Arhat Parshva and Dharnendra Nexus

Author(s): M A Dhaky
Publisher: L D Indology Ahmedabad
Catalog link: https://jainqq.org/explore/002108/1

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Arhat Parsva Dharanendra Nexus oldid M. A. Dhaky wwwijalnelibrary

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The volume embodies the papers read at the B. L. Institute of Indology on Arbat Parsva and Dharanendra Nexus. As the background of the central theme are papers discussing Parsva's history, teachings, doctrines, and monastic discipline of his sect. The plausible factors behind connection of the Dharanendra with Parsva have been investigated. Also included are the surveys of the epigraphical as well as scriptural material related to Jina Parsva. ISBN: 81-208-1485-1 Rs. 400

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ARHAT PARSVA AND DHARANENDRA NEXUS

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B. L. Series No. 11 Arhat Parsva and Dharanendra Nexus Editor M.A. Dhaky sArabhU darace loyAti # BHOO OF WOOLOGY AL LEHEROI INSTITUTE LALBHAI DALPATBHAI INSTITUTE OF INDOLOGY AHMEDABAD BHOGILAL LEHARCHAND INSTITUTE OF INDOLOGY DELHI

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First Edition: Delhi, 1997 BHOGILAL LEHARCHAND INSTITUTE OF INDOLOGY, DELHI Clo Shree Atma Vallabh Jain Smarak Shikshana Nidhi 22nd Km., G.T. Karnal Road, P. O. Alipur, Delhi 110 036 LALBHAI DALPATBHAI INSTITUTE OF INDOLOGY Near Gujarat University, Ahmedabad 380 009 Phone : 079-6442463 ISBN: 81-208-1485-1 Distributed by MOTILAL BANARSIDASS 41 U.A. Bungalow Road, Jawahar Nagar, Delhi 110 007 8 Mahalaxmi Chamber, Warden Road, Mumbai 400 026 120 Royapettah High Road, Mylapore, Chennai 600 004 Sanas Plaza, Subhash Nagar, Pune 411 002 16 St. Mark's Road, Bangalore 560 001 8 Camac Street, Calcutta 700 017 Ashok Rajpath, Patna 800 004 Chowk, Varanasi 221 001 B.L. INSTITUTE OF INDOLOGY Clo Shree Atma Vallabh Jain Smarak Shikshana Nidhi 22nd Km., G.T. Karnal Road, P.O. Alipur, Delhi 110 036 L.D. INSTITUTE OF INDOLOGY Near Gujarat University, Ahmedabad 380 009 PRINTED IN INDIA BY JAINENDRA PRAKASH JAIN AT SHRI JAINENDRA PRESS, A-15 NARAINA, PHASE I, NEW DELHI 110 028

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jainabhAratI kAMgar3AtIrthoddhAraka zrI vallabhasmArakapraNetA mahattarA sAdhvI zrI mRgAvatI zrI jI mahArAja janmaH 4-4-1926 saradhAra (gujarAta) svargArohaNaH 18-7-1986 zrI vallabha smAraka dillI lain Education International

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DEDICATION To The Sacred Memory of Mahattara Msgavatisriji

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CONTENTS ix Foreword Prefatory xi-xiv 1. Arhat Parsva and Dharanendra Nexus: An Introductory Estimation M.A.Dhaky 1-14 2. The Teachings of Arhat Parsva and the Distinctness of His Sect Sagarmal Jain 15-24 Dalsukh D. Malvaniya 25-28 3. Jina Parsva in Jaina Canonical Literature 4. The Historical Origin and Ontological Interpretation of Arhat Parsva's Association with Dharanendra U.P. Shah 29-43 5. Arhat Parsva with Dharanendra in Hymnic Literature 45-67 M.A.Dhaky S.K. Rastogi 6. Parsvanatha Images from Uttar Pradesh (Hindi) 69-77 7. Images and Temples of Parsva in Central India Amar Singh 79-94 8. Parsvanatha Images in Orissa and Bengal D.R. Das 95-105 9. Parsvanatha Images in Ellora Maruti Nandan Prasad Tiwari 107-114 10. Jina Parsva and His Temples in Inscriptions: Southern India (c. 5th to 11th cent. A.D.) Andhra Pradesh, Kerala, and Tamil Nadu K.V. Ramesh 115-120 11. Jina Parsva and His Temples in Inscriptions: Southern India (Karnataka) (c.5th to 11th century A.D.) Madhav N. Katti 121-126 A. Sundara 127-135 12. Parsvanatha in Figural Art of Karnataka 13. The Tirthas of Parsvanatha in Rajasthan (Hindi) 14. The Tirthas of Parsvanatha in Gujarat Vinay Sagar 137-142 M.A.Dhaky 143-148

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FOREWORD The present volume contains most of the papers read at the Seminar in 1987 organized by B.L. Institute of Indology in Delhi. It was convened by Prof. M.A. Dhaky. The pressready manuscript had been given over to us by Prof. Dhaky about two-and-a-half years ago. Its printing, regrettably, could not be taken in hand immediately owing to certain difficulties at our end. We crave the indulgence of the contributing scholars for the tardiness in giving them the volume in print. The Seminar had been attended by such stalwarts like the agama-specialist Pt. Dalsukh Malvaniya, the doyen of Jaina iconography (late) Dr. U.P. Shah, the noted epigraphers like Dr. K.V. Ramesh and Shri Madhav N. Katti, and of course several archaeologists and students of Jaina art and history. The papers in this volume, we feel (and the scholars possibly will endorse), cast fresh light on the problem of the connection between Arhat Parsva and Nagaraja Dharanendra and thus push forward the frontiers of research on that score by some measure, besides adding information on several facets of research and issues related with the doctrine, sect, followers and representations of Arhat Parsva. Hopefully, the purpose of organizing the seminar is to a large extent served. My friend and colleague Shri N.P. Jain, in fact all of us associated with the B.L. Institute of Indology, wish to thank the scholars who participated in the Seminar, as also for their learned contributions by way of papers and by the discussions during deliberations. And we are specially beholden to Prof. Dhaky for competently convening the Seminar and for meticulously editing the volume. Delhi, December 1996. Jitendra B. Shah Vice-Chairman

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PREFATORY When I was asked by the Bhogilal Leherchand Institute of Indology, Delhi, to convene a seminar on any Nirgranthist subject involving art, my initial reaction was politely to decline accepting this responsibility. My major pre-occupation for over two decades with the ongoing project of the American Institute of Indian Studies on the Encyclopaedia of Indian Temple Architecture at its Varanasi Center, left very little free time as well as surplus energies for getting involved into any other serious undertaking. However, the persuasive pressure by Pt. Dalsukh Malvaniya, Dr. U.P. Shah, and equally by my friend Shri Narendra Prakash Jain-one of the primal pillars of the BLI could not be set aside. In the field of Nirgranthist researches, for some years ago now, indeed since 1974, I was deeply engrossed with the problems concerning Arhat Parsva, his teachings, and the Nirgrantha Church that eventually grew from his foundational creed; the relationships of his Church, its doctrines as well as the monastic discipline with those of the Church of Arhat Vardhamana alias Jina Mahavira and, together with it, its basic philosophy, tenets, and ascetic practices were some of the problems that had not been seriously investigated. It had always been taken for granted that Jina Vardhamana Mahavira reformed the old church of Jina Parsva. However, this view, as is now increasingly becoming clear, represents an oversimplification of a highly complex phenomenon and has had neglected several vital aspects and significant details, and, as its consequence, the issues that arose therefrom. One other problem requiring attention was to find an explanation for the well-known association of Nagaraja Dharanendra with Jina Parsvanatha. For this Jina remains distinguished from the other Jinas by the presence of this very special feature in his concrete representation, and hence this very specific connection needed explanation. Keeping this exigency in view, I suggested that, the main focus may be on "Arhat Parsva and Dharanendra nexus" for the Seminar under contemplation. Around this thematic pivot may revolve the relevant investigatory papers. Accordingly, four papers providing an intimate background, discussing as they would do Parsva's teachings and the sect which evolved after him, the agamic and narrative literary references that may clarify (or at least hint at) the origins of the legend behind the connection of the Jina with the Nagendra, the anthropological as well as ontological interpretation of this special nexus, and notices taken as well as the portrayal of this feature rendered in the elative hymnic compositions in praise of Parsvanatha. The mythological, theological, liturgical, and socio

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Arhat Parsva and Dharanendra Nexus anthropological aspects involved in the investigations would thus largely be taken care xii of. This background, as was then rightly envisaged (and now substantiated), could in part also provide the historical and religious backdrop against which the image of Parsva configures. However, as complimentary to this sketch, the archaeological facts and finds were needed to be brought in, particularly for filling in the colour and adding some realistic and corporeal dimensions to the overall perspective that would emerge. Keeping in view these twin axes of the approach, eminent Nirgranthologists on one side and the epigraphers and historians, and no less important the iconographers (specializing in Nirgrantha iconography) on the other side were invited to present their research papers at the Seminar. As a result, some papers covering the regionwisesurveys of the epigraphical data and sculptural material relating to Parsvanatha by specialists in the field were read at the Seminar and now form part of this small volume. Regrettably, the scholars devoted to Nirgranthist studies are far too less in number than those working in the spheres of Brahmanical and Buddhist studies. Luckily, for our purpose, we could count on the cooperation of a small but competent band of some 16 scholars on the issues and subjects contemplated to be discussed in depth. However, seldom has a blueprint been executed without modifications, compromises, and, inevitably, the gaps due to the failings and shortcomings that the prevailing circumstances customarily generate. The publication, for instance, has to go without three important papers, the one on the "Epigraphical data on Parsva images and temples in Western India"; the second on the "Parsva images in Rajasthan", and the third concerning the "Parsva images in Tamilnadu". Seemingly, the busy schedules (and, as in one case, indifferent health of the scholar concerned) worked against the materialization of these papers. When long waitings (coupled with reminders at intervals by the successive Directors of the BLI) for these vital papers produced no response, it was decided to send the papers on hand to the press even when we were painfully aware of the lacunae that will appear in the published version of the proceedings. One other factor which contributed to tardiness was the ignoring, by some contributors, of the style-sheet for the research papers that was earlier communicated to all scholars invited for the Seminar. Indeed, this eventuality made the task of editing still harder and I had, for want of time, to allow such unconformities and lay the responsibility at the doors of the contributors concerned. (In some papers, even the footnotes and bibliographical references were missing!) Despite these shortcomings, the overall outcome of the Seminar is fairly satisfactory. True, all problems (indicated in the preamble of the Seminar) could not be fully explored, and .

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Prefatory on some of the very dimly illuminated corners no fresh or further light could be cast. But a breakthrough has been made and the frontiers of the existing knowledge on this subject have been to an extent pushed forward. (After all, perfection in human endeavours and achievements is an impossible, and hence an unattainable, reality.) If I feel grateful - and I most certainly do-to the scholars for their efforts and the thought-provoking contributions as also for their lively and evocative deliberations when the Seminar was on, the Management of the B.L. Institute of Indology, too, deserves full compliments not only for contemplating and supporting the Seminar but also for ideally carrying it out through all its stages and finally for making available the proceedings volume in print. (I must also admire their patience in seemingly interminable waiting for the edited version of the proceedings manuscript which was, for some of the reasons explained, delayed for so long at my end.) The zeal and active participation at the organizational level by Shri Narendra Prakash Jain, Shri Rajkumar Jain, Dr. Prem Singh, and Dr. Dhanesh Jain proved memorably effective. The staff of the B.L. Institute of Indology including its former member Ms. Aruna Anand wholeheartedly provided assistance at various levels for which the participants had nothing but admiration. And without the active and enthusiastic support of Shri Pratapbhai Bhogilal, the founder and Chairman of the B.L. Institute of Indology (who was present at the occasion of the inauguration of the Seminar), and its Advisory Committee, the Seminar could not have taken shape. Late Professor S.B. Deo, the former Director of BLI had lent substantial help in maintaining the liaison with the contributors. xiii The Seminar was held at the B.L. Institute from the 21st to 24th March 1987. The deliberations of the Seminar had begun with the blessings of Her Holiness, Arya Sri Suvratasriji, the chief disciple of the most revered late Mahattara Mrgavatisriji. Dr. Kapila Vatsyayan had inaugurated this Seminar and her observations were indeed pertinent in the direction of the emphasis she laid on the "concept" side of the subject, and to the innate imperfection of our methodologies which often fail to lend insights in the underlying "Truth". I, for one, fully concede with this observation. In India, for long decades, the archaeological tradition of "material" investigations has dominated. The "idea" investigations done in the field of disciplines such as philosophy and linguistics and their highly perceptive and systematic procedures have been largely neglected in the field of Nirgranthist studies. However, "Truth" is a singularity which cannot be grasped in its totality by a mind which is not "omniscient". The only path that can be pursued is to lessen the degree of imperfection in knowledge fraction by fraction. And to that extent the Seminar can perhaps be said to have succeeded.

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xiv Arbat Parsva and Dharanendra Nexus Lastly I must thank M/s Motilal Banarsidass for the care they bestowed in printing and production. Their chief proof-reader Shri S.K. Tyagi must be complimented for the very careful reading of the final proofs. A profound shadow of gloom over the elation we may feel today is cast by the sudden passing away in late 1988 of our very dear and revered friend, an eminent senior Indologist and the front ranking specialist on Nirgrantha art and iconography, Dr. Umakant Premanand Shah, who had actively participated in the Seminar. He would have been most delighted to see this volume in print. His valuable paper, one of the last from his pen and indeed full of insights, is in the volume. M.A. Dhaky

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ARHAT PARSVA AND DHARANENDRA NEXUS: AN INTRODUCTORY ESTIMATION M. A. Dhaky As is well known, it was thanks mainly to the pioneering efforts and consequent findings of Hermann Jacobi that the originality, antiquity, and distinctness of the Nirgrantha religion vis-a-vis the Buddhist, and, together with it, the historicity of Arhat Parsva--regarded in the tradition as the 23rd Jina in succession-was unequivocally established in Western scholarship. On the 22 Jinas who are believed to have preceded Parsva, it was largely left to the Indian Nirgranthologists to search out data (which may have bearing upon their identification) in the early Brahmanical and Buddhist literature and speculate about their historicity and, as its consequence, make a few tentative suggestions. The concept of the 24 Jinas, however, does not appear in the earliest Nirgrantha agmas which, alone of the two surviving major Nirgrantha sects, were inherited by and preserved in the Svetambara sect of the Northern tradition. With the sole exception of the Isibhasiain (compiled c. 2nd-1st cent. B.C.), 4 even Parsva finds no mention in the earliest agmas, such as the Acaranga and the Sutrakrtanga, which doubtless had originated in, and embody the doctrines and monastic discipline adopted and advocated by the sect of the last Tirthankara, Arhat Vardhamana. Arya Syama I (c. 1st cent. B.C.-A.D.) of the Northern Nirgrantha (probably alpacela) tradition, who is reported to have composed, along with three other works, a work on the biographies of the 24 Jinas (and other legendary and quasi-historical great personages), called the Prathamanuyoga, in which very probably for the first time the concept of the 24 Jinas apparently had figured. His second work, the Gandikanuyoga, is also said to have contained some account concerning the same subject. All subsequent accounts on the lives of the 24 Tirthankaras plausibly were based on these two primordial works that were, to all seeming, lost several centuries ago. The Sthananga and the Samavayanga, which in their present enlarged version presumably were finalized at the Mathura Synod (A.D. 363), possibly, indeed largely, had used Arya Syama's works as sources for the biographical details, of course mostly mythical, of the Jinas including Parsva.? The "Jinacaritra" section of the Paryusanakalpa (A.D. 503/516), in turn, may have depended on the above-cited two agmas for some traditional notings on Parsva, which in any case,

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Arbat Parsva and Dharanendra Nexus historically speaking, is far from considerable as far as the record goes. The other agmas such as the Vyakhyaprajnapti(c. 1st-3rd cent. A.D.), the jnatadharmakatha(c. 3rd 4th cent. A.D.), and the Vrsnidasa (c. 3rd 4th cent. A.D.) give a few more details; also, the Avasyaka-niryukti (c. A.D. 525), the Avasyaka-curni (c. A.D. 600-650), and the Tirthavakalika-prakirnaka(c. A.D. 550) have recorded some interesting additional particulars about him and at least in one case about a few of his followers. There are likewise a few details recorded in the southern Nirgrantha surrogate agama, the Trilokaprajnapti(c. A.D. 550 with many tenth century additions). The pre-medieval and medieval caritas of, and poems and hymns addressed to Parsva (and the pre-medieval comprehensive puranic Digambara work such as the Uttarapurana of Gunabhadra, C. A.D. 850), had largely depended on earlier sources. They add nothing more of significance except, of course, in some cases, a poetic description of the famous upasarga-episode of Parsvanatha. II The original agama and agamic works belonging to the sect of Arhat Parsva, among them were what were called the 14 Purva texts, a few of which could have thrown clearer (and perhaps considerable) light on the Jina's biography, are largely lost, assumably for many, many centuries. We are today dependent on what scanty references to him are scattered through the agmas of the alpacela-Nirgrantha sect, in essence and in a small measure preserving also the books of the more ancient acela-Nirgrantha of Arhat Vardhamana,' and now surviving within the fold of the sacred scripture of the sacela or the Svetambara sect;10 these have been mentioned in the foregoing passages along with some relevant agamic commentarial works, the latter doubtless were the products legitimately of the Svetambara sect." According to all these sources, Parsva was born in Iksvaku/Ugra12 dynasty in Varanasi; his parents were king Asvasena and queen Vama.13 His height was 10 ratnis or hastas (c. 15 ft.?), a dimension for human stature which of course lay in the realm of improbability. He was of blue/black complexion.14 At the age 3015, he had renounced the world; had preached till he passed away at the ripe age of 100 on Sammeta (or preferably Sammeda)-saila.16 The Caturvidha-Sangha or the four-fold congregation of the sect of Parsva, as was to be with Arhat Vardhamana, consisted of munis and aryas (friars and nuns) together with their ganadhara-apostles and the upasakas or sravakas and upasikas or sravikas, lay men and women followers. The Samvayanga reports that Parsva had eight ganas or cohorts of friars and nuns with corresponding eight ganadharas: 17 the

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Arhat Parsva and Dharanendra Nexus: An Introductory Estimation ganadharas by name were Subha, Subhaghosa, Vasistha, Brahmacari, Soma, Sridhara, Virabhadra, and Yasa. (The names given in the Sthananga are the same except for the last two which are Virya, and Bhadrayasa). 18 The chief leader of the friars was Dinna, while the chief of the nuns or mother superior was Puspacula. 19 The principal man lay-votary was Suvrata20 while the corresponding position for the lady lay-follower was held by Sunanda. (The highly inflated figures given in the texts for the numbers of friars, omniscients, nuns, and the lay-votaries need not detain us).21 During his itineraries, Arhat Parsva is said to have visited Ahicchatra, Amalakappa, Arakkhuri, Campa, Hastinapura, Kampilyapura, Kausambi, Mathura, and Nagapura; also Rajagrha, Saketa and Sravasti. Beyond these facts, what little is said, is all mythical. Even the date as to when he flourished is, to my sensing, doubtful. Indeed the separation of as many as 250 years envisaged between him and Arhat Vardhamana22 which would place his date somewhere in the bracket B.C. 877-777 or 817-71723 does not seem to accord with some more tangible facts. For example: (1) The way Kesi, a patriarch of the sect of Parsva, is introduced in the opening statement of his dialogue with Gautama, the chief disciple and ganadhara-apostle of Nataputta Vardhamana,24 seems to indicate that not many years had elapsed between the two Jinas. Also, the manner in, and phraseology by which Vardhamana refers to Parsva, which includes "Araha purisadaniya Pasa" indicates that he acknowledged Parsva as senior to him but seemingly not too distant in time from him. (2) The antiquity of Varanasi where the Jina Parsva was born does not go beyond eighth-seventh century B.C. Parsva, therefore, could not have flourished in the nintheighth century B.C. Likewise, the antiquity of some of the cities he is said to have visited, like Campa, Mathura, Rajagrha, etc. (if the information is correct), does not go beyond seventh-sixth century B.C. on archaeological evidence. Parsva, therefore, could not have started his ascetic career before the beginning of the sixth century B.C. (3) The late medieval work, the Nabhinandana jinoddhara-prabandha (A.D. 1337) of Kakka suri of Ukesa-gaccha, traces the gaccha's origin in the aforenoted Kesi of the Parsva's sect, his hagiography given there is as follows:26 Arhat Parsva ganadhara Subhadatta Kesi

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4 Arbat Parsva and Dharanendra Nexus Although the notice is very late, it, too, curiously seems to fit in the present context. Since Parsva is believed, as per agamic records, to have lived for a century, it seems plausible that his disciple (or grand disciple?) Kesi must have been his contemporary, at least in the his middle and late years of career. On this showing, too, Parsva may have passed away only a few decades before Vardhamana had started his preaching career. (Kesi was contemporary of ganadhara Gautama and hence also of his preceptor Arhat Vardhamana.) III The next question is regarding the monastic discipline formulated by Parsva and adhered by the votaries of his sect. A point of discussion in the dialogue between Kesi and Gautama (Uttaradhyayana-23) is a clear pointer to the fact that, in Parsva's church, friars were allowed to wear garments. This is further supported by an endstatement figuring after the dialogue between the Parsva's follower Kalasyavaisyaputra and Arhat Vardhamana (as reported in the Vyakhyaprajnapti), when the former ultimately joins the order of Vardhamana: From it, it seems clear that in the church of Parsva friars did put on a robe: Not only that: They did not remove their hair on the skullcap; also, they used to clean teeth, did not sleep on floor (or ground); they, moreover, used foot-ware as well as an umbrella." In Vardhamana's discipline these somewhat lineant practices were not permitted, and those who embraced his order had to accept a much sterner monastic conduct including the pancamabavrata vows. Parsva's discipline being not so strict and rigorous, came closer to the moderate asceticism of the Buddhists, and to some extent also to that of the existing Svetambara sect. As for the beliefs, doctrines, and dogmas of the Church of Parsva, some information is available. Parsva preached caturyama-dharma (called caturyama samvara in the Buddhist canon), as perhaps was followed also by a few other contemporaneous sects. This fact is referred to in some of the agamas of the sect of Arhat Vardhamana. The most direct evidence of what his other doctrines and beliefs were is recorded in the Isibbasiain, an early and a very important work emanating from his sect.30 Two chapters - the second being an alternative and possibly a little later in date,31 in which Parsva himself is involved - cast some light on the subject. Parsva believed in gati or transmigration of soul, in the existence of loka or cosmos, also he spoke about the five primary verities (pancastikayas), the eight kinds of karmas and their connection with the gati of soul, and the relationship of gravity on the gati or motion of matter." And already in his sect there is mention of siddha

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Arhat Parsva and Dharanendra Nexus: An Introductory Estimation buddha which implies the inherent concept of the ultimate liberated souls. The other agmas that may still survive from Parsva's sect are the Suryaprajnapti and the Candraprajnapti, the texts embodying archaic (and now un-valid) astronomical concepts of the Nirgranthas (plausibly developed further in the long lost Lokanuyoga of Arya Syama (c. 1st cent. B.C.-A.D.). The extant Jambudvipaprajnapti (c. 3rd cent. A.D.), the Duipasagaraprajnapti(incorporated in the fivabhigama-sutra, c. 2nd 3rd cent. A.D.), and the Sthananga's cosmographical information represent their elaborated form. While the 14 Purva texts (meaning "anterior" in relation to the texts developed in Vardhamana's sect), plausibly by their archaic style, concise size, and undeveloped disposition became obsolete and hence for long time lost: their basic content, however, seems to have been preserved and apparently pervade through the fabric of the highly developed and detailed agmas of the Vardhamana's Church. For example, the extremely difficult exposition involving complex classifications, the aspects of nature as well as the intricate mechanism of the operation of karma noticeable in the Karmaprakrti, the Sataka, and the Sattari of sivasarma (c. 5th cent. A.D.) in the Svetambara tradition and the Satkhandagama of the Yapaniya tradition (now in Digambara fold, c. late 5th or early 6th cent.) probably were based on a primordial shorter Purva text such as the Karma-prakrti-prabhrta. The Nirgrantha biological classification of the living beings, notable for its scientific approach, also may have its roots in the Parsvapatya sect. The surviving early works (and the later developed texts based on his original teachings) would lead us to believe that Arhat Parsva was an ascetic-scientist, a systematic and methodical thinker, though speaking through an archaic mould of style. Arhat Nataputta, by contrast, was an ascetic-philosopher who, as his original words and phrases (resembling the Upanisadic genre) preserved in the Acaranga I reveal, cared more for contemplating on atman or 'Self' and its absolute purification from kasaya-passions for making it free from the karma-latancies so as to attain total salvation. Indeed, he was not so much concerned about the scholastic complexities. These latter began to be cared for and developed in highly elaborate form in his sect only from the post-Mauryan times onwards when the need was felt to know the content of the Purvas which may by then have been further developed in the post-Parsva times in his sect whose adherents were progressively absorbed in the Church of Vardhamana. In the ultimate analysis, it is very likely that, much that the Nirgrantha religion for the past many centuries stands for and preaches is based on the original teachings of Parsva. Even the well known Nirgrantha methodology of examining the idea or object from four-fold viewpoints, of dravya, ksetra, kala,

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Arhat Parsva and Dharanendra Nexus and bhava, is also the gift of Parsva. As a final note, by way of inference, it may be stated that the rite of sallekhana also comes from him; for he had passed away on the Sammeda Hills, assumably by that rite which apparently had initiated that practice, known and followed till now. IV The upsarga-episode of Arhat Parsva has been nowhere mentioned in the agamas, not even in the agamic commentarial literature. The episode, of course, is much too well-known, indeed needing no detailed description in the present context.34 Briefly speaking, when Parsva, after renunciation of worldly life was meditating (on the outskirts of Ahicchatra35), his past enemy, the tapasa-ascetic Kamatha, who after his death was reborn as a vyantara demi-god called Meghamali, conjured up a cloud burst, the fiercely gathering waters were intended to drown the Jina. At this juncture Nagendra Dharana, to whom Parsva had shown compassion in the former's previous birth as snake, appeared on the scene, lifted up the Jina from the waters, and protectively spread his five-hooded head as a canopy over him. The myth, which is available in a few versions (differing in detail and intensity of phenomenon) in the pre-medieval and medieval Nirgrantha narrative literature as well as in the sculptural representations, believably had been created for explaining away, in a dramatic manner, the intriguing association of Dharanendra with Parsva, concretely evidenced. as it is from at least the 1st century B.C.-A.D. The dynamic characters involved in the myth are Kamatha and Nagendra; Parsva, lost in deep contemplation, was a neutral figure. The selection of Ahicchatra as a site of the event in some versions of the myth was of course for reinforcing the idea 'Ahi' or serpent and chhatra' canopied (by the 'Ahi'). The medieval writers obviously were not aware that the real ancient appellation of the town was 'Adhicchatra'. From its Praksta form 'Ahicchatta', by back formation, it was rerendered in Sanskrit as 'Ahicchatra' which altered the connotation.36 As for Kamatha, the earliest reference to him (without any allusion to the upsargaepisode) is in the Paryanta-uradhana, 37 probably a pre-medieval Svetambara work incorporating several verses which formally, stylistically, and by content seem to be of the seventh-eighth century. The relevant verse says that, thanks to anasanamarana (suspension of aliment unto death), Tamali was reborn as Isanendra, balatapasvi Purana became Camara (Camarendra in the nether world), and Kamatha became Kamathasura, probably a godling in the asura-kumara or demon class of beings who are believed to be residing in the subterranean quarters. Since Kamathasura has no other relevance except in the upsarga-episode, it may be

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Arbat Parsva and Dharanendra Nexus: An Introductory Estimation inferred that the myth was already known to the Svetambaras at this date though nowhere expositioned in their known literature. The earliest Svetambara work clearly to refer to the upasarga-tormentation of Parsva, indeed graphically, is the Caupannamahapurisa-cariya of Silacarya of Nivrti kula, the work datable to A.D. 869.38 Kamatha in his incarnation as a demon, is, in this work, called 'Meghamali' as has been found in some subsequent Svetambara works dwelling on this theme. Dharanendra, of course, is known to the agamas as well as in the oldest agamic commentaries. His earliest reference figures among the comparisons instituted for Jina Mahavira in the "Mahavira-stava" (c. 2nd cent. B.C.) inside the Sutrakrtanga 1.39 He is next mentioned in several agamas seemingly composed between the 1st-2nd and the 3rd-4th century A.D. in their available versions.40 In some of these works he is specified as the Lord of the Nagakumara class of gods. Dharana, obviously, is the Nirgrantha adoption of the Brahmanical 'Sesa' who supports the globe of the earth on his polycephalous head.41 7 As far as Meghamali is concerned, he seems to be the Nirgrantha adoption of the Vedic Parjanya or rain-god identified with Indra, particularly in the puranic period. The Svetambara version of narration apparently had borrowed a single element from the Krsna-Govardhanadhara episode in which Indra inflicted the rain-upasarga on Krsna and the inhabitants of the village Gokula.42 No Nagendra is involved there: but, for the Nirgranthas, they had to explain the presence of the nagachatra on Parsva; hence the hill-motif was replaced by the Nagendra motif and, as a result, the other concerned details differed. Since the shower of rain cannot comfortably be suggested in sculpture, the Svetambara standing images of Parsva (which in any case are not many) do not show the upasarga event. The presence of nagachatra by itself signified here, as it were, the upasarga moments just as it also served to identify Parsva and distinguish him from other Jinas. (Such images occur in very large number both in north and south India in the acela-Ksapanaka and Digambara sects, a monumental example of it from Halebid is illustrated here on Plate 2.) The southern Nirgrantha (Digambara) version is first hinted in the Trilokaprajnapti (c. A.D. 550 with several tenth century additions) and its fuller poetically treated account is first encountered in the Parsvabhyudaya-kavya of Jinasena of the Pancastupanvaya order, the work composed in the time of the Rastrakuta emperor Amoghavarsa in C. A.D. 820-830 or so.43 Next it figures in Jinasena's disciple Gunabhadra's Uttarapurana (c. A.D. 850). What is involved, besides the incessant rains, in this southern version, is the throwing of a rock or boulder at Parsva by Sambara, the vyantaradeva who was Kamatha in his previous existence. (While

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Arhat Parsva and Dharanendra Nexus Kamatha as tapasa or Brahmanical ascetic when he was in human incarnation is known to both traditions, the Svetambara is unaware of 'Sambara' and the Digambara does not call him 'Meghamali'.) The powerful sculptural representations of the southern narrative is first encountered in the vithika-forelobby of the rock-cut Nirgrantha temples at Aihole (Minabasadi) and Badami (Cave IV), both stylistically datable to c. late sixth century, Afterwards, it was in Tamil Nadu in the ninth and tenth centuries that this representation is again met with as in the Pandyan cave at Kalagumalai (c. 9th cent.)--this being the most impressive portrayal of the episode 14--and as carved figural representation in relief on the large boulder faces at Tirakkolas and some other places. 46 A third version is described in the medieval Digambara author Padmakirti's Pasanabacariu (Apabhramsa: A.D. 1077) where the full-fledged fury of Kamatha/ Sambara is graphically projected. The demon here conjured up by his magical power a variety of phenomena, now to frighten, now to lure away Parsva from his meditation, the narration doubtless is strongly reminiscent of the Maravijaya episode of Buddha.47 Sambara here virtually assumes the role of Mara unknown in the main Svetambara version and only partially appearing in the Digambara narratives as in the Puspadanta's Uttarapurana (Apabhramsa: c. 10th cent.) and Vadiraja's Parsvanatha-caritra (A.D. 1025). Padmakirti's version, however, finds a close correspondence, indeed strong anticipatory echoes, in several rock-cut sculptural representations in the halls' forelobbies in Ellora Nirgrantha caves (c. 9th cent. A.D.),49 in two similar looking steles in the Parsvanatha temple in Humca of the santara period (c, 10th cent.) in Karnataka, 50 on an image from the collections of Indian Museum (Plate 1: c. late 9th cent.), 1 and a few examples from Eastern India. 52 The upasarga-narratives and corresponding representations doubtless are interesting even when they are somewhat imitative since they follow the paradigms, in one case of the earlier Brahmanical and in the other the Buddhist mythical narrative. In the Nirgrantha context they reflect later perceptions on, and closely corresponding verbal and graphic interpretations for clarifying the association of Parsva with Dharanendra. Although earlier literary narrative on the upasarga-myth is today unavailable, its sculptural representations of late sixth century in Karnataka anticipate an earlier oral (and perhaps written) tradition. However, much before that, Parsva images are met along with Dharanendra, but without the upasarga-details. What, in those early days must the motive/notion be of this association, remains unrevealed. Here U.P. Shah's guesses seem to best accord, or more likely, even are pertinent as explanations since more rational. As he has pointed out, the nagachatra

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Arhat Parsva and Dharanendra Nexus: An Introductory Estimation may be a totemic symbol, and a signifier possibly of the links of Parsva (his ancestors?) with the Naga tribe.53 In any case, there exists plenty of archaeological evidence for the naga worship in north India from the pre-Mauryan times through the early centuries of Christian Era, and in South, particularly in the Satavahana-Iksvaku periods when steles depicting polycephalous naga figure were worshipped. The legend of the Mucalinda-Buddha in the Pali canon and the missing (or unreported) early legend in the Parsvanatha context in the Ardhamagadhi canon may have derived from the common cultural millieu of the pre-Christian Era times. This, ultimately, is a problem on which perhaps a cultural anthropologist (equipped also with the knowledge of early Indian socio-religious conditions, history, literature, and archaeology) may be able to shed further light. ANNOTATIONS 1. For discussion, see Walter Schubring, The Doctrine of the Jainas, reprint, Delhi 1978, pp. 28-31. 2. Cf. Pt. Kailashchandra, Jaina Sabitya ka Itihasa Purvapithika (Hindi), Varanasi V.N. 2489 (A.D. 1962), pp. 107-83; and Pt. Dalsukh Malvaniya, "Prastavana", Jaina Sahitya ka Brbad Itihasa (Hindi), pt. 1, Varanasi 1966, pp. 21-27. 3. For example the Acaranga Book I (c. early 5th-3rd cent. B.C.), the Sutrakstanga (c. 4th-2nd cent. B.c.), the Dasavaikalika (c. 4th-2nd cent. B.c.), and the Uttaradhyayana (c. 3rd cent. B.C. to B.C. 1-2nd cent. A.D.). 4. Here I have used the Mahavira Jaina Vidyalaya edition, the text incorporated within the compi lation Painnayasuttaim, pt. 1, Jain Agama Series No. 17, Bombay 1984, pp. 181-256. The text uses material, a larger portion of which pre-dates the compilation itself by a few centuries, and at least three chapters therein may even go to the times close to Parsva, Vardhamana, and the Ajivika Mankaliputra Gosalaka. 5. For detailed discussion, see Muni Punyavijaya, "Prathamanuyogasasatra ane tena Praneta Sthavira Arya Kalaka" (Gujarati), Jnananjali, Bombay 1960, pp. 122-29. The other three works of Arya syama were the Gandikanuyoga, the Lokanuyoga, and a bunch of Sangrahanis. The well-known Caturvinsati-stava, one of the six avasyakas incorporated, since c. fifth century A.D., into what is called the Avasyaka-sutra, may have been the inaugural (nandi or mangala) hymn of the Prathamanuyoga on the analogy of a convention, though somewhat late, of the Caturvimsatistava figuring in the Nandi-sutra of Deva Vacaka (c. A.D. 450), the Paumacariya of Vimala Suri (c. A.D. 473) as well as in its augmented Sanskrit version, the Padmacarita of the Yapaniya author?) Ravisena (A.D. 677), the Harivamsapurana of (the Yapaniya?) Jinasena (A.D. 784) of Punnata Sangha, etc. 6. Punyavijaya 1960, pp. 124-25. 7. For details, see Pt. Dalsukh Malvaniya, Sthananga-Samavayanga (Gujarati), Ahmedabad 1955,

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Arbat Parsva and Dharanendra Nexus index, p. 945. My examination of the Sthananga and the Samavayanga texts has revealed that, stylistically speaking, only very small portions now survive therein, particularly in the Sthananga, of the period of the Pataliputra Synod (c. 300 B.C. ). The rest largely embodies the highly developed material extracted from the agamas and iso-agamic works composed between the 1st cent. B.C. to early 4th cent. A.D. 8. A few centuries after Arhat Vardhamana, the friars, under some compulsions now not clearly known, had started using (while walking in public?), a piece of cloth (colapattaka?) for concealing their private parts (as truthfully demonstrated by the figures of male ascetics carved on the pedestals of the Jina images from Mathura of the Kusana period); they also kept a small gocchakabroom and a single bowl to which sanction apparently had been accorded in the late Mauryan and post-Mauryan monastic rules of the Northern tradition. Thus had derived, from the original acela-Nirgrantha sect of Nataputta Vardhamana Jina, the alpacela-Nirgrantha sect. Most of the existing post-Mauryan to Saka-Kusana period agamas apparently had originated within the fold of this sect. 9. An earlier portion of the Acaranga Book I, the larger portion of the Sutrakrtanga Book I, and a little less than half the number of chapters in the Uttaradhyayana-sutra plausibly had belonged to the sect of Arhat Vardhamana. Other chapters in the above-noted agamas together with the larger portion (Chapters 3-10) of the Dasavaikalika-sutra are somewhat later, the composer of the sutra's surviving original portions was Arya Svayambhuva (For details see my paper, "The Earliest Portions of Dasavaikalika-Sutra," Researches in Indian and Buddhist Philosophy (Essays in Honour of Professor Alex Wayman), Delhi 1993, pp. 179-93.) 10. There are the Suryaprajnapti, the Candraprajnapti; the larger part of the Brhadkalpasutra reflects the rules consistent with the monastic discipline of Parsva's sect. 11. The svetambara as svetapatta sect is first referred to in the Paumacariya of Vimala Suri and in one of the copper-plate charters of the Kadamba king Mrgesavarma (c. last quarter of the fifth century AD) in Karnataka. From the alpacela-Nirgrantha, it was gradually taking shape since at least c. fourth century A.D. through the friars who had eventually turned abbatial monks (caityavasisadhus) in Lata (southern Gujarat) and Valabhi area in western Surastra. Whether this was due to the impact, in theory, of the monastic discipline of the surviving Parsvapatyiya or the monks of the sect of Parsva, or was it thanks to the optional monastic rules which permitted wearing clothes and small essential possessions given priority, needs further investigation. 12. "Ugra" in the southern tradition: (Cf. Trilokaprajnapti 4.) 13. For the details on the sources, see the entry "Pasa" in the Agamic Index Vol.I Prakrit Proper Names, pt. 1 (Comp. M. Mehta and K.R. Chandra), L.D. Series No. 28, Ahmedabad 1970, pp. 45253. (According to the southern sources, the name of Parsva's mother was Brahmi: Cf. Padmapurana 27 (A.D. 677); and Harivarsa-purana 60 (A.D. 784); for further details, see Jinendra Varni, Jainedra Siddhanta kosa, pt. 2, Bharatiya Jnanapith, New Delhi 1992, p. 380) The explanation offered by the Avasyaka-niryukti for the appellation "Parsva" is doubtless unlikely. It states that the Jina's mother in a dream saw a crawling cobra close to (parsva) her bed and hence the boy-prince, after his birth, was named "Parsva." (In such an event the appellation "Parsvanaga" would have sounded more in accord!) 14. "Dark" in the southern tradition. "Blue" colouration for human skin is only imaginary; "dark",

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Arbat Parsva and Dharanendra Nexus: An Introductory Estimation as stated in the southern sources, seems a more accurate description since realistic. 15. Vardhamana, too, in his dependable biographical records, is reported to have renounced the world at the age of 30. Curious coincidence! 16. The genuine or original Sammeda-sikhara (called in the Svetambara Sanskrit works 'Sammetasaila') is not the one identified with the famous Parsvanatha Hill near Hazaribag in Bihar but the hill known as Kuluva-pahad near Gaya as attested by the remains of the medieval Jaina antiquities there including a fragmentary inscription mentioning "Sammeda .....". (The source from which I got this information is at the moment not handy for citation.) 17. See Malvaniya, Sthanamga-samavayanga, p. 719. Some of these names could be genuine. 18. Ibid. 19. Puspacula has been referred to in a few other agamas as well. See Mehta, Agamic Index, Vol. I, pt. 1, p. 468 for references. 20. Ibid. 21. The Nirgrantha numerical conceptions as reflected in the writings, at least from the beginning of the Christian Era, in fact from the days of Arya Syama onwards, reflect megalomania and pampalomania (unbridled flair for antiquity). The limitlessly inflated computed figures shown in these writings often fall in the realm of superhuman and super-astronomical. 22. The Avasyaka-bhasya, 17 (c. mid 6th cent. A.D.) so records: (Mehta 1970, p. 453). 23. These alternative dates are due to two different ways of computing Vardhamana's date of nirvana, which, as firmly believed in the tradition, is 527 B.C.; but 477 B.c. as computed by Jacobi after removing the needlessly interpolated 60 years of Palaka's regime in the former figure and adding a decade more as a correction, seems more realistic. 24. See the chapter "Kesi Gautamiya," in the Uttaradhyayana-sutra (chapter 23): Eds. (Late) Muni Punyavijaya and Pt. A.M. Bhojak, Jaina-Agama Series No. 15, Bombay 1977, pp. 207-27. 11 jine pAse tti nAmenaM arahA logapUjite saMbughappA ya savvannU dhammatthikare jine // 1 // tassa logappadIvassa Asi sIse mahAyase / kesI kumArasamane vijA-caraNapArage // 2 // Stylistically, the date of this versified narrative would lay in the first century A.D.; however, it seems to preserve the old authentic memory of an event of Vardhamana's time. (It does not strike as a "mock fight"!) 25. Cf. The Vyakhyaprajnapti-sutra, ed. Pt. Bechardas J. Doshi, Jaina-Agama-Series No. 4 (Pt. 1), Bombay 1974, pp. 227, 228; Ibid., p. 447. 26. The Nabbinandanajinoddbara-prabandba (2. 135, 136), ed. Pt. Bhagvandas Harakhchand, Ahmedabad V.S. 1985 (A.D. 1929), p. 38. 27. For the episode of the Parsvapatya Kalasyavaisyaputra's joining the church of Vardhamana and what procedure he then had followed, C the Vyakhyaprajnapti, pt. 1, Bombay 1974, p. 67.24. 28. The Svetambara friars, however, do not use shoes or umbrella; they, however, permit a few other things including a variety of wooden containers based perhaps on the Vyavahara-sutra. 29. The reference to catujjame-nigganthe in the Parsva's chapter and elsewhere in the context of the statements by a few other Arhats in the Isibhasiyain is a clear proof of it. (For the Isibhasiyain text, I have used the text figuring in Painnayasuttayim, Bombay 1984, pp. 181-255. For the catujjame

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12 Arbat Parsva and Dharanendra Nexus nigganthe, see there the reference on p. 232. It is likely that both these chapters formed the Purva related works.) 30. See Isibhasiyain, Bombay 1984, pp. 230-33. 31. As stated there, it is an extract from the Gati-vyakarana-grantha, a chapter concerning the exposition of transmigrational motion. (For detailed discussion on Parsva's monastic discipline and some of his doctrines, see here the following Sagarmal Jain's paper.) 32. These are akasa (space), dharma (ether), adharma (gravity), pudgala (matter), and jiva (soul). 33. udhdhagAmI jIvA adhegAmI pogglaa| kammappabhavA jIvA, pariNAma pabhavA pogglaa| (Isibhasiyain, Bombay 1984, pp. 231, 232.) That Isibbasiyain is not the text of the sect of Vardhamana is clear from its relatively different and obviously earlier agamic style of exposition. Also, in the earliest agamas of the Church of Vardhamana, Vardhamana Jina is given a prominent position: He has been addressed there as Nataputta, Kasyapa, maharsi, muni, mahamuni, vira, etc. and finally a whole hymn is addressed to him in the Sutrakrtanga calling him for the first time 'Mahavira' and proclaiming him as omniscient (sarvjna-sarvadarsi). Nothing of this sort is noticeable in the Isibbasiyain. It is respectable to, and considerate of the views of many sages of other sects as in a few examples inside the Sutrakrtanga. Also, the material of the Parsva chapters is quite archaic and impresses as authentic. Such intense awareness on Parsva's teachings is nowhere noticeable in the agamas of the sect of Vardhamana. (On the subject of Parsva, there is some useful additional material in Pt. Dalsukh Malvaniya's paper, "Mahavira Samayana Parsvapatyo" (Gujarati), Jaina Prakasa, Utthana Mahaviranka, V.S. 1990 (A.D. 1934). 34. For details extracted from the biography of Parsva by different authors collected by M. Mody and discussed on comparative basis, see U.P. Shah's paper in this volume. 35. Only a few texts mention this as a place of the incident. 36. Identified with Ramnagar in Bareily District, U.P. 37. tAmIla IsANiMdo bAlatapassI vipUraNo cmro| aNasaNamaraNapabhAvA kamaDho kamaDhAsuro jAo // 831 / / (In the Painnayasuttais, pt. 2, Eds. Punyavijaya Muni and Pt. A.M. Bhojak, Jaina-Agama-Series No. 17 (Pt. II), Bombay 1984, p. 75.) 38. Ed. A.M. Bhojak, Prakrit Text Society Series No. 3, Ahmedabad-Varanasi, 1961, pp. 266-68. 39. jathA sayaMbhU udadhIna se? nAgesu yA dharaNiMda mAhu seDhe khotodage vA rasavejayaMte tavovadhAne munivejayaMte // 20 // (Ed. Muni Jambuvijaya, Jaina-Agama-Series No. 2, Bombay 1978, chap. 6, p. 66.) 40. For example in the Vyakhyaprajnapti, the Jivabbigama-sutra, the Prajnapana-sutra, the Sthananga sutra, and the Jnatadharmakatha. Details about these references are not so relevant in the present context.

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Arhat Parsva and Dharanendra Nexus: An Introductory Estimation 13 41. Since the earth is not spherical but discoidal in Nirgrantha concept, the central Jambudvipa and the surrounding ring-formed oceans alternating with ring-formed mega-continents in transfinite number take its place, a function such as of Sesa for Dharanendra has no place in Nirgrantha cosmography 42. U.P. Shah as well as M.N. Tiwari have so suggested. See their respective papers in this volume. 43. It was believed that this poem by Jinasena, since admired in one of the Harivamsapurana's verses figuring there after the inaugural hymn, was composed before A.D. 784, the date of the selfsame purana. Those verses, in reality, had been later interpolated. (For details see my paper in Hindi, "'Daksinatya Parampara ke kucha Grantho ki Aitihasika Samasyayen", Sandhana, Vol. V, Varanasi 1992, pp. 15-29.) 44. It has appeared in several publications, the most complete and the best reproduced is in C. Sivaramamurti, Panorama of Jain Art, Bombay 1983, frontispiece. 45. Cf. K.R. Srinivasan, "South India", Jaina Art and Architecture, ed. A. Ghosh, Bharatiya Jnanpith, New Delhi 1975, plate 133. It is of the Pallava period, plausibly ninth century. 46. Cf. Sivaramamurti, Panorama, Kilakuyilkudi (Pandya, 9th cent.), Fig. 85; Citral (c. 9th cent.), Fig. 94, etc. 47. For details, see here U.P. Shah. 48. Vadiraja involves Padmavati also in his narration. See again U.P. Shah. 49. See here M.N. Tiwari's paper. 50. See my paper, "santara Sculpture", Journal of the Indian Society of Oriental Art, New Series, Vol. IV, (1971-72), plates XVII-XX. 51. This image has been variously dated by different scholars between the Gupta period and the tenth century. I have tentatively suggested late 9th century but it could be somewhat early. Again, about its provenance, there is no unanimity. While it is believed to be originating from Bihar, Amar Singh places it in Madhya Pradesh. It could as well be from Uttar Pradesh. The image has been published in several different publications by different authors. 52. See here D.R. Das's paper. 53. Vide here U.P. Shah's remarks in his paper here.

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14 Arhat Parsva and Dharanendra Nexus LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS Plate 1 Plate 2 Upasanga of Parsvanatha, Indian Museum, Calcutta, c. late 9th century A.D. Halebid (Bastihalli), Parsvanatha temple, mulanayaka image of Parsvanatha, A.D. 1133. (Founder dandanayaka Boppadeva, son of Gangaraja, prime minister of Hoysala Visnuvardhana.)

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THE TEACHINGS OF ARHAT PARAVA AND THE DISTINCTNESS OF HIS SECT Sagarmal Jain Among the Nirgrantha Tirthankaras, the historicity of Arhat Parsva as well as of Jina Vardhamana Mahavira has been fully established. Inscriptional and literary evidence play an important role in establishing the historicity of a person. The earliest inscription relating to Parsva, of the 2nd or 3rd century A.D.,' has been found from the Kankali Tila, Mathura. It is inscribed on an image of Parsva which was installed by Ghosaka, a disciple of Gani Aggahiniya of the Sthaniya-kula of the Kottiya-gana, a sub-order of friars and nuns also noticed in the hagiological list (earlier part, c. A.D. 100) of the Paryusana-kalpa (compiled c. A.D. 503/516). Though uninscribed, a more than life size sculpture of Parsva (upper part mutilated)3 and a tiny figure of Parsva as the central focus of an ayagapatta, both stylistically datable to the period of the saka king Sodas (c. early 2nd cent. A.D.)," prove that Arhat Parsva was venerated in, and arguably before, that period. A metal image of Parsva in the Prince of Wales Museum, variously dated between the 2nd-1st cent. B.C. to c. 2nd cent. A.D., is one more early piece in evidence. The inscriptional as well as the literary references to the Nirgranthas, however, are met with from c. third century B.C. The term "Niggantha" is mentioned in the inscription of Maurya Asoka and is fairly frequently met with in the Pali Tripitaka (usually, of course, in hateful and denegatory terms) though this cannot be taken as a conclusive evidence for the earlier church of Parsva because the term Niggantha by then also had included the sect of Mahavira. In point of fact, the Pali canon confounded a few views and teachings of these two historical Tirthankaras. As demonstrated in the early days of the Nirgranthic researches by Jacobi,8 in the Tripitaka it is said that Niggantha Nataputta (Mahavira) preached caturyama-samvara, while in point of fact the preacher of the caturyama-dharma was Arhat Parsva and not Mahavira according to the Ardhamagadhi canon of the Nirgranthas themselves.' Mahavira preached five-fold great vows (panca-mahavratas) and not the caturyamasamvara. What we today can know about the teachings of Arhat Parsva and the distinctness of his sect from that of Jina Vardhamana is only through the available Ardhamagadhi

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Arbat Parsva and Dharanendra Nexus canon preserved in the Northern Church of Mahavira, because the ancient church of Parsva was later progressively absorbed in the former and the records and texts relating to its hagiology and history are long lost. Nirgranthologists like Pt. Sukhlal Sanghvi and others were of the opinion that the Purva literature (so often mentioned in the canonical literature from the late Kusana period onward) had belonged to Parsva's tradition." At present, however, no texts of that category or specification exists. Today, insofar as our knowledge of Parsva's teachings and traditions goes, we are dependent on the canonical literature of Mahavira's tradition, and, to a very small extent, on the Pali canon of the Buddhists as well. 16 In the Ardhamagadhi canon, the Istbbastyain (Rsibbasitani)" the Acaranga, the second book the Sutrakrtanga," the Vyakhya-prajnapti," the Jnatadharma-katha,15 the Uttaradhyayanal and the Raja-Pradesiya," the Narakavalika," and the Sthananga" reveal some significant references to Parsva, his teachings as well as traditions. In the Uttaradhyayana," the Samavayanga," the Avasyaka-niryukti,22 the Visesavasyaka-bhasya of Jinabhadra gani ksamasramana," the Avasyaka-curni" and in the Paryusana-kalpa2 as well as in the Mulacara of the Yapaniya Church there are references to some distinctive (and hence distinguishing) features of the sects of Parsva and Mahavira. On Parsva's life and the history of his times and of his sect, scanty material is traceable in these works; yet it is significant that they contain sufficient material pertaining to the ethical teachings and philosophical doctrines of Parsva. They also firmly point toward the distinctness of Parsva's sectarial tradition from that of Vardhamana.27 The Teachings of Parsva in Isibbasiyain The earliest and authentic version of Parsva's philosophy and teachings is encountered in the Isibhastyain (Rsibhasitani), a text compiled c. 1st cent. B.C. but often containing material that goes back to c. 4th century B.C., some even perhaps earlier. In a separate article,29 I had suggested that the Isibhasiyain, in terms of some of its content, is earlier than the whole of Pali as well as the Ardhamagadhi canonical literature excepting of course the first book of the Acaranga. M.A. Dhaky opines that this text belongs to Parsva's tradition. I, however, hold a different view. In my opinion the text, in earlier times, might have been composed in Parsva's tradition as an independent text, but later on it was assimilated in the Prasnavyakaranasutra which is considered to be one of the ten Dasa texts as well as the tenth work among

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The Teachings of Arhat Parsva and the Distinctness of his Sect the 11 Anga-books of Mahavira's tradition. The Isibhasiyain has an independent chapter on Parsva's doctrines and teachings.30 The authenticity of the Parsva's view presented in this chapter cannot be doubted for various reasons. First, the Isibhasiyain contains the teachings not only of Parsva but also of Arhat Vardhamana of the Nirgrantha Church, Mankhali Gosala of the Ajivaka sect; Vajjiyaputta, Mahakassapa, Indranaga and Sariputta of the Buddhist Church, and Yajnavalkya, Asita-Devala, and Uddalaka-Aruni of the Vedic tradition. When we compare the views of the aforesaid saints mentioned in the Isibhasiyain with the texts of their own traditions, we notice general similarity between them, which by and large proves the authenticity of the content of the Isibhasiyain. If the author of the work in presenting had remained faithful to the original teachings of the ysis or teachers of the other sects, we must conclude that he also was faithfully presenting the views of Parsva. Second, we find that the teachings of Parsva presented in the Isibhasiyain corresponds to that which is stated of Parsva's church in other canonical works like the Sutrakrtanga, the Uttaradhyayana, and the Vyakhya-prajnapti. Third, the authenticity as well as high antiquity of the Parsvachapter in the Isibhasiyain can also be supported on the ground that this chapter is represented by its two separate versions. It is said that the second version of this book originally was found in the text named Gati-vyakarana i.e. the Prasnavyakarana. The reference thus runs: gativAgaraNagaMthAo pamiti jAva sAmittaM imaM ajjhayaNaM tAva imo bIo pADho dissati The views of these two versions of the same chapter fully correspond to each other with slight difference in content and to an extent in language, a few details figuring more in one than in the other. Thus, at a very early date, two versions (vacanas) of the same subject had existed. This chapter contains philosophical as well as ethical views of Arhat Parsva. First of all, in this text, the views of Parsva about the nature of the world are stated. To explain the nature of the world the following five questions were raised: (1) What is the nature of the world (loka)? (2) What are the different planes of the world? (3) To whom the world belongs? (4) What does one mean by (the term) "world"? (5) What is the meaning of the term loka? Answering these five questions Arhat Parsva said:

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18 Arhat Parsva and Dharanendra Nexus (1) The world consists of the animate beings and the inanimate objects. (2) There are four different planes of the world: (i) Material (dravya) (ii) Spatial (ksetra) (iii) Temporal (kala) (iv) Existential (bhava) (3) World inheres in selfhood. It exists by itself. In the perspective of comman deering position the world belongs to animate beings but in the perspective of its constitution, it belongs to both animate and the inanimate. As for the existence of the world, it is eternal, with neither the beginning nor the end but is ever changing and (thus) dynamic in nature. While explaining the meaning of the term loka, it is said that this world is called loka, because, it is known or experienced or recognized. (The Sanskrit term lokayata means to be known or to be recognized.) To explain the nature of motion the following four questions have been raised: (a) What is motion or gati? (b) Who meets this motion? (c) What are the different forms of motion? (d) Why is it called gati, motion? Answering these questions about the motion Arhat Parsva said: (a) Any motion or change in existence in animate and in the inanimate beings is called gati. (b) Animate and inanimate (substances) encounter motion or change. This change is of four types: substantial, spatial, temporal and existential. (c) The existence of movement or change is also perennial with no begin ning or end. (d) It is called gati because it has motion. About the karma philosophy and the moral teachings of Arhat Parsva, it is thus recorded: 1. The animate beings possess an upward motion by their inherent (abstract) nature, while the matter has a downward motion by its intrinsic nature (inertia). The animate beings reap the fruits of their deeds according to their good or bad) karmas or activities, while the changes in inanimate substances take place due to their dynamic nature.

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The Teachings of Arhat Parsva and the Distinctness of his Sect 19 The animate beings are activity-oriented, the inanimate substances are changeoriented or dynamic in nature. The animate beings have two types of experience, of pain and pleasure. Only those who can get rid of violence and other evils including wrong viewpoint will have the feeling of bliss. A Nirgrantha, who eats only inanimate things, will meet emancipation and thus will end the transmigratory cycle, In the second version of this chapter the following additional concepts are also mentioned: (1) The motion is of two types: (i) self-motivated and (ii) generated by external factors. (2) Whatsoever a person experiences, it is due to his own, and not due to other's deeds. (3) Those who observe the caturyama (the fourfold ethical code beginning with non-violence and ending with non-possession) will be free from the eight-fold karmas and will not be reborn in the four yonis or generic categories. The essence of the doctrines and ethical teachings of Parsva as embodied and expositioned in the Isibhasiyain may be thus summarized: (i) The world is eternal with no creator behind it. (ii) Permanence in change is the essential nature of the world. World is dynamic in disposition. It consists of the five astikayas, existentialities. (iii) Substances are of two kinds, animate and inanimate. (iv) The animate possesses an upward motion; the inanimate (by law of gravity), downward motion. (v) The motion is of two kinds: (a) self-motivated and (b) directed by external factors. (vi) The gati or transmigratory motion of animate beings is due to their own karmas, while the motion of matter is due to its own dynamic nature and inertia. (vii) The karmas are of eight types. (viii) Evil and non-restraint activities consequence in pain and in the cycle of births and deaths. (ix) Those who indulge in passions and violence cannot achieve the eternal peace and bliss. (x) Liberation can be achieved through the observance of four yamas, self restraints.

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20 Arbat Parsva and Dharanendra Nexus Teachings of Parsva in other Canonical Works In the Sutrakrtanga, the Uttaradhyayana, and the Vyakhya-prajnapti, we find some explanation of, or minute observations on, what is broadly stated in the Isibhasiyain. In these texts the views of Parsva are presented by the followers of Parsva and not by Parsva himself. It is in the Isibhasiyain alone that the original version of Parsva's teachings is directly and implicitly present. Elsewhere we meet with Parsva's views by proxy, through the discussions between the followers of Parsva and that of Mahavira or in a few instances by Mahavira himself. In the Sutrakrtanga,31 for instance, is incorporated a conversation between Gautama and Udaka-Pedhalaputra, the follower of Parsva, on the nature and language of the pratyakhyana-vow of non-violence. In this long discussion Udaka-Pedhalaputra stressed on a technical point that, while taking the vow of non-violence, one must frame it in the language that "I shall not kill the being, who is presently in mobileform (trasa-bhuta) instead of saying 'I shall not kill any mobile being". Similarly, in the Vyakhyaprajnapt82 some observations relating to the difference in minutiae about the nature and meaning of the terms samayika, the pratyakhyana, the samvara, the viveka and the vyutsarga have been made during the discussion of Kalasyavaisyaputra, the follower of Parsva and some sthaviras of the Mahavira's following. In the VyakhyaprajnaptP3 we come across a very interesting and pinpointed discussion between the lay-followers of Mahavira and the sramanas of Parsva's tradition on the outcome of restraint and penance. It had been questioned: If the outcome of restraint is to stop the influx of fresh karmas and of penance to liberate the soul from the karmic bondage, then why the souls are born as devas in the celestial regions? To this question different answers were given by the sramanas of the Parsva's church. At last Kasyapa said it is due to the adherence to pious deeds such as penance and restraint that the souls are born as devas in celestial quarters. In the Uttaradhyayana?4 we also come across an interesting dialogue between Gautama and Kesi on aspects relating to the monastic disciplines and spiritual practices; as a result, some distinctive features of Parsva's teachings surface. Distinctness of Parsva's Sect Parsva as well as Mahavira belonged to the Nirgrantha section of the sramanic traditions which had several similarities in doctrines, philosophy, and religious practices. So far as the philosophical aspect of their teachings is concerned, the traditions of Parsva and Mahavira have much in common. Scholars of Nirgranthology like Pt. Sukhlal Sanghvi and others are of the opinion that the Mahavira's sect has

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The Teachings of Arbat Parsva and the Distinctness of his Sect considerably borrowed from that of Parsva in the field of metaphysics and karma philosophy." The concepts such as the world is eternal as well as dynamic, that it exists by itself and has no creator are common to both traditions. The concept. of permanence in change as the nature of Reality, which is the foundational tenet of the later Nirgrantha doctrine of anekantavada or non-absolutism is also met with in its embryonic form in, and in point of fact is central to, the teachings of Parsva as well as Mahavira. Similarly, the concept of the five astikayas and the eight-fold karmas are found in the philosophy of Parsva as well as Mahavira. We encounter brief references to these concepts in the Parsva-chapter of the Isibhatyain and more detailed ones in the standard canonical works of Mahavira's tradition. 21 Similarly, the concepts of asrava, samvara, nirjara, samayika, pratyakhyana and pausadha are also common to both traditions, though there were some differences in the minutiae of these concepts and observances. The difference in opinion about the nature of pratyakhyana between Gautama and Udaka Pedhalaputra in the Sutrakrtanga has been earlier noticed. Similarly, the differences in terms of detail on the practices are noticed in the relevant dialogues in the Vyakhyaprajnapti and in the Uttaradhyayana also. However, these differences were related mostly to the code of conduct and not to the doctrines, philosophy, and principles of ethics as such. The distinctness of Parsva's sect lies in its code of conduct, and not in dogma or philosophy, since it somewhat differed from that of Mahavira. We shall notice and discuss at this point the distinctive features of the Parsva's tradition. (1) Parsva propounded caturyama-dharma, while Mahavira preached the pancayama-dharma or the five mahavratas. According to the Ardhamagadhi canon, Mahavira added celibacy as an independent vow to the caturyama-dharma of Parsva. The Sutrakrtanga mentions that Mahavira prohibited having woman, and eating during night hours.37 The question arises: Why did Mahavira add celibacy as an independent vow? The answer to this question can be read in the Sutrakrtanga. In the times of Parsva, woman was considered a property or possession and it was taken for granted that prohibition of possession implied the prohibition of sexual relationship, for no one can enjoy the woman without having her. But, as the Sutrakrtanga informs, in the time of Mahavira, there were some pasattha (wayward) sramanas, who believed that the prohibition of possession did not imply (or include) the prohibition of sexual enjoyment. "If any woman invited or offered herself for enjoyment to a sramana, than the fulfillment of her sexual desire was no sin, just as the squeezing of a blister or boil (causes relief) for some time (and has no dangerous conse

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22 Arbat Parsva and Dharanendra Nexus quences); so it is with (the enjoyment of) attractive (woman). How could, then, there be sin due to that ?"38 From this stanza it follows that some sramanas were interpreting the concept of non-possession in their own way. It only meant that, for the one who takes the vow of non-possession, cannot have a wife or woman. So it became necessary for Mahavira explicitly to add celibacy as an independent vow and to lay considerable stress on the observance of this vow. If we contemplate this question historically, we notice that the ancient Vedic rsis used to marry and had had progenies. After that state in life, on the one hand is followed the concept of vanaprastha, in which a rsi did have a wife but observed celibacy; on the other hand, as informed by the Nirgrantha canonical literature, there were sramanas who were of the view that to enjoy a woman without possessing or getting her married was no sin: which is why Mahavira included in the fold a separate, clear, definite and uncompromising vow of celibacy. In Parsva's tradition, repentance was not accepted as an essential daily duty. Only when a monk committed sin or transgression of his vows may he repent. But Mahavira made repentance an obligatory daily-duty. A monk must repent every morning and evening whether he committed a sin and violated his vows or not. In the Sutrakrtanga39 and in the Vyakhyaprajnapti40 as well as in other canonical works of Mahavira's discipline it is known as pratikramana-dharma. One more difference in monastic practice was that Parsva did not lay stress on nudity; he rather allowed one or two apparels for his monks (who thus were sacelaka), while Mahavira stressed on nudity and so Mahavira's tradition was known as acela-dharma. Though the medieval commentator of the Uttaradhyayana holds that Parsva allowed his sramanas to wear expensive or coloured robe," we possess no early textual support for such an assumption. These three were the main features distinguishing the monastic code of conduct of Parsva and that of Mahavira. Along with these three major differences, there also were some minor differences which are found in the concepts of the ten kalpas or planes of asceticism.2 For instance, in Parsva's tradition a monk could accept the invitation for food and also could take food prepared for him; but Mahavira forbade this practice. Parsva allowed his monks to accept the meals prepared for the king; Mahavira prohibited it. In Mahavira's tradition it was vital for a friar (or nun) to move from one place to another, except during the rainy season: Also, an ascetic, he had said, must not stay at one place for more than a month. But, according to Parsva's tradition, a friar could stay at one place as long as he wished. In short, to

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The Teachings of Arhat Parsva and the Distinctness of his Sect keep on wandering was essential in Mahavira's but was optional in Parsva's disciplinary code. Again, Mahavira had stressed that an ascetic must stay on at one place during the four months of the rainy season; in Parsva's tradition this practice was also optional. According to Mahavira an aspirant to friarhood must be initiated probationally. After this testing period, if he is proven eligible, then he may be allowed to be ordinated second time and his seniority was fixed accordingly in the Order or Samgha. These are some of the distinctive features of Parsva's philosophy, teachings, and monastic discipline as can be traced out from the early literature. The belief that all Jinas teach the same code of conduct, and that the ascetics of the Parsva's Order had become wayward by Mahavira's time receives no support from the evidence locked in the earlier canonical books. NOTES AND REFERENCES 1. See Epigrapbia Indica, Vol. X. Appendix. A list of Brahmi Inscriptions S.N. 110, p. 20. 2. Kalpasutra 216. In the various inscriptions of Kankali Tila, Mathura, we have two readings about this kula of the Kottiya-gana: (1) Thaniya-kula (2) Sthaniya-kula. While in the Kalpasutra we have a third reading, Vanijja-kula. 3. Preserved in the Government Museum, Lucknow. 4. This date is after the recent researches by Gritli v. Mitterwallner. 5. Cf. U.P. Shah, Studies in Jaina Art, Varanasi 1955, plate 1, fig. 3. 6. Me Kate ime viyapata hobonti ti nigantbesu Pi -- Inscription No. 7, line 16, Delhi-Topara Inscription 7. See G.P. Malalasekere, Dictionary of Pali-Proper names, Vol. II, London 1974, pp. 61-65. 8. Hermann Jacobi, Jaina Sutras, Part II, (S.B.E. Vol. XLV), Introduction, p. xxi. 9. (A) Caufjname niyanthe - Isibhasiyain, 31. (B) Cauijamo ya jo dhammo jo imo pamcasikkio - Uttaradhyayana 23/12. 10. See Pt. Sukhalal, Cara Tirtharkara (Hindi), (sec. edn.), Varanasi 1989, pp. 141-43. See also "Introduction", the Sacred Books of the East, Vol. XXII, p. xliv. 11. Isibhasiyain, 31. 12. Acaranga II, 15/25. 13. Sutrakrtanga II. 7/8. 14. Vyakhyaprajnapti 1/9/21-24; 2/5/95; 5/9/254-255. 15. Jnatadharma-katha 2/3/1-6. 16. Uttaradhyayana 23. 17. Rajapradesiya 2/3.

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24 Arhat Parsva and Dharanendra Nexus 18. Narakavalika (Niryavaliya-sutra) 3/1. 19. Sthananga 9/61. 20. Uttaradhyayana 23/12-13; see also commentary of Santyacarya for these verses. 21. Samavayanga 8/8, 9/4, 16/4, 38/1, 100/4. 22. Avasyaka-niryukti 238 and 1241-1243. 23. Visesavasyaka-bhasya. 24. Avasyaka-curni. 25. Paryusana-kalpa (Kalpa-sutra) 148-156. 26. Mulacara. 27. See Arbat Parsva. 28. Isibbasiyain, 31. 29. See Sagarmal Jain, Rishibhasit: A Study, Jaipur 1988. 30. Isibbasiyain, 31. 31. Sutrakrtanga II, chapter 7th. 32. Vyakhyaprajnapti 10.9. 33. Ibid., 2.5. 34. Uttaradhyayana 23. 35. See Cara Tirthankara for detailed discussion. 36. Uttaradhyayana 23/12. 37. Se variya ithi saraibhattam-Sutrakstanga 1/6/28. 38. Ibid., 1/3/4/9-10. 39. Ibid., 2/7/81. 40. Vyakhyaprajnapti 1/9/123. See also Avasyaka-niryukti 1241. 41. Uttaradhyayana 23/12. See also santacarya's tika on the above verses. 42. See (a) Avasyaka-niryukti, 1241-1243. (b) Brhat-Kalpa sutra-bhasya, 6359-6366.

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JINA PARAVA IN JAINA CANONICAL LITERATURE Dalsukh D. Malvaniya After surveying the available Nirgrantha canonical literature, I am convinced that the biography of Jina Parsva was in a continuous process of growth and consequently reflects stages of development. In the earliest canonical work like the Acara Book I (c. 5th-3rd century B.c.) and the Sutrakrta Book I (c. 3rd-1st century B.C.), no reference to Jina Parsva is noticeable. Only in the Vyakhyaprajnapti (c. 2nd-3rd century A.D.) do we find a reference to him as a "respected person (araba, arbat)" designating him also as winsome (purusadaniya)'. Therein his view on the cosmos or universe (loka) is reported to be shared by Jina Mahavira.? Earlier, in the Rsibhasitani (compiled c. 2nd-1st century B.C. from earlier sources), Parsva is included among the 45 rsis. Correspondingly in the text are 45 brief chapters on these rsis's sayings and aphorisms, hailing as these holymen are from the Vedic, the Buddhist, the Ajivika and the Nirgrantha traditions. Parsva here is included, alongside Vardhamana (Jina Mahavira), as an arbat. In the later notices concerning the Rsibhasitani, these teachers are recognized, several of course wrongly, as Pratyeka-Buddhas for Parsva, Mahavira, and Gosala were a little later recognized as tirthankaras or Founders of Church, the last two also noted that way in the Buddhist literature. Moreover, most of them are designated as araba or arhat, a Vedic term which originally was commonly applied to all great men and was not the sole prerogative of the Nirgranthas (or for that matter Buddhists either) as it lately had become. In Parsva's sayings in the Rsibhasitani (Ch. 31), the theories about the cosmos (loka) and the transmigration (gati) are discussed where it is clearly mentioned that the conscious beings (sivas) and non-living verities (ajivas) constitute the loka. Loka is without the beginning or the end, and is subject to change or modification (parinami). Loka is amenable to viewing from four standpoints or aspects: substance (dravya), region (ksetra), phenomenic time (kala) and sentience-reaction (bhava). The conscious beings, jivas, are abstract in form. Jivas are mentioned as sublimatory (urdhvagami), and matter (pudgala) as being gravity-bound (adhahgami). It is also noted that the present state of the jivas or beings depend on karma and that of the pudgalas on consequential change, parinama. The Nirgrantha is mentioned as madai or eating things that possess no life, and is a person who is without the next birth. Parsva also refers to the eight types of

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26 Arhat Parsva and Dharanendra Nexus karmas (without naming them) and the five universal verities (pancastikayas, also without further elucidation). The well-known principal doctrines of the Nirgranthadarsana are thus rooted in the teachings of Parsva as deducible from the notices in the Rsibbasitani. However, nothing here is said about his life. In the Sutrakrta Book II (c. 3rd century B.C.-1st century A.D..), the Vyakhyaprajnapti, the Rajapraseniya (c. 1st century-3rd century A.D.), the jnatadharmakatha (c. 2nd3rd century A.D.) and the Acara Book II (c. 1st century A.D.) refer to the followers of Parsva; since I have discussed the concerned particulars elsewhere, I here shall omit enlarging upon this subject. Mention of some of the particulars of Parsva's life story is first found in the "Jinacaritra" section of the famous Paryusana kalpa (compiled c. A.D. 503/516); but, there too, we do not find the biographical narrative as such but only the reckoning of a few basic personal particulars. In point of fact, in the Paryusana-kalpa, the chapter concerning the lives of the 24 Tirtharkaras were added later, the time by which the concept of the 24 Tirthankaras was a settled fact, (The Paryusana kalpa, which actually is an elaboration of a small section of the Dasasruta-skandha olim Acaraprakalpa, is traditionally held to have been written by Arya Bhadrabahu, 170 years after the Nirvana of Mahavira (about 300 B.C.). In the Paryusana-kalpa the following facts about Parsva are noted: 1. For his five kalyanakasauspicious occasions such as cyavana (transmigra tion for taking the new birth), janma (birth), niskramana (renunciation), kevala (omniscience), and nirvana (liberation) -- Visakha is noted as the constellation for each of the kalyanaka-occasion. The following dates are given for the above-mentioned five Kalyanakas: (1) Cyavana - Caitra Krsna 4 in the womb of Vama, the consort of Asvasena, king of Varanasi; (2) Janma -- Pausa Kysna 10; (3) Diksa - after 30 years in Pausa, Kysna 11 with 300 other persons; (4) Kevala - Caitra Krsna , 4; and (5) Nirvana -- at the age of 100 years on Sravana sukla 8. According to non-agamic notices, Parsva endured the upasargas or sufferings but whether through mortal or divine agency is not mentioned though on the basis of the pre-medieval and medieval narrative literature it may be inferred that the tormentations inflicted by Kamatha probably were implied. Names of his eight ganadharas or chief apostles have been mentioned. The number of his disciples - friars and nuns -- is mentioned. Some 1230 years had passed since his nirvana when the "Jina-caritra" was codified. (This would correspond to 813 B.C. according to the tradition of 527

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Jina Parsva in Jaina Canonical Literature 27 B.C. for the date of the nirvana of Mahavira, or 753 B.c. if the Vira-nirvana took place in 477 B.C. as Jacobi had reckoned.) An attempt at the reconciliation of the Church of Mahavira with the Church of Parsva is recorded in the Uttaradhyayana-sutra. (This chapter [23], in my opinion, is anterior to the formulation of the conception of 24 Tirthankaras). The belief about the sequence of the 24 Tirtharkaras is first met with in the Caturvimsati-stava (c. 1st century A.D.) - one of the six avasyakas- and next in the Samavayanga (24) (present version c. A.D. 363). There, Parsva finds mention before Mahavira as last but one Tirthankara. Some more information about Parsva (along with that of the other Jinas) is also found there as well as in the Sthananga (likewise enlarged c. A.D. 363). (For detailed information inside these two agamas, one may refer to my Sthananga-Samavayanga, 696-745).? Here I must add that some of this information in the Sthananga and the Samavayanga possibly may have been extracted from an earlier source like the Prathamanuyoga of Arya Syama I (c. last quarter of the 1st century B.c.). And the Paryusana kalpa may have used the same source or the Sthananga and the Samavayanga, or perhaps all the three. The jnatadharma-katha II (c. 3rd 4th century A.D.) deals with the female disciples of Parsva but, from the description, they happen to be of lax character (vis-a-vis, of course, the stern and strict practices enjoined in the Church of Arbat Vardhamana Mahavira.) Though the Paryusana-kalpa does not mention, the earlier source Acaranga II.15.25 (Bhavana) mentions that the parents of Mahavira were the follower of Parsva (Pasavaccijja, Parsvapatya). It must, however, be noted that the Avasyakacurni (c. A.D. 600-650), which treats the life of Jina Vardhamana Mahavira at some length, does not so report. In the Painnaga or the Prakirnaka list of the Samavayanga (p. 943) are quoted some sangrahani-gathas in which the personal appellations in the previous births of the 24 Tirtharkaras are mentioned and in that Sudamsana (Sudarsana) is the name of Parsva's in his penultimate birth. Seemingly, this painnaga part had been somewhat lately added to the Samavayanga. The first attempt to give some general information on the 24 Tirthankaras is found in the Avasyaka-niryukti (198, C. A.D. 525; see also the Visesavasyaka-bhasya, 1636). About five decades earlier, it had been noted in the Paumacariya (c. A.D. 473) as well. Here we are concerned with the narrative on Parsva's life, and as far as my knowledge goes, Jinasena's Parsvabhyudaya-kavya (c. A.D. 825 or after A.D. 815)

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28 Arhat Parsva and Dharanendra Nexus is the earliest to have been written on this subject, the next being the Uttarapurana of Gunabhadra (c. A.D. 850). These two Southern Nirgrantha works apparently are the source for most of the later narrative works in South on the legendary life of Parsva. From all these references it is clear that a direct mention of Dharanendra's nexus with Parsva is first met with only in the Nirgrantha-Digambara puranas and not in the Northern Nirgrantha canonical works nor in their exegetical literature. 10 The only Northern work which says that Parsva and Mahavira alone of the Tirthankaras had to encounter the upasarga-tormentations. This is the Sattari-saya-thana (Saptatisata-sthana); and it is a medieval work, indeed fairly posterior to Southern Nirgrantha notices. NOTES AND REFERENCES 1. Bhagavati-sutra (Angasuttani, Vol. II), 5.255; 9.122, Ladnun V.S. 2031 (1975). 2. Ibid., 5. 255. 3. Isibbasiyain, ch. 31, L.D.S. No. 45, Ahmedabad 1974. 4. See Intro. to Isibhasiyain, 1. 5. "Mahavira Samayana Parsvapatyo", (Gujarati), Jaina Prakasa, Utthana Mahaviranka, V.S. 1990 (1934 A.D.), 46. 6. Kalpasutra, 148-160, 4th edn., ed. Devendra Shastri, Udaipur 1985. 7. Published in the Arga Suttani, Vol.I, Delhi V.S. 2031/A.D. 1975. See note 1. 8. Included in the Visesavasyaka-bhasya, Vol.II, L.D. Series Vol.14, Ahmedabad 1968. 9. Cf. Madhusudan Dhanky (M.A. Dhaky), "Daksinatya Nirgrantha Parampara ke Kucha Granthon ki Aitihasika Samasyayen", Sandbana, V (1992), 15-19. 10. See the word 'Dharana" in Mohanlal Mehta, Prakrit proper names (L.D. Series No. 28), Ahmedabad 1970; and "Dharanendra" in the Jainendra Siddhanta Kosa (Bharatiya Jnana Pitha), New Delhi 1992.

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THE HISTORICAL ORIGIN AND ONTOLOGICAL INTERPRETATION OF ARHAT PARSVA'S ASSOCIATION WITH DHARANENDRA U.P. Shah Arhat Parsva-Jina Parsvanatha-is reported in the "Jina-caritra" of the Paryusanakalpa (PK) (C. A.D. 503/516) to have flourished 250 years before the nirvana of Mahavira. He is reported there to have spent his first 30 years as a layman and after that led the life of an ascetic for 70 years and attained nirvana on Mt. Sammeta. According to the PK (149 ff), Parsva was born as a prince, as son of king Asvasena and queen Vamadevi in the city of Varanasi. No explanation is given there for the appellation Parsva, nor there is any mention of a snake by the side of the queen mother in her dream or in waking state as recorded in the medieval works of the Northern Nirgrantha tradition which purport to deal with his (mostly legendary) biography. Nor Parsva's association with Dharanendra is referred to in the PK. According to the PK (159), "The bhagavan (Arhat Parsva) passed 83 day-nights in meditation on Self on the way to liberation ...... on the 84th day-night, ..... under the dhataki-tree, ....... while in meditation, he attained the total cognition and conation, kevala." The austerities practiced and the hardships suffered by Mahavira and Parsva are described in almost identical terms and there is nothing in the PK account indicative of the episode of Kamatha who had attempted to obstruct Parsva in meditation. (Parsva's austerities before his attaining Kevalajnana are of course mentioned therein, vide 157-159.) Parsva was an historical personage; but, as Schubring puts it, "what else we are told of him in Jinac. 149 f. is merely a copy of Mahavira's biography with the exception that Pasa is said to have been born in Benares and to have died on Sammeya mountain in Bihar. Nor do we learn anything of importance of Pasa's role from Nayadb. II.1, and Puppha. 1.3. (What in Isibhas. 31 is given as his utterance has no individual character). But he is attested as a historic personality by other passages in rendering his teaching and reporting on his followers. Mahavira's parents are said to have belonged to Pasa's lay-followers (Pasavaccijja samanovasaga, Ayara., II.15.16.) and in his life-time -- as is confirmed by the SammannaphalaSutta of the Digha-Nikaya - there have been teachers (P. ija thera bhagavanto, Viy. 134b., 247b.) and monks (anagara, Viy. 99a, 439a) in accordance with Pasa's

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30 Arhat Parsva and Dharanendra Nexus intentions ..... Pasa was obviously of a winsome nature, for he bears the constant title of purisadaniya which seems to be the oldest precursor of the modern occasional title of Lokamanya, Desabandhu, Mahatman etc...." (The term purisadaniya is often translated as the "beloved one", or as the "celebrated one".) Parsva and his disciples are noticed in some agamas and agamic commentaries. For instance the Avasyaka-curni incidentally mentions several ascetics of the Parsva sect, who were there during the course of Mahavira's wanderings as an ascetic. Uppala was a Pasavacciija (disciple of Parsva), who, after giving up the monastic order, had entered the house-holder's life and lived in Atthiyagama. His two sisters, Soma and Jayanti, had joined the Order of Parsva, but, being unable to live the stern ascetic life of his Order, became Parivrajikas of the Brahmanical Order.2 Municandra, a follower of Parsva, dwelt in a potter's shop in Kumaraya-sannivesa in company of his disciples. Asked by Gosala (as to who they were), Municandra had replied that they were Samana Nigganthas. Mahavira told Gosala that they were the followers of Parsva. Vijayand Pagabbha (Pragalbha ?), two female disciples of Parsva (passantevasino) rescued Mahavira and Gosala during their predicament in Kuviyasannivesa. Parsvanatha is said to have visited a number of cities, prominent among which were Adhicchatra,5 Amalakappa , Sravasti, Hastinapura, Kampilyapura, Saketa," Rajaglha and Kausambi.' Buddhist texts refer to the existence of a large number of Niganthas who followed caturyama samvara.' The Vyakhyaprajnapti10 records a discussion that took place between Mahavira and Sramana Gangeya, a follower of Parsva in Vanijyagrama. Gangeya gave up the catujjama-dhamma and embraced the Pancamabavrata disciplinary vow of Mahavira. Kalasyavaisyaputra, also a follower of Parsva, became a follower of Mahavira. The Jnatadharmakatha refers to Pundarika who plucked out his hair and accepted the four vows. The city of Tungiya is stated to have been the centre of theras (sthaviras) who were followers of Parsva and who moved in a congregation of 500 monks. Names of some of these theras mentioned are Kaliyaputta, Mehila, Anandaraksita, and Kasyapa. 12 The Sutrakstangal3 mentions Udaya Pedhalaputta, a Nirgrantha follower of Parsva, of the Meyanna (Maitreya) gotra. Gautama Indrabhuti had discussions with him after which Gautama took him to Mahavira where he gave up the doctrine of four restraints (of Parsva) and took to five great vows as ordained by Mahavira. The Raja-Praseniyali refers to a kumarasramana Kesi who was a pontiff or patriarch of the Parsva's Church and knew 14 Purvas. Kesi visited the town of Sravasti in a congregation of 500 monks. Later Kesi visited svetambi where a discussion took place between him and king Pradesi who

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Historical Origin & Ontological Interpretation of Arhat Parsva's Assoc. afterwards became a follower of the (Nirgrantha) sramana. Possibly he is the same Kesi who had had the historical meeting with Gautama, the ganadhara of Mahavira, in Sravasti, as reported in the Uttaradhyayanasutra (23).15 In none of these references to Parsva, to his teachings, and to his followers do we find any reference to the upasarga of Kamatha to Parsva, nor do we meet with any specific reference to, and explanation of Parsva's association with Dharana, the lord of the Nagas. This association is first met with in the images of Parsva from Mathura (c. 1st or 2nd and 3rd centuries A.D.); also in an early much corroded bronze from Causa hoard (c. 2nd-3rd cent. A.D.), and in an early metal image of Parsva in the Prince of Wales Museum which I have assigned to c. 2nd-1st century B.C. But there is no evidence that the images of Parsva or any other Tirthankaras existed in the age of Mahavira and his ganadharas. No mention of a worship of, or to the temples of Jinas is found in the older strata of the available Nirgrantha canon. In the Nirgrantha canonical literature, we for the first time come across references to the previous births of each of the 24 Tirthankaras in the Samavayanga-sutra (157/11-14). Accordingly, in the previous birth, the soul of Parsva was called Sudarsana. PK does not refer to any previous birth of Parsva and only says that Parsva descended into his mother's womb from the Pranata Kalpa (heaven). The Digambara cosmographical work, the Trilokaprajnapti (c. mid-6th cent. A.D.), too, follows this tradition. According to Ravisena, the author of the Padmacarita (A.D. 676) (20.35), Parsva descended from Vaijayanta heaven. In his previous birth he was called Ananda, son of Vitasoka Damara of Saketa. Modi in his Introduction to his edition of the Digambara Padmakirti's Pasanabacariu (S.S. 999/A.D. 1077) has given an interesting Table (on pp. 33-36) giving comparisons of the main details of the nine previous existences of Parsva from the Uttarapurana of Gunabhadra (c. mid9th cent. A.D.), the Apabhramsa Mahapurana of Puspadanta (c. 865-874.), SriParsvanatha-carita of Vadiraja (A.D. 1025), and Siri-Pasanabacariu of Padmakirti (A.D. 1077) Digambara authors all -next Siri-Pasanabacariya of Devabhadra Suri (Sve. A.D. 1111), Hemacandra's Trisastisalakapurusacarita (Sve., 3rd quarter of the 12th century), Pasacariya of Kavi Raidhu (Dig., 15th cent. A.D.) and Parsvanathacaritra of Hemavijaya Gani (Sve., 17th cent. A.D.). The differences among them are only on a few points and are mainly about the names of the parents of Parsva's previous births or about the heavens from which Parsva descended in different births and the names of Parsva in some of his earlier births. Modi has given an analysis of the various details in the life of Parsvanatha as reported in the above texts. The study shows that there are two different traditions concerning the life of 31

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Arbat Parsva and Dharanendra Nexus Parsvanatha and of his previous births, the Southern or Digambara (also perhaps Yapaniya) and the Northern or Svetambara. Whereas the Svetambara accounts mainly follow the tradition of Devabhadra, the Digambara accounts often follow Gunabhadra. But there are some differences in the tradition of the Uttarapurana and of the Padmacarita of Ravisena as well. (I omit giving details; those have been already given by Modi.) Modi's study brings out one salient fact: Detailed accounts of the life of Parsvanatha and his previous existences have originated possibly after c. 4th century A.D. These perhaps were based on some earlier traditions not yet traceable. But there is at present no explanation for the absence of the account of Kamatha even in the relatively later strata of the Northern canonical texts. Both Digambara puranas and the Svetambara caritas give elaborate descriptions of the upasargas caused to Parsva in meditation by a demi-god who in his previous existence was the soul of Kamatha, the younger brother of Marubhuti, who was the soul of Parsva in the earlier existence of Parsvanatha. According to the Uttarapurana, the Mahapurana of Puspadanta, and the Pasacariya of Raidhu, this demi-god was called Sambara. Vadiraja has called him Bhutananda. In the Svetambara tradition, in the Pasanabacariya of Devabhadra, the demi-god is Meghamalin. The Digambara Padmakirti, too, in his Pasanabacariu calls him Meghamali, an "Asurendra". 32 It is indeed difficult to say when this tradition of the upasarga caused by the demigod had started. The total absence of the depiction of this episode in the sculptures from the Kankali Tila, Mathura, probably suggests that the belief came into currency some time after the Kusana period, perhaps not long after the fourth century A.D. An elaborate sculpture depicting this episode preserved in the Indian Museum, Calcutta, supposed to have originated in U.P. or Bihar, is often assigned to the Gupta age on account of the carving reminiscent of Gupta art. But the figure of the snakequeen holding the umbrella is clearly post-Gupta in character, reminding as it also does one of the Buddhist representations of the attack of Mara. As the material evidence goes to indicate, it cannot be earlier than the later part of the sixth century A.D. (For illustration see Panorama of Jain Art, figs. 38-3916 and the frontispiece of my recent book, the Jaina Rupa-Mandana, Vol. 1)." Elsewhere I have published various sculptures depicting this episode of Kamatha's attack, from both northern and southern India in a paper entitled "A Parsvanatha Sculpture in Celeveland Museum".18 Dhaky has published two beautiful and elaborate sculptures from Karnataka in his article on the Santara sculptures. 19 I need not go in the details of these sculptures since some of the participants in this Seminar have discussed them region-wise. A study of almost all sculptures depicting this incident shows that the

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Historical Origin & Ontological Interpretation of Arbat Parsva's Assoc. 33 earliest datable are: (1) the Indian Museum sculpture referred to above and assigned to c. late sixth century; (2) the relief panel in the Aihole cave assignable to c. A.D. 60020 and (3) the large panel in the Jaina cave (No. IV) at Badami assignable to the end of the late sixth century A.D.21 Kamatha (also called Katha)-tapasa who was reborn as Samvara or Sambara (Dig.), or Meghamali (Sve.), tried hard to shake Parsva from his trance. For seven days he poured heavy rains, made terrifying sounds and hurled rocks at him. To frighten Parsva he conjured up lions, scorpions, terrific Vetala-genii and ghouls who spit fire from their mouths. But the great sage, unaffected by these harassments (upasargas), remained steadfast in meditation. Dharana, the Indra of the Nagakumara gods, remembering the good turn done by Parsva in his previous asrama, came to his rescue. Standing behind the Jina, the Nagendra held a canopy of his seven hoods over the Jina's head in order to protect the Lord from rains, bombardment of rocks, etc. Dharana's chief queens (four) staged dance with music before the meditating sage but the great sage was equally unmindful of the pleasure of music and dance and of the pain inflicted by Sambara or Meghamali. His villany going fruitless, the lord of the demons relented, and bowing down before the Lord, seeking as he did the Jina's forgiveness, returned with remorse to his celestial abode. It is said that Meghamali had so much flooded the area that the water level rose up to the tip of the nose of Parsva and that Dharanendra, wrapping his coils all around the body of Parsva and holding the hoods as a canopy over the sage's head, had lifted up the body of Parsva above water. According to both sects, the Jina Parsvanatha was dark-blue in complexion and had the snake as his cognizance, lanchana. Hemacandracarya as well as Asadhara (c. 2nd quarter of the 13th cent. A.D.) have made it clear that the lanchanas are (the symbols on) the dhvajas of the Jinas. Thus the snake was originally the heraldic sign of Parsvanatha. Does it suggest Parsvanatha's intimate association with the race or tribe that had the Naga as its totem or symbol? Or, did Parsva himself belong to the Naga race or tribe? According to the Svetambara tradition, the Jina was called Parsva because his mother had seen, in dream, a cobra by her side (Parsva) during the period of confinement.22 When Parsva grew up, he once saw an ascetic (tapasa), variously called Katha, Kadha, or Kamatha, practicing penance called pancagni-tapa, by burning logs of wood in four groups in four directions around him and the fifth fire being the scorching sun above. In one of the logs was a pair of snakes which was being burnt alive. Parsva rescued the snakes and remonstrated the ascetic who was no other

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34 Arbat Parsva and Dharanendra Nexus than Kamatha, the soul of the younger brother of Parsva in his previous existence as Marubhuti. The snake couple, half burnt, died immediately after prince Parsva chanted before them the Namaskara-mangala and were reborn as Dharanendra (Indra of the Nagakumara class of Bhavanavasi gods) and his queen (called Padmavati in medieval texts). In the Pasanabacariya (3, p. 167), Devabhadracarya speaks of only one snake, and he was reborn as Dharanendra after death. The Digambara texts speak of a pair of snakes. However, in the Pasanabacariu, 13.11. pp. 111-12, Padmakirti speaks of only a single snake saved by Parsva. Both sects agree in stipulating cobra as the dbvaja or lanchana of Parsvanatha and generally represent five or seven snake-hoods as a canopy over the Jina's head. In the images of Parsvanatha the snake cognizance is shown on the pedestal and often the coils of the snake's body are shown behind the body of Parsva either standing or sitting in meditation. The snake-hoods as well as the coils suggest Nagendra Dharana protecting the body of Parsvanatha. It may be recalled that Suparsvanatha, the seventh Tirtharkara, is also said to have a canopy of snake, but having either one, three, or nine hoods over his head. But no known account explains the presence of cobra-hoods over Suparsvanatha's head. The difference in the number of hoods help differentiating the images of Parsva from those of Suparsva. But no canonical allusion in this matter is known. Amongst the earliest known images, all known heads of sculptures with snakehoods are identified as Parsva because of seven snake-hoods shown. This would show that the late medieval written tradition and modern belief that the stupa of Kankali Tila was of Suparsva seems unreliable. In all likelihood that was the stupa of Parsvanatha. However, as I have shown in the Jaina Rupa-Mandana, the reliefs of Parsva at Aihole and Badami show five snake hoods and not seven. Technically speaking, all Jina figures with snake-hoods overhead, with coils of a snake behind the body and below the seat of the Jina (as in a sculpture at Rajgir), should certainly be identified as representing Parsvanatha on account of the legend of Dharanendra protecting Parsvanatha from rains etc. during Kamatha's attacks. Another way of differentiating images of Parsva from those of Suparsva is to take help of the cognizance wherever it is shown, because the cognizance of Suparsva is the symbol Svastika and not the snake. This further lends doubt about the original association of snake with Suparsva. The much corroded early bronze of Parsva from Causa hoard (now in Patna Museum)23 seems hardly later than the first century A.D. This figure has seven snake

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Historical Origin & Ontological Interpretation of Arbat Parsva's Assoc. 35 hoods. The standing Parsvanatha bronze in the Prince of Wales Museum (which I still maintain that it is not later than c. first century B.C. against the views of Moti Chandra and Sadashiv Gorakshakar),24 has the snake-hoods partly mutilated but they suggest that the figure had a canopy of five snake-hoods. Since the body of the Dharana Naga is shown at the back of this figure there is no doubt that the image represents Parsvanatha. From all that has hitherto been said, it is obvious that there is no early literary or archaeological evidence before c. A.D. 400 to support the prevalence of the belief in the upasarga by Kamatha. However, as is clear from the earliest available examples, the association of the Naga with Parsva is definitely older and possibly has some historical or an early mythological basis of which we as yet know nothing. But even here we have some interesting comparable material from the Brahmanical and Buddhist sources. I have earlier shown close correspondence between the representations of Kamatha's upasargas and those of the assault of Mara on the Buddha.25 At the end of the attacks both Buddha as well as Parsva got enlightenment, the supreme wisdom. Both themes have been popular in Indian Art,26 but as yet we have not been able to discover any representation of Kamatha's attack which is earlier than, or even contemporary with, the known earliest Buddhist representations concerning the assault of Mara. Both Svetambara as well as the Digambara pre-medieval and medieval literary sources give graphic accounts of the upasarga by Kamasha. For a comparison with Buddhist accounts the following few passages may be noted: (1) TeilrechEmath HETZIEHYGRYTI vyadhAt tathaiva saptAhAnyanyA~zca vividhAnvidhIH / mahopasargAtzailopanipAtAnivAntakAH // tadjJAtvAvadhibodhena dharaNIzo vinirgattaH / dharaNyAH prasphuradratnaphaNAmaMDapamaMDitaH / / bhartAramasthAdAvRtya tatpatnI ca phaNAtateH / uparyuccaissamudradhRtya sthitA vajrAtapacchadam / -JIRYTUT, 73.137.41. (2) Also see, Parsvanathacarita of Vadiraja, X1.57-87. (3) The upasarga, by Dharanendra (soul of Kamatha) is very elaborately described in Padmakirti's Pasanabacariu, sandbi 14, pp. 117-32.

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36 Arbat Parsva and Dharanendra Nexus bahu-viha-vaNNa paohara pavara-maNohara gayaNa-mammi thira Nimmiya ? jakkha-rakkha sura Naravara gaha-gaNa visahara joyavi Naha-yale vibhiya 1 // paccaMDa-garua-dUsaha-raveNa Navi jhANahAM cAMliMDa mAruveNa / teM takakhaNi paharaNa koDi-lakkha kiya kara-cali bhAsura duNNirikkha / sara jhasara satti savvala visAla muggara bhusuMDhi paTTisa karAla / revaMmi pharisa ghaNa kaNaya cakka pajalaMta jiNiMdaho sayala mukka / jiNavaraho cittu avicalu Nievi sura-vilaya-ruDa asure muravi / dakkhavi huAsaNI dhama-dhamaMtu cau-disihi~ asesu vittaru uhaMtu / huvavahu Nahe pasaraMtau dAhu karaMtau ratta-vaNNu-duppecchau / jiNavara-salila-pavAheM avicala-bhAveM bhAviu tuhiNa saricchau // uvasamiu huvAsaNu ja raudu asureNa payAsiu caM samudu / chuDu chuDu jiNa-calaNAhi~ uvahi pattu AvaMtu mahaMtu javeNa muttu / tava-kiraNahi~ Davahi khaNaMtareNa sosiDa asesu jiNa-diNarayeNa / macjhatyu NirAuhu gaya-kasAu jaM caliu Na jANaho vIya-rAu / taM asuru virudhdaDa kili-kilaMtu kohANala jAlahiM paJjalaMtu / udhdAviu sAvaya dakkhavaMtu bahu-viviha-saddu bhIsaNu lavaMtu / saddUla-sIha-NaMgUla pavara khaga sANa richa ummiNNa-Nahara / ahi ajayara sUara mahisa caMDe dIhara-kara mayagala mahisa saMDa / pekkhani paramesaMru bhada-vimuku sAvaya-raudda-uvasaggu cuk / asaride dAruNa duha-visAvU ADhatta paNa vi uvasagga-jAla / veyAla-bhUya-jaMbhaya pisAya peyAhiva viMtara garuva-kAya / DAiNi gaha paNNaya garuDa jakakha kuMbhaMDa vANa dakkhiya asaMkha (4) And Vadiraja: pApAcArasya duzceSTAmudvIuca caricakSuSA / padmAvatyA samaM devamupaMtasthau phaNIzvara // tasya vistArayAmAsa sa dhairyastavapUrvakam / sphuranmiNirucisphAsphuTAmaMDalamaMDapam // AvirbabhUva devasya tataNAdeva kevalam / ananyazaraNAstadA prabhumupetya badhdAJjalirjinendra jagatAMpate jaya jayAbhirakSati mAm / nanAma mukuTollasanmaNibhirullikha

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Historical Origin & Ontological Interpretation of Arbat Parsva's Assoc. nurvarAM jagandagurUM ripurvibodhalakSmInidhim // At Aihole, Badami, Kalugumalai, Tirakkol, and Ellora, we find Kamatha repenting and kneeling before Parsvanatha, the sculptures range in date from the late sixth to the late 9th century A.D. (4) zrIpArzvanAthamudrotuM bhettumadrimiva dviSaH / samAyayau amarSAndho meghamAlI surAdhamaH // daMSTrAkaca bhImAsyAna zrRNyAkAranakhAMkurAn / zArdUlAMnpiMgaladRzo vicakre tatra so'maraH // pucchairAcchoTayAmAsurbhUpIThaM te muhurmuhuH / cakrurbatkAramuccaizca mRtyormantrAkSaropam // vikRtAsyena cApeturgarjanto madavarSiNaH / utkarAH kariNastubhAH parvatA iva jaMgamAH // hikkAnAdApUrNadikkA bhallUkA: zUkavarjitAH / anekarAzcitrakAzca krUrA camavasUjibhAH // zilA api sphoTayantaH kaMTakAgreNa vRzcikAH / tarUnapi nirdahanto dRSTayA dRSTiviSA api // vetAlAnkartrikAhastAnsa vidhutaIvAmbudAt / uccaiH kilAkilArAvAnuddaMSTrAn vyakarotvattaH // pralambajihvazizanAste savisarpA iva drumAH / dIrghajaMghAGmayastAladrumArUDhA ivoccakaiH / prabhustairapi nAkSyubhallIno dhyAnasudhAhRde // vizeSeNa tataH kruddho meghamAlyasuraH svayam / meghAnvicakre nabhasi kAlarAtrisahodarAn // svAnI ratnazilAstambha ivAMbhasyapi nizcalaH / nAsAgranyastadRgdhyAnAnmanAgapi cacAla na // AnAsAgra bhAvadaMbhaH zrIpArzvasvAbhino'bhavat / dharaNasyoragendrasyAsanaM tAvadakampayat // dharaNaH svAminaM natvA'dhastAttatpAdayornyadhAt? unnAlamaMbujaM tuMgaM kevalyAsanaMsannibham // pRSThapAvara: pidadhe sa svabhogena yogirAT / phaNaizcasaptabhicchatraM cakAra zirasi prabhoH // dharaNendramahiSyo'pi zrIpArzvasvAminaH puraH / 37

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38 Arhat Parsva and Dharanendra Nexus vidadhurmItanRtyAdi bhaktibhAvitacetasaH // dhyAnalInaH prabhuzcAsthAnirviroSo dvayorapi / nAgAdhirAje dharaNe meghamAlini cAsure // tatra prabhoH garbhasthe sati zayanIyasthA mAtA pArzve sarpantaM kRSNasarpa darza tataH pArtheti nAmakRtiH / spRzati jJAnena sarvabhAvAniti pArzvaH / tathA garbhasthe janandA nizi sarpo dRSTaH iti garbhAnubhAvoyamiti matvA pazvatIti niruktatvAtpArzvaH / pArtho'sya vaiyAvRtyakaraH yakSaH tasya nAthaH pArzvanAthaH / -farafetersilahlym afa, IX. 3. 249-81. The above references demonstrate the role of Dharanendra Naga in the life of Parsvanatha. The association of Naga with him probably dates from very early times. It is, then, reasonable to concede to Parsva's early connection with the Naga cult (serpent-worship) and/or with the Naga tribe. Mathura, where we find so many figures of Parsva (either singly or in the Caumukha representations) is known from the Brahmanical sources as a haunt of the Nagas (compare the account of Kaliyadamana and Krsna); the recovery of the icons of Dadhikarna Naga, also of Balarama who, too, is associated with Naga and who is regarded as an incarnation of Sesa-- his earliest known image (c. 2nd cent. B.c.) has been found in the Mathura areais one more significant point. Also, recent excavations at Sonkh near Mathura have revealed the existence of a Naga-shrine and of a beautiful long stone panel with a Naga king enthroned in the centre. 27 The association of Parsva with the Naga cult and the fact that he lived in the seventh or sixth century B.C. should suggest a further line of investigation into the origin of his sect. It is said that the ancient city of Ahicchatra was so-called because, at this place, as mentioned by Devabhadra 28 Dharanendra came to worship Parsva standing in meditation and in order to protect the Jina from the heat of the tropical sun the snake-king (abi) held his expanded hoods as an umbrella (chatra) over the head of the Jina engaged in meditation. Since then, the place, formerly known as Sivapuri, came to be called Ahicchatra.29 (The true appellation is of course Adhicchatra. The conversion of the Sanskrit dha" into "ha" in Maharastri Praksta and its subsequent retention in Sanskrit gave scope for the formulation of this explanatory myth.) Parsva, as all writers agree, hailed from Varanasi and is reported to have widely travelled in the eastern parts of India as far as Kalinga. Both Uttar Pradesh and Bihar were known to have been inhabited by Naga tribe and by followers of the Naga cult from ancient times. In the Vasudevabindi of Sanghadasa Gani (c. mid-6th century A.D.), it is said that, when Bhagiratha brought the Ganga to the plains,

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Historical Origin & Ontological Interpretation of Arbat Parsva's Assoc. 39 abodes of the Nagas were swept away in the swift and forceful current of the divine river. Buddha is also associated with snake; Mucalinda Naga protected him during a storm. Images of Buddha with cobra-hoods over the head are known from sites like Nagarjunikonda, Amaravati, etc. At Bharhut, the scene of Elapatra Nagaraja's visit to the Buddha is represented; at first Elapatra is here shown in his serpent form and next in the anthropomorphic form with of course the snake-hoods attached behind his head. The story about Mucalinda Naga30 has some interesting parallels with the account concerning Dharana protecting Parsvanatha. It is related at the starting portion of the Vinaya-pitaka that the Lord Buddha, after achieving enlightenment, once betook himself to the Mucalinda-tree, and sat cross-legged at the foot of that tree for seven days enjoying the bliss of enlightenment. At that time a huge cloud appeared out of season, and for seven days the cloudy weather prevailed as it also was with rain and a cold wind. The Mucilinda (Mucalinda), the serpent king, issued from his abode, and enveloping the body of the Blessed One seven times with his coils, kept his large hood spread over the Master's head, thinking to himself, "May no cold touch the Blessed One ........ no wind or heat come near the Blessed one." Now, at the end of seven days, the serpent king Mucilinda, seeing the sky clear and free from clouds, loosened his coils from the body of the Lord, and changing his own appearance into that of a brahmana youth, stood before the Blessed One, raising his joined hands and did reverence to him. The story of Mucilinda is also given later in the Nidanakatha 31 The Sanskrit text Lalitavistara (c. 4th-5th cent. A.D.)32 gives a slightly differing and indeed later version of the myth. Here the Buddha is protected not only by Mucilinda but also by a number of other Nagarajas who have come from the four directions. They all enveloped the Buddha with their coils and formed a canopy over his head with their crests. Also in the Mahavastu the story is briefly related. 33 The story of the Buddha subduing the fiery dragon of Uruvilva is found in the Mahavagga, i. 15; Vinaya Pitaka, Vol. I, pp. 24ff. S.B.E. Vol. XIII, pp. 118ff. (This miracle is also narrated in the Mahavastu, Vol. III. pp. 428 ff.) The victory of the Buddha over the wicked Naga in the fire-hut is represented in a well-known basrelief on the eastern gateway at Sanci. The Mucalinda story is also represented in a piece of sculpture from Sanci, now in the local museum, and perhaps came from the southern gateway according to Vogel. While the subduing of the fiery snake manifests the malefic, the Mucilinda in

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40 Arhat Parsva and Dharanendra Nexus cident demonstrates the benefic aspect of the Naga. We find both these aspects of the Naga cult also in the Nirgrantha legends. The story of Mahavira subduing CandaKausika34 refers to the malefic aspect of the Naga; while the Dharanendra demonstrates the benefic aspect. When the Vedic Aryans came in contact with the native tribes and/or autochthonous races and their beliefs and cults as also what we may call folk deities and their cults, the first reaction obviously was to treat the deities of these tribes as malefic. Gradually, with the closer associations with these tribes, such cults and deities came to be regarded as benefic. The Yaksas, the Nagas, etc. were worshipped by the masses. Bhandarkar had cited an interesting reference from the Niddesa-commentary which referred to several peoples worshipping different deities and following different cults. "The deity of the lay followers of the Ajivakas is the Ajivakas, of those of Nigganthas is the Nigganhas, of those of the Jatilas is the Jatilas, of those of the Paribbajakas is the Paribbajakas, of those of the Avaruddhakas is the Avaruddhakas, and the deity of those who are devoted to an elephant, a horse, a cow, a dog, a crow, Vasudeva, Baladeva, Punnabhadda, Manibhadda, Aggi, Nagas, Supannas, Yakkhas, Asuras, Gandhabbas, Maharajas, Canda, Suriya, Indra, Brahma, Deva, Disa, is the elephant, the horse, the crow, Vasudeva, Baladeva, Punnabhadda, Manibhadda etc. in order."35 The trampling of the serpent Kaliya by Krsna reflects belief in the malefic nature of the Nagas, but in the life of Vasudeva-Krsna we also find that a large snake sheltered the newly-born babe Krsna when he was carried in a basket through the Yamuna in flood with torrential rains. Thus in Brahmanism, Buddhism as well as in Nirgranthism we find the Krsna, the Buddha and the Jina given protection from rains by a Naga. The iconic representations of cult objects such as those referred to in the Niddesacommentary (and probably referring to the existence of such worship in the time of Buddha), "were probably the direct outcome of the gradual incorporation of most or all of the lower divinities in the ever expanding Brahmanic pantheon and their association with, and absorption into, different cults. The Kaliya-damana episode in the mythology of the Vasudeva cult can also be compared in this connection."36 Marshall refers to two seals found at Mohenjo-Daro, which bear figures of a god seated in yoga posture, on whose either side kneels a half-human, half-animal form of a Naga with hands uplifted in prayer (M.I.C., Vol. III. CXVI, 29 and CXVIII, 11).37 Do these seals suggest the origin of later adoption of the idea of Nagas adoring and protecting the Buddha, the Jina, or Vasudeva (regarded as incarnation of Visnu)? Siva is also associated with snakes. Visnu rests on the coils of the sesa-Naga whose

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Historical Origin & Ontological Interpretation of Arbat Parsva's Assoc. thousand heads are shown as a canopy over Visnu. In the vithika (forelobby) of the Badami Cave III (A.D. 578) is the famous figure of Visnu sitting on the coils of the Naga Ananta spreading his heads as a canopy over the Lord. During the Vedic period we have the famous battle between Indra and Vrtra. Here Vitra figures as a malevolent being, like Kaliya of Yamuna river or the Canda-Naga subdued by the Buddha or the Canda-Kausika brought to saneness by Mahavira. There is an ever-existing contest between the forces of light and of darkness, good and evil, gods and demons, life and death. Krsna-Visnu, Siva, Buddha, Parsva, and Mahavira represent powers of good, light, and life; Vrtra, Kaliya, Mara, Kamatha, Canda and Canda-Kausika represent the opposite, the powers of darkness and death. Naga with his thousand snake-heads possibly represents "human mind" with its innumerable evil instincts, attitudes, feelings, tempers and thoughts. When subdued, reformed and sublimated, the same mind is transformed from a malevolent to at benevolent force. Mythology of the Buddha, Parsvanatha, or Krsna-Visnu plausibly represents an advancement upon the earlier Vedic conception of Indra-Vrtra fight. In later conceptions, it is recognised that the mind which is a bondage and an obstacle can be transformed into a protector, friend or benefactor. So says the Gita mana eva manusyanam bandba-moksayoh. NOTES AND REFERENCES 1. Walther Schubring, The Doctrine of the Jainas, Delhi 1962, p. 28. 2. The Avasyaka-curni, pp. 273, 286. 3. The Avatyaka-curni, pp. 285, 291; Brbat-Kalpa-Bhasya, I. 1328-57. 4. The Avasyaka-curni, p. 291. 5. The Avasyaka-niryukti, 335. 6. The Nayadhammakabao, II, p. 222. 7. Ibid., p. 229. 8. Ibid., p. 230. 9. Idha Maharaja Nigantho Nathaputto caturyamasamvara samvuto hoti /-Digha-nikaya, I. 57 (Samannaphala-sutta) 10. The Vyakhya-prajnapti, 9.32. 11. The Nayadhammakbao, 19. 41 12. The Vyakhya-prajnapti, 2.5. 13. The Sutrakrtanga, 2.7. 14. The Rayapaseniya-sutta, 147 f

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42 Arhat Parsva and Dharanendra Nexus 15. Also see, Jagdishchandra Jain, Life in Ancient India as depicted in Jaina Canon and commentaries, sec. edn., New Delhi 1984, pp. 20-21; also Padmanabha Jaini, The Jaina Path of Purification, Delhi 1979, pp. 14-20 for some remarks on this meeting and the meaning of caturyama samvara. For a new interpretation by P.K. Modi, see his "Introduction", Pasanabacariu of Padmakirti, Praksta Texts Series, Vol. VIII, Varanasi 1965. Also see W. Schubring, The Doctrine., pp. 28-31; and Muni Nagaraja, Agama aur Tripitaka eka Anusilana, (Hindi), Vol. I, 213, 411, 428, 454-55. 16. The fuller reference is C. Sivaramamurti, Panorama of Jain Art, New Delhi 1983. 17. Published in Delhi 1987. 18. The Bulletin of the Cleveland Museum of Art, December 1970, pp. 303-11. 19. M.A. Dhaky, "Santara Sculpture", Journal of the Indian Society of Oriental Art, New Series, Vol. IX, 1971-1972, plates XVIII (9) and XIX. 20. Sivaramamurti, Panorama., p. 91, plate 121. 21. For illustration, see here Dhaky's Introductory essay and the relevent plate thereof. 22. tatra prabhoH garbhasthe sati zayanIsthA mAta pArzve sarpantaM kRSNasarpa dadarza tataH pArzveti naamkRtiH| - Kalpa-sutra-Subodhika, p. 128. spRzati jJAnena sarvabhAvAniti paarshvH| tathA garbhasthe jananyA nizi sarpo dRSTaH iti garbhAnubhAvo'yagiti matvA pazyatIti niruktatvatvArzvaH pArtho'sya vaiyAvRtyAkaraH yakSaH tasya nAthaH pArzvanAthaH Commentary on Abhidhana Cintamani, I, 26 ff. Also see, the Avasyaka-niryukti gatha 1091; SiriPasanabacariya, "prastava" 3, p. 152. The Uttarapurana, 73, 92, says that the name Parsva was given to this Jina by Indra. 23. Umakant P. Shah, Akota Bronzes, Bombay 1959, plate 1b; also the author's Jaina-Rupa-Mandana, plate V (Fig. 8). 24. Shah, ibid., plate III (Fig. 3). 25. Cf. "A Parsvanatha Sculpture.", BCMA, Dec. 1970, p. 305. 26. For some Buddhist representations, cf. Benjamin Rowland, Jr., Gandhara Sculptures from Paki stan Museums, New York 1960, p. 32, showing a sculpture from Peshawar Museum and pl. on p.55 showing hosts of Mara, from Central Museum, Lahore. Also Harold Ingholt, Gandbaran Art in Pakistan, New York 1957, figs. 61-6; and N.P. Joshi, Mathura Sculptures, Mathura1966, pl. 86. 27. Herbert Hartel, "Some Results of the Excavations at Sonkh: A Preliminary Report", The Excavations at Sonkb: An Exhibition at the National Museum, New Delhi 1976, fig. 44. 28. Siri-Pasanaba-cariyam, "prastava" 3, 1-7, pp. 187 f. 29. Ahicchatra is modern Ramnagar in Bareilly district, U.P. For Ahicchatra, with Adi Naga as its presiding deity and for Naga-worship in India from Vedic times, see, The Age of Imperial Unity (Bharatiya Vidya Bhavan's History and Culture of the Indian People Volume II), Bombay 1960, pp. 471 ff.; also James Fergusson, Tree and Serpent Worship in India, Varanasi 1971; and Vogel, J. Ph., Indian Serpent-Lore or the Nagas in Hindu legend and Art, Varanasi 1972. 30. Mabavagga, i.3. Vinaya-pitakam (ed. Oldenberg), Vol. I, p. 3; S.B.E., Vol. XIII, p. 80; Vogel, Indian Serpent Lore, pp. 102 ff. 31. Jataka (ed. Fausboll), Vol. I, p. 80. Rhys Davids, Buddhist Birth Stories, p. 109. 32. Lalitavistara, Vol. I, pp. 379 f.

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Historical Origin & Ontological Interpretation of Arhat Parsva's Assoc. 43 33. Mabavastu (ed. Senart), Vol. III, pp. 300 f. cf. Buddhacarita, xv. 49-53. The Buddha is also said to have subdued Canda-Naga, see Muni Nagaraja, Agama aur Tripitaka., Vol. I, pp. 179-81. 34. Mahavira, while he was proceeding to Svetambika, met the deadly cobra Canda-Kausika who is described as asivisa. Poisonous breath of the serpent, however, had no effect on Mahavira. CandaKausika even encircled the body of Mahavira who still remained unperturbed in meditation. See Avasyaka-niryukti with Malayagiri's Vrtti, gatbas 466-67, pp. 273-74 and the Trisastisalakapurusa caritra., X. 3. 35. R.G. Bhandarkar, Vaisnavism, Saivism, and Minor Religious Systems., Delhi 1965, p.3; and J.N. Banerjea, The Development of Hindu Iconography, (sec. edn. 1956), Calcutta 1956, pp. 76-77. 36. Banerjea., ibid., p. 102. 37. About these seals, Banerjea (ibid., p. 161) adds: "It is not quite clear, however, from these two seal devices whether the snake-body is attached to the back of the kneeling human votaries of the god; in the early Kushana and subsequent representations of the Nagas at Mathura and other sites, the whole serpent-body and sometimes only its one or many hoods (five or seven) are invariably attached behind the human body (the latter mode is also adopted in the Sunga art of Central India). But on these seals, the technique of showing the Nagas might have been somewhat similar to the one followed by the Bharhut artist in his presentation of the scene of Elapatra Nagaraja's visit to the Buddha; at first Elapatra is shown in his serpent form, then he is given the human shape with the snake-hoods attached behind his head. On these Indus-valley seals, the snakes appear on the far sides while the kneeling human figurines, without any snake-hood, on the near sides of the god." 38. "The Vedas not only knew of the serpent (abt) but also of its harmful nature (Vttra being conceived as such) as well as its beneficent character (Ahirbudhnya being a beneficent agent)." The Age of Imperial Unity, pp. 471 f. The emergence of the Naga as a cult object has been traced back to the Mohenjo Daro age in the two seals referred to above, where the Naga appears in an attitude of devotion to a figure in yogic posture. "That Siva and serpents should simultaneously get recognition as important cultobjects in the Yajurveda when both are absent as objects of veneration in the Rgveda, may not be a mere accident. The region in which the Yajurveda was followed included the land of the Pancalas, whose later capital Ahicchatra...with Adi-Naga as the presiding deity, may not unreasonably be associated with the cult of serpents...... In the Atharvaveda and the later Samhitas serpents (sarpah) appear as semi-divine beings, and in the Gphya-sutras, Nagas, called for the first time by this term, and supposed to belong to earth, sky and heaven, as also to the quarter receive adoration and worship." -- Age of Imperial Unity, p. 472. The Nirgrantha canonical works refer to Indramaha, Skandamaha, Yaksamaha, Nagamaha, Bhutamaha, etc. The worship of Naga (Nagajanna) is specially mentioned. "In the north-east of Sageya there lay a Naga shrine (Nagaghara) with an image of a serpent. The festival of Naga (nagajatta) was celebrated with great pomp and ceremony by the queen Paumavai .... a flowerhouse was made near the shrine where a beautiful garland was suspended .... the queen .... bathed in the lake and with still moist robe plucked the lotuses and with various flowers, fruits and the incense pot in her hand, entered the temple, where she cleaned the image with a brush, burnt incense and worshipped the deity." (Naya, 8). (J.C. Jain, Life in Ancient India., pp. 219-20).

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ARHAT PARSVA WITH DHARANENDRA IN HYMNIC LITERATURE M. A. Dhaky The earliest known Nirgrantha psalms and hymns figure in the books of the first two phases of the sacred sruta literature in Ardhamagadhi and of the northern tradition. Among these the theme of the Mahavira-stava (c. 2nd cent. B.c.) inside the Sutrakrtanga Book I is exclusively "Nataputta" (jnatnputra, Jina Mahavira). Of slightly lesser antiquity is the Namostu-stava (the so-called Sakra-stava)? in the Dandaka form, incorporated in at least five agamas--four of the middle phase and the fifth belonging to the latest: it possesses phrases which may possibly hark back to the early literature of the sect of Jina Parsva. However, there is in this hymn no reference to Parsva since it is addressed aggregationally to all "venerable Arhats as well as Tirthankaras". The composition thus belongs to a psalmic category known as the "sarva-sadbarana-Jina-stava". The third ancient hymn is the famous Caturvimsati-stava which figures among the six brief texts known as the SadAvasyakas. From the later decades of the fifth century A.D., the Sad-Avasyakas formed the main mass of the Avasyaka-sutra. The stava, as its theme indicates, must have been composed only after the conception of the 24 Tirtharkaras was crystallized and this must have been before the formation of the Acela-ksapanaka sect which separated from the main, Alpacela, northern Nirgrantha stream around A.D. 200. This stava, of course, includes Pasa--Parsva as the 23rd Jina in the series of 24--but has no reference to Nagendra's association with him. The next phase of the hymnic (and a little later also litanic) formulations begins from the fifth century A.D., and thus after a hiatus of almost four centuries. The earliest known is an invocatory composition in Prakrta for the 24 Jinas which occurs amid the inaugural verses of the Nandisutra of Deva Vacaka (c. mid 5th century); it, however, makes no allusion to Dharanendra in association with Parsva. From the Gupta period onward, Sanskrit began to be employed alongside Praksta and eventually dominated the field. The first writer in Sanskrit, Vacaka Umasvati (c. mid 4th century A.D.), did resort to metrical compositions, very largely in Arya meter, which, however, are doctrinal, didactic, and essentially non-hymnic; and his inaugural

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Arbat Parsva and Dharanendra Nexus karikas of the Tattvarthadhigama-sutra invokes Siddhartha-nandana (Arhat Vardhamana Mahavira) but makes no allusion to Parsva. And from among the extant 21 (out of the original 32) dvatrimsika-compositions of the great dialectician and epistemologist, Siddhasena Divakara of the northern Nirgrantha stream (active C. A.D. 400-444), six alone are genuinely hymnic; among these the first five (numbered 1 to 5) are addressed to Jina Vira, and the sixth (numbered the 21st), the Paratma-dvatrimsika, is a "sadbarana-Jina-stotra" even when in its verse 31 it mentions Mahavira as neta or leading figure (of the Nirgrantha religion). (The rest of his duatrimsika's are topical compositions, prakaranas.) It is then clear that none of the available hymnal compositions of Siddhasena refers to Parsva. The first reference to the association of Arhat Parsva with the Nagaraja shining with gems atop his hoods is in a Prakrta work, the Paumacariya of Vimala Suri of Nagendra-kula (c. A.D. 473), figuring as it does in the inaugural hymn to the Caturvimsati-Jinas in the initial chapter of this work: Nami Nemi taba ya Pasam uraga-mahapbani-manisu pajjaliyam (1.6). Next, Svami Samantabhadra (active c. A.D. 550-600)" of the southern Nirgrantha tradition, of a stature and fame equal to Siddhasena (but employing more sophisticated and much more ornate form of poetry), in his well-known hymn in Sanskrit, the Svayambhu-stotra, addressed his prayer to the 24 Jinas where the upasarga of Parsva together with the manifestation of Dharanendra finds a clear mention in association with Jina Parsva." The concerned two verses are replete with power and are symptomatic of the true poetic calibre of this brilliant "chief among the debaters (vadi-mukhya)" and an ace epistemologist: 46 tamAla-nIlaiH sadhanustaDidguNaiH prakIrNa - bhImA'zani vAyu vRSTibhiH / balAhakairvairi-vazairupadruto mahAmanA yo na cacAla yogataH // 1 // bRhatphaNA-maNDala - maNDapena yaM sphurattaDitpiGga rucopasargiNam / jugUha nAgo dharaNo dharAdharaM virAga-saMdhyA- taDidambudo yathA // 2 // - - zrIbRddahsvayaMbhU stotra Returning to northern Nirgrantha tradition, one notices that the second phase of Prakrta compositions continues further in time. To begin with, the famous church

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47 Arbat Parsva with Dharanendra in Hymnic Literature litany, the Ajita-Santi-stava of Nandisena (c. late 5th or early 6th cent. A.D.), as the title of the hymn implies, is devoted exclusively to two Jinas, the second Tirthankara Ajitanatha and to the 16th Jina Santinatha." The next hymnist, Manatunga Suri (c. late 6th-early 7th cent. A.D.), the author of the very famous Sanskrit hymn, the Bhaktamara-stotra, a "rayer addressed to Jina Rsabha, had also composed a Prakrta litany in praise of Jina Parsva whose very name he extols as "dispeller of calamities". It, regrettably, fails to take cognizance of Dharanendra. The very popular Uvasaggabara-thotta regarded as the composition of Arya Bhadrabahu (active C. B.C. 310-290 BC.) or his namesake, the so-called Bhadrabahu II (the supposed brother of Varahamihira: c. early 6th century AD.) in the northern, but of Manatunga Suri in the southern tradition,14 is in reality a quasi-magical hymn in Prakrta, of the ninth or better still of tenth century, composed by some unknown northern caityavasi or abbatial monk, revolving around Jina Parsva; it, to all seeming and according to its commentator Parsvadeva of the 12th century, notices Jina's attendant Parsva Yaksa (but does not allude to Nagendra Dharana"). Similarly, the Vairotya-stava (c. 9th or 10th cent. A.D.) (wrongly ascribed to Arya Nandila of the Kusana period), praises Vidyadevi Vairotya (who had been come to be looked upon, again of course wrongly, as the consort of Dharanendra from pre-medieval times on), likewise fails to invoke the Lord of the Nagas or Jina Parsva either. Turning once again to the hymnal compositions in Sanskrit, in the StutiCaturvinsatika (c. A.D. 775-800) of Bhadrakirtti alias Bappahatti Suri, an extensive hymn which uses the ornament padanta-yamaka in each stanza and is addressed to the 24 Jinas, a reference to Nagaraja Dharanendra in context of Arhat Parsva is likewise missing. Bhagavaj-Jinasena of Pancastupanvaya, a luminary of the southern Church, on the other hand, does portray and indeed graphically, the famous ParsvaSambara-Dharanendra episode in his elegant as well as powerfully rendered composition, the Parsvabhyudaya-kavya (probably some time before A.D. 839)." Sambara's (Kamatha's) tyranny unleashed on the meditating Parsva and the consequent epiphenic manifestation of Nagaraja Dharanendra for the Arhat's protection have been graphically described there in 11 verses (4.48-58). But the Parsvabhyudayakavya is a legendary-biographical, and not a hymnical work. This is also true of the Parsvanatha-caritra (A.D. 1025) of Vadiraja of Dravida Sangha, one other great figure of the southern church which does describe in brief the upasarga-episode but contains no hymn which describes the figure of Parsva canopied by Dharanendra even when he alludes to his appearing on the scene at the right moment along with Padmavati, 18

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48 Arhat Parsva and Dharanendra Nexus Among the composers of hymns after Samantabhadra, neither the dialectician Patrakesari (early 7th cent. A.D.) nor for that matter Pujyapada Devanandi (active c. A.D. 635-680), nor does the poet Dhananjaya -- three other great figures of the southern Nirgrantha Church -- refer to Parsva or Dharanendra since the first and the third composer's hymns fall in the category of the "sadharana-Jina-stava"; and those severally known as the Ten Bhakti-compositions that have been attributed by the commentator Prabhacandra (active c. A.D. 1025-1060) to Pujyapada Devanandi, have among them only one which stylistically can be ascribed to that great grammarian and commentator and none of them refers to Parsva.19 Next in time, Gunabhadra, the disciple of Bhagavaj-Jinasena in his Uttarapurana (c. mid-9th cent. A.D.), and silacarya of Nivrtti-kula of the abbatial Svetambara branch of the northern Church in his "Pasasami cariya" inside the Caupanna-mabapurisa-cariya (A.D. 869), graphically portray the upasarga-tormentations inflicted by Sambara (called Meghamali by Silacarya and in all subsequent Svetambara writings) and the consequent appearance on the scene of Dharana for the protection of Parsva lost in meditation, However, these works do not fall in the hymnal category of compositions and hence out of consideration. After Gunabhadra, the epistemologist Vidyananda (c. first half of the tenth century A.D.)20 in his Sripura-Parsvanatha-stotra, a hymn structured largely in epistemological terms, for certain includes a couple of feelingfully composed verses; but Dharanendra finds no allusion there. And even when a devotional hymn on Parsvanatha was composed in the medieval southern India, such as the famous Kalyanamandira-stotra of Kumudacandra (c. first quarter of the 12th century A.D.), it does not hint at Dharanendra's connection with the Jina, II The medieval and late medieval Nirgrantha devotional compositions, which overwhelmingly are of the western Indian and of Svetambara persuasion, on the other hand, abound in hymns devoted to Parsva which contain very telling verses pertaining to the images of the Jina canopied by the jewel-crested hoods of the polycephalous Lord of the Nagas, Dharana. Also, during this period, two peculiar trends lending powerful impetus to the promotion of the worship of Parsva comes to the fore. The first is the favoured position accorded to Parsva in the tantric worship, due mainly to his special attendants--Nagendra Dharana and Yaksi Padmavati -- who appeared in southern India in association with the Parsva imagery from at least the late sixth century onward (Badami Cave IV, Aihole Jaina Cave).21 Of the two, Padmavati was adopted in the religious art of the northern tradition

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Arhat Parsva with Dharanendra in Hymnic Literature 49 (eventually replacing Vairotya) from the time perhaps not before the later part of the tenth century.22 As a result, several tantric hymns invoking Padmavati (and also in a few cases Dharanendra sometimes with, but generally without Parsva) were composed in this period. The second trend may be sought in the prevalence of the belief in the miraculous power of the images of Parsvanatha enshrined in the temples of certain specific sites. For some of these at least we know through the medieval anecdotes and legends that the original images were interred in relatively remoter past, under the compulsion presumably of some political exigency or adverse socio-religious circumstances, that accidentally came to light in the medieval times. Most of these relate to the western Nirgrantha or Svetambara Church. Foremost among them were the Stambhana-Parsvanatha, the Sankhapura-Parsvanatha, and the Parsvanatha images of Carupa, Jirapalli, Godi, Phalavarddhi, Karahetaka, Ajahara and Ghogha; one at least at Kalikunda on the Kaligiri in Magadha and likewise a single isolated example of the pre-medieval Karnataka empire, the Antariksa Parsvanatha of Sripura. Special hymns, in honour of some of these tirthas, in some cases also in Praksta (and at least one in Apabhramsa) were composed, some tantric, some normal and innocuous, that range in date from about the beginning of the 11th to about the middle of the 18th century. We shall begin with the citations from the Dharnoraga-stotra, a tantric hymn addressed to the Parsvanatha of Kalikunda by the lay-follower Sivanaga (c. A.D. 10001010), a contemporary of Viracarya of the northern (western) Nirgrantha (Svetambara) Church:23 It invokes Parsvanatha as worshipped by Lord of Nagas; it also alludes to the upasarga caused by the Daitya (Kamatha): sakalabhunAbhivandita ! garuDastvaM pannagendrakRtapUja ! / viSamaviSAnalazamano jalada iva jalaplutAlokaH // 12 // daityopasargabhISaNajaladharadharA vidhautakarmakala ! / HOT! Frafaa ! Hafaye1401! P II 3.11 - zrI dharaNoragastotra The illustrious agamic commentator Abhayadeva Suri of Candra-kula, in his hymn in Apabhraisa addressed to the Parsvanatha of Stambhana (said to be consecrated by him in c. A.D. 1054 but may be later by some years), a highly emotive portrayal of Parsva with the figure of Dharanendra with his full splendour occurs:24 phaNiphaNaphAraphuraMtarayaNakararaMjiyanahayala, phaliNIkaMdaladalatamAlIluppalasAmala /

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50 Arhat Parsva and Dharanendra Nexus kamaThAsurauvasaggavaggasaMsaggaagaMjiya, jaya paccakkhajiNesa pAsa thaMbhaNayapuraThThiya // 17 // - zrI jayatihuaNa thotta (saMskRta chAyA) phaNiphaNasphArasphuradralakararajitanabhastale, phalinIkandaladalatamAlanIlotpalazyAmala / kamaThAsuropasargavargasaMsargA'gaJjita, jaya pratyakSajineza pArzva stambhanakapurasthita // 17 // - zrI jayatribhuvanastotra Next in time is the Parsvanatbustaka by Mahakavi Bilhana, the famous Kasmiri brahmana poet who was in Anahillapataka, capital of Gujarat, with the NirgranthaSvetambara Dandanayaka Santu or Santuka as his patron, some time between c. A.D. 1065-75. His praise and portrayal of the splendour of the visionary image of Parsvanatha protectively canopied by Dharana (whom he variously addresses as bhujagaraja, pannagasvami, and phanipati) is, for its vibrancy, cadence, and sonorousness perhaps unexcelled in the entire lore of the medieval Nirgrantha Sanskrit hymnic compositions addressed to that Jina:25 jayati bhujagarAjaprAjyaphullatphaNAlImaNikiraNakadambADambarI pArzvanAthaH / bhuvanabhavanarmAdabhramohandhakAra- . cchidurataruNadIpoddIpane kautukIva // 1 // kamapi kamaThadaityAkAlakAlambuvAhavyatikaravidhure'pi zrIvizeSaM dadhAnaH / madanamadavikArambhoruhamlAnihetujanayati sa jinnaduryuSmadAzA prakAzam // 3 // jayati bhavadavAgnivyAptinirdahyamAnatribhuvanavanarakSAdezakaH pArzvanAthaH / ghanamayavi dehaM pannagazyAmacUDAmaNiviracitacaJcannAkicApaM dadhAnaH // 4 // phaNipatiphaNaratnodyotavidyonita zrIdizutu zivagati vaH pArzvanAthasya mUrtiH /

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Arbat Parsva with Dharanendra in Hymnic Literature raNaraNakavizeSakSobhavanmokSalakSmIsarabhasaparirambhAt kuGkumenAruNeva // 8 // - zrI pArzvanAthASTakam The stanza 8 of the hymn refers to the image of Parsvanatha and the luminescence cast by the gems on the hoods of phanipati or Nagaraja Dharana. It likewise alludes to the deluge created by Daitya Kamatha. Among the western Indian medieval Nirgrantha hymnists, Jinavallabha Suri of Kharatara Gaccha (active c. A.D. 1060-1110) was perhaps the greatest. He, too, graphically describes Jina Parsva, protected by the polycephalous Nagendra in the ParsvaJina-Stotra he composed in Sanskrit: 26 pAyAt pArzvaH payodadyutirupari phaNisphAraphullatphaNAlIM bibhrada visphUrjadUrjasvalamaNikiraNaAsUtritendrAyudhAM vaH / saMrUDhaprauDhakarmadrumavanagahanalloSapuSyadvizuddhadhyAnAgnijvAlamAlAnukRtisakRtayA saptadhA prollasantI // 1 // zrImAn yaH pApatApaprazamahimaruciH saptabhiH pannagendrasphArotphullUsphaTAbhiH sphuTaphalitamaNiprAMzurazmicchaTAbhiH / bhAti bhrAnticchidAyai jagati sunayasattattvasatsaptabhaGgIsaGkhyAvyAkhyAnabaddhakSaNa iva sa jinaH zrAganiSTaM pinaSTu // 4 // Also, in his Prakrta hymn to Parsva he displays equal mastery on the power of description: Indeed he is soulfully expressive on this favourite theme in his PasaJina-thavana7: phArupphullaM tuha uvari phaNiphaNAsattayaM phuraMtaM me / kayasattatattasaMkhA vakkhANakhaNaM va paDihAi // 6 // uvari pariphuriyaphaNivaicUDAmaNikiraNaraiyasuracAvaM / aibhIsaNabhavadavataviyabhaviyavaNapasamaNasamatthaM // 7 // guruko vaphAraphukkArabhAsuro phaNivaI vi phullaphaNo / cittaMmi tumaM jesiM tesiM kIDu vva hoi phuDaM // 11 // 51 zrI pArzvajinastotram siri pAsajiNathavaNaM Next notable among the ecclesiastical composers was the great dialectician Dharma

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52 Arhat Parsva and Dharanendra Nexus Suri of Raja-gaccha (c. 2nd-3rd quarter of the 12th century A.D.): Two verses from his Parsva-Jina-stavana pertinent to the present discussion may be cited:28 svAmin ! durjayamoharAjavijayaprApaviNyabhAjastava stotraM kiM kamaThorudarpadalane zrIpArzva ! vizvaprabho ! / tigmAMzoryadi vA sphuradgrahamahaHsandorahohadruhaH khadyotadyutisaMhRtizrutipade varteta kiM kovidaH // 7 // sazrIkAn tava vaktradugdhajalayerudbhUtamatyadbhutaM mohocchedakatattvasaptakavaca: pIyUSamityAddataH / vizvebhyaH phaNabhRdvibhuH phaNimaNibyAjAt praphullatphaNApAtrIbhiH pRthubhirvibhAti paritaH svAmin ! prayacchanniva // 8 // - zrI pArzvajinastavanam It was perhaps Acarya Jinavallabha's grand disciple Jinapati Suri (active c. latter half of the 12th century A.D.), if not some other and later composer, who had addressed a hymn to the Antariksa-Parsvanatha of Sripura; a pertinent verse therefrom is quoted below:29 prasphUrjatphaNamaNDalIcalamaNizreNIsamAvirbhavaccaJcaccandramarIcisaJcayaparitrasyattamomaNDalaH / unmIlanavanIlanIrajadalazyAmAbhirAmadhutiH zreyaHzreNimanuttarAM prathaya naH zrIpArzva ! vizvaprabho ! // 9 // - zrI antarikSapArzvanAthastavanam In the opening decades of the 13th century, the most notable hymnist to meet with was the blind poet Muni Ramacandra of Bihad-gaccha. Among the several hymns he composed, at least six are in praise of the Jina Parsvanatha of Jabalipura or Jalor in the surroundings of which he was perhaps permanently residing. (The temple to this Jina was founded on Jabalipura's Kancanagiri Hill by the Solanki emperor Kumarapala in A.D. 1166 and was given over by him to the monks of the Bihad-gaccha). Ramacandra interweaves the sabdalankaras and the arthalankaras, the two classes of grace-ornaments with considerable skill, with equal attention to prasada and oja qualities. The configurations he creates of Jina Parsva and Dharnoraga are almost as evocative as of his predecessors who portrayed Parsva and Nagaraja Dharanendra in their hymnical compositions, indeed with considerable force. His

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Arbat Parsva with Dharanendra in Hymnic Literature 53 style is based on the classical Sanskrit poetry and the flow of his portray is quietly elegant:30 idaM na phullatphaNabhRtphaNAmaNImahastavoccaiH zaminAmadhIzvara ! / samullasaddhyAnasudhAbhayAt tvaherviSArciretanmiSataH palAyatim // 16 // - zrI apahRtidvAtriMzikA maulimaNDalavilAsamaNDanaM darzayan zatiphaNIzamutphaNam / santanotyahibhayajvarakSayaM citrameva caritaM mahAtmanAm // 16 // - zrI arthAntaranyAsadvAtriMzikA pramadayannamRtena kRtAJjalIn gatatRSaH zikharizriyamAvahan / akaluSaH kamaThAmbudavRSTibhistvabhinavaH kila yaH kamalAkaraH // 15 // prakaTayannavanasthitipATavaM bhuvi kalAM kalayanniha hAriNIm / sakalakAmasamudbhavasauhRdaH zrayati yo navakesariNaH zriyam // 16 // dadhadaho vibudhAzritapAdatAM bhujagarAjivirAjitamaulitAm / kimapi yaH svaguNairbhuvanAdbhutairdiviSadAmacalAdatiricyate // 17 // - zrI vyatirekadvAtriMzikA punnAgabhaGgisubhagAlivinIlamUrtirutuGgabhUrizikharazriyamAdadhAnaH / bhUyAdazokatarubhUSitabhUmibhAgaH zrImAn vasanta iva sambhRtasiddhirAgaH // vyAkrozamecakakuzezayakAnanazrIrvAmAGgabhUrjinapatirjagatI punAtu / unmIladutpaladaladyutimeti yasminnAlAyitasvavapuSaH phaNinaH phaNAlI // 18 // vairAyamANakamaTholbaNadRSTisRSTau chatrIbhavadbhUjagarAjaphaNAsamAjaH / zAlastamAla iva bAladalaprarohacetoharasthitirarocat yaH sa vo'vyAt // 28 // trailokyamAGgalikabhUpa ivendranIlapronmIladaMzucayamecakitaH sa pArzvaH / cUlAvalambisahakAralatAnukAraprotphullapanagaphaNaH phalatu zriyaM vaH // 29 // - zrI pArzvajinastutidvatriMzikA maulo tavA'yaM zamadhAtuvAdinaH phullatphaNAsphAramaNIrucAruNaH / vizvasya kalyANakRte prakalpate syAnAgaraGgo himArthasiddhikRta // 24 // - zrIdRSTAntagarbhastutidvAtriMzikA sarpaddotphaNamabhisaranAgalokAdhirAjasphUrjaccUDAbharaNadharaNasyAjJayeva sthirAtmA / kAlavyAlaH sthalakulayollAsalIlAmupaiti

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54 Arhat Parsva and Dharanendra Nexus zrImatpArzva ! tribhuvanapate ! tvatpadAmbhojabhAjAm // 20 // ___ - zrI prasAdadvAtriMzikA Some time in the middle of the 13th century, Alhadana, a Nirgrantha-Svetambara minister of the Gallaka community at the court of the Vaghela monarch Visaladeva of Gujarat, had composed a serene and quiet hymn in praise of Parsvanatha in which he invokes the Jina Parsva of Sankhesvara and of Serisaka (Serisa), both tirtha's situated in north Gujarat:31 ambhodarUpiNi ruSA kamaThe haThena vRSTyA vikurvati bhavantamavantamUrvIm / lIlAtapatradharaNe dharaNendranAgastvatparyupAsiSu vibho ! paramArgamApa // 9 // - zrI pArzvajinastavanam Next in sequence and significance may come the Parsvanatha-stavana of the eminent scholiast and hymnist, Dharmakirti alias Dharmaghosa Suri of Tapagaccha (latter half of the 13th cent. A.D.). The particular verse is addressed to the Jina Parsva of Sirisa-nagara (Serisa), the tirtha referred to in the foregoing discussion:32 bhogiskandhaniddhapAdayugalaM sphUrjatphaNADambaraM kAyotsargajuSaM zirISanagaraprAsAdalabdhodayam / dhyAnasthaM kamaThopasargavigame kaivalyalakSmIyutaM zrIpArzva jagatAM vidAritarujaM pazyanti dhanyA janAH // 6 // - zrIpArzvanAthastavanam In his Stuti-Caturvinsatika, Dharmaghosa Suri once more attempted the portrayal of Parsva with Dharanaraja:33 ahipativRtapArzva, chinnasamohapArzva, duritaharaNapASavaM sannamadyakSapArzvam / asubhatam u pArzva, nyakRtAmaM supArzva, vRjinavipinapArzva, zrIjinaM naumi pArzvam // 23 // - zrI stuticaturviMzatikA

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Arbat Parsva with Dharanendra in Hymnic Literature 55 A composition in the Dandaka form addressed to Parsvanatha by an unknown author, possibly of the 13th century, refers to the Arhat with Dharanendra in the first stanza and describes Dharanendra in its last or the fourth stanza:34 vipulavimalakalasakalakamaladalanayanayugalavaramamitakalaM, rucira-rucira-karakamanatuhinakara-suragaja-samaguNa-gaNamamalam / phaNiphaNa-pRthumaNi-gurutara-zuci-ruci-matizaya-vilasana-mahimadharaM, vikasita sarasijavadana-vijitavidhumabhimatamabhinuta jinapagurum // 1 // suravaraparadRDhasudRDhagaganacarazumakara-parikara-parikalitA, sughaTita-jaTita mukuTa maNikarabhara-nirupamalavaNima-garimayutA / agaNitamadazaThakamaThakamaThahaThaghanaghanaripujanakadanaparA, jayati jagati jaya-suvinayanayayutasadharadharaNidhara yuvativarA // 4 // - zrI pArzvanAthadaNDakamayastuti In the late medieval period also, the learned pontiffs and friars of the Kharataragaccha, the Ancala-gaccha, and of the Tapa-gaccha had produced considerable hymnic literature. The 14th century, with which begins the late medieval epoch, introduces several hymns which contain brief but memorable portrayals of Dharana and Jina Parsva. The references from this time onward often pertain to the images of Parsva of the haloed tirtha-sanctuaries, some of these celebrated for their miraculous powers. Among the famous composers of this period, the seniormost was Jinaprabha Suri of Kharatara-gaccha (active c. A.D. 1290-1245), celebrated both as an agamic scholar but also as an historian of Jaina tirthas and a most prolific producer of hymns, some of which are indeed of high quality, such as a verse from his Parsvanatha-stava symptomatically illustrates:35 saMsArAmbhodhivelA niviDajaDamatidhvAntavidhvaMsahaMsaH zyAmAzyAmAGgadhAnA (?) zaThakamaThatapodharmanirmAthapAthaH / sphArasphUrjatphaNIndraH praguNaphaNamaNijyotiruddayotitAzAcakrazcakidhvaja tvaM jaya jina vijitadravyabhAvArivAra // 2 // - zrI pArzvanAthastava Also in his Yamakamaya Parsva-Jina-stavana he refers to that episode:36 phullatphaNiphaNAratnarucirAjitavigrahe / tvayi prItiH sphuratu me rucirA jitavigrahe // 8 //

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56 Arbat Parsva and Dharanendra Nexus A caturvimsati - Jina- stuti, ascribed to Jinaprabha Suri, 37 also contains a telling description of Parsva with Dharanendra and Parsva Yaksa: sphArasphutphaNiphaNAmaNi- dIpta-dIpticitrIyita - trijagatIjanacittavRttiH / zrI azvasenatanayaH zritayakSapArzvaH, pArzvaH zriye bhavatu vaH surasevyapArzvaH // 23 // Surprisingly, the compositions in Prakrta in this age went side by side with those in Sanskrit, though in diminishing number. A verse from one Kamalaprabha Suri's Parsva-prabhu-stavana (c. early 14th century A.D.) may be cited as an example:38 jassa phaNiMdaphaNoho sohai sosambhi paNayamaNuyANaM / maNidittihiM dalaNo duriyatamaM jagapaIvu vva // 1 // vajjasArikkhana he saraNAgayavajjapaMjarabbhahiyaM / taM jhAemitisaMjhaM pAsajiNaM paramabhattIe // 2 // - siri- pAsapahu-thavaNaM Next is the pontiff Bhavadeva Suri of Khandilla-gaccha who, in a hymn to Jina Parsva in his Parsvanatha-caritra (A.D. 1356), refers to the Jina with Dharanendra in eloquent terms:39 prabhoH phaNimaNijyotiH, pluSTA'ntarvairibhUruhAm / tatpallavanibhAH puMsAM, aye santyeva nA'rayaH // 7 // zrIpArzvanAthastavanam - Immediately next in time is Mahendraprabha Suri of Ancala-gaccha (c. last quarter of the 14th cent. A.D.) whose stava in honour of the Parsvanatha of Jirapalli has the following verses relevant to the present discussion. The stotra, not particularly striking for the quality of style, is notable for its reference to Parsva's famous upasarga-episode at the Kali Hill (in Magadha): 40 kalau nAma zaile saraH kuNDamasti svayambhUrbhavAMstattaTe smAvirasti / tadAsannabhUpAlabhaktyeti citraM pavitraM ca tad veda kaste caritram ? // 25 // taDitpAtaghAtasphuTaccailazRGgAstarattUlanIlA luThadgrAvazzRGgAH 1 adabhrAbhragarjahRtaprANitAzAH sphuraddurddinAsArarudvAkhilAzAH // 26 //

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Arhat Parsva with Dharanendra in Hymnic Literature 57 tabAMhomaThAH kAmaThA vArivAhA na nirvApayAmAsurApUrNabAhAH / svaceto'bhrakAgAragaM dhyAnadIpaM bhajantaM cidAnandasaukhyaM samIpam // 27 // yadUrdhvaM phaNAH sapta nAgAdhirAjaH sphuradratnacUDA babhurbhaktibhAjaH / vijityevatAnArakAn durgamArIn sadIpA dhvajA ucchritA durgamArIn // 27 // vidyoryenmaho yacca vA caNDabhAnormaNInAM tu yaccAvirAsIt kRzAnoH / yanmaho jyotiSAM vizvabhartaH ! sa sarvo'pi te jJAnatejovivartaH // 29 // - zrI jIrApallI-pArzvanAtha-stavanam The contemporary pontiff Devasundara Suri of Tapa-gaccha (latter half of the 14th century A.D.) had composed a beautiful hymn addressed to the StambhanaParsvanatha. The initial invocative verse from this hymn may be cited in the present context:41 sphuratkevalajJAnacAruprakAzaM phaNAmaNDapADambarodyotitAzam / mahAkarmapataudyanAze dinezaM stuve stambhanAdhIzapArzva jinezam // 1 // A composition in Prakrta by an unknown author of this period, refers to the same miraculous phenomenon in the description of Parsva in his Caturvimsati-Jina-stuti: 42 asaseNanaresamahAguNavaM, seviyadeviyavAmabhihA / tasa puttu suhAvau saphaNAtuphaNA, phaNidhAraNu tAraNu pAsajiNo // 24 // We are now in the early 15th century. From the compositions of Devasundara Suri's most famous disciple, one of the greatest acarya's of Tapa-gaccha, namely Somasundara Suri, the following citation from his Navakhanda Parsvanatha of Ghogha on the east coast of Saurastra, which vividly portray Dharanendra and Parsva, is relevant in the present context:45 sphUrjanAgaphaNAmaNIgaNasudbhUtaprabhUtaprabhAbhArodbhAsitabhUmiNDalamahaM mando'pi mohodayAt / svAmiMstvAM navakhaNDapiNDitatanuM zrIpArzva ! vizvezvaraM, ghoghAsannagarapradhAnavasudhAlaGkArabhUtaM stuve // 1 //

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Arbat Parsva and Dharanendra Nexus Also remarkable is the verse relating to Parsva (with Suparsva) from his ParsvaSuparsva-stuti:44 58 pArzvasupArzvAbhikhyauphaNamaNighRNigaNavibhAsitAkAzo stoSye RbhukSimukhyastupadapadmau jinau bhaktayA // 1 // Among Somasundara Suri's worthy disciples, the foremost was Munisundara Suri: from among his many hymnic compositions, a few are addressed to, or include, Jina Parsva; the notable stanzas from his Caturvimsati-stava and from his hymns addressed to the Parsvanatha of Nagahrda (Nagada) and of Phalavarddhi (Phalodi) - the three hymns figuring in his Jinastotraratnakosa -- are cited below:45 vitaratu bhavataM zrIpArzvanAthaH sa muktiM phaNipatiphaNamAzliSTapAdAravindaH / kamaThahaThavimuktA'vAravAripravAhai rapi sapadi yadIyo didyute dhyAnavahniH // 24 // zrI caturviMzatistava jaya zrImannAgahadapuravarAlaGkRtimaNe ! jinendra ! zrIpArzva ! tribhuvananutAnantamahiman ! / tava stotraM kurve phaNiphaNamaNIdyotitapada ! prabho ! padmAvatyarcita ! zivaphalaM prAptumamalam // 1 // zrI nAgahRdapArzvanAtha stuti dhatte kalpalatAH svamUrtizirasi prodyanmaNIpallavAH saptAhIndraphaNAcchalAtrijagatIbhItI: kSipan saptadhA / saptadvIpasamiyudaGginikarAbhISTArthadAnAya yaH saMsArAmbudhisetave'stu vibhave pArzvAya tasmai namaH // 22 // zrI phalavardhIpArzvanAthastuti -- One other learned disciple of Somasundara Suri, namely Bhuvanasundara Suri, had produced notable hymns his firapalli - Parsvanatha-stavana (c. 2nd quarter of the 15th century) has a fine verse relevant in the present context. 46 sadA punnaga zrIH prabhavati vibho ! durbhagatamA labhante saubhAgyaM prasarati himAlI janatatau /

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Arbat Parsva with Dharanendra in Hymnic Literature 59 janaH prauDhajyoti:paTalaparipevI sphuTatamAnubhAvAdyasyAsau tvamasi guruhemantavibhavaH // 15 // - zrIjIrApallI pArzvanAthastavanam The glory of the Parsvanatha of Carupa has been sung by Ratnasekhara Suri (c. 2nd-3rd quarter of the 15th cent. A.D.), one other famous disciple of Somasundara Suri, in his Carupa-mandana-Parsvanatha-stavana. Therein, at least six verses are as pertinent as are good instances of the evocative description of Parsva with Dharanendra:47 zrIcArUpapurapradhAnavasudhAlaGkAracUDAmaNiprAyaM sphAraphaNAmaNidyutibharairAbhAsitAzAmukham / kalpakSogiruhAtizaizavavayaH patrAlivitrAsakRtkAyaccAyamahaM stavomi muditaH zrIpArzvavizvezvaram // 1 // phaNAgrajAgranmaNirAjirAjamAnendranIlAmalanIlakAyaH / / satpuSpabhRt patralahemapuSpamahIruhaupamyamazizriyastvam // 8 // vibhidya mAdyadurapohamohamahAndhakAraM prakaTAni kuryuH / saptApi tattvAni vibho ! phaNAgrajAgrattamAste maNidIpradIpAH // 9 // sphuranmaNisphAraphaNAn dadhAna api pradastiva deva ! sarpAH / harSa pravarSanti janaya ddaSTAH spRSTAzca saGgo hi satAM zamAya // 15 // zritAH phaNAstvAM maNirAjibhAjau rejuH kRtArthIkRtabhavyasArtha ! / atulyavallayaH kusumAbhirAmAH kalpadrumaM nanvadhirUDhavatyaH // 16 // atulyakalyANamahAnidhAnaM labhyaM lsdbhaagybhrodyen|| prabho ! bhajante bhujagA bhavantaM yuktaM maNImaNDitamaulimadhyAH // 17 // sphArasphUrjatphaNAnAmanaNumaNigaNodyotavidyotitAzAcakra cArUpanAmapravarapuramahImaNDanaM pArzvanAtham / yaH stautyevaM tamAladrumadalapaTalaspharddhamAnAmalAGgajyotirjAlaM sa zarmANyanubhavati bhavAmbhodhipArasthitAtmA // 18 // - zrIcArUpamaMDanapArzvanAthastavanam The same Suri's Tribhasa-Parsva-Jina-stava also has a fine verse:48 phaNiguruphaNamAlAlambicUDAmahIyomaNigaNakiraNAlIsaGgaragAvagADham /

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60 Arbat Parsva and Dharanendra Nexus arihamurumahelAsiddhisampannarAgAruNamiva guNageyaM cittadheyaM dhareyam // 23 // - zrItribhASAmayapArzvanAthastuti Ratnasekhara Suri's unnamed disciple was no less able in delineating the glory of the combined imagery-Parsva-Dharanendra-as amply evidenced by the verses in his hymn on the Parsvanatha of Mahisanaka (Mehsana) in north Gujarat:49 saptasphUrjatphaNamaNilasallocanodyallalAmavyAjAt prAmRtyakRta kimiha svasvamekaikaratnam / dikpAlaugho dazaharidadhIzasya yasya prasatyai zaivaM zarma pradizatu satAmAzvasenirjino'sau // 9 // zrIvAmeyaH prathayatu mamAmeyamAhAtmyageyaH preyaH zreyastilakanayAnAdyatphaNAratnadambhAt / dhatte dAtuM daza suramaNIn bhAsvarAMstulyakAlaM ceto'bhISTAnyadhidazaharittasthuSAM nemuSAM yaH // 10 // popoSIti svayamavirataM poSayeccAparairna: svAmI vizve'pyayamiti mudA kintvamAnto yadaGge / ete'bhUvan bahiranibhRtAH sAdhudharmaprakArAH preDatpuNDrekSaNaphaNamaNivyAjataH pAtu so'rhan // 11 // aSTArnA yaH zubhamRgaddazAMkelaye siddhinAmnAM dhatte rAtnAn pravaramukurAn svena pANau kRtAnAm / prodyatpuNDrasphuTamaNitanUnunamanyUnaRddhayai bhUyAd bhRto'tizayabhavanaM vaH sa vAmAGgajo'rhan // 12 // ekAgro'STau pravacanamatAH pAlayed yaH kilAmbAH / sa syAnmadvat paramapadasamprAptimAtraM kimetata / jJIpsuya'stAH svazirasi satAM darzayed yaH saphuTAstAH prodyatpuNDrasphuTamaNinibhAd bhUtaya stAt sa pArzveH // 13 // nandyAd vidyAdharanarasurArabdhapAdAbjasevaH pArtho devaH phaNamaNilasatpuNDrasaGkAntiyogAt / daghe mUrtI va hitamanAH kiM nu satvAditattvAnyAkhyAtuM yaH kRtijanatatervistareNaikakAlam // - zrImahIzAnakamaMDana-pArzvanAthastavanam

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Arhat Parsva with Dharanendra in Hymnic Literature A hymn by Somasundara Suri, which I lately came across, is addressed to Jina Parsvanatha; it consists of stanzas composed in six different languages. Two verses one in Maharastri-Prakrta, and the second in Sauraseni-Prakrta-are useful in the present context:50 phaNiphaNamaNimAlA rehae jassa sIse tamatimirapaNAse dIvapaMtivva divvA / paramamahimavAso pAvarAI va rAI ghaNatamahimavAso deu sukkhaM sa pAso // 2 // volijjaMta kulAcalAhi payalaM bhodappabhAhiM tadA vuTThIhiM kamaThAsurassa bharidabvaMbhaMDabhAMDAhivi / jassa jjhANahudAsaNo pajalido sittovihI mANahe sAmI pAsajiNo sa bhodu bhagavaM telukkamukkhappado // 3 // - zrI pArzvanAthastavanam Acarya Devasundara's great grand disciple Jinasoma (c. 3rd quarter of the 15th cent.), too, had composed a hymn to Parsvanatha, in this instance of Stambhana. The opening verse elegantly refers to Dharanendra with Parsva:51 zrIstambhanaM pArzvajinaM niraJjanaM stumaH samagrAtizayAzrayaM vayam / phaNIzvarasphAraphaNAgaNollasanmaNiprabhADambaramaNDitAmbaram // 1 // - zrI stambhana-pArzvanAthastavanam And plausibly some time late in that century, Muni Laksmilabha, perhaps of the Tapa-gaccha, had addressed a hymn adoring the Navapallava Parsvanatha of Mangalapura, Mangarol, at the west coast of Saurastra:52 udyatphaNAmukuTabhUSitamastakAnta ! trailokyalokanayanAmRtapUrNacandra ! / vikhyAtamaGgalapurasthita ! vItarAga ! mAM pAhi pAhi navapallavapArzvanAtha ! // 1 // - zrI navapallava-pArzvanAthastuti Next in sequence comes Hemahamsa Gani, disciple of Jayacandra Suri of Tapagaccha (c. last quarter of the 15th century A.D.), who was a prolific producer of hymns, some notable for their simple but elegant expressiveness, such as his Caturvimsati-Jina-stava from which a verse that concerns with Parsva is cited below:53

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62 Arhat Parsva and Dharanendra Nexus ekasya dattAM padavImudIkSya kiM, tadarthino'STau phaNabhRt-kulAgrimAH / bhajantyamI yaM phaNalAMchanacchalAt, pArzvaprabhuH rAtu sa vAMchitAni vaH // 24 // - zrI caturviMzatijinastava Contemporaneous pontiffs of the Kharatara-gaccha did not lag behind in composing hymns to Parsva, the one by Jinasamudra Suri (c. mid 15th century) addressed to the Parsvanatha of Jaisalmer (founded in A.D.1417), has a fine verse pertinent to the present survey of Parsva hymns. 54 yatte vyAdhAyi kamaThena kaThoraghoradhArAkarAlajalavRSTirihopariSTAt / tenaiSa kevalamavIvRdhadAtmano vai duHkarmavallivanameva ciraprarUDham // 4 // sphUrjatphaNAmaNidharaM dharaNaM bhajantaM yaccApi pAtakamaLaM kamaLaM dviSantam / tvaM manyase sadRzamIdRzamIza ! loko nIrAgatAvilasitaM lasitaM tavaiva // 5 // - zrI jaisalamerumaMDana-pArzvanAtha stuti The Suri was equally at home, even in that late age, with Praksta as is clear from the Stuti-caturvimsitika in which he refers to Parava with Dharanendra:55 pAyaDiyasattatatto, dharaNiMdasarIraphaNakaDappeNaM / tuTTabhavavAsapAso, pAso maha magalaM deu // 23 // - siri thuticauvisI That reminds us of the references to Parsvanatha and Phanindra in two other Praksta compositions by unknown authors and possibly of this general age - the second definitely was composed between A.D. 1437 and 1459 - both possessing poetic pretensions: 56 dehI vattavivannapannagaphaNA-chatteNa channaMbaro, sAmAsAmasarIrao rayatamomukko samukkosao / vAmAe visuo'surAmaranaI-nIhAraselovamo, so pAso bhavavAsapAsayasamaM sajjo pasAhijja me // 23 // - zrI stuticaturviMzatikA

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Arbat Parsva with Dharanendra in Hymnic Literature kamaTha dANava dali-amAhappa, phaNamaMDavimaMDiu bhuvaNajjhimahimAhi gajjhai, paumAvai vayaruTTa jua dharaNarAya jasa pAya pujjai, thaMbhaNa sAmIsara hasayA jai icchaha bhavapAra, dukkhabhAra cUrai sayala bhaviahaM maMgalakAra // 8 // ___- zrI bahutIrthastuti Next may be quoted a relevant verse from the Mantradbiraja-kalpa of Sagaracandra, an author of an unknown gaccha and date (but probably of the 15th century if not of earlier times):57 anta:sphuradrucirasaJcitasaptattvakoTopatirjinapatiH prakaTadhvajo'stu / vAmAsutaH phaNamiSAt phaNipasya vizvavizvArtisaMhatiharo vyavahArivad yaH // 4 // - zrImantrAdhirAjakalpa In the 17th century, too, there are a few instances of good hymnical compositions: Upadhyaya Yasovijaya (A.D. 1622-1689), the last of the Nirgrantha luminary in the field of epistemology, had also composed some hymns; of these the one on the Sankhesvara-Parsvanatha is brilliantly eloquent. From this hymn some six resonant verses may be cited as illustration: 58 phaNAmaNInaM ghRNibhirbhuvIza ! mUrtistavAbhati vinIlakAntiH / udbhinaraktAbhinavapravAlaprarohamizreva kalindakanyA // 31 // tevaza ! maulau rucirAH sphuranti phaNAH phaNIndrapravarasya sapta / tamobharaM saptajagajjanAnAM dhRtA nihantuM kimu sapta dIpAH // 32 // tvanmaulivisphAraphaNAmaNInAM bhAbhirviniryattimirAsu dikSu / svakAntikIrtiprazamAt pradIpAH zikhAmiSAt khedamivogiranti // 33 // dhyAnAnale saptabhayendhanAni hutAni tIvrAbhayabhAvanAbhiH / itIva kiM zaMsitumIza ! dadhe maulau tvayA saptaphaNI janebhyaH // 34 // aSTApi siddhiryugapat pradAtuM kimaSTa mUrtIstvamihAnatAnAm / saptasphuraddIptaphaNAmaNInAM kroDeSu saGkrAntatanurdadhAsi // 35 //

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64 Arhat Parsva and Dharanendra Nexus sphuratphaNADambarabhImakAya H phUtkArabhArairudayadviSAyaH / ullAlayan krUrakRtAntadaMSTrAdvayAbhajihvAyugalaM prakopAt // 100 // And finally a hymn addressed to Arhat Parsva, although composed in times as late as the 18th century by a disciple of Gunavijaya of Tapa-gaccha, is replete with poetic grace and apparently recaptures the style of the previous centuries:59 kamaThavihitajjavAlAjihvaprataptatanuH phaNirdharaNapatitAM yasyAlokadgataH parasaMsRtau / sphurati mahimA [ tatrA ] 'dyApi pravRddhakalau yuge bhavabhayabhido vAmeyo'sau sa eva bhave bhave // 8 // III The above-cited portrayals of Arhat Parsva canopied by the pentacephalous or septacepalous Dharanendra-in a few cases also noticing the upasarga of the demon Kamatha or Sambara or Meghamali-are symptomatic of the authors' exalted visualization of the unshakable, dignified, and tranquilly awesome image of the Jina standing in deep trance, and its sharp reflection on their minds and consequently in their hymnal invocations, each of which is delineated in the personal style of the author concerned. If these medieval hymns succeed in conjuring up the highly emotive visions of Parsva, what the Nirgrantha poets of the Gupta-Vakataka Age could have configured, if they had focused on this mythical episode, may be imagined. In default of such early compositions, in all fairness, let us pay tribute to and admire what the medieval and late medieval hymnists, with their profound devotion coupled with the poetic skills they commanded (which included sensitive control on the ornamental niceties in Sanskrit poetics) had created and is before us to see, sense, and feel. The sculptor-artists correspondingly had attempted, to represent concretely the resplendent imagery of Parsva with Nagaraja Dharanendra and in few cases in association with the upasarga-legend. They also occasionally, indeed faithfully as well as convincingly, captured the mythico-mystical vision of the hymnists as a tridimensional reality, following as they did the modular rules and employing the skills of their own sphere of craft: some of the extant examples, particularly of the postGupta and pre-medieval times, are witnesses that authenticate this conclusion.

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Arbat Parsva with Dharanendra in Hymnic Literature 65 NOTES AND REFERENCES 1. I have discussed, with Jitendra Shah, the subject of early Nirgrantha hymnology in the "Introduc tion" in Gujarati of Sri Byhad-Nirgrantha-stuti-mani-manjusa (BNSMM) currently in press. 2. In the "Jinacaritra" inside the Paryusana-kalpa (c. A.D. 503/516), Indra is shown as praying Jina Vira with this stava; hence it is sometimes called the sakra-stava. 3. The Raja-Paseniya Book II (c. 2nd-3rd cent. A.D.) in the context of Suryabha-deva and the Aupapatika (c. 3rd cent. A.D.) in the context of king Kunika of Magadha, the two references are more important. The stava also figures in the Jnatadharmakatha (c. 3rd cent. A.D.). 4. The above-mentioned Paryusana-kalpa. 5. I have traced the end-phrases of the Caturvimsati-stava of the Avasyaka-sutra (with slight var iations in the text) at several places in the Isibbasiyain (compiled c. 2nd-1st cent. B.C.), a work for certain belonging to the sect of Parsva. (The details of these have been noted in BNSMM.) 6. Up to the period of the autocommentary on the Tattvartadhigama-sutra of Vacaka Umasvati (c. A.D. 350-400), and the Sadavasyakas, though enumerated in serial formation, originally were independent works. From the period of the Anuyogadvara-sutra (c. late 5th cent. A.D.) and more decisively from before the time of the Avasyaka niryukti (c. A.D. 525), the Avasyaka-sutra had come into existence. The Yapaniya sect, however, even in later times (c. 8th-9th cent. A.D.), apparently looked upon the Sadavasayakas as serially ordered but not forming a single book, the Avasyaka-sutra. 7. I had discussed, with Pt. Sagarmal Jain, the origin of the Yapaniya sect (the better term would have been acela-ksapanaka rather than Yapaniya in the northern Indian context I now realize) in the Aspects of Jainology, Vol. III (Pt. Dalsukhbhai Malvaniya Felicitation Volume I), Varanasi 1991. A Sauraseni version of this stava is known from the Digambara sect. (Its source understand ably may have been Yapaniya.) 8. For example the 31 Sambandha karikas at the end of Umasvati's Sabhasya Tattvartbadhigama sutra and his Prasamarati-prakarana which consists of as many as 304 verses. The style of the two is close enough and indeed is archaic compared to that of Pujyapada Devanandi (c. A.D. 635-680), Svami Samantabhadra (C. A.D. 550-600), and even when compared to that of Siddhasena Divakara who is supposed to be contemporary of the Gupta emperor Candragupta II (A.D. 378 414). 9. I have examined the problem of the date of Siddhasena Divakara and have reached the conclusion that he flourished after Umasvati and before Dinnaga. On certain historical hints and the synchronisms involved, his life-span can be confidently placed some time between A.D. 360-450. He nowhere refers to Parava as such, though his allusions to Mahavira are very clear and done directly in Jina's name. 10. Paumacariya, pt.1, sec. edn., Ed. Muni Shri Punyavijayaji, Varanasi 1962, p. 1. 11. I have discussed the date of this great southern luminary in my article in Gujarati, "Svami Samantabhadra-no Samaya," to appear shortly in the second issue of the Nirgrantha, Ahmedabad, in 1997 12. Ed. Jugal Kishor Mukhtar, Virasevamandira-granthamala, Vol. 7, Sarsava 1951. 13. For detailed discussion on this stava, see my article, "The Date of the Ajita-Santi-stava of Nandisena",

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66 Arhat Parsva and Dharanendra Nexus Pathways to Literature, Art, and Archaeology: Pt. Gopal Narayan Babura Felicitation Volume, Jaipur 1991. 14. Unlike the Bhaktamara-stotra as well as the Bhayahara-stotra, there is no inclusion of the nomen Manatunga in the end-verse or anywhere inside this stotra. The style of composition is also definitely later than the Bhayaharastotra which, like the Uvassagahara, is in Prakrta. 15. The inclusion of the Parsva Yaksa along with Jina Parsva would suggest a date not earlier than the late ninth century for this stotra. Several years ago, I had pointed out this fact when the subject of the so-called Bhadrabahu II was discussed with Pt. Dalsukh Malvania in Varanasi when Pt. Sagarmal Jain was also present. 16. The date and authorship of this stava are being discussed in the "Introduction" of the first part of the BNSMM. 17. For discussion on the probable date of this work, see my article "Daksinatya Nirgrantha Parampara ke kucha Granthon ki Aitihasika Samasyaen", Sandhana, Vol. V, Varanasi 1992, 15-19. 18. TERRY Gelegen aan padmAvatyA samaM devamupatasthau phaNIzvaraH // 77 // tasya vistArayAmAsa sadhairyastavapUrvakam / sphuranmaNirucisphArasphuTAmaMDalamaMDapam // 78 // - zrIpArzvanAthacaritram 19. My studies on these important compositions will appear in print elsewhere, in part also in the Introduction to BNSMM earlier alluded. 20. Vidyananda has been by past scholars assigned to early 9th century, a date not upheld by facts. Some five years ago, I had discussed the date of this great scholiast in my article, "The Date of Vidyananda and Epigraphical Evidence", to be published in Dr. H.V. Trivedi Felicitation Volume, Bhopal. Its revised version will figure in the Nirgrantha 2, Ahmedabad, in 1997. 21. An epigraphical reference to Padmavatyalaya at Kallili in the inscription of the Kadamba Ravivarma (c. early 6th century) from Gudanapura is even earlier in time. (See in this volume A. Sundara's paper.) 22. The available archaeological evidence is for late tenth century as at the Mahavira temple at Ahad near Udepur (Mevad) in Rajasthan. The Svetambara literature is totally silent on Padmavati till we come to early 11th century. Clearly, the Svetambara Church (which essentially is western Indian) had adopted Padmavati from the southern Church where she meets with considerable frequency and where the antiquity of her worship and depiction goes back to the sixth century. 23. Jainastotrasandoba, pt. 2 (Mantradhiraja Cintamant) (JSS2), Ed. Muni Caturvijaya, Ahmedabad 1936, pp. 75-76. 24. Sri Lalitastotrasandoha, Ed. Hrinkaravijaya Gani, Bangalore 1962, p. 103; also Panca Pratikramana, Ed. Pt. Sukhalalji, Agra 1921, "Parisista," p.45. 25. Jainastotrasangraha, pt. 1 (JSS nl), Varanasi V.N.S. 2432/A.D. 1912, pp. 116-118; also JSS2, pp. 194-195, 26. Jainastotrasandoha, pt. 1 (JSS1), Ed. Muni Caturavijaya, Ahmedabad 1932, pp. 195, 196. 27. Ibid., p. 94. 28. Ibid., p. 204.

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Arhat Parsva with Dharanendra in Hymnic Literature 29. JSS2, p. 189. 30. JSS1, pp. 125, 128, 132, 142, 143, 146, and 161. 31. JSS2, p. 193 32. JSS1, p. 244. 33. Stutitarangini (Sanskrit, pt. 2) (St. 2), Ed. Vijayabhadrankara Suri, Madras V.S. 2043 (A.D. 1987), p. 117. 34. Stutitarangini, pt. 3 (St 3), Ed. Vijayabhadrankara Suri, V.S. 2039 (A.D. 1983), p. 139. 35. Kavyamala, pt. VII, Ed. Mm. Pt. Durgaprasada and V.L. Sastri Pansikar, Bombay 1926, p. 107 36. JSS2, p. 176. 37. St. 3. p. 307. 38. JSS2, p. 147. 39. Sri Svadhyaya-dohanam, Ed. Vijaya Kanakachandrasuri, Patan 1986, p. 161. 40. JSS2, p. 147. 41. Ibid., p. 95. 42. St. 3, p. 239 43. Ibid., p. 13. 44. JSS n1, p. 5. 45. Sri Jaina Stotrasangraba, pt. 2, sec. edn., Varanasi V.S. 2439/A.D. 1883, pp. 46, 80 and 87. 46. JSS2, p. 155. 47. JSS2, pp. 108, 109. 48. Stotrasamuccaya, (SS), Ed. Muni Caturavijaya, Bombay 1928, pp. 112, 113. 49. JSS2, pp. 104-106. 50. SS. 104 51. JSS2, p. 98. 52. Ibid., p. 186. 53. St. 3, p. 270 54. JSS2, p. 177. 55. JSS1, p. 86. 56. St. 3, p. 373; and St. 3, p. 385. 57. JSS2, p. 227. 58. JSSI, p. 383, 384, and 390. 59. SS., p. 43

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pArzvanAtha pratimAeM : uttara pradeza se pUrva kuNAla kAla se lekara bArahavIM sadI taka : zailendra kumAra rastogI jaina zAsanadharma kA mUla to arhat cintana hI hai| vaha bhI unase kisI pratiphala kI icchA se nahIM apitu apane andara unake guNoM ko lAnA hai / arhatoM ko atIta utsarpiNI aura anAgata utsarpiNI meM huye aura hone vAle 24, 24 tIrthaMkaroM kI sUcI jaina granthoM meM milatI hai| vartamAna avasarpiNI ke 24 tIrthaMkaroM ko jor3akara 72 tIrthaMkara (pAra karAne vAlA) hote haiN| prathama tIrthaMkara RSabhanAtha aura aMtima mahAvIra hai| kintu 23veM tIrthaMkara bhagavAn pArzvanAtha haiN| pArzva kA artha samIpe sappaMsayaNe jaNaNI, taM pAsaitamasi teNa pAsa jiNoM. 1069 / pazyati sarvabhAvAnitati nirUkrAtpArzvaH / tathA garbhasthe bhagavati jananyA nizi zayanIyasya pArzve andhakAre sapoM dRSTaM iti garbhAnubhAvo'yamiti pazyatIti pArzvaH / asyAmavasarpiNyAM bharatakSetre trayoviMze tIrthaMkare tIrthaMkara pArzva : IsA0 pU0 877, 777 ko aitihAsika puruSa mAnA jAtA hai| bhagavAn pArzvanAtha kAzI ke rAjA azvasena ke putra the unakI mAtA kA nAma vAmA thA / inhoMne tapa kI tuSTi ke artha rAjakIya vilAsI jIvana ko tyAga diyA thaa| inakI cittavRtti AraMbha se hI vairAgya kI ora vizeSa thI / vivAha kA prastAva ha~sakara TAla diyaa| eka bAra ye vArANasI meM gaMgA kinAre ghUma rahe the / vahA~ para kucha tApasI va mAtA-pitA vihIna brAhmaNa kumAra kamaTha Aga jalAkara tapasyA kara rahe the| ye inake pAsa jAkara bole " ina lakkar3oM ko jalAkara kyoM jIva hiMsA karate ho / " kumAra kI bAta sunakara tApasI bar3e jhallAye aura bole "kahA~ hai jIva / " taba kumAra ne tApasI ke pAsa se kulhAr3I uThAkara jyoM hI jalatI huI lakar3I ko cIrA to usameM se nAga-nAgina kA jalatA huA jor3A niklaa| kumAra ne unheM maraNonmukha jAnakara unake kAna meM mUlamaMtra diyA aura duHkhI hokara cale gye| isa ghaTanA se kumAra udAsa rahane lage aura rAjasukha ko tilAMjali dekara pravrajita ho gye| eka bAra ye ahikSetra ke vana meM dhyAnastha the| Upara se unake pUrva janma kA vairI kamaTha kahIM jA rahA thaa| dekhate hI usakA pUrva saMcita vairabhAva bhar3aka utthaa| vaha unake Upara IMTa aura pattharoM kI varSA karane lgaa| jaba usase bhI usane bhagavAn ke dhyAna meM vighna par3atA na dekhA to mUsalAdhAra varSA karane lgaa| AkAza meM meghoM ne bhayAnaka rUpa dhAraNa kara liyA, unake garjana- tarjana se dila dahalane lgaa| pRthvI para cAroM ora pAnI hI pAnI umar3a pdd'aa| aise ghora upasarga ke samaya nAga-nAgina mara pAtAla loka meM dharaNendra aura padmAvatI hue the, ve apane upakArI ke Upara upasarga huA jAnakara turanta Ae / dharaNendra ne sahasraphaNa vAle sarpa kA rUpa dhAraNa karake bhagavAn ke Upara apanA phaNa phailA diyA aura isa taraha upadrava se unakI rakSA kii| suprabhAta stotra meM inheM "ghora upasarga vijayina, jina pArzvanAtha" kahA gayA hai| isI samaya pArzvanAtha ko kevalajJAna kI prApti huI aura usa vairIdeva ne unake caraNoM meM sIsa navAkara unase kSamA maaNgii| inakI jo mUrtiyAM pAI jAtI haiM, unameM ukta ghaTanA kI smRti

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70 Arhat Parsva and Dharanendra Nexus meM sara para sarpaphaNa banA huA hotA hai| jainetara janatA meM inakI vizeSa khyAti hai| kahIM-kahIM to jainoM kA matalaba hI pArzvanAtha kA pUjaka samajhA jAtA hai| __ bhagavAn pArzvanAtha kI mUrtiyAM sampUrNa bhArata meM prastara, dhAtu evaM bahumUlya ratnoM Adi para banI paryApta saMkhyA meM upalabdha hotI haiN| bhArata kA hRdaya uttara pradeza hai aura isa uttara pradeza se jaina dharma kA bahuta hI nikaTa kA saMbaMdha hai| kyoMki ye bhUmi kitane hI tIrthaMkaroM ke garbha, janma, tapa, jJAna evaM nirvANa kalyANakoM se pavitra huI hai / prastuta nibaMdha meM isI bhUmi se upalabdha prastara kI pUrva-kuSANa kAla se lekara 12vIM sadI taka kI mUrtiyoM ko mAtra samAhita karane kA prayAsa kiyA gayA hai| inameM adhikAMza pratimAeM lekharahita aura kucha lekhayukta, baiThI, khar3I, sarvatobhadra para, mAnastambhoM Adi para pAI jAtI haiN| pArzva kA AyAgapaTTa para sarva prAcIna nidarzana jaina dharma meM pUjA ke nimitta caukora paTTa banAye jAte the jinheM maMdiroM ke bhItara, caurAhoM para logoM ko pUjA karane ke nimitta unheM sthApita kiyA jAtA thA isaliye inheM AryakapaTTa yA AyAgapaTTa kahate the| aise AyAgapaTTa IsA pUrva kaMkAlI TIlA mathurA se prApta hue haiN| kucha AyAgapaTTa kauzAmbI se bhI pAe jAte haiN|| rAjya saMgrahAlaya, lakhanaU ko eka hI AyAgapaTTa kaMkAlI TIlA mathurA se prApta huA hai jisa para aMkita race hue akSaroM kI lipi ke AdhAra para lagabhaga soDAsa zakakSatrapa ke dvitIya zatI kA caturthAMza arthAt pUrva kuSANa kAla kA hai| isa para lekha namo arhatAna ..... zivadhoHSasakAH ...... bharyAya .... AyAga pa .... / arthAt zivaghoSA kI patnI ne ise sthApita karavAyA thaa| isa paTTa ke cAroM ora kamala, va aMgUra kI beloM konoM ko IhAmRgoM va zrIvatsa cihna se sajAyA gayA hai| bIja meM cAra nandIpadoM ke madhya tIna sopAnoM vAlI caukI para bhagavAn pArzvanAtha ko dhyAnastha darzAyA gayA hai| inake sira para sAta sarpaphaNa kA chatra banAyA gayA hai| phaNoM ke Upara stambha meM lagI patAkA phaharA rahI hai| bhagavAn pArzva ke dAyeM-bAyeM namaskAra mudrA meM eka-eka digambara muni khar3e hue haiN| pArzva aMkita caraNa-caukI : saMgraha meM yaha pArzva bhagavAn kI baiThI mUrti kI caraNa-caukI bar3I rocaka hai| mUla mUrti durbhAgya se prApta nahIM hai| isa para lekha isa prakAra hai : .....stha nikiyekuleganistha ugahiniyaziSo, vAcako ghoSako arhatopazvasya pratimA astu, arhanta pArzva kI pratimA se suspaSTa hai| lipi ke AdhAra para jaba hama anya pratimA lekhoM ke akSaroM se tulanA karate haiM to 58 kaniSka prathama se pUrva huviSka arthAt huviSka se pUrva kI yaha caraNa-caukI svayaMsiddha ho jAtI hai| pArzva mastaka : saMgraha meM khaMDita phaNoM se nIce muMDita mastakayuta pArzva kA mastaka hai| isakI AMkheM gola va AdhI khulI haiM tathA mAthe para bindI hai| yaha mastaka haviSka va vAsadeva ke zAsana kAla ke madhya banAyA gayA pratIta hotA hai| lakhanaU ke saMgraha meM tIna anya pArzva mastaka haiM ina mastakoM para prAyaH mAMgalika yathA cakra, nandIpAda, triratna, puSpaguccha va ghaTa Adi kA aMkana pAte haiN| inameM eka meM saptaphaNa ke chatra ke nIce pArzvamukha surakSita pAte haiM kintu zeSa do ke nIce pArzvamukha kA abhAva hai| mathurA saMgrahAlaya meM eka sarpaphaNa ke nIce pArzvamastaka kA aMkana hai aura sarpaphaNoM para svastika, sarAvasampuTa, zrIvatsa, triratna, pUrNaghaTa va matsya yugma bane haiN|

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Parsvanatha Pratimaen 71 kuSANakAla kI pArzvanAtha kI baiThI mUrtiyA~ : bhagavAn pArzva kI eka baiThI pratimA kaMkAlI TIlA mathurA se kuSANakAla pAI gaI hai| pahale pratimA sirahIna pAI gaI thI bAda meM usake mastaka ko DhUMr3hakara usa para lagA diyA gyaa| caraNa caukI para huviSka saMvat sare aSTApana ....aMkita pAte haiN| ise huviSka va vAsudeva ke varSa 58 se sambaddha kiyA gayA hai| sarpaphaNa ke bhItara kI ora bAIM ora havA meM ur3ate eka deva kA aMkana hai tathA pIche azoka vRkSa kA manohArI aMkana hai| lekha meM aSThApana arthAt 58 aMkoM meM na likhakara zabdoM meM likhe gaye haiN| mUrti ke mastaka para dhuMgharAle bAla haiN| stUpa ke sAtha pArzva2 : saMgraha meM eka pArzva kA aMkana bhI stUpa ke sAtha bar3A hI mahatvapUrNa hai| paTiyA para Upara kI ora dAIM ora chUTa gayA hai mUla pRSTha 4 dekheM / do stUpa haiN| bAIM ora ke aMtima tIrthaMkara ke pUrva saptaphaNoM ke chatra ke nIce pArzvanAtha zobhAyamAna haiM / isa para lekha 99 varSa nahIM hai jo ki vAsudeva ke samaya kA baiThatA hai| kuSANakAla kI eka anya baiThI mUrti 3 : pArzvanAtha sarpaphaNoM ke nIce virAjamAna haiN| inakA sara muMDita hai| nIce kI caraNa-caukI pUrI ghisa cukI hai aura sarpaphaNoM para svastika, triratna, cakra va puSpaguccha aMkita haiN| yaha huviSka vAsudeva ke samaya kI pratIta hotI hai| kuSANakAlIna sarvatobhadra pratimAeM14 : saMgraha meM pAMca kuSANayugIna sarvatobhadra pratimAoM para tIrthaMkara pArzvanAtha ko aMkita pAte haiN| inameM je0 230 pratimA ullekhanIya hai jo kita pAte haiN| inameM je0 230 pratimA ullekhanIya hai jo ki kaniSka dvitIya ke samaya kI arthAt 257 I0 kI pratIta hotI hai| isa para san 15 aMkita hai| dAIM ora adhapAlaka kA bhI aMkana hai jisakA mu~ha khaMDita hai aura dUsarI anya pratimA para bhI pArzva kAyotsarga mudrA meM khar3e hue haiN| mathurA saMgrahAlaya meM bhI aisI pAMca tIrthaMkara pratimAe~ haiN| ye sabhI lAla cittIdAra balue patthara kI haiN| saMkrAntikAla kI pArzva pratimA'6 : saMkalana meM pArzva kI eka aisI kAyotsarga mudrA meM mUrti upalabdha hotI hai jo ki Dhalate kuSANakAla va ugate guptakAla kI pratIta hotI hai kyoMki tIrthaMkara kI zarIra racanA va unake upAsaka kA mukuTa va bAIM ora khar3I strI mUrti jisake Upara sarpaphaNa kA AbhAsa milatA hai| padmAvatI pratIta hotI haiN| mUla mUrti kA mu~ha, hAtha va paira khaMDita ho cuke haiN| sarpaphaNa bhI ghisa cuke haiN| eka phaNa para cakra bacA hai| guptakAla : pArzva pratimA : saMgraha meM mAtra eka lagabhaga pA~cavIM zatI kI pArzva pratimA hai| isakI zArIrika gaThana, taluoM kI mAMsalatA, zrIvatsa kI saMracanA Adi ke AdhAra para ise pA~cavIM zatAbdI kA mAnA jA sakatA hai| mathurA saMgrahAlaya se koI bhI guptakAla kI pArzva pratimA kA ullekha upalabdha nahIM hotA hai| madhyakAla meM isa mUrti ke mastaka para tilaka banAnA va A~khoM ko bar3A va nAka ko khaMDita kiyA gayA zaila stambha, guptakAla kahAyUM, devariyA8 : guptakAla meM pArzva pratimAe~ kama milatI haiM jisakA kAraNa kacha bhI rahA ho kintu isI kAla kA abhilikhita gupta saMvat 141+319 = 460 I0 kA kahAUM grAma janapada devariyA kA samrATa skandagupta ke pA~caveM rAjya varSa kA apanA hI mahatva hai| isake viSaya meM sarvaprathama 19vIM sadI meM Arambha meM bucAnana ne dhyAna isa ora dilavAyA thaa| 1839 meM lisTananehasa sthAna kA paricaya prakAzita kiyA aura 1861-62 me kanighama ne sarvekSaNa kara isakA pUrA lekha prakAzita kiyaa| lekha se vidita hotA hai ki madra ne : AdikartRna : RSabha, zAnti, nemi, mahAvIra va pArzva kI pratimAe~ isa stambha para nava utkIrNa krvaaii| cAra tIrthaMkaroM kI khaDI pratimAe~ va pArzva kI baiThI pratimA hai|

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72 Arhat Parsva and Dharanendra Nexus madhyakAlIna pArzva pratimA : mathurA saMgrahAlaya meM cAra baiThI pratimAe~ haiN| prathama pratimA meM sarpaphaNoM ke nIce gaddI para pArzva bhagavAn dhyAnastha baiThe haiN| siMhoM dvArA siMhAsana uThAyA huA hai| dUsarI pratimA kI caraNacaukI para dharma-cakra banA hai| pArzva sarpaphaNoM ke nIce dhyAnastha haiN| yaha pratimA nandI AnaMdI baladeva se AI thii| tathA pUrva madhyakAla kI hai| dUsarI pratimA pArzvanAtha ke madhyakAla kI hai| isameM eka mAlAdhArI vidyAdhara surakSita bacA hai| isa pratimA ko kosIkalAM mathurA se pAyA gayA thaa| isake atirikta Agare ke kagarUla nAmaka sthAna se bhI eka baiThI pratimA saMgraha meM hai| khar3I mUrtiyAM : eka mUrti kAle patthara kI khar3I saptaphaNoM ke nIce pArzva kI kahAUM devariyA meM hai| lakhanaU saMgrahAlaya meM rAjaghATa vArANasI se eka ati hI mohaka pratimA AI hai yaha suramaI raMga kI tritIrthI hai| mUlanAyaka pArzva ke mastaka para sapta sarpaphaNa caraNa caukI ke donoM ora eka-eka siMha tathA madhya meM dharma-cakra banA hai| bAIM ora vaMdana mudrA meM upAsikA tathA isI ora eka sarpaphaNa veSTita dobhujI padmAvatI kA aMkana hai aura dAIM ora eka sarpamaMDita dharaNendra khar3e haiN| mUla pratimA ke dAeM-bAeM eka-eka tIrthaMkara kamala kI sajAvaTayuta gaddI para dhyAnastha baiThe haiN| sarpa ko pArzva ke pairoM ke pIche kI ora se banAyA gayA hai| isakI kuMDalI dikhalAI detI hai| sarpaphaNa sAta haiM, inameM eka TUTA hai| donoM ora mAlAdhArI vidyAdhara tathA madhya meM sarpaphaNoM para trichatra ke Upara devaduMdubhivAdaka kA aMkana hai|22 / madhyakAlIna caumukhI pratimAeM23 : mathurA saMgrahAlaya meM madhyayugIna baiThI huI sarvatobhadra pratimA hai jisa para saptaphaNoM ke nIce bhagavAn pArzvanAtha baiThe huye haiN| lakhanaU ke saMgrahAlaya meM isa kAla kI tIna pratimAe~ haiN| eka maTIle patthara kI zaurIpura : baTezvara : AgarA24 aura dUsarI atisundara navIM sadI kI bhUre patthara kI sarAya aghata eTA janapada kI hai (citra 4) / jisameM pArzvanAtha dohare kamala kI gaddI para khar3e hue haiM aura nIce cAroM tarapha caumukhI ke do-do graha arthAt sUrya, candra, maMgala, budha, bRhaspati, zukra, zani va rAhu Adi bane hue haiN| tIsarI lagabhaga dasavIM sadI kI phaijAbAda kI hai6 | yaha ghuTanoM ke nIce se TUTI hai| sarpaphaNa khaMDita hai kintu caumukhI ke Upara kamala-dala kA alaMkaraNa banA huA hai| - mAnastambha para pArzvanAtha kA aMkana : saMgraha meM eka bhUre raMga kA mAnastaMbha hai jisa para ATha jinendroM kA aMkana hai| yaha stambha ilAhAbAda se Aja se lagabhaga 64 varSa pUrva lAyA gayA thaa| stambha para cAra tIrthaMkara nIce baiThe haiM aura cAra Upara kAyotsarga mudrA meM dikhAe gaye haiM unameM nIce kI ora bhagavAna pArzva ko do dvArA bane laghu maMdira ke bhItara meM baiThe dhyAnastha darzAyA gayA hai| inake Upara saptaphaNa kA chatra hai tathA sAMpa kI duma dAIM ora caraNa-caukI para suspaSTa hai| madhyakAlIna khar3A pArzva-AvakSa8 : bhUre raMga ke patthara kA saptasarpaphaNoM ke chatra ke nIce pArzva mUrti kA AvakSa hai| yaha mUrti kAphI ghisa cukI hai aura zrAvastI kI hai| __ paMca tIrthI29 : eka anya paMcatIrthI bhI saMgraha meM hai (citra 3) / siMhAsana ke donoM ora eka-eka siMha tathA madhya meM eka cakra banA hai| taduparAnta alaMkRta Asana para padmAsana meM dhyAna lagAe pArzva bhagavAn baiThe haiN| ina para saptasarpaphaNoM kA chatra banA hai| sarpa kI kuMDalI donoM ora banI hai| ghuTanoM ke pAsa donoM tarapha eka-eka caMvaradhArI tathA donoM ora do-do dhyAnastha cAra tIrthaMkara bane haiM / inake Upara vidyAdhara dampatti bane the jo aba ghisa cuke haiN| yaha mUrti lekharahita hai kintu zailI ke AdhAra para lagabhaga dasavIM zatI kI hai / ye jaina-paMcatIrthI zrAvastI se AI thI aura prathama bAra prakAzana meM A rahI hai|

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Parsvanatha Pratimaen 73 dIrghakAya baiThI zvetAmbara saMgha kI pArzva pratimA : eka gahare kalachaU patthara kI pArzva pratimA bhI bar3I rocaka hai| tIrthaMkara dhyAnastha baiThe haiN| unakI donoM bagaloM ke bIca meM sarpa kI kuMDalI suspaSTa hai| caraNacaukI para siMha nahIM bane haiM balki Asana ko pA~ca phUloM se sajAyA gayA hai| tIna phUla bIca meM haiM jo pUrNa hai aura dAeM-bAeM ke phUla Adhe-Adhe haiN| mastaka para dhuMgharAle bAla va uSNISa banI hai, gardana meM rekhAeM haiN| vakSasthala para gola cakra jaisA zrIvatsa hai tathA donoM ora bagaloM ke bhItara se sarpa kI kuMDalI dikhalAI detI hai bhagavAn pArzva kA yaha ati manojJa aMkana hai| isa para aMkita lekha meM ise 'devavinirmita' kahA gayA hai jo ThIka hI pratIta hotA hai| isa pratimA kI caraNa-caukI para lekha isa prakAra hai : saMvat 1036 kArtika zukla ekAdasyAM zrI zvetAmbara mUla saMghena paMcibha catu : sthI : kAyAM zrI deva vinirmita pratimA prtisstthaapitaa| / arthAt ise saMvata 1036-57 = 979 I0 meM "zrI zvetAmbara mUla saMgha" ne kArtika zukla ekAdazI ko sthApita karAyA thaa| yaha kaMkAlI TIlA mathurA se prApta huI hai / (pArzvanAtha kI zrAvastI se milI saM0 1134/ I0 1077 kI pratimA citra 5 meM nidarzita hai / ) padmAvatI va dharaNendra sahita pArzva : saMgraha kI ati rocaka mUrti bhUre patthara kI pArzva pratimA hai| yahA~ pArzva kI pratimA ati sajIva hai| ye siMhAsana para dhyAnastha haiN| bAIM ora yakSI padmAvatI khar3I hai| ina para tIna phaNoM kA chatra hai aura dAIM ora dharaNendra caMvara liye khar3e haiM aura una para sarpa ke tIna phaNoM vAlA chatra banA hai| saptasarpaphaNoM ke chatra ke nIce bhagavAn pArzva virAjamAna haiM sarpachatra ke Upara trichala banA hai aura usake Upara devaduMdubhivAdaka banA hai tathA dAeM-bAe havA meM ur3ate mAlA liye eka-eka AkAzacArI deva bane hue haiN| caraNa-caukI ke bAIM ora nIce kone kI ora pIchI lie muni tathA dAyIM ora upAsaka dampatti bane haiN| yaha pratimA lagabhaga 11-12vIM sadI kI hai| isa mUrti ko dekhate hue kumudacandra ke kalyANa maMdira strotra kA zloka smaraNa ho AtA hai tadabimba nirmala mukhAmbuja baddhalakSyA, ye saMstavaMtava vibhoracayanti bhvyaa:||432|| yaha mUrti mahobA se AI hai| madhyakAla kI pArzva kI khar3I pratimA : yaha zveta saMgamaramara para banI digambara pArzva pratimA bhI bar3I rocaka hai| pArzva bhagavAn kI nAsAgra dRSTi hai aura caraNa-caukI para bane kamala para khar3e haiN| bAeM-dAeM kramazaH upAsikA-upAsaka haiN| taduparAnta caMvaradhArI donoM ora bane haiN| sarpa ko pArzva ke paira se hI pIche kI ora banAyA gayA hai jisakI kuMDalI unake donoM ora dIkha par3atI hai| sarpaphaNa nahIM banAe gae haiN| isa pratimA kI eka apanI hI vizeSatA hai ki jarA-sA bhI thapakI dene para jhaMkRta ho uThatI hai| isa viSaya meM pratiSThA sAroddhAra meM ullekha hai ki pratimA banAne ke lie zilA kA cayana karate samaya vahI zilA uttama hai jo cikanI sugandha, susvara, aura kaThina ho| yaha pratimA 12vIM yA 11vIM zatI kI zailI ke AdhAra para lagatI hai| yaha mUrti mahobA hamIrapura janapada kI hai (citra 6) / padmAvatI va dharaNendra ke sAtha khar3I pArzva mUrti" : bhagavAn pArzva kI kAyotsarga mudrA meM sarpa ke saptaphaNoM

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74 Arhat Parsva and Dharanendra Nexus ke chatra ke nIce vAlI bhUre patthara kI hai| nIce caraNa-caukI meM do khambhoM ke maMdira ke bhItara sarpa ke saptaphaNoM ke chatra ke nIce caturbhujI padmAvatI baiThI haiN| usake Upara 1/2 caur3I paTTI hai aura usake Upara bhagavAn pArzva kAyotsarga khar3e haiN| inake sarpaphaNa TUTe haiN| mu~ha bhI TUTA hai| Upara trichatra ke nIce upAsaka va upAsikA va caMvaradhArI bane haiN| Age bAIM ora sarpaphaNoM ke nIce dharaNendra caturbhujI tathA Upara caturbhujI yakSI parantu patA nahIM kyoM aura kisa hetu banAye gae haiN| isake Upara IhAmRga alaMkRta hai / pratimA zaurIpura : baTezvara : Agare kI hai| dharaNendra va padmAvatI rahita baiThI pArzva mUrti35 : saMgraha meM bhUre raMga ke patthara kI eka ati hI sajIva baiThI supArzvanAtha kI mUrti hai| caraNa-caukI para donoM ora siMha haiN| bIca meM cakra tathA dAeM-bAeM upAsakaupAsikAeM banI haiN| Asana ke Upara vastra bichA hai jisakA konA sAmane ko laTakA huA hai| isake Upara dhyAnastha tIrthaMkara pArzva baiThe haiM / saMyoga se yaha mUrti pUrNa pAI gaI hai : pArzva ke vakSasthala para sakarapAre ke AkAra kA zrIvatsa ubharA banA hai tathA kAna isake kAphI lambe haiN| dhuMgharAle bAloM ke Upara choTIsI uSNISa bhI dIkha par3atI hai| jo niHsaMdeha bauddha prabhAva pratIta hotA hai| pArzva ke bAeM-dAeM eka-eka caMvaradhArI khar3e haiM unake Upara donoM ora havA meM ur3ate devadampatti bane haiN| donoM ke hI bAeM deviyA~ banI haiM jo kramazaH bAMsurI va vINA liye haiN| tatpazcAt donoM ora eka-eka hAthI : airAvata : bane haiM aura inameM bAIM ora hAthI ke Upara baiThA savAra bhI saubhAgya se baca gayA hai donoM hAthiyoM ke bIca meM va sarpaphaNa ke madhya meM trichatra va Amalaka banA hai| isa mUrti para lekha hai| isake anusAra saMvat 1120 (IsvI 1064) meM isako banAyA gayA thaa| yaha mUrti zrAvastI baharAica janapada kI dena hai| padmAvatI ke mastaka para pArzva kA aMkana26 : padmAvatI kI bar3I hI manojJa mUrti hai| ye arddhaparyaMkAsana meM baiThI haiN| devI ke Asana ko kamala kI paMkhur3iyoM se sajAyA gayA hai| dAyAM ghuTanA kucha TUTA hai| donoM ora eka-eka upAsaka va caMvaradhAriNa kamala para khar3I banI hai| devI kA nAma eka caraNa-kamala para rakhA hai| devI caturbhujI haiN| inake Upara sarpa ke saptaphaNoM kA chatra banA hai jisake do phaNoM ko chor3akara sabhI TUTa cuke haiN| sarpaphaNa ke ThIka Upara Asana para pArzvanAtha dhyAnAsIna haiN| inake dAeM-bAeM caMvaradhArI tathA -bAeM devadampatti mAlA liye hae dikhalAe gae haiN| yaha marti mahobA kalAtIrtha kI dena hai| inake atirikta janapada lalitapura sthita devagaDha37 pratimAoM kA ullekha bhI samIcIna rhegaa| yahA~ ke maMdiroM meM pArzvanAtha kI mUrtiyA~ suzobhita haiN| inakA samaya lagabhaga 9vIM se 12vIM zatI taka kA baiThatA hai| yahA~ ke kula sAta citra lie gae haiN| inameM eka mUrti devagar3ha ke maMdira saMkhyA 2 ke parakoTe para banI hai jisakI caraNa-caukI para garuDa yA cakavA bhI banA hai| yaha murti 12vIM zatI kI hai| pArzva pratimAe~ / sarpa ke saptaphaNoM ke chatra ke nIce banAI jAtI haiM kintu kucha pratimAoM meM inakI saMkhyA tIna, nau yA 11 bhI pAte haiN| kahIM-kahIM pratimAoM para sarpaphaNa nahIM pAte haiM kintu pIche deha ke unakI sarpakuMDalI dikhalAI detI hai yA caraNa-caukI para sarpa kA lAMchana yA pArzva kA nAmollekha bhI pAte haiN|29 jaina-sAhitya meM kamaTha ke pArzva para utsarga kA varNana to pAte haiM kintu isa kathAnaka ko abhivyakta karane vAlI koI bhI prastara kI mUrti uttara pradeza meM upalabdha nahIM hotI hai kintu dakSiNa meM elaurA kI guphA saMkhyA 32 va tirukoLAnAtha ArkaTa se aisI mUrtiyAM milatI haiN| pArzva bhagavAna ke janma, tapa evaM upadezoM se pUta uttara pradeza kI pAvana dharatI se prApta IsA pUrva se 12vIM

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Parsvanatha Pratimaen 15 zatI taka ke unake akATya abhilekhIya sAkSyoM evaM sulalita bimboM ke prati narendraMphaNIndraM surendraM adhIzaM zatendraM supUje bhjenaayshiishN| munIndraM gaNendra namojoDihAthaM namo devadevaM sadA pArzvanAthaM / / / namana karate hue isa nibaMdha ko yahIM vizrAma dene kI anumati caahuuNgaa| zubhama'stu / kRtajJatAjJApana isa nibandha ke taiyAra karate samaya tithi ke sambandha meM lekhaka jarmana viduSI prAdhyApikA jI0 bI0 miTaravAranara, myunikha yUnivarsiTI kA hArdika AbhAra vyakta karatA hai| zrI lAla caMda jaina, zrI ajIta prasAda jaina, maMtrI, tIrthaMkara mahAvIra smRti kendra, zodha pustakAlaya, cArabAga, lakhanaU kA bhI hArdika AbhAra vyakta karatA hai| saMdarbha-sUcI 1. tiloyapaNNAtI mahAdhikAra 4, pravacana sAroddhAra, sAta gAthA 290.92, 295, 97 tathA anya grantha, bAlacandra jaina, pratimA vijJAna pR0 32, jabalapura 1974 / 2. abhidhAna rAjendra pR0 896 paMcamobhAga, Avazyaka cUrNi / ratalAm 1921 / 3. bhagavAn mahAvIra smRti grantha, saM0 jyotiprasAda jaina, pR0 38 khanDa 6, lakhanaU 1975 / 4. kailAzacandra zAstrI, jaina dharma pR0 17, 18 vArANasI 1976 / 5. rAjya saMgrahAlaya saMkhyaka je0 253, AkAra 86, 92, 10 se0 mI0 lAla cittIdAra patthara 1. U.P. Shab, Studies in Jaina An, p. 12, vArANasI 1955 Vincent Smith, Jaina Stupa at Matbura, 5, Plate8, va V.S. Agrawal, Guide to Lucknow Museum, p. 4. 5. rAjya saMgrahAlaya, lakhanaU, saM0 je0 67 AkAra 38, 55 se0 mI0 lAla cittIdAra patthara / 7. rA0 saM0 la0 saM0 je0 114 A0 44 65 se. mI sapheda-raMga bhUre raMga kA baluA patthara / 8. rA0 saM0 la0 saMkhyA je0 77, A0 1,20,87 se0 mI0 lAla patthara je0 90,80, 30 se0 mI0. lAla cittIdAra patthara' va je0 96, A0 45, 30 se0 mI0 lAla cittIdAra patthara / 9. rA0 saM0 mathurA bI0 62, R.C. Sharma, Mathura Museum and An, p. 37, Matbura, 1976, 560 vI0 esa0 agravAla yU0 pI0 hisTorikala sosAyaTI 23, pArTa 1.2, pR0 62 / 10. je0 25 va je0 113 A0 86 se0 mI0 deha bhAga haiM aura 40 se. mI0 zira / 11. udgacchatA tava ziti duti maMDalena luptacchudacchavizazakaiketarubabhUva // 24 // zlo 24 kalyANamaMdira stotra, jJAnapITha pUjAJjali, dillI 1982, pR0 496 se 504 taka / 12. rA0 saM0 saM0 je0 623 A0 56, 48 se. mI0 / 13. rA0 saM0 saM0 je0 39 A0 1. 04 se 57 se0 mI0 lAla cittIdAra patthara / 14. , je0 230 A 60, 19, je0 234, A0 76, 29 se0 mI0 , je0 235 A 54, 23, je0 237, A 60 24 se0 mI0 je0 244 A0 61, 27

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76 Arhat Parsva and Dharanendra Nexus 15. rAja saMgra0 mathurA bI0 67 A0 2 phu0 10 iMca, bI0 79, A 1 phu0 11 iMca, bI0 70, bI 71, bI0 72, 1 phuTa 3 iNc| tIrthaMkara mUrtiyA~, U.P. Historical Society of Uttar Pradesh, Vol. 23. bhAga 1, 2, pR0 63, 64, 1950 / 16. rA0 saM0 la0 saM0 je0 100 A0 45, 28 se0 mI0 lAla cittIdAra patthara / 17. , je0 77 A 1.20 se0 mI, 67 se0 mI0 / / 18. 24 phuTa U~cA stambha 1.10 vargAkAra stambha ke nIce caupahalamadhya aThapahala aura Upara se 16 pahala AkAra hai| pazcima dizA meM sataha se 2.6 bhagavAn pArzva kI 2.3 U~cI baiThI pratimA banI hai| 19. 1. rA0saM0 ma0 saM0bI0 26 A0 1"8" ramezacandra zarmA, Mathura Museum and Archaeology | 2. , 251 A0 3-0V.S. Agarwal, JUPH.S,. Vol. 23, pts. 1-2, pR0 63, lakhanaU 1950 / 3. tIrthakara mUrtiyA~ madhyakAla kI pR063 A0 tIna phutt| 4. rA0 saM0 ma0 saM0 1505 vahI, pR0 64, 2.7 iNc| 5. ,, ,, saM0 40. 2874 / 2 bI0 ena0 zrIvAstava va zivAdhAra mizra Inventory of Mathura Museum from1939 to date, Museum Archaeologial Bulletin saM0 11.12, pR0 98 / 20. mere pAsa citra hai| 21. rAM0 saM0 saM0 48, 182 Annual Report of Provincial Museum, Lucknow, 1950, p. 11 / 22. etaninvedatideva jagatatrayAya, manye nada nanabhanamaH suradundubhistai kalyANa mandirastotra zloka saMkhyA 25 / 23. bI 65, AkAra 2.10 iMca Ara0sI0 zarmA Matbura., pR0 ? 24. je0 813, A0 25, 26 se0 mI0 / 25. je0 141, A0 58, 30 se0 mI0, bhUrA patthara / 26. cha 52.74 e, A0 80, 35 se0 mI0 bhUrA patthara / 27. o072, A0- 5"x1-8", caur3A. 4 caukora dekhie merA lekha, "jina bimboM se suzobhita rAjya saMgrahAlaya kA eka viziSTa mAnastambha" pR0 65 khaNDa-2 bhaga0 mahA0 jaya0 smA0 jayapura 1972 / 28. je0 877 A0 30, 31 se0 mI0 bhUrA patthara / 29. rA0 saM0 la0 saM0 je0 859, A0 57, 44 se0 mI0, bhUrA raMga kA retIlA patthara / 30. rA0 saM0 la0 je0 143 A0 1.70 se. mI, 1.33 se. mI0 77 se0 mI0 merA lekha "zvetAmbara kalAratna kaMkAlIrka maNibhadra" pR0 37 jayapura 1980 / 31. rA0 saM0 la0 jI0 310 A0 43, 25 se0 mI0 / meraH lekha"mahobA kI jaina mUrtiyA~", kailAza candra zAstrI abhinaMdana grantha, pR0 33 rIvAM 1980 / 32. kalyANa maMdira stotra saM0 43 jJAnapITha pujAMjali, dillI 1982 / 33. je0, 313 AkAra 78.2, 27 se0 mI0 / vahI pratiSThA saroddhAra A0 3 zloka 78 / 34. rA0 saM0 la0 saM0 je0 794 A0 69, 24 se0 mI0 kAle gahare bhUre raMga kA patthara / 35. rA0 saM0 la0 saM0 je0 879 A0 64, 33 se0 mI0 maTIlA sapheda patthara / 36. rA0 saM0 la0 saM0 jI0 316 A060, 36 se0 mI0 bhUrA patthara / 37. Klaus Bruhn, Jaina Images of Devagadh Vana, Leiden 1969, citra saM0 198, 204, 126, 404, va 231 arthAt maMdira saMkhyA 3, 4, 17 va 20 tathA dIvAla meM / 38. maMdira saM0 2 ke parakoTe kI dIvAla para mere saMgraha kA citra / 39. jyodi prasAda jaina, rUhelakhaMDa kUmAyUM aura jaina dharma, pR0 13.14 lakhanaU 1970 va padmAnanda mahAkAvya 1 / 26 tathA bI0 sI0 bhaTTAcArya Jaina Iconography I 40. C. Sivaramamurti, Panorama of Jaina An, naI dillI 1983, citra 546 va 142 / 41. kavi vRndAvanadAsa-pArzvastuti /

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Parsvanatha Pratimaen citra-sUcI 3. zrAvastI kI paMcatIrthI pratimA : prAya: 10vIM zatAbdI / 4. eTA kI caturmukha mUrti meM pArzvanAtha prAya: 9vIM zatI / 5. zrAvastI se prApta saM0 1934 I0 1934 kI pArzva pratimA / 6. mahobA kI 12vIM (yA 11vIM) zatI kI pArzvanAtha kI khaDgAsana mUrti /

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IMAGES AND TEMPLES OF PARSVA IN CENTRAL INDIA Amar Singh Parsvanatha, the 23rd Tirthankara, whose historicity has been fully established, is regarded by many modern writers of history as the real founder of Jainism. In this paper I intend to deal with the studies of images and temples of Parsva in Central India (Madhya Pradesh and Bundelkhand region of Uttar Pradesh), which were built in the territories where Gupta, post-Gupta, Pratihara, Cedi, Ca della, Kacchapaghata and Paramara dynasties had ruled within their temporal brackets from c. fourth century A.D. to c. 13th century A.D. In ancient and medieval periods, several temples for Parsvanatha had been built. The buildings in course of time had disappeared leaving only stray remains; so the still standing temples for the Jina are somewhat rare to meet with while loose images abound in number. The earliest images of Parsvanatha are reported from Mathura (U.P.); but no image of the Jina of comparable antiquity has so far been found in Central India. In point of fact, it does not appear there before the fifth century A.D. In the Gupta, but more frequently from post-Gupta and Pratihara periods, Parsvanatha's images are met with in fair abundance. These have been reported from Udaigiri, Vidisa, Nacana-Kuthara, Gyaraspura, Gwalior, Amrol, Deogarh, Sira-Pahari, Kundalpur, Badoh-Pathari, Tu-Main and the neighbouring regions of Jabalpur and Tevar (ancient Tripuri). Gupta and post-Gupta Periods The Udaigiri cave 20 (Plate 7) near Vidisa, excavated according to the inscription in the Gupta year 106 (A.D. 425-426) and hence in the reign of Kumaragupta 1, was meant for an image of Parsvanatha. However, the loose image now present in the cave is of a much later date. A badly mutilated relief of a seated Parsva in dhyanamudra, which, as suggested by U.P. Shah, is the image referred to in the inscription.2 One other, and an excellently fashioned image of Parsvanatha which was originally enshrined in a Jaina temple at Gyaraspur near Bhilsa (Vidisa), currently in the Victoria and Albert Museum, London, shows Parsvanatha seated below the Dhataki

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898 Arbat Parsva and Dharanendra Nexus tree practising the "exposure to all weathers" austerity when Meghamali attacked him by creating a terrible storm. The serpent-king Dharanendra spreads his hoods above the head of the Jina and his companion Padmavati holds an umbrella over him. On either side of the cobra-hoods are the maladbara-celestials hovering in the sky and at the top are shown hands beating the dumdubbi-drum. The base in front shows a gana-dwarf holding cakra in his hands. The image can be dated to c. seventh century AD." In a sandstone sarvatobbadrika image from Vidisa (Vidisha State Museum No. 357/1295), Parssvanatha (Plate 8) is seated on the coils of a snake in dhyana-mudra with a seven-hooded canopy over his head. On the face of the simbasana, the dbarmacakra is shown between the two lions and the camara-bearers. Above the serpent-hoods, on either side, celestial beings carrying garlands glide in air and flank the devadumdubbi; the trichatra also is depicted atop the Nagaraja Dharanendra. Stylistically, this image may also be assigned to c. seventh century. Another sarvatobhadrika image (Plate 9), reported from Karaitalai (Jabalpur District), currently in the Mahant Ghasidas Memorial Museum, has on one of its faces a seated Parsvanatha with a seven-hooded canopy over his head. Two lions are depicted on the pedestal sitting back to back with a dharmacakra in the centre, flanked by two standing camara-bearers. A part of the plain carpet decorated with a beaded border is shown suspended from the seat. The serpent-canopy is flanked by two flying garland-bearers, the Jina's head below shows closed meditative eyes, elongated ears, combed-back hair with central usnisa, and the posture of the hands making a triangle with the body are features favouring a date in the sixth-seventh century. 80 In an image reported from Nacana-Kuthara (District Panna) (Plate 10) and now preserved in the Tulsi Ashram Sangrahalaya at Ramban in District Satna, Parsvanatha is shown seated on the coils of a snake in the dhyana-mudra, protected by a sevenhooded canopy over his head. He is flanked by Indra and Upendra, standing in tribhanga-posture, each carrying a camara in his hand. Well-proportioned body, half-closed eyes in trance, and an effulgence of subtle mystical luminescence on the face of the image show the characteristics of the classical art of the Gupta period still continuing, thus suggesting a date not later than the seventh century. A group of Jaina sculptures from Sira Pahari, a hill near Nacana, Panna District, has an image of Parsvanatha of about the seventh-eighth century A.D. It stands in the kayotsarga-mudra without any drapery and has a huge serpent coiled behind the whole figure making a canopy of seven hoods over the Jina's head.

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Images and Temples of Parsva in Central India 81 A very interesting image (Plate 11) of Parsvanatha in the Indian Museum Calcutta (No. A 2541) and originally from some site possibly in Madhya Pradesh, is remarkable in that it portrays, with due elaboration, the upasanga of Sambara or Meghamali. The central figure of Parsvanatha in kayotsarga-mudra is being attacked by the demon Meghamali from both sides with the help of the bhutas, vetalas and other evil spirits, while Dharanendra is shown protecting the Jina, adjusting as he does his coiled body from the back and seven-hooded canopy over his head. On the right side of the Parsva, Yaksi Padmavati, the companion in this context of Dharanendra, is standing on a snake with a serpent canopy over her head and holding a chatra-parasol in her hands. On stylistic grounds, the date of the image has been fixed to c. sixth or early seventh century A.D. but possibly it is later. Gopagiri-Maurya According to the medieval Svetambara (quasi-historical) biographical narratives on Bhadrakirtti alias Bappabhatti Suri (active c. A.D. 770-839), a king Ama, the son and successor of Maurya Yasovarma of Kanauj (A.D. 725-752), is said to have built temples to Jinas at Gopagiri and Kanyakubja under the influence of the Suri. Thus, during the late eighth and early ninth century, Jainism had some weight in the Gwalior territory. Gwalior Fort, famous for the rock-cut Jaina images of the Tomara period, has also a remarkable early sculpture of Parsvanatha (Plate 12) now set up at the northeastern corner on the gate of the open theatre of Scindia School in the Fort. The head of the Jina bears the character of earlier art; the elongated eyes, however, mark the beginnings of the medieval period. Above the serpent-hood, nagas in halfhuman form bearing water-pots in their hands, pour libations over the deity. Two garland-bearing vidyadharas float in the air at the top-flanks. Taking in anatomical features, hair style, ekavali of the celestial beings and the form of the nagas -- all these reflecting the persistence of some of the classical characteristics of the Gupta art. Meister dates the image to c. eighth century. An image of Parsva (Plate 13). from Amrol (a village south-east of Gwalior), assign-able to ninth century, shows a seven-hooded naga protecting the Jina and also has an umbrella above. Two elephants standing on lotus flowers are also shown pouring water from pots by way of abhiseka to the Jina. Below this, on either side, the nagis sitting on lotus flowers pass water up from their positions to the elephants above for the lustration of the Jina. Garand-bearers are also present on either side of the naga hood.?

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82 Arhat Parsva and Dharanendra Nexus Pratibara-Period An image of Parsvanatha from Vidisa (Vidisha State Museum) (Plate 14), standing in kayotsarga-posture, depicts a large serpent coiled behind the Jina's body and making a canopy of hoods over his head. The nagis, interestingly, are depicted on both sides of the Jina with folded hands. The simbasana-front shows a male and a female figure, each seated on a lotus flower and holding lotuses in their hands. and flanking an unidentified object. Nagaraja Dharanendra and Yaksi Padmavati having three-hooded serpent canopy over their heads are present, standing as they do on either side of the Lord. The image may be assigned to c. ninth century. A mutilated image of Parsvanatha belonging to c. ninth century from BadohPathari (Vidisha District) is at present in a bad state of preservation. Its head and legs are broken. Parsvanatha is shown seated on a lotus seat in dhyana-mudra. Padmavati holding the rod-umbrella in her hands is depicted on the right side of the Jina. The serpent-coils are also seen covering the entire back side of the Lord. In an image reported from Tu-Main in District Guna, Madhya Pradesh, now in the Sagar University H.G. Museum (No. 72.1), Parsvanatha is shown seated in dhyanamudra with a seven-hooded canopy over his head. The dharmacakra is shown in the centre of the lion-throne. Elephants standing on the lotus flowers and grasping stalked lotuses in their trunks are present on both sides of the Jina whose chest is marked by Srivatsa. Half closed eyes, serene face, elongated ears, curly hair, and well built broad chest of the Tirthankara bears the characteristics of the classical age of Gupta period and may be dated to c. ninth century. In a sarvatobbadrika image (Plate 15) from Cirainti village (District Sahdol), Parsvanatha is shown seated cross-legged in the dhyana-mudra on a masurakacushion placed upon a carpet decorated with lotus petals motif. The simhasana shows a four-armed sitting Padmavati in the centre. On both sides of the throne, also come to view a seated and a standing attendant. The head of the Jina is covered with a seven-hooded canopy. The representation of the triple umbrella flanked by flying garland-bearers and devadumdubbi (two hands grasping a drum) above the umbrella is likewise noteworthy. On the chest of the Jina is the Srivatsa mark. Curly hairs with a short usnisa, elongated ears touching broad shoulders of the Jina, and bow-shaped eye-brows show progression towards the medieval idiom, suggesting thus the date of the image in c. ninth century. In three other images (Plates 16-18) from two temples, No. 12 and 15, in the Jaina group at Deogarh (District Lalitpur, U.P.), Parsvanatha is shown seated in dhyana

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Images and Temples of Parsva in Central India mudra on a simbasana and with the seven-hooded serpent-canopy over his head. A dharmacakra is present between the lions of the throne. Above the seat a decorated carpet is also seen suspended. In the first image (Plate 16) Parsvanatha is seated. on a decorated masuraka placed on the carpet. In the second image (Plate 17) he is seated on the serpent coils with a horizontal lay on the carpet and in the third image (Plate 18) he is shown simply seated on a decorated carpet. In all the three examples he is flanked by a pair of camara-bearers. Above the serpent-hoods is the chatratraya flanked by celestial beings carrying garlands. On stylistic grounds these images may be dated to the c. ninth century. Mention may also be made of some Parsvanatha images belonging to the ninth century standing in the kayotsarga-mudra with a seven-hooded serpent canopy over their heads, embedded as they are in the western compound wall of the temple No. 12 and as part of the sarvatobhadrika images housed in the Sahu Jain Sangrahalaya, both in Deogarh. In Central India, after the Pratiharas, the Cedis or Kalacuris ruled over the eastern part (Dahala and Mahakosala), the Candellas over the northern part (Jejakabhukti, currently Bundelakhand) and the Paramaras over the western part (Malavadesa, Malva); while the central part was ruled over for some time by the Kacchapaghatas. Kalacuri Territory The Cedis or Kalacuris extended their liberal patronage to the Nirgrantha religion as evident by several images of Parsvanatha, dating from the 10th to the 12th century, found in District Jabalpur and the site of Tevar (Tripuri), the ancient Cedi capital. Parsvanatha sculptures are also known from Sirpur, Singhanpur, Sahdol, Garha and many other places in the former Rewa State in Baghelkhand region where the art developed under the patronage of Kalacuris had prevailed. Karitalai (District Jabalpur) was an important centre of the medieval Nirgranthism during the Kalacuri period. The five images of Parsvanatha in the Mahant Ghasidas Memorial Museum at Raipur are from Karitalai and belong to the tenth and the 11th century. Of these two are in point of fact caturvimsati-pattas with Parsvanatha as the mulanayaka. The first image (Plate 19) shows him seated in padmasana in dhyana-mudra on a serpent which is shown in the act of canopying Parsvanatha with his seven hoods. The image has miniature representations of nine other Tirthankaras to the right and eight to the left, the remaining six originally represented on the top row above the chatra are now missing. The pedestal of the image. 83

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84 Arhat Parsva and Dharanendra Nexus has miniature representations of seated Dharanendra and Padmavati. On the pedestal, the carpet is decorated with kirttimukha and the cushion with three lotus flowers. Indra and Upendra are presented in the tribharga-posture at the flanks of Parsva, turning as they do toward the Lord. Elephants flanking the trichatra and the devadumdubhi as usual figure in the top section. The other two, but partly mutilated images, betray almost the same characteristics, the tail here shown hanging on the carpet through the cushion. The remaining two images are badly damaged. In one other image housed in the Rani Durgavati Museum, Jabalpur, Parsvanatha (Plate 20) is shown seated in dhyana-mudra protected by a serpent-hood canopy and flanked by Indra and Upendra standing in the tribhanga-posture. Above, the usual garland bearers, the two elephants, and the triple umbrella are depicted. On both sides of the pedestal, seated figures of Dharanendra and Padmavati with serpent hoods over their heads are shown. The simbasana shows the aradhakas (devotees) in the centre. Serpent tail as a lanchana of the Jina is presented on the carpet, hanging as it does from the seat, and above it, the nava-grabas beginning with Aditya are shown sitting in a panel. The image belongs to c. 11th century A.D. A Parsvanatha sculpture from Sirpur housed in the Mahant Ghasidas Memorial Museum at Raipur, too, represents the art of the Cedis. The Jina is seated in padmasana under the seven-hooded canopy of the serpent king Dharana whose body is rendered into a couple of parallel coils and seemingly serves as a cushion at the back of the Tirtharkara. At the extremities, makaras forming the back-seat of the Jina are also discernible. The face, hands, and knees of the figure are damaged. The Jina has the srivatsa mark at the centre of his chest and the cakra mark is impressed on the palm. His curly hair is adorned with usnisa in the centre. The pedestal of the image is much mutilated. In an image from Singhanpur in Sahdol District (Plate 21), Parsvanatha is shown standing on a conventional lotus placed upon the tail of a serpent coiled behind the Jina, covering his head with hooded canopy flanked by celestial beings. Above the canopy the chatratraya is shown with elephants standing on lotuses. By the sides of the legs of the standing Jina, Indra and Upendra are presented semi-profile-wise looking towards the Jina. (Almost the same type of image, reported from Sahdol belonging to the 10th-11th century, was kept at Collector's bungalow in the year 1968.) In another image (Plate 22) from Pancamath temple, Singhanpur, (Sahadol District), Parsvanatha is seen seated in dhyana-mudra with a seven-hooded serpent canopy over his head. He is flanked by the customary camara-bearers standing in tribhanga

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Images and Temples of Parsva in Central India 85 posture and looking toward the Jina. The simbasana is topped by a lotus seat and a carpet with decorated fringes is seen partly hanging down. The tail of the serpent is also presented on the carpet. Celestial beings carrying offerings in their hands and elephants as usual are depicted on both sides of the triple umbrella. The curls of Jina's hair are schematically rendered, usnisa is low and compressed, ears are elongated, and the face bears a smile. The image may be dated to c. 10th century. On a sarvatobhadrika image belonging to the 10th century from Sahadol, lying besides the Durga temple (in 1968), Parsva is shown sitting on a lotus-seat in turn placed upon a simbasana that has the dharmacakra in the centre. Parsvanatha is flanked by two camara bearers. The images of Parsvanatha in the collection of the State Museum in Dhubela Palace near Nowgong (District Chatarpur) in the style of the Kalacuri region were collected from various places in the former Rewa State in Baghelkhand. Among them are two seated and three standing representations. One of them is shown in dhyana-mudra (with a serpent-canopy over his head), on a simhasana flanked by Indra and Upendra, and the usual garland-bearers, elephants and the chatratraya on the top. On the pedestal, devotees are shown (Plate 23). Another image represents Parsvanatha seated in padmasana, the srivatsa symbol, however, is absent in this image. The three standing images of Parsvanatha are of red sandstone, while two show miniature representations of the four seated Jinas besides the main image of Parsvanatha in kayotsarga-posture. In a standing image from Garha, Rewa District, and housed in the Tulsi Sangrahalaya, Ramban, Parsvanatha is shown with a serpent canopy over his head, a camaradhara and a maladhara on the Jina's right flank. The portion on the left side of the image is broken. Srivatsa-mark is present on the chest. The image may be assigned to c. 11th century A.D. Candella Territory In the Bundelkhand or Jejakabhukti region of the Candellas, Khajuraho, Mahoba, Deogarh, Banpur, Canderi, Budhi-Canderi, Siron, Khurd, Candpur, Dudhai, and Madanpur were important sites of Jaina art and architecture. At least 20 images of Parsvanatha are reported from Khajuraho (District Chatarpur) alone, ranging in date from the tenth to the 12th century A.D. They are either shown sitting in dhyana-mudra or standing in kayotsarga-mudra.

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86 Arbat Parsva and Dharanendra Nexus A remarkable Parsvanatha image reported from a field near the Ghantai temple at Khajuraho is now in the Jaina collection. The tail of the serpent, the lanchana of the Jina, dangles over the carpet of throne. Its coils form the seat of Parsvanatha and hoods form the canopy over his head. Dharanendra in human form and Padmavati, both crowned over by snake-hood canopies, are shown seated in padmasana on Parsvanatha's main seat, on either side of which is an Indra with lotus in one hand and flywhisk in the other. The parikara is decorated with elephants, vyalas and makaras, etc. On either side of the canopy, above the yaksas, are elephants; whereas the parasol is flanked by gandharvas and vidyadbaras with musical instruments and garlands. The limbs of the Tirthankara are in good proportion. The head shows usnisa.' An important Parsvanatha image in the Khajuraho Museum (No. 1654), in the standing-posture, is with the usual attendant Yaksa and Yaksi. The depiction of the nine grahas in this image is remarkable.10 In another Parsvanatha image from Khajuraho (Plate 24), housed in the selfsame Museum (No. 1618), he is shown seated in dhyana-mudra flanked by the camaraholding Indra and Upendra. The simhasana has the dharmacakra in the centre but with rim shown frontwise. On the corners of the pedestal are the seated pair of Yaksa and Yaksi with the snake-canopy over their heads. A carpet decorated with fringes is seen suspended from the seat and above the seat is a decorated cushion. On both sides of the Parsva's head, two seated mini-Jina figures are depicted. The cobra-canopy is flanked by elephants, also two standing tiny figures of Jinas and the vidyadhara couples holding garlands. Vyalas and makaras are also shown in the parikara. Srivatsa mark is present on the chest. Curly hair are shown with usnisa. The image may be assigned to c. tenth century. Deogarh, District Lalitpur, U.P., has a group of Jaina temples and sculptures on the eastern sector of the fort dating from the ninth to the 12h century. About 30 standing or seated images of Parsvanatha are reported from this site, kept either in the temples or in the open area in the fort. In the early images, of the ninth century, Parsvanatha is flanked by Dharanendra with camara and Padmavati holding a large umbrella in her hands, as already mentioned above. In other Parsvanatha images represented on the temples Nos. 1, 4, 6, 9 and 12 and belonging to the 10th and 11th century A.D., he is simply shown seated in dhyana-mudra or standing in khadgasana, the back fully covered by the coils of the snake. He is generally flanked by camara-bearers shown front-wise. Sometimes seated or standing smaller figures of Tirthankaras are also depicted on both sides.

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Images and Temples of Parsva in Central India 87 Above the serpent-hoods, a chatratraya is flanked by garland-bearers and elephants are also present with devadumdubbi on the top. On the western wall of temple No. 1, there are two Parsvanatha images standing in kayotsarga-posture flanked by camara-bearers, Indra and Upendra. By the sides of the feet, two worshippers are shown with folded hands. Dharmacakra is depicted between the two seated lions on the pedestal. Above, the serpent-canopy and the chatratraya are flanked by maladhara-vidyadharas and on the top the devadumdubbi is represented. In temple No. 4, Parsvanatha (Plate 25) is shown standing as usual but the pedestal is flanked by seated Yaksa and Yaksi with triple-hooded canopy over their heads. On both sides of Parsva are shown four standing tiny Jina figures. Garland-bearers and elephants flanking the umbrella are also depicted as usual with devadumdubbi on the top. In another image, fixed on the boundary wall of temple No. 12, Parsvanatha is standing as usual but here his lanchana, the snake, is present on the carpet of the seat, while at the other place kukuta is shown on the carpet as his lanchana. Eight Parsvanatha images (six standing and two seated) from Siron, District Lalitpur in U.P., are housed in the sculpture-shed of the Jaina group of modern temples. In the standing images Parsvanatha (Plate 26) is generally shown in khadgasana on a simhasana flanked by camara-bearers standing in dvibhanga-posture facing front side and two seated worshippers with folded hands. A snake is coiled behind the Jina covering the whole of his back, while seven-hooded canopy is present over Parsva's head. The trichatra is flanked by garland-bearers and elephants. Devadumdubhi is also seen on the top. Excepting for one image, the Srivatsa mark is generally present on the chest. Curly hair with usnisa as usual is present. In the two images the Lord is flanked by four seated miniature Jinas and in one case by such six seated Jinas. Generally, the Yaksas and Yaksis are shown facing front. The lanchana is not depicted. Usually, the Jina stands on a lotus seat. In one example he is flanked by the standing Dharanendra holding camara and Yaksi Padmavati carrying the parasol; both have five-hooded canopy over the head. In this image the pedestal as well as Indra and Upendra are absent. An image similar to a standing image from Siron-Khurd of the 10th century, is housed in the State Museum, Lucknow (J. 882) and another image, of about the 11th century from the same place, is in the collection of Jhansi Museum (No. 80.24). In the seated images from Siron, Parsvanatha (Plate 27) is shown on a decorated cushion in dhyana-mudra under a seven-hooded serpent canopy flanked by camara

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88 Arhat Parsva and Dharanendra Nexus bearers facing front. Above the hoods on both sides of the trichatra and the devadumdubhi, four seated miniature Jinas, maladhari vidyadhara couples, and elephants are depicted. On the pedestal a carpet decorated with kirttimukba is seen suspended between the two lions flanked by seated Yaksa and Yaksi at the corners. Srivatsa-mark is present on the chest. The image may be dated to 11th century. In another seated image from the same place, Parsvanatha is flanked by two standing and two seated mini Jinas. Two standing Parsvanatha images belonging to c. 11th century have been reported from Dudhai, District Lalitpur, where he is shown on a simbasana flanked by Indra and Upendra bearing camaras. His back is fully covered by the coils of the cobra whose seven hoods are above the head of the Jina. Trichatra and devadumdubhi are flanked by elephants. On one side of the Parsva ten miniature Jinas are also depicted, thus resulting in the caturvinsati-patta as a slab. Two images of Parsvanatha reported from Mahoba (District Hamirpur), U.P., and of the 12th century, are housed in the Jhansi Museum (Nos. 80.18 and 80.83). In one image he is standing in the kayotsarga-posture on a pedestal with sevenhooded canopy above his head. A camara-bearer attendant is flanked on either side of the Jina. On the pedestal donors are incised with folded hands. The lanchana of the Parsva--two coiled snakes--is also depicted. It has a two-line inscription on the pedestal bearing the date samvat 1253 (A.D. 1196). In another image of about the 12th century, Parsvanatha is shown standing with Dharanendra of the same dimensions bearing the camara on the right side of the Jina." Kacchapagbata Territory Parsvanatha images are also met with in the territory ruled by the Kacchapaghatas in and around Gwalior and Padhavali. Two sculptures of about the tenth-11th century are housed in the Central Archaeological Museum, Gwalior. They were acquired from Padhavali and Gwalior Fort. The Padhavali image represents Parsvanatha seated in padmasana. He has a srivatsa-mark on his chest. Behind his head, the prabhamandala-halo is also depicted. Above the head of the Jina, trichatra flanked by the elephants and the devadumdubbi are, as in most examples, present on the top. The attendant Nagendras flanking the Tirthankura are shown standing on elephants and with serpent-hoods on their heads. The pedestal shows a dharmacakra and the devotees have been assigned a place between the two lions. The second image of Parsvanatha from Gwalior Fort is inscribed and can be attributed to the 11th century. The small figures of the Jinas in the parikara suggest

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Images and Temples of Parsva in Central India 89 that the image was meant to be of caturvinsati specification. A small figure of ksetrapala with his vahana, dog, is also seen on the pedestal. In two sarvatobhadrika images from the Gwalior Fort, one housed in the Central Archaeological Museum, Gwalior, and another in a private collection of Mr. H.N. Dwivedi from Murar (Gwalior), are of the period about the tenth century. Parsvanatha is depicted simply standing on a lotus seat with a serpent-canopy over his head. Mention may also be made of a sarvatobhadrika from Amrol, in District Gwalior where a mutilated Parsvanatha image is present on a pedestal. On the Fort wall at Gwalior between the Laksmana Gate and the Hathia Gate, there is a relief showing Mother and Child in a rectangular niche. It shows a mutilated lady figure in reclining posture with a child by her side, accompanied by attendants and a meditating Tirthankara seated above the niche. This panel seems the representation of a Jina's mother, assignable to c. 10th century (as was also agreed by Dr. N.P. Joshi in a Seminar on the Art of Khajuraho). Above the head of Mother there is a standing male figure having seven-hooded canopy over his head, though not in kayotsargaposture. If we identify this image with Yaksa Dharanendra, then this would lead to the conclusion that the panel depicts the birth of Parsvanatha. Paramara Territory The Paramaras of Malvadesa were perhaps even more liberal patrons of Jainism than the Candellas. While the extant Nirgrantha temples in this region are not considerable, Jina images are found scattered almost everywhere. However, mention may be made of a Parsvanatha temple at Dhar, where the Digambara Jaina author Devasena wrote the Darsanasara in a.d. 933: And Prabhacandra wrote his several commentaries on earlier Digambara Jaina works as also composed two works on darsana, namely the Prameya-kamala-martanda and the Nyayakumudacandra. Besides these, many Parsvanatha images, either individually or in groups, are reported from this region. In an image (Plate 28) from Hingalajagarh (District Mandasore), now housed in Bhanpura State Museum (No. 290), Parsvanatha is shown seated in dhyana-mudra on a decorated cushion over the simbasana with the dharmacakra having the rim facing and flanked by Dharanendra and Padmavati. The carpet above the pedestal is decorated, as oftener, with kirttimukha. The back of the Jina is fully covered with the coils of Nagendra whose hoods are now in broken state. Two seated attendants standing on stalked lotuses are also seen on both the sides of Parsva. Srivatsa mark is present on the chest. His half closed eyes, elongated ears, serene face, broad

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90 Arhat Parsva and Dharanendra Nexus shoulders, and the beaded necklace (ekavali) of the attendants suggest the date of the image c. tenth century. A seated tenth-century image of Parsvanatha flanked by attendants with mutilated pedestal, head and serpent-hoods from Bujgadh (Mandasore District) is housed in Bhanpur State Museum (No. 36). A head of Parsvanatha, protected by seven-hooded cobra, hailing from Hingalajagarh, is in the collection of the Central Museum, Indore. His curly hair, smiling face, elongated ears, suppressed usnisa and attentiveness of the cobra-god are remarkable. The image may be dated to the 10th century. In one other image from Bujgarh, (Bhanapur State Museum No. 42), standing and of about the tenth-century, though in a very bad state of preservation, Parsvanatha is shown on a lotus seat fully backed by the serpent coils flanked by Indra and Upendra. Padmavati is on Jina's left side, the portion on the right side is broken. Another tenth century image from Hingalajgarh in the Indore Central Museum (Parsva standing) (Plate 29) is shown on a lotus seat flanked by Indra and Upendra holding camaras. The serpent coils are shown behind the back of the Jina and a canopy of seven hoods over his head. In one more image from the same place and in the same Museum, Parsva is depicted simply with a seven-hooded canopy over his head. Gandharvapuri (District Dewas) has yielded a colossal standing Parsvanatha with a seven-hooded canopy over his head flanked by Indra and Upendra as camarabearers, the vidyadhara couples hold garlands, four seated Jinas, the trichatra and the devadumdubbi figure above the canopy. Srivatsa mark and usnisa are present. The image may be assigned to the 11th century. It is housed in the State Museum, Gandharvapuri (No. GOP 81). In another seated image from the same place and housed in the same Museum (No. 230.89), Parsvanatha is shown with Indra and Upendra. His back is shown fully covered with coils of the snake making canopy of seven hoods over his head. Vidyadhara couples, triple umbrella, elephants and devadumdubbi are shown as usual. The image is mutilated and may be dated to c. tenth century. On the north wall of a modern santinatha temple at Burhi Canderi (District Guna), M.P., a Parsvanatha image assignable to the tenth century A.D. is shown to be flanked by Yaksa and Yaksi standing on a simbasana. A remarkable seated image of Parsvanatha (Plate 30) from Bhojpur (Raisen District) is enshrined in the garbhagrha of the santinatha temple, dated c. 11th century. Here the pedestal is absent. Parsvanatha is shown seated on the serpent coils on a

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Images and Temples of Parsva in Central India 91 decorated cushion. He is flanked by the Yaksa and the Yaksi with five-hooded canopy over their heads. Four seated Jinas are depicted flanking the chatra above the canopy. A seated Jina in a rathika is also shown on the top above the devadumdubhi. A standing image of Parsva from the same place dated c. 11th century is also noteworthy. Another standing image bearing the usual features is also reported from Rajendra Udyan in Panna District, datable to c. 10th century, In an interesting image of Parsvanatha from Guna in the collection of Jaina Archaeological Museum, Ujjain, the Jina is shown seated in padmasana under the canopy of a seven-hooded serpent. Yaksa Dharanendra and Yaksi Padmavati are present on his left and right. A standing image of Parsvanatha, dated c. tenth-11th century, housed in the Vidisha State Museum (No. 349/1287) is fully covered at the back with the serpent coils and is flanked by the seated devotees, Indra and Upendra, and two standing and two seated Jinas. Above the canopy on both sides of the trichatra and devadumdubbi, maladharividyadharas and elephants are present. Srivatsa mark is also present on the chest. In Bare Baba, Kundalpur, District Damoh, which is not far from Vidisa, there are a large number of loose sculptures representing Tirthankaras as well as the Yaksis. In one image, Parsvanatha is shown standing in kayotsarga on a simbasana flanked by the camara-bearing Indra and Upendra facing front. The full back of the Jina is covered with the coils of a serpent whose seven-hooded canopy is shown over his head and the tail passes on the carpet spread over the simbasana. Above the serpent-hoods, the ubiquitous trichatra, devadumdubbi, and maladhari-vidyadharas occur. The features, regrettably, are rather heavy and inelegant for the tenth century bracket.12 Inside the Udaigiri cave 20, near Vidisa, a loose image of Parsvanatha is shown seated (Plate 31) on a decorated cushion with a seven-hooded canopy over his head. He is flanked by the cauri-bearing Indra and Upendra standing on elephants. Above the canopy on both sides of the trichatra and devadumdubbi, maladbarividyadhara couples, elephants and four miniature Jinas are depicted. On the pedestal a dharmacakra between the two lions facing front is flanked by seated Yaksa and Yaksi on the corners. Srivatsa mark on the chest of the Jina is also present. The date of the image may be c. 11th century. Parsvanatha is also represented in an image reported from Ahmedpur (Vidisa) dated about the 11th century and now housed in the Central Archaeological Museum, Gwalior. In this image he is simply shown standing in kayotsarga-pose protected by a serpent-canopy over his head.

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92 Arbat Parsva and Dharanendra Nexus Conclusion From the foregoing discussion we may conclude that, from the ancient through premedieval to the medieval period, scores and scores of images of Jina Parsva were carved and, inferably, many temples for that Jina had been built in Central India. While extant buildings in this vast province are rare to meet with, the images are found scattered all over the region. In Central India, these begin to appear from the fifth century. The images of Parsvanatha belonging to the Gupta, post-Gupta and Pratihara periods show that the generalities of the classical art of the Mathura tradition were followed in Central India also. In these images the Jina is shown seated in dhyanamudra or standing in the kayotsarga-mudra with seven-hooded canopy of Nagaraja over his head. On the simbasana is generally shown the dharmacakra between the two end-lions. Sometimes he is also depicted seated on the coils of the snake or on a decorated cushion kept upon an ornamented piece of cloth dangling downwards from the seat. He is customarily flanked by Dharanendra bearing the camara and Padmavati holding the umbrella in her hands. Above the snake-canopy, chatratraya, devadumdubhi flanked by elephants standing on lotus flowers, and garland-bearing vidyadbaras also began to appear. The srivatsa mark on the chest of the Parsva is generally absent in the beginning, which was a common feature of the Mathura Jina images in the Kusana and Gupta periods. The lanchana of Parsva is also not depicted up to the Pratihara period. Parsvanatha images of the tenth and 11th centuries represent a fully developed phase of the sculpture in almost whole of Central India. He is depicted in seated and standing postures of all sizes with simple and elaborate parikaras usually accompanied with demi-gods and sometimes with smaller figures of Tirthankaras and the surround adorned by vyalas, makaras, etc. He is oftener shown flanked by camara-bearing Indra and Upendra. Dharanendra and Padmavati are depicted on the corners of the simbasana. Srivatsa mark is usually present on the chest of the Jina but the distinguishing lanchana and the prabhamandala are not depicted excepting in a few cases. The later subsidiary images suffer from pronounced angularity, and stiffness is in evidence in the treatment of Jina's body. Also, the eyes are now elongated and eye-brows become bow-shaped. Moreover, the earlobes touch the shoulders, hair mostly curly with low and compressed usnisa. In the images from the Kalacuri territory, Parsvanatha is usually shown seated on the coil or coils of the serpent whose tail is depicted hanging on the carpet through

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Images and Temples of Parsva in Central India the cushion. The camara-bearers are generally shown standing in the tribhangaposture, turning and looking toward the Jina. In the images of the Paramara zone, Jina's back is shown fully covered with the coils of the snake and the camarabearing attendants are depicted looking frontwise. The images of the Candella and the Kacchapaghata territory appear to be highly influenced by, or show the same details as in the Paramara Art of the Malava country. NOTES AND REFERENCES 1. U.P. Shah, Studies in Jaina Art, Banaras 1955, pp. 77-78, plate IV, fig. 12. 2. Ibid., pp. 14-15. 3. B.N. Sharma, "Art-objects in Museums: Victoria and Albert Museum, London", Jaina Art and Architecture, Vol. III, New Delhi 1975, p. 544. 4. Niraj Jain, Anekanta (Hindi), Delhi, XV, 19, pp. 222-223; also U.P. Shah, Jaina Art, Vol. I, Bhartiya Jnanpith, New Delhi 1974, p. 129, plate 64. 5. R.C. Majumdar and A.D. Pusalkar, The Age of Imperial Kanauj (History and Culture of the Indian People 4), Bombay 1955, p. 289. 6. Michael W. Meister, "Ama, Amrol and Jainism in Gwalior Fort", Journal of the Oriental Institute, Baroda, XXII (No. 3, March 1973), pp. 354-58. 93 7. Ibid. 8. Marutinandan Prasad Tiwari, Khajuraho ka Jaina Puratattva (Hindi), Khajuraho 1987, p. 48. 9. Niraj Jain, "Chapter 38: Collections at Khajuraho", Jaina Art and Architecture, Vol. III, Bharatiya Jnanpith, New Delhi 1975, p. 594, plate 376 B. 10. Ibid., plate 377 A. 11. S.D. Trivedi, Sculptures in the Jhansi Museum, Jhansi 1983, p. 87, fig. 84. 12. Krishna Deva, "Chapter 16: Central India: Examples of Early Medieval Art in Central India", Jaina Art and Architecture, Vol. I, Bharatiya Jnanpith, New Delhi 1974, p. 168, plate 94 B.

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94 Arhat Parsva and Dharanendra Nexus LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS Plate 7 Plate 8 Plate 9 Plate 10 Plate 11 Plate 12 Plate 13 Plate 14 Plate 15 Plate 16 Plate 17 Plate 18 Plate 19 Plate 20 Plate 21 Plate 22 Plate 23 Plate 24 Plate 25 Plate 26 Plate 27 Plate 28 Plate 29 Plate 30 Plate 31 Udaigiri (Udayagiri), Cave 20, general view, C. A.D. 425-426. Vidisa, Parsvanatha-Sarvatobhadrika image, c. 7th century A.D. Vidisha Museum No.357 1225. Karitalai, Parsvanatha-Sarvatobhadrika image, c. 7th century A.D. Raipur, M.G.M. Museum. Nachna-Kuthara, Parsvanatha, seated, c. 6th century A.D. Ramban, Tulsi Sangrahalaya. Madhya Pradesh, Parsvanatha, c. 6th-7th century A.D. Calcutta, Indian Museum, A25111. Gwalior Fort, Parsvanatha, c. 9th century A.D. Amrol, Parsvanatha, c. 9th century A.D. Vidisa, Parsvanatha, c. 9th century A.D. Vidisha State Museum. Cirainti village, Parsvanatha, Sarvatobhadrika, c. 9th century A.D. Deogarh, Parsvanatha, c. 9th century A.D. Deogarh, Jain temple 15, garbhaglha, Parsvanatha, c. 9th century A.D. Deogarh, Jaina temples 12 & 15, Parsvanatha, c. 9th century AD. Karitalai, Parsvanatha, c. 10th century A.D. Raipur, M.G.M. Museum (35). Jabalpur, Parsvanatha, c. 11th century A.D. Jabalpur, Rani Durgavati Museum. Singhanpur, Pancamatha temple, Parsvanatha, mid-10th century A.D. Singhanpur, Pancamatha temple, Parsvanatha, mid-10th century A.D. Madhya Pradesh, Parsvanatha, Sarvatobhadrika, c. 10th century A.D. Dhubela Museum. Khajuraho, Parsvanatha, c. 10th century A.D. Khajuraho Archaeological Museum No.1618. Deogarh, Jaina temple 4, Parsvanatha, 11th century A.D. Siron, Parsvanatha, c. 10th century A.D. Siron, Parsvanatha, c. 11th century A.D. Hingalajagarh, Parsvanatha, c. 9th-10th century A.D. Bhanpur, State Museum No. 290. Hingalajagarh, Parsvanatha, c. 10th cent. A.D. Indore, Central Museum. Bhojpur, Jaina temple, garbhagrha, Parsvanatha, c. 11th cent. A.D. Udaigiri, Cave 20, Parsvanatha, c. 10th-11th cent. A.D. (All illustrations are published here by the courtesy and kindness, American Institute of Indian Studies, Center for Art & Archaeology, Ramnagar, Varanasi.)

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PARSVANATHA IMAGES IN ORISSA AND BENGAL D.R. Das Orissa and Bengal, the two contiguous states of Eastern India, witnessed a brisk activity of the Nirgrantha missionaries for long centuries. Interestingly, their activity was very intense in remoter and inaccessible areas. While the history of this activity in Orissa is known to us, albeit inadequately, our knowledge of the spread of Nirgranthism in Bengal, on the other hand, is not extensive. I. ORISSA A literary reference seems to suggest that the Nirgrantha religion had entered Orissa before the birth of Mahavira. According to a legend, recorded in the late Nirgrantha texts, Karakandu, the king of Kalinga, was a disciple of Parsvanatha.' If this tradition has any historical value, Nirgrantha became the royal religion of Orissa through the influence of Parsvanatha. Jainism continued to enjoy royal patronage even after Karakandu. Nandaraja of Magadha is reported in the Hathigumpha inscription (c. 50-25 B.c.) at Udayagiri to have carried away a Jina image from Kalinga obviously after defeating its ruler. When Kharavela of the Mahameghavahana family became the king of Kalinga, he not only recovered the said Jina image (Kalinga Jina' of the Hathigumpha inscription) but also turned Bhubanesvar into a great centre of Nirgrantha religion. Archaeological exacavation has laid bare the foundation of an apsidal temple on the summit of the Udayagiri at the outskirts of Bhubanesvar. It is generally believed that this temple was built by Kharavela or one of his successors to house a Jaina divinity (Kalinga Jina?). After the fall of the Mahameghavahanas, the history of Nirgranthism in Orissa becomes obscure. However, the Nirgrantha religion apparently had continued to flourish. Hiuen Tsang, during the second quarter of the 7th century, saw many Nirgranthas in Kalinga and more than ten thousand temples of Tirtharkaras in Kalinga." The Sailodbhavas, who at that time were ruling in Kongoda and its adjoining territories in southern Orissa, were known to have extended support to the Nirgrantha establishments in their kingdom. Since Nirgranthism alim Jainism never failed to enjoy patronage of different ruling houses of Orissa, a phenomenal growth, as a result, of that religion took place in this region and its centres sprouted in almost every part of that country. Simultaneously, there

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96 Arhat Parsva and Dharanendra Nexus was a proliferation in the production of images of Jaina divinities and building of temples to house these images. Most of these images are now lying scattered around the ruins of their original places of worship. Among the Tirtharkaras, images of Rsabha and Parsva outnumber those of the other Jinas. Images of Parsvanatha have been found in places like Martasol, Pundal, Ayodhya (Plate 32) and Charampa in the Balasore District, Anandpur, Khiching, Baripada, Koisali and Khuntapala in the Mayurbhanj District, Vaidakhia, Gadacandi, Podasingidi (Plate 33), and Sainkul in the Keonjhar District, and Cuttack, Byre, Pratapanagari (Plate 34) and Bhanpur in the Cuttack District; next Kakatpur, Sisupalgarh, Khandagiri (Cave Nos. 7, 8, 9 and 11) and Bagalpur in the Puri District, and Bhairavasingpur, Jeypore, Carmula, Nandapur and Jamunda in the Korapug District. In the Indian Museum, Calcutta, is preserved an image of Parsvanatha (Plate 38) which was collected from the Circuit House, Puri. These images have been generally executed in stone and, occasionally, in bronze. From the bank of the river Kuakhai near Bhanpur, bronze images of several Jinas were recovered. (Of these images only that of Parsvanatha escaped the hands of thieves.) Three Parsvanatha images in metal have been found at Khuntapala and one each at Byre and Kakatpur. Also, one metal image of this Tirthankara from an unknown locality is preserved in the Orissa State Museum at Bhubanesvar. The images of Parsvanatha, discovered in Orissa, display certain common characteristics. In most cases, the Tirtharkara is represented as standing in kayotsarga posture. His seated images are invariably in yogasana. With a few exceptions, a lotus seat on a lion throne is provided for the seated Jina. As his principal cognizance, a snake rises from behind him and spreads its seven hoods over his head. A canopy of three-tiered umbrella (chatratraya) is placed above the snake hood. Below the pedestal appears a naga couple. Entwining their tails with each other, they are shown as aradhakas or devotees of the Tirthankara. From the standpoint of the position assigned, they plausibly are Nagaraja Dharanendra and his consort. Sometimes various offerings are depicted at the base of the pedestal. A constant attendant of Parsvanatha is a camara-bearer who stands on his either flank. The devadaru, the caitya-vrksa of the Tirthankara, is usually shown on the stele. Garland-bearing vidyadharas (maladharas) occur on the two corners of the upper end of the stele. Presence of the gandharvas is indicated by two pairs of hands, one pair beating a drum and the other sounding cymbals. Thus, about five out of the eight mahapratiharyas are shown in association with the Jina figures. In addition to the above-mentioned characteristics, some images are endowed

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Parsvanatha images in Orissa and Bengal with certain individual iconographic traits. For instance, a snake is present on the pedestal of the Kakatpur bronze image. Beneath the lotus seat of the seated image of Parsvanatha on the right wall of Cave No. 7 on the Khandagiri is carved a pot (Plate 35). On the pedestal of his other image in the same cave is shown a lotus (Plate 36). At Bhanpur, the image bears the srivatsa mark on the chest. In some cases, the Tirthankara was accompanied by eight planetary divinities. One such image was found at Pundal, one at Ayodhya (Plate 32), and Jeypore and two are preserved in the Chaudhuri Bazar Jaina temple at Cuttack. Excepting Rahu, the personified planets are in yogasana. The attributes in their two hands are as follows: Surya Soma Mangala Budha Brhaspati Sukra Sani two lotuses; staff and pitcher; rosary and book; rosary and club (?), rosary and pitcher; bow and arrow; rosary and pitcher At Ayodhya, minute figures of demonic and animal-headed creatures, aggressively advancing from either side of the upper part of the stele towards Parsvanatha, probably illustrate the famous upasarga-tormentation inflicted on the Jina by Kamatha and his retinue. 97 Parsvanatha, as mulanayaka, is shown on a caturvimsati-patta or stele showing 24 Jinas from Gadacandi near Podasingidi. Also in Cave No. 8 on the Khandagiri, he occupies the position of mulanayaka among the group of 24 Tirthankaras. At Khiching he has on his either side three Tirthankaras standing one above another in a vertical row. An image, kept in the Chaudhuri Bazar Jaina temple at Cuttack, the Jina is accompanied by four Tirthankaras in yogasana who cannot be identified. His image from Puri (Plate 38) is flanked on the right by Santinatha and Rsabhanatha and on the left by two unidentified Jinas, all seated in yogasana. An image of Parsvanatha at Vaidakhia has on its left the standing figures of Santinatha and Mahavira and on its right Candraprabha and Rsabhanatha. Parsvanatha also appears on caumukha votive shrines. Thus a caumukha, in the Cuttack Caudhuri Bazar Jaina temple, has on its four faces Jina Rsabha, Santinatha, Parsvanatha, and Vardhamana. In order to suggest an emaciated body, resulting from the severity of their ascetic life, deep concave indents were produced on the sculptured figures of the

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98 Arhat Parsva and Dharanendra Nexus Tirtharkaras found at Charampa. One of these Tirthankara images represent Parsvanatha in yogasana. A feature of the iconography of Parsvanatha images of Orissa is that the Tirthankara is seldom accompanied by Padmavati, his sasanadevi. At Jamunda, however, in his seated image, she is present under the lotus seat. Here the goddess is sitting in yogasana under the canopy of a three-hooded serpent. She has four arms, the attributes of which are indistinct. On the left corner of the pedestal of the standing image of Parsvanatha in the Khiching Museum, occurs a tiny figure of his sasanadevi. She sits in yogasana under a five-hooded snake canopy. The attributes in her two hands are indistinct. In Cave No. 7 on the Khandagiri, Padmavati appears under Parsvanatha who is in yogasana (Plate 36). Sitting in lalitasana on a lotus throne, the goddess is endowed with three eyes and two arms. Her right hand is held in varada while the left carries a lotus. Under her lotus seat is also carved a lotus flower. In Cave No. 8 on the same hill, Padmavati is shown under the seated figure of Parsvanatha (Plate 37). The goddess here is seated in lalitasana, under the canopy of a five-hooded snake. She has eight arms which, clockwise from the lower right hand, show the mudra and attributes as follows: varada, arrow, sword, flower (disc), lotus, shield, bow, and lotus. Unlike the Jamunda example, Parsvanatha and Padmavati in the Khandagiri caves are placed in two separate compartments. At Nandapur was found an independent image of Padmavati sitting in lalitasana on a double-petalled lotus (Plate 39). Over her head were spread five hoods of a snake. Her four arms displayed clockwise from the lower right hand, the following: varada, flower, radish(?) and axe. A miniature figure of Parsvanatha occurred on the crest of the stele while an elephant was carved on the pedestal. From the foregoing discussion, it is evident that the images of Parsvanatha were carved in Orissa in accordance with a set formula, which had remained unchanged. Iconography, therefore, is of very little help in establishing the chronological order of these images. In some instances, Parsvanatha as well as his attendants are provided with bhamandala. Such examples are found at Jamunda, Bhairavsingpur and Pratapanagari (Plate 34). On the stele from Puri (Plate 38) haloed Tirthankaras occur on either side of Parsvanatha. Again, the group of planets when represented on the stele, includes eight planets only. In Orissa, halo seems to have ceased to characterize the divine images from about the tenth century. Similarly, the number of planets was increased to nine with the inclusion of Ketu in their group towards the close of the ninth century. Therefore, the images of Parsvanatha, associated with these two features, may be assigned to a period before the tenth century. His seated

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Parsvanatha images in Orissa and Bengal image at Podasingidi (Plate 33), which seems to belong to the eighth/ninth century on stylistic ground, is one of the earliest of Jina images discovered in Orissa. Most of the images of Parsvanatha and those of other Jaina divinities, however, seem to have been produced during the Somavamsi period which began towards the close of the ninth century. Epigraphic evidence suggests that the Somavamsis encouraged the spread of the Nirgrantha religion in their kingdom. Some of the old Nirgrantha caves on the Khandagiri were converted into Jina shrines during this period." Apparently, Parsvanatha and other images of the creed, carved on the walls of these caves, were the result of this conversion which in turn was due to a continual memory that the caves belonged to the Nirgrantha creed. Reference in this connection may be made to an inscription on the wall of Cave No. 11. It announces: "In the year 549, in the victorious reign of Sri Udyotakesari, the decayed wells and decayed tanks were shown (i.e. cleansed) for bathing and drinking and (the images of) 24 Tirthankaras were established (i.e., carved on the walls of the caves) on the auspicious Kumara Parvata. If any heretic causes even damage (to them), such a cheat (will) by his act, excite the anger of Sri Parsvanatha." The Nirgrantha religion lingered on in Orissa even after the fall of the Somavamsis towards the close of the 11th century. However, the Jagannatha cult, with its rising popularity since the beginning of the Ganga rule, was destined to overwhelm Orissa in the near future when the religion of the Buddha as well as of the Jina were to be obscured. II. BENGAL Association of Bengal with Nirgrantha religion seems to have begun from the time of its inception. Mahavira is reported to have travelled in the pathless countries of the Ladha (Radha in West Bengal), as narrated in the "Uvadhana-sutta" (c. third/ second cent. B.C.) inside the Acaranga Book I, before he attained enlightenment.10 According to a tradition, recorded in the Brbat-kathakosa of Harisena (A.D. 933), the patriarch Bhadrabahu, who was the preceptor of Candragupta Maurya, was born at Devikota (i.e. Kotivarsa, modern Bangarh in the West Dinajpur District, West Bengal)." The same source reports that he was initiated in the order of friars in Pundravardhana. According to the second section of the Sthaviravali (c. 100 AD) of the Paryusana-kalpa (compiled c. A.D.503/516), from Godasa, a disciple of Arya Bhadrabahu, emanated a branch of friars, Godasa-gana, which had in course of time split into four branches, Kotivarsiya, Pundravardhaniya, Tamraliptika and DasiKharvatika." Of these four sub-orders, the first two represent the well-known places in north Bengal, the third in lower Bengal and the fourth probably in West Bengal," 99

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100 Arhat Parsva and Dharanendra Nexus It is thus evident that Nirgrantha was a popular religion in Bengal from a very early period. The discovery of the vestiges of the Nirgrantha establishments and divinities in different parts of Bengal, therefore, is not surprising. However, the abundance of such antiquities in the Chota Nagpur-plateau region of the three neighbouring districts of Midnapore, Bankura, and Purulia is significant. Deserted temples and mounds caused by ruined temples and scattered images in their vicinity and also at other places bear ample testimony to the fact that Nirgrantha creed or Jainism once became the religion of the masses and continued to be so for a long time in these three south-western districts of West Bengal. This is further evident from the place names of undoubted Jaina inspiration. Reference in this connection may be made to Parsvanatha which is the appellation of a village on the river Kansai in the Bankura District, indicative as it is of the eminence of Parsvanatha in this locality. The immense popularity of the 23rd Tirthankara is also suggested by the large number of his images found in Bengal. Obviously, these images were enshrined exclusively and, in certain instances, together with images of other Jinas and attendant divinities in temples. All these temples are either deserted or are in ruins. The remains of a temple, which definitely housed an image of Parsvanatha, has been traced at Paresnath.14 Built in red sandstone, it was a structure of dry masonry. Iron dowels and cramps were used to keep the masonry blocks of the structure together. The foundation of another temple of Parsvanatha was discovered at Kendua in the Bankura District. Once a building of ashlar masonry, it consisted of a deula (prasada) and a mukhasala (mandapa). The deula was built on a triratha (dvi-anga) plan and oriented toward east. Another recognisable element of the structure is the khura (khura) moulding in its pabhaga (kati). Parsvanatha may once have been the presiding deity also of the two deserted temples, one at Harmasra and the second at Deulbhira, in the Bankura District. Not far away from the temple at Harmasra, a partially damaged image of Parsvanatha is lying. His image (Plate 40), discovered near the temple at Deulbhira, was shifted to the Indian Museum, Calcutta. Both temples are of the rekha (Latina) order and made of laterite. At Harmasra, the temple had a mukbasala (mukhamandapa) which has disappeared long since. Pancaratha (tri-anga) on plan, bereft of any decorative embellishments and facing east, these two temples seem to belong to a period not earlier than the 12th century. While it is difficult to locate or identify the buildings which enshrined Parsvanatha, his images are encountered at many sites of Bengal. So far, such images have been discovered at Kantaberia, 16 Raidighi'? and Daksina Barasat18 in the South 24-Parganas District, Beharasai (Plates 41 and 42) Rajjpara, 19 and Ayodhyabad, Nepura Bandhar and Dumurtod20 in the Midnapore District, Bahulara (Plate 43), Kendua, Paresnath,

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Parsvanatha images in Orissa and Bengal 101 Harmasra, Deulbhira (Plate 40), Dharapat, Biharinath and Barjora (Plate 51) and an unspecified locality (Plate 13)21 in the Bankura District, Sat Deuliya (Plate 52) in the Burdwan District, and Pakbirra (Plates 14, 15, 16, and 18),22 Anai-Jambad (Plate 48), Charra and Purulia (Plate 50)23 in the Purulia District. Images of Parsvanatha, found in Bengal, are known either as seated in yogasana or standing in kayotsarga. In both versions, the Jina has a lotus placed above the simhasana. On the pedestal occur a worshipful naga couple whose coils are often entwined with each other. With rare exceptions, they rise on their tails to flank the legs of the Tirthankara. The naga holds a jar with his hands and the nagi a stafflike object which may be a musical instrument. By the sides of the naga couple stand two camara-bearers on lotus pedestals. On the stele of the Indian Museum image (Plate 44), collected from somewhere in the Bankura District, the naga is kneeling but the nagi is standing. The camara-bearers appear above them. Again, above the camara-bearers are placed two seated worshipful figures. As in other areas, a serpent, with its coils carved on the back-slab, spreads its seven hoods over the head of every specimen of Parsvanatha image in Bengal. Above the serpent hood is a canopy of tri-linear chatra. On one side of the chatra is depicted a pair of hands beating a drum and on the other another pair sounding cymbals. The corners of the upper part of the stele are occupied by garland-bearing vidyadbaras. The stele is also marked with the caityadruma and flowers. Sometimes a halo is shown behind the head of the Jina as well as those of his attendants. His image (Plate 40), discovered at Deulbhira, is shown in yogasana on a pedestal which has a lotus marked in its centre. Apart from the two camara-bearers and the sevenhooded serpent, the Jina is not accompanied by anything else. An unusual image, found at Daksin Barasat, shows four snakes issuing out of the left and right shoulders of Parsvanatha. The Jina is further adorned with a vanamala. At Pakbirra, a standing image of Parsvanatha has on its either side two standing Tirthankaras. Placed one above the other, the Tirtharkaras remain unidentified on account of their indistinct cognizances. Occasionally, the planetary divinities were shown on the stele. Reference in this connection may be made to the image-stele (Plate 43) in the Siddhesvara temple at Bahulara. Two examples, one from Pakbirra (Plate 47) and the other from Beharasai (Plate 41), also give indications of the presence of the planets at the sides of Parsvanatha. Cauvisi-stelae with Parsvanatha as the mulanayaka were also produced in Bengal. On three such stelae, one at Anai-Jambad (Plate 48), the second at Suisa, and the third, lying in three fragments, at Paresnath, the miniature figures of the standing Tirthankaras are arranged in two parallel rows on either side of the

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102 Arhat Parsva and Dharanendra Nexus mulanayaka. At Suisa, the image of Parsvanatha has an elaborately carved stele. Some of the details of this badly abraded carving may have a connection with the upasarga-legend associated with Parsvanatha. Apart from the representation either independently or as mulanayaka, Parsvanatha also figures on several caumukha votive shrines. Such votive shrines have been noticed at Pakbirra (Plate 49), Purulia (Plate 50), Charra, Barjora (Plate 51)24 and Sat Deuliya (Plate 52). Another votive shrine is kept in the Haripada Sahitya Mandir Museum at Purulia (Plate 50). A caumukha as devacchandaka or gandha-kuti having the crowning sikhara of the Latina class at Pakbirra, while showing Parsvanatha, Candraprabha, Rsabhadeva, and Santinatha in kayotsarga on its four sides, exhibits on every face of its spire five Jinas in three vertically aligned niches and thus completes the figure 24 of the Jinas. Caumukha shrines from Purulia and Barjora are also of this type. (Do they represent Astapada-prasada?) On several pancatirthika stele, Parsvanatha appears as one of the four Jinas around the mulanayaka. Thus at Pakbirra, he occurs by the side of Candraprabha and Mahavira. In another interesting example, again from Pakbirra, the seated images of Rsabhanatha, Parsvanatha, Padmaprabha and two other unidentified Jinas are placed in a row above the standing figure of Ambika. Wide distribution and the occurrence of a large number of Parsvanatha images indicate that the Jina enjoyed a position of considerable importance in Bengal. The sculptors, who had executed these images, seem to have sufficient familiarity with the rules of Nirgrantha iconography. Commonality in the general details of all the images of the Jina in different districts and decades in Bengal may suggest that the convention which guided the sculptors did not vary with the changes of time and locale. It is, therefore, not possible to arrange these images in a strict chronological order on the basis of their iconography. What is, however, certain is that most of these images should be dated after the ninth century since none of the Jaina temples, now extant in Bengal, can be assigned to a date prior to the tenth century.25 Gauda Samgha, to which Somadeva of the Yasastilaka-campu (tenth century) belonged, apparently had originated in Bengal. III. APPENDIX In different parts of Bengal, images of a multi-armed male deity under a hooded snake-canopy have been found (Plate 53). Some of the emblems, held in the hands of the deity, assert his Vaisnava affiliation. As such the god is taken to be a representation of Visnu. Over the snake-hood canopy is shown a tiny figure in yogasana.

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Parsvanatha images in Orissa and Bengal 103 This tiny figure generally has been identified with Amitabha. Therefore, the most common view is that the images of this class suggest a syncretism between Vaisnavism and Buddhism and as such these images should be described as Visnu-Lokesvara 26 But this identification does not explain why the majority of these images hail from areas which were once strongholds of the Jainas. Sometimes images of Jaina divinities and the so-called Visnu-Lokesvara were found side by side. In view of this fact, the snake-hood canopy of the deity assumes some significance. As on the head of Parsvanatha, here also the snake often spreads seven hoods. Moreover, crest-figure is not unknown to Nirgranthist iconography. Under the circumstances, the possibility of these images being the result of syncretism between the Nirgrantha and the Bhagvat cults cannot be ignored. NOTES AND REFERENCES 1. For legends relating to Karakandu, see Jagannath Patnaik, "Jainism in Orissa", in Sidelights on History and Culture of Orissa, ed. M.N. Das, Cuttack 1978, p. 308 f. The story of Karakandu makes it not very unlikely that Parsvanatha visited Orissa and played a definite role in the spread of the Nirgrantha-darsana in this region. This possibility notwithstanding, the reading in the panels of the upper storey of the Ranigumph, on the Udayagiri some episodes of the life of Parsvanatha, related by the Parsvanathacarita, is not justified (see R.P. Mohapatra, Jaina Monuments of Orissa, Delhi 1984, p. 15f.). 2. D.C. Sircar, Select Inscriptions bearing on Indian History and Civilization, Vol. I, Calcutta 1965, p. 213 ff. 3. Debala Mitra, Udayagiri and Khandagiri, New Delhi 1975, p. 43 f. 4. T. Watters, On Yuan Chwang's Travel in India, ed. F.W. Rhys Davids and S.W. Bushell, Vol. II, London 1905, p. 196 ff. (The figure, of course, seems highly inflated.) 5. Sarat Chandra Behera, Rise and Fall of the Sailodbhavas, Calcutta 1982, p. 178. 6. For a discussion on Jaina antiquities of Orissa, see Mohapatra, Jaina Monuments., passim. 7. Debala Mitra, "Glimpses of Jaina Relics in Orissa", Orissa Review (Monumental Special), 1976, p. 16. 8. Ibid. 9. K.C. Panigrahi, Chronology of the Bhauma-Karas and Somavamsis of Orissa, Bhopal 1961, p. 53. According to a different view, the inscription was engraved in the year 5 of Udyotakesari's reign (see Mitra, Udayagiri and Khandagiri, pp. 6 and 68). 10. History of Bengal, Vol. I, ed. R.C. Majumdar, Dacca 1943, p. 36. 11. Pramode Lal Paul, "Jainism in Bengal", Indian Culture, Vol. III (No. 3), 1937, p. 525. 12. R.C. Majumdar, "Jainism in Ancient Bengal", Jain Journal, Vol. XVIII (1984), p. 126 f. 13. Kotivarsa, Pundravardhana, and Tamralipti have been identified respectively with Bangarh in

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Arbat Parsva and Dharanendra Nexus West Dinajpur District (West Bengal), Mahasthangarh in the Bagura District (Bangladesh), and Tamluk in the Midnapore District (West Bengal). 14. Debala Mitra, "Some Jaina Antiquities from Bankura, West Bengal", Journal of the Asiatic Society, Vol. XXIX (1958), p. 133 f. 15. Ibid., p. 134. 16. Gaurisankar De, "The Jaina Background of 24 Parganas," Jain Journal, Vol. XVII (1983), p. 143. 17. Kalidas Dutt, "The Antiquities of Khari", Varendra Research Society Monograph, No. 3 (1929), p. 5 and fig. 3. 104 18. Idem, "Antiquities of North-west Sundarbans", ibid., No. 4 (1930), p. 7 and fig.3. 19. D.K. Chakravarty, "A Survey of Jaina Antiquarian Remains in West Bengal", Jain Journal, Vol. XVIII (1984), p. 145. 20. Information regarding the last two sites in the Midnapore District was kindly supplied by Shri Gaurisankar De. 21. Find spot of this image is not mentioned in the Accession Register of the Indian Museum where it is now preserved. Its accession number is 72/6. 22. For an account of the sculptures found at Pakbirra, see Krishnajivan Bhattacharyya, Pratip Kumar Mitra and Atul Chandra Bhowmick, "Jain Sculptures at Pakbirra", ibid., Vol. XX (1986), p. 127ff. 23. This piece of sculpture, collected from elsewhere, is now kept in the Haripada Sahitya Mandir Museum, Purulia. 24. This caumukha votive shrine is preserved in the Vangiya Sahitya Parishad Museum at Vishnupur. 25. Puran Chand Nahar (Jaina Inscriptions, Calcutta 1918, Pt. 1, p. 1) brings to our notice an epigraph on the back of an image of Parsvanatha dated in Samvat 1100. The image is installed in a temple at Azimganj (Murshidabad District). Roma Chatterjee (Religion in Bengal, Calcutta 1985, p. 358) takes this epigraph as an evidence of the revival of Jainism in Bengal during the 12th century. Nahar, however, indicates that the image was brought from Chitor. 26. J.N. Banerjea, The Development of Hindu Iconography, New Delhi 1974, p. 554.

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Parsvanatha images in Orissa and Bengal Plate 32. Plate 33. Plate 34. Plate 35. Plate 36. Plate 37. Plate 38. Plate 39. Plate 40. Plate 41. Plate 42. Plate 43. Plate 44. Plate 45. Plate 46. Plate 47. Plate 48. Plate 49. Plate 50. Plate 51. Plate 52. Plate 53. LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS Ayodhya, Parsvanatha. (Courtesy: Archaeological Survey of India, Calcutta.) Podasingidi, seated Parsvanatha. (Courtesy and kindness: R.P. Mohapatra.) Pratapanagari, Parsvanatha. (Courtesy: Archaeological Survey of India, Calcutta.) Khandagiri, Cave 7, right wall, seated image of Parsvanatha. Khandagiri, Cave 7, Padmavati under the seated Parsvanatha. Khandagiri, Cave 8, Padmavati under the seated Parsvanatha. Puri, stele with haloed Tirthankaras flanking Parsvanatha. (Courtesy: Indian Museum, Calcutta.) Nandapur, Padmavati with Parsvanatha above. Deulbhira, perforated grille with figure of seated Parsvanatha. (Courtesy: Indian Museum, Calcutta.) Beharasai, Parsvanatha, upper part of the image. (Courtesy and kindness: Tarapada Santra.) Beharasai, Parsvanatha, lower part of the image. (Courtesy and kindness: Tarapada Santra.) Bahulara, standing Parsvanatha. (Courtesy: Archaeological Survey of India.) Bankura, standing Parsvanatha. (Courtesy: Indian Museum, Calcutta) Pakbirra, seated Parsvanatha. (Courtesy and kindness: Krishnajivan Bhattacharyya.) Pakbirra, Parsvanatha, lower portion of the image. (Courtesy: Archaeological Survey of India, Calcutta.) Pakbirra, Parsvanatha, lower portion of the image. (Courtesy: Archaeological Survey of India, Calcutta.) Anai-Jambad, standing Parsvanatha. Pakbirra, votive caumukha. (Courtesy: Archaeological Survey of India, Calcutta.) Purulia, votive caumukha. (Courtesy: Haripada Sahitya Mandir, Purulia.) Barjora, votive caumukha. (Courtesy: Vangiya Sahitya Parishad, Vishnupur.) Sat Deuliya, votive caumukha. (Courtesy: Asutosh Museum, Calcutta.) Burdwan, Visnu-Lokesvara. (Courtesy: Asutosh Museum, Calcutta.) 105 (The author wishes to thank all individuals and institutions for providing the illustrative material for this paper.)

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PARSVANATHA IMAGES IN ELLORA Maruti Nandan Prasad Tiwari Parsvanatha, the 23rd Tirtharkara, was accorded a specially favoured position in visual representations at the Southern Nirgrantha or Digambara rock-cut shrines. The Northern Nirgrantha sites reveal that, in terms of popularity, Jina Parsvanatha was next only to Rsabhanatha; while in the images from south India, Parsvanatha and Mahavira enjoyed the position of veneration to the same degree. Of all the 24 Jinas, the chief distinguishing feature of Parsvanatha in having the snake-canopy overhead first appeared in c. first or second century A.D.' Up to c. the sixth century A.D., Parsvanatha was shown both with five as well as seven-hooded' snake-canopy. The Parsvanatha images of the Nirgrantha-Svetambara sites usually show the astamahapratiharyas in the parikara, as well as the figures of the Sasanadevatas at the two extremities of the throne. Barring a few examples from Osian, Kumbharia, and Delvada (Mt. Abu), the Parsvanatha images at the Svetambara sites invariably contain the figures of Sarvanubhuti and Ambika as sasanadevatas, in place of the conventional Dharanendra Yaksa and Yaksi Padmavati. Sarvanubhuti and Ambika, the most popular Yaksa-Yaksi pair in the Svetambara examples, was otherwise traditionally associated with the 22nd Jina Aristanemi. However, in a few instances, the cobra-canopy has been provided over the heads of Sarvanubhuti and Ambika for emphasizing their association with Parsvanatha. The Parsvanatha images from the Digambara sites of North India usually contain the figures of Dharanendra and Padmavati, either standing formally at the right and left flanks with the snake-canopy, or seated near Jina's throne-ends. In former examples, Padmavati invariably holds a long parasol above the head of Jina; while Dharanendra is shown either with folded hands or as bearing a fly-whisk. The images from north India, in some instances, show the figures of Dharanendra and Padmavati both at the Jina's throne ends and on the two sides of the mulanayaka figure. The Parsva images from south India usually show the figures of Dharanendra and Padmavati standing on the two flanks of the mulanayaka which, however, are sometimes substituted by the camaradharas.

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108 Arhat Parsva and Dharanendra Nexus Ellora in Aurangabad district of Maharashtra occupy a singular position in respect of history of architecture for its prolonged rock-cut shrine activities and the high quality of its figural and decorative art from c. middle of the sixth to about midtenth century A.D. and perhaps a little beyond. The site is all the more important due to its being the confluence of the three principal Indian sects, the Vaidika, the Buddhist, and the Nirgrantha. A series of five principal Nirgrantha caves (Nos. 3034), occupying the northern horn of the Ellora ridge, are important from the standpoint of the study of Nirgrantha iconography and architecture of the southern school of pre-medieval and the early phase of the medieval times. These rock-cut hall-shrines, belonging exclusively to the Digambara sect, are datable to the ninth and tenth centuries a.d. The earliest Jaina caves apparently were carved during the reign of the Rastrakuta emperor Amoghavarsa I (A.D. 815-881), the great patron of the Nirgrantha religion. These caves, among other Jina and subsidiary figures, contain several rock-cut images of Jina Parsvanatha." In Ellora, Parsvanatha is represented by over 31 examples, this being the highest number met with at any single Jaina site. The figures of Parsvanatha in Ellora, however, never occupy the position of a principal image, and is thus not found in the sanctum proper. Of the 31 figures, nine show Parsvanatha in dhyana-mudra, the remaining in the kayotsarga posture. The Parsva figures are all carved either in the gudhamandapa or in the vithika or fore-lobby. They show almost identical features, with a few definite peculiarities. The placement of the figures of Parsvanatha, mostly facing Bahubali (in the corresponding position on the opposite wall) may have some underlying meaning. Such a placement may have been actuated by the commonality of the fact of upasarga (though of a different nature) in both cases. Parsvanatha in Ellora, when seated, is usually accompanied by a triple parasol, fly-whisk bearing attendants, lion-throne, the hovering maladhara-angels and the drum-beater suggestive of some of the asta-mahapratiharyas, an invariate feature of the arhat images (Plate 56). On the contrary, the images in the kayotsarga-mudra show no pratiharya with Parsva. This may be suggestive of Parsvanatha yet not attained to Jinahood. The seated figures of Parsvanatha in one case is, surprisingly, joined by the figures of Yaksa Sarvahna and Yaksi Ambika.? The rendering of Sarvahna and Ambika in the present instance reminds us of their invariate association with Parsvanatha at the Svetambara sites of western India. In a single instance, a seated figure of Parsvanatha (cave 30) is carved at the lalata of the lintel as well. Parsvanatha figures at Ellora, seated or standing, invariably have been provided

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Parsvanatha Images in Ellora 109 with seven-hooded snake-canopy. The largest number of figures are carved in cave 32 where occur as many as 12, three of which are in the dhyana-mudra. The caves 30, 31, 33 and 34 are having in order five, two, ten, and two figures. The Parsvanatha images from Ellora are specially significant for elaborate rendering, in the parikara, of the upasarga or tirade of tormentations inflicted on Parava by the evil spirit Sambara. The earliest known examples, illustrating the upasargas of Parsvanatha are in Badami (Cave IV) and Aihole (Jaina Cave), both datable to c. A.D. 600, wherein the figures of Sambara are shown attacking Parsva with a boulder or with some weapon (Plate 54). However, the figures of Padmavati, in both instances, holds a long obliquely laid parasol and is joined by the figure of Dharanendra, both standing on the right flank of Parsvanatha. Close to the figure of Parsva with fivehooded snake-canopy, sits at his left the figure of Sambara bowing in humility with folded hands. The most elaborate representations of such scenes depicting the onslaught of Sambara to dissuade Parsva from his tapas are met with at Ellora. Barring a few examples known from the Maladevi temple at Gyaraspur (Vidisha, M.P.), Indian Museum, Calcutta (provenance probably Bihar), and Humca (Dist. Shimoga, Karnataka, two examples),' such elaborate representations are rarely encountered. In the rendering of the upasarga, at Ellora are noticed three, four, five, six, seven or eight figural manifestations of Sambara, each one engaged in the act of causing a different type of assault to Parsvanatha. In about 20 images, all in the kayotsarga-mudra, the upasarga scenes are carved, this being the highest number for such images at any site. Surprisingly, the available Parsva images belonging to the Nirgrantha-Svetambara tradition do not show the upasarga episode. Instead, in the ceiling each of the Mahavira and the Santinatha temple at Kumbharia (c. A.D. 1062 and 1082, Banaskantha District, Gujarat), we come across the detailed renderings pertaining to the enmities of Kamatha (Meghamali or Sambara) and of Marubhuti (Parsvanatha in his previous existence). The earliest literary reference to the upasarga of Parsva is inside the Parsvabhyudaya kavya of Jinasena of Pancastupanaya of the Southern Church (before a.d. 784 or more probably c. 825),10 wherein only two upasargas posed by the devil Kamatha are described; they are the apsarases or the beautiful damsels and the hurling of huge rock-boulders at Parsva." Another work, the Uttarapurana of Gunabhadra (c. mid-ninth century A.D.) deals with the life of Parsva in detail; but that pertains mainly to the enmity between Marubhuti and Kamatha or Parsva and Sambara in their previous existences. As to the upasargas of Sambara during the course of tapas of Parsva, it merely mentions that the devil Sambara had caused

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110 Arhat Parsva and Dharanendra Nexus different upasargas continuously for seven days. It further mentions that, in course of the onslaught, Sambara lifted and threw hillocks at Parsva.12 Both works also refer to the manifestation of Dharanendra along with his consort (the name Padmavati not mentioned) for protecting Parsva from the upasargas of Sambara. Dharanendra covered Parsva with his hoods forming the canopy over his head while his consort raised a vajramaya chatraadamantine-parasol-over the snake-canopy. The detailed account of the different upasargas of Sambara to Parsva is found perhaps for the first time in the Pasanabacariu (A.D. 1077) of the Digambara author Padmakirtti which gives a telling description of how Sambara himself took different forms and used fatal weapons such as thunderbolt, arrow, spear, mudgara, axe, parasol etc. to shake Parsva from his tapas. He also made abortive attempts through ferocious animals namely, sardula (tiger), lion, monkey, dog, bear, snake, boar, buffalo, elephant, ox, etc. to shake up Parsva from his meditation. He also caused upasargas by the horrendous goblins such as the vaitala-monster, pisaca-demon, dakini-ogress and by grahas or obscuring planetary divinities, also snakes, eagles, and kumbhanda-monster with their terrifying cries to frighten Parsva. An upasarga by the bewitching apsarases was also conjured up to lure away Parsva from his trance. After failing in his efforts to shake Parsva, Sambara next caused non-stop rains. When the rain water crossed the shoulder of Parsva, Dharanendra came to his rescue along with the naga-ladies. The king of snakes next raised his seven hoods over the head of Parsva for providing full cover and rested Jina's feet in the folds acting as lap. As usual, Padmavati raised a parasol over the snake-hoods of Dharanendra. Sambara, finding his efforts going futile, was incensed and attacked even nagaraja Dharanendra with the weapons such as thunderbolt, vajra-danda and mountain boulders, in which too he failed. 13 Filled, then, with remorse, Sambara bowed to Parsva asking for forgiveness. The details of the various upasargas in the figures of Parsva from Ellora almost fully correspond with the details in the Pasanabacariu. Since the figures of Ellora in point of time are earlier than the text, it may be presumed that an identical but earlier tradition was before the artists at Ellora, the textual source of which is now lost. Some general as well as the individual features of the images of Parsvanatha from Ellora showing elaborate rendering of the upasarga may now be looked into. In such scenes, Sambara has been shown in different forms, either riding on buffalo or lion or hovering in air and as throwing spear, dagger, trident, mace, thunderbolt, snake, and boulders at Parsvanatha. In all instances, the target of the fierce attack of the devil Sambara, in his different manifestations carved on two sides, is Parsva who stands unshaken by the onslaughts

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Parsvanatha Images in Ellora 111 and is absorbed in deep trance. Barring an exception (cave 31) where Dharanendra is shown in human form (Plate 55), in all other instances from Ellora he appears in the snake form with seven-hooded canopy over the head of Parsva and its coils running all over his body down to the feet. On the contrary, the north Indian images from the northern Nirgrantha (Acela-ksapanaka) sites invariably show the figure of Dharanendra in human form who stands on the right flank of Parsva, while the corresponding left flank is occupied by Padmavati who holds a long parasol. Padmavati, in the images from Ellora, on the other hand, has always been depicted on the right flank of Parsvanatha. She stands mostly on lotus and holds a long obliquely laid parasol seen above the cobra hoods and ultimately providing shade above the head of Parsva as a mark of his greatness and also for protecting Parsva and Dharanendra from the heavy shower due to Sambara's sorcery. Sometimes Padmavati is joined by one or two nagi figures which, however, conforms to the tradition of the Pasanabacariu referring to the presence of nagakanyas. The shaft of the parasol held by Padmavati is delineated with such tenderness that it looks like a lotus stalk. The compositional scheme in the Parsvanatha images from Ellora showing the upasargas is superb. It graphically blends different moods and depiction-modes of details. Parsvanatha in deep meditation appears as a symbol of total austerity and self-sacrifice, while the hostile devils in terrifying forms represent demonic fury. The tenderly modelled figures of Padmavati, on the other hand, is suggestive of divine beauty and beneficence. In consonance with the literary injunctions, Sambara, wearing mukuta and other ornaments, appears along with his consort in humility with folded hands as if asking forgiveness. It is surprising that, despite a variety of representations of different upasargas, that caused by the charming apsarases is not carved in any of the examples at Ellora. The slender and motionless figures of Parsvanatha at Ellora shows tranquillity and weightlessness. The face of the mulanayaka is always calm and benign with a faint smile which suggests that, unshaken by the upasargas, the Jina is aware of what is going around despite his being in deep trance. The body of Padmavati, though slim and tenderly flexioned, is slightly fleshy but not without the feminine grace and elegance. The figures of Sambara in its different formal emanations show different modellings, sometimes meaty and plumpish, sometimes dwarfish and evil-looking. The facial features and expressions of the host of figures of the demon Sambara are in all instances terrifying. The figure in cave No. 30 shows Sambara in different forms, in the act of attacking Parsvanatha with a huge rock-boulder, and also with the sword and shield. In one

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112 Arhat Parsva and Dharanendra Nexus of the examples, however, Dharanendra also stands close to Padmavati on the right flank of Parsvanatha. Of the five figures of Sambara in an example from cave 31, one is interestingly shown with a lion face carved on its belly which was a usual convention of showing one of the form of the ganas but more specifically kumbhanda, the early examples of which are known from Badami (Plate 56). The figure of Padmavati here is adorned with jewellery and is gracefully modelled. The representations of Parsva in cave no. 32 are most elaborate in respect of the rendering of the upasargas. In one of the figures, Sambara, kneeling at the feet of Parsva with folded hands, has a terrifying appearance with bulging eyes and protruding fangs. In one case figure of Sambara is shown only as bust after the manner of Rahu. In an elaborate example (Plate 57), the seated figures of Sambara and his consort are shown at the feet of Parsva and the chatradharini Padmavati are finely executed. The dynamic figures of Sambara, eight in number, in differing forms, make a realistic depiction of the severe inflictions cast by sambara toward Parsva. Three figures ride on lion and buffalo and hold snake and dagger. The figure carved very close to Parsva apparently fail to shake Parsva from his tapas which is suggested by his calm and benign face. This undoubtedly is the best of all figures of Parsva at Ellora both in terms of details and the enactment of the legend which appears ethereal. In some of the examples, the compositional scheme is not so elegant and it appears crowded as well as lack in vitality. In one of the instances, a monster is shown only by his head with his hands being closed to its mouth. In all examples, different emanatory forms of Sambara attacking Parava are carved on both sides as hovering, so as to suggest that the inflictions originated from the sky. In an example in cave No. 32 a figure of dakini with snake garland and twisted snake in arm is also carved (Plate 58). The image also contains two diminutive figures of Jinas standing at the two extremities. However, a bearded monk with hands raised in tapas stands close to Padmavati; he may be identified with Kamatha or Katha performing penance. Another detailed representation in cave No. 32 showing eight devilish figures of Sambara is not so fine in terms of its compositional setting. The carver, however, has here paid considerable attention to the details of upasargas with forceful elaboration (Plate 57). But the weird power of Sambara seems ridiculous before the spiritual luminosity of Parsva. Of the eight figures, two ride on buffalo and lion, while one is shown blowing a conch. The figure hovering in the air and hurling a huge boulder at Parsva is the most forceful of all such depictions. In one of the examples in cave No. 32, two figures riding respectively a lion and buffalo

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Parsvanatha Images in Ellora 113 attack Parsva with trident and thunderbolt (Plate 59). In one of the examples in cave No. 33, an unbearded monk wearing kaupina and standing with folded hands with a begging bowl hanging from his arm, is shown in close proximity of Parsva on the left (Plate 61). The figure may be identified with Kamatha, though this mode of depiction finds no parallel textual explanation. In one of the examples at cave No. 33, a vigorous depiction of a devil attacking Parsva with trident is worth noting (Plate 62). The image, though mutilated, contains beautifully modelled figure of Padmavati in atibhanga. Likewise, the figure in cave No. 34 shows the demon riding a buffalo and making a bid to attack Parsva with mudgara-dumbbell (Plate 63). Thus the sculptors at Ellora worked with a deep sense of imagination and had avoided the monotony in the details for representing the episode of Parsva's upasarga (which repeatedly figures) and also in integrating different aspects represented by the figures of Parsva, Padmavati, and Sambara. The variety revealed in forms and postures of different figures and their elaboration as well as expressiveness in such representations are unparalleled in the rendering of upasargas of Parsva. Perhaps the scale of the composition on cave-walls provided the space for, and the textual tradition before the patrons and the carvers supplied the necessary details for the dramatic elaboration of the episode. (A smaller image of seated Parsva but without the upsarga episode is shown in Plate 60). NOTES AND REFERENCES 1. Bronze image in the Prince of Wales Museum, Bombay and an ayagapata from Mathura with the seated figure of Parsva in the centre, now in the collection of State Museum, Lucknow. Acc. No. J253 2. The bronze image (c. first century A.D.) in the Prince of Wales Museum, Bombay and the two figures at Badami and Aihole (c. A.D. 600) show five-hooded snake-canopy with Parsva. 3. Images from Kankali Tila, Mathura. 4. Vimala Vasahi, Dilwara, Mt. Abu. 5. For details, consult R.S. Gupte and B.D. Mahajan, Ajanta, Ellora and Aurangabad Caves, Bombay 1962, pp. 218-24; also the Jaina Art and Architecture, (ed. A. Ghosh), Vol. I, New Delhi 1975, pp. 188-91; K.V. Soundara Rajan, 'Ellora', Encyclopaedia of Indian Temple Architecture, Vol. I, Pt. II (eds. Michael W. Meister and M.A. Dhaky), Delhi 1986, pp. 129-30. 6. Bahubali (the son of the first Jina Rsabhanatha), as a result of his rigorous tapas and deep trance, became a powerful symbol as well as a material image evocative of the ethos of self-sacrifice and of abissa preached by the Jinas. The same idea of rigorous tapas and deep trance are met

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114 Arbat Parsva and Dharanendra Nexus with in the example of Parsva standing likewise in the kayotsarga for attaining the kevala-jnana. He had to encounter with terrible upasargas caused by Meghamali or Sambara (the soul of devilish Kamatha). Despite the upasargas, Parsva remained completely unaffected and stayed stable in tapas because of his inexhaustible inner spiritual strength. The probable source of the mythology of upasargas of Parsva was the legends of Buddha's Maravijaya and Krsna's uplifting of Govardhana mountain. 7. Cave No. 33. 8. U.P. Shah, "A Parsvanatha Sculpture in Cleveland", The Bulletin of the Cleveland Museum of Art, December 1970, pp. 303-11. 9. M.A. Dhaky, "Santara Sculpture", Journal of the Indian Society of Oriental Art, New Series, Vol. IV, 1971-72, pp. 78-96. 10. See the recent article in Hindi by M.A. Dhaky, "Daksinatya Nirgrantha Parampara ke Kucha Granthon ki Aitihasika Samasyaen," Sandbana, Vol. V, 1992, pp. 17, 18. 11. Parsvabbyudaya kavya of Jinasena, ed. M.G. Kothari, Bombay 1965, IV sarga, verses 45-48. 12. Uttarapurana of Gunabhadra, ed. Pannalal Jain, Bharatiya Gyana Pith, Varanasi 1954, sarga 73, verses 136-140. 13. Pasanabacariu of Padmakirtti, ed. Prafulla Kumar Modi, Varanasi 1965, sarga 14, veres 4-30. Plate 54. Plate 55. Plate 56. Plate 57. Plate 58. Plate 59. Plate 60. Plate 61. Plate 62. Plate 63. LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS Aihole, Jaina Cave, vithika, Parsvanatha, c. last quarter of the 6th century A.D. Ellora, cave 31, Parsvanatha, south wall, c. ninth century A.D. Ellora, cave 31, Parsvanatha, north wall, c. ninth century A.D. Ellora, cave 32, Parsvanatha, south wall, c. ninth century A.D. Ellora, cave 32, Indrasabha, Parsvanatha, south wall, c. ninth century A.D. Ellora, cave 32, Indrasabha, Parsvanatha, c. ninth century A.D. Ellora, cave 32, Indrasabha, Parsvanatha, upper series, east, c. ninth century A.D. Ellora, cave 33, Parsvanatha with the figure of Kamatha (?), c. ninth century A.D. Ellora, cave 33, Parsvanatha, c. ninth century A.D. Ellora, cave 34, Parsvanatha, south wall, c. ninth century A.D. (All illustrations are published here by the courtesy and kindness, American Institute of Indian Studies, Center for Art & Archaeology, Ramnagar, Varanasi.)

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JINA PARSVA AND HIS TEMPLES IN INSCRIPTIONS: SOUTHERN INDIA (C. 5TH TO 11TH CENT. A.D.) ANDHRA PRADESH, KERALA, AND TAMIL NADU K.V. Ramesh The topic originally assigned to me included only Andhra Pradesh and Kerala, two diagonally placed states in which epigraphical references even to Jainism in general, let alone 'Parsvanatha and his temples' in particular, are hard to come by. Shri K.G. Krishnan's pre-occupations elsewhere, which came in the way of his participating in this Seminar, and his affection for me led him to hand over Tamil Nadu to me and made available some more material which enabled me to add a couple of pages to the paper which, in any case, is a brief affair because of the paucity of epigraphical information. This is not to say that Parsvanatha finds no place in the religious records of the three States under reference. What is meant is that, although the sculptural representations of Parsva and his attendant deities are met with fairly frequently in the context of ancient and medieval rock-cut reliefs and structural temples in several past and present Jaina centres in these States, not many of them are backed by the presence of direct or even indirect epigraphical records or references. I have included in this paper only those sites which have sculptures of Parsva and his attendant deities side by side with inscriptions referring to them, directly or indirectly. While speaking of Jainism in South India, an historical fact of sterling significance which we keep in mind is that Karnataka and Tamil Nadu, which lie to the west and east of Andhra Pradesh and Kerala, had more or less completely overshadowed the two latter States in the matter of receiving and playing host to Jainism. Of the three regions of my concern, the ancient Andhra country, which had maintained very close alliance with the Magadhan power nucleus from very early times, had played host to Buddhism in a big way. The meeker in numerical strength because of its sterner ascetic discipline and consequent austerity and hence less attractive Jaina religion followed the line of least resistance and entered Karnataka, thence waded its way further south into Tamil Nadu and Kerala and was, in early and later historical times, also carried sporadically to places here and there in Andhra Pradesh. We must recognize the fact that in Andhradesa, the patrons of Jainism were mostly rulers and people who were either invaders or migrants from Karnataka who

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Arbat Parsva and Dharanendra Nexus got almost all Jaina inscriptions written in the Kannada language though by then Telugu also had come to be used as a major epigraphical medium. So also, even in Tamil Nadu where Tamil, Tamilians and Jainism had interacted significantly and to a considerable all-pervading benefit, the continuing influence of the Kannadigas is sufficiently attested to by epigraphical sources. To the best of my knowledge, there is only one pre-Telugu early historical Jaina site in Andhra Pradesh, Danavulapadu in Cuddapah District. Though about a dozen Jaina inscriptions, most of them in Kannada, unearthed during excavations conducted in that village, they belong to a period as late as the eighth-ninth centuries. Later, a brick chamber revealed there and an image of Parsvanatha enshrined therein have been attributed to c. third century A.D.' The inscriptions, however, do not contain any reference to Parsvanatha. In point of fact, there are only a couple of references to Parsvanatha in inscriptions from Andhra Pradesh, and these too are of a period as late as the 11th and 12th centuries A.D. Of these the Cilur (Hyderabad District) pillar inscription2 of the Kalyana-Calukya ruler Vikramaditya V, in Kannada language and dated in A.D. 1012, records a grant of lands made by the king's dandanayaka Padmanabhayya to the Arhat Parsvadeva of Indra-Jinalaya attached to the Antara-vasadi of Cilakuru. From the name of the temple, Indra-Jinalaya, we may reasonably infer that it was built in the reign of, or in memory of one of the three Rastrakuta emperors bearing that name. It is noteworthy that Parsvadeva is mentioned herein as Annal-Atisaya-Parsvadeva. Annal, among other things, also stands for the Arbat, more so in Tamil. From the adjective atisaya we must surmise that the image had miraculous potency, for atisayas of the Jina in Nirgrantha terminology imply extraordinary physical characteristics and attendant glory phenomena and images or tirthas which are qualified as 'sad-atisaya-yukta' are supposed to possess the curative or benign influence or power. A Kannada inscription3 from Ujjili (Mahbubnagar District), engraved in the 11th century characters, is dated in Saka 888 (current), Prabhava (-966-67 A.D.) and registers grants made to the Jaina Tirthankara Cenna-Parsvadeva installed in the Baddi-Jinalaya in the town of Ujjivolol. The name of the temple, Baddi-Jinalaya, tempts me to conclude that it was probably built by, or during the reign of and named after the Rastrakuta emperor Baddega Amoghavarsa who ruled during A.D. 936-39. The gift was received, on behalf of the temple, by its acarya Indrasenapandita. On the reverse of the slab is engraved another Kannada inscription of A.D. 1097 116

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Jina Parsva and his Temples in Inscriptions 117 recording the gift of a tank to Parsvanatha of the same temple, Baddi-Jinalaya, by dandanayaka Bhanudevarasa, an officer of the then reigning Kalyana-Calukya king Vikramaditya VI. This gift was also received by Indrasena-pandita, the acarya of the temple. The fact that the name of the acarya of the Parsvanatha temple was the same in A.D. 966-67 and in a.d. 1097 can be explained away in two ways; either that the abbatial acaryas of that temple were hereditarily called Indrasena-panditas or that the earlier grant of A.D. 966-67 had to be renewed in A.D. 1097 and was received on behalf of the deity by the then acarya. In any case, it is clear that Baddi-Jinalaya enjoyed the patronatge of the royalty in sufficient measure for at least a century and a half. Taking it for granted that I will be allowed to break the time-barrier of the fifth to the 11th century marginally, I will refer here to the Govindapuram (Warangal District) Kannada inscription of A.D. 1122. According to this inscription, Nagaraja, the minister of Gundaraja, constructed a temple for Parsva-Jinesvara: Ratn-ambodhi-viyac-chasanka-gata Sak-abde Plave vatsare rajat-Phalguna-masa-nirmmala-tritiya Sauri-vare vare! lagne Parsva-Jinesvarasya bhavan aradhya-pratistam subham udyad-bhakti-vidhana-purvvam-akarot sri-Nagadeva-prabhuh II With the permission of Medaraja, the elder brother of Gundaraja, he also gifted four tanks to the temples: tad-devasya nivedya-dipa-vara-puj artham gan-ambonidhih Toppa-sresthi-brihat-tataka-puratas sambram tatakam muda ParoY-agra-tri-tataka-samyutam-adac chri-Nagadevo vibhuh sri-Meda-ksitipala-sammata-paras candr-arkka-taram subham II A guild of horse-dealers chimed in with grants of cloth pieces (cirnna) at the rate of two per horse for the worship of Parsvanatha:

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118 Arhat Parsva and Dharanendra Nexus praty-asvam Parevadevasya ghotaka-vyavaharibhih | puj-artham cirnna-yugalam dattam-a-candra-tarakam Il Pedda-Kadumuru (Mahbubnagar District) has also yielded a Jaina inscription dated in A.D. 1119, referring as it does to the reign of Kalyana-Calukya Vikramaditya VI. This Kannada inscription records a grant of 12 mattars of land and a tank to the god Parissadeva (Parsvadeva) installed in the basadi of Sankara-setti in PiriyaKadamburu. From these scanty epigraphical references, one thing becomes clear that Jainism never became a popular religion in Andhra Pradesh among the local Andhrans, and that whatever patronage it received over there was more or less confined to rulers and people from Karnataka. Jainism did not fare any better in Kerala and epigraphical references to Parsvanatha and his temples there are few and far between. Significantly, these few available inscriptions are located in places which have been either subsequently transferred to Tamil Nadu as a sequel to States' reorganization or are situated on the Kerala-Tamil Nadu border. Hence, I propose to discuss those inscriptions along with those of Tamil Nadu. Tiruccaranattu-malai near Citral and Nagarkovil, both of them now in Kanyakumari District in Tamil Nadu but not long ago were included in the erstwhile Travancore state, and Kallil in Kottayam District, Kerala, had flourished as important Jaina centres in which Parsvanatha and his sasana-devata Padmavati had occupied the pride of place. We, however, have no inscriptions specifically referring to these deities from those places. In point of fact, the earliest direct epigraphical mention of Parsvanatha occurs in the Aivarmalai inscription of Pandya Varaguna II dated Saka 792/A.D. 870-71. This is an important inscription from our point of view. It is engraved on a neatly dressed portion of the rock above a natural cave on the Aivarmalai hills in the village of Aiyampalaiyam, Madurai District. What concerns us here is the statement contained in the inscription that santivirakkuravar, the disciple (manakkan) of Gunavirakkuravadigal, renovated the image of Parsvanatha and his Yaksi at Tiruvayirai (Tiruvayirai Parisva-patararaiyum=Iyakki-avvaigalaiyum pudukki) and also endowed 502 kanam (gold coins) for food offerings to the two deities (irandakkumuttav-avi) and for feeding, probably daily, one ascetic (adigal). The reference here is obviously to the reliefs of Parsvanatha and Padmavati engraved inside the cave. Since they had to be renovated in A.D. 870-71, we may reasonably suppose

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Jina Parsva and his Temples in Inscriptions 119 that they must have been originally carved long before that date, perhaps a few centuries earlier. Some three decades ago, on a hillock at Alattur (Palghat District) was discovered a Jaina temple site in ruins. Amidst the ruins were found the images of Mahavira, Parsvanatha, and a partially damaged Vatteluttu inscription' of about the tenth century A.D. The inscription refers to one main Jaina temple or shrine as Nalanjiyar-palli and to an unknown number of subsidiary temples or shrines as vali-ppalligal. We also gather from the inscription that the main Jaina deity of that place was called Tirukkunavayttevar, but we have no means of knowing whether this local name was conferred on Mahavira or Parsvanatha. Colavandipuram (South Arcot District, Tamil Nadu) flourished as an important Jaina centre in the 10th-11th centuries as evidenced by sculptures carved on the groups of boulders on the hillock called Andimalai at that place. 10 Of particular interest here is a pair of huge boulders leaning against each other; in the recess between these boulders is found a loose slab, about 4 feet high, with a fairly ancient sculpture of the Jaina goddess Padmavati cut on it in high relief. On the sides of the boulders facing each other on either side of the goddess are two panels, one containing in bold relief the figure of Gommata or Bahubali and the other, that of Parsvanatha. Near the Gommata figure is engraved a small inscription" in Tamil characters of about the tenth century recording the erection of a Tevaram(-Debara), a divine abode, the divinities meant here obviously being Parsvanatha, his Yaksi Padmavati, and Gommata, by a private individual named Veli Kongaraiyar Puttadiga!. The goddess Padmavati is today locally known as Kaliyamman, thus shorn of her original Jaina association. Nagarkovil is now in the Kanyakumari District, Tamil Nadu, but formerly formed part of the Travancore State. The place name is derived from Nagar + koil which literally means the temple of the Naga deity. The temple, originally a Jaina one, has a long history of being earlier mistaken for a Brahmanical fane, of Anantalvar, on the erroneous premise (or argument of convenience) that the hooded serpent, the characteristic emblem of Parsvanatha, was Adisesa! A number of inscriptions in this temple, all belonging to the early years of the 16th century, mention the Naga deities and the god Nagaraja of Kottaru alias Mummudisolapuram and also refers to the Jaina supervisors of the temple, Gunavira-pandita and Kamalavahana-pandita. What is more, images of Jina Mahavira and Arhat Parsva are found sculptured on the pillars of the mandapa in front of the Nagaraja shrine. From this it is apparent that the Nagarkoil was a Jaina temple, that the Jaina deity Parsvanatha had come to be called Nagaraja after his Naga emblem, and that the effective conversion of the temple into

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120 Arbat Parsva and Dharanendra Nexus the Brahmanical fold occurred sometime late in the 16th century or thereafter. 13 NOTES AND REFERENCES 1. Archaeological Survey of India Annual Report, 1905-06, pp. 120-27; P.B. Desai, Jainism in South India, Sholapur 1957, pp. 17 and 22. 2. Epigraphia Andbrica, Vol. II, pp. 50 ff. 3. Andhra Pradesh Government Archaeological Series, No. 3, Inscription No. MN 61. 4. Telamgana-sasanamula, p. 67, No. 35. 5. Andhra Pradesh Government Epigraphical Series, No. 6, Inscriptions of Andhra Pradesh, Warangal District, No. 26, pp. 71 ff. 6. Ibid., p. 62, No. 32. 7. Epigraphia Indica, Vol. XXXII, pp. 337-38; South Indian Inscriptions, Vol. XIV, No. 22. 8. Journal of Indian History, Vol. 44, pp. 536 ff. 9. Annual Report on Indian Epigraphy, 1959-60, No. V 238. 10. Annual Report on South Indian Epigraphy, 1936-37, pp. 60-61. 11. Ibid., No. 251. 12. Travancore Archaeological Series, Vol. VI, pp. 153 ff. 13. I am thankful to my colleague, Dr. M.D. Sampath, Superintending Epigraphist in the Directorate of Epigraphy, for his help in preparing this paper.

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JINA PARSVA AND HIS TEMPLES IN INSCRIPTIONS: SOUTHERN INDIA (KARNATAKA) (c. 5th to 11th century A.D.) Madhav N. Katti Karnataka, ancient and medieval Karnatadesa, was for long a stronghold of Jainism. As a result, throughout the historical period, several Jaina temples and often inscriptions referring to the construction of, and endowments to the temples for various tirtharkaras are known in fair number. Almost all the sub-territories of Karnataka can boast of temple-building activities connected with the Jaina deities for about one and a half millennium. However, as in the case of Saivite and Vaisnavite temples, many buildings, for which we have the testimony of inscriptions, have not survived. Nonetheless, these inscriptions amply reflect the prosperous times Jainism once had enjoyed in Karnataka. All of the important ruling dynasties of Karnataka, commencing with the Kadambas, and their feudatories, supported different religions in their dominions. Scores and scores of temples for many different divinities, including those of the Jaina pantheon, were constructed. The rulers, their consorts, princes, feudatories and chieftains, and their generals or military governors made munificent donations to such temples for the daily worship of, and offerings to the deities as well as for the maintenance, repairs, and renovations of the temples, irrespective of their personal faith. Thus, during the reign of the Kadambas of Vanavasi, the Calukyas of Vatapi, the Rastrakutas of Manyakhetaka, the Calukyas of Kalyana, and still later the Hoysalas, the Kalacuryas as also some minor dynasties to whose reign-period the subject of our discussion pertains, a number of Jaina temples came to be constructed. The elite of the society together with the laity, too, lent their share as patrons. Among the Jaina sects, the Svetambara or Svetapata and the Nirgrantha (possibly the surviving remanant of the sect of Parsvanatha) had been much less important compared to the Yapaniya and the Digambara orders, the latter represented by the Mula Sangha and the Dravida Sangha had considerable following in Karnataka. Amongst the Jaina deities, Parsvanatha occupied a very prominent place as several inscriptions refer to the construction of the temples or vasatis, called basadis in Kannada, for this deity. The images of the Jina were in most examples shaped in

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122 Arbat Parsva and Dharanendra Nexus stone in Karnataka. Today, in several cases, we come across the sculptures lying in different regions of the State on account of the dilapidated condition of the temples, and in a number of cases due to the original buildings' destruction. And yet, as a matter of delight, a good number of temples not only exist but are under worship even to this day. The majority of inscriptions (which form the source material of the present paper), are in Kannada language and script, while a few are in Sanskrit. Both Kannada as well as Sanskrit languages are together employed for the rest of inscriptions. The script of the Sanskrit inscriptions is Southern Brahmi in the early centuries of the Christian Era; while in the later centuries, it is Kannada. The epigraphs highlight various socio-cultural and religious aspects of the contemporaneous times. In some cases the details of date are lost and for these the palaeographic dating is resorted to. I will discuss here some of the more important and interesting inscriptions as evidence for Parsvanatha's shrines, and the grants made to them for conducting daily worship and offerings to the deities of such buildings and for buildings' repairs and refurbishment during different centuries. There is a Parsvanatha basadi in Sravanabelgola (Hassan District), which traditionally is believed to preserve the memories of Maurya emperor Candragupta, Arya Bhadrabahu, and various other personages. However, there are no inscriptions referring to the construction of a basadi, installation of the deity, etc. at that age on this haloed hill. A number of epigraphs otherwise refer to the deity Parsvanatha; but they all belong to the 11th and later centuries. The rock-cut Jaina cave (No. IV) in Badami, Bijapur District, possesses perhaps the earliest image of Parsvanatha in its forelobby. This belongs to the early Calukya period. While there are no contemporaneous epigraphs in the cave, on stylistic grounds the cave and its sculptures of the Calukya phase are believed to be of the period of Mangalesa. Earlier than this, in the Kadamba period, there is an interesting reference to a Jaina deity in a copperplate charter belonging to the 4th regnal year of king Mrgesavarmana assignable to the late 5th century A.D. This charter refers to bhagavat-arhat-mabajinendra, without mentioning the name of the tirtharkara. Further discoveries alone can shed light if Parsvanatha was here intended or implied. The charter was granted combinely to the Svetapata-maha-sramana sangha and the Nirgrantha order. Though the inscriptions of the period of the Calukyas, and following them of the Rastrakutas, mention about the erection of temples to the Jaina deities, there is no reference to Jina Parsvanatha directly during those periods. There is, however, a figure of Parsvanatha on the rocky hill of Adoni near Bellary (presently in Kurnool

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Jina Parsva and his Temples in Inscriptions: Southern India (Karnataka) 123 District) with an inscription on its side.3 There are a few more sculptures in the area, without being associated with inscriptions. They can be assigned to c. tenth century on stylistic grounds. However, further investigations are needed in that regard. A Kannada inscription from Kargudari 5 (Dharwar District), belonging to the reign of Jagadekamalla of the Kalyana-Calukya dynasty, refers to the construction of the temple of Vijaya-Parsva-jinendra, by maha-vaddavyavahari Kallisetti, at Karegudure (the findspot of the record) and states that the setti made over a number of grants to the temple for the purpose of worship and offerings to the deity and for the foodofferings to the preceptors dwelling therein, (Karigudureyo! tamma madisida VijayaParsva-jinemdran-amga-bhoga, ramga-bhogakam-alliya risiyar-ahara-danakkam). The grants were made on the occasion of the sankramana, as sarvabadha-parihara. The record is dated Prabhava, Pushya bahula, padiva, Monday, Dakshinayanasankramana (A.D. 10276). Jagadekamalla referred to in the inscription, very probably was Jayasimha II (Jagadekamalla I). The inscription next in time belongs to the reign of Trailokyamalla (Somesvara I) of the Kalyana-Calukya dynasty. The inscription, except for the part of its grant portion (including boundary details), is in Sanskrit language. The script is Kannada. It mentions the king as Trailokyamalla-deva, whose epithets are given as follows: Samasta-bhuvanasraya-sri-prithvi-vallabha-maha-rajadhiraja-paramesvara parama-bhattaraka-satyasraya-kula-tilaka-Calukyabbarana. The record is dated Saka 976, Jaya, Vaisakha, Amavasya, Somavara, Surya-grahana, which corresponds to A.D 1054 May 9, f.d.t. 26. Trailokyamalla's queen is mentioned as Ketaladevi, who is stated to be administering over the agrabara Ponnavada on the date of the record. Her feudatory Camkiraja of Vanasa-vamsa, is referred to as the pada-kamalabhramara of yogirat Mahasena-muni and also as paripurna-caru-vidyanidhi. The inscription further states that he caused the construction of the Jinendra-geha and installed the images of the deities, Parsvanatha, Santinatha, and Suparsvanatha. The basadi was known as 'Bhuvana-bhumbhuka'. The three shrines of this trikuta basadi were in this order: Santinatha's shrine was in the middle, flanked by those of Parsvanatha and Suparsvanatha (ParamaSanti-jinendra-geham-dvayonugata-Parsva-Suparsva-vasam). It is further stated that the image of Parsvanatha together with the 'great serpent' was got sculptured (mahanagam-racitam Parsvadaivatam) by Jinavarma who is referred to as the chatra of Mahasena-muni. The basadi is further described as 'Tribhuvanatilaka'. The grants were made on account of the surya-grahana for the food-offerings to the rsis (ascetics) and the jiyas (preceptors) as sarvanamasya by the emperor Trailokamalla himself,

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Arbat Parsva and Dharanendra Nexus at the request of (one of his consorts) Ketaladevi. The grants included land, garden, house-site, shops, the sculptor's house (kalkutigara mane) and oil-mills. The recipient of the grant was evidently Mahasena-muni of Mula-sangha, Varasena-gana, and Pogari-gaccha. 124 An inscription from Gudigere" (Dharwar District) which can be assigned to c. A.D 1075-76, records a number of gifts to the temple of Parsvanatha at Dhvajatataka (i.e. Gudigere the findspot of the record) by astopavasi-kantiyar, at the instance of her teacher Srinandi. Here astopavasi-kantiyar is the nun who performed eight fasts in continuity; Calukya Somesvara II was on the throne on the date of this record. Another record from Soraturu (Gadag Taluk, Dharwar District) engraved during the reign of the same emperor (Somesvara II) refers to a very interesting occasion when Huliyabbajjike, disciple of the same preceptor Srinandi (his gana being mentioned as Surastha and anvaya as Citrakuta), received the grant made to the basadi. This hints to the fact that she was in charge of the management of the basadi. These instances reflect the important role played by the Jaina nuns or female preceptors during this period. An inscription from Doni 10 (Dharwar District) belonging to the reign of Calukya Vikramaditya VI, dated A.D. 1097, refers to the administration of the place Dronipura by Laksmi-mahadevi, Vikramaditya's senior queen (piriyarasi), states that Sovisetti, a merchant of that place, caused the construction of the Jaina temple and made gift of a garden to Carukirti-pandita of the Yapaniya-sangha and Vrksamula-gana. The temple no longer exists, the solitary image of Parsvanatha from the place is the only indication of the deity in the basadi mentioned in the epigraph. There are a number of Calukya period inscriptions assignable on palaeographical grounds to the 11th-12th centuries A.D., which furnish some evidence about the Parsvanatha temples; to these I shall presently turn. According to an inscription preserved in Gulbarga," Adakki (the present-day Adaki in the vicinity of Gulbarga) which was a flourishing Jaina centre during this period, had a Jaina temple by name Koppa-Jinalaya, dedicated to Parsvanatha. This temple is referred to as Cenna-Parsva (also as Cenna-Parsvanatha; Cenna meaning beautiful). An inscription from Koppal (Raichur District) refers to Kusa-Jinalaya and the deity Parsvanatha. Barnkur1 (Gulbarga District) has preserved ruins of a number of Jaina temples. Of these, bastigudi has the images of Parsvanatha and Padmavati, amongst other images like Adinatha, Caturvirsati-Jinas, Vardhamana, and others. On stylistic grounds, they can be assigned to the Kalyana Calukya period (11th-12th centuries A.D.). A thorough exploration may reveal many more sculptures and inscriptions of interest to us.

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Jina Parsva and his Temples in Inscriptions: Southern India (Karnataka) While the village Cincoli' has preserved a Parsvanatha sculpture, Hagaragi's has a sculpture of Parsvanatha attended by Padmavati and Dharanendra; Kalagi1 and Malkhed" have again preserved images of Parsvanatha amidst the temple ruins. At Hunisi-Hadangili, the medieval Jaina temple of the site is referred to as SriksetraHunasi-Hadangili-Parsvanatha-Padmavati-basti, in the official records. These all are in Kalyana-Calukya style and may be assigned to 11th-12th centuries A.D. Two inscriptions from Halebid" (Hassan District), of the Hoysala period, are of considerable interest. The first refers to the construction of the temple of Parsvanatha by Tippana and Harideva, sons of Mallisetti, while the second record refers to punise-jinalaya. Since the latter record is also from the same place, the reference therein is obviously to the same Parsvanatha-Jinalaya, which may have been referred to as such, because it may have been situated in the vicinity of a tamarind tree (punise). The inscriptions of the 10th or 11th century, though mostly donative, furnish some important and interesting account of the temple-building activity for Jina Parsva. However, in respect of the period prior to those centuries, a further epigraphical survey is needed. As earlier noticed, a number of sites have preserved ruins of Jaina temples and sculptures. A thorough examination of these may possibly bring to light some hitherto unknown epigraphs, some even referring to Jina Parsva A comparison with the situation in other parts of India, particularly Southern, reveals similarity to a fair degree in the nature of inscriptions, temples, and sculptures pertaining to the Parsvanatha cult. In Karnataka, as also in other parts of Southern India, the sculptures installed in the sanctum sanctorum are of stone. The uniqueness of Karnataka is that the worship of Parsvanatha is attested to in all ages after Jainism had secured a firm foothold. NOTES AND REFERENCES 1. B.R. Gopal (ed.), Epigraphica Carnatica, Vol. II (Rev.), pp. 3 ff. 2. Ibid., Corpus of Kadamba Inscriptions, p. 35; cf. also P.B. Desai, Jainism in South India and some Jaina Epigraphs, Sholapur 1957, p. 97. 3. Ibid., p. 149. At Badami (Bijapur District), the rock cut cave IV of the Vatapi-Calukya period (c. A.D. 600) contains Jaina sculptures of all tirthankaras seemingly added in the Hoysala period. However, there is no contemporaneous epigraph in the cave. 4. Desai, Jainism., p. 149. 5. N.L. Rao (ed.), A.R. Ep., 1950-51, No. B. 67. 125

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Arbat Parsva and Dharanendra Nexus 6. The details of date seem to correspond to December 18, A.D. 1027. The tithi padiva ended on the previous day. Daksinayanasamkramana, however, occurred on December 24. 126 7. N.L. Rao (ed.), 1950-51, B.25. The findspot of the record (which is now in the Prince of Wales Museum, Bombay), is in all probability Honvad, Bijapur District. References to bhujangaraja and mahanaga in the paper read in this Seminar by Prof. M.A. Dhaky strengthens the point that the reference to mahanaga in this inscription is to the serpent king Dharanendra behind the image of Parsvanatha. 8. Desai, p. 144. The Calukya emperor mentioned in this record is Somesvara II. 9. Cf. J.F. Fleet and R.C. Temple (ed.), Indian Antiquary, Vol. XVIII, pp. 75 ff; also Desai, ibid., P. 143. 10. Desai, ibid., p. 144. Cf. South Indian Inscriptions, Vol. XI, Part II, Ins. No. 140. The place is also referred to as Dronikagrama, Dronipura, Dronikapura, and Doni. 11. Desai, ibid., p. 321 ff. 12. Ibid., p. 350, Text line 3. 13. Ibid., pp. 183 ff. 14. Ibid., p. 185. 15. Ibid., p. 186. 16. Ibid., p. 192. 17. Ibid., pp. 192 ff. 18. Ibid., pp. 241 ff. 19. G.S. Gai (ed.), A.R. Ep., 1963-64, Nos. B 361-62. This place is situated in Hassan District.

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PARSVANATHA IN FIGURAL ART OF KARNATAKA A. Sundara Antiquity Traditionally, Jainism is believed to have begun to be spread in Karnataka with the arrival of Sruta Kevalin Bhadrabahu along with Prabhacandra (EC. Vol.II; 1973: pp. xlii-iv) believed to be Candragupta, the Mauryan emperor (c. B.C. 325-301), together with a host of disciples in Sravana Belgola (Hassan District), the most sacred and prominent Jaina centre in South India even to this day. However, the interpretation of the concerned epigraphs and literary notices do not clearly lead to such conclusions. The earliest known references to the erection of temples, basadis, and consecration. of Jina images in Karnataka are the early Kadamba records, copper plate as well as lithic charters, ranging from the period of Kakusthavarma (c. A.D. 405-430) to Harivarma (C. A.D. 519-530). They (Gopal 1985; Nos. 3, 8, 9, 13, 16, 22, 23, 24, 29, 36 & 37) state about either the construction of a Jinalaya or grants to them by the ruling monarchs, often at the request of their officers rather than on their own initiative.' In this context, excepting two records, all other invoke the Tirthankara usually as bhagavan jinendra and in the text as bhagavadarbat. The temples, too, are simply described as arbadayatana/devalaya/sala and caityalaya. In this context there is no specific mention of any of the 24 Tirthankaras. Even an attempt of contextual interpretations of the invocatory verses or the relevant expressions in the texts, does not seem to indicate any particular Jina as the descriptive attributes therein are common to all Tirthankaras. Of the two records mentioning Tirthankara's names, that (No.3) of the Kakusthavarma ends with "Namo Namah Rsabhaya Namah". But the record registers a grant of land to the king's general Srutakirti from Kheta village belonging to holy Arhats. There is no mention of any specific caityalaya. However, it may be deduced that there were caityalayas for the Arhat Rsabha also in this period in the Kadamba territory. For during the subsequent Vatapi-Calukya and Rastrakuta periods, depiction of the images of Rsabha, Parsva, and Vardhamana Mahavira was frequent. Images relating to other Tirthankaras, of the Vatapi-Calukya period, however, have not so far come to light. The other Kadamba copper-plate charter (No. 29), of Harivarma, speaks of the grant of "Vasanta-vatika" village in Suddi-Kunduru Visaya by the king to the

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128 Arhat Parsva and Dharanendra Nexus "Arhadayatana" got built by Mrgesavarma in Palasika, modern Haloi (Khanapur Taluk, Belgaum District). Mrgesavarma caused to be built a Jinalaya in Palasika and granted 33 nivartanas of land extending from the river Matnsast up to the Inginisamgama, to Damakirti the Bhojaka (officiating priest) and Jiyanta the Ayukta ka for the Jaina ascetics of the Yapaniya, Nirgrantha, and Kurcaka sects. Harivarma's record ends with salutation "Namorhate Vardhamanaya" (No. 13). Possibly, therefore, Mrgesavarma's ayatana was dedicated to Jina Vardhamana. If the frequency of occurrence of Jina Rsabha and Vardhamana in the Calukyan and Rastrakuta periods may be taken as symptomatic of their probable still earlier representation in Karnataka, it may be expected that, in the early Kadamba period which was no less favourable to Jainism, these two Jinas may have been under warship as has been briefly discussed above. Depiction of Parsvanatha during this period is also probable. There is, in point of fact, an indirect hint supporting this probability. Gudnapura inscription of Ravivarma (pp. 81-91) refers to "Padmavatyalaya" in Kallili village. If Humca (ancient Pombuca, Shimoga Dist.), another important Jaina centre with several Jaina basadis (including that of Parsvanatha) in Karnataka and celebrated for the Padmavati temple is any guide, in Kallili also there must have been a Jinalaya dedicated to Parsvanatha whose sasana-devata happens to be Padmavati. If this surmise is correct, then this is the earliest known indication regarding Parsvanatha in sculpture. The village has not been correctly identified. During my exploration in Halsi, I found only one basadi, of c. 11th century A.D., but of a plan of an early tradition, consisting of a garbhagrha and a gudhamandapa similar to a few of the early Calukyan temples in Aihole, such as for instance the Tarabasappagudi. It is likely that this temple was perhaps of the early Kadamba founding and originally may have been in brick. In the later period stone replaced the brick, more or less following the original plan. In a neighbouring later building is a well moulded stone pithika for a Tirthankara image, of rather an unusual type, perhaps of pre-Calukyan period. Elsewhere in the village, in a Garuda temple, there is a simhapitha of a Tirtharkara image. Roughly a kilometer east of the village is a large ancient site at the foot of a hill within a mud fortification, locally known as "Bodke Tembe" and identified as ancient Palasika by me. Traces of brick structures at this site indicate that it was a town with numerous brick buildings which possibly had included the Jinalayas referred to in the inscriptions. Further explorations and excavations at this site and Kallili area may reveal the actual remains of Jinalayas with icons of Tirtharkaras including probably Parsvanatha of the early Kadamba period.

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Parsvanatha in Figural Art of Karnataka 129 Parsvanatha in Sculpture From the Vatapi-Calukya period onwards, Jinalayas were erected in progressively larger number. Tirthankaras are shown exclusively in two forms; in khadgasana (kayavyutsarga) or in padmasana. In the khadgasana or kayavyutsarga form, Jina Parsva is usually flanked by the seated or standing Dharana Yaksa and Yaksi Padmavati; and above the Naga hoods is mukkode or chatratraya, triple umbrella. Near the shoulders are depicted camaras on both the sides, though this is not an invariate feature. In Gulbarga region, on the central part of the chest may be delineated the srivatsa symbol; but this is a rare feature to meet with. In the padmasana form, usually the Tirthankara is shown as seated on a seat with pillow behind against the makara-pattika as the back. The image is flanked by Indras as camara-bearers. In this case, almost invariably, and occasionally in the other form, the Yaksa and Yaksi are separately installed on the sides of the doorway to the garbhagyha, and thus in the antarala-vestibule of the caityalaya. The images in these two forms are generally consecrated as cult-icons in the garbbagrhas. Images of Parsvanatha in padmasana are depicted as lalatabimba at the central block of the lintel of a doorframe, but generally without the Yaksa and Yaksi figures for lack of space. The Jina, in rather rare instances, is also shown in khadgasana on the exterior wall (Hallur temple of the Rastrakuta period, Nittur temple of the Calukya period, santinatha-basadi in Jinanathapura near Sravana Belgola and of the Hoysala period), and as one of the four Tirthankaras in the Caturmukha-Sahasrakuta representation in the Sankha-basadi, Laksmesvara (Shirahatti Taluk, Dharwad District). The khadgasana-murti form also figures at the centre (or alternatively also the padmasana) along with the other Tirthankaras in similar posture surrounding the central image in caturvimsati-pattas. Very rarely indeed, the main episodes from the life of Parsvanatha are carved in a narrative vein. The only one of its kind is probably a series of such panels in the columnar hall in front of the Parsvanatha temple in Halebidu, known as "Vijaya Parasvanatha" (A.D. 1133) founded by Boppadeva in memory of his father Gangaraja, a minister and general to the Hoysala king Visnuvardhana. Images of Parsvanatha in the two usual forms with some variations in regard to the auxiliary features, especially the first two, are most commonly found in the main Jaina centres: Badami, Aihole, Kambadahalli, Sravana Belgola, Humca, Shimoga area, and Mudabidre (Karkala) where there are numerous Jaina basadis. However, a few of the Parsvanatha sculptures in Badami-Aihole, Humca, Sravana Belgola and in Bilicodu are endowed with some special features which render them more dramatic

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130 Arbat Parsva and Dharanendra Nexus and interestingly significant. Excepting the Badami-Aihole sculptural forms in the rock-cut Jaina caves (c. A.D. 600), I am not aware if similar sculptures of the other forms are met outside Karnataka. Parsvanatha in Badami Aibole In Badami in the layana (excavated rock temple) IV, are fine sculptures of Bahubali and Parsvanatha facing each other, carved as they are on the shorter walls of the vitbika or pattasala-forelobby. Generally, above Parsvanatha's (and also Suparsvanatha's) head is the canopy of naga's five or seven hoods, one of the distinct features of identification of the respective Tirthankaras. In the Badami instance (Plate 64) the canopy is depicted as having five hoods. A female attendant to the right of the Tirthankara is holding the parasol over the canopy, a feature occurring in the Calukyan sculpture, but disappearing in later periods. She also has naga-hood over the crown, and is therefore most probably an early form of Padmavati. To the left is seated a royal person in rajalilasana. Above the parasol are the vidyadhara-angels showering flowers. To the left is indistinctly carved Kamatha or Samvara attempting to hit the meditating Jina. The image of Parsvanatha in an identical position in the pattasala of the Jaina Cave at Aihole shows Sambara, Padmavati (having her own naga-canopy), and five-hooded Darenendra. (See here M.N. Tiwari, Plate 54.). The naga hoods of the canopy are five; hence the Tirthankara has to be identified as Parsvanatha in view of the accompanying Yaksa and Yaksi, indeed an indisputable criterion in determination. The presence of Kamatha further supports the identification. In the early sculptural depictions, there largely are sculptures of Vardhamana Mahavira and Parsvanatha better known to history. The delineation of the other traditionally known Tirthankaras in sculpture apparently is later. In the Calukya period, therefore, the need of standardizing the number of naga hoods in connection with Parsvanatha was not felt. It was in the wake of regular sculptural representation of Suparsvanatha in the subsequent period, who like Parsvanatha, is characterised by naga-canopy, there arose a need of distinguishing him from the other. This was met with by the depiction of a particular number of hoods, Suparsvanatha being an earlier Tirthankara, the number of hoods in his case is appropriately made seven in contrast to Parsvanatha's five. If these observations are acceptable, then in Badami-Aihole area are the earliest available representation of Parsvanatha, radiating as they do a kind quiescent majesty.

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Parsvanatha in Figural Art of Karnataka 131 The Parsvanatba Sculpture, Humca Pombuca or Humca is one of the greater Jaina centres in Karnataka, even now a pilgrim centre known for the Padmavati temple, worshipped by the non-Jaina communities as well. Historically, it was the capital of the santaras from the eighth century onwards, who got built many caityalayas dedicated to Parsvanatha, Bahubali, and a Pancakuta-basadi collectively during 9th-12th centuries A.D. (M.A. Dhaky has studied the sculptural wealth of this place that led him to identify the art as distinct and to describe it as "santara school of art". :) In the first hall of the Parsvanatha-basadi are two almost identical, large, sculptural steles (3.0 x 1.0 m. approximately) of Parsvanatha. They exhibit a further elaboration of the upasarga-theme (Plate 65) first noticed at Badami. The Tirtharkaras are in kbadgasana. The naga raising his body spirally behind him, spreads his hoods over the Jina's head. Demon Kamatha, with a host of his attendants with stones and sticks, is shown fiercely attacking the Jina from all sides. But Parsvanatha remains unperturbed like the sea receiving roaring and rushing rivers only to be merged in it, loosing their identities, indeed an excellent composition and equally a masterly portrayal in which every figure appears distinctly in different mood and posture. The Parsvanatba - basadi, Sravana Belgola On the summit of Candragiri, Parsvanatha's is one of the several basadis standing to the south beside the "Kattale" and "Candragupta" basadis. The plan of the Parsvanatha-basadi is somewhat unusual. Externally, the width of the garbbagrha is as much as that of the gudhamandapa. (Generally, the width is kept to half of the gudhamandapa elsewhere. But rarely a basadi of the type of Parsvanatha is found at Aihole (i.e. Caranti Math group), Ron (Dharwad District). In such cases it is found that there are two small chambers on the sides of the garbhagrha meant for storing valuables, articles of worship, or the Tirtharkara images made of precious stones such as crystal, jasper, lapis-lazuli, etc., accessible only from the garbhagyha though a small opening in the side walls. But in the basadi in Sravana Belgola there are no such indications of the existence of side chambers. Whether in course of time the original openings were later permanently sealed is a matter to be investigated. But what is really noteworthy here is the colossal figure of Parsvanatha as well as the mode of providing entry to the garbhagyha. Here a severely plain and narrow doorway occurs, only a little wider than the maximum width of the image. Consequently, devotees in the gudhamandapa feel that the colossal image is set

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132 Arbat Parsva and Dharanendra Nexus up as though in a tall niche, somewhat reminiscent of the colossal Buddha in the rock excavated niche in Bamiyan (Afghanistan). There is no doorframe as such consisting of various sakas like the one in the neighbouring Camundaraya-basadi. Carving of the doorway with ornate sakhas has been deliberately avoided here so that the attention of the devotees is focused entirely on the Jina image. The nagahoods look both realistic and vivid (Plate 66). To the right, near the hoods, is a pedestal projected from the wall. With the help of a ladder the priest/devotees can get on it and perform the abbiseka rite. As mentioned above, usually the images of the respective Yaksa and Yaksi in the basadis are placed on the sides of the garbhagrba-doorway in the antarala. But here this feature has been eliminated. Instead, on the side walls of the entrance, are drawn in outline in red colour, the figures of the Yaksa and Yaksi; they were obviously not meant to be sculpted. Carving of the images along the lines in the walls would have created deep niches that would have weakened the walls. This mode of construction and image-placement had been resorted probably to make the Jina image as the sole focus of attention. Such mode of representing Parsvanatha has not been noticed elsewhere. A rare form of Parsvanatha sculpture from Bilicodu This is indeed a noteworthy sculpture from Bilicodu (Chitradurga District) of c. 11th century A.D., located in the outskirts of the village in a modern grave-yard. Obviously it is brought from some Jaina temple in the village and installed on a platform in the present place. (It is about 70 cm high and 30 cm broad.) It depicts the Jina in kbadgasana. On the sides are shown seated figures of Yaksa and Yaksi. The unique feature of the sculpture is the representation of two entwined nagas like those in any other Naga sculpture. In the single loop so formed by the Nagas bodies and between the hoods are medallions showing fully blossomed lotuses. The Tirthankara's feet is in between the hoods just above the lotus and the Yakssa and Yaksi are represented right on the top of the hoods. Apparently, the sculpture has the combination of a Tirthankara and the Nagas of the type of the Brahmanical sculptural representational tradition. The combination looks unusual, even strange ! A careful perusal of the Jaina Puranas, however, explains this mix up. In the Parsvanatha-purana, it is narrated that Parsvanatha, born as he was in Kasi, and though he was a prince, was uninterested in mundane life and was inclined more towards the quest of the Self. One day, while he was wandering about on the bank of the river Ganga, saw some ascetics performing austerities in front of a burning hearth. They were feeding the hearth with fire-wood. Parsvanatha questioned them

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Parsvanatha in Figural Art of Karnataka 133 why they were harming the creatures. Surprised and angered they asked him to show the creatures that were said to have been harmed. Parsvanatha took out a burning fire-wood from the hearth and split it with an axe. Within the burrow of the wood were found two serpents male and female already partially roasted struggling for life. Realising that they would not survive, Parsvanatha exhorted the mantra of Pancanamaskara (i.e. Reverence to Arhats, Siddhas, Acaryas, Upadhyayas, and Sadhus) and left the place grief-striken. Later, while he was engrossed deeply in meditation in the forest of Ahicchatra, a semi-divine being Kamatha, his former enemy, saw him and remembering the enmity of the previous existence, proceeded to torment Parsva by throwing at him brick, stone, and the like. But Parsvanatha remained unshaken and unperturbed. Thus failed Kamatha, next conjured up a downpour with thunder so as to drown him. In the meanwhile the two serpents which were led to the heavenly path at the time of their death, had been born as Dharanendra Yaksa and Padmavati Yaksi in the Patalaloka. No sooner did they know about the calamity inflicted on their guru than did they rush to the spot of upasarga to help him. Padmavati supported him on her crown and Dharanendra spread his hoods over his head. And at that moment Parsvanatha got enlightenment. In the light of the above Puranic story, the sculpture described represents obviously Parsvanatha with Dharanendra and Padmavati and the two serpents beneath them in it indicate to the immediately past life of the Yaksa and Yaksi. Some other aspects during the Calukya and Hoysala periods In northern Karnataka during the Kalyana-Calukya period, the back-seat of Jina Parsvanatha seated in padmasana, shows the finely carved makara-torana Under the Hoysalas, in south Karnataka, the Jina images in general are characterised by the parikara-background intricately carved with minutest details, especially of the mukkode under which the Jina is represented in khadgasana and also the ornaments of the Indras on the sides attending upon the meditating Jina. In the Jina sculptures of the Kalyana-Calukya and Hoysala periods, the difference is only in the degree of excellence connected with an intricate carving of the mukkode and the Indras as camaradharas. Besides, in many cases, the spiral hair ringlets above the head are artistically rendered. The spiral body of the snake and the seven hoods are realistically depicted by detailing the skin-scales and the naturalistic treatment of the rest of the body. But the narrational aspect of the Jina's portrayal with Yaksa and Yaksi engaged in the protective action and the Kamatha charging with stones etc. are no longer represented. The Yaksa and Yaksi are

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Arbat Parsva and Dharanendra Nexus depicted as seated in padmasana or in a standing posture in an attractive duibhanga. The Dharanendra and Padmavati in dvibhanga from the Parsvanatha-basadi in Halebidu are instances of fine workmanship. However, even when graceful, they lack the dynamism and power of depiction of the preceding examples. In the Vijayanagara period, the erection of finalayas was largely in the Ghatcoastal region in Bilgi-Gersoppa-Bhatkal and the neighbouring Mudabidre-Karkala tracts. These were foundations largely by the Vijayanagara-feudatories. Generally, the depiction of the Tirthankaras is somewhat rigid, lacking as they do the supplementary details and artistic innovations. The dramatic representation of the surroundings, the unshaken and serene meditative personality of Parsvanatha in the sculptures of the early period degenerated first into ornamental and next into ossified form as the image probably of the Candogra-Parsvanatha from the old Gersoppa site illustrates (Plate 67). 134 NOTES AND REFERENCES 1. This had been the case not only in early Kadamba times but also, and even with greater frequency, in all subsequent periods in Karnataka. 2. The main deity today seen in the Humca temple is Parsvanatha, Padmavati sitting next to the Jina on the altar. 3. These need to be published. 4. However, in the Kusana period inscriptions at Mathura, names of such Jinas as Sambhavanatha and Munisuvrata the third and the 20th tirthankara do figure. Aristanemi, the 22nd, also frequently figures there as he can be identified by the presence, on his flanks, of Vasudeva and Balarama. There may be other tirthankaras in the lot there; but the absence at that date of the lanchana-cognizance does not help identifying these other Jinas. 5. For his paper see here the bibliographical references. SELECT BIBLIOGRAPHY 1. Annual Report of the Mysore Archaeological Department (MAR), 1930. Directorate of Archaeology and Museums, Government of Karnataka, Mysore 1934. 2. M.A. Dhaky, "Santara Sculpture," Journal of the Indian Society of Oriental Art, New Series, Vol. IV (1971-72), 78-96. 3. Madhusudan Dhanky (M.A. Dhaky), "Gersappa-nan Jinamandiro," (Gujarati), Svadhyaya, Vol. XIX, No. 1 (1982).

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Parsvanatha in Figural Art of Karnataka 135 4. Epigrapbia Carnatica (EC), Vol. II (Revised edition), Institute of Kannada Studies, University of Mysore, Mysore 1973. 5. B.R. Gopal, Corpus of Kadamba Inscriptions, Vol. I, 1985. Kadamba Institute of Cultural Studies, Sirsi (North Kanara Dist., Karnataka). LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS Plate 64. Plate 65. Badami, Cave IV, vitbika, Parsvanatha, c. late 6th century A.D. Humca, Parsvanatha-basadi, gudhamandapa, stele showing the upasarga of Parsvanatha, C. late ninth century A.D. Sravana Belgola, Candragiri, Parsvanatha-basadi, garbhagrba, cult image of Parsvanatha, c. early 11th century A.D. Gersoppa, forest, ruined Jaina temple, Parsvanatha, c. 15th century A.D. Plate 66. Plate 67. (All illustrations are published here by the courtesy and kindness, American Institute of Indian Studies, Center for Art & Archaeology, Ramnagar, Varanasi.)

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rAjasthAna meM pArzvanAtha ke tIrtha sthAna mahopAdhyAya vinayasAgara vartamAna avasarpiNI kAla ke caubIsa tIrthaMkaroM meM se mukhyataH kevala tIna tIrthaMkaroM ke liye hI AgamasAhitya meM nAma ke sAtha vizeSaNa prApta hote haiM * RSabhadeva ke liye " arahA kosalie " arhat kauzalika, pArzvanAtha ke liye "arahA purisAdANIe " arhat puruSAdAnIya, aura mahAvIra ke lie "samaNe bhagavaM mahAvIreM " zravaNa bhagavAn mahAvIra / yaza nAma karma kI atyadhika atizayatA ke kAraNa samagra tIrthaMkaroM meM se kevala puruSAdAnIya pArzvanAtha kA nAma hI atyadhika saMsmaraNIya, saMstavanIya aura arcanIya rahA hai / adhiSThAyaka dharaNendra aura padmAvatI devI kI jAgRti evaM camatkAra pradarzana ke kAraNa vItarAga hote hue bhI manobhilASA pUraka ke rUpa meM pArzva kA nAma hI prabhukhatA ko dhAraNa kiye hue hai / yahI kAraNa hai ki mantra sAhitya aura stotra sAhitya to vipulatA ke sAtha pArzva ke nAma se hI samRddha haiM I sAmAnyataH tIrthoM kI gaNanA meM ve hI sthala Ate haiM jahA~ tIrthaMkaroM ke pAMcoM kalyANaka- -cyavana, janma, dIkSA, jJAna, nirvANa -- hue hoM / siddhatIrthoM meM unakI gaNanA kI jAtI hai jahA~ koI-na-koI mahApuruSa siddha, buddha, aura mukta hue hoM athavA vicaraNa kiyA ho / kintu atizaya tIrtha yA camatkArI tIrtha ve kahalAte haiM jahA~ koI bhI mahApuruSa siddha to nahIM hue hoM, parantu una kSetroM meM sthApita una mahApuruSoM / tIrthaMkaro kI mUrtiyAM atizaya camatkArapUrNa hotI hoM / -- bhagavAna pArzvanAtha ke kaI tIrtha to unake janma se pUrva evaM vidyamAnatA meM hI sthApita ho gaye the / paramparAgata zruti ke anusAra AcArya jinaprabhasUri ne vividha tIrthakalpa nAmaka grantha (ra0 saM0 1389) meM likhA hai 1. dazagrIva rAvaNa ke samaya meM nirmita pArzvanAtha pratimA hI kAlAntara meM zrIpura meM sthApita huI, vahI antarikSa pArzvanAtha ke nAma se prasiddha I 2. bhagavAna neminAtha ke samaya meM kRSNa aura jarAsandha meM bhISaNa yuddha huA thA / isa saMgrAma meM jarAsandha ne jarA vidyA ke prayoga se kRSNa kI senA ko nizceSTa kara diyA thA / usa samaya pannagendra se pArzva prabhu kI pratimA prApta kI aura usake nhavaNa jala/ snAna jala ke chiTakAva se kRSNa kI senA pUrNataH svastha ho gaI thI / vahI sthala zaMkhezvara pArzvanAtha ke nAma se tIrtha rUpa meM prasiddha huA aura Aja bhI isakI prasiddhi carama sImA para hai / 3. stambhana pArzvanAtha kalpa ke anusAra bhagavAn munisuvrata svAmI ke samaya meM nirmita pArzva pratimA hI nAgarAja se navama vAsudeva zrIkRSNa ne prApta kI thI / yahI pratimA kAlAntara navAMgITIkAkAra abhayadevasUri seDhI nadI ke taTa para bhUmi se prakaTa kara stambhanapura ( thAMbhaNA ) meM sthApita kI thI; jo Aja bhI tIrthaM sthala ke rUpa meM prasiddha hai / isI vividha tIrthakalpa ke antargata " ahicchatrAnagarIkalpa" aura "kalikuNDa kurkuTezvarakalpa" meM likhA hai ki prabhu pArzvanAtha dIkSA grahaNa kara chadmastAvastha meM vicaraNa kara rahe the, tabhI ye donoM tIrtha kSetra sthApita ho gae the| arthAt unakI vidyamAnatA meM hI ye donoM sthala tIrtha ke rUpa meM mAnya ho gae the /

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138 Arhat Parsva and Dharanendra Nexus __ bhArata ke pratyeka pradeza meM puruSAdAnIya pArzvanAtha ke atizayapUrNa evaM vikhyAta kaI-kaI tIrtha sthala haiN| jinaprabhasUri ne hI "caturazIti mahAtIrthanAma saMgraha kalpa" meM pArzvanAtha ke 15 mahAtIrthoM kA ullekha kiyA 1. ajAharA meM navanidhi pArzvanAtha, 2. saMbhAla meM bhavabhayahara, 3. phalavardhi meM vizvakalpalatA, 4. karaher3A meM upasargahara, 5. ahicchatrA meM tribhuvanabhAnu, 6-7. kalikuNDa aura nAgahRda meM zrI pArzvanAtha, 8. kurkuTezvara meM vizvagaja, 9. mahendra parvata para chAyA, 10. oMkAra parvata para sahasraphaNA, 11. vArANasI meM bhavya puSkarAvartaka, 12. mahAkAla ke antara meM pAtAla cakravartI, 13. mathurA meM kalpadruma, 14. campA meM azoka aura, 15. malayagiri para zrI pArzvanAtha bhagavAn haiN| sAtha hI pArzva ke dasa tIrthoM para kalpa bhI likhe haiM / vi0 saM 01668 meM vinayakuzala ne goDI pArzvanAtha stavana meM tathA 1881 meM khuzalavijaya ne pArzvanAtha chanda meM prabhu pArzvanAtha ke 108 tIrthoM kA ullekha kiyA hai / vahIM dhIravimala ke ziSya nayavimala ne pArzvanAtha ke 135 tIrtha-mandiroM kA varNana kiyA hai / isa prakAra dekhA jAe to cintAcUraka, cintamaNiratna ke samAna manovAMchApUraka pArzvaprabhu ke nAma se vartamAna samaya meM bhAratavarSa meM zatAdhika tIrtha haiM, sahasra ke lagabhaga mandira haiM aura mUrtiyoM kI to gaNanA bhI sambhava nahIM hai; kyoMki pratyeka mandira meM pASANa evaM dhAtu kI anekoM pratimAeM prApta hotI haiM / - rAjasthAna pradeza meM tIrthaMkaroM vizeSataH pArzvanAtha ke pA~coM kalyANakoM meM se koI kalyANaka nahIM hone se yahA~ ke puruSAdAnIya pArzvanAtha ke sAre tIrthaM kSetra atizaya/camatkArI tIrthoM kI gaNanA meM hI Ate haiM / rAjasthAna meM prabhu pArzvanAtha ke nAma se nimna sthala tIrtha ke rUpa meM atyadhika vikhyAta haiM; jinakA saMkSipta paricaya akArAnukrama se prastuta hai / / 1. karaher3A pArzvanAtha-udayapura-cittaur3a relave mArga para karaher3A sTezana hai / sTezana se eka ki0mI0 para yaha gA~va hai / yahA~ upasargahara pArzvanAtha kI zyAmavarNI pratimA virAjamAna hai / nAhAra jI ke lekhAnusAra saM0 1039 meM saMDerakagacchIya yazobhadrasUri ne pArzvanAtha bimba kI pratiSThA kI thI / yahA~ 1303, 1306, 1341 Adi ke prAcIna mUrtilekha bhI prApta haiM / sukRtasAgara kAvya ke anusAra mAMDvagar3ha ke pethar3a aura jhAMjhaNa ne yahA~ ke prAcIna maMdira kA jIrNoddhAra karavA kara sAta maMjilA bhavya maMdira bandhavAyA thA, kintu Aja vaha prApta nahIM hai / saM0 1431 meM kharataragaccha ke AcAryoM ke dvArA bar3A mahotsava huA aura saM0 1656 meM isakA jIrNoddhAra huA thA aura vartamAna meM phakkaDa vallabhadattavijaya jI ke upadeza se jIrNoddhAra huA hai| jinaprabhasUri racita phalavardi pArzvanAtha kalpa ke anusAra yaha karaher3A pArzvanAtha tIrtha prasiddha tIrthoM meM se thA / kharataragaccha kI pighalaka zAkhA kA yahA~ vizeSa prabhAva rahA hai / mevAr3a ke tIrthoM meM pArzvanAtha kA yaha ekamAtra prAcIna tIrtha hai / 2. kAparar3A pArzvanAtha-jodhapura se bilAr3A-ajamera ror3a para yaha tIrtha hai / prAcIna ullekhoM meM isakA nAma karpaTaheDaka, kApaDaheDA milatA hai / jaitAraNa nivAsI seTha bhAnAjI bhaMDArI ne bhami se 99 phITa U~cA A yaha vizAlakAya zikharabaddha mandira banavAyA thA / isa mandira kI unnatatA aura vizAlatA kI tulanA kumArapAla bhUpati nirmApita tArAMgA ke mandira se kI jA sakatI hai / yaha mandira caturmukha hai aura mUlanAyaka svayambhU pArzvanAtha haiM / mUlanAyaka kI mUrti jinacandrasUri ne saM0 1674 pauSa badi 10 ko bhUmi

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The Tirthas of Parsvanatha in Rajasthan (Hindi) 139 se prApta kI thI / isakI pratiSThA vi0 saM0 1678 vaizAkha sUdi pUrNamA ko kharataragaccha kI AdyapakSIya zAkhA ke jinadevasUri ke paTTadhara paMcAyaNa bhaTTAraka jinacandrasUri ne karavAI thI / mUlanAyaka kI cAroM mUrtiyAM parikarayukta hai / 3. caMvalezvara pArzvanAtha -- jahAjapura tahasIla meM pArolI se 6 mi0mI0 kI dUrI para vartamAna meM prasiddha caMvalezvara pArzvanAtha kA mandira hai / adhunA zvetAmbara digambara ke vivAda meM ulajhA huA 1 paM0 kalyANasAgara racita pArzvanAtha caitya paripATI meM, meghavijayopAdhyAya kRta pArzvanAtha nAmamAlA meM aura jinaharSagaNi kRta pArzvanAtha 108 nAma stavana meM isa tIrtha kA ullekha prApta hai / 4. cittaur3a somacintAmaNi pArzvanAtha -- rAjagacchIya hIrakalaza dvArA 15vIM zatI meM racita medapATadeza tIrthamAlA stava padya 16 ke anusAra yahA~ zrI somacintAmaNi pArzvanAtha kA tIrtha svarUpa vizAla mandira vidyamAna thA, kintu Aja nAmonizAna bhI nahIM hai / utkhanana meM prApta kamaladala citra kAvya maya zilApaTTa ke anusAra anumAnata: 1962 meM jinavallabhagaNi (jivallabhasUri) ne pArzvanAthavidhi caitya kI pratiSThA kI thI / 5. jIrAvAlA pArzvanAtha - kharAr3I se AbU - delavAr3A ke mArga para 30 ki0mI0 aura aNAdarA gA~va se 13-14 ki0mI0 kI dUrI para yaha gA~va / isakA prAcIna nAma jIrikApallI, jIrApallI, jIrAvallI prApta hotA hai / upadeza saptati ke anusAra 1109 evaM vIravaMzAvalI ke anusAra 1991 meM zreSThi dhAMdhala ne devItrI parvata kI guphA se prApta pratimA kI isa gA~va meM navIna maMdira banavAkara sthApanA kI thI aura pratiSThA ajitadevasUri ne kI thI / yaha tIrtha jIrAvalA pArzvanAtha ke nAma se prasiddha huA / alAuddIna khilajI dvArA 1368 yaha pratimA khaMDita kara dI gii| vilepana karane para bhI navaaMga (bhAga) spaSTa dikhAI dete the / khaMDita mUrti mukhya sthAna meM zobhA nahIM detI, ataH paravartI AcAryoM ne mukhya sthAna para neminAtha kI mUrti sthApita kara dI aura isa mUrti ko dAIM ora virAjamAna kara dI / upadeza taraMgiNI (pa0 18 ) ke anusAra saMdhapati pethar3a zAha aura jhAMjhaNa zAha ne yahA~ eka vizAla mandira banavAyA thA aura mahezvara kavi racita kAvya manohara (sarga 7 zlo0 32 ) ke anusAra sonagirA zrImAlavaMzIya zreSTi jhAMjhakNa ke putra saMdhapati AlharAja ne bhI isa mahAtIrtha para unnata toraNa yukta vizAla mandira banavAyA thA, kintu Aja inakA koI atA-patA nahIM hai / isa mahAtIrtha kI prasiddhi itanI adhika huI ki Aja bhI pratiSThA ke samaya bhagavAna kI gaddI para virAjamAna karane ke pUrva gaddI para jIrAvalA pArzvanAtha kA mantra likhA jAtA hai / delavAr3A ke saM0 1491 ke lekha ke prArambha meM " namo jIrAvalAya " likhA hai, jo isakI prasiddhi kA sUcaka hai / jIrAvAlA nAma itanA adhika vikhyAta huA ki jIrAvalA pArzvanAtha ke nAma se anekoM sthAnoM para mandira nirmANa jinameM se hue; haiM mukhya-mukhya dhANerAva, nADalAI, naMdola, batola, sirohI, giranAra, ghATakopara -- (bambaI) Adi / 6. navalakhA pArzvanAtha -- pAlI mAravAr3a meM navalakhA daravAjA ke pAsa bAvana jinAlaya vAlA vizAla navalakhA pArzvanAtha kA prasiddha mandira hai / isa sthAna kA prAcIna nAma pallikA, pallI thA / saM0 1124, 1178, 1201 ke prApta lekhAnusAra mUlataH yaha mahAvIra svAmI kA mandira thA / saM0 1686 ke lekhAnusAra navalakhA mandira kA jIrNoddhAra huA thA aura purnapratiSThA ke samaya pArzvanAtha kI saparivAra mUrti sthApita kI gaI thii|

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Arbat Parsva and Dharanendra Nexus 7. nAkor3A pArzvanAtha-- jodhapura se bAr3amera relave ke madhya meM bAlotarA sTezana se 10 ki0 mI0 dUrI para mevAnagara grAma meM yaha tIrtha hai / vastutaH grAma kA nAma vIramapura yA nagara thA kintu mahevA aura nagara kA mizraNa hokara yaha sthAna abhI mevAnagara kahalAtA hai / nAkor3A grAma ke tAlAba se prakaTa isa pArzvanAtha pratimA kI isa sthAna para sthApanA / pratiSThA anumAnataH vi0saM0 1512 meM kharataragacchIya kIrtiratnasUri ne kI thI / saMsthApaka kIrtiratnasUri kI mUrti bhI (1536 meM pratiSThita ) mUla maNDapa ke bAhara bAyIM ora ke Ale meM virAjamAna hai / nAkor3A meM prakaTita hone ke kAraNa hI nAkor3A pArzvanAtha ke nAma se isakI prasiddhi huI hai / yahA~ ke adhiSThAyaka bhairava bhI nAkor3A bhairava ke nAma se sAre bhArata meM vikhyAta haiM / vartamAna meM zraddhAlu yAtrI bhI 400-500 ke lagabhaga pratidina Ate haiN| rAjasthAna ke samasta tIrthoM kI tulanA meM Aya bhI isakI sarvAdhika hai / mandira bhI vizAla aura ramaNIya hai / vyavasthA bhI sundara hai / 8. nAgaphaNA pArzvanAtha -- yaha mandira udayapura meM hai / sArAbhAI ma0 navAba kI pustaka "purisAdANI zrI pArzvanAthajI " ke anusAra mahArANA pratApa ne dharaNendra - padmAvatI sahita pArzvanAtha kI ArAdhanA se hI pichale yuddhoM meM vijaya prApta kara isa mandira kA nirmANa karavAyA thA, jo nAgaphaNA pArzvanAtha ke nAma se Aja bhI prabhAvazAlI mAnA jAtA hai / 140 9. nAgahRda navakhaNDA pArzvanAtha - udayapura se 22 ki0mI0 para nAgadA gA~va hai / yahA~ vartamAna meM saM0 1494 meM kharataragacchIya jinasAgarasUri pratiSThita zAntinAtha kA mandira hai / kintu munisundarasUri racita nAgahRda tIrthastotra, jinaprabhasUri ke phalavidhi pArzvanAtha tIrthakalpa meM nAgahRda pArzvanAtha ke ullekha prApta haiN| rAjagacchIya hIrakalaza racita (15vIM zatI) medapATa deza tIrthamAlA-stava padya 3 meM navakhaNDA pArzvanAtha kA ullekha hai / yahA~ pArzvanAtha kA jIrNa mandira bhI hai / maMdirastha mUrti ke eka pabhAsaNa ke nIce 1992 kA lekha prApta hai / Aloka pArzvanAtha -- nAgadA meM hI ekaliMga jI ke mandira ke pAsa hI digambara paramparA kA Aloka pArzvanAtha kA mandira thA jise samudrasUri ne zvetAmbara tIrtha ke rUpa meM parivartita kara diyA thA / 17vIM zatAbdI se anekoM zve0 zilAlekha prApta hai / Aloka pArzvanAtha maMdira kA ullekha bijoliyA ke 1236 vAle zilAlekha meM bhI prApta hai| 10. phalavarddhi pArzvanAtha -- mer3atA ror3a jaMksana sTezana se eka pharlAMga kI dUrI para phalodhI nAmaka gA~va hai jo phalaudhI pArzvanAtha yA mer3atA phalaudhI ke nAma se mazahUra hai| rAjasthAna ke prAcIna tIrthasthAnoM meM isakI gaNanA kI jAtI hai / jinaprabhasUri racita phalavarddhi pArzvanAthakalpa ke anusAra mAlavaMzIya dhAMdhala aura osavAla vaMzIya zivakara ne bhUmi se prApta saptaphalA pArzvanAtha kI pratimA navIna vizAla gaganasparzI mandira banavAkara sthApita kI aura isakI pratiSThA vi0saM0 1981 meM rAjagaccha ( dharmaghoSagaccha) ke zIlabhadrasUri ke ziSya dharmaghoSasUri ne kI thI / saM0 1233 meM zahAbuddIna gaurI ne mUrti kA aMga-bhaMga kiyA, tathApi prAcIna evaM devAdhiSThita hone ke kAraNa yahI mUrti mUlanAyaka ke rUpa meM hI rahI / purAtana - prabandha-saMgraha ke anusAra pArasa zreSThi ne vAda vijetA vAdIdevasUri ke tattvAvadhAna meM isa gaganacumbI mandira kA nirmANa 1999 meM karavAyA aura isakI pratiSThA vAdidevasUri ke paTTadhara municandrasUri ne 1204 meM karavAI / isa tIrtha kI mahimA kA varNana karate hue jinaprabhasUri to yahA~ taka likhate hai

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The Tirthas of Parsvanatha in Rajasthan (Hindi) 141 "isa mahAtIrthabhUta pArzvanAtha ke darzana se kalikuNDa, kurkuTezvara, zrIparvata, zaMkhezvara, serIsA, mathurA, vArANasI; ahicchatA, staMbha, ajAhara, pravaranagara, devapattana, karaher3A, nAgadA, zrIpura, sAmiNi, cArUpa, DhiMpurI, ujjaina, zuddhadantI; harikaMkhI, limboDaka Adi sthAnoM meM vidyamAna pArzvanAtha pratimAoM kA yAtrA karane kA phala hotA 15vIM zatI meM hemarAja surANA ne isakA jIrNoddhAra karavAyA thA / Aja bhI yaha mandira darzanIya hai aura camatkArapUrNa hai| 11. bijoliyA pArzvanAtha--yaha bhIlavAr3A jile kI bUMdI kI sImA para sthita hai / yahAM caTTAna para khudA huA "uttama zikhara purANa" evaM vi0 saM0 1226 kA cauhAna-kAlIna mahatvapUrNa lekha hai / mandira bhagna ho gayA hai, kevala zikhara kA bhAga hI avaziSTa hai / yaha mandira digambara paramparA kA hai / cauhAnakAlIna 1226 ke lekha meM 92 padya evaM kucha gadya bhAga hai / lekha ke 56veM padya meM likhA hai-zreSThi lolAka kI patnI lalitA ko svapna meM yahA~ mandira banavAne kA deva-nirdeza milA thA / isa lekha meM yaha ullekha bhI milatA hai ki yahA~ kamaTha ne upasarga kiyA thA / __uttama zikhara purANa dUsarI caTTAna para khudA huA hai / isameM 294 zloka haiM / isake tIsare sarga meM kamaTha ke upasarga kA vistRta varNana bhI milatA hai / 12. ratanapura pArzvanAtha-ratanapura mAravAr3a ke pArzvanAtha mandira kA tIrtha rUpa meM ullekha milatA hai / vi0 saM0 1209, 1333, 1343, 1346 ke lekhoM se isakI prAcInatA aura prasiddhi spaSTa hai, kintu Aja yaha tIrtha mahatva-zUnya hai / 13. rAvaNa pArzvanAtha-alavara se 5 ki0mI0 dUra jaMgala meM rAvaNa pArzvanAtha mandira jIrNa dazA meM prApta hai / paramparAgata zruti ke anusAra yaha mUrti rAvaNa-mandodarI dvArA nirmita thI / saM0 1645 meM zreSThi hIrAnanda ne rAvaNa pArzvanAtha kA bhavya mandira banavAkara kharataragacchIya AdyapakSIya zAkhA ke jinacandrasUri ke Adeza se vAcaka raMga kalaza se pratiSThA karavAI thI / 1449 kI kalpasUtra kI prazasti tathA aneka tIrtha-mAlAoM Adi meM bhI rAvaNa tIrtha kA ullekha milatA 14. laudravA pArzvanAtha-jaisalamera se 15 kilomITara para yaha tIrtha hai sahajakIrti nirmita zatadalapadma garbhita citrakAvya ke anusAra zrIdhara aura rAjhadhara ne cintAmaNi pArzvanAtha kA mandira bnvaayaa| zreSThi khImasA ne mandira bhagna hone para nUtana mandira banavAyA / isake bhI jIrNa-kSIrNa hone para jaisalamera nivAsI bhaNasAlI gotrIya thAharU zAha ne prAcIna mandira ke nIMva para hI paMcAnuttara vimAna kI AkRti para navya evaM bhavya mandira banavAkara cintAmaNi pArzvanAtha kI zyAmavarNI pratimA virAjamAna kI isakI pratiSThA kharataragacchIya jinarAjasUri ne saM0 1675 migasara sudi 12 guruvAra ko kI thI / mandira ke dAyIM ora samavasaraNa para aSTApada aura usa para kalpavRkSa kI manohara racanA bhI hai / mandira zikharabaddha hai aura zilpakalA kI dRSTi se anUThA hai| 5. varakANA pArzvanAtha-rANIsTezana se 3 ki0mI0 para varakANA gAMva hai / "varakanakapura", prAcIna nAma milatA hai / goDavADa kI prasiddha paMcatIrthI meM isa tIrtha kA pramukha sthAna hai| kaI bAra isakA jIrNoddhAra hone se prAcInatA naSTa ho gaI hai / zivarAjagaNi ne Anandasundara grantha (ra0saM0 1559) ke prAraMbha meM hI "varakANA pArzva prasanno bhava" likhakara isa tIrtha kI mahimA gAI hai / mahArANA jagatasiMha ne saM0 1687

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142 Arhat Parsva and Dharanendra Nexus ke lekha me mele ke liye japhAta meM chUTa kA ullekha hai| ___ anya tIrtha--isI prakAra tiMvarI pArzvanAtha, posaliyA pArzvanAtha sojata ke pAsa muMDevA pArzvanAtha, nADalAI meM somaTiyA pArzvanAtha, sujAnagar3ha meM jagavallabha pArzvanAtha ke mandira bhI darzanIya haiM / ___ goMDI pArzvanAtha ke nAma se bIkAnera, Ahora, dhAnerA, nAr3alAI, sojata ke mandira prasiddha aura darzanIya vastutaH dekhA jAe to yaha rAjasthAna pradeza atizaya/camatkArI tIrtha-sthaloM kA hI pradeza hai / isa laghu nibandha meM pArzvanAtha ke prasiddha evaM mukhya-mukhya tIrtha-sthaloM kA ullekha mAtra kiyA gayA hai / aitihAsika vizleSaNa prAcInatva aura viziSTatAoM kA lekhA-jokhA nahIM / anusandhAna karane para isa pradeza meM anya aneka prAcIna tIrtha kSetroM kA paricaya bhI prApta kiyA jA sakatA hai /

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THE TIRTHAS OF PARSVANATHA IN GUJARAT M. A. Dhaky The early agamic and related commentaries composed from the late sixth to the ninth century refer to no place as a tirtha sacred to Jina Parsvanatha in western India including Gujarat. The ancient sites then very famous as tirthas within the presentday province of Gujarat were Ujjayantagiri (Girnar Hills), Satrunjayagiri (Setrunjo), and Prabhasa, the first was sacred to Arhat Aristanemi, the second to Jina Rsabha, and the third to Jina Candraprabha, Parsvanatha thus not figuring in their context as the principal deity. Likewise, the temples sacred to Jinas that existed in Valabhi (ancient capital of the Maitrakas in Saurastra) before its destruction in A.D. 784 did not include that of Jina Parsva.' It was only in the medieval period that one hears of some sites sacred to that Jina: these were Stambhanaka (Thambhana), Sankhapura (Sankhesvara), Carupa, Serisaka (Serisa) and a few others, the first two being far more famous in the past, the second also so in the present times, than the remaining sites.? For their images were believed to be endowed with miraculous powers including the cure of leucoderma by bathing in the lustral water of the images of the Jinas concerned. The myths relating to the origin of the first two tirthas have been incorporated in the Kalapradipa of Jinaprabha Suri (c. A.D. 1333)}; these are best left to the faithful. Historically speaking, the following facts about the tirthas concerned are available in the medieval and late medieval svetambara literature. The other sites sacred to Parsvanatha were Ajahara (Ajara), Ghogha, and Mangalpura (Maggrol), all located on Saurastra's western and south-eastern sea-board. And in Anahillapataka, the capital of Gujarat, was the famous temple of PancasaraParsvanatha. Stambbana - Parsvanatba A head of an image of Parsva had been exposed near a tree in the environs of the village Stambhana situated on the bank of River Sedhi near Cambay or Khambhat. The exhumed image subsequently was set up in a shrine built for it and was consecrated by Abhayadeva Suri of Candra-gaccha, the famous commentator on the nine anga-works of the agama literature of the northern Nirgrantha tradition inherited by the Svetambara sect. The date of consecration has been reported to be A.D. 1053 (or 1063). Abhayadeva Suri next composed a stotra in Apabhramsa in praise of the Stambhana-Parsvanatha, the psalm famous as Jaya Tihuana-thotta." Thereafter

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144 Arhat Parsva and Dharanendra Nexus followed several similar compositions, in Sanskrit as well as Praksta, which sing the glory of the image of that tirtha. Among these the earliest was by Vardhamana Suri - disciple of Abhayadeva Suri -- followed by other brilliant compositions till the 15th century. From these, the beginning of a stuti by Nayacandra of BIhad-gaccha, dated S. 1257/A.D. 1201, is cited below: seDhItaTastambhanakapratiSThaH zrI pArzvanAthaH suguNairgariSThaH / pAyAdapAyAdalinIlakAyaH siddhayaGganAsaGghaTanAbhyupAyaH // 1 // The glorificatory myths of the early and late medieval epochs speak in most glowing terms the merits that can be accrued by visiting (and worshipping) the Lord Jina Parsva in the Stambhana shrine. By about A.D. 1232, minister Vastupala had founded the "avatara-tirtha" - shrine incarnate -- of Stambhana Parsvanatha on the Satrunjayagiri as well as Ujjayantagiri. The image of the Jina had been transferred, in early years of the 14th century, from Stambhana to Stambhatirtha (Khambhat) for ensuring its safety; but it could not have survived the Muslim conquest and subsequent occupation of Gujarat when, by A.D. 1325, all Brahmanical and Jaina temples in Khambhat - which indeed existed in very large number -- had been completely destroyed. A shrine of Stambhana Parsvanatha today does exist in Khambhat, but is a building of a very late date, of late British period, the old glory of the tirtha has by now been considerably dimmed. Sankbapura - Parsvanatha The image had turned up in the present village of Sankhesvara at the fag end of the 11th century. One Sajjana built a temple for it in S. 1155/A.D. 1099. Minister Vastupala had renovated or rebuilt in marble (or made additions to the temple early in the second quarter of the 13th century; he also founded its avatara-shrine on the holy hills of Satrunjaya. Many pilgrim congregations had visited the shrine in the past and even today its fame is fairly considerable. A few hymns due to the Lord Parsva of Sankhapura are known, that by Municandra Suri of an unknown gaccha and probably of c. mid-13th century, which is of historical importance, is appended at the end. This tirtha of Parsvanatha has been noticed also in several other hymnic compositions by authors of the centuries between the 13th and 15th; and Upadhyaya Yasovijaya, in the 17th century, had sung the glory of the lord in dazzling phrases. The mythical literature commensurate with the glory of the tirtha was also duly

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The Tirthas of Parsvanatha in Gujarat 145 created. It is said in the hymn of Municandra that the local ruler Durjanasalya (13th century) was cured of leucoderma by bathing in the lustral water of the Jina. Even today the lustral water of this Jina here is believed among the Jainas to be restoring the skin pigment. The original temple was, to all seeming, destroyed during the Muslim occupation of Gujarat some time early in the 14th century. On its site was built another temple, now in brick, in early 17th century in Mughal times. This, too, seems to have been desecrated and damaged in the time plausibly of Aurangzeb. The present shrine, situated at a different location in the village, is the result of construction late in the British period. Anabillapataka, Pancasara - Parsvanatha The image had been brought from an old shrine in his ancestral town Pancasara by Vanaraja, the progenitor of the Capotkata dynasty, and set up in late ninth century in a temple - Vanaraja-vihara -- an abbey-temple founded by him in his new capital, Anahillapataka or Anhillapattana, present-day Patan in north Gujarat. The temple and the ancient image of course have not survived since almost the entire old Patan was completely devastated by the Muslim invasion and occupation of Gujarat in c. A.D. 1304. Even the ancient site of the temple has been forgotten, though it could not be far from the present new structure. The image of Parsvanatha of Pancasara, though famous becuase it was ancient, perhaps of sixth or seventh century, was not reputed for performing miracles. A few late stavanas and a number of notices on this temple, however, are known from the pilgrim psalms in late MaruGurjara-bhasa and in Gujarati. Carupa - Parsvanatha The temple's image was believed to be ancient. A hymn by Ratnasekhara Suri of Tapa-gaccha (2nd quarter of the 15th century) sang the glory of the tirtha. The tirtha exists but does not enjoy the importance it did in the medieval period. Ajabara - Parsvanatha The foundation of the Ajahara Parsvanatha near Una seemingly was of the time as early as the eighth century. It was in all probability destroyed when Mahmud of Gazna, after devastating Unnatapura (Una) was proceeding to Prabhasa for the destruction of the temple of Somanatha in late weeks of December 1025. The original temple may have been built by the adherents of the Nirgrantha-Yapaniya sect who had settled for some time in Saurastra. The shrine was perhaps rebuilt in

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146 Arbat Parsva and Dharanendra Nexus the 13th century, possibly by the Svetambaras. The original, desecrated, damaged, and discarded lime stone image of Parsva, highly corroded by centuries of exposure to weathering in the temple's outer surroundings, is now preserved in the Government Museum, Junagadh. The tirtha, though ancient, is now of minor importance. It had inspired a couple of hymns, perhaps in the 17th century, when its glory was somewhat revived. Gbogba - Parsvanatba The ancient image of Jina Parsva at Ghogha had been broken into nine fragments but joined into one piece some time after the retreat of the Muslim army in early 14th century; hence it is called Navakhanda Parsvanatha. Its glory was re-established in the 15th century and the famous pontiff Somasundara Suri (and his confrere Jnanasagara) of Tapa-gaccha and a couple of his disciples composed fine hymns in adoration of the Jina. Today, of course, the tirtha, though visited by pilgrims, is of secondary importance. Mangalapura - Parsvanatba The original image had belonged to a foundation called Kumara-vihara, built probably by the Solanki emperor Kumarapala some time between 1160-1170. The temple had been destroyed during the Muslim rule. The ceiling of its great hall is now in the Juma Masjid to the west of the township. A single hymn by Laksmilabha (c. 16th17th century?) on this Jina is known. The present shrine is of the British period. It hardly attracts pilgrims excepting for the stray Svetambara Jainas visiting this decaying town. Serisa - Parsvanatba The Parsva image and other old images (possibly along with the temple) were consecrated in a temple in Serisaka by Devendra Suri in emperor Kumarapala's times; the Suri is said to have belonged to the hagiographical line of the Navangavrttikara Abhayadeva Suri (Candra-gaccha) according to the Kalpapradipa (A.D. 1333) of Jinaprabha Suri' and to the lineage of the Nagendra-gaccha according to the Nabhinandana-Jinoddhana-prabandha of Kakka Suri (A.D. 1337).10 In the middle of the 13th century, Minister Alhadana and next Dharmaghosa Suri of Tapa-gaccha (A.D. 1260-1300) alluded to this tirtha in their psalms. The temple has been referred to also in the tirthamalas and allied literature in old Gujarati of the 16th and 17th century. Before the destruction of the temple in the Muslim period, the old images

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The Tirthas of Parsvanatha in Gujarat 147 had been interred for safety, the temple though was destroyed and stood as a very battered ruin till some decades ago. The images, however, had been recovered and re-established in a new building that was built in A.D. 1946. The glory of this medieval tirtha has been, to some extent, revived. zrImunicandrasUripraNItaprabandhagataM zrIzaGkezvara-pArzvanAtha-stavanam / samastakalyANanidhAnakozaM vAmAGgakukSyekamRNAlahaMsam / alaGkatekSvAkuvizAlavaMzaM vande sadA zaGkhapurAvataMsam // 1 // ArAdhitaH zrI RSabhasya kAle vidyAdharendreNa namIzvareNa / pUrva hi vaitADhayagirau jinaM taM vande sadA zaGkhapurAvataMsam // 2 // yaH pUjitaH pannaganAyakena pAtAlabhUmau bhavanAdhipena / kAlaM kiyantaM jinanAyakaM taM vande sadA zaGkhapurAvataMsam // 3 // yadA jarAsandhajayodyatena kRSNena nemIzvarazAsitena / pAtAlato bimbamidaM tadAnImAnIya saMsthApitameva tIrtham // 4 // jarA''rtabhUtaM svabalaM vilokya yatstAtrapIyUSajalena siktam / sajIkRtaM tatkSaNameva sarvaM vande sadA zaGkhapurAvataMsam // 5 // paJcAzadAdau kila paJcayukte ekAdaze varSazate vyatIte / / nivezitaH sajjanazreSThinA'yaM vande sadA zaGkhapurAvataMsam // 6 // kAle kalau kAmagavI praNaSTA cintAmaNiH kalpatarUJca naSTaH / dhatte hyasau tatpratihastakatvaM vande sadA zaGkhapurAvataMsam // 7 // prabhutarogeNa vinaSTadeha ArAdhya yaM durjanazalyadevaH / cakAra dehaM madanasya tulyaM vande sadA zaGkhapurAvataMsam // 8 // rAjyArthinAM rAjyasukhapradAtA sutArthinAM santatidAyako yaH / netrArthinAM locanado'si nityaM vande sadA zaGkhapurAvataMsam // 9 // iti stutaH zrImunicandrasUriNA kRpAkaraH zaGkhapurAvatAra / prabandhakAdau praNatAsabhAjAM pracaccha nityaM nijapAdasevAm // 10 //

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148 Arhat Parsva and Dharanendra Nexus NOTES AND REFERENCES 1. The late medieval prabandhas mention the departure of the images of Valabinatha, Rsabha, Vardhamana, and Candraprabha to safer havens. Since this is only a side issue, I forgo citations from the original work. 2. More will be said while describing these tirthas. 3. Vividha Tirthakalpa, Ed. Jina Vijaya, santiniketan 1934, "Ayodhyanagrikalpa," p. 24; and Mohanlal Dalichand Deshai, Jaina Sahitya-no Samsksipta Itibas, (Gujarati), Bombay 1933, p. 341, para 495. 4. For the quotation therefrom and the references to the publication sources, see here my paper "Arhat Parsva with Dharanendra in hymnic literature". 5. Seemingly, the tirtha in the 12th and the 13th century was at its height of glory. Some of the hymns of that period for the Stambhana-Jina are tantric. 6. Jainasotrasandoba, pt. 1, Ed. Muni Chaturavijaya, Ahmedabad 1932, p. 106. 7. I had noticed a fragment of a sikharika piece in marble showing the 13th century style of carving at the garbhagsha's site, that was some 35 years ago. 8. The temple has been thoroughly renovated. 9. I forgo citations from the original sources. 10. Ibid.

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Plate 1. Upasarga of Parsvanatha, Indian Museum, Calcutta, c. late 9th century A.D Formate. Personal use only

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Jain Education internatonal For Private Personal use only www.janelibrary.org

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Plate 3. Pancatirthi c. 10th Century A.D. Sravasthi-Baharaich (U.P.) Plate 2. Halebid (Bastihalli), Parsvanatha temple, mulanayaka image of Parsvanatha, A.D. 1133. (Founder dandanayaka Boppadeva, son of Gangaraja, prime minister of Hoysala Visnuvardhana.) Plate 4. Parsvanatha c. 9th Century A.D. Agatsarai Aligarh (U.P.)

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Plate 5. Parsvanatha seated under snake canopy Sam. 1134-57 (1077 A.D.) Sravasthi-Baharaich (U.P.) Plate 6. Parsvanatha white marbel c. 12th Century A.D. Mahoba

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Plate 7. Udaigiri (Udayagiri), Cave 20, general view, C. A.D. 425-426. Plate 8. Vidisa, ParsvanathaSarvatobhadrika image, c. 7th century A.D. Vidisha Museum No.357-1225.

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Plate 9. Karitalai, ParsvanathaSarvatobhadrika image, c. 7th century AD. Raipur, M.G.M. Museum Plate 10. Nachna-Kuthara, Parsvanatha, seated, c. 6th century A.D. Ramban, Tulsi Sangrahalaya.

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Plate 11: Madhya Pradesh, Parsvanatha, c. 6th century A.D. Calcutta, Indian Museum, A25111. Plate 12 Gwalior Fort, Parsvanatha, c. 9th century AD.

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Plate 13. Amrol, Parsvanatha, c. 9th century AD. Plate 14. Vidisa, Parsvanatha, c. 9th century A.D. Vidisha State Museum

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Plate 15. Cirainti village, Parsvanatha, Sarvatobhadrika, c. 9th century A.D. Plate 16. Deogarh, Parsvanatha, c. 9th century A.D.

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Plate 17. Deogarh, Jain temple 15, garbhagrha, Parsvanatha, c. 9th century A.D. Plate 18. Deogarh, Jaina temples 12 & 15, Parsvanatha, c. 9th century A.D.

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Plate 20. Jabalpur, Parsvanatha, c. 11th century. A.D. Jabalpur, Rani Durgavati Museum. Plate 19. Karitalai, Parsvanatha, c. 10th century A.D. Raipur, M.G.M. Museum (35). CATCORTE traf aro Alaya jilA 102 Enh

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Plate 21. Singhanpur, Pancamatha temple, Parsvanatha, mid 10th century AD. Plate 22. Singhanpur, Pancamatha temple, Parsvanatha, mid 10th century AD.

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Plate 23. Madhya Pradesh, Parsvanatha, Sarvatobhadrika, c. 10th century A.D. Dhubela Museum. ENOTTO Plate 24. Khajuraho. Parsvanatha, c. 10th century AD. Khajuraho Archaeological Museum No. 1618.

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Plate 25. Deogarh, Jaina temple 4, Parsvanatha, 11th century A.D. Plate 26. Siron, Parsvanatha, c. 10th century AD.

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Plate 27. Siron, Parsvanatha, c. 11th century A.D. Plate 28. Hingalajagarh, Parsvanatha, c. 9th 10th century A.D. Bhanpur, State Museum No. 290.

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Plate 30. Bhojpur, Jaina temple, garbbagrha, Parsvanatha, c. 11th cent. A.D. 3333 Plate 29. Hingalajagarh, Parsvanatha, c. 10th cent. A.D. Indore, Central Museum. Plate 31. Udaigiri, Cave 20, Parsvanatha, c. 10th11th cent. A.D. 1300

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Plate 32. Ayodhya, Parsvanatha. (Courtesy: Archaeological Survey of India, Calcutta.)

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Plate 33. Podasingidi, seated Parsvanatha. (Courtesy and kindness: R.P. Mohapatra.) Plate 34. Pratapanagari, Parsvanatha. (Courtesy: Archaeological Survey of India, Calcutta.)

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Plate 36. Khandagiri, Cave 7, Padmavati under the seated Parsvanatha. Plate 35. Khandagiri, Cave 7, right wall, seated image of Parsvanatha.

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Plate 37. Khandagiri, Cave 8, Padmavati under the seated Parsvanatha. STYLE Plate 38. Puri, stele with haloed Tirthankaras flanking Parsvanatha. (Courtesy: Indian Museum, Calcutta.)

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Plate 39. Nandapur, Padmavati with Parsvanatha above. Plate 40. Deulbhira, perforated grille with figure of seated Parsvanatha. (Courtesy: Indian Museum, Calcutta.)

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Plate 41. Beharasai, Parsvanatha, upper part of the image. (Courtesy and kindness: Tarapada Santra.) Plate 42. Beharasai, Parsvanatha, lower part of the image. (Courtesy and kindness: Tarapada Santra.)

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Plate 43. Bahulara, standing Parsvanatha. (Courtesy: Archaeological Survey of India.) Plate 44. Bankura, standing Parsvanatha. (Courtesy: Indian Museum, Calcutta.)

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Plate 45. Pakbirra, seated Parsvanatha. (Courtesy and kindness: Krishnajivan Bhattacharyya.) Plate 46. Pakbirra, Parsvanatha, lower portion of the image. (Courtesy: Archaeological Survey of India, Calcutta.) www.jainelibrary.o

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Plate 47. Pakbirra, Parsvanatha, lower portion of the image. (Courtesy: Archaeological Survey of India, Calcutta.) Plate 48. Anai-Jambad, standing Parsvanatha.

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Plate 49. Pakbirra, votive caumukha. (Courtesy: Archaeological Survey of India, Calcutta.) Plate 50. Purulia, votive caumukha. (Courtesy: Haripada Sahitya Mandir, Purulia.)

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Plate 51. Barjora, votive caumukha. (Courtesy: Vangiya Sahitya Parishad, Vishnupur.) Plate 52. Sat Deuliya, votive caumukha. (Courtesy: Asutosh Museum, Calcutta.)

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Plate 53. Burdwan, Visnu-Lokesvara. (Courtesy: Asutosh Museum, Calcutta.)

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Plate 54. Aihole;-Jaina Cave, vithika, Parsvanatha, c. last quarter of the 6th century A.D.

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Plate 55. Ellora, cave 31, Parsvanatha, south wall, c. ninth century A.D.

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Plate 56. Ellora, cave 31, Parsvanatha, north wall, c. ninth century A.D.

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Plate 57. Ellora, cave 32, Parsvanatha, south wall, c. ninth century A.D.

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Plate 58. Ellora, cave 32, Indrasabha, Parsvanatha, south wall, c. ninth century A.D. www.jainelibrary

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Plate 59. Ellora, cave 32, Indrasabha, Parsvanatha, c. ninth century A.D).

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Plate 60. Ellora, cave 32, Indrasabha, Parsvanatha, upper series, east, c. ninth century A.D. Plate 61. Ellora, cave 33, Parsvanatha with the figure of Kamatha (?), c. ninth century A.D. www.jainelibrary.one

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Plate 62. Ellora, cave 33, Parsvanatha, c. ninth century A.D. Plate 63. Ellora, cave 34, Parsvanatha, south wall, c. ninth century A.D.

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Plate 64. Badami, Cave IV, vithika, Parsvanatha, c. late 6th century A.D.

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Plate 65. We Humca, Parsvanathabasadi, gudhamandapa, stele showing the upsarga of Parsvanatha, c. late ninth A.D.

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Plate 66. Sravana Belgola, Candragiri, Parsvanathabasadi, garbhaglha, cult image of Parsvanatha, c. early 11th century A.D.

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sh, A LKALAN, Plate 67. Gerisoppa, forest, ruined Jaina temple, Parsvanatha, c. 15th century A.D.

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PROFESSOR M.A. DHAKY had been the Research Professor of Indian Art and Architecture at the L. D. Institute of Indology, Ahmedabad. For almost three decades he has been incharge of a monumental project, the now well-known Encyclopaedia of Indian Temple Architecture at the American Institute of Indian Studies, Varanasi. He has contributed scores of papers and a few monographs on the Indian art and architecture, some also on musicology, art-interpretation and, horticulture.

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