Distribution Of Variant Endings U Au And A In Apabhramsa Verses In Hemacandras Prakrit Grammar

Author(s): Herman Tiken
Publisher: Herman Tiken
Catalog link: https://jainqq.org/explore/269457/1

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HERMAN TIEKEN
THE DISTRIBUTION OF THE VARIANT ENDINGS -U, -AÜ AND -Ā IN THE APABHRAMŚA VERSES IN HEMACANDRA'S
PRĀKRIT GRAMMAR
In his edition of Puspadanta's Apabhramsa text Harivarśapurāna (1936, pp. 163–164), Alsdorf draws attention to the occurrence of extended and long endings alongside short ones in the inflection of the masc. and the ntr.: e.g. -aü or -aü beside -u (nom.-acc.), -ae beside -e (loc.), and -ā beside -a (nom.-acc. plur.). According to Alsdorf, the occurrence of the three long and extended endings mentioned just now was conditioned by the rhythm of the word: they all involve short endings (the loc. -e is a short vowel) and appear mainly after heavy syllables.2
With reference to the ending -ā of the nom.-acc. plur. Alsdorf (p. 154) mentions a category of words which are found only with long or extended endings (possessive pronouns: merā, amhārā, tumhārā, infinitives: mārevā, postpositions: -kerā, and the word -gārā) and words which are found often with these endings. The latter category consists of past participles and adjectives. In this connection Alsdorf again draws on the rhythmic explanation since all occurrences of the ending -a concern positions after a heavy syllable.?
In the case of the fem. ending -ī (beside -i) the situation is similar: of the 161 instances of the nom./acc. in -ī, 109 are past participles, 32 adjectives and 9 present participles. The remaining 11 instances are "ordinary" nouns. In 157 out of these 161 instances the long -7 is found after a heavy syllable (p. 165).
In his Apabhrarnsa-Studien (1937, pp. 7-14) Alsdorf discusses these variant endings once more in connection with their occurrence in the Apabhramsa verses in Hemacandra's Prākrit grammar (IV 329ff.). On the basis of this new material yet another long ending could be added to the set mentioned above, namely -a for the nom.-acc. sing. of the masc. and the ntr. Alsdorf was mainly concerned with their "derivation”. He argues that the endings represent different stages in the development of Middle Indo-Aryan to New Indo-Aryan. Thus, he considers -u to be the regular form in Apabhramsa, showing shorthening of final -o, and
Indo-Iranian Journal 41: 1–31, 1998. © 1998 Kluwer Academic Publishers. Printed in the Netherlands.

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-aü an extended form (-ka) of the former. The singular ending -ā he derives from -aü, with the loss of the final -u, which was compensated by the lengthening of the -a. The plural ending -ā he derives in the same way from -aya. Next, Alsdorf tries to connect the various endings to developments seen in the New Indo-Aryan languages. The plural ending -ā (from -aya, which has become -e in Hindī) would anticipate the plural ending -ā in Gujarātī; the singular ending -ā (from -aü, which has become -o in Gujarātī) he connects with a similar -a in Hindi and Marāthī; the occurrence of singular -ā side by side with plural -ā was compared by Alsdorf to the situation in Eastern Hindi (e.g. Maithilī).
Despite all this, Alsdorf seems to leave open the question as to the determining factor for the occurrence of the long and the extended endings: the function of the word, or its rhythm. It is significant that in his Apa-Studien Alsdorf does not return to his earlier findings at all, namely that in the Harivarśapurāna the long and extended endings were almost exclusively found with participles and adjectives. Instead, he notes (p. 17) that the occurrence of the long and extended endings in Hemacandra's Apabhramsa verses is not, or at least not to the same extent as in the Harivarśapurāna, restricted to positions after heavy syllables. In this connection he singles out those instances in words enlarged with the suffix -da, which are virtually all “ordinary" nouns, that is, no participles or adjectives. On the basis of this passage we may conclude that according to Alsdorf the extension and the lengthening of the endings were determined in the first place by the rhythm of the word; the fact that this phenomenon was mainly restricted to participles and adjectives would be accidental.S
However, if all this is true, it is not clear why the long and extended endings are not regularly found with "ordinary” nouns as well. In fact, the situation as described by Alsdorf for the Harivarśapurāna rather suggests that the phenomenon was determined in the first place by the function of the word, and only in the second place by the rhythm. However, as already remarked, Alsdorf suggests that the restriction of the long and extended endings to participles and adjectives in Hemacandra's Apabhraíśa verses was no longer adhered to as strictly as in the Harivarśapurāna. In these circumstances it is unfortunate that Alsdorf did not consider it necessary to provide more exact information regarding the distribution of the endings in Hemacandra's material. It is this omission which the present study in the first place seeks to emend.
The picture which emerges from Hemacandra's verses, which is subsequently checked by a similar investigation of three later Apabhramsa poems edited by Baumann, confirms Alsdorf's findings

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VARIANT ENDINGS -U, - AÜ AND -Ā IN THE APABHRAMŚA VERSES
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for the Harivarśapurāna to the extent that the long and the extended endings -aü (or -aü) and că are indeed found almost exclusively with adjectives and past principles. Instances with "ordinary” nouns are rare. Since syntactically the functions of adjectives and past participles completely overlap, that is to say, adjectives also occur as nominal parts of the predicate and past participles also as adjectives, the appearance of the long and extended endings would indeed seem to be a matter of function: it serves to mark the word concerned as an adjective or predicate by distinguishing the latter from the head noun which always has the short ending.
It is not so that in Hemacandra's verses all adjectives or all past participles necessarily have the long or extended endings: when the latter endings occur it is mainly with adjectives and past participles. Besides, one may come across both adjectives and participles with the short endings. It would appear that the poets of the verses had at their disposal several equivalent patterns which they could apply as the metre demanded.
The issue taken up next is the supposed linear relationship between the three endings, -aü being a rhythmically conditioned variant of -u, and -ā having been derived directly from -aü. To begin with -aü and -u, the support for the supposed rhythmic effect, which was not very convincing from the beginning, is further reduced by those instances in the Harivarśapurāna of -u after a heavy syllable. As to the derivation of -ā from -aü, it will be argued that it is unlikely that this development has taken place within Apabhramsa itself. In any case, any attempt to establish the origin of the ending -ā should not restrict itself to the evidence of the one particular set of Apabhramśa texts investigated here. In so far, however, as the three endings represent different stages in the linguistic development of the Indo-Aryan languages, their occurrence side by side in Apabhramsa would show that this literary dialect is a veritable linguistic patch-work.
As indicated, what follows is an overview of all instances of the long and extended endings -ā and -aül-au in the Apabhramba verses in Hemacandra's Prākrit grammar (IV 329ff.). However, unless indicated otherwise all quotations have been taken from Pischel's Materialien zur Kenntnis des Apabhramśa (1902). In his Materialien Pischel provided a new and improved edition and translation of the Apabhramsa verses included in his own edition of 1877-1880 of Hemacandra's Prākrit

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grammar (Hc.). The material has subsequently been investigated once again by Alsdorf, first in his "Bemerkungen zu Pischels Materialien" (1933), and subsequently in his Apa-Studien referred to above, and by De Vreese in his "Apabhramsa Studies I-IV" (1954-1961). Where necessary, references will be made to these scholars' findings.
The material is classified in the following way: in Sections 4 and 5 the endings with past participles and adjectives respectively are presented. In each case the instances are divided according to syntactical function, i.e. whether the words concerned function as predicates or as adjectives; in Section 6 some special categories of adjectives are discussed, and some instances which may be accounted for with reference to the origin of the words concerned (from adjectives) or with reference to their syntactic function (as nominal predicates); Section 7 deals with the so-called exceptions, that is, the relatively few instances of the long and extended endings in other words than adjectives and participles. However, the presentation will be headed, in Section 3, by a few instances of the long and extended endings in Pischel's Materialien which seem to be spurious.
The following overview has been restricted to complete verses." As a rule verse fragments, such as found in sutras 346, 347 and 391, have been left out of consideration. The same applies to occasional forms showing Prakrit endings: e.g. äväsio in 357, 3 and vaḍḍāi in 364. No distinction is made for the masc. and ntr. sing. and plur. here, the endings being similar. The translations provided are not intended as interpretations of the verses; instead, they serve as translations of the phrases out of context.
3.
Spurious instances of the endings -au and -ā
As already pointed out by Alsdorf, in the following cases the forms. with the long or extended endings are overruled by the evidence from the manuscripts in combination with the exigencies of the metre.
1. For jana in 372c:9 jaï uppatti annajaṇā, which in any case is unmetrical, all available manuscripts (A, B, F, b, Uab and P) read jana, 10
2. For naana in 422, 6e manuscripts A, B, and Uab have ṇaana, which fits the metre, Radda, better; see Alsdorf, Apa-Studien, pp. 55, n. 2. 3. indanilau in 444, 5c: sohaï indanilaŭ is not supported by the
available manuscripts, which read indanilu, as is indeed required by the metre; see Alsdorf, Apa-Studien, p. 49.

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VARIANT ENDINGS -U, - AÜ AND -A IN THE APABHRAMŚA VERSES
Past participles used as predicates Singular
à
After a heavy syllable: 333a: je mahu dinnā diahadā “The (number of] days which were indicated to me" 343, 2a: aggina daddha jaï vi gharu “Even if the house has been burned by fire”
After a light syllable: 330, 2a: dhollā maï tuhữ vāriā “Wandering man, you have been prevented by me from going”ll 351a: bhallā huä ju māriā [... mahārā kantu) “It is good if my lover has been killed” 438, 3a: soevā para vāriã “Sleeping is absolutely forbidden"
-aü/aữ After a heavy syllable: 340, 2c: hau ki na juttaü “Why was I not yoked?” 352b piu ditthaü sahasa tti “The lover was suddenly seen" 356a: jaï taho tuttaü nehadā "If his affection is broken" 371ab: tumhehi amhehi jam kiau ditthau bahuajanena “What was done by you and me was seen by many people" 396, 3d: na a pamhuttaü dhammu "And the dharma is not forgotten” 421, la: maï vuttaü tuhũ “You were told by me" id., d: eðaï vunnaü kāi “Why are you so dejected?” 429, 1b (metre no. 11): pahiu panthi jam ditthaü “As the traveller was seen on the road” 444, 5b (7): sahi bhasalu païtthaü “Friend, the bee is seated"
After a light syllable: 331cd [16]: caümuhu charmuhu (...) daïvem ghadiaü “The four-headed and the six-headed were put together by fáte" 371ab: tumhehi amhehi jam kiau ditthaü bahuajanena “What was done by you and me was seen by many people" 389c: tasu daïvena vi mundiaü [jasu khallihadaü sīsu) “Whose head is bald (?; by nature) his head has been shaved by fate" 396, 5a: ua kaniāru paphulliaü “Look, the karņikāra has blossomed” 402a: mai bhaniaü "I have said"

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415b [12]: pahiu ko vi buddavi thiaü “A traveller is staying submerged in the water" id., d: dhumu kahartihu utthiaü "From where (else) is the steam (fog) rising up?" 422, 1c: maï mittadā paỹāniaü "I have taken friendship as the norm" 422, 20a: gaaü su kesari "The lion has gone" 424b: piu kalahiaü viāli “The lover is quarrelled with in the evening” 429, 1d: so ji kiaü aggitthaü “He was used as a brazier" 442, 2a: ganga gameppinu jo muaü "He who dies having gone to the Ganges"
Plural
-
After a heavy syllable: 379, 2a: jaï bhaggā pārakkada “If the enemies have been defeated" id., c: aha bhaggā amhahā tană “Or if our people have been defeated" 395, 3d: kara pariattā "The (moon) beams have returned" 409ab: te muggadā haräviā je parivitthā tāhā? 414, 3b [16]: sahi uvvattā naanasara “Friend, the lake of her eyes is overflowing”12 422, 18b: je taï dittha bäli “Child, those who were seen by you"
After a light syllable: 376, 2a: je gaā pahia "Those wayfarers, who have left” 409ab: te muggadā harāviā je parivitthā tāhā? 418, 1c: mai binni vi viņnāsiā “Both have been arranged by me”13 423, 4c: to vi gotthadā karāviā "Still she did arrange meetings"l4
The following locative absolute phrases, in which the "predicate" is a past participle with the extended ending, have to be mentioned here as well: 365, 1cd: appie ditthaï, pie ditthaï 383, 2c: sāari bhariaï 406, 2c: nehi panatthaï 418, 6a: māņi panatthaï 418, 8a: vihavi panatthaï 427, 1c: mūli vinatthaï The one exception to this pattern is pie ditthe in 396, 2c and 423, 2d.

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VARIANT ENDINGS -U, -AÜ AND -A IN THE APABHRAMŚA VERSES
Past participles used as adjectives Singular - After a heavy syllable: 351d: jai bhaggā gharu entu "If he would come home defeated"
After a light syllable: no instances.
-aü/-aü After a heavy syllable: 354a: bhaggaü dekkhivi niaabalu “Having seen that his own army had been defeated" 395, 2 [11]: cüdullaü cunnihoisaï (...) nihittaü (...) samsittaü "The bracelet, placed on (...) and made wet will be pulverized" 396, 1a: jaṁ ditthaü somaggahanu (asaïhî hasiu] “Because the unchaste women had laughed at the eclipse of the moon when they saw it happen" 422, 4a: divehi vidhattaü khähi vadha “Enjoy what the day brings, o fool" 422, 15a [4]: jo punu mani ji khasapphasi hüaü (various variant readings: e.g. kasaphasiaü) (cintai] "He who worries, being confused in his mind” 444, 50 [7]: [sohaï indanīlu]"S jaņi kanaï vaïtthaü “He shines like an indranīla set in gold"
After a light syllable: 331, lab [16]: dahamuhu (...) niggaü rahavari cadiaü “Dasamukha rushed out having climbed into his chariot" 354ab: dekkhivi ... balu pasariaū parassu "Having seen that ... the army of the enemy was advancing" 395, 2 [11]: cüdullaü cunnīhoisaï (...) jhalakkiaü “The bracelet, (...) burned, (...) will be pulverized" 396, 5c: gorivaanavinijjiaü [naṁ sevaï vanavāsu] “(The karnikāra,) defeated by the lovely woman's face, stays in the forest" 401, 2a: o gorīmuhanijjiaü [vaddali lukku mianku] "The moon, defeated by the lovely woman's face retired, behind bad weather
clouds”
415a [12]: virahānalajālakarāliau pahiu “A wayfarer, burned by the fire of separation"

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Plural
-à
After a heavy syllable: 422, 6e [17]: [ko sakkaï samvarevi] daddhanaana neheṁ paluttā 16 “Who can keep his cursed eyes in check, which are turning round from affection?”
After a light syllable: 330, 4b: ei ti nisiā khagga "This here are the whetted swords" 335b: phala lihiā bhuñjanti “They enjoy the fruits inscribed by fate” 396, 4b: akiā kudda karīsu “I shall do some wonderful things, not done before" 414, 3c: saṁmuha sampesiā “[Arrows] shot in the direction of” 442, lc: [gampiņu vāņārasihî] muā parāvahî paramapaü "Men who have died, having gone to Vārāṇasī, reach heaven" 445, 4a: siri cadia khanti pphalaï “Having alighted on the tree-tops [the birds] eat the fruits"
Adjectives used as adjectives Singular
à
After a heavy syllable: 330, 2b: mā karu dīhā mānu “Do not sulk for a long time!” 345b: dekkhu amhārā kantu "Behold my lover!" 351b: bahini mahārā kantu "O sister, my lover ..." 423, 3b: siddhatthā vandei “Having accomplished his task, he greets"17
After a light syllable: 340, 2b: garuā bharu pekkhevi “Having seen the heavy burden” 395, 4d: (vāsāratti pavāsuahā] visamā saņkadu ehu “This is the hard lot of those who are away from home during the rainy season”
-aü/-au After a heavy syllable : 358a: kantu mahāraü "My lover" 371c: tam te [sic] vaddaü samarabharu (nijjiu ekkakhanena] “This, your great burden of war is brought to nil in one second"

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VARIANT ENDINGS -U, -AÜ AND -A IN THE APABHRAMŚA VERSES
After a light syllable: 341, 2c: samihu ettiu aggalaü [āaru bhicca grhanti] “This is the highest respect servants may expect from their masters" 350, 2c [12]: phodenti je hiadau appanaü "Those who break their own hearts" 401, lc: navavahudarsanalālasaü (vahaï manoraha so i] "Such desires are entertained by one who is anxious to see the young bride”
Plural: - After a heavy syllable: 364b: to vaddā ghara oi “The large houses are there" 376, 21:18 [pahia] parāā ke vi “Those travellers, strangers ..." 395, 1a: tikkhā levi kara "Having taken the sharp beams"
After a light syllable: 350, 2ab: rakkhejjahu tarunaho appanā bālahe jāā visama thana “Beware, young men. For the young woman her own breasts have become dangerous"19 387, 1b: saralā sāsa ma melli “Do not sigh long sighs" 422, 23d: ghanā sahesaï tāva?20
Adjectives used as the nonverbal part of the predicate Singular: -a After a heavy syllable: 351a: bhallā huā ju "it is good if ...”
After a light syllable: 343, Ic: jo punu aggiṁ sīalā “Who, on the other hand, is cool from fire" 370, 4c: särasu jasu jo veggalā “He who is far away from ... (?)"21
-aü/-au After a heavy syllable: 343, la: aggiē unhau hoi jagu "The world becomes hot by fire" 343, 2a: vippiaāraü jaï vi piu "Even if the lover behaves unpleasantly” 350, 10:22 annu ju tucchaü tahe dhanahe “Everything else which is small on that women" 422, 14d: jetthu kudumbai appanachandaü "Where each member of the family acts according to his own liking"

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After a light syllable: 358, 2a: jīviu kāsu na vallahaü "To whom is life not dear?” 389d: jasu khallihadaü sisu "Whose head is bold" (or: "who has a bold head") 396, 3b: tasu para sabhalaü jammu “His birth is highly fruitful” 426, 1a: sumarijjaï tam vallahaü (jam vīsaraï manāū] “That is dear which one forgets only for a moment but is immediately remembered again”23
Plural:
After a heavy syllable: 376, la: amhe thovā “We are small in number" 412c: je vankā te vañcaara “Those who are crooked are cheats” 422, 11c: desa ravannā honti vadha “The regions are pleasant, o fool"
After a light syllable: 395, 5a: ammi paohara vajjaỹā “Mother, my breasts are as hard as diamond" 412a: te viralā ke vi nara “Those men are rare who ...” 439, la: hiadā jaï veria ghaņā “O heart, when the enemies are many"
Some special cases. In this paragraph will be discussed a number of special cases, including specific types of words as well as individual words. In all cases the occurrence of the long and extended endings may be explained in the same way as above, that is, either with reference to the functions of the words concerned (adjectives or predicates) or with reference to their origins.
The postpositions -tana and -kera invariably occur with the long or the extended endings. For -tana, see Hc. IV 361: imu kulu tuha tanaüs “This, your family” or “This is your family", and 379, 2c: aha bhaggā amhahã tanā “If our men are defeated", and for -kera, Hc. IV 373: tumhahaṁ keraüs dhanu “Your wealth". -tana and -kera are used to form adjectives of the genitives of the personal pronouns; see Hc. IV 422, 20: sambandhinaḥ keratanau, exx. jasu kerae humkārada? “By whose saying 'hum'”, and 379, 2c, quoted above.24 For -kera, see also Hc. I 246, II 99, 147 and 148. -kera is not attested in Hemacandra's

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VARIANT ENDINGS -U,-AU AND -A IN THE APABHRAMSA VERSES 11 Apabhramsa material except for the one instance (422, 20) quoted above.
2.
The pronominal adjective jehuljehau is found twice: in 422, 1d: pai jehau khalu ṇāhi "There is no other scoundrel like you", and in 402c: jehu tehu navi hoi vadha "He is not just somebody, you fool". The material is too restricted to be able to draw any conclusions regarding the distribution of the short (in the phrase jehu tehu) and the extended endings (jehau is used as an adjective). Compare tehau with kehau in 402b: kehau magganu ehu "What kind of a beggar is this?" and tehaï in 357, 1cd: tahi tehaï bhadaghada-nivahi kantu paāsai maggu "In the midst of such a noisy (?) melée our lover leads the way".
25
Whatever significance may be attached to the distribution of tehu and tehau, the case of the variation ehu/ehaü seems to be of a different nature. For ehu "this", see 362b: ehu manorahaṭhānu, 395, 4d: visamā samkaḍu ehu, and 402b: kehau magganu ehu. In the material under investigation ehau is found only once, namely in 362:
eha kumārī eho naru ehu manorahaṭhānu ehau vaḍha cintantäha pacchaï hoi vihānu.
Here the extended ending in chaй seems to be used for the purpose of emphasis, or in order to distinguish it from eha, eho, and ehu, which it, so to speak, encompasses.
Following Alsdorf's criteria for identifying verses created ad hoc (Apa-Studien, pp. 69-73, esp. p. 71), one may be tempted to include this verse, with its four different forms of the personal pronoun, into this category. It should be noted, however, that the fourth form, ehau, is not mentioned in the sutra. Apart from this, the word vihāņu (for which see also 330, 2, discussed in n. 11) deserves a brief comment. The word has been equated with *vibhāna, which would somehow represent vibhāta "morning". Rather, we have to do with Skt vidhāna "occasion for grief (or pleasure)", occurring in NS XIX 57 (ed. GOS) as a technical term for one of the so-called sandhyangas. A definition is supplied in verse 73: sukhaduhkhakṛto yo'rthas tad vidhanam iti smṛtam. The verse may be translated as follows:
There is the girl, here the man, and this is the right time and place for our desires. Fool, for those who keep thinking like this (instead of acting) there is afterwards ample occasion for regret.

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3.
Some adverbs: The adverb vahillaй (sīghram) in 422, 1b: vahillau jahi has been formed on the basis of the adjective vahilla-, which would account for the occurrence of the extended ending.
A similar explanation may be forwarded for ekkamekkaŭ in 422, 6a: ekkamekkaŭ jaï vi joedi Hari "Even if Hari looks at them one by one". The case of nihuau "secretly, silently" in 401, 4a is different in that there is no underlying adjective, nihuaй going back directly to an adverb, namely Skt nibhṛtam. For adverbs in the instrumental, and with the extended ending, see pacchaï in 362d (but pacchi in 388b, rhyming with acchi in pada d).26 Skt nityam, however, is niccu (395, 5b, also Dühämärka 18b).
4.
A special case, which may be mentioned here, is dravakkaü in 422, 4:
divehi viḍhattaŭ khāhi vaḍha samci ma ekku vi drammu ko vi dravakka❞ so paḍaï jena samappaï jammu,
Pischel:
O Thor, geniesse, was dir die Tage bringen; spare nicht eine einzige Drachme auf. (Dann) geht völlig die Furcht zu Grunde, mit der eine Geburt vollendet wird.
According to Hemacandra dravakkaй would mean "fear" (bhaya). This latter meaning seems to have been invented ad hoc. In addition to this consideration it should be noted that Pischel fails to account for ko vi "some..., someone (who...)". Given the context, I venture to suggest that dravakkau corresponds to Skt dravyaka "who carries money" 27 For the meaning of dravya-ka, which has been mentioned in Panini V. 1. 50, see Wackernagel-Debrunner, Altindische Grammatik II, 2, § 362e (p. 524). For other instances in Middle Indic of the doubling of the -k- of the suffix -ka (e.g. in tunhikka, Skt tūṣṇīka), see L. A. Schwarzschild, "Prakrit thakka. 'tired' ", IL 19 (1958), pp. 311-318. The verse may accordingly be translated as follows:
Eat what the day brings, o fool, and do not hoard even one single penny. For, someone who has to carry the burden of wealth is liable to fall, which will end his life!
5.
The present participle: Hemacandra's Apabhramsa verses contain two instances of the present participle with the long or the extended ending,

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VARIANT ENDINGS -U, -AÜ AND -A IN THE APABHRAMŚA VERSES
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namely, the long ending in 389a: santā bhoga ju pariharaï "He who avoids pleasures which are available", and the extended ending in 445, 2b: pahiu radantąü jāi "The traveller goes on, crying all the time".
For other such instances, see below Section 8, which includes three instances of a locative absolute phrase with the present participle functioning as the predicate. These latter instances may, in turn, be compared with the locative absolute phrases with a past participle mentioned above (Section 4).
In all other instances the present participle has the short ending: 345d: gaa kumbhaï dārantu "Cleaving the frontal globes of elephants", 383, 3d: jo abbhidai hasantu "Who smilingly goes to meet", 388d: karātu ma acchi?, and 418, 6d: [mā] darsijjantu bhamejja “Lest he roams around being pointed at", for the sing., and 422, 3d: phukkijjanta bhamanti “They roam about being blown upon”, for the plur.
In 351 and 395, 1 the present participle functions as a conditional: 351d: jaï bhaggā gharu entu "If he would come home defeated”, and 395, 1b: jaï sasi chollijjantu “If the moon would be peeled”.
443 mentions hatthi māranaü “An elephant kills”, lou bollanaü "People speak”, padahaü vajjanaü “A drum sounds”, and sunahu bhasanaü "A dog barks". The occurrence of the extended ending in these action nouns may be understood with reference to their function as verbal adjectives used as nominal predicates (for similar instances, see below, no. 7).
It should be noted, however, that no other comparable instances are found, except, possibly rūsanā in 418, 4:
cañcalu jīviu dhruvu maranu pia rūsijjas kāi hosai diahā rūsanā divvai varisasaāi
It has to be admitted, though, that the exact function of rūsanā is far from clear. Note in this connection the gloss rosanasya divasā, which merely evades the problem. In all likelihood, the present examples, māranaü etc., represent Hemacandra's own creations. In any case, while according to Alsdorf (Apa-Studien, p. 46) the four phrases together form an independent line of an Adila/Pādākulaka verse, the lack of a climax in the enumeration would actually rule out the possibility that we have to do with a poem here. The metrical scheme could well be accidental or secondary.
Rather, the question may be from what kind of phrases Hemacandra could have extrapolated these instances of the action noun. In this

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connection one might consider such phrases as maṇi-sīhāṣaṇi baisaṇaū kini karani vayacittu "Why do you hesitate to sit on the lion's throne?" (Salibhaddakakkakulam 28cd). Another possibility is tam akkhanaй na jai "It is impossible to enumerate (all) that" (350, 1c), a periphrastic passive construction consisting of an action noun plus na jäi.28 It is possible that Hemacandra took akkhanaй (ntr.?) as belonging to, or describing, the agens (as one "who is enumerating").
This automatically leads to the question of the origin and function of the extended ending -au of akkhaṇau. Unfortunately, no answer to this question seems available. For other instances of this periphrastic passive, see Neminathacatuspadikā 21b: hatthi kima jäi dharanau kann₤29 "Can an elephant be held by the ear?", and Samdeśa Rāsaka 71 a-b: lajjavi pamthiya jai rahaüm hiyau na dharanai jai "O traveller, if I stay, I' cannot keep my heart firm out of shame".
In the Samdeśa Rāsaka, however, one may also find an instance with the bare stem ending in -a, 218b: kima koila kalaraü sahana (v.l. sahaņu) jāi "How can the sound of the cuckoo be borne?"; and an instance with the stem ending in -u, 81ab: saṁdesaḍaü savittharaü param mai kahanu na jäi "The message is long. I am unable to tell it all", but the preceding verse (80ab) reads: samdesadau savittharau hai kahaṇaha asamattha. Beside this latter ending -aha (a genitive) Hc..IV 441 mentions -ahi, for which, see 441, 1, a verse which according to Alsdorf would be an ad hoc composition (Apa-Studien, p. 69ff.), evaï suhu bhunjaṇaha manu para bhuñjaṇahi na jäi (cd) "Like that, one who wants to enjoy pleasure is not able to do so",30
7.
The occurrence of the extended ending in aggiṭṭhaü in 429, 1d: so ji kiau aggitthaü "He is used as a brazier" may be related to the use of the word as the nominal part of the predicate. Compare sārā (Skt sāra with the long ending -a) in the following phrase from the Duhämätṛkā (53ab): je gaya te gani särä diha "Consider those days which have been passed as the best".
Note in this connection also nandaü in 422, 14c: bahinue tam gharu kahi kiva nandau "O sister, how could (living in) that house be agreeable?", cheau in 390ab: aïtungattanu jam thaṇaha so cheaй... "If there is excessive firmness to the breasts, this is a drawback",31 and, possibly, apuraï kāli in 422, 18d: "When one's time has not yet been used up". Compare also phrases like paada karaï "Divulges (virtues)" (338b) and bhalla hua ju măria "It is good that he has been killed" (351a). But 431, lcd: amsūsāsehī kañcuā tintuvvāņu karanta "Making

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dry with sighs the bodice which was made wet by tears". lahui hūā in 383 and cunni hoisaï in 395, 2, however, are compounds.
15
8.
The derivatives of the gerundive in (i)tavya invariably have the long or extended endings: -au (evv-ai) and -a (ev-a). The same situation is found in the Harivamsapurāņa (p. 171) and in later Apabhramsa texts (see below, Section 8). In Apabhramsa the old gerundive functions as an adjective of obligation and as a so-called infinitive. Adjectives of obligation: 438, 2d: savvu sahevvaŭ hoi "All that is to be borne", and possibly karievvau in 438, 1c (see below). Infinitives: 438, 3a: soevă para väria [pupphavaihi samănu] "It is absolutely forbidden to sleep with women while they are menstruating"; id., c: jaggeva puņu ko dharaï [jaï so veu pamänu] "But who would survive to stay awake, if this excitement (vega) is the measure of things?", and 438, lcd: mahu karievvaü kim pi navi marievvaŭ para dijjaï "I prefer to die than do something like that",32
An exception (in not having the long or extended ending) is devam in 441, 1: devam dukkaru niaadhanu "It is difficult to give away one's own wealth". It should be noted that this verse has almost certainly been composed ad hoc for the purpose of illustrating the grammatical facts mentioned in the sutra (see Alsdorf, Apa-Studien, p. 71).
The occurrence of the extended ending in the adjectives of obligation agrees with the principle already referred to above. As to the occurrence of the long endings in the so-called infinitives, reference may be made to J. Bloch, who explains the origin of this use from the use of the gerundive as a predicate: maya gantavyam "There will be, there is for me the act of going" (L'Indo-aryen, p. 282, Engl. trsl., p. 278). For instances of the gerundive as an action noun, see Hala's Sattasai: roiavva 348, simjiavva 392, rūsiavva 466, khijjiavva 514, and, extended with -ka, ramiavvaa 461. From the examples given by Bloch (L'Indo-aryen, p. 280ff., Engl. trsl., p. 277ff.) it appears that in the New Indo-Aryan languages, too, these words invariably have the long or the extended endings, even though for the extended ending only one example is given, namely Braj calibau.
7.
The exceptions to the pattern
The exceptions can be divided into two categories. The first consists

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of a particular class of words which are enlarged with the suffix -d-, the second of a number of individual words.
Substantives such as diahadā (333), nehadā (356), and dosadā (379, 1), and hiadaü (350, 2), and rūadaü and dūadaü (419, 1). They all show the suffix -d-, which is typical of Apabhramsa (see Alsdorf, Apa-Studien, pp. 18-20. Occasional instances in an early Prākrit text like the Sattasaí are demonstrably later additions; see Tieken, Hāla's Sattasai, p. 162. The use of the long and extended endings in these words must be disassociated from that under investigation, namely in adjectives and participles for functional reasons.
2.
This leaves us with a relatively small number of individual words. From these must be separated rüaü in 422, 15b "a rupee", which clearly represents Skt rūpaka, kudumbai in 422, 14d, which represents kutumbaka,33 and probably also appaü in 422, 3b.34 This leaves us with the following 'exceptions':
nina "If yo of her a
330, 1a: dhollā sāmalā “The travelling man is dark" 330, 4a: ei ti ghodā "There are the stallions”35 352c: addhā valaā mahihi gaa “Half of her armlets fell on the ground" 384c: jaï icchahu vaddattanaü "If you want to be considered a great man" (cf. thirattanaüm in 422, 7, mentioned below) 388a: diahā janti "the days go by" (cf. diahā in 418, 4, mentioned below) 395, 2a: cûdullaü cunnihoisaï "The bracelet will be pulverized” 418, 4c: hosaï diahā rūsanā "A day (of anger) will last ..."36 422, 7a: vihave kassu thirattanaüm "To whom is wealth stable?” 422, 18c: tahi maaraddhaadadavadai padaï "On those falls the onslaught of the god of love"37 431, 1a: aṁsāsāsehi kañcuā tintuvvānu karanta “Making dry with sighs the bodice which was made wet by tears" 443c: padahaü vajjanaü “The drum sounds"38 445, 2a: abbhā laggā dungarihi “Clouds are clinging to the mountaintops”.

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17
8.
From the material presented above it is clear that the distribution of the long and extended endings in Hemacandra's Apabhramsa verses (twelfth century) follows the same pattern as that discovered by Alsdorf for the Harivarśapurāna (tenth century). It is also clear, however, that the finding that these endings are mainly found after a heavy syllable is not borne out by this new material.
For further confirmation of the situation as found in Hemacandra's Apabhramśa verses I have gone through three short Apabhramsa poems, dated before 1301/1302 A.D., edited by Baumann, namely the Nemināthacatuspadikā (N), the Dūhāmātrkā (D),39 and the Sālibhaddakakkakulam (S).40 In these texts, too, the short (-u), the long (-ā) and the extended (-aül-aü)41 endings are found side by side. As in the Harivarśapurāna and Hemacandra's verses, however, the long and the extended endings are found almost exclusively with past participles and adjectives. However, as in the case of the material from Hemacandra, the instances appear to be distributed evenly over words having a heavy syllable and those having a light one. As this distinction appeared to be irrelevant from the start, no attempt is made to classify the instances according to the "weight" of the preceding syllable.
Participles: -aül-aü
[N] gayau 3c, vinathau 3c, mūkau 10c, kiyau 10d, bhaggau 12b, jittau 13b, -bhariyau 18c, -rattau 21d, mātau 27a, padiyau 33b, padivannaŭ 34c [D] padiyau 5a, vāviyaŭ 9d, bhariyau 11b, l(i)hayau 14a, channau 28a, kiyaŭ 32c, thagiyau 33a, uppannaŭ 45b, khīnau 46a, laddhau 54b, mohiyau 54c [S] thakkau 2d, vardiyau 3c, vakkhāniyau 4c, bullāviyau 16c; mokau 17b, vihadiyau 17c, himdiyau 25a, trisiyau 26c, vilaggau 29a, kahiyaŭ 37b, kiyau 38a, pasariyau 38c, pajjāliyaŭ 41c, rasiyau 42b, sosiyaŭ 42c, kiyaŭ 46b, bhäriyau 48a, appiyaŭ 51c, chuddaữ 52d, gayau 53c, liyaŭ 56a, dhardholiyau 63c, būjhiyau 66d, cadiyau 67b, pattau 67c, bhaviyau 72c As predicate in a locative absolute phrase: [S] sarjami liyai 22a, suniyai sīha-sari 26a, puttai jāiyai? 58c, vrati liyai 59c

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[N] bhariyā 5a, bhaniyā 40d [D] bhariyā 7d, püriyā 17c, -thiyā 19d, -mattā 24a, ganiyā 24d, mūdhā 27d, hūyā 29b, gaya 53a [S] sahiyā 25c, -pūriyā 40a, vāsiyā 40c, pahiriyā 42a
Adjectives: -aül-aü:
[N] sācaŭ 7a, pahilaŭ 9c, -sarisau 10d and 37c, anerau 18d, vahilau 25a, bhalau 25b, dohillau 36d [D] sira-tanaŭ 14a, 42 lobhaha tanau 18a, amdhau 20a (note ardhai ibid.), payadau 28a, aneraữ 31b, baliyau 31c and d, sarisau 38b, saphalau 39d, tara-vara-tanaŭ 43a, dehaha tanaŭ 55a [S] kharaũ 4a, ūņaữ 18d, navaŭ 30a, pahilaữ (adv.) 38c, rāyaha tanaŭ 39a, mailaŭ 50a, ibbhaha tanaŭ 52c navalau 72d. Also to be mentioned here: kula-tanai 11a, bhaddātanai 68a.
-ā:
[N] dujjana-tanā 3b, anerā 3d, kadaderā 6d, bhalā 24b, -kerä 386.43 [D] parāyā 6b, dūsama-tanā 17a, sagg-apavaggaha tanā 30c [S] navalla 20c, gihilla 22b, ghanā 34a
Present participles
[N] varisarntai 7c, vari acchartai 19b, karti vasantai 22a (all instances are predicates in a locative absolute phrase) [D] anahurtā 6a, dekhartā 10c, karaṁtā 13a, sevartā 15b, cistamtā 31a44 [S] jhalakaṁtau 18a, ginhartā 44c, hasata-ruvastā 66a, hasartā 66b, dijjaṁtau 670
Substantives enlarge with -d-:
[N] hiyadā 22a (obl.), 29c (voc.) [D] kajjadā 4a [S] no instances
Infinitives:
[N] vīsarivā 30a, milivā 38 c [D] bharivaŭ 11a, karevā 26d [S] karevā 22c

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19
Action noun:45
[N] dharanau 21b [D] no instances [S] baisanaŭ 28c
Unaccounted for:
[N]46 ümähau 166,47 bhamarau 30b [D]48 kudābau 34b49 [5]50 maggaữ 7b, tārunnai 16c, prāhunau 66a51
The material investigated shows that in Apabhramśa the long and extended endings are found only very rarely with other words than participles and adjectives, and, if so, only in a highly unsystematic way. The occurrence of these endings must therefore be related to the functions of these words. In a sentence the endings apparently served to distinguish the (nominal) predicate (a past or present participle, an adjective, or a noun) from the subject, in an adjectival clause they distinguished the adjective from the word it qualified.
A similar type of functional differentiation can be seen between the short and the long ending of the fem. i-stems. While the noun (subject or object) may have the short (-i) or the long (-1) ending, 52 the past participle and the adjective systematically have the long ending. The following examples have been taken from the verses in Hemacandra's grammar:
1. The past participle used predicatively 401, 3d: dinni mudda “A seal is placed on ..." 414, 4b: rutthi maï “I will be angry” 422, 14a: kudullī (...) ruddhī “A hut is closed" 431, lab: ditthi goraţi ditthi “The light-skinned woman is seen; she is seen ..." 445, 3a: pāi laggi antradī “The entrails are clinging to his feet"
2. The past participle used adjectivally: 330, lcd: suvannareha kasavattaï dinni "A streak of gold given on a touchstone"
3. Adjective used adjectivally: 330, 3b: vankī ditthi “Crooked glance"

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330, 3c: sakanni bhalli jiva "Like an arrow with feathers” 339a: taïjji bhangi "Third way"53 350, 2d: parāi kavana ghana "What pity with others?” 395, 6c: bappīkī bhumhadī“The land of the father” 406, 3a: visami kajjagaï "Capricious fate" 414, 3d: tiricchi ghatta “Attack from the side"
4. Adjectives used as non-verbal part of the predicate: 330, 1b: dhania campāvanni "The woman has the colour of the campakaflower':54 367, 5a: jaï sasanehī to muia “If she is affectionate, she will be dead" 420, 3c: hiaï tiricchi hai ji "I am hiding in his heart" 424c: vivarīrī buddhadi hoi “The mind acts contrarily"
An investigation of, for instance, the Nemināthacatuspadikā yields an identical picture. In this text, however, two instances with the short ending occur, namely hui in 11b and ūvāhuli in 38c.
10.
As far as the masc. and ntr. endings are concerned, we may distinguish three patterns altogether:
substantive head-noun
participle/adjective nominal predicate/adjective
1) 2) 3)
-u -u -u (sing.) -a (plur.)
-ай -ā -ā
In the Harivassapurāna, 1 and 2 occur side by side, in Hemacandra's Apabhramsa verses and the three poems edited by Baumann 1, 2 and 3 are all found. Thus, in Hemacandra's verses, beside hai ki na juttaü (340, 2c) and mai tuhủ vāriā (330, 2a), one finds jaï piu ditthu sadosu (401, 4b); beside divehi vidhattaü khāhi (422, 4a) and virahānalajälakarāliai pahiu (415a), lehi abhaggu kavālu (387, 3d); beside kantu mahāraü (358, 1a) and mā karu dīhā mānu (330, 2b), hoi asaddhalu ņehu (422, 8d);55 and, finally, beside jīviu kāsu na vallahaü (358, 2a) and jo punu aggi sīalā (343, 1c), cañcalu jīviu dhruvu maranu (418, 4ab). A

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21
distinct feature of the dialect of Hemacandra's verses, mainly Dohās, is the occurrence of the patterns 2 and 3 side by side in one and the same verse. As instances may be quoted 340, 2: garuā bharu pekkhevi (...) hai ki na juttaü, 343, 1: unhaü (...) sialu (...) sīalā, 343, 2: vippiaāraü (...) daddhā, 350, 2: appanā (...) appanaü, 352: piu ditthaü (...) addhā valaā mahihi gaa, 358, 2: jīviu kāsu na vallahaü (...) na itthu, and 445, 2: abbhā laggā (...) pahiu radantaü jāi.
As already indicated, Alsdorf believes the three endings involved to be related as follows: -aü (2) would be a rhythmically conditioned variant of -u (1), while -ā (3) would have been derived directly from -ai (2). However, on closer consideration this picture may have to be modified on several points.
To begin with, the conclusion that the alternation of -u and -aü was determined by a rhythmic factor seems to have been based on incomplete quantitative data. Alsdorf notes that 608 of the 801 instances of -aü occur after a heavy syllable. This means that still no less than 193 instances (approximately 25%) are found after a light syllable. More importantly, however, Alsdorf does not provide any quantitative information concerning the instances of -u in past participles with a heavy penultimate syllable (e.g. païtthu and itthu in 81, 4, 11, vuttu in 83, 8, 15, ditthu and ghittu in 83, 15, 11, and uttu in 83, 17, 11). The situation is thus far more complex than that of light penult + u (?) alternating with heavy penult + aü (608). The complete picture is the following: light penult + u (?) beside light penult + aü (193), and heavy penult + u (?) beside heavy penult + aü (608). With this, in combination with the unlikely fact that the supposed rhythmic factor would be operative only in certain word-classes, little is left of the usefulness of this factor in explaining the occurrence of the extended ending - as well as, it seems, the long ending - beside the short one.
If -aü was not a rhythmically conditioned alternant of -u, we will have to treat 1 and 2 as completely autonomous patterns. This opens the way for an alternative grouping of the three patterns. The basic dividing line seems to run between 1, on the one hand, and 2 and 3, on the other. We would have to do with two altogether different types of realization of the concord relation between head noun adjective and subject-nominal predicate: while in 2 and 3 the adjective and nominal predicate are marked, in 1 they are not. In this respect, patterns 2 and 3 together seem to anticipate the situation in New Indo-Aryan.56 While the long ending -ā of pattern 3 is as such actually found in New Indo-Aryan (see note 56), pattern 2 seems to occupy an intermediate position, in that it makes use of material inherited from Skt (-ka). Pattern 1, on the

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other hand, looks like a direct continuation of the one in Sanskrit and Prakrit.
More than anything else the occurrence side by side of these three competing patterns marks Apabhramsa as a linguistic patch-work. The question which arises next is if these three patterns, each with its one type of ending, represent three successive stages in the development of Apabhraíśa.
At first sight it may be tempting to maintain that pattern 1, with its Sanskritic appearance, is indeed an archaism, in the sense that it represents the earliest phase in the development of Apabhramśa. However, there is evidence to suggest that pattern 2 was already in existence well before its attestation in Apabhrarśa texts (see in this connection what has been noted below concerning the distribution of the suffix -ka in Buddhist Hybrid Sanskrit). While it could be argued that Apabhramsa as a literary dialect had been formed precisely in that period of transition, in which the Sanskrit and Prākrit pattern (1) was gradually replaced by 2, at the same time it cannot be ruled out that pattern 1 was added to the linguistic repertory of Apabhramsa only relatively late as an artificial construction grafted on Sanskrit (or Prākrit). In this connection we should bear in mind that Sanskrit and Prākrit had remained in use during the whole Apabhraíśa period for literary purposes of their own. Unfortunately, however, this suggestion cannot be verified at this moment, as we lack exact quantitative data concerning the distribution of this pattern, and more particularly as we do not know whether or not it is also found in prose. If pattern 1 would be restricted to metrical texts only, this would support the suggestion that it originated as an artificial construction fabricated to cater to the specific requirements of metre.
According to Alsdorf, the long ending -ā must be considered New Indo-Aryan (Apa-Studien, p. 7, and see above, note 56). As already noted, he derived this long ending directly from -aü.57 This derivation would have a parallel in, among other things, the fem. i-stems, in which -ī would derive from -iya (< -ikā) (Apa-Studien, p. 8). In support of this derivation of -ā Alsdorf refers to several instances of metrical irregularities, which virtually all involve the use of the long ending -ā instead of disyllabic -aü.58 He even suggests to emend a certain passage by substituting the long ending -ī by iya, an emendation which he justified on the grounds that the former had been derived from the latter." It should be noted, however, that from the occurrence of -ā, where the metre requires -aü, it does not automatically follow that the à has also been derived from aü. In fact, as far as their occurrence

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23
in Apabhramsa is concerned, there need not have been an historical connection between the two endings at all: the appearance in a literary dialect of a new form beside or instead of an older one is mostly the result either of an internal process, such as analogy, contamination or fabrication, or of borrowing from an external source. It is thus a matter of substitution or replacement of the one ending by the other, rather than of the one having developed from the other. Consequently the question of the derivation of the ending -ā once more appears to be completely open. If -ā were to be explained as the result of an analogical extension, the other so-called long endings of the nominal inflection must be ruled out as a starting point, as they would have been derived from extended endings themselves (-1 < -iya and plur. -ā < -aya). In fact, instances showing a development of the type of -aü > -ā seem to be restricted to the endings of the nominal inflection. As far as the possibility of borrowing is concerned, the fact that in Apabhramsa the ending -ā has replaced -aü need not automatically reflect the historical development of the particular spoken language from which it had been borrowed. For instance, in Avadhi the long ending -ā is found in opposition to -a (see note 56), in which case it may actually be the result of a lengthening process rather than the result of the contraction of -aü.60 In fact, one would be tempted to assume the same process of lengthening in the case of the long endings of Apabhramsa -ī (< -1), -ā (plur. < -a), and -061 (< -u),62 were it not for the occurrences of the disyllabic endings, which at least in the case of -aü precede those of the long ending.
In this connection I would like to raise an admittedly no less speculative question concerning the origin in Apabhramsa of the disyllabic endings. Above, I have already referred to their intermediate position, in the sense that, while making use of inherited material (suffix -ka), they anticipate the long endings in creating an opposition between head noun and adjective or predicate. As far as Apabhramsa is concerned, in the case of -aü the extension of the adjective and participle with -ka must have preceded the 'shorthening' of the endings -0 (masc.) and -4m (ntr.) to -u as it would be difficult to explain the origin of bhagga-ü from bhaggu.63 *bhagna-ka is indeed actually found in Buddhist Hybrid Sanskrit (BHS), in which the use of the suffix -ka as found in, for instance, bahuvrīhi-compounds in Skt has been greatly extended to include such word categories as adjectives, gerundives, and past and present participles. 64 It is significant that this distribution of -ka in BHS closely resembles the one met with subsequently and in a much more systematic way in Apabhramsa. It may well be that we have to do here with an instance of the influence of the spoken

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language on BHS. However, in particular in connection with BHS the question may arise if these instances of the extended ending are exact copies of actual endings or if they represent an attempt to translate into Sanskrit a new type of ending of adjectives and participles, or at least to render into Sanskrit the new relationship between adjective and head noun or nominal predicate and subject. While a definite answer to this question cannot be given as yet, it is clear that it would also affect the origin, or rather the status, of -au, and, mutatis mutandis, of -iya and -aya, in Apabhramsa, and ultimately also the reconstruction of the long endings in the New Indo-Aryan languages, which are generally derived through a process of contraction from disyllabic endings such as -au and -iya.65
As indicated, the above remarks concerning the origin of the extended and long endings are of a highly tentative and speculative nature. As such, they form a starting point for a future investigation into the possible existence of an altogether different factor operative in the origin of the long endings in Apabhraṁśa and in the New Indo-Aryan languages, namely that of lengthening. Also marked for further study is the influence of Sanskrit (and Prakrit) on the formation of Apabhramsa as a literary dialect. Above, it has been suggested that pattern 1 might be straight Sanskrit, a suggestion which unfortunately could not be pursued for lack of material from prose texts. It is in any case clear that Apabhramsa has been constantly refashioned in the light of Sanskrit. As another possible instance of the influence of Sanskrit on Apabhramsa, beside the extended endings -au and -iya, may be considered the reintroduction of a nasal element (anusvära as well as the metrically neutral anunāsika) in, for instance, the instrumental singular endings -i and -e and in the ntr. singular ending -au after the corresponding Sanskrit endings.66
In the present study several points had to be left open. It has become clear, for instance, that Alsdorf's statistical material of the various endings in the Harivamsapuräna will have to be extended to include the occurrences of the short ending -u as well. Furthermore, as already indicated, with -u, -au and -a, the number of endings is not yet exhausted, as the Prākṛtapaimgala exhibits a fourth one, namely -o. The circumstances of the occurrences of this latter ending will have to be considered as well.
These, and other points have been marked by me for future research. In the present article I hope to have shown, however, that the occurrence of the long and extended endings beside the short one was in the first place determined by functional factors, and that the derivation of the

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25
one from the other within Apabhramśa is not so obvious as has thus far been assumed.
Acknowledgements
I am very grateful to Professor O. von Hinüber for his comments on an earlier version of this article.
NOTES
1 The extended and the long endings appeared to be typical of the nom./acc. sing., with altogether 801 instances of -aü and -aü (no count of the short ending -u is provided); of the loc. sing., with 108 instances of -ae (instead of -e); and of the nom./acc. plur., with 61 instances of -ā (and 3 of -aya, instead of -a). The figures for the extended endings of the instr. -aena (19) and for the gen. -ayaholaho (3) are low in comparison. 2 -aü occurs 608 times after a heavy syllable, 193 times after a light syllable, -ae 84 times after a heavy, 24 times after a light syllable, and -a is found only after heavy syllables. In this connection Alsdorf notes that the exceptions to this rule seem in particular to involve the ordinalia: pahilae, taiyae, etc. S. 25 times after a double consonant, 38 times after a syllable containing a long vowel. 4 Alsdorf adds the suggestion that this extension of the use of the long and extended endings irrespective of the quantity of the preceding syllable might be an indication that Hemacandra's verses belong to a more advanced linguistic stage than the Harivarsapuräna. $ It is as such that Alsdorf's rule is generally quoted. Thus, Baumann notes that in the three Apabhramsa poems investigated by him in word-final position often a long vowel appears. He classifies the instances according to the weight of the preceding syllable: 48 times after a heavy syllable, 48 (sic) times after a light one, and, in addition, 41 times with monosyllabic words (mainly pronouns) (Drei Jaina-Gedichte in Alt-Gujarātī, VI.D.7. (p. 33). See, for instance, also VII.B (p. 48), where Baumann notes that 6 instances of the "extended” ending -ī of adjectives are found after heavy syllables, and the four remaining instances after light syllables. He does not elaborate on the fact that his findings do not agree with Alsdorf's observation concerning the Harivarśapurana, nor, what may after all be more important, does he discuss the possible restriction of the occurrence of the long and extended endings with only a few specific categories of words (see below, $ 8).
See also Bhayani in § 53 of the "Critical Study" preceding his edition of the Sardeśa Rāsaka: he starts with referring to Alsdorf's observation that the enlarged endings would occur mainly after heavy syllables. • Contrast in this respect the rhythmic law proposed by Insler for Pali, which, as may be expected of a rhythmic law, effected in principle all words in that language (“Rhythmic Effects in Pali Morphology", Die Sprache 36 (1995), pp. 70-93). It is interesting to note that the circumstances under which this rhythmic law in Pali took effect are the very opposite to the one assumed by Alsdorf for Apabhramsa: in Pali a final long vowel would be shortened in polysyllabic words if the penultimate syllable was long, but remained in disyllabic words and in polysyllabic words that possessed a short penultimate syllable.
The majority of verses are Dohas, for which see Alsdorf, Apa-Studien, pp. 39–44.

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When not specified, the passages quoted are taken from Dohas. Other metres have been indicated by a number between square brackets which corresponds to the order of treatment in Alsdorf's Apa-Studien, pp. 45–56. 8 The distinction between a masc. ending -aü and a ntr. ending -aü, made in Hc. IV 354, is questioned by Alsdorf, Apa-Studien, p. 9 and p. 10, n. 3. 9 The letters a, b, c, etc. after the verse-number refer to the consecutive pādas. 10 Alsdorf (Apa-Studien, pp. 71-72). Alsdorf is less scrupulous in the case of uppattim (all manuscripts!), which he suggests to emend into uppanner: "Deine vorzüglichen Tugenden ... lernen dadurch, dass du auf die Welt gekommen bist, die andern Leute auf dem (ganzen) Erdkreis." Before him Pischel had emended the word into uppattī, which he took as an absolutive: “Möchten doch auch andere Menschen auf dem Erdkreis für sich (wörtlich: sie hervorbringend) deine vorzüglichen Tugenden ... lernen." Actually, I fail to see what is the problem, with uppattim as the object of sikkhanti: taü gunasampai tujjhu madi tudhra anuttara khanti jaï uppatti annajana mahimardali sikkhanti,
You have a wealth of virtues, you have great wisdom, and your patience is unsurpassed. If only all other people on earth were prepared to learn how to acquire these virtues as well! 11 The full text of the verse reads: dholla mai tuhủ vāriā mā karu dīhā mānu niddae gamihi rattadi dadavada hoi vihānu, for which Pischel provides the following translation: O Freund, ich rate dir, nicht lange zu zürnen. Die Nacht wird uns (sonst) mit Schlaf vergehen (und) schnell wird es Morgen. Pischel's translation of the first pāda is obviously much too free, väriä meaning "checked, prevented from going". The woman has, thus, prevented her lover or husband from departing. Apparently, he feels frustrated and sulks. His wife tells him to stop sulking and to go to sleep. He wait and see how he will feel in the morning. For the translation below of vihānu with “(occasion for) regret" (Skt vidhāna), see verse 362 (pacchaï hoi vihānu), discussed in $ 6, 2. Wandering man, I have prevented you from leaving, but stop sulking about it. As soon as the night has been passed with sleep regret will come over you like an attack! For dholla "wandering man", see Vaudeville, "Dhola-māru - An Interpretation", JOIB XI (1962), pp. 316–321. 12 For the translation of this verse, see Alsdorf, Apa-Studien, p. 111. 13 vinnāsia = vinyāsita, not, with Pischel ("Mir ist beides vernichtet''), vināśita. 14 This instance has been included here on the assumption that gotthada is a plural.
For indaņīlu instead of indanīlaü, see above $ 3, 3. 10 For naana instead of naanā, see above, $ 3, 2.
The case of siddhatthā, which, as a bahuvrīhi compound, is to be constructed with the subject of the sentence, is comparable to that of sabhalaü in 396, 3b: tasu para sabhalaü jammu "His birth is highly fruitful": ajju vi nähu mahu jji ghari siddhatthā vandei tāu ji virahu gavakkhahi makkadaghugghiu dei,

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VARIANT ENDINGS -U,-AÜ AND -Ā IN THE APABHRAMSA VERSES 27
Today my lord, having accomplished his task, bows before me in the house, but at this very moment separation already gurgles like a monkey at the windows.
For the monkey as a symbol of restlessness, see Dūhāmātṛkā 27a: camcalu cittu pavargu jima.
18 The metre is not clear here.
=
19 This translation follows the interpretation suggested by Alsdorf, according to which appaṇā is the nom. plur. of the adjective appaṇa = ātmīya (Apa-Studien, pp. 68-69). According to De Vreese appaṇā ātmānam; "O young men, protect yourself" ("Apabhramsa Studies (I)", JAOS 74 (1954), pp. 3-4). 20 The meaning of the phrase is not clear. On the basis of the grammarian Trivikrama's gloss ghanan sahiṣyase tāpān Alsdorf, Apa-Studien, pp. 87-88, has suggested the reading sahesahi "You will have to bear a fierce burning".
21 sarasu is found only in Ub and P, all other sources having sārasa, which is the reading adopted by Pischel in Hc. The verse is also found, as no. 138, in Trivikrama's Prakrit grammar (ed. Vaidya), where yet another variant reading has been noted, namely so rasu, which has been paraphrased as sarasa (sa-rasaḥ?).
22 The uneven pāda of a Doha which is a part of a Radḍa verse (no. 17).
23 This verse has been discussed by Alsdorf, Apa-Studien, p. 89, and by De Vreese, "Apabhramsa Studies (I)", JAOS 74 (1954), pp. 1-3.
24 In other texts -tana is used with nouns as well: in the genitive: ibbhaha taṇau (Sālibhaddakakkakulam 52c), or in the stem form: dujjaṇa-taṇā (Nemināthacatuṣpadikā
3b).
25
bhaḍaghaḍa-nivahi, with nivahi instead of ni-, with A, B, F, b, and Uab. I take bhaḍaghada as an onomatopoeia, for which see Turner, CDIAL no. 9365 s.v. *bhat "sudden movement or noise".
26 pacchaï (pacchai) also in Sālibhaddakakkakulaṁ 27c and 50c. See also lahakai ibid. 56a, aggai in Dūhāmātṛkā 7c and 38d, and sutthai in ibid. 7:
ai ki jiya jina-dhammu kari, sutthai sambalu levi
aggai kim-pi na pamisae, atthai bhariyā geha.
27 The supposed development of -vy-> -v- is a problem for which I do not have a solution apart from offering the - rather arbitrary suggestion that it might be a
case of dissimilation: dravvakkaü> dravakkaü.
28 See Schokker, "The jānā-passive in the NIA. languages", IIJ XII (1969-1970), pp. 10-12.
My emendation for hatthi ki jāmai as read by the mss.
30 Could the genitive bhuñjaṇaha have been abstracted from phrases like kahaṇaha asamattha quoted above? On the various endings, see also G. V. Tagare, Historical Grammar of Apabhramsa, pp. 321-324.
31 The full text of 390 reads:
aïtungattanu jam thanaha so chea❞ na hu lāhu sahi jai keval tuḍivasiņa ahari pahuccaï ṇāhu,
Pischel:
Allzugrosse Wölbung der Brüste ist ein Nachteil, kein Vorteil. Nur mit Mühe kommt der Gemahl infolge des Zeitverlustes bis zur Lippe.
However, Pischel's translation of tuḍivasina cannot be correct, as tudi denoting a span of time can only mean "a very short moment, a second" (as long as the sound "snap"). Instead, it may refer here to the cleavage between the woman's breasts:

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“With great difficulty the husband managed to reach the woman's lips through the narrow passage between her breasts". 32 For the construction navi ... para, compare vari ...na vi in, e.g. 340, 1, and in particular Alsdorf's remarks (Apa-Studien, pp. 74–75) on the latter verse. 33 It can hardly be a coincidence that the only "unaccounted" instance of the long and extended endings in the Dühāmātrkā is kudābau in 34b; see note 49. 34 See also note 48. appu, however, is found as well, namely once in Materialien I. 35 ghoda is inflected for gender; see Turner, CDIAL 4516: Marathi ghodā masc., ghodi fem.; Gujarati ghoro masc., ghori fem, ghorū "poor horse". Grammatically, it behaves like an adjective, which might 'explain the use of the long ending here. See also prähunau, discussed in note 51. 36 For the text of this verse, see above, 86, 6. 37 For dadavada, see 330, 2d, discussed in note 11. For vihāņu, see above, $6, 2. 38 For the verse (?) of which this phrase is a part, see above, $ 6, 6. . 39 I leave out of consideration kallāna-karo 2c, mohiyao 8c, ghärio 14d, bhamādiyao 18c, duvvalao 31c, and ekallao 37a. " I leave out of consideration thiyao 47a and liyao 72a. 41 Note that Baumann does not use a diaeresis over the u and i in -au and -ai. 42 Typically, in these three poems the suffix -tana is found with other words than personal pronouns as well (see note 24). 45 Note dayālū in 10a. 44 dekhaṁtā, karaṁtā and cirtartā seem to represent a kind of absolute usage of the present participle "while ... -ing"; see Baumann, Drei Jaina-Gedichte in Alt-Gujarati, VII.G.5 (p. 56), and Dave, A Study of the Gujarāti Language, p. 51. 45 See above, $ 6, 6. 46 I leave out of consideration āpanapau 9b, and khīnā (f.) 9a. 47 Otherwise ümāha- functions as an adjective; see Nemināthacatuspadika 39b: priya-ūmāhi. But note avahuli hūya in ibid. 38c (- ūväh-uli). It may be asked if ūmāhau is not an adjective as well, showing the masc. instead of the fem. ending: tasu ūmāhau kima na karemi "What all will I, excited about him, not do?" Cf. jhijhiu in 11b, standing in concord with a fem. subject! 48 I leave out of consideration appaŭ 13c (see also note 34). Note also atthai in 7d beside the adverbs sutthai in d and aggai in c (see note 26).
- kutumbaka; see note 33. 30 kulaŭ 71a represents Skt kulaka (“stringed verses"). lahakai 56a is an adverb of the same type as pacchaï (see note 26). anamtai dukkha[i] 49d (plur. ntr. with only the adjective having the ending!) s prāhunau is inflected for gender, and as such functions much like an adjective, which might explain the occurrence of the extended ending. Cf. ghoda discussed in note 35. 52 E.g. uahi in 365, 2b, and gori in 396, 5c, 401, 2a, and 418, 7d. 53 For this translation of taliit bhangi, see De Vreese, “Apabhrarsa Studies (II)", JAOS 74 (1954), pp. 145-146. 54 For dhaņia instead of dhana, see Alsdorf, Apa-Studien, p. 73. 35 "(Apparently) the affection of good people, even if they are far apart, is without exaggerated desires". For asaddhalu, from a-sraddha + lu, see Turner, CDIAL, nos. 12678 and 12679. Note that Hemacandra derives the word from asädhärana. 56 Particularly interesting are the following pairs from Avadhi, quoted by Schokker, "The Language of Bhakti", Acta Indologica VI (1984), p. 422: kaha "the act of saying" and "she, she says": kahā [it has been said", and pyara m. "love": pyārā adj. "beloved"; and pyāsa f. "thirst": pyāsā adj. "thirsty".
.

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VARIANT ENDINGS -U,-AÜ AND -A IN THE APABHRAṀSA VERSES 29
57 In the same way Alsdorf derived the plur. ending -a from -aya. Though this plural ending will not be discussed separately, all the questions raised in connection with the long ending of the singular equally apply to the one for the plural.
58
While the uneven padas of the regular Doha consist of a gana with six morae which is followed by one of four, and tails off with three short syllables (i.e. 6 + 4 + 3), Alsdorf (Apa-Studien, p. 40 ff.) has drawn attention to several instances in which the sixth short syllable of the first and the first short syllable of the second gana have coalesced into one long vowel. In nine out of the ten instances identified this involves the long ending -a. Of these nine eight concern the suffic -ḍā, the ninth instance is hua in 351: bhalla huă ju māriā. An exception to this pattern is appaṇem in 416d: aha appaṇem na bhanti. Alsdorf apparently overlooked an instance of a similar phenomenon, but this time between the second and the third gana, namely in 422, la: ekku kaïahā vi naā vahi.
Another metrical irregularity is found in the third gana of the uneven pādas, which, as already indicated, consists of three short syllables. As such it formed the ideal slot for the extended ending, as is shown by e.g. 341, 2: aggalau, 389: mumḍiaŭ, and 401, 1: lalasaü. In several instances, however, one may find in this positon the long ending, which means that the three morae are resolved in an iambic rhythm: 330, 2: vāria, 343, 1: siala, 370, 4: veggala, 379, 2: pārakkaḍā, 379, 2: amhahā taṇā, 409: hārāvia, 414, 3: sampesia, 418, 1: vinṇāsia, 423, 4: karāvia, 438, 3: vāria, and 439, 1: ghaṇā. For instances of yet another resolution of the three short syllables, namely by -, see Alsdorf, Apa-Studien, p. 43.
It should be noted, however, that these "irregularities" do not affect the total number of moric instances of the verse. In this respect the metre is respected. For the same reason -a is never found in the Doha at hemistich-final position, which should always be a short vowel.
59
See Alsdorf's discussion (Apa-Studien, p. 55) of pādas 3 and 5 of 422, 6:
to vi drehi jahim kahi vi Rāhī daddha-naana nehem palutta.
The metre of the verse, Radḍā, requires that the pādas end with two short syllables and that the two lines should rhyme. This leads Alsdorf to emend Rāhī, i.e. Radha or Radhika, into Rahiya, and, consequently, paluṭṭā into paluṭṭiya (paluṭṭita). This emendation was based on the argument that the long endings would go back to disyllabic ones. An alternative emendation would, of course, be Rāhā.
60
The same ending -a is also found in Old Gujarati (e.g. hatha sing.). This hatha is opposed to the adjective ghanau (nom.) or ghana (obl.); hatha (plur.) to ghaṇā (nom. and obl.); see Dave, A Study of the Gujarati Language, p. 21.
61 For the ending -o, see Prakṛtapaimgala, Part II, pp. 105 ff.
62 See in this connection also dayālā (-ū < -u) in Neminathacatuṣpadikā 10a, referred to above in note 43.
63
In this respect the case of fem. -iya is easier to understand. In another respect, however, it is different, for it does not preserve the element of rhyme, -iya standing in concord with words ending in -i as well as with those ending in -a.
64 See Edgerton, Buddhist Hybrid Sanskrit Grammar, § 22.21 ff.
65 See Turner, "Gujarātī Phonology" JRAS 3 (1921), pp. 329-365, id. 4, pp. 505-544, and "The e and o Vowels in Gujarātī" Orientalia ii, 2 (1925), pp. 337-347.
66 A similar phenomenon can be seen in Prakrit, e.g. in Jaina Mahārāṣṭrī. For the re-introduction of the anusvära in particular in the North Indian manuscripts of a Prakrit text, see Tieken, Hala's Sattasai, pp. 168-169.

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Alsdorf, L.: 1933, 'Bemerkungen zu Pischels "Materialien zur Kenntniss des
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Grammatik und Glossar. Beiträge zur Südasien-Forschung Südasien-Institut
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VARIANT ENDINGS -U, -AU AND -A IN THE APABHRAMSA VERSES 31 Trivikrama: P. L. Vaidya (ed.): 1954, Prakrit Grammar of Trivikrama with his own Commentary, or Praksta-Sabdanusasanam savrttikam, Jivaraja Jaina Granthamala 4, Sholapur." Turner, R. L.: 1921, Gujarati Phonology', Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society 3, 329-364, 4, 505-544 (= Collected Papers, London (1975), pp. 88-145). Turner, R. L.: 1925, "The e and o Vowels in Gujarati', Ashutosh Mukherji Silver Jubilee Volume, Orientalia ii, 2, Calcutta, pp. 337-347 (= Collected Papers, pp. 229-238). Vaudeville, Ch.: 1962, 'Dhola-maru - An Interpretation', Journal of the Oriental Institute Baroda XI 4, 316-321.