road, which has been the practice frequently among the Indians, and making great show on the road and at all places where they go thro' which has not been well taken; and as to my part, I thought it very prudent to amuse people by talking of going one ways and afterwards going another; so much for Coffee House news.
Tis very extraordinary to think that after so many civilitys shown by you two gentlemen to our good secretary that he should act as he has done this night, which is as follows:
In the evening he was calling about him to collect the invoyces and other papers which he designed to send by your ship, in such a manner as if all people were his slaves, an air, tho a very impudent one, he often assumes; and after he had wrote a short letter to Fort St. George to acquaint the Governor and Councill the reason of his writing, which was only

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to inclose such sort of papers and a packitt from the Secret Committee, he was saying to Mr. Waters and Fletcher who then happened to be in our office, that he designed to send the said packitts by the owners of the ship this evening, by reason he heard the ship was in the Downes; upon which Fletcher told him he heard some things of the Companys designed for Fort St. George were left behind and that the owners were gone to day, and that it signified nothing to send letters; upon which Woolley seemed to be a little surprised and sent a messenger to Mr. Harris's to know the truth, who brought answer he sett out early this morning in order to goe to his ship. This answer you will believe was what he did not expect, and did not say much to it, but what he did was composed of ill nature enough, which he is a compleat master of, and among other things said as much as implyd, who spoke in half words, "They'l repent it." Twas the first time he was so servd, and that our Court wont take it very well and upon the whole the packetts aere sent to Deal to be delivered to you or Captain Harry. Will leave you to guess whether there could be anything therein to your benefit or no, considering what he said to Mr. Harris last week; and as the wind is here and seems very likely to continue, I am of opinion that you are as well without his letters. And in case of the worst, which is his infuseing any ill natured things into the gentlemen of the Court, of disrespect, not performing your promise in carrying their letters, or the like, a good part thereof answers for itself by your paying that respect to the Court and giving him so much time as you did, tho to no purpose. Whoever shall say anything about it tomorrow, shall answer thus:
That the captain dispatcht away a man imediately on his getting into the Downes to acquaint you therewith, and as the wind was fair, would loose very little time there for fear of loosing the wind, as well as the hazard of lying there a day or two, that so you should make the utmost dispatch in getting to Portsmouth, which our friend and self agrees to be a very plausable and just pretence for hurrying away, and you need not doubt of its taking wind about Towne."
Whether Thomas Woolley was answerable for the seizure of some of the silver designed for the Bonita's cargo, as related in the following document, or whether, as seems iure probable, the customs house officers had received information of the consignments sent to Mellish to be shipped on board, does not appear. At any rate the Bonita sailed with a far smaller amount than was intended and the proportioning of the reduced quantity among the freighters was, as the supercargoes wrote, a difficult matter.
[80]
Mr. Chamberlyne, Sir,
We are under such a consternation by the seazere of our silver that we can not tell what to do or what to write; we are just as dead men. However, Mr. Mellish tells us that they can. not keep what they gott. He designes to goe up to Towne to swear that the silver was his and was goeing to Holland. We denied here that it belong'd to us, but how the Company e will take it, God knows; hope for the best. Twas a wonder how we gott this, for the Custome House officers knew of it all and narrowly miss'd it. What we have received is 70,000 oz. as Mr. Mellish tells us, and what the officers has got, 41,000 oz. How to proportion this, God knows. You know that Mr. Lewis appears for 4,000 li. and Mr. Afflack for 5,500, Mr. Harris and Scattergood, 6000; the rest you know, so you are best able to bring everymans loss, or if the silver is gott again, I believe if you was to pay every man his share, it may doe, for we can make a shift with the stock we have gott......
Pray when you write by the Surrat shipps write a full account how all matters stand and how we must state our accounts, for we shall not be able to settle that matter.
[Unsigned.]

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When next we hear of the Bonita and her supercargoes, the ship had reached Madeira, where she was authorized to take in wine on the Company's and on her owners' account (see document No. 78). From Madeira, on 15 February 1717/8, Scattergood wrote to the Rev. George Lewis informing him of the ship's arrival on the 13th and mentioning some business matters that in the "hast and concern" in which he left Portsmouth he had forgotten. Scattergood and Harris also wrote to their owners regarding the wine which they hoped to have aboard in three or four days. They added that, "for the preservation of our men," they proposed “to allow 'em a bottle of wine a megs, which will be no great expence." The lading of the wino was not accomplished as quickly as Scattergood had reckoned, for there is another letter from him and Harris to the Rev. George Lewis, dated from Madeira on 26 February and a bill of exchange on the reverend gentleman, also dated from the same place, signed by Scattergood on 9 March 1717/8.
No account of the voyage of the Bonita from Madeira to Madras is in existence, nor are any letters from Scattergood extant until after his arrival in China at the end of the year 1718. Otherwise there would have been some mention of his uncle Roger Scattergood, his father's brother (a son of Roger Scattergood of Ellaston), who accompanied him to India.
The Bonita was a good sailer and cannot bave encountered adverse weather, for her arrival at Madras is noted on 9 June (Fort St. George Diary), and on the following day the letter from the Company's secretary (see document No. 78) and the covenants of Scattergood and Harris (see p. 167) were delivered to the Council. Little more than a month was spent at Madras, during which we find no mention of Scattergood and his activities beyond a note of the payment by Richard Horden, on 22 December, of 21 pagodas for the passage of "Mr. Scattergoods child " on the Derby, showing that he had made arrangements for the little Frances to be sent home to her mother in England. He had also, as we learn from letters written in China, sent his uncle Roger to Bengal with a recommendation to James Williamson
On 14 July 1718 the Bonita sailed from Fort St. George for China. According to an "account current" the supercargoes seem to have reached Canton in September, but we hear nothing further of them until November.
Several letters despatched from England in the last quarter of 1718 to Scattergood, and to him and his colleague Thomas Harris, are extant. William Phipps wrote of the Ostend trade and his own prospects and added items of public news.
[81] Dear Sir,
I doe hope this may meet you returnd of a voyage engaged on since arrived in India and that you have a fair prospect of completing your proposes abroad. For my part, I am as much at a loss, nay, rather more then when you left me, what between hopes and fears of not succeeding, and in case of the latter the recourse I had to the Ostend affairs I think is at an end by the many attempting on it, there being 4000 tun b[rought up in this river for that trade, and most of them, as I hear, designd for China, where I think cannot fail to knock that business on the head. Amoungst the undertakers from hence I belive are some of the Lisbon gentlemen, and Peirson(') who has bin gone from hence this month, and as [is] said saild or ready to doe so from Ostend in the Stringer Gally, now another name. Its rumerd he intends to touch at the Malabar Coast to load peper for China, so that I cannot see that I am in any likelyhood to get abroad this season, a dismall story to be another year at expencos and out of business which is all most empossable for me with safety to fall into here in England. Respondentia, though at a low ebb, is the dearling trade of our great men concernd in shipping, who ingrosses the commander to take of them, and the severity of the officers on the outeard bound shipps make it hazardous sending any venturs to China, 80

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that in short all ways are stopt to us India novices from getting a livelyhood in England. It will, however, be some comfort to you to hear that by Keyser and Newton() we make about 27 per cent. This I write you because probably you may not by the convoy hear from your attorney(?) who is now in Wales.
I took a ramble to Lincolnshire this summer with your sister Nanny (4) Mr. Aislaby(6) was with us and we meet with very good entertainment. Your sister s[tjaid untill she was sent for to be at the nuptialls of her sister with Mr. Fenwick(6) which was consummated the 11th instant and in which I congratulate you. There's) nothing like constant prebarvance [sic], as was Mr. Fenwicks, to bring such things to pass.
As for publick news, take it as follows: the preserving of neutrality of Italy, in which our nation was more particularly stirred then any other, is likely I am afraid to draw us into a speedy wart with Spain, whose fleet and forces, instead of attempting Naples, landed at Siscely and had the inhabitants in generall revolt to them, but our fleet, sent into the Mediteranean to preserve peace, meet there and gave them a totall defeat on the last of July (1) so that its thought Siscely and Sardignia will soon again be recoverd. We know not yet how the Spaniards resents it, but its likely they may snarl though they cannot bite, for the Quadruple Allyance between the Emperour, us and France, and all neigh effected with the Dutch,(8) gives hopes, if it be a warr, it cannot last long. The affairs of the North remains still a mistry which we espect shortly will be unveiled by some sudden action of the Czars who has a strong fleet abroad(9)....
(Signed) WILLIAM PRIPPS. Sepr. 16. 1718.
(NOTES ON DOCUMENT No. 81.) (") Captain Edward Peirson.
(2) Captain Charles Kesar of tho Townshend And Captain G. Newton of the Sarum. Scattergood WAS interested in the cargo of both these ships which returned from China and Boncoolen in July and August 1718.
(3) The Rev. George Lewis. (') Ann Trenchfield, Soettorgood's step-sister. (6) Willian Aislabie, brother-in-law of Arabella Scattergood and late General of Bombay. (6) Elizabeth Trenchfield and Edward Fenwick.
(1) Phipps is alluding to the attack on Sicily by the Spaniards without any declaration of war and to the defeat of their fleet off Cape Paararo by Admiral Byng.
(8) The Quadruple Allianco, a league between England, France, Germany and Holland to maintain the Peace of Utrecht and humiliate Spain.
() An allusion to the sweeping reforms by which Peter the Groat (1680-1725) was electrifying Russia and surprising Europe.
Among other letters directed to Scattergood at this time was one from Joseph da Costa, who wrote regarding the purchase of diamonds and added"I shall by the next shipping se if I can find any way to send you some silver, but the Company is so very strickt since what happened at Portsmouth, and the captains-fearfull, that I believe it will be impossible.” Katherine Farmerie, Scattergood's widowed aunt, provided him with family and personal news.
[82]
October the 11th 1718. My dearest Nephew,
I hope this will find you in perfect health, as it leaves me and sister,(') with all your family here. Both your wife and childeren has been mighty well ever since the small pox, which they have all had very easey and not at all the worse for, so that fear is over. We all live very kindly together and hope always shall. The dear childeren are very intertaining

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to me and come often to our chamber. They are all very pritty. Both sister and I have had very great satisfaction in seeing your eldest daughter who was with us this summer with her aunt Trenchfield. She is a very fine child and will gain love of all that sees her. She and I converse together by letters; she has this post given us notice to writ to you. We was in hopes of hearing from you by the ship that came in this summer.
I hope both you and my dear brother(2) had a good voage and that all things goes well with you both. I daily pray God to bless and keep you both in health and happyness. I had a letter from my brother at the Madeares who said you was most extreemly kind to him. I hope he will never doe anything to lessen your friendship and that God will prosper him that he will be able to make some return, but if it be not in his power, I do not doubt but God will bless and reward you for all your kindness to him.
181
[Here follow remarks on the loss sustained by the writer in the death of her friend and adviser, Sir Henry Monson, and her consequent anxiety about the investment of her money.] I beleive Mrs. Burniston(3) match is quit of; I hope its the better for her. I hope both she and Neece will like Lincoln for everybody is very civell to them. The town is very full of company and there is every week an assembly..
(Signed)
KATH: FARMERIE.
[NOTES ON DOCUMENT No. 82.] (1) Elizabeth Scattergood, John Scattergood's maiden aunt.
(2) Roger Scattergood.
(3) Sarah Burniston, Arabella Scattergood's youngest sister.
The letters from the owners and freighters of the Bonita could not have been pleasant reading for Scattergood and Harris. The Rev. Thomas Wendey, acting as Scattergood's attorney in the absence of the Rev. George Lewis, informed them, in a private letter, that they had roused the owners' anger by failing to leave an "invoice" or "any account" be. hind them, and it was also considered strange that Scattergood himself was not "concern'd in the ship." Wendey also gave the supercargoes a history of the events following the seizure of the silver at Portsmouth, how it had "occasion'd a trial" and "at last the jury gave the silver to the proprietors," and how Sir Gregory Page, one of the Directors of the East India Company, had been accused of participation in the attempt to get the silver out of the country and was much "chagrind " thereby. The joint letter of the owners was couched in none too friendly terms.
[83]
Messrs [John Scattergood and Thomas Harris]
We receiv'd your letter from the Maderaes and are glad to hear of your safe arrivall there, but can't but blame your being so very plain in mentioning the silver; for had your letter fall'n into other hands, it might have proved of very ill consequence, and considering the alarm given the Company, we could not tell what means might have been made use of to intercept your letters, therefore desire for the future you would take no notice of it. You mention the sending it out immediately like men that know not the fatigues and delays of a law-suit, and much less the risque of getting it out after what has happened. We don't trouble you with the perticulars but will only tell you that we are now in possession of it and can do no more than make a dividend here.
We are in hopes the stock you have with you will be sufficient, considering the prospect you have of getting a freight wherever you come, of which we expect you should keep an exact account from port to port and transmit it home, especially of what money is consign'd to you from England to trade with.

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If you go a China voyage and invest such your consignments in gold, you must be sure to bring the freight of that to the account of the owners, for otherwise they will be great sufferere, and you will not only receive your own commission but take that which no ways belongs to you, as you are not concern'd in the ship, which you ought to have been, and which we thought you had been till we adjusted matters here. As they have so honourably repos'd a trust and confidence in you, we doubt not but you will deal as honourably by them; and as they do not intend to abridge you of any of your just privileges, so we expect you will give no occasion for complaint.
(Signed) FRANS. CHAMBERLAYNE
GIL: AFFLECK Jas. WENDEY for GEORGE LEWIS
When Scattergood received the complaints of his conduct and the inferences regarding his loyalty to his employers, he was much incensed and replied with heat, as will be seen when the documents for the following year come to be considered, but while the ships bring. ing the unwelcome letters were still on the high seas he had reached Canton for the fourth time and was busy trading on his own account and on that of the freighters of the Bonita with his old friends the Chinese merchants "Chunqua, Pinkie, Cudgen, Comsha and Linqua," as his "Account Current" from September 1718 to February 1719 testifies.
By the Carnarvon and Hartford, two of the Company's ships, bound homo from Canton in November 1718, Scattergood wrote several letters. To Gilbert Affleck he sent his sword of steel inlaid wuth gold to be cleaned and "new mounted, to keep against I come home." To his aunt, Mrs. Farmerie, he wrote regarding the arrangements he had made for his uncle Roger,
[84) Honoured Aunt
I wrote you from Madrass giveing you an account of our safe arrivall there, every body in good health, meeting with no accident by the way (thank God). Arriving so late at Madrass and being obliged to goe away againe for this place in very few days, I could not so well provide for my uncle, but was oblidged to send him to Bengall, recommending him to one Mr. Williamson, the second man on that place and a particular friend, who has it in his power and I know will provide for him very well. I ordor'd Mr. Williams[o]n to let him have five hundred rupees of my money that is in his hands, to commence him as merchant, which if he will take care to be a good husband of it, I make noe doubt of his doeing well. I presume he has wrote you how all matters goe with him.
From Madrass to this place, thank God, had an extraordinary passage, but here being a great many ships, will make us stay late before can goe away, but yet hope to make a pretty good voyage.
By these ships I have sent you a dark color satin peice of silk made up in a night gown, the easier to gett it ashoare, and half a dozen grave (dark coloured) fanns, a double peice of fine plane muslin betwixt you and Aunt Scattergood, and half a dozen fanns for hir self. I have recommended them to one Mr. Afflack in London to gett them and send them to you at Lincolne.
Please to give my respects to sister (Burníston I call hir as yet, tho' hir name may be alter'd to hir great satisfaction) and tell hir I have sent hir likewise half a dozen fanns, which I hope she will receive and please hir.
I hope that you are all well and live merryly at Lincolne. Please to give my service to all freinds.
(Signed) J. S.

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183
The letter from the supercargoes of the Bonita to their owners on their arrival in India is not forthcoming. It was followed by a brief note as under.
[85] Mr. Francis Chamberline, Sir,
We haveing wrote you in a joint letter allready giveing you an account how our affairs stands, will make me the shorter in this. I suppose Mr. Sittwell has given you an account what a dismall prospect the Indian trade appears, which hope you will find some way or other to send for us home with security from the Company (or at least paying over for future [sic]); the sooner the better. I hope when you write us next to send full orders what to doo if you do not designe us home, or if one or both desire to leave India. If you should send for us home, let us know if we can bring home all our stock or more in goods on the Bonita. If we can, send us patterns of silks and instructions with price current of goods, &c.
[Unsigned]
Although Scattergood wrote so despondently to Chamberlain, he appears to have been fairly successful on his own account, and he was still carrying on trade with the Ostenders, In December 1718 he shipped in the Prince Eugene, Captain Robert Wright, a large number of pieces of silks of various kinds, to be sold on his account at Ostend and the produce remitted to Messrs. Peter Hambly and Miles Barnes, his agents in England. To them Scatter. good wrote directing that, as soon as the money was received, it should be sent out to him "in dollars." He added—“I shall be allways sending home goods or money to you as I moet with oppertunity," so that his story of the " dismall prospect” of the "Indian trade” hardly seems credible. At Bombay, too, Scattergood was engaged with Captain Eustace Peacock in the purchase of " elephants teeth" on which the profit gained was Rs. 35,673. The close of the year 1718 must therefore have left him in a stronger financial position than ever.
The early part of the year 1719 was occupied by the disposal of the remainder of the Bonita': cargo. At Madras had been taken on board, tin, olibanum, sandal wood, soap, embossed serges and iron guns to the value of 19,544 pagodas and at Malacca a consignment of putchuck amounting to 3517 pagodas. There was now shipped on the vessel for her return voyage to Malacca, “on freight for sundry persons accounts," various chests and tubs of tea (the freighters being Chinese merchants), and on account of Scattergood and Harris themselves" toaches" (iron pots and kitchen utensils. See Morse, Chron. of E. 1. Co. in China, I, 278), "kiddysols” (kittysols, Chinese umbrellas or sunshades) and tobacco.
While these transactions were being carried on at Canton, various letters were dispatched to Scattergood from England by the outgoing ships. His step-sister Ann Trenchfield wrote of her visit to Lincoln, a city of which she formed a poor opinion, for "when we went through the town, I took it to be the backside of the houses, but to my great surprize they told me it was there great street and the best. I believe you took the house for a nunnery and your daughters to be nunns."
Mrs. Farmerie, Scattergood's aunt, sent him news of the welfare of his family. She again alluded to the loss of her business adviser Sir Henry Monson and remarked that she was " yet under tho samo consern what to doe with my little stock which will be paid in, and I can hear of no security that I like. I design in spring to goe to London for a month or two and then hope sume friend will help me, if not I must trust what I am unwilling to doe (the Government)." Of public affairs she wrote:"A war is proclaimed with Spain which will not make things better. Most people are discontented at it and the Schism Bill passing, the Prince was very much against it and so is many Whiggs. I hope before you come back things will be better." War had been declared, as the writer says, against Spain by France

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and England in 1718, and Spain had espoused the cause of the Old Pretender. The allusion to the Schism Act must be as to its effect, since the measure, aimed against dissenters, had become law in 1714. Mrs. Farmerie is correct in her statement of its unpopularity with the Whigs and Prince George, afterwards George II.
Scattergood's other step-sister, Elizabeth Trenchfield, informed him of her marriage with Edward Fenwick, and his young sister-in-law, Sarah Burniston, sent one of her ill-spelt missives, in which she complained of the cold of Lincoln and added, "Your Antes are very slivel to us ore it would be gratele worrs." In contrast to her aunt's scrawl, the young Elizabeth Scattergood's letter is a model of daughterly respect and affection.
[86] Honour'd Sir,
I had the happiness of seeing my Mama and Aunts last summer att Lincoln, and my Aunts was very kind to me, more then I expected, and gave me a great many things, which is more then I shall be abell to return, I will take care and improve in my writing that I may have the pleasure of writing to you by the next ships. I hope I shall see you in a short time in England which will be a joyfull sight to me. My Grandmama and Aunts gives their love to you. I am doar Sir, your dutifull daughter and humble servant,
ELIZ: SCATTERGOOD. January 7th 1718 [1719).
[Endorsed) My daughter Bettys letter from England.
Apart from family letters, there is but one other, from the Rev. James Wondey to Scattergood, oxtant at this date.
[87] Dear Sir,
The King William being as was said, to be dispatch'd in September to settle Due Island (1) Mr. Affleck and I came to town to write to you in Mr. Lewis's absence, but that ship saild not till last month.() Mr. Lewis is now in town, so that I am no further concern'd in that affair, and he and Mr. Chamberlain will write, I mean if they have time. However, Mr. Lewis will write you at large as to particular affairs.
(Here follows a recommendation of the writer's brother to Scattergood.)
We have proclaim'd wart with Spain, and by a most dextrous peice of management, stocks rose 12 per cent upon it. The King of Sweden's death did not a little contribute to this. He was shot in the night in the trenches.(*) I most heartily wish you health and success, and am
Dear Sir Your most assur'd friend and humble servant
Jas. WERDEY. (London) Janry, the 8th 1718.
The St. George and Duke of Cambridyel') are both arriv'd but not come up the River.
[Norte ox DOCUMENT No. 87.) (1) Divf Island, of whtoh Bouttergood's friend, Richard Horden, was appointed Deputy Governor (30 p. 97).
(%) The King William, Captaia Jane Winter, sated for Fort St. Dwold and Made in December 1718.
(5) Charlow XII of Sweden was killed on Il Dotterber 1748, by a ballot from the fortron of Fredrilaaten, Korway, which he was besioging.
The St. George and Duke of Cambridge, both Company's shipe wore commanded respectively by Ouptain Anthony Ryan and Captain Dursel Small.

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185
While the above letters were on their way to India, Scattergood and Harris in the Bonita had sailed from Canton to Malacca and thence to Madras, where they arrived on 6 April 1719 (Fort St. George Diary). Except for the fact that their names appear in the "List of Seafaring Men not constant inhabitants &c." of Fort St. George, there is no further mention in the Madras records of either Scattergood or Harris in the year 1719. The Papers, however, supply details of the former's activities during this period.
On 9 May he bought a slave boy named Muta, aged eight years, for two pagodas, the transaction being witnessed by Randall (or Randolph) Fowke, Chief Justice of the Choultry, and John Russon, Register.
Two days later, 25 chests of wine and 8 chests of beer, shipped by Scattergood and Harris in the Bonita on their private account, were sold for pags. 1058, also 5 pipes of Madeira wine, which realized pags. 158, after deducting what "drank out aboard and spent in the voyage to Madrass, Canton, &c.," a matter of 104 chests.
By the middle of May Scattergood had already made his plans to return to Canton, but before sailing from Madras in the first week in June he wrote numerous letters to his friends and relations. His chief concern was with his Uncle Roger Scattergood, who had proved unfit for employment in India and had returned to Madras from Bengal. Of him Scatter. good wrote to his kinsman, John Birkhead as follows.
[88]
[ May 1719] Mr. John Birkhead, Dear Sir,
This comes by my Uncle who returns to pay his respects once more to you in England. Last year, being very late when I arrived here, and haveing but a few days to stay, made me send him to Bengall, recommending him to Mr. Williamson who was my attorney, desiring him to concerne me a good sum in any ship and put him an under supercargoe or pursar. Mr. Williamson wrote me that he would have put [him) in a pursars imployment, but that my Uncle did not care to goe, so after haveing spent me about 700 or 800 rupees, he came up to me again as wise as he went. I find he will not doe here, doe what I can for him, which made me conclude to send him to England and allow him five and twenty pounds per annum, on which he can live very well in Yorkshire and drink ale, for he is fitt for nothing else. So you have him again in statu quo after he has cost me about 200 pounds sterling. I think I was bewiched to bring him out after haveing known him in England. I had a great deal better to have allowed him a pention before.
Your affectionate kindaman and most obodient humble servant,
J. S.
To his aunt Mrs. Farmerie Scattergood wrote in a similar strain about his uncle: "He complains that the countrey does not apree with him....I asked him if he would live with our family in Lincoln, but he says he would rather live in an oven then with my Aunt Scattergood.... However he has seen the Indian world and can entertain a Yorkshire gentleman over a pint of nappy (ale) with Indian stories, &c." In a letter to the Rev. George Lewis, with instructions regarding Roger Scattergood's pension, his nephew describes him as "an old man that does not love work," and therefore the two could have had nothing in common.
For some unexplained reason Scattergood's departure from Madras was bastened and he arranged to precede the Bonita and to sail for China in the Ann. To his friend Joseph Jackson he wrote that "China is not the place that it was formerly, for goods rises and the manderins imposes, so that I long to gett once more to Old England, but for that I must have patience for two or three years more." To Captain Richard Boulton he romarked that

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he was "working here to gett a little, through fear and trembling. India is become now a Bad and dismall place in profits and everything else, which will keep me here longer than did designe. However, I scramble and gett neighbours fare." This last expression does not appear to be recorded in the 0. E. D., but Scattergood evidently meant that he was getting as much as his fellow merchants.
Elihu Trenchfield, Scattergood's step-brother, was more fortunate, for his trading ventures had brought him "& pretty good future, about 30,000 pagos. or more." He therefore returned to England with “Uncle Roger" and Scattergood gave him an introduction to Sir Robert Nightingale, a Director of the E.I. Co.
[89] To Sir Robert Nightingale, Honoured Sir,
This short letter only serves to introduce my brother Trenchfeild into your presence, who can inform you fully how all India matters stand on all sides, he haveing been in all parts and being thoroly acquainted with all persons and affairs. By him have sent you eight small Jappan dishes for fruit, they being all that I could gett of Jappan ware in China, and a small box qt. [containing] 10 bottles of stone finely cutt to putt essence in and to lye upon a ladies toilet.
Your cloth is working in Bengall and Mr. Williamson writes he will send it you from thence.
I am now hurrying away from hence to goe on the Ann to China to prepare matters against the Bonita comes with Mr. Harris, who stays till the Company's ships arrives to bring the silver.
My brother can informe you how bad India trade is, but thank God, the Bonita scrambles through as well, if not better, then her neighbours. I shall not trouble you with more now, designing to write from China, which letter will reach your hands the same time as this, if not before.
Please to give my humble services to all freinds, especially at Rag Fair (') and tell them that Mr. Harris will send them all that they injoin'd us.
Tomorrow or next day I goo aboard,(*) so will conclude, Honoured Sir, your most oblidged and most obedient humble servt.
J.S. Madrass the 29th May 1719.
(NOTES ON DOCUMENT NO. 89.) (0) Apparently a jocular allusion to a club or coffee house frequented by Scattergood and his friends, situated in Houndsditch, near the market for the sale of old clothes. Lator on he writes of joining his friends“ near Rag Fair."
(°) He did not, however, sail until at least two days later as there are papors bearing his signature, datod at Fort St. George, on 1 June.
In spite of the hurry of his departure, Scattergood found time to arrange for the transit of some 'bespoke china ware" with his crest on it for Sir Robert Child, to appoint his brother Elihu and brother-in-law Edward Fenwick his attorneys in place of the Rev. George Lewis, and to order“ a good quantity of rangoes (beads of rough cornelian) and beaser [bezoar).... at reasonable rates" to be procured for him by Jeremiah Bonnell at Surat for the following year. To Bonnell he also wrote regarding his share in the William in which he was conoerned with John Wake.
Peter Curgenven who had been associated with Scattergood in Persia in 1707 (ses p. 55) was left at Madras to assist Thomas Harris and receive the silver expected from Europe by the Company's ships.

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187
There are very few accounts preserved for the time when Scattergood was at Madras in the early part of 1719. One between William Phipps and himself shows how the former's silver had been invested in Canton and how the profits had been employed. John Maubert, Scattergood's attorney, furnished the usual "Account Current" from July 1719 showing & credit balance of 1201 pagodas, so that the complaints of the bad state of trade in India, reported in every letter written by Scattergood at this time hardly seem to be justified, 80 far as he was concerned. As on previous occasions, before starting on his voyage to China, he supplied his attorney with details of his business affairs. This time it was merely a list of the papers confided to Maubert's care, but the various items enumerated are more than sufficient to show the extent and scope of the transactions in which our indefatigablo mer. chant was interested.
[90] List of Papers received of Mr. John Scattergood. Anga Nunes bargain and sale of ship Sta Cruse.(") Jonathan Cooper and Wilkensons stock note for 500 pags. on ship Stratford.() Elihu Trenchfeilds acknowledgement for what he is to make good to me on ship Ann. John Powneys note for 500 pags. in the Brittania (3) Captain Martins receipt for 4 tubbe and 3 chests china ware)
Do. receipt for 4 bottles of cinnamon oil.(*) Jeremiah Bonills letter dated Aprill 1719.(6) William Sterlings letter dated May 24, 1719.(6) Moner. Deverages note for things left with him.(?) William Waties noto for his concern in William to Persia.(8) William Kebells concern part of ship Joseph to Pogu.() Richd. Benyons note for his concern in the Triplecane (10) Account goods left with Mr. Jenkinson (11) Govr, Boones letter dated Aprill 1719.(12) Frang. Curdozars bond for 500 on the Trevatore to Menell.(13) Aga Nunes bond to Pegu for five thousand page. viz.
On Mr. Scattergoods Act... On Mr. Elihu Tronchfield .. .. .. .. 500 On that of Jno. Maubert .. .. .. .. 1000
2500
.
..
1000
Received the above papers
pr. JNO. MAUBERT. Fort St. George. June the 1 : 1719.
[Endorsed] A List of what Papers Mr. Maubert received from me.
[NOTES ON DOCUMENT No. 90.) (4) Scattergond seems to have purchased the Santa Cruz of which Agha Nunes (or Nurs) was the nd-khudd or skipper. The vessel arrived at Fort St. George on 24 February 1719 and nailod for Pegu on 27 May (Fort St. George Diary).
(9Jonathan Cooper, free merchant, died in Calcutta in September 1719. The Wilkinson hero mentioned is possibly Jonathan Wilkinson, also of Bengal.
(3) See p. 148 and n. (5) on p. 151.
(9) This was the consignment of Chinese poroelain for Sir John Child noted above and sent to England in the Queen, Captain John Martin. The vessel sailed from Madras early in August 1719.
(5) This was a private consignment by Scattergood and was sent to his agents in London, Peter Hambly and Milos Barnes, for disposal.
(6) These letters have not been preserved.

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(7) Monsieur Deverage represents Hieronimo De Vadre, captain of the Portuguese ship Senhora das Brotas, which arrived at Fort St. George from Gon 1 May 1718 and sailed for Bengal on 14 May (Fort St. George Diary).
(8) The William, commanded by Captain Wilson arrived at Fort St. George on 4 September 1719 (Fort St. George Diary). William Watie has not been identified. The name may be a misrendering of Wilson.
(9) Captain William Keble, commanding the Joseph, arrived at Fort St. George from Bussorah on 24 April 1719 and sailed in command of the Thistleworth, and in company with the Joseph, for Pegu on 14 May (Fort St. George Diary).
(10) The Triplicane, brigantino, Stephon Woodhouse commander, sailed from Fort St. George for Malacca on 30 May 171 (Fort St. George Diary).
(11) Thomas Jenkinson, writer at Fort St. George, from 22 July 1714 (Consultation Book of Fort St. George, 1714, p. 137).
(13) This letter has not been preserved.
(13) Signor Francisco Cardoza, commander of the 'rivadore, sailed for Manila on 4 July 1719 (Fort St. George Diary).
For his friend Richard Horden, Scattergood carried with him to China, wax and silver "as an adventure," to be disposed of for " his best advantage." Early in June, as stated above, the Ann sailed for Malacca, with Scattergood on board, but the actual date of her departure is not entered in the Fort St. George Diary. By the Bonita, which followed the Ann about a fortnight later, and whose departure is also unrecorded, Maubert sent an "account current" of his client's affairs.
[91] Dr.
Mr. John Scattergood. To ballance of an accompt
By voyage per ship George(') his signed at his departure .. 1868. 6. 131 dividend .. .. .. 507. 8. 41 To cash paid him at his
By voyage per ship London() departure .. .. 22.
his dividend of 200 pagodas To do. his concern in the
not yet received .. .. 477. 10. Bretania(3) .. .. 500.
By voyage per ship Joseph() To cash paid Mr. Harris on
his 2d. devidend of 400 pagohis account .. .. 8000.
das .. .. .. .. 40. 25. 221 To what designe to con
By what I am to receive of cerne him in the Pros.
Mr. Sterling in the Prosperous perous(5) .. .. 1000.(5)
will be about .. .. 4838.
5863. 7. 631 By ballanco at 8 p. c. interest.. 5526. 34. 30 Pagods ..11390.6 133
Pags...11390. 6. 13} Fort St. George, Errors Excepted.
per JNO. MAUBERT. June 22, 1719.
(NOTES ON DOCUMENT No. 01.) (1) Tho George, brigantine, a Company's ship, Captain William Middleton commandor, arrived at Fort St. George from Boncoolen, Sumatra, 2 March 1718/19, and after refitting at Vizagapatam, sailed for Moco Moco on the west coast of Sumatra on 11 November 1719 (Fort St. George Diary).
(9) The London, Captain Charlos Wybergh commander, Nathaniel Elwick (afterwards Governor of Fort St. George) and Elihu Trenchfield (Scattergood's step-brother) supercargoes, arrived at Fort St. George from Canton on 25 February 1718/19. On 22 March she sailed for Bengal, returning on 20 September and Bailing for the Malabar Coast on 17 October (Fort St. George Diary). Trenchfield left the ship after her arrival from Canton.

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(3) The Britannia, Captain John Powney commander, sailod fo: Siam on 24 Juno 1719 (Fort St. George Diary). Scattergood's interest in the ship dated from 1713 when ho consigned Rs. 646 to Captain Powney for an " adventure to Siam" (see p. 113).
(*) The Joseph, Captain William Keble commander, arrived at Fort St. George from Bussorah on 24 April 1719 and sailed for Pegu on 14 May (Fort St. George Diary).
(5) The transaction referred to appoars to be the transfer to Scattergood of a respondentia bond (found among the Papers) for 1,000 pagodas taken up by Hugh Campbell, free merchant, on the Prosperous, which arrived at Fort St. George from Surat on 8 June 1719 (Fort St. George Diary).
On 6 July Scattergood arrived at Malacca" after a tedious voyage" as he wrote to Thomas Harris, and here he remained until the 16th of the month. On 10 July there is a receipt by the Armenian Aratoon Lazaro for 2542 pagodas, in which sum Scattergood was interested in the ship Madano Saluto bound to Siam and afterwards to Surat. At Malacca he heard news which caused him to write the following letter to Captain Stephen Woodhouse of the Triplicane brigantine.
[92]
Mallacca,
July the 11th 1719. Captain Woodhouse, Sir,
I have received your letter and have dispatched this boat express to meet you to desire you to come away directly to this place without doeing anyching by the way, for the Government have heard of your being on the coast, and they suspect it is for tin,(') and they all here protest that if you touch any where by the way, you shall not stay one hour in this place, for you cannot doe anything but they will hear of it. Therefore pray, except you have a mind to ruin the concern and doe a prejudice to all the English, come away directly for this place : and if you should have done any thing, which I hope you have not, you must deny it.
The Government have heard of all Capt. Wallis his doeings,() and they all swear that if ever he comes here he shall not have any favour shewed him; and as for the people that went with him, they are all ruined and fled from hence. Therefore if the Government should ask you, when you arrive here, any question about Wallis, you must say that you was only a passenger aboard and sick at that time, and that you perswaded all you could to get Capt. Wallis away and did not know any thing of his business nor any people from hence concerned in that affaire.
When you arrive, I have recommended you to the Captain Chinaman and John de Matt() who will assist you all they can, and if they should send you any short voyage any where in the Streights,() then you may safely adventure, for they will not perswade you to any thing to their or your hurt.
I remaine your most humble servant
J. S.
(NOTES ON DOCUMFT No. 92.) (1) No instructions to Captrir Woodhonne have been found among the Papers, but see the extracts from his letter of December 1719, infra.
(2). I have found no record of any action of Captain Richard Wallis of the Success brigantine, which may have excited suspiction as to designs on tin.
(8) Chan Youngua and the Armenian Joao de Matt (or Mattos). (*) The Straits of Malacca, i.e., the Malay Peninsula.
From Malacca, on the day before his departure, 15 July, Scattergood wrote four letters. To Thomas Harris he explained that his delay at that place " was occasioned by selling twenty three ch.98ts of ophium which we could not deliver before. Mr. Harnage sold them for 260 rix dollars per chest, though if you have any to dispose of; you may sell them, if a small quantity,

Page #362

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY
[ DECEMBER, 1932
for 300." He informed Harris that Captain Thomas Boone had forestalled him and that, on arrival, he found "no canes nor any thing else to be had," Boone having “carried away every care that was in the place.” He added that he had enquired of his agent, Adrian Meeke, why no rattans had been reserved for him and Harris," but he made answer that our orders was for small and thin canes, which he could not get ;-80 you may thank your selfe for it, for you would have me put in the order, small and thin canes." However, Scatter. good admitted that he had left money in Joao de Matt's hands to be invested in "canes" as soon as procurable, and to be ready when the Bonita returned from China.
Scattergood's letter to Maubert shows that he was carrying on considerable private trade as well as furthering the interests of the owners of the Bonita.
[93]
Mallacca July 16. 1719. Mr. John Maubert, Sir,
The bearer hereof, John de Matt, is a particular freind of mine. Ho brings with him some gold. How much I cannot just tell, but whatever he brings, he has orders to deliver to you, which pray receive and invest, or coin it in Madrass pagodos ; but doe it with all 8(e)crocy, and if you can get him a small house by you, or let him have a small room in your garden house, pray doe it. He designes to lay out about 8000 pags. in paintings (printed cloth] and Cootelore Cuddalore) blow and white cloth. If he has not mony enough, pray advance him mony on my account and help him what you can to lay out his mony. He knows what sorts will doe. When I come from China, will let you in the secret, and if you have a mind to be concerned, you may ; but above all, you must manage it with a[U] secrecy you can I have no more to add, but remain
Your most humble servant
J. S.
To James Williamson at Calcutta Scattergood wrote requesting him to send to Madras 25 or 30" chests of opium of the cast out, but not the worst sort of all."
To Governor Joseph Collet, who had succeeded Edward Harrison as President of Fort St. George, Scattergood repeated the substance of his letter to Thomas Harris and added : “There is no manner of news only the maloncholy one of Mr. Cookes leaving Bencooley, which they could not tell us perfectly. I doe not question but your Honour has all the particulars long before this." The disaster alluded to was the capture of the settlement of Fort Marlborough at Bencoolen by native forces, the expulsion of Thomas Cooke, Deputy Governor, and his Council, and the murder of other Europeans on the West Coast.
From Malacca Scattergood seems to have sailed to China in the Charlotte with Peter Curgenven and John Harnage, but we hear nothing of the voyage and only know that he arrived in Canton a few days before the Bonita. There he received a letter from Richard Horden at Fort St. George telling him that he had news from the Cape of the Derby and of Scattergood's young daughter Frances, who was "in good health.” Horden added : “My spouse desires to be kindly remember'd to you as indeed doth all Charles Street. I omitted in the memorandum I gave you to mention smoak'a ducks and goese, which makes good tiffing bills."
A letter, which also followed Scattergood to Canton, written by Chan Jounqua (endorsed "from John Yomgqua), the “Captain Chinaman" at Malacca, gives some idea of the busy merchant's many schemes and of the numerous and diverging threads of business controlled by his capable hands.

Page #363

DECEMBER, 1932]
THE SOATTERGOODS AND THE EAST INDIA OOMPANY
191
[94]
Mr. John Scattergood, My dear Sir,
I hope you arrived in good health to continue your customary favours to me. I am ever at your command. I have delivered the balance of the new accounts to the captain of this ship Bonita. I have also executed your order with respect to Mr. Ares (Harris) who presented me with the same order I had received from you.
Enclosed I send you the list of the goods which are of use in the port of Achin, (1) written in Chinese, in case of mistakes which may occur in the Portuguese translation I have made, enclosed in João de Matos letter. I am under obligations to make arrangements as conveniently as may be for your Worship, for which purpose I will have the sloop in readiness to be laden at this port before your arrival with the merchandize which you hope to bring and ship to the port of Achin.
Respecting the negotiation with the Malay captain which you recommended to me, I have taken the steps you advised, and the said captain gave me his word to negotiate on your account for 300 picos (pikuls, of ? tin), and so soon as he requires the money for security in the matter, I will not fail to pay it to the said captain.
As to the pesas de lenas,(?) a brigantine of a friend of mine will leave in four days from now for Batavia, and I will take this opportunity of transmitting the quantity demanded and what I can I will obtain in this land.
The brigantine with the sugar for which we arranged to negotiate I expect to arrive any hour from Java, both the brigantine and the sugar; and once arrived, I will fulfil my contract and settle the matter in time for your order and that of your associate Mr. Arnegly($) to be executed in November when it is received.
There is further enclosed in the said João de Matos letter a separate notice of the prices at which the merchandize contained in the list may be bought in China,(*) which I send for your Worship's guidance. Following this, things may be regulated in accordance with the prices obtaining in the country, advising you for your better guidance that the prices I have put down are more or less accurate.
I trouble your Worship to buy me for the service of my household 20 cloth chairs, which can open and close, and a small table of rosewood, like the chairs. I am writing by this opportunity to Limqua to arrange this matter and deliver them to you to bring them. Nothing further offering, may our Lord preserve you many years as I desire.
Your Worship's friend and most humble servant
Mark of CHAN JAMQUA. Malacca 7 of August 1719.
Be kind enough to bring on my account two picos of misoa,(5) called in that land laqasi, for incidental expenses.
Mr. Thomas Ares (Harris) takes & sesto of trubo,() which your Worship can make use of if it is good. Pardon me for having no other prosent to offer you.
(NOTES ON DOCUMENT No. 94.) (1) Neither the Chinese nor the Portuguese version of this list has been traced, but the one which follows (No. 95) of goods obtainable at Achin and its neighbourhood, saleable in China, was probably drawn up at this time.
() Passas de lanhas, dried coconuts.
(8) Arnegly is the Chinaman's rondering of Harnage. Peter Curgenven and John Harnage were supercargoes of the Charlotte, which was captured by Angria a low months later.
(4) This list has not been traced.
(6) This word, and also “ lagasi," which follows, are puzzles. Dr. H. B. Morse can throw no light on either term. On p. 75 Soattergood uses " missoy" for a sauce, but that cannot be the meaning here. Neither does it seem possible that "missoy bark" mentioned by Milburn (II, 313) can be what is alluded to in the text.
(9) Cesto of turubo (Mal. terubo), a basket of herring-roes.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY
[ DECEMBER, 1932
::::::
(95) A [? From) Acheen and Streights Mallacca, Trigany [Trengganu), Siam, &c. and
Batavia. Cambodia(1) per pecull
.. 40 @ 55 (tales] Sappan()
.. .. 2 @ 3 Birds nest (3) ..
.. .. ..100 @ 300 Birds wings per mill [1000]
.. 10 @ 11 Deer sinnows
.. 12 @ 15 Wax .
.. 18 @ 20 Rattans ..
.. 21 @ 3 Canes() Eliphant teeth.. Cardimums, Java Charon Crua() ..
.. 5 @ 6 Do. cus [blank] Conshin,(6) the largest ps. the best Breda de Marr(')
... 11 @ Hysam,(8) the black sort the best Buffalos hydes .. Cows Do. .. Deer Do. .. Dragons blood (R) Benjamen (10) .. Agala wood,(11) according to the goodness .. Champhire, according the (sic ?to) whiste ]ness, per catty .. 5 to 15 Beazor stones de buge, (12) according to begness .. Cabes de Paper, (18) a tale wt. for ..
.. 11 @ 24 Cloves .. .. .. .. ..
..130 to 140 Nutmege .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 150 to 160 Mace .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. ..
..
3
@
33
[NOTES ON DOCUMENT No. 95.] (1) Gamboge. See p. 64. (%) Sappan-wood. See p. 64.
(3) See Milburn (Or. Commerce, II. 306) for directions for selecting the edible birds' neets found on the coasts of Sumatra and Java.
(9) Reed canes, walking (Jambi) canea and Japan canes (wangheee) are enumerated by Milburn top. cit., II. 309) apart from rattans.
(5) Charão or acharão, crua. A varnish peculiar to China and Japan, the adjectivos crua and cust! toso), (Port.) indicate the commodity in its crude and clearer condition. See Delgado, Glossario Luso-Asiatico, A. v. Charlo.
(0) Red sandal wood. See p. 77.
(1) Breda do marr (50 p. 77), the edible seaweed of the Malay islands (Spherococcus lichanoïdes), the Malay name for which is agar-agar. See Hobson-Jobson and Dalgado, s.v. Agar-agar; Milburn, II. 617.
(8) The res-blog, beche de mer. See p. 76. () See p. 77. (10) Benjamin or benzoin, A resinous gum, Styrax benzoin, Dryander. See Dalgado, s.v. Beijoim; Hobson-Jobson, 8. v. Benjamin.
(+) Eagle-wood.. See p. 77. (13) Monkey bezoar (Port. bugia, ape). See p. 64. (18) This expression is also a puzzle, and no explanation has been found for it.

Page #365

DECEMBER, 1932 ] THE SCATTERGOODS AND THE EAST INDIA COMPANY
Scattergood's Armenian agent João de Mattos also wrote to him from Malacca reporting that he had received 2000 canes by the Bonita, but as these had fallen in price, he had made a fresh agreement with Harris to defer payment, "solely to please you, although to my own loss." De Mattos repeated the substance of Chan Younqua's letter and remarked, regarding Scattergood's trading venture to Achin, as follows:
"Your worship may at your convenience regulate the quantity which you consider sufficient for the cargo of the sloop which according to your instructions has been equipped for the voyage to the said port of Achin, in which the Captain of the Chinese is to share in the manner which your Worship settled with him on the eve of your departure.
Touching your Worship's commission to me and to the said Captain of the Chinese to negotiate with the Malay captain for a quantity of tin which he could bring on his return journey, to be received and its value paid, the said Malay Captain assured me that he would use every effort to obtain as much as three hundred picos worth and more if possible. I understand that he will not break his word which he gave to me and the Captain of the Chinese, and on the part of your Worship, I will, whenever he desires it, offer the monoy required as security for this contract."
Two of the Company's ships, the Sunderland and the Essex arrived at Canton in 1719, and it was probably from one of these that Scattergood purchased, in October, wine and beer amounting to £129. An account of his petty expenses at this time is interesting, especially the final note.
Oct. 4th
Jany. 4th
[96]
Canton Novr. the 4th 1719. 2 -
Paid for a pair of slipers
Paid for washing some part of your linnen at Vampoe [Whampoa]
Gave your Chinee De Bash(1) per your order 1 Spanish dollar.. Gave washerman to buy soap to wash fowle cloths that came from aboard
Paid for washing your cloths when you first came up. Mr. Revet brought me the washerman and said he paid the same for washing Mr. Harnage's
Paid for black ribbon
Lent you 4 ducatoones to give Padre Peireras(2) scrvant
Paid for a chair(3) per your order ..
Paid for 1 mos. washing
Paid for a chair
Paid for a boat from Vampoe
Paid a Chinee man per your order
Gave the washerman to buy soap..
Paid the tayler for makeing the boys() cloths 7 rupees
Paid for a bed for him
Paid for shoes for Do.
Paid cooleys for bringing the Nankin ware from Chounquas
house and at severall other times
Gave the washerman to buy soap..
Paid for a chair
1 6
7 2
2
36 1
193
1
Paid Do. when you went to Padre Seru(")
Paid cooley per your order ..
2
Paid for a chair when you went to Padre Peireras to see the deer Paid the washerman for 1 mos. washing Paid for soap
6 4 2 10 9 4 4 8 2 Tales .. 15 7 6 Allowed all these items and carryed the ballance into the cash book.
Mallacca Account 8 rix dollars 4 sch. makeing tales
8 8

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[ DECEMBER, 1939
[NOTES ON DOCUMENT No. 96.] (1) Dobashi, interpreter. (2) Joseph Pereira, a Joguit Father of Macao. (%) A sedan-chair. (4) Apparently a personal attendant on Scattergood. (5) Joseph Seru (or Ceru), another of tho Josuit Fathors at Macao.
The Charlotte, in which Scattergood had sailed from Malacca, was ready to leave Canton for Surat in November 1719. He was interested in her cargo to the extent of 1500 pagodas and in her he sent by Stephen Orme 8 "shooes of gold " weighing 94 oz. 8 dwt., consigned to Stephen's cousin, Alexander Orme, to be employed by him at Calicut in his " distilling trade," he giving a "bond at interest" payable on demand. At the same time Scattergood sent 10 "shooes of gold more" to be invested in "shirks fins" and Mangalore sandal wood, and sent to Madras as soon as possible. As Peter Curgenven was also desirous of procuring a quantity of these commodities, Orme was urged to " be before him" and not to "stand for a small matter in the price." To Messrs. Curgenvon and Harnage, however, Scattergood dropped no hint of forestalling them. He asked them to hand over his gold to Aloxander Orme and at Malacca to "receive the brigantine and goods that Mr. Harnage and I bought." On their arrival at Surat he begged their assistance to recover the amount owing to him by George Wyche. By the Charlotte Scattergood wrote to Jeremiah Bonnell requesting him to buy up a quantity of putchuck, rose malloes," very good incence in white drops, without stones", and yellow sandal wood and consign them to Madras to await him there, but “whatever you buy for me, pray be very private, and do not let any body know they are for me, but consign them to Mr. John Maubert," to whom he wrote a characteristic letter.
[97]
[- November 1719] Mr. John Maubert, Sir,
Yours per Bonita with your inclosed account &c. I received and am very much concern'd to hear that I have no money remitted me when the Bonita came away, but hope long before this you have received the bills.
We arrived here in the Charlotte but three or four days before the Bonita so could not doe much before she came. Gold is now prodegious dear, at 120 dollor money for 10 tale weight of 93 touch, by reason here is eleven ships, 4 Ostenders, 2 Companeys, our 2, Captain Boone, a French ship and a Moorman,(?) so that we must waite with patience till most of them are gone, by which means hope to gett it a considerable cheaper. Hope to be at Madrass by the latter end of March or the beginning of Aprill. I wrote you by one, John de Matt that if he should want money, to beg you to advance him what he wants till my arrivall.
Pray take care that Auga Nurry disposes his ship(?) to nobody but to us, for I have gott an extraordinary skeme for a great voyage for hir. Secure what tin you can.
Romain your humble servant,
J.S.
(NOTES ON DOCUMENT No. 97.) (1) Two of the Ostend Company's ships were the Brussells galley, Captain Peter Jackson, and the Wirtemberg. Captain Philip Vantnaestrict. The names of the other two do not appear. The Company's ships were the Sunderland, Captain William Hutchinson and the Easex, Captain John Pinnell." Our 2" were the Bonita and the Charlotte. Captain Thomae Boone commanded the Boone frigate, a privately owned vessel. The "French ship" is not again mentioned. The "Moorman" (Muhammadan vessel) belonged to Abdu'l-bafôr of Surat.
(?) For Agha Nunes and the Santa Cruz see document 90, note (1).
To James Williamson in Bengal Scattergood wrote at this time, sending him, per Captain James White, master of the Triplicane, a present of tea, and informing him that he had purchas. ed Thomas Harris's share in that vessel, which made him owner of a third part. He requested Williamson to purchase Patna rice and mangoes for his friends at the "Pillou " (Pilau) Club in London and to despatch them to Captain Richard Rawlins, one of the members. By Captain White, Scattergood also sent to Bengal for sale “ 176 China pictures" and some Chinese porcelain; the latter he thought would "sell best amongst the Moor men at Hugley." At the same time he sent two casks of soy for sale in Bengal by Captain Marmaduke Crompton of the Mary Ann galley.

Page #367

DECEMDER, 1932)
THE SCATTERGOODS AND THE EAST INDIA COMPANY
195
In reply to the lotter of the “Captain Chinaman" (document No. 94), Scattergood wrote as follows.
[98]
[-November 1719) Senr. Jan Younqua,
I received your lotter por ship Bonita by Mr. Harris with your instructions what to bring from this place, which I shall doe all that lyes in my power. I shall bring a good quantity of torches and tobacco chepe ; 100 peices poisecs of the colors you order'd ; some quantity of raw silk; a good deall of gold thread, and all the China ware that I can gett, with China root, &c.
I hope that you have gott ready the brigantine with the cargoc() to goo away as soon as Mr. Harnage arrives,() for he can not stay above 3 or 4 days. Mr. Curganven, Mr. Harnage and myself are concerned thirds in vessell and cargoe. My third part hope the Armenian's() money that you will receive on account his respondentia, which is 4375 rix dollers and of the 4000 loft in your hands will be sufficient. What my share will be more, please to charge to my account.
You need not send any gold with John de Matt for Madrass, for have given order by a letter that I send him to receive from my attorney what money he shall want, and your part you can pay afterwards. I have wrote John de Matt about it. I have payd to a China(man), one Suoqua, one hundred tales for your account (with) which he says he is to buy things for you.
I have no more to add, but remain,
your freind and humble servant
(NOTES ON DOCUMENT NO. 98.) (1) This was to consist mainly of sugar. (2) In the Charlotte. (3) Khudja Aratoon Lazaro.
To João de Mattos Scattergood wrote a similar letter with an additional paragraph.
[99] .... Pray dosire the Captain Chinaman to send a large vessell to goc to Bangermassin,(") and the Island Subie(?) to gett all the hysam, or the bechu de marr(3) that can be gott, and I will be att all the c[h]arges, for that comidity will be at a great price here in China the next year: therefore pray do not fail of sending a large guntin(*) now as soon as possible, for if he should stay till I come to Mallacca before he sends a vessell, she may not have time to return before I come back from Madrass, for the voyage to Bangermassen and back again will require 5 or 6 months.
I desire you to provide as much rattans as will serve to dunage(s) the ship (Jerusalem], and as sugar comes in, secure all for the said ship, as much as will fill the ship, and dispatch her as soon as possible you can for Suratt. The remainder of our stock buy up gold as cheap as you can to carry to Madras, except you can meet any vessell that goes from hence [Malacca) that will take goods for a cheap freight, and you think that by freighting goods will turn to a better account then gold.
The pamengers that comes from Pollicatt (Pulicat] you must perswade to goe to the coast (Madras) again, some on every ship, for you must not trust for the Bonita, for you know what noice Mr. Harris makes (0)

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY
( DECEMBER, 1932
[NOTES ON DOCUMENT No. 99.) (1) Banjarmassin, a port on the south of Borneo where the English factory, established in 1999, had been withdrawn in 1707.
() Subi, or South Natuna Island, north-west of Borneo. (3) See document No. 14, p. 76 and note. (*) Ganton, gantang, a measure or weight in tho Malay Archipelago.
(5) Light material, as brushwood, etc., stowed among and beneath the cargo, to keep it from injury by chafing or wet.
() This remark soons to show that Scattergood and his follow supercargo were not then on the best of torms.
One moro letter concerning Scattorgood's private trade in the year 1719 is extant. It is addressed to the Armenian, Khwaja Aratoon Lazaro, and contains directions for his voyage to Surat and the disposal of his cargo there. His vessel had been recommended to the protection of Capt. Thomas Boone of the Boone frigate and the Charlotte owned by Peter Cur. genven and John Harnage. Those two ships were at Malacca early in December and sailed thence for the Malabar Coast, but the Charlotte fell a prey to Angria's grabe.
During this, his fifth trading venture, in China, very little montion of the Bonita is found among the Papers and her owners may have had some justification in hinting that their con cerns had a secondary place in the minds of the supercargoes. There is, however, ono interesting document in connection with the ship, which is printed below.
(100) Port Charges for the Bonita.
Talem.c. Measuriage(1) 18 cov. 3 ins. brd. 62 cov. 7 ins. long .. Opening the hatches &c. charges thereunto belonging Cowphang • • • • • • Cophang(') .. .. .. .. .. .. Hoppoe(3) ..
Do. the linguister() payd him for his place Compradore() to the Hoppoe for his place .. Phophang() ..
Do. his screvan() .. .. To the watch for 150 dayes at 8 mace per day for three persons Dispatch .. .. .. .. .. Chumpen() of Canton .. Chunyan, Chumpene of Boce Tigrin .. ..
(10) 2185 - 1950
ö!!!
!!!!!
80 -
[NOTES ON DOCUMENT No. 100.) (1) Compare these payments with those made for the Company's ship Kent in 1701 (Morse, The E. 1. Co. trading to China, I. 139.).
(?) " Cowphang" and "Cophang" are the two Cophange, or chiot Sooretarys", mentioned by Lockyer, Trade in India, p. 106, among the " Hoppo's Officers, in whose power it may be to retard or incumber your affairs by the influence they have with their masters."
(3) Hoppo, the Imperial Commissioner of the Kwangtung Customs (100 Morse, op. cit., p. XX). () Interpreter. (5) Port. comprador, purveyor, here used as a steward. See Hobson-Jobson, a. v. Compradore. (6) Perhape for Fuyuen, the subordinato colleague of the Viceroy (300 Morso, op. cit., loc. cit.). (1) Scrivan, clerk, Port. escrivdo.
() Tsungping or Chentai: the commander of the Greon Bannor troops within the Prefecture of Fu (500 Morse, op. cit., p. xxi).
( The entrance to the Chu Kiang (Pearl) or Canton River is at the Boca Tigris (Tiger's Mouth). (10) The total is as given in the MS. but the columns havo ovidently become mixed.
The only other account available for the close of the year 1719 is Scattergood's " Jour. nal" of private receipts and payments.

Page #369

[101]
JOURNAL 1719 Dr.
Cash.
Per Contra
Cr.
DECEMBER, 1932 ]
..
.. 1000
:1::::::::::::::::
oz. dwt. gr. Tales.m. Cad. Ca To Mr. Fowlks(1) silver poiz .. .. .. 251 - 20 207 To 1 great bagg brought from Mallacca 656 - - 511 7 - - To Mr. Duboiz(2) silver wg. .. .. 83 - - 68 5 3 8 To the Fiscalls(*) dollars ..
18 - 58 5 4 To Capt. Jackson(") received
200 - - To Mr. Colebrooke(6) borrowed
27 15 4 22 9 3 To Dr. More(6).. .. .. .. .. 257 16 12 212 9 - To Mr. Hordons silver makeing talos To Mr. Revett(6) for ginghams To 1 small bag brought from Mallacca To Mr. Colebrooke borrowed .. .. To double keys received of Mr. Revett To Mr. Hopkins(") for long cloth .. To Mr. Cocka(8) received .. .. To 1 small bag with double keys brought from Mallacca To Monsier Velleaumont() for oyle .. .. To Monsier Velloaumont for sheep .. To Mr. Naish(10) for arrack &c. To Pinkey(12) .. .. .. .. To Mr. Colebrooke for Oadhams(19) cabbinet To Mr. Henwood(3) the ballance of his account .. To Pinkie .. -
• - .. 300 To Mr. Roches silver .. .. .. ..
.. 19 To my Mar. (16) 1 poringer and spoon wg... - To Capt. Hunter(15) the ballance of his acct. - .. 144 3
oz. dwt. gr. To Mr. Mauberte silver, poiz - - .. 297 2 12 245 3 5 To Mr. Henwood for sheep &c. - - - - 12 To Paghee 16) mony - - - - . .. 60 - -
2512 - 4 2
Tales. m.Cad.ca By Captaine Boone paid .. By Pinky lent him .. .. .. .. .. .. 300 By Capt. Jackson paid the ballance of his account .. 13 By Mr. Harnage paid the ballance of his account .. .. 20 By Monsieur Velleaumont paid .. .. .. .. 3 By a broken mandorine(17) paid him 20 Spanish dollars at
7m. 2 Cad. .. By Monsieur De Gee(18) .. By Hoppo paid for custome on a chest of China flowers .. By the bird man .. .. .. .. . By & China man lent him .. By Padre Peireras servant 1 Spa. dollar By Jackson the Linguist .. By the barber for a copper still By Sinqua(19) for sundry .. By Quansay(18) .. .. By Cudgeon(19) .. By the barber .. .. By Chinqua .. .. .. By Thomas Henwood for sundrys .. .. By petty charges at Mallacca and Canton ..
15 7 68
:::::::::::::::
::::::::::
THE SCATTERGOODS AND THE EAST INDIA COMPANY
•
By Cudgeon . By Linqua .. By petty charges
.. ..
1773 3 3 2 62 5 - - - 5 4 - 5 5 5 -
..
..
..
.. .. .
.. ..
1841 .. 670
9 2 2 1 2 -
Ballance duo
197
Tales .. 2312
0
4
2

Page #370

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY
[ DECEMBER, 1932
(NOTES ON DOCUMENT No. 101.) (1) Randall (or Randolph) Fowke, member of Council at Fort St. George.
(2) His Christian name does not appear. Mary Dubois, widow, of Fort St. George, possibly his mother returned to England in 1720.
(9) Fiscal, Du fiskaal, properly a treasuror ; in Dutch colonies, a magistrate. () Captain Peter Jackson of the Brussels galley. (0) William Colebrooko, purser of the Bonita. (") These individuals havo not been identified. (*) Hugh Hopkins, free merchant at Fort St. George. (9) Loonard Cocks, supercargo of one of the Ostend ships. (*) Captain Villeaumont Gurolin, commander of the French ship then at Canton. (10) Captain Jarnes Naial, commander of one of the Ostend ships. (1) Pinqua, Chinose merchant. (12) Catesby Oalham, essay master at Fort St. George. (18) Thomas Honwood, one of the officers of the Bonita. (14) This word is abbreviatod and illegible. (15) Possibly Captain John Hunter of the Burrington. (16) John Pugh, the Rev. George Lewis's protégé. (17) A mandolin appears to be meant. (18) Possibly Cosmo do Gion, Capuchin Father at Fort St. George, is meant. (1) Chinese merchants with whom Scattergood had dealt on his previous visits to Canton.
By the Sunderland and the Ostend ships which sailed from Canton at the end of the year, Scattergood despatched numerous letters to England. As twenty of these have been preserved, it is impossible to print more than a small selection in full. To his newly-constituted attorneys he gave an account of his affairs up to the date of writing.
[102]
Canton,
Novr. the 12th 1719. Messrs. Edward Fenwick and Elihu Trenchfeild, Dear Sirs,
When I left England I left Mr. George Lewis my attorney, and in his absence Messrs. Gilbert Affleck and James Wendy. Since which I have received a letter from Mr. Lewis to be excused, and the other two gentlemen being mostly in the country, I beg you two to be in their place, which I hope you will not deny me, the inclosed being a letter of attorney for that purpose.
Since my comeing out have received no account how my affaires stands there (England), therefore I send you a short account of what mony my attorney Mr. John Maubert and selfe have sent to England since I came from thence,(1) and to know how my affaires stands there, please to demand my papers from Mr. Lewis. In overlooking my accounts and my instructions to him you will see all.
Mr. Wendy has wroto me that my China adventure came safe home and that he had received a bulse of diamonds from Mr. Maubert, which he has not sold: but I hear nothing of three hundred and odd pounds in a bill on Mr. Cartlitche that I gave Mr. Laurence Lane the night before I came from (England) to give Mr. Lewis in the presence of Mr. Chamberlyne and young Mr. Cartlitche,(?) being the ballance of Mr. Cartliche's account with me of Mr. Beavoir's 1500 pound, nor nothing about the diamonds that I was concerned with Mr. Brad. ell, who I hear is dead; for I was concerned 2000 pagos. in a parcell of large diamonds sent

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him by Mr. Maubert, which Mr. Mauberts uncle, Mr. Shovell, can informe you. Pray make
an end of the account.
199
The day I left Portsmouth I gave Mr. Wendy a barr of water silver(3) which he forgott to send me aboard as he promised.
I hear that Mr. Charles Burniston is becoming a great man, therefore pray do what you can to recover his bond to me with interest.
The goods I send home have given particularly directions about, as Mr. Hambly can informe you of that of Tobins. These that I send now by Capt. Jackson amounting to tales 5086: 6: 2 and what I send by Messrs. Pennycott and Cocks amount to 2460 tales. I gave orders if any ship comes to China with English supra cargoes to send it out to me in my absence to buy gold and remitt you the produce of both the invoyces directly from Ostend. My share of money left at Portsmouth amounts to £1108 : 28. 9d.,(*) which hope is paid to Mr. Lewis.
When I came to India I bought of one Alexander a Jew (he uses the Jerusalem Coffee house) five emralds, which he charges forty two guineas. Twenty one I paid him, he being concerned halfe; but he made this bargaine: that if the stones should not sell for prime cost, then I was to returne the stones, and he would pay me my principall back as per his attested note enclosed. Not being able to get the prime cost, I send them back by Mr. Peter Godfrey,(5) and pray receive of him the twenty one guineas before you deliver the stones.
I ordered Mr. Lewis in my instructions what to allow my wife at Lincoln ard ordered him since to pay Mr. [sic] uncle Roger Scattergood twenty five pounds per annum, which please to allow out of my mony. Affter all my interest mony is paid of, except my Aunt Scattergoods, unless she is willing to receive it, employ the remainder in what you judge will turn best to my account.
I have no more to write you at present about my affaires : I shall write you both by the Companys ship particular letters. Please to give my duty to my Mother and love to my sisters and service to all freinds, to whome I shall write likewise by the Companys ship. I remaine dear Sir,
Your affectionate brother and humble servant,
J. S.
P.S. Since I wrote above, haveing had some discourse with Captain Jackson, he telling me that he beleived he should come out again the next season, i[n] that case I ordred him to pay you all my mony to lye at interest, and when he goes, to let him have betwixt 3 & 4000 pounds to concern in his ship, insureing it; but if no manner of probabilyty of his getting out, then to follow my former orders.
Novr. 16. P.S. Just as Captain Peter Jackson was goeing away he had occasion to borrow four hundred tales of me, for which he gave three bills of exchange, one of which I have inclosed in this, the other shall send by other conveyances.
When you insure on Captain Jackson, lett him know it before, for fear you may both do it at the same time, for he has orders about it likewise.
[12 Nov. 1719.]
An Account of what mony my attorney Mr. John Maubert and I have sent hom[e] to England since my comeing out from thence is as follows, vizt.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY
[ DECEMBER, 1932
Pags. Fa. Ca. Mr. John Maubert sent per ship Hanover, Captain (James Osborne), one bulse of diamonds amounting to .. .. .. .. .. .. .
1363. 11. 74 Do. per ship Cambridge, 1 bulse do. .. .. .. .. .. 645. 27. - I sent Mr. Peter Godfrey in things that he spoke to me of with Mr. George Pitt 219. 19. 40 I sent Sir Robert Child china ware per ship Queen that he spoke to Mr. She
feild to get for him & I paid for .. .. .. .. .. .. 110. - Sent per Queen, Captain John Martin, 4 bottles of oyl of cinnamon, consigned
to Messrs. Peter Hambly and Miles Barnes to deliver the produce to Mr.
George Lewis, amounting to .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 226. - - Sent with Messrs. Tobin and Wright from hence in goods consigned to them
two, to the amount in tales 4014 which I will reckon .. .. . 4014. My share of the Portsmouth mony is £ sterling 1108.2.9, which I make up in
pags. because the rest is 80 .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 2462. 20.I send now per ship Brussell in goods() amounting to tales 5086. 6m. 2cd., suppose pagodos .. ..
. . . . .. 5086. 6. 2 Sent per ship Wirtembourg(') in goods amounting to 2460 tales, which sup.
pose pagodos .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 2460. -
Pags... 16587. 6. 40
Left with Mr. Laurence Lane a bill on Mr. John Cartlitch for about three hun
dred and odd pounds, which I desired him to give to Mr. Lewis Sent more on the ship Wirtembourg 4 chest of lampasses(8) amounting to
tales .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. Lort to Captain Jackson on his ship, Talos
...
1110.-.400. -.
Pags... 18097. 6. 40
[NOTES ON DOCUMENT No. 102.] (1) See below for this statement. (*) William Cartlitch, junior. (3) Quicksilver, mercury. (1) This was probably Scattergood's share of the silver seized just before the Bonita's departure. (5) Peter Godfroy, son of Peter Godfrey senior, later supercargo of the Morrice.
(%) These goods consistod of taffeta, grograms and gambogo. For the silks Capt. Peter Jackson (Joseph Jackson's brother) agreed to chargo 5 per cent. freight and for the gambogo £10 per ton and 5 per cont. commission on the whole. If any Ostend shipe sailed to China in 1720, Jackson was to send out the not produce of the goods to be invested in gold. If no ships were despatched, the money was to be handed over to Trenchfield and Fenwick. Petor Jackson was also the bearer of presents (piece-goods, tea, teatables, "flowered papers" and dreasing boxes) to Scattergood's wife and family in Lincoln.
(1) The goods on the Wirtemberg were consigned to the supercargoes, William Pennicott and Leonard Cocke. They consisted of piece-goods only, on which freight and commission, ten per cont., was to be paid on the gross sales.
(8) Brocaded silk.

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THE SCATTERGOODS AND THE EAST INDIA COMPANY
201
By the Brussells galley Scattergood also wrote to his wife telling her what he was se nding to her, his aunts and his young sister-in-law. His indomitable energy had begun to fail him, for he added :
"I am now in China on socond voyage and begin to be weary of India, growing sickly, but must have patience for 2 or 3 years more when hope to gett to old England to lay my bones there, if I don't drop off before."
To his mother, Scattergood commented on the return of her son Elihu and the marriage of her daughter Elizabeth. He hoped that " dear Nancy (Ann) had disposed of hir self to hir satisfaction," but if she had not, "brother Elihu will gett hir one without doubt, for he desings to live grand and keep & world of fine companey."
He also hoped that his " dear Retty improves hirself in everything that is laudable, and that she is very dutiful to you, which I shall be glad to hear."
His health had improved since the departure of the Brussells and he wrote in a more hopeful strain :
"I am now here in China my second voyage, and notwithstanding here are abundance of ships, hope to make a pretty good voyage, and two more such will send me home again. Thank God, I am very well now, but have had two or three little indispositions. Mr. Harris is extreamly well and wears like iron."
In a private letter to his step-brother Elihu, Scattergood commented on the trade of China.
[103]
[Canton, - Nov. 1719.1 Dear Brother Elihu,
I wrote you severall letters, coppies of one another, jointly with Mr. Fenwick about my concerns in England, makeing you two my attornies, which hope will come safe to hand. This being a particular one shall give you an account of China.
We arrived here but a very few days before the Bonita, so that we had but just time to make our contract, on the fotting of which the Bonita made hers. Your letter per said ship have received and am very well satisfied with what you transacted with Mr. Maubert about my affairs att Madrass, but was not a little concerned that Governor Boone should use me 80, in not sending my bills, which I cannot but think a little I cannot tell what name to call it, considering he had my money so long in his hands. I wrote him about it but beleive shall not gett much justice from him.
I have reflected about the 1500 pagodos that I am concerned in the Charlotte, and judge I ought to have paid you that 1500 pagodos in Madrass, but I have given Mr. Curganven and Harnage a note under my hand, wherein I declare that I will make good the interest of the said 1500 pagodos to your attornies on my arrivall in Madrass, which will sett all matters right betwixt us as too that affair.
The trade of China now is goeing to decáy by reason of so many ships comeing here, no less then 11 ships, vizt., two Companeys, a French, four Ostenders, Captain Boone, a Moor man, one of Abdell Gaford(1) bound for Suratt, and our two ships, which makes everything prodegious dear, especially gold, which is 10 above touch sicee, which is prodigious. W. have nothing to trust too but our long stay again, hopeing it may fall, and at last am afrend

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY
DECI:MICR. 1934
must leave some behind us. Thank God, have gott all most all we left behind us last year except a little from Linqua. The Hong losses their creditt prodigiously.() Every body that have delt with them this year complains very much and swears they will not have any dealings more with them, expecially now old Linqua is a goeing to retire to Chingu and leaving their business to Chouqua and Emsha. We have dealt alltogather with Coula who has proved better as yett then we could expect. To make our condition still the worse, a ship from Manilla is arrived, which brings news that the people have risen up in rebellion against the Government and have killed the Governor and his son and imprison'd all his freinds, Bo the trade will florish there again, and that two ships more will come here, one of which is bound for the Coast, which you know is dismall news to us, expecially in our condition.
Mr. Wilkinson in the Essex has resolved to stay the whole year about,(%) and has wrote the Companey that little or noe good tea is to be had, but you that know China can easily unfold that ridle and can easily guese what he stays for.
We have dispatched Messrs. Curganven and Harnage for Surratt about the 10th last month with a pretty good cargoe and have lent them 120 shooes of gold of our last years contract, for could not gett them a peice this, except we would, as I said before, (pay) 110 Bicee. Master Peter knows all the trade of China allready and doth not question but of comeing again the next year and then to go to England to live gay and grand with his pretty wife and his great relations, wilst Pell Garlick must druge two or three voyages more, if God will spare me my life.(*) Thank God, I am very well now but have had two or three little indispositions.
I have received Mrs. De la Forse's (5) adventure, but, poor woman, am afread shall not make hir any great voyage. I do not question but by this time you find joy and contentment amongst your friends in England. I wish heartily I could have that happiness, but must be content in what God Almighty has allotted me. Harris talks of comeing home next year, and beleivo he certainly will, but it will be impossible for me, except I receive orders; for I think I can not leave gentlemen's effects att sizes and seven with honour ; and besides you kno six girles aro heavy articles and very dull commodities. Thinking of them makes me meloncolly, which makes me break up so abruptly, but not so but yet I esteam myself happy in haveing so good relations, expecially in so good a brother as yourself, in whose good oppinion hope always to remain Your most affectionate brother and most obedient humble servant,
J.S. (Noras ou Doo NT No. 108.] (*) Abdu" dear, an eminent Muhammadan merchant.
(1) sonttorgood oorne to mean that the business carried on by Lingun and Ancy was dealing. For & noto on hang, hong, toe p. 116.
(5) The Essea, which milod from the Downs on 18 January 1718/19, did not rench Whampos until 26 September, and her merpercargoes, of which James Wilkinson was ono, decided that it would be too dangerous to attomp to make the homeward passage that soahon and that " for the date out of the Corpany" they had better remain" till next season," a decision that brought them into conflict with the Hoppo regarding dues (noo More, I, 150).
() As previously stated, Peter Curgon ven had no opportunity to live" gay and grand," since he u taken by "Angris" grabe and only released after a long detention and the payment of heavy ransom. By alluding to himself " Pell (or Pal) Garlick," Scattergoca means "Poor me!" (no the correspondence on this expression in Notes and Queries, 1931).
(5) Elizabeth, wife of Captain Charles de la Force and daughter of Thor Pain, and Judith, nater of Richard Tremehfield, Scattergood's stepfather.

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ALPHABETS AND PRONUNCIATION
[
117
117. The cerebralt, th, d, and dh are theoretically everywhere pronounced as they were in Sanskrit, that is to say with the tip of the tongue curled back and brought into contact with the highest part of the roof of the mouth; but in some languages, such as Bengali, the contact is more forward, and the sound produced may be described as post-alveolar rather than cerebral. The same is more or less the case everywhere with lazy or careless speakers, or in rapid colloquial language. According to Grahame Bailey (Panjābi Phonetic Reader, xi), the pure Sanskrit pronunciation is still preserved in Panjabi, but elsewhere (JRAS., 1925, p. 497) he has scen grounds for modifying this statement. In Assamese (LSI., V, i, 400) and in some dialects of Gujarati (LSI., IX, ii, 329-31, 382, 438) no distinction is made in the pronunciation of the sounds represented by dental and cerebral letters respectively, and the probability is that the former are sounded more nearly as alveolars, and the latter as post-alveolars, so that in popular speech the two have become confused. In Naipāli there is great confusion between these two classes of sounds (G. Ph., § 44), and the case is similar in the North-West generally, including Dardic (see $$ 322-3).
The letters r and th represent the sounds which d and dh usually take when non-initial. To English ears their sound is obtained by placing the tongue in the same position as ford, and then attempting to pronouncer, and this is borne out by the fact that in the Persian character they are represented by a modification of the letter for , and not of that for d. Nevertheless Hindū phoneticians hear no r-sound in pronouncing these letters and maintain that the sounds are only those of d and dh sounded with a deeper and fuller cerebral effort of the tongue. For this reason, they name these sounds murdhanyatana, or 'hyper-cere. brals. Very rarely indeed do we find r instead of d as an initial, the only examples I have met being the Western Pahari rāmbi, a grass-cutting tool, and the Sindhi interjections rē and ri, and even in regard to these I am doubtful as to the real sound. Cf., however, Hindi dõi, a ladle, and the European Gipsy, roi, a spoon.
The Gurmukhi, Mahājani, Landa, and sākari alphabets have each a special character for r, and so also the Persian, but the other LAV8. content themselves by putting & dot under the characters for d and dh when they are medial, in order to draw attention to the hyper. cerebral character of the sound intended. In writing Marāthi and Gujarāti not even this dot is supplied and the hypercerebralization is no tindicated in any way. Neither nor sh occurs in literary Kašmiri, but in village speech is often heard, and this is represented in the literary language, sometimes by d, and sometimes by an ordinary r. Thus, H. barā, Kš. bad", great ; H. bürha, Kč. bud", old; H. ghörā, Ko. gurt, a horse. When these r-sounds are doubled, they take the d-sound, as in H. būshū or buddha, old. In Sindhi, 6 and d, when derived from an original ir or dr, are pronounced fr and dr, respectively, and, as Trumpp (S. Gr., Intr. & 15, and p. 18) points out, should be so written. Thus, Skr. putrah, S. put", a son, pronounced putru ; Skr. drāksă, S. dukh , a grape, pronounced drākha.
As regards the cerebral », in standard Hindi, Eastern Hindi, and (except Osiya) the ELAVs. generally, it is, as a rule, pronounced as n, although the distinction between the two letters is generally preserved in writing Tss. In other IAVs, and in dialectic Hindi the distinotion of sound is clear, and in NWLAVA. then is sounded very roughly, like 1, as in Pašto. Thus Lahndă apna, to bring, is pronounced like arna, and, in the extreme East, dialects of Bengali bordering on Oriya exhibit the same phenomenon. In Dardio the existence ganerally of the x-sound is uncertain. It certainly does not exist in Kasmiri, and has not been notod elsewhore, except in Käfiri, where it may be due to oontamination with the neighbouring Pexto, and in ßina, where it is a secondary sound, arising from the proximity of another cerebral sound, as in the word Şina itself. Regarding the aspirate xh, see 122.
57

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$$ 118-120 ]
ON THE MODERN INDO-ARYAN VERNACULARS
(FEBRUARY, 1932
The cerebral c and have been noted only in the Dardio Şiņā, though traces of them have been observed in Pašai, and in the Eranian Ormuri, a language which is strongly infected by ancient Dardic. They are sounded by putting the tongue in the position for cerebral tord, and then trying to utter c or j, respectively."
The letter c generally represents an original surd consonant followed by r, As in $. pūc (Skr. putra-), a son, or an original ky, as in . aci (Skr. aksi-), the eye. The letter j generally represents an original sonant consonant followed by, as in üju (Skr, udra-), an otter; jā (Skr. bhrātr.), a brother, or an intervocalic ș, as in $. manūjo (Skr. mānuşu), a man.
Regarding d, see § 123. 1 Cf., e.g., N. B. Divatia, in GLL, I, 93, 116.
. For these sounds, see D. L. R. Lorimer, JRAS., 1924, 182 ff. The Ormuri sound corresponding to ç is written pr. See Grierson, Memoirs of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, vol. VIII, No. 1, p. 15 ($ 29).
118. The dentals require few special remarks. The letters 6 and 8 represent the sounds of th in thin' and 'then,' respectively, and occur only in Dardio, and rarely even there. As explained in 117, in some languages the difference between dental and cerebral sounds is obscured, so that one is apparently liable to be used instead of the other. I explain this by the fact that, in such cases, the sounds represented by the dental letters t and d are here not pure dentals, but are more nearly the alveolar sounds that we meet in English. Similarly, the sounds represented in these languages by the cerebral letters and d are not true cerebrals, but are really post-alveolars. In such circumstances the two sets of sounds can easily become confused. Regarding d in Sindhi, soe § 123. The aspirated nh is dealt with in & 122.
As for labials, Gujarati and sometimes Assamese pronounce ph as f. Similarly, in Bengali, of late years the fashion has been growing, and is now established, of sounding ph as f, and bh as v. Regarding b in Sindhi, see § 123.
119. The semi-vowels y, r, 1, and v require few remarks here. It should be noted that vis.generally a pure labial, not a dentolabial as in English. In English the lower lip is placed against the edge of the upper teeth in order to produce this letter, while in the IAVs, the lower lip is placed against the upper lip. The result is a sound which approximates both that of the English v and that of the English wo, but which is exactly the same as neither. As a rule it is nearer v than w, but this largely depends upon the following vowel. If that vowel is i ore, the sound generally more nearly approaches v, while if it is a, u, or o, it is generally more nearly w. Hence this letter will sometimes be represented by v and sometimes by w in the following pages. The letter ! occurred in Vedic Sanskrit, and was probably preserved in the Prakrits. It is only heard in Western and North-Western India. It is uttered with the tip of the tongue pressed against the soft palate.
120. As regards the sibilants, & is sounded like the English sh, or like the 88 in session.' In LAVs. the sound of occurs only in Tss, but is common in the Dardic şiņā. In the LAVs, when standing alone, it is generally, except in the EIAVs, and in Marathi, pronounced as kh. Thus, pastha is pronounced khaseth. Natives of India explain this sound of as an at. tempt reproduce the pronunciation of the letter by Pandits of Benares when reciting Vedic texts, and it is popularly known in Bengal as 'the Benares sound of pa.' In Bengal itself it is pronounced as sh, i.e., it is practically the same as the Bengali sounds of both é and 8. An example of the şiņā , is found in big (Skr. vipa-), poison. Its cerebralization in this language is so strong that it is apt (as in Sanskrit) to cerebralize neighbouring sounds by sympathy, as in the words Sinā, for "şini and $. gis (Skr. fira-), the head. The sounds of : and 1ooour only in LAV, words borrowed from Persian and in Dardic. In the latter, has the same sound as the Indian , but represents not only an Indian 6, but also an Eranian &. Cf. Skr. afia-, $. ago, a horse ; Skr. kasmira-, Kš. Kafir, Kashmir ; Avesta xovas, Bě. do, six. The sound represented by is the sonant of 8, and is the same as that of the Persian i.
58

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ALPHABETS AND PRONUNCIATION
[§§ 121-124
or of the French j in 'jour,' or of the English 8 in 'pleasure.' It is sometimes cerebralized, and the sound of is then merely an alternative pronunciation of the Ṣiņā j.
The sound represented by the letters is a pure dental sibilant. In Gujarātī, Rājasthani, and Northern Panjabi it has an aspirate, which bears the same relation to a that kh bears to k. It cannot, however, be represented by the letters sh, on the analogy of kh, as sh is commonly employed to represent the sound of sh in 'shun.' To avoid confusion, the h is therefore in this case written above the line,-thus 84,-which in this work represents this aspirated s.
In Assamese, all uncompounded sibilants are pronounced as x, and in Bengali as . 121. The letter h is generally pronounced as in English, but attention is drawn to the very peculiar pronunciation of the letter in Northern Panjabi, as described in § 152, post. In Persian, when a word ends in a short vowel, a silent h is written after it, known as the ha-e-muxtafi. In the same way, a final h is often added to a Dardic word ending in a short vowel. This h is dropped when any other letter is added in the process of declension or conjugation. Thus Ks. tsah, thou, but ts-ti, thou also, taa-y, even thou; chuh, he is, chu-wa. he is of you, he is yours.
122. The IA Vs. possess a series of aspirated nasals and semi-vowels, viz., nh, nh, nh, nh, mh, rh, lh, !h, and vh. Regarding the aspirated nasals, see Mth. Gr., 12, and regarding rh and lh, see Hl. Gd. Gr. 12. These have hitherto been specially noted only in Bihari, but they probably exist in all IA Vs.
123. Sindhi has the following additional sounds, peculiar to itself and to dialects of Lahnda bordering on the Sindhi area. They are the recursive 7. 3, d, and b. They are discussed at some length in S. Gr. 13, 15, 17, and 19, and also in S. Gr. St. 2 ff., but these accounts have since been superseded by phonetic examination, and the enquirer must now be referred to R. L. Turner's article in Bull. S. O, S. III, 301 ff. Turner names them 'Recursives,' and thus explains the manner of their production. Immediately after the occlusion by lips, tongue or palate has been formed, the glottis also is closed. The larynx is lowered, and there is considerable general muscular tension. The glottis is not opened until the lip or tongue occlusion has been broken, so that some air is sucked back to behind the point of occlusion. Then the glottis is opened to permit the formation of voice. It is possible that the glottis is again closed before the following vowel is pronounced.'
These sounds occur both initially and in the interior of a word. According to Turner, initially g, j, d, b correspond to initial g-, j- (dy-), d-, b- (dv-) in Sanskrit, and intervocally to consonant groups in Sanskrit that in Prakrit become -gg-, -jj-, -dd- (-dd-), -bb- (-vv-), while the simple voiced stops in Sindhi, g, j, d, b, are the result of special conditions and in most cases (where not occurring in loan-words from other languages) are descendants of Primitive Indian sounds other than g, j, d, b. The simple voiced dental d, except in the group nd, is only found in loan-words. That is to say, except for certain specific exceptions, Sindhi has shifted Primitive Indian g, j, d, b to g, j, d, b.'
In the Landa alphabet employed in S. each of these sounds is represented by characters differing according to locality. These are all given in Stack's grammar. So also there is no agreement as to their representation in the more usual Persian character or in Nagari. Trumpp, in his grammar represents them by , J;,, ; and, Y, respectively, and S. Dicy. by;;; and. Examples of these sounds occur in the words garo, heavy, bhago, broken; jibha, tongue; aju, today; dum", a Dom; deh", a country; wado, great; badho, bound; and dabirō, thin.
124. Foreign sounds when introduced into the IAVs, are generally assimilated as follows, but no certain rule can be laid down.
59

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§ 125 ]
ON THE MODERN INDO-ARYAN VERNACULARS
The Arabic q becomes k or kh; ex becomes h; and ḥ becomes h. 8, jz, uz, and, all become j, although in old poetry is usually represented by d. In Gujarati, however, these four sounds are frequently represented by a special character, viz., ., i.e., the character for jha with a diacritical dot added, and are all pronounced z. bis represented by t, and and by 8. & is represented by 8 or é, according to the genius of the language. f is usually represented by ph, and is not represented, hiatus vowels being contracted. Thus maʼlum, known, becomes mālum, and muallim, a teacher, becomes the mālim, vulgo Mallum Sahib,' or Chief Officer of a P. and O. steamer. έ y becomes g or gh, but more usually the former, as in , way aira, et ceterâ,' which becomes G. vagere. English t and d are represented by and d, respectively. Thus G. dyuk ov badphard, with ph pronounced as f, represents the Duke of Bedford,' and G. depayutesan, a deputation.
ε
125. In reading poetry (when not in borrowed Persian metres), the above rules of pronunciation are not at all carried out. The stress accent is less observed, and quantity measured according to the rules of prosody takes its place, although this is less the case in Bg., which has developed a metrical system of its own. Owing to the weakening of the stress accent, the necessity for the use of the neutral vowel disappears, and it is replaced by the full sounded a from which it took its origin. So also the final a, which in the prose of most languages is not pronounced, reappears, and is pronounced fully as in Skr. This rule is most strictly followed in Eastern Hindi and Bihāri. Further to the West it is nowadays customary, when reading poetry, to pronounce a final a very lightly, so as to be hardly audible. This short a will be written as a full a in the following examples, as the custom is not universal. Take the following verse from the Sat-saiya of Bihari Lal in Hindi (Br.) :
ار لاتے
किती न गोकुल-वधू काहि न कि
शिख-दोन
कौने तीन कुल गल्ली है मुरली सर लीन ॥
If this were prose, it would read as follows, the stress being put on the accented syllables :Kiti na gókul-kul-bádhu kahi na kihi sikh-din;
It being in poetry, it is read as follows, the Kiti na gökula-kula-vadhu
mātri.
Kaunē táji na kul-gáli hwai múrali-sur lin. stress, if any, being on the long syllables :kāhi na kihi sikha-dina hwai murali-sura lina
Kaune taji na kula-gali
It should, however, be remarked that in verses of this kind, in which the last foot is a trochee () it is usual to pronounce the final short vowel of the line, and only that, as if it were the neutral vowel; thus, dina, lin".
To take a Marathi example :
निषत्र-राजा नळ नामधेय होता । वीरसेना चा तनय महा होता ॥
[FEBRUARY, 1932
In prose this would be Nisadh-rúja Na! nam"dheya hota, Virséna-tsä tánaya mahāhôtā, but in try it becomes :-Nisadha-rājā Nala nämadheya hötä; Virasēnā-tsā tanaya mahāhōtā. Theatre of this consists of a foot of three matras, one of six mātrās, plus two of three 1, plus a spondee.
Agai
Le Panjabi, in the Nagari character:---
चनोचली हरदम रहे इस मेले-दे बीच ।
परमेसुर-दे भगत बिन सारा मेला नीच ॥
In use this would be calocáli hara dám ráhe is mélē-dē bic, Paramésur-de bhagat bin súra mélā nic. In poetry we have :
Calocali haradama rahē Paramesura de bhagata bina
1 Le., possibly kiti, but certainly not kiti.
60
isa mēlē-dē bica sārā mēlā nīca

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FEBRUARY, 1932]
Preceding Vowel.
ALPHABETS AND PRONUNCIATION
Special rules for the pronunciation of the vowels in Kasmiri.
126. In all the Dardic languages the pronunciation is seriously affected by epenthesis (also called 'umlaut'), a subject which has only been thoroughly investigated in reference to Kašmiri. It is well understood by Kašmiri Pandits, who have endeavoured in various ways to represent the results in writing. In such a matter, every writer is, however, a law unto him. self, and there is no standard system of spelling yet adopted. The most consistent system is that of the late Isvara Kaula, whose Kašmiri Grammar in Skr.-the Kasmirasabdámytahas been published by the ASB. under the editorship of the present writer. Upon his system is based the system adopted in the Ks. Gr., Man., and Dicy. By epenthesis is meant that the sound of a vowel is changed owing to the presence of another vowel in the following syllable. Thus, in the Kš. bad", the a is pronounced as o owing to the presence of the " in the following syllable, and the word is pronounced bod". There are two ways of indicating this in the Roman character. We may either spell the word as it sounds, as in bod", or we may write the original letter, placing a diacritical mark under the letter, the sound of which is altered, and giving general rules as to how each is to be sounded. Thus, bad", preceded by a general rule that a when followed by " is pronounced as o. The former system is that employed with more or less rigidity in KS. Gr., Man., and Dicy., but in the present work the latter system will be followed, because it is better adapted for comparison of Kašmiri with other languages in which epenthesis does not play so marked a rôle. It is therefore necessary to give here the general rules for the pronunciation of these epenthesized vowels. The vowels which epenthetically affect a preceding vowel are the following, a, a, i, i, ", u, and. In Ks. the very short vowels above the line are known as mäträ-vowels. Thus, a is called a-mātrā, is called i-mātrā, and so on. By far the most important influence is that of these mäträvowels. The influence, on the other hand, of i and u is only sporadic. Further, in Kašmiri, a-mātrā and e-mātrā are both really modifications of a-matra, and only affect preceding vowels because they were originally a-matra. Hence, for the purpose of these rules, they may be considered as equivalent to a-mātrā. A-mātrā is simply a-mäträ, itself epenthetically affected by a following mäträ-vowel. In Ks. e is simply a development from (y)a, so that e-mātrā is really y. The changes of pronunciation affected by each mäträ-vowel are shown in the following table. When no entry is made it should be understood that the sound of the vowel remains unaltered. In the few cases in which i or u affect a preceding vowel, they are the same as those made by the corresponding mäträ-vowel.
g
a-mātrā (including a- and e-mātrā).
Something like a short German ö, as in ader, pr. almost öder, moist.
ö, as in kaner, pr. köner, make one-eyed
Pronunciation when followed by
i-mātrā.
o, as in mari, mör, killed masc.).
61
u-mātrā.
a', as in kar, pr. o, as in kar", pr., as in kara, pr. kairi, made (pl. kor", made (sg. kürü, made (sg. masc.). masc.) fem.).
pr. (pl.
[§ 126
å, as in mar, pr. mår", killed (sg. masc.).
yu, as in liw, pr. lyuw", plastered (8g. masc.)
ü-mātrā.
ö, as in mar", pr. mür, killed (sg. fem.).
vi, as in ", pr. v", plastered (sg. fem.).

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ON THE MODERN INDO-ARYAN VERNACULARS
(FEBRUARY, 1932
Pre
Pronunciation when followed by
ceding
vowel.
a-mātrā (including 4- and e-mātrā).
i-matra.
u-mātra.
i-matra.
yil, us in nila, pr. nyūl", blue (sg. masc.).
ut, as in ger, pr.
gubri, horses. ū, as in gør', pr. gūiri cowherds.
p
i, dg in lędør, pr.
lidar, be yellow.
yo, as in teel, pr. Ya, as in tselu, pr.
tryolu, squeezed (eg. tsküla, squeezed masc.).
(sg. fem.).
e
i, as in brother, i, as in pheri, pr. yü, as in pher", pr. i, as in pheri, pr.
pr. brithar, make phir, turned (pl. phyūr", turned (sg. phirt, turned (sg. foolish. masc.). masc.).
fem.).
ai or
o
u
(no example) ü, as in kütt, howl 1 as in kür", how , as in kitsi, how
many! (pl. masc.). much? (sg. masc.) much? (eg.fem.). , as in lokar, pr. u', as in bộz, pr. u, as in boza, pr. u, as in bộzid, pr. lūlar, make small. būzi, heard (pl. būz, heard (eg. būzi, heard (eg. masc.). masc.).
fem.) something between öf, 29 in woth, o, as in woth, pr. ü, as in woth", pr. i and u, but near- pr. woth', arisen (pl.) woth, arisen (sg wüthi arisen (sg. er 7, as in hólher, maso.).
masc.).
fem.). pr. nearly hökhar, make dry
Of the above, the vowel & followed by a-mātrā is the only one that offers any considerable difficulty in pronunciation. I have said that it somewhat resembles a short German ö. It is a sound which reaches different ears in a different manner. In Ks. Man. 17 I have described it as something between the w in the English hut' and the ő in the English
hot,' but others hear it differently. Thus, one friend who is familiar with the Kš. of the rural parts of the country compares its sound with that of the a in English cancelled.' On the whole, to my ear, the sound is best represented by 7. It must be remembered that, when final, the mätra-vowels are very slightly sounded. This is specially the case with u-mātrā and i-mātrā, which, when final, are inaudible to most English eans, although educated natives claim that they can hear them distinctly.
127. In Kāšmiri, and probably in all the Dardic languages, the following pairs of vowels are commonly confused, one person using one of a pair, and another another of the same pair. Indeed, in the larger towns, the uneducated are unable to distinguish either by ear or by tongue between the two members of each pair , e; i, ē; , 0; and i, o.
63

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FEBRUARY, 1932)
ALPHABETS AND PRONUNCIATION
[ $$ 128-130
As o is in Ks. always the epenthetic result of a followed by t-mätrā, it follows that many words are written sometimes , and sometimes , and in some cases the form is the only one used. Thus, one of the terminations of the genitive is ok, but it is invariably written uk", and will be so written in the following pages. The reader must also be prepared to meet other instances of exchange in the case of other vowels in the foregoing list of pairs.
128. It is probable that in Dardio languages the distinction between dental and cerebral mutes is not so sharp as in India proper. In Kašmiri the two sets of mutes are distinguished in writing, but in poetry th is allowed to rhyme with th, a state of affairs which would be impossible in the Ganges Valley. According to Lorimer, in şina, which is not a written language, the sound of d is rare, and only two possible instances have been known in which it is found in words cognate to Sanskrit. In the same language, he maintains that the only independent t-sound in existence is more like the English alveolar t, i.e., neither cerebral nor dental. This is disputed by G. Bailey, who says that both t and are heard in the language. Also, none of the Dardio languages, including Kašmiri, have (except in sporadio instances) any sonant aspirate consonants, gh, jh, dh, dh, or bh. In words in which in other languages such sonant aspirates occur, the corresponding unaspirated letters are substituted, except in the case of jh, which is represented by 2. Thus, H. ghorā, Ks. gur", a horse ; Pr. bujihai, Kx. bözi, he will hear; H. buddha, Ks. bud", old; H. buddhi, Kg. böd, wisdom; H. bhai, Kš. bāya, a brother.
E... Yindarzuth rhymes with oth in Rāmavatāra-carida, 699.
? I have noted one or two words in Lorimer's liste which can be compared with others in Indian languages. Lorimer himself compares bado, great, with H. bard; and also the 8. root bud., dive, may be referred to the Skr. vrud-, sink, a word, moreover, which, according to the PWB., has been noted as need only in the Ks. Rajatarangini. Most of the words containing 4 are also found in the contiguous non-Aryan Burušaski.
3 See the discussion in JRAS., 1924, 33 fl., 190 ff. • So also in the so-called Tocharisch of Central Asia. Soo Grierson in JA., X, xix, 340.
129. On the other hand, no KĀtmiri word can end in an unaspirated surd. When such a surd comes at the end of a word it must be aspirated. Thus : Base. Nom. Sing.
but Dat. Sing. trak., a certain measure. treekh ($ 105)
tralas. kāls-, glass.
kātsh
kātsas, loaf-, a ram.
kaeth ($ 105)
katas. rat-, blood.
ræth ($ 105)
ratas. tāp-, sunshine.
tāph
tāpas. This aspiration is frequently omitted by careless writers in the Sāradă or Nagari character, and is never indicated when writing or printing in the Persian character.
130. One other fact that frequently obscures the derivation of Dardic words may here be mentioned. This is that the vowels e, e, i, i, o, u, and i cannot commenoe any word or follow another. wel, although in writing they are often shown as initials. In such cases & semi-vowel is inv. iably prefixed in speaking, in order to aid the pronunciation. To e, e, i, and i is prefixed y, and to o, u, and is prefixed w. Thus, yelat- (Ar. illat), a defect; yer,
63

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$ 131 )
ON THE MODERN INDO-ARYAN VERNACULARS
(FEBRUARY, 1932
sometimes written ér, wool; yih, sometimes written ih, this ; viron, sometimes written iran, an anvil ; Skr. wpadyatē, Kš wõpazi, he will be produced ; wudar, sometimes written udar, & plateau ; oilfh, sometimes written eph, & camel.
131. In order to facilitate comparison, the following table is given showing the systems of exhibiting the vowel sounds employed in this work and in Kl. Man, and K. Dicy. The vowels are shown attached to the letter P, which is one of the few consonants in Ks. which are not liable to alteration when a mātrā-vowel follows.
Spelling in K3. Dicy when Spelling in this Approximate Spelling in
different from that work. pronunciation. Ks. Man.
of Ks. Man. ape
öpa а*р* op
opu üph
üpi öpa öip & polo
ôp" öpa
бра
yup Yüpü
ipf
apr
ápi
öpa
ӧрі
учрч
yüpt
yüp wpi
wipe üipi
ups
ipe
ope
yop
yop
Müpü
épü
ipe
ipe ipi
.
ipi yupu
уір
ipü
upe
up
nearly
op
opi

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APRIL, 1932)
ALPHABETS AND PRONUNCIATION
[ $$ 132-133
132. It now remains to deal with the methods employed in India for recording IAV. sounds. As a broad statement of fact it may be accepted that all IAVs. are capable of being written in the Nāgari character, or in some character related to it, sounds not provided for by that character being indicated with the aid of diacritical marks. The influence of the Musalman conquerors has however made it more usual in the case of some languages to em. ploy the Persian character modified to suit local peculiarities. I say the Persian' character, because the forms of the letters of the Arabic alphabet used are those which have deve. loped in Persia. The Nagari character itself is seldom employed except in MSS. of books and in printing, and then only in Marāthi, Bihari, Hindi, Rājasthāni, and Pahāļi.! For writing ordinary documents, these languages, and also Gujarati, use what is most generally called the
Kaithi' alphabet, or alphabet of Kāyasthas, i.e., of men of the writer caste. In Gujarāti, and sometimes in Bihārī, this is also used for printing. In Marāthi Nagari is called 'Bal-borth, or 'teachable to children,' and the modification of Kaithi employed is called 'Modi,' i.e.,
twisted,' crooked,' or broken.' Being used over a very large area, Kaithi varies slightly according to locality. We see this most clearly in the case of Modi. In all its varieties, also, with some educated writers it shows a tendency to approximate the style of Nāgari.3
1 In Eastern Bengal the Nagari character is also used by Musalmans.
• The adoption of the Kaithe alphabet for printing G. is quite modern. It was due to the direct influence of the Covornmont Educatiou Department. In the beginning of the nineteenth century, e.g., in tho Sorampur New Testament.--the Nagari character was employed.
3 Kaithi differs from Nagari mainly in wanting the top line familiar to renders of the latter chexacter. In writing the character, a line of ink is generally drawn across the page near the top, and the letters nung from it, so that the resemblance to Nagari is more complete, but in the socond and subsequent lincs of writing this is omitted. It makes no distinction between initial i and i or between initial u and ů. For the medial vowels, it employs * for both i ands, and u for both u and a. In Bihari it has only one aign, 6, for eand d, and usually employs the sign for kh instead of when the latter letter occurs, as it sometimes does, in Tes. Really the sign for kh was originally that for y, which has been adopted to represent th over the whole of Northern India, except in Bengali, Oriya, and Assamese. In ordinary speech is pronounced as kh. Many writers employ n not only for its own purposes, but also as a substitute for 1, A, and ; indeed it is customary everywhere to employ conjunct consonants such as ng, nd, etc. Some of the Kaithi consonants, such uc, jh, or d differ widely from the corresponding forms in modern Nägarl, but the origin of all of them can he traced in Tablew IV, V, and VI of Buhlor's Indische Palæographic (vol. 1, Part 11 of the Grundriss). The Mödi character has partly an independent origin. It was invented for tachygraphical purposes by Balaji Ayaji, secretary to the Marathă chieftain Sivaji (1627.80) (300 B. A. Gupte, IA, xxxiv, 27). A reference to the table of characters given below will show that most of them aro clearly borrowed from some form of Kaithi. We may taus look upon all these alphabets as descended from Bühlor's Siddhamälçka type of the eighth to tenth century A.D. (op. cit., 50).
133. Another group of characters belongs to the North-West of India. These are the Sāradā of Kašmir, the sākari used for writing Western Pehäpi, and other hill dialects of the Panjāb Himalaya, the Landă alphabet of the Panjāb and Sindh, and the Mahājani, or Baniyai, script of Western Rājputānā. To these may be added the Gurmukhi, or literary alphabet of the Panjab Sikkhs. All these alphabets are clearly derived from an ancient alphabet of the Gupta type (see Bühler, op. cit. 46) as will be soen from the table of characters given below. The Sārada character is well known. As an alphabet of a modern language, it is used only by Hindūs in writing Kašmiri. The mass of the population of Kašmir, being Musalmäng, employ the Persian character. Takari, Landa, and Mahājani are all very closely connected. They are muoh degraded, having a most incomplete vowel system. They have only initial forms for a, i, and u, E being represented by the character for i, and o.by that for u, Medial short vowels are not represented in writing, and for medial long vowels, if represented at all, the initial forras are employed. The name Täkar' or Takkari' is probably derived from that of the Takkas, a tribe once powerful in the Panjab Himalaya (Grierson, JRAS., 1911, 302). The word · Landa' means clippod,' and refers to the nature of the letters, which
65

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$ 13-4)
ON THE MODERN INDO-ARYAN VERNACULARS
[ APRIL, 1932
are so degraded that they are not easy even for the original writer to read. This character varies from place to place. Stack, in his S. Gr., gives no less than thirteen local varieties in Sindh alone. The variety of Landă used in the state of Bahāwalpur was used by the Serampur Missionaries for printing the Lahndā version of the New Testament. The character has not been used elsewhere for printing (see Bomford, JASB., LXIV, 1899, Pt. I, 330 ff., for specimens). It should be noted that the word 'Landā,' has no connection with 'Lahndā,' which means the West.' Mahājani is a neater form of Landā, and has a few more vowel signs, but it is nevertheless very difficult to read, and one of the most familiar stories in India lepends upon this illegibility (see Bs. Cp. Gr., i, 56). The Mārwäris of Western Rājputāna form an enterprising mercantile race, and are spread all over Northern India as bankers and noney-lenders. The word 'Mahājan' means a banker,' while Baniya 'means 'a shopscoper,' and the character associated with these names is used far beyond its own territory for banking accounts and the like. Like Mödi, Gurmukhi is said to have been invented ad hoc. The tradition is that the Sikkh Guru Angad (1538-52 A.D.), finding that the Sikkh hymns written in Landā were liable to be misread, improved it by borrowing signs from Nāgari and by polishing up the existing letters, so as to make them fit for recording the scriptures of his religion. Having been invented by him, this character became known as Gurmukhi, or the alphabot proceeding from the mouth of the Guru. The tradition well describes the general as. pect of this alphabet, which, while based on Landā, bears many signs of the influence of Nāgari.?
1 Rogarding all theso alphabets of the North-West, see Grierson, JRAS., 1904, 67 ff. The incomplete vowel system of all thoso alphabets, except Saradů and Gurmukhi, is worth noting in connexion with the fact of the incomplete vowel-system of the Kharõethi that was once current in the same tract.
134. There remain the alphabets of the EIAVs., Bihāri, Bengali, Assamese and Oriyā. In Bihāri the alphabet in general use is Kaithi, but the Mithilā Brāhmans have a character of their own, called the Maithili, which is closely allied to, but not the same as, the Bengali character. The latter is also employed for Assamese with one additional letter for vs. Bengali has no character for va, every original va being pronounced as ba when not compounded, and being generally silent when compounded. In the latter case, when not silent its also pronounced as la. The sound w sometimes occurs in modern words and in words borrowed by Bengali from other languages, and is then represented in writing by the somewhat clumsy compound öyā. So well established is this method of representing the sound that when in a Bengali word the letter o is followed by yā, the whole is even then pronounced wa. For instance, the word for 'twelve' is bāro, and that for 'friend' is yār. When an entertainment is got up by a number of people meeting together and subscribing the necessary funds, it is called a büröyāri, or, according to popular etymology, an entertainment provided by 'twelve friends. According to S. K. Chatterji (Bg. Gr. Ch. 426), the word is really derived from būra, a gate+uāri, a pavilion, and, whatever its origin, it is pronounced barwari, Assamese occasionally requires a medial va, or rather wa, and the necessary character is formed by taking that in use for ba or va, and drawing a sloping line below its hollow portion. The Maithili and Bengali alphabets are directly derived from Bühler's proto-Bengali (op. cit., 57). The Oriyā alphabet is, on the contrary, derived from Nāgari, and probably reached Orissa directly from the West. It is differentiated from the ordinary Nāgari type by its use of curved lines instead of horizontal strokes. This is due to the old custom of writing on strips of the leaf of the talipot palm instead of paper. The characters are scratched upon this with an iron stylus, the writing being along the line of the fibres of the leaf. In such writing horizontal straight lines must be avoided, as such would infallibly tend to cause the leaf to split (see Bühler, op. cit., 89). 1
1 Literature. In addition to Bühler's work quoted above, for a gonoral view of the whole question, see Prinsep, Indian Antiquitics, ed. Thomas, ii, 41 ff., Bs. Cp. Gr. i, 51 ff., Hl. Gd. Gr., i ff. For Kaithi, see Grierson, Handbook of the Kaitht Character, 2nd ed., Calcutta, 1890. For many specimens of the
66

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Indian Antiquary
1.
Magari Kaithi Gujarati Modi Maithili Bengali Oriya
G G
õ ã ã cão ♡ &
bs To E in ce să că EZË, E ME
tw
55
J
Q
zre
271
& a
7
Щу
į
हु ह
31
14
دی
G
3 4 3 6 2 4 2 4 & 48 49 5
L
2 9 5 555
W
eta ),
と
21812 11f FE FF VETE
65 55 m and $5 19 159 15 156 F 18 d to it to to to
ESB SHBA SA SE là HE SOT SH
ے سود و علت به مدل سه د سر رين رويم ريس
we as

Page #386

Plale
den goose swtws not cow po
это я зs + 4
+
4 2 яна сч
Nagarī Kaithi Gujarati Mödi Maithili Bengali Oriya
YANA GAG on as to 4 son agro 4 749
4
4 2 8
6 2 G7 G L or of
a grosi Go 4 2 & 4
Caso o Q t cocos co 20 0910 o c m CO JOJO
Indian Antiquary

Page #387

Indian Antiquary
o
co @ a QQ
CE
co To Ø a GO 0. C. CE QOF
GG AS A $493,4 % Gi A si
SÅ
a lehils to thick
& who 6/b. b. 4 13
Nägari kaithi kujarati Modi Maithili Bengal Oriya
* Only in Assamese.
ar finnas nis î of a sus
Plnite

Page #388

Plate
two
w
of to a
I to y 67 Gt 6 to 8
a
2
#3 & 003 a hit al by g
go on to Say S4 C4
$ -;
p
2 ty cente o
LR SB 23 SB 2 NI 2 N
vist or at ar š sh. Sy
er en Gupta Josáradáækari Landā Mahdjant Gurmukhil
ex
er at ex
ed
est relat eb q el of e
r
Ž
Indian Antiquary

Page #389

है ही ही ही ही है की ही होते होते हैं? हो हो ही ही है है है है ले
गड or →
JES2 +
の
0 N
Jqam
ل
MG
ܘ ܝ ܕ ܕ ܝ ܀ ܕ ܒ ܗ ܕ ܕ ܕ ܕ ܕ ܘ
वटwwwয७%
Na Lownd w
অত
हु
is essexe
शतलहर ढ rarea 3 c त त ह है है W
༣
भजप बघ श्र ढ्य बनल 섀외에 어 हुए थ
Gupta Sarada Takari Laṇḍā Mahājanī Gurmukhi
Plate
Indian Antiquary

Page #390

हैं है है है है है हैं रहूँ
we
33
13
अ
44 45
سی
द
५७ 3 डी श्र
म
प
हूँ है ही है है है है ही ती है हे
जल एह हह
A 2
-
314
1 अ०
हज
इ 3
ता ख थ
न
रा
O
6 C
7 18 17140 1 5
প৯@ন
52 was
g০ह নে
द्मकঅडी नद
or Gupta Sarada Takari Lanḍā Mahājani Gurmukhi
Indian Antiquary

Page #391

Plate
| ما وه به م
ن
ه
ه
ه ه o
م ج ه ه ه ه
ه ه ه
د « «
چي
ما
د
و دس
Arabie Năgari Kaithi Gujarati
امر بر سر ه عر mm 6 ه
ه ه مردم و م م م م مر م س .
م م 1 2 •
هه يه م ر ل د س و .
NUMERALS.
Arabic Gupta Sáradata kant Landa Mahājani Gurmukhi
و به کو
ه ک S و يا
ه ه
ber
ام ب س و م م م 1 م •
ام ۶ و هم با مه
او به دود و 2 4 2 5
مر بر ه ه
ه
ه ه ه ه
Maithili Bengali
هه ه ه ه ه ه ه ه ه ه
ا ن و
ه ه ی ها ۹ که ۰ م ما و و و و و 71 0
فينيp
Indian Antiquary

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APRIL, 1932 ]
ALPHABETS AND PRONUNCIATION
[ $$ 135-137
North-western alphabets (unfortunately rendered of little use owing to the absence of any transliteration), Bee Leitner. A Collection of Specimens of Commercial and Other Alphabets and Handwritings as also of Multiplication Tables current in various parts of the Panjab, Sind, and the North-West Provinces, Lahore, No date. The Palæography of India, by Gaurishankar Hirachand Ojha, Udaipur, 1894, contains specimens of nearly all the alphabets in use in India from the earliest down to the most modern times. It was reviewed by Bühler in JRAS., 1895, 246 ff., and, while very useful, must be employed with caution.
135. Tables 1 to 7 facing this page show the alphabets above referred to. The non-initial vowels are shown attached to the letter k. The Gupta characters are mainly taken from Bühler, op. cit. The others are all traced from actual handwriting by natives of the countries where the respective alphabets are employed. As they represent actual handwriting, their forms sometimes differ from those used in print. The Kaithi letters are those in use in Bihār. These characters vary slightly according to locality. The Gujarāti letters may be taken as representing the Kaithi of western India. The Landā and sākari letters are only samples of many varying forms. Further examples will be found in the related volumes of the LSI., in Leitner's work above mentioned, and in Stack's Sindhi Grammar. The only compound consonants shown are kea and iña. The others call for no special remarks, except that we may note that in Northern India (but not in Kašmir) it is customary to write rya and rua, when occurring in Tbh, words, and y, not f and , which forms are reserved for Tss. This applies not merely to MSS., but is also common in printing. Thus H. Anot märyo, he was killed, R. rwātā, loaves.
136. The Persian form of the Arabic character, henceforth referred to as the Persian character, is used in Hindi, Sindhi, Lahndā, and Kāšmiri. In Hindi it is used by Musalmāns and by Hindūs educated on Musalmān lines, in that highly Persianised form of the language known as Urdū. The Kaithi character is not adapted to expressing the sounds of many Arabic consonants, and religious influence has also been brought to bear in favour of Persian. The Persian character is never, nor indeed could it be, employed for writing the highly Sanskritized High Hindi, but it is frequently used for the well-known lingua franca, containing no excess either of Persian or of Sanskrit, called Hindöstäni. New characters are required for the sounds (s, or s) and d (3, 3 or 3), the cerebral » not being required. The 'butterfly 'h(e) is, properly speaking, reserved for expressing aspirated consonants, thus es kh, 4; ch, a th, etc., ye bhū, ke bahū ; but the distinction of using this form of h is not always observed in India. It cannot be used after d, d, 1, ?, where we have , 3,), for dh, dh, rh, rh, respectively. In Kāšmiri the Persian character is, as has been already stated, employed by Kašmiri Musalmāns, and has also been adopted by missionaries for translations of the Bible, although the first version of the New Testament, that of the Serampur Missionaries, was printed in Sāradā type specially cast for that purpose.
The sound of the Kg. ö is represented by alif with madda, 1, and the sound of is by or, sometimes, by 3, the proper sound of the latter (1) not being required by the language. In other respects Kāšmiri follows Urdū, and no attempt is made to represent the numerous epenthetic vowels except ö, the character for the simple vowel nearest in sound being used instead.
137. In Sindhi, if we exclude the mutilated Landā characters, the Persian is the only alphabet in use. It has, however, received a great number of new signs to suit the ideas of those who would put the written language under fixed rules. In this respect, wp to lately every writer was a law unto himself, but one system, which we may call the original Sindhi alphabet was more generally in use than others. This has been twice improved upon, once by Government, and again by Trumpp in his works on the language. The following table shows the special letters of the Sindhi alphabet in three columns. The first shows the original Sindhi alphabet, before it was experimented upon, the second the result of these experiments in the present Government alphabet, and the third shows that used by Trumpp in his grammar. As S. Dicy. follows the Government system of writing, that is necessarily followed in the present work.

Page #394

Ата, 1932
Trumpp's Alphabet.
- 2 ғ ә эчә
ь + + А., , 4 и, в
, чә.
ON THE MODERN INDO-ARYAN VERNACULARS
Government Alphabet.
-
- *)
э
э э
+
v
w и
м
2
2
2
2
Т
Old S. Alphabet.
959532
Letter.
5 137 )

Page #395

APRIL 1932]
WORD STRESS-ACCENT
CHAPTER IV. PHONOLOGY.
[§ 138
[NOTE.-Throughout this chapter secondary Prakrit words will usually be quoted in the forms which they would be expected to take in Apabhramsa.] A. Stress-Accent, Tone, and Intonation. Word Stress-Accent.
138. As the phonology of the LAVs. is greatly influenced by the stress-accent, it is most convenient to consider this before proceeding to details regarding the various sounds. The subject has been almost neglected by native writers, by whom (as also in the case of the actual sound of each letter) the matter is treated as self-evident.1 The IAVs. closely follow the rules of the Sanskrit stress-accent (as distinct from the ancient musical accent) which have been noted by Prof. Jacobi, ZDMG., xlvii, 574 and ff. (Cf. also Wk., xxiii, n. 3 and 296.) The only difference is that the IAVs. do not usually throw the accent further back than the antepenultimate if the word ends in a long syllable. The general rules are as follows:
(a) The stress-accent falls on the penultimate if it be long. Examples-Skr. and Ts. kirti, fame; G. janói, a sacrificial thread; M. gidh(a), a vulture; kána, one-eyed; S. raháu, a dweller; H. asújhä, invisible; kisán(a), a husbandman; B. chotákkā, small.
(b) If the penultimate be short, the accent falls on the antepenultimate, provided that be long. Examples-Skr. and Ts. kirtan(a), a report; M. válan(a), inclination; kápad(a) clothes; H. bándhan(a), binding..
(c) In any other case it is thrown back as far as possible, the limits being, in Sanskrit and Tss., and in Tbh. IAV. words ending in a short vowel, the last syllable but three; and in Tbh. IAV. words ending in a long vowel, the antepenultimate. Examples-Skr. kúțilată deceitfulness, as a Ts. kútil tā; M. kár vat(a), a saw; sTs. pár bat(a), a mountain; B. pár"sat(a), touching; H. tin kä, a straw; bál(a), force; but H. pahticana (not páhucana), to arrive; H nikál tā, issuing.
Sometimes, however, even an IAV. word, which has the accent on the antepenultimate, may retain the accent on the same syllable, when it becomes the last syllable but three by the addition of a secondary suffix. This is by no means universal; pronunciation varying with different people. Thus, H. titali, a butterfly, long form, properly, titáliya, but also sometimes titcliyā.
(d) If the accent does not fall on the first syllable of a word, that syllable has a secondary accent. Thus, Skr. kùlánām, of families. So IAV. ràháu, chòtákkā, as above; sTs. àdhin(a), dependent on.
(e) In the conjugation of verbs there is a cross-rule, which, however, affects only the 2nd person singular of the Imperative. This cross-rule is that, throughout the conjugation the stress-accent remains on the syllable on which, under the above rules, it falls in the infinitive. If, in the infinitive, the accent falls on the root, then the cross-rule and the foregoing rules are identical. Thus, H. úthna, to rise,-derivative forms, past part., útha; pres. part., úthata; pres. sg. 3, úthe; impve. sg. 2, úth. But in the causal verb the stress-accent of the infinitive falls, not on the root, but on the causal suffix. Thus, H. uhána, to raise; past part., uthaya; pres. part., uthátā; pres. sg. 3, utháë. In all these the foregoing rules and the cross-rule are identical. But the impve. sg. 2 of the causal is, under the cross-rule, uhá, not útha as is required by the foregoing rules, and is thus distinguished from útha, the past part. of the simple verb.
1 Bloch. FLM. 44 ff. doubts the existence of any stress-accent in the IAVs., but here I am compelled to differ from him. My own experience is confined to the languages of the Gangetic Valley, and in these it certainly exists. R. G. Bhandarkar and (following him) Joshi certify its existence in Marathi and Guis. rāti. See Bhn. 161 and M. Gr. §§ 176 ff. At the same time I admit that, though it undoubtedly exists, the stress-accent in Marathi may not be so strong as in other IAVS.
60

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§ 139-141]
ON THE MODERN INDO-ARYAN VERNACULARS
3 Pischel (Pr. Gr., § 46) accepts these rules for Sauraseni and Magadhi, but considers that the stresssccent of Maharastri, Ardhamägadhi, and poetic Apabhramsa is, on the other hand, a development of the Vedic tones.
Skr. bhágini, sister
139. A tendency is observable from the earliest times to elide a short vowel following the accented syllable (cf. Pr. Gr., § 80); thus, Skr. bhágini or bhágni; Skr. pùgaphála, Ap. *púgphala, pópphala; Skr. súrabhi, Ap. *súrbhi, súbbhi; Skr. lávana, Ap. *lávṇa, *láüna, lona; Skr. jfvita, Ap. *jia, jia. In the LAVs. the process is still carried on, but the neutral vowel is substituted for a, i, or u, instead of that vowel being altogether elided. Thus, M. kár vat, a saw; B. ghórawa, a horse; Skr. dùrbálakaḥ, weak, Ap. dúbbalai, H. dúbalā.1
The elision of i and a is more rare in the IAVs., and is restricted to special cases. Examples are:
bádhirakaḥ, deaf práthamaḥ, first
pippalah, a pipal tree
viralakaḥ, rare
pánjarakam, a cage
Ap. báhini
ágniḥ, fire
sálmali, a silk-cotton tree
báhirai padhaillal
vidyut, lightning
bijjulā
H. bijali, but other IAV. bijuli.
Cases sometimes occur of the a being weakened to i or u instead of the neutral vowel (cf. Pr. Gr., §§ 101, 108). The i change is most common in Sindhi, and the u in Bengāli. Examples:
I APRIL, 1932
pippala viralai pajaril
IAV. HI. báh ni, báhan, or báhin.
Other dialects báhin, but M. and B., to preserve the i, throw the accent on
it and lengthen it, bahin.
H. báh ra or báhira.
H. páhala, but M. páhila, G. páhelö and so on.
8. pipir".
S. virilo or virlo.
S. pijirō.
T., Bg gun(). Bg. simul.
simbali
1 Jacobi gives as parallel from the Romance languages-Latin, verecundia; French, vèrgógne; Italian, vergógna; Spanish, vergüenza.
140. In compound words, except in Bengali and Assamese (see below), the first member retains its own stress-accent as a secondary accent, the stress-accent of the second member being the stress-accent of the word; thus, H. pàn sála, a watering place; M. phùl máli, a florist; B. d-sujh(a) or à-sújhava, invisible. This secondary accent I mark when necessary with the sign of a grave accent, but shall generally omit it.
70
This rule about compound words explains such apparently anomalous forms as the B. dekh láhu, I saw, and the many similar verbal forms in that language, in which the accent falls on the penultimate or final syllable of the word. They are really compounds of the past participle [dekhal(a)], and old pronominal suffixes.
The tendency to drop the final vowel of the first member of the compound [as in dekhal(a) +úhu] dates from the earliest times. Thus, Skr. kumbha-káraḥ, a potter, Ap. kumbha-áru or kumbháru (against the usual custom, Ho., 1, 8), LAV. kumhőr(a); Skr. nàvumāļiki, jasmine, Ap. *ndumália, ndumális, nðmálid; 8kr. pratista, a neighbour, Ap. palou or phdiefou, H. parós(a). A long vowel in such a position is first shortened and then elided; thus, Skr. decatorimat, forty-two, Ap. blydyällu, bäyälleu; H. (a).
141. If the accent falls on a short vowel there is a tendency to lengthen it (cf. § 168); thus, Skr. ápaga or apagã, a river; músala or músala, a club; so alsc
Ap.
Skr. prátipad, first day of a fortnight
pádivayā or M. padevi, but H. páribà, B. párab. pádivayd

Page #397

APRIL, 1932)
WORD STRESS-ACCENT.
[ 142-145
Skr.
Ap. hástini, she elephant hátthini M. (with change of accent) hattin, but
H. etc., háthani. kúšalaḥ, prosperous
STs. OEH. kūsal(a). Sometimes, instead of lengthening the vowel, the consonant following is doubled, so as to make length by position. Thus kalahah, strife
sTs. B. (Bh.) kállah. nádi, & river
H. EH. B. náddi. 142. On the other hand the accent has a tendency to shorten a preceding long vowel (cf. Pr. Gr., $ 81); e.g., Skr. ágáram or agáram, a house; Skr, drikúpyah or akúpyah (for ai kúpyah), very base; so in IAV.Skr.
Ap. kāsisam, green vitriol k āsísu H. kasts. dèválayah, temple
dēválai P. devála. So M. bhík(a), begging, brikári, G. bhikhari, & boggar; M. kámla), work, kamáu, that which earns. Again, M. kănás(a) (Te), to an ear, in which the first ă is written long, but is pronounced short like the a in the Italian băllo. So also M. bhik(a), dat. bhikes(a); pik(a), a ripe crop, dat. pikás(a); hatla), a hand, dat, hátás(a) as in kínás(a) (Bhn., 137).
143. When a word begins with two long syllables, the second of which has the stress-accent, the secondary accent on the first syllable often attracts the first acoent to itself, and the syllable which would ordinarily bear the stress-accent is sbortened. Thus, Skr. ànita becomes in Ap. ánia ; Skr. pāniya, Ap. pániya ; Skr. kàlyána, Ap. kálhana, N. Pr. (Stein, Räjatarangini Tr. I, 13, n. 18), and so on. SoSkr.
Ap. děválayah, temple
H. déval, M. déval. käyásthah, a man of the kriyátthu B. káyath.
writer caste vātúlakah, mad
vāúlaü M. bávala, B. báurā, S. bá viro. 144. This even happens when the first syllable is short ; e.g., Skr. attka, false, Ap. aliya ; Skr. mådhuka, name of a tree, Ap. máhrt ; 80
Skr. firisah, a kind of tree sirisu
H. siris. dritiya kah, second
dútiyaii H. dutigã. gàbhirakah, deep
gáhirü H. gúhirā. bàlivárda), a bullock
IAV. búil or báil. sambandhi, a co-father-in-law ..
H. sám"dhi (through *sámbădhi, $ 275). 145. In Sanskrit and Prakrit there was also a secondary accent on the penultimate of a word. Thus, in kútilata tho a in the penultimate has more accent than the i in the antepenultimate. Sometimes this secondary accent was so strongly felt that it swallowed up the main stress-accent, and itself became the main accent, with the usual result of lengthen. ing the accented syllable. Thus we have in Sk.. Accent not on penalu.
Accent on penult. jálpaka
or jalpáka, talkative. deviki, a goddess derikā, a queen. úlipin
or wūpin, a guinea-pig. karina
or kårira, the shoot of a bamboo. cartira
or vàrtira, a quail. rótulo
or våtúla, inflated.
Ap.
illu

Page #398

$ 145 )
ON THE MODERN INDO-ARYAN VERNACULARS
(APRIL, 1032
In Pr. this is specially common in certain pleonastic terminations. One is -la or -la. Thus, vljula, lightning, pátralam, a leaf, pfàlam, yellow; but pellavillam, a shoot, mùhállam, a face, háthrilló, a hand. So Skr. dtrakúlam, Pr. dtúllam; Skr. sárvatah, Pr. savválto; Skr. skátas. Pr. katto : Skr. ányilah, Pr. annálló. So also the suffix loa; thus, Pr. hiškam or (Mg. Pr.) hadákkam, heart. According to Mk. xii, 22, the rule is made general in Magadhi Prakrit, in which any vowel before the suffix ka may be lengthened. Thus, Skr. rå japútra kaḥ, Mg. Pr. Gústakë, or läuśtákë, a king's son.
This secondary accent on the penultimate reappears in several of the IAV8. The Apabhramós termination -dku becomes (by elision of the k) dü, and then or à. So the termination iks becomes iā or iya, and thence i. In two Western Vernaculars, i.o., Gujarăti, and especially Marathi, curiously enough the Māgadhi Prakrit custom has obtained, and this secondary accent swallows up the main accent of the word, and becomes itself the main accent, with the usual consequence of shortening the preceding syllable. So that aku and iki become áku, áu, and fkā, kā, and then á orð and i, preceded by a short vowel (Bhn., 137, 161 ; M. Gr., $ 179). Thus Skr.
Ap. kípakah, a well
ktivdü
G. kuvó, but H. kúa. cúddka), a bangle
chiddü
G. cidó, M. cid 1, but H. cúri. cúrndbah, lime
cúnndü
G. cùnố, M. cùns, but H. cúmi. Citrakah, a leopard
citàü
M. citá, but H. cit). kialah, a worm
Hiddü
M. kidá, but H. kira. fiksital, learned
sikkhiü
M. sikhá, but H. sikh). mistàķah, sweet
mitdü
M. mithá, but H. mithi. sucikah, a tailor
sticiü
M. sucí, but H. súci. uffikā, a betel-roll vidia
M. bidt, but H. biri. Again, in other terminations
histini, she elephant hátthini M. hauin, but H. háthini. bhágini, a sister
bábini
M. bahin, B. bàhín, but H. báhin. And so in all other similar feminines in M. Compare $ 142 (kanās, etc.). But a similar change occurs in other languages; thus
dybtakam, gambling júdù or jüáu P. júá, but 8. H. jūá. dipakaḥ, a light
divdü or divár P. díyá, but H. divá. abhváñjitah, anointed abbhiijiü H. bhijá, but M. Bg. 0. A. bhijá, wet. abhyántarē, within
abbhintaras H. baftar, but M. Bg. 0. A. bhilár. 1 The accuracy of this statement has been doubted by eminent scholars, but further inquiry has not induced me to alter it. It is based on Bhn., 137,- There is a rule, which in M. is almost universal, and in G. often observable, in virtue of which the accent or the whole weight of the sound of a word falls on the final à or of nouns in the former, and the final 8 or in the latter; and the preceding vowels are rendered short, while in the original Sanskrit and in Hindi they are long. He then gives as oxamples M. kidå: M. bhila; G. kuwd ; M. cita; M. cuda ; G. cudo ; M. cund; G. eund. He gives further examples on p. 161. On the point of the question of the correct pronunciation of these two languages, Dr. Bhandarkar's evidence is entitled to great respect. As regards M., Molosworth's dictionary gives kid and kidå, cita, cuda. cùn, and ound, all of which exactly boar out his remarks. A. Master (JBRA, NS. I, 80) combats Bhn's statement about Gujarati, and maintains that the words are kudo, cũdo, and cūno. It is here probably a question of dialect, G. Dy. gives only kuto, but both cudo and cludo, cund and clino.
Turner, in JRAS., 1916, given a different explanation of these forms with the stress-accent on the final syllablo. For Gujarati, on p. 220, he donies that the shortening of the penultimate is due to final stress, and maintains that it is due to the essential character of the vowels i and u, which are peculiarly liable to shortening. As regards Marathi (pp. 231 ft.) he follows Piachel's theory (5 138, n. 2) that in Maharatri Prakrit, though not in Saurasent, etc., the streee accent is a subetitute for the old Vedic tones, and is not subject to the rules for strens accent given for other languages. In Marathi, be maintains that the effects of Vedie tonee can still be observed. His arguments are interesting, but are too compiicated to give here. Under any circumstances, the facts of the present day are as given above.
72

Page #399

JUNE, 1932 ]
CLAUSE STRESS-ACCENT
[ $
146.147
Skr.
146. The shortening and elision of the vowel following the accented syllable, as in déval(a) for dèvála and dúbala, has had one very important result. It follows that when a word ends in a short vowel, thrt vowel, under the influence of the stress or the secondary accent on the penultimate, has a tendency to disappear.
Taking Tadbhava words first. These come to the JAVs. through the Apabhramsa, and nouns pass into the LAVs. in the form of the nominative singular. Nearly every Ap. word, and the nominative of every noun in that language ended in a, i, or u, or in one of these vowels nasalized. If one of these final vowels be preceded by a consonant, under the influence of the accent, it disappears in the modern tongues. ThusSkr. Nom. Sg. Pr. Nom. Sg. Ap. Nom. Sg.
IAV. ghotah, horse ghódo
ghodu
ghod (ghor). párkati, fig tree pákkadi
pákàdi * pákad (pákar). báhuḥ, arm báhū
báhu
bah. The same applies to the cases in which a verbal form ends in a short vowel. Thus
Ap. pathasi, thou readest.
pádhàsi
M. pádhas (or padhes). It will be seen that under the influence of the accent there has been a regular weakening of the final vowel at each of the last two stages. Prakrit has ghódo with the final o long, Apabhramsa weakens it to 1, and the IAVs. omit it altogether. There is a tendency in some dialects to preserve the final vowel. It is especially the case in Bengali, Oriya, and Sindhi.! On the other hand, some languages are fond of shortening and eliding a final long vowel of a Ts. Thus in Bihāri the word for 'woman'is indifferently nuri (purist), núri, or nár (poetical and vulgar). In Sindhi and Kašmiri the final short vowel of Tadbhavas, though. preserved, is only very faintly pronounced. We meet the process, in fact, at an older stage, and can watch the vowel in the very act of disappearing.
In Tatsamas the result is the same. The noun is also used in its nominative form, and a final visarga or anusvāra is omitted, as these letters have ceased to exist in the LAVs. We thus getSkr. Intermediate Stage,
IAV. bálah, strength
bála
bal or bála. mátih, mind
máti
mat or mati. vástu, thing
bástu
bast or bástu. The above remarks only refer to prose pronunciation. In prose these vowels, though they have disappeared, are not elided, for they are still there, and again reappear in poetry (see 8 125), which always preserves the older forms of the language. ThusIAV. Is pronounced in Prose.
Is pronounced in Poetry. घोड़ ghör
ghóra. पाकड़ pákar
pákara or påkari. बाह bah
baha or bahu. पठस pádhas
pádhàsa. बल bal
bála. मति mat
máti. bast
bástu. 1 Central and Eastern Pahari not only elido original short final vowels, but exhibit a strong tendency to shorten final long vowels. In this way, many words in these languages now end in audible short vowels of socondary origin. Seo Turner in IA., L. 99. So also in Kašmiri.
Clause Stress-Accent. The Stress-Accent in Bengali. 147. Besides the stress-accent of each word, the IAVs., as in all languages, lay special stress on the accented syllable of some particular word in each clause. The ordinary rules of emphasis and of logical connexion will here generally be a safe guide, but in Bengali and Assamese the matter is complicated by the old influence of Tibeto-Burman languages still

Page #400

$& 148-151 )
ON THE MODERN INDO-ARYAN VERNACULARS
[JUNE, 1932
persisting. According to Risley, the population of Bengal belongs to the Mongolo-Dravidian, and that of Assam to the Mongoloid ethnic type. The true Mongoloid type is still mainly represented by speakers of the Tibeto-Burman family of languages, and there is no doubt that people akin to the Tibeto-Burman Båra, or Bodo, tribe once occupied a large portion of Bengal.
In regard to the Barå language two points may be noticed here. The first is the preference for portmanteau' words,-i.e., for the use of long strings of roots compounded together into one word indicating a complex idea that in other languages would be expressed by one or more clauses. Thus the word nu-za-hui-nai-sui-là, lit. see-become. motion from observe-much-take, means 'go and take and see and observe carefullly. The second point is that in this language there is a strong tendency to place the stress-accent on the first syllable of a word, as in fai-dang-man (really a compound word), (I) was coming. + Imperial Gazetteer of India (1907), i, 294.
3 LSI., III, ii, 13. 3 Endle, Outline Grammar of the Kachári (Bara) Language, p. 7.
148. We have seen (ante § 138d) that in other IAVs., when the stress-accent does not fall on the first syllable of a word, that syllable has a secondary accent. We have also seen (140) that in other IA Vs., in the case of a compound word, the main stress-accent of the compound is on the second member, the first member retaining its own stress-accent as a secondary accent. The case is the same with literary Bengali, when recited ore rotundo. Thus ásitē means 'coming,' and chila, he was. When these are compounded, in this form of the language, we get a site-chila, he was coming. But in coll. Bg. Tibeto-Burman influence prevails, the main stress-accent is thrown on to the first syllable of the compound, and as a result all the succeeding syllables are run into each other, so that what is written āsite-chila, is pronounced aschilo.
149. But Tibeto-Burman influence does not stop here. In coll. Bg. each clause (on the analogy of the Tibeto-Burman 'portmanteau' word) becomes what is practically one compound word, with the main stress-accent on the first member of the compound, and only secondary accents on the remaining words. Thus let us take the three words, së, he: baliya, having said ; basila, he sat. If we write sē baliya basila, it means lit. he having said, sat.' But in colloquial Bengali this is pronounced se b817-bõšilo, and means he quietly said ' or he had the impudence to say.'1
A longer sentence, which I break into clauses by a perpendicular stroke, will illustrate even better the Bengali system of clause accents. Each clause is really a compound word as in Båå. The sentence and accentuation I owe to the kindness of the late Mr. J. D. Anderson, Búrla sàbda üccaraner kátak-guli višēs niyam páwa yiy, I púrvē tàhär á lócana kàriyāchi; táhār-i anurğtti-kramē aro kichu bálibar ache. Táha ei prabandhë lábat irunē kàritē) icchā kàri. Kívat primänë púnarikti pathak-diga-kē márjana kàritë hàibē, i.e., Several definite rules can be framed for the pronunciation of Bengali, as I have explained on a previous occasion. But some supplementary remarks remain to be made, and with theke I wish to deal in the present essay. My readers must forgive me if there is a certain amount of repetition.'
1 Cf. Anderson, JRAS, 1912, 1075; 1913, 857, 867.
150. It should also be noted that in such portmanteau' compounds, the main accent, or phrase-stress, is accompanied by an audible rise in tone,-another point in which TibetoBurman influence manifests itself.
Tone. 151. Tone, in the sense in which it is employed in regard to Indo-Chinese languages, and corresponding to the Vedic musical accents, is not a prominent feature in the IAVs. There is, of course, everywhere the sentence or phrase tone, the words of a phrase being altered in pitch to indicato some special shade of meaning. These can be illustrated by the four different modes of pronouncing the word 'dead.' We may say 'dead' in a raised
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INTONATION
I $152.153
monotone, with a slightly plaintive inflexion, to indicate pity; or we may say 'dead ? a simple query; or dead ?' an incredulous query long drawn out; or dead,' a sharp and decisive answer, 1 Such modulations probably occur in every language, and the interrogative tone is especially prominent in the IAVs. owing to the fact that the order of words in a sentence is the same whether the sentence is a direct sentence or an interrogative. But we very rarely come across cases in which the meaning of a word varies according to the musical note in which it is uttered. If a differentiation has to be made, it is done by means of alteration of the stress-accent. Thus the H. bárhā, increased, has the stress-accent on the first syllable, but bashá, drive on ! (imperative), has the accent on the last.
1 Examplos taken from Encyclopædia Britannica, Ilth Ed., vi, 218.
152. We do however find a musical tone taking an important part in Northern Panjābi,1 in which the accented syllable of a word is pronounced in a raised tone, i.e., in a higher musical pitch, if it is followed by the letter h or by an aspirated letter. In such cases the h or the aspiration is not pronounced, and its exact position with regard to the following unaccented syllable is immaterial. Thus dádhā or dándā, severe ; wendhā or wéhndi, looking, are pronounced dadā and wéndā, respectively, with the dá and we pronounced in a high tone. This tonic h must be carefully distinguished from the h or aspiration which is written at the beginning of an accented syllable in the same dialect. This h or aspiration is sounded something like the Arabic 'ain, and can only be enunciated on a low tone. Thus lahái, descent, is pronounced l'ái, something like sleJ and walhétņā, to wrap up, is pronounced wal'étnā. When an aspirated letter is sonant it is usually, but not always, pronounced in this case as a surd. Thus bhrā, brother, is pronounced prā: and dhái, two and a half, is pronounced trái. The h or the aspiration may even be in a syllable preceding the accented syllable and have the same effect. Thus, hanérni, giddiness, is pronounced n'érni; ghatáņā, to lessen, is pronounced kat'anā; and bhaleái, goodness, paletai. It thus follows that two distinct words, differently spelt, may have the same sound. Thus, kahani, a story, and ghuni, mud, are both pronounced käri.
We also, as already pointed out ($ 150), see a high tone employed in Bengali. It falls on the syllable in a clause which has the peculiar Bengali clause-stress-accent. Here it is probably due to Tibeto-Burman influence.
1 These tones probably extend into Northern Lahnda, but they have not been described as yet by trustworthy observers.
3 For further particulars, and also for the cases in which sonant aspirates do not become eurds, see NP. Gr., xvii ff., also T. G. Bailey, A brief Grammar of Panjābi as spoken in the Wazirābād District, Lahore, 1904, p. 2. According to Bailey, the same changes aleo occur in Standard Panjabi and in several of the WPh. dialects.
Intonation 153. Languages differ widely in the method employed by speakers in placing or focussing the tone of voice. It may be focussed on the back of the mouth, on the hard palate, or even on the teeth, or it may be nasalized. It is this focussing of the tone which is one of the most characteristic features of a language, and the method of focussing employed in one cannot be applied to another without risk of unintelligibility. This is often observed in India, when an Englishman speaks in the vernacular to an uneducated peasant. If, as he often does, he speaks the language with the palatal focus customary in English, the peasant will grasp that fact first of all, and will not attempt to understand what is said to him. He will recognize the English intonation and will therefore assume that the words are English, although the speaker may really be uttering excellently grammatical Hindöstāni. There are few officials in India who have not, when new to India, had their self-conceit diminished, when speaking to a peasant in that peasant's own vernacular, by the latter replying, 'Sahib, I do not understand English.'
Romarka based on NP. Gr., 19 ff., 22.
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ON THE MODERN INDO-ARYAN VERNACULARS
[JUNE, 1939
154. Nevertheless, hardly any one has paid attention to this important subject. In fact, the only mention of it that has hitherto been made by any writer on Indian languages is contained in the passages already referred to in NP. Gr. For the rest of India no written information is available, and I can only, with much hesitation, quote my own experience, which is confined to the Ganges Valley. In good English, clearly spoken, the tone is focussed, on the bard palatal arch, though professional singers, for the sake of clearness focus it more forward, behind the teeth. In Pañjābi, 'the tone is brought to the very front of the mouth and on the teeth, giving a ringing metallic effect,' and endows the voice with a splendid carrying quality. One result of this clear metallic tone is that vocal indolence is not encouraged. Compound consonants, and, especially, ancient double letters, are preserved, and herein we find a cause for the phonetic facts, that in Pañjābi, double letters are not simplified, and letters difficult to pronounce, such as and !, are in common use. As we go west, down the Jamunā and Ganges Doāb, the focus is placed further back. The result is a less clear-cut tone, accompanied by a vocal indolence that simplifies double consonants with compensa. tory lengthening of a preceding vowel. Thus, P. súkkhā, but H. súkhā, dry. This change is, however, in these tracts not so universal as we might assume from literary usage, for the double consonant preceded by a short vowel is still often heard in the mouths of the un. educated. With this focus, we find n and ! gradually disappearing, being replaced by the dental n and I respectively. As we go eastwards, the focus gradually recedes slightly, the chief result being further vocal indolence. A tendency is observable to confuse the letters n and l. We hear, e.g., a village named Lakhnaur (Lakşmaņapura), called Nakholaur or Nakhlaul. Similarly there is a tendency to substitute a purely dental r, not only for the cerebral 7, but also for the r of the West, which is semi-cerebral. Then again this dental is liable to be exchanged with the dentall. By this time we have reached Bihäri, but on our left, we have passed by Audh, a country in which the language is Eastern Hindi. In Central Audh, while the language is still fairly clear-cut, a tendency to nasalization is observable,
- not so much of particular words, as of general intonation. This is probably not very manifest to foreigners living in Audh itself, for it is too general; but, when a Magistrate in Bihar, where this nasal intonation is not prevalent, I was frequently struck by the clear-cut nasal intonation of witnesses brought down from Central Audh to give evidence before me. From the Panjāb, down the Ganges Valley as far as Bihär, the letter 8 is invariably dental. The sh-sound of & is rarely heard, although we know that in the Prakrit period it existed in South Bihār. So also the clear sound of the letter 0,-the so-called a of America,'has persisted till we come to East Bihār where we find it with a more rounded sound, approaching that of 7 in 'hot' Further East we come to Bengal. Here the focus of intonation is decidedly further back in the mouth. I should be inclined, pending further enquiry, to say that it was on the soft palate. The result is a rounded, indistinct, sound of the vowels. The a has become distinctly õ and broken Vowels, such as e, have come into frequent use. Bengali has its own melody. It has been described as possessing the mellifluousness of Italian,'1 but its best friends cannot call it a clear-cut language. Indeed, I have heard it irreverently libelled, by one who came from the Panjāb, as a 'slobbering' form of speech. Without going so far as that, there can be no doubt that in Bengali vocal indolence, consequent on the back-focus of its intonation, has seriously affected its clearness of enunciation. Compound consonants are indolently simplified, padma sounds as piddo, smaran as sörön, vāhya as būjihva, and hrasva as rõdéo. Finally the dental s, which requires a certain effort to pronounce clearly, is everywhere superseded by the easily pronounced palatal s.
1 Cf. Anderson, JRAS., 1912, 1074.
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B. VOWELS. Addition of Vowels.
155. Prothesis.-Prakrit does not suffer compound consonants as initials of a word, and hence such do not occur in IAV. Tadbhavas; but we often find them in borrowed words including Tatsamas and semi-Tatsamas, and in such cases, especially when the compound begins with a sibilant, it is usual to prefix a vowel in order to assist pronunciation. We have an example of this in Pr., in the word itthi, a woman for *istri (cf. Shb. istri), i.e., strī, a woman (Pr. Gr. § 147). In the IAVs. the prefixed vowel is generally an unaccented a or i. There seems to be no rule as to which vowel is selected, except that i seems generally preferred when the following syllable contains i or e. Thus IAV. asnán, bathing (snana-); istri or istiri, a woman (stri) (Haṛauți, a dialect of Rajasthani, and also old Western Rajasthāni have astri); astuti or (rarely) istúti, praise; istéóan, a station; iskúl, a school; ispáñj, a sponge. This added vowel is often pronounced like a mātrā- vowel, so that we hear "snan, istri, "stúti, and so on. In many cases we have anaptyxis instead, see below. Sometimes, in cases in which there is no true compound consonant and no sibilant, we find a prothetic a, with the accent, as in H. ác"pal, restless, Skr. capala-; ajwan (Tbh.), aniseed, Skr. yavāni.
[An amusing instance of prothesis is the Bengali pronunciation of the English word 'stink,' as isțink. This latter word became confused with the surname of the celebrated Warren Hastings, which came to be pronounced ěstink,' with the accent on the final syllable. In the Bengali pronunciation of Honorable,' the word is run together, so as to sound like 'horbal,' and, when I was in India, it was a common joke among Europeans that the Bg. pronunciation of the Honorable Hastings Sahib' was Horrible Stink Sahib.'] In Dardic prothesis of a vowel is not uncommon. Thus
C
a.
B. aže, but V. že-št,1 a bull, compared with Av. gav, Šiyni žāv, Sarīkoli, žau; Bš. ariu, Aš. aru, Skr. rupa-, silver.
i. Aš. istri, Wai. ištri, Av. Skr. stri, a woman; Kh. istor, Av. staora-, Prs. "stor, a horse; Kh. ispusar, Grw. išpō, Skr. svasar-, a sister; V. išti-kh, Kh. istari, Aš, istā, Av. stär-, Prs. sitāra, a star.
u. Only noted in V. ušu, six, but Wai. šū, Av. xěvaš.
e. Only noted in Gwr. etsi, a cow. Cf. Bš. aže, above.
VOWELS
Ts. tyag, generosity Ts. pratap, prowess
It will be observed that compound consonants commencing with a sibilant prefer i.
1 See GIP., 12, 300, 419. Morgenstierne (Aš. Gr., 245) derives this from sabha-, but this does not account for the Šiyni and Sarikoli forms.
156. Anaptyxis (Svarabhakti).
a. Initial. We frequently find this instead of prothesis, and, like prothesis, it is chiefly found in borrowed words including Tss. and sTss. Anaptyxis is more common in the upper Gangetic Doab, in the Panjab and the North-West, while prothesis is more common to the East. But while prothesis is nearly confined to compound consonants commencing with 8 initial, anaptyxis also occurs when one of the members of the compound is y, r, l, or a nasal. So also in Prakrit (Pr. Gr. § 131 ff.). Examples are:
becomes
S. tiyagu, P. H. EH.B. tiyag.
IAV. pártáp, exc. S. partap". (This is the regular form which the prefix
pra takes in sTss.)
IAV. tarús, exc. S. társ".
Coll. Bg. parún.
8. piribhur
8. pir or prl.
B. birich.
S. sirudhu, H. EH. B. sarádh.
Ts. träs, fear
Ts. prān, life
Ts. prabhat, dawn
Ts. priy, a friend
Ts. vrks, a tree
Ts. śräddh, funeral obsequies
..
[§§ 155-156
23
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ON THE MODERN INDO-AKYAN VERNACULARS
[JUNE, 1932
Ts. Slök, a stanza
becomes H. EH. B. salók, M. silók, S. salók:
(Pr. silóa). Ts. klēs, fatigue
IAV. kilés, or kalés, exc. S. kilégu. Ts. sneh, love
IAV. sinéh or sanéh, but S. saného. Ts. snān, bathing
poet. H. EH. B. sinan (AMg. Pr. siņāna-). Eng. station
sitésan (mostly western) or istéśan (mostly
eastern). We have both prothesis and anaptyxis in istiri, a form occasionally used throughout the Ganges valley for strí, a woman.
It will be seen that the inserted vowel is nearly always unaccented, and this accounts for its indeterminate character. It is often pronounced as a mere mätrā-vowel, and this is the rule in Sindhi poetry (S. Gr. 29). In other cases the choice between a and i usually depends on the nature of the contiguous vowels. In the case of contiguity with a labial consonant, u is often employed. Thus from dvāram, a door, we have IAV. duwār, and from padmam, a lotus, IAV. pardum ($ 157).
So universal is the pronunciation of an initial pra as par (cf. pártáp, above), that even words commencing with an original par are often written as commencing with pro. Thus, all over the Ganges valley, it is quite common to meet the Prs. pargana, a fiscal division of land, spelt pragána.
With snän, sinan, bathing, we may also note that snā, takes the form nhà in most IAVs. (Pr. nhái), but P. H. also have r nahā, while M. employs metathesis and has r näh.
I have not noted any certain case of initial anaptyxis in Dardic.
157. b. Medial. Anaptyxis is also common in the middle of a word, not only in the case of y, r, I and nasals as above, but also with other compounds. Thus
Ts. karya, a business becomes H. käraj, and so elsewhere. Ts. dhirya, firmness
IAV. dhiraj, exc. S. dhiraju. Ts. súrya, the sun
Most IAVs. súraj or súruj. S. súriju. Ts. garbh, the womb
IAV. garabh. Ts. hars, joy
H. EH. G. B. hárakh, EPh. hárkha. Ts. dharm, virtue
IAV. dháram, exc. S. dhárm". Ts. púrra, eastern
P.H. EH. EPh. púrab. B. púrub, S. piirab". Ts vars, a year
P. H. EH. báras, B. báris, S. wirih, but
L. wárha. Cf. Kš. wirihy. Ts. misra, name of a Brāhman
P. H. EH. B. misir or misar. sept Ts. bhakt, a devotee
IAV. bhagat, exc. S. bháğal". Ts. Sakti, power
S. ságatTs. ágni, fire
H. EH. ágani, Bg. agun. Cf. Pr. ágani. Ts. pádma, a lotus
H. EH, B. pádum. Cf. Hc. ii, 112, pa üma. Ts. janm, birth
IAV. jánam. Ts. svápna, a dream
H. EH. B. sápan, S. supano. Ts. sábda, a word
LAV. sábad, exc. S. sábid (S. Gr. xxxiii). Ts. vighna, an impediment , G. vághan (GLL., 402). It will again be seen that no rule can be laid down as to whether a or i should be inserted. In Bg. águn, the vowel is u, and the preceding a has been lengthened.
In Dardic medial anaptyxis is also not uncommon. We have seen it above in Kš. wárihy, a year. For a, we may quote 8. ažal, or adt, V. aste, eight. The Av, ustra, a camel,
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ELISION OF VOWELS
[ $$ 158-159
hecomes B. štyur, V. ištiur, with anaptyxis of u, to which these languages frequently, as in the English penury,' prefixes i ory. In Kš., moreover, the employment of a-mātrā, is often an instance of medial anaptyxis. See § 193a.
158. Other cases. Vowels are sometimes added as finals. Most TAVs. elide all final short vowels, but Sindhi and Osiyā retain them, and so occasionally does Bengali (see $ 146). In Central Pahāļi (Kumauni) a short final vowel is, as elsewhere, elided, but it returns before postpositions. Thus bálak, a child ; bálaka-le, by a child. But these are not instances of the addition of final vowels. The most important case in which this occurs is in the Kanauji dialect of Hindi. Here the letter i is often added at the end of a word after a long vowel. Thus badi for bâd, after; déli for dēl, giving (masc.); barbadi for barbad, ruined. This seems to be due to a desire to pound clearly the off glide of the final consonant, for we find a added in similar circumstances in the case of borrowed words in Kāšmiri as in jaháza, for Prs. jahāz, a ship; nišán", token, for Prs. nišān or nišana, and many others. See $ 193. In Old Western Rajasthani a is sometimes similarly added after a final i (OWR. Gr. § 2 (6)). Thus jagia for jāgi, malia for mati.
Elision of Vowels. 159. Aphesis. An initial unaccented vowel, followed by an accented vowel, and there. fore in a word of more than one syllable, is often elided in the IAVs. So far as I have noted, this only occurs before a single consonant. The same occurred in Prakrit, as in Skr. aránya-, Pr, ránna-, G. M. P. rán, H. ran. Similarly Skr.
Ap. aragháttah, a well-wheel arahálfu
H. ráhat. M. has transferred the accent and
now has rahág. arátnih, the elbow
aráuli
M. réta, & push with
the elbow. álasika, linseed
álasia
H. tisi, Bg. tísi, O. tési, all
with transfer of accent.
H. also álási, cf. K. ális. apatyakah, a child
*avacom
LAV. báccă, etc. apúpah, a cake
sts. IAV. prp. abhilágyatē, he is attached to
M. H. r hilag., be hung to. irinom, a salt waste
S. rinu. upavišati, he sits down
uvaisi
H. B. M. baisē, M. also vásē, N. Bg. 0. básē, A. bahē, G. bäsē, L.
bähe, s. bihe, Ks. béhi. upáskaraḥ, an ingredient, *uvakkharu H. ba khar, a tool-bag, M.
bakhar, stuffing for cakes, P.wikkhar, stock-in-trade; S.wakhar", oilman's wares, L. wákhar, oil-seeds, G.
wakharo, furniture. udúmbaraḥ, a fig-tree
udumbaru
Bg. 0. dúmur, but Mw.
Gudumbar. upādhyáyah, a teacher
Ts. B. padha. This aphesis is also common in IAV. forms themselves. Thus, H. nókhă, for anokha, wonderful; câncak, for acáncak, suddenly ; naj for andj, corn; dhái for adhái, two and a half; dhélā for adhéla, half a paisa ; H. ádhi rat, W Ph. dhardti, midnight ; H. angithi, WPh. githi, a fireplace. Even a suffers aphesis in NL. (Chibhālī) eman for asmān, heaven, through (vulgar H.) asmān. So, Skr. ăsit, Pr. āsi, P.si, was (all three persons). Cf. Dardie below.

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We have seen that aphesis of à occurs in Northern Lahnda. We find similar instances in Dardic, a group of languages immediately adjoining NL. Thus, Skr. ātman., self; Wai. A. Gwr. Trw. tánu, Paš, táni-k, Kh. tan, My. ta, Grw. láni, $. tomo, Kš. pána. Av. ap., water: My, wi, S. wei; but Bš, ao, ou, Wai, ao, Kč. āb. In the latter case the aphesis had already occurred in Talcah, cf. Waxi vi-k.
We also find aphesis of a in words like Bš. parmn, a child (Av, aparanāyu-). In modern Prs, this is the regular rule before single consonants (GIP. I, ii, 20).
Aphesis of i has not been noted by me in Dardic.
Aphesis of u in Dardio follows IAV. in regard to the Skr, upavisati. Thus My. V bhai., Gew. y bai., S. v be-, Trw. r bih-, Kč. V běh-. Cf. Skr. upaya., Kš. pāy, a device; Skr. upalah, Kš. pal, a rock; Skr. ucchinakah, Kš. tshyat", leavings.
Aph. of ē occurs in Dardic. Gwr. r bā, send. Cf. Skr. ēpati, V. res, Kh. V wes
160. Syncope. This occurs in the IAVs. under the influence of the accent. Here, usually, an a following an accented syllable becomes a-matrā (the neutral vowel) and this in some dialects tends to disappear. Cf. Skr. pàga-phalam. Pr. poʻpphalam for *púgphalam (see $ 139); Skr. dihitä, *duhida, Pr. dhi'ā, a daughter. So IAV.:Skr. Pr. or Ap.
LAV. vijñáptika, a request
india
H. B. binti for *bináti. trásaḥ, terror
S. STs. tárge for tárása
In both cases with
transfer of accent. In CPh. (Km.), the word for 'he was 'is chiyo, which becomes in dialects chyö. Here it is simply a case of contraction of three palatal letters. But this syncope is most common when the syncopated vowel is followed by h. In such cases, esp. in M. (Kõn.) and NP., the h is then usually transferred to the preceding consonant, which is transformed into an aspirate (5 369). ThusSkr. Ap.
IAV. gárdabhaḥ, an ass
gáddahu or B. EPh. gád"hā, S. gágáddahu
dah", A. gādh, Bg. gádha, H. EH. P. 0. gádhā, L. and also P. gáddo, G. gadhēlro), M.
gādhav. dásakah, ten
dahau
M. dahá, Kön. dhā (LSI.,
VII, 167). So NP. bhái for bahái, seated (fem.); jhāz for Ar. jaház, a ship; bhánā for Prs. bahána, a pretence. Cf. & 152.
It will be observed that except in the case of chyö, the vowel syncopated is always a or (in one case, társ) a.
In the Dardic languages syncope of a is most common in Käfiri.
Av. paršti-, Prs. pušt, B¥. pti, ktī, V. ktseh, back (Ps. L. 64). In Bš. it is especially frequent when a preposition ending in a is prefixed to a noun, as in p'pdu, in the jungle, for pa păro ; P'putt, on the road; p'tsir, on the top ; b'bhim, on the ground; b'doi, on the arm; b'gol, in a valley; paši, in the mouth ; p'oštre, on the hill; and many other similar cases.
Syncope of i is more widely spread. E.g. Bš. píšaš or pštās, Aš. pieds, V. pšikh, Gwr. peäsi, a cat; Skr. biąála-, ks. brára, a cat; Skr. divasa-, a day, Paš. dwas or dáwas; Skr. násikā, Kh. naská-t, a nose. For u, we have Kl. kurð or kro, ear; Wai. V pus-, lose: but Bš. v poë-, V. r pad.
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ELISION OF VOWELS
[ $161
161. Apocope. We have seen (§ 146) that most IAVs. drop an original final short vowel. The exceptions are Oriya, Sindhi, and occasionally Bengali. This is due to the influence of the main or secondary stress accent on the penultimate. Some IAVs. carry this tendency even into secondary formations. Thus Eastern and Central Pahari (Km.) shorten an original final long vowel, and this shortened vowel is apocopated in dialects. Thus the C.P. standard has celo, for celo, a son, and its dialects cyal; standard bojo, for bojo, a burden, diał bwoj. In the Dardic Kašmiri, original short final vowels are elided, but original long final vowels are made short. In Sindhi always, and in Kašmiri generally, a final short vowel (whether original or secondary) is so lightly pronounced as to be hardly audible. It becomes, in fact, a mätra-vowel. Thus S. khát, a bed; ákh, an eye; ángar", a coal; K. bát, boiled rice; poth', a book; kart, a necklace. In Bihari a final i, when derived from 7, is usually preserved, as in páni (pantyam) water, but final i and u generally become matra. vowels, as in dekh lanh', he saw, dekhath", let him see. We see a somewhat similar state of affairs in the Konkani dialect of Marathi. In Standard M. final a, i and u are apocopated (except, in the case of i and u, in Tss.), but in Kōn. these are preserved as mātrāvowels. Thus dzána, persons; pút", a son (LSI., VII, 16). In this last case we may trace Dravidian influence.
In some dialects of Western Pahārī apocope occurs even in the case of secondary vowels, Thus instead of göhre-ra, of a horse; guhra-be, to a house; ke-sa, what is it?; and gōhrë-lë, from a horse; we find in dialects gohrer, göhrab, kēs, and gōhṛēl.
The final a of Skr. and Pr. fem. nouns is commonly apocopated in IAV. Tbhs. Thus :-- Skr. cháya, shade
Ap.
cho gà
nidrā, sleep
niddā
IAV. chaw or chay, with various spellings.
L. nindr, S. nindr", M. nid, EPh. nin, G. P. H. EH. B. nid, nin.
This change had already occurred in Ap. (H., iv, 344), the final a, being shortened to a. Similarly final and u are either apocopated in IAV. Tbhs., or lengthened exc. in S. where, as usual, they become mätra-vowels. Thus :
drati, sight
ditthi
báhuḥ, the arm
M. dith, H. EH. B. dith, P. dith, but S. déth. Ap. báh (He. iv, 329) H. bah, L. bah, Bg. bāk, O. bākā, EPh. baha,
Apocope of i is also common in Tbh. fem. adjectives; as in :gárbhini, pregnant gabbkişi
M. G. bahi, but S. baha
P. gabbhan, L. gabbhan, M. G. gabhan, H. EH. B. gabhin; but S. Jabhin, A. gābhini.
Apocope of other vowels in IAV. is rare, and only occurs in sporadic cases. All the foregoing instances are due to the influence of the stress accent, see § 146.
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ON THE MODERN INDO-ARYAN VERNACULARS
[ August, 1932
In Dardic the same apocope of final vowels occurs as in the LAVs. For examples, see Ps. L. There is also apparent apocope of final u due to epenthesis, in words such as K. uddur, a monkey, for uddaru. The same occurs in L, in words like jangul, a forest, for jangalu. These will be discussed under the head of epenthesis (164).
Metathesis. 162. Metathesis of vowels occurs only in sporadic instances in the IAVs. When it occurs, one of the vowels is most often u. Cf. P. viñchuo, for *vifichio, Skr. tbcilal, a scorpion. IAV. examples are
nhái
snáti, he bathes
most LAVs. rnha-or nhāv-, but M. V náhhárini, a deer
hárini
H. hiran. ángulikā, a finger
ángulia
H.B. fg'li or águli, but EPh. aalo. lághuḥ, light
hálu
H. luulē, slowly. vástu, a thing
B.EH. (Ch.) 8Ts. bátus, a thing. ulkā, a torch
. lúka, H. luk, lūk, lüh, lu, hot wind. binduh, a drop
bindú
G.P.L. bund, S. bede, others bed. In the last case, the change of i to u was probably influenced by the preceding b.
In Dardic instances have been noted of the metathesis of u in Bš. styur, V. ištiur, Av. våtro-, a camel ; V. iuri, Wai. ürei, Skr. rūpa-, silver; Bš, kuri or krúi, a dog. We have metathesis of ē in Bš. atêr, Av. antara, within.
Epenthesis or Umlaut. 163. Closely connected with Metathesis is Vowel-Epenthesis or Umlaut, i.e., a vowel-change brought about by the influence of a vowel in a succeeding syllable. In the IAVs. the vowel which thus influences a preceding vowel is always either unaccented i or unaccented u. This epenthesis is almost entirely confined to the OUIAVs, and IIAVs.
We shall first take epenthesis of unaccented i. This is not uncommon. We see the first stage in what is really metathesis of i, in Assamese, Eastern Bengali, dialectic Bihari, and colloquial Gujarāti. Thus -
A.sTss, bákya, a word, pr. báikya or báik ; xüny, empty, pr. xúinya or huin; ánya, another, pr. binya or oin. In these, and other similar sTss., the y is first vocalized to i. See LSI., V, 400.
EBg. and SEBg. káūrā for káriya, having done ; &úinbār for túnibar, on hearing, and other similar forms (LSI., V, i, 203).
B. (Bh.) Nagpuriyā sub-dialect, spoken in south Chota Nagpur, káir-ke, for kári-ke, having done; moir-ke for mári-ke, having killed ; and so for other conjunctive participles (LSI., V, ii, 281).
Some writers distinguish between Umlaut' and 'Epenthesis,' confining the latter to vowel-inser tion not caused by a vowel in the succeeding syllable. I follow Brugmann (Grundriss der vergleichenden Grammatik, 1, 479) in treating thom as orsentially identical.
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EPENTHESTS OR UMLAUT
[ $ 164
Pr.
Coll. G. máiro for máryo, struck; căilo for cályo, went; póiro for póryo, a son. So, even in Standard G. ávyo, came, pr. áivyo; lávyo brought, pr. láivyö. Here, as in A., y has first been vocalized to i. See LSI., IX, ii, 331, 382..
In the above there has been little more than metathesis of the i, but we find a true epenthetic change in the following :
We have seen above how a followed by i has become ai in EBg. and B. In G. it sometimes becomes a as in käd, a waist (Skr. káţik); ghär for *ghári, in a house. In the language an original ai also becomes e, as in gebi (or gäbi), secret, Ar, yaibi; bel (or bäl), a bull, Pr, baillo, Skr. bulinardah. For other examples, see LSI., IX, ii, 344.
Similarly in Marathi (Kūn.) we have gēr, for gári, in a house ; voir, for úvari, on (LSI., VII, 167). In some forms of Hindi (Br.) we find forms like keh for káli, having said. Other examples of this umlaut change of a to e or ē are :
Skr. ámhrikaḥ, the foot
(amhiu, Hc., iv, 288) G. M. P. H. Bg. é-di,
B. &.di, the heel.
(Derivation doubtful.) sándhiḥ, friendship
sándhi
S. sê dh'. sándhih, a burglar's mine
H. sedh, B. sēnh, Bg. O. sindh, A. sindhi, but
S. sándhe. In Western Pahāri and Lahndā, we begin to see traces of the epenthetic changes that occur in the neighbouring Dardic languages. There will be described lower down.
In colloquial Bengali, an accented å preceding i is pronounced e, as in thákiyā, from, pr. theke; b&ciyā, having escaped, pr. bēce. Cf. Skr. sályam, Bg. sēl, a dart.
In Assamese o preceding i becomes w (as in Dardic). Thus bole, he says, but bulise (pr. būlise, see $ 113), he is saying.
Epenthesis of u is not so common in the JAVs. except in Lahndā, in which the Dardio laws prevail. For the IAV8. proper, we may quote the sporadic instance of M.H. cc, a beak (Skr. cáncuh), but G. các. In M. (Kön.) a followed by u has a tendency to become o as in körn for karūn, having done (LSI, VII, 167). One very common word, viz., bahut, much, very, often exhibits epenthesis of the u, together with metathesis of the h, all over the Ganges valley and the Panjāb, where, in colloquial language, it is commonly pronounced bhaut or bhot. In Coll. Bg. a (i.e., 7) preceding an original i is commonly pronounced as o, as in kariyā, having done, pronounced kóre or kórä; but if the i is not original, but is the result of contraction, the o-sound is retained. Thus kári (<*karimi), I do, is pronounced kóri or (lengthened by stress-accent) köri.
164. Epenthesis plays a much more important role in Dardio. The only Dardie language in which the subject has been thoroughly investigated is Kāšmiri. For the Dardio languages generally, we may quote the following examples of epenthesis of i:
Av. aši- ; V. iii, Gwr. icin, Kl. Kb. ec, eye Bg. dušt, band ; plur. duidt for dušti. Skr. asya- (i.e., *acia-); V. is, Kš. Asi (ösi), mouth. Skr. sūtya- (i.e., *sūria.); V. isi-kh, Trw.si, My. Swir, Gry, sir, K. stire, sun.

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ON THE MODERN INDO-ARYAN VERNACULARS
[ August, 1932
In Kašmiri the vowels which epenthetically affect a preceding vowel are the mätravowels, 4, 5, *, and. Of these, it is useful to remember that ü-mätrā represents an original i. Unuer a-matra se included c-matrī and e-matrā. These epenthetic changes have been fully described in $ 126, ante, and it is unnecessary to explain them here. In K. all these changes are indicated in writing, both in the native character and in the system of transliteration employed in this work.
In the same language there are other cases of epenthesis not depending on the system of mātrā-vowels. These are the following :
A following i ori o'ten changes a preceding ā to a, pr. ö. Thus baki (böki), remaining ; sakši (svk8i), a witness. A preceding ai is liable to be changed to ü. Thus from kait-, how much? sg. dat. kütis. A preceding e is liable to be changed to i, as in bihith, seated, from v beh-, sit. A preceding é is liable to be changed to i, as in phirith, having been turned, from r phēr-; diler, brave, diliri, courage. Finally, as in the IAV. Assamese, a preceding o is liable to be changed to ü, as in büzith, having heard, from r bõz-.
A following u often changes a preceding a to o, and a preceding ā to å. Thus agun or ogun, fire ; thakur, an idol. A preceding ē or i is liable to be changed to yü, as in phyürus, I was turned, from r pēr-; lima, a policy of insurance, sg. gen. byūmuk".
For full partioulary of these changes, and for the principal exceptions, see Kť. Man. 21. They all occur in the processes of declension and conjugation, and will readily be recognized.
But there is another class of words in Kāšmiri in which, owing to the loss of mâtrā. vowels, the fact of epenthesis is dieguised. Such are for instance chana: (pr. chanöz) for chānazt, the condition of a carpenter (K. Gr., 143), and bray (Sk', badari) (pr. brüy) for brayü, the jujube tree. Specially interesting is the word paz, for pāza, a falcon (pr. poz), as compared with the Prs. bäz. P. Horn (Grundriss der Neupersischen Etymologie, No. 162) compares the latter with Skr, vajin, the i of which is represented by the Kš, ii-mātrī, the v being hardened to p under the well-known rule of Ps. Pr. But the most important group is that of a number of masculine nouns ending in a consonant preceded by u, such as uddur, a monkey; watul, a sweeper; and infinitives, such as marun, to strike. The bases of these nouns are wddar., wital., and manan, respectively. The dative singular in each case is formed by adding as, so that we get wldaras, watalas, and mananas. But the nominative singular was in old Kk, formed by adding t, thus widaru, watalu, māranu. In the modern language the final - is dropped after epenthetically changing the preceding a to u, so that the nominatives singular, and the nominative singular only, are soddur, wātul and marun.
165. Infiuence of the Dardic system of eperthesis on the IAV8. Lahndā closely follows Kašmiri in this system of disguised epenthesis. There are a number of masculine nouns ending in a coneonant preceded by u, exactly like uddur. These nouns, like roddur, change the u tu a in all the oblique cases of the singular, and in the plural. Thus:Nom. sing.
Obl. sing chöhur, a boy
chöhar. kukkur, a cock
kukkar. jangul, a forest
jangal. Simnilarly the old termination of many L. fem. nouns was i. Thus the fem, of chöhur was *chöhari, and of koukkur, lukkari. But, like the termination u of the masculine, in the modern language this i has become epenthetically transferred to before the final
84

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EPENTHESIS OR UMLAUT
[ 9 166
consonant. As the old final i remained unchanged throughout declension, so does this epenthetic i. Thus:Nom. sing.
Obl. sing. chöhir, a girl
chöhir. Icukkir, a ben
kukkir. In L. this epenthetic change is carried even further back, and when the vowel of the penultimate syllable is ā, this is again epenthetically affected by the following % (becoming å) or i (becoming a). When the u disappears in declension, the å again becomes a. Thus - Old form.
Modern nom. sing. Modern obl. sing. gäharu, a city
śåhur
sähar. vāhasu, a young bull
rå hur
vāhar. *pāharu, a watch
påhur
pahar *vāhari, a heifer
vähir
vähir Lahdä lies immediately to the south of the Dardic languages. To their south-east Jies Western Pahāri, and here also we eee traces of the same system of epenthesis. Thus the WPh. (Kth.) word for sister is bühn (for an older *baihni), with an oblique singular bauhņē. Here the occurrences are too sporadic to enable us to lay down any general rule. But in the north-western forms of WPh,, especially in the Curähi and Pangwali forms of Cameāli, we find the Dardic system of eperithesis firmly established, although as yet we know too little about those wild forms of speech to enable us to formulate rules. In Curāhi, we come across epenthetic i in feminines, as in khătă, eating, fem, khaiti; khänā, edendus, fem. khaini. With the latter compare B. khaini, (tobacco) for chewing (not for smoking). In Pangwāļi and allied dialects, all of which lie close to the borders of Kašmir, epenthesis is still more common. This kõi, a boy
bui, a girl ināral, I shail strike
fem, writ Bhadarwah : 1.shērő, a he-goat
fem. tshailla. ko, a boy
kui, a girl. bateli, a cow
obl. sg. bütshē. häthi, an elephant kutalo, I shall strike
fem. kutailai. Pādarí ghori, a mare
gen. ghürer. bhēn, a sister
nom. pl. bhin. hun, he is
hin', she is. gii, gone
fem. gēi. dzhārā, fallen
, dzhairi. özul, he came
azil, she came. and many others. 166. East of Western Pahāri lies Central Pahāri, and here we find many interesting cases of epentbesis. They have been thoroughly investigated only in Km. Here the rules are as follows (LSI, IX, iv, 114 ff.) -
1. When a is followed by å it becomes . Thus baro, greet, pl. bără.
haithe.
R5

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ON THE MODERN INDO-ARYAN VERNACULARS
[ AUGUST, 1932
2. When e is followed by d, it becomes yd. Thus, the pl. of mero, my, is myără. So the H. mēlā, a fair, is Km. myălă, for *melă, under a rule that final vowels are shortened, and that a vowel preceding a short vowel is also shortened (vide § 173, post). If e precedes o, in coll. Km. it is changed to yo. Thus mero, my, becomes myoro.
3. When o is followed by ǎ, it becomes wa. Thus, roto, bread, pl. rwäță. If it precedes o, it is, in coll. Km. changed to wo. Thus roto, becomes rwoto, and bojo, a load, becomes buojo.
We thus see that the epenthesis which plays so prominent a rôle in Dardic phonetics, is also an important feature of Lahnda, which lies immediately to the south, and of Western and Central Pahari, which lie immediately to the south-east of these languages.
Harmonic Sequence.
167. Somewhat similar to umlaut or epenthesis is the so-called harmonic sequence, or the tendency of the earlier vowels in a word to change so as to agree with the main accented vowel that follows, or vice versa. It will be remembered that this is a prominent feature in Turki grammar, and also occurs in Burušaski, which we have seen (§ 37) has had some influence on Dardic. There are traces of it in the Dardic Kafir Group (Ps. L., 136, 7). We may quote V. ti-bzi, for going, but tu-gul, to a country; Skr. mukha-, a face, V. ti-mikh, before; Bă. bar-este, but V. but-og, a share.
I have not noted any true cases of Harmonic Sequence in the IAVs.
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bhaktaḥ, food
kháṭvā, bed páka, ripe
jihvā, tongue
drkam, powder
168. Lengthening of short Vowels :
(1) According to Prakrit rule, when one of the members of a following consonantal nexus is elided a preceding short vowel is lengthened. In such cases, in the IAVs., the vowel is often nasalized (§ 184). It will be seen under the head of consonants that the tendency to lengthen these vowels is especially common in the EIAVs., but also occurs in the west. It is very rare in NWIAVS. and in Dardic in which the consonant is usually simplified without lengthening the vowel. Examples:
Skr. márgaḥ, road
úccah, úccakaḥ, high
CHANGE OF QUANTITY
Change of Quantity.
kánkanam, bracelet
simhaḥ lion
skándhakub shoulder
Ap. mággu
bháttu
khá là pikku, pákku
jibbhā
của màu
úccu, úccàu
[§ 168
mftyuḥ, death
miccu
We meet continually, even in the same language, all these forms coexisting, viz., the short vowel before the double letter, the long vowel before the single letter, and the nasalized long vowel. E.g., Skr. madhye, Pr. majjhi, O.H. majjh, majh or majh. These instances are, however, not always easy to quote, as usually one form only has been adopted by the literary language, and the rest are found only in rustic speech. For further information on this point see under the head of conjunct consonants §§ 273, 275. An important group of conjunct consonants demands special notice,-those which in Prakrit consist of a consonant preceded by a nasal consonant or anusvāra. As will be explained when dealing with consonants, the anusvara is either converted into the nasal of the class corresponding to the consonant to which it is attached and the consonant remains unchanged, in which case a preceding short vowel remains short, or else the anusvära is elided, and the preceding vowel is lengthened and nasalized in compensation. For further information see § 275. Sometimes both formis are used in the literary language in different meanings.
Examples:--
kánkaņu or kamkan u singhu or simghu
khándhau
87
M.G. mag, a road (G. room, space), H.P.G.B. mag, L. magh, parting of the hair, S. máng", a hair-chain. Bg. må, vulva; cf. IAV. V may- or mag-, ask, but L. magan, S. mánan", Kš. mángun, to ask.
IAV. bhat, boiled rice, but L. bhat, S. bhát, Kě. báta.
IAV. khát, but L. khat, S. khát" M. pik, ripe crops; other IAVs. Vpak- or pakk- exc. L. pakS. pako, 'ripe.'
IAV. jibh, except L. jibh, S. jibh". Kš, zev, EPh. jibro. See also §175. H.P.B.Bg.O.L. cúnà, Ks. tsin,
tsir, but G. cuno, M. cuná, S. cún", EPh.A. cun, line. G.S. co, H. fica, B.Bg.O. ic, M. unc (for c), but P.L. úcca, A. ókha (pr. k). H. mic.
H. kánkan, P.G.M. kángan, S. kángan", Bg.O. ko gan.
IAV. generally singh (often written simk), or sigh.
H. ke dhà, P. kándhà, &c.

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ON THE MODERN INDO-ARYAN VERNACULARS
[ OCTOBER, 1932
vámśaḥ, family, or
bamboo
vámsu
H. bans or vans (often written vams),
a family, and so in all; H. bãs, a bamboo, and so in all; s. bas", A.
bãh.
pigi
tion
The same rule is followed in M., even in the case of Tatsamas. Thus sumpradáya is also written sāpradáy.
On the other hand words which are derived from Skr. words containing m followed by h or a sibilant, are frequently written by purists in their Skr. form, though they are pronounced as above. Thus they write simh, vame, but say singh, bans.
(2) Vowels are also lengthened under the influence of stress-accent, mostly in isolated instances. Thus :mádanah, the God of
STS.M. mádan. Love rathah, a carriage
sTs.M. rath, H.B. ránth. v sah-, endure
Vsah
M.(inf) sáhne, but H. sáhana. káthinah, hard
M.STs. kàthin. pibati, he drinks
EIAV. piyai, he drinks, but M. pi-, - ini, fem. termina- iņi
M. hattin, a she-elephant, bahin, a sister, and so on; so B. bahin, a
sister ; but H. háthini, báhin. dhvanih, a sound
dhúņi (Pischel M.G.H. dhün; but S. dhune.
on Ho. i, 52). kúlam, a family
kúlu
M. kúl, but others kúl. púram, a town
púru
Pronounced pár in all IAVs. though
written pur, cf. Urdū g. écotati, he drips
củai
H. cúai. part kşā, a test
M. párakh, 8. párakh, G. also párakh,
but H.P.L. and ELAV. párakh. See the remarks on this point in & 141.
This lengthening is especially common in M. (see $ 145), in which it is a general rule that i and u are always lengthened when originally penultimate, but now, owing to the dropping of a final a, ultimate in prose. Thus mārit(a), striking ; läkūd(a), wood (LSI, VII, 22). According to Bloch (FLM. & 41) the vowel of every monosyllable in the language is pronounced long, even when written short. As an example of the latter, he gives kac, difficulty, pr. kõc.
(3) Vowels are sometimes lengthened in compensation for the loss of a vowel in a neighbouring syllable. Hithità lab, loose
sidhildu.
H. dhila, M.B.Bg.O. dhil, but S. dhilo, dhiro. In P.L. dhiliā, the compensatory lengthening is obtained by doubling tie l, instead of by
lengthening the vowel, This is very common in the IAV. terminations i and u. E.g. - táilikah, oil man
télliu
IAV. téli. bhaginipátikah,
bahiniviu
B. bàhinói. sister's husband ghofikā, mare
ghódia
IAV. ghódi or ghori. láddu kaḥ, sweetmeat láddùu
IAV. laddit, ládu.
parikkha

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OCTOBER, 1932 1
CHANGE OF QUANTITY
[ $$ 169-171
In all these last cases of lengthening, there is a secondary accent on the Prakrit penultimate, see $ 145.
169. In Dardic, we have seen that compensatory lengthening is rare. We can quote the following:
Skr. nasyati; KI. V nas., die. Av. karana-, Skr. karna-; Bš. kör, Wai., Kh. kar, Paš. kār, My. kāņ, but Ks. Tas, kan,
ş. kon, Grw. kyan. Av. aspa-; Kl. has (through *ašp, *ašs), but $. ašpu, horse. Av. dantan., Prs. dandan, Skr, danta ; Aš. dönt, dont, Paš, dånd (for dåd). My, dün, but
others dāt, dand, dan, let-em, &c., tooth. Skr. nasta-; §. nāto, Paš. (not compensatory) näst, Kl. natc-ur, but others nath ur, nast,
nat, &c., nose. Examples of a being lengthened, but not in compensation are : Av. Zara., Skr. khara-; Paš. kār, V. kõru (with epenthesis of u), but others khar,
kur, 8.99. Skr, dirasa.; Paš, davās, dwis, Wai, wüs, Gwr, bā, but others bas, dõh, day.
Av. Skr. r kar; Kl. v kār- (perhaps from kūrya-), others kar-, &c., do. Lengthening of i is more rare. We have :
Av. nishišaiti, Skr. nipidati; Paš. V ni-, but others niš., nis-, &c., sit.
Grw. jibh, a tongue (borrowed from IAV.) For lengthening of u, we have
Skr. uttis thati; AX, KI. rūsts, but others udt, uth-, woth., &c., rise. Skr. us tra-; Wai, ūk (probably borrowed from Pašto ūx), a camel. Skr. puspa-; Wai. pūš, Kl. pūg-ik, Ks. poš (compensatory lengthening), a flower. Skr. kukku ta-; Grw, kūkur, Kh, kūku (compensatory lengthening), a cock. Av. putra-; Skr. putra-; Kl. pūtr, M. pūth, Trw. $. pūc, Grw. pūc, pūt, but others pulr,
puc, &o., & son. Except where the lengthening is clearly compensatory, I do not venture to suggest any reason for these changes of quantity, as our knowledge of these languages is as yet imperfect.
170. Shortening of Long Vowels :
In Pr. long vowels were frequently shortened under the influence of stress-accent (Pr. Gr. $$ 79 ff.). The same shortening is naturally carried on into the IA VS. E.g. Skr. kumarah (Pr. Gr. & 81), M.Pr. kúmaro, M. kúmar. In Saurasēni Pr. and Māgadhi Pr. the long a in this word was retained, but this is not the case now in the modern Sr. and Mg.country. Here also the vowel is shortened as in B.EH.H. kuwar, a prince. This is probably due to the influence of literary M.Pr. (see $ 60). Exactly parallel is the S. lúhar, a blacksmith (S.Gr., xiii). from Skr. Bhakára), Pr. löháro (Pr. Gr. & 167) through loharo, with change of accent, and shortening of the accented syllable because it falls in the antepenultimate. Another similar case is the S. tárgu for *tarāsu, from Skr. trasah with anaptysis of a. The preservation of the conjunct tr is typical of Dardic, whose influence extended into Sindh (see $$ 10, 24, 25, 35).
When vowels are shortened, in writing, e, as a rule, becomes i, as in H. bifiyri, a daughter, from bati, and o similarly becomes u, as in S. luhar", above ; but in EH. and B. they often remain unchanged in appearance, but really become e and o respectively. Thus, béfiya (written befiya), lohár (written lõhär). The vowel à is shortened to d, not to , in those languages which possess the vowel &.
171. As regards the shortening of long vowels in the IAVs. themselves, the following general rules may be noted. It is often due to the influence of the stress-accent, vide $$ 142,

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$ 172 )
ON THE MODERN INDO-ARYAN VERNACULARS
[OCTOBER, 1932
wing
143. The following list of examples is arranged on a system different from that of those sections, and is more full :(a) Accent on the final syllable of IAVS. (Cf. Bloch, FLM. § 44) :Skr.
Ap. kilkah, a worm
kidau
M. kidá, but H. kidi. loilà kah, a wedge
kalau
M. khilá, but H. Kla. kú på kah, a well
kúvdu
G. kuvó, but H. KUR citràkah, a leopard citàu
M. citá, but G. cótio, H. cità.
See also $ 145. (6) Accent on penultimate of IAV. words: kàsisah, vitriol
käsisu
H. Isis. dipálayah, a lamp-recess diválau
B. divár. árgárakah, charcoal angárdu
IAV. agárd (here the first a was
long by position). Cf. also H. mithà, sweet, mithás, sweetness; bāt, a way, båtóhi, a wayfarer; and many other similar forms. So also M. cor, a thief, dat. córás; kid, a worm, dat. kidís ; bhik, beggary, dat. bhikes : hôt, a hand, dat. hồ tás; nit, straight, nifái, straightness; kām, work, kama u, that which earns; G. bhikh, beggary, bhikhári, a beggar; P. bij, seed, bijái, sowing.
(c) Accent on the LAV. antepenultimate. In this case the vowel following the accented syllable is by § 139, if long, shortened ; moreover in the Eastern IAVs. the accented syllable is also itself shortened, if the word ends in a long vowel bearing the secondary accent described in $ 145. In such words, also, the penultimate vowel, if it is a, is further reduced to the neutral vowel, àdésah, & command
ésu
H.B. áesu. cámaram
Scámaru
M. cámar. La fly-whisk cámardkam
I cámarau
Bg. cámard. cárma
cám ma
(cām), or leather
IAV. carmakam J
(cám màu
cámara. gabhirakah, deep
gáhindu
IAV. gáhird. cándrikā, moonlight *cándalia (with M. cadani (for oándant), a star-ray.
diminutive 1). Long forms of nouns in ā, i, and il give numerous examples. Thus -
ghodu a horse ghốjàka) J
Lghốdary
(ghorà), or ghóra usā. So also :
EIAV. ghori, a mare, lg.fm. ghoria or ghóriya.
EIAV. bálù, sand, 1g.fm. bálùa. -
(d). These rules are followed even when the vowel is not written short, e.g., in (a) Tatsamay, or (b) in certain derived forms. Thus (a) Skr. käsi sam, green vitriol, becomes the Hindi kasts, with the first syllable short, because the accent is on the final syllable. (6) The datives of the M. word; hát, hand and kdn, ear, are written and respectively, with long vowels in the first syllable, but they are pronounced ha rás, and ko nás, so also M. hátt, fem. nautin, pronounced hatin. Regarding these Marathi forms, see $$ 143, 145.
172. The quantity of a vowel is also dependent on its position in a word. In H.P. and B. there is a tendency to shorten vowels which are in the antepenultimate or further back. In those languages, if a tadbhava word ends in a long vowel (i.e., if the final syllable is one syllable
ghățah
2
f(ghör), or
90

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CHANGE OF QUANTITY
($ 173
contracted from two syllables, so that the antepenultimate was originally one syllable further back, or three syllables from the end), the vowel à in the antepenultimate syllable is always shortened. In a similar position, the vowels i and ū are shortened if they are followed by a consonant which is not euphonic y or u. Thus B. răm"vi, lg.fm. of rám, N.P.; from v khä-, eat, kháčbo or kháib8, I shall eat; from gidh, a vulture, lg.fm. gidh"wà ; from r sül-, sleep, sútalài, he slept ; from béţi, a son, lg.fm. béțawi; from ghorà, a horse, lg.fm. ghóra wà ; from v mar., kill, mărat, I killed. But from pi-, drink, piyalo, I drank, in which the i is followed by euphonic y, and chtial8, I touched, from y chu-, in which the ū is followed by a vowel. It will be observed that the final syllable must be long. If it is short, the long vowel in the antepenultimate must be retained. E.g., B. & esu (<ādēšah), a command. As an example of a vowel long by position, we may quote Skr. ápsarā, a fairy ; Ap. ácchara; OEH. ácchar, in which the first á is long by position. The plural of this word in OEH. is formed by adding e, and this a, being now in the antepenultimate, must be shortened. The nominative plural is therefore áchart, not ácchare,
It is probable that in all LA Vs. every vowel further back than the antepenultimate must be shortened, but the occurrence in a Tadbhava word of a long vowel in that position is so extremely rare that no general rule can be framed. We come across instances, however, in colloquial and dialectic forms of speech with some frequency, as in H.Bn. (Banāphari) khiliyai, sport ye, from r khel-; manihau, I shall heed, from y mān.. So also G. custvũ (Skr. r cūş-), to suck ; upan vũ (Skr. utpunāti), to winnow (through upp-, up-) and many others given in G.Ph. $ 20. Compound words form common examples of such a case, and in them the rule for shortening the vowels earlier than the antepenultimate is universal. Thus
From H. ádhi, half, and pákká, ripe we get adhapákkū, half ripe. ... Ske, dà válayah, a temple, Ap. dèválau , P. dèválà, a temple. . M.H., &o., lakh, a lakh, and pati, lord , la khepáti or là khapát, a millionaire. . M.H., &o., phúl, a flower, and tél, oil
phaléi, scented oil. , M. dhúp, ingense, āgára, charcoal , dhù på garā, live coal with incense. , G. páni, water, ghát, a landing stage.
pàn ghát, a watering-place. Skr. Sitakálakah, Ap. siárdu
S. siro, the cold season. So also words like M. dhúil, dust, but dhulavárane, to scatter dust; müt, urine, můt khádi, urinary calculus.
Again, as in Prakrit, no vowel can remain long before a compound consonant. So H. baghámbar, N.P. for vyāghrámbara. In Tbh. words, since they have come through the Prakrit, no such long vowels are possible, but they are met with in Tss. In such cases, though under the influence of the teaching of the purist schools, usually written long, they are pronounced short, or else the compound consonant is pronounced as if it were a single one, and the vowel preserves its length. Thus, the word óráddha, an oblation, is written as a Ts. rg or 1 , but is pronounced sråddh, or srådh. For the purposes of this rule, mh and nh, are, de usual, considered to be not compound, but simple aspirated consonants, so that long letters can stand before them. Thus Mth. dekhalethánh', they saw.
In Assamese, the only long vowels are ā, ū, and au (not a diphthong in Assamese). ā is written as a, but the written character also represents a. i is never pronounced or written, i only being used. u does not exist as representing u, being always lengthened to ū, but ū is never written and u is written in its place. e is always short. Ő is written 7, but is pronounced u. ai is pronounced oi, and au is pronounced 7. The above is a truly remarkable instance of vowel interchange. Only two vowels are pronounced as they are written.
173. In colloquial Gujarāti there is a tendency for à to become a, when it precedes i. Thus bhái, a brother, is pronounced bhái, and khälnē, having eaten, becomes khainë (LSI.
91

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ON THE MODERN INDO-ARYAN VERNACULARS
[ OCTOBER, 1932
IX, ji, 425). Similarly in Central Pahāri (Km.) à is shortened before i or u, and the two together become, respectively, the diphthongs ai and au. Thus ai, having come, becomes ai; sunain, he caused (me) to hear them, becomes sunain; Skr. ghatah, a wound, is ghou in H., but ghau in Km.; H. nåu, a name, is nau in Km. (LSI. IX, iv, 115).
Km. exhibits in other respects a preference for short vowels. It shortens nearly every final long vowel. Moreover, every long vowel in a syllable preceding a short vowel is shortened, à being shortened to å, not to a. Thus, H. bhārā, hire, is Km. bhăro ; H. sishi, a ladder is Km. siphi ; H. bhūlā, forgot, is Km. bhulo; H. cēlā, a son, becomes celo or cyčlo; and we have Km. röt, a cake, but roto or rwoto, bread. A similar tendency to shorten a final vowel is observable in Eastern Pahāri, but not to the same extent. E.g., EPh, nāri or nāri, a woman (LSI. IX, iv, 23).
So lightly are the shortened final vowels of Km. pronounced, that in the coll. forms of this speech they are altogether dropped, leaving, however, their results behind them. Thus the Standard bhăro becomes bhăr ; sishi becomes sish ; cyolo, a son, becomes cyal ; and rwoto, bread, becomes ricat. Cf. LSI. IX., iv, 180 ff., for details.
1 For details regarding this peculiar law for shortening vowels in Km., which is closely allied to the epenthetic changes occurring in the same language (see $ 166), see LSI. IX, iv, 114. It is probable that the same law holds over the whole CPh. area, but information on the subject is only available for Km.
174. We have seen ($ 168) that a short vowel before a compound consonant is lengthened when one of the members of the compound consonant is elided, as in Pr. mággo, M. mag, a road. In some IAV. coll. dialects we observe the reverse process, by which a vowel naturally long, and preceding a single consonant, is shortened, the consonant being doubled in compensation. This is especially common in dialectic Hindi (LSI. IX, i, 213) and dialectic Gujarati (LSI. IX, ii, 331, 382). Thus H. băssanh, a vessel, for basan; găddi, a cart, for gūdi; betta, a son, for bēļā ; rotti, bread, for roți; G. nálló, for nailo, small; nokkar, for nokur, a servant ; chottā for chotā, small, and others.
175. Reference may here again be made to the fact that NWIAVs. and Dardic do not lengthen a vowel when in other languages a following compound consonant is simplified. Thus S. bhátu, Kx. bata, cooked rice, but H. bhāt, P. bhatt (Skr. bháktam). (See $$ 97, 274, and Grierson, JRAS., 1913, 143 ; 1925, 222.) The same peculiarity is observable in M. (Kön), as in tel, not tēl (M.Pr. téllam), oil; det (M.Pr. chéttam), a field; put or put (prítto), a son (LSI. VII. 168). So also often in O. and sometimes in Bg. and A. Thus : Skr.
Ap. cákram, a wheel
cákko
0. cáka, but H. cak. éuská kah, dry
éukkhau
Bg.O. súka. páscāt, behind
pácchahē
0. páchē, A. picē (píse), but H. páché,
piche. svidyati, he is
síjjai
0.A. V sij-, H. V sij-, be stewed. fomented. mádhyē, in
májjhahi
0. májhi, H. majh. prstham, the back
pilthu
Bg. pith, O. pitha, A. pithi, H. pith. musta kaḥ, Cyperus mótthàu
Bg.0.A. mutha, H. motha. rotundus. árdrá kam, green
áddau
0. ádā, A. édā, H. ādā. ginger. dúgdham, milk
dúddhu
0. dudha, Bg. dudh, H. dūdh. jihvā, tongue
jibbha
0. jibha, A. jibā, H. jibh.

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OCTOBER, 1932 ]
CRASIS, OR VOCAL SANDHI
[ $$ 176-177
176. Not only is this the rule in Dardic, but there are also instances of a true shortening of Dardic long vowels. These, however, are sporadic, and, as yet, it is impossible to lay down any general rule for them. Such are -
Skr. anayati ; Gwr. Kh.Ks.Trw. an-, but Kl. rön-, bring. Skr. khádati; My.ş. r kha-, Kš. V khe-, but Grw.Trw.r khö-, eat. Skr, asyam : BKl. azi, Gwr, häsi, but Kš. asi, mouth. Skr, rūpa-; Gwr. rup, Kš. rõp, but others rüp, &c., silver. Skr. ghotaka h; Wai. gur, Kš. guru, but others göra, &c., horse.
Crasis, or Vocal Sandhi. 177. The rule for Kāšmiri contained in the first and second sūtras of Isvarakaula's Kasmirasabdá meta-(1) samdhisiddhih padēşu, (2) na vākyēgu-applies to all LAVs. According to this, concurrent vowels are liable to contraction, when they are both in the same word, but not when they are in different words. Except in the colloquial language, there is no external Sandhi, such as we find in Skr.
Owing to the tendenoy that Prakrit has to elide single medial consonants, hiatus in the interior of a word is frequent in that language. Thus in nietàro the à and the a are in contact and form a hiatus by the elision of c (Skr, nišácarah). In Pr. (cf. Pr.Gr. $ 165) it is not usual to contract this hiatus by Sandhi, if it occurs in the interior of a word as distinct from external Sandhi) (HC. i, 8), but some writers, especially Jainas, inserted a euphonic , thus, nisávaro.
In LAV.Tbhs., there is, on the contrary, a distinct tendency to contract by Sandhi this Prakrit-begotten hiatus. The rules of this vocalic Sandhi are not always the same as those in Skr.
Vowels in contact may, therefore, in the LAVs. be treated in one of three ways, viz. :
1. They may be contracted by Sandhi. 2. They may be separated by the insertion of a euphonie letter, usually y or v..
3. They may remain in hiatus.
As one of the most frequent instances of hiatus occurs in the termination of the long forms of nouns, it will be useful again to remind the reader that all Tbh. nouns appear in a form derived from the Ap. nominative singular, and that for the purposes of the present exposition, long forms are formed by the addition of the pleonastic suffixes (k)a and (k)a(k)a. The nominative terminations of these long forms in Ap. are :Masc. (1) dü; (2) iu; (3) ùu (la) adu; (2a) iii ;
e Hc. iv, 429, 430 ; ii, 164.
(3a) udi Fem. iä (Ho. iv, 433). Neut. (1) dū; (2) iù; (3) uu H c. as above ; also iv, 354.
(la) adu; (2a) iau; (3a) udú s All these have a secondary accent on the penultimate, and in all a final a may be substituted for the final u. Thus aa, ia, &c. (Hc. iv, 344). We shall now treat the various groups of vowels in contact in order. (1) ata, ata, a tā, ātā, becomes 7. Thus:Skr.
Ар. à jagára, a boa-con- aaáru
M. ār (through áar). strictor (?)ętásmin (sthánē), chàhã
H. yană (for ihàa), B. iha, hiya, here
G. hiya, Eph. hya, A. iyá-l.
93

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$ 178 )
ON THE MODERN INDO-ARYAN VERNACULARS
(OCTOBER, 1939
Ap.
Skr.
Ap. khádàti, he eats
khadi
H. khai (khay). rà jadütah, name of a rà aúttu
B. ráut. caste càrmakārah, leather- càmmaáru
IAV. càmár. worker Possibly also M.P.H.B. nominatives in i are to be referred to this rule ; see, however, $ 181 note. Often, however, a euphonic y or v is inserted :
Skr. rájā, king
rāu
IAV. rāy, WIAV. rāv. kátarah, a coward
káaru
G.H.B. kāyar, M. káwară. pádah, a foot
раи
M. pāy (for páa), H. pāv. rāmakásya, of Rāma (Ap.Mg. *rimalha) Bulg. form, obl, rám vì (for rá man). ghô taká kah, a horse ghốdadu
M.obl. ghódyà (for ghodaya), B.
ghópiva. 178. aya is liable to be further contracted to ai or ä, e, or ē, whether original or resulting from a+a with euphonic y. So also ava is liable to be contracted to au, á or 7. Examples
(A) Original : (Cf. Skr. lávanam, salt, Pr. lónam, M. lön). náyánam, the eye
sTs.H. nain, P. nain, G. nän, S.
nin(written nen"). sámayaḥ, time
BTs.B. sámai, H. sámē. kráyah, destruction
H.P. chai, M. khai, G. kha. bhayam, fear
S.P.H. bhai, O.M. bhē, but S. also bhau with rejection of y, and inser
tion of euphonic v. dhávalà kaḥ, white
dhávalai
H.P. dháulà, G. dhålù, s. dháūrò. 'bhavanam, a house
H. bhaun, P. bhaun. návanitam, butter návaniu
H. náuni, P. náuni, M. lóni. As a rule Modern M.B.O. and A. retain the original form in 8Tss. (as indeed may be done optionally by all IAV8.) under the influence of Pandits. Thus, nayan; kşay, chay, or khay; bhay; bhavan.
(B) Resultant : vácanam, a word
vávanu
B. bain, G. vän, S. vín" (written vēnu). rájani, night
rávani
H.P.rain, B. rain, G. rän. nagaram, a town
návaru
IAV. nair or nēr. padántàkah, near the Đầván tài
H.B. páità, the foot of a bed. feet kádala kah, plantain kávalàa
H.P. kélà, M.G. kēl. bádarah, jujube tree bavaru
B. bair, H.P. bēr, S. bär (written
bēre). bhrámara kah, a bee bhabaràu
IAV. bháūri. samárpayati, to en- забаррёi
B.H.P. sáūpē, M. &õpe. trust áparah, other
ávaru
H.B. aur, G. år. káma thàkah, a gourd kavadhàü
H.B. kórha. Rámakakakaļ, Rāma rámaadui
WLAV. (red. form. rà máiya, for
*rámayaya, ELAV. ràmára (for *rámavàā)

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[§§ 179-180
179. (2) a+i, a+u, become regularly ai and au respectively, also liable to be weakened to e, é and å, ō respectively. Thus :Skr. Ap. khádiraḥ, catechu kháiru pravis takah, entered patthau balivárdaḥ, a bull bhágini, sister
baillu
bháini
DECEMBER, 1932]
múkutam, a tiara
catúskam, a square ghóṭakaḥ, a horse śátam, a hundred
CRASIS, OR VOCAL SANDHI
máuḍu
caukku ghé dài
Pr. sáam, or mase. sá6 (M.Pr), báẽ (Mg.)
Note.-ai final is often written ay. Thus B. kárdy for kárdi, he does. This is merely a mode of writing and does not affect the pronunciation.
IAV. khair, exc. G. kher (or khär). M.H.B. paitha, S. pétho, G. pàthố. IAV. bail, but G. bel (or bäl).
M.P. bhain, B. (dial.) bháini, G. behn (or bähn).
IAV. maur, mor, or maura, exc. G. mår, a wreath.
IAV. cauk, exc. G. cȧkō.
H. (dial.) ghorau or ghōrō.
H.P.S. sau (for sa(v)u), H.P. sai (for sa(y)i), G. so, M., O. sáe, B. say, A. sa (xo), EPb. sai, saiya.
180. This weakening of ai to è is very common at the end of a word, especially in the 3rd. person sg. of verbs. Thus :Ap. uvaisài
Skr. ùpavisati, he sits
B. baisai, but other IAVs. baise, basē, bahē, &c.
So also as an old termination of the strong forms in Eastern dialects derived from Ap.Mg.Pr. [Skr. àkaḥ, Mg.Pr. àe or -ài (Mk. xii, 26), Ap.Mg.Pr. *.di, hence OELAV. e]. E.g., OB. sinānē, bathing, < Skr. snánakam, Ap. Mg.Pr. *sinandi (see §§ 29, 65).
95
Again, as a termination of the obl. form of strong nouns, in H.P.L.B. and S. Thus H. ghode (-ka), of a horse, is reduced from ghodai. ghodai is thus arrived at:
Skr. ghōṭakasya
Ap. ghodadhë OIAV. ghodachi, ghodadi, ghódài. Similarly, as a rare obl. form of weak nouns, such as B. gām, a village, which has an obl. form game, for gámai < gắmahi < Ap. gámahi, Skr. grimasya.
As a neuter termination in M. E.g.:bátam, a hundred
8ávam bhadavam
M. neut. for sai. M. bhade.
bhandakam, a chest
Several instances of the weakening of medial ai to e (or ä) will be found in lists A & B in § 178. The same change occurs when the ai is original, as in Prs. paidā, produced, G. pädā, and other similar cases. G. usually writes e, which in this case sounds as a, as in nen (nän), ven (vän), rẽn (rän), pèthố (pätho), bel (bal), and behn (bähn) (see LSI. IX, ii, 329, 344). This weakening of ai to e ore (a) is especially common in G. and S. In L. ai is generally weakened to ä, not e or e, as in bähe, he sits (upavisati), and mã for maĩ, I (cf. § 209).
This ai, e, is again sometimes weakened to i. E.g., in the termination of the M. Past Habitual (i.e., Old Present), of the second or transitive conjugation. E.g., modi, for mōdai, he used to break. So also the M. locative termination for a(h); e.g., ghárt, in a house, for ghárat. So also G. páchi (Ap. pacchai), after, and other similar words. Cf. Kš. běhi < upavisati; R(J.) piso for H. paisā, a pice. This is especially common in P. Examples :P.STs. bàrági. P.sTs. batárni.
See also OWR.Gr. § 10 (1).
ai is finally sometimes weakened to a. vairági, a mendicant vaitarani, name of
a river

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$181 J
ON THE MODERN INDO-ARYAN VERNACULARS
Ar. xàirāt, alms
Skr. paviti, he sits down
ùvaisài
So also H. (Upper Doab) y batth for or tais, of that kind; NL. šatán, for Jaitán, Satan.
ùvaisài becomes biht in S. and bähe in L.; but in H.M. and others baise.
It will be observed that the first three examples are all due to the influence of the stress
accent.
urlayam (-laydi), a father-in-law's
P. khàrát. M.Bg.G. básè, A. báhè.
[DECEMBER, 1932
At the end of a word, a(y)a is sometimes contracted to ai, and then weakened to a, which is not pronounced (exc. in S.), thus :
H., M.
sùsurálaya (-áland)
Ap. ghodau
baith, sit; M. mhais or mhas, a buffalo; IAV. tas
house devalayam, a
divalava
temple
dirayal, refuge
*ásrau
S. ásar, of. M.P.H.B.N.Bg.O.A. ásra.
1 In LSI, I have described this G. sound as a short e, but subsequent enquiries show that the true sound is more nearly that of , long or short according to position. See § 209.
181. Similarly au is regularly weakened to ō in the termination of the nominative of strong masc. nouns in G. and S. E.g. :
G.S. ghodo.
Skr. ghotakaḥ, a horse So also as a final in the 2nd person plur. of LAV. verbs. Thus :páthathah (dual), you pádhahu (pl.) two read
Ap. páklad
H.Bg. déval, G. val, B. divál, P. déválä, S. dévili.
OH. pádhahu or pádhau, Br. páḍhau, H.P.L.G.S. pádhō, ye (pl.) read; but B. parha.
Several instances of the weakening of medial au to à or ō will be seen in lists A and B in § 178. The change to à is almost confined to Gujarati (LSI. IX, ii, 329, 345), and that to ō is most common in Sindhi. But G. sometimes has ō, and this change also occurs elsewhere, as in M. lon, H. lon, salt; M. loni, butter; H. sapna, M. sopne, G. sophvi, to entrust. Other examples for G. and S. are:
H. maúdề, a wreath ; G. mad ; 8. mố H. caúthà, fourth; G. catho; S. cótho. H. kaudi, a shell; G. kádi; S. kórt. Ar. daulat, riches; G. dōlat.
So, many others. A full list of the G. words containing &, is given in LSI. 1X, ii, 345 ff. In B. the 2nd plur. of verbs, also has à instead of the ō mentioned above.
Here it may be mentioned that in Varhaḍi M. avi is contracted to ō, as in uḍōlā, for udavila, caused to fly (LSI. VII, 219).
In Assamese, au, though usually written, is invariably pronounced as ō. Thus Ts. aúşadh, medicine, is written aúsadh, and is pronounced oxodh.
au, ō, is also sometimes further weakened to u or i. E.g. :—
Regularly in Gujarati in forming the termination of neuter nouns in u. Thus :
Skr.
pákvakars, ripe
G. paku, of. H. pákkau, pákkā. Occasionally also in isolated words. E.g., IAV. V bhul-, bhul-, bhur- or bhur-, forget, from Skr. bhramarayati, through the Ap. bhavarai or (Mg.Pr.) bhavalai. Hence OLAV. bhaurai or bhaulai. Cf. also Skr. lávanam, Ap. loņu, M. lon, H. lon, but EIAV. also lun or nun, salt.
96

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.
CRASIS, OR VOCAL SANDHI
($ 182
Finally this au, o, u is sometimos further reduced to a or a. E.g.
Regularly in forming the termination of the nominative of strong masc. nouns in M.P.H.B. (Soo, however, the note at the end of this paragraph.) Thus -
chốtà kah, a horse . Ap. chốạàu M.H., &c., ghếạã, ghorn for chốạàu.
In Bg.O. and A.this termination is sometimes, and also always the 7 (ahu, au, &c.) termination of verbs (in this also B.), reduoed to a, which however is pronounced as a long 7, thus really remaining in the first stage of weakening from au. Thus H,M., &c., chótà, small, but Bg.o. ne, pronounced 86; H. bhál), well, Bg.0.A. TIG, pronounced bháld. Again H. káro, imperat., do, but B.Bg.0.A. 4, pronounced káro, exc. in B., in which it is kárå.
Again, as a medial it is reduced to e, pronounced as short o, in Bg.G. dhálā, A. dhála, white, equivalent to the H. dháula, Skr. dhávala kah.
This reduction of au to a () is by no means uncommon in dialectic Bg., though it is rigidly excluded by purists from the dictionary. A good example is the Northern Bg. nánt (pr. nóni), but H. náuni, butter, for the Skr. navanftam. The same change occurs in R. (Mw.), when au is pr. 0 (LSI. IX, ii, 20).
Note. The apparent change of auto à may be a result of the adoption of the termination áks for a la, see $ 145. Thus in Ap.Pr. ghódáku, ghödāü, instead of ghódáku, ghodai. Under the influence of the strongly accented a, the u would be elided, and the form ghód) would remain, with, in Eastern dialects, the accent transferred to the resultant penultimate. Or, again, only the accented a termination of M. (in kidá, &c.) may come from aka, as a contraction of áta, and in P.H.B. the unaccented à may be a contraction of à ta. According to Hc. iv, 344, the termination u of a-bases may be dropped, and the original a of the base will then only remain, we thus get ghóalah or ghəyá kah ghöddu or ghdadu Hence P.H.B. ghód), M. ghoda.
or (H.C. iv, 344)
ghôdaa or ghódáa See however $ 177 above.
Instances of au preceding an accented vowel aro very rare. The only example I have noted is the borrowed Prs. word saudágar; a merchant. This is generally retained unchanged, but in NL. we meet sadágar.
182. (3) ati, a + U. These usually remain in hiatus. The combination is rare, and is principally met as a termination of abstract and other derivative noun-forms in B. Thus, garuvát, heaviness; gharáu, a pitcher (red. form); 50 M. salái, a pencil. They are sometimes written garuvái and gharáu.
(4) a+ ;a + . These are treated like a + f and a + respectively.
(5) a+t, & + , usually remain in hiatus. Thus IAV. mát, mother; náč, barber. Even when written long, owing to the ecoent, the final vowel is usually pronounced short.
When the à in äi and äu is shortened either owing to the accent or to its position, the rules for a + i and a + # apply. Thus H.B. páidal, but M. and Bg. páidal (or páy dal), foot soldiers, as H. and B. shorten the a in the third syllable from the end. So also
Skr. vámand kah, a dwarf, Ap. báðandi, H. báuni, P. báuni ; but Bg. bāúniya.
The tin at is som stimas written as y(a), thus máy, mother. In coll. Bg. āi is sometimes pronounced ē, as in khāitē, to eat, pr. khētë (see J. D. Anderson JRAS., 1913, 538).
(6) dě, ao, follow the example of at ard aš, but ē and i can be shortened to ya and va; or a euphonic y or v may be inserted. e is often shortened to i. Thus
Skr. àdésah, an Ap. aisu Old B. áesu (the is shortened owing to the order
accent), á yasu, á yesu (with euphonic y) or áin Hindi jád, imperat, go; also written wir er
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ON THE MODERN INDO-ARYAN VERNACULARS
[ DECEMBER, 1932
a,ě +a,+a. The a is elided, and, if the accent falls on the i, u, or e,
(7) + a,
it is lengthened. Thus :
divaraḥ, a husband's brother palakam, yellow
yúgalam, a pair
vedana, a pang divat, washing
nikate, near
nigaḍuḥ a fetter
vyijanakam, a fan
diaru
palà
júalu
véana
dhoántu
Sometimes the elision of the a is optional. Thus B. dhóat, washing, a euphonic y or v being optionally inserted (dhoyat, or dhovat; B. piyat, drinking, H. pita). Sometimes i+a becomes e. Thus :
pipása, thirst
sitakalakam, the cold season sukakaḥ, a parrot
ku pakam, a well
níadahi niaḍu
vianau
+ā, ǎ+ā, may optionally insert a cuphonic y or v respectively. The insertion of v is not usual. The long i is usually shortened.
(8)
piása siaálau
M. dir.
G. pilu, H. pilā.
M. jul, twins.
M. vén.
H. dhótä.
súàu
kúàu
H.B. niyare, or nére, or nerē. S. nél".
H. bénà.
IAV. piyás or pyás.
8. ár, G.
fő. IAV. súà, rarely súvà.
H.P.B. kúa, Bg.O. kúà, EPh. kúvà,
M. kùvá, G. kuvó, S. khuh" (with euph. h), L. khuh, P. khuh or khuha.
(9) in and ùu are common as the termination of nouns. As ia, ùa, or iya, uvā, they make long forms. Thus ghoriya, a mare, bálùa, sand.
They are liable to contraction, as in the case of medial ia, and ùa, the a being elided and the i or u (which has a secondary accent) being lengthened. They then form strong forms. E.g., from ghoriya, ghori. From Skr. maúktikakam, Ap. móttiyàu, IAV. móti from mitiya, a pearl. So again from balùa, bálù, sand.
It is possible, however, that this feminine i is really derived from a termination ikā or i, corresponding to the termination áka described in §§ 145 and 181 note. Under the influence of the preceding long vowel, the final vowel would then be first shortened, and then elided. The stages would be ghodika, ghodika, ghồḍtā, ghodia, ghodi, with retransferred accent to the resultant penultimate.
98
183. (10) +, +, remain unchanged, or insert euphonic y. Thus O.H. piyu or piu, beloved; Skr. sucikā, Ap. súiä, LAV. sui, a needle.
In Kašmiri the second declension consists of nouns with i-bases. These mostly correspond to IAV. strong nouns with a-bases. Thus IAV. base ghoda. (< ghodaa-), but Kš. base guri-, horse. It is therefore evident that for Kš. we must presuppose an ancient suffix -ika- corresponding to the IAV. -aka-. In this way we get the Ks. nom. sg. gur" for "guri(k)u, "guryu. That this assumption is not unreasonable is shown by Kš. words of the same declension which correspond to Skr. i-bases, not a-bases. Thus, corresponding to Skr. ktmih, a worm, we have Kš. kim", for *kimi(k)", *kimyu.1
(11), becomes either iya or é or simply a. Example:narikelaḥ, a cocoa-nut
nàriélo
H. nariyal, B. náriyar, G. náriya!, M. náral, Bg. nárēl, P. narel, S. náril", and nairu; EPh. has nárival, with euph. v.

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NASALIZATION AND DENASALIZATION
(12) +ĭ, ǎ+, become i and i, respectively. Thus :Ap. Pr.*plihaï O.H. pthai. dùúnàü
pásyati, he will drink
dvigunakaḥ, two-fold
IAV. dúna.
1 For further particulars, see Grierson and Barnett, Lalla-vákydni (London, 1920), 137 ff.
Nasalization and Denasalization.
184. The nasalization of long vowels, by means of anunāsika, is a striking feature in all IAVs. It varies with the personal equation of the speaker or according to locality. The nasal tone is strongly heard in Audh, where Eastern Hindi is spoken, and in Northern Lahndā. In the latter, every final long vowel may optionally be nasalized, as in bahu or bahu, much; nā or na, of. Similarly (NP.Gr. v), in Northern Panjabi there is a tendency to nasalize the vowel of a syllable containing n or n. Thus, saņē or sānē, jāņā, jānd, or jana. Again, in Sindhi, nasalization is frequent, and imparts a distinct tone to the language. Long vowels, and especially final long vowels, are most subject to this, as in mih", rain (Skr. meghaḥ); pri, a friend (Skr. priyah). In the latter, there has been loss of a final syllable, with the old penultimate vowel lengthened in compensation. So, in Gujarati, final long vowels are often nasalized, as in mha, a face (mukha-), or duniya, the world (Ar. dunya) (GLL. 332).
[ §§ 184-185
Just as we have the above instances of spontaneous nasalization, so we sometimes come across sporadic cases in which an original nasal has been lost. This, again, is often a mere matter of personal equation, but in some languages it has crept into literature. Thus :
rinkhaï, ringai
samvi
rinkhati or ringali, he crawls sampayati, ho harasses
H. V rig, M. Vrag-, crawl; but G. Vrikh, roam.
0. yan; but M. Vasei, H. y satá-, G. Vsatáv-; P. V salau-, S. yadi.
paña, fifty
pannasam
M. pannas, A.Bg.O. pañcás, P.L. pañjáh, S. pañjáh; but H.G. pacás. In the last two instances, the denasalization has been induced by the stress-accent in the following syllable, but no such explanation is available for the first."
185. We have seen, under the head of lengthening of vowels (§ 168), how, when a conjunct consonant of which the first member is a class-nasal, the class-nasal is liable to be dropped, while the preceding vowel is lengthened and nasalized in compensation. But this compensatory nasalization is not confined to words which, in the literary Sanskrit or Prakrit, have conjuncts involving a class-nasal. In the IAVs. we sometimes come across cases in which there is nasalization of a vowel which has been lengthened in compensation, although there was no class-nasal in the literary Prakrit gonjunct which has been simplified. In the vulgar speech, not found in dictionaries, this is everywhere very common, but this unexpected nasalization also finds its way into literary words. E. g. :
áksikam, an eye
akkhiam
99
H.G. akh, B. akh', Bg.O. khi, EPh. CPh. #kha, but A. dkhi, P.L. akkh,
S. ákh, etc.
J. Bloch (FLM. § 70) and Turner (JRAS., 1921, 344) look upon this nasalization as due to the length of the vowel, which, according to Bloch spontaneously develops a nasal resonance, but I am unable to accept this explanation (see Grierson, JRAS., 1922, 381 ff.). Such spontaneous nasalization could occur only if it was introduced in the present stage of the development of the IAVs. in which the vowel had become long. But this is not the case, for the nasal was introduced not later than the Prakrit stage, and has nothing to do with the length of the vowel,

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$150 i
ON THE MODERN INDO-ARYAN VERNACULARS.
[ DECEMBER, 1932
In the LA Vs. We sometimes find cases in which the vowel remains short, and is not nasal. ized, but, instead, a conjunct with a class-nasal is substituted for the Prakrit conjunct which has no class nasal. Thus in kárkaram, gravel
kákkaru
H. not only kd kar, but also kánkar,
and go elsewhere. Similarly :márgati, he asks
mággai
G.M.O.A. V mag-, H.S.Bg.EPh.r
mäg-, but H. also v mang-,
P.L.Kš. r mang., S. r man.. úccàkah, high
úccàu
P.L. úcca, A. ucc, H. ücà, G.8. úco,
B. ac, but M. uño, Bg.O. uncă. bhittih, a wall
bhitli
H. bhit or bhit, but M. bhit or bhint. satyaḥ, true
saccu
P.L. 80cc, M. sặc, B. sốc, bat H.
also sanc. The Skr, nidrā, sloep, Pr. niddi, becomes n'a in H., and also nind or nin in the speech of the vulgar (275). nin, with a diminutive i, becomes nini or nindi, and this is liable to a further change to ninni. Anglo-Indiari mothers soothe their children with a crooning song beginning ninny babba ninny,' which is their mispronunciation of the Ayah's lullaby ninni brībā ninni, sleep, darling, sloep.
In Prakrit, while an original conjunct is usually represented merely by the doubled form of one of its members, in certain words, instead of this doublod letter, we find a conjunct consisting of a class-nasal (or anusvāra) with a single consonant. Such are, for instance, varika-, for *vakka- (vakra-), phamsa-, for *pha880- (sparsa-), aimumtays. or aimutiaya- (ati. muktaka-), pumcha-for puccha., and others (Mk. iv, 20; Hc. i, 26; Pr.Gr. 74). These forms with class-nasals were specially common in Deśya forms of speech, and the above examples are evidently borrowed from such dialects (cf. Jacobi, Bhavisatla Kaha, *63 ff.). It thus follows that, beside the regular Prakrit form akkhi- for aksi-, there must also have been a Dēśya form *ankhi-, from which akh, etc., are regularly desocnded.1 For a long list of these words in Gujarāti, see GLL., 319 ff.
Similarly, such words as karikar, mang, unc, bhint, safic, etc., are Desya survivals, and are the parents of kikar, mag, dca, bhit, såc, and so on, and are not, as some suppose, modern corruptions of the latter forms.
For detailed proof of this, soe Grierson, JRAS, 1022, 381 ff., and The Prakrit Dhātu.adadas (Mom. ASB. VIII, 85). J. Bloch, in La Nasalik en Indo-Aryen (Cinquantenaire de l'Ecole Pratique des Hautes Etudos) discusses the subject at some length, but without referring to the Deya origin of these conjuncts. C4. also $ 147, 149, and Hl.G4.Gr., pp. 27 ff. There are traces of a somewhat similar nasalisation even in Vedic times. Cf. Bloch, 1.o., and Buhler's edition of the text of the A pastambiya-dharma sutra, p. vi, n. For Dardic, see $282.
186. In Apabhramsa an intervocalic m is liable to become $ (Pr.Gr. 8 201), as in kamalaor kavala.. This change is also found in the LAV8., but the v is usually pronounced as a vowel and the vowel preceding, and not the v itself, is nasalized. Thus náma, a name
Ap. náma or náva AV, nām or nav, pr. nat. amarámi, I remember Ap. rúmarai or OH. alaran.
orúðarau It is useless to multiply examples of this. There are very many in every IAV. Very often the v is written u or o, to agree with its pronunciation. Ndv is as often as not written nau, nai, não, nãs, with long or short u or o, but perhaps nãw most nearly represents the
100

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NASALIZATION AND DENASALIZATION
sound. The word gav (grámah), village, occurring at the end of compounds that are place names, is frequently heard as 'gong' by Anglo-Indians. Thus, bàn-gav, the name of a wellknown town in Bengal, is usually spelt Bongong' in Anglo-Indian newspapers.
Turner (JRAS., 1915, 20 ff.) points out that, in Gujarati, this change of m to occurs only before the stress-accent, when the preceding vowel is short. Thus, kúvárō (kumáraḥ), unmarried; 88g, disguise, (samángah); but, with a long vowel originally preceding the stressaccent, jamái (jämátykah), a son-in-law. The change does not occur if the m follows the stress-accent, as in kámal, a lotus; sám lo (byamalah), dark; nām, a name.
According to J. Bloch (FLM. 141) this change does not occur in Singhalese, but, according, to Sgh.Gr., p. 48, this is wrong. The change does not appear to occur in Dardic (Pé.L., p. 118), or, at least is rare, and in such cases probably borrowed. Thus, a village' is Bs. grom, Kh. grōm, ş. girōm, Kš. gām; and 'a name' is Bs. nom, Kh. nām, ṣ. nōm, but Kš. nāv.
6
Skr. audrybam, gold
187. A Sanskrit final m is also sometimes represented by a nasalized vowel. This occurs in those languages, Gujarati and Marathi, which have retained the neuter gender. In these languages, the respective terminations of strong neuter nouns in û and &, represent the Skr. -akam, which in Ap. becomes au (Pr.Gr. § 352). From this is directly derived the G. u. The M. - comes through a corresponding termination *ava, not noted by grammarians. Thus :
1 $2 187 188
Ap.
sh
Skr. vámśaḥ, a bamboo hámsah, a swan mámsam, flesh
G. sõnu.
M. sōně.
* sónņa"ä
Although the neuter gender has disappeared in other languages, we still find traces of it in the nasalization of the infinitive termination in some dialects of Hindi. Thus the colloquial form of the infinitive in the Braj dialect is more commonly maranau than māranau, to strike (Page #428
$$ 189-190 ] ON THE MODERN INDO-ARYAN VERNACULARS. (DECEMBER, 1022 pakhdii Before y, lawor v, it becomes y, i, or d respectively, as in saiyag, junotion ; satlagna, united (LSI. VII, 22). There are traces of the dropping of the anusvara, with consequent lengthening of the preceding vowel, in Pr. Before a sibilant, anusvara usually remains unchanged, but it is elided, with lengthening of the pre. ceding vowel, in Skr. vimsatih, twenty, Pr. visam, hence IAV. bts, &c. There are occasional similar cages ho IAV8. An example is Skr. saikhalah, a chain, Pr. sarikala- (Pr.Gr. SS 213), H.B. stkar, A. Kkali. Bg. Hikal, O. fikuli. Similarly a few other sporadio instances. Cf. FLM. 71. Again, from santapayati, he harasses, we have a r atao. in H.R.P.G., M.8. and L. 189. In Dardio languages we occasionally come across casos of nasalization. As examples of nasalization due to contraction (f 185) we may quote : Av. abr-; Wai. er, fire. Av. agi-, Skr. a ksi-; Pas. anc, My.ainch, the eye. In Skr. khuna-; Bs. kyur or kur, a foot, the reason for the nasalization is less obvious. The IAV. Vowels in Detall. 190. As a rule, the IAVs. and Dardic follow the Prakrit and Apabhramsa vowel-scale with great fidelity. Even when, in sporadio cases, Pr. takes vowels different from those apparent in the Skr. form of the same word, the IAVs. and Drd. usually follow the Pr., and not the Skr. Thus :Skr. Ap. IAV. pakva kah, ripe piklodu or G.V pik-orr pak-, ripen, M. pik, a ripe orop, M. pika, P.H.O. pakka, 8. pako, A. paka, Bg. paka, B. pakal, EPh. pak, Kx. pape, all meaning ripe. vrsabha kah, a vasahdi H.B. basaha. The others use the Ts. bull form. ofddha kah, old vuddndu . G. buddho, 8. budho, H.P.biddha, and so othors. B. has budh, and Kx. budu. vadrakah, large vadddu G. vddo, S. vado, L. vada, P. wadda, H.B. bada, Bg.0. bada, A. bar, EPh. baro, K;. bodu. hfdayam, heart hiai H.B.0.A. hia, hia, M. hive. haridrika, haladdia or G. halad, M. haladda, P. haladhi, H.B.O. turmeric haliddia | ba di, K8. "da, but Bg. Malua. sindurah, sinduru or M. fendur, H. sedur, B. sedur, senur, A. vermilion senduru sendur ,,or sindur, G.Bg. sidur, 8. sindhupe, K. sendagi sayya, a bed sejja H. sej, Mbej; and so on. angardekah, ingaldu or M. agara, (dial.jfgal, egalo, 8. agara, Kl. embers angaldu Gwr. Pas. Kh. angar, s. agar; other LAV. agat, tc., but Ko. viagar. kustham. kotthu M. kod, G.H.B.0. kodh, S. korhe, Bg. leprosy koth, EPh. kor, but A. kuth, Ks. koth. lalalam, the sidalu or H. litar, &c. forehead nadalam kiunilah, khudiu M.G. khut, 8. khut, H. khot, and others. brok(11 Budamm, tbc boru (H.C. M. bor, but others bair, ber, &c. Exc. 0. jujube-trer I., 170) bar (bor), Kc. bray (bruy). 102